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 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028089708 
 
THE MUNICIPAL RECORDS OF BATH. 
 
FACSIMILE OF THE CHARTER TO BATH. 
 
 OF THF 7T« DECEMBER I. R*CH. I. 
 
THE 
 
 0innitip^l i^wortrsi of l$tUf)* 
 
 I I 89 TO 1604. 
 
 PUBLISHED WITH THE APPROVAL OF THE TOWN COUNCIL AND 
 
 AT THE SPECIAL REQUEST OF THE BATH 
 
 LITERARY SOCIETY. 
 
 BV 
 
 AUSTIN J. KINGLand B. H. WATTS. 
 
 " The ' talk ' of the village moot, the^strife and the judgment of men giving freely their own rede 
 
 and setting it as freely aside for what they learn to be the wiser rede of other men, is the groundwork of 
 
 English history." 
 
 Green — Making of England, p. 194. 
 
 , LONDON: 
 ELLIOT STOCK, 62, PATERNOSTER ROW, E.G. 
 
 BATH : JAMES DAVIES, GRAND PUMP ROOM LIBRARY. 
 
h- 
 
 35HJSI 
 
TREFACE. 
 
 |E owe our readers an explanation, if not an apology for the absence of an 
 Index, always desirable, and, when the chronological order is not 
 strictly followed, necessary. It lies in the circumstance that we have 
 in preparation a continuation of the "^Municipal Records " to a later 
 
 date. An Index dealing with the complete work will, we think, be more generally 
 
 useful, and we propose to append one to the next issue. 
 
 A. j: K. 
 
 B. H. W. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 I. INTRODUCTORY . - . . . . 
 
 II. THE CHARTER OF RICHARD CCEUR DE LION - - . . . 
 
 III. THE CHARTERS OF HENRY OF WINCHESTER ..... 
 
 IV. THE CHARTERS OF EDWARD I., AND HEREIN OF THE OWNERSHIP OF THE 
 
 CITY - ... . . 
 
 V. THE CHARTERS OF EDWARD OF CAERNARVON, AND HEREIN OF FAIRS AND 
 MARKETS - - - . 
 
 VI. EDWARD III. AND THE FRENCH WARS 
 VII. THE CHARTERS OF RICHARD OF BORDEAUX 
 VIII. THE CHARTERS OF HENRY BOLINGBROKE, HENRY OF MONMOUTH, AND HENRY 
 OF WINDSOR; AND HEREIN OF THE WOOL TRADE 
 IX. EDWARD IV. TO PHILIP AND MARY ; AND HEREIN OF THE OWNERSHIP OF 
 
 THE HOT SPRINGS - - . , . 
 
 X. THE CHARTERS OF ELIZABETH - - . . 
 
 XI. REVIEW OF THE MUNICIPAL SYSTEM 
 XII. CHARITABLE AND ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS 
 
 XIII. OF THE DRAMA IN BATH ----.. 
 
 XIV. OF THE CORPORATE PROPERTY ---... 
 XV. CONCLUSION -----.. 
 
 PAGE 
 I 
 
 12 
 
 17 
 
 22 
 
 25 
 29 
 
 37 
 
 42 
 
 SI 
 S6 
 58 
 62 
 
^mtfettfe. vii 
 
 PAGE 
 
 APPENDICES. 
 
 A. PART I.— CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF CHARTERS, CROWN GRANTS, WRITS, AND 
 
 COMMISSIONS ...... . i 
 
 A. PART II.— CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF DEEDS AND WILLS - - XV 
 
 B. THE CHARTER OF ^ DECEMBER, I RIC. I. - - . xxviii 
 
 C. COMMISSION DATED lO FEB., 20 EDW. III., TO PROVIDE SIX MEN FOR THE 
 
 king's SERVICE - - . ... xxviii 
 
 D. WRIT OF l6 MAY, 20 EDW. III., RELIEVING THE CITY FROM PROVIDING TWO 
 
 MEN AT ARMS ....... -^ xxix 
 
 E. CHAMBERLAIN'S ACCOUNTS- 
 
 PART I. LIST OF ACCOUNTS . . - xxx 
 
 PART IL EXTRACTS FROM ACCOUNTS .... xxxii 
 
 F. TRANSCRIPT OF CHAMBERLAIN'S ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR 1588 - - XXxix 
 
ERRATUM. 
 Page 12, note ^,for "page 37," read "page 58." 
 
THE MUNICIPAL RECORDS OF BATH. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 OW grand a sight is a noble oak-tree ! The trunk is rough with age^ 
 hoary with lichen, scarred and worn. The gnarled and knotted boughs 
 disdain any trim regularity of growth, and stretch hither and thither in 
 weird fantastic exuberance. Here there is an ugly blemish telling how 
 a goodly limb has been rent off in the mad frolic of a whirlwind, and 
 some branches have been mutilated by the axe of some well-inten- 
 tioned vandal, whilst others are getting touched by decay. 
 
 Look at the tree as a whole. See how one rough angular limb works in with others, 
 and those again with more ; a fair straight bough, such as we should admire in a garden 
 shrub, would mar the design. The rough vigour of the mighty tree inspires pleasure, 
 but a pleasure feasting not merely on what it sees. As we look upward, we can only 
 just discern the glancing sunlight through the leafy maze ; but we know that beneath 
 our feet, under the swelling and heaying greensward, there is a system of support no 
 less complex. One fibre of the root penetrates far into the subsoil to draw moisture 
 from the subterranean rills ; another has entwined itself in giant embrace around a 
 massive rock, whilst others, spreading this way and that, not only suck vigour from 
 the soil, but buttress the vast structure from the tempest-shock. 
 
 We know not in what far-off century was planted the acorn which has so developed, 
 or by what hand ; we cannot trace its growth : our fancy grows dizzy in dwelling on 
 its vicissitudes and the scenes which it has witnessed. We know that there was a time 
 when this mighty tree was at the mercy of a passing herd-boy. Now we can but 
 admire the stern majesty of its age. 
 
 The institutions of our country are like its oaks — no mere accidents they of mushroom The sUnu 
 growth, springing up in a night, and gathered away before that sun which warmed them srowth of 
 into life has reached its zenith. They have grown with the nation and thriven on ^"f-!'^ 
 its strength; have suited themselves to the national character, and, though "marked Jj"„j_"' 
 with many a blemish, and bearing more than one decayed member, they have their 
 roots entwined amongst, and running deep down into, the almost unconscious affections 
 of the people. 
 
 The manufacture of constitutions has been a. specialty of the present century. Not 
 
 I 
 
Jplfte (^tttttcipal Jil^cm:ir» t>f ;©all|. 
 
 one of them but is based, as some doctrinaire statesmen assure us, on everything that 
 is good in our own; but before the ink which creates them is well dried, we have 
 a revised edition, generally illustrated with blood. 
 
 A fancy prevails just now that if men are said to be free in a charter neatly copied 
 on vellum, and bearing a few seals, their freedom is an accomplished fact. " Is not 
 Magna Charta," it is asked, " the bulwark of English freedom?" The question betrays the 
 error. England is free, not because charters made her so, but because the spirit which 
 made the charters was a spirit of freedom, and survives. The charters are but milestones- 
 upon the journey : they mark the way and cheer the traveller, but they move him not. 
 
 The dim twilight of ages enshrouds from irreverent gaze alike the origin and the 
 development of the institutions of which we are most justly proud. Who can put his 
 finger on a date and say, " Here commenced trial by jury"; or who can point to 
 the time when the House of Commons commenced its legislative work, or when 
 the power of the King to make laws was severed from his executive prerogative to 
 enforce them ? 
 
 But of all our liberties, that of our municipal life should be the most dear to us, 
 because it is the most practical. We rejoice in the prowess of our army and navy, in 
 the efficiency of our civil service, sometimes in the astuteness of our corps diplomatique ; 
 but all these have for their primary object that we shall be able to live in comfort in 
 our homes. Our political liberties, the victories of our arms, the belt of colonies which 
 encircles the globe, would be but barren glories and mere sounding names but for our 
 right of local self-government. This is the commencement, this the last standpoint of 
 liberty. We have said that our national charters did not make us free. They were 
 mere indications of our progress in regaining the natural heritage of freedom which had 
 been filched from us ; and as with our national, so with our municipal life. 
 Bath in There was a time when a freeman was really free in England, when he gave up 
 
 Saxcn no personal rights except such as, in the then state of society, were required to be 
 Hmes. surrendered for the common weaL This time we must seek in the days of the 
 Heptarchy. Unless we make this original free state our starting-point, we can ill 
 understand the course of our return to it. On the debris which had choked up and 
 quite hidden the remains of stately Roman baths, luxurious villas, and ornate temples, 
 but through which the hot healing waters still welled up, the Saxons built their rude huts 
 under the shadows of the convent founded by Osric. The population would have 
 been a small one, consisting partly of freemen, partly of that half-free class which formed 
 so important a factor in the social life of the English. ^ There was a popular assembly, 
 a tun moot, and over it presided a grieve. In some open space,^ readily accessible, 
 would have stood a great oak or elm with a rough-sounding bell hanging from a 
 branch. As the harsh notes of this bell were heard clanging out over the valley, each 
 freeman, throwing down his axe, or leaving the serfs to guide the plough, would seize 
 his sword and hasten to the rendezvous. There, gathered round the tree, and sheltered 
 beneath its spreading branches, the freemen held their mote. A clerk from the convent 
 would act as prothonotary ; he would keep a record of decisions, and would write such 
 
 ' That Bath was a place of some importance in Saxon times is proved by the coronation of King 
 Eadgar having taken place there. The coronation is thus mentioned by Florence of Worcester : " On the 
 day of Pentecost [973], being the fifth of the Ides of May in the first indiction, Eadgar the pacific King 
 of the English, being then in the thirtieth year of his age, received the benediction of the holy Bishops 
 Dunstan and Oswald, and all the other English bishops in the City of Acamann [Baih], and was 
 crowned and anointed King with great honour and glory." See also "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle," 
 under date 973. 
 
 " The street leading from Stall Street, now called Beau Street, was formerly known as Bell Tree 
 Lane, and on the site of the United Hospital stood Bell Tree House, and, within the present century, 
 a large and very old tree. Could this have been the tree, or the successor on the same site, whereon hung 
 the mote bell ? The only other explanation we have been able to find is one beset with even greater 
 difficulties. Wood, in his " Essay on Bath " (2nd edition, vol. i., p. 44), derives the name from Belenus, 
 one of the invocative names of Apollo, 
 
^ttfcoinwtoH. 
 
 documents as the simplicity of the times required. At this tun moot disputes were 
 settled, the ploughing or other cultivation of the common fields was arranged, and 
 taxes were collected. 
 
 This was the unit of legislative liberty, which survived, as the hundred court, for so 
 many centuries. When this system began we know not. The Saxon Chronicle^ casually A grieve of 
 mentions that in a.d. 907 died Alfred, grieve of Bath. ■^'^'^i ^•^• 
 
 Of this ^Jfred, who was grieve of Bath in 907, the present mayor is the lineal 5°7' 
 descendant The succession is probably unbroken for a single year. Of the tun moot 
 the town council of to-day are the representatives. 
 
 For a thousand years has Bath then had a municipal government of its own. But 
 there have been some rude shocks. The constitution of the English before the Conquest 
 had in it the germs of complete freedom, but we must not look for any precision of 
 terms, or for any exact limitation of prerogative. The land which was not appropriated 
 to individuals or the Church, belonged, in theory, to the King, as representative of the Effects 
 community at large. It was known as folc land, the people's land ; but such grants as of the 
 were made were by the King. There was generally some common land around a town, Norman 
 fields wherein the freemen turned out their beasts, a level piece of greensward set apart Conquest. 
 for martial sports, and the site of a market. Such common land certainly existed 
 around Bath. 
 
 It would not have been a trouble to the futt moot that the ownership of this land was, 
 theoretically, in the King ; the possession was in the town, and there was no fear of 
 the King interfering. All the King received was an annual contribution to the Danegelt, 
 and certain seignorial rights, such as the fines imposed on criminals, and heriots on the 
 decease of magnates. 
 
 The Norman Conquest was, however, a very serious matter for the burghers. The Folc-land 
 folc-land they had considered as their own was held by the feudal lawyers to belonjg '""tedm 
 absolutely to the Crown. ^'^ ^'"^• 
 
 Imagination has in part to supply the place of history as to the effect of the Conquest 
 on Bath. Here, as everywhere, the Saxon was degraded. Here, aa. everywhere, 
 Norman ecclesiastics were obtruded into English sees and English monasteries. Of 
 the 280 manors owned by the Bishop of Coutances, many were situate around Bath. 
 To make room for him, and such as him, English thanes were dispossessed, and the 
 simple Saxons must have mourned to see the churches they and their fathers had 
 worshipped in swept away, even to be replaced by more stately fanes. There is no 
 reason to doubt that the grieve was from time to time elected, that the hundred court 
 periodically met, for the forms of freedom often survived freedom: but the influence of 
 the grieve was gone, the hundred court would have met merely to bewail the desolation 
 of the land. Norman nobles and Norman soldiers laughed at the laws and customs 
 they were publicly told to respect. So wild was the time, so great the injustice, that 
 lawyers of a later date despaired of unravelling its web of iniquity. They could but Limit of 
 say that whatever existed at the commencement of the reign of Richard 1? must bs ^^S"^ 
 deemed to have been rightly established.^ '"""""-y- 
 
 Yet during the 130 years which intervened between the Conquest and the death of 
 Henry II. great changes had been going on. 
 
 The very hardship of the times, which had degraded the English freeman almost 
 
 ^Ingram's " Saxon Chronicle" (London, 1823), p. 121. In the translation, the word used is 
 "governor," but the text has "gerefa." 
 
 2 The time was at first fixed as the reign of Henry I. Then by statute 20 Henry HI., c. 8, the 
 time was fixed as from Henry II., and later by statute 3 Edward I., c. 38, from I Richard I, 
 
 ' The citizens of Winchester have in 1884 been keeping what they term the 700th anniversary of 
 the mayoralty of their city. Therein they seem to do themselves an injustice. There must have been 
 a mayor of Winchester, in authority if not in name, for some centijries before the date they assign^and 
 the evidence now extant connecting the office with the year 1 184 seems to be of the slenderest. 
 
 I — 2 
 
W-^^ ^j^uttfcijral ;]^^cw;ir» of ^ftlft. 
 
 into the position of a serf, was beginning to raise the serf to freedom.^ The tyranny 
 which despoiled the Norman baron made him lean a little on the support of the sturdy 
 English yeoman. The English trader and his Norman rival commenced their inter- 
 course no doubt with mutual hatred, but the common enemy made them become 
 friends. 
 
 Richar<ts 
 charter 
 to Win- 
 Chester^ 
 1 189. 
 
 A similar 
 charter 
 to Bath, 
 1 189. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 THE CHARTER OF RICHARD CCEUR DE LION. 
 
 N the accession of Richard Coeur de Lion there was a grand sale of 
 everything which a King of England could sell He had taken the 
 Cross in his father's lifetime, and he valued the throne of England as a 
 stepping-stone to that victory over the Moslem on which his heart 
 was set. To raise money for the Crusade, demesne lands of the 
 Crown, honours, and offices were shamelessly offered for sale. The 
 
 national honour was compromised by the sale of Berwick and Roxburgh to the Scotch, 
 
 whilst justice was degraded by the barter of pardon for gold. 
 
 When liberties and franchises were being hawked about, the burghers were not likely 
 
 to forget how much they had to regain of their lost status. The citizens of Winchester 
 
 obtained from Richard, during the four months of his early reign passed in England, a 
 
 charter conferring the following privileges : 
 
 1. The right of not being set to plead outside their city except in certain cases, 
 
 and of avoiding single combat as a mode of settling differences. 
 
 2. The freedom of the citizens from toll, payment at fairs, or for the use of 
 
 bridges. 
 
 3. The right of holding their land and property according to the custom of the 
 
 city. 
 
 4. The enjoyment of all liberties and free customs which they possessed in the 
 
 times of any of the King's predecessors. 
 
 5. Free passage to and from Winchester of all persons wishing to go there with 
 
 merchandise. 
 
 This charter conferred on Winchester practically all the privileges enjoyed in 
 Saxon times, when it was the most favoured city of the kingdom. No privilege, pro- 
 bably, was more valued than the exemption of the burghers from single combat, as a 
 mode of settlement of mercantile differences. It does not require much effort of 
 imagination to picture to ourselves how the sedate and worthy citizens would have been 
 tonfounded, and how their mercantile eagerness to obtain justice would have cooled, at 
 the suggestion that, throwing down pen and seizing sword, they should " in single 
 opposition, hand to hand," attempt to mend broken contracts by broken bones, and 
 peril at once the righteousness of their cause and the sanctity of their lives. 
 
 Bath was determined not to be behind in the race for liberty. In the same year 
 the citizens obtained a charter. The original document is amongst the city archives. 
 The writing is, like that of most very old documents, exceedingly clear, and great part 
 of the seal is still affixed. The following is a translation of the operative part :* 
 
 ' We find authors reproaching the Anglo-Saxons for permitting the practice of serrdom, but serfs 
 existed in England down to the reign of Henry VI. See also statute i Edward VI,, c. 3, quoted p. 30, 
 as to selling Englishmen into slavery. 
 
 ' See tac-simile of this charter on frontispiece (No, I in Appendix A). 
 
W^im. ^kutltvi of '^ic\ta,xtf i^otttVi ire J^ion. 5 
 
 " We have ordained that the Citizens of Bath, who are of its merchant 
 
 " guild, shall have in all things the same acquittance and freedom for all their 
 
 " merchant goods, wherever they shall go by land or sea, from tolls, payments 
 
 " for bridges, and in markets, and all other customs burdens and things, as fully 
 
 " and freely as have our Citizens of Winchester and their merchant guild, and 
 
 " we forbid anyone to disturb or molest them or their property in this wise, under 
 
 "forfeit of ;^io." 
 
 It was a common practice to grant a charter to one town by reference to a charter 
 
 recently granted to another. One of the witnesses to the Winchester charter was 
 
 Reginald, Bishop of Bath^ ; no doubt he was instrumental in procuring this grant to 
 
 his city. 
 
 This is the earliest of our actual municipal records. It is dated from Dover, 
 on the 7th of December, in the first year of the reign of King Richard — that is, 
 A.D. 1 189. It was only just in time. Four days afterwards the King sailed for 
 Normandy. 
 
 We may imagine how the tower of the Norman abbey must have reeled again 
 with the furious ringing of the bells which heralded the approach of the messenger 
 bearing the quaint little piece of parchment, now yellow with its 700 years ! How 
 the citizens would have clustered around the monk-clerk, as he read aloud the words 
 of freedom, and with what reverent care the precious document would be deposited as 
 the panadium of the city ! 
 
 It will have been noticed that in this charter, and the same observation applies to The mer- 
 that granted to Winchester, the liberties are given to those citizens who are of the <^'^«0 
 merchant guild. The term is used, no doubt, to exclude mere casual indwellers ; but ^ 
 its use shows how, since the Conquest, the municipal system was being built up on the 
 basis of commerce.^ 
 
 When Richard returned from his captivity in Germany, he was as much in want of 
 money as before he sailed for Palestine ; and remembering the golden harvest he had 
 reaped from the sealing of charters, resolved to obtain if possible a second crop, y,^^ ^^ 
 Roger de Hovenden^ tells us the story very quaintly. Richard took the seal from his seal of 
 Chancellor, and, giving out that it had been lost when the Vice-Chancellor fell into the Richard I. 
 sea oiF Cyprus, had a new one made. He then announced that all who had charters 
 must bring them in to be re-sealed, and that no charter sealed with the old seal should 
 be reputed Valid. 
 
 The Bath charter was not, however, re-sealed. The seal is sufficiently perfect to 
 show that the impression was of the first, and not of the second die. 
 
 1 Reginald Fitz Joceline, a great benefactor to the city. He rebuilt the churches of St. Mary, St. 
 Michael intra muros, and founded the hospital of St. John the Baptist. He was translated to Canter- 
 bury in 1 19 1, but died in Hampshire in the same year, and was buried in Bath. Wood, vol. i., p. 189. 
 
 ' The term Guildhall, still applied to the building containing the council chamber, aptly reminds 
 us of this. Guilds existed in Saxon times in the towns, but were not the governing bodies. 
 
 * Saville's edition (Frankfort, 1601), p. 746. The shield on the original seal bore one lion, that on 
 the second seal three lions passant gardant. Richard is the first king whose shield has any sign of 
 armorial bearings. The two seals are very similar. 
 
Jplftit ^^unidpal ^JiJ^Ettttttrg »f ;:i©alft» 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE CHARTERS OF HENRY OF WINCHESTER. 
 
 |ENRY III., ever in need of money, ever ready with promises which he 
 performed not, disturbed all rights and harassed all classes. His very 
 weakness was, however, beneficial to the kingdom, and many moment- 
 ous liberties date from this reign. In the year 1247 he confirmed the 
 ^^«^si&a charter of Richard. The confirmation of charters was a common 
 tionof'"' practice. Although each King purports to make his grant binding on 
 
 charter of his heirs, the extent of the power of the reigning monarch to lessen his prerogative, to 
 Richard, the detriment of his successors, was a matter of much controversy, and it was felt to 
 •247- be of great importance that no loophole should be left for the officers of the new King 
 to elude the charters of his predecessor.^ There is still a curious survival in the 
 promise of each sovereign " to confirm the undoubted rights, powers and privileges of 
 Parliament." 
 
 This charter was what is termed an " InsfiextPtus." It states that the King had 
 read the charter of Richard, and continues : 
 
 ^ " We therefore holding this said quittance and freedom of our Uncle the 
 " said King granted to our said Citizens of Bath to be right and pleasing to us 
 " the same for us and our heirs grant and confirm." 
 
 The seal is nearly perfect, and is an admirable impression. 
 
 Finding, as we shall do, that only nine years later the citizens applied for and 
 obtained a grant of further privileges, it may appear strange that they should at this 
 time have confined their request to the confirmation of the charter of Richard. The 
 reign of Henry was, however, one of many vicissitudes, and it is possible that, in the 
 fortieth year, the position of the King with his turbulent barons threw him more into 
 the hands of the middle classes, and that the burghers pushed their opportunity. 
 Additional At all events a charter was obtained, conferring further and most important 
 
 ';*^^'; "^ rights. 
 
 The following is a translation' from an Inspeximus of 6 Edward II. : 
 
 " Know that for the improvement of our City of Bath we have granted 
 " and by this our Charter have confirmed to our Citizens of the same City 
 "that they and their heirs for ever shall have the right of making return of our 
 " writs concerning summonses of our exchequer and of all others of our writs 
 " concerning the said City so that no sheriff" or other bailiff" or officer of ours 
 " shall intrude himself in the matter of summonses of this nature or in making 
 " distresses in the said City unless through the default of the said Citizens or 
 " their bailiff"s of the same City, and that none of them shall be made to plead 
 "beyond the said City concerning any land or tenement situate within the 
 " bounds of the said City unless the plea concern Us or our heirs and that they 
 " may for themselves choose and appoint coroners in the said City for the 
 " attachments to be made of pleas concerning our crown arising within the said 
 
 ' How common this practice was may be gathered from the statute of 13 Edward 1., which sets 
 out the actual language to he used in confirming four di»tinct species of charters, 
 
 2 No. 2 in Appendix A. 
 
 ' Warner, in his " History of Bath " (1801), Appendix xlv., sets out an Impeximm of 2 Henry V., 
 which recites a confirmation by Edward I, It is clear, however, that he treats one of the charters of 
 Edward HI. as of Edward II., and the charter of Edward II, as of Edward I, 
 
I^^ ^ftajtfeit* »f K^ntK i>t ~^M^xntliVi&ttiv. 
 
 " City and may answer before our Justices of Assize in those parts concerning 
 " attachments and other matters relating to the office of coroners as our other 
 " coroners ought and are accustomed to answer and that they shall not by 
 " reason of wrongdoing or forfeiture of their servants lose chattels or goods 
 "found in their hands or elsewhere placed by such servants so that they 
 " sufficiently prove them to be their own. And that if they or any of them die 
 " within our land and power either with or without a will we or our heirs will 
 " not confiscate their goods but the same shall entirely belong to their heirs 
 "so as it be shown that the said chattels belonged to the deceased persons 
 " So only that there be sufficient knowledge or belief as to the said heirs And 
 " that throughout the whole of our land and power they may have and hold 
 " all liberties and free customs up to this time obtained or accustomed as 
 " quietly and fully as our citizens of London or any others within our Kingdom 
 "best and most freely have and hold. And if any of the articles contained 
 " in the Charter given to them concerning their liberties have not been wont 
 " to be put in use still notwithstanding this freely and without hindrance 
 " from any one they may be used so far as the same articles are reasonably 
 "included in the same Charter. Wherefore it is our will and we strictly 
 " ordain for ourselves and our heirs that the said Citizens and their heirs being 
 " Citizens of Bath shall for ever enjoy all the said liberties and may freely and 
 " without hindrance from any one enjoy for ever what has been said. And we 
 " forbid under a forfeiture of ;^2o anyone to interfere with or disturb these 
 " liberties and concessions." 
 Much might be said as to the manner in which this charter illustrates the practical 
 history of the period, but it will be sufficient to take three points only ; namely, the 
 power given to the citizens to elect coroners, the surrender of the right of the Crown to 
 seize the personal estate of deceased persons, and the execution of writs by the citizens. 
 
 The office of coroner is a very ancient one, and in early days was of much greater qf the 
 importance even than now. He had to do not merely with inquiring as to the death of ojgice of 
 persons " suddenly dead," but also to deal with all other writs respecting the Crowa coroner. 
 The Crown writs were very numerous, including attaint, debt, treasure-trove, escheat, 
 detinue of ward, wreck, and certain special offences. ^ It was a common practice of the 
 coroners appointed by the King to show their zeal for his service by trumping up false 
 claims and making their office a pretext for extortion. 
 
 The grievance of coroners being nominees of the Crown was evidently widely felt, 
 for several statutes were passed for the election of coroners in counties in the reigns of 
 Edward I. and Edward III., the last being : 
 
 " AH Coroners of the Counties shall be chosen in the full Counties by the 
 " Commons of the same Counties of the most meet and lawful people that shall 
 " be found in the same Counties to execute the same office."^ 
 Thus the counties obtained by statute similar rights to those conferred on many 
 boroughs by charter. 
 
 The power of making wills is now so universally accepted as an indefeasible right. Of the 
 that we find it difficult to believe that until the reign of Henry VIII. there was no power to 
 general power to dispose of lands by will.^ There was, indeed, a common law right to """^f ««''''^- 
 
 ' Bracton (De officio coronatorum, lib. 3, tract. 2, cap. S). 
 
 2Statute28 Edward III., c. 6. Therapacity of Crown officers was proverbial. Our word "cheat" is 
 derived from tlie name of the King's Escheators. It was their business to look after estates lapsed to 
 the'Crown ; but a statute of 8 Henry V., c. 16, thus describes them : "Item to eschew the dolours, 
 grievances and disherisons which daily do happen to many of the Kmg's liege people by the escheators 
 for that they take inquests, etc., favourably and not duly by people not impanelled nor returned to thein 
 by the Sheriffs, etc., and more often for their private gain and for- the disherison of the King's liege 
 people than for the profit of the same our lord the King," — then follows an ordinance for amendment. 
 
 ^ See, however, page 19. 
 
W^fm. (^Uttictyal ^i[carirs wf )]©ai%. 
 
 make a testamentary disposition of chattels, but it was a right to the exercise of which 
 many difficulties were interposed, and it was the practice of the Norman Kings to seize, 
 through their officers, the goods of deceased persons and to grant them back only on 
 ^ , ^^^^ onerous terms. The abandonment of this practice would have been a great boon. 
 rapcuity ^^^ \kiaA. point was no doubt the most practical of all, and is put in the foremost 
 
 of Crown place in the charter — we mean the execution of writs by the bailiffs of the city, 
 officers. This right was of the greatest moment, because it enabled the citizens to manage 
 
 their own affairs, and prevented the high-handed interference of the royal officers, 
 nominally to execute a warrant, but really to seize goods and commit other acts of 
 oppression. 
 
 Scarcely a reign passed without many attempts on the part of Parliament to repress 
 
 the rapacity of the royal officers ; but as fast as one system of fraud and chicanery was 
 
 exposed and forbidden, some other scheme was devised. We owe much, however, to 
 
 their ruffianly conduct ; for it led to many of the reforms of the King^s prerogative of 
 
 Considera- which we now have, the benefit. 
 
 tion of the As we have the charter of i Richard I, it would naturally be assumed that we 
 authenti- possessed also this very important charter of Henry III. A search in the muniment 
 "nenrys '^°°'" brings, however, to our notice two important facts, that we have not the original 
 charter, of the charter just cited, but that we have another — a totally different charter— dated 
 The origi- from the same place, Gloucester, on the same day and before the same witnesses. 
 nal no- Warner had access to the collection of charters in the Tower of London, but he 
 
 ■where ex- did not find the original of the one under discussion. That learned archaeologist 
 '""'• states the confirmation of the charter of Henry on 6th March, lo Edward I., but our 
 
 municipal records throw discredit upon this, for neither the Inspeximus of Edward II. 
 nor Edward III. contains any recital of a confirmation by Edward I.^ 
 
 The position is very peculiar. We have two charters of the same date : one 
 
 contains a grant of most important rights, the other merely confers an exemption from 
 
 suit in certain cases.^ The only charter extant is the latter, but this is not referred to in 
 
 any subsequent document. The first charter — the important one — is not confirmed 
 
 in the next reign, but is recited and confirmed by many subsequent Kings. 
 
 The oiigi- There are two possible explanations. The first is that the minor charter was an 
 
 iial extant afterthought, intended to secure some privileges forgotten to be asked for when the 
 
 of another negotiations were on foot, and therefore incorporated in a charter of supplementary 
 
 charter of effect but even date, and that the charter proper has been lost, and that which was 
 
 same date, ancillary preserved. 
 
 The loss of an important charter by a municipality which has been so laudably 
 careful in the preservation of its early archives is not to be lightly assumed ; but, if the 
 loss did take place, the appearance on the inventory of a document of the same date 
 would no doubt have a tendency to prevent search. 
 
 If we do not accept this explanation, we must seek one less creditable, namely, 
 that the citizens obtained from Henry III. a charter of merely nominal importance, but 
 put forward a forged or pretended grant of valuable privileges as having been granted, 
 and obtained his confirmation under false pretences. Ihis theory, though open to 
 tnany obvious objections, has one or two points in its favour. It is not at all unlikely 
 that the formal records of Henry's acts at Gloucester amounted to no more than a list 
 of charters sealed, so that there would be no duplicate to test the accuracy of the 
 charter put forward by the city ; and it is of moment that the confirmation was not, as 
 we should have expected, by Edward I., a prince very unlikely to submit to imposition, 
 but his weak son Edward II. 
 
 There is, in the muniment-room, a copy, sealed with the city seal, of the charters 
 
 1 See note, p. 6. It was the custom to let each charter of confirmation set out in full the charters 
 of all the previous sovereigns. 
 'No, 3, in Appendix A. 
 
of I Richard I., and of the important charter of 40 Henry III, This copy (apparently 
 intended to have authority as a constat) appears to have been made previously to 
 12 Edward 11.,^ and was probably used for the purpose of obtaining the confirmation of 
 that year.2 Clearly the privileges of the important charter were subsequently recog- 
 nised by law, and we must of course regard them as duly conferred. In considering 
 the authenticity of this charter, we must bear in mind that in a presentment of the 
 citizens of Bath, in the reign of Edward I., to be presently mentioned, it is expressly 
 stated that the citizens had the return of writs " by an old charter of the king." It 
 does not, of course, follow that, because the citizens made this statement, it was true ; 
 but it shows that the claim to have return of writs was brought under the notice 
 of King Edward. Now, if the citizens had the return of writs, it must have been by 
 operation of the lost charter of 40 Hen. III., for there was no other document pur- 
 porting to confer that privilege. This is an argument therefore, although not a con- 
 clusive one, in favour of the view that after all there was such a charter. 
 
 It is somewhat striking that the charters of Henry III., although they do not, like 
 that of Richard, confine privileges to the Merchant Guild, abstain from all mention of a 
 Grieve, or Mayor of Bath. The probable explanation is that, as the custom of the 
 citizens electing a chief officer (whether called Grieve or Mayor it ihattered not), bailiffs 
 and other ministers had never been interfered with, no mention in the charter was 
 deemed necessary. 
 
 We must not fall into the error of supposing that our municipal system commenced 
 at the date of our first record of its existence. Not only must we allow for many lost 
 documents, but we must regard also the extreme looseness of the language used. Thus, 
 in the eighth year of King John,^ a payment from Bath is credited to the " probi Homines " 
 of that city. It would seem not unreasonable to argue from this that there were at this 
 time no municipal officers, or they would have been mentioned ; but such an argument 
 would be deprived of its force by the circumstance that in the previous year the same 
 king directed a writ to the "bailiffs of Bath."* 
 
 The records in our muniment-room prove the existence of a municipal system of 
 Bath at all events in 1 2 1 8. In the previous year, let us remember, London was actually 
 held by King Louis of France, the citizens of London swore allegiance to an alien king ; 
 and it is vain for us even to attempt to realize the state of England — her honour gone, 
 her very existence as a nation in peril — and yet how quietly were things done in Bath ! 
 Robert Puther agreed to buy a shop^ in the parish of Stalls from Matilda Stanold and 
 her son Henry. The shop had belonged to Richard Stanold, the deceased husband and 
 father. All three went together to the hundred court, and gave notice of their bargain. 
 The monk prothonotary was there, with pen and ink-horn, and a satchel of little strips 
 of vellum, and then and there, in the presence of vendor and purchaser, and of the 
 townsmen, he transcribed the two documents still preserved. 
 
 By the first^ deed the mother conveys, with the consent of her son : by the second 
 
 ^ See Report of Commissioners for inquiring into Municipal Corporations. 
 
 2 Note the behaviour of the city as to the charter of 32 Elizabeth. 
 
 5 "Rotuli Lilerarum Clausarum" (Hardy, 1833). 
 
 * " Rofuli Literarum Patentium," vol. i., p. 62. 
 
 ^ The term used is "selda." Thi.s property was subject to a payment at " Hokeday," of iivepence 
 for " landgable." Hokeday is one of the days for payment of the rent reserved by the lease from the 
 Corporation of 20th November, 1393 (No. 63 in Appendix A). It is said to have been a festival 
 celebrated on the Tuesday fortnight after Easter-day, to commemorate the almost total destruction of 
 the Danes in England by Ethelred in 1002. Sometimes a collection was made by the women on the 
 eve of the festival and by the men on the day itself, the proceeds of which was applied for church 
 purposes. The observance of this day declined soon after the Reformation, although it is mentioned in 
 Wythers' "Abuses Stdpt and Whipt," 1618, p, 232; "Brand's Popular Antiquities" (1813), vol, i., 
 pp. 156—165. 
 
 ' No. 47 in Appendix A. 
 
lO 
 
 l^fit Municipal ^BCtttttr0 of ;i©alft. 
 
 Dean of 
 Bath in 
 1218. 
 
 Mayor of 
 Bath in 
 1230. 
 
 Common 
 sealofBath 
 in 1249. 
 
 the son abandons all claim. The second^ deed concludes, as was not uncommon, with 
 an oath, thus : 
 
 " And I Henry Stanold touching the Holy Evangelists for me and my 
 " heirs have sworn that we will never seek art or design whereby the aforesaid 
 " Robert Puther or his heirs or such person to whom he shall wish to assign the 
 " same shall be aloigned from the shop aforesaid." 
 The date is expressed to be " the third year after the death of King John." 
 The deed mentions that it is made in the full " hundred court," and the Dean of 
 Bath^ is the first named of many witnesses. The bargain having been thus fully 
 legalized, the question would have arisen, who shall hold the deeds ? and they were 
 placed in the city chest. The chief magistrates of Bath have been faithful to the trust. 
 Dynasties have changed, laws have altered, Guildhall has succeeded Guildhall, we no 
 longer know what property was conveyed, vendor and purchaser are alike lost to us ; 
 but the deed trusted to the safe keeping of the Municipality six centuries since, is this 
 evening produced from that keeping.* 
 
 Whatever may have been the exact position of the Municipality in 12 18, there 
 was certainly a mayor* within a few years. There is in the muniment-room another 
 conveyance, bearing no date, but estimated to be of the year 1230.^ It is witnessed by 
 " John Duport," at that time Mayor of Bath." 
 
 In order that no link of evidence might be missing to show how complete was the 
 municipal life in Bath at the early period we are considering, there is to be found in the 
 muniment-room a very curious deed mentioned to have been sealed by the citizens of 
 Bath with the seal of their community.^ Nothing could better illustrate the then 
 corporate existence of the township. The deed^ itself is a curious one. It bears date 
 in the thirty-fourth year of the reign of Henry III., and concludes : 
 
 " The sale now I Henry have made for my urgent need because I was 
 " charged with money due to the King and was heavily indebted to him for my 
 " ransom in the year of grace 1 249, and in the thirty-fourth year of King 
 " Henry III. by assent and consent of Joan my wife. In witness of which sale 
 " the Citizens of Bath have to this charter set the seal of their community.'" 
 
 Unfortunately the seal has perished. 
 
 ^ No. 48 in Appendix A. 
 
 2 The Dean may have been the head of the Merchant Guild, but more probably was the representa- 
 tive of the Bishop. As the city was in some sort episcopal property, the Dean may have presided at 
 this time in the hundred court. This mention of the Dean, if we assume him to have been an ecclesi- 
 astical official, in no way militates against the existence at this time of a Surghreeve, or Mayor. The 
 records of London show that a Bishop was associated with the Reeve of that City in early English 
 times, and that a Bishop had authority as one of the civic magistrates of London in the early part of 
 the reign of William the Conqueror. William's Charter commences, " William the King greets William 
 the Bishop and Godfrey the Portreeve and all the burghers," etc. — See Norton's " Commentaries on 
 History of London," 3rd edit., p. 257. 
 
 ' The substance of this paper was read at a meeting of the Bath Literary Association. 
 
 * The name mayor has been derived from the Celtic and the Teutonic, as well as the Latin. The 
 title seems to have been introduced about the end of the reign of Richard L The first authoritative 
 use was probably in the charter to London of 20th March, 3 John ; but the actual right of electing a 
 mayor annually was not given to London until the charter of 9th May, 16 John. There seems no 
 import in the name, and no change of right accompanied the change of title. 
 
 " The date was fixed by the character of the writing by the late Mr. Riley, of the Historical Manu- 
 scripts Commission. <• No. 49 in Appendix A, Part IL 
 
 ' Dufresne defines the essentials of a Corporation as being " Scabinatus, Collegium, Mageratus, 
 SiglUum, Campana, Berfredus, et Jurisdictio" — Glossarium " Cemmunia." We may render the terms 
 thus— Bailiffs (as the executive) ; Aldermen (as a council); a mayor, a common seal, bells, a belfry, and 
 jurisdiction. There is no formal incorporation of Bath in early times — just as there was no incorpora- 
 tion of London. The existence of a Corporation was assumed from the commencement, after the 
 fashion of the still earlier guilds. » No. 50 in Appenduc A. 
 
 " It must be added that these deeds are but a few of a vast number appar«ntly deposited with the 
 Municipality for safe keeping. 
 
No. 1 is the earliesi Mayors seal of which an. ij'/tf>ressi.c>n is exla?d. Itu/as 
 
 i,n use dou/n io IS SO. 
 No. 2 is the next Mayor's jeal wh/cr; a/as in use in IS80. 
 No. 3 IS the City seal iM use in,/(3/&, and si iii used. 
 No, 4 uras ike Mayors seal ased doun io airont ///O. 
 No. 5 is thefrese?zi Mayor} seal. 
 
When writing was so rare an accomplishment, that few outside the ranks of 
 the clergy could sign their names, the sealing of documents was not, as now, a mere 
 formal survival, but a most material and integral part of the transaction. Signing 
 was unnecessary, and none of the early documents found amongst our archives bear 
 any signatures, but all bear at all events the traces of seals. The seals found are various, 
 and many of them of very great beauty. The earliest document now bearing the city seal 
 in a form capable of recognition, is the copy of charters dated in the reign of Edward II., 
 which has been already mentioned.^ If we regard the date of this as insufficiently 
 proved, our next document is of the year 1346.^ In both cases the seal used 
 was the same as at the present time. In 1853 another document was found in the 
 Tower of London, dated in the reign of Edward III., and bearing the seal of Bath just 
 as now used.' 
 
 The Mayor of Bath has had for very many years a seal denoting his office. The 7X« seal oj 
 seal now used dates only from about 1770, but we find another official seal used \n the Mayor 
 1380, and a still earlier one in 1330. . "f^"*"- 
 
 We cannot refrain from mentioning one more of these early deeds. It is of the 
 period between 1250 and 1260.* It is probably the earliest specimen extant of a grant A grant in 
 in fee farm in Bath, a mode of conveyance which has always been a favourite in this^^*/'"'^' 
 city. "''^'^ "SO- 
 
 This deed grants a shop at the Stalls of Bath, reserving a perpetual rent of four 
 shillings a year. The grant is made " saving the service of our Lord the King as much 
 as appertains to the said shop, namely sixpence at the feast of St. Michael." Compar- 
 ing this Crown rent of sixpence with the four shillings which was then the annual value 
 of the tenement, we get a notion of how the ownership of the King was beginning to 
 dwindle into a quit-rent. 
 
 We have, however, been anticipating. 
 
 ''■Ante, pp. 8, 9. 
 ^ No. 60 in Appendix A. 
 
 ^Letter from J. Doubleday (Department of Antiquities, British Museum] to Philip George, Town 
 Clerk of Bath, dated 13th April, 1853. 
 * No. 51 in Appendix A. 
 
 2 — 2 
 
12 
 
 W-kt ^InxtkipAl ^^cwh* ijf iJSaf ft. 
 
 Theforin- 
 secum. 
 
 Grant to 
 John de 
 Villula. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE CHARTERS OF EDWARD I,, AND HEREIN OF THE OWNERSHIP OF THE CITY. 
 
 |HE Crown was accustomed to grant cities and towns to some prelate or 
 lord to farm. A fixed rent was paid, and the grantee made what he 
 could out of the revenues of the town. This beneficial ownership was 
 termed the " farm." The conversion of the folc-land into a part of 
 the Sovereign's private demesne made such grants of considerable value, 
 because the grantee not only enjoyed the income derived from fines, 
 forfeitures, and other similar emoluments, but also had power to let, and take the profits, 
 of the common land.^ 
 
 The documents in the keeping of the Corporation supply some links in the story 
 of the ownership of Bath. 
 
 At the Conquest Bath was in part, although not wholly, the property of the 
 King.2 
 
 It has been ably argued by Bishop Clifford' that the walls of Bath were not 
 built as town walls, but were the wall of the Roman therma utilized for a smaller city. 
 At all events, our very earliest records prove the existence of a district of some extent 
 and population beyond the walls. This was termed the Hundred of 'Ba.th forinsecum, 
 afterwards corrupted into Bath forum. Within this, but always recognised as distinct, 
 was the estate known as the Barton. This was no doubt the common farm of the city, 
 cultivated for the mutual advantage of all the citizens, but it became at the Conquest 
 Crown land. 
 
 How soon the rights of the Crown were put in force we cannot accurately say, 
 but from a presentment made by the citizens in 2 Edward I., it appears that the city 
 was formerly let at ^20 and the Barton at £z°i and that Reginald Fitz Jocelyn, the 
 Bishop of Bath (1205 to 1242), caused ;^io, formerly payable out of the Barton, to be 
 paid out of the city. 
 
 The citizens were not absolutely deprived of their estate, for as far back as the 
 year 1260 their right to common was admitted over it.* 
 
 The first grant^ after the Conquest was by William Rufus to John de Villula, or, 
 as he is often called, John of Tours. This prelate practised physic, and, attracted by 
 the healing qualities of the hot springs, proved himself a beneficent patron of the city, 
 and traces of his fine Norman masonry are still visible. 
 
 This grant did not include the forinsecum or the Barton, and Henry I., 
 although he confirmed his brother's grant and added a gift of the hidage (or land-tax) of 
 the city, did not add these. 
 
 No rent is mentioned in either of these grants. 
 
 * Many curious instances of these grants are to be found in Madox, Finna Burgi. 
 
 ' " Rex tenet Bad T[empore]R[egis] E[dwardi] geldabat pro xx hid quando scira geldabat. Ibi 
 h.ibet rex xxiv burgenses reddentes iv lib et x c burgenses alior hominum reddunt ibi Ix solid." — Dooms- 
 day Book. Twenty-four of the burgesses "alior hominum " belonged to the church at Bath : they are 
 entered as of Keynsham, Chewton, and Littleton, — Ellis, "Doomsday Book," London, 1833, vol. ii., 
 p. 484. 
 
