JXl CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY FROM Mrs.Wra.F.E. Gurley Date Due niiiiiiiMniiiiniinn 3 1924 024 301 198 Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924024301198 //iur /('/tlcrc- ,^?Ti/(yiy^J^Uji.J \?;]Li^ THE LIFE OF GENERAL LAFAYETTE. BY WILLIAM CUTTER. "A NOBLE character ■which will flouiieh in the annals of the world, and live in the veneration of posterity, when kings, and the' crowns they wear, will be no more regarded than the dust to which they must return." — Chabi-e3 Jajhes Fox. " Liberty will ultimately he established in the old as well as in the new world ; and then, the history of our revolutions will put all things, and all persons, in their proper places." — Lafayette. CINCINNATI: PITBLISHED BY H. W. DERBY. NEW YORK: J. C. DEEBY. BOSTON: J. PHILBKICK. 1856. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1849, By GEORGE F. COOLEDGE &^ BROTHER, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, in and for the Southern District of New York. /\7'/f7^^ STEREOTYPED BY C. C. SAVAGE, 13 Chambers Street, N. T. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. BIETH ANB EAKLT HISTORY OF LAFAYETTE. His Parentage. — Education and Position in Society. — School-boy Rem- iniscences. — Noticed at Court — Receives a Commission in the Ar- my. — Refuses to court Royal Favor. — Early Marriage. — Offends Count de Provence page 9 CHAPTER 11. NOBLE CONMENCEMENT OF A NOBLE CAREER. The American Revolution. — Lafayette's sudden Zeal in the Cause. — Firm Resolve and prompt Action. — Interposition of Friends. — Baron de Kalb.— Silas Deane. — Seci*et An-angements. — Startling News from America. — Noble Disinterestedness of Lafayette. — His Visit to England. — Prepares to embark for America. — Sends his Vessel to Spain. — Follows it in Disguise. — Narrow Escape from An*est. — Difficulties of the Voyage . 18 CHAPTER in. FIRST IMPRESSION'S OF AMERICA. Hospitable Reception by Major Huger. — Journey to Philadelphia. — A Crisis in American Affairs. — Presents his Letters to Congress. — Offers to serve as a Volunteer. — Liberahty to his Comrades. — Intro- duction to Washington. — Fkst Impressions of the Army. — Battle of Brandywiue. — Lafayette wounded. — Sent to Betlilehem. — Kind- ness of the Moravians. — Correspondence 29 CHAPTER IV. GALLANT SERVICES REWARDED. — LAFAYETTE COIUMANDER-IN- CHIEF OF THE NORTHERN ARMY. Lafayette commands a Detachment at Gloucester Point. — Receives the Command of a Division. — Conway's Cabal. — Lafayette appoint- ed to the Command in the North. — Plans of the Expedition. — Jour- ney to Albany. — Discouragements. — New Plans contemplated. — His disinterested Zeal. — Is recalled. — His Policy in reference to the Northern Indians. — Conference with them at Johnson's Town. Adopted by them as a Chief 43 4 CONTENTS. CHAPTER V. FBENCH ALLIANCE. — BARKEN HILL. — MONMOUTH. Encampment at Valley Forge.— Position and Policy of France.— Pop. olar feeling in favor of America. — Treaty with France. — Encoura- ging Prospects.— Lafayette at Barren Hill.— Masterly Manoeuvring and Retreat. — Lord North's Proposals for ConcUiation.— Philadel- phia evacuated by the British.— Battle of Monmouth . . .55 CHAPTER VL LATATETTe's SEKVICES in KHODE island. — HIS EETURN TO FRANCE. Proposed Attack on Newport. — Lafayette detached to support Suili- vaji. — Plan of Attack. — Count d'Estaing offended. — British Fleet in the Ofiing. — The Count goes out to offer Battle. — Unfoitunate Con- sequences of this Movement. — Sullivan reinforced. — Difficulty with the French Admiral. — Siege of Newport raised. — Lafayette in Bos- ton. — Fm'ther incidents at Newport. — Lafayette returns to Phila- delphia. — Carlisle's Letter, — The Writer challenged by Lafayette. — Lafayette proposes to return to France. — His severe Illness at FishMU. — His Recovery and Embarkation 72 CHAPTER VIL Lafayette's influence and usefulness in fkance. — his SECOND voyage TO AMERICA. Lafayette under Arrest. — His Position at Court.— His Influence in be- half of America. — Proposed Invasion of England. — Sword presented to Lafayette by Franklin. — Proposed Invasion and Independence of Ireland.— Procures Aid for America, and returns. — Invested with the Command of the Vanguard of the Army. — Happy Effect of French Succors. — Proposed Attack on New York . . . .90 CHAPTER VUL Arnold's treason. — lafayette in Virginia. Washington and Lafayette on the Way to West Point.— Arnold's Treason brought to Light— Plans for Attacking the Enemy's Posts. Greene in Command of the Southern Department- Lafayette wishes to join him.— Delays and Hinderances.— Arnold in Virginia. —Lafayette ordered to oppose him.— Adventures and Efibrts —Ar- nold reinforced.— Lafayette ordered hi join Greene.— Difficulties nobly snrmountcd.-Baltimore Volunteers.-Lafayette at Rich- mond.— Ravages of the British.— Baron Steuben.— The Two Ar- mies.-ComwaUis moving Northward.-Death of General Phillips 108 CONTENTS. 5 CHAPTER IX. LAFAYETTE AND COENWALLIS, OR " THE EOT " AND THE VETERAN. Comwallis at Petersburg. — The " Boy-General." — Marches and Conn- termarcbes. — Lafayette protects Albemarle. — A Trap. — ^Wayne drawn into it. — Rescued by Lafayette. — ConiwaUis takes Post at Yorktown. — Count de Grasse in tbe Chesapeake. — Washington in Virginia. — Siege of Yorktown. — Comwallis surrenders. — Military Courtesies 121 CHAPTER X. NEGOTIATIONS IN EUROPE. Prospects of Peace. — Lafayette prepares to return to France. — Ap- pointed Field-Marshal in the Army. — A new Enterprise. — Peace. — Diplomacy in Spain. — Commercial Treaty with Prance . . 14C CHAPTER XL VISIT TO AMERICA IN 1784. Reception at New York — Philadelphia — Mount Vernon. — Influence with the Northern Indians. — Visit to New England — Virginia. — In- teresting Meeting at Richmond. — SmTenders his Commission at Trenton. — Anecdote of his Liberality . . ... 153 CHAPTER Xn. DOMESTIC REPOSE AND PUBLIC HONORS. Efforts to beneiit American Commerce. — Civic Honors. — Plans end Efforts for Negro Emancipation. — Travelling on the Continent. — Reception at Vienna. — Grand Review at Potsdam. — Frederick the Great. — Meeting with old Friends and old Enemies. — Opinions. — Efforts in behalf of Protestants 162 CHAPTER XHL THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. Its Causes. — Assembly of Notables. — Lafayette demands a National Assembly. — Agitating Debates. — Boldness and Independence of Lafayette. — Resistance of the Court. — Mirabeau. — Decision and Triumph of the People 172 CHAPTER XIV. PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION. — THE NATIONAL GUARDS. New Measures of Intimidation. — Lafayette's " Declaration of Rights." — Necker dismissed. — The Bastile demolished. — The King re- treats. — Lafayette in Paris. — Commands the National Guard. — Es- 6 CONTENTS. cortg the King to Paris.— The Tricolored Cockade. — Befiises the Snpreme Command.— Scenea of Violence. — Resigns hia Command. — Is persuaded to resume it. — Hia elevated Position . . . 189 CHAPTER XV. MOB-KULE IN PAEIS. Call for the King at Paris.— Famine.— A Mob of Women.— Their March to Versailles.— Lafayette follows.— His Plans thwarted. — The Palace attacked. — The aueen's Danger.— Influence and Suc- cess of Lafayette.— Escorts the King to Paris. — Parties in France . 210 CHAPTER XVL THE EEVOLTTTION. — THE FEDEEATION. — FLIGHT OF THE EINGf. Plots and Rumors. — Mirabeau attaches himself to the Court. — Popu- larity of Lafayette. — The Festival of the Federation. — Extract from Carlyle. — Honors to Lafayette. — His Modesty and Moderation. — Plots and Counterplots. — The King leaves Paris secretly. — Pursued and brought back. — Lafayette resigns his Command and retires . 227 CHAPTER XVIL THREATENED INVASION OF FKANCE. — LAFAYETTE COMMANDS THE AKMT. War. — Lafayette at Metz. — Rochambeau and Luokner. — Attempt upon Belgium. — The Issue. — Lafayette addresses a Letter to the Assembly. — Goes to Paris. — Appeai-s before the Assembly. — Re- turns to the Army. — Attempt to withdraw the King from Paris . 253 CHAPTER XVIIL THE REIGN OF TERKOK. Lafayette denounced by the Jacobins. — The King deposed and im- prisoned. — Commissioners sent to the Army. — Their Arrest. — Pro- posals. — Luckner. — Decree of the Assembly. — Lafayette in a Di- lemma.— His Flight . 268 CHAPTER XIX. CAPTITITT. — MAGDEBOURG. — OLMUTZ. Lafayette applies for a Passport and is arrested. — Insulting Propo- sals. — Attempted Assassination. — Transferred from Prison to Pris- on. — Severe Treatment. — Sufferings. — Olmutz. — Its Position and Appointments 279 CHAPTER XX. ADVENTURE OF BOLLMANN AND HUGEK. Plana of Dr. Bollmann to effect the Release of Lafayette. — Discovers him at Olmutz.— Associates himself with Huger. — Ingenious and CONTENTS. 7 bold Attempt to rescue the Prisoner. — Lafayette retaken. — Boll- maim and Hnger imprisoned 291 CHAPTER XXL PRISON INCIDENTS AT OLMTJTZ. Madame Lafayette and Daughters in Prison. — Liberated. — They hasten to Ohnutz. — Share the Captivity of Lafayette.