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CORNELL 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 LIBRARY 
 
POLAND. 
 
 AN HISTORICAL SKETCH. 
 
POLAND 
 
 AN HISTORICAL SKETCH 
 
 BY 
 
 FIELD-MARSHAL COUNT, VON MOLTKE 
 
 Jlttthxrrizfb llrsnstetutn, toith a gixrflrapltrcal S-^ixct 
 
 EMMA S. BUCHHEIM 
 
 LONDON: CHAPMAN AND HALL 
 
 LIMITED 
 
 i88s 
 
■*- Ty^ 
 
 ^"CQRHEL 
 
 9t^^r^i7ivT 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 PRINTED BY J. S. VIRTUE AND CO., LIMITED, 
 
 CITY ROAD. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The present essay was written by Count 
 Helmuth von Moltke upwards of half a 
 century ago, when he was engaged in the 
 Topographical Department of the Prussian 
 Generalstab (1828-1831). Moltke, at that 
 time a young lieutenant, was entrusted with 
 the task of surveying and levelling in Silesia 
 and the province of Posen, and he occupied 
 his spare time with studying the history of 
 Poland and the manners and customs of her 
 unhappy population. The result was an 
 essay on Poland, which appeared at Berlin 
 in 1832. This was the time when the 
 whole of Europe was stirred by events of 
 vital importance, and as a matter of course, 
 
vl Preface. 
 
 the publication of the obscure Prussian 
 officer remained unheeded, so that, as far as 
 we know, it has not been mentioned in any 
 biography of the author. ■ The merit of 
 having- rescued this valuable contribution to 
 the history of Poland from oblivion belongs 
 to the able Berlin litterateur. Dr. G. Karpeles, 
 who came across the essay in the course 
 of his historical researches, and obtained 
 the author's permission to republish it at 
 home and to have it translated abroad.* 
 
 A higher value attaches to this essay than 
 that of being the work of a well-known man, 
 although in these days Moltke's name would 
 suffice of itself to arouse interest for any- 
 thing emanating from his pen. It not only 
 presents us with a vivid picture of the 
 various discordant elements which con- 
 stituted Poland, but it explains how it was 
 
 * The German original was republished in the recent 
 numbers of the monthly Review, Vom Fels zum Meer. 
 We understand that a Polish and a Russian translation of 
 this essay will also shortly appear. 
 
Preface. vii 
 
 possible for an entire kingdom to be dis- 
 membered with, comparatively speaking, so 
 little difficulty. The Partition of Poland is 
 but briefly touched upon, as the facts belong 
 to a period of history which recent events 
 had brought prominently before the public 
 at the time when Moltke wrote. 
 
 Like a true historian, the author states his 
 facts dispassionately and leaves us to draw 
 the conclusions; it is this feature that consti- 
 tutes the merit of his essay from an historical 
 point of view. While a perusal of the sketch 
 arouses our heart-felt sympathy for the 
 struggles of all true Polish patriots, we can- 
 not but feel that the dismemberment of the 
 country was an historical necessity. 
 
COUNT MOLTKE. 
 
 A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. 
 
 The days are past when the wielders of the 
 sword and pen looked upon each other with 
 contempt ; from antagonists they have be- 
 come faithful allies, and literature numbers 
 among its votaries many of thq world's best 
 soldiers. Foremost among these stands 
 Count Moltke. It is impossible to say with 
 absolute certainty what path a man might 
 have followed had the circumstances that 
 directed his life been different, but looking 
 at Moltke' s writings, we cannot avoid think- 
 ing that the laurels which he won as a 
 soldier might have been won as a writer. 
 
Count Moltke. 
 
 But although his genius has displayed Itself 
 pre-eminently in a military career, he may 
 also claim an honourable place in the world 
 of letters. 
 
 Helmuth Karl Bernhard von Moltke was 
 born in Mecklenburg, October 26th, 1800, 
 so that his first childhood fell in the time 
 when the land which he was to help raise 
 to such greatness was abandoned to the 
 conqueror. Pastor Knickbein, of Hohen- 
 felde, was the first instructor of the future 
 general and his brother, who in 181 1 were 
 sent to the Military Academy at Copen- 
 hagen. Moltke soon distinguished himself, 
 and he passed his examinations brilliantly, 
 but his life was not a very happy one. He 
 was in a foreign land, separated from his 
 family, surrounded by uncongenial com- 
 panions — to quote his own words, he spent a 
 "joyless childhood." Six years' study and, 
 for those who like Moltke owed their train- 
 ing to the State, a year's service as "court 
 page," were necessary in order to qualify 
 
A Biographical Sketch. xi 
 
 for military service in Denmark. At the 
 end of that time, Moltke entered the army. 
 The prospects of a Danish officer were not 
 brilliant ; there was no hope of advance- 
 ment, and Moltke, whose parents had lost 
 their property and were unable to assist 
 him, followed the example of a large number 
 of officers and left the Danish service. 
 Nothing daunted by the fact that his former 
 examinations and his term of service would 
 not be taken into consideration, he deter- 
 mined to enter the German army, for birth 
 and inclination stamped him as a German. 
 
 The next few years were spent in study. The 
 attention of his superior officers was attracted 
 by his industry and evident talent, and his 
 promotion was a matter of course. In 1832 
 he was placed on the General Staff, and soon 
 after he obtained leave of absence to enable 
 him to travel. It was not merely the desire 
 of change • that induced him to take this 
 step; he wished to increase his knowledge 
 and experience by studying closely the state 
 
xii Count Moltke. 
 
 of Turkish affairs, which were attracting 
 much attention at the time. He went to 
 Constantinople, intending to stay three 
 weeks, but he remained four years — years 
 which, full of privation, danger, and often 
 disappointment, yet matured his genius and 
 left him no regret at his undertaking. 
 
 When Moltke reached Constantinople, 
 the Sultan, Mahmoud II., was attempting 
 to replace the rotten foundations on which 
 the constitution of his country rested, by 
 a sounder and more durable structure. He 
 had already sought for foreign aid to assist 
 him in the reorganization of his army, 
 but the results had proved unsatisfactory. 
 Moltke made so good an impression on the 
 Vizier Mehemed Chosref Pasha, that a re- 
 quest was addressed to the Prussian govern- 
 ment to extend his leave. The request was 
 granted and Moltke entered on his task 
 with the energy and skill which he devoted 
 to all his undertakings. He was the chief 
 adviser of the Vizier on military matters, he 
 
A Biographical Sketch. xiii 
 
 was commissioned to draw up plans of forti- 
 fications and other defences, and also a 
 scheme for the reorgfanization of the army 
 on the Prussian system. He had an inter- 
 view with the Sultan, who was much pleased 
 with him. Moltke accompanied him on his 
 journeys through the land, and every facility 
 for examining the fortresses was afforded 
 him. He closely watched the course of 
 affairs, with a view to ascertaining the 
 causes that had led to the ruin of the 
 empire; his ideas on this subject, and on 
 the cause of the failure of Mahmoud's pro- 
 jected reforms, are embodied in the interest- 
 ing collection of letters entitled Briefe iiber 
 Zustdnde und Begebnisse in der Turkei. 
 
 Moltke was sent by the Sultan to take 
 part in the Kurdish war and subsequently 
 in the war with Mehemet AH. He trod 
 paths in Asia Minor which no European 
 had trodden before him, he was often in 
 danger, but he profited by every new 
 experience and he learnt to act with prompt- 
 
xiv Count Moltke. 
 
 ness and decision. His advice was not 
 followed in the campaign against Mehemet 
 AH, and the result was that the Turkish 
 army was defeated at Nisib and completely 
 disbanded itself in the rout that followed. 
 Moltke, his maps and plans lost, returned 
 to Constantinople and soon after to Ger- 
 many. 
 
 Moltke married in 1842, the daughter of 
 an Englishman named Burt, and was in 
 1845 appointed adjutant to Prince Henry of 
 Prussia, who resided at Rome. He spent 
 his spare time in studying the topography 
 of Rome, an account of which, accompanied 
 by plans, was afterwards published. On the 
 death of the Prince, he became equerry to 
 the present Crown Prince, whom he accom- 
 panied on his journeys to London, Paris, 
 and St. Petersburg. 
 
 He was appointed chief of the General 
 Staff in 1858; he made his influence felt by 
 all who came in contact with him, and under 
 his direction were begun the army reforms 
 
A Biographical Sketch. xv 
 
 which led to the successes of 1866 and 1870. 
 He was entrusted with the drawing up of 
 plans for the defence of the North German 
 coast, but in spite of the importance of 
 these defences the diet at Frankfort, insti- 
 gated by the jealousy of Prussia felt by 
 the minor German states, refused to agree to 
 the necessary work. 
 
 In 1 86 1, the present Emperor ascended 
 the throne. A united Germany was his 
 dream, as it was that of his able ministers, 
 Bismarck, Von Roon, Minister of War, and 
 Moltke, men who stood by him in all his 
 undertakings and whose efforts raised 
 Germany to the height to which she has 
 attained. It has been usual to say that 
 " Bismarck was the head, Moltke the hand;" 
 but it is questionable whether such grand 
 results would have been achieved, had 
 Moltke been no more than the hand that 
 carried out Bismarck's plans. 
 
 The men on whom depended Germany's 
 future knew that this future was likely to 
 
xvi Count Moltke. 
 
 be imperilled by her neighbours. While 
 Bismarck and Von Roon fought out the 
 question of supplies with the Chamber of 
 Deputies, Moltke undertook the reorgani- 
 zation of army and staff. He was soon 
 enabled to test the efficiency of his reforms 
 in the Schleswig-Holstein war, and though 
 he did not take as prominent a part in this 
 war as in subsequent campaigns, he guided 
 and superintended the whole and helped to 
 bring matters to a successful issue. 
 
 The Prussian ministers felt that this was 
 but the beginning — that sooner or later 
 the conflict with Austria was inevitable. 
 Austria was made up of so many hetero- 
 geneous states and had so many conflict- 
 ing interests at stake, that it was impossible 
 that her influence in the German diet should 
 always be for Germany's good ; but it was 
 highly improbable that she would resign 
 her power without a struggle. 
 
 When the long discussions which had 
 taken place relative to the fate of Schleswig- 
 
A Biographical Sketch. xvii 
 
 Holstein were broken off and war was 
 declared in 1866, Moltke was ready. 
 Energy, attention to every detail, a 
 thorough state of efficiency as regards all 
 arrangements, care in the choice of officers, 
 caution beforehand, promptness in striking at 
 the right moment — these were the weapons 
 with which Moltke fought for his country's 
 integrity. 
 
 As the South-German states refused to 
 remain neutral, it was necessary that a 
 portion of the Prussian army should be 
 employed in keeping them in check, but 
 the Austrians presented the most serious 
 danger — if they were defeated it was not 
 likely that the minor German states would 
 offer a long opposition. Moltke determined 
 to move the main body of troops into 
 Bohemia. This was achieved in spite of 
 bad roads and ignorance of the whereabouts 
 of the enemy. His skill in seizing ever}- 
 opportunity and the rapidity with which his 
 orders were obeyed by troops, often weary 
 
 b 
 
xviii Count Moltke. 
 
 with long marches, led to the victory of 
 Sadowa or Koniggratz, to the subsequent 
 treaty with Austria, and to the submission 
 of the states. 
 
 Austria was obliged to renounce her 
 claim to the disputed provinces and to con- 
 sent to her own exclusion from the German 
 confederation. The supremacy of Prussia 
 over the remaining German states was 
 established. 
 
 The jealousy of France, which had so long 
 kept Germany disunited, received a new 
 stimulus from Prussia's victory, and her 
 ministers foresaw that the excellence of the 
 German army was likely to receive a new 
 and severe test. Moltke had the task of 
 supervising the preparations and of drawing 
 up the plans. The veteran soldier accom- 
 plished his work so well, that when, in 1870, 
 war was declared and orders were issued for 
 the mobilization of the army, the date alone 
 was wanting to complete the time-tables 
 which announced the time of departure, &c., 
 
A Biographical Sketch. xix 
 
 of every regiment. Each department had 
 been attended to and the troops were ready- 
 some days earlier than even Moltke had 
 thought possible. Every emergency that 
 could be foreseen was provided for ; which- 
 ever route the French took, Moltke' s plans 
 were in readiness and he could thoroughly 
 rely on his generals. The state of the 
 French army in those days is so well known, 
 that it is needless to dwell upon the causes 
 of Napoleon's failure in carrying out his plan 
 of paralysing the efforts of the German army 
 and forcing the southern states to maintain 
 their neutrality. The French army was cut 
 off from Paris, victory followed victory with 
 astonishing rapidity. Bazaine was shut up 
 in Metz ; Macmahon, urged by the terrified 
 government, went to his assistance, but was 
 forced to retire into Sedan accompanied by 
 the Emperor, and finally to surrender. 
 Paris was besieged and the efforts of the 
 French to raise new armies, were rendered 
 futile by the vigilance of Moltke and his 
 
XX Count Moltke. 
 
 generals. The details are so well known 
 that it is not necessary to enlarge upon 
 them. Suffice it to say that Paris capitu- 
 lated and that Prussia's king became 
 Germany's emperor. 
 
 Moltke was appointed field-marshal and 
 received large grants of money, but surely 
 the gratitude of his countrymen, the know- 
 ledge that he had saved his fatherland from 
 the horrors of a defeat, and that he had 
 helped to cement the bond that bound its 
 members, must have been his greatest re- 
 ward. 
 
 His speeches in the Upper Chamber, of 
 which he is a life member, show how deeply 
 he has the welfare of his country at heart. 
 He seldom speaks, but when he does, the 
 same note rings through his words : " Exist- 
 ence is the first necessity of a state, but in 
 order to exist it must secure itself externally. 
 The greatest crime a government can com- 
 mit is to leave a country defenceless. Do 
 not forget that what we save in our army 
 
A Biographical Sketch. xxi 
 
 expenses during several years of peace may- 
 be lost in one year of war." (Speech of 
 Feb. 1 6th, 1874.) 
 
 He is no advocate of war — he hopes the 
 day will come when Europe will no longer 
 be forced to maintain huge armies, but till 
 that happy time comes, he insists that the 
 hope of peace lies in the strength of a land; 
 what has been gained by hard fighting is 
 not to be risked for fear of expfense. " As 
 regards the peace-footing, I must impres- 
 sively warn you," he says, "against allow- 
 ing it to become a question of finance. I 
 know that many honourable members of this 
 House think it necessary to remain firm on 
 this point, in order to secure the indisputable 
 and indisputed right of the diet to control 
 the public purse. But consider whether in 
 doing so you are not impairing the right of 
 the country to seek your support in a 
 matter, where the very existence of the 
 state is at stake." (Feb. i6th, 1874.) 
 
 The clearness and decision that charac- 
 
xxii Count Mo/tke^ 
 
 terise his actions, mark his speeches and his 
 writings ; they are the work not of a mere 
 soldier, but of a scholar. His style is 
 straightforward and simple but full of 
 strength, so that he has often been com- 
 pared with Lessing. His work on the 
 Russisch-tUrkischer Feldzug in der europdi- 
 schen TUrkei, 1828 und 1829, shows what 
 power he has of striking at the root of a 
 matter and laying bare the causes of failure. 
 No political rancour has dimmed the fame 
 of Moltke or lessened the esteem of the 
 nation ; to his countrymen he is still what 
 he was when his honours were newly won — 
 a brave and skilled soldier and a true patriot. 
 
POLAND. 
 
 AN HISTORICAL SKETCH. 
 
 I. 
 
 Poland is the only country in which the 
 organisation of the state had for its imme- 
 diate result the character of the nobles. No- 
 where else has the destiny of the state been 
 equally dependent on the character, dispo- 
 sition, and habits of the nobles ; for nowhere 
 else were the nobles and the constitution 
 identical. 
 
 When in remote times the Eastern plains 
 of Europe were overrun by Slavonic nations, 
 who spread from the Black Sea and the 
 Adriatic to the shores of the Baltic and the 
 Arctic Ocean, hordes of Tartars poured 
 forth in rapid succession from the regions 
 
 B 
 
Poland. 
 
 deserted by the Sarmates, and forced this 
 tribe of nomads to assume the character of 
 warriors. Here, as everywhere, those men 
 who had the means to procure a horse and 
 weapons, and strength to use them, became 
 the protectors of the newly-acquired territory. 
 
 Their wealth, the obligations it imposed, 
 and the personal authority which was the 
 result of both, became hereditary, for inherit- 
 ance is as old as possession ; both are closely 
 related, and the first result of social com- 
 munion. A class was thus formed of 
 nobles or of defenders, both words being 
 identical in their primary meaning. The 
 protected became dependent on the protec- 
 tor ; the power, privileges and influence 
 of the latter increased, the relations between 
 him and his equals assumed a republican 
 character. 
 
 The military origin and the military ten- 
 dencies of the nobles necessitated unity of 
 command and unity of government, and here 
 we find the origin of that part of the mo- 
 
7- 
 
 Poland. 3 
 
 narchical principle which was adopted by the 
 constitution in later times. 
 
 The nobles were in exclusive possession of 
 all political rights ; they formed the entire 
 state. Poland was a republic made up of 
 about 300,000 petty suzerainties, each of 
 which was immediately connected with the 
 state, and was subject to the whole body 
 alone, acknowledging no kind of feudal supe- 
 riority or of feudal dependence. No Polish 
 noble was the vassal of a superior lord. 
 Even the retainer, if a nobleman, shared the 
 political rights of his master ; the meanest of 
 them appeared at the diet in the full enjoy- 
 ment of that power which belonged to all with- 
 out distinction. It is here that we find the 
 fundamental difference between the Polish 
 constitution and the feudal states of the 
 West and the despotism of the East, and to 
 our astonishment we see the very earliest 
 political system of Europe, that of the Kelts, 
 Franks, and Goths, surviving down to our 
 own time. 
 
Poland. 
 
 Those Slavonic tribes, which at a much 
 later period were known by the general name 
 of Russians, owed their earliest culture, their 
 religion, their manners, their customs, their 
 alphabet, even a portion of their language, to 
 the Greeks. But the Poles came under the 
 influence of Western Europe, and at an early 
 stage a wide divergence became manifest in 
 the culture and development of these kindred 
 races. 
 
 The mutual relations of the nobles were 
 based upon perfect equality among all, and as 
 much independence for the individual as was 
 compatible therewith. 
 
 Starting from the principle that a free man 
 cannot be taxed or governed contrary to his 
 own declared will, the unanimous consent of 
 all was required for resolutions dealing with 
 these matters, in other words, for all laws ; 
 the dissent of a few or of a single individual 
 sufficed for the rejection of a measure. We 
 must therefore take it for granted that those 
 nations which submitted to the decision of the 
 
Poland. 5 
 
 majority (and under no other condition can 
 we now conceive a constitution to be stable), 
 resolved at one period at least of their 
 history to acknowledge the decision of the 
 majority.* Thus by one last unanimous act 
 the necessity for unanimity was done away 
 with. 
 
 "Xhe Polish noble acknowledged his obliga- 
 tion to his country, he submitted to the law, 
 but the law was to express the unanimous 
 will of the nation. If he had acknowledged 
 the power of the majority, he would have 
 thought that he was yielding to tyranny ; the 
 principle of equality was carried so far that 
 the will of the individual outweighed the will 
 of the multitude, so that the dissent of one 
 man in the field of election could annul the 
 assent of 10,000 nobles, and the individual 
 thus had the power of interfering with the 
 machinery of the state and bringing it to a 
 standstill. 
 
 We will first deal with the right of the 
 
 * J. J. Rousseau. 
 
6 Poland. 
 
 absolute veto (liherum veto), because, justifi- 
 able as it was in principle, dangerous in its 
 use, ruinous in its abuse, the Poles have 
 always considered it the most sacred pledge 
 of their personal independence. 
 
 When habit and inclination scattered the 
 Polish nobles in their distant estates, where 
 the power of each was absolute, it became 
 necessary to unite the common interests of 
 the state in the person of a chief It was 
 owing to this spirit of independence that the 
 chief, who latterly bore the inappropriate title 
 of " king," was invested with the highest 
 dignity, but by no means with the highest 
 power. The dignity of the crown brought 
 him no privileges beyond the right to appoint 
 the state officials, to distribute the state 
 domains, and to administer justice. 
 
 The election of the king depended upon 
 the will of the assembled nobles. Whenever 
 it happened that distinguished families were 
 able for a time to make the crown hereditary 
 among their members, the nation never 
 
Poland. 7 
 
 failed, on the extinction of the race, to 
 reassert its right of election. 
 
 By the side of the king existed the senate. 
 It consisted of bishops, woiwodes (woy = 
 war, wody = leader) or palatines, and castel- 
 lans, who were appointed by the king, but 
 who (since the time of Casimir the Great) 
 could not be deposed, and therefore possessed 
 a high degree of freedom and independence. 
 