 ' Paper read before Bath Literary Association, 14th November, 1884. 
 
 * See further as to Ms post, page 37. 
 
 " This grant is with the Dean and Chapter of Wells. It is remarkable as being attested by 66 
 witnesses, of whom 21 only aiiix their crosses. In the later grants none of the witnesses sign. 
 
Savaric, Archdeacon of Northampton, was a relation of Henry VI. of Germany, 
 who had been instrumental in obtaining the release of Richard Coeur de Lion. He 
 had been nominated to the See of Bath in 1192, and, through the influence of the 
 Emperor, was made Abbot of Glastonbury. In return for this valuable appointment, 
 he surrendered the city of Bath to the Crown. John seems to have kept the city in 
 hand, but from the presentment of the citizens (iemj>. Edw. I.) already mentioned, 
 it seems that he allowed the Prior and monks to enjoy it on consideration of an 
 annual payment of £30. 
 
 The Barton and the forinsecum John granted to the Priory in fee farm at a Grant to 
 rent of ;^2o, and this charter was confirmed by Henry III., and again by Richard II. ^''■^ Priory. 
 This property did not pass from the possession of the monks until the Reformation, 
 but the rights of common of the citizens were maintained. 
 
 During the troublous reign of Henry III., Edward and his high-spirited mother, 
 Eleanor of Provence, had done much to supply the deficiencies of the King : indeed, 
 but for the courage and martial skill they displayed, the ending of Henry's reign and of 
 his life would have been different. 
 
 Early in his reign Edward granted Bath and the Barton farm, subject as to the 
 latter to tenancy of the prior and convent, to his mother Eleanor, as a part of the 
 dower assigned for her maintenance.^ 
 
 On the 27th of May, in the third year of his reign, Edward sent a missive^ to 
 the " Bailiffs and principal men " of Bath, of the substance of which the following is a 
 sUghtly abbreviated translation : 
 
 "When our Mother Eleanor Queen of England shall have surrendered into i'«"w«^«<- 
 "our hands to be dealt with at our pleasure the City of Bath which she holds of city by 
 " in dower (except the Barton farm of the said City to be held in dower by our p'^^^e] 
 "said mother) we have deputed Godfrey Husee and William Merleghe to 
 " receive and hold the said City." 
 
 We have already referred to a presentment of the citizens during this reign. It 
 was the custom for the Crown to order periodical inquiries as to the state of towns 
 and any diminution of the royal prerogative or estates. Two presentments in answer 
 to such commissions of inquiry are extant, although not, unfortunately, amongst our 
 Municipal Records. They contain such interesting information that we venture to 
 quote from them. The presentments are in the second and fourth years of Edward's 
 reign, and are made by a jury impanelled for the purpose. Henry, the Tailor, mayor 
 of Bath, is foreman of the jury on the first occasion j the names are not given on the 
 second 
 
 After setting forth a short history of the city, from the reign of John, the jurors 
 go on to state a variety of different facts, such as ; 
 
 ' Warner (p. 169) quotes the grant as having been made to Eleanor of Castile, Edward's wife. 
 
 He sets out the grant thus : "Pro Regina Angliae. Rex, etc., priori et conventui Sancti Petri Bathon 
 sal Sciatis quod assignavimus charissime nostre Eleanore regine Angl. civitatem Bathon cum Bertona et 
 aliis pertinent, eorundem habend et tenend domine regine in dotem quamdiu vixerit una cum quibusdam 
 aliis rebus nostris, et idem vobis mandamus quatenus debuistis." 
 
 It is quite certain that Warner has not transcribed this literatim from an original, as some of the 
 terminations are never so fully given in documents of such a date. We suggest- that this grant was in 
 fact to Edward's mother, and that the word "matri" (written "mri" and therefore easily capable of 
 being passed over) has been omitted. That the grant was to the mother is proved, we think, by the 
 documents stated in the text and by the words " assignavimus " " in dotem," used in the grant jtself, which 
 are the technical ones for assigning dower by an heir to his mother. If further proof were ^wanted it is 
 to be found in the circumstance that in two documents of I Edward I., the Queen Dovrager describes 
 herself as "Regina Anglise," and the Queen Consort as "Consors Regis." — Madox, "Hist. Ex.," 
 vol. i., p. 351. 
 
 ^ No. 4 in Appendix A. 
 
1. The assumption by the Prior of the Rectory of Walcot, and of two mills^ 
 
 belonging to the city. 
 
 2. That the king has in the City of Bath, by title of escheat for a felony com- 
 
 mitted by Robert Petyt, a house which King Henry granted^ to Master 
 Geoffry of Bath in his place, before which grant of the said King the said 
 house used to provide one carpenter for 40 days in time of war for the use 
 of the King's army. 
 
 3. That the Abbot of Keynsham, the Abbess of St Edward, the Abbess of 
 
 Werewell, Anselm de Gurney, Hubert Husee, the heir of Philip Ayston, 
 John de St. Loe' had withdrawn themselves from the suit which they owe 
 to the King's Court from the beginning of the provisions* of Oxford until 
 that time, the same happening through the neglect of the bailiffs of the 
 Prior. 
 
 4. That the villages of Claverton and Hampton have withdrawn themselves 
 
 from their obligation to mow the meadow of our lord the King from the 
 time of Bishop Jocelyn, to the loss of the King each year 20s. 6d. 
 
 5. That the King was accustomed to hold in the City of Bath a fair^ on the feast 
 
 day of the beheading of St. John, and that the Prior of Hinton had obtained 
 a charter of our lord the King to hold a fair on that day at Hinton, to the 
 damage of the fair of the City of Bath los. a year. 
 
 6. That the priest Henry de Courtney commenced a handsome chamber upon 
 
 the city wall, and that on his death the then Prior of Bath pulled it down 
 and carried away the stone and timbers into the Priory, to the damage of the 
 King and the whole city of 40s. 
 
 7. That Robert Cherin holds a tenement within the city and a meadow outside, 
 
 value los., for which he was wont to keep the gate on the bridge in time 
 of war. 
 
 8. That the citizens of Bath have the return of writs by an old charter of the 
 
 King. 
 
 9. That all the freeholders of the county of Gloucester who had been accus- 
 
 tomed to pay toll in Bath had withdrawn themselves from so doing since 
 the battle of Lewes,* to the loss of the King los. 
 
 10. That the King's own houses within the Abbey gates had been out of repair 
 
 or destroyed from the time when the Prior was farmer of Bath, and that 
 the cost of restoring them to their former condition is estimated at 10 
 marks beyond the xost which the King had incurred about two houses 
 he had himself rebralt on his own land within the Priory.^ 
 
 11. That the Abbot of Keynsham had established a market at Marshfield, 9 
 
 miles* from the city, to the damage of the city los. 
 
 1 2. That Thomas, the Prior of Bath, and other Priors of the same house, had 
 
 ■ The mills being without the walls might be assumed to have passed under the grant to the monks 
 of ihe fonmecum. 
 
 * This grant was in the possession of the Corporation in 1775, but it cannot now be found. 
 
 ' Derives his name from St. Lo in Normandy. The family gave their name to the village of 
 Newton St. Loe, near Bath. 
 
 * The ■' Mad Parliament " which sat at Oxford, without the presence of the King, in June, 1258, is 
 here referred to. 
 
 ' The word mmdinas is here used instead of the \is\ialferiain. 
 
 •The battle of Lewes (May, 1264) was the one at which Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Oxford, was 
 knighted by Simon de Montford, Earl of Leicester. His accession to the Baronial party was most 
 important, and some grant to the freeholders of the county may have been made on the occasion. 
 
 ' It appears that the monks were under obligation to keep the King's Bath, and some houses 
 suitable for royal lodgings near it, in proper order, for the occasional use of the King. In 20 Henry III., 
 a process was issued calling upon the monks to pay £1^ lis. for the repair. 
 
 ' " Quinque leucas." 
 
Plfte ^ftattfer^ ttf ;]^irit»ax;it I. 15 
 
 made with stones from the walls a causeway of 8 perches from the south 
 gate towards " MonckesmuUe," to the loss of the King 53. 
 
 13. That the Prior had acquired by gift or purchase, after he had taken the city 
 
 to farm, 27 tenements in " perpetual alms," out of which the King had 
 lost escheats and other emoluments, and that the tenants were in lot and 
 scot} and ought to pay tallage like other citizens. 
 
 14. That the Bishop of Bath holds two^ ... in Hampton and Claverton, and 
 
 Adam de Bicton one ... in Charlcombe, and Robert Denemede one . . . 
 in Easton, and Walter of Shockerwick one ... in Easton, which were 
 accustomed to do suit at the hundred of Barton forinsecum, and have 
 been withdrawn therefrom by Jocelyn, Bishop of Bath, for these 35 years, 
 to the detriment of the King (if he had kept the hundred in hand) 20s. 
 a year ; and that the jurors do not know on what warrant this was done. 
 
 15. That Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, holds one . . -^ in Langridge 
 
 and Freshford, which was accustomed to do suit at the hundred of Barton 
 forinsecum, and such suit has been withdrawn by Richard, formerly 
 Earl of Gloucester, the father of the said Earl, for these 15 years, to the 
 detriment of the King (if he had kept the hundred in hand) 2S. a year; 
 and that the jurors do not know on what warrant this was done. 
 
 16. That Gilbert, Earl of Gloucester, has the return of writs in the forinsecum 
 
 for now 12 years, through the act of Henry de Aulton, then Sheriff, who 
 had 40s. for the return from the Earl ; and the jurors do not know on what 
 warrant this was done. 
 
 17. That the Bishop of Bath has a warren on the Manor of Hampton, and this 
 
 from the time of Willian>, the Bishop, his uncle ; and the jurors do not know 
 under what warrant.^ 
 The jurors go on to describe a wholesale system of carrying off stones from the 
 city walls. The Prior is the greatest offender, the damage done by him being estimated 
 at 40s. ; the miller of the Monks' mill, the miller of Peter Forester's mill, and the 
 master of the Hospital of St. John the Baptist follow suit to the extent of 20s. each ; 
 and a host of smaller offenders concludes the list. * 
 
 Edward seems to have determined the tenancy at will of the monks so far as regarded 
 the city. For although Queen Eleanor is said to hold the city in dower whilst the 
 tenancy of the monks was apparently existing, a grant of the city soon followed to 
 Robert Burnell, Bishop of Bath and Wells, the King's Chancellor.^ This grant excepts 
 the Barton, which it mentions as held by the monks in fee farm. 
 
 ^ Entitled to hold civic offices. Lot and scot ordinarily included gayment also. 
 
 ^ The word in the original is " theas," the meaning of which does not appear clear. " Seigniories " 
 or " manors " have been suggested. See "DieGesetzeder Angelsachsen," ed. Dr. K. Schmid, 8vo,,2nd 
 edition. Leipsic, 1858. The entire passage is as folloiVs : "Item dicunt quod Episcopus Bathon tenet 
 ij theas scilicet in Hampton et Claverton, et Adam de Bicton unam theam in Cherlecumbe, et Robertus 
 I)enemede unam theam in Eston, et Walterus de Shoterigg unam theam in Eston quae quidem thea 
 solebant facere sectam ad hundredum predictum forinsecum de la Berton et subtracte sunt per 
 Jocelinum quondam . Bathon Episcopum, et hoc xxxv annis elapsis ad dampnum domini Regis per 
 annum xx^. si dominus Rex predictum hundredum in manu sua haberet, et nesciunt quo warranto. 
 
 " Dicunt et quod Gilbertus de Clare, Comes Gloverine, tenet unam theam in Langruche et Fers- 
 ford, quae solebat sectam facere ad hundredum predictum foriiwecum de la Berton et subtracte est 
 modo secta ilia et hoc per Ricardum quondam Comitem Gloverinse, patrem predicti Comitis, et hoc 
 jam XV annis elapsis ad dampnum domini Regis ijV. si dictum hundredum esset in manu domini 
 Regis, et nesciunt quo warranto." 
 
 ' The uncle was William Bitton or Button, who was consecrated in 1248, and died in 1264. The 
 nephew was consecrated in 1267, and died in 1274. The uncle obtained a grant of free warren from 
 Henry III. See Warner, p. 143. 
 
 ''Rotuli Hundredorum temp. Henry III. — Edward I. London, 1818, pp. 123 — 132. 
 
 ' See the grant and direction to Escheators to give livery in Appendices xlvi. and xxxvii. of 
 Warner. The names of the Escheators are the same as those mentioned m the document of 27th May, 
 3 Edward I. 
 
l6 
 
 Jpl^^ ^^Utttripal ;]^^tJ;M:ir» t»f ^aift. 
 
 borcnighs. 
 
 Acquit- 
 tance of 
 tallage Jiaid 
 to queen- 
 mothers. 
 
 Bath re- 
 presented 
 in Parlia- 
 ment 26 
 Edw. I. 
 
 We have a charter, dated' in the third year of this reign, freeing the citizens of 
 Bath from toll, and describing the city as belonging to the Bishop.^ 
 
 Our next document is dated the 28th April in the fifth year of Edward I., and it 
 needs a few words of introduction. There was one general tax in England before the 
 Conquest, the Danegelt, a tax originally levied to pay a shameful tribute to the Danes 
 in the reign of the weak Ethelred II., but continued as an impost even under the early 
 Norman kings. As the feudal system made more progress in the country, the mode of 
 taxation became more various. We find scutage, applicable to knights' fees ; hidage, 
 payable out of lands not held by military tenure f and tallage, payable in respect of 
 boroughs. 
 
 The word "tallage," has no special meaning denoting a distinct mode of taxation. 
 It was deemed applicable primarily to those towns which, like Bath, belonged to 
 the Crown, and the amount lay in the discretion of the Crown. The tallage was some- 
 times levied on the town, sometimes on the individual citizens, the itinerant justices 
 giving the necessary directions. Tallages gave rise to great complaints in the reign of 
 Henry III., and towns endeavoured to establish the principle that taxation is based on 
 consent, by offering aids in lieu of the tallages demanded. 
 
 It appears that Henry had made over, though informally, a sum of ^£'15, part of a 
 quota of tallage payable from Bath, to his wife, Queen Eleanor, and ;^ii was received 
 from the citizens by the Queen.^ In the fifth year of Edward I. some difiiculty arose as 
 to the payment of this .j^i i, and a writ* was sent by Edward, dated the 28th April in that 
 year. The following is an abbreviated translation : 
 
 " Whereas our citizens of Bath have paid to our mother Eleanor Queen of 
 " England by the hands of Richard Querard and Thomas de Coker formerly 
 " Bailiffs of Bath eleven pounds on account of the tallage of the said City which 
 " tallage was by our father King Henry assigned in part payment of fifteen pounds 
 " made over to our said mother by the said King Henry towards the expenses of 
 " our said mother .... we order that the said burgesses shall be acquitted the 
 " said eleven pounds." 
 
 The question of the representation of boroughs in the early Parliaments is some- 
 what beside our subject, as no documents relating to the election or return of members, 
 at the time we are considering, are to be found amongst our city archives. 
 
 We content ourselves, therefore, with mentioning that the celebrated William Prynne, 
 who in the reign of Charles II. was Recorder of Bath, found in the chapel in the White 
 Tower of the Tower of London a vast heap of parchment documents. These he sorted, 
 and published a list of the most interesting, under the title of " Brevia Parliamentaria."* 
 
 From these it appears that the Parliament held in the twenty-sixth year of the reign 
 of Edward I., and which sat at York, included two representatives of Bath, Henry Bayton 
 and Thomas de Missletre. There is a writ of Edward II. in the first year of his reign, 
 which illustrates the small appreciation of the franchise then prevailing. The following 
 is a translation : 
 
 " For the election of two citizens from the city of Bath. The writ of our 
 " Lord the King was returned by the Mayor and bailiffs of the said city of the 
 " liberty of the Bishop of Bath who care not to give any effect thereto."^ 
 
 When a representative was elected, he had to find two sureties {manucaptorei) 
 for his due attendance at the Parliament. The names of these sureties were set out 
 in the "return." 
 
 ' No. S in Appendix A. 
 
 ^ A considerable extent of land in England remained unaffected by the feudal system. 
 
 ' We have not been able to find trace of this particular tallage. We find that in 14 Henry III. 
 there was a tallage of Somerset and Dorset, and that the quota of Bath was then £,2,\. Madox, 
 " Hist. Ex.," vol. i., p. 708. * No. 6 in Appendix A. 
 
 " Published for the Author, by Edward Thomas, at the " Adam and Eve," 1662. ' See Prynne. 
 
Iplfte iMft^tltVfa of ;^biuarir uf (gfaurnarii^n, 1 7 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE CHARTERS OF EDWARD OF CAERNARVON, AND HEREIN OF FAIRS AND MARKETS. 
 
 |E now pass to the reign of Edward II. This King, a sad contrast to Confirma- 
 his sire, confirmed the city charter on the 12th March in the sixth '*''?*?^ 
 year of his reign.^ The charter of confirmation is in the same form '^^harters. 
 as before, and is extant in duplicate amongst our archives. Both parts 
 are sealed, and both are complete in substance, but whilst one has an 
 ornamental initial letter (though of no particular merit), the other has 
 simply a blank space. 
 
 This confirmation, which is dated from Windsor, was probably obtained on the 
 reconciliation of Edward to his barons after the murder of Piers de Gaveston, the royal 
 favourite. 
 
 The consideration of our Municipal Records now brings us in" presence of a very P'^^i'^- 
 interesting question — that of fairs and markets. The term "fair" now conveys to us 
 an impression of a race-course without races, a grand emporium of gilded gingerbread, 
 giving unlimited facilities for Aunt Sally, the inspection of the Chinese giant with a 
 mellow Cork brogue, the two-headed calf, and the talking fish, and rendered attractive 
 by a steam hurdygurdy or two and a selection of Ethiopian serenaders. Fairs have 
 indeed, except in a few special cases, come to be regarded as nuisances without miti- 
 gation, because they have survived their purpose of usefulness ; but in ancient times 
 they represented a great step in advance, an important approximation to free trade. We 
 are rather apt to treat a free right of trading as part of the natural heritage of man, but 
 in fact, it was a right surrendered by man to society at a very early stage, and one 
 which has been very gradually restored. We do not presume to develop the logic 
 of protection and free trade, but the historical fact is certain that, not only were 
 manufactures protected by being confined to certain guilds or companies, and by the 
 laws enforcing apprenticeship, but there were grave restrictions set on retail and general 
 trading. Prices of certain classes of goods were fixed by law, and the manner of their 
 sale imperatively determined ; and only the small, privileged class of " free citizens " 
 were in many boroughs, and Bath amongst them, allowed to open shops. Sales of 
 goods also had to be made in towns, and at fixed places only. We are not to blame 
 such restrictions merely because we have taught ourselves to believe, in these days, that 
 the true protection of trade is the encouragement of the laws of supply and demand : 
 many of them were based on very sound reasoning, as applied to the then state of 
 society. But obviously some mitigation of the hard and fast line was an absolute Fairs an 
 necessity, and fairs and periodical markets became an important factor in commercial approach 
 life. The right of granting a fair was part of the royal prerogative, and the grant was '2^^^^^^^ 
 deemed to be in the nature of a trust, as well as a franchise, as by the mere grant of a 
 fair the right and duty of holding a Court of Piepoudre vested in the person, generally 
 the lord of the manor, to whom the grant was made. The Court of Piepoudre was 
 said to derive its name because, being held for the convenience of persons meeting 
 together from a distance for a temporary purpose, it was to do justice as speedily as the 
 dust can fall from the feet.^ 
 
 1 No. 7 in Appendix A. 
 
 2 See Bacon's Abridgement (1778), vol. ii., p. 656. A less laboured derivation, viz., from the con- 
 dition of the feet of the suitors, may suggest itself, and is adopted by Manley. See his " Interpretei," 
 in verbo. (London, 1672.) 
 
 3 
 
The first fairs of which we have record were granted to the Prior and monks by 
 Edward I., namely, in their manor of Lyncombe, on the eve and on the feast of the 
 Finding of the Holy Cross, and in the Barton on the eve and on the feast of St. 
 Lawrence.^ 
 Grant of In the twelfth year of his reign Edward II. granted to the Bishop of Bath and 
 
 clierryfair.^^^ the right to hold^ a fair at "his manor of Bath" for ten days in the year," on 
 " the vigil and on the day and on the morrow of the feast of the Apostles SS. Peter 
 and Paul,* and on the seven following days." This right is only exercisable subject to 
 the fair doing no injury to any other fair.* This fair was usually known as Cherry 
 Fair. 
 
 There was, we may perhaps be allowed to say in passing, a very practical advan- 
 tage in buying at fairs, because the purchaser's title to the goods purchased was valid, 
 notwithstanding that the seller might have wrongfully acquired them.* 
 Grant of a We pass from the chronological order to notice a further grant of a market to John 
 market by de Harewell, Bishop of Bath and Wells, chaplain to the Black Prince, by Edward III." 
 Edward ^j^g charter is curious; it recites that from time whereof the memory of man 
 was not to the contrary, the Bishop and his predecessors had, at Bath, weekly, two 
 markets, namely on Wednesday and Saturday from the feast of St Kalixtus the Pope 
 until Palm Sunday^ It then goes on to authorize the Bishop to hold a weekly market 
 from Palm Sunday to the feast of St. Kalixtus ; that is, the weekly market is extended 
 over the whole year. This is the origin of our present weekly market, the right to hold 
 which, no doubt, passed from the Bishop to the municipality at the same time as the 
 manor. 
 
 A market has most of the same legal attributes as a fair, and differs rather in its 
 more frequent occurrence than in any other important feature. Our Bath market con- 
 sists of two portions — what we terra the ordinary, and the " country market." The first 
 is not a market proper, but a collection of small shops aggregated in a single building ; 
 the country market is the survival of the real market, at which the people not allowed 
 to open shops within the city brought in and offered for sale their wares — a periodic 
 invasion of the monopoly of sale reserved to the free citizens. It is a curious survival 
 that by the law at the present day no one may, during a market, offer for sale otherwise 
 than in such market or in his own shop any goods of a class similar to those sold in the 
 market.^ 
 
 It is worthy of note that although these fairs and markets are granted to the Bishop, 
 both charters are in our muniment-room.^ 
 
 ' See the grants of these fairs (4th October, 32 Edward I.), Appendix 39 to Warner. 
 ^ No. 8 in Appendix A. 
 
 * This fair was held in the High Street and adjoining streets down to 1851. No real business had 
 been done for many years. 
 
 * These words would have been implied, if not inserted. Bacon, vol. ii., p. 455. 
 
 ° By a special custom, a similar transfer of title takes place on a sale in any shop in London of 
 goods of a class usually sold there. 
 
 * No. 19 in Appendix A. 
 
 ' See Mayor, etc., of Manchester v, Lyons Bros., Law Reports, 22 Ch, D. 287. 
 ^ See as to this p. 27, post. 
 
;^bhiatjb III. anir f^^ ^Ktt^nc^ "^^att«. 19 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 EDWARD III. AND THE FRENCH WARS. 
 
 |E now come to an exceedingly important epoch in the national and in our 
 municipal history. Edward of Caernarvon was murdered at Berkeley 
 Castle in September, 1327; and his son, then of the age of fifteen years, 
 ascended the throne as the puppet of the false Queen Isabella and her 
 paramour Mortimer. In times of national turmoil a bid is usually 
 made for the support of the middle classes, and in the first year of the 
 nominal reign of Edward III. an Act was passed in these words : 
 
 " Item the King wills — that all cities boroughs and franchise towns shall Statute of 
 
 " enjoy their franchises customs and usages as they ought and were wont to do."i Confirma- 
 tion, 
 
 This is a somewhat singular statute. The rights conceded to boroughs by charter 
 were part of the prerogative of the Crown, and Parliament had no power to abridge the 
 prerogative On the other hand, it will be noted that the statute commences in a 
 manner unfitted for an Act of Parliament — " The King wills." Probably there were 
 difficulties in the infant King making a grant by charter, and the statute represented an 
 attempt to meet it. 
 
 We have stated a general incapacity to make wills of land, between the Conquest socaee- 
 and the reign of Henry VIII. The incapacity was based on the exigencies of the land in 
 feudal system ; but this system, though very prevalent, did not affect all the land in Bath, and 
 England. The ordinary tenure in Saxon times was socage, and this tenure had preserved ^ "?/'^ 
 its individuality down to the reign of Charles II., when it was re-established as the general .^thft. 
 land tenure of the realm.* In the interim it was for the most part confined to property 
 within boroughs, which, for many reasons, could not be conveniently subjected to 
 military tenure. Whenever socage-land could be proved to exist, the old Saxon power 
 of willing it existed also. Hence wills of houses in towns before the reign of 
 Henry VIII. are occasionally to be met with, and there is an interesting one amongst 
 our records.^ 
 
 It is dated " Friday next after the feast of St. Kalixtus the Pope " (14th October), 
 1326. 
 
 The testator, Benedict de Stoke, described as of Bath, gives 
 
 Will of 
 " To Joan his wife and her heirs All that his tenement m Stalls Street in Benedict 
 " Bath between the lane leading towards the Kings Bath on the North and a * stoke. 
 " Tenement of Walter Clement on the South which Tenement the said Walter 
 " then held of him for life — she paying thereout to the Bishop of Bath 7s. and 
 " a pound of wax yearly for ever for a Taper for the Blessed Mary of Stalls 
 " and 4d. yearly for ever for four masses for his sotil." 
 
 The will is mentioned to be proved before the Rector of Schepton Beauchamp, 
 Commissary of the Bishop of Bath and Wells. 
 
 1 Statute I Edward III., c. 9. 
 
 2 Statute 12 Car. II., c. 2. Before the reign of Henry VIII., leasehold interests in and " uses" 
 carved out of land were devisable. 
 
 ' No. 56 in Appendix A. See also a will set out (No. 64) in Appendix A. 
 
 3—2 
 
20 
 
 Ipilft^ ^Innidp^l ^sr^tir^ »f :]Saift. 
 
 Confirma- 
 tion of 
 charters, 
 »332- 
 
 Further 
 charter of 
 Ed. III. 
 >34l- 
 
 The benefactions under this will were duly paid until the dissolution, and the 
 records of the Augmentation Office mention them as passing on that event to the 
 Crown. 
 
 In the autumn of 1330, Edward, then eighteen years old, assumed the reins of 
 government, and never were they held in a firmer hand. Mortimer, condemned by 
 Parliament, was hanged at Tyburn for the murder of the late King, and a vigorous 
 home and foreign policy was inaugurated. 
 
 The hundred years' war with France drained England of much blood and much 
 treasure, and inflicted upon her miseries for which the glories of Crecyand Poitiers 
 may ill atone. But whilst we remember this, we must remember also that the reign of 
 Edward bore little similarity to that of Richard Cceur de Lion. Though the King was 
 much abroad, the statute roll of his reign reflects a most exhaustive and minute atten- 
 tion to home affairs, and notwithstanding the pressure of taxation, our English home- 
 steads were crowded with the rarest goods from foreign climes.^ 
 
 The Christmas of 1331 Edward spent amidst great rejoicings at Wells; and we 
 cannot doubt that he was duly interviewed by delegates from Bath, begging the young 
 King, who was showing so decidedly that he had a will of his own, not to interfere with 
 the privileges granted to the city by his predecessors. At all events we find that in 
 the spring of 1332, Edward confirmed the city charter, and the Inspeximus is extant in 
 duplicate amongst the city archives.'' The seals are almost perfect, and are of much 
 artistic merit. 
 
 We now pass on to the fourteenth year of the King's reign. He had been actively 
 waging war in the Low Countries, but had been compelled, by want of money to pay 
 his troops and allies, to retire from the siege of Tournai. He borrowed money at 
 usurious rates from the Jews at Ghent, and left the Earl of Derby and some other 
 lords in pledge to his creditors.* Then he took sail from a little port in Zealand, 
 and cast anchor in the Thames, in front of the Tower, before his Ministers had 
 gathered inkling of his intention. He vowed vengeance against them, but the quarrel 
 was patched over by the grant of supplies. 
 
 At this period the citizens of Bath obtained a charter of much moment* The 
 first part deals with rights apparently included in earlier deeds, exempting the citizens 
 of Bath from certain exactions in fairs and markets.^ The concluding part is of 
 greater interest. It gives the citizens power to appoint their own assessors and 
 collectors concerning the contribution of the city to all grants of tenths or fifteenths. 
 
 It was customary to let the taxes to farm, and monstrous injustice was often per- 
 petrated by the collectors. The advantage which citizens would have reaped from 
 being made collectors of the quota of taxation to be paid by their city, must have been 
 almost sufficient to mitigate by one-half the burden of the imposition. 
 
 We cannot doubt that none of the city charters were granted without substantial 
 payment, but in this reign the amounts are stated — for the charter of confirmation, 40s., 
 
 "Anno gratix, 1348 . . . Videbatur Anglicis quasi novus sol oriri propter pacis abundantiam 
 rerum copiam et victoriarum gloriam. Nam nuUius nominis erat foemina quae non aliquid de manubiis 
 Cadomi CalicsiiB et aliarum urbium transmarinarum vestes furruras culcitras et utensilia possidebat ; 
 mappjE mensales et monilia ciphi aurei et arpentea linthea et lintheamina sparsim per Angliam in 
 singulorum domibus visebantur.' — Walsingham, Camden's edition. Frankfort, 1603, p. 168, 
 
 " No. 9 in Appendix A. 
 
 ' Rymer's Fcedera, v. 277. This was certainly an odd use to make of the House of Peers ; but a 
 couple of years before he had raised money from the same usurers on security of his wife. Queen 
 Phifippa. 
 
 * No. 10 in Appendix A. 
 
 • The terms are stallage, or payment for selling goods ;/«Vc(yT?, fee for liberty to dig holes for erection 
 of a shed ; and murage and pavage, contributions towards the common expense of maintaining the 
 bounds and alleys of the fair or town. If such exemptions were common, as undoubtedly they were, 
 the lawful profits of the owner of a fair could not have been great. 
 
pg.bhtaxiit III. anir f^e ^BlrBtttft "^"ars. 
 
 21 
 
 and for that just mentioned, ;^2o. The latter sum is stated to be payable to the 
 Exchequer.^ - 
 
 In the same year the citizens had an opportunity of exercising their privilege. A Commis- 
 writ^ was directed to William Rycard and Richard Rede to raise a subsidy of a whole sion of sub- 
 fifteenth and a tenth, stated to amount tO;^i3 6s. 8d., granted by Parliament.^ ■'"^' 
 
 The Commission after a lengthy introduction directs the Commissioners to call 
 before them the mayor and bailiffs of the city, and four or six of the more discreet and 
 honest men of the city and suburbs, and on their advice to levy the money on the 
 city and suburbs. 
 
 Two other records of this reign extant amongst the archives are worthy of note. 
 
 In 1347 an invasion was threatened by Philip of Valois, and to avert this Edward Writ to 
 determined to attack " the parts beyond sea." A writ was accordingly issued on the provide six 
 loth February,* commanding the city of Bath to provide six fully armed men, to be at '"^"• 
 Portsmouth on Mid Lent Sunday to accompany the King. 
 
 * We have two modes of valuing the spending power of money in this period. The price of corn 
 per quarter was, in 131 7, from 6s. 8d. tOjf4; in 1336, 2s.; in 1338,3s. 4d. ; in 1339,9s. (Smith's 
 "Wealth of Nations," vol. i., p. 354). The price of labour fluctuated as much as the price of corn, 
 After the plague, Edward attempted to drive wages, which had naturally increased, back to their former 
 standard. The statute was of course unsuccessful, but is interesting as an indication of what were 
 considered normal wages. The wages, without victuals, were as follows : Haymakers, per day, id.; 
 mowers, 5d. ; reapers, in first week of August, 2d. — afterwards, 3d. ; threshers, per quarter of wheat or 
 rye, ajd. — ditto of barley, beans, peas and oats, ijd. ; carpenters, per day, 2d. ; masons, 3d. ; tilers 
 3d.; thatchers, 3d. ; labourers, ijd. — Rot. Pari., ii, 234 ; Lingard, 4th edition, vol. iv., p. 64. 
 
 ^ No. 1 1 in Appendix A. 
 
 * An aid or subsidy differed from a tallage in that it could only be levied by the consent of the 
 particular town or of the Commons in Parliament. A tax of a tenth or a fifteenth meant that propor- 
 tion of each man's personal property, with a few exceptions, such as arms, a suit of clothes, plate in 
 daily use, etc This constant searching amongst and valuation of men's property gave rise to great 
 dissatisfaction, and in 1334 Commissioners were appointed in each county, with power to arrange a 
 fixed sum to be paid in respect of a tax of a tenth from cities and boroughs and royal demesnes, 
 and a fifteenth from the rest of the kingdom. Sums were fixed accordingly, and subsequent grants of a 
 tenth or fifteenth were answered by a proportionate payment from each township. The compositions 
 made by the Commissioners were very moderate. We have some amusing instances of the manner in 
 which the zeal or laxity of the Commissioners might vary the amount to be produced from a tenth or 
 fifteenth. In 1296, William Miller, of Colchester, had his property thus valued, for purposes of a 
 subsidy : 
 
 £ s. d. 
 One quarter of wheat ... ... ... ... ... 036 
 
 One „ oats ... ... ... ... ... 020 
 
 One pig ... ... ... ... ... ... 020 
 
 £0 7 6 
 Five years later the goods of the same man were again valued for another subsidy : 
 
 Brought forward ... 
 Andirons ... 
 A seat 
 
 A quarter of wheat ... 
 A quarter of barley ... 
 Two quarters of malt . . . 
 Two hogs ... 
 Two pigs ... 
 One pound of wool ... 
 Faggots 
 
 
 £ s. 
 
 d 
 
 Money 
 
 .. 13 
 
 4 
 
 A silver clasp 
 
 ..00 
 
 9 
 
 A ring 
 
 .. I 
 
 
 
 A suit of clothes 
 
 .. 10 
 
 
 
 Abed 
 
 ■■03 
 
 
 
 A cloth 
 
 ..00 
 
 9 
 
 A towel 
 
 ..00 
 
 6 
 
 A pot of brass 
 
 ..02 
 
 
 
 A dish „ 
 
 ..01 
 
 
 
 A cup „ 
 
 ..00 
 
 8 
 
 Carried forward 
 
 ■■■£1 13 
 
 
 
 £ s. 
 I 13 
 o o 
 o o 
 o 4 
 
 o 3 
 o 4 
 
 O 10 
 
 o 3 
 o 3 
 
 O 2 
 
 Total ;^3 3 4 
 
 Lingard's " History," 4th edition, vol. iv,, p. 
 * Nq. 13 in Appendix A. 
 
 130. 
 
22 
 
 Iplll^ ^j^uttitipal ^]^cmtir» nrf "^Mnifi^ 
 
 The city found it inconvenient to provide more than four men, and in lieu 
 of the other two paid into the Exchequer 20 marks, and on the i6th May, 1347,1 
 letters patent were passed under the great seal, acquitting the city from finding the 
 remaining two men ; but apparently not without some difficulty, for the patent states 
 that this is not to be " drawn into a precedent for the future." 
 
 Several other interesting records of this reign will be found in Appendix A. 
 
 Edward's long reign, so glorious in its zenith, was degraded towards its close. 
 His personal weakness and his evil government sowed the seeds of disturbances which 
 were to bear fearful fruit in succeeding reigns. Even his own son, the heroic Black 
 Prince, headed a constitutional opposition to his father ; and had he lived to guide the 
 "good Parliament," much future misery might have been averted. He died, how- 
 ever, in 1376, and the next year witnessed the miserable death of his father. 
 
 Invasion 
 threateiud 
 by French, 
 
 Confirma- 
 tion of 
 charters. 
 
 IVat 
 
 Tyler's 
 
 rebellion. 
 
 CHAPTER Vn. 
 
 THE CHARTERS OF RICHARD OF BORDEAUX. 
 
 NCE more the Crown devolved upon an infant, and Richard of Bordeaux, 
 son of the Black Prince, a youth of ten, ascended the throne. The 
 decline of the English power is aptly illustrated by a writ of 27th August, 
 I Rich. II.,'' directing the mayor and bailiffs of Bath to survey and repair 
 the walls and bounds of the city " against an invasion threatened by 
 the French." This is followed by a writ on the 30th* November in 
 the same year, directing the mayor and citizens of Bath to furnish a small vessel before 
 the ist March then next, to attend at such place as the Lord Admiral should appoint, 
 and a commission (4th March, 3 Rich. II.) directing the raising of a subsidy.* 
 
 On the 9th March, in the fifth^ year of his reign, Richard confirmed the city 
 charter. The Inspeximus is a good specimen of the illumination of the period. There 
 is a floriated border in colour, and much enriched with burnished gilding, still quite 
 brilliant. The payment made is said to be ten marks paid into the hanaper^ — as a fee, 
 no doubt, for passing the seal, and not as a purchase-money. 
 
 Both the original charter and the duplicate are sealed, but the former only is 
 
 illuminated. , , , 
 
 In June, 1381, occurred the rebellion of Wat Tyler. The general scope and 
 history of the rising is, of course, beyond our subject, but one incident has an interest- 
 ing connection with the records of Bath. 
 
 The insurgents surrounded the Tower, where the King and many of his 
 adherents took refuge. What followed is thus graphically described by Thomas de 
 Walsingham : 
 
 ' No. 14 in Appendix A. , », • a j- a 
 
 = No. 20 in Appendix A. » No. 21 in Appendix A. 
 
 « No. 22 in Appendix A. » No. 24 in Appendix A. , j „ 
 
 • The Hanaper and Petty-bag Offices derive their names from the basket (or hamper) and small 
 bag into which writs, etc., of a certain class were thrown, according to their relation to the rights of the 
 Crown or a subject. 
 
JpEftE dTftaitfstts i^f ^icIiaittJ of ^wxttr^aux. 23 
 
 " The mob which was near the Tower compelled the King to give up to 
 " them the Archbishop, the master of the Hospital of St. John, and others who 
 " were lying hid in the Tower itself, and all of whom they proclaimed as traitors. 
 " He knew that otherwise he would lose his own life. The King, therefore, 
 " placed in this difficulty, allowed them to enter the Tower, and to search all 
 " the most secret places according to their wicked will, and was unable safely to 
 " deny them anything that they asked. 
 
 "There were at that time in the Tower 600 men accustomed to war, 
 " trained to the use of arms, men at once strong and skilful, besides 600 archers, 
 " all of whom (which was wonderful) so conducted themselves that you would 
 " deem them dead rather than quick. 
 
 " They allowed not merely rustics, but the lowest class of rustics, not in a 
 " large body, but one by one, to' enter with dirty sticks the sleeping chamber of 
 " the King and his mother, and frighten the soldiers by threats, and to stroke 
 " their beards with their rough and dirty hands, and to bandy familiar words 
 " with them. . . . And whilst they were doing all this, and when, as we have 
 " said, many of them were alone in the chambers, and were showing their 
 " insolence by sitting and sprawling and playing on the bed of the King, and 
 " even asked the King's mother to kiss them, not even then, which is wonderful 
 " to relate, did these many soldiers and gentlemen dare to prevent even one of 
 " such outrageous acts, nor raise a hand to prevent it, or even forbid such 
 " conduct in words." 
 
 The account goes on to tell us how the captives were executed and their heads 
 barbarously paraded. Under the circumstances it is not unnatural that the report, 
 sedulously spread by the insurgents, that the young King secretly supported the move- 
 ment, should have obtained credence. To obviate the ill effects, the King's advisers 
 (he was at the time only in his seventeenth year) caused a very singular proclaination 
 to be made to the citizens of Bath, and no doubt other places. 
 
 It commences as follows :^ 
 
 "Richard, etc.. To the Bailiffs citizens principal men and the whole com- Disclaimer 
 " munity of our City of Bath. We believe that it is already well known to you iy Kichard 
 " and our other lieges that many wicked men against our peace in many "f'^'t^ "f 
 " counties of our Kingdom of England to the great disturbance of our faithful ""'"'■S^"'^- 
 " lieges have risen in a hostile manner in divers unlawful meetings and assemblies 
 "cruelly killing (without fault of theirs) the venerable father Simon lately 
 "Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of all England our Chancellor and 
 " Brother Robert de Hales, lately Prior of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem 
 "in England our Treasurer, John Cavendish lately our Chief Justice^ and many 
 " others of our lieges and faithful servants." 
 
 After enumerating other offences against property, the proclamation continues : 
 
 "Now because the said wicked men have falsely and lyingly asserted 
 "and maintained that they have done and perpetrated the wicked murders 
 " and damages aforesaid by our authority and will that thus they may success- 
 " fully continue in their wicked course and improperly obtain impunity from 
 " the premises We wish it to come to the knowledge of you and of our other 
 " faithful subjects wherever they may be that the wicked murders and damages 
 
 ^ No 23 in Appendix A. 
 
 '^ Sir John Cavendish was killed after the death of Tyler. Some of Jack Straw's party seized him 
 and led him in mock procession from his mansion at Cavendish to Bury St. Edmunds. There, after a 
 ribald trial, he was sentenced to be beheaded, and his head was placed in the pillory. Cavendish was 
 appointed Chief Justice by Edward III. in 1366. His original name was Gernon or Gernum. 
 
24 
 
 W^^ ^i^utttcfpal ;Klilcixrtr« xif @atl|. 
 
 Commis- 
 sion of 
 subsiily. 
 
 Writ 
 directing 
 all char- 
 ters, etc., 
 to be sent 
 in for ex- 
 amination. 
 
 " have in no sort proceeded and do not proceed from our will or order but 
 "we are on their account exceedingly grieved and we feel that they in no 
 " small measure redound to our own great blame and the prejudice of our crown 
 " and loss and disturbance of our whole kingdom." 
 
 The document then goes on to direct in a very general manner the punishment of 
 insurgents. The pith was no doubt in the disclaimer. 
 
 In the seventh year of his reign Richard sent another commission to raise a 
 subsidy in Bath.i 
 
 We now pass on to the twelfth year of the King's reign, and once more preface our 
 mention of an extant document with a quotation from Walsingham •? 
 
 "The King suddenly entered the' Council Chamber, and seating himself, 
 " required to know what was his age. The reply was that he had already passed 
 " his 2oth year. 'Therefore,' said he, 'I am of full age to manage my home and 
 " family, and my kingdom also, and it seems to me unjust that I am made of 
 " a lower estate with reference to my kingdom. . . , Now know that for too 
 " long a time have I been governed by tutors . . . and as an heir of full age I 
 " will call whom I will into my Council, and will manage my own affairs.' " 
 
 He then made the Chancellor resign his seal, and entered upon the personal 
 government of the nation. 
 
 Now for our record. We have a precept, bearing the date of this year,* which 
 shows that the King was bent upon searching out the true position of the various 
 trading and other guilds and companies, which already showed signs of the future 
 power they were to attain to. 
 
 We extract a portion. The King orders : 
 
 " That all masters and supervisors of mysteries and arts of every descrip- 
 " tion who have any charters or letters patent granted by the King or his 
 " progenitors in any manner affecting such mysteries and arts shall bring them 
 " in before the octave of St. Hilary. 
 
 " Also that all masters and wardens of guilds and fraternities shall certify 
 " in Chancery at the feast of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin of the 
 " manner and form and authority of the foundation and continuance of such 
 "guilds and fraternities, of the manner and form and authority of religious 
 " congregations communities and gatherings of brethren and sisters and of all 
 " others of guilds and fraternities of this sort and of the liberties privileges 
 "statutes ordinances uses and customs of the same guilds and fraternities and 
 " of all lands tenements rents and possessions whether in mortmain or out of 
 "mortmain and of all goods and chattels belonging to such guilds and 
 " fraternities." 
 
 Whether legislation would have followed we can but conjecture, but the Wars of the 
 Roses put back all domestic progress in England for many generations. 
 
 We just notice in passing letters patent,* dated 28th November, in the twentieth 
 year of Richard II., being the exemplification of the record of the acquittal of Richard 
 Godelegh, Henry Goldsmith, and others, who had been tried for felony in Bath. The 
 letters were probably sent to the Mayor of Bath to be preserved as a public record. The 
 
 ' No. 25 in Appendix A. ° Camden's edition, p. 337. > No. 26 in Appendix A. 
 