— Employ- ments. — The prSvoL — Felix and Jules. — Illness of Madame Lafay- ette. — Harsh Treatment of the Emperor. — Efforts in behalf of the Prisoners. — Letterfrom W ashington. — Masclet. — Fitzpatrick. — Fox 299 CHAPTER XXIL RESTOKED TO LIBEKTT. Napoleon demands hia Release. — Promises. — Delays. — Romenf sent to Vienna. — Secures his Object. — Arrangements for the Reception of the Prisoners at Hamburg. — The Prison Doors opened. — The Journey. — Meeting of Friends. — Correspondence. — Debts of Grati- tude. — Legacies 314 CHAPTER XXIIL TWO TEARS IN EXILE, — RETURNS TO FRANCE. Domestic Retreat in Holstein. — Proceeds to Uti-ecbt. — Obstacles to his Return to Prance. — Anarchy. — Intrigue. — Frankness and Bold- ness of Lafayette. — Bonaparte in Paris. — The Consulate. — Lafay- ette goes to Paris. — Bonaparte displeased. — Dignified Course of Lafayette 325 CHAPTER XXIV. HIS RELATIONS WITH NAPOLEON. Napoleon's Respect for Lafayette. — Their Interviews. — Opinions. — Lafayette nominated to the Senate. — Offered an Embassy to the United States. — Resigns his Commission in the Army. — Retires to Lagrange. — Death of hia Wife. — Restoration of the Bourbons. — The Hundred Days. — The Second Restoration 336 CHAPTER XXV. VISIT TO AMERICA IN 1824. Embarkation. — Reception. — Joseph Bonaparte.— Tomb of Washing- ton. — Yorktown. — Charleston. — Kaskaslda. — Indian Story. — A Snag in the Ohio. — Red Jacket. — Bunker HUl Monument. — Adieus. — Departure ....••..••*. 358 8 CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXVI. REVOLUTION OF 1830. Despotic Tendencies of the Court of France.— Lafayette in the Cham- ber of Deputies.— His Journey to Auvergne -Civic Honors and Triumphs.— Chagrin of the Court.— Despotic Orduiances of Charles X.— Agitation in Paris — Lafayette solicited to take Command of the- National Guard.— The Three Days of July.- Charles X. de- posed. — The Dulte of Orleans proposed as Lieutenant-General of Trance. — The People reluctant to receive him. — His Promises . 372 CHAPTER XXVn. REIGN OF LOUIS PHILIPPE. Meeting of the Chamber of Deputies. — Lotus Philijjpe proclaimed King of the French. — Lafaj^ette Commander-in-chief of the Na- tional Guard. — Review. — Pohtical Offenders. — Chief Magistracy of Belgium offered to Lafayette. — General Agitation in Europe. — Trial of the Ex-Ministers. — Lafayette insulted. — Resigns his Com- mand. — Remonstrates with the King 387 CHAPTER XXVnL CLOSING SCENES- AND DEATH. Funeral of General Lamarque. — Enthusiasm of the People. — Conflict with the Royal Troops — Lafayette withdraws his Coniidence &om the King. — Exposure — Illness — Death. — Character .... 400 THE LIFE OP GEIERAL LAEAYETTE. CHAPTER I. BIRTH AND EARLY HISTORY. The charactei's of public men belong to the world. They who come voluntarily forth, or, by the guiding hand of Providence are led forth, from the retired walks of domestic life, to mingle in the strife of events, and exert a moulding influence on communities and nations, are amenable, for their actions, and the principles of their conduct, at the bar of human society. Even the secret motives which sway their decisions, and the disturbing influences which sometimes turn them aside from their direct coui'ses, are legitimate subjects of scrutiny and animadversion. And the lessons which may be derived from such scrutiny, are the most valuable patrimony which one generation of men can leave to its successors. In estimating character, however, reference should always be had to the circumstances in which it was de- veloped, and the influences by which it was surrounded. The principles of morality are fixed and unchangeable. But the admiration or censure which is bestowed upon individuals, is justly graduated to the scale of their own times, rather than to that of their censors. " According 1" 10 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. to that a man hath, and not according to that he hath not," is the governing maxim of an impartial and unerring Judge. They who stand forth, at the present moment, as "burning and shining lights," do so, perhaps, only be- cause they are somewhat in advance of the prevalent virtue of the age, and not because they have attained to " the fulness of the stature of perfect men." Posterity, looking down from loftier vantage-ground, may lament their weakness, and marvel at the narrowness of their views, and their obliquities of faith and practice, even as we now do at those of the saints and the sages, the heroes and the martyrs of by-gone ages, of whom, notwith- standing, " the world was not worthy." To such considerations as these, regard should always be had, in reviewing the characters of history. And, if they demand, in some cases, the mantle of charity for unexpected eiTors, they equally exact, in others, extra- ordinary awards of admiration for suiprising merit, and for virtue that stands out in bold relief amid all suiTOund- ing degeneracy. " No country in Europe," says Mr. Everett, " had re- tained more of the feudal divisions, than France, before the Revolution. A partition of the orders of society, but little less rigid than the Oriental economy of castes, was kept up. Causes which time would fail us to develop, had rendered the court and capital of France signally con'upt, during the last century. It is doubtful, whether, in a civilized state, the foundations of social morality were ever so totally subverted. It was by no means one of the least active causes of this cori'uption, that all con- nexion between the court and the capital, and the higher ranks in general, on the one hand, and the people on the other, was cut oif by the constitution of society, and the hopeless depression, degradation, and ignorance of the mass of the people. Under these influences, a new gen- BIRTH AND EARLY HISTORY. 11 eration was trained. They did not make, they found the coiTuption. They were reared in it. They grew up in the presence and under the patronage of a most dissolute court, surrounded by the atmosphere of an abandoned metropolis, without the constraint or the corrective of a wholesome public sentiment. The great monitors of society were hushed. The pulpit, not over-active, at that time, as a moral teacher in the catholic church in Europe, was str-uck dumb; for some of its highest dig- nitaries were stained with all the vices of the rest of their order, that of the nobility. The press was mute on everything which touched the vices of the time." To this, let the all-pervading influence of the philoso- phy, " falsely so called," of Voltaire, be added, and a full appreciation may be had of the auspices under which the subject of the present memoir was ushered upon the stage of life. He was born at Chavagniac, in the prov- ince of Auvergne, on the 6th of September, 1757. Those who are curiously precise as to the locality, will need to be informed that Chavagniac, in the rnodern ge(bgraphy of France, is in the department of the Haute Loire, the canton of Paulhoquet, and the aiTondissement of Bri- onde. It is three hundred and sixty miles from Paris. The mansion is large, romantically situated, and has an air of venerable antiquity much beyond its years, having been built only one hundred and fifty years ago, on the ruins of a more ancient one, which had been destroyed by fire. The estate attached to the chateau was once extensive and valuable; but, confiscated by the Jacobins of 1793, and sold in parcels, to meet the exigencies of those anarchists, a small portion only of the land was re- covered by the family, on their return from exile, and that by purchase from the new occupants. According to the prevailing custom in distinguished families in Europe, the noble infant received, at his bap- 12 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. tism, a list of names sufficient for an ordinary household. He was registered under the honorable appellation of Marie-Paul-Joseph-Roche-Yves-Gilbert de Mottier Mar- quis de Lafayette, a name which contains all the letters of the French alphabet except four. Gilbert de Mot- tier was the name by which he was usually distin- guished from his predecessors ; while, as the chief rep- resentative of the family, and the heir to its title and estates, the single patronymic Lafayette not only suffi- ciently designated his person, but answered all the pur- poses of law as a signature. By that honored name he will continue to be known, till the end of time, as the champion of freedom, and as the one in whose person and histoiy were concentrated all the gloiy and renown of a house, which, though noble in itself, and distinguished for ages by its virtues, derived from him a new distinc- tion, which it was not capable of conferring upon him. His father, Michael-Louis-Ghristophe-Roche-Gilbert de Mottier Marquis de Lafayette, though he died at the early age of twenty-five, was an officer of considerable distinction in the anny of Louis XV. He was a colonel of the gi'enadiers of France, and chevalier of the order of St. Louis, and was held in high esteem among the brave and gallant spirits of the day. He fell at Minden, in Germany, on the 13th of July, 1757, bravely fighting under the victorious standard of the duke de Brosrlie. The war in which this battle occurred is generally known as " the seven years' war," and was carried on, in Eu- rope, by the great Frederic of Piiissia, assisted by Eno-. land, against the combined forces of Russia, Austria, and France, and in America by England and her colonies against France and her colonies — the latter teiminatinn- in the conquest of Canada, and the total extinction of the power of France in the western continent. The mother of Lafayette was a daughter of the mai'- BIRTH AND EARLY HISTORY. 