 The woiwodes or palatines were governors 
 of a province or palatinate, and were at the 
 head of the nobles in their province, acting as 
 their leaders when they assembled for purposes 
 of election or war. The right of fixing the 
 price of all produce, of regulating the weights 
 and measures, belonged to them, and they 
 had their own courts of justice. After 
 the palatines came the castellans, who were 
 originally commanders in the royal cities and 
 fortresses — non-hereditary burgraves. In 
 their districts they had the privileges of 
 palatines, and acted as their deputies during 
 their absence. The original work of the 
 
8 Poland: 
 
 castellans was performed by the starosts 
 (elders). The starosts administered justice 
 in the towns, and received important grants 
 of land as a reward for their services to the 
 state. Only one of them, the Starost of 
 Samogetia, had a seat in the senate. 
 
 That senate consisted of two archbishops, 
 fifteen bishops, thirty-three palatines, eighty- 
 five castellans, making a total of one hundred 
 and thirty-five senators. 
 
 The Archbishop of Gnesen, as primate of 
 the kingdom, stood at the head of the senate. 
 He was next in rank to the king, and during 
 the interregnum he actually filled the place 
 of king ; hence he was called Inter Rex. 
 He was legatus natus of the pope, he 
 received all royal honours, he had like the 
 king his own marshal, his chancellor, and 
 numerous mounted household troops.* 
 
 The king received the primate standing, 
 
 * "Avec un titnbalier et des trompettes qui jouent 
 quand il est i table et qui sonnent la diane et la retraite." 
 — Histoire de ^. Sobieshy, par 1' Abb6 Coyer. Amsterdam. 
 
Poland. 
 
 and the latter had the right of remonstrating 
 with him on his government, and of repeat- 
 ing his accusations in the senate or diet, if 
 the king persisted in his course. In spite of 
 the maxim, "The Church abhors blood- 
 
 * 
 
 shed," a bull of Clement VIII. empowered 
 the bishops to vote for war, to sign death 
 warrants and to take part in the councils. 
 
 The senate gave temporary decisions 
 until the next diet met, and shared the 
 highest power with the king ; it constantly 
 strove to weaken the royal prerogative, 
 until deprived of its own privileges by the 
 diet.* The general tendency of the con- 
 stitution shows that the great offices and 
 dignities of the state were elective like the 
 throne, and the repeated efforts to make 
 them hereditary were rendered futile by the 
 jealousy of the entire body. Since the 
 offices of palatine (which may be compared 
 to the ducal dignity of the Teutonic races), 
 of castellan and of starost were not hereditary, 
 
 * Solignac. 
 
lo Poland, 
 
 it was impossible for an electorate, a peerage, 
 or a higher nobility to exist by the side of 
 the monarchy, and thus to enable the latter 
 to take firm root in the people.* 
 
 It is true that the right of nomination to 
 these offices was vested in the king alone, 
 but as he was not able to depose men whom 
 he had chosen, the royal power was felt less 
 by those who held the high offices than by 
 those who did not hold them. The king 
 was therefore surrounded by flattering cour- 
 tiers rather than by dependent state officials ; 
 the former were possibly attached to the 
 interest of the crown by their expectations, 
 the latter at most by their gratitude. To 
 those who sought important offices, they were 
 gifts depending on the royal favour, to those 
 who had obtained them, they were the pro- 
 perty of the republic, and the bestowal of one 
 such place generally created a hundred dis- 
 contented men and one ungrateful one. 
 
 * Rhuliire, " Histoire de 1' Anarchic de Pologne," livre i. 
 Paris, 1807. 
 
Poland. 1 1 
 
 The king had ten ministers, whose titles 
 follow in the order of their rank : the royal 
 field-marshals for Poland and Lithuania, the 
 high chancellors for Poland and Lithuania, 
 the four chancellors, the lord high treasurer, 
 and the marshal of the royal household for 
 Poland and Lithuania. These ministers had 
 a seat in the senate, but took no part in the 
 discussions. 
 
 The field-marshal ranked third in the state, 
 his power was almost unlimited, and more 
 extensive than that of the constables, who so 
 often endangered the crown of France. In 
 time of war the field-marshal was quite inde- 
 pendent of the king, and was master over the 
 life and death of his subordinates. 
 
 Although it seems difficult, nay, almost 
 impossible, under these circumstances, for a 
 king to form a party in the state which 
 should endanger the privileges of the indi- 
 vidual, the nation thought it necessary to pro- 
 vide against a possible abuse of power, and 
 employed a method unknown in the annals 
 
1 2 Poland. 
 
 of any other nation. This was the " con- 
 federation." 
 
 It cannot be denied that the oldest of all 
 rights — the right of the strongest — continu- 
 ously exercised its influence throughout the 
 history of Poland, and that in the eyes of 
 the people it actually had almost a legal 
 existence. We recognise its presence even in 
 the execution of the king's sentences, which 
 were carried out by the armed nobility on 
 those concerned, who in their turn seemed 
 fully justified if they used their power, influ- 
 ence and connections, and summoned depen- 
 dents and household troops to oppose the 
 execution of the royal command. It was 
 even taken for granted that if the judicial 
 expedition was repulsed three times, no 
 further steps should be taken till the inter- 
 vention of the diet. 
 
 This law of might is equally noticeable in 
 the assemblies of the nobles for the purpose 
 of consultations or elections. If on such 
 occasions individuals or parties dared obsti- 
 
Poland. 13 
 
 nately to oppose their personal interests to 
 the will of the nation, if persuasion or threats 
 were all in vain, it was by no means an un- 
 common occurrence, on the utterance of the 
 fatal nie pozwalam (" I do not consent"), for 
 a thousand swords to be drawn, and for the 
 opposition to be ended by the death of the 
 bold opponents. This method of establishing 
 unanimity was the only restriction (though 
 one which had a salutary effect upon the 
 whole community) placed on the abuse of 
 the dangerous liberum veto, the evil effects 
 of which became apparent in the last three 
 hundred years, when these assemblies were 
 represented by meetings of delegates who 
 refrained from such acts of violence. The 
 right of the strongest was not so much an 
 abuse, as a necessary element, of this peculiar 
 constitution. 
 
 The legitimate use of violence appears 
 to have reached its climax in the " confedera- 
 tion." 
 
 Contrary to the theory of other nations. 
 
14 Poland. 
 
 who look on a revolution as the greatest 
 misfortune in the state, revolution was legally 
 organized in Poland. If any question of 
 interest received sufficient support in the re- 
 public, but could not be carried because of the 
 opposition of the existing government or the 
 veto of individuals, those concerned formed 
 a " confederation " {rokoss), bound them- 
 selves by solemn oaths, appointed a leader, 
 and took up arms in order to do battle for 
 their opinions. 
 
 The strength of the " confederations" 
 constituted their right ; whatever the result 
 of the undertaking, none of the confederates 
 could be punished or looked upon as rebels. 
 The decisions of the majority were recog- 
 nised in these " confederations," which were 
 in reality nothing else than the forcible 
 carrying out of the will of the nation. The 
 liherum veto was suspended during this dic- 
 tatorship, which often had no other object 
 than the carrying out of the liherum veto. 
 
 But to prevent this violent remedy for 
 
Poland. 1 5 
 
 tyranny from becoming a tyrant in its turn, 
 the time of duration of these " confederations " 
 was settled beforehand, and all their resolu- 
 tions became void at their dissolution. What 
 was settled unanimously remained law, and 
 every " confederation " ended with the sum- 
 moning of a diet. 
 
 Although king and senate exercised the, 
 highest power in the state, the real sovereignty 
 rested in the united body of the nobles, who 
 in spite of both, could legally carry out their 
 will, if unanimous, at the diet ; if not, by 
 means of a "confederation." Every time the 
 throne became vacant, they took back the 
 rights with which they had parted, examined 
 the use which the last ruler had made of his 
 power and bestowed it on his successor. 
 
 The petty diets in the palatinates preceded 
 the general diet by six weeks ; here those 
 questions were brought forward and prepared, 
 which were to be decided at the general 
 assembly of the nation. The most violent 
 and sanguinary scenes could not fail to occur 
 
] 6 Poland. 
 
 at these assemblies, where the judges of the 
 two tribunals, and later on also the deputies, 
 were elected, and where every nobleman of 
 the province appeared in person, armed and 
 mounted. 
 
 The king was bound to summon the diet 
 every two years. If he neglected to call one 
 the nation had the right to do so. The 
 diet elected a "marshal," who exercised a 
 great influence on affairs. All deliberations 
 took place in the open air or with open 
 doors, and in the diet the greatest legislative 
 power was vested, based on the condition of 
 unanimity of votes. 
 
 The affairs of individuals were settled by 
 a majority and in a summary way. Lawyers 
 were unknown. Those concerned stated 
 their case themselves, and the decision fol- 
 lowed without delay and expense. It is 
 characteristic that the same men deliberated 
 in the senate, made laws in the diet, admi- 
 nistered justice in the tribunals and wielded 
 the sword in battle. The nobles, who pos- 
 
Poland. 1 7 
 
 sessed all the honours and privileges of the 
 state, felt themselves responsible for its 
 defence. 
 
 II. 
 
 Poland is the only European state which, 
 down to the sixteenth century possessed no 
 military force, except that of its armed and 
 mounted nobles. The infantry was of no 
 account whatever ; the only distinction was 
 between hussars and cuirassiers. The former 
 were the more numerous, and the young 
 nobles were obliged to serve in this corps, in 
 order to qualify themselves for the dignities 
 of the state. The hussars and their equip- 
 ments were very different from those of the 
 present day. They wore helmet and cuirass, 
 and a tiger skin thrown round their shoul- 
 ders ; they carried a lance fifteen feet long 
 with a small streamer attached, two pistols, 
 two swords, one of which hung from the 
 saddle. It was not till Sobiesky's time that 
 the hussars changed their lances for muskets. 
 
1 8 Poland. 
 
 The cavalry consisted of the dlite of the 
 nobility, was splendidly mounted, and num- 
 bered 40,000 men. 
 
 The cuirassiers were somewhat inferior. 
 They wore scale or chain armour and were 
 generally the household troops of the digni- 
 taries of state, the bishops and the arch- 
 bishops. 
 
 These soldiers called themselves towarisz, 
 i.e. brothers, and were called so even by the 
 king. 
 
 In times of emergency, Poland presented 
 the extraordinary spectacle of from 150,000 
 to 200,000 nobles who formed an enormous 
 but undisciplined army. These gatherings 
 were called pospolite ruszenie. 
 
 An admirable peculiarity of this warlike 
 nobility was the simplicity of their habits. 
 They lived the greater part of the year on 
 their estates ; there they spent their income, 
 practised an extensive hospitality, which 
 would appear to be of Eastern origin, and 
 remained at a distance from and independent 
 
Poland. 19 
 
 of the court. The wealth which the noble 
 obtained from his subjects returned to them 
 again. A few benches, tables and carpets 
 formed the furniture of the richest palatine. 
 
 The women did not care for luxury, nor 
 did they interfere in politics, as they did so 
 often in later years. Good armour and 
 excellent horses formed the sole splendour of 
 the men. Their dress had an oriental 
 character. A long cloak trimmed with fur, 
 slashed sleeves, a broad belt, a fur cap, curved 
 sword and half boots formed their costume. 
 Like the Tartars, they shaved their heads, 
 leaving only a tuft on the crown.* 
 
 The ancient Poles were very tolerant. 
 They took no part in the religious wars 
 which devastated Europe in the sixteenth 
 and seventeenth centuries, f Calvinists, Lu- 
 
 * Cromer (page 'j'^ affirms that this fashion was intro- 
 duced by order of Pope Clement II., when he absolved the 
 monk Casimir from his vow, that he might place him on 
 the Polish throne in 1041, and that the fashion had been 
 scrupulously observed since that time. 
 
 f " La Pologne n'a vu dans son sein ni conspiration 
 des poudres, ni St. Barth616my, ni s^nat 6gorg6, ni rois 
 
20 Poland. 
 
 therans, Greeks, Schismatics, Mohammedans, 
 long lived peacefully in their midst, and 
 Poland for a time was justly called the 
 "promised land" of the Jews. The Poles 
 actually forced their kings to swear, in the 
 facta conventa, that they would tolerate all 
 sects. When Henry of Valois tried to avoid 
 taking this oath, the grand marshal of the 
 crown declared bluntly, " Si non jurabis, non 
 regnabis." 
 
 Still the Poles were very strict in observ- 
 ing the outward ceremonials of the Church. 
 Christianity always seemed too mild to them. 
 They imposed harder privations on them- 
 selves, and to the fasts of Friday and Satur- 
 day added those of Wednesday and Septua- 
 gesima. The popes themselves abolished 
 some of the severer penances practised by 
 the Poles. 
 
 assassin^s ou sur un ichafaut ni des freres arrays centre les 
 freres ; c'^tait le pays ou Ton a brfil6 le moins de monde pour 
 s' etre tromp^ dans le dogme. La Pologne cependant 6toit bar- 
 bare — ce qui prouve qu'une demi-science est plus orageuse 
 que la grossiere ignorance." — L'Abbe Coyer, livre i. 
 
Poland. 2 1 
 
 The intercourse of the nobles was cordial 
 and liberal, and no excessive deference was 
 shown to the rich and powerful. Owing to 
 the few requirements, poverty was not allied 
 to dependence in those days. The dealings 
 of the nobles with each other bore the stamp 
 of their original equality. Their form of 
 address, which still survives, was " Brother," 
 {Brat). They had no titles or outward marks 
 of distinction.* 
 
 When Lithuania was joined to Poland, 
 the Czartorysky, the Sangusko and Wiegno- 
 wiesky were the only families who, contrary 
 to the spirit of the constitution, retained 
 their rank as princes in the republic. Orders 
 and other decorations were arbitrary gifts 
 of the king, which were introduced in the 
 days of Augustus II. and Poniatowsky, and 
 which were never much valued, f The noble 
 
 * " Les titres de marquis et de comte s'y sont introduits 
 avec les cuisiniers franjais. II n'y en a que pour des 
 valets et des flatteurs." — L'ABB^ Coyee., Histoire de J. 
 Sobiesky. , 
 
 \ Augustus II. founded the Order of the White Eagle 
 
2 2 Poland. 
 
 owed his rank to his position in the state 
 alone. 
 
 The rapid development of other states, and 
 their increasing subordination to the will of 
 their rulers, allowed them to act with growing 
 unity. The admirable qualities of Poland's 
 citizens enabled it, however, to maintain 
 its place in their midst, and to attain to a 
 high degree of power and influence, in spite 
 of the primitive simplicity of its laws, the 
 unlimited respect paid to the privileges of the 
 individual, and the necessarily slow develop- 
 ment of the state. 
 
 We may add that the Poland of the 
 fifteenth century was one of the most 
 civilised states of Europe. It is true that 
 the virtues of the citizens had much to 
 atone for in the badly organized constitution 
 of the republic, so that moral qualities had to 
 supply the place of good laws. Side by side 
 
 in 1705, during the war with Sweden. The Order of St. 
 Stanislaus (1765) and the Order of Merit for Military Dis- 
 tinction were founded by Stanislaus Augustus Poniatowski. 
 
Poland. 23 
 
 with the advantages of a high state of civilisa- 
 tion, luxury, corruption, and all the attendant 
 vices made their appearance, and the moment 
 the constitution was no longer based upon 
 the probity of individuals, the imperfection of 
 the laws and the difficulty of enforcing them 
 led to great abuses in all departments of the 
 administration. The old laws were still in 
 force, but customs had changed ; and as no 
 law can continue to exist when opposed to 
 general usage, it was only the letter that sur- 
 vived, with a new interpretation. This was a 
 misfortune for which the constitution had no 
 cure, because it practically did away with the 
 constitution. 
 
 Contrary to the fundamental principle of 
 the constitution, " Perfect equality of all 
 citizens," there sprang up immense differ- 
 ences of property, and consequently an actual 
 inequality among the proprietors. 
 . The king's favour had often bestowed 
 great offices of state and starosties on one 
 man, and invested his son and grandson with 
 
24 Poland. 
 
 them, so that these estates, though not here- 
 ditary, remained long in one family. A more 
 or less careful management of the estate, 
 marriages, legacies, in short, luck and skill, 
 brought immense wealth to individual fami- 
 lies, while other less fortunate families, either 
 through their extravagance or their very 
 virtues, became destitute. Henceforth wealth 
 was not merely the reward which the king 
 bestowed on the meritorious, it assumed an 
 hereditary character. 
 
 There were Polish nobles who possessed 
 estates exceeding in extent many a kingdom 
 of those days. Thus, contrary to the spirit 
 of the constitution, the Radziwills, centuries 
 ago, founded an entail in the family, which 
 made its chief the most powerful private in- 
 dividual in Europe. He had a retinue of 
 several hundred nobles, possessed many for- 
 tresses, and maintained 6,000 household 
 troops. The Oginsky, Czartorysky, Tarlo, 
 Potocki, Zamojski, Lubomirsky, and others 
 were scarcely less rich and powerful. When 
 
Poland. 25 
 
 we consider that the execution of judicial 
 sentences had to be carried out by force of 
 arms, we can understand that it was not easy 
 to obtain justice from such citizens. 
 
 Even the confusion which existed on nearly 
 all these great estates tended to increase the 
 influence of the rich families. The greater 
 part of the estates were pledged for compara- 
 tively small sums. The growing value of 
 land and the increase of money caused a 
 decrease in the value of capital, which would 
 have made the redemption of the pledged 
 lands a great misfortune for the mortgagee, 
 while the payment of the debt would have 
 been his ruin. Hence a large number of 
 small landowners were directly dependent on 
 the great families, and secured their own 
 prosperity only by an unconditional attach- 
 ment to their interests. 
 
 While a small number of the nobles amassed 
 unlimited wealth, the greater part lost all 
 their property. These impoverished nobles 
 found a hospitable reception in the houses of 
 
26 Poland. 
 
 the chiefs of powerful families. They formed 
 a court, and a thoroughly military one, 
 received weapons, horses, shelter and sup- 
 port from their protector, and in return they 
 devoted to his service their vote in the diet 
 and their sword in his almost incessant 
 feuds. 
 
 This unlimited hospitality was quite in 
 keeping with the immense wealth of these 
 nobles. Besides, the large number of poor 
 dependent nobles was of vital importance to 
 the great noble, for not only his influence, 
 but not unfrequently his welfare and personal 
 safety, depended on the number and courage 
 of those whom he had in his service. He 
 was constantly needing this small host of 
 brave men, who had nothing to lose but their 
 lives. Now they had to take by force a 
 town or castle which had been pledged, now 
 to prevent the execution of a sentence in a 
 summary way, then to intimidate a restless 
 neighbour. 
 
 But above all he needed them at the diet, 
 
Poland. 27 
 
 where besides the interests of the community, 
 those of the individual were dealt with in 
 proportion to his wealth, strength and influ- 
 ence. There the retinue of nobles derived a 
 twofold importance from their vote and their 
 sword, which was nearly always appealed to 
 as a last resort, and it was considered a 
 special sign of the advancement of civilisa- 
 tion, that during the assembly of the nobles 
 in 1764 only thirteen were killed.* 
 
 Nevertheless a superior and inferior no- 
 bility was never recognised in Poland. The 
 title of count borne by Poles of to-day would 
 have been despised by their ancestors. In- 
 fluence, honours and wealth did not bring 
 political privileges or rank and the poorest 
 noble did not give up a single claim because 
 of his poverty. It is obvious that the poor , 
 noble would cling obstinately to a constitu- 
 tion which valued him according to his birth 
 alone. The liherum veto gave weight to 
 the least among them, and the diet gave him 
 
 ^. * Rhuliere, " Histoire de I'Anarchie de Pologne." 
 
28 Poland. 
 
 occasion to use his power. An instance is 
 not wanting where a poor, deformed, insig- 
 nificant noble was raised to the throne, 
 greatly to his own astonishment, because the 
 powerful parties could not agree on a candi- 
 date. Great therefore as was the depend- 
 ence of the poor noble on his host or lord 
 (the relations are here identical), the latter 
 was obliged to honour as his equal even the 
 meanest of his clients, whose personal opposi- 
 tion could be used against him and his party ; 
 in each individual of the nation he was 
 obliged to respect the sovereignty of the 
 people. 
 
 It was for this reason that distinctions of 
 class, the arbitrary treatment of the inferior 
 by his superior, did not develope in Poland as 
 in other countries. In the humble, fawning 
 courtesy of the poor noble, degraded perhaps 
 to the position of servant, we to this day 
 recognise the hidden consciousness of his 
 equality, and in the dignified kindness of the 
 great noble, a patriarchal protection extended 
 
Poland. 29 
 
 to the lowest. Owing to this democracy of 
 the nobles, the monarchy in Poland degene- 
 rated into an aristocracy and the aristocracy 
 into an oligarchy.* 
 
 III. 
 