 * No. 27 in Appendix A, where some interesting particulars are set out. 
 
other records of this reigtj are an acknowledgment of;^2o, borrowed by the King from a loan to 
 the city of Bath in the twenty-first year of his reign,i and a commission to John Hull,' the King. 
 Thomas Plomer (Mayor of Bath), and others, to deliver the city gaol.* 
 
 We must not pass from this reign without mentioning some documents relating to 
 the internal affairs of the city. Although the ownership of the city was in the Bishop, 
 some property belonged to the municipality from a very early date. We have counterpart 
 leases of corporate property, dated in the thirteenth Edward II., the twenty-third and 
 forty-fifth Edward III., sixteenth Richard II., and fifteenth Edward IV. All the houses 
 mentioned in these are in Stalls Street, except one, which is in Walcot Street. All of 
 them are leases for lives, and are made to the lessees and their wives, and in some cases 
 to a son or daughter also. One of the leases is of the property out of which Benedik 
 de Stoke had made his charitable rents-charge to issue. It is mentioned that this pro- 
 perty had been given to the Corporation by the " gift and bequest of John Freoman."* 
 
 It is important to note that the lease of Edward IV. 's reign mentions aldermen and 
 procurators as well as a mayor. The procurators were probably the bailiffs.* 
 
 In 1399 Richard was deposed, and Henry of Bolingbroke was crowned as Henry IV. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE CHARTERS OF HENRY BOLINGBROKE, HENRY OF MONMOUTH, AND HENRY OF 
 WINDSOR : AND HEREIN OF THE WOOL TRADE. 
 
 N 
 
 the i2th March, 1400, the dead body of Richard, who had been Confir, 
 
 murdered in Pontefract Castle, was shown publicly in St. Paul's, and Hon of 
 on the 25th of the same month the charter, which he had granted to charters by 
 Bath, was confirmed by Henry. The charter* is not in duplicate. A kt^""y^f^-> 
 of jCy is mentioned to be paid into the Hanaper. 
 
 The next document we have to notice is a charter of Inspextmus 
 by Henry V., son of the last-named King. In October 1414, the young King, being 
 determined to claim the French crown, obtained a grant from Parliament of two-tenths 
 and two-fifteenths, and raised money also by pawning the Crown jewels and other 
 means. At this juncture it need not surprise us to find that the citizens of Bath 
 obtained a renewal of their privileges. The charter ' is dated from Westminster on the 
 
 1 No. 28 in Appendix A. ^ No. 29 in Appendix A. 
 
 ' It is to be noted that in this last document the mayor is named second. John Hull was probably 
 one of the Justices of Assize. ' ' 
 
 *The statute of mortmain cannot have been very strictly observed. It may be convenient to 
 record the names of the mayors: 1320, John Cole; 1349, William Cubbel ; 1372, Robert Wattes; 
 1393. William Rous ; 1476, Robert Rogers. 
 
 ' In the very interesting accounts of the church of St. Michael extra muros, which commence, 
 from 1349, the churchwardens are called Procuratores. The accounts, transcribed and annotated by the 
 late Canon Pearson, are set out in the " Proceedings of the Somerset Archaeological Society, 1877, 
 1878, and 1879." 
 
 « No. 30 in Appendix A. ' No. 31 w Appendix A. 
 
and hy 24th November, second Henry V., and the original is in the muniment-room. The 
 Henry V. payment into the Hanaper '\% £,\o. 
 
 In the full flush of victory, with his foot on the step of the tottering throne of France, 
 
 with his hand stretched forth to grasp its crown, Henry V., the hero of Agincourt, sank 
 
 under an insidious disease, leaving a child of nine months to inherit his honours and 
 
 battle with his enemies. The Duke of Bedford was appointed " Protector," and during 
 
 his absence in France the Duke of Gloucester. A Parliament was at once held, and various 
 
 Acts were passed to facilitate the carrying on of the business of the country. It would 
 
 appear that amongst other provisions was one authorizing the renewal of municipal 
 
 charters, but it is not published amongst the statutes of the realm. 
 
 The explanation is interesting. 
 
 Regency The Lords claimed a sole and exclusive right of acting in the name of the King, of 
 
 mi^^rity ^/^PPoi'^ting a Council of Regency, and of exercising the Royal prerogative. The actual 
 
 Hettry VI. '^^^^ °*^ *^^ session was apparently proceeded with in the ordinary way, but, at its close, 
 
 ' the judges were ordered by the Council to separate those Acts which related to the coni 
 
 stitution of the Council and the administration of the prerogative from those relating to 
 
 ordinary national business, and the latter only were promulgated. ^ 
 
 In 1429, Henry, then in his eighth year, was crowned at Westminster, and in the 
 next year at Rheims, as King of France. But the Exchequer was in so bankrupt a con- 
 ditiori that the journey to France had had to be delayed until the necessary funds could 
 be raised, and after the ceremony the war languished for want of means. 
 Confirma- It was during this period of impecuniosity that Bath obtained its renewal charter,' 
 
 *^f . which is dated from Westminster, June 1st, 10 Henry VI. The sum paid is not 
 'ffm^^Vl. mentioned. The heading of the charter refers to the authority given by the Parlkment 
 ' on the demise of Henry V, 
 Jt runs as follows ; 
 
 " We these charters etc. with the advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual 
 " and Temporal in our Parliament held at Westminster in the first year of our 
 " reign accept approve and confirm." 
 
 It will be noted that the Commons are not mentioned. The charter has evidently 
 been prepared for illumination, but the work has not been carried out 
 
 In 1445, Henry married the celebrated Margaret of Anjou, the daughter of that 
 musical pauper with many proud titles. King Rene,* hoping thereby to make a favourable 
 arrangement with France, of whose King the bride was a near relation. The scheme 
 failed, and loud were the murmurs of the people, then, as now, keenly sensitive on the 
 subject of military glory, when it was found that as the price of the marriage, Anjou and 
 Maine, the keys of Normandy, were to be surrendered. The Duke of Gloucester had 
 been the active spirit in the administration, and he had been particularly keen in dis- 
 covering and punishing offences in the provinces. He died in 1447, having been in 
 partial disgrace for some time previously. It may be conjectured that Bath had fallen 
 under his displeasure, and that he had laid charges against the city. However this may 
 have been, a pardon was granted on the isth October, 25 Henry TL* 
 A general The offences dealt with are, (i) breach of the statutes relating to cloth and other 
 
 pardon. wool fabrics; (2) general offences, including capital crimes, but excluding treason against 
 the King ; (3) seizure of the goods of felons, and offences against the forest laws ; (4) the 
 non-payment of fines on alienation and licenses in mortmain payable to the King or his 
 predecessors, previously to the 9th April last past ; (5) the receipt of thirds or thirds of 
 thirds of the ransom of captives taken in war before the same date ; (6) offences against 
 
 ' Lingard, 4th edition, v. 58. " No. 32 in Appendix A. 
 
 * See the amusing sketch of this troubadour King in Sir Walter Scott's "Anne of Geierstein." 
 
 * No, 33 in Appendix A, 
 
— _— — _— _^_^^^^^__^_^____^^_^^_— ^— ^^^^— — — — ^^^^— ^— — — — ^ 
 
 the statutes forbidding^ the publication of apostolic letters and bulls; (7) the non-payment 
 of fee-farm and other rents, escuage, fines, reliefs, and other payments due to the King 
 before the ist September in the twentieth year of the King's reign. 
 
 The pardon is not to apply to Eleanor Cobeham, daughter of Reginald Cobeham, 
 Knight; John Bolton of Bolton, in the county of Lancaster, Bladsmyth ; William Wyghalt, 
 late keeper of the gaol at Nottingham ; nor to the murder of Christopher Talbot, Knight ; 
 nor to wool sent beyond the kingdom against the statute 18 Henry VI, 
 Certain accounting officials are also excluded in general terms. 
 Bath was a very considerable centre of the West of England woollen' trade, and a 
 weaver's shuttle forming part of the arms of the priory denoted the importance attached 
 by the monks to the manufacture. The church of St. Michael exfra muros possessed 
 some large brass pots used for dyeing cloth, which the churchwardens used to lend out on 
 hire.* 
 
 The mill known as Monks' Mill was a fulling mill, and there were a great number 
 of looms in the city. The most curious attempts have been made by the Legislature to '^^^ '"'ool 
 benefit the wool trade, and to make that trade benefit the kingdom. Not only were the ^^'^P^^' 
 prices and breadths of the diflerent cloths prescribed, but the importation of cloth and 
 the exportation of wool or wool felts were alike forbidden ; and, even down to the reign 
 of Charles II., death was the assigned punishment for breach of the law. 
 
 With reference primarily to the wool trade, but for the aid of commerce in the other 
 staple industries- of leather, lead, tin, etc., also, the Plantagenet Kings did not hesitate to 
 abrogate their whole system of common law, and to substitute the " law merchant,'' 
 which was to a great extent based on the Roman civil law. In certain specified towns, 
 including Bristol, was established the " Staple." The Mayor and other officers of the 
 staple registered and supervised contracts, decided disputes, and received recognisances 
 from one merchant to another. Later on the " law merchant " became incorporated with 
 the common law. 
 
 In the 26th year of the same reign a further charter was obtained, which requires 
 a word or two of introduction. We have seen that the City of Bath was granted to the 
 Bishop of Bath and Wells, and the continued ownership of the Bishop is proved by 
 the grants of fairs and markets to him in the reigns of the three Edwards. 
 
 We have no conveyance extant from the Bishop to the citizens, although the rights 
 of the Bishop did somehow or another vest in them. In the charter now under con- 
 sideration there is a sort of clue to the transaction. It recites the charge which " the 
 citizens were at, of the fee-farm* they paid to the Bishop." Now the seignorial rights of 
 the Crown and of the grantees of the Crown in towns, had lapsed into the receipt of 
 an unvarying annual rent, and probably custom cut down the rights of the Bishop to 
 this limited payment, and gave to the citizens the practical enjoyment of all the 
 franchises- nominally vested in the Bishop. There may have been, therefore, no formal 
 grant at all, although there must have been some particular period when the Bishop 
 admitted the title of the citizens ; for grants to the Bishop are found, as we have seen, in 
 the custody of the citizens. 
 
 ^ The statute 38 Edward III. was passed to prevent English benefices being sought to be obtained 
 by Papal influence. 
 
 ' We fear.from a recital in the statute 13 Richard II.,c. 1 1, that the West-Country wool had not always 
 a good name : " Forasmuch as divers plain cloths that be wrought in the counties of Somerset, Dorset, 
 Bristol and Gloucester, be tacked and folded together and sent to sale, of the which cloths a great part 
 be broken, broused, and not agreeing in the colour, neither be according in breadth nor in no manner 
 to the part of the same cloths shown outwards ... to the great slander of the realm of England," etc. 
 
 ' These seem to have been bequeathed to the church. There was at this period very little personal 
 'estate, except of the nature of specific chattels, and as land could not under the statute of mortmain be 
 given to charitable purposes, wills abound with all sorts of quaint specific bequests. See some instances 
 in the will No. 64 in Appendix A. 
 
 * The fee-farm payable at this time to the Bishop was apparently larger than the very moderate 
 rents afterwards payable to the Crown, 
 
 •> 4—2 
 
28 
 
 W-flVi ^j^uttitipal ^BC0x:!tr» ttf ^aift. 
 
 Further 
 charter by 
 Henry VI, 
 
 In the reign of Elizabeth, when the municipal accounts commence, we do not 
 find any rent payable to the Bishop, but we do find some Crown rents. 
 
 The charter^ dated from Westminster, on the 26th November, 26 Henry VI., 
 concedes the following privileges : 
 
 1. The mayor shall be " Gustos Pacis," and shall inquire of felonies and other 
 offences. 
 
 2. The citizens shall not be called on to answer at County Sessions for things 
 arising in the city, and no other justices shall intrude themselves into the 
 city. 
 
 3. The mayor shall have the assize of bread, wine, beer, and of all other kitjds 
 of victuals, and correction of weights and measures, and the King's clerk 
 of the market is not to enter. 
 
 4. The mayor and procurators to hold pleas of personal actions, as well 
 trespasses against the King as betweeij subjects. 
 
 5. The concessions are not, however, to prejudice the Bishop.^ 
 
 Assize of 
 bread and 
 ale. 
 
 The mention of the assize of bread raises an interesting question. Communica- 
 tion between different agricultural centres was so difficult and slow that farmers 
 hesitated to sell their goods, and a remedy was sought in a periodical public statement 
 of the prices which were to rule. This system dates from the reign of Henry III., and 
 the convenience of having the right of fixing the prices vested in the local authority 
 must have been very great.* At first blush it may not seem very material whether the 
 accuracy of weights and measures is tested by the central authority or by a local 
 official. The clerk of the market of the King's household had this duty throughout 
 England j but, as usual, he abused his trust, and extorted money for doing his 
 office. 
 
 Jack Cade's rebellion was one which just escaped being a formidable historical 
 
 fact It failed ; and Henry was free in giving pardons to all who had been concerned 
 
 in it. 
 
 A general /^ pardon, under the Great Seal, was granted to Bath, which is still amongst our 
 
 fardonby archives (12 June, 30 Henry VI.).* It is in terms very similar to the one already 
 
 Henry VI, cited, but excludes from its operation the murderers of Adam, Bishop of Chichester, 
 
 and William, Bishop of Salisbury, and their aiders and abettors.* 
 
 1 No. 34 in Appendix A. 
 
 ' The seal is said to be affixed " Per ipsum regem et datum prsedicta auctoritate parliament!." 
 
 'By statute 51 Henry III., c. I, the price of bread is to be governed by the certified price of wheat, 
 and brewers are forbidden to charge more for their beer than "according to the rate of sixpence rising in 
 a quarter of malt." The same statute makes regulations as to standard weights and measures. The 
 pillory is to be the punishment for breach, 
 
 * No. 35 in Appendix A. 
 
 » Adam, Bishop of Chichester, was keeper of the Privy Seal and one of the witnesses to the 
 charter just mentioned. He had been sent abroad by the King to give possession of Maine and Anjou, 
 and became very unpojpular in consequence. In 1449 Rouen was taken by the French, and rather as a 
 concession to popular feeling than with any serious intention of defence, an expedition was sent off from 
 Portsmouth. The Bishop was sent down with funds, but was recognised and killed by the mob. 
 
 The Bishop of Salisbury was, during Cade's rebellion, seized just as he had celebrated mass, and 
 slain on a little eminence overlooking Eddington (1450), 
 
^bhrartr IV. to ^I|tKjr anir ^i^arg. 29 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 EDWARD IV. TO PHILIP AND MARY; AND HEREIN OF THE OWNERSHIP OF THE 
 
 HOT SPRINGS. 
 
 T this tjme the Wars of the White and Red Rose were commencing, 
 and on the very day of the coronation of Edward Duke of York as 
 Edward IV., Henry died. But the party of Lancaster was not subdued ; 
 and during many succeeding years, civil war desolated English fields and 
 homesteads, and drained away the best and noblest blood of English- 
 men in that most unsatisfactory of all differences, a dynastic war. 
 
 Edward, by charter, dated from Westminster on the i6th November, in the 6th Confirma- 
 year of his reign, renewed the privileges granted by the charter of ist June, lo Hon of 
 Henry VI. ; but his charter of Inspeximus makes no reference to those conferred by '^'^''''"• 
 that of 26th November, 26 Henry VI.i The sum paid -appears to have been ten marks 
 into the Hanaper. 
 
 The charter has been prepared for illumination, but has not been completed. 
 
 The reigns of Edward V. and Richard 111. passed away without any charters 
 having been granted to Bath. 
 
 In the reign of Henry VII., we have only a commission of subsidy, dated the 
 22nd February, in his 7th year.* 
 
 We now pass to the period of the Reformation, 
 
 There is only one charter of Henry VIII. to be found in our muniment-room. It 
 is dated from Westminster, 27 June, 36 Henry VIII.* 
 
 This is a grant to the Mayor and citizens of Bath of a yearly fair within the city. Grant of a 
 to be held on the ist February, and the six following days, together with a Court oif<^irby 
 Piepoudre and all purprestures, tolls, etc., to such fairs belonging.* It was called ^/^Y 
 orange fair. 
 
 The border of this charter contains some quaint and well-executed devices in pen 
 and ink. 
 
 It would not be easy to over-estimate the violence of the convulsion which the 
 Reformation wrought in England : the changes effected were not only great in them- 
 selves, but far-reaching in their results ; and they affected the political and social only 
 less than the religious state of the country. 
 
 At this critical time a weak man held the important post of Prior of Bath — Subser- 
 William Gibbes, or Holwaye. He was not of the stuff of which martyrs were made, and ■viencv of 
 in 1534 took the oath of supremacy. He did his best to curry favour : the advowsons, or, f""" "'"^ 
 in some cases, the next presentations, of the Hospital of St. John the Baptist,* of Long 
 Ashton, Corston, Walcot, Stanton Prior, Kilverton, Cary, Southstoke, Usk, Batheaston, 
 
 ' No. 36 in Appendix A, ^ No. 37 in Appendix A. 
 
 ' No. 38 in Appendix A. It is stated to be given " per breve de private sigillo et de data praedicta 
 auctoritate parliament!." 
 
 * This fair was held down to 1851, when it was suppressed, to the great indignation of the juvenile 
 members of the community. 
 
 ^ See the grants set out in Warner, Appendices 54 to 70. It is but fair to say that Holwaye spent 
 a considerable sum in rebuilding the Abbey church, and lome of the grants may have been with the 
 object of raising money for this purpose. 
 
Englishcombe, Stalls, and Weston, were granted within a few years ; a- pension was 
 granted to Lord Cromwell, and corodies, or allowances of daily victuals, were also 
 granted. In 1539 the possessions of the priory were surrendered to the King, and 
 Holwaye received a reward for his subserviency in a pension of £,^0, a house and 
 garden in the parish of St. James, and the perquisites from the baths. It is pitiable 
 to think of a man once honoured as was Holwaye receiving such a pension from 
 such a king, and taking the emoluments of hot baths, then only frequented by a few 
 tennis-players. 
 
 Henry granted to Humphrey CoUes the precinct of the late monastery, the Ham 
 mead, the Ambury meads, and all the monastic property in Lyncombe, Widcombe, 
 HoUoway, and Walcot^^ 
 
 We are of course only here concerned with this great wave in so far as it affected 
 the social condition of the city as mirrored in the records of the municipality. 
 
 Henry VIII. was a mere spoiler. Churches which, if religious feeling had died 
 out of the land, ought to have been preserved as gems of architecture adorning its 
 surface, and to have been reverenced as the depositories of the bones of the great dead, 
 were abandoned to those who viewed them as mere quanies of hewn stone. Abbeys 
 and priories were ransacked for treasure, and noble buildings were reduced in a few 
 days by disappointed searchers into masses of shapeless ruins. As in the material, so 
 in the moral order. In every monastery was a free-school, and a provision for the 
 relief of the poor. Opinions may differ as to monasteries and their advantages, but 
 there can be no difference of opinion as to the harm the country sustained by vast 
 wealth, which was in part, at all events, devoted to the public good, being granted off 
 to royal sycophants who knew of no liberality but in the indulgence of their passion 
 for luxury and display.^ 
 
 The advisers of Edward VI. saw clearly that unless some attempt was made to 
 
 build up what Henry had thrown down, the country must rush to unutterable ruin.' 
 
 The attempt can be traced at Bath, as well as in many other towns. 
 
 p^gg By a deed, dated the loth July, in the 6th year of Edward VI.,* that King granted 
 
 grammar to the citizens " all and singular his messuages, etc., situate as well within the city of 
 
 school Bath as the suburbs thereof, being formerly parcel of the lands of the late dissolved 
 
 f^^^ ^y Priory of Bath," in trust for the maintenance of a free-school and some almshouses, 
 
 known in the city records as " the Black Alms," "the Bimberries," and " St. Catherine's 
 
 Hospital." The King reserved to himself a head-rent of ;^io. 
 
 * Prior Park, the country residence of the Prior, is expressly mentioned in the grant. Our reference 
 is taken from an official extract from the records of the Augmentation Office amongst the deeds of Prior 
 Park College. 
 
 ''The latter part of this sentence is of general rather than local application. 
 
 8 There are a few early statutes as to the poor, but they are not of a character to give us to under- 
 stand that the question had been a burning one. After the dissolution of the monasteries legislation 
 became fast and furious. The statute I Edward VI., c, 3, is very instructive. It makes the following 
 provisions : (l) Men not working for three days and not offering to work for mere meat and drink, or 
 leaving work, to be branded with a hot iron on the breast with the letter V, and to be assigned as a slave 
 for two years. (2) The person to whom the slave is assigned may give him bread and water or small 
 drink, and such refuse-meat as he may think proper, and cause him to work (how vile soever it be) by 
 beating, chaining, and otherwise. (3) If the slave runs away he is to be branded on the forehead or the 
 ball of the cheek with a hot iron with the sign of S, and is to be assigned as a slave for ever.^ After a 
 few r 
 
 every ; 
 
 (according to such talent as God had given him) a godly and briet exnoriation to nis parisnioners, muviug 
 and exciting them to remember the poor people and the duty of Christian charity in relieving of them 
 which be their brothers in Christ, born in the same parish and needing their help." Let it be said, to 
 the credit of Englishmen, that they refused to give effect to this wicked statute, and a few years after- 
 wards it was for this assigned reason repealed. 
 
 ♦This deed is now in the custody of the Governors of King Edward s School. 
 
^l^bhtarh IV, iv ;]i>^tKp antr ^^am- 31 
 
 The hospital itself was in Birabury Lane, and was built during the reign of 
 Queen Mary. 
 
 It is not a little remarkable that in a city, of which the origin and the prosperity 
 are alike dependent on the possession of hot springs of healing waters, a doubt should 
 exist as to how these became vested in the Municipality, and our astonishment is 
 increased when we reflect that no serious attempt has been made to solve it. 
 
 It is admitted on all hands that, down to the dissolution, the springs were vested 
 in the prior and monks, and that they were under obligation to maintain the " King's 
 Bath " in such a state of decency as might befit royalty. 
 
 The baths were partly within and partly without the precinct of the monastery, 
 and the King's Bath and the springs were wholly without Leland expressly tells us 
 that from the King's Bath " goeth a sluise, and servid in tymes past with water derivid 
 out of it 2 places in Bath priorie used for bathers els void for in them be no 
 springes. "1 
 
 Let us first dispose of the baths within the precinct. These, with a derivative 
 supply of hot water, passed to Humphrey Colles under the grant of Henry VIII., and 
 the right to water was purchased by the Corporation in 1878. 
 
 The King's Bath and the other baths beyond the precinct, the Cross Bath and 
 ''hot bath," and the springs, were with the other monastic property vested in the 
 Crown. These did not pass to Humphrey Colles, being neither named nor situate in 
 any of the parishes comprised in the general description. Wood^ tells us that William 
 Holwaye, the late Prior, received the emoluments until his death, and ^hat then the 
 Corporation became lessees. 
 
 In the sixth year of his reign, Edward VI. granted to the citizens as an endowment 
 for the Free Grammar School and Black Alms Charity, all the property in Bath part of 
 the possessions of the late Priory then vested in the Crown, It admits of no reason- 
 able doubt that this grant then passed the baths to the Corporation in a fiduciary 
 capacity. The only escape from this is in the supposition that some oth^r grant had 
 been made, but there is evidence that such was not the case. 
 
 On the death of Holwaye the house which had been assigned to him reverted to 
 the Crown. He died in the lifetime of Henry VIII., and Edward VI., in the first 
 year of his reign, granted a lease^ of the house he had occupied to Eichard 
 Erampton for twenty-one years, at a rent of 20s. 
 
 The emoluments of the baths had dwindled to a small sum, and it was not 
 an unnatural idea that the perquisites, such as they were, might be regarded under the 
 special circumstances as appurtenant to the house which Holwaye had occupied. In 
 1562 Dr. Turner wrote a treatise* upon the mineral waters of Europe, amongst which 
 he assigns a high place to those of Bath ; and this publication began to excite public 
 attention to the great treasure which had been allowed to fall into disrepute. 
 
 The words of Dr. Turner are certainly calculated to startle apathy into action. 
 
 "There is money enough spet u^o cockfightinges, tenesplayes, parkes, 
 *' bankettings, pageantes and playes serving only for a short tyme ye pleasure oft 
 " tymes but of privat persones which have no nede of them. But I have not heard 
 " tell that any riche man hath spente upon these noble bathes beynge so profitable for 
 " the hole comanwelth of Englande one grote these twintye years." 
 
 ^Leland's " Itinerary,'' vol. ii., p. 238. These baths are mentioned by Wood (Essay on Bath, 
 2nd edit.), vol. i., p. 186, to have been built by John de Villula, and to have been called the Abbot's 
 Bath and the Prior's Bath. 
 
 2 Wood, vol. i., p. 198. Wood's statements are not always reliable, but in this instance he is corro- 
 borated. He had access, as he tells us, to the memoirs of the Chapman family, which would certainly 
 be likely to deal correctly with a fact which must have been notorious, 
 
 ' No. 39 in Appendix A. 
 
 * "A Book of the Natures and Properties as well of Bathes in England as of other Bathes in Germany 
 and Italy very necessary for all Sick Persons that cannot be treated without the Helpe of Natural Bathes, 
 gathered by William Turner, Doctor of Physick, 1582." 
 
Not unnaturally the Corporation became alive to the value of the waters, and a 
 dispute arose between them and Humphrey Cotton (an assignee of Frampton) as to 
 their ownership. 
 
 There was also another dispute with Cotton. He had acquired another curious 
 right. We have seen that Bath had been granted to the Bishops of Bath and Wells, 
 but we do not know when the ownership of the Bishops determined. 
 
 From the circumstance of Henry VIH., in the thirty-sixth year of his reign, granting 
 a fair to the Municipality, it would appear that the Bishop was not at that time the owner 
 of the city. From a document to be now mentioned, it seems clear that one Nicholas 
 Kingston had been appointed for life to the office of collector of the " liberties of the 
 Citie of Bathe, and of the rentes of assize and fee farms of the same, and of all 
 other hereditaments there to the late^ Bysshoprycke of Bathe and Welles apperteyning." 
 
 This life office Nicholas Kingston assigned to Humphrey Cotton. 
 
 If the Bishop's interest in the city had been transferred to the Municipality, it 
 would obviously be inconvenient that a collector appointed by the Bishop should remain 
 in office. 
 
 This gave rise then to another difference with the Corporation, and we have in the 
 muniment-room a bond^ by which both parties engage to abide by the arbitrament of 
 Sir John Sydenham, John Wadham, and the Humphrey Colles already mentioned. 
 
 These gentlemen made their award^ on the 28th January, 1554,* and adjudged : 
 
 1. ' That the saide Humfrey Gotten afore the feast of Seynt John the Baptist 
 
 ' by suffycient conveyance in the lawe shall convey vnto John Davyes 
 '[Mayor of Bath] Edward Ludwell Richard Chepirian and other the 
 ' inhabitantes of the said Cytye of Bathe all the ynterest that Nicholas 
 ' Kyngston and the said Humfrey Cotten have in the office of the Bayly- 
 ' wyke and CoUectorship of the Citie of Bathe,' etc., • for the terme of the 
 ' lyef Of the said Nicholas Kingston. 
 
 2. ' That the said Humfrey Cotten before the said feast shall make such con- 
 
 'veyance as the lerned Counsayle of the said John Davys Edward 
 ' Ludwell Richarde Chepman and other thenhabytauntes of the said 
 'Citye shall advyse of all his estate in one Cotage or burgage and one 
 ' garden adioynyng withe thapptennces in the said Citie called the Pryors 
 ' house and also of and in one howse or mesuage with thapptennces in 
 ' the said Cytie of Bathe callyd the Harte withe twoo meadows con- 
 ' teynyng twoo acres and also of and in the baynes otherwyse callyd the 
 ' bathes of the said cytie of Bathe.' 
 
 3. The payment to Humphrey Cotton of the ' some of fower score and 
 
 tenne poundes ' by certain instalments. 
 
 The Crown leases to Frampton and Cotton were apparently given up to the 
 Corporation, but no trace exists of the conveyances directed to be made. 
 
 'The meaning is no doubt "late to the Bishopric, etc., belonging." 
 
 * No. 66 in Appendix A. The condition of the bond is to obey the award of the arbitrators upon 
 "all manr- of causes controuses stryfes and debates nowe depindynge and beinge in varyance betwyne 
 the said pties from the bigynnynge of the worlde unto the daye of makynge herof as further it dothe 
 appeere moer plaenely in certen Inslruccions directed from the kynge and quenes most honorable 
 Councell unto the said Sr. John Sydenhm John Wadhm and Humfry Colles except only one Article 
 amongest other of the said Instruccions consnvnee the Right tytle and interest of the Baynes of the 
 said Cytie of Bathe and the Fee of vj /i and xxd. 
 
 ' No. 67 in Appendix A. 
 
 * The style of the Sovereigns is most elaborate : " Thilipp and Mary, by the grace of God, Kinge 
 and Quene of England, France, Naples, Jerusalem and Ireland, defenders of the faythe, Princes of 
 Spayne and Cecilly, Archduke of Austriche, Duke of Mylleyn, Burgundy and Brabant, and Fries of 
 Haspurge, Flaunders and Tyroll." 
 
;^bhrarir IV. fx» ^i^xlh^ attltr ^lUM- 33 
 
 The property mentioned in the award as the Prior's house was afterwards admitted 
 to be subject to the charitable trusts of the charter of 6 Edward VI. 
 
 The conclusion seems irresistible that, as the baths vested in the Crown, and, save T^e title to 
 by a lease, were ungranted in 6 Edward VI., they passed to the Corporation under the t^^ Hot 
 charter of that year. It is, at first sight, therefore, somewhat puzzling to find Wood^ pnngs. 
 and Warner^ boldly stating that the baths, were vested in the Corporation by the charter 
 of 32 Elizabeth to be pVesently mentioned. This charter neither grants nor purports 
 to grant anything not already belonging to the Corporation ; it is simply confirmatory. 
 There was, it is true, another grant made by Elizabeth in the twenty-seventh year of her 
 reign, of the existence of which both authors seem to have been unaware ; but it 
 comprises only fifty-six houses, all fully identified, and contains no general description. 
 
 How then does the error arise ? The explanation is but too obvious. The only 
 title the Corporation had to the springs or. baths was as trustees under Edward's charter 
 for the Grammar School and Black Alms charity. In Wood's time and Warner's the 
 subject of the dealings by the Corporation with the charity property was exciting much 
 scrutiny, and the Council, keenly alive to the danger, and allowing no one to have 
 access to their records, gave out that the baths had been granted by Elizabeth to the 
 city. 
 
 The actual beneficial title of the Corporation commenced with the compromise 
 made with the Charity Trustees several centuries later. 
 
 The present is a convenient place in which to mention the utilization of the hot The works 
 springs down to the end of the reign of Elizabeth. executed 
 
 There were at the date of the dissolution of the Priory three baths beyond the f^^"^"- 
 precinct of the monastery — the King's Bath, the Cross Bath, and the Hot Bath. 
 
 The Cross Bath had apparently fallen out of use, whilst the Hot Bath was used only 
 by lepers. 
 
 Mr. Bellott, the steward of the household of Queen Elizabeth, built the bath now 
 known as the Queen's Bath, by the side of the King's Bath, on a piece of land 
 acquired from the owners of the Priory property. This obtained its present name in 
 1615, from the preference given to it by Anne of Denmark, wife of James I. ; until 
 that date it was known as the New Bath, and was devoted to the use of the poor. 
 
 The Cross Bath came into notice again during this reign, and was preferred by some 
 fashionable bathers in consequence of a real or supposed difference in the chemical 
 constituents of the spring which supplied it ; and about the same time the bath origin- 
 ally known as the Leper's Bath, afterwards variously as the Hot, Common, or Long 
 Bath, was, as Wood expresses it, " rescued from the common people." 
 
 Even assuming that the " New Bath " was still available for the ordinary poor, 
 no bath would be left for the accommodation of the lazars or lepers, a class at this 
 time numerous. 
 
 A new Leper's Bath was built on the west side of the Hot Bath. It was a very 
 small one, 10 feet from north to south, 8 feet from east to west. The exact date 
 of its origin we have not been able to trace, but the Chamberlain's accounts preserve 
 an interesting record of the little hospital built for the poor who frequented it. 
 
 At the time of the Reformation, John Feckenham was one of the community oi Abbot 
 the monastery of Evesham. He was a man staunch to his^ principles, and, unlike fe<:ketiham 
 Prior Holwaye of Bath, refused to take the oath of supremacy. He suffered imprison- "^lazars' 
 ment in the Tower in the reigns of Henry VIII. and Edward VI., but immediately BospUal. 
 after the coronation of Mary, was made Queen's Chaplain and Dean of St. Paul's. 
 Secular Canons had been put in possession of Westminster Abbey, but in November, 
 1556, the Benedictine monks were restored, and Feckenham was appointed Abbot. 
 
 On Mary's death, Feckenham preached her funeral sermon. The Abbot had done 
 
 » Vol. i,, p. 203. 2 P. 320, 
 
many acts of kindness to Elizabeth in her troubles, and she endeavoured, on coming 
 
 to the throne, to win him to the new religion; and on his refusal to conform, kept 
 
 him under durance for twenty-three years, besides three times subjecting him to torture. 
 
 His imprisonment was at first in the Tower; then he was placed under Horn, 
 
 Bishop of Winchester, was again taken to the Tower, and afterwards to the Marshalsea. 
 
 For a time he was allowed out on parol, and resided for some time in Holborn, and 
 
 afterwards in Bath. 
 
 The Whilst here he interested himself in providing accommodation for the sick poor 
 
 Lazars' who flocked to the healing waters. In 1576, the Chamberlain thus takes credit for a 
 
 Bath, payment : 
 
 " Delyuered to Mr. Fekewand, late Abbot of Westmr., Three Tonnes of 
 " Tymber and x foote to builde the howse for the poore by the whote bathe, 
 
 c 
 
 " xxxiijj. iiij^. To hym more iiii. of lathes at x^. the <r., iij^. m}d." 
 
 The learned Abbot was again imprisoned, and died in the unhealthy dungeon of 
 Wisbech Castle, in 1585. 
 
 The house built is described by Wood^ as a building 8 feet 6 inches in front to 
 the east on the ground-floor, 14 feet in front above, and 13 feet in depth, furnished 
 with seven beds, and at the corner of Nowhere Lane, just opposite the Hot Bath. 
 
 No such house is now in existence, but we have the means of tracing it 
 
 The Hospital of St. Mary Magdalen, at Holloway, was founded, it is said, previously 
 to the reign of William the Conqueror, for the relief of lazars visiting Bath for the sake 
 of the waters, and for idiots. The hospital was, and still is, on the hill bearing its name, 
 at a distance from the bath too great to allow the convenient access of patients. 
 
 Abbot Feckenham would not unnaturally put the little hospital he built under the 
 care of this charity. In the evidence given before the Charity Commissioners in 1820, 
 it is stated by Mr. Harry Salmon : " I remember Mr. John Palmer, then the surveyor 
 and agent for the Commissioners appointed by some Act of Parliament for improving 
 the streets and ways in the City of Bath, did (without any notice to or permission from 
 the said hospital) pull down an old ruinous tenement or dwelling-house at the Cross 
 Bath, in the City of Bath, in the year 1804, and that the Master of the said hospital 
 then received the sum of ;^2oo as compensation for the same." The house pulled down 
 under the circumstances here detailed was probably that built by Abbot Feckenham.^ 
 
 The site of the small Lazars' Bath was utilized by Wood, when he built the Royal 
 Baths, as an underground tank. 
 IheKing's We now return to the King's Bath. Wood^ tells us that down to as late a date as 
 Bath. j6_^5 "dogs, cats, pigs, and even human creatures, were hurled over the rails into the 
 water whilst people were bathing in it." 
 
 It is not pleasant to imagine people drinking the waters in which they and others 
 are bathing, and when we reflect on the added impurities mentioned by Wood, and on 
 the circumstance that there was absolutely no means of drawing off the water and 
 
 ^ Vol. ii., p. 306. For the information as to Feckenham we are indebted to the " Chronicle of 
 English Benedictine Monks," written by Weldon, 1709, re-edited with valuable notes, 1881. The 
 funeral sermon is among the Cotton MSS. in the British Museum. He wrote also a medical work 
 thus headed, " This booke of sovereigne medicines against the most common and knowne diseases 
 both of men and women was, by good proofe and longe experience, collected by Mr. Doctor Ficknam, 
 late Abbot of Westminster, and that chieflie for the poore which hath not att all tymes the learned 
 phisitions att hande." 
 
 ' See Report of Commissioners for Somerset. 
 
 'Vol. i., p. 217, 
 
^bhjarir IV. to ^l^tlip antr ^E^atK- 35 
 
 cleaning the bath, we can only shudder ; yet patients did drink this nauseous filth,^ 
 and probably associated the nastiness with the curative effects. The Corporation made 
 an attempt to remedy this. 
 
 In the year 1578 the City Chamberlain thus concludes his account : 
 
 " The sayde accomptant prayeth to be allowed of xvii//. xvs., wch he layde 
 •' owte towardes makyng of a slowsse to drawe the Kynge's bathe, and for the 
 " kundyte sette in the same bathe." 
 
 The first part of the entry speaks for itself. The " kundyte," or conduit, is thus 
 explained by Dr. Peirce :^ 
 
 " It was a pyramidical stone, hollow in the middle, placed over one of the 
 "largest springs in the King's Bath. . . . The top stone had a mortice proportionate 
 " to the tennon of the pyramidical stone, which went in and held so close, that 
 " none of the extraneous water could get into its hollow, and the strength of the 
 " spring was so great, that it forced itself up through the cavity of the pyra- 
 " midical stone. . ." . The water discharged itself at a copper spout about three 
 " inches above the highest water-mark, and to this spout some set their mouths 
 "and drank, while others put cups and received the water sincere from the 
 " spring." 
 
 The faculty does not seem to have been satisfied even with this ingenious 
 device, and for a long time declined to advise the inward use of the waters. 
 
 The revenue which the baths yielded down to the close of Elizabeth's reign was 
 very inconsiderable. In 1579 the rights of the Chamber were let at;^i los. ; in 1583 
 the King's Bath was let at ^2, and the Hot Bath at j£i. 
 
 The evil practice of permitting private encroachments on public rights was allowed Privafe 
 to commence its growth almost from the date of the acquisition of the baths. The ^."^M '"^' 
 Chamber would not spend the money necessary to make the baths compete with-^^^j^ 
 Continental bathing establishments, and notably those of Bourbon, then much in vogue. Bath. 
 Private persons offered to do the necessary work, and claimed exclusive rights as com- 
 pensation. 
 
 Around the baths grew up private bathing-places connected with various boarding- 
 houses, and supplied with water from the hot springs. 
 
 In 1583 we find two of such establishments connected with the Hot Bath 
 belonging to "Mr. Fowkes" and " Mr. Chambers." 
 
 The very next year a dispute arose, as the following entries in the Chamber- 
 lain's accounts show : 
 
 " 1584. To Phillips, for takinge downe of the pipes in the whot bath for that 
 "was mysplased, and for settynge upp of it againe in the psence of 
 " Sr Willm Pechm, yid. ; payed for Mr. Ayshe [the Recorder] his 
 " horsemeat in Aprill, beinge here about the throwinge downe of the 
 " pype in the whot bathe^ iiijV. ij^." 
 
 The matter seems to have dragged on for some years, thus : 
 
 " 1602. Paid for the Chardges of the sute aboute the hote bathe by Mr. Mayor's 
 " appoyntmt, vj/«. vj. ; paid for Sr William Heires his horsemeate 
 " when he sate in Comission aboute the hote Bathe, iiijf. iiij^." 
 
 The following extracts from the Chamberlain's accounts as to work done at the 
 baths may possibly facilitate future research : 
 
 1 If Sam Weller's visit had been a couple of centuries earlier he would probably have lodged a 
 worse complaint against the mineral waters Ihan that they tasted of " warm flat-irons." 
 
 2 "Bath Memoirs, from 1653 to 1697 " (Bristol, 1697), p. 255. 
 
 S— 2 
 
" 1577. "For the makinge of the porche of the Hotte bathe besides xks. geven 
 " by Mr. Cockes, the some of Ixxiiijj. iiijV. 
 
 " 1593. [Received] of Mr. Chocke that was tobestowe upon the Bathe, xb. 
 
 " Paid for the railes sett about the kings bathe as by the pticulars it doth 
 " appeare, iij//. xvjj. xd ; paid for makinge of the portche at the cross 
 " bathe, beside that was given in monney, \\]li. xiiij^. iij^, 
 
 " 1594. Paid unto Thomas Moore, freemason, for copinge the Crosse Bathe, 
 " xlijj. viij^. 
 
 " IS97. Paid Gardner for settinge right the fountaine in the crosse Bathe, yjj. 
 " viijil 
 
 " 1600. Paid for setting six Ringes in the Kinges Bath, xv]V. 
 
 " Paid Butler for a Stone To be sett on the Bath Dora, \s. ; for Carriage, 
 " ijj. ; paid Mr. Bemone for Cuttinge the Stone, xf. ; paid for drawinge 
 " the vejses Cutt in the Stone, x^. ; paid for settinge upp a hovell to 
 " worke the Stone, xij^. ; more for boards and workmanshipp to 
 " mend the Abby Bath Dore, vij;/. ; for two Crampes of Iron and 
 " Nailes, \]d. ; more for Boardes Nayles and the makinge of a new 
 •" dore at the whott Bath, \s. iid. 
 
 " Paid to Capcatte for the Stone to make the horologe, iiijj. ; paid for a 
 " locke for the Dyall at the Bath, xvj^. ; paid for a Stone for the foote 
 "of the Dyall, vs.; paid for the Carryage, ijj. ; paid Gregorie for 
 " makinge pte of the worke for the foote of the Dyall, iijy.j paid Thomas 
 " Moore for his worke for setting the Dyall and Clensinge the Boy, 
 " iiijj'. vjV. ; paid Spanly for a Boulte for the Dyall and for on bolte 
 " for the Boyes that stand on him, ij.f. ; paid Bemon for payntinge 
 " the Dyall, xv5. ; paid him more for guiltinge the Queene's armes 
 " and horologge and payntinge the Boy, xxvjV. viii^. ; paid Mr. 
 " Heath for Oyle and Cullers, xxj. ; paid Amy for Bordes and Tymber 
 " for the horologge, iij.f. ix^. ; paid him for nayles and gimoUs, xiij;/. ; 
 "paid him more for a box for the Watch ladder bordes for the 
 " payste, and the Hovell to worke in, iijj. ; paid to Thomas Cotterell 
 " for a box for the Watch and for paystinge the Dyall, viijf. ; more 
 "for his worke, xijrf. ; paid for nayles to case him, ix*/. ; paid Skryne 
 " for hoystinge the Dyall aind vnder Stone, xiijj-. ilij^/. 
 
 " 1601. Paid for xij//. of lead to yote in six Ringes at the Kinges Bath, xij/i! ; 
 " for a lynterne to mend the slypp at the new Bath, iiij^f. ; paid for 
 " yotinge in of the Ringes and layinge the lynterne, yi\]d. 
 
 "1602. Paid vnto Willmon of Dinder for the mendinge of St. Johns clock 
 " and the horolidge att the Kinges Bathe, xviijj. mid. 
 
 " Paid for a pane of glasse to sett over the horolidge in the tyle att the 
 " Kinges Bath, and for placing thereof, is. iiijrf. ; paid for a Ringe in 
 " the newe Bath, xd. ; paid for painting of the Queenes armes att the 
 " Kings Bath, iiij//. ; paid for paynting the Fountaine, the lyon, and 
 " the vayne vppon the fountaine, xxj. ; paid to Thomas Cottrell for 
 " the table whereon the Queenes armes Was painted att the King's 
 " Bath, vijV. ; paid for one other table vnto Thomas Cottrell, vijj. ; paid 
 " to Wm Dolton for the vane att the Kinges bath, is, viijrf. ; paid for 
 " iiij crampes for the iiij Corners of the queenes armes att iij</. the 
 "peece, is. ; paid for iiij hokes to hold the table, att ij(/. a peece, 
 "\iiid. I paid vnto the Mason of the bridgend for mendinge the lyon 
 " vppon the topp of the Fountaine in the Kinges Bath, js. iiij(/." 
 
m^^-<M-^^y&iV!» »f ■M^ii^Hth* 37 
 
 We may well be proud, of the bold and far-sighted policy which the Town Council 
 of the present day is pursuing with reference to the great natural treasure possessed by 
 the city. Nothing that engineering skill can devise, or good taste suggest, has been 
 wanting to make the hot springs not only available for use under the most favourable 
 conditions, and with the greatest safety, but also to render the accessories befitting a 
 fashionable health resort. 
 
 The baths are now as essentially an honour to the city as they were at one time a 
 disgrace. 
 
 arrears 
 due to the 
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 THE CHARTERS OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 JE have unavoidably trespassed on the events of the very important reign 
 of Elizabeth. There are some interesting records of this reign in the 
 muniment room. 
 