13 quis de Riviere, of the noble house of Lusignan. Her early widowhood seemed to extinguish all hope of again reviving the gloiy of the ancient house, of which her gallant lord had been the sole male representative ; but in the birth of a son, about two months after, the broken line was restored. The early days of the orphan gave small promise of the glory of the long and eventful life that followed. Feeble in health, left to the sole guidance of an indulgent mother, and suiTounded by servile at- tendants and the enervating influences of wealth, it was scarcely to be hoped that he would ever attain to more than the pigmy proportions of a mere titled aristocrat. To add to these inauspicious omens, and make the bril- liant success of his after-career the more remarkable, his mother died when he was but thirteen years of age, leaving him in the full possession of large and valuable estates, and the absolute master of his own movements and destiny. His early education had been conducted at home, un- der the eye of his mother. At twelve he was placed in the college du Plessis, at Paris, where his rank and wealth introduced him to all the gayeties and dissipa- tions of fashionable society. What progr-ess he made in his studies, at this time, does not appear. It is not probable, however, that he was able to do more than maintain a respectable standing among pupils of his ovim age. In his ov\m brief reminiscences of this period, he alludes rather playfully to " some schoolboy success- es, inspired by the love of glory, and somewhat dis- turbed by that of liberty." What these " successes" were, he does not inform us ; but, from what is known of his character, so early matured and developed, his undisguised and fearless frankness, and the direct, prac- tical, matter-of-fact logic which he was accustomed to employ, we find no difficulty in imagining the nature of 14 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. Ills literary triumphs. They were undoubtedly the tri- umphs of plain common sense over the heartless and aitificial sentiments which characterized^every depart- ment of society, but especially that of tlTe cajjital and the court. Everything was expected to bend to a ser- vile flattery of greatness. Even literature was not ex- empt from this unseemly sycophancy. Poetry and the fine arts were all made tributary to the pride of power, and the arrogance of station. It was taught in the nur- sery, as the highway to favor and promotion. It was inculcated in the schools, and enforced in the colleges. But in this species of learning the. young Lafayette was no apt scholar. His perceptions of right never included a blind submission to authority ; and it is easy to con- jecture how often and ably he might have foiled, by the lucid enunciation of his inborn creed of liberty, the specious sophistries of the schools. It appears that he was more ambitious of what he regarded as true, than of the honors of the college ; for he tells of on,e occasion on which he sacrificed his hopes of reward to his views of the teachings of nature. He was required to describe, in a rhetorical exercise, a perfect, well-trained courser, that would obey the look of his master or the shadow of the lash ; instead of which, he indulged himself in a full and glowing description of one so restiff under re- straint, that, at the very sight of the whip, he reared and plunged, and threw his rider to the gi'ound — a lesson so apposite to the existing condition of France, as almost to deserve to be styled prophetic. He was much noticed at the gay court of Louis the Grand, and became quite a favorite of that magnificent monarch. He was appointed one of the qufeen's pao-es ; a station which, though coveted by the proud and noble of the kingdom, was little in accordance with the frank independent bearing of the young Lafayette. He was BIRTH AND EARLY HISTORY. 15 also enrolled in the king's regiment of musketeers, in which, through the direct agency of the queen, he re- ceived a commission, at the early age of fifteen. This was an honor which was reserved exclusively for the sons of the most distinguished and favored among the no- bility, and confeiTed as a mark of especial royal regard. Though of a disposition eminently social, and keenly alive to the pleasures and comforts of domestic life, La- fayette displayed an early predilection for military glory, and an uncommon maturity in all the essential requisites of military success. The main one for advancement, however, he did not possess ; he would not court pro- motion. He could not " bow the pregnant hinges of the knee" to ask for a place, which was confeiTed as a matter of favoritism, not of merit. He had expectations of an appointment, worthy of his rank, in a regiment under the marshal de Noailles, his uncle — expectations based upon certain promises to that effect ; but his uncourtier-like habits prevented him from enjoying that honor. He was averse, even in boyhood, to those puerilities of conversa- tion which constitute so large a part of the intercourse of the gay circles of society. He had too much self- respect to be a flatterer ; and when the matter of conver- sation did not accord with his views, he was unifoiTnly silent and resei^ved. He did not rudely intei'pose his sentiments where they would be unwelcome ; but, when- ever he could not speak his own free thoughts frankly, without giving oflence, he became a silent listener. These habits soon excited suspicion, and created ene- mies, and placed a mark against his name on the royal list. This disappointment, if felt at all, was not seriously laid to heart. Other conquests than those of arms began very early to engross his thoughts. An attachment to one of the noblest and most amiable of women — an attach- 16 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. ment which grew deeper, and holier, and more absorb- ing, through every period of his eventful life, and which, surviving its object through a widowhood of nearly thirty years, went with him, undiminished, to his grave — was consummated by his man-iage, at the very early age of sixteen, to Marie-Adrienne-Franqaise de Noailles, daugh- ter of the duke d'Ayen, who was two years younger than himself. Nothing more need be said — no higher or more just encomium can be uttered — than that she was in all respects worthy to be the wife of Lafayette, and the mother of his children. This connexion was not only founded in the deepest affection, on his part, but favored and promoted, on the part of the relatives, by those motives of policy by which so many noble families are linked together, and out of which so many ill-assorted and unhappy alliances spring. No sooner was it consummated, than interest was made at court, by his new relatives, to obtain for the young marquis a place in the civil establishment of the king. The post sought for was an honorary one in the household of the count de Provenqe, the second son of Louis XV., who afterward became Louis XVIII. This position was by no means desired by Lafayette, as it involved precisely that deference to the authority of a mere name, and that outward and heartless conformity to the eti- quette of a court, which were most unpalatable to the republican simplicity of his heart. He was in dano-er, however, of having the honor " thrust upon him" by the officious interference of his friends. To prevent it, without offending them, by refusing to accept the sta- tion offered, he sought an opportunity to render him- self so obnoxious to the prince, as to preclude the pos- sibility of completing the arrangement. This opportu- nity offered itself at a masked ball, where the count de Provence appeared in a disguise, which was instantly BIKTH AND EARLY HISTORY. 17 penetrated by the observing eye of Lafayette. Enga ging him in conversation, he lost no time in broaching some of those views and opinions which he knew would be least acceptable to the ear of the prince, at the same time replying to his remarks with a freedom and boldness, which, if he had been unmasked, would have been deemed decidedly uncourteous. At length the prince, having taken some offence at his free- dom, gave him to understand that he should remember it, and then proceeded to show that his memory was remarkably clear and tenacious ; to which Lafayette coolly replied, that " memory was the wit of fools." This closed the conference of the masks, and satisfied the prince that the young marquis would be an unavailable attache, if not a refractory subject. In speaking of this convei'sation afterward, Lafayette did not conceal the fact that he was at the time fully aware of the rank of the person with whom he was conversing. This, being reported to the prince, was deemed an unpardonable of- fence. It was never forgiven. 18 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. CHAPTER II. NOBLE COMMENCEMENT OP A NOBLE CAREER. The long struggle of the American colonies with their unnatural step-mother excited but little interest in Eu- rope, in its incipient stages. Even in France, the natu- ral enemy of England, its causes and its progress were but little understood. It was not until the Rubicon was irrevocably passed, the gauntlet of open defiance thrown down, the Declaration of Independence signed, sworn to, and published to the world, that any portion of Eu- rope became aware of the importance of that struggle, or of the numbers and strength of the people who claimed a place in the family of nations. The deep tones of that solemn and unanswerable declaration, borne on the breeze across the Atlantic, struck the ear of legitimacy like a distant knell. Monarchy and aristocracy quaked alike, and looked aghast at each other ; and, except in the heart of a Lafayette, and of here and there a Polish refugee of rank and talent, it would have found no re- sponse in the high places of the old world, had not the long-cherished hostility of France against England seen in it a favorable opportunity to humble her rival, by as- sisting to wrench from her all-grasping sway, her most valuable colonial possessions. Even France came for- ward with slow and hesitating steps, to ^viden the breach. Had she known the real nature and tendency of the contest — had she understood the character of the Amer- COMMENCEMENT OP A NOBLE CAREER. 