 Among the chief causes of the fall of the 
 republic was the continual decrease of. the 
 royal power in the state. 
 
 In all European countries the royal power 
 increased steadily, though at a varying rate. 
 In some it attained to such a height that it 
 destroyed all other authority, and a violent 
 reaction was needed to restore the balance 
 between the privileges of the sovereign and 
 the rights of the people. The Polish rulers, 
 on the other hand, could never gain sufficient 
 authority to maintain peace at home, much 
 less to exercise influence abroad. It could 
 scarcely be otherwise in a land where the 
 throne was elective. Concessions made to 
 
 * Ferrand, " Hist, du D^membreraent de la Pologne." 
 
30 Poland. 
 
 the advantage of the electors, often to the 
 disadvantage of the king, were frequently the 
 only means by which the latter could obtain 
 the throne, or keep it when obtained. This 
 throne, the only office in the state which 
 could be filled by a foreigner, was the reward 
 of merit, ambition, favour and intrigue. 
 
 Most disastrous was the influence exercised 
 by the papal chair on the kingdom in the 
 reign of Boleslaw II., 1058. Still more 
 disastrous was the useless struggle of Casimir 
 the Great in 1366 with the senate, which 
 upheld the pretension's of the nobles in order 
 that it might in its turn be supported by 
 them. The nobles became more independent 
 as the senate became more powerful. This 
 could only happen at the expense of the 
 throne on the one hand and of the peasants 
 on the other. But of this I shall speak later 
 on. 
 
 To the Jagellons belonged the merit of 
 having united to the republic the important 
 province of Lithuania. This race produced 
 
Poland. 3 1 
 
 several distinguished men and the crown, 
 though still elective, remained for centuries 
 in their family. On the death of the last 
 Jagellon, 1573, at a time when Bohemia and 
 Hungary were deprived of the power of 
 electing their kings, when Sweden renounced 
 this right in favour of its monarchs, Poland 
 renewed its privilege in its most compre- 
 hensive form. At a time when European 
 monarchs gradually deprived the great feudal 
 barons of all share in the administration of 
 the law, the Polish kings were deprived of 
 this power by the nobles. While the people 
 of Denmark gave their kings unlimited 
 power, the Polish nobles destroyed the last 
 vestiges of the royal prerogative. 
 
 Henceforth, great as was the homage paid 
 to the candidate for the throne by the 
 majority, he never failed to encounter a 
 violent opposition. The more powerful his 
 means of destroying it, the greater the 
 sacrifices he made to conciliate it, the weaker 
 and more untenable became his position. 
 
32 Poland. 
 
 The nobles began to look upon it as a 
 privilege of their rank, to give laws which 
 they did not respect, and to appoint kings 
 whom they did not obey. 
 
 The extension of the kingdom made it 
 impossible for the kings to administer justice 
 in person.* In the long wars of Stephen 
 Bathori this privilege was finally lost. The 
 nobility declared itself the judge of its own 
 quarrels. 
 
 Tribunals, to last for fifteen months only, 
 were established to carry out the laws, and 
 as the members were appointed, not by the 
 king, but by the nobles of the province them- 
 selves, these law courts were often only the 
 tools of political rancour. As the position of 
 judge bestowed upon the most unimportant a 
 decided influence on the affairs of the most 
 powerful in the province, we can understand 
 that these elections and the privileges they 
 bestowed, formed a wide field for intrigues 
 and violence. In the year 1578 the kings 
 
 * " lis n'ont fait qu'unjuge de moi," said Henry ofValois. 
 
Poland. 3 3 
 
 lost the right of bestowing the patent of 
 nobiHty, which was made over to the diet. 
 
 The kings had no share in the legislation, 
 as the laws were made in every interregnum. 
 As soon as the throne became vacant by 
 the death of a king, and before the diet 
 appointed a successor, the nobles of the 
 provinces assembled to examine into the 
 administration of the late king and his 
 senate. Any law that was not approved of 
 could be repealed and new arrangements 
 proposed, which became law if the votes of 
 the diet were unanimous. This unanimity 
 was most easily obtained when a law was to 
 be repealed which threatened the individual 
 or when the royal prerogative was to be 
 decreased. The Poles were always more 
 jealous of a power which sprang up in their 
 midst, than of one which came from without, 
 and thus it came to pass that while the 
 freedom of the state was lost, the Polish 
 nobles retained their personal independence. 
 However much a king might have endea- 
 
 D 
 
34 Poland. 
 
 voured to extend his power, his successor 
 had to begin his work anew. 
 
 The king had no share in the administra- 
 tion, and even the most urgent circumstances 
 did not justify his acting without the co- 
 operation of the senate. 
 I The senate* deprived the king of the 
 power of making peace or war. An offensive 
 war was contrary to the constitution and 
 rendered almost impossible by the organiza- 
 tion of the state. It was illegal for the 
 nobles to be kept under arms for more than 
 three weeks, or for them to be led more than 
 three hours' march across the frontier. If 
 there was a hostile invasion, war became a 
 matter of course, but it was carried on, on 
 their own account, by the palatines most 
 nearly concerned and often without the 
 assistance of the king. 
 
 When the example of her neighbours forced 
 Poland to establish a standing army, it was 
 not placed under the immediate control of 
 
 * Ferrand, " Histoire du D^membrement de la Pologne." 
 
Poland, 35 
 
 the king. He appointed a royal field-marshal 
 for Poland and one for Lithuania, but he 
 could not deprive them of office. A definite 
 portion of the revenue was not set aside for 
 the support of the army, but subsidies were 
 voted by each diet and paid very irregularly. 
 The troops were therefore very inferior and 
 able to afford but little support to the king, 
 since at times many a noble kept more house- 
 hold troops than the king himself 
 
 In 1572 it was enacted that the nobles 
 must be present at the elections in person, 
 instead of sending representatives as they 
 had hitherto done ; that all taxes were to be 
 commuted for a fixed tax on land, and that 
 the king was to keep no starosties, but to 
 give them all away irrevocably and for a life- 
 time. It follows that bribery, intrigue and 
 party spirit were the only means of influence 
 that could be employed by a king, who was 
 excluded from the administration, who was 
 without domains, without private property or 
 settled revenue, who was surrounded by 
 
36 Poland. 
 
 officers he could not depose and by judges 
 who could be deposed and who was, in short, 
 without real power of any sort. The senate 
 itself* was deprived of its power, and the 
 representatives of the nobles seized upon the 
 highest authority. The power of the nobles 
 was in the ascendant, they alone held the 
 public offices and the highest ecclesiastical 
 benefices. They filled the seats of the judges 
 exclusively, and enjoyed perfect immunity 
 from taxes, duties, &c. The nobles seized 
 upon the jurisdiction over the peasantry and 
 forced from the crown the statute " Nemi- 
 nem captivahimus" in consequence of which 
 they enjoyed perfect impunity, since they 
 could not be arrested before conviction. 
 
 It is not surprising that in a country like 
 Poland the original punishment for murder 
 was not severe. Every noble carried a 
 
 * Blackstone's remarks on the Long Parliament are 
 perfectly applicable to Poland : ' ' When the houses assumed 
 the power of legislation in exclusion of the royal authority, 
 they soon after assumed likewise the reins of administration, 
 and in consequence of this united power overturned both 
 church and state, and established a worse oppression than 
 any they pretended to remedy." 
 
Poland. 37 
 
 sword, and knew that he carried it for self- 
 defence. Murder was punished by a fine 
 (the mandehode of the Scandinavians). Sixty 
 marks (about ;^75) were paid for a noble- 
 man, thirty for a commoner, for a village 
 mayor or soldier fifteen, for a peasant ten, six 
 of which went to his widow and children, and 
 four to his lord (Const. 1547, vol. i. foL 7). 
 The valuation was according to birth only. 
 Hence the murder of a priest, even if a 
 bishop, could under certain circumstances be 
 atoned for by ten marks. This law that set 
 a price on human life continued in force till 
 1768. Matthias Corvinus had, it is true, 
 declared death to be' the penalty for murder, 
 but Casimir the Great had abolished this law. 
 Capital punishment existed in Lithuania, but 
 a murder had to be proved by six witnesses, 
 two of them being nobles.* 
 
 * J. Jeckel, vol. iii. The following law was also in 
 existence : "He who accuses another man of not being 
 noble {i.e. of having arrogated to himself the title of 
 nobility), without being able to prove it, is flogged in 
 Lithuania, but suffers death in Poland" (Const. 1633, ^ol- 
 806). 
 
38 Poland. 
 
 The ruler was made utterly helpless by 
 having to agree to the pacta conventa, to 
 which a new restriction was added during 
 every interregnum. 
 
 Another great evil from which the re- 
 public suffered was the abuse of the liberum 
 veto, which, dangerous as it was in itself, had 
 become law in 1652, and was called by the 
 Poles unicum et specialissimum. jus cardi- 
 nale — a law which was based on the assump- 
 tion, that every one knew what was right and 
 was ready to do it. 
 
 At first there were but few occasions which 
 called for an assembly of the nobles, who 
 formed the body of the nation. But as 
 Poland increased in power and extent and 
 came into closer contact with foreign 
 countries, it became necessary to frame im- 
 portant resolutions regarding the interests of 
 the country at large. When finally Poland, 
 yielding to necessity, established a standing 
 army, but refused to make permanent pro- 
 vision for its support, it became inevitable 
 
Poland. 39 
 
 that frequent assemblies of the nobles should 
 be held. It was for this reason that in 
 1467, for the first time, a meeting of dele- 
 gates or deputies took the place of the diet 
 (a custom which had prevailed in the rest of 
 Europe for more than 200 years), but the ; 
 nobles expressly reserved to themselves the 
 right of deliberating on all important ques- 
 tions. The transactions of the assembly of 
 representatives were also based on perfect 
 unanimity. 
 
 As we have already said, these deputies 
 were elected at the petty diet, convened by 
 the king by means of printed writs, at 
 appointed places in each district, six weeks 
 before the general assembly. The nobles 
 of the district met on the appointed day and 
 elected a marshal, who presided. The king's 
 deputy now proceeded to address them on 
 the business of the diet. After he had with- 
 drawn, the deputies were chosen and their 
 instructions decided upon by unanimity of 
 vote. Many of these petty diets were in 
 
40 Poland. 
 
 consequence broken up, and the number of 
 deputies at the diet was never complete ; but 
 this was not considered necessary. There 
 was a curious law which sentenced the 
 deputy whose veto dissolved the meeting, to 
 six months' imprisonment and a fine of 3,000 
 marks. But this law was not enacted till 
 1764. 
 
 The person of a deputy was inviolable 
 four weeks before and four weeks after the 
 diet; whoever assaulted him was punished 
 for high treason.* 
 
 At first resident and landed nobles alone 
 were eligible, but later on it was considered a 
 sufficient qualification to be related to such a 
 noble. 
 
 To occupy by soldiers the place where the 
 petty diet met was illegal, firearms could not 
 be brought to the assembly, and it was cus- 
 tomary not to sharpen the swords. 
 
 * The interest of the court did not avail to save the life 
 of a Saxon colonel, who in the time of Augustus II. had 
 taken vengeance on a deputy who had offended him. 
 
Poland. 41 
 
 At the outset the diet met at Lublin, 
 Parkow, Piotrkow, and Lomza. After 1569 
 Warsaw became the place of assembly. In 
 order to satisfy the Lithuanians, every third 
 diet met at Grodno. The assemblies which 
 took place on the death of the king, were held 
 at Warsaw. 
 
 The diet was held two days after Michael- 
 mas every other year ; but in urgent cases 
 the king could summon a diet earlier and at 
 various places. This diet lasted a fortnight, 
 instead of six weeks. Under no circum- 
 stances could the time be extended or 
 shortened. All deliberations had to take 
 place by daylight. 
 
 The marshal of the diet was chosen on 
 the first day, and the titles of the deputies 
 were examined. Then the deputies, led by 
 the president, welcomed the king, and the 
 pacta conventa were read. The king made 
 suggestions. The senators voted the business 
 of the diet in the presence of the deputies, 
 in order to show them what was to the 
 
42 Poland. 
 
 advantage of the state. The administration 
 of the ministers was next reviewed, and then 
 the deputies withdrew from the senate in 
 order to draw up the laws for the diet, the 
 chief object of which was to be the general 
 security. 
 
 The last five days were called the great 
 days. The two chambers came together, 
 the president read to the assembled diet 
 the laws on which the deputies had agreed 
 unanimously, and even then every member 
 could still exercise his right of veto. What- 
 ever was now unanimously agrged upon 
 passed into law. 
 
 The deputies, indeed, themselves respected 
 their inviolability and no longer secured the 
 requisite unanimity by murdering the resist- 
 ing faction. But this only made matters 
 worse. 
 
 After their election, the deputies could 
 never consider themselves at liberty to act 
 according to their own opinions for the 
 interest of the whole country. They could 
 
Poland. 43 
 
 never place the welfare of the country above 
 the interest of their own province. They 
 received definite instructions as to the 
 demands they were to bring forward, and 
 the concessions they were to make. After 
 1589 petty diets were appointed by law, 
 before which the deputies had to answer for 
 their conduct on their return. An assembly 
 of 400 members, each of whom was the 
 mouthpiece of a' community, was far less 
 compliant than if each member had only 
 supported his own privileges. In olden times 
 men were stabbed for stubborn resistance to 
 the diet. Now the compliance of a deputy 
 would be punished by death, by those whose 
 instructions he had transgressed. The same 
 terror which had forced men to yield and 
 which was the only barrier opposed to 
 anarchy, now became an excuse for stubborn 
 resistance. 
 
 In vain the king brought patience, per- 
 suasion, obstinacy and courage to bear on 
 this disorder. King Wladislaw refused to 
 
44 Poland. 
 
 adjourn the diet until a certain decision had 
 been arrived at. As it was necessary for all 
 deliberations to take place by daylight, it 
 was resolved that the members should 
 remain assembled all night, and the world 
 beheld the spectacle of a sleeping diet, 
 presided over by a sleeping president, and of 
 a king asleep on his throne. 
 
 One step only was wanting before unani- 
 mity of votes became an impossibility, and 
 anarchy was completely organized. This 
 step was taken when individual palatines 
 enjoined their deputies to oppose every 
 discussion at the diet, till their own pro- 
 posals had been heard and acceded to. 
 Before long several deputies received the 
 same instructions, and thus the diet was in 
 fact dissolved before it was opened. 
 
 Other deputies refused to consent to any 
 proposals, if those of their own province 
 were not accepted ; so that the veto of one 
 deputy in a single transaction could bring 
 about the dissolution of the entire diet, and 
 
Poland. 45 
 
 the exercise of the royal authority was thus 
 suspended for two years. The veto of the 
 deputy was the magic charm, at the utterance 
 of which the whole commonwealth sank 
 into a death-like trance. No law could be 
 passed, nothing could be resolved upon. 
 The army received no pay. Provinces were 
 desolated by enemies, and none came to 
 their aid. Justice was delayed, the coinage 
 was debased ; in short, Poland ceased for the 
 next two years to exist as a state. 
 
 Every time that a rupture occurred in the 
 diet, it was looked on as a national calamity. 
 The curse of posterity was invoked on that 
 deputy who had occasioned it, and on his 
 family. In order to save themselves from 
 popular fury, these deputies were accustomed 
 to hand in their protest in writing, and then 
 to wander about, unknown and without rest, 
 cursed by the nation and the object of its 
 aversion. 
 
 But the nobles went still further in the art 
 of making the efforts of true patriots futile. 
 
46 Poland. 
 
 In 1652 the voluntary withdrawal of a 
 member was declared sufficient to justify the 
 dissolution of the diet.* 
 
 The influence of religious differences could 
 not fail to be most disastrous in a land that 
 combined so many conflicting elements, and 
 these dissensions were now added to the long 
 list of Poland's misfortunes. For a long 
 time no state in Europe was as tolerant as 
 Poland. After the great church schism in 
 the sixteenth century, Poland still remained 
 tranquil. Inter nos dissidemus, said both 
 Catholics and Protestants, and both parties 
 were dissidents. It was not till the influence 
 of the Jesuits and foreign emissaries fanned 
 the flames of religious discord, that this name 
 was applied to the Protestants alone. Poland 
 was accustomed to violent insurrections, the 
 opposition of the minority was a common 
 event, and constantly led to contentions and 
 
 * In the years 1695, i6g8, 1701, 1720, 1729, 1730, 1732, 
 1750, 1754, 1760, 1761, and 1762, the diets were dissolved 
 before the election of the marshal had taken place — twelve 
 diets in 67 years. 
 
Poland. 47 
 
 discord in the numerous assemblies of the 
 nobles, which had now become necessary ; 
 but this new source of division was to con- 
 vulse the whole land in a terrible fashion. 
 Now the diets became useless; seven diets 
 were dissolved in thirty-six years (1536 — 
 1572); and in the reign of Augustus III. the 
 nation assembled in vain during thirty-one 
 years. 
 
 The number of the dissenters was compara- 
 tively small, but as they afforded a dangerous 
 pretext and basis for foreign interference, 
 they dealt the state a dangerous wound. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Though the peasant soon disappears from [ 
 Polish history, we must not omit his condi- ' 
 tion in enumerating the causes which led to ) 
 the downfall of the republic. 
 
 The statements of the Polish nobles and 
 their historians, to the effect that the peasant 
 was always the hereditary property of the 
 
48 Poland. 
 
 lord of the manor are false. This relation 
 between eleven million men and barely half 
 a million masters is an abuse of the last two 
 hundred years, and was preceded by one 
 thousand years of a better state of things.* 
 
 Originally the noble did not even possess 
 jurisdiction over the peasant. It was wielded 
 by the royal castellans, and in exceptional 
 cases was bestowed on individual nobles, as 
 a reward for distinguished services, f 
 
 Even though a peasant died childless, his 
 property went to his relations, and the lord 
 had no right to exact a fine. If a peasant 
 deserted his farm, it could not be bestowed 
 on another until the fugitive had been sum- 
 moned two or three times to return. On 
 payment of a definite land tax the peasant 
 
 * Von Gravenitz, " The Peasant in Poland." The quota- 
 tions from ancient records, which have been introduced on 
 account of the importance of the subject, are borrowed from 
 this excellent little work ; we do not claim to have examined 
 the original sources. 
 
 t Deed of gift of the convent of Tyratz, 1286. Boleslaw 
 appoints Rusezyn to the jurisdiction, 1252. 
 
Poland. 49 
 
 was freed from all taxes, from the necessity 
 of providing supplies, and of keeping his 
 cattle at the disposal of his lord.* These 
 laws of Casimir the Great, the Henry IV. of 
 Poland, won him the honourable nickname of 
 " Peasant King." 
 
 Those peasants were free who were domi- 
 ciled according to German law, or who dwelt 
 on the land which they themselves had re- 
 claimed.t It was owing to the feudal lord's 
 need of labourers, that the rest of the peasants 
 were bound to the soil and could not leave 
 the land without permission. 
 
 But the peasant did not belong to the lord, 
 he could not be sold. The estate might pass 
 into other hands, but the peasant was not 
 obliofed to leave his farm. The fact that he 
 could possess land prevented him from ever 
 becoming a mere serf 
 
 There were laws in Poland which mitt- 
 gated the hardship of this state of affairs^ 
 
 * Statute W^ladislaw Jagellos, 1420 and 1433. 
 
 t Statute Jagellos, 1420. 
 
 X Skrzetusky prawo polityczne narodu polskiego. 
 
 E 
 
50 Poland. 
 
 Every year two families were free to leave 
 each village. The father of many sons could 
 destine one for foreign service, and science 
 and art were declared free.* Under certain 
 circumstances all peasants had the right of 
 emigrating duty free — when, for instance, 
 secular or ecclesiastical punishment fell on 
 the community as well as on the lord, or 
 when a woman was violated. 
 
 The police regulations of John Albert, 
 1496, show plainly what was the condition of 
 the peasant. " He transgresses his bounds, 
 loves splendid attire, and practises great 
 extravagance, so that he is often arrested for 
 debt by the town people." 
 
 These regulations decree with regard to 
 these matters, that the citizen is not to evade 
 the tribunals of the peasant, but to bring his 
 actions there. The peasant was therefore 
 well off, he could raise money on his property, 
 and had regular tribunals. 
 
 If we sum up the condition of the peasant, 
 
 ; * Statute of Alexander, 1501. 
 
Poland. 5 1 
 
 as established by law and justice, we find 
 that he enjoyed the possession of home and 
 land, that the conditions under which he was 
 attached to the soil were restricted, that 
 he was liable to a reasonable amount of 
 statute labour, and moderate state and church 
 rates. 
 
 This happy state of affairs ended with the 
 extinction of the Jagellons, when the nobles 
 increased their power at the expense of both 
 king and peasant. 
 