 In the commencement of the reign the Corporation appeal to the A petition 
 Marquess of Winchester, Lord Treasurer of England, to be their friend touching 
 touching some arrears due to the Queen for the Bailiwick of the city.^ 
 The petition sets forth that the city had entrusted a " supplicacion " to the o«f^» 
 Queen's Auditor in 3 and 4 Philip and Mary, but he had always put the matter off, 
 and so they despaired of ever having it settled without " your honourable Lordship's 
 goodness." 
 
 This petition raises a somewhat complicated question. The " arrears due to the 
 Queen for the Bailiwick of the City " seems clearly to point to a fee-farm rent in arrear. 
 What, then, was the Crown rent payable out of the city ? 
 
 We have seen that in the reign of Edward I. a rent of £,10 had been exacted from 
 the Prior and monks when they were lessees of the city, and although the grant by that 
 King to the Bishop does not mention any rent, it is probable that some rent was, 
 according to the usual custom, paid.' By the year 1447, at all events, the seignorial 
 rights of the Bishop had been commuted into a fee-farm rent, for at that date we have 
 seen^ the amount of the rent cited as a burden to the city. It is probable, from the 
 general custom, from this reference to an onerous fee-farm rent, and from the petition 
 said to have been presented in the reign of Philip and Mary, that there was a heavy 
 rent which had been payable to the Bishop, and had become payable to the Crown. 
 But from the date when the city accounts commence we can find no trace of any ancient 
 rent of large amount. In a bond of the date i and 2 Philip and Mary, already 
 mentioned, "the fee of ;£6 and 20 pence" is referred to, but the figures occur nowhere 
 else. The first account mentioning a rent for the Bailiwick is in 1596, the amount paid 
 being ;^3 ios.'2d. This payment is continued in the three following years, but in 1600 
 it is increased to £,2> los. 2d. We cannot find any authority for the increase. This 
 
 1 No, 68 in Appendix A. ^ Ante, p. 27. 
 
rent of ;^8 los. 2d., and the rent of ;^io reserved by the charter of 6 Edward VI., 
 were for many years paid separately ; but later the two were included in one payment, 
 but of ;^i7 los. instead of Jf 18 los. 2d. To show how hopeless would be any attempt 
 at identification, we may mention that when, in the reign of Charles II., there was a 
 general sale of Crown rents, that of ;£8 los. 2d. is described as having been reserved 
 by the charter of 32 Elizabeth, which reserves no rent at all. The probable explanation, 
 although it does not admit of proof, is that the Bishop paid a rent to the Crown based 
 on an estimate of the value of the city temp. Edward I., and imposed an improved rent 
 on the city of considerable amount ; that in the reign of Henry VIII. the title of the 
 Bishop vested in the Crown, and that, after some negotiation, the Crown agreed to 
 accept from the city the original rent which the Bishop had been wont to pay, the 
 improved rent being allowed to lapse. The fee of j£6 and 20 pence may well have 
 been the original rent. 
 TAe In 1573 Elizabeth was very alert in looking up the internal defences and resources 
 
 militia. of her kingdom, and we have, amongst the muniments, a commission^ of that year 
 relating to the drilling and accoutrement of the "musters'' or militia.^ The commission 
 is not of a character that need detain us, but there is one feature of interest connected 
 with it. The original is, according to the inflexible rule, in Latin; but it no doubt 
 occurred to the officials that now the monks were scattered, there would be no one able 
 to translate that language into the vernacular, and accordingly a summary in English 
 accompanies the original, explaining very pithily what is to be done, and how and 
 when. 
 Appoint- In the following year there is a grant^ from the Crown of a most high-handed 
 
 '"fi"/ ,1 description. The Queen appoints William Swayne to the office of Bailiif, Coroner, 
 market. Escheator, and Clerk of the Market of the City of Bath. The offices of Coroner and 
 Clerk of the Market were by former charters vested in the Mayor, and the office of 
 Bailiff had become by custom elective. 
 
 We do not hear of any opposition raised : indeed, to oppose Elizabeth required 
 
 more than the spirit of a provincial town. 
 
 The In 1574, Elizabeth made a royal progress through the kingdom, starting from 
 
 Queen's Greenwich on the loth July. She reached Bristol on the 15th August, the route being 
 
 '^Bath'in ^'^°^^ Windsor, Reading, Ewelme, Halton, Woodstock, Langley, Sherborne, Sudely, 
 
 ,j7^ Boddington, and Gloucester. At many towns, and notably at Bristol, the Queen was 
 
 received with great splendour, and "Oracions, Immes, and Sarmonds" acted as a 
 
 counterpoise to dramatic entertainments. Leaving Bristol on the 21st August, she 
 
 remained in Bath over Sunday the 22nd, and continued her progress through Hazlebury 
 
 and Lacock on the following day. 
 
 Of the doings at Bristol, a most minute account has been preserved, but although 
 there have been many speculative opinions expressed as to the Queen's residence in 
 Bath, there is no record or even fixed tradition. We have, however, some indication of 
 the preparations made. The City Chamberlain's Account* for the following year con- 
 tains these entries : 
 
 " Given to the Queresters of Welles att the Queenes ma''' being heare, yis. 
 
 " Y^" to the Painter of Salisbury for his worke dcSne at Westgate the Kinges 
 
 " Bathe and at Northgate, iiij//. xiijj. m]d. 
 " P''° to one that kepte cleane the walles of the City att the Queenes ma"" beinge 
 
 "heare, . . . 
 
 ^ No. 41 in Appendix A. 
 
 ^ See Appendix F, where the Chamberlain's account for the year 1588 is'set out. The details are 
 very interesting with reference to the muster. 
 
 ' No. 42 in Appendix A. 
 
 ^ The original is with the churchwardens of St. Michael's extra vmros. How it got out of its 
 proper custody is not known. 
 
" ?■" to the tapster of the Harte for the gentlemen Ushers and his companyes 
 
 " dynner, xijj. viijV. 
 " P''' for cordes for the oracon place, i]d. 
 " For making the oracon place, xijd. 
 
 " To the Bellman for dressing the Tankards and for grene, vjV. 
 " To Forte for glasing of Stalles church windowe at the Queenes mat^ being heare, 
 
 "iiijf. iij^. 
 " To the Bellman for grene for the new Church, iiijd. 
 " To Fitche for iiij yards di of blacke frise at xvd. the yarde for the Bellmans 
 
 " Coate, \s. \i]d." 
 
 There are besides some items for repairs to the Baths, and for painting the Guild- 
 hall door, and the city gates, which were, no doubt, parts of the general " brush up." 
 The " grene " would have been for strewing the floor of the church which the Queen 
 visited on the Sunday. 
 
 The one thing we must be most struck by is the very small expense which a royal 
 visit then entailed. A roll of the Lord Chamberlain, entitled an account for " apparel- 
 ing and making Readye of the Q mats Howses with others in Prograsse tyme " explains 
 this. It appears that throughout, and whether the Queen was stopping at private houses 
 or otherwise, the expenses were borne by herself. The first night the Queen was in 
 Bath, her expenses amounted to jQ^<)2 zs. sfd.^ The next day's expenses were 
 "£iBi 13s. 6Hd." 
 
 Our next document deals with some ecclesiastical property. 
 
 All the properties of the monastery were vested by statute of Henry VIII. in the Concealed 
 Crown, but in the confusion and scramble much valuable property was concealed and i^^""^ 
 taken possession of by tenants and strangers. To remedy this, commissions were issued t^°P^^y- 
 for discovering concealed properties, both in the reign of Edward VI. and Elizabeth. 
 
 An ofBce copy^ of a commission in the 27 Elizabeth is amongst the archives. It 
 directs Thomas Rowsewell, William Atwood, William Whalley, John Hayles, William 
 Cavell, and Thomas Harryngton^ to inquire as to all lands and tenements in the county 
 of Somerset belonging to the Crown by reason of the dissolution of monasteries, etc., 
 and by the statute of mortmain, or by reason of attaint for treason, and concealed and 
 unjustly detained. 
 
 The Commissioners present^ that fifty-six tenements in Bath belonged to the Queen, 
 and that the present occupiers had no right to them. 
 
 In March, 1585, the Queen granted^ all the houses mentioned in the inquisition to Grant to 
 William Sherston and John Sachfield. sherston 
 
 There was some shuffling about this grant. The tenements in Bath, which were "■^ 
 included in it, were in the immediate neighbourhood of the churches of St. Michael extra ^'^^M'^- 
 muros, and St Mary de Stalles, and there is the strongest possible evidence that they 
 were not " concealed lands " of the monastery at all, but part of the possessions of these 
 two parish churches. 
 
 Besides, however, the tenements in Bath, the grant included 30 acres of arable 
 and 6 acres of pasture-land, and "a decaied Colemyne," in Tockoles, in the town 
 
 1 " Cenam, £\2\ 6s. ; Butteria, £t,(i 2s. 4d. ; Garderoba, £,\^ Js. ; Coquina, £,(>% 4s. 4d. ; PuUetria, 
 jf i5 8s. gd. ; Scuttleria,;^4 ; Salseria, i8s. 2d. ; Aula, £,t, 17s. ; Stabulum, £,<) is. 44i<l. ; Vadia, £,\o; 
 Elemosyna 4 shillings." We quote the Lord Chamberlain's roll from a very interesting paper by Mr. 
 Emanuel Green, in the " Proceedings of Bath Field Club," vol. iv., p. 105. 
 
 2 No. 43 in Appendix A. 
 
 'In the Chamberlain's account for 1585, there is an entry "for carryinge the Comission of the 
 churche land to Mr. Harrington, vj;^. ; foraletter brought from London touchinge the same matter, vjrf." 
 
 ^ Noi 44 in Appendix A. 
 
 5 No. 4S in Appendix A. The rents reserved to the Crown amounted to £1 14s 4d. 
 
40 
 
 Plftit ^uttinpal ^ECt)t;W »f ^alft. 
 
 Payment 
 for the 
 Grant. 
 
 The 
 dealing 
 with the 
 property. 
 
 of Lyvesaie, in Lancashire, and 40 acres of pasture-land in Lower Standen, in the 
 same county. 
 
 In 1585, William Sherston was Mayor, and John Sachfield Chamberlain, and in 
 June, 1585, we find an entry amongst the payments made by the Chamberlain : 
 " To Mr. William Sharestone, clxx/«. ;" and in the following year : " Paid Mr. Sherston 
 at C ladye dale, 1586, clvj/«., and is to makit vp cccxxvj/a, to that wch he receaved 
 this laste yere as it appeareth by my accompt made the xxvijth yere of the Queens 
 Ma''=5 Raigne, and is in full payment of cccxxvjVil that the cittie owed him for monney 
 laid out to Mr. White and Lewys steward." 
 
 Mr. Pearman was Mayor of Bath in the years 1572, 1578, and 1583. Acting, as 
 it would appear, on behalf of the parish, he commenced an action against Sherston 
 and Sachfield. The following entries may be interesting as a sample of a lawyer's bill 
 at this period : 
 
 " 1589. — Paid Mr. Sherston that he laid out in London at the same suite of 
 Mr. Perman against him and the said Mr. John Sachefild in the 
 Chauncerie as followeth : First for the Atturneis Fee and counsellers 
 Fee to frame his answere, xiijj. iiijV.; more to the Attumey for writinge 
 out his bill in pap, v]s. ; more to his counsellor man for ingrosinge 
 his answere, vs. To the doctor for his othe when he deliued in his 
 answere and to the atturneys man for his paynes to goe with him, 
 viij(/." 
 
 In this action Sherston and Sachfield were evidently defended at the expense of the 
 city. Yet they did not make over the property to the community, or declare that they 
 held it as trustees. 
 
 This was not due to an oversight, as the conveyance was actually prepared. Thus : 
 
 " 1598. — Paid to Mr. Stone [town clerk] at London wch he hadd to paye for 
 the fine to passe the Church Lande made over to the Chamber, 
 xxxiiij^. v]d." 
 
 " 1601. — Paid Mr. Stone for drawinge and engroseinge the Conveyances of the 
 Church Land on to the Chamber, xxs." 
 
 In the same year, 1601, the Corporation appointed^ John Parker the elder, and 
 Peter Sherston, their attorneys, to receive seisin of the tenements on their behalf. 
 This conveyance was not signed until the next reign. 
 
 The receipts and payments do not quite tally with the idea of Sherston and Sach- 
 field being simply trustees for the city. In and about the year 1585 the tenements in 
 Bath were demised to various lessees at rents amounting tO;^3i 6s. 4d., and in consi- 
 deration of fines or foregifts of ;^ii4 i6s. 8d. The fines are duly accounted for in the 
 Chamberlain's accounts, but neither the rents received from the lessees, nor the head- 
 rent paid to the Crown appear. It is certain that the parishes did not get the rents. 
 Who did ? The natural inference is, that Sherston and Sachfield made over the fines 
 to the Corporation, because the fine payable to the Queen had been provided out of the 
 city coffers, but retained for themselves the difference, ^29 12s. a year, between the 
 head-rent and the improved rents. 
 
 This is not quite all the complexity. When, in 16 18, the property in Bath was 
 conveyed to the Corporation, it was made clear that the grant had been made to Sherston 
 and Sachfield as trustees for the Municipality. As, however, the Lancashire property is 
 granted to them in precisely the same manner as the tenements in Bath, it is evident that 
 if they were trustees of the one, they must have been trustees of the other. Yet the 
 Lancashire property was never conveyed to the Corporation. 
 
 A few years afterwards, in 1590, the Queen granted another charter^ to Bath. The 
 
 ' No. 72 in Appendix A. 
 
 ^ No. 46 in Appendix A. 
 
document is very formidable. It occupies many skins of parchment, abounds in rolling EHzaietKs 
 periods and long words, and seldom lets even a very small idea oif without four or five ^{'"'l^y '" 
 synonyms to dilute its original meaning. ^ ' ■''' 
 
 A very curious artifice was practised on the Crown officials. The jurisdiction of 
 the city extended only to such houses and land as were within the walls, and not within 
 the precincts of the Priory. The Priory formed, as it were, a town of itself, and the 
 hundred of Xheforinsecum was, as we have seen, made the subject of grants irrespective 
 of the city. It would, in the view of the citizens, have been a great increase of prestige 
 to make the jurisdiction of their Court of Record and of their magistrates extend over 
 the whole city, the Priory, the hundred of the forinsecum, and the Barton. The Crown 
 could not very well be asked to extend the boundaries, because the Barton and the 
 Priory had already been granted to Humphry Colles, together with all. seignorial rights, gf/^"ctty 
 such as fairs, markets, assizes of bread and wine, view of frank-pledge, and other such i,oun- 
 rights as would be exercisable by the city over property within its bounds. daries. 
 
 Sherston was at this time the lessee of the Barton farm under Matthew Colthurst, 
 who had purchased it from Humphry Colles, and being Mayor, aided the scheme. 
 
 It was to represent the charter as declaring the old limits, and at the same time to 
 substitute the desired limits for the old ones. The words of the charter are most 
 particular in this respect : 
 
 "That our said City of Bath .... shall extend as well in length and 
 " breadth as in circuit .... to such and the same like ancient limits and 
 " bounds thereof unto which the said City of Bath, and the circuit, precinct, 
 " and jurisdiction thereof before this time did stretch and extend, and no other- 
 
 ^ " wise."^ 
 
 It is said that the jurisdiction of the city was only exercised in a very tentative way 
 beyond the original limits, and the later history of the Corporation will disclose a very 
 curious complication which arose in consequence of Mr. Sherston's artifice. 
 
 There is a tradition that Mr. William Sherston, who negotiated this charter, received 
 a beneficial lease of some Corporate property, situate in what is now called Northumber- 
 land Passage, as a recompense for his pains. 
 
 The money appearing as paid in the Chamberlain's accounts in respect of the 
 charter is of small amount.^ 
 
 The charter is very minute in its provisions, and forms a complete municipal con- 
 stitution, although with many references to existing customs. 
 
 We shall consider its provisions in the next chapter. 
 
 'The boundaries are defined as follows: "From the South end of the Bridge where the 
 2 images of a lion and a bear engraven in stone are erected upon the said bridge, and from thence 
 unto the meadow called Kingsmead, and about and on every side of the said meadow called 
 Kingsmead through the middle of the water or river there called Avon as the said meadow doth ex- 
 tend, and from the middle of the same river there in the west side of the said meadow unto the-head 
 spring of the brook or river there called the mouth of Mud Brook, by the side of the said brook and so 
 from thence unto the highway leading from Weston towards Walcot, so continuing by the said way unto 
 a close of pasture commonly called the Wyniards, and from the said close through a certain lane on the 
 North side of the said close, and so as the way leadeth by the Church yard of the Church of Walcot 
 unto the North East comer of the same Church yard, and from the same corner directly unto the river 
 Avon aforesaid towards the East, and so from thence through the middle of the same river to the South 
 end of the said bridge." 
 
 ^ Mr. Walley was repaid 40s. -by instalments extending over several years. Mr. John Sherston 
 was repaid 20s. 
 
42 
 
 W-ii^ ^©tuntrtpal ^:^tmttr» ^rf ;^ai^. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 REVIEW OF THE MUNICIPAL SYSTEM. 
 
 T/ie 
 
 The 
 Guildhall. 
 
 The 
 Chamber, 
 
 |OME writers do not hesitate to regard the Charter of Elizabeth as the very 
 fountain and commencement of the municipal system in the city. No 
 mistake could be greater. It was intended to give the city one and 
 only one privilege not before enjoyed — namely, " That the sergeants at 
 mace shall everywhere within the said City of Bath and the suburbs, 
 liberties, and precincts of the same, bear, and carry before the Mayor of 
 the said city for the time being and his successors maces of gold or silver engraven and 
 garnished with the sign of the arms of this our realm of England."^ 
 
 It is only fair to the charter to explain that it does its best to prevent the possi- 
 bility of such a mistake as we have mentioned ; the recitals seem framed with the 
 express intention of demonstrating that the charter is what it is, a confirmation and 
 consolidation of rights already existing, with here and there no doubt a determination 
 of questions which had been open. 
 
 The municipal records of a date many years anterior to the charter furnish indis- 
 putable proof that the rights it purports to grant were pre-existent. 
 
 When once we recognise this the charter becomes a most useful and important 
 historical document. 
 
 With the aid of Elizabeth's charter and of the Chamberlain's accounts, which we have 
 in a tolerably complete form from the year 1569, we can obtain a fairly accurate idea of 
 how this little imperiuni in imperio was governed. In the midst of the High Street stood a 
 Guildhall, long since swept away, but of the type still surviving in many Wesi-Country 
 towns, supported on columns, with some accommodation for a market below and a 
 chamber above. From this chamber the whole government of the city proceeded. It 
 was used not only for legislative purposes, but also for the administration of the civil and 
 criminal law. 
 
 The legislation was vested in a Mayor, supported by a college of Aldermen (vary- 
 ing in number from four to ten) and a Council of twenty members.^ This body, usuaUy 
 spoken of as the Chamber, was self-elective, and had power to make laws, bind- 
 ing on everyone who dwelt within the liberties of the city. As a matter of fact 
 few laws seem to have been made. The Chamber was composed principally of hotel 
 and lodging-house keepers, and their deliberations were mainly confined to the adminis- 
 tration of the city estates (of which later), the due reception of distinguished visitors, 
 and the organization of public entertainments, and occasionally the resolution of some 
 knotty question, touching the admission of a freeman, or the abatement of a nuisance 
 more than ordinarily outrageous. Since the dissolution of the Priory, or perhaps at an 
 earlier date when writing became a less rare accomplishment with the laity, the Chamber 
 appointed a common' clerk or prothonotary to keep their records. Mr. Price, the clerk 
 
 ■ The right to carry maces of gold or silver was granted, almost in the words of the text, to London 
 by charter of loth June, 28 Edward III. A distinction has been drawn between a right to use maces 
 of copper anithat of carrying those of gold or silver. From early English times there seems to have 
 been a class of officers corresponding to the sergeants-at-mace. The mace was probably a more 
 ornate form of the club or wand carried by executors of legal process. 
 
 " Before the charter the number varied. It was sometimes twenty-three. 
 
 ' This is the term used in the charter, but the accounts of earlier and later date describe this official 
 as town clerk. 
 
named in the charter, was a solicitor j but the Chamber had a separate officer, known as 
 city attorney, to conduct their legal business. The common clerk received 40s., the 
 city attorney 20s., per annum. 
 
 The Mayor of course presided over the assembly. Practically^ he was the direct The 
 representative of the Saxon burgh-reeve, an officer more ancient than any within these Mayor. 
 realms. The Mayor was annually elected by the Chamber, and received a stipend for 
 his services. During the reign of Elizabeth the highest sum entered against his name 
 is ;^ 40,2 and the lowest ;^i 6,* whilst in one year no stipend was paid. The Mayor, 
 however, received certain perquisites, notably the fees payable by one freeman admitted 
 during his year of office ; and it is probable that presents were made to him by visitors, 
 as a return for the complimentary gifts made by him out of the municipal funds. 
 
 Besides governing the city, the Chamber elected gentlemen who were, on behalf Election oj 
 of the city, to assist in the government of the nation.* numbers of 
 
 This right of the few to dominate the many was disputed by the citizens of Bath, in ,„^L*''' 
 the reign of Charles II., and it was held that the election had always rested with the 
 Chamber.5 Having regard to this, it is interesting to note that in 1 2 and 1 7 Edward 
 IV. the return of the writ runs : 
 
 " Testatur quod cives civitatis Bathon ex unanim. assens eligerunt, etc."" 
 
 It is certainly adding insult to injury to elect a member to represent a class which 
 has not had a voice in the matter, and return him as having been unanimously chosen. 
 
 The return was sometimes under the hand and seal of the Mayor or bailiffs, but 
 some returns have been found, as far back as the reign of Edward IV., under the 
 Corporate seal. 
 
 These were in nature of certificates of election, but afterwards the return was made 
 by deed (executed in duplicate), between the Mayor (by name), the Aldermen and 
 Burgesses of the City of the one part, and the Sheriff of the County of the other part. 
 There is in the muniment-room one^ of these deeds dated i8th April, 14 Eliz., by which 
 it is witnessed that " George Pearman, Mayor, and Edward Babor, Recorder, have been 
 duly elected Members for the City."^ 
 
 We have seen^ that the citizens did not always care to return members. The 
 objection was on the ground of expense, for it was the custom for boroughs to pay their 
 representatives. The custom in Bath seems to have been to pay each member 2s. a 
 day during the Session, but we can trace other more casual gifts in addition. 
 
 The judicial business of the town was conducted by the Mayor, two of the Alder- 
 men annually elected Justices, the Common Clerk and the Recorder. 
 
 1 We szy practically, because theoretically the burgh-reeve or town sheriff was an executive officer, 
 answering rather to the bailiffs. In fact, however, the burgh-reeve had in Saxon times become the 
 civic sovereign holding office by the election of the citizens, and we have instances of the burgh-reeve 
 having his title changed directly into that of Mayor, notably by Richard I. as to London, and by John 
 as to King's Lynn. 
 
 2 In 1579 and subsequent years. ' In 1575. 
 
 * A similar custom existed in many boroughs, but we can just detect the sounder principles of the 
 common law peeping from beneath the superimposed mass of evil precedent. In the case of Cirencester 
 (22 James II.) it was held that where no charter or custom could be proved to the contrary, elections 
 for members of Parliament were to be by all the householders. (Brady, 127.) 
 
 ^ Prynne, p. 331. It is amusing to see Frynne glorying in this decision. He was one of the repre- 
 sentatives at the time. 
 
 * Prynne, p. 321. 
 
 ' No. 69 in Appendix A, 
 
 * Down to 1841, these deeds were sealed with the Corporate seal. Afterwards the-Mayor signed 
 them, and from 1855 the deeds were made between the Mayor and the electors. The part signed 
 by the Mayor was returned to the Crovni Office with the writ, and the part signed by the electors 
 remained with the Mayor, This continued to be the practice until the passing of the Ballot Act, in 1872. 
 
 " Ante, p. 16. 
 
 6—2 
 
44 
 
 I«ilfj2 ^j^ttttictj^al ^BCt»rtr» ixf [^©aift. 
 
 The 
 
 Record 
 
 Court, 
 
 The 
 Recorder 
 
 Tlu 
 
 Criminal 
 
 Courts. 
 
 The Record Court sat every Monday in the Council Chamber, and had unlimited 
 jurisdiction in actions of contract and tort arising within the City. Juries were em- 
 pannelled, and the actions proceeded just as in the superior Courts. ^ 
 
 The sergeants-at-mace were the attorneys of the Court. They received a stipend of 
 20S. each, and had perquisites from the hot baths, and made out their income from the 
 monopoly of Court business. These sergeants were not attorneys-at law, but special 
 attorneys of the Court. It is legally necessary that the parties to an action should be 
 actually or constructively present at the various stages of litigation. In some Courts 
 any person could be attorney for another, in others the attorney must needs be a practis- 
 ing lawyer, whilst in others again only a few practising lawyers could so act These 
 monopolies became in some of the Courts of very great value. Litigants in the Record 
 Court could employ lawyers to help them, but one of the two sergeants-at-mace would 
 always be on the record as formal representative.^ 
 
 The Recorder had only- a nominal connection with the Record Court, whence 
 he derived his name ; indeed, it has been said that there is no evidence of his ever 
 having sat there. His only real duty was to attend at the Court of Quarter 
 Sessions next after the election of the Mayor to administer the oath to him.^ He was, 
 however, a man of much influence, and held in great respect. He received an annual 
 stipend of 40s., as a sort of retaining fee as standing counsel to the Chamber, and was 
 most useful in communicating with the Court and acting in a small way as patron of 
 the city. His clerk used to obtain the writs for electing members, and prepare the 
 indenture by which the Mayor made return. In most cases the Recorder was him- 
 self one of the city members. He came down occasionally to Bath, and was always 
 received as one whose coming did honour to the city. He put up at the Beare Inn,* 
 that noted hostelry kept by the Chapman family, and the bills were sent in to the City 
 Chamberlain for payment. There was a certain good fellowship about the entertain- 
 ment, for we find such items as " To Mr. Recorder and Sir John Clifton,^ a gallon of 
 wyne and a pound of shouger, iij^. iiij^. ;" and " For wyne and shouger at Mr. Maior 
 his house, to make Mr. Recorder and his company drink at his departure, iijj." 
 
 The criminal law was administered by the Mayor, Recorder, and Justices at Petty 
 Sessions and at Quarter Sessions ; but there was no power to punish felons, and even 
 trifling cases of larceny had to be remitted for trial at the County Sessions, or the 
 Assizes. 
 
 The executive was vested in the bailiffs, who were the sheriffs of the city. Under 
 their control was the gaol, for which purpose the tower of the desecrated church of St. 
 Mary intra muros, near the Northgate, was used. They paid the gaoler, received fees 
 as was then customary for caption and vivers, executed writs, and managed the markets. 
 In return they received the profits of the markets ; and the post was held to be so 
 valuable a one, that the bailiffs were expected to give two dinners to the Chamber 
 during their year." 
 
 The instruments of punishment under the bailiffs' care were the pillory,^ the stocks,' 
 
 ' See Report of Commissioners for Corporation Reform. 
 
 2 The power of naming an attorney who should represent Ijis principal in all litigation was con- 
 sidered a very special privilege. Such an attorney was " attorney-general," and the right of naming him 
 was confined to the King, the Queen Consort, or Dowager, and those others to whom it was granted by 
 letters patent. Attorneys ordinarily appointed were termed "attorneys at large," and those whose office 
 was confined to a single court " attorneys special." 
 
 » Report of Commissioners of Corporation Reform. The oath before the Recorder is not prescribed 
 by the charter, and must have been the growth of custom. 
 
 * This extended from Cheap Street to Westgate Street, across what is now Union Street. 
 
 » The High Sheriff. 
 
 ° The Commissioners of Corporation Reform estimated the then profits of the bailiffs at £,^2\ per 
 annum. 
 
 ' The pillory stood in the High Street, between the Guildhall and the Abbey. In the "Ruber 
 Codex Bathonice," which is preserved at Longleat, and of which Warner gives extracts, a jury is stated 
 
the rack, the cage, and that most ungallant apparatus for punishing scolds, the cucking Punish- 
 or ducking Stool.^ ments. 
 
 There were numerous subordinate officials, whose names need be but mentioned — 
 constables, supervisors of boundaries, supervisors of flesh, supervisors of leather, ale- 
 tasters ; and last, not least, the beadle and bellman. 
 
 The Chamberlain we shall have to mention when we deal with the subject of 
 finance. 
 
 Thus far, then, we have had to do only with the governing body : it remains to 
 say a few words as to the governed. From a very early date there was a marked dis- 
 tinction between a citizen and an inhabitant. Partly, perhaps, as a survival of the power 
 confined by the Saxon polity to landowners, partly as a growth from the exclusive guilds 
 of the middle ages, there had grown up in most towns, and Bath amongst the number, 
 a privileged class of citizens who usurped the whole of such dominion as was exercis- 
 able outside the Chamber. This class was in Bath called "freemen" or "free citizens." The free- 
 The Chamber could only be recruited from these freemen, who shared in the profits of "t]l"tradinp 
 the City Commons, and had the exclusive right of opening shops within the city. companies. 
 
 The trading companies would not, from local circumstances, have been very 
 powerful in Bath, and they do not appear ever to have been so incorporated as to be 
 enabled to restrain persons who had not been apprenticed from practising their trades. 
 The following entries are not without interest : 
 
 " 1569. Of John Scykelett for hys freedom with hys occupacyon, xx5. 
 
 Of Scykelett for being fre of the Cytie, xxj. 
 "1573- Of William Stephens and Nicholas Salter, maisters, of the occupacion 
 
 of the Showmakers for Thomas Levet, xxj. 
 " 1585. Of Thomas Dytcher for his freedom, xj.j more of hym beinge made free 
 
 with the taylors, xf. 
 "1593. Of the Tailers for constitucon, vjj. viiji/. 
 " 1594. Of the company of gloviers and of the shewmakers for the Seales of 
 
 their Composicons, xiijj. iiij^/. 
 " 1596. Of Robert Steavens for the seale of the mercers composicon, vjj. viij;/." 
 
 There are said to have been besides companies of plasterers, masons, joiners, 
 
 upholsterers, butchers, and bakers. 
 
 The freedom could be obtained by seven years' apprenticeship to a freeman, or by 
 
 purchase from the Chamber, and the number was never large. 
 
 An oath was always taken by a newly-admitted freeman. In the *' Ruber Codex The oath 
 
 Bathonise," the form of oath taken in 141 2 is preserved. of the free- 
 
 It is so quaint as to be worth transcribing : " ' 
 
 " I schal buxom ^ and obedyent be to the mayr of bathe and to al hys 
 " successowrys and Y schal mentayne me to no lordschyp for hynderans of eny 
 " burges of bath. Nether Y schal nozth plete wyth no Surges of bathe but on 
 
 to have been empannelled on Friday, the 6th November, 13 Hen. IV., John Savage being Mayor, 
 as to where the pillory was to stand, and the presentment was "juxtacrucem in vico boreali sicut 
 antiquum stare solebat." 
 
 " There were two sets of stocks — one near the pillory, as shown on Dr. Jones's map, published 1 572 ; 
 the other near the Hot Bath. 
 
 1 The ducking-stool was on Boat-stall Quay, then a broad walk, near to the Fish-cross, where river- 
 iish was sold. Curious that fish and bad language should be so generally associated. 
 
 2 The word " buxom " is evidently used in the sense of "docile," and it is similarly used in the 
 marriage service in the Sarum Missal : " Ich N take the N to my wedded hosebund to haven and to 
 holden fro this day forward for betre for wors for rychere for porere in siknesse and in helthe to be 
 lioneyre and buxum in bedde and at borde till dethe us departe and thereto yplith the my trewthe." — 
 (Pearson's edition, London, 1884, p. 552.) 
 
" the mayr curte yf hit so be that the mayr wyll do me ryght or may do me ryght 
 " Seynt Katern day Y schal kepe holy day yerely and Seynt Katern Chapell^ and. 
 " the brygge help to mentayne and to susteyne by my powre. All other custumys 
 " and fredumys that langit to the fore sayde fredom Y schal well and truly kepe 
 " and mentayne on my behalfe selme God and halydome." 
 
 The rest of the inhabitants of Bath were utterly without any civic or political 
 
 power. 
 
 Themeny- The freemen, in accordance with old custom, had certain periodical merry-makings 
 
 making of out of the Corporate funds. On Wednesday in Whitsun week the freemen used to 
 
 the free- j^^yg "three dozen of beare" and "five dozen of breade," the occasion being the per- 
 
 "'^"" ambulating of the city bounds, and there was a lighter refection of " one dozen and a 
 
 half of drinke " and " one dozen of breade " at " Korpus Kristie " (Corpus Christi) eve 
 
 ■ every year.^ 
 
 There was another custom as between the governed and the governors, which 
 The Law- carries us back to days far before the Conquest. Twice annually was held a law-day ; 
 day. that is, a Court Leet for the view of Frankpledge. 
 
 In Saxon times, every male above fourteen years had to find surety for his fealty, 
 and this was given interchangeably at meetings of the County Court, it being the 
 Sheriffs duty there to see that all were in some one of the many circles of suretyship, 
 and, as the phrase went, in " love and law." ^ 
 
 This " view of frankpledge " became after the Conquest rather troublesome, being 
 held at frequent intervals for the sake of the fees chargeable, and it was accordingly 
 provided by Magna Charta that the view should take place only twice a year. The 
 matters to be inquired into at view of frankpledge are defined by a statute of 
 Edward II.* 
 
 They include the presentment of (i) encroachments made in lands or waters; 
 (2) buildings and fences set up or taken down to annoyance ; (3) bounds withdrawn 
 and taken away; (4) ways opened or stopped; (5) waters stopped or diverted; (6) 
 breakers of houses and their receivers ; (7) petty larcenies ; (8) clippers and forgers of 
 coin; (9) treasure trove ; (10) the assize of bread and ale broken; (11) false measures, 
 and some others. 
 
 A half-yearly inquiry into such matters would, in an early state of society, be pro- 
 ductive of much good. The Court Leet was held before the Common Clerk as steward 
 of the manor. 
 
 After the Law-day there was a dinner, not of the whole body of freemen, but of 
 the jury only. The total charge for each dinner seems to have been only 8s. 
 
 The Chamber had certain duties to perform as between the Crown and the citizens. 
 Of these, of course the collection of subsidies formed an important part A pursuivant 
 seems in Elizabeth's reign to have brought the subsidy books to the city, and to have 
 received a fee of 3s. 4d. for his pains. 
 
 Proclamations also were made through the Chamber ; and we find a considerable" 
 
 1 This chapel was the one on the site of Fountain Buildings. It was founded in 1 170, and dedicated 
 to St. Werburge, St. John the Evangelist, and St. Catherine, virgin and martyr. On the dissolution 
 it was demised by lease of 4 Edward VI. to Humphrey Cotton, and the reversion passed to the citizens 
 as trustees, under the charter of 6 Edward VI. Wood, always on the look-out for a learned explanation 
 of a name, thus describes (vol. ii., p. 255) the origin of Werborough Church : " We may, therefore, con- 
 clude it to have been the place of sanctuary to which murderers fled, and there paid their fines for 
 murder. For such fines were called Wer<F, from whence, and from the Borough of Bath, the church 
 undoubtedly had its name " ! 
 
 2 There was occasionally a feast on Midsummer-night, and sometimes cheese was served with the 
 bread. 
 
 ' The duty of mutual suretyship in frankpledge did not apply to religious men and knights and 
 their eldest sons, nor did they do suit at the Court Leet, but in the Court Baron. 
 * Statute 18 Edward II. 
 
number of entries for fees paid concerning them, the subjects of the proclamations not, Prodama- 
 however, being always mentioned. '^'""• 
 
 In 1581 there is a proclamation "touching Jesuytes," but this is the only indication 
 we have of the religious troubles of the age. 
 
 Queen Elizabeth would not allow her people to dispense themselves from the The eating 
 Catholic precept of abstinence, any more than her father would tolerate the denial of of flesh in 
 transubstantiatioa She passed several statutes on the subject, and by the principal ■^'"'• 
 one, 27 Eliz. c. ii, she forbad victuallers to cook, or, as it is expressed, to " utter " flesh 
 in Lent or upon Fridays. She took measures also to get the statute obeyed. Nearly 
 every year a commission was sent to the Mayor directing him to inquire as to flesh- 
 eaters, and this was returned with his certificate. 
 
 The commission would, with the certificate, be returned in the ordinary course, 
 but one of the certificates remains in the muniment-room, of which the following is 
 a translation : 
 
 " City of Bath. — To the most noble the Lord Keeper of the Great 
 " Seal of England, We, your humble servants, George Pearman, Mayor 
 " of the City of Bath, in the county of Somerset ; John Stile and William 
 " Cavell, Justices of the Peace of the same City, certify this inquisition 
 " underwritten, concerning the eating of flesh on forbidden days, to be 
 " delivered into the Chancery of our Lady the Queen, according to the 
 " form of the statute in such case made and provided." 
 
 " Somerset. — An inquisition indented taken at the City of Bath, in the 
 " county of Somerset, on the eleventh day of April in the fourteenth year of the 
 " reign of our Lady Elizabeth, by the grace of God Queen of England, France, 
 "and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc., before George Pearman, Mayor of 
 " the said City, John Stile and William Cavell, Justices of the Peace of the same 
 " City, according to the form of the statute for the eating of flesh on forbidden 
 " days, by the oath of Thomas Gillam, John Llewellyn, Robert Stephens, Philip 
 " Blayeden, John Hull, William Baker, James Stowell, Thomas Fytche, Richard 
 " Hollidaie, William Foorde, Henry Chapman, Robert Gessor, John Nashe, 
 " Henry Smythe, and Richard Russell, who say upon their oath that after divers 
 " examinations made on several occasions by the said Mayor, Justices, and 
 " Jurors within the City aforesaid, as well within Lent as on the said forbidden 
 " days before, they have not found any person within the same city eating flesh 
 "contrary to the form of the statute aforesaid. In testimony whereof both 
 "parties to this inquisition, as well the aforesaid Mayor and Justices, their 
 " common seal, as the Jurors aforesaid their seal have affixed. Dated the day 
 " and year aforesaid." 
 
 Only one fine seems to have been imposed in Bath for offence against the statute. 
 It is in 1597, when one Barnabee Harrolde is amerced 2s. 6d. "for dressinge fleshe in 
 the Lente." 
 
 Another constantly-recurring proclamation was as to labourers' wages. Our The 
 ancestors did not recognise free trade in labour any more than in the sale of com- statutes of 
 modities. Edward -III. passed a strict ordinance, by which he thought to drive wages '"'""'""• 
 back from the high figure to which they had risen after the drainage of English man- 
 hood resulting from the French wars and the subsequent plague. 
 
 Succeeding kings made similar attempts, and the various statutes were virtually 
 consolidated by one passed at the beginning of the reign of Elizabeth.^ One of the 
 provisions is that the Mayor of every corporate town shall within six weeks of Easter 
 
 ^ Statute 5 Elizabeth, c. 4. 
 
48 
 
 IWh^ ^j^untctpal ^JtJ^wtrs Kff ^nifi. 
 
 Forestall- 
 ins; and 
 regratingi 
 
 Weights 
 and 
 
 measjires. 
 
 Sanitary 
 
 work. 
 
 fix, after due consultation, the wages of all workmen, with and without meat and drink, 
 including the money to be received for different kinds of piece-work, and shall before 
 the 1 2th July certify the same into Chancery. Thereupon a proclamation is to be sent 
 to the Mayor defining the rates of wages, and the Mayor is to publish it in open 
 market. The accounts of the city contain entries of the certificates being sent in, and 
 the proclamations being received. 
 
 There is in the "Statty fairs," or "Mops," still existing in some West-country 
 parishes for hiring servants, a survival of this system of statutably regulated wages. 
 
 The Chamber essayed to exercise the duties of Clerk of the Market. In 1597 we 
 find seven persons fined for " ingroseinge upp Butter and Cheese."^ 
 
 " Badgers " of corn were, by statute 5 and 6 Edward VI., c. 14, exempted from the 
 punishment of forestallersj but by statutes passed in the fifth and thirteenth years of 
 Elizabeth, they had to be licensed. The Chamber enforced these laws rigorously ; for 
 we find men stationed at the three gates to look out for the badgers. 
 
 Authorized weights were obtained from London, as the following entries will 
 show: 
 
 " ^573- — For certein waightes called habber de puyse being Ivij//' pee xxxviijt 
 "for brasen waightes called troye waightes to weigh bread, pee 
 " vj^. viiji/. ; for iiij=^ brasse measures, one gaginge Iron, xixj. \d. To 
 " one to Carrie yt to the Carrier, iij^. ; for Carrage of the same to the 
 " Citie of Bathe, xx^." 
 
 " 1589. — paid for the new brasen waightes, hJt. xvijV. ; and for the cariadge of the 
 " same from London, v^. iiij^. ; paid to Nicholas Pitcher for makinge 
 
 -. " of the Iron Ires to marke and sise other Waightes bye, \s." 
 
 In 1586 there is an entry, "Received of William Sherston for the fyne of the 
 beme Ixxx//." This was no doubt a payment for a lease of the public weighing- 
 machine. 
 
 As a sanitary authority, the Chamber did but little — enough to admit the burden, 
 so little as to show that the duty was neglected. 
 
 No sewer-work appears to have been done, and almost the only indications we 
 have of any attempt to protect the public health are given by the two following entries : 
 
 " 1583. payed to Olyver and Grene the xth of March for seeinge that none 
 " should on into the Cittie from Palton and other places wch were 
 " infected wyth the plague, m\]d. 
 " payed to Olyver the xxixth of Marche for the lyke, \']d. 
 
 " 1580. To Roger for frethinge and daubinge the comon privie, iiijj." 
 
 It is only fair to mention that the parish authorities also attempted some sort oi 
 sanitary work ; and we find one instance of a parish contributing to the expense of 
 some paving work. 
 
 It appears from some contemporary correspondence that the attention of Queen 
 Elizabeth had been drawn to the continued bad state of the streets. In the year 1602 
 there was talk of her Majesty again visiting the city, and immediately there was a 
 flutter. The streets were to be put into decent order, and John Paviour, who used 
 occasionally to gel eightpence for repairing Frog Lane, or a shilling for mending the 
 High Street, was insufficient for the task. The following entries show what was 
 done : 
 
 ' Fancy the brilliant operation of " cornering " grain or pork ever having been a criminal offence ! 
 Yet so it was. The Act 51 Henry III., stat. 6, commences : "But especially be it commanded that no 
 forestaller be suffered to dwell in any town, he being an open oppressor of poor people." One of the 
 punishments assigned is the pillory. 
 
" Paid vnto Robt Vernam to goe vnto Sodburie and vnto Cicister to get Prepara- 
 " paviers against the Quenes Cominge, iijj. iiij^. Honsforan 
 
 " Paid vnto John Pavior to goe vnto Bristol! to gett paviers, )s. expected 
 
 " Paid vnto Roger Feildes man to goe vnto Frome to get paviers, ']S, ^ouem 
 
 " Paid to a messenger to goe to Warmister to gett paviers, ]s. 
 
 "Paid to the pavier of Chipnam for his Cominge to Bath to see the 
 " worke, iiij^." 
 
 The Queen did not come — she died in the following spring. We find no mention Finances. 
 of any such gigantic efforts of improvement as the preparations seemed to imply. 
 
 And now as to the question of finance. The Chamberlain was the receiver and 
 manager of the borough property. He was a member of the Chamber, and held office 
 for a year, expiring at Michaelmas. In October following^ he brought up his accourit 
 of receipts and payments, neatly transcribed on to a long parchment-roll, and passed it 
 before the Chamber.^ The accounts do not deal with any receipts from rates, although 
 it is clear that some were levied to pay the scavenger, and of course levies were made to 
 provide the subsidies ordered by Parliament and the " Queen's silver." 
 
 The receipt side of the account always commences with the item " Rents of assise," The rents 
 the amount being subject to but little variation, and being made up of the sum of the of assise. 
 ancient rental of the municipal estates. The next item is " increased rents," which is 
 supposed to include the additional rents obtained, but the amount is very small. 
 
 The other receipts are gathered under the heading of " Casual receipts." These Casual 
 casual receipts include fines on the renewal of leases, amerciaments, fees on admission receipts. 
 of freemen, rent Of the commons, and such like matters. 
 
 The receipts for the year 1569 may be thus summarized : 
 
 li. s. d. 
 Arrerages charged apone the foote of the laste 
 
 accownte as aperethe bothe of the Cham- 
 
 berlayns and skoUe land 
 
 Rents of assysse 
 
 Incresst rent 
 
 Casual! receytts 
 
 Sm of the Chardge clxxv iiij vj ob. 
 