19 ican people, or foreseen the fonn of government which they would ultimately adopt — it is not probable that she could have been induced to come forward at all. Her king and his cabinet no doubt expected a western mon- archy, or, at the worst, an aristocracy, and not a repub- lic, whose history should be the text-book of revolution to all free spirits in all the empires of the world. It was in the latter pait of 1776, about two years after his marriage, and while his mind was yet agitated by negotiations to attach him to the person of the count de Provenge, that Lafaryette's attention was first drawn to the conflict of liberty with oppression in America. He was, at that time, an ofiicer in the French army, and stationed on duty at Metz. The duke of Gloucester, brother to George III. of England, happening to pass that way, was complimented with a dinner by the com- mandant of the place. Lafayette was among the invited guests. A principal topic of conversation, at the table, was the progress of the rebellion in America, and the stringent measures adopted and contemplated by the .own of England to crush it. The duke had just re- ceived from London the latest advices, and was very free in his communications — more so probably than good diplomacy, in one so near the throne, would ap- prove. There was much in the details given which was new to Lafayette. They interested him intensely. He entered earnestly into the conversation, dravving out from the talkative duke, by apposite questions, such facts in the yet unwritten history, as were necessary to enable him to understand the whole merits of the case. He saw, at a glance, that it was the cause of justice, of liberty, of Heaven. Before he rose from that table, and while talking with the brother of the king of England, his purpose was formed — his resolution was taken. He 20 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. detei-mined to offer himself on the altai- of liberty — to abandoji home, and proffer himself and his services to the people who were thus nobly struggling for freedom. It is not the least singular, among the many remarka- ble incidents in the history of this gi-eat man's efforts to promote liberty in the world, and especially in America, that the first clear insight into the cause should have been given, the first impulse of chivalric fei-vor imparted to his soul, by one of the royal family of England, against whose house the rebellion was begun, and from whose crown it was destined to pluck away its brightest jewel. From this time, the subject of freedom in the western world engrossed all his thoughts. It filled his imagina- tion ; it realized his utmost dream of ambitious enter- prise and noble achievement. To use his own words, uttered years afterward, in a calm review of the conflict, " Such a g lorious cause had jggver before attracted the attention of mankind. It was the last struggle of Lib- erty ; and, had she then been vanquished, neither hope nor asylum would have remained for her. The oppres- sors and oppressed were to receive a powerful lesson. The great woi'k was to be accomplished, or the rights of humanity were to fall beneath its ruins. The destiny of France and that of her rival wei-e to be decided at the same moment When I first learned the sub- ject of this quarrel, my heart espoused warmly the cause of liberty, and I thought of nothing but adding also the aid of my banner ." To resolve was to act. Full of his new pi'oject of glory, he returned to Paris, to make further inquiries, and prepare himself for the entei-prise. With all the ardor and confidence of youth, he developed his views to his two intimate friends. Count Segur, his uncle, and the viscount de Noailles, his brother-in-law, proposing that they should join him in seeking early laurels in this COMMENCEMENT OP A NOBLE CAREER. 21 cause of human liberty. With a kindred enthusiasm, they entered into his views, heartily desiring to accom- pany him in his voyage to America ; but, being depend- ent on their parents, they were obliged fjrst to solicit their consent. This was peremptorily refused, and the whole scheme denounced. Fortunately, in advocating their own wishes, they did not disclose the designs of their fi'iend, who, being his own master, with an income of about forty thousand dollars at his disposal, was not to be deteiTed from the prosecution of his purpose. The count de Broglie, to whom he next confided his intentions, did all in his power to discourage him. He represented the project as altogether hopeless and chi- merical, invested on every side with danger, and without any prospects of advantage to justify the risk to be in- curred. Personal advantage was not the end which the ardent young hero sought, or expected. Personal dan- ger he utterly disregarded. It was the cause of liberty and right that lay near his heart. That he believed to ■ be the cause of America ; and for that he was ready to sacrifice all. Resolved to go, notwithstanding the ur- gency of his friend's protestations, and knowing that all possible obstacles would be thrown in his way, he re- quested the count not to betray his secret, but leave him to pursue his plans in his owti way. The count assured him his confidence was not misplaced, while, wjth all the eloquence at his command, he urged and reiterated his arguments to dissuade him from indulging any far- ther his preposterous design. " I h ave seen your uncle die," he exclaimed, " in the wars of Italy ; I witnessed your father's death at the battle of Minden ; and how can I be accessory to the min of the last and only rep- resentative of the family !" Finding his arguments and entreaties alike unavailing to divert his young friend from his noble and chivalrous 22 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. purpose, the count offered to introduce him to a Ger- man officer of some reputation and experience, who had espoused the same cause, and was then seeking an op- portunity to consecrate himself to its sei-vice. This was the baron de Kalb, whose labors, and sacrifices, and death, are interwoven in the story of American inde- pendence. A common sympathy made them fast friends. The baron's counsels were of gi-eat value ; while his agency as interp*-eter — for Lafayette was not yet famil- iar with the English language — was quite essential in the course of his subsequent negotiations with the Amer- ican agents. Anticipating the obstacles that would be thrown in his way by his family connections, he resolved to keep his own secret, and ask neither advice nor consent of any one. Satisfied of the sacredness of the cause and the purity of his motives, and depending only on his own judgment and resources, he proceeded to make all neces- sary preparations for an early departure. Adopting, as the motto on his aims, the simple but emphatic appeal, " Cur non 1" (why not X), he seemed to challenge friend and foe alike, to present one reasonable objection to the career which he had chosen, and the line of conduct he had marked out for himself. Silas Deane was then at Paris, as agent from the Ameiican Congress, soliciting aid, and endeavoring to procure anns for the prosecution of the war. To him Lafayette was introduced by the baron de Kalb. Being yet scarcely nineteen years of age, he could not boast of military experience, or promise much in the value of his counsels, or in the strength of his arm. But he claimed that his enlistment in the service would excite, as soon as his departure should be known in France, a wide-spread interest in its behalf, and be the means of inducino' oth- ers to follow his example. Impressed with the noble COMMENCEMENT OP A NOBLE CAREER. 23 ardor of the youth, and discerning, at a glance, the rare qualities of his mind and heart, the American envoy gladly accepted his services, promising to procure him an early passage to America, and an honorable position in the continental anny. To secure the success of such arrangements as these, it was necessary that they should be conducted with the utmost secrecy. Had his plans been known to his family friends, to the government, or to any one of the numerous army of French and English spies in Paris, insurmountable obstacles would have been thro^vn in the way of his departure. The interests of England at the French court, at this time, were represented by Lord StoiTnont, who protested so eai-nestly against the designs and doings of the American agents, that the ministers were afraid to receive or acknowledge them. Not only so ; they ordered all private aiTangements, having a view to the shipment of arms, and the raising of recruits, to be suspended, and closed all their ports to American privateers. The news of the disasters at Brooklyn, Long Island, White Plains, and Fort Washington, and the retreat across the Jerseys, with the rapid defection of large bodies of the people, reaching France at this moment, threw a shade of seemingly-hopeless gloom over the cause of America, and the enthusiasm of many who had begun to look upon it with interest ; while the credit of her agents was at once destroyed. Lafayette, on the contrary, felt his zeal increase, and his determination strengthen, under