 It is remarkable that the Polish peasant 
 enjoyed these privileges at a time when 
 - villeinage existed in all the rest of Europe,* 
 and that his slavery began when other 
 nations became free. Villeinage ceased in 
 Germany as early as the twelfth and thir- 
 
 * J. Jeckel is inclined to take for granted the existence 
 of villeinage in Poland before the eleventh century, but he 
 admits that history gives no satisfactory answer to the 
 questions : " What were the peasants ? What were their 
 obligations? Under what laws did they live ? " ("Reforms 
 in the Polish Constitution," part iii. p. 87.) It is enough 
 that history, as far as it goes, shows us no serfs, but only 
 glcebcB adscri^ti. 
 
52 Poland. 
 
 teenth centuries, except in Mecklenburg, 
 Pomerania, and Lusetia, which had had a 
 Slavonic population. Louis X. put an end to 
 it in France in 1315. Elizabeth emancipated 
 some English serfs as late as 1574. In 
 Bohemia and Moravia villeinage lasted till 
 the reign of Joseph II., 1781. In Poland it 
 / began in the sixteenth century. The kings 
 ; were forced to promise that they would grant 
 the peasant no letters of protection* against 
 his lord. Henceforth the lord was to have 
 the right of punishing his disobedient subjects 
 at his own discretion, "f 
 
 The axiom, " Air gives possession," was 
 applied to all strangers who resided for a 
 year in a village. J Without the repeal of a 
 single statute favourable to the peasants, it 
 became a fundamental principle of the consti- 
 tution, that " Henceforth no temporal court 
 in existence can grant the peasant redress 
 
 * Alexander, 1505 ; Sigismund I., 1543 ; Sigismund III., 
 1588. 
 + Article 4 of the religious bond, 1515. 
 \ Statute of 1633. 
 
Poland, 5 3 
 
 against his lord, though property, honour, or 
 life be at stake.'' 
 
 The peasant was thus handed over to an 
 arbitrary power, which had no limit, except 
 that which the excess of an evil imposes on 
 the evil itself. Every noble was absolute 
 master on his own estate. There was no 
 help for the peasant save in the mercy of his 
 lord or in his own despair. 
 
 The result was those terrible insurrections 
 of the peasants — the very threat of which 
 alarmed the nobles — the ruin of landed pro- 
 pert}', and the failure of those sources from 
 which a nation should derive its prosperity 
 and its strength. 
 
 The utter misery of the Polish peasant is 
 proved by statutes like that passed by the 
 diet of 1768, articles 18 and 19. "The 
 absolute dominion of the nobles over land 
 and people is to be maintained, but the 
 right over life and death of the peasant 
 is no longer to be vested in his lord." In 
 1 79 1 it was found necessary to enact: "If 
 
54 Poland. 
 
 henceforth an agreement is drawn up be- 
 tween lord and serf, in proper form, it 
 shall form a valid contract." From Polish 
 historians* we learn with regard to the con- 
 dition of the peasant t that he " lives without 
 justice or judge, without law or king, often 
 without religion ; that he is forced to work 
 on Sundays and feast-days ; in many places, 
 for every hide of land his cattle must be at 
 the disposal of his lord for five days." 
 
 It was this arbitrary enforcement of labour 
 which made it so difficult to restore the 
 balance. " The peasant % is looked on as a 
 nonentity. He cannot sue without his lord's 
 consent. He cannot obtain justice from his 
 lord. Laws were once made in his favour, 
 but they were forgotten long ago. There is 
 no appeal against this oppression, the lord 
 has long been master over life and death of 
 
 * We must quote these passages, so as not to be accused 
 of exaggeration. 
 t Warszewicky. 
 X Nikolaus Zalaczewsky. 
 
Poland. 5 5 
 
 his peasants." * " Poland is the only country 
 where the common people are deprived of 
 the rights of humanity." f 
 
 V. 
 
 In spite of the enormous gulf that sepa- 
 rated master and serf, noble and peasant, 
 it was impossible for a middle class to arise in 
 Poland. Trade and industry ij: could not 
 flourish, where the government afforded 
 neither protection nor encouragement, where 
 arbitrary encroachments endangered the 
 safety of property, and destroyed that con- 
 fidence which is an essential condition of 
 trade. 
 
 These facts explain the poverty of a 
 country containing 282,000 square miles, with 
 a population of eleven and a half millions of 
 
 * Vincent Rozitusky. 
 
 t King Stanislaus St. Lesczynslcy, "Observation sur le 
 Gouvemement de Pologne," liv. c. page g. 
 
 \ J. Jeckel, " Polens Handelsgeschichte." Wien, 1809. 
 
56 Poland. 
 
 inhabitants, and possessing great navigable 
 rivers that flowed to the Baltic or the Black 
 Sea, an abundance of corn, wheat, wax, honey, 
 hops, fish, fur, countless herds of splendid 
 cattle, excellent horses, inexhaustible salt 
 mines and immense quantities of timber. 
 
 Inland industry could make no better use 
 of this wealth than to manufacture coarse 
 linen, canvas, ropes, potash, and planks for 
 ship-building ; the remainder was left to 
 foreign enterprise. Only the seventh part 
 of the land was cultivated. In order to render 
 possible the export of corn and cattle, the 
 greater part of the nation, i.e. the unhappy 
 peasant, was deprived of these productions, 
 and an increase of population rendered im- 
 possible, for he dragged on his miserable 
 existence by means of rye bread, in the same 
 way as he does now on potatoes (meat he ate 
 barely three times a year). 
 
 The remaining exports were insignificant, 
 and out of proportion to the expensive luxuries 
 which, contrary to the sumptuary laws, were 
 
Poland. 5 7 
 
 largely imported in order to supply the increas- 
 ing demand. 
 
 The lead mines of Olkusz were no longer 
 worked, the inexhaustible mines of rock-salt 
 in Wieliczka and Bochnia and the salt springs 
 of the Eastern Provinces of old Poland (Red 
 Russia) were neglected, so that not only was 
 no salt exported, but, to the great detriment 
 of the crown, the whole province of Prussia 
 had to be supplied with foreign sea salt. 
 
 The nations which traded with Poland 
 consequently received all the profits, while 
 her own losses were immense. 
 
 In the year 1777 the imports amounted 
 to* 47,488,876 Polish florins,t and the exports 
 to 29,839,238 Polish florins, so that the im- 
 ports exceeded the exports by 17,649,638. 
 Of these Prussia received over 5,000,000, 
 Austria nearly 11,000,000, and Russia and 
 Turkey 1,500,000. 
 
 In 1776 the imports amounted to 48,640,6 79 
 
 * J. Jeckel, " Polens Handelsgeschichte," vol. ii. p. 87. 
 t The Polish florin is about 4s. 6d. 
 
5 8 Poland. 
 
 Polish florins, the exports to 22,096,360, a 
 difference of 26,544,319 florins in one year. 
 The chief source of money in Poland was the 
 sale of the crown. 
 
 In spite of all the natural sources of wealth 
 at her disposal, many a European city was 
 richer than the commonwealth, and two or 
 three London and Amsterdam merchants 
 derived a larger income from trade than the 
 king of Poland from his domains. In the 
 midst of all her natural wealth Poland was 
 poor. She derived no profits from her 
 abundance, she had neither roads nor ships 
 to convey her exports, factories to work her 
 produce, nor trade to turn them to account. 
 
 The history of commerce in Poland is 
 almost entirely comprised in the history of 
 the town of Danzig. 
 
 In the thirteenth century a league was 
 formed by the most important German 
 towns, in order to oppose those arbitrary 
 laws and encroachments on their privileges, 
 which they were too weak to resist single- 
 
Poland. 59 
 
 handed, to throw open the roads, which were 
 obstructed by the castles of robber-knights, 
 and by other obstacles, and to administer 
 themselves the justice which their princes 
 were unable to grant. This was the Hanseatic 
 League, which for centuries controlled the 
 trade of two great oceans, and Danzig, could 
 not fail to recognise the great advantages 
 which would accrue to her if she joined the 
 league. 
 
 The people of Danzig were of German 
 origin, they were ruled according to German 
 law and had their own constitution. For a 
 time they were protected by the Order of 
 Teutonic Knights, and when they finally re- 
 cognised the supremacy of Poland, they main- 
 tained their independence as far as possible. 
 The citizens fortified the towns at their own 
 expense, they defended their independence, 
 not only against foreign countries, but also 
 against Poland.* They refused to let the 
 
 * In 1576 against Stephan Bathori, and in 1733 against 
 Augustus II. 
 
6o Poland. 
 
 Russians enter their walls long after the 
 Poles had ceased to resist this foe. 
 
 After the loss of the Black Sea, Danzig 
 was the best, and, soon after, the only port, 
 by means of which Poland could trade with 
 other countries, and it attained to a high 
 degree of wealth and importance. 
 
 After the royal towns of Poland obtained 
 the right of appeal to the Magdeburg Law, 
 a number of industrious foreigners immi- 
 grated into Poland who might have been 
 able to improve the condition of trade 
 and industry. The towns of Thorn, Culm, 
 Elbing, Konigsberg, Braunsberg, Cracow, 
 joined the Hanseatic League. They were, 
 however, unable to maintain their independ- 
 ence, and had to submit to the ever-increas- 
 ing power of the nobles. The descendants 
 of these immigrants led a wretched, poverty- 
 stricken existence. 
 
 The rest of Poland's towns lay deserted 
 and unfortified, for destitution dwelt within 
 them. 
 
Poland. 6 1 
 
 Their inhabitants were agriculturists, among 
 them not even the commonest artisans were 
 to be found. Whoever was not noble 
 dragged on a despised existence in the towns, 
 or dwelt oppressed in the villages. There 
 was no middle class in Poland. 
 
 The rest of Poland's trade lay stagnant. 
 The merchants could make no profit out of 
 the peasants who possessed nothing, literally 
 nothing. From the noble he could earn as 
 little. The rich and powerful nobles, who 
 should have purchased most from the 
 merchant, received their wine and other 
 luxuries duty free, in return for the wood, 
 corn, &c., which they sent to Danzig. How 
 then could a merchant buy or sell at a profit 
 in a country where the most influential class 
 exported and imported duty free those very 
 articles on which he had to pay duty, at 
 public and private custom houses ? The bad 
 state of the laws, especially those referring to 
 the recovery of debts, made it impossible to 
 give credit It was impossible to obtain a 
 
6i Poland. 
 
 nobleman as partner, since trade carried with 
 it the loss of nobility. 
 
 For a time Poland acted as agent for 
 Russia, buying the indispensable commodities 
 at Danzig, Breslau, or Leipzig, and convey- 
 ing them to Russia by land, but this source 
 of gain vanished, when Peter the Great threw 
 open the Baltic and the Black Sea to his 
 people. 
 
 VI. 
 
 The small amount of trade still carried on 
 in Poland was in the hands of the Jews. It 
 cannot be denied that this frugal, careful race 
 formed the only class of traders in the land. 
 That branch of industry which the nobleman 
 despised, owing to pride or carelessness, and 
 from which the peasant was excluded by 
 stupidity and ignorance, fell to the share of 
 the Jews. Though their presence may have 
 been a misfortune for the nation in after 
 years, they were certainly at the same time a 
 national necessity. They were a misfortune 
 
Poland. 63 
 
 owing to the imperfect organization of the 
 government, which made it easier to burn 
 them than to turn them into good citizens ; 
 they were a necessity because, though they 
 were viewed with hatred and envy, no one 
 thought of imitating the diligence which won 
 for them their wealth. 
 
 We must glance for a moment at this 
 peculiar race,* at once so important and so 
 little understood, who, exiled from their home, 
 multiplied rapidly and found entrance into 
 every country till they spread over the whole 
 world. 
 
 Perpetually oppressed by capricious laws, 
 the race raised itself by perseverance and 
 cunning. Ill-treated, persecuted by fire and 
 sword, still they returned, or others took their 
 place ; robbed and plundered repeatedly, the 
 wealth of the land was yet theirs. A strange 
 mixture of outward weakness and inward 
 strength, humble and fawning to superiors, 
 
 * " Tableau de Pologne ancienne et moderne," par 
 Malte-Brun, refondu par Leonard Chodzko. Paris, 1830. 
 
64 Poland. 
 
 cruel and despotic to dependents, oppressed, 
 ill-treated as a whole, they yet individually 
 repaid their oppressors with despotism. 
 Even in his degradation, the memory of his 
 natural dignity, the sense of his oppression, 
 clings to man, and the Jews opposed hatred 
 and contempt to violence and enmity ; senti- 
 ments that took deeper root in their hearts 
 because of the concealment which was neces- 
 sary. 
 
 The political position of the Jews and their 
 own laws debarred them from possessing 
 land, serving the state, holding offices, in 
 short from every kind of public activity. 
 They could never use their talents, know- 
 ledge, and diligence for the national welfare. 
 Patriotism, ambition, the longing for action, 
 all the forces which urge other men to 
 energy, were nothing to them. Everywhere 
 repulsed with contempt, the Jew was thrown 
 back on his own resources, and thus of 
 necessity self became his only consideration. 
 
 The highest position to which a Jew could 
 
Poland. 65 
 
 attain was that of a rich man. But his wealth 
 did not bring him civil rights, it did not 
 protect him against public hatred, and he was 
 forced to conceal it, or else to enjoy it in the 
 midst of danger. 
 
 When money ceased to be a means of 
 happiness for the Jews, they sought it for its 
 own sake. Wealth was the one goal of each 
 individual, and all means of obtaining it 
 were lawful in his eyes, and afforded him a 
 means of vengeance on his oppressors. 
 Meek under insult and indignity, sober and 
 frugal in his habits, never neglectful of an 
 advantage, was it strange that all wealth 
 flowed to his coffers, that gradually the op- 
 pressors became dependent on the despised 
 foreigner ? 
 
 The first Jewish immigrants were exiles 
 from Germany and Bohemia.* In 1096 
 they fled to Poland, where at that time there 
 was more religious tolerance than in the 
 
 • Compare Leonard Chodzko's edition of " Tableau de 
 Pologne," par Malte-Brun. 
 
 F 
 
66 Poland. 
 
 rest of Europe. The cruelty and greed of 
 the first crusaders caused this exodus of 
 the Jews. They declared them to be the 
 natural enemies of Christ. In Mayence 
 1,400 Jews were burnt, 12,000 victims fell 
 in Bavaria. Women killed their children, 
 men killed themselves, to escape baptism 
 and the baptisers. All the Jews fled from 
 Bohemia. They were forced to leave their 
 property behind them, for " since they brought 
 no wealth from Judsea, they must leave Bo- 
 hemia as poor as they came." 
 
 Casimir the Great, instigated by his love 
 for Esther, the beautiful Jewess of Opofino, 
 gave the Jews such civil rights and privi- 
 leges as a Polish king could grant, which 
 conduced to the advantage of the land ; but 
 already in the time: of Lewis of Hungary, 
 1 37 1, they were sentenced to exile. Not- 
 withstanding this, we find them scattered 
 over the whole of Poland in 1386. Chris- 
 tians were forbidden on pain of excommuni- 
 cation to have any intercourse with. Jews or 
 
Poland. 67 
 
 to purchase from them. When they settled 
 in towns they were forced to live in par- 
 ticular suburbs. They were forbidden to 
 practise usury. John Olbracht cancelled at 
 one stroke all the mortgages, which would 
 have brought into their hands the greater 
 part of the estates of the nobles pledged in 
 times of war. The loans were, however, to 
 be repaid with legal interest. 
 
 The " Privilegium " of Boleslav the Pious, 
 1505, is characteristic of the times, and shows 
 that the king was forced to protect the Jews 
 from the universal hatred and oppression of 
 the Christians.* It contains the following 
 sentences : " The corpses of Jews can be 
 removed duty free. For the desecration of 
 a synagogue, a Christian is to pay a fine of 
 two stones of pepper to the woiwode. No 
 one is to put up at a Jewish house. It is 
 false that Jews use human blood. If a Jew 
 is accused of having kidnapped a Christian 
 child, the act must be proved by three 
 
 * Jeckel, " Reforms in the Polish Constitution," part ii. 
 
68 Poland. 
 
 Christian and three Jewish witnesses. If he 
 is not found guilty, the accuser must undergo 
 the punishment that would have been inflicted 
 on the Jew. If a Jew is ill-treated in the 
 night and calls for help, the Christians must 
 come to his aid, on pain of punishment." 
 
 Many a resolution of the diet, many a 
 law that would have ruined their trade, 
 many a storm roused by fanatic priests, was 
 averted by their money (Miczynsky says 
 by their "magic"), which won them high 
 patrons. Some writers, however, asserted, 
 " God blesses those who persecute the Jews," 
 and they cited several Polish families as an. 
 example.* 
 
 According to the Jews there were in 1540 
 
 * Ziechowsky declares in his Oglos Procesu, " Since the 
 Jew Alexander did not confess to infanticide under torture, 
 his judges should not have rested satisfied with burning 
 him : they should also have burned his shadow, since it is 
 very likely that the devil, for the sake of a Jew, substituted 
 a phantom, and that the shadow was the real Jew." ' As 
 late as 1783 Tyskowsky, a monk of the Order of St. Ber- 
 nard, accused Jewesses of sorcery. (Jeckel, " Reforms in 
 the Polish Constitution," part i. p. 44, and part iii. p. 14.) 
 
Poland. 69 
 
 500 Christian and 3,200 Jewish merchants, 
 and 9,600 Jewish goldsmiths and other 
 manufacturers. The wealthy Jews began to 
 dress like the Polish nobles ; they even 
 surpassed them in splendour. There is an 
 edict of Sigismund II. which forbids their 
 wearing gold chains, signet rings, and swords 
 inlaid with jewels. The Jews had their own 
 diet, every province sent deputies to War- 
 saw, where they formed a great assembly 
 and elected their own marshal, whose 
 appointment was confirmed by the govern- 
 ment. In short, next to the nobles, the Jews 
 formed the most influential and powerful 
 class in the country. 
 
 The incredible increase of the Jewish 
 population, supposed to be three times as 
 rapid as that of the Polish inhabitants, was 
 very alarming, as the Jews managed to avoid 
 all public burdens and taxes. Sigismund 
 Augustus resolved, in spite of their objec- 
 tions, to impose a poll tax of pne florin per 
 head, and at the same time to discover by 
 
yo Poland. 
 
 this means their actual number. It was 
 estimated at 200,000, but only 16,000 florins 
 were paid as tax.* 
 
 Their power was increased by John 
 Sobiesky, to whom they had prophesied that 
 he would ascend the throne. He favoured 
 the Jews so much, that the senate in 1682 
 implored him to regard the welfare of the 
 state, and not to let the favours of the crown 
 pass through their hands. 
 
 The laws forbidding the Jews on pain of 
 death to trade with the peasants, to keep 
 inns, to sell brandy — laws which were passed 
 anew in every reign — show that they never 
 ceased to carry on these trades, so profitable 
 for them, so ruinous for the peasant. 
 
 * " Dites-moi," said King Sigismund to the Bishop of 
 Cracow, " vous qui ne croyez pas aux sorciers, ou que le 
 diable puisse se m^ler de nos affaires, dites-moi comment 
 il se fait, que 200,000 Juifs ont pu se cacher sous terre, pour 
 ne parattre que 16,598 aujourd'hui qu'il s'agit de payer la 
 capitation." "Votre Majesty sait," replied the Bishop, 
 " que les Juifs n'ont pas besoin du diable pour 6tre 
 sorciers." 
 
Poland. 7 1 
 
 VII. 
 
 We have now glanced at the various 
 conflicting elements which composed the 
 state. A powerless king, a powerful demo- 
 cratic nobility divided as to interest and 
 religious belief, a middle class which lived in 
 the state without belonging to it, and the 
 peasants who formed the mass of the nation, 
 without political rights, almost without the 
 common rights of humanity, and living in 
 utter misery. 
 
 What a dreadful picture of confusion does 
 this unhappy country present ! 
 
 At an early date Poland reached a certain 
 standard of culture, but when the nobles 
 robbed the crown of all influence in order to 
 maintain their entire independence, when the 
 people legally deprived themselves of the 
 power of giving laws, it remained at a stand- 
 still. While other nations advanced, Poland 
 was centuries behind the age. 
 
 At last all administration ceased. The 
 
']2 Poland. 
 
 coinage became a monopoly after 1658, and as 
 Polish money had a higher intrinsic value 
 than that of neighbouring states, it disap- 
 peared from circulation or false coinage took 
 its place. It is said that the whole coinage of 
 Poland was twice melted down and recoined 
 abroad. Foreign coins had an arbitrary 
 value. The confusion was so great, that 
 Augustus III. had Saxon money coined in 
 Warsaw on his own responsibility, though 
 not empowered to do so by the senate or the 
 nation, for in his long reign no diet met 
 without being dissolved before it could have 
 given him the necessary authority. 
 