 The Cliamberlain had a variety of fixed charges to pay — the Mayor, Recorder, Town xhe 
 Clerk, sergeants, bellman, and gatekeepers, etc. These are generally grouped under stipends. 
 the heading " Stipendys." 
 
 There were also certain Crown rents to be paid, including that of ;^io, payable 
 under the grant of Edward VI. 
 
 The other payments mostly fell under the item "gyftes and rewards," although in 
 some years there are additional headings. 
 
 The money paid as "gyftes and rewards" serves admirably to illustrate the 
 practical civic life of the town. 
 
 The bulk of this money was spent in providing entertainments and in " gratifying " 
 important visitors. 
 
 The gifts made by the Chamber to distinguished visitors were exceedingly 
 numerous. Perhaps the most usual present was a gallon " of wine and a pound of 
 shouger," costing usually one shilling and tenpence ; but sometimes sack is mentioned, 
 
 ^ Before the charter the Mayor and Cliamberlain were elected in June, but from the year 1593 the 
 date was altered to Michaelmas. ■ 
 
 2 One of these accounts, that for the year 1588, is transcribed at length in Appendix F. 
 
 7 
 
 XX ij 
 
 xiv j oh. 
 
 UIJ XV13 
 
 VI] x 
 
 XX IJ 
 
 v 
 
 llj XI] 
 
 XVJ VI] 
 
Ci/Hs to also " clarett, canarie, gascon, Malaga, and Rhenish." The gift of sugar, in conjunction 
 magnates, ^j^jj jj^g ^j^g^ ^jggg ^^^ j.j^jgg q^^ j^jg^g ^g j.^ ^.j^^ quality of the liquor ; but some visitors, 
 
 notably the Bishop's chaplain, had to be content with the wine by itself. 
 
 The presents are, however, most various. One to the Earl of Pembroke, in 1583, 
 
 is thus entered : 
 
 " For on Cupple of Capons v)s, viijV. for ij dozen of Cheken vj^. i\d. for 
 "ij dozen of pygyons, iij^. To Nichus Longe for fetchinge of them \\\)d. for on 
 "boxe of marmylade iiijj-. All wch was-geven to the Lord of Pembrook. To 
 " Longe and his boye for fetchinge viij cupples of Rabbatts wch should have 
 " ben lykwise geven to the Lord of Pembrooke ijy. lost by the sale of the saide 
 " Rabbets for that the could not be kept vntyll my lordes comyng \\]d." 
 
 Another very favourite present was "on banketynge dyshe from the potecarye." 
 Lambs, oxen, boars, partridges, larks and calves were also bestowed.^ 
 
 After viewing this liberality with the public purse, we shall not be surprised that 
 the city was often hard pushed to make both ends meet. In 1595, we come across an 
 ominous entry : 
 
 "To the Quenes Ma''= for the scholeland x//. and for chardges for the 
 "payment of it to the receauers men wch cam to distraine for it xxxf." 
 1 The following is a list of the persons to whom presents were made ; 
 
 In 1569, My lorde bysshop's chaplayne, Sire Raffe Hopton, Juge Harper, the Erie of Worcytre. 
 In IS73> My Lord of Sussexe, Mr. Cooke, Sr. John Salisburie, Mr. Price, Mr. Cosseworthe, Mr. 
 
 Colthirst, my L. Bishop's wife. 
 In 157s, Sr. Robt. Lune, and in 1603; Mr. Estcourte, and in 1603. 
 In 1576, Sr. Walter Hungerford's Sonne, Mr. Henry Newton, Mr. Jones, of Welles, 
 In 1577, My Lorde of Hunesdon, Mr. Coiferes, Sr. John Gilberte. 
 In 1578, Sr. Edward Umpton, Mr. George, Mr. Clyfton, Mr. Flower, Mr. Marshawle and Master 
 
 Callanger, Sr. George Speake. 
 In IS79> Doctor Julio, my Lord Chamblaine, and in 1600 and 1602 ; my L. Pagett, my L. Bishopp 
 
 of Bathe, and in 1585 ; yonge Mr. Gorge, Sr, John Clifton, and in 1587 ; Sr. Gilles 
 
 Poole, Sr. Henry Nevill, and in 1583 and 1585. 
 In 1580, Sr. John Horn's doughter. 
 
 In 1581, Sr. Henry Sydney, Sr. Henry Sherrynton, Dr. Mathewe. 
 In 1582, Mr. Henry Scowton (hyghe Shryfe), my Lord Delaware. 
 In 1583, Sr. Nicholas Poyntz, Mr. Wortlye, the Lord of Pembrook, and in 1595 ; Mr. Samuell 
 
 Norton, Mr. Doctor Jones, a chaplyn of Sir Christofer Hatton's, Doctor Bysse, and in 
 
 1588, 1600, and 1602; Mrs. Elizabeth Garret, one of her maties maydes of honor; 
 
 Mr. Edward Horton, Mr. Lovell, the Bysshopp of Gloucester, and in 1600. 
 In 1584, Sr. George Carye, and in 1588; Mr. Gylpyn, Sr. John Yonge, Sr. Wilhn Pelhm, and in 
 
 1587. 
 In 1585, Sr. Thomas Heneage, Doctor Gaye, and in 1588. 
 In 1587, My Lord of Lecseter, ray Lord of Warwicke, my Lord Dale of Ware, Doctor Lewys, 
 
 Sr. Walter Ralley, and in 1590 and 1600. 
 In 1588, The Lady Russell, the Lord of Canterburi's Comissioners. 
 In 1589, My Lord Northe, and in 1594 and 1600 ; Sr. John Parrat. 
 In 1590, General Norris, my Lord of Northumberland. 
 In 1592, Sr. Thomas Sysell, and in 1594 ; Mr. Newton and his wife, Doctor Arrye, the Duke of 
 
 Houlte, Sr. Thomas Wilkes, my Ladie Henadge. 
 In IS93> Mr. Phillippes, and in 1600 ; Doctor Aberie, and in 1594. 
 In 1594, The Bishopp, Mr. Thomas Horner, and in IS9S and 159? ; Mr, Cooke, the L. chiefe 
 
 Justice, and in 1597 ; Captaine Lee, Mr, Puckerne, Mr. Mourton, Mr. Orringe, baron. 
 
 Ewens. 
 In 159S, Sr. Frauncis Hastings, and in 1600; my Lord Abergavenny, the Erie of Bathe, the Lord 
 
 of Cumberland. 
 In 1596, Mr. Hopton, and in 1598 and 1601 ; my L. of Oxon and the Countess of Cumberland, a 
 
 gent that laie at the Abbey, on Mr, Maynard. 
 In 1597, Sr. John Stawell, my Lord Bishoppe, the Lord Ritch. 
 In 1599, Sr. Robert Sisell's Sonn, the Erie of Rutland, Sr. Henrie Graye. 
 In 1600, Mr. Saxie, the Lady Marques, and in 1602 ; Mr. Roberte Stapleton. 
 In 1601, Sr, Edward Dennie, Sr. Thomas Gorge, the Lord Cobham. 
 In l6o2, Sr. John Poynes, the Earle of Tumorth, Sir Edward Wyngfield, Mris. Carr, Mr, Smyth. 
 
Cfftattifa&t^ attiir '^tttnnxAiiit^t .^flfattt^* 51 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 CHARITABLE AND ECCLESISATICAL AFFAIRS. 
 
 I HE duty of relieving the poor rested with the Chamber, but very little 
 money was laid out in this way.^ It must be admitted that the Chamber 
 were but unjust stewards of the Charitable and Ecclesiastical properties 
 vested in them. 
 
 Their backslidings and malpractices are matters both of history and 
 of record. Even before the reform of the Corporation the people rose 
 up and refused to tolerate the shameful misappropriation which so scandalously prevailed. 
 The misconduct was of a kind which increased in magnitude as years of impunity rolled 
 by. At the time we are ' considering, the trusts had only just been reposed in the 
 Chamber, and the system of peculation had not yet got fully under weigh. The subject, 
 therefore, properly belongs to a later section of the Municipal Records, and we here 
 propose to confine ourselves to a few examples. 
 
 At the time of the Reformation the ecclesiastical system of the city centred in the j^^^ ^ny 
 Abbey. That church was for the use of the monks primarily, and was not devoted to churches, 
 parochial purposes, but there were many attendant vicarages and some oratories. 
 
 In the first place, there was the parish church of St Mary de Stalls, at the corner 
 of Cheap Street and Stall Street. This was the official church of the Chamber, and 
 contained an aisle for the accommodation of the Mayor and Aldermen, termed the 
 Mayor's Aisle. 
 
 The other parish churches were St. Mary intra muros, St. Michael intra muros, 
 St. Michael extra muros, and St. James. The Chapelry of Widcombe was appendant 
 to the Vicarage of St Mary de Stalles. 
 
 The Commissioners for inquiring into the revenues of Monasteries offered to sell the The 
 fabric of the Abbey Church to the city for 500 marks, which offer was declined. Abbey. 
 Although the citizens would not buy the Abbey Church, they felt no hesitation 
 in plundering it They stripped away the glass, iron and lead (the latter amounting 
 to 480 tons), and shipped these, and the bells, to Spain. The evilly acquired stores 
 were lost in transit 
 
 The position of affairs in the year 1577 may be thus summarized. The Abbey 
 Church, a despoiled ruin, had passed to Humphrey Colles uiider the grant of Henry 
 VIII. Colles had sold it to Mathew Colthurst, and that gentleman had been succeeded 
 in the ownership by Edmund Colthurst." As the advowsons of all the city churches had 
 
 >.A few illustrations may be given : 
 
 1573-. For the kepinge of amadde woman, paied byMr. Cavell xs. 
 
 1594. paide vnto Nicholas Smithe for the kepinge of a childe iiijj. 
 
 1597. Paid to Gillian Forrest to releeve her whiles she lay in Childe bedd xj. viiji/. 
 Paid for a shrowde for her Childe viij(/. 
 
 1598. Paid to Six poore people wch weare wonte to haue the Queene's Almes xxiiijj-. 
 
 Some old benefactions to the poor, in the shape of loaves in Lent, were continued. These were 
 originally annexed to the parish churches. 
 
 ^ Colles had apparently bought the Priory property as a speculation, for Iwo days after the date of the 
 grant he obtained a license from the Crown to sell to Colthurst. An official copy of the license made in 
 1777, from the original record then in the Rolls Chapel, is in the Muniment-room. 
 
 7—2 
 
been vested in the Priory, these were claimed by the Crown under Holwaye's 
 surrender. 
 
 Before this surrender, however, Holwaye had conveyed the next presentation of St. 
 Mary de Stalles to Sir Walter Denys, who had presented in 157 1 Henry Adams. This 
 ecclesiastic was until his death in 1577 virtually the Rector of Bath. 
 
 The death of Adams presented the opportunity of an arrangement under which 
 the Abbey Church should be made the town church in place of St Mary de Stalles. 
 
 The first step was the acquisition of the fabric, and this was eifected by a grant 
 from Edmund Colthurst. As Colthurst held as tenant in capite he had to get a license 
 from the Crown to aUen, and the statutes of mortmain made a similar license necessary 
 for the citizens taking the grant. 
 
 These licenses were given by letters-patent of 21st November,^ 15 Eliz. (1572). 
 
 In these letters the Abbey Church is described as " totam illam ecdesiam ruinosam sive 
 
 templum ruinosum." 
 
 Grant of The same document grants to the citizens the advowson of the churches of St. 
 
 advowsons Mary intra muros, St. James, St Michael extra tnuros, the hospital of St. John the 
 
 to chamber. Baptist and the church of St Michael intra muros, thereto annexed, and the church of 
 
 St Mary de Stalles with the appendant Chapelry of Widcombe. 
 
 To consolidate the livings, required the consent of the ordinary. At the date of 
 the grant, Gilbert Berkeley was Bishop of Bath and Wells, but between his death in 
 November, 1581, and the consecration of Thomas Godwyn in September, 1584, the 
 See was vacant 
 
 The vicar capitular and administrator during this interval (Dr. Aubrey) was 
 an ecclesiastic intimately connected with Bath. 
 
 The following references are to be found in the accounts of the City Chamber- 
 lain : — 
 
 » 
 
 " 1581. Payed unto Mr. Ayshe for money layed forthe att London to Mr. 
 
 "Awbery for his fee and other charges concnyng Wathells matt* 
 
 " xs. for sentence xxxiiijj. mid. 
 " 1583. Delyued to Mr. George Perman Mayor to get Mr. Doctor Aubery to 
 
 " pcure the vnytynge of o' churches xli. 
 " 1584. [Stipends] to Doctor Aubery for his fee xl^. whose yere begynnethe all- 
 
 " wayes at the feast of St Michaell ; for half a Skyn of Parchm' for 
 
 " Mr. Doctor Auberye his patent iij(/. for waxe ij^. To Wackley for 
 
 " bearinge a letter to London to Mr. Doctor Auberye x^. 
 " 1593' P^-id fo'^ ifOQ dozen of pigeons three dozen of larckes and three live 
 
 " partridges given to Mr. Doctor Aberie. 
 '' 1594. Paid for a sugar loafe wch was given unto Mr. Doctor Aberie xij^ iij//. 
 
 " and for a gallon of wyne wch was given him iijV." 
 
 Consolida- In each of the years from 1584 to 1594, Dr. Aubrey seems to have received 
 
 tion of the ^^^^ which is sometimes termed an "annuity " and sometimes a " fee." 
 livings. rpj^jg divine was not unnaturally willing to oblige the MunicipaUty, and on the 12th 
 
 April, 1583, he signed an important order of consolidation. 
 
 The document recites that all the churches were vacant, and that the " ruinated 
 church " belonging to the Priory had been re-edified except the south aisle, and then 
 orders that the churches of St. Mary de Stalles and the chapel of Widcombe should be 
 annexed " for the increase of divine worship and the preaching of the Word of God to 
 the said great ruinated church." The Abbey Church is then erected into a parish 
 
 1 In the Muniment-room is an official copy of this document, made in 1777 from the original record 
 then in the Rolls Chapel. 
 
 * This is the will, No. 70 in Appendix A. 
 
^ftajttfatrl^ anir @rtclB»ia»ifeaI ^fatit«. 53 
 
 church, " to which as to their parish church all and singular the inhabitants of the said 
 late parishes should be obliged always to come and to no other place to hear Divine 
 service and to receive the Sacraments." The order then goes on to permit the use 
 of the other churches until the repair of the south aisle of the Abbey Church.^ 
 
 The conduct of the citizens in plundering the church evidently excited some pardonfor 
 attention, for in 1596 we find the City Chamberlain paying jT^xo "to Mr. YLtrait seizing the 
 Osborne for pcuring a pdon under the greate seale of the seasure of the greate ^bbey. 
 church," a sum of £,\ 6s. 8d. having been paid the previous year on the same 
 account. 
 
 The result of the arrangement was that the parish of St. Mary de Stalks be- 
 came the parish of SS. Peter and Paul. 
 
 The order of consolidation was never fully acted upon j probably the parishioners 
 refused to allow it. The churches of St. Michael extra muros and St. James were 
 not interfered with, except that the house property of the former was appropriated by 
 the Chamber. 
 
 Another church was that of St. Mary intra muros or St. Mary's by the Northgate. St. Mary 
 This church was in use until 1588, for in that year appears an entry of "procurations" intra 
 paid to the Bishop.^ muros. 
 
 Soon after this date the church was desecrated, the tower being used as a prison, 
 the nave as the free grammar school. Previously to this the free school seems to have 
 been held in the room above the Westgate. 
 
 The annexation of the church of St. Michael intra muros, termed sometimes St. Michael 
 " little St Michael's," sometimes " St. Michael's by the Bath," to St. John's Hospital i"'^" 
 was effected about 2 Edward VL^ '"'"'<"• 
 
 A "ruinous chapel" was included in the grant of 27 Elizabeth, already mentioned. 
 We can trace this chapel down to 1699, when it is described as "3, little shop situate 
 near the Cross Bath, containing five feet and a half in length and about five feet in 
 breadth." 
 
 Tliis small building was not improbably the private chapel of the Master of 
 St. John's Hospital. On the annexation of St. Michael's Church to the hospital it was 
 used as the chapel, and gradually lost entirely its parochial character. 
 
 Besides these public churches there were the votive Chapel of St. Laurence ^^' 
 on the Bridge, the Oratory of St. Werburgh on the site of Fountain Buildings (which, '>^<^tories. 
 in Elizabeth's reign, was used as an ale-house), and the Chapel of St. Winifred below 
 Cavendish Crescent. 
 
 All these chapels fell almost at once into ruins or were withdrawn from religious 
 purposes. 
 
 Even from the death of Adams in 1577 and without any formal authority, all "^^ 
 the churches were kept in hand and administered by the Chamber, for the City '^^^ofthe 
 Chamberlain paid the "procurations." The fees for burial seem also to have been paid churches 
 to that officer. by the 
 
 No great expense was incurred on the " cure of souls." A Mr. Long was the nominal Chamber. 
 incumbent ; but we find that he was so, only from his subsequent resignation. During 
 his incumbency he was paid by the Chamber, as such entries as the following will show : 
 1576. Geven to Mr. Longe the preacher... ... xxj. 
 
 1579. To Mr. Longe to make vp his money 
 vj//. xiijj. \\\]d. that was given vnto him by 
 
 ' An ofEckt copy of this order, made in 1777 from the original then in Lambeth Palace, is in the 
 Muniment-room. The church of St. Mary de Stalles stood at the comer of Stall Street and Cheap Street. 
 It was soon after tlie date we are now considering removed, and the site appropriated by the Chamber. 
 
 ^ These were dues payable from parish churches to the ordinary. 
 
 3 The annexation is mentioned in a certificate in the Augmentation Office (No. 42), dated 13th 
 February, 2 Edward VI. 
 
soundrie men as it appereth by a bill of their 
 
 names...- xxiijV. iij^. 
 
 Sequestra- People were very complaisant in those days as to church services, but the inhabi- 
 *"'j^?t' tants of Widcombe evidently protested against the farce of one man ministering to the 
 pud for. spiritual needs of the congregations in five churches, and in 1583 they applied for a 
 
 sequestration of the living. The minds of the Chamber were much disturbed. The 
 
 sum of;^39 14s. 4d. was at once spent on such matters as : 
 
 Delyued to John Chapman to be delyued to 
 Mr. Longe at London to avoyde the seques- 
 tracon pcured forthe by the Inhitantes of 
 Wytcombe xlf. 
 
 Payed Mr. Lloyd for rydynge to Welles to avoyd 
 the lycence graunted to Mr. Gaye for the 
 servynge of Wytcombe iij^. iiijV. 
 
 The attempt was successful, for there is a subsequent entry : 
 
 Payed to John Perman for bringynge downe of 
 
 a Revocacon... ... ... ... ... xiij.f. vi\]d. 
 
 Mr. Long was still employed, for in 1584 the Chamberlain paid £,\ 6s. 6d. to make 
 up a payment to him of ;^ 10, the rest being "gathered." But in the same year he 
 resigned the living, there being indications of disturbance " touching the plurality." 
 
 The next presentation made by the Chamber was of Richard Meredith. This 
 was in 1584. 
 
 Three years afterwards the Chamberlain pays " Mr. Meredith, o"" Parson, more then 
 is receaued for his wages this ij yeres as appeareth bie the pticulars xij/. vj^. \d. " 
 
 In the same year ;^i8 9s. sd. is spent on "makinge of the gallerie" of Stalles 
 
 Church. 
 
 Zease of The Chamber found the " cure of souls " an agreeable and perhaps not altogether 
 
 churches an unprofitable recreation, and in 1590 a bargain was made with Meredith. By lease 
 
 tochamber. dated the loth December in that year, that complaisant rector demised to the mayor, 
 
 aldermen, and citizens the rectory of SS. Peter and Paul, with all tithes, payments, and 
 
 appurtenances thereto belonging, reserving to himself the parsonage house, and a rent 
 
 There are some curious entries in the accounts of the church of St. Michael extra 
 
 muros as to the parson's living. In 1551, the churchwardens presented him with 
 
 twenty pence "towards hys lyvynge," and another account contains an entry of sixpence 
 
 paid to the wardens " sekynge y° goodwylle and gentilnes towards the parson's levynge." 
 
 We need not here stay to deal with the manner in which the Chamber discharged 
 
 the ecclesiastical duties so rashly sought and obtained. Before the gift of the 
 
 church by Mathew Colthurst, material had been carted from it in vast quantities to 
 
 mend the roads. '^ Before the order of consolidation, and therefore before there was any 
 
 pretence for the contention that the other churches were to be desecrated, the lead was 
 
 stripped from the roofs to make pipes for the waterworks, and the rood-lofts and other 
 
 materials in the churches were sold. 
 
 The We have already seen that the property forming the endowment of the free school 
 
 charities, and Black Alms Charity were vested in the Chamber. 
 
 Ichoir" '^^t^ intermixed this wuh the ordinary City land, and kept no separate account. 
 
 The free school was after a fashion maintained. 
 * No. 71 in Appendix A. 
 
 ° Tlie accounts of St. Michael's contain entries of money paid for hauling stone and tiles from the 
 Abbey, as do those of the City Chamberlain. 
 
i^iiatifniitu anltr Oftcl^siaaiical ^fattt«. 55 
 
 There is annually an. entry of ^£12 or thereabouts as paid to the schoolmaster; 
 and in 1586 there is another entry, "given to Mr. Jonnes for the free schole to make 
 vpp xxs. which was gathered iiijj." 
 
 The only other items we find relating to the school are : 
 
 1594. Paid vnto the Joyner for a writinge board for 
 
 the schole iiijy. vji/. 
 
 „ Paid for a dictionarie to remaine in the free 
 
 schole ... ... ... ... ... xixs. 
 
 „ Paid for a dictionarie for the Schole xxiijj. iiij^. 
 
 Another charity of which we must speak is the Hospital of St. John the Baptist. Hospital 
 This was a charity for the relief of old men and women who resided in the almshouse. "J^'-J'"''^- 
 It was founded by John de Villula about 1174, and its administration had for many 
 years rested with the monks of the priory. We have seen that after the dissolution 
 the hospital became annexed to the Vicarage of St. Michael intra muros, and the 
 patronage and management vested in the Chamber. The Chamberlain kept distinct 
 accounts of the charity property, but as these were not audited on behalf of the hospital, 
 this was of no advantage to the institution. ^ 
 
 The first account we have is in 1577. In that year the Chamberlain charges himself 
 with an income oij£^2 12s., but of this ^6 goes to the " poor of the hospital." Of the 
 balance a considerable sum was expended on the repair of the Abbey church, which 
 had been allowed to fall into ruin by a course of brutal neglect ; but there was still 
 enough left of the patrimony of the poor to be frittered away in payments to players, 
 for bear-baiting, and in presents to magnate visitors. 
 
 Of the Hospital of St. Mary Magdalen at Holloway we have already spoken.^ Hospital of 
 Henry VIII. had by letters-patent appointed Simon Sheppard to be master. In 1561 ^j/^^/^ 
 the citizens moved to have this appointment set aside and the funds devoted to charit- 
 able purposes, but the letters-patent of Henry VIII. were held to bar the claim. It is 
 curious that, having regard to this, Thomas Wathell, a priest, who died in 1569, should, 
 by his will,^ have given an annual donation to this Hospital. 
 
 We cannot tell with certainty when the entire withdrawal from the poor of the 
 funds of this charity commenced, but in 1815 it was shown that the revenues had for 
 very many years been misappropriated for private purposes, 
 
 " This record of plunder and mismanagement is a dreary one, but anyone who reads 
 the report of the Charitable Trust Commissioners (18 15 to 1839) will see that the 
 remarks here made with respect to Bath might be repeated in reference to almost 
 every town in the kingdom possessed of charitable endowments. 
 
 ^ Mr. Beaushin (or Bewshin) was apparently the first Master of the Hospital on the nomination of 
 the Chamber. He died in 1587. ^ 
 
 ^Ante, page 34. Jll^^ 
 
 ' No. 70 in Appendix A. Mr. Wathell was buried in St, James's Viliurch. The entry in the register 
 is as follows : " December, an° 1569. 
 
 " Sir Thomas Whathell, parson, was buried the Six* day, 1569.'' 
 
56 
 
 iP^lfte ^unfcijraJ ;^itJ^wlr» ijf ;]©af%. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 OF THE DRAMA IN BATH. 
 
 Thedrama ESS^JWOETRY seemed to be born again in England during the reign of Elizabeth. 
 tn Bath, Rl fiSfiiltyl Between Chaucer and Spenser we have no English poet, but scarcely 
 had the nation learned from the " Faerie Queene " that the English 
 language was fitted for the expression of the noblest thoughts in the 
 noblest verse, than the poetic fire seemed to be enkindled throughout the 
 country. The drama principally attracted the aspirants to fame. Kyd, 
 Green, and Marlowe wrote plays which have only ceased to live inasmuch as they have 
 been overwhelmed and outshone by the majesty and surpassing light of Shakespeare. 
 
 The whole country was overrun by bands of strolling players; the leaders of fashion 
 kept their companies of actors as did the Roman patricians their schools of gladiators. 
 Inn-yards, barns and cart-sheds were turned into extempore theatres, and a public 
 nuisance was occasioned by the travelling about of so many idle persons. 
 
 The Act 39 Eliz., c. 4, forbids " all fencers berewards common players of interludes 
 and minstrells wandering abroad (other than players of interludes belonging to anie 
 Baron of this realme, or anie other honourable person of greater degree to bee 
 authorized to play under the hand and seal of armes of such baron or personage.)" 
 The punishment is, " to be stripped naked from the middle upwards, and be openly 
 whipped till his or her bodie be bloudie."^ 
 
 A city situated as was Bath, was a natural resort for players, and it is not astonish- 
 ing to find noblemen glad to display the powers of their companies of actors before such 
 discriminating audiences as would be afforded by the visitors to the baths. Sometimes 
 an absolute fee was paid, leaving the players to "gather at the bench" what more they 
 could ; at others a total sum was guaranteed, and the Chamberlain made up out of the 
 public funds the deficiency of the sum collected. The payments varied in amount. 
 We find Lord Worcester's players satisfied in 1577 with 2s. 6d., whilst the next year 
 " my lorde of Lesyters^ players " received 14s. 
 
 Occasionally more serious plays were relieved by the less montonous diversion 
 afforded by tumblers, the Queen's and Lord Warwick's. 
 
 There is some evidence that Shakespeare not only visited Bath, but that he was 
 much impressed with the natural curiosity of the hot springs. 
 
 Amongst the various companies of actors the place of honour and of merit was 
 conceded to the " Lord Chamberlain's servants " or players. 
 
 These were only nominally in employment as servants ; they really formed a little 
 joint-stock company of their own.^ In 1586 Shakespeare came to London, and only 
 three years later he is one of the sixteen "poore players," being all of them " sharers in 
 the Black Fryers playhouse," who petitioned against an ordinance against plays made 
 because certain actors had " brought into theire playes maters of state and religion, 
 
 'The same statute (which is directed against vagrants generally) goes on to provide " that no 
 diseased or impotent poor person shall at any time resort or repaire from their dweUing-places to the 
 City of Bathe or town of Buxton for the ease of their griefs," unless authorized by two justices, and that 
 the inhabitants of the same city of Bath and town of Buxton shall not be liable for their relief. 
 
 '^ The Earl of Leicester opened the first theatre in London, in Blackfriars. Some of the other 
 players were the servants of the Lord Chamberlain (the Master of the Revels), the Lord Admiral, Lords 
 Mountjoy, Sussex, Essex, Stafford, Fitzjames, Montague, Berkeley, Harbord, Hayward, Derby, Strange, 
 Sheffield, Hunsdon, Bartlett, Chandos, Oxford, Warwick, Darcie, Hertford, Monteagle, Pembroke, Sir 
 Richard Rogers and Sir Harry Rackliffe. 
 
 a Dyce's " Life of Shakespeare." 
 
 Payments 
 to players 
 and 
 tumblers. 
 
®f i^^ ^xiamti in ';M(ii^> 57 
 
 unfit to bee handled by them or to bee presented before lewde spectators." These 
 sharers of Black Friars theatre were known as the Lord Chamberlain's players, and 
 afterwards as the Queen's players. 
 
 In I James I that King conferred the title of " King's servants " upon the company of 
 which Shakespeare was a member, and he is expressly named in the patent. 
 
 The title of Queen's players or servants had, however, been used for several years 
 previously. This company visited Bath no less than fourteen times between 1587 and 
 1601. 
 
 The license to act was in those days a personal one, and the companies were small, s/iaie- 
 We have seen that Shakespeare is mentioned as a member of the royal troupe in 1589, sjieam in 
 and again in 1604 ; and there is a petition extant in 1596 in which Shakespeare joins in ^"■'^'• 
 a petition to the " Privie Counsell " for leave to rep^iir and enlarge the Black Friars 
 theatre, against which the inhabitants of the district had protested. As he was a 
 member of the company during this period of thirteen years, and as the company 
 visited Bath so often, the inference is strong that he was frequently in the city. 
 
 The inference is confirmed by the poet's writings. In Sonnet 153 the healing 
 fountains of the cityare thus beautifully mentioned : 
 
 " Cupid laid by his brand, and fell asleep : 
 
 A maid of Dian's this advantage found. 
 And his love-kindling fire did quickly steep 
 
 In a cold valley-fountain of that ground ; 
 Which borrowed from this holy fire of love 
 
 A dateless lively heat, still to endure, 
 And grew a seething bath, which yet men prove 
 
 Against strange maladies a sovereign cure. 
 But at my mistress' eye love's brand new fired, 
 
 The boy for trial needs would touch my breast, 
 I sick withal, the help of Bath desired, 
 
 And thither hied, a sad disteinpered guest, 
 But found no cure : the bath for my help lies ■ 
 Where Cupid got new fire — my mistress' eyes." 
 
 In the next Sonnet we have the picture of a nymph seizing the " heart-inflaming 
 brand " of the sleeping Cupid : 
 
 " This brand she quenched in a cool well by, 
 
 Which from love's fire took heat perpetual. 
 Growing a bath and healthful remedy 
 
 For men diseased : but I, my mistress' thrall. 
 Came there for cure, and this by that I prove 
 Love's fire heats water, water cools not love." 
 
 The Chamber patronized also local talent. Mr. Long,^ the preacher, wrote some 
 plays. In 1583 he received from the Chamber 6s. for one, and 3s. 4d. for another. 
 
 Of local actors we have these indications, namely, a payment in 1661 " to the 
 younge men of our men that plaid at Cristmas," and in 1602 to " the younge men of 
 our Cyttie that played att Christmas," and to " the Children that played at Candellmas," 
 no doubt on the occasion of the annual fair. 
 
 There were some less refined recreations provided. The amusement ol \i2\'C\ng Bear-bait- 
 bears with dogs was much prized, and a royal bearwarden was appointed to manage ing. 
 the sport for the Court. Mr. Chapman seems to have kept a bear for baiting in the 
 city, and in 1577 a small payment of twelve pence was made him towards the ex- 
 penses. We find also payments made to the bearwardens of the Queen (in 1593 and 
 1602), Lord Warwick (in 1576), and of Lord Dudley (in 1594). 
 
 ' See some notes as to Mr. Long, ante, pp. 51, 54. 
 
58 
 
 ipHire ^^nmtipAl '^^ttxtvih^ mf ^JSaifi. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Right of 
 common 
 over 
 Barton 
 
 estate. 
 
 OF THE CORPORATE PROPERTY. 
 
 iHE Guildhall, which was removed to make way for the present structure, 
 was built in 1569, at an expense of ;^i94 17s. 3d. There was no con- 
 tract, and apparently no paid architect, but the Chamberlain paid every 
 trifling expense down to " pack-thread, twopence j and meat and drink for 
 the carrier, sixpence." 
 
 Much stone was hauled from the " Pallis " (the abbey buildings), 
 and some from the quarry on the Common farm.^ 
 
 We have already seen that from time immemorial the free citizens of Bath exercised 
 rights of common over the Barton estate. Th6 right was curious in its terms, which 
 had evidently been made the subject of minute negotiation at some very early period in 
 the history of the city. Every freeman might put his cattle into Kingsmead upon 
 Lammas day (2nd February), there to feed until the farmer put his cattle into the arable 
 field of Barton ; and when the farmer of Barton put his cattle into the field, the freemen 
 could do the same, and leave them until the field was sown again. The freemen might 
 also put their cattle in the enclosed grounds of the Barton estate three weeks after the 
 farmer had put in his cattle, and might again put their cattle into Kingsmead upon 
 St. Crispin's day (25th October), there to remain until St. Andrew's day (30th 
 November). This is very different from an ordinary right of common, and represents 
 an evident attempt to reconcile an ancient custom with more recently acquired pro- 
 prietary rights. But there was another and still more unusual feature : tlie freemen 
 using the rights of common had to pay for every beast going in Kingsmead at Lammas, 
 having a tooth, a penny ; and not having a tooth, a halfpenny ; and for the cattle 
 going in the arable fields, having a tooth, three halfpence ; and not having a tooth, a 
 halfpenny ; and for every beast going on the enclosed ground, having a tooth, a penny ; 
 and having no tooth, a halfpenny. 
 
 The Barton farm extended not only over the now existing " Common farm " and 
 Victoria Park, but also the site of Queen Square, Gay Street, Barton Street, Brock 
 Street, the Circus, the Crescent fields, etc. 
 
 The right of common over Kingsmead was specifically enjoyed, but that over the 
 Barton appears from a very early date to have been commuted into an annual money 
 payment, leases being granted or verbal agreements made with the successive tenants. 
 In the year 1570, a lease was granted of the common rights to the farmer of the Barton, 
 Peter Beaushin, at 40s. per annum. This annual rent was, until 16 19, treated as part 
 of the city revenue ; but afterwards, and down to our own time, the estate conveyed as 
 a consideration for the release of common was dealt with as belonging to the individual 
 freemen for the time being. 
 
 In the next reign, the incorporeal right of common was surrendered, in considera- 
 tion of the absolute conveyance of a part of the estate. 
 
 Besides this interest in the Barton estate, the Chamber possessed, from a very early 
 date, considerable property, both within and without the city walls. How this was 
 acquired is a very interesting question, but it is unfortunately one to which the answer 
 is only conjectural. 
 
 ' The rates of wages were : freemasons, is, a day ; carpenters, 9d. a day ; labourers, 6d. to 7^. a day. 
 Lime was Jd. per sack. Some of the standing timber was apparently given, as the charges extend 
 only to felling, carrying, and sawing timber. Axes are charged at is., shovels at ijd. 
 
The Corporate property, exclusive of some lands in country parishes, consists of 
 the streets now known as Oxford Row, part of Bennett Street, Saville Row, the North 
 side of Alfred Street, Edgar Buildings, nearly all Milsom Street and Broad Street, the 
 Paragon, nearly all Walcot Street and Northgate Street, New Bond Street, Upper 
 Borough Walls, High Street, Cheap Street, the Orange Grove, Westgate Street, Stall 
 Street, Bath Street, Hot Bath Street, part of Westgate Buildings, and the whole of 
 Southgate Street. 
 
 The origin of title to Sotithgate Street appears tolerably clear. It is the street Corfomte 
 leading from the Southgate (hard by St. James's Church) to the Old or Bath Bridge. It property in 
 would obviously have been the right and interest of the city to maintain a free right of Southgate 
 access to the gate from the passage over the river,i and having regard to the foundrous ^*''"^\ 
 state of all roads, there would have been an evident advantage in having a very wide 
 free passage. The- Corporation property in Southgate Street extends over a width, 
 including the street, of 86 yards ; and it is probable that this was the original roadway, 
 and that the Chamber, when so wide a road was not required, appropriated the surplus 
 land. 
 
 The Corporate property in Milsom Street and Broad Street forms a fairly compact 
 block, and represents roughly the site of one of the Butts where the trained bands of the 
 City used to exercise. This was built upon when the necessity for such an open space 
 was deemed to have ceased. The pieces of freehold intermixed with this property may 
 arise either from encroachments or exchanges. 
 
 Concerning the rest of the Corporate property, it is only possible to speak in general 
 terms. 
 
 There was, as we have seen,^ some city property in 13 Edward H., and one of the 
 houses is mentioned to have been given to the town. It is probable that, notwithstand- 
 ing the statutes of mortmain, many houses were similarly acquired. 
 
 Another class of houses which devolved on the Municipality consisted, no doubt, 
 of property which had originally belonged to the Crown, and which, by the gradual 
 relinquishment of the royal rights, was taken possession of by the citizens. 
 
 A very large accretion to the city property was one of the results of the Reforma- 
 tion. Edward VI., by his general-grant, conveyed to the citizens, as trustees of the Free Appro- 
 Grammar School and Black Alms Charity, a great number of houses never fully identified, pHation of 
 but mentioned to have been nearly 100. Only a very small proportion was recovered Charity 
 by the Charity Trustees. The Commissioners of 27 Elizabeth reported 56 houses to ^^'^ ... 
 belong to the Crown in Bath in right of the dissolved Priory. It would be very unlikely property. 
 that such a cluster of houses should in any ordinary sense have been concealed, and. 
 there is another explanation of their not being previously seized. 
 
 The accounts of the parish of St. Michael extra muros show that the churchwardens 
 had a considerable number of houses under their management as far back as the year 
 1349, and in 18 Henry VIII. the houses were certified by the churchwardens as 36 in 
 number in Walcot Street, Broad Street, and Frog Lane (now New Bond Street), the 
 rental amounting to ;^ii i8s. 8d. 
 
 These houses belonged technically, perhaps, to the Priory, as owners of the 
 Rectory, but the parish enjoyed the rents, and the churchwardens would be so far the 
 reputed owners as to prevent the property being returned as part of the possessions of 
 the Priory. The houses remained unclaimed, therefore, until 1585, when, with others, 
 they were returned as lapsed to the Crown, and were granted, as we have said, to the 
 citizens. The Crown grant is endorsed, although in a writing of later date, as "Church 
 land ;" and in 1586 and some subsequent years, the rent reserved to the Queen is said 
 to be in respect of Church land. Practically speaking, there is no doubt that 36 of the 
 
 1 The foundations of the bridge are Roman, but there seems to have been no bridge, but only a ford 
 in English times until the reign of Edward III. 
 ^ Ante, p. 25. 
 
 8—2 
 
6o 
 
 l^llt ^uttictpal ^ccuitir« ttf ;:i®afl|. 
 
 Water- 
 tvorks on 
 Beecheii 
 Cliff, 
 
 Ana 
 
 Beacon 
 
 Hill. 
 
 56 houses comprised in the grant belonged to the parish of St. Michael extra muros} 
 and that of the remaining 20, many formed part of the endowments of the parishes of 
 St. Mary de Stalles and possibly St. Michael intra muros. A considerable portion, 
 therefore, of the Corporate property at the present day consists of Church and charity 
 land appropriated by the Chamber.^ 
 
 As the gross income at present derived from the Corporation water-works exceeds 
 ;£'i 0,000 per annum, it seems necessary to say a few words as to their origin during 
 the period we have been considering. The original supply of the city was from Beechen 
 Cliff. The springs arose on land belonging to the Priory, but afterwards acquired by 
 Hugh Sexey and given as part of the endowment of Bruton Hospital. The rent paid 
 was a large one — £io i os. per annum. We have not any record of the terms of the lease 
 or agreement, but they may be gathered from the provisions of a statute (6 George III.) 
 passed to enable the Corporation to improve their works. The rights of Earl Manvers, 
 the owner of the Priory estates in Bath, were defined to be : 
 
 " Two several feather streams or pipes ot water of the bigness or diameter 
 " of a swan's quill of the largest size and one goose quill continually to run for 
 " the use and supply of the Abbey House and other buildings on the said Duke's 
 " Estate there." 
 
 And in lieu thereof it was provided that the Corporation should deliver a stream ot 
 water of the diameter of an inch and a quarter to run for the space of four successive 
 hours in every day. 
 
 At an early date a further supply was obtained from Beacon Hill by agreement with 
 the Prior and monks, as grantees of the hundred of the forittsecum. The rent paid 
 appears in a record of the Augmentation Office in 31 Henry VIH. as "Et de xvjd. de 
 redd de j aque voc Walcotts Water p ann." The rent payable to the Priory, had been 
 extinguished before the date of our first Chamberlain's account. It passed to the Crown 
 on the dissolution, and was included in the grant from Edward VI. 
 
 Down to the year 1873, when the whole spring was acquired by the Corporation, a 
 quaint device existed for its equal division. 
 
 The bed of the culvert was made to bifurcate, the two branches so uniting as to 
 allow an equal part of the stream to flow down each, whilst a pair of locks prevented 
 either party from tampering with the fairness of the arrangement. 
 
 From these sources water was conveyed in pipes to public conduits, situate in 
 Walcot Street, Broad Street, High Street, and Southgate Street. These seem to have 
 been at one time, highly architectural little buildings, but afterwards degenerated into 
 mere " stand-pipes." The records of the period we are considering only serve to show 
 on how small a scale the work then was. 
 
 There were, down to the reign of Elizabeth, no private supplies taken from the 
 public pipes, but these commenced during this and the next reign. 
 
 The following entries may be taken as samples of the repairs recorded to have been' 
 executed : 
 
 " 1569. To Willm Colyns for keping the watre, iijs. iiij(/. 
 " For mendinge saint Jeames pype, xvji/. 
 
 " For mendinge the pypes in Waulkotts lane in the twelfe dayes for 
 " clothe corde pyche tallowe and rosson, xvj^. 
 " For mendinge the pypes in Waulkott lane ij ells canvas, xx(/. ; in 
 "lyme, xij^. ; iiij/«. pyche and rosson, viii^. ; \]li. of tallowe, iiiji/." 
 
 1 The houses were claimed by the parish, and on the 23rd May, 1735, the Charity Commissioners 
 held that the claim was just, but the later history of the Municipality will show that the Chamber suc- 
 cessfully refused to make over the property which now forms part of the city estates. 
 
 " The gross income of the Corporate property in the year ended 25th March, 1884, was ^7,933 los. 2d. 
 
In 1576, one of the headings of the account is, "Chardges bestowed vppon the Repairs to 
 conduytes," which amounted together to £,x 13s. id. The following are some of the Waier- 
 details : ^'"'*•'■ 
 
 " Paied to a Laborer for niendinge of Staules pipe, vj^. ; p* to the belmans 
 " Sonne for twoo dales labor about St. James pipe, yi\)d. ; paied to a laborer for 
 " mendynge the Conduyte above Walcott, viij^. ; . . . p* to ij woorkemen 
 " woorkinge on the Conduyte w'out the gate, xiiij(/. ; ... To Forte for mendynge 
 " the Conduite in the Highestreate and for two powndes of Soder, ijj." 
 
 In 1581 also, one of the headings of the account is: "Repacons bestowed about 
 the Pypes and Conditts," the total being ;^29 iis. S^d. Some of the details are as 
 follows : 
 
 " Payed unto Percyvall the vi"" of June for fetchinge home of the Water, 
 "xiji/. ; . . . payed more the xviij'"" of June for fetching the water from Becknold 
 " and Bechinge Cliffe, ijj. v]d. ; . . . payed for mendynge the pype att the blynd 
 " lane, -xd.; . . . more receyved in ledd from w"'out gates Churche in ledd, 
 " vijf. Yviixx. poundes for the whiche payed for tylynge the porche as followeth 
 " payed for lathes, iiijrf. ; payed for lath nayles, \\\)d. ; payed for takynge downe 
 " the ledd, viiji^. ; for tyle, vijj'. ; for the tylynge, \\)s. ; payed for Crestes, xv^. ; 
 "for a Refter and a waleplate, \]d. ; for lyrae, x^. ; payed for woodd to moult 
 " the ledd, iijj. iiiji/. ; . . . payed for cuttynge the stone pypes, iiijj. ; . . . payed 
 " to Richard Erode for iij lodes of over Tyle for the Hospitall for that the ledd 
 " thereof was hadd to make pypes, lijj. ; . . . paied more for ij bushelles of whytt 
 " salt, iiijj. viiji/. ; . . . payed for a Styllytorye, ijx. ; . . . paied for helpynge 
 " home the water, vj(/. j- . . . payed for the carriadge of a lode of stone from the 
 " Abbye to the pype in Brodstrete, viij^. 
 Here are some items in following years, thus : 
 
 " 1586. Mending a pipe in Bychencliff, iijj. iiijV. ; for setting of a pipe in Saint 
 "James sestron, xviij^. ; paid John Gill for vncoueringe of all the 
 "stone pipes from the trowe in John Saunders close to the field, 
 " ixj. \]d. 
 " 1587. Paid Hugh Hill for j dales worke for doinge in ditchinge a place for the 
 " waste water at Bitchingcliffe, iiiJ5. ; paid Hugh Hill for ij daies riddinge 
 " of the stone pipes in August, xvj^. ; paid Bekar and John Thomas for 
 " carienge of pavygrs from the Hall to becknowell to cover the pipes, 
 " xni]d. 
 "1589. To William, Forte for keeping the water, xiijj. iiij^. ; to Hugh Hill for 
 
 " keeping the water coming from Walcott, xiijj. iiijd. 
 "1595. Paid to Moreley for three pound and a half of sodder to mend the 
 " leades in BechinclifF, ijs. iiij^. ; paid him for his paines to mend the 
 " same, v]d. ; paid for a Facket of wood to the same worke, n]d. ; paid 
 " vnto Mooreley for twoo pound of sodder to mende the leades in 
 " Marchants orchard, xvjd. ; paid for fyer to the same ]d. ; paid to 
 " Mooreley for his laboure, iu]d.; paid to Baker for digginge about the 
 " same, iiij^. ; paid to Moorley for mendinge of the pipes in Crosses 
 " hopyard, vjd. ; paid for sodder to the same, xij^. ; paidfor a Faggett 
 " of wood, iij^. ; paid to Mooreley for mendinge of the pipes in Bigges 
 "close, \ii]d. ; paid for sodder to mend the same, iijj-. mid. ; paid to 
 " Baker for laboringe and digginge about the pipes, viij^. ; paid vnto 
 " John Dallamye for makinge of a pipe of woode for the cocke at the 
 " market house, vjd.'' 
 