the pressure of these unfavorable circumstances. He called at once upon Mr. Deane, and requested him to hasten his departure. The reply was, that the credit of his cause was so completely prostrated by the recent tidings, that it was impossible to procure §4 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. a vessel, or to oflfer him any sufficient encouragement to proceed in his generous purpose. Nothing daunted by these representations, he modestly but nobly replied : " Hitherto I have only had opportu- nity to express in words my ardor for the cause of your country. The time has come to prove my sincerity. I shall purchase a ship myself, to carry out all virho are willing to go. Let us feel confidence in the future. It is especially in the hour of danger that I would devote myself to your cause." This generous proposal was accepted with the cordial frankness of one who knew well its value, and could ap- preciate the exalted spirit which dictated it. There were many difficulties in the way of its execution. Every- thing was to be done in the dark ; the most perfect se- crecy was to be maintained with respect to every move- ment ; and, at the same time, the utmost despatch was necessary to render the aid thus proffered seasonable and effective. Just at this juncture, Lafayette was under the neces sity of fulfilling an engagement, previously entered into with his cousin, the prince de Poix, to pay a visit to England. He would gladly have avoided doing so, on account of the time it must consume : but feai-ing: that (lis real design might be suspected, and his great secret disclosed, if he should suddenly change his purpose, he resolved to turn it to good account, by making his prep- arations for this short voyage a cover for tliose of the more important one, which engrossed all his thoughts. On arriving in London, he displayed the eamestness of his zeal in the new cause, by paying his respects to Bancroft, the American, before being presented to his Britannic majesty. With a high sense of what was due from him as a man of honor, he declined all invita- tions to visit the seaports, or examine the vessels which COMMENCEMENT OP A NOBLE CAREER. 25 were fitting out for the war with the colonies, since this might be regarded as an abuse of confidence, when his intentions should become known. With characteristic frankness, he openly avowed his sentiments respecting the War, advocating the cause of the rebels, and strongly expressing his satisfaction in view of their signal and unexpected success at Trenton, the mortifying intelli- gence of which reached London during the time of his visit. At the expiration of three weeks he returned to Paris. Though strongly urged to accompany his uncle to Ver- sailles, where he might bask for a while in the sunshine of royalty, he sufiered an apology to be made for him, and hastened to complete the arrangements for his voy- age. These arrangements had been slowly and silently going forward during his absence. Aniving in Paris, he ]^roceeded directly to the house of baron de Kalb. "Without making his appearance in public, he saw pri- vately a few of his friends, who were favorable to his project, and some of the Americans in Paris, and, after three days, set out for Bordeaux, whence he intended to embark. Here he was informed that his intended de- parture had, by some means, become known at court, and that orders were already issued to arrest it. Deter- mined not to be outdone by a watchful police, he sailed to the neighboring port of Passage, in Spain, where he left his vessel, and returned immediately to Bor- deaux. He then wrote to the ministers of the king at Versailles, openly declaring his purpose, and asking leave to prosecute it without molestation. He also dis- closed his intentions to his family, and to some of his most intimate friends. In these letters there was an air of freedom and de- fiance, which gave great offence. He reminded min- isters that an officer in the king's Irish regiment had 2 JJ6 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. been permitted to go over and join the British forces, and challenged them to show reason why other officers should not be allowed to join the Americans, equally an inde- pendent people, and contending for just principles. The ^ privilege had already been granted to several persons, who had entered the American sei-vice, and could not, with any show of justice, be denied to him. As to his oath of allegiance, he observed that, when ministers should be faithful to their pledges to the people, they might, with better grace, talk about a violation of an oath to the government. The answers to these despatches were anything but satisfactory. The letters from his family were violent and reproachful. Those from the government were peremptoiy, and accompanied with threats. Neither of these had any influence to divert him from his pui-pose. The grief and anxiety of his wife, whose delicate situa- tion demanded all his sympathy, affected him most deep- ly ; but he had gone too far ; his heart was in the cause ; he could not turn back. Among the letters then received, was one requiring him to repair at once to Marseilles, and there await the further orders of his sovereign. Under pretence of obeying this order, he set off in a post-chaise, on the road to, Marseilles, in company with an officer named Mauroy, who vyas also desirous to go to America. Hav- ing proceeded a few leagues in this direction, he assumed the disguise of a courier, and, taking the road to Bay- onne, rode on before the carnage in the capacity of servant to Mauroy. Being necessarily detained at Bay- onne a few hours, Lafayette acted well his part as ser- vant, by throwing himself upon the straw in the stable, and dozing quietly, while his supposed master was ar- -ranging affairs for the prosecution of their journey. He had neai'ly escaped the danger of pursuit, when he was Lafayette recognized by the Postman's Daughter. — Page 37. COMMENCEMENT OF A NOBLE CAREEK. 27 unexpectedly recognised by the postman's daughtei-, at St. Jean de Luz, a small village on the border. She had seen him as he passed, on his return from Passage to Bordeaux. Perceiving that he was known, he made a sign that she should not expose him. She not only kept his secret, but adroitly turned away suspicion when his pursuers came up. In reply to their inquiries, she assured them that a carriage had passed that way, but that no such person was in it as they described. By this means he escaped all further annoyance. He rejoined his ship at Passage, on the 26th of April, 1777, and set sail on the same day for the theatre of his future glory. In his company was baron de Kalb, Mr. Mauroy, and ten other officers, of different ranks, to all of whom a free passage was given. As soon as it was ascertained that the ardent young hero was gone, the court of France despatched orders to the colonies in the West Indies to an-est his progress. He had taken out papers for one of the French West India islands ; for, even in Spain, it would not have been safe or pmdent openly to avow his ti'ue destination. It was, moreover, the general custom, with both Spanish and French ci'uisers, to take this indirect course, partly with a view to making a double voyage, and partly through fear of the English ships-of-war, which were hovering on the coast of America. The captain of the Victory insisted upon taking this course ; but Lafayette, anticipating the hazard of pursuit, required him to sail directly for an American port, threatening, in case of refusal, to give the command to the mate. The captain, deceived by the ostensible design of his employer, had taken on board, for his own account, a cargo assorted for the West Indies, and valued at eight thousand dol- lars. With the generosity so natural to him, Lafayette 28 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. agi-eed to indemnify him for any loss that might result from this change of destination. The Victory was a heavy sailer. She was furnished with two inferior cannon, and a quantity of small-arms — an armament insufficient for a conflict with the light- est privateer. Notwithstanding this meager equipment, her brave company resolved to contest the right of way with any force that might appear to dispute it, and, in any event, not to suifer themselves to be taken. To avoid this latter alternative, Lafayette had concerted measures with Bidaulx, a brave Dutchman, who, having deserted his post in the royal army, had nothing to hope for, in case of capture, but an ignominious death, to blow up the ship, should there be a probability of its falUng into the hands of their pursuers. As soon as he had recovered from the first attack of sea-sickness, Lafayette applied himself with diligence to the study of the language of his new friends, and to such other matters as would qualify him to become useful on his an'ival. They had nearly reached the American coast, when they descried a vessel, apparently in chase. ' The captain was alarmed ; but the crew, as ■well as the company of officers on board, were all united in making pi-eparations for resistance. Their courage was not pxit to the test. The stranger proved to be an American privateer, returning from a cruise among the islands, and homeward bound. They made every effort to keep their ship in company with her ; but being a superior sailer, she soon left them behind. It was a fortunate parting. The following day the American vessel encountered two English frigates, and was made a prize. The slower Frenchman escaped. PIKST IMPRESSIONS OF AMERICA. 