 Not only the king, but also the high state 
 officials, were forced by necessity to assume 
 an authority to which they had no right, and 
 which far exceeded that which would have 
 been bestowed on an absolute government. 
 They were forced to exceed their authority, 
 in order to satisfy the most urgent demands. 
 Each one reigned supreme in his own depart- 
 ment, and was obliged to exercise a power 
 
Poland. 73 
 
 over the whole people, which would have 
 laid him open to a charge of abuse from each 
 individual, but which his successor would 
 have been obliged to adopt. 
 
 Poland had no ambassadors at foreign ^ 
 courts, the land had no fortresses, no , 
 navy, no roads, no arsenals, no treasury, 
 no fixed revenue. The army was small, un- 
 disciplined, often unpaid, so that the troops 
 were forced to unite and to encamp before 
 the place of assembly of the diet, and to 
 add an unlawful weight to their lawful de- 
 mands. 
 
 The confederation was the sole safeguard 
 which could be opposed to foreign powers. \ 
 The kings, who feared a power which 
 exceeded their own, brought intrigue and 
 obstruction to bear on these associations ; if 
 they themselves formed the confederation, 
 want of confidence prevented the people 
 from joining them. The once warlike Polish 
 nobles had become weak and degenerate, 
 owing to the luxurious life which they led, 
 
74 Poland. 
 
 and which was partly promoted by the 
 government. 
 
 Nearly all the great estates were burdened 
 with debts and lawsuits. The majority of 
 the nobles had neither weapons nor horses, 
 and formed a tumultuous assembly without 
 order, discipline, or leaders. 
 
 On the other hand, it was impossible to 
 run the risk of arming the mass of the nation 
 for the defence of the country. To the 
 peasant, who had nothing to lose, it was a 
 matter of indifference whether he was sub- 
 ject to his territorial lord or to a foreign foe. 
 Every promise of improvement, nay, even a 
 mere change in his condition offered by the 
 enemy, was calculated to make the peasant 
 the most terrible enemy of his master. The 
 mere possibility of an insurrection of the 
 peasants, accompanied by horrors which can 
 originate only in the most excited fancy, and 
 which had already devastated the country 
 more than once, prevented the noble and his 
 household troops from undertaking the de- 
 
Poland. 75 
 
 fence of the republic ; for, how could they 
 venture to leave wife and children, hearth 
 and home, to the mercy of the furious, un- 
 bridled peasants ? 
 
 Thus Poland owed its existence to an 
 usurped power at home and its weakness 
 abroad.* Whoever attacked the country 
 with an army intended to conquer it, and for 
 a long time the sole obstacle to this was the 
 mutual jealousy of neighbouring states. 
 
 The election of the king and religious 
 quarrels first opened the land to foreign 
 influence. In 1697 an army of 10,000 
 Saxons put the Elector Augustus II. in 
 possession of the throne contrary to the will 
 of the greater part of the Polish nation. 
 For this reason Augustus constantly required 
 his army in order to defend his crown against 
 the people. 
 
 In spite of its condition, though too weak 
 to defend itself, Poland preferred remaining 
 unarmed among its armed neighbours, to 
 
 * Polonia confusione regitur- 
 
76 Poland. 
 
 seeing the army of its king in the country. 
 The diets, anxious to maintain the rights of 
 the individual and jealous of the royal 
 power, energetically insisted upon the 
 removal of the Saxon army, preferring to 
 endanger the freedom of the state, rather 
 than the prerogatives of the nobles. The 
 king was unsuccessful in the wars, which he 
 undertook for the purpose of defending his 
 right to retain that army, which alone could 
 give him any influence. Swedish arms, not 
 the will of the nation, gave the crown to 
 Stanislaus Leszczynski in 1704. 
 
 After the misfortunes of Charles XII., 
 Augustus II. returned with a Saxon army to 
 regain possession of the throne. As soon as 
 the king attempted to carry out what had 
 evidently been his object from the first, 
 namely, the firm establishment of the royal 
 power in the state, the confederation opposed 
 him so vigorously, that Augustus was obliged 
 to seek Russian interference and protection 
 in order to maintain his position, and thus he 
 
Poland. 77 
 
 set his successors a pernicious example, which 
 caused the ruin of the state. 
 
 Augustus III. succeeded his father, not by- 
 means of Saxon arms, but through the 
 influence and the protection of Russia. In 
 order to maintain his hold on the throne, hc; 
 became entirely dependent on that power. 
 The armaments required for the twofold 
 conquest of Poland and the wars of Augus- 
 tus II., the bribes and the luxuries by which 
 he tried to subdue the nobles when war was 
 unavailing, and finally the boundless extra- 
 vagance of Augustus III., exhausted the 
 supplies of Poland and Saxony. 
 
 When during the Seven Years' War the 
 latter country was lost, Augustus, once a 
 powerful elector, became the weakest of 
 kings. 
 
 The death of Augustus III. was the signal 
 which had been awaited by all parties at 
 home and abroad, in order to set in motion, 
 every power and every passion for the at- 
 tainment of their object. Politics, patriotism, 
 
78 Poland. 
 
 treachery, ambition, bribery, intrigue, vio- 
 lence, all these forces were brought to bear 
 on each other, and caused a terrible storm 
 in the republic. 
 
 We will select from the midst of the 
 general confusion that party which desired 
 to use the ensuing election for the improve- 
 ment of the social condition of their country. 
 Many Poles looked on that condition as the 
 perfection of statesmanship. They thought 
 with pride of the rights bestowed on 
 individuals, without considering that nine- 
 tenths of the people were in abject slavery, 
 and that the independence of the nobles was 
 far from being freedom. The weakness of 
 the state which resulted therefrom, did not 
 guarantee the stability of the constitution, 
 since it could not guarantee the existence of 
 the state. The men who held these views 
 were constantly dreading the abuse of power, 
 but they never saw what danger lay in the 
 abuse of liberty. A long apprenticeship in 
 the school of misfortune was needed to 
 
Poland. 79 
 
 convince them that a change in the constitu- 
 tion was inevitable. There were not wanting 
 men who recognised the grave mistakes in 
 the constitution. 
 
 " All our deliberations," said the primate 
 to the diet, " lead to no object. The diets 
 are without results. Few of us can boast of 
 having been present at a diet where freedom 
 of deliberation was respected. We call our- 
 selves a free nation, but we bear, the yoke of 
 slavery, and the fear of the sword subdues us. 
 We feel that our dependence is a misfortune, 
 but we have not sufficient skill to help our- 
 selves nor strength to improve our condition, 
 and yet we rush with closed eyes to our ruin. 
 
 " All our misfortunes are the consequences 
 of our actions. We are fettered by our own 
 terror, and there is nothing to give us hope 
 for the future, neither strength nor wise 
 counsel. 
 
 " We have no fortresses, for they are in, 
 ruins, no garrisons, for they are weak ; we 
 have no arms, no ammunition, neither .safe; 
 
8o Poland. 
 
 frontiers nor an army to defend them. Let 
 us confess that the kingdom is like an open 
 house, a dwelling desolated by storms, a 
 building without an owner, whose weak 
 foundations would collapse if providence did 
 not uphold them. 
 
 " Let us look for an instant at the abuses 
 which are well-nigh incredible. The laws, 
 degenerated and despised, are not executed ; 
 the tribunals which should judge criminals 
 are abolished ; perjury is permitted at the 
 expense of the salvation of our soul and the 
 fatherland. Liberty is oppressed by violence 
 and despotism, the royall treasure depreciated 
 by the introduction of foreign and debased 
 coin. The country towns, the loveliest spots 
 of the land, are depopulated, the advantages, 
 derived from commerce are the spoils of the 
 Jews. We must seek for the town in the 
 towns ; markets, streets and fields have been 
 so desolated. 
 
 " Fifty years have brought this about. And 
 why ? Because we live contrary to the spirit 
 
Poland. 8 1 
 
 of Christianity and brotherly love, without 
 concord, confidence, and honesty. Let us 
 reflect how such conduct must burden our 
 conscience, how hard it is to restore what we 
 destroy, how great will be the punishment of 
 the avenger, which we call down upon our 
 heads. Let us consider the account which 
 we owe to God and the land, when we 
 subject our boundaries to the danger of being 
 conquered. 
 
 "Now, while our liberty, without limits, 
 without restrictions, becomes licence, it needs 
 nothing so much as fetters, to keep it from 
 excesses, that would lead to destruction and 
 slavery. A freedom such as ours is merely 
 licentiousness. Its ruinous influence is felt 
 even in this assembly, and renders it neces- 
 sary that we should submit to law and order. 
 This diet is the place, where we must subdue 
 the excesses of liberty, which lead to our ruin ; 
 it injures and oppresses us, annuls our laws, 
 obstructs justice, and destroys public safety."* 
 
 * Ferrand, " Histoire du D6membrement de la Pologne." 
 G 
 
82 Poland. 
 
 If words like these were spoken in vain to 
 the masses, and were unheeded by those 
 who were interested in the continuance of 
 anarchy, there were yet many who felt their 
 truth. There were always men in Poland 
 who were ready to sacrifice themselves for 
 their country. Though the rotten fabric of 
 the republic threatened to bury in its ruins 
 those who touched it, brave men did not fear 
 to destroy with strong hands the old founda- 
 tions and replace them by new ones. 
 
 But these efforts to bring about a better 
 state of affairs, must be looked on as the final 
 causes of the ruin of the republic. 
 
 Among the parties which desired a revolu- 
 tion in the state, we must firs^ name the 
 court, for its hopes of greater independence 
 were based on the general disorder, on the 
 necessities of the country, and the degenerate 
 condition of the nobles, which it had helped 
 to bring about. 
 
 The great offices were given away to the 
 most submissive, the nobleman sank to the 
 
Poland. 83 
 
 level of the courtier, and the solidity of the 
 nation was intentionally undermined. The 
 excess of the evil was to become the dawn 
 of a better state of things. The great mass 
 of the nobles had fallen into the most abject 
 poverty, through that excessive luxury, of 
 which the court had set the example. Whilst 
 about one hundred palatines, bishops, and 
 starosts united, in their households and in 
 their public processions, French fashions with 
 oriental pomp, a far larger number of nobles 
 hired themselves out as servants.* Many of 
 them wanted to devote themselves to com- 
 merce in order to emancipate themselves 
 from their deplorable state ; had they done so 
 they would have rendered a great service to 
 the state. The diet of 1677 was foolish enough 
 to declare that commerce, being unworthy 
 of the nobility, destroys all its privileges. 
 And yet the patent of Polish nobility, which 
 
 * " Le gentilhomme sous la livrle, fait-il une faute, le 
 cantchou le corrige. Mais on lui met un tapis sous les 
 genoux par respect pour sa g6n6alogie." — Histoire de 
 Jean Soiiesky, par I'Abb^ Coyer. 
 
84 Poland. 
 
 was formerly sought by foreign princes, was 
 given away indiscriminately. A Jew who left 
 the faith of his fathers became a Polish noble 
 by baptism ; and as the newer nobility is 
 always the most arrogant, these converts 
 made more noise at the diets than those in 
 whose veins flowed the blood of the Jagellons. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 The Pototsky (Potocki), one of the most 
 important families, formed another important 
 faction. Two brothers Pototsky were at its 
 head, one was the primate of the kingdom, 
 the other the crown field - marshal. The 
 measures of these men were carried out with 
 all the caution necessary for an undertaking 
 which places the existence of the state in 
 jeopardy. The regeneration of Poland was 
 to be the work of the Poles, and it was to be 
 carried out by its own strength. Its great 
 object was the abolition of the liberum 
 veto, which had become an unwieldy 
 
Poland. 85 
 
 instrument, but which was still dear to the 
 majority. The Pototsky looked upon this 
 greatest of evils as the only obstacle to 
 despotism in the present degenerate con- 
 dition of the nobles. Before they removed 
 it, they thought it necessary to deprive the 
 crown of the power of distributing dignities 
 and offices — a dangerous weapon, since it 
 brought about the subjection of nobles, 
 dependent on the favour of the court. They 
 therefore desired to establish a commission, 
 which was to make these offices not the gifts 
 of court favour, but the reward of merit. 
 These changes touched the interests of the 
 •king and the poor nobles too nearly, for them 
 not to offer the most violent opposition. 
 
 The Czartorinsky (Czartoryski) and their 
 party were bolder, and brought an irresistible 
 skill to bear on their designs. The unsuc- 
 cessful efforts of the Pototsky at the diet of 
 1742, showed that the Polish constitution 
 had reached a point where anarchy itself 
 resulted in stability, where it was impos- 
 
86 Poland. 
 
 sible for the constitution to develope im- 
 provement, and Poland was hurried along 
 on the rushing torrent of history, like a boat- 
 man who has voluntarily thrown away his 
 rudder. The very rottenness of the consti- 
 tution made it impossible to touch it. No 
 power in the state could rise against it, for 
 though each had the means of preventing 
 action, none had the strength to act. As 
 long as the state existed none could touch 
 the constitution. A change meant the over- 
 throw of the state. The very faults which 
 called for a reform, prevented its being 
 effected. 
 
 All power in the state being levelled so 
 that no power could arise, this perfect equi- 
 librium prevented every movement. These 
 are most important circumstances, which 
 must never be forgotten, when we judge 
 those who sought the starting point for the 
 necessary revolution outside the country. 
 
 Two brothers, Michael and Augustus, the 
 former, palatine of Polish Russia, the latter 
 
Poland. 87 
 
 chancellor of Lithuania, were at the head of 
 the Czartorinsky family. This family, which, 
 through its glorious descent from the Dukes 
 of Lithuania, had raised itself above re- 
 publican equality, had filled the first offices 
 in the land, and by means of marriages had 
 attained to great wealth. If, on the one 
 hand, the Pototsky wished to bestow the 
 sovereign power on the great families at the 
 expense of the throne, and by means of its 
 few remaining privileges, the faction of the 
 Czartorinsky, on the other hand, desired to 
 establish it by increasing the strength of the 
 throne, by limiting the power of the great 
 families, and by asserting the rights of the 
 majority. They were the more inclined to 
 this course, because they, the descendants of 
 the Jagellons, felt within themselves the power 
 to ascend this throne, and because patriot- 
 ism and family spirit were united in them. 
 
 The Czartorinsky soon recognised the 
 impossibility of accomplishing the reform 
 of the nation by means of the nation itself. 
 
88 Poland. 
 
 and they looked abroad to see whence they 
 could derive the requisite strength. 
 
 Poland had always looked on France as its 
 natural ally, and a sound policy would always 
 have done its best to assist a reform such as 
 that desired by the Czartorinsky. This was 
 the sole method of raising Poland to a state 
 which would have influence abroad, and 
 France, while it proved its friendship by 
 conferring an actual benefit on that country, 
 would have created for itself a powerful and 
 faithful ally in the East. Though history 
 enumerates a number of factions, which 
 French intrigue stirred up and supported 
 in Poland, yet at the decisive moment we 
 see them constantly deserted and abandoned. 
 These inconsistencies can only be explained 
 by the frequent change of mistresses at the 
 court of Versailles. 
 
 In ancient as well as in modern times, 
 France has frequently made use of Poland 
 for its own objects, without ever doing any- 
 thing for the benefit of the nation. No 
 
Poland. 89 
 
 other country so frequently held Poland's 
 fate In its hands, no other deceived it so 
 often. 
 
 We must add to this the alliance between 
 France and Austria, that strange creation of 
 Prince Kaunitz, which taught the Poles that 
 they had little to expect from the assistance 
 of France. Austria and Prussia had just 
 ended that terrible war, at the conclusion of 
 which Prussia, owing to the glory of its 
 arms, and the greatness of its king, took its 
 place with all honours among the great 
 powers of Europe. Prussia had fought 
 against Europe, Austria against Prussia. 
 
 It is usual to estimate the strength of a 
 state by its victories and its successful cam- 
 paigns, but it is by means of her defeats that 
 Austria gives us the highest opinion of her 
 power and her inexhaustible resources. After 
 a long succession of misfortunes she always 
 remains unsubdued. 
 
 Peace was concluded, but neither power 
 disarmed. Each state held its armies of 
 
go Poland. 
 
 200,000 men in readiness to renew the war 
 if necessary, and each watched the other 
 jealously. Each country needed and desired 
 peace, and remained armed in order to 
 maintain it.* 
 
 Poland could naturally expect no help 
 from either of these powers. If one of them 
 gave assistance, war with the other became 
 inevitable. 
 
 The ancient sceptre of the old empire was 
 as threatening as the sword of the young 
 kingdom. Both Austria and Prussia were 
 unanimous in their opinion, that they would 
 prefer the anarchy of the republic, to assist- 
 ing in turning a good neighbour into a 
 powerful monarchy, which would be dan- 
 gerous to all adjoining states. 
 
 It seems natural, that the Turks should 
 have taken a lively interest in the affairs of 
 Poland ; and the renewed and destructive 
 wars, which already at that time Russia 
 waged against that country, might have led 
 
 * Dohms Denkwiirdigkeiten seiner Zeit. 
 
Poland. 9 1 
 
 it to support an enemy of its hereditary foe. 
 But the belief of the Turks in fatalism 
 made them divide all Christian powers 
 into enemies who attacked them and 
 enemies who left them in peace. As the 
 Porte had no ambassadors at foreign courts, 
 it saw things only in the light in which the 
 ambassadors of foreign courts represented 
 them. Absolute ignorance of politics was 
 combined with religious dogma, utter con- 
 tempt for their foes, and a state of perfect 
 weakness. Since the Turks, instead of "en- 
 camping in Europe ' ' took up their residence 
 there, since they ceased to subjugate their 
 neighbours, they have lost the power of 
 defending themselves against them. All the 
 institutions which had rendered them so 
 formidable have changed their character, 
 and from a warlike race the Turks have 
 degenerated into a nation whose weakness 
 makes it peaceful. 
 
 The Janizaries were no longer the ilite of the 
 Turkish army ; they were no longer Christian 
 
92 Poland. 
 
 boys who had been kidnapped, and who, 
 without wife, child, or home, followed the 
 splendour of the crescent and lived for fame 
 and booty. The corps was formed chiefly 
 of effeminate Turks, domiciled citizens, who 
 arrogated to themselves the privileges of the 
 Janizaries without being able even to use 
 their weapons. The Spahis, it is true, had 
 not entirely lost their former fame ; but their 
 enemies had meanwhile made great progress, 
 and now they came into contact with two 
 obstacles which not even their fanatical, 
 almost insane, courage could overcome, the 
 chevaux de /rise* and the artillery. The 
 remainder of these armies, numbering hun- 
 dreds of thousands, which the Porte thought 
 it necessary to arm in every campaign, con- 
 sisted of rabble which were scarcely enlisted 
 when they deserted, in order to enlist anew. 
 
 * The chevaux de frise were beams provided with six 
 rows of pointed spikes forming a breastwork four to five 
 feet high, which the Russian infantry always carried with 
 them in their Turkish campaigns, and which rendered vain 
 the most furious cavalry attacks. 
 
Poland. 93 
 
 After a lost battle, 80,000 of these men fled 
 to Constantinople, and the Sultan gave them 
 provisions and ships to convey them to Asia 
 Minor, in order to get rid of these wild 
 undisciplined hordes. 
 
 To call in the assistance, of such an army- 
 was, in the words of the Bishop of Kamenitz, 
 " to set the house on fire in order to get rid 
 of the vermin." 
 
 IX. 
 
 As Poland had nothing to hope from its 
 friends in Europe, the Czartorinsky boldly 
 determined to use their enemies for their 
 own designs, never doubting, that they 
 could at the right moment annihilate the 
 power which they would be obliged to bestow 
 on them, and destroy the dangerous tool 
 when it had served their purpose. They 
 felt a great contempt for semi-barbarous 
 Russia, but they purposed to use its material 
 forces for the regeneration of Poland; and 
 then, by means of this new and powerful 
 
94 Poland. 
 
 Poland, to repel the pretensions of Russia, 
 which already pressed heavily on the 
 republic. But the task was begun under the 
 weak government of Peter III., and by the 
 time it was completed, Catherine's powerful 
 hand wielded the sceptre of Peter the Great, 
 and no charm could lay the spirits that had 
 been so rashly summoned. 
 
 Russia's development had been thoroughly 
 Asiatic. Although, i ,000 years after its 
 rising, the sun of Christianity cast a ray on 
 these great deserts, gentle manners and 
 customs, science, and intercourse with other 
 countries did not flourish. At an early 
 period the independence of the people was 
 lost in serfdom ;* that of the nobles in the 
 
 * In the law books of Joroslaw (1050) it is said : " A man 
 becomes a serf or slave who is bought before a witness, who 
 cannot pay his creditors, who marries a slave, &c. A horse- 
 stealer is delivered to the Prince, and loses his civil rights, 
 freedom, and property. No Wergeld (indemnity to the 
 family) is paid for a slave, but whoever kills him without 
 cause must pay his lord the value of the killed man." — 
 Karamsin, History of the Russian Emj^ire, vol. ii. art. 
 3, " Criminal Law." 
 