62 J^JjE ^i]©[unmjEraI '^titttvtf& of [[JSatlj. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 IE have seen that there existed in Bath a complete system of Municipal 
 Government J that this system was merely codified by the charter of 
 Elizabeth, and that it was, in essential points, untouched by the charters 
 of preceding sovereigns. 
 
 Bath, however, is in no exceptional position : a system of govern- 
 ment similar in substance, and with only slight divergencies of detail, 
 existed in all other ancient towns of considerable magnitude. 
 
 How, then, did this almost uniform and pervading system come into being ? The 
 question is a most interesting one, and as by degrees the jrotting and vermin-gnawed 
 records of our municipal boroughs are rescued from their undeserved oblivion, and the 
 scattered facts are pieced together, we shall approach to its solution. We shall find our 
 municipal government carried backward, and yet further back, and shall probably discover 
 all its essential elements existing before the Conquest, and left to us now as a survival of 
 that old free state of merry England, to which we are in so many ways returning. 
 
 There is, indeed, a sad blot on these pages of our history. 
 
 For five hundred years the municipal towns warred and struggled with the 
 Crown. One by one the fetters, imposed on local freedom by tyrant kings and crafty 
 ministers, were burst asunder, but the clatter of the last falling shackle seemed but the 
 key-note for the commencement of another struggle for freedom. This time the com- 
 munity sought the aid of the central authority to unrivet the chains industriously 
 fastened by the close oligarchy which usurped the government 
 
 The course is not difficult to trace. The Saxon iun moot was an assembly of the free- 
 men — that is, of the landowners of the town. It was not, nor was any assembly of the 
 Saxons, representative in its nature. Now, in all deliberative assemblies of any size, the 
 practical discussion is relegated to a few, and the more popular the assembly the more com- 
 pletely is this tendency developed. In the tun moot there would have been an inner circle 
 sitting round the tree, whilst the humbler freemen, forming a standing cluster beyond, par- 
 ticipated in the discussion by occasional interjections of dissent or approval. Death would 
 occasionally make a vacancy in one of the seats around the tree, and, at first informally, 
 afterwards by some sort of election, one would be called from the outer circle to supply 
 it. How this rude system would have adapted itself to a more complex state of society 
 we can only conjecture, but the existence of a strong common enemy would naturally 
 stifle all internal attempts at legislation. In those early days, when England was winning 
 back her liberties one by one from the Norman masters, when burghers fought the good 
 fight shoulder to shoulder, true of heart, and with single purpose, the shrewdest and 
 boldest men would naturally come to the front, and the citizens would not care to §can 
 the process of their elevation. 
 
 Unfortunately, there was in most towns a pecuniary interest in citizenship, the 
 benefits of a common, exclusive right of trading, and so forth. The small consideration 
 that these benefits were diminished by being shared, blinded the citizens to the great 
 advantage of assimilating new blood and new ideas, and of continually aggregating new 
 citizens, each one working with hand and brain primarily for his own emolument, but as 
 certainly, although less directly, for the common weal. 
 
 Instead of this, the effort was to restrict the number of citizens, and the result to 
 
<^0nclusum. (>t, 
 
 prevent the formation of a healthy public opinion, and that broadening of the base of 
 municipal freedom which is necessary to keep the structure upright. 
 
 The existence of Corporate property had another evil result. Even a small self- 
 elected and self-elective body must, in its own despite, be influenced by the angry voices 
 of citizens whose pockets are invaded. This valuable counterpoise and corrective did 
 not exist. The Chamber could govern without taxation : it was like a king able to 
 dispense with a parliament. 
 
 When the much-belauded charter of Elizabeth was obtained, there was an admir- 
 able opportunity of making the council a representative body. 
 
 The opportunity was not taken, and, if we regard the nature of the times, it is, 
 perhaps, not to be wondered at ; but the fact remains, and the misfortune. 
 
 We were once free with our natural heritage ; our freedom was torn from us, and 
 we recovered it, but only to lose it again by apathy and corruption ; and though we are 
 once more restored to freedom, our joy in the possession is embittered, our glory tinged 
 with shame, because we hold it as the gift of the central authority, which it ought to 
 have been our boast to exclude. 
 
APPENDIX A. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF 
 
 CHARTERS, CROWN GRANTS, WRITS, AND COMMISSIONS. 
 
 No. 
 
 Page 
 
 where 
 
 referred 
 
 to. 
 
 Date and 
 Place. 
 
 7 Dec, 
 
 I Rich. I. 
 
 ("89): 
 
 Dover. 
 
 23 Dec, 
 31 Hen. III. 
 
 (1246); 
 Winchester. 
 
 Witnesses, 
 
 Particulars. 
 
 See full text in Appendix B. 
 
 Confirmation of i Rich. I. 
 new privileges added. 
 
 No 
 
 Hugh, Bishop of Durham.' 
 Hugh, Bishop of Chester. ^ 
 Hubert, Bishop of Salisbury. 
 William Marshal.^ John, his 
 brother. Geoffry Fitz Peter. 
 
 W(illiam), Bishop of Winches- 
 ter. F(ulk), Bishop of London. 
 R(ichard), Bishop of Exeter. 
 Richard de Clare, Earl of 
 Gloucester and Hereford,* 
 R. le Bygod, Earl of Norfolk.^ 
 William de Cantilupe.^ Hu- 
 bert de Vinon, Ralph, the 
 son of Nicholas. Bercinus de 
 Criorl. Paulinus Perure. John 
 
 1 Hugh, Bishop of Durham in 34 Henry II., was sent into Scotland to collect the disme for the 
 Crusade. He met - there with a somewhat rough reception. Appointed one of the Justiciaries in 
 I Richard I. 
 
 - Hugh de Nonant, Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield. The diocese of CJiester was created in 
 1 541, but the Bishops of Coventry and Lich6eld, before that date, often styled themselves Bishops of 
 Chester (" Le Neve, Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanse," by Duffus Hardy, Oxford, 1854, vol. i,, p. 546), 
 
 ' William Marshal was, in 8 Richard I., Earl of Estrigol. The two Marshals were witnesses to the 
 Winchester charter. The of5ce of Marshal was hereditary in the family. William Marshal was, wifh 
 Geoffry Fitz Peter, associated with the Bishop of Durham in managing the kingdom in the King's 
 
 * The Gloucester of the "Mad Parliament." He was the son of Gilbert de Clare, who became 
 entitled to the Earldom of Gloucester through his mother, Amicia, and to that of Hereford from his 
 father. In 51 Hen. HI. there was a celebrated lawsuit between Gilbert, son of Rich"ard (mentioned in 
 the text), and the widow, as to dower. The extent of the estates may be estimated by the circumstance 
 of ^20,000 damages being claimed by the young Earl for excess of dower taken by his mother. 
 
 ^ Matthew Paris tells us "Multiplicatis intercessionibus concessa est marescalcia cum officio et honore 
 Comiti Rogero Bigod, ratione Comitessae filitc Comitis magni Wilhelmi marescalli primogenitie matris 
 su£B." (P. 1246.) 
 
 8 Cantilupe, or Cantlow, illustrates a peculiar rule strictly enforced by our early Kmgs— thata 
 Crown debtor could not make a' will without leave. Henry HI. gave his permission to m?ike a will 
 "Quia Rex vult quod heredes ejusdera Wilhelmi solveant ei debita in quibus ipse Wilhelmus regi 
 tenetur ad eosdem terminos ad quos idem Wilhelmus eadera debita regi reddere solebat." 
 
 9 
 
11 
 
 l^fivi ^©[untripal ^^tttrir0 wf ]]©affe. 
 
 No. 
 
 where 
 
 referred 
 
 to. 
 
 {conti 
 
 Date and 
 Place. 
 
 itued) 
 
 26 July, 
 
 40 Hen; III. 
 
 (1256).! 
 
 Witnesses. 
 
 13 
 
 16 
 
 27 May, 
 
 3 Edw. I. 
 
 (1275)- 
 
 12 Nov., 
 
 3 Edw. I. 
 
 (iz7S)- 
 
 Particulars. 
 
 de Lexinton. Godfrey de 
 Childewik. Robert le Nor- 
 reis. Ralph de Wauncy, 
 
 Guy de Lesignan. Godfrey 
 de Lesignan, and William de 
 Valence,^ the King's brothers. 
 John de Plessetis, Earl of 
 Warwick.' Roger de Thur- 
 kiby. Robert Walerand. Wal- 
 kelin de Arderun. Nicholas 
 de St. Maur. Ralph de 
 Bakepus. Bartholomew le 
 Bigot.* William of St. Er- 
 minus. William Gernun. 
 
 No witnesses. 
 
 Walter, Bishop of Rochester. 
 Thomas, Bishop of Hereford. 
 William de Valence, the King's 
 uncle. Thomas de Clare. 
 Roger de Mortimer. Maurice 
 de Credon. Otto de Grandi- 
 son. Robert de Scardeburg, 
 Archdeacon of the East Rid- 
 ing. Hugh, son of Otto. 
 John de Seyton. 
 
 Grant that the citizens and their 
 goods shall not be arrested for 
 debts for which they are not 
 bondsmen, unless the debtors 
 themselves are of their com- 
 munity, and have wherewith 
 to discharge their debts in 
 whole or part, and shall be 
 wanting in justice to their 
 creditors. 
 
 Writ directing bailiffs ot Bath to 
 give livery of the city to the 
 King's escheators, Geofiry 
 Husee and William Merleghe, 
 on surrender by Queen 
 Eleanor. 
 
 Charter granting to the Bishop 
 of Bath and Wells that the 
 citizens of Bath should be free 
 of toll. 
 
 ' Except where otherwise stated the documents are dated at Westminster. 
 
 = Uterine brothers. Guy and William were amongst the twelve King's representatives in the " Mad 
 Parliament." In July, 1258, the four brothers, Guy, William, Geoffrey, and Aymar, were stripped of their 
 estates and allowed to go beyond sea. In May, 1265, William landed with troops in Pembrokeshire, 
 and did good service to the King in his war with De Montford. His name appears in a commission of 
 18 Edward I. as the King's uncle. He is also witness to the Bath charter of 3 Edward I. 
 
 ' There is a curious writ of 7th January, 39 Henry III. It is addressed to the tenants of the Earl 
 of Warwick, setting out the embarrassed circumstances of the Earl, and ordering them to subscribe to 
 pay his debts, including an aid due from the Earl to the King himself on the occasion of his eldest son 
 being made a knight. The tenants claimed that as the Earl did not hold his earldom hereditarily, he 
 was not liable to give an aid to the King, nor his tenants to him. In 40 Henry III. this plea was ad- 
 mitted ; but it was held that the tenants were directly liable to the King, and they were distrained on 
 accordingly. John was the second husband of Margery, Countess of Warwick in her own right, but 
 she had no issue. 
 
 Wales, 
 
 * Bartholomew de Bygot was acquitted by Henry III. of escuage, because he was with the King in 
 es, and did the personal service due in respect of the knight's fee. 
 
^pjr^ttbM£ A. 
 
 m 
 
 No. 
 
 Page 
 
 where 
 
 referred 
 
 to. 
 
 l6 
 
 17 
 
 18 
 
 Date and 
 Place. 
 
 28 April, 
 5 Edw. I. 
 
 (1277). 
 
 12 Mar., 
 6 Edw. II. 
 
 (1313)- 
 Windsor. 
 
 I Sep., 
 12 Edw. II. 
 
 (1318); 
 
 Abercon- 
 
 way. 
 
 4 May, 
 5 Edw. III. 
 
 (1332); 
 Haveryng 
 
 at Bowre. 
 
 10 April, 
 
 14 Edw. III. 
 
 (1341)- 
 
 Witnesses. 
 
 W(alter), Bishop of Worcester. ^ 
 Hugh le Despencer.^ William 
 le Latymer.^. Nicholas de 
 Segrave.* Roger le Braban- 
 zon.^ William de Hereford. 
 Henry le Scrope. 
 
 Richard de Burgh,® Earl of 
 Ulster. Thomas de Clare.' 
 Richard de Bruce. William 
 le Latimer. John de Mon- 
 talt.8 Peter de Chauvent.* 
 Eustace de Hacche.^ 
 
 J(ohn), Bishop of Winchester, 
 Chancellor. W(illiam), Bishop 
 of Norwich, Treasurer. John 
 de Eltham, Earl of Cornwall, 
 the King's brother.* Hugh 
 Sandele. Henry de Percy, i" 
 William d,e Montacute.^^ 
 Ralph de Neville,^" Steward 
 of the Household. 
 
 J(ohn), Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury.i^ R(ichard), Bishop of 
 Durham.^' H(enry), Bishop 
 
 Particulars. 
 
 Writ to the Barons of the Ex- 
 chequer, ^acquitting the citi- 
 zens of Bath of ;^ii tallage, 
 paid to Queen Eleanor. 
 
 Inspeximus and confirmation 
 of the important charter of 24 
 July, 40 Hen. III. 
 
 Charter granting a fair to the 
 Bishop of Bath and Wells, to 
 be held in Bath at the feast 
 of SS. Peter and Paul. 
 
 Inspeximus and confirmation 
 of the charter of 12 Mar., 
 6 Edw. II, 
 
 Charter granting exemption to 
 citizens from stallage, murage, 
 pavage and piccage, and 
 
 1 Walter Reynald, Chancellor, S Edward II., ei seq. 
 
 2 The King's favourite. 
 
 ' Fought in army of Edward I. against Scotch, 26 Edward I. ; made Marshal of England, 
 t Edward II. 1 
 
 ■» Summoned with his father to army in Scotland, 26 Edward I. 
 
 = Chief Justice, 26 Edward I. 
 
 « Ordered to lead the chiefs of the Irish septs to the King's assistance in Scotland (1313), im- 
 prisoned in Dublin, but released 1318, died 1326. 
 
 ' A brother of Gilbert, Earl of Gloucester. 
 
 8 Summoned 26 Edward I. to King's army in Scotland. 
 
 ' A younger son of Edward II. ; was made Earl of Cornwall after the disgrace and death of Piers de 
 GavKiton. 
 
 10 Were in joint command at the battle (October, 1346) at which David of Scotland was taken 
 prisoner. 
 
 1' A great favourite of Edward III., and assisted in overthrow of Mortimer. Created Earl of 
 Salisbury, ami was King of Man. On the death of Thomas Brotherton, Earl of Norfolk, and son of 
 Edward I,, was made Earl Marshal for life. He died previously to 18 Edward III.- 
 
 '2 John de Stratford was previously Bishop of Winchester, translated to Canterbury in 1333. 
 
 13 Richard de Bury, Dean of Wells, consecrated Bishop of Durham in 1333. 
 
 9—2 
 
IV 
 
 WM P^xxttitxpal ^^curirs ttf :]Sa{^. 
 
 No. 
 
 Page 
 
 where 
 
 referred 
 
 to. 
 
 I I 
 
 13 
 
 {conti 
 
 Date and 
 Place. 
 
 HUed) 
 
 24 July, 
 
 i4Edw. III. 
 
 (1341)- 
 
 19 Mar., 
 iSEdw.IlI. 
 
 (1341-2). 
 
 10 Feb., 
 20 Edw. 
 
 III.s 
 (1346-7)- 
 
 Witnesses. 
 
 Particulars. 
 
 authorizing citizens to appoint 
 their own assessors and collec- 
 tors of subsidies. 
 
 of Lincoln. John de Warren, 
 Earl of Surrey. William de 
 Bohun, Earl of Northamp- 
 ton.i Henry of Lancaster, 
 Earl of Derby.2 William de 
 Clinton, Earl of Huntingdon.^ 
 William la Zouche, Dean of 
 the church of St. Peter, at 
 York, Treasurer. Henry de 
 Ferrers. John Darcy le Cosyn, 
 Steward of the Household. 
 
 Commission directed to William 
 Rycard and Richard Rede, 
 to collect the subsidy of a 
 fifteenth and tenth granted by 
 Parliament, to be paid on the 
 next feast of St. Martin in the 
 winter,* the proportion pay- 
 able by Bath being ^13 6s. 8d. 
 
 Commission directed to Robert 
 Chapman and John Geffrays 
 to collect the subsidies granted 
 by Parliament, namely, a whole 
 fifteenth and tenth, on the fif- 
 teenth day after Easter, and 
 three parts of another fifteenth 
 and tenth on the next feast of 
 St. Martin in the winter. 
 
 Writ directed to the Bailififs, 
 principal men, and the whole 
 commonalty of the town^ of 
 Bath, reciting that the King 
 having heard that his adver- 
 sary, Philip of Valois, was 
 collecting an armed force to 
 destroy him, and, if possible, 
 to erase the English-speaking 
 people, he had, with the advice 
 of the magnates and others of 
 the Council, determined to 
 
 ' The Eatldoin had lapsed, but was revived by Edward III. William de Bohun was, on the failing 
 health of his brother Humphrey (Earl of Hereford and Essex), made High Constable. 
 
 '■' Created Duke of Lancaster 1350; saved life of Black Prince that year. This was the second 
 Dukedom. 
 
 • When the Earldom ceased to be an appanage of the Crown of Scotland, Edward IH. bestowed it 
 on William de Clinton. 
 
 * That is, the I2th November. 
 
 » " In the 20th year of our reign of England, but in the Tlh of our reign of France." 
 ' In this writ Bath is termed '^ villa." 
 
^ppi[ttirt3e A. 
 
 No. 
 
 13 
 
 where 
 
 referred 
 
 to. 
 
 14 
 
 {conti 
 
 nued) 
 
 15 
 
 Date and 
 Place. 
 
 16 May, 
 20 Edw. 
 
 III.2 
 (1347)- 
 
 20 Sept, 
 
 36 Edw. III. 
 
 (1363). 
 
 Witnesses, 
 
 Particulars. 
 
 attack the parts beyond sea, 
 in the middle of next Lent, 
 with his whole army, and or- 
 dering them to provide six 
 fully armed men, to be at 
 Portsmouth on the Sunday in 
 the middle of next Lent.^ 
 
 Writ* to the overseers, electors, 
 and arraiers of men-at-arms, 
 horse-soldiers, and archers in 
 the County of Somerset, and 
 to the sheriffs, bailiffs, and 
 thanes of the same county, 
 reciting that the men of the 
 city of Bath have paid into the 
 Exchequer twenty marks for 
 the expenses of two armed 
 men to accompany, the King - 
 in his approaching passage 
 to parts beyond sea, and ac- 
 quitting the same men from 
 finding two armed men, and 
 all other armed men for whom 
 they had been assessed, not 
 wishing, however, that this, 
 which had been done in such 
 urgent necessity, should be a 
 precedent for the future. * 
 
 Commission to Walter de 
 Frompton, William Canynges, 
 and John de Stoke, reciting 
 that the prelates, magnates and 
 commons assembled in the 
 Great Council lately held at 
 Westminster, had, in considera- 
 tion of the remission, made at 
 their request, of certain for- 
 feitures belonging to the King 
 of ulnage of cloth, granted 
 him a subsidy of all cloths 
 
 1 The writ is issued " per ipsum regem et consilium." The complete text is contained in 
 Appendix C. 
 
 2 " In the 20th year of our reign of England, but in the 7th of our reign of France," 
 " This is in shape a writ, although stated to be " letters patent." 
 
 *This document is issued "per ipsum regem et consilium." The complete text is contained 
 in Appendix D. 
 
VI 
 
 T^lm ^utttctpal Ol^^ctii-i»« uf ^atir. 
 
 No. 
 
 15 
 
 16 
 
 fags 
 where 
 referred 
 
 CO. 
 
 {conti 
 
 17 
 
 Date and 
 Place. 
 
 nued) 
 
 20 Jan., 
 
 43 Edw. 
 
 III. 
 
 (1369-70). 
 
 4^June, 
 
 43 Edw. III. 
 
 (1370)- 
 
 Witnesses. 
 
 Particulars, 
 
 offered for sale, and appoint- 
 ing them to be collectors of 
 such subsidy within the Coun- 
 ties of Somerset, Dorset, and 
 Gloucester. 
 
 Commission directed to John 
 Gregory, Mayor of Bath, 
 Mathew de Clyvedon, and 
 John de Peterton, reciting that 
 the commonalty of the town* 
 had complained that certain 
 evil-doers had broken down 
 the walls in several places and 
 taken away the stones, and 
 appointing the persons named 
 to inquire by a jury who the 
 persons were that had so done, 
 and to compel them to repair 
 the walls.^ 
 
 Commission directed to the 
 Mayor and Bailiffs of the city 
 of Bath, whereby, after recit- 
 ing that the King had un- 
 derstood there were several 
 defects in the walls and towers 
 of the city, whereby, unless 
 quickly repaired, several dan- 
 gers were likely to arise, as 
 well to the King as the city, 
 they and their deputies were 
 appointed to levy a contribu- 
 tion for the repair of the walls 
 and towers, upon all owners of 
 lands, tenements, and rents 
 within the city and suburbs, 
 and all who constantly dwell 
 therein, and resort thither for 
 merchandise. Also to take 
 as many carpenters, masons 
 and other workmen as may be 
 necessary, and set them upon 
 the work at the expense of the 
 commonalty of the city, and to 
 
 ' The word is villa. 
 
 ' The Commission is issued " per consilium." 
 
,^pJK[ttiJt5£ A. 
 
 Vll 
 
 No. 
 
 17 
 
 18 
 
 Page 
 
 where 
 
 referred 
 
 to. 
 
 19 
 
 (conti 
 
 Date and 
 Place. 
 
 niied) 
 
 26 Jan., 
 45 Edw. 
 
 III.2 
 (1372)- 
 
 20 June, 
 
 45 Edw. III. 
 
 (1372)- 
 
 Witnesses. 
 
 W(illiam), Bishop of Winches- 
 ter. J(ohn), Bishop of Ely.* 
 Th(oinas), Bishop of Exeter. 
 Richard, Earl of Arundel. 
 Humphry de Bohun, Earl of 
 Hereford. William de Mon- 
 tacute. Earl of Salisbury.* 
 Robert le Thorp, Chancellor. 
 Richard le Scrope, Treasurer. 
 Henry le Scrope, Steward 
 of the Household. 
 
 27 Aug., Commission directed to the 
 
 I Rlc. II. Mayor and Bailiffs, reciting 
 
 (1377). that the King had heard that 
 
 his enemies, the French, were 
 proposing to collect a multi- 
 tude of men-at-arms within the 
 kingdom of England, and to 
 attack the city, or other cities 
 of the kingdom, and appoint- 
 ing them to superintend the 
 walls and fosses of the city, 
 and to compel persons having 
 lands or goods within the city 
 to contribute to the repair 
 thereof.* 
 
 30 Nov., Commission directed to the 
 
 I Ric. II. Mayor, Bailiffs, and principal 
 
 (1377). men of the " city of IJath and 
 
 Wells," appointing them to 
 
 ' The Coflamission is issued " per ipsum regem et consilium." 
 
 " The date of the year of the reign in England is torn, but " in the 32nd of our reign of France " 
 remains. 
 
 3 John Barnet, Bishop of Bath and Wells, translated to Ely in 1366. .... 
 
 * Son of previous Earl (note 1 1, p. iii. ). He died childless, having slain his only son in training him 
 to tilt. 
 
 ° Issued " per consilium." ' 
 
 Particulars. 
 
 arrest all who shall be con- 
 trary and rebellious in the pre- 
 mises, and to cast them into 
 prison until further orders.^ 
 
 Commission directed toMathew 
 de Clevedon, Walter Clopton, 
 Robert Lough, John Pederton, 
 and Henry de Forde, similar 
 to the one of 20 Jan., 43 Edw. 
 III. 
 
 Charter granting to the Bishop 
 of Bath and Wells, that where- 
 as he had by prescription a 
 market on Wednesday and 
 Saturday from the feast of St. 
 Kalixtus the Pope to Palm 
 Sunday, he should have the 
 same market from Palm Sun- 
 day to the feast of St. Kalixtus. 
 
VIU 
 
 IlHriB Mltminpal ^^mtrir» of ;:EB«W|. 
 
 No, 
 
 21 
 
 Page 
 
 where 
 
 referred 
 
 to, 
 
 (cofift 
 
 22 
 
 24 
 
 25 
 
 26 
 
 23 
 
 22 
 
 24 
 
 24 
 
 Date and 
 Place. 
 
 nved) 
 
 4 Mar., 
 3 Ric. II. 
 (1379-80). 
 
 23 June, 
 S Ric. II. 
 
 (138^); 
 Waltham. 
 
 9 Mar., 
 
 5 Ric. II. 
 
 (1381-2). 
 
 28 Nov., 
 
 7 Ric. II. 
 
 (1383^- 
 
 18 Nov., 
 
 12 Ric. II. 
 
 (1388). 
 
 Witnesses. 
 
 No witnesses. 
 
 Particulars. 
 
 provide one small barge, called 
 balinger, towards one hundred 
 ordered by Parliament to be 
 provided by the cities and 
 "good towns" before the I St 
 March next, at a place to be 
 named by the Admiral.^ 
 
 Commission directed to John 
 Natton,^ John Gregory, and 
 William Cook, to raise a sub- 
 sidy of a tenth and a half, to 
 be paid at the next feast of St. 
 George.* 
 
 Commission directed to the 
 Bailiffs, principal men and 
 whole commonalty of the city 
 of Bath, ordering them to for- 
 bid by public proclamation all 
 tumultuous assemblies, and to 
 punish insurgents and disturb- 
 ers of the peace. 
 
 Inspeximus and confirmation 
 of the charter of 10 April, 14 
 Edw. III. 
 
 Commission directed to John 
 Donne, William Rous,* John 
 Fraille, and Robert Wattes,^ to 
 raise a subsidy of a moiety of 
 a tenth, to be paid within the 
 octave of St. Hilary* next 
 
 Mandate from John Rodeney, 
 Sheriflfof the County of Somer- 
 set, to the Mayor and Bailiffs 
 of Bath, setting forth two writs 
 of the King, dated ist Novem- 
 ber instant, one ordering the 
 Masters and Wardens of all 
 mysteries having charters or 
 letters-patent to bring them in, 
 
 ' Issued " per ipsum regem et consilium in Parliamcnto." It would seem that already the right 
 of voting supplies was vested in the Commons. The ordinance is said to have been made "in presenti 
 parliamento nostro per nos et consilium nostrum do assensu militum civium et burgensium." 
 
 ' Was Mayor of Bath this year. ? Was Mayor of Bath in 1372. 
 
 ' The 23rd April. ' The 14th January. 
 
 < Was Mayor of Bath in 1393. 
 
j^pjr^ttMae A. 
 
 IX 
 
 No. 
 
 Page 
 
 iVnere 
 
 referred 
 
 to. 
 
 26 
 
 27 
 
 (conii 
 
 24 
 
 Date and 
 Place. 
 
 nued) 
 
 28 Nov., 
 20 Ric. II. 
 
 (1396) ; 
 
 Witnesses. 
 
 Particulars, 
 
 the Other ordering the Mas- 
 ters and Wardens of all 
 guilds and fraternities to make 
 a return in writing, before the 
 next feast of the Purification,* 
 of the manner of their founda- 
 tion and of their liberties, and 
 also of all lands, tenements, 
 rents, goods and chattels be- 
 longing to them, also to pro- 
 duce before the Council at the 
 same time all their charters 
 and letters-patent, and com- 
 manding obedience thereto. 
 
 Exemplification under the Great 
 Seal of the record of the ac- 
 quittal of Richard Godelegh, 
 chaplain, Henry Goldsmyth, 
 Roger Norman, and Joan his 
 wife, William Barbour of Bath, 
 Robett Nywelyn, John Stone 
 of Bath, and Walter Sleywort, 
 who were indicted before a 
 Commission of gaol delivery 
 consisting of Thomas Hunger- 
 ford, Richard Sydenham, John 
 Fytelton, Robert Angre^( Mayor 
 of Bath), and Edmund Forde 
 on the Tuesday after the feast 
 of Holy Trinity, in 19 Ric. II., 
 for having, on the Thursday 
 before the feast of S. Catherine 
 the Virgin, in 15 Ric. II., 
 broken into the house of 
 Richard Clewere,^ at Bath, and 
 stolen thence four yards of 
 white* cloth, value i6s., and in 
 money ;^ I o, a silver girdle value 
 80s., seven silver buttons value 
 6s., one silver Agnus Dei value 
 20s., a clasp' value 2od., a 
 cloth^ value 2 s., and a piece of 
 kerchiefs, value los. Also of 
 the acquittal of the same per- 
 
 1 The 2nd February. 
 ^ Was member of Parliament in 1396. 
 
 » Was Churchwarden of St. Michael extra muros in I365-6. 
 parish in " Brad Stret " at the yearly rent of a penny. 
 
 * The original is " nibii coloiris," ».«., probably, nivei colons. 
 
 5 Firmaculum=ferraail, f{lo\x\3..—Ducang-e. 
 
 ' Tuale. Tualia-=mappa, mappula. — Ducange, 
 
 In 1377, he held a house of the 
 
 10 
 
IPI|B ^untetpal ^^ci[iti»0 tif ;®ai^. 
 
 No. 
 
 27 
 
 28 
 
 29 
 
 3° 
 
 31 
 
 32 
 
 33 
 
 Page 
 
 where 
 
 referred 
 
 to. 
 
 (conti 
 
 25 
 
 25 
 
 25 
 
 26 
 
 26 
 
 Date and 
 Place. 
 
 nued) 
 
 27 Sept., 
 
 2iRic. 11. 
 
 (1397)- 
 
 19 June, 
 
 22 Ric. II. 
 
 (1399)- 
 
 25 Mar., 
 
 I Hen. IV. 
 
 (1400). 
 
 24 Nov., 
 
 2 Hen. V. 
 
 (1414). 
 
 1 June, 
 10 Hen. VI. 
 
 (1431)- 
 
 15 Oct., 
 
 25 Hen. VI. 
 
 (1446). 
 
 Witnesses. 
 
 No witnesses. 
 
 No witnesses. 
 
 No witnesses. 
 
 Particulars. 
 
 sons, except Walter Sleywort, . 
 who were indicted at the same 
 time for having, on Palm Sun- 
 day in 19 Ric. II., broken into 
 the house of William Lyneden, 
 Vicar of Wellow, at Wellow, 
 and stolen ;^2o in gold and 
 silver. 
 
 An acknowledgment that the 
 men of the town^ of Bath 
 had paid the King ;^2o, and a 
 promise to repay that sum on 
 the fifteenth day after Easter. 
 
 Commission directed to John 
 Hull, Robert son of John Hull, 
 Thomas Plomer, Mayor of the 
 city of Bath, and Edmund 
 Forde,^ to deliver the gaol of 
 Bath. 
 
 Inspeximus and confirmation of 
 the charter of 9th Mar., 5 Ric. 
 II. 
 
 Inspeximus and confirmation of 
 the charter of 25th Mar., 
 
 1 Hen. IV. 
 
 Inspeximus and confirmation of 
 the charter of 24th Nov., 
 
 2 Hen. V. 
 
 General pardon, granted by the 
 Crown to the Mayor and com- 
 monalty of the city of Bath, of 
 all trespasses, etc., com- 
 mitted before the 9th day 
 of April then last, and of all 
 debts, etc., due to the King 
 before the ist day of Septem- 
 ber, in the 20th year of his 
 reign. 
 
 ' "Vilte." 
 
 2 Edmund Forde was named in the Commission recited in No. 27, aiitt. 
 
j^jq^ttMx; A, 
 
 xt 
 
 No. 
 
 34 
 
 35 
 
 36 
 
 37 
 
 Page 
 where 
 referred 
 
 to. 
 
 28 
 
 28 
 
 29 
 
 29 
 
 Date and 
 Place. 
 
 26 Nov., 
 
 26 Hen. VI. 
 
 (1447)- 
 
 12 June, 
 
 30 Hen. VI. 
 
 (1452)- 
 
 16 Nov., 
 
 6 Edw. IV. 
 (146.6). 
 
 22 Feb., 
 
 7 Hen. VII. 
 (1491-2). 
 
 Witnesses. 
 
 J(ohn) Archbishop of Can- 
 terbury, Chancellor.! Mar- 
 maduke, Bishop of Carlisle, 
 TreasurerofEngland. Adam,^ 
 Bishop of Chichester, Keeper 
 of the Privy Seal. Richard,^ 
 Duke of York, and Humphry,* 
 Duke of Buckingham. Ed- 
 mund,* Marquis of Dorset, 
 and William, 8 Marquis of 
 Suffolk, Chamberlain of Eng- 
 land. Richard,'^ Earl of Salis- 
 bury, and John, Earl of 
 Shrewsbury. Sir Ralph Crom- 
 well. Sir John Stourton, 
 Treasurer of the Household. 
 
 No witnesses. 
 
 Particulars. 
 
 Charter grantihg " for the spe- 
 cial relief of the city of Bath, 
 and of the heavy burdens which 
 the Mayor and citizens of the 
 same city sustain and support, 
 as well in payment of the fee 
 farm of the said city to the 
 Bishop of the same city and 
 his successors, as in the sup- 
 port of certain several other 
 burdens incumbent on them, 
 and in order that the same 
 Mayor and citizens and their 
 successors maybe able to dwell 
 more safely and quietly within 
 the same city, to the glory and 
 honour of God," the several 
 privileges set forth at page 28. 
 
 Pardon, under the Great Seal, 
 granted to the Mayor and 
 commonalty of Bath, of all 
 trespasses, etc., committed be- 
 fore the 7th day of April then 
 last. 
 
 Inspeximus and confirmation 
 of the charter of ist June, 10 
 Hen. VI. 
 
 Commission directed to Richard 
 Lacy and Laurence Leche to 
 raise a subsidy of two fifteenths 
 and tenths, one to be paid on 
 the I St of April, and the other 
 on the feast of St. Martin in 
 the winter. 
 
 » John Stafford, translated from Bath and Wells, isth May, 1443. 
 ^ See as to this Bishop, note S on p. 28. 
 'Father of Edward IV. 
 
 * Humphry is said, by Camden, to have died in his father's lifetime, being slain at the battle of 
 St. Albans (34 Henry VI.). 
 
 ' Afterwards Duke of Somerset. 
 
 • Grandson of Michael de la Pole, the burgher Baron. William was Earl by descent. Marquis by 
 grant of Henry VI. ; privileged to carry at the coronation of the King a golden verge with a dove on 
 top of it. 
 
 ' Richard Neville, who obtained the Earldom on his marriage with Alice, daughter of Thomas de 
 Montacute, the late Earl Richard followed the York family, and was taken prisoner and beheaded 
 after the battle of Wakefield, 1461. 
 
 10 — 2 
 
xu 
 
 Jplft^ ^l^utticijftal ^5Ctn;if« tjf ;;©afli. 
 
 No, 
 
 38 
 
 39 
 
 40 
 
 where 
 
 referred 
 
 to. 
 
 29 
 
 31 
 
 32 
 
 Date and 
 Place. 
 
 27 June, 
 
 36 Hen. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 (1545)- 
 
 16 Aug., 
 
 I Edw.VI. 
 
 (1547)- 
 
 23 Dec, 
 
 4 Edw. VI. 
 
 (iSSoV 
 
 Witnesses. 
 
 No witnesses. 
 
 Particulars. 
 
 Sir Edward Northe. 
 
 Charter granting to the Mayor 
 and citizens of Bath and their 
 successors a yearly fair, to be 
 held within the city on the ist 
 February and six following 
 days, together with a Court of 
 Piepoudre, and all purpres- 
 tures, tolls, etc., belonging to 
 such fairs. 
 
 Lease to Richard Frampton of 
 a cottage and garden,i late -in 
 the occupation of William 
 Gibbes, alias Holwaye, in the 
 parish of S. James in the city 
 of Bath, situate between the 
 King's highway on the south, 
 and a tenement of the Cham- 
 berlain of the city on the north, 
 lately part of the possessions of 
 the Priory of Bath, for 21 years, 
 from Michaelmas [1547]; at 
 the rent of 20s. The King 
 covenants to repair with tim- 
 ber, and the lessee to do other 
 repairs. The lease is to be 
 void if the rent is unpaid for 
 five weeks. 
 
 Lease to Humfry Cotton of a 
 messuage and tenement late 
 in the occupation of William 
 Huchyns, situate in Bath, and 
 of another messuage and tene- 
 ment, called the Harte, late in 
 the occupation of John Chep- 
 man, situate in Bath, and of a 
 meadow called Wayboroughe 
 meade, near Bath (all which 
 premises were parcel of the 
 possessions of the late Priory), 
 for 21 years from Michaelmas 
 [1551], at the rents for Hu- 
 chyns' tenement of 46^., for 
 the Harte of loof., and for 
 Wayboroughe meade of 6^. 
 The King covenants to find 
 sufficient great timber for re- 
 
 ' Probably what is now the " Horse and Jockey," in Beau Street, or else No 15, Stall Street. 
 
 Sir Richard Sakevyle. 
 
^pptn'ifxx A. 
 
 XUl 
 
 No. 
 
 40 
 
 41 
 
 Page 
 
 where 
 
 referred 
 
 to. 
 
 42 
 
 43 
 
 Date and 
 Place. 
 
 ( COttti lined) 
 
 38 
 
 38 
 
 6 June, 
 15 Eliz. 
 (1573)- 
 
 39 
 
 4 May, 
 16 Eliz. 
 (1574)- 
 
 5 Nov., 
 26 Eliz. 
 (1584). 
 
 Particulars. 
 
 pairs, and the lessee to bear the expense of throwing, cut- 
 ting, carriage, and working of timber. The lease is to be 
 void if the rent is in arrear for five weeks. 
 
 Letters patent directed to the Mayor of the City of Bath for 
 the time being. Sir Hugh Pawlett, Sir Maurice Barkeley, Sir 
 George Norton, George Rogers, John Younge, John Horner, 
 Esquires, Edward Baber, Esquire, Recorder, Arthur Hop- 
 ton, Esquire, George Pereman, William Cavell, John Wyott, 
 Thomas Tumor, and John Davies, Aldermen, appointing 
 them Commissioners to array, inspect, and arm men-at-arms, 
 as well horse as foot, and archers and musketeers above 
 the age of 16 and under 60, and ordering them to certify in 
 writing, under their hands and seals, as quickly as possible, 
 what they shall have done in the premisses, and to follow 
 the instructions annexed, and such other instructions as 
 should be issued by the Privy Council. 
 
 Annexed to the Commission is " A generall direction for the 
 Comissioners for the Musters in the Citie of Bathe, howe 
 theie shall precede in the execution of the saide Comis- 
 sion." This "direction" recites that with the Commission for 
 the general muster of the County of Somerset are sent 
 instructions by the Privy Council which contain many articles 
 "verye mete and necessarie for the musteringe and trayn- 
 inge up of Soldiers in Cities," and instructs them that as the 
 Queen has been pleased to direct a special Commission 
 to the City of Bath, they are to require from the Com- 
 missioners in the " Sheiers " next to them a sight of such 
 instructions and a copy of such parts thereof as shall seem 
 meet. 
 
 Letters patent granting to William Swayne the offices of 
 bailiff, coroner, escheator, and clerk of the market of the City 
 of Bath and within the liberties thereof, with all rights formerly 
 belonging to the Bishopric of Bath and Wells. Also the 
 ofifice of bailiff of the hundred of Holforde, Gretton, and Kit- 
 tesgate in the County of Gloucester, part of the possessions 
 of William, late Marquess of Northampton, to hold the same 
 for term of his life. Also for the execution of the office of 
 bailiff of the said hundred 40 shillings yearly, payable at 
 Michaelmas and Lady-day.^ 
 
 Office copy Commission directed to Thomas Riousewell, Wil- 
 liam Atwood, William Whalley, John Hayles, William Cavell, 
 and Thomas Harryngton to inquire of all lands and tene- 
 ments in the County of Somerset which have devolved on 
 the Crown by reason of the dissolution of monasteries, etc., 
 and by the statutes of mortmain, or by reason of attaint 
 
 ' There is a memorandum endorsed " Jur coram Willo Neale Aud Com Somers xxviijo May, 1574- 
 
XIV 
 
 I^lje Municipal ^BtJJtttra irf ^iSaift. 
 
 No. 
 
 43 
 
 44 
 
 Page 
 
 where 
 
 referred 
 
 to. 
 
 45 
 
 {conti 
 
 39 
 
 39 
 
 Date and 
 Place. 
 
 nued) 
 
 1 6 Jan., 
 27 Eliz. 
 (1584-5)- 
 
 13 March, 
 27 Eliz. 
 (1584-5)- 
 
 Particulars. 
 
 for high treason, etc., or in any 
 the Crown and unjustly detained. 
 
 manner concealed from 
 
 Office copy return to the last-mentioned Commission, being 
 an inquisition taken before William Walley, William Cavell, 
 and Thomas Harrington on the oath of a jury' summoneJ- 
 by Gabriel Hawley, Sheriff of the County, who enumerate 56 
 tenements,^ and say " that all the houses, cottages, barns, 
 dovecotes, lands, meadows, pastures, with all and singular 
 the premises with their appurtenances are concealed, with- 
 drawn, and unjustly detained from our said Lady the Queen, 
 through the default of the feoffees to uses of the several 
 parish churches within the City aforesaid, to which churches 
 the lands, tenements, and hereditaments aforesaid formerly 
 belonged," and the Commissionfers certify that although the 
 tenants were warned to say what they could before them in sup- 
 port of their title, none of them had appeared. 
 
 Grant from the Crown made " in consideration of the faith- 
 ful and acceptable service heretofore rendered to us by our 
 beloved servant and counsellor. Sir James Crofte, Controller of 
 our Household, as well as at the humble petition of the said 
 James Crofte," to William Sherston of Bath, clothier, and 
 John Sachefelde of Bath, baker, of the 56 tenements mentioned 
 in the return to the Commission of 5 November, 1584, at 
 rents amounting together to ;^i 14s. 4d. per annum. Also 
 of 30 acres of arable land and 6 acres of pasture, with " a 
 decaied Colemyne " and a " Stone DelfFe," situate " in 
 Tockoles, in the town of Lyuesaie, commonly called 
 Wenshead," in the County of I^ancaster, formerly belon^ng 
 to the Chantry in the Church of Leeland, in the same County, 
 now or late in the occupation of John Baron, deceased, or 
 his assigns. 
 
 Also of 40 acres of pasture' situate in Lower Standen, in the 
 County of Lancaster, now or late in the occupation of Giles 
 Colthurste and Peter Farrande, and were parcel of the 
 late Monastery of Whaleye, in the County of Lancaster, at 
 
 ' The names of the jury were John Elmor, Edward Norwaye, John Richardson, Anthony I-ovell, 
 Edward Gittes, Henry Coye, John Spanley, Barnabie Haroulde, Giles Sparke, Nicholas Picher, John 
 Tyler, and William Forest. _ ' 
 
 - The situation of the properties is not stated, but nearly all were identified in the course of the pro- 
 ceedings between the Corporation and the parish of St. Michael, in the years 1735 to 1798. The only 
 local descriptions are, " A small piece of land called Elmhayes," which name repeatedly occurs in the 
 Churchwardens of St. Michael's accounts ; " certain lands lying in Dunckerton, containing by estimation 
 12 acres ;" "a ruinous barn with a piece of land containing by estimation one acre, lying in Lingcom ;" 
 "a small garden lying near a garden of John Sharston in a certain street called Bynburye Lane." There 
 are also mentioned " a house called a Roodlofl," "a small cottage called a Coat," "a ruinous Chapel," 
 " a small house called a Cote," The annual value of the 12 acres of land in Dunkerton is stated to be 
 3 shillings beyond reprises. 
 