29 CHAPTER III. FIRST IMPRESSIONS OP AMERICA. After a tedious voyage of seven weeks, during which time they had encountered the usual variety of perils and discomforts, and nan-owly escaped the dangers of pur- suit and capture, they descried the coast of South Caro- lina, near Georgetown, at the mouth of Pedee river. It was late in the day when they made the land. Entering the mouth of the river, ahout dark, they went on shore in their boats. Attracted by a light, they approached the house of Major Benjamin Hugei\ The furious bark- ing of the dogs promised them anything but a hospitable reception. Nor were the people within apparently more favorably disposed than their watchful sentinels without. Supposing the strangers to be a party of pillaging marau- ders, just landed from some British privateer — numbers of which were continually hovering on the coast — they kept their doors bolted and barred, and held a prudent parley, before they would consent to give them admit- tance. Baron de Kalb, who had been in America be- fore, and was tolerably acquainted with the language, was obliged to act as interpreter. , Having announced himself and his party, and explained the object of their visit to America, the doors were instantly thrown open, and a cordial welcome extended to the strangers. With the generous hospitality so universally characteristic of the soijthern gentleman, Lafayette and his band were 30 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. received into the family of Major Hugei as friends and brothers, and every aiTangement v^as made for their personal comfort. The feeling of mingled triumph and hope which agi tated the mind of Lafayette, in finding himself safe upon American soil, out of. the reach of pursuit and moles- tation, and on the point of realizing his ardent desire to take part in the contest betvireen freedom and oppres- sion, in a field sufficiently wide to give ample scope to the combatants, and sufficiently noble to justify a strug- gle for its possession, can be better imagined than de- scribed. It partook of the ardent enthusiasm of youth, full of confidence and buoyant with expectation, and the firm and earnest resolve of mature manhood, when its entire being seems concentrated upon a point, and all its interests involved in a single cast of the die. When the morning dawned, and he looked out for the first time upon an American landscape, he was enchanted vnth the beauty of the country, clothed with the luxuri- ant verdure of June, and smiling in the rosy light of an unclouded morning. Everything was new to him ; but everything was beautiful. Transfen-ed suddenly from a society where everything was artificial and heartless, and where rank and title everywhere had precedence of solid worth and virtue, to the bosom of a people who had just announced to the world, as the basis of their political creed, the doctrine of equal rights and universal liberty, he seemed to feel that he had begun his life anew, and that henceforth he was neither a nobleman nor a Fi-enchman, but a citizen of the world — a member of the great family of mankind. This feeling never left him. It grew with his years, and strengthened with his experience, and made him, in all the vicissitudes of an eventful life, the man of the age, rather than the man of a nation, a party, or a creed. FIRST IMPRESSIONS OP AMERICA. 31 Among the children of Major Huger was an interest- ing boy, a fine, manly little fellow, who attracted the attention of the guests, and who, as he is destined to act a most hei'oic and romantic part in the sequel, desei-ves a passing notice here. Francis Kinloch Huger, first alarmed and then delighted, at the appearance of so many strangers, amused and puzzled with their foreign accent and bi'oken language, was noticed by all, but especially by Lafayette. Sitting upon his knee, or walk- ing with him over the grounds of the plantation, he en- tertained the noble visiter with his childish prattle, and with his intelligent questions respecting the distant land from which he came. With the enthusiasm of an ob- serving child, he entered into his zeal for the cause of liberty, which was understood and discussed by the chil- dren of America with the boldness and freedom, if not with the intelligence, of their patriot parents. Thus the name of Lafayette became associated, in the earliest thoughts of the young Carolinian, with all that was good, and great, and noble. With the deepest veneration and affection, he ti-easured up all the incidents of his subse- quent career. Once he risked liberty and life in his service, and, to the last, entertained toward him almost the reverence due to a superior order of beings. Having entertained his honored guests with the hospi- tality of a patriarch. Major Huger provided horses to convey them to Charleston. The Victory was ordered to the same place, though in imminent danger of being captured by British cruisers. She aiTived in safety, having encountered neither friend nor foe by the way. Finding several vessels, both French and American, about to depart for Europe, Lafayette employed the first moments of his short stay in Charleston in writing to his friends at home. The following extracts from his letters of this period, will serve to complete the narra- 32 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. tive and illusti'ate the feelings of the youthful adven- turer. Under date of June 7th, one week before his amval, he thus expressed his enthusiastic and almost prophetic desires for the cause in which he was about to engage : "While defending the liberty I adore, I shall enjoy perfect freedom myself. I but offer my service to that interesting republic from motives of the purest kind, unmixed with ambition or private views. Her happiness and my gloiy are my only incentives. I hope that, for my sake, you will become a good American ; for that feeling is wor- thy of every noble heart. The happiness of America is intimately connected with the happiness of all mankind. Slie will become the safe and, respected, asyluTn of virtue, integrity, toleration, equality, and tranquil happiness^ On the 15th, after announcing his arrival at Major Hu- ger's, he added : " The manners in this part of the world are simple, polite, and worthy in every respect of the country in which the noble name of liberty is constantly repeated." Writing from Charleston, on the 19th, he says : " The country and its inhabitants are as agreeable as my en- thusiasm had led me to imagine. Simplicity of maimer, kindness of heart, love of countiy and of liberty, and a de- lightful state of equality, are met with universally. The richest and the poorest men are completely on a level." Leaving Charleston, where he had received every at- tention becoming his rank and his disinterested devotion to liberty, Lafayette had before him a journey of about nine hundred miles to Philadelphia, where Congress was then" in session. The facilities for travelling were far inferior to those which we now enjoy. The roads were anything but easy, and travellers were in some peril, owing to the unsettled state of the country, and the differences of opinion, in relation to the contest, which prevailed FIRST IMPRESSIONS OF AMERICA. 33 among the people. This journey was made on hoi'se- back ; a light carriage, which was purchased at Charles- ton to relieve the tediousness of the way, having soon fallen a sacrifice to the roughness of the roads. Alluding playfully to this circumstance in a letter from Petersburg, he says : " You know that I set out in a brilliant manner in a cairiage. I must now tell you that we are all on horseback, having broken the carriage according to my usual praiseworthy custom, and I hope soon to vmte to you that we have arrived on foot." The Victory was despatched, with letters, and a cargo of rice, for France. But, having fulfilled her destiny, she was viTL-ecked on the bar, at the entrance of Charleston hai'bor, and the vessel and cargo became a total loss. The journey to Philadelphia occupied a month ; the extreme heat of the weather, and the badness of the roads, combining to make his progress slow and tedi- ous. It was made interesting, however, as well by ob- servations on the face of the country, and the character and habits of the people, as by the object for which it was undertaken. At every resting-place, the leisure mo- ments of Lafayette were employed in writing to his wife and to his friends in France. These letters are replete with sentiments of the purest affection for his family and fi-iends and the country he had left behind, and the noblest and most disinterested enthusiasm for that which he had now adopted. It was an interesting crisis in American affairs when Lafayette arrived to take part in the struggle. The mas- terly stroke by which, with the broken remnants of a thrice-vanquished and retreating army, Washington had turned upon his victorious pursuers, and driven them, with great loss, out of the 'Jerseys, had convinced the British commander that the "rebels" were not easily beaten, and that more vigorous measures must be adopt 2* 34 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. ed to recover the royal possessions in America. The plan of the campaign was to put on so formidable a front as to crush at once all hope of successful resistance. For this purpose, an anny of ten thousand men was collected in Canada, to operate, by way of Lake Champlaih, against the norther frontier, and, if possible, separate