Poland. 95 
 
 absolute power of the princes, and that of 
 the princes in the great states which arose in 
 Kiew, Novgorod, Moscow, and finally in St. 
 Petersburg. 
 
 The will of the individual was lost sight of 
 more and more in the will of the state, or 
 rather in that of the head of the state, who 
 united in his person the highest civil and 
 ecclesiastical power, in a manner unknown in 
 any other part of Europe. Hence the unity 
 and strength manifested in the enterprises of 
 the state, and its quick development, for 
 despotism is the best government for bar- 
 barians. The Polish annals are thus the 
 histories of great men, the Russian annals the 
 history of a great state. In the former we 
 see the virtues of the individual contend- 
 ing with the faults of the community; in 
 the latter, a line of princes with hereditary 
 power, who force the nation to assume a 
 higher civilization. 
 
 For centuries Russia was isolated and cut 
 off from the rest of the world. The great 
 
96 Poland. 
 
 rivers which flowed from its endless woods, 
 ran into a sea with no outlet, or into regions 
 of eternal ice. Immense deserts separated it 
 from all other nations, and great as was the 
 territory of the new Russian state, its further 
 extension was a sine qud non condition, if 
 it was ever to emerge from its isolation. 
 
 In the South it was bounded by insur- 
 mountable mountains and immense steppes, 
 in the East by a nation of 400 million souls, 
 civilized for centuries ; in the North by in- 
 superable natural obstacles. 
 
 Peter the Great roused his people with his 
 iron hand from the sleep of barbarism, but 
 was not able to raise them to a state of civili- 
 zation, which time alone can give, and which 
 cannot be the work of a moment in spite 
 of the most gigantic exertions. By opening 
 the Baltic for Russia, he opened the first 
 outlet for the political life of his land, and he 
 turned from the wealth of the East to the 
 arts of the West ; he gave the impulse which 
 made Russia an European state. 
 
Poland^ 97 
 
 Since that time the conquest of Poland 
 was the aim of the rulers of Russia, and this 
 republic, one of the oldest of European 
 states, discovered with terror that it lay 
 between the two newest monarchies of the 
 continent, and that its geographical position 
 was an obstacle to their further development. 
 
 Since the last century Poland had become 
 accustomed to seeing Russian armies within 
 its boundaries, — now to protect the dissidents 
 who were said to be oppressed, then to pre- 
 serve the rights of the nobles ; at one time to 
 maintain the liberty of the nation, i.e. the 
 anarchy which was so useful to its neigh- 
 bours, then again to support the liberum 
 veto; for after it had been condemned by 
 public opinion, Russian arms restored its 
 use. At another time they came to support 
 the Saxons on the throne, or again to 
 deprive them of it. 
 
 During the Seven Years' War,, Poland 
 had to consent passively to the passage of 
 100,000 R.ussians, and was obliged to be- 
 
 H 
 
gS Poland, 
 
 come the scene of their winter quarters — a 
 suffering witness of their excesses and op- 
 pressions; it had to provide them with 
 clothing and food. After the peace, 12,006 
 Russians remained in Graudenz, under pre- 
 text of protecting the military stores because 
 they could not sell them profitably. With 
 the exception of Danzig, which protected 
 itself, the few fortresses still belonging to 
 Poland were in the hands of the Russians, 
 who even with a smaller army would have 
 been able to rule over a country, where 
 those who possessed power had no common 
 basis of action ; for the confederations them- 
 selves, in the hands of the Russians, became 
 a terrible means of subjection. 
 
 It was by means of the Russian arms, 
 which had almost subjugated it, that the 
 Czartorinsky intended to free Poland. 
 
 This family had so long enjoyed all the 
 
Poland. 99 
 
 favours of the court, that the loss of this 
 favour could not injure it; it was indepen- 
 dent of the court, and had become its most 
 dangerous enemy. Their name, which was 
 associated with great historical events, their 
 extensive family alliances, gave the Czar- 
 torinsky great influence over the chief 
 families of the country. Immense wealth, 
 a hospitality in accordance with this wealth 
 and the spirit of the times, made many of the 
 poorer nobles dependent on them. Finally, 
 the extensive privileges bestowed on them by 
 the high offices they filled, caused those to 
 seek their favour who wished to rise through 
 office. All their power and popularity did 
 not suffice to deprive the democracy of 
 nobles of those rights, which gave it the 
 sole influence in the state. 
 
 In order to advance their affairs, the 
 Czartorinsky had succeeded in getting their 
 nephew, Poniatowsky, sent as ambassador to 
 Russia, but he had the pursuit of his own 
 ambitious plans alone in view. While yet 
 
lOO Poland^ 
 
 an infant in the cradle, it had been pro- 
 phesied that he would wear a crown, and 
 this prophecy helped to bring about its own 
 fulfilment. 
 
 The strange events of his parents' lives 
 had accustomed them to think nothing im- 
 possible, and they gave the child the por- 
 tentous name of "Stanislaus Augustus." 
 His education was conducted with a view to 
 this high aim, and when still a mere boy 
 he was initiated in the secret of their hopes.* 
 
 During his stay at St. Petersburg he was 
 fortunate enough to win the favour of the 
 young grand-duchess, afterwards Catherine 
 II. When Poniatowsky was recalled at the 
 instigation of the grand-duke, her affection 
 changed to passion, and she solemnly vowed 
 that the prophecy should become true. 
 
 When she ascended the throne of her 
 unfortunate husband and a new king was to 
 be elected in Poland, she at once prepared 
 to keep her word, either from, a romantic 
 
 * Rhuliere, ^' Histoirfe de 1' Anarchic de Pologne," tome i. 
 
Poland. loi 
 
 attachment for Poniatowsky, or because it 
 flattered her vanity to give away a crown. 
 Perhaps she really contemplated a marriage 
 with him and the union of the two Slavonic 
 races, or else she was ambitious enough 
 to desire to gain an important influence on 
 European affairs. 
 
 Catherine's position on the Russian throne, 
 which she had just ascended by means of a 
 revolution, was not yet firm enough to permit 
 her to take any important step against a 
 nation which was still considered powerful, 
 unless she had a strong party of that nation 
 on her side. 
 
 This party she found in the Czartorinsky, 
 who seemed willing to put the nation in fet- 
 ters in order to prepare it for the designs of 
 the Empress. 
 
 The Czartorinsky, without paying atten- 
 tion to the two laws which outlawed those 
 who during an interregnum summoned 
 foreign troops into the country, and which 
 annulled all decrees passed by their means, 
 
I02 Poland. 
 
 demanded that a Russian army should be 
 called in. This was agreed to, as each 
 party was convinced that it was working 
 for itself, and that the other was merely a 
 tool, while in reality both were working into 
 each other's hands. 
 
 The great influence of the Czartorinsky 
 was shown in the diet of 1762, when it was 
 found necessary to take measures to prevent 
 the Russian troops from occupying Cour- 
 land. Violent scenes took place, and the 
 diet was dissolved like so many previous 
 ones. These princes, whose real object 
 was to place all power in the hands of the 
 king, proposed that the offices of state 
 should be distributed by a national com- 
 mission, and protested against the way in 
 which they were filled. 
 
 On the death of Augustus III. the Czar- 
 torinsky outvoted every proposal at the diet, 
 which had been convoked for the purpose 
 of introducing reforms in the administration. 
 The fact that they themselves intended to 
 
Poland. 103 
 
 introduce important reforms, induced them 
 to avoid anything that might awaken the 
 distrust of the nobles before they were in 
 their power. They knew from experience, 
 that their plans could not succeed as long as 
 the nation was free. 
 
 XI. 
 
 At last the moment which was so decisive 
 for Poland arrived — a new king was to be 
 elected. The election was decisive, not so 
 much because it mattered who was chosen, 
 but because of the conditions under which 
 the king elect was to obtain the throne. 
 In order to have sufficient funds in hand for 
 the diet, Catherine stopped all payments in 
 the empire, even the pay of the soldiers.* 
 The Russian revenues, which were to buy 
 
 * " Les soldats n'en murmuraient point, espdrant biea 
 s'en d6domager par le pillage des provinces polonaises, 
 habitu6s depuis longtemps i regarder le choix d'un roi de 
 Pologne comme un droit que leurs souverains exer^aient 
 avec quelques efforts." — RHULifeRE, tome ii. livre 2. 
 
I04 Poland. 
 
 the Polish deputies, were sent to Warsaw 
 under a large military escort; 12,000 men 
 were encamped before the gates of the 
 town, and were brought thither in forced 
 marches. An army of 60,000 men stood on 
 the frontiers of the republic. The princes 
 Czartorinsky brought 2,000 of their house- 
 hold troops, and were certain of finding a 
 large number of friends or dependents 
 among, the deputies, as they had greatly 
 influenced the elections and lavishly dis- 
 tributed large sums of money. 
 
 If the Russian party was fully prepared 
 for action, the republicans, who had for the 
 time being combined with the Saxons, were 
 equally ready and fully determined to brave 
 the threatened danger. A sum of 50,000 
 ducats, sent from Saxony, helped to inspire 
 the multitude with enthusiasm for a cause, 
 which for a long time had been chiefly 
 influenced by money. 
 
 Branizki and Mokranowski were the two 
 men on whom the hopes of the republic 
 
Poland. 105 
 
 were fixed. The former was generally 
 respected on account of a long life full of 
 glory, while the latter aroused the hopes of 
 all by means of his steadfast honesty and 
 courage, which seemed to promise him a 
 glorious future. 
 
 The republicans were unable to assemble 
 their army, which consisted of 4,000 undis- 
 ciplined troops. 
 
 The aged field-marshal of the crown there- 
 fore marched towards Warsaw with all his 
 household troops, leaving his own estates 
 exposed to the mercy of the Russians. The 
 nucleus of his little army consisted of Hun- 
 garians, Janizaries, and Tartars. Radziwill 
 joined him with his troops, filled with the 
 proud conviction, that none would dare to 
 attack the liberty of the republic until he 
 himself had perished. The Oginski, Mas- 
 salski, Malachowski, Lubomirski, and other 
 well-known families also joined his ranks. 
 
 Though this faction was numerically weak 
 when compared with its enemies, yet the 
 
io6 Poland. 
 
 leaders did not despair of holding a free 
 diet, and, if this was impossible, of dissolv- 
 ing the diet which was under Russian 
 protection. Mokranowski undertook the 
 perilous task of dissolving it by his veto. 
 
 At this time the Prussian ambassador 
 arrived in Warsaw escorted by a squadron of 
 hussars. Warsaw in those days wore a 
 strangely splendid aspect, the like of which 
 was to be found in no other European town. 
 Beside a number of citizens and foreigners 
 whom secret missions or their own interests 
 brought thither, all the powerful nobles and 
 great men of Poland were assembled within 
 its walls. The enormous sums of money 
 collected for purposes of bribery, easily 
 earned and lavishly spent, animated trade in 
 an unparalleled manner. 
 
 Articles of luxury, brought from both 
 hemispheres, were exhibited in the splendid 
 shops. Magnificent shawls from Armenia, 
 the expensive toys of Parisian fashion, 
 pearls from India, native horses, all these, 
 
Poland. 107 
 
 however expensive, found purchasers. 
 Heavily laden vessels sailed up the stream, 
 the streets were crowded by Christians, 
 Jews, and Mussulmans. The turban of the 
 Janizary, the dolman of the Hungarian, were 
 seen side by side with the fur cap of the 
 Pole. Beside the carbine of the Prussian 
 and the bayonet of the Russian appeared 
 the bow and arrows of the Tartar. The 
 crowded balls and banquets, the beauty of 
 the women, the splendour of their assemblies, 
 seemed to betoken a great national festival. 
 But the houses of the nobles were sur- 
 rounded by their troops. Poniatowski had 
 provided his palace with loopholes, and 
 cannons stood ■ in the courtyard of the 
 Russian embassy. Every one was armed, 
 and though as yet all was at peace, every 
 one trembled lest an accident, a quarrel, 
 might prove the spark which should cause a 
 terrible explosion in a place where personal 
 passions and important interests were 
 strained to the highest pitch, so that violent 
 
io8 Poland. 
 
 outbreaks were well-nigh inevitable. The 
 7th of May, 1764, arrived, the day fixed for 
 the opening of the diet. 
 
 The guards were doubled, strong detach- 
 ments of cavalry filled the streets, five 
 hundred grenadiers protected the palace of 
 the Russian ambassador. Von Kaiserling, 
 and the Russian army was drawn up in order 
 of battle before the town, ready to enter at 
 the word of command. The adherents of 
 the Czartorinsky, distinguished by a cockade 
 of the colours of the family, went to the 
 house of assembly accompanied by a large 
 escort. 
 
 The house of assembly was surrounded 
 and filled by Russian soldiers, who even 
 appeared in the seats of the deputies. When 
 the marshal of the diet, Malachowski, entered 
 accompanied by Mokranowski, the assembly 
 waited with intense interest for what should 
 follow. When the latter had taken his seat 
 as deputy, he addressed the assembly in the 
 following words ; — 
 
Poland. 109 
 
 " As liberty has disappeared from among 
 us, as Russian troops have entered into the 
 very midst of the assembly of the republic, 
 and as the representatives of our country 
 wear the livery of a family, in the name of 
 twenty-two senators and of forty-five depu- 
 ties, as well as in my own, I declare the diet 
 annulled and dissolved." 
 
 A fearful uproar arose at these words. 
 The marshal of the diet, who stood in the 
 centre of the hall with his staff lowered, was 
 asked to raise it, as a sign that the diet was 
 opened. But the marshal, an old man of 
 eighty years, replied, " You cannot delibe- 
 rate in the presence of the Russians. You 
 may cut off this hand, but never shall it raise 
 the staff while we are enslaved. A free 
 nation entrusted it to my care, a free nation 
 alone can take it from me. I demand per- 
 mission to leave the hall." 
 
 A general tumult took place, all swords 
 were drawn, and the daring speakers were 
 surrounded. The Russians rushed from the 
 
I lo Poland. 
 
 galleries towards the latter, but the Czarto- 
 rinsky gathered round them and protected 
 them with their own bodies, horrified at the 
 disgrace which the murder of two men, so 
 universally respected, would have brought 
 on their enterprise. They succeeded in 
 saving them from the rage of the multitude. 
 Malachowski carried off his marshal's staff 
 in face of the Russians, the deputies, and 
 the people. 
 
 The following morning the republicans 
 left the town. They had been requested not 
 to pass through the Russian camp, but 
 Branizki answered, " I do not ask where the 
 Russians stand, but shall take the usual 
 road." In profound silence, prepared for 
 battle, the republican army passed along the 
 Russian lines. Neither greeting nor chal- 
 lenge was heard, and with tears in his eyes 
 Poniatowski saw many a true friend of the 
 country separate from his cause. 
 
Poland. 1 1 1 
 
 XII. 
 
 All these events had been foreseen by the 
 Czartorinsky, and they were fully prepared 
 for them. If they wished to attain their great 
 object, the reconstruction of Poland, they 
 must not allow themselves to be moved by 
 the fury of the people, the hate of all honest 
 patriots, the appearance of treachery, nor the 
 danger of subjection. 
 
 The diet was legally dissolved by the 
 protest of Mokranowski, but in reality the 
 presence of the Russian army, and the fact 
 that the Russians had prevented the elec- 
 tion of the deputy of the Prussian nobles 
 at Graudenz, had already sufficed to render 
 it illegal. Might had to take the place 
 of right, and therefore the Czartorinsky 
 made use of that power, which they had 
 obtained by dint of so many sacrifices. 
 
 The few remaining deputies, who were not 
 entirely dependent on the Czartorinsky, were 
 outvoted or deceived. The princes amused 
 
112 Poland.. 
 
 the mass of the people with unimportant 
 discussions, or sacrificed the demands of the 
 dissidents to their fanaticism, so that as far 
 as their rights were concerned the latter 
 saw themselves placed on a level with the 
 protected Jews. It was not till the greater 
 part of the time appointed for the diet had 
 passed, that they brought forward their 
 important affairs, which were clothed in 
 ambiguous phrases, and discussed with such 
 haste, that the majority hardly knew what 
 was the subject under discussion. The 
 foreign ambassadors had declared against 
 the abolition of the liberum veto, but the 
 princes, though obliged to yield on this 
 point, managed to evade this law almost 
 entirely by means of new decrees. 
 
 The high officials in the departments of 
 finance, law, war, and police, had hitherto 
 been so many independent sovereigns. 
 These men, the natural opponents of the 
 intended reforms, were all deposed. Michael 
 Czartorinsky, the chancellor of Lithuania, 
 
Poland. 113 
 
 voluntarily laid down his high office. In 
 each department a court, consisting of sixteen 
 members, was to be named by the diet, and 
 the king was only to appoint them when it 
 was not assembled. But as it was evident 
 that as long as the liberum veto existed no 
 diet would be able to finish its sittings, this 
 terrible liberum veto served to extend the 
 power of the king. 
 
 It was also decided, that all proposals and 
 matters of business which had direct 
 reference to the welfare of the republic, 
 should be decided at the commencement of 
 the diet in due legal form by means of the 
 majority- This expression was so vague, 
 that all manner of affairs could be included , 
 in it, and it was little less than the actual 
 abolishment of the liberum veto. Poland now 
 became strong enough to hold its own 
 against foreign countries. Order was 
 restored in the different branches of the 
 administration by means of various decrees. 
 The war department was entrusted with 
 
 I 
 
114 Poland. 
 
 the recruiting of the troops, with the 
 instruction, discipline and maintenance of 
 the army, which was to be increased. As 
 regards the judicial department, the 
 peasants once more received a court of 
 justice. The power of the nobles was 
 broken, those offices which were almost 
 independent of the king were abolished, the 
 arbitrary conduct of the nobles towards their 
 subjects was restricted, the privileges of 
 the great cities, of the provinces, and of the 
 religious sects were abolished, and all -were 
 subordinated to the government. On 
 September yth, 1764, Stanislaus Augustus 
 Poniatowski ascended the throne, which his 
 uncle had strengthened and endowed with 
 such important privileges. The four regi- 
 ments of guards were placed under his im- 
 mediate control, the postal service and the 
 mint were placed in his hands, and he was 
 allowed to choose for himself four of. the 
 most important domains belonging to the 
 nobles. 
 
Poland. 115 
 
 In this manner the chancellor of Lithuania 
 succeeded in changing the anarchical admi- 
 nistration into an actual monarchy. 
 
 What was ostensibly a reform of a few 
 departments, amounted practically to a re- 
 construction of the constitution. In order 
 that in the eyes of foreign countries Poland 
 might still appear to retain its former consti- 
 tution and its former abuses ; in order, too, 
 that the nobles might be forced to submit 
 to the new state of affairs and arm against 
 foreign foes, the diet at the end of the 
 session was changed into a confederation at 
 the head of which a Czartorinsky was placed. 
 
 Never before had an undertaking accom- 
 panied by so many difficulties been so boldly 
 planned, so skilfully and apparently success- 
 fully accomplished. 
 
 The presence of foreign enemies had kept 
 in check the enemies at home. The threats 
 of plunder and violence on the part of the 
 Russians were a powerful weapon in the 
 hands of the princes. Their arms subdued 
 
1 1 6 Poland. 
 
 the nobles, and the confederate nobles were 
 able to protect the new constitution with the 
 means which created it. 
 
 The princes had made use not only of the 
 Russian arms, but also of the passions of 
 the Empress. Since their pride had made 
 the sacrifice of a crown and of the splendour 
 of an unstable throne, they were certain that 
 they would be able to retain the exercise 
 of all their rights in the newly-founded 
 monarchy. 
 
 Those who had helped Poland did not 
 discover, that the land had received a new 
 constitution, and that the foundation of a 
 strong monarchy had been laid, until this 
 well-nigh incredible event was consum- 
 mated. 
 
 The new sceptre of Poland wanted nothing 
 but a powerful hand to wield it, but Stanis- 
 laus Augustus was not fitted for this difficult 
 task. He was terrified at the thought of 
 a war with Russia and of a revolution of the 
 discontented nobles. But when he separated 
 
Poland. 1 1 7 
 
 his interests from those of his uncles, he 
 renounced both their creation and Poland. 
 When he placed all his hopes on the gene- 
 rosity of the Empress, he became the victim 
 of her policy. 
 
 The ruin of the republic, and the final 
 division of the country, were the natural con- 
 sequences of the internal condition of the 
 state, whose existence had become impossible; 
 so that we can only feel surprised that it 
 continued to exist so long. The constitution 
 of May 3, 1791, was a last effort to save the 
 existence of the country by the reform of 
 its institutions. After their long apprentice- 
 ship to sorrow, the Poles learned to seek the 
 foundation of a wise administration in the 
 greater power of the crown and in its here- 
 ditary character, in the abolition of the 
 liberum veto, in the emancipation of the 
 middle classes, and in the granting of a 
 certain amount of freedom to the peasants.* 
 
 * With regard to the insufficiency of this constitution, and 
 to the difference that existed between what it was intended 
 
ii8 Poland. 
 
 But this effort came a hundred years too late 
 and had no efifect on the fate of the country. 
 
 XIII. 
 
 The dismemberment of the republic was 
 bound to cause its complete destruction, 
 and with dismay Poland saw her children in 
 the ranks of the foe. 
 
 Another reason why social reforms, instead 
 of taking root in Poland, only served to 
 bring about the downfall of the republic, is 
 to be found in the fact, that those classes of 
 society for whose benefit the reforms were 
 meant, had not yet been called into exist- 
 ence, or else stood so low in culture and 
 
 to do and what it actually effected, we can say with Mably : 
 "On ne pent attaquer directement les abus las plus con- 
 siderables sans effaroucher les citoyens qui trouveront un 
 avantage k les conserver. Cette multitude innombrable se 
 liguera, elle conjurera centre la patrie ; et ses efforts r^unis 
 empficheront sans doute qu'on ne pflt fixer les principes du 
 gouvemement. Combien de Mgislateurs n'ont p<i r^parer 
 la faute qu'ils avaient faite de montrer ou de laisser entrevoir 
 toute r^tendue des projets qu'ils mdditaient." 
 
Poland. 119 
 
 influence, that it was useless for the re- 
 formers to look to them for aid and support. 
 Finally, the position of Poland made it a 
 stumbling block to two powerful neighbours, 
 who had in the last centuries made immense 
 progress, and whose rapid development was 
 certain either to bring about their own ruin 
 or to annihilate all obstacles. The formation 
 of the land alone sufiSced to bring Poland 
 into collision with Prussia, a fact which 
 became patent from the moment when these 
 states emerged from their barbarous isola- 
 tion. When Russia deprived Poland of the 
 Black Sea, all its rivers and means of com- 
 munication led through Prussia — Prussia 
 separated it from the sea and the mainland. 
 The Vistula was the pulse of Poland, but 
 the mouth of the river was in the hands of 
 Prussia. It is impossible, in fact, to see how 
 Poland could exist without Prussia. It was 
 impossible that the possession of Danzig, 
 or free navigation on the Vistula, should 
 suffice for its existence. Woe to the land 
 
1 20 Poland. 
 
 whose existence depends on title deeds 
 which cannot be guaranteed by its own 
 strength. Sooner or later Prussia must 
 have become Polish, or Poland Prussian, or 
 the republic must have ceased to exist. The 
 probable fate of the state, if it had sum- 
 moned to its throne a Brandenburg prince 
 instead of a Saxon, is an interesting subject 
 for reflection. The threefold partition of 
 Poland did not end the numerous convul- 
 sions of the country, and after it had ceased 
 to be a state, that unhappy land still re- 
 mained the scene of revolutions. 
 
 Many Poles emigrated after the catas- 
 trophe of 1795, which decided the fate of 
 their country ; those who were capable of 
 bearing arms, gradually enlisted under the 
 French flag. It is well known, what dis- 
 tinction the Poles won in the splendid cam- 
 paigns in which they took part, and which 
 were destined to raise France to that supre- 
 macy which lay so heavily on all Europe. 
 
 The Poles, who looked on their rulers as 
 
Poland. 121 
 
 oppressors, and sought their welfare in the 
 restoration of the state, placed their hopes 
 on France, their oldest ally, their natural 
 friend, for whom they had just fought with 
 more success than for themselves. Surely 
 Napoleon, the arbitrator of the world, who 
 had founded so many new realms on the 
 ruins of those he had destroyed, was capable 
 of cementing together the fragments of one 
 of the oldest powers, which had ever been his 
 faithful ally. 
 
 When the peace of Tilsit enabled him to 
 give away one-half of Prussia, and to over- 
 whelm the remainder, he actually formed 
 an independent state out of that part of 
 Poland which had belonged to Prussia, 
 namely, the duchy of Warsaw. This new 
 Polish duchy received a French constitution 
 and a German sovereign, the king of Saxony. 
 The diets were re-organized and divided 
 into two chambers; the French code was 
 introduced and villeinage abolished. 
 
 Let us glance for a moment at the course 
 
12 2 Poland, 
 
 of events, and see what it was that aroused 
 the enthusiasm of the multitude. A surface 
 of 1, 800 square miles, with a population of 
 one million Poles, had been formed into an 
 independent duchy, and the new state was 
 soon to feel the whole weight of its political 
 existence. 
 
 The proximity of Russia and Austria 
 rendered necessary an arm)' which had no 
 connection with the inhabitants of the land. 
 It is true that a respected and paternal ruler 
 had been given to Poland, but Saxony itself 
 was not of sufficient importance to save the 
 country from the oppression of Napoleon. 
 The levies for the French armies, which 
 were forcibly supplied by means of the con- 
 scription, robbed the land of its strength. 
 The civil list, which was drawn up on a high 
 scale, and the endowments of the French 
 marshals, exhausted its revenues. But it 
 was, above all, the *' Berlin Decrees" that 
 exhausted the sources of wealth which might 
 have been of such benefit. Trade ceased. 
 
Poland. ^ 123 
 
 and the Poles suffered great want in the 
 midst of their manifold productions. 
 
 To these great sacrifices was added the 
 conviction, that the new duchy would be the 
 scene of the first war between France and 
 Austria or Russia, and that it would be 
 deserted by France and by its own troops. 
 For the army, which was supported with so 
 much difficulty, was not even destined for 
 the protection of the land, but was dis- 
 tributed in the Prussian fortresses, or was 
 fighting in Spain. 
 
 The duchy was heavily burdened by its con- 
 stitution as well as by the obligations of the 
 country, which were out of all proportion to 
 its size; but many were of opinion, that in 
 this they had a safe pledge that Napoleon 
 had only formed the framework of a new 
 state, which was subsequently to be filled 
 in by an united Poland. The greatness of 
 the sacrifices which Poland made for France, 
 seemed calculated to arouse great expecta- 
 tions. Napoleon himself expressed the inten- 
 
1 24 Poland. 
 
 tion of restoring that kingdom. At Berlin, 
 Posen, and Warsaw, he had received the 
 Galician deputies, and he had himself sent 
 emissaries to Lithuania. 
 
 Some of the Poles, on the other hand, 
 began to think that little was to be expected 
 from the generosity of the Emperor. The 
 readiness with which, at the treaty of Tilsit, 
 Bialystok had been ceded to Russia, led 
 them to think that Napoleon would have 
 sacrificed the rest of Prussian Poland, if his 
 interests had required it. He demanded 
 money, arms, men and horses, and paid his 
 debts with hopes for the distant future, 
 and with indefinite promises. It seemed 
 to them, that Napoleon had a high opinion 
 of the Poles as soldiers, but thought little of 
 their statesmanship. 
 
 Kosciusko was probably of the same opi- 
 nion. A word from him would have been 
 worth an army to the Emperor, but the most 
 faithful friend of his fatherland remained 
 silent, and the most splendid promises of 
 
Poland. 125 
 
 Napoleon could not induce him to take part 
 in the creation of that new Polish duchy. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 If, on the one hand, the educated classes, 
 in whose minds lived patriotism and hope, 
 felt themselves deceived, the citizens and 
 peasants, on the other hand, saw their misery 
 increased. 
 
 That high taxes, the " Berlin decrees," 
 and the instability of political existence in 
 the country proved ruinous to trade, needs 
 no proof. The result was that the newly- 
 founded factories, which had cost Prussia 
 many millions, were almost ruined. 
 
 The peasant had been emancipated. The 
 principle for which France had foug-ht so 
 long and with such success, did not permit 
 its ruler to perpetuate the slavery of a 
 nation. He therefore declared, with great 
 ostentation, that all villeinage was abolished; 
 " enforced service and the burdens of the 
 
1 26 Poland. 
 
 peasant could only be the result of a con- 
 tract. House, farm, and land belong to 
 the lord, but the peasant is absolutely free." 
 The result of this law was that the peasant 
 could annually be deprived of his farm, and 
 must leave it without receiving any com- 
 pensation ; the right of emigrating and 
 carrying on his trade abroad, even in the 
 lowest grade of society, would have provided 
 him with an endurable existence. But habit, 
 poverty, ignorance, and his native language, 
 bound the unhappy man to his land, and 
 the only use he could make of his freedom 
 was that he could leave a place where things 
 went ill with him, for another place where 
 he was not better off. Villeinage was a 
 benefit, compared with such freedom. The 
 misery of the peasantry now reached its 
 height, and the words of a peasant, "nothing 
 is mine but what I drink up," were at the 
 same time a proverb and a terrible truth. 
 For life had no joys for them, but such as 
 they found in intoxication, and no hope save 
 
Poland. 127 
 
 that in another world, which their priests 
 held out to them. 
 
 When in the war of 181 2, which Napoleon 
 called the second Polish war, the general 
 confederation at Warsaw announced the 
 restoration of Poland, much was wanting to 
 make the enthusiasm universal. Lithuania 
 was too much influenced by the example of 
 the duchy. Its nobles had been kindly 
 treated by Russia, they were flattered by the 
 respect paid to their customs. Alexander 
 also roused their hopes for the unity of 
 Poland, in a peaceful manner, under Russian 
 sway. France freed their peasantry and de- 
 manded great sacrifices. Its armies, made 
 up of ten nations, were forced to commit 
 deeds of violence, sack towns, villages, and 
 huts, and desolate the land to keep them- 
 selves from starvation. 
 
 The duchy had made tremendous exer- 
 tions, it had raised and armed an army of 
 60,000 men. The expenses were over 100 
 millions. The yearly revenue was 40 million 
 
128 Poland. 
 
 florins, the deficit of the year i8i i was 2 1 mil- 
 lion florins of unpaid taxes, which had to be 
 paid in kind. There had been very abundant 
 harvests for five years, but the land had no 
 longer any export. In the north, the "Berlin 
 Decrees" closed Danzig; in the south, Odessa 
 was closed by the Turkish war. In 1 8 1 2 the 
 crops failed. The taxes were increased, but 
 no duties were paid, and many landowners 
 made their lands over to the treasury- 
 commission, because they could not afford 
 to pay the taxes. The public functionaries 
 were no longer paid, the contractors had 
 fled. The payment of 7 millions which 
 France owed for supplies, was refused with 
 trivial excuses. The salt-mines of Wieliczka 
 were already pledged for 1 2 millions. For 
 the month of June, 181 2, Napoleon had 
 advanced the pay for the army ; but it was 
 entirely stopped in July, and the payment 
 was never afterwards resumed. At the same 
 time, the French armies marched through 
 the land, plundered the inhabitants, and led 
 
Poland, 1 29 
 
 away peasants and horses. Their number 
 increased. Sick or well, they had to be 
 clothed, fed, and provided with everything. 
 Warsaw was the chief magazine, the prin- 
 cipal hospital and ammunition store^ When 
 the Durutte division arrived there, rations 
 for 64,000 men were served out, less than 
 6,000 were never distributed. 
 
 Since we are considering Poland with 
 regard to the state of its interior and its 
 social condition, it was necessary to refer to 
 the episode of the duchy of Warsaw, not 
 because it was an event which hastened or 
 established the development of that condi- 
 tion, but because it partly hindered, partly 
 retarded it, by destroying much that Prussia 
 had created at great expense. The fate of 
 the Polish nation varied, since it was in the 
 power of such different states as Austria, 
 Russia, and Prussia. Whatever we may 
 think of the partition of a state, in one 
 respect it is certain, that the majority of the 
 nation received immeasurable benefits with 
 
 K 
 
130 Poland. 
 
 regard to the administration of the police 
 and commerce, when they were subordinated 
 to nations which were in advance of them in 
 these matters. They were placed by force 
 in a condition which the constitution of 
 May 3rd, 1 79 1, even if it had been carried 
 out and had continued to exist, could never 
 have effected. 
 
 But no one likes to be forced, not even 
 forced to be happy ; how often, too, has an 
 idea been valued more than an actual advan- 
 tage. 
 
 It was, moreover, impossible to formulate 
 any measure for the public good which did 
 not, in some way or other, oppose the inte- 
 rest of the nobles ; for the simple reason that 
 they were already in exclusive possession of 
 all privileges. It was therefore inevitable that 
 they should suffer for the moment from any 
 changes which must necessarily take place. 
 These changes were not only contrary to 
 their interests, they also diminished their 
 privileges, which had become hallowed by 
 
Poland. 131 
 
 two hundred years of undisturbed possession. 
 And though their ancestors had usurped 
 their privileges, it was not the fault of those 
 who now suffered by their abolition. 
 
 In addition to this, the downfall of their 
 country was strongly felt by the nobles, the 
 only educated class in Poland, though per- 
 haps by them alone ; imbued as they were 
 with a feeling of nationality, their interest 
 and their patriotism were wounded at the 
 same time. 
 
 It was therefore difficult for the govern- 
 ment to watch and hold in check this large, 
 powerful, and influential class of citizens, 
 and at the same time to act on liberal 
 principles ; and this must never be over- 
 looked, when we are inclined to criticise 
 unfavorably its actions and the resistance, 
 secret or open, which it encountered. 
 
 XV. 
 
 In order to give an idea of the way in 
 which the different governments strove to 
 
132 Poland. 
 
 fulfil their task, we will mention the following- 
 measures referring to the Austrian part of 
 the country, measures which at the same 
 time throw full light on the existing state of 
 affairs in the interior. 
 
 The nobles were in the first instance 
 ordered to remove all cannon and ammu- 
 nition from the land, on pain of confiscation 
 (Law of April, 1776). The sale of the 
 nobles' estates could only be effected on 
 payment of a duty of 10 per cent (Sep- 
 tember, 1 781), and strangers who were not 
 naturalised could not buy estates in the 
 country. Permission to leave the land was 
 only given to those who had reached their 
 twenty-eighth year. Those subjects who 
 did not spend half the year on their estates 
 in Galicia, had to pay double taxes (Law of 
 1788, repealed in 1790). The landowners 
 were forced to advance their peasants corn for 
 sowing ; where this was not done, the state 
 provided corn and paid itself for the loan by 
 sequestrating the lord's land (April, 1787), 
 
Poland. 133 
 
 The estates had to be surveyed at a great 
 expense. This expense was covered by a 
 land-tax, for a portion of which each village 
 was responsible, and which the landlords 
 collected from the peasants. 
 
 The landlord was answerable for this tax, 
 as well as for all oppressions on the part of 
 his servants and stewards (June, 1784), &c. 
 It cannot be denied that many of these mea- , 
 sures, which were beneficial for the whole, 
 must have seemed oppressive to many 
 privileged individuals, especially when they 1 
 attacked personal liberties, and that the 
 nobles did not find themselves compensated 
 by the fact, that the woiwodes or starosts 
 were raised to the rank of counts, and the 
 deputies of the districts to the rank of 
 Austrian barons. 
 
 We must not pass over what was done by 
 the government for commerce and industry, 
 which had sunk so low. Already in 1809, in 
 Galicia alone, 250 miles of roads were laid 
 down. The mines, which had fallen into 
 
134 Poland. 
 
 decay, were industriously worked. The 
 salt-mines of Wieliczka, which during Polish 
 rule produced 600,000 cwt. under favourable 
 circumstances, produced in i8og, 1,700,000 
 cwt. of salt, and the smelting furnaces of 
 Jakubeny produced more than 4,000 cwt. 
 of iron. The breed of horses was improved 
 by excellent studs, and not only supplied 
 the cavalry of the greater part of Austria, 
 but allowed of a considerable sale abroad. 
 Galicia had over 311,000 horses in 18 17. 
 Trade and commerce were left principally in 
 -the hands of the Jews. On account of their 
 enormous increase this race could not fail to 
 attract the attention of the government, 
 especially in Russia and Austria. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 As the Jews marry when they are still 
 almost children, they are soon surrounded by 
 a numerous progeny. Their number shows 
 
Poland. 135 
 
 an incredible increase, and we may assume 
 that in the census of each nation it is 
 put too low. 
 
 The following statistics will give some 
 idea of the extent to which they have spread, 
 especially in the towns. 
 
 Posen contains 25,000^ inhabitants, of 
 whom 5,000, that is one-fifth, are Jews, 
 
 Warsaw, with 130,000 inhabitants, con- 
 tained in the year 1807 about 9,000 Jews, 
 who rapidly increased, so that in the year 
 1822 their number had risen to 27,000, and 
 they thus formed one-fifth of the popula- 
 tion. 
 
 Lemberg has 50,000 inhabitants, of whom 
 15,000, i.e. almost one-third, are Jews. 
 
 In Wilna, 30,000 of the 50,000 inhabitants 
 are Jews, therefore they form three-fifths of 
 the population. 
 
 In Brody two-thirds of the 25,000 inhabit- 
 ants, i.e. 17,000, are Jews* 
 
 In the open country the Jews are certainly 
 not so numerous, but even if we survey the 
 
136 Poland. 
 
 inhabitants of the provinces their number 
 is surprising. 
 
 The province of Posen contains 980,000 
 inhabitants, but one-fourteenth of the popu- 
 lation, i.e. 70,000 souls, are Jews. One- 
 thirteenth of the 4,000,000 inhabitants of 
 Galicia, i.e. 300,000, are of Jewish race. 
 The kingdom of Poland numbered 3,700,000 
 inhabitants: one-ninth, i.e. 400,000, were 
 Jews. Lithuania, Samagitia, Volh'ynia, 
 Podolia, the Ukraine, White Russia, number 
 8,800,000 inhabitants, of whom 1,400,000, 
 i.e. one-sixth, are Jews. 
 
 The totals are as follows : 17,480,000 in- 
 habitants — 15,410,000 Christians, 2,070,000 
 Jews. 
 
 An eighth of the Polish population con- 
 sists of Jews, and this greatly exceeds the 
 number of inhabitants in kingdoms like 
 Wurtemberg, Saxony, or Denmark. In 
 those provinces where Jews are least 
 numerous, every fourteenth person is a Jew ; 
 in others it is every ninth person; in the 
 
Poland. 137 
 
 most important towns at least every fifth 
 man is a Jew ; in others, out of three people 
 two are Jews. 
 
 These aliens were formerly forced to live 
 in the suburbs of the towns ; now they 
 have transformed these suburbs into towns. 
 Their district is marked by a gate consisting 
 of two posts which are joined by an iron 
 railing, and often the walled synagogue rises 
 above the wooden church, which is richly 
 decorated within, but half in ruins. In the 
 country towns the Jewish houses are certainly 
 miserable huts, but they are better than the 
 houses of the Christian citizens. Their 
 costume is the same everywhere, and quite 
 Oriental, flowing black garments fastened 
 as far as the waist with many hooks, and 
 reaching to the ankles, high fur caps, worn 
 even in summer, and under them a black 
 'cap, their heads shaved with the exception 
 of two long ringlets on each side, and long 
 beards. Except when travelling' they wear 
 slippers; their costume, the great poverty 
 
138 Poland. 
 
 of the majority, their uncleanliness, ren- 
 der their appearance more conspicuous than 
 agreeable. 
 
 All Jews, even those in Lithuania, speak 
 German, a circumstance which is of great 
 use to travellers, who are seldom acquainted 
 with the difiEicult language of the country. 
 The majority also speak Hebrew, and a 
 certain superiority is conferred on them by 
 their ability to consult in the presence of the 
 lower classes without being understood. 
 
 A stranger is astonished at the number of 
 these people, who sit idle before their doors 
 in the sun and converse with the vivacity of 
 gesture and expression, which is peculiar to 
 their race. 
 
 Thousands of them are found unemployed, 
 and yet they exist. 
 
 Many of them are mechanics ; they are 
 tailors, upholsterers, carpenters, cabinet- 
 makers, rope-makers, weavers, millers, &c., 
 but, above all, they are watchmakers and 
 jewellers. In the large towns they crowd 
 
Poland, 1 39 
 
 round the travellers and hire themselves 
 out as " factors," a kind of hired servants 
 who, for a trifling sum, punctually carry out 
 all commissions. They know everything, 
 or make the necessary inquiries, provide 
 all that is asked for, and though their im- 
 portunity is tiresome, they are indispens- 
 able. 
 
 The inns everywhere belong to the Jews. 
 The Polish traveller, with his excellent 
 horses, of which he is used to drive five, 
 makes very long journeys, and remains 
 wherever he is at nightfall, without making 
 a choice. The rich take with them their 
 cook, their plate, their Hungarian wine; 
 every one takes his supper, several cushions 
 and carpets, which are to be his bed, and 
 even his forage. None of these things are 
 to be found in the inns, and the stranger 
 who comes unprovided would run the risk 
 of starving, if every manor-house did not 
 offer him a hearty hospitable reception, on 
 which he may count everywhere. 
 
140 Poland. 
 
 The Jews derive still greater advantages 
 from the fact, that it is they that first give a 
 value to the produce of the land, which they 
 work for the owner or turn to money. The 
 mills, distilleries, public-houses, are inex- 
 haustible sources of wealth, and the whole 
 produce of the estate often passes through 
 the hands of the Jews. From the Jew who 
 has rented a village public -house the land- 
 lord obtains most of his income. This Jew, 
 on whom he knows he can safely vent his 
 ill-humour, and with whom he cannot dis- 
 pense, receives from him the chief power 
 over the peasantry without mercy, and with- 
 out consideration for the oppression which 
 such a man will exercise. All his purchases 
 are made through the Jews. 
 
 The Karaites are a notable exception ; 
 they reject the Talmud, and keep to the text 
 of the Bible. They are mostly agricultur- 
 ists, and keep themselves quite apart from 
 the other Jews, who are their greatest 
 enemies. There are betweea four and five 
 
Poland. 141 
 
 thousand of this sect, who live chiefly in 
 Lithuania and Volhynia. 
 
 Much has been done lately for the moral 
 improvement of the Jews. The Emperor 
 Joseph thought, that the race was naturally 
 not more depraved than other nations ; that 
 it would not conform to the duties and 
 habits of citizens, because it was deprived of 
 all civil rights and advantages. Normal 
 schools were founded, which, in spite of all 
 opposition, even the girls had to attend. 
 Without the school certificate, no youth 
 might be instructed in the Talmud, no 
 marriage could take place, and no appren- 
 tice be freed. 
 
 No restriction was placed on the exercise 
 of their religious customs, but no man might 
 marry before eighteen, no girl before sixteen ; 
 the Rabbis were deprived of their jurisdiction, 
 and they were not allowed to excommunicate 
 any one. Fourteen thousand Jewish families 
 were actually established as agriculturists, 
 and the Jewish communities paid for the 
 
142 Poland. 
 
 purchase of the land, the necessary tools, 
 and the erection of the farmhouses. 
 
 An important law, which enacted that no 
 Jew can dwell in the country unless he be a 
 mechanic or a farmer, was repealed in 1792. 
 On pain of banishment they were forbidden 
 to buy from the peasants the uncut corn, 
 the unborn cattle, and the unshorn wool, 
 which had usually been sold beforehand for 
 drink in the public-houses. The Jews in 
 Galicia are liable to military service, but 
 they are only employed in the baggage 
 train, unless they voluntarily desire to use a 
 gun. In the wars of 18 13 — 18 15, over fifteen 
 thousand Jews enlisted under the Austrian 
 flag. The Russian Jews are liable to mili- 
 tary service since 1827, the Prussian Jews 
 since 1817. 
 
 XVII. 
 
 The most important regulation in favour 
 of the Galician peasant was passed by the 
 Emperor Joseph, April 5th, 1783, when 
 
Poland. 143 
 
 he abolished villeinage. Those subjects 
 who had no houses were allowed at once to 
 leave their masters, and were not forced to 
 " stand guard. Statute labour continued, but 
 in July, 1786, it was regulated and modified. 
 
 The immaturity of the peasants is best 
 seen by the laws made in their favour. No 
 one was allowed to lend them more than 
 three florins. No one was to give them 
 brandy on credit. Henceforth they were 
 not compelled to buy a certain quantity of 
 brandy from their masters, and the govern- 
 ment sought to lessen the consumption of 
 brandy by establishing breweries. 
 
 No special laws were made in Prussia for 
 Polish subjects, but they were subjected to 
 those laws which were in force in other 
 provinces ; it was the easier to do this since 
 the number of Poles under Prussian rule was 
 comparatively small. 
 
 It was a heterogeneous element that was 
 added to Prussia in the shape of Poland, 
 and the greater the local importance of 
 
144 Poland. 
 
 this addition to the land, the greater was 
 the necessity for amalgamating it with the 
 whole. The strong desire of all the Poles to 
 preserve their nationality even amidst the 
 dismemberment of their country, and to see 
 herein the sole and last pledge of their future 
 re-union, brought them into conflict with the 
 natural tendencies of the administration. 
 
 Those institutions which in Prussia were 
 the result of the gradual development of the 
 people, were in the new province called into 
 life at one stroke. Neither the spirit nor 
 the mind of the people was prepared for 
 them. Wherever enlightenment had not pre- > 
 pared the way they caused surprise, and the 
 extension to Polish subjects of the laws which 
 had been created for the monarchy was for 
 them a revolution. 
 
 The equality of all classes before the law, 
 and the protection of the lowest by means 
 of the law, were natural consequences of 
 the union with Prussia. It accorded the 
 oppressed peasant protection from excessive 
 
Poland. 145 
 
 ill-treatment. But as the Prussian law only 
 alleviated the existing burdens when a dimi- 
 nution of the incomes had taken place, for 
 example, when the fields were flooded or 
 sanded, &c., and as such a diminution of 
 income can only take place where there is 
 any income, the condition of the peasant 
 who had nothing to lose but his life was not 
 improved. Common measures were of no 
 avail to lessen so great an evil. Yet an im- 
 provement, in the condition of the peasant, 
 was absolutely necessary; agriculture had 
 reached its lowest stage. 
 
 Since the former customary "three-field 
 system" robbed the land of its strength, 
 even when cultivated by the owner, how 
 much more must this have been the case 
 with a farmer, who held the farm for a year 
 and who was new to the place. 
 
 The fields lay waste, the dwellings were 
 in ruins. No peasant raised his hand to 
 restore his hut, which threatened to fall in 
 upon him, and in which he had no right of 
 
146 Poland. 
 
 ownership. Though wood, straw, chalk, 
 and stones abounded, and nature had pro- 
 vided all building materials in the fields 
 which surrounded the wretched villages, still 
 the peasant never dreamed of using them, 
 for he did not know if next year he might 
 not be forced to leave without compensation, 
 what he had built to-day. No fruit-trees, no 
 gardens surrounded the dwellings, for before 
 the fruit ripened he who planted it was 
 possibly evicted ; there were neither hedges,, 
 ditches, nor fences, for there was nothing 
 left to be protected or to be hedged in- 
 Even the animal world degenerated under 
 the curse of serfdom. Nowhere were more 
 miserable horses than those of the peasants 
 in Poland, which is celebrated for its splendid 
 breeds. 
 
 It is easy to understand the reason : the 
 common peasant used a two-year-old horse, 
 overworked it daily, never tended it, and gave 
 it most miserable food. If the cattle of the 
 peasant died, his landlord had to replace it, 
 
Poland. 147 
 
 ielse he could not do the work which was due 
 to his master. The landlord had to do 
 everything ; he had to rebuild houses, which 
 might have lasted for a long time, if the 
 inmates had repaired them; he had to replace 
 things, which might have been used for a 
 long while, if the owner had beeii careful^ 
 but that owner had no interest in their 
 preservation. Bread, it should be remem- 
 bered, was a rarity for the peasant in the 
 great granary of Europe; potatoes were 
 his sole nourishment. They were his daily 
 food, and unfortunately his only drink. 
 When the potato store was exhausted, 
 usually early in the year, the peasant 
 expected to be miserably fed by his landlord. 
 He begged everything from his master — 
 medicine in his sickness, boards for his 
 coffin^ masses for the salvation of his 
 soul. 
 
 This is not the Polish peasant of the 
 middle ages, but under Prussian rule. This 
 condition of things continued in all the vil- 
 
148 Poland. 
 
 lages where the relation between landlord 
 and peasant remained unaltered. 
 
 One of the most important laws of that 
 epoch was the edict of September 14, 181 1, 
 which regulated that relation, and which, 
 extended to Posen when this province was 
 retaken, has revolutionised the condition of 
 the peasant, and must continue to do so. 
 We must therefore refer to the fundamental 
 principles of this edict.* 
 
 According to the general principles of 
 public law and political economy, the right 
 of the state to ordinary and extraordinary 
 taxes and dues is paramount, and the dues 
 to the landlord are limited by the fact that 
 he must leave the peasants means to exist 
 and to satisfy the state. 
 
 Their ability to do this can be taken for 
 granted, where the taxes due to the landlord 
 do not exceed one-third of the income of a 
 hereditary estate. 
 
 The rights of the landlord could therefore 
 
 * Compare the Prussian Code, part i. p. 281. 
 
Poland. 149 
 
 never have been greater, or, if they were, it 
 was illegal. While the above edict gave 
 all peasants, small farmers, cottagers, &c., 
 the right to two-thirds of the land they had 
 hitherto used, and freed them from all 
 demands of statute labour which were con- 
 nected with this use, it gave at the same 
 time the landlord one-third of the land as 
 equivalent compensation. The new owners 
 had to give up all claim to the obligations 
 hitherto fulfilled by their landlords, namely 
 the repairing of buildings and furnishing of 
 all agricultural implements, the liability for 
 public dues and taxation, and various kinds 
 of support which he accorded them ; the 
 willingness to afford this help was certainly 
 absent. 
 
 The landlords naturally looked on the 
 measures as severe and injurious, especially 
 when they compared them with their former 
 privileges. " They compensate us," they 
 said, "with what is already our property, 
 they increase the size of our fields, which 
 
15(5 Poland. 
 
 are already too large, and they rob us of 
 the hands which tilled them for us. Even if 
 we would look on the cession of one-third 
 and one-half of the peasant-lands as a com- 
 pensation, it cannot be compared with what 
 we lose; The fields are badly cultivated and 
 therefore of little value. The sloth and 
 idleness of the peasants will make labourers 
 scarce and wages high ; since they must 
 be paid chiefly in money, it will be 
 almost impossible to pay them. The duties 
 from which we are freed did not burden us, 
 our extensive forests provided us with the 
 means of fulfilling them. The surveying of 
 the estates, and the special commission, 
 cause us great expense, and we are sub- 
 jected to the exactions of subordinates, who 
 are always inclined to side with the peasant 
 against us, and this is done in matters 
 where our property depends on the insight, 
 impartiality, and honesty of the commis- 
 sion. 
 
 " This reform will, however, be of no avail 
 
Poland. 151 
 
 to the common people, at least not to the 
 poor peasants.* He has lived in such a 
 state of tutelage that the dangerous privi- 
 leges accorded him, namely the right of 
 encumbering his property with debts and of 
 selling it, are sure to bring about his ruin. 
 Even now the mere prospect of these new 
 rights induces the greater part of the peasants 
 to pledge their farms to the Jews, so that 
 after being entirely lost to the owners they 
 are placed in the hands of persons who 
 will not husband them, but who will transT 
 form them into merchandize." 
 
 XVIIL 
 
 After having described the relation of the 
 peasant to the lord of the manor, we need 
 scarcely say anything more about the neces-^ 
 
 * It is true that it was necessary in some places to com - 
 pel the peasants by force to accept their new property. 
 But this proves nothing. The same fact occurred in France 
 under Lewis IX. The serf cannot appreciate freedom before 
 h.e knows it. 
 
152 Poland. 
 
 sity of coming to his rescue, nor about 
 the justice of the measures that have 
 this object in view. With regard to their 
 utility, however, it might be advisable to 
 determine the point of view from which we 
 should judge, the reasonableness or unrea- 
 sonableness, of the complaints raised against 
 them. 
 
 Until now the great landowner had tilled 
 his immense fields by forced labour ; the 
 labourer had no interest in the success of 
 his work, and the produce passed through 
 the hands of subordinates ; it was therefore 
 impossible, that the land should have the 
 same value in his eyes as in those of the 
 small landowner, who ploughed, sowed, and 
 reaped for himself, and left nothing unused. 
 He alone can offer the highest price for the 
 land, even the fourfold amount of that which 
 it yields, to the great landowner. Evidently 
 the value of the land is increased by decreas- 
 ing the extent of property and increasing 
 the number of owners, especially in a country 
 
Poland. 153 
 
 like Poland, where the produce of the fields 
 can be so greatly increased, where endless 
 woods, which bring in nothing, cover excel- 
 lent wheat-ground, and where only work- 
 men are wanted to make the soil avail- 
 able. Agriculture — and in this it differs 
 from industry — can attain a height of perfec- 
 tion which cannot be much improved upon, 
 and in many Prussian provinces this height 
 has been reached. 
 
 In Poland a great deal still remains to 
 be done by industry and diligence. The 
 surest means of attaining this, was by distri- 
 bution of property. The peasant is now 
 certain that he is working for himself and 
 his family, that every improvement, even if 
 he does not live to see its result, will benefit 
 his children, among whom he may divide his 
 property at will. It is no longer a ques- 
 tion of obtaining the greatest possible value 
 from the land in a short time, without caring 
 whether its fertility is thereby injured, but 
 it is in the interest of the owner to keep it 
 
 M 
 
154 Poland. 
 
 in the best possible condition. Though day- 
 labour costs more than forced labour, the 
 former is incomparably the better system 
 of the two ; agriculture gains more hands,, 
 and owing to their voluntary exertions, 
 every workman does more work than for- 
 merly. 
 
 The state has obtained at last a nume- 
 rous and valuable class of landowners, who,, 
 because they are bound to it by interest, 
 are faithful and trustworthy subjects; a 
 circumstance which should not be forgot- 
 ten. A revolution may bring loss to the 
 new owners, and as they form the mass of 
 the people, their increasing power furnishes 
 the best guarantee to the government. 
 
 Nowhere does the comparison between the 
 old and new condition of things become 
 more evident, than in the province of Posen, 
 where extreme contrasts are met with, and 
 where a few hundred paces bring the observer 
 from villages, which . one would not expect 
 to find in Europe, to others, where there 
 
Poland. 1 5 5 
 
 are clean houses, with gardens and fruit- 
 trees carefully fenced in. 
 
 Schools were founded, factories estab- 
 lished, and trade was raised by abolishing 
 all restrictions. The Prussian government 
 may now hope, in course of time to bring 
 about the liberation of the peasants, and to 
 change the greater part of them into land- 
 owners — a change which even their rulers 
 thought impossible, and which would have 
 been so for centuries in independent Poland. 
 From whence could the government have 
 derived sufficient strength to resist the op- 
 position which was raised to uphold selfish 
 interests, whence could have come the 
 authority which was needed to subdue un- 
 licensed passions ? Such laws could only 
 be carried out under the rule of a stable, 
 highly developed state like Prussia, if the 
 land was to be saved from revolutions and 
 violent reactions. 
 
 PKINTEO BY J. S. VIRTUE AMD CO., UMITED, CITY KOAD LONDON. 
 
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 MR. DICKKNS'S READINGS. 
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 CHRISTMAS CAROL IN PROSE. 
 
 IS. 
 
 CRICKET ON THE HEARTH, is. 
 CHIMES : A GOBLIN STORY, is. 
 
 STORY OF LITTLE DOMBEY. is. 
 POOR TRAVELLER, BOOTS AT 
 
 THE HOLLY-TREE INN, and 
 
 MRS. GAMP. IS. 
 
 A CHRISTMAS CAROL, with the Original Coloured Plates, 
 
 being a reprint of the Original Edition. Small 8vo, red cloth, gilt edges, ss. 
 
 THE POPULAR LIBRARY EDITION 
 
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 CHARLES DICKENS, 
 
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 SKETCHES BY "BOZ." 
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 OLIVER TWIST. 
 NICHOLAS NICKLEBY. 2 vols. 
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 TALE OF TWO CITIES. 
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 EDWIN DROOD and MISCEL- 
 
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 PICTURES FROM ITALY and 
 
 AMERICAN NOTES. 
 
26 BOOKS PUBLISHED BY 
 
 DICKENS'S (CHARLES) WORKS. 
 The Cheapest and Handiest Edition of 
 
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 (I.) 
 
 A CHRISTMAS CAROL and THE 
 HAUNTED MAN. 
 
 By Charles Dickens. Illustrated. 
 
 READINGS FROM THE WORKS OF 
 ' CHARLES DICKENS. 
 
 As selected and read by himself and now published for the first time. Illustrated; 
 
 (III-) 
 
 THE CHIMES: A Goblin Story, and THE. 
 CRICKET ON THE HEARTH. 
 
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 (IV.) 
 
 THE BATTLE OF LIFE; A Love Story, 
 • HUNTED DOWN, and A HOLIDAY- 
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CHAPMAN in- HALL, LIMITED. 27 
 
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 PRINCIPLES OF THE SCIENCE OF COLOUR. 
 
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CHAPMAN &• HALL, LIMITED. 29 
 
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30 BOOJCS PUBLISHED BY 
 
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 i8-incli Skeleton Cube in wood, X2S. 
 *Three objects oifortn in Bottery : 
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 Celadon Jar, }-i8s. 6d, 
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CHAPMAN b' HALL, LIMITED. 31 
 
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 C /Thalamifloral . 
 
 Dicotyledon .. . . ) Angiospermous .. J g^S' 
 / \ Incomplete 
 
 V. Gymnospermous 
 
 { Petaloid . . . . f Superior 
 1 Inferior . . 
 
 21&3. 
 4 
 5 
 6 
 7 
 S 
 9 
 
 Monocotyledons ..■<■, \l 
 
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 4. THE ORGANS OF CIRCULATION. 
 
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 PHYSIOLOGY AND ANATOMY OF THE HONEY BEE. 
 
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32 BOOKS PUBLISHED BY CHAPMAN &= HALL, LIMITED. 
 
 THE FORTNIGHTLY REVIEW. 
 
 Edited by T. H. S. ESCOTT. 
 HTHE FORTNIGHTLY REVIEW is published on the ist of 
 
 
 every month, and a Volume is completed every Six Months. 
 The foUowing are among (ke Contributors : — 
 
 SkR RUTHERFORD ALCOCK. 
 
 MATHEW ARNOLD. 
 
 PROFESSOR BAIN. 
 SIR SAMUEL BAKER. 
 . PROFESSOR BEESLY. 
 
 PAUL BERT. 
 
 BARON GE0RGE¥©»* BUNSEN. 
 
 DR. BRIDGES. 
 
 HON. GEORGE C. BRODRlCK. 
 . JAMES BRYCE, M.P. A 
 
 THOMAS BURT, M.P. 
 
 SIR GEORGE CAMPBELL, M.P. 
 
 THE EARL OF CARNARVON. 
 
 EMILIO CASTELAR. 
 
 RT. HON. J. CHAMBERLAIN, M.P. 
 
 PROFESSOR SIDNEY COLVIN. 
 
 MONTAGUE COOKSON, Q.C 
 
 L. H. COURTNEY, M.P. 
 
 G. H. DARWIN. 
 
 SIR GEORGE W. DASENT. 
 
 PROFESSOR A. V. DICEY. 
 
 RIGHT HON. H. FAWCETT, M.P. 
 
 EDWARD A. FREEMAN. 
 
 SIR BARTLE FRERE, Bart. 
 
 J. A. FROUDE. 
 
 MRS. GARRET-ANDERSON. 
 
 J. W. L. GLAISHER, F.R.S. 
 
 M. E. GRANT DUFF, M.P. 
 
 THOMAS HARE. 
 
 F. HARRISON. 
 
 LORD HOUGHTON. 
 
 PROFESSOR HUXLEY. , 
 
 PROFESSOR R. C. JEBB. 
 
 PROFESSOR JEVONS. 
 
 ANDREW LANG. 
 
 EMILE DE LAVELEYE. ' 
 
 T. E. CLIFFE LESLIE 
 
 SIR JOHN LUBBOCK, M.P. 
 
 THE EARL LYTTON. 
 
 SIR H. S. MAINE. 
 
 DR. MAUDSLEY. 
 
 PROFESSOR MAX MULLER. 
 
 G. OSBORNE MORGAN, Q.C, M.P. 
 
 PROFESSOR HENRY MORLEY. 
 
 WILLIAM MORRIS. 
 
 PROFESSOR H. N. MOSELEY. 
 
 F. W. H. MYERS. 
 
 F. W. NEWMAN. 
 
 PROFESSOR JOHN NICfiOL. 
 
 W. G. PALGRAVE. 
 
 WALTER H. PATER, 
 
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 DANTE GABRIEL ROSSETTI. 
 
 LORD SHERBROOKE. 
 
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 DR. VON SYBEI,. 
 
 J. A. SYMONDS. 
 
 THE REV. EDWARD F. TALBOT 
 
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 SIR RICHARD TEMPLE, Baet. 
 W. T. THORNTON. 
 HON. LIONEL A. TOLLEMACHE 
 H. D. TRAILL. 
 ANTHONY TROLLOPE. 
 ■PROFESSOR TYNDALL. 
 A. J. WILSON. 
 THE EDITOR. 
 
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