^ppviVLbix A. 
 
 XV 
 
 No. 
 
 45 
 
 46 
 
 Page 
 
 where 
 
 referred 
 
 to. 
 
 Particulars. 
 
 (conti 
 
 40 
 
 nued) 
 
 4 Sept., 
 32 Eliz. 
 
 (1590)- 
 
 rents in respect of Baron's land of los. 6d., and of Colthurste's 
 land of 13s. 4d. per annum. 
 
 Charter defining the rights, privileges, and duties of the Muni- 
 cipality, based mainly upon rights and customs already es- 
 tablished. 
 
 PART II. 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF DEEDS AND WILLS. 
 
 No. 
 
 Page 
 
 where 
 
 referred 
 
 to. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Particulars. 
 
 Names of Witnesses. 
 
 47 
 48 
 
 9 
 10 
 
 6 Dec., 
 1218.1 
 
 6 Dec, 
 
 I2l8.1 
 
 Conveyance by Matilda Stanold 
 to Robert Puther of a shop at 
 the South of the stalls of Bath, 
 for 48 shillings. 
 
 Deed by which Henry Stanold, 
 son of Matilda Stanold, releases 
 his claim to the same shop for i 
 mark of silver. 
 
 Helias,2 Dean of Bath, Richard 
 the Chaplain, Swein, Gervaise, 
 Henry Cabbel, David le Petit,^ 
 Hugh de Aixton, Swein de 
 Weston, Henry the Porter, 
 Geoffry the Porter. 
 
 Helias,^ Dean of Bath, Richard 
 the Chaplain, Swein, Thomas 
 his son, Gervaise, David le 
 Petit,* Henry Cabbel, Hugh de 
 Aixton, Swein de Weston, 
 Walter de Weston, Henry the 
 Porter, Geoffry the Porter, 
 Richard la Waite. 
 
 1 " The feast of St. Nicholas in the third year after the death of King John. ' 
 
 2 Not, it is to b& hoped, the Elyas the dean against whom, in 3 John, the record stands, "Elyas 
 decanus reddidit compotum de c marcis pro trahenda arnica sua et filiis etc' 
 
 ' The grantor in deed No. 51. 
 
XVI 
 
 I^IlB ^utttctjral ^BtJiriths t»f ;:©afr|. 
 
 No. 
 
 49 
 
 s° 
 
 SI 
 
 1230.1 
 
 10 
 
 1250. 
 
 Be- 
 tween 
 1250 
 and 
 1260.^ 
 
 Particulars. 
 
 Conveyance by Walter, son of 
 Serle, to Juliana, daughter of 
 William Springod, of the shop at 
 the South of the stalls of Bath, 
 which he bought of Robert 
 Puther.2 Consideration money, 
 4 J marks of silver. 
 
 Conveyance by Henry Peytevyn, 
 of Bath, to John Coc,* of a 
 shop at the stalls of Bath, at the 
 west end of the churchyard on 
 the east side of the street oppo- 
 site the house which belonged to 
 Hidebrond, between the shop of 
 Master Henry Pann and the shop 
 of Walter Falc, subject to " land- 
 gable " to the King, of 6 pence 
 annually at Michaelmas. Consi- 
 deration, 4 marks of silver and a 
 tunic of bluet.^ 
 
 Grant in fee farm by David le 
 Petit, of Bath, to Robert le 
 Tanur, of Hampton, of a shop at 
 the stalls of Bath, between the 
 shop of Henry le Peitevyn on 
 the south, and the shop of John 
 Wissi on the north, at the yearly 
 rent of 4 shillings of silver, pay- 
 able quarterly at Michaelmas, St. 
 Thomas, the Annunciation, and 
 St. John the Baptist, "for all 
 secular service, exaction, and 
 
 Names of Witnesses. 
 
 John Du Port, at that time Mayor 
 of Bath, Andrew the clerk, 
 Geoffry Wissi, Hugh de Ayston,' 
 Thomas Sweyn,* Walter Cab- 
 bel. 
 
 John Du Port, Henry the Tai- 
 lor," Roger Budd,* William de 
 Clafferton, Jord de Henl, Wal- 
 ter Falc, Randolf de Arche, 
 John [son] of Milo, Walter 
 Brian. 
 
 John du Port, John Cok,* John 
 Wyssi,* Ernald le Vingnur, 
 John de Henton, John de Wik, 
 William de Claferton.i" 
 
 1 There is no date to the deed. The late Mr. Riley, of the Historical MSS. Commission, fixed the 
 date at about 1230. 
 
 2 This is no doubt th§ same shop which Robert Puther bought of Matilda Stanold and her son, the 
 rent to the lords of the fee being the same (7 pence), and also the "landgable " (S pence). 
 
 ' Was witness to the conveyances by Matilda and Henry Stanold. (Nos. 47 and 48). 
 
 •■ Mentioned in the inquisition of4 Edward I. (pp. 13, 15), as having taken stones from the city wall. 
 The jurors' names in the inquisition of 2 Edward I., include Henry the Tailor, Walter Falc, Roger de 
 Mitford, Thomas Coker, Henry Absolon and William le Res, all of whom are mentioned iii the deeds 
 of this period. 
 
 » Blue cloth. 
 
 ' Mayor of Bath in 1280. 
 
 'Mr. Riley puts the date at between 1250 and 1260, presumably from the style of writing — the 
 deed itself being undated. But unless Henry Peytevyn had two shops at the stalls, the date must be 
 before 1250, when he sold his shop to John Coke (see ante, No. 50). 
 
 ' Grantee in the conveyance No. 50. 
 
 ' No doubt the owner of the adjoining shop. 
 
 1° One of the witnesses to the conveyance (No. 50) from Henry Peytevyn to John Coke. 
 
,^pp^xiitxx A. 
 
 xvu 
 
 No. 
 
 51 
 
 52 
 
 {contt 
 
 meed) 
 
 S3 
 
 54 
 
 About 
 
 1260^ 
 
 or 
 
 1270. 
 
 [28o7 
 
 No 
 dare, 
 
 but 
 pro- 
 bably 
 earlier 
 than 
 1313- 
 
 Particulars. 
 
 demand, saving the service of the 
 Lord the King, as much as per- 
 tains Jo the said shop, namely 6 
 pence at the feast of S. Michael 
 for land gable." The deed pro- 
 vides that the grantee may alien 
 the property to anyone except Jews 
 and religious men.^ 
 
 Grant by Peter Chamberlayn of Shaf- 
 tesbury, to Richard Donekan, Vicar 
 of Southstoke, in consideration of 
 1 2 marks in pennies, of a perpetual 
 yearly rent of 12 shillings payable 
 quarterly out of the house which 
 Thomas Sweyn^ held of him in Bath, 
 opposite to the church of S. Mary de 
 Stalls. 
 
 Release by Cristina, relict of Robert 
 le Tannur, to William le Cran, in con- 
 sideration of 4 shillings, of all her 
 right in a certain shop in Stall Street, 
 Bath, which Robert, her late hus- 
 band, sold to Roger de Mitford,' and 
 the same Roger to the aforesaid 
 William le Cran.' 
 
 Copy of the charter of i Richard I., 
 and the long charter of 40 Henry III. 
 At the foot is written : 
 
 "Nouerint omes ad quos tnsqrip- 
 tum istud cartar nrar puenerit q 
 sub sigillo comunitatis nreBathon 
 tnsqribit. In hui rei testimonm 
 huic psenti tnsqripto cartar nrar 
 
 Names of Witnesses, 
 
 Henry* then Mayor of Bath, 
 Walter Falc,^ Robert Coc, 
 William Sleygh, John Milis,'' 
 Gilbert the Tailor, Richard 
 de Henlege and John Mar- 
 shal, then escheators, Henry 
 Absolon, Richard Everard, 
 William the Porter, William 
 le Res, Robert the stable- 
 man, Henry Tropinas. 
 
 Henry the Tailor then Mayor, 
 Richard Everard then Pro- 
 vostji" John Mills, 10 John 
 Coc,io Gilbert the Tailor,!" 
 William Scleht," Thomas 
 Sweyn.^ ~ 
 
 I Robert le Tanur sold this shop to Roger de Mitford, who sold it to William le Cran, and, in 1280, 
 Christina, widow of Robert IcTanur, in consideration of 4 shillings, executed a deed releasing all her 
 interest in the property. 
 
 ' The deed is undated. This is the date assigned by Mr. Riley. 
 ' One of the witnesses to deed No. 49^ 
 * Possibly Henry the Tailor, who was Mayor in 1280. 
 ^ One of the witnesses to deed No. 50. 
 
 ' Possibly John the son of Milo, who was also one of the witnesses to deed No. JO- 
 - ' "In the 8th year of the reign of King Edward, son of King Henry." 
 ' Mentioned in the inquisition of 4 Edward I. (pp. 13 and 15), as living in a house to build which 
 William Cook took away stones from the City wall. 
 ' Evidently a release of dower. 
 1° One of the witnesses to deed No. 52. 
 
 II No doubt the same as William Sleygh, one of the witnesses to deed No. 52. 
 
 II 
 
xvm 
 
 Jp!II|K ^^utticijral ]KlBi^i»it^« xff '^nlfi* 
 
 ^T where 
 *^°' referred 
 to. 
 
 54 (con a 
 
 55 
 
 56 
 
 21 
 
 nued) 
 
 20 
 
 March, 
 
 1319- 
 20. 
 
 II 
 Nov., 
 1326. 
 
 Particulars. 
 
 John called le Bacare,^ John 
 de Wyk,^ Richard le Boye,* 
 William de Blakedon, John 
 the Dyer.5 
 
 sigillum nrm comune est appen- 
 sum, 
 
 A small portion of an impression of 
 the present city seal is still attached 
 
 Lease from John Cole, then Mayor of 
 Bath, and the whole commonalty of 
 the same city, to the said John Cole 
 and Agnes his wife, of a shop in 
 Stalls Street, near the entrance of 
 the church of St. Mary de Stall on 
 the south side (and which Henry 
 Batyn formerly held), for their lives 
 and the life of the survivor, at the 
 yearly rent of 8 silver shillings. 
 
 Probate of will of Benedict de Stok, of 
 Bath, whereby he bequeathed : 
 
 1. For his funeral, los, 
 
 2. To Dom. John, the Vicar of 
 Stalls, i2d., and to his clerk 2d, 
 
 3. To John his son, his best robe, 
 
 4. To Joan de Kanynges his wife, 
 his tenement in Stalls Street, in Bath, 
 between the lane leading to the 
 King's Bath on the north, and a tene 
 ment of Walter Clement on the south, 
 which tenement the said Walter held 
 of him for his life, also the reversion 
 of the same tenement after the said 
 Walter's death, she paying thereout 
 yearly for ever to the Bishop of Bath 
 7s., and a pound of wax for a taper 
 for St. Mary de Stalls, at the Feast of 
 the Assumption of the Blessed Mary, 
 and 4d. for four Masses, to be cele- 
 brated in the aforesaid church of 
 Stalls on the date of his anniversary 
 for his soul for ever, 
 
 5. A rent of .6s. to his same wife 
 for ever, to be charged upon a tene- 
 ment which Richard le Peynjtor and 
 Alice his wife held for the term of 
 their lives, in Vroggemere Lane, in 
 the suburb of Bath, with the rever- 
 
 ' The date is " Anno Regni Reg. Edwardi fil Regis Edwardi terciodecimo." 
 
 ' Mayor in 1316-17. 
 
 ' Mayor in 1325 and 1 328. 
 
 * One of the witnesses to deed No. 58. » Provost in 1326. 
 
 Names of Witnesses. 
 
j^pjr^ttMie A. 
 
 XIX 
 
 No. 
 
 56 
 
 57 
 
 Page 
 
 where 
 
 referred 
 
 to. 
 
 (conii 
 
 nued) 
 
 20 
 Sept.,2 
 
 1330- 
 
 Particulars. 
 
 sipn of the same tenement after the 
 deaths of the said Richard and Alice. 
 
 6. To his son John, a rent of 2 s., to 
 be received out of the aforesaid tene- 
 ment in Vroggeraere Lane, for the 
 term of his life. 
 
 7. To Joan his wife, his tenement 
 situate without the south gate in the 
 suburbs of Bath, situate between the 
 tenement of the Prior of Bath, in the 
 same place, on both sides. 
 
 8. To John his son, 3s. yearly, to 
 be receivedout of the same tenement, 
 for his Ufe. 
 
 9. The residue of his goods not be- 
 fore disposed of to Joan his wife. 
 
 And he appointed, as executors, 
 John Fowel and Richard le Vygnur.^ 
 The will is dated the Friday after 
 the feast of St. Kalixtus the Pope 
 (14th October), that is 19th October, 
 1326. It -was proved in the great 
 church at Wells, on the nth Novem- 
 ber following, before Walter de HuUe, 
 Rector of the church of Shepton 
 Beauchamp, Commissary of the 
 Bishop of Bath and Wells [John 
 de Drokensford.] 
 
 Release by Roger ate Welle of Calne- 
 stone, son of John ate Welle, to 
 Alexander the Dyer,^ of Bath, and 
 Ellen his wife, of all his right and 
 interest in the shop of the street of 
 the Stalls of Bath, situate between 
 the alms-land of the Priory of Bath 
 on the south, and land of the hospi- 
 tal of St. John the Baptist on the 
 north, and which shop the said Alex- 
 ander had by the feoffment of Nicho- 
 las de la mare of Calneston, the 
 uncle of the said Roger ate Welle. 
 
 1 Member of Parliament for Bath in 1343. 
 
 ^ This deed has a very good impression of the earliest Mayor's seal, which is said to be affixed 
 "quo3 dictum sigillum meum pluribus est incognitum." It relates to premises on the site of what is 
 now No. 13, Stall Street. 
 
 * Mayor of Bath in 1347, and Member of Parliament in 1339. 
 
 * See note 3, page xviii. 
 
 ' Mayor of Bath in 1320 and 1326. 
 
 " Mayor of Bath in 1332, 1333, 1336. ' ProTost in 1332. 
 
 II — 2 
 
 Names of Witnesses. 
 
 Adam Wytesone then Mayor 
 of Bath, John de Wyke,* 
 John Cole,5 Roger Cole," 
 Henry Hurrel.^ 
 
XX 
 
 W^^ Municipal ^Klsc^rtr^ wf ^alft. 
 
 No. 
 
 Page 
 
 where 
 
 referred 
 
 to. 
 
 Date. 
 
 — 
 
 4 Aug., 
 1336.^ 
 
 20 
 March, 
 1341-2. 
 
 II 
 March, 
 
 1345- 
 6J 
 
 Particulars. 
 
 William Cubbel* then Mayor 
 of Bath, Adam Whitesone,^ 
 Alexander the Dyer,* Roger 
 Tryst, William Swayn.i" 
 Henry Hurel,* Henry le 
 Mareschal, John Husee. 
 
 58 — 4 Aug., A mandate from Thomas de Cumbe- 
 haweye to Edward the Fuller, Alice his 
 wife, and John their son, to pay to 
 Alexander the Dyer, of Bath^ (to 
 whom he had sold the same)^ a yearly man. 
 rent of 6 pence, payable in equal 
 portions at the Nativity of our Lord, 
 and at the feast of S. Michael the 
 Archangel, for a tenement with a 
 curtilage and appurtenances, in the 
 street called Walecotestrete, which 
 they held of him for their lives. 
 
 59 — 20 General release by Sir John de St. 
 Lo to all the citizens of Bath of all 
 rents, whether of money or otherwise, 
 which they owed him.* 
 
 60 — II Conveyance by Lucas the Miller of 
 Calneston, and Agnes his wife, 
 daughter of Nicholas de la mare of 
 Calneston, to the Mayor and Com- 
 monalty of the City of Bath, of a 
 rent of 5 shillings issuing out of a 
 shop situate in the street of the Stalls 
 of Bath, which William Hendyman 
 then held, situate between the shop 
 which John Batyn held on the north, 
 and the shop which Peter de Lewes 
 held on the south. Also another 
 
 ' This deed is in French. The date is " le quart Jour de la goulast Laan du regne le Roy Edward 
 letreisaps le conquest." Goulast = Gula Augusti, i.e., 1st August. 
 
 « Bath is called in this deed " Baa." 
 
 ' Mayor of Bath in 1330, and Member of Parliament in 1326. 
 
 * One of the witnesses to deed No. 55. 
 
 ' Provost in 1332. 
 
 " As this deed seems to infer some kind of ownership in the city, the full text is given ; " Universis 
 ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit Johannes de sancto Laudo miles salutem in Domino. Noverit uni- 
 versitas vestra me remisisse et relaxasse omnibus et singulis civibus civitatis Bathoniae lotus redditus 
 quse ipsi vel aliquis eorum michi debent sive sint argentum sive alius redditus qualiscunque ea videlicet 
 occasione ut sint sub defensione et protectione dominii me!. De quibus redditibus predictos Bathonienses 
 et eorum quselibet pro me et heredibus meis in perpetuum quietos clamo per preseutes. In cujus rei tes- 
 timonium sigillum meum presentibus apposui. Datum Bathonia vicesimo die Martii Anno regni Regis 
 Edwardi tertii post conquestum quintodecimo." 
 
 Collinson (" History of Somerset," vol. iii., p. 342) says that the arms of Sir John de St. Lo, who 
 succeeded his father in 7 Edward II., and was living in 46 Edward III., were a bend in chief, a 
 label of five points. The seal to this deed is the same, with the addition of a lion rampant on the dexter 
 side of the shield. Sir John de St. Lo was lord of Publow as well as of Newton. The former he held 
 of the honour of Gloucester, and it has been suggested that the addition to the arms has reference thereto. 
 
 ' This deed has a tolerably perfect impression of the present city seal. 
 
 " Accounts of Churchwardens of St. Michael, 1349 : " Item paid to the proctor of the Commonalty 
 6 pence for the messuage which William Cubbel holds of the said church." 
 
 ' See note 3, page xix. 
 
 '" Mayor of Bath in 1333. 
 
 Names of Witnesses. 
 
 Roger Cole then Mayor of 
 Bath, Adam Whitesone,* 
 Richard le Boye,* Henry 
 Hurrel,^ Richard the Hunts- 
 
^p^viiixx A. 
 
 XXI 
 
 I Page 
 »^, where 
 J^O. referred 
 
 60 (conft 
 
 Particulars. 
 
 William Cubbel, Mayor, 
 Thomas Scote/ John Tope, 
 Roger le Clywer,* Walter le 
 Carpenter.6 
 
 nued) rent of 2 , shillings, issuing out of an- 
 other shop in the same street, which 
 William the Porter held, situate be- 
 tween the shop of John Fynch on the 
 north,, and the shop which William 
 Combe held on the south. 
 
 61 — 21 Lease from William Cubbel, then 
 Dec, Mayor of the City of Bath, and the 
 1349.1 whole Commonalty of the same 
 
 place, to Thomas de Thame and his 
 wife, of a tenement situate in Stall 
 Street (which they had of the gift 
 and bequest of John Freoman, and 
 lay between the lane leading to the 
 King's Bath on the north, and the 
 tenement which Walter de Lam- 
 brigge formerly held on the south) 
 for their lives and the life of the sur- 
 vivor, at the rent, to the Vicar of the 
 church of the Blessed Mary de Stalls, 
 of 1 2 pence at the terms in the grant 
 made by Benedict de Stoke,^ and to 
 the lessors of 13 shillings, a half- 
 penny and a farthing. 
 
 62 — 1 Feb., Lease from Robert Wattes, then Mayor 
 137 1-2. of the City of Bath, and the whole 
 
 Commonalty of the same place, to 
 Nicholas Buryton and Alice his wife, 
 and after their death to John their 
 eldest son, for his life, of a tenement 
 in Stallestrete, situate between the 
 tenement which Roger le Parmenter" 
 held on the south, and the lane lead- 
 ing to the King's Bath on the north, 
 at the yearly rent of 14 shillings, a 
 penny and a halfpenny. 
 
 1 Feast of .St. Thomas the Apostle, 23 Edward III. 
 
 2 This may possibly be the house bequeathed by Benedict de Stolce to his wife {ati/e, No. 56), the 
 12 pence mentioned in the lease representing a pound of, wax and 4 pence for masses. The price of 
 wax varied from 4d. to is. the pound. ^ 
 
 8 Mayor of Bath in 1352. 
 
 * Ace. Ch. St. Mich., 1349 : "Item they have received 6 shillings of Roger Clyware for three 
 terms, viz., of the term Hock, the Nativity of St. John the Baptist, and St. Michael." ' 
 
 ^ Mayor of Bath in 1352 and 1 36 1. 
 
 'Ace. Ch. St. Mich., 1405: "Item received of the bequest of Roger Parmiter, 6 pence for 
 torches." 
 
 ' Member of Parliament in 1360, 1363, 1369, '371. 1372, and 1373. 
 
 8 .\cc. Ch. St. Mich., 1349, amongst " New Rent " : " and 2 shillings received from John Gregory.'' 
 And in 1370 in the summary of the account, " out of which are allotted to John Gregory and John Nac- 
 tone 13s. 4d., which they formerly lent to the chapel of the Blessed Mary." 
 
 Names of Witnesses. 
 
 Henry de Forde, John Whyt- 
 tokesmede,'^ John Gregory,^ 
 Walter Carpenter,^ John 
 Natton.^ 
 
XXll 
 
 I^ilflE Municipal ^^cwtrs vf ^afft. 
 
 No. 
 
 Page 
 
 where 
 
 referred 
 
 Lo. 
 
 14 
 
 Jan., 
 1403-4. 
 
 Particulars. 
 
 Names of Witnesses. 
 
 William Rous^ Mayor, Robert 
 Westpray,^ Richard Budel,^ 
 John Katton,* Roger Test- 
 wode.^ 
 
 63 — 20 Lease from William Rous, then Mayor 
 Nov., of the City of Bath, and the whole 
 1392.1 Commonalty of the same town, to 
 
 William Scropchire, Juliana his wife, 
 and John their eldest son, for their 
 lives and the life of either of them, of 
 a shop with an upper room, -situate 
 in Stallestret between the shop of the 
 Prior of Bath, which John Lakot 
 holds, on the south, and the shop 
 which John Synto formerly held of 
 the said Mayor and Commonalty on 
 the north, at the yearly rent of 12 
 shillings.- 
 
 64 27 14 Probate of the will of Sybil Pochon, 
 relict of Thomas Pochon, whereby 
 she bequeathed : 
 
 1. To the fabric of the church of S. 
 Mary de Stalles, her best napkin.''' 
 
 2. To Dom. John Baret, vicar of the 
 same church, 5s. 6d. to say masses 
 for her soul. 
 
 3. To Dora. John Fowler, the chap- 
 lain,8 6 pence to say masses for her 
 soul. 
 
 4. To Dom. Robert Hendnid, monk 
 of the ^cathedral church of Bath, an 
 altar cloth with a napkin.'-* 
 
 5. To Dora. John Tower, 6 pence 
 to say masses for her soul. 
 
 6. To the image of St. Catherine de 
 Stalls, her best silk robe.^" 
 
 7. To the image of the Holy Trinity 
 in the cathedral church of Bath, a 
 pair of jet rosaries with silver beads.^i I 
 
 ' Wednesday, the feast of St. Edmund King and Martyr, 16 Richard II. 
 
 * Mayor of Bath in 1393. 
 
 ' Member of Parliament in 1376, 1377, 1378, and 1383. 
 
 * Ace. Ch. St. Mich., 1376 : "Delivered to John Natton for timber bought for the work of the 
 church, £4 IDS., by valuation (per tallium)." 1377 : " Item delivered to John Natton 9 shillings, in part 
 payment for work at the church (facturaecclesie)." 1394 : " Item 3s. 4d., which John Nactone.'ljurgess 
 of Coventry, gave to the Church of the Blessed Michael without, on behalf of his . . . formerly our 
 Rector." John Natton was Mayor of Bath in 1380, and Member of Parliament in 1383 and 1388. 
 
 ' Mayor of Bath in 1407. 
 
 ' The will-is dated 7 December, 1403, and was proved on the 14th January following, in the chapel 
 of St. Mary next the cloister of the cathedral at Wells, before Thomas Barton, Commissary of Henry 
 [Bowet] Bishop of Bath and Wells. 
 
 ' " Manutergium." 
 
 8 There is a word after this which is illegible, 
 
 ' " Unam mappam cum manutergio." 
 
 i» " Unum flamiolum meum optimum de serico.'" 
 
 " " Unam par precariorum de Get cum gaudys de Argento." The Gaudes, or as they were after- 
 

 
 
 j^ppHViinx A. 
 
 . xxili 
 
 No. 
 
 Page 
 
 where 
 
 referred 
 
 to. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Particulars. 
 
 Names of Witnesses. 
 
 64 
 65 
 
 (conti 
 
 nued) 
 
 12 
 May, 
 1476. 
 
 8. To Thomas Smyth, a cupboard. ^ 
 
 9. To Elizabeth Hendy, a small 
 silk robe, and another small robe of 
 linen thread.^ 
 
 10. To Richard Wydcombe* of 
 Bath, all her land without the North- 
 gate in Walcot Street, between the 
 tenement of John Pochon, junr.,* 
 and the messuage in which David 
 Ryche^ dwells, extending from the 
 King's highway to the Avon. 
 
 1 1. The residue of her goods to the 
 said Richard .Wydcombe, to be dis- 
 posed of at his discretion for the 
 good of her soul. 
 
 And she appointed the said Richard 
 Wydcombe, and Thomas Smyth, her 
 executors, and Dom. John Baret 
 overseer.^ 
 
 Lease from Robert Rogers, Mayor, 
 and the whole Commonalty of the 
 City of Bath, to John Slogye, citizen 
 of the same city, Catherine his wife, 
 
 Robert Rogers, Mayor, Wil- 
 liam Stanburgh, Andrew 
 Bedford,^ Aldermen, Robert 
 Chepman* and John Jef- 
 
 wards called in English, tlie Gawdes, were the large beads on which the " Pater noster " was said. The 
 word has been derived from " gaudium," in connection with the joys of the Blessed Virgin. If so, the 
 term " gaudes " would have originally been applied to the smaller beads of the rosary on which the 
 "Ave Maria " was recited. See " Our Lady's Dowry," by Rev. T. E. Bridgett, pp. 65 and 205. Also 
 "Pietas Mariana Britannica," by Edmund Waterton, pp. 156-167. 
 
 1 " Unum almary." , 
 
 2 " Unum flamiolum de serico parvum et unum alium parvum flamiolum de lineo filo.'' 
 
 ' Mayor of Bath in 1418, and Member of Parliament in 1413, 1414, 1420, 1424, and 1428. 
 
 ' Ace. Ch. St. Mich., 1420 : " Item in expenses paid to John Pochyne for the threshold of his house, 
 xiijj-. iii)d. Item for writing the indenture between us parishioners and John Pochyne and the sealing 
 of the same, u]s. Item paid to John Pochyne for rent, xxijj. viijV. Item for taking down tiles (pro 
 takying downe de tegulis) from the house of John Pochyne in Walcot Street, xiijrf. Item of 
 the, tenement of John Pochyne in Walcot Street, in which John Rymour diVells, xs. Item for the repair 
 of a couple (de uno copylle) in the house of John Pochyne in Walcot Street, and of a post to support an 
 upper chamber in the same house, xi]d." (A couple, called also a principal, is part of the framework of a 
 roof.) 1439 : " and ijcl. paid in drink at several times to the carpenter and mason working in the house 
 late of John Pochyn, and xld. paid to the tiler working in the house, late of John Pochyn." 1441 : 
 " Default rent, ixii., of the tenement forilierly of John Pochyn." 
 
 5 Walter Riche was Churchwarden of S. Michael in 1403, 1404, and 1415. In 1404 it is said : 
 " And Walter Riche will bear the purse this year." He was Member of Parliament in 1417, 1421, 1422,. 
 and 1424. 
 
 ^ " The coadjutor, or overseer, has no power to administer or intermeddle, otherwise than to 
 counsel, persuade, and advise, and if that fail to remedy negligence^or miscarrying in the executors, he 
 may complain to the Spiritual Court, and his charges in so doing ought to be allowed out of the testator's 
 estate."—" Williams on Executors " (6th edition), vol. i., p. 234. 
 
 ^ Ace. Ch. St. Mich., 1460 : " And in oil bought of Andrew Beddeford for the said lamp this year, 
 as appears by the bill of parcels annexed to this account, iijs. vjd." 1473-4 • " And to Andrew Bedford 
 for oil for the lamps burning in the church this year, ijs. viij;/." He was Member of Parliament in 1467. 
 
 ' Churdiwarden of St. Michael in 1473-4, 1481-2, 1484-6, 1487-8. Ace. Ch. St. Mich., 1473-4 : 
 " And to Robert Chepman, xlvijj, iijii. ob., for Ijuilding the new tenement." 1481-2 : " And to Robert 
 Chapman for cheese [used at the performance of plays], ixa'." 1504-5 : " And viija!'. for the wasting of 
 
XXIV 
 
 WfA ^Innitip^l ^«ciJtir« itf ^iSalft. 
 
 No. 
 
 Page 
 
 where 
 
 referred 
 
 to. 
 
 65 
 
 66 
 
 67 
 
 68 
 
 69 
 
 ((r<'«^« 
 
 nued) 
 
 32 
 
 32 
 
 37 
 
 43 
 
 Date. 
 
 4 Jan., 
 ISS3-4- 
 
 28 
 
 Jan., 
 
 I and 2 
 
 Phil. & 
 
 Mary, 
 
 [1553- 
 
 4-] 
 
 26 
 
 April, 
 
 1560. 
 
 18 
 April, 
 1572- 
 
 Particulars. 
 
 Names of Witnesses. 
 
 freys,^ Proctors of the Com- 
 monalty. 
 
 and Edith their daughter, for their 
 lives and the life of a survivor, of a 
 tenement in Walkote Street, which 
 John de Hampton lately inhabited, 
 with a garden there adjacent, which 
 tenement is situated between a tene- 
 ment of the Hospital of S. John the 
 Baptist on the south, and the tene- 
 ment which John Wydcombe^ holds 
 of the Churchwardens of St. Michael 
 extra [muros] on the north. 
 
 Bond from Humfrey Cotten to John Davys, Mayor of Bath, Edward 
 Ludwell, Richard Chapman, William Chapman, William Abyban, 
 William Rabbynsson, Thomas Gybbys, John Bale, George Pereman, 
 and Thomas Turner, " brethren of the Corporatiob," in the sum 
 of ;^3oo, to obey the award of Sir John Sydenham and John Wad- 
 ham, and Humfrey CoUes, upon all matters in dispute between the 
 said Humfrey Cotten and John Davys and others. Such award to 
 be made before Lady-day then next 
 
 Award of Sir John Sydenham, John Wadham, and Humfrey CoUes 
 in the dispute between Humfrey Cotton and John Davys, Mayor, 
 Edward Ludwell, Richard Chepman, and other inhabitants of Bath, 
 touching the title to the bailiwick of Bath, a house called the 
 Hart, a house called the Prior's house, and the Baynes in the same 
 city. 
 
 Draft petition to the Marquess of Winchester, Lord Treasurer of 
 England, with reference to arrears due to the Crown for the baili- 
 wick of the city. 
 
 Indenture between George Pearman, Mayor of the City of Bath, the 
 Aldermen and Burgesses of the same city, of the one part, and 
 George Rogers, Esq., Sheriff of the County of Somerset, of the 
 other part, whereby it is witnessed that the said George Pearman 
 and Edward Baber, Esq., Recorder, have been elected Burgesses 
 for the same city in Parliament. 
 
 two candles (pro vastacione ij terticiorum) on the day of the burial of Robert Chappmane. And vjj. 
 viijif. of the gift and bequest of the said Robert Chappmane and William Kennt. 
 
 ' Was Churchwarden of St. Michael in 1476-7. Ace. Ch. St. Mich., 1460 : "and in default rent of 
 the tenement late of Eichard Crykett, in Broad street, beyond, vjj. viijrf., levied of John Wytecombe 
 yearly, iiija^. And to Boryett, of Bathewyke, for 1500 laths bought for the tenement of John Wytcombe 
 and the tenement of Tropmylle, y\\)d. And for 21 J dozen of helm bought for the tenement of John 
 Wythcombe . . . viu. ij(/. 1469 : " And for xviij dozen of helm bought for the tenement of John 
 Wyttcombe, vj. vnd." 1473-4 = " And, paid to a tiler (js tylere) working at . . . the tenement of John 
 Wydcombe . . . vijj. vija'." 1477-8 : "And iiijj. viijif. increased rent of the tenement late of John 
 Witcombe, now of Philip Strong. And to John Smythe, mason, for a day's work in repairing a stable 
 wall in the tenement of John Witcombe, vjrf." 1487-8 : " And ijj. for a jar (pro ja oUa) given by John 
 Witcombe." 
 
 * Ace. Ch. St. Mich., 1481-2 : " And for making a hearth (pro factura jus hurthe) in the tenement 
 of John Gefferes, \yi" 
 
,^jtjrenM3e A. 
 
 XXV 
 
 No, 
 
 Page 
 
 where 
 
 referred 
 
 to. 
 
 Particulars. 
 
 s. 
 
 •JO 55 25 Letters of Administration with the will (dated 31 October, 1569) 
 Jan., annexed, of the personal estate of Thomas Wathell, of Bath, Priest, 
 1589- granted by the Prerogative Court of Canterbury to the Mayor and 
 90. Citizens of the City of Bath.^ The testator bequeathed : 
 
 1. To the Cathedral Church of Wells, i2d. 
 
 2. To the churchwardens of St. James, Bath, los. 
 
 3. To each of his four bearers, i2d. 
 
 4. To the priest that should " saye sarvice " at his burial, lad. 
 
 5. To the clerk and gravedigger, 6d. each. 
 
 6. To the churchwardens of Philip's Norton, ss. yearly for the 
 maintenance of the church. 
 
 7. To the parish church of St. James, Bath, 6s. 8d. yearly, for the 
 maintenance of the church. 
 
 To the four poor people of the almshouses at Philip's Norton, 
 id. a piece, weekly, to be paid ^^ t^e four usual quarter 
 days. 
 
 To the poorest people of PhiUp's Norton, 26s. 8d. yearly, to 
 be distributed by the churbhwardens, on the Friday before 
 Christmas and the Friday before Easter. 
 
 To the said churchwardens, 5s. yearly for their pains. 
 
 To the poor lazar people of the Hospital of St. Mary Magdalen 
 by the City of Bath, 5 s. yearly, toibe distributed quarterly. 
 12. To the poor people of the City of Bath, forty dozen of bread 
 yearly, to be distributed quarterly, and the distributor to 
 have 6s. 8d. yearly. 
 
 To the Chamber of the City of Bath, out of the rent of the 
 house which was Leonard Stobbes, during the years of his 
 lease, 6s.'8d. yearly ; and to the Mayor, 5s. yearly, out of the 
 same rent ; and to the Chamberlain, 2od. yearly, out of the 
 same rent. 
 
 To the parish church of Stall's, 5s. ; and to the church without 
 Northgate, 5s. 
 
 To the parish church of Combehaye, 6s. 8d. To the parish 
 church of Walcot, 5s. To the parish church of Widcombe, 
 5s., for the maintenance of the same churches. 
 
 To Mr. Robert Frauncis, Mayor of Bath, one old niazer and 
 one silver spoon, and to his wife one silver spoon. 
 
 To Elizabeth Crase and Agnes Abraham, his servants, id. 
 weekly for their lives apiece. Also a flock bed, a bolster, 
 two sheets, a blanket, and a coverlet apiece. 
 
 To John Clement's wife, a pair of tachehooks in pawn for 5s. 
 To Elizabeth, their daughter, a pap-pan with a handle, one 
 platter, one pottinger, one sawcer and one eare dishe of 
 pewter. To John, their son, one candlestick, one platter, 
 one pottinger, one sawcer, and one eare dishe of pewter. 
 
 1 The Probate Act shows that probate was originally granted to Richard Jones, Robert Frauncis, 
 and John Pardice, and that after their death John Brittayne and John Flowre.obtained a grant of ad- 
 ministration, and afterwards, at the suit of William Morse, the grant was revoked, and the same William 
 Morse, who was declared to be next of kin to the testator, had renounced. John Theaker, notary public, 
 was proctor for the Corporation. 
 
 II. 
 
 13- 
 
 14. 
 
 IS- 
 
 16. 
 
 17- 
 
 18. 
 
XXVI 
 
 W^r^ ^utttnpal ^Etm:b0 *tf ^a{%. 
 
 No. , 
 
 70 
 
 {conti 
 
 71 
 
 54 
 
 nued) 
 
 10 
 Dec, 
 1590. 
 
 Particulars. 
 
 19. 
 
 21. 
 
 To Margaret Evans, one pair of canvas sheets, one pair of yarn 
 hoses, with as much yarn as shall make a pair of hoses. 
 
 To Milles, one white coverlet, his old gown, his breeches, and 
 the stockings, one short. 
 
 To Joan Masye, one yard of narrow diaper, and to her son one 
 candlestick, and to every one of her daughters a diaper 
 napkin. 
 22. To Margery Overbury, one yard of narrow diaper, and to her 
 youngest servant his least candlestick. To John Bushe, her 
 servant, the next candlestick. And to Joari Hayes, her ser- 
 vant, the next candlestick. And to every of the same 
 said maidens, one table-napkin. 
 
 To Richard Gibbes, priest, his short gown. 
 
 To Thomas Longe's wife, the baker, one yard of narrow diaper. 
 
 To each of Thomas Longe's two maid-servants, two hand- 
 napkins. 
 
 To the parson of Walcot, his sarcenet tippet and his gown that 
 was last made. 
 
 To Richard Joynes, his fox^urred gown. 
 
 To John Pardice of Philip's Norton, his last ripped gown with 
 as much budge as shall face the same. 
 
 To Richard Peareman, one book called " Tullyes Offices " with 
 a commentary. 
 
 To each of his godchildren, Thomas Whyte, Izott Powe, 
 Thomas Shorte, William Whibbin, Thomas Whibbin, Thomas 
 Flower, junn, 2od. 
 
 The residue of his goods, cattails moveable and immoveable, 
 debts, and sums of money, to the poor people in manner and 
 form above mentioned, to be distributed amongst them by 
 his executors. 
 
 And he appointed Robert Frauncis, Mayor of Bath, Richard 
 Jones of the same city, yeoman, and John Pardice of Philip's 
 Norton, his executors, who were to have for their painS, of 
 every nine pounds 40 shillings, "asking and taking no more 
 nor any man ellse, but to give vnto god thankes Lawde 
 bono"' and praises with prayer Amen." 
 The will contains a power to appoint another executor in place of 
 any that may die, and the testator appoints his cousin, William 
 Morse, of Gray's Inn, the supervisor of his will, and gives to the 
 said William Morse, his sister's son, all his lands within the County 
 of Kent. 
 The witnesses are John Cleament, John Beard, Myles Denyson, 
 Thomas Welche, Burre, Robert , Fowke Marlot. 
 
 Lease from Richard Meredith, Parson of the parish church of St. 
 Peter and St. Paul, to the Mayor, Aldermen, and Citizens of Bath, 
 of the Rectory of St. Peter and St. Paul, and the parsonage or 
 chapel of Witcombe and Lincombe being parcel thereof (except 
 the parsonage house within the city, and the barn, garden, and 
 orchard thereto), for the term of sixty years, if the lessor should so 
 long live, at the yearly rent of £t,2. 
 
 23- 
 24. 
 
 25- 
 26. 
 
 27. 
 28. 
 
 29. 
 3o- 
 
 31- 
 
j^ppi^nM^e A. 
 
 XXVll 
 
 No. 
 
 Page 
 
 where 
 
 referred 
 
 to. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Particulars. 
 
 72 
 
 40 
 
 . 25 
 
 Sept., 
 i6qi. 
 
 Deed-poll under the common seal of the city, appointing John 
 Parker the elder, and Peter Sherston, attorneys ,on behalf of the 
 Corporation, to receive a certain writing bearing even date there- 
 with (by which Thomas Pryce and John Roberts purport to assure 
 to the Corporation for ever the messuages, lands, and tenements 
 contained therein) as the deed of the said Thomas Pryce and John 
 Roberts, and also to receive possession and seisin of such mes- 
 suages, etc., on behalf of the Corporation. 
 
 ff.Vn ' ■} 
 
 ••V 
 
 12- 
 
xxviii JpI^B ^l^unwtpal ^Erotti"^ »f ;®affe. 
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 
 THE CHARTER OF 7 DECEMBER, 1 RIC. I, 
 
 RiCARDUS Dei gratia Rex Anglije Dux Normannise Aquitanise Comes Andagavise 
 Justiciariis Vicecomitibus Baronibus Prspositis Ministris et Omnibus fidelibus suis 
 Totius Anglise et Portuum Maris Salutem Dei prsecipimus quod Cives de Bathonia 
 qui sunt de gilda eorum mercatoria habeant in Omnibus eandem quietacionem et 
 libertatem de omnibus mercatis suis quocunque venerint per terram vel aquam de 
 toloneo de passagio de lestagio et de omnibus aliis consuetudinibus et occasionibus et 
 rebus quam pleniter et libere habent Cives nostri Wintonienses de gilda eorum 
 mercatoria. Et prohibemus ne super hoc aliquis eos disturbet vel infestet ipsos vel 
 res ipsorum super decem librarum forisfactura. Testibus Hugone Dunelmensi et 
 Hugone Cestriensi et Huberto Saresburiensi Episcopis Willelmo Mariscallo Johanne 
 fratre suo Galfrido filio Petri. Data apud Doveriam per manum Willelmi Eliensi 
 Electi Cancellarii nostri septimo die Decembris Regni nostri Anno primo. 
 
 APPENDIX C. 
 
 COMMISSION DATED 10 FEB., 20 EDW. Ill, TO PROVIDE SIX MEN 
 FOR THE KING'S SERVICE. 
 
 Edwardus Dei gratia Rex Angliae et Franciae et Dominus Hiberniae dilectis sibi 
 Ballivis probis hominibus et toti Communitati villse Bathoniensis salutem Quia pro 
 certo didicimus quod Philippus de Valesio adversarius noster Francius machinans nos 
 et nostros destruere et linguam delere si possit Anglicanam armatam coUigit potenciam 
 quantam potest et magnum congregat navigium ad invadendum regnum nostrum 
 Angliae et dominium nostrum subvertendum propter quod ad occurrendum ipsius 
 adversarii maliciae et pro salvacione et defensione dicti regni nostri de consilio et 
 avisamento magnatum et aliorum de consilio nostro ordinavimus versus partes trans- 
 marinas cum toto exercitu nostro quanto potencius poterimus in medio quadragesimae 
 proxime futurse transfretare ad quod faciendum magnum numerum armatorum 
 necessario nos habere oportet vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes quod in villa 
 predicta sex homines airmatos sine dilatione eligi arraiari et triari et armis competentibus 
 muniri et ad nos usque portum de Portesrauth duci faciatis Ita quod sint ibidem die 
 dominica in medio quadragesimje proxime futurae ,ad ultimum prompti et parati ad 
 proficistendum nobiscum ad vadia nostra pro salvacione et defensione dicti regni nostri 
 prout tunc duxerimus ordinandum. Et hoc sub forisfactura omnium quae nobis foris- 
 
^^ppjttMx D. xxix 
 
 facere poteritis nullatenus omittatis Scientes pro certo quod pro aliquibus rumoribus 
 emergentibus de redicio fidelium nostrorum in partibus externis jam existentium versus 
 Angliam aut aliis causis quibuscumque non intendimus propositum nostrum ex causa 
 predicta transfretandi jam inceptum aliqualitei' inmutare. Teste me ipso apud 
 Westmonasterium x die Februarii arino regni nostri Angliae vicesimo regni vero nostri 
 Franci^e septimo. 
 
 per ipsum regem et consilium. 
 
 APPENDIX D. 
 
 WRIT OF 16 MAY, 20 EDW. III., RELIEVING THE CITY FROM 
 PROVIDING TWO MEN AT ARMS. 
 
 Edwardus Dei gratia Rex Anglise et Francise et Dominus Hibernise Supervisoribus 
 Electoribus et Arraiatoribus hominum ad arma Hobelariorum etSagittariorum in Comitatu 
 Somerset necnon vicecomitibus Ballivis et ministris ejusdem Comitatus ac aliis fidelibus 
 suis ad quos presentes literse pervenerint salutem Quia homines Civitatis Bathonise 
 solverunt nobis ad receptam scaccarii nostri decem marcas pro expensis duorum 
 hominum armatorum nobiscum in obsequium nostrum in proximo passagio nostro ad 
 partes transmarinas profecturorum Nos volentes securitati ipsorum hominum in hac 
 parte providere eosdem homines de dictis duobu^ hominibus armatis necnon de 
 omnibus aliis hominibus armatis ad quos assessi fuerunt nobis pro dicto passagio nostro 
 inveniendis tenore presentium exoneramus et quietamus Nolentes quod hoc quod in 
 tam urgenti necessitate sic factum existit trahatur in exemplum seu consequenciam in 
 futuro. Et ideo vobis mandamus quod ipsos homines contra tenorem presentium non 
 molestetis in aliquo seu gravetis. In cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri 
 fecimus patentes. Teste me ipso apud Westmonasterium xvj die Maii anno regni 
 nostri Anglise vicesimo regni vero nostri Francise septimo. 
 
 per ipsum regem tt consilium. 
 
XXX 
 
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xxxii Jpt^i^ (^utttctpal ^^tmtirsf IJf '^M^Af^, 
 
 PART II.— EXTRACTS FROM ACCOUNTS. 
 
 8 June, 1569. — To the lottere, xxs. 
 
 To the waytes of bristowe againste my lorde of Pembrokes 
 
 comynge, vs. 
 Chargys of the newe howsse 
 20 May, IS73- — Receaued on May Daie for one holberde one bowe and for blacke 
 billes, bowestringes and gowne powder allowed, xxvijs. x]d. 
 To the baylif of the hundred of Bathefor[insecum] for release of 
 
 Bute of Courte, xijW. 
 To lemon for makeinge of wall over the gate of the Fishe Tower and 
 
 the side walle, x\']d 
 To the Clarke of the hier howse about the estatute for bathes, xs. 
 To the Clarke of the Lower howse for the same estatute, xs. 
 About the { To Padget for that he laied out at London for knowledginge of a 
 Abbeye < fyne, x\s. 
 
 Churche. \ To S^ John PoUardes man about the same matter, ixj. 
 5 June, 1577. — To the lokier for workmannshipp and cciij//. of yron at \}d. ob. the 
 pownde. 
 for a great windowe in the same [Abbey] church, xsss. vij^. ob. 
 9 June, 1579. — Of Willm Cocks for his absence at the hall upon an accustomed 
 daie, iijj. iiija?. 
 to the Trompeters that blewe at his [the Lord Chamberlain's] 
 comynge, vs. 
 12 June, 1580. — to a psifant for a pclamacon for exces of apparell, iijx. m^d. 
 
 to a psyfant for a pclamacon for breadinge of greate horses, 
 
 iijV. \\\-\d. 
 paid and allowed to Mr. Maibr and Mr. Bailie for their charges in 
 conductinge of Mr. Eewshjn to my Lord Bishoppe and from 
 thence to the highe comissions, v]li. yijj. viij^. as appeareth by 
 their billes of accompt; paid to Mr. Recorders man Thomas Reade 
 for suinge the writt for eleccon of burges and makinge the 
 Indentures, xs. 
 15 June, 1581. — payed to the pcyfwant the xxxth of Julye for a pclam towchinge 
 Rebells depted oute of the Realme, iijj. iiij^ 
 payed unto the pursevant the xxviijth of Aprill for a Comyssion. 
 towching the Subsydye and a pclam towching Sedicius Rumors 
 & Words uttered against her ma'ie. v\s. viijV. 
 payed to the pursevant the xxxth of Maye for a pclam concnynge 
 
 usorors, iijj. \\\]d. 
 payed for mendynge of lott gate, v\d. 
 
 15 June, 1583.— payed the pursevant for a pclamacon concernynge Retaynors, 
 
 \\]s. \\\]d. 
 
 16 June, 1584.— [Casual Receipts] of_Mr. Chambers [townclerk] of the vj/«. xiijj. 
 
 \\\)d. f was deliued vnto hym concnynge the Church land, 
 xiiijj. xd. 
 
,^j>jisnMx E. xxxiii 
 
 payed for the Comyssions dynner concnynge the Churche land, 
 xvijf, viiji/. for bred and beare the same tyme, ixs. iiiji/. ; for wyne 
 the same tyme, iiij^. xd. 
 14 June, 1586. — paid William Furde for a shurte for John Jenetes, iji. ; paid for ij 
 yeards of fryes for a payre of gasgins, ij^. vji/.; paid for iiij yeards 
 and a half of curse lyninge for to lyne his hose and to mak him 
 a peticott, vj^. ij(/. ; paid for a payre of stockins for him, xviij(/. ; 
 paid Myles for a coate for him, ij^. ; paid Beard for makinge the 
 petycott and the bridches, vij^.; paid for a pclamaccn against the 
 sowinge of wood, iijs. iiiiif. 
 
 [A considerable sum expended on the School-house adjoining the 
 Borough wall at Northgate.] 
 
 paid for the chainge of Ix pound of pewter, x^. ; paid for xxviij 
 pound of pewter and is to make vpp a dossen sawsers a dossen 
 pottengers and a dossen platters and iiij chargers, xviijj. viij^. 
 
 paid for sawinge of a peace of Timber in the abey for to make 
 a payre of stayers in Butlers house, xxd. and for the stockes by 
 the Whott Bathe ; paid Deepe for his mans worke about the stayers 
 & doore, ij^. jd. 
 
 paid Hassellwood for makinge the Buttes and bringinge the 
 torfes, xs. 
 
 paid Thomas Gibbes bayKe for servinge towe writtes on the Maior 
 and Mr. Perman at Prices suite of Weston, iiijj. 
 
 paid Spanlye for iij knokeates for the gates, ijs. 
 
 laid out about the monster as appeareth bie the pticulars more then 
 is receaued, xxix//. ijj-. njd. ob. 
 14 June, 1587. — Casuall Receiptes for vj chickins and iij cople of Capons that 
 was bought against S"" xpoffer Hattens cominge now sould 
 againe, xijj. 
 
 GiFTES AND Rewardes. Itm given to S' John Clifton shirifTe and 
 to the rest of the Justices of this shire a bancatinge Dishe foot 
 at the potecharies, viijj. ; ij poundes of resones, xiiij^/.; a pound of 
 shuger, xxd.; a gallon of clarett wyne, ijx. viijif.; a potte of secke, 
 xxd. 
 
 Paymentes. paid for a procklimacon for desolvinge the plyament, 
 iijj'. iiij^.; paid the pavyer for pavinge of g vj yeardes from the 
 vtter dore of the Hawll to the ender dore, viijj. n]d. 
 
 paid Osborne for caringe a hewe and crie to Brestoll of a fained 
 report that London was a fyer, xiiij^. ; paid Anthony Cavell for 
 Ridinge to S' John Horner about the same buysines, xd. ; paid 
 William Moreford for the meate of one of the poste horses that 
 was sent the same time, \xd. 
 
 paid William Tucker for carienge a Ire to Mr. John Bewshin in the 
 west countrey, i]s. 
 
 paid William Amye for makinge a waie over the ditche in Kinges 
 meade for my Lord of Lecester and my Lord of Warwicke, xv']d.; 
 paid Amye for takinge of that awaie againe, viij(/. ; paid John 
 Thomas for makinge a waie throwghe Mr. Sherstons wall, iij^. 
 
 paid Thomas Gregorie for goinge to Lavington to forbidd the 
 killinge of rabettes, xviij^. 
 
 Paid for Mr. Fiches^ chardges and myne and o' horsemeat for that 
 
 1 Mr. Fiche was the Mayor. 
 
 13 
 
Caynes srved vs to appeare in the chauncery in Trinitie Terme 
 for monney he chardged the Cittie to owe him for worke donn 
 one the churche ; paid for the copie of o"' Bill, ixr. iiijy. ; paid 
 Mr. Aishe^ for councell, xf. ; paid for the Attorneis Fee, iijj. iiij^ ; 
 paid Mr. Aishes man for writtinge of o' aunswer, iiijx. ; gaue Mr. 
 Sheppardes man v}d ; paid for horsemeat and mans meat at 
 Malborowe, ijf. ; paid at Newbery for supper and breakefast, iiijf., 
 for horse meate there, iiij^. ; paid at Maydenhead for o' bayte, 
 iij^. vj^., for horse meate, xx^. ; paid for o' supper saterdaie night 
 at London, ijj. vi\]d. ; paid sundaie Dynner and supper, viijf. ; 
 paid mondaie dynner and supper, \s. i]d. ; paid Twisdaie Dynner 
 and supper, iiijj. ix^. ; paid wensdaie morning drinkinge, v']d. ; 
 paid for horsemeate at London, vjj. v']d. ; paid at Readinge at my 
 cominge whome for Dynner and horsemeate, i]s. ; paid Mawl- 
 borowghe for supper and horsemeate that nighte, ijx. ; more Mr. 
 Fitche laid out as appeareth bie his note, \\i\s. yd. 
 
 pd Mr. Chambers for a suppena and costes against Kaynes for bale 
 for Mr. Walley, at the suite of Price for Atturneis Fee for the In- 
 denture for pliament Burges for discontynnce of the accon of 
 Price against Mr. Walley for the Atturneis Fee for suinge fowre to 
 an outlawry for the quarr as appeareth by this note, iiij//. xiijj. 
 \\d. 
 20 June, 1589. — paid to Mr. Price for writinge out the copie of the composicon for 
 the comon, xij//. ; paid to him for writinge out the booke of 
 accompte that Mr. Perman made for the churche, xxf. ; paid to 
 Mr. Price for makinge twoe Ires of Atturney to gather vp the 
 rentes that are vnpaid to the Chamber, ij^. ; more to him for a 
 copie of a bande that lies in the Arches and for a Ire of Atturney 
 to make seasure vpon outlawes goodes to the use of the Cittie, \\s. 
 
 paid to Mr. John Sachefild for his chardges and Mr. Chambers and 
 his man for ridinge to Mr. Courte for framinge an answere to Mr. 
 Perman and Lloyd in the Chauncerie when they served Mr. 
 Sherston, Mr. Sachefild and John Sherston, ixj. ; paid Mr. Courtes 
 man for writinge o' answere in paper, viy. m\d. ; paid Burde Mr. 
 Chambers man for ingrosinge of o' answere to Lloyd, \]s. y paid 
 to Mr. Prices man for ingrosinge o'' answere to Mr. Perman, 
 ijx. vj^. ; paid to Mr. Jackson for the suite of Flood against Mr. 
 John Sachefild in the Kinges benche for comon bale, xviijV. j and 
 for the copie of his declaracon, \\\)d. ; for the Atturneis Fee, 
 \\)s. \\\)d. ; paid more to Mr. Jackson at the same tyme for comon 
 bale for Mr. Sherston in the Kinges benche, xviij^/. ; for a copie 
 of the declaracon, xx*/. j for the Atturneis Fee, \\]s. iiijil 
 
 paid to Thomas Gardener and Thomas Hibbett masons for byldinge 
 vp the chancell at the schoole house, \s. \ more to a Free mason 
 for makinge a wyndowe in the poynen^ end, xxs. [A new roof 
 was put on the school and other repairs.] 
 
 ^ Mr. Aishe was the Recorder. 
 
 ' Ace. Ch. St. Mich., 1473-4 '• " Et Johi Smythe mason pro emendacione de la Pynyn in novo 
 teno iijd " Conveyance dated 19th April, 1773, from Corporation of Bath to William Pulteney, B^qr.: 
 "bounded ... oil the west side with the poin end of the late free school." " Pignon . . . Mur 
 termini en triangle suivant la pente d'un comble i deux egouts et formant cloture devant les fermes 
 de la charpente. Un bStiment simple se compose de deux murs goutterots et de deux pignons." 
 VioUet-le-Duc, Did. de I'Arch. Fran, du xi"au xvi" slide, vol. vii., page 130. (Paris, 1864,) 
 
,^jtjr^nbix E. xxxv 
 
 20 June, 1590. — for carienge of rubbell out of the Abbey to mend the waie by the 
 burwales and the waie betwene southgate and the bridge, xx^. ; 
 paid for Mr. Recorders horsemeate when he sat in comission be- 
 twene Mr. Sachefild and Mr. Perman, vj^. ; paid for a paire of 
 Indentures for the burges of the plament, m]s. ; paid for the 
 pursefantes Fee that brought the write, ii]s. iiij^. ; paid for 
 chardges in the Chauncery at the suite of- Mr. Lloyd against Mr. 
 Sherston, Mr. Sachefild as appeareth by a bill thereof made by 
 theire Atturney, xxvJ5. ; paid Mr. Jacksonn for drawinge an 
 answere of Mr. Sachefild to Lloydes bill of complaint for impri- 
 soninge of him, xiijj. iiij^. ; paid to a pursefant wch brought the 
 pclaraacon for makinge of salt peeter, iijy. iiij^. ; more paid to an 
 other pursefant for brininge the pclamacon against vagarant 
 soldiers, iijj. iiij^. ; paid to Mr. John Walley thelder in full satis- 
 faccon for the bu^es monney, ii]li. 
 
 10 Sept., 1593. — [Received] of John Hull for Rundells beinge Free wth thoccupacori 
 of Cordiners, xxs. ; of M'^'^ Walley for the seale of her lease of the 
 platt of grounde by the women's Bathe, \is. viij^. 
 [Payments] paid Deep for work don vpon the lassor bath and Crosse 
 bath, xs. ; paid Gilson for three lockes for the wyckettes of the 
 toune gates . . . xs. ; paid for the pavinge of the Highestreete 
 and for carienge of stones sand and rubbell besides some monney 
 given by the parishe, iiij//. iiij^. viij(/. ; paid more for twoe staples 
 and a haspe for the Cage, ijd ; paid to Raffe Jones for carienge 
 of a Ire to Bridgwater to Mr. Court about a burges, iijj. v]d. ; paid 
 to Robert Hurley deputie to Mr. Harrington esquier, sheriff, for 
 a due out of the great churche as appearith by the acquittance, 
 xiijj. iiijii ; paid Morley, for twoe mattes for the maior his seate in 
 Stalles churche and tile lyme and his workmanshippe one the lassor 
 bathe, ijs. viij^f. ; paid to Mr. Sachefild for the chardges of court 
 wch he disbursed in a suite for CoUebies house, iiijj. ijd. ; paid to 
 Mr. Sherston, v//. and to Mr. Price, iiij/?. for their wages at the 
 plyament. 
 1594. — [Gyftes and rewardes] paid vnto the Pursevant for a pclamacon 
 for the reiurnment of the terme to St. Albournes, iijV. iiij^. ; paide 
 vnto the Pursevante for a pclamacon for suppressinge of Rogges, 
 iij.;. iiij^. 
 [Paymentes] paid vnto Persons for receivinge Johane Paviers sonne 
 to be his apprentice, xiij.f.- iiijV. ; paid to Bartlett for writtinge a 
 note of tharrerages of the church, vjV. ; paid vnto Mr. Heath for 
 phissicke mynistred vnto a man of Judge Gentes, vjf. viij:/. 
 
 10 Oct., 1595. — paid vnto Peeter Lane of Welles for bringinge of a seale out of the 
 exchequer for arrerages due from o' churche, vjs. ; paid to Josias 
 Sargent at Mr. Maio'^ appointm' for the charges of twoo prisoners 
 for xiiij™ dales wch were founde wth a counterfeit licens of my 
 Lord Admiralles, v.f. viij;/. ; paid vnto him [Richard Barra] againe 
 for plasteringe and seelinge and whiteliminge of the yeldhall & the 
 pclamacon house and vnder the North gate and for a leaven hun- 
 dred of Lastes, xxiij^. ; paid to the smith for iron worke about 
 the tablement forthe quenes armes, xvj^. ; paid vnto the ioyner 
 for makinge of Mr. Mayors seate in the yeldhall, xvj^. ; paid 
 to John Tucker for the hyer of twoe horses to carie the prisoners 
 to Cawne wch were suspected for quyninge of monney, vs. ; paid 
 
 IS— 2 
 
vnto the Lord Bushoppe and the rest of the Justices wch was laid 
 on the Cittie for Light horses for to goe into Ireland, xvs. ; paid 
 vnto Mr. William Chapman for ridinge to Welles iij times con- 
 cninge o"' hospitall land, vij^f. ; paid to Mr. Sachefild for ridinge 
 twise to Welles about the same busines, iijJr. 
 
 14 Oct., 1596. — paid for crieinge of Lamas faire, m]d. ; paid for a leaven yeardes of 
 blue clothe for to make the souldiers coates, iij/t xvjf. viid. ; paid 
 more for one duzen and a half of statute lace for the souldiers 
 coates, xviij</. ; paid vnto Mr. Price for writinges wch he made for 
 the monney wch was given to the Corporacon by Mr. Gore and 
 for other writinges alsoe wch he' made, \s. ; paid to Mr. Streete for 
 serchinge in the rentes for Mr. Colthurst pticulars concninge the. 
 abbey orchard for and in the behalf of the right of the Cittie, xij.f. 
 as it appeareth by a note of his hand. 
 
 14 Oct., 1597. — [Amercements] of a strainger for a bludd shed, ii}s. m]d. ; of Richard 
 Humfres for sellinge ale without license, vj. ; of Anthonie Tulie 
 for ingroseinge vpp Bvtter and Cheese, iij J. iiij<f. ; of James Appo- 
 well for Bruynge w'l'out licens, i}s. vjrf. 
 [Payments] paid to William Barnarde for carryinge a letter to 
 Bristoll to Mr. Courte about our Towne Clarcke, xij^. ; paid to a 
 pursivant for bringinge doune a pclamacon touchinge gentlemens 
 howsekeepinge, iijj. iiij;/. ; paid vnto Jesper Porter beinge ap- 
 ' poynted to serue as a souldier for the Cittie, xxxf. ; paid for a 
 
 Coate for him and his cunditt moneye, xv5. ixd. ; paid to Pitcher 
 the Smith for fower lockes and keies for the presse seates in the 
 counsell howse, xvjj. ; paid for a sute of apparrelL for W" Barnard 
 at Mr. Hoptons request as cote Dublet breeches stockens showes 
 shirte capp w* buttons lyninge silke w'** all other thinges belong- 
 inge to the same, iij//. iijj. ; paid to a pursivant for a pclamacon 
 fo"^ apparrell, iij.f. xd,; paid Biddle for three daies and a halfe 
 pullinge doune the stones of the fishe Crosse and for makeing the 
 Benches in the hall and makeing of on of the Buttes in the Closse, 
 iij.f. vjrf. ; paid Fisher the first time he wente to Marlberrowe for 
 Rye for that he came not home w''' his loade, w'aid. ; also ther 
 was lost by the first loade of Rye that was bought by Fisher and 
 Harvarde for that they did not sett doune all the charges before 
 it was solde, viij.f . ixd. ; paid for the use of on hundred poundes ' 
 for five monethes, iiij/?. iij.f. iiij^f. ; ther was lost by the sixteene 
 quarters of Rye wch Henrie Stephens sente and by the sackes, 
 xliijj. vjd. 
 13 Oct., 1598. — Receeaved for powder on Male daie, xxvjj. ix^. 
 
 - paid to a pursivante for bringeinge downe a proclamacon for the 
 arrestinge of anie Shippinge wch wente wth anie vittelinge for the 
 Kinge of Spayne, xi]d. ; paid for playsteringe of the Little Cham- 
 ber where the Armor Lyeth, vj(/. ; paid for the Changeinge of an 
 olde peese of plate for newe, vs. v]d. ; paid for makeinge of two 
 peyre of breeches and a Jurkin for Whiteinge, xiiij<^. ; paid for 
 Canvas to make him two shirtes and a dublett, v]s. iiij^. ; paid for 
 makeinge of his dublett, xd. ; paid for a peyre of hose and Showes 
 for him, i]s. ; paid for two duzen of buttons fOr his dublett, ij^. ; 
 paid for thred, [jd. ; paid vnto Anthonye Cavell for carryinge of 
 the old man to London to the Kinges Benche wch laye here in 
 
^.^ppviVuHlX E. xxxvii 
 
 prison, xxxj. ; paid more for him to Mr, Stone, xxxj'. j paid more 
 to the Baylifes for the hyer of two horses, xvjj. ; paid to a pursi- 
 vant wch came for som arrerages that should be paid in the 
 Exchequer, xx,f. ; paid him for a Bande, ij,f. \]d. ; paid to Mr. 
 Sherston and Mr. Heath for beinge Burgises at the parHament 
 fowerteene weekes, xx/«. ; paid for a Statut Booke, ij.f. iiij^. ; paid 
 to a pursivante for bringinge a pclamacon concninge badgers of 
 Come, iijj. iiij^. 
 
 [St. Johns] paid to Mr. Sachfeild for bredd wch we are Indetted in 
 the deare yeares, xxxiiijj. 
 13 Oct., 1599. — Receaved for Gunpowder the Fiveth of Maie, xxviijj. vij^/. ] paid for 
 mendinge of Gaskins Tower, ijV. ij</. ; paid to a mason for on daies 
 worke and a halfe to sett vpp the Topp Stones of the Burwalls, 
 xviij(/. ; paid for settinge in of a newe Threshold at the Chappell 
 on the Bridge, iiij^. ; paid to John Sherston for Releasinge the 
 Chamber over the Almes howses called the Store howse, xb. 
 13 Oct., 1600. — [Received] of John Hull for his Licens for the sale of the Bath 
 howse, 11)11. y']s. viij^. - 
 
 Gave to his [the Lord Chamberlain's] Secretarye for pferringe of the 
 peticon of the Woodes, xs. ; gave to Doctor Sherwoode's son for 
 pnouncinge an oracon, \s. 
 
 paid to Beacon for Tyleinge the Bell Qiarnber, vj.f. viij^/. 
 
 paid for bringinge the pclamacon for Eade, -vs. 
 
 paid the pusiuante for pclamacon for Corne, vs. 
 
 paid another pursiuante that would haue Carryed away Walter the 
 sayler, i]s. \]d. 
 17 Oct., i6oi.^-paid to Jesper Porter for Carryinge a letter To Mr. Horner about 
 Mr. Dorringtons Chayne, xvj</. ; paid to Bence for bringe of 
 cten pursevantes that did take vpp boies for the Queenes Chappell 
 and for a horse to carry on of the boyes, xij^. ; paid for xij 
 yeardes and vj foote of wainscott for the Abby Church, xxvj. 
 m)d. ; for ix yeardes of Benches for the Abby Church, xiijj. vjd. ; 
 paid for a peece of Tymber to mend the Cage, xd. ; paid for 
 Carryinge a prisoner to Gayle that Counterfetted false pasportes, 
 ixs. ijd. ; paid for the hier of horses & a man to Carry S"^ Anthony 
 Cookes Trunckes when he carryed vpp the Rebells, viijj. ; paid a 
 pursevant for bringeinge a pclamacon concninge the Erie of Essex, 
 iij.f. iiij^. ; paid a puseuant for bringinge a pclymacon that noe 
 money shalbe Transported to Ireland, iij.f. iiij(/. ; paid for the 
 Carryage of the Indentures to the Shriife for the Burgis & for 
 the hier of a hoirse, vijs. vjd- ; paid vnto the Shreiff for the 
 receavinge of the Indentures, iiijf. ; paid vnto a pursiuant for 
 bringe a pclamacon for the suppressinge of gunes and Crosbowes, 
 iijj. iiij^. 
 15 Oct., 1602. — Bestowed vppon the Queues men^ for their Kytchinge bread beare 
 wyne & sugar, viiJ5. ; It. paid for their horsemeate, iijj. ijd. ; paid 
 for the hyer of a horse for my self to take vpp the Heriott of 
 Chilton of Timsborowe, j^. ; given to a souldier that came out of 
 Flanders by Mr. Maiors appoyntm', is. ; paid vnto goodwife 
 Kinge for releasinge of Agnes Mansills Smock to place her w"> 
 
 * Probably these were men sent down to make arrangements for 'the proposed visit of the Queen. 
 See anie, page 48. 
 
xxxviii Jpfllj^ ^j^utticipal '^^tvfv'iiit t»f ^afft. 
 
 M"= Stone, ]s. ; paid vnto Mr. Heath one of the Burgises of this 
 Cyttie for nyne weekes att ijj. a daye for his allowance,- vj//. \]s. ; 
 paid to Mr. Sherstone one other of the Burgises for the Cyttie, 
 vj//. \]s. ; paid vnto Mr. Heath for the booke of Statutes of the 
 last parliam', \]s. iiijrf. ; paid for a newe stafife & for frenge for 
 Mr. Horton's partecon that wiis broken when the Irish rebelJs 
 were heare vnto Thomas Cottrell, viij^. ; paid vnto a pursevant 
 that brought a proclamacon about shipping & piracie, iijj. iiij^. ; 
 paid for the Chardges of the sute aboute the bote bathe by 
 Mr. Mayors appoyntm', \]li. vs. ; paid vnto the Constable 
 when the souldiers went into Ireland for the Cyttie, iij//. vjy. xd. 
 
^PLjrjrettbix F. 
 
 xxxix 
 
 APPENDIX F. 
 
 TRANSCRIPT OF CHAMBERLAIN'S ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR 1588. 
 
 Bathe \ The Acconipte of John Walley the younger Chamberlalne of the 
 
 Cittie. I Cittie of Bathe made in the guild Haull there before John Sachefild 
 
 maio"' of the said Cittie the Aldermen and Comon Councell of the same 
 
 beinge assembled there the xviij"' Daie of June in the xxx* yere of the 
 
 Raigne of o"" Souaigne Lady Quene Elizabeth. 
 
 Rentes of\ As appeareth by the Rentalles of the said Cham- 
 
 -(^w/^. J berlaine amounteth yerelie to ... ... ... ... ex//, xixj. 
 
 Incresede \ Impmis of Davie Thomas for the house over South-\ 
 Rentes. ] gate, vjr. ; of Richard Gaye for A tenement built | 
 over a pcell of ground that he had out of William I 
 Whittinges gardaine, iiijj. ; Of William Hedge for A \ . ... , 
 , pcell of grounde by brookes house, xvj(/. Of Henrie | 
 Chapman Capper for Sainct Michaells Churche, ij^; I 
 Of Mr. John Sachefild for a gardaine in Westgate Street, I 
 \]s. ; for one yere William Furd for A house, v\d. J 
 
 Casualle \ Impmis Receaued for Candelmas fayer of John , 
 Receiptes. ] Bearde, xij5. vj^. ; Receaued of Thomas Hill and John 
 Harvord for the standinges, v.f.; Receaued the tenth daie 
 of Februarie as by a note appeareth by theire names for 
 sealinge of Leasses Impmis of Fetter Chapman, vjx. 
 \\\]d. ; Of William Moreford, vjs. viij^. ; Also for A fyne 
 of his malt house, y\s. v\\]d. ; Of Mr. George Perman 
 for twoe leasses, xiijj. iiijV. ; Of William Chapman of 
 Barton for twoe leasses, xiijV. iiij^. ; Of Mr. Sachefild beinge 
 maio"' for A lease for him self and John Bearde, xiij^. 
 \\\]d. ; Mr. Lawrence Byam for his lease, vj J. viij(/. ; Of 
 John Clipsons, vjj. viij^. ; for Hawells lease of Killing- 
 cott, \\s. y\\]d. ; Re of Mr. George Perman for his 
 Bathe doore, vj. ; Re of Thomas Whibbyn for his bathe 
 doores, jls. ; Re of Peter Chapman for his Bathe doore, 
 v^. ; Re of John Walley and John Hull for there Bathe 
 doores, ys. ; Re of Robert Jones for his bath doore, ys.; 
 Re of Mr. Colthrust for his bath doore, iiij^; Re of ) xvj/«. xvij.f. v*/. 
 William Coxe for his Bathe doore, ys. ; Re of John 
 Walley J° for the fishinge of the water, ij.f. ; Re of 
 Dandie the butcher for his standinge for three quarters,' 
 \)s. y\d. ; Re of Anthonie Lovell bathe keep for the 
 Kinges bathe, xU. ; Re of John Strangworthy for the 
 lower bathes, xxf. ; Re of Thomas Chilton for his Free- 
 dome, ys. ; Re of Townsen Gregorie Dallamye 
 and George Bearde for yli. of powder at xij the pounde, 
 ys. ; Itm Souldc to the hundred of BathefSr y\\li. of 
 
xl 
 
 W^^ ^unmpal Jli{«cwb» tJf ;©alft. 
 
 powder at xvd. the pounde, vij^. hd. ; Re of Greene the 
 pewterer for a standinge, njs. iiij^. ; Re more for another 
 standinge, xvjd. ; Re of Roger Lovell for his freedome, 
 iiijj. ; Re of John Stowell for his freedome, iiijj. ; Re of 
 Richard Baker in pte of payment for his fredome, vs. ; 
 Re of James Shicke for his freedome w"' his occupacon, 
 xxs. ; Receaued for the comon, xls. ; Receaued for bur- 
 gess monney for one yere, xxxviij^. y\\)d. ' I 
 Some Totall of all the Receiptes cxxviij/?. xiljj. jV. 
 
 Oute 
 Rentes. 
 
 ) Impmis paid to the quenes ma''^ Receavers, xli. and 
 J for Acquittance for the same, m)d. ; Itm paid to them 
 more for the Quarre, v^., for acquittance, iiij^. ; paid 
 Mr. Freake the xiiij* dale of October for lamps & lightes, 
 xlvj^f. v'uid. ; paid for- acquittance, iiij^. ; paid for }■ xiij/«. js. x]d. 
 pcrecons for St Michaells w"" in the gate, xij^. ; paid for 
 acquittance, vdid. for St. Maries, vi]d. ; paid -to the 
 CoUedge of Bristoll, iij.f. mjd. ; paid Mr. Button for a 
 cheif Rent, iiijj. 
 
 Stipendes. — Impmis paid to Mr. John Sachefild maio"^ for his Fee, ^ 
 nihil ; paid Mr. Aishe Recorder, xIj. ; paid Mr. Robert 
 Chambers for his Fee, xk ; Paid Mr. Doctor Aubry for 
 his fee, xk ; paid Mr. Skott schoolmaster for his Fee, 
 xij//. ; paid y= Chamberlaine his Fee, iiijV?^ ; paid him 
 for ij dynners ij lawe dales, xv)s. ; paid for bell mans 
 coate, \]s. ; paid for bred given in lent to the poore, 
 iiij//. ; paid to Richard Tucker towne sergeant, xk ; 
 paid to Robert Parrowe the Maio" sergeant, xxs. ; paid 
 to the bellman for his Fee, x^. ; paid to the Almes folke of 
 the Madlins, iiijj. ; paid the Almes folke of the Cittie, xk ; 
 paid to Bonney for kepinge the clocke, viij^. ; paid to 
 John Dallamy for keepinge the Northgate, iiijj. ; paid 
 to John Chaunter for keepinge the Westgate, iiij.f. ; 
 paid to Thomas Sley, for keepinge of eastgate, vx]s. ; 
 paid to John Shorte for kepinge of Southgate, m]s ; 
 paid for xj sackes of cole given to the poor against 
 xpmas, vijj. xd.; paid for the clothe for the poore 
 in bynberie lane, iij/«. \]s. v'n]d. ; paid to Norwaie 
 for A yeard & a quarter of redd cloth to gard the Said 
 blacke gownes, iji. vj(/. ; paid for makinge of the tenn 
 blacke gownes, x^. 
 
 xxxviij& vijj. 
 
 Defalt rentes. — Inprimis John Bearde, iiiji. and Henrie Chapman, ij^. 
 
 \]S. 
 
 Gyftes and \ Impmis To the quenes ma''== plaiers the xiij* of \ 
 Rewardes. ) Julie, xys. beside the gatheringe ; To the L of Sussex 
 plaiers, xs. xd. ; given to Mr. Haman the xv'^ of Aprill 
 a couple of capons, \\\)s. \ given to the L of Warwickes 
 tumblers, vjj. viij^. ; given to Doctor Dale & Mr. 
 Bisse the xxxf'^ of Maye A potte of clarett wyne A potte 
 secke )li. of shuger, vs. \d. ; To the L of Lecesters ) iiijV/. ixs. 
 plaiers, xxs. ; given to S'' George Carrey A gallone of I 
 
^^pp^Viiixx F. 
 
 xli 
 
 wyne j//. of shugar, iiijj. iiij^. ; given to the Lady- 
 Russell ij dozens of Chickins ij dozens of pigeons, iiij"' 
 copies of Rabbittes, xvs. lui, ; given to the Lord of 
 Canterburis Comissioner^ one dozen of Chickins one 
 gallon of clarett wyne one pound of shuger, vijj. iij^. . . . 
 
 Paymentes. — Impmis paid to Hughe Hill and Forte the xxix* daie 
 of Julie for bringinge the water, v\\]d. ; paid for canvas 
 pitch and whippcorde the xxix* of Julie, \]d. ; paid to 
 Forte more for the same worke, vj^. ; paid to Hughe 
 Hill the last of September for fatchinge whome the 
 water, iij^ . \\\^d. ; paid to Mr. Maio' for Peeter Chepman 
 when he went to the Recorder, vJ5. viij^. ; paid to 
 Panter y= Lyme burner for a doble sacke of lyme about 
 the Almes house, xd. ; paid to Forte for his worke about 
 the leade the Fourth of October, vj(/.; paid to Forte the 
 xiiij* of October for vli. of Soulder for his worke and 
 for his man three dales worke, viijj. ; paid to John 
 Sherston for twoe faggottes of wood, vj^. ; paid to the 
 Pavior the xiiij'*' daie of October for sixe yeardes 
 pavinge about the Conditt of St. James, ix^. ; paid to 
 Gill for fatchinge the water the x* daie of November, 
 y\\]d. ; paid to Ireland the xix* daie of November for 
 his worke at the pooremens bath, vs. ; paid for a C of 
 lathes, xij^. ; paid for iij peces of timber, xij^. ; paid 
 to Forte the xxj* of November for mendinge the pipes, 
 xvjV. ; paid Deepe the mason for his worke about Sainct 
 James Conditt, viijj. \xd. ; paid to Gill that daie for him 
 self and his man, vj^. y\d. ; paid more to Gill the xxv* 
 of December, ijj. vjd. ; paid to Thomas Beaker for his 
 worke about the cunditt, v]d. ; paid goodwif Greese of 
 Holwaie for the cariage of twoe loades of stones for 
 coveringe of the Cunditt, ii]s. ; paid to the Pursivant 
 that brought the pclamacon the viij of Janiiarie, iijj. 
 iiij^.>; paid to Forte for one daies worke about the 
 bridge the xij'i^ of Januarie, xijd. ; paid to Panter the 
 lyme burner for A doble sacke of lyme, xd. ; paid to 
 Hughe Hill the xv* daie of Januarie for workinge 
 about the water, mjd. ; paid to Thomas Phillipes for 
 mendinge Jones house one the bridge his worke and for 
 stone, xijV. ; paid more to Thomas Bigge for cariage and 
 for stones the third daie of Januarie, iij^. ; paid to Forte 
 the second of Februarie for mendinge A gutter at the 
 almsehouse, xviij^. ; paid to Thomas PhilUppes for 
 takinge downe the coveringe of the whott bath and for 
 carienge the stones into the hospitall, xij^. ; paid to 
 Kinge and John Thatcher for scowringe the gutter at the 
 whott bath, xxd. ; paid to Hughe Hill the xxix* of 
 March for worke donne about the Cunditt, iijj, iiijj^. ; 
 paid to Fort the third of March for his worke, i]s. vja!. ; 
 paid to Panter the lyme burner for ij doble sackes of 
 lyme the x* of Aprill, xxd. ; paid to Deepe the mason 
 for his worke at the Whott bath, vs. viijd. ; paid to 
 
 xviij//. xvij^. 
 iid. 
 
 14 
 
Hughe Hill for halfe a dales worke about the pipe, iiij;/. ; 
 paid to Ireland the fourth of Male for tilinge the portch 
 of the Whott bath, vj.viij^. ; paid to Forte the vij"" of 
 Male for the worke about the pipes, ijs. \]d. ; paid to 
 Irelandes sonne for tilinge of the house that was Nicholas 
 Smiths, \']s. ; paid to Forte for mendinge of iiij" Chemneis 
 of the Almsefolke beinge blake gownes, i]s. vn]d. ; paid 
 Mr. John Chapman for Mr. Recorder horse meate for 
 that yere, xxijs. ; paid to one that brought a Ire from Mr. 
 Atturney about Mr. Recorder, xij^ ; paid to the Shiriffes 
 men for a distress for the greate church, xk ; paid to 
 John Macie for carienge A Ire to aunswer Mr. Atturney, 
 iijj. vj//. ; paid Fortt for setting a bundle at Prices 
 doore, -xvd. ; paid to Hughe Hill and to Fortt for 
 mendinge A leake one the bridge, u]s. i]d. ; paid to 
 Johane George for kepinge of Agnes Hutchinges childe 
 and for his charges, \is. viij^. ; paid to Peter Chepman 
 for carriadge of a Ire to Mr. Atturney and by his charge, 
 vj.f. viij(/. ; paid to Thomas Gregorie for carringe of a Ire 
 to Mr. Aishe, xij^. ; paid to the Pursivant for the bookes 
 of the subsidee, iijj. iiijd. ; paid to John Sherston for v 
 faggottes of wood to mend the lead, yi\d. ; paid Drake 
 for clensinge the towne wales betwene the Westgate and 
 the town, ijj. vjd. ; paid Anthonie Cavell for his chardges 
 and for carienge the subsedie bookes to the L Bishoppe 
 and to S' John Horner iiijj. ; paid to Mr. Chambers for 
 retorninge the bandes intp the excheker for the tenthes, 
 xij(/. ; paid the Plumers for mendinge the pipe in 
 Bitchinge cliffe and in Gibbes backeside, vj^. viiij^. ; 
 paid Mr. Bewshon for the Bushoppe of Canterburies 
 pcreacons for litle Sainct Michaell, \]s. viij//. ; paid 
 Wydowe Chepman for Mr. Recorders horsmeate when 
 he came to be o"" recorder, x.f. iiiji/. ; to Richard Tucker 
 the xijth of March half-a-pound of shuger xd. more in 
 Redd wax, ij^. ; To Goodman Ireland, iij C of lath nailes 
 and boord nailes \']d. ob more j C of bushell nailes to 
 Ireland & borde nailes ij^. ob. ; more to Ireland the 
 fourth of Apprill half-a-thousand of Lathe nailes and half 
 a hundred of stone nailes, xj(/. ; to William Arton the 
 xijth of Apprill one dozen of pointes and pap, iijrf. ; 
 deliued too old Humffrey at Mr. Maiors appointment, 
 xij^., for a quier of paper iiiji/. ; paid to Mr. John Chep- 
 man for charges and money laid out for Mr. Longes 
 pluralityes, \]li. ; paid to Willm Cox and Owen Griffithes 
 to make vp their payment for the queues silver, xxs. ixd. ; 
 paid to the pmoters for hattes & cappes, xs, J 
 
 Laide Out for the muster as foUoweth Impmis paid " 
 to Richard Graie for his worcke done to the chamber as 
 appeareth by his bill, xvjs. vjd. ; paid to John Sherston 
 for a barren of beare of xviij gallons and a duzen of ale 
 wch was caried vnto the meadowe amongest the soul- 
 diers, vi\s. vjd. ; Im paid for mendinge of five arrowe 
 
^PtpjtttttMje F. 
 
 xliii 
 
 'vij//, i]V. v']d 
 
 casses, xd. ; more for a bushell of Charcole, iiijV. ; for 
 makinge of a bowe, ij(/. ; for a shuttinge glove, iiij^. ; for 
 viij poutcheSjijj. viij//. ; Itm more for three newe poutches, 
 xviiji/. ; Itm for tucheboxes and" mendinge the droome, 
 xxd ; for a scouringe sticlce, j^. ; for ij skins for the 
 droome heade, iiij^. iiijV. ; for a stock for a goun, 
 ijj. iiij^. ; for a toutchboxe, iiij^. ; for a pouche, vjd. ; for 
 one pound of wooll to stuffe the heade peaces, iiiji/. ; 
 Itm paid for vj hanginges for the souldiers swordes, v^. ; 
 paid to John Sherston for five horses that brought the 
 mouster m out of Bath the viij"^ of March, vj^. \\]d. ; 
 Deliued to William Dallamy to paie the traine souldiers 
 the fourth of Aprill viij^. apece wch came to xiiijj. ; 
 paid for viij sword girdells xij hanginges and vj buckells 
 bought xiij* dale of Aprill for the souldiers, xjj. ; 
 Deliued to William Dallamy the last of May for the 
 souldiers, xj. ; at Mr. Maiors appointment paid to John 
 Broade for a coveringe for the droome, xiij//. ; paid for 
 arminge of twoe pikes, ijj. ; for stuffinge of the murrens, 
 ij^. ; Deliued the vj* of Februarie to Richard Tucker 
 and Markes fowre els and a quarter of canvas at xiiij(/. 
 the ell for twoe coates for the souldiers, iiij^f. xj^. ob. ; 
 for ij/?. of packthreed, vij^f. a //,, xiiij^. ; for twoe ownces 
 of oxe silke at viij</. the^ ownce, xvj2?. : half a pound of 
 wax and a pound of Rossome, yx\d. ; more half a pound 
 of packthreed, \^d. ob. ; Deliued to Rob' Parrowe and 
 Markes the xij'"^ of Februarie viij ells and a half at viij^. 
 the ell comes to ixs. xj(/. ; more for iiij^"^ ownces of ox 
 silke at viij^. the ownce, ij.f. viiji/. ; more iiij'' pound of 
 packthreed at vij^. the pound, \)s. \\\]d. j'half a pound of 
 wax and a quartern of threed, xiijif. ; the xix'"^ of feb- 
 ruary to Richard Graie in sollett oile, ij^. ; to Robt 
 Parrowe the 20th of february twoe dozen of lether 
 pointes, \\\]d. ; to John Sherston the same time in capp 
 pap, iijk ; more ij bow stringes and pakthreade to him, 
 i]d. ; to Richard Jillians half a hundred of Bushell 
 nailes, ]d. ; to Richard Graie the loth of March in 
 sallett oil, i]d. ; paid for fetehinge the post horses from 
 Welles, ijj."; paid to Mr. JohnWalley thelder towards 
 his chardges that he was at the mouster xvjj-. wch is out 
 sett in his rent; for the writinge of this Accompte, x.r. ... , 
 
 Inpmis, Mr. Fitche for Thomas Greenes house a 
 yere, iiij5. ; John Gyllan Millard a yere for his tenmt, 
 vs. ; Wydowe Wattes for her house, iiij.f. ; William 
 Varnam half a yere for the house vnder the gate, 
 viiji^. ; Mr. Perman for half a yere for the house 
 
 Rentes and \ 
 Casuall re- 
 ceiptes wth- 
 holden. 
 
 that was Marie Cromwell, xiijy. \\\]d. ; Pawle Hopkins 
 for half a yere for the Raven, xv]s. viiid. ; Robert 
 Parrowe a quarter, i]s. ; Roger Gruffyn for his house 
 a yere, xvid. ; Henrie Chapman Capper for half a yere 
 for the churche, xijd. ; Mr. Kerrie for the gatehouse 
 
 vj/«'. xiiijj'. 
 vd. ob. 
 
 14—2 
 
xliv 
 
 Jpl^^ ^l^uttfotjral ^Btm:tr0 i»f ';M^ifi* 
 
 the barne and the buthaies, xlixs. ; Robert Jessarre for a 
 quarter, iijj. ; William Ditcher'a quarter, ijs. \']d. ; John 
 Hancocke for his gardaine a yere, ijV. ; Thomas Dale 
 a quarter, ij^. ; Jeffrey Hughes a yere, vs. mid. ; Mar- 
 garet Erance a yere, vf. iiiji/. ; Dauid Thomas for the 
 house on Southgate, iiijj. ; Peeter Tailor a quarter of a 
 year,'xix(/. ob. ; William Masters half a yere, iijj. uijd. ; 
 by the wardens of Stalles, xv]d. ; by the wardens of St. 
 James, iij J. ; Chilton for his shoppe, ijV. ... ..._, 
 
 Some Totall of all the paym'« 
 
 & allowances ... ... ... IxxxmjK xviij j. o6 
 
 So that there Restethe due to the Chamber upon^ 
 this accompte from the accomptant xxxix//. xv^. oi., i 
 of wch some of xxxix/i. xvs. ob. this accomptant ! 
 craveth allowance of vU. xvjj. iiij//. wch is due i" 
 vnto him as it appeareth by the Foote of the I 
 Hospitall of St. Jonnes accompte. j 
 
 So Restethe due to the Chamber from this ac- 
 comptant the some of xxxiij//. xviijj. viij^. oh. 
 
 THlE END. 
 
 Elliot Stock, Paternoster Row, London. 
 
Cornell University Library 
 DA 690.B3K52 
 
 Municipal records of Bath. 
 
 3 1924 028 089 708 .,»,..,. 
 
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