New Eng- land from the more southern colonies. Preceded by proc- lamations, addressed alike to the fears of the timid and to the lingering hopes of the loyal, and accompanied by bands of mercenary savages, more djeaded because more ignorant and fierce, than De Heister's Hessians, Burgoyne descended the lake, and taking possession of the too easily abandoned fortress at Ticonderoga, struck a heavier and more effective blow than had yet distinguished the British arms in America. With this formidable dan- ger on the north, and the brothers Howe concentrating a force of nearly twenty thousand men in New York for some secret expedition, Washington w^as utterly at a loss as to how he should dispose his comparatively feeble force to properly meet and resist the mojfements of the ene- my. New York, Rhode Island, a,^^ the lakes, were now in the hands of that enemy. Evej^point was threatened at the same time. To guard the fortresses in the highlands of the North river, and prevent the junction of Sir Henry Clinton with Burgoyne, Putnam was strongly reinforced at Peekskill, and the main aiitiy placed in a commanding position on the other side of the river. To meet an ap- pai-ent demonstration toward Philadelphia, the main army traversed the Jerseys to the Delaware, and the reinforce- ments ordered to the highlands were withdrawn to the Western bank of the river, to be in instant readiness for a movement northward or southward, as the exigencies cf the different posts might require. At length, the British fleet was reported in the Dela- ware, and the real design of General Howe was fully FIRST IMPRESSIONS OP AMERICA, 35 disclosed. On receiving this information, Washington crossed the Delaware, and encamped with eleven thou- sand men at Gennantown, about ten miles from Phila- delphia. It was at this critical juncture that Lafayette, with his retinue, arrived at Philadelphia. He immediately placed his letters in the hands of Mr. Lovell, chairman of the committee of foreign affairs. Calling the next day for an interview with him, a sudden shade was throvsoi over his high-raised hopes and expectations. The Ameri- can Congress had been overwhelmed with applications from foreigners, who, for the most part, with the most extravagant pretensions, exhibited no good title to confi- dence or regard. Many of them, without name, without talent, without any other purpose than an undefined am- bition for military distinction, were mere quixotic ad- venturers, who, for the paltry glory of a name, would as soon have espoused one side as the other ; while others would perhaps have betrayed them both for the distinc- tion of an epaulette, a purse of gold, or a mess of pot- tage. The motives and characters of such as these were soon understood by the shrewd men to whom the intez-- ests of American freedom were then intrusted. Their claims were I'ejected at once. Some of them lowered their tone, and accepted stations far more humble than were at first demanded. Others, disappointed and cha- grined, returned to Europe, to seek service in some other field of war, pei-fectly indifferent whether they found it in the ranks of freedom or in those of its enemies. So numerous had these applications been, during the past season, that Congress began to look with suspicion upon all foreigners, and to lay their claims upon the ta- ble, with scarcely the ceremony of a reception. Mr. Lovell explained these circumstances to Lafayette, and assured him there was little hope that the agi-eement of 36 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. Mr. Deane, whicli promised him the rank of major-gen- eral, would be ratified hy Congress. Satisfied that his papers had not been examined, he requested Mr. Lovell to return to Congress and renew his application for ad- mission to the service, accompanied with the following brief and emphatic note : " After the sacrifices I have made, I have a right to exact two favors : one is, to sei-ve at my ovm expense ; the other is, to sei-ve, at first, as a volunteer." These terms, so unlike the tone of extrava- gant demand to which they had been accustomed, and presenting few obstacles on the ground of an interference with the just expectations of American officers, were im- mediately accepted. The resolution of Congress, con- ferring on him the nominal rank of majoi'-general, with- out assigning him any definite command, was passed on the 31st of July, and is in these words : " Seeing that the marquis de Lafayette, on account of his great zeal in the cause of liberty in which the United States are en- gaged, has quitted his family and country, and has come to offer his services to the United States, without de- manding either pay or private indemnity, and that he de- sires to expose his life in our cause — Resolved, That his services be accepted,. and that, on account of his zeal, his illustrious family and connections, he ^hall have the rank and commission of major-general in the anmy of the United States." At the date of this resolution, which confeiTed upon him the highest rank known in the Amer- ican ai-my, the young hero was within five ■v^e.eks of com- pleting the twentieth year of his age. ; With several of the officers who had accompanied him from France, in the hope of obtaining honorable employ- ment in America, Lafayette was wholly unacquainted until he met them on board the Victory. But he felt a friendly interest in them all, and, with his characteristic generosity, deeming himself in some measure instrumen- FIRST IMPRESSIONS OF AMERICA. 37 tal in leading them across the Atlantic, he liberally in- demnified from his own purse those -whose services were not accepted. Washington was now daily expected at Philadelphia, and Lafayette anxiously awaited his aiTival. Their fii-st meet- ing was at a dinner-party, where several members of Con- gi'ess were present, who communicated to the command- er-in-qhief the circumstances under which the new com- mission had been issued. Washington was most favora- bly impressed with the modest appearance and disinter- ested zeal of the young volunteer. On rising from the table, he drew Lafayette aside, and entered into a free and paternal conversation vnth him. He complimented him upon his zeal and his sacrifices in the cause of hu- man liberty, and invited him to consider the headquarters of the ai-my as his home, playfully adding that he could not promise him the luxuries of a court, or the conveni- ences of a domestic establishment, but that, having sacri- ficed so much to become an American soldier, he was no doubt prepared cheerfully to submit to the customs and privations of a republican camp. From this time, a friendship of the most intimate and enduring character existed between these truly gi-eat men — a friendship based upon a fundamental similarity of tastes, habits, and opinions, and cemented by the sin- cerest esteem and affection. Having accompanied the general in a visit of exami- nation to the fortifications in and about Philadelphia, Lafayette proceeded with him to the camp. On the day of his arrival the troops were reviewed by the general in person. To a French officer, accustomed only to the well-appointed camps, and disciplined armies, of the Old World, that army must have presented a singular spec- tacle. Poorly clad, in clothes of every form and hue, miserably armed, and almost ent"-ely unskilled in the 38 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. most common military tactics, it might nave pi-ovoked a smile from one less vei-sed tlian he in the art of war. To him, however, who looked rather to the cause in which they were enhsted, than to mere outward trap- pings, it was the noblest army that was ever an-ayed in camp or field. There was fire in their eyes, and spirit and independence in their movements, which, proving them alike incoiTuptible and invincible, threw all the out- ward pomp and circumstance of military parade and equipment quite into the shade. When Washington ex- pressed to Lafayette the embarrassment he must neces- sarily feel in exhibiting such an anny before a Euro- pean ofiicer like himself, he modestly replied, " I have come here to leam, and not to teach." When the British fleet entered the Chesapeake, Wash- ington removed his camp to Wilmington. In making this movement he marched his entire army through the streets of Philadelphia, which were gayly dressed for the occasion with leaves and flowers, where, accompanied by the stir- ring music of drum and fife, they received the: cheering acclamations of the citizens. Lafayette was sa^ his side during this march. He also shared the dangefc to which he imprudently subjected himself, when, a few nights after, having reconnoitred the position of the enemy, and being overtaken by a storm on his return, he took shelter in a faiTnhouse so perilously near to the enemy's lines as to expose himself and his party to the imminent hazard of a surprise. Hitherto, Washington had pursued the prudent, un- ambitious policy of annoying the enemy by occasional skirmishes, without risking a general engagement. The voice of the people and of Congi-ess now demanded a battle, and preparations were made to meet that demand. The British had landed a little below the head of the Elk, which is fonned by the union of two small creeks FIRST IMPRESSIONS OP AMERICA. 39 at Elkton. It is about half way between the Susque- hannah and the Delaware, and thirteen miles from its -unction with the Chesapeake. The Americans were posted on the northern bank of Red Clay creek, a few miles below Wilmington, their pickets, under General Maxwell, being advanced to Christiana bridge, which was nearly one third of the distance between them and the enemy's position. During the time occupied in landing, there was constant skirmishing between light parties of the opposing armies, in which the Americans gained some advantage. The movements of G-eneral Howe indicating an intention to outflank the Amei'ican right, Washington retired across the Brandywine, post- ing his centre on the high gi-ound near Chad's Ford, two miles south of Dilworth. His right wing, commanded by Sullivan, had charge of the fords above and at the foz'ks of the river. The left wing, under Armstrong, extended down toward Wilmington. In this position, in- pursuance of the advice of Congress, a stand was made, with a view to bring on a general engagement. One division of the British army, under General Knyp- hausen, advanced in a direct line toward Chad's Ford, with no other design than to divert the attention of the Ameri- can commander; while the other division, under Lord Comwallis, accompanied by General Howe, proceeded along the Lancaster road, making a circuit of seventeen miles, and crossing the Brandywine above the forks, at- tacked the right wing in the rear. Finding that this was to be the field of danger for that day, Lafayette, who had remained near the person of Washington, asked leave to volunteer his services to General Sullivan. His request was cheerfully granted, and he galloped away to the scene of action. His arrival infused new spirit into the troops, who were hardly bested, and destined to a severe engage- ment with a far superior force. Comwallis advanced in 40 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. fine order, with a heavy fire of both artillery and musketry. The two wings were soon put to flight. The centre, commanded by Lord Stirling, maintained its ground nobly for a considerable time. One regiment, under Conway, was particularly distinguished for its good con- duct. Lafayette was with this division, and rendered essential service in rallying the ti-oops and preserving order on their retreat. He had dismounted, on his ar- rival, and joined the ranks on foot, where he exhibited a conspicuous example of coolness and courage which would have done honor to a veteran. In the heat of the engagement, and at the very moment when the central division, overpowered by the superior num- bers of the enemy, broke and gave way, Lafayette re- ceived a ball in his leg, but paid no attention to it till the blood was noticed ninning over his boot-top. By the assistance of Gimat, his aide-de-camp, he mounted his horse, and continued his exertions till Grreene came up with reinforcements. Compelled by loss of blood to stop and have his wound bandaged, he was exposed to im- minent danger of being captured by the advancing foe. The presence of G-reene could not turn the reti-eat ; but he covered it with signal ability, checking the pur- suit of the enemy, and sustaining a wann engagement till dark. It was not until he arrived at Chester, a dis- tance of twelve miles from the scene of action, with the slow pace of a retreating army, in which he was active and useful to the last, that Lafayette was able to have his wound attended to. It was then found to be suffi- ciently serous to require a considerable pei-iod of re- pose ; having, no doubt, been not a little aggi-avated by the exertions and exposures of a hazardous retreat. He was first conveyed to Philadelphia; and immediately afterward, when Congress abandoned that city for a more secure position at Lancaster, he was placed in the FIRST IMPBESSIONS OP AMERICA. 41 care of the good Moravians at Bethlehem. In their hos- pitable and peaceful retreat, where he was confined to his bed about six weeks, he received the kind attention and good nursing which his case required. But to his youthful and ardent spirit, inactivity was as hard to bear as physical pain. He longed to be abroad in the field, and to witness the progress of those events, on the issue of which he had staked his all. The peace- loving Moravians endeavored in vain to convince him of the folly and sinfulness of the profession he had adopted, and the perfect propriety and practicability of the pacific principle. He listened with deference to their homilies against war, while, at the same time, he amused himself with projects which should strengthen the cause of liberty in the new world, and kindle afresh the contentions with tyrants in the old. Unable to wield the sword, he took up his pen, and corresponded with singular diligence and ability, not only with his family and friends, but with such persons of distinction, in both France and the French colonies, as he supposed might exert a favorable influence in the American cause. To M. de Bouille, governor of Martinique, he proposed an enterprise, to weaken the power of the common enemy, by an attack upon the English islands, under American colors. That gen- eral approved the project, but, on laying it before the minister, was not permitted to prosecute it. He also viTote to the count de Maurepas, proposing to conduct an expedition against the English factories in the Indian ocean, to be manned in part by Americans, and carried on under the American flag. Subsequent events left no doubt on his mind that this latter expedi- tion would have been attended with complete success, depriving Gi-eat Britain of the most important of her colonial possessions in the East; but, as Lafayette waa 42 IiIPE OP LAFAYETTE. in disgrace at Versailles, his unceremonious departure not having been forgiven, no official answer was ever made to this suggestion. Count de Maurepas spoke publicly in praise of it, and ever after showed a decided partiality for the brave heart and sagacious mind in which it originated. In remarking upon the warmth of his zeal in the sei-vice of liberty, the old minister is reported to have said : " He will end, one day, by un- fumishing the palace of Versailles to serve the Ameri- can cause ; for when he has once taken anything into his head, it is impossible to resist him." GALLANT SERVICES REWARDED. 43 CHAPTER IV. GALLANT SERVICES REWARDED LAFAYETTE COMMAND- ER-IN-CHIEF OP THE NORTHERN ARMY. During the temporary retirement of Lafayette, the British general had entrenched himself at Philadelphia ; and Washington, with the hope of dislodging him, had conducted a well-fought hut unsuccessful attack upon his advanced post at Germantown. This was on the 4th of October. The report of the action, and the new hopes it inspired, made the young volunteer moi'e impatient than ever to be in the field. He was not then allowed to leave his bed ; but early in November, though stiU unable to wear a boot, he was so far recovered as to be able to return to the camp. Headquarters were then established at Whitemarsh, fourteen miles west of Philadelphia. General Greene being ordered into New Jersey, to watch and harass the movements of Lord Comwallis, Lafayette accompanied him as a vol- unteer. Taking command of a detachment of three hundred and fifty men, for the purpose of reconnoitring the enemy's position, he led them from Mount Holly to Gloucester point, a few miles below Philadelphia, on the opposite side of the river, where he overtook the retiring foe. They had collected considerable booty, which they were engaged in conveying across the river. To inform himself more perfectly of their position, the young gen- eral advanced, in person, upon a narrow strip of land 44 IjIPE of LAFAYETTE. called Sandy point, whicli projected far into tlie river Here he was wholly exposed to the direct fire of the British, to which he would doubtless have fallen a vic- tim, if they had not relied with so much confidence upon their ability to cut off his retreat and take him alive, as to neglect the use of their arms till he was quite out of their reach. His guides were in the greatest alarm. The pursuit was extremely warm ; but, by his coolness and activity, he succeeded in evading the one and quiet- ing the other. At four o'clock in the afternoon, he fell in with a regi- ment of Hessians, nearly four hundred in number, who were posted about two miles in advance of the British camp. Though his force was inferior in numbers, and without artillery, he immediately assaulted the place, and compelled the Hessians to give way. The firing being heard at the camp, C omwallis came up with his grenadieis; but, owing to the nature of the ground and the skilful dis- position of the American party, he was deceived as to the number of his antagonists. Supposing himself engaged with the entire corps of General Greene, which was equal to his own, he suffered himself to be driven back to the neighborhood of Gloucester, where he intended to make a stand. In this skirmish the British lost about sixty men. A message had been despatched to Greene, to in- form him of the conflict. He set forward immediately, and arrived on the ground late at night. The combat having been suspended, he did not deem it prudent to renew it. In the morning Lord C omwallis crossed the river, without risking another engagement, and Greene, with his force, rejoined the main army at Wliitemarsh. The good management and success of Lafayette, in this affair, was highly gratifying to the army and to Con- gress. His personal popularity was great, wherever he was known. His devotion to their cause — his cool, in- GALLANT SERVICES REWARDED. 45 trepid bravery in action — his modest deportment, unas- suming manners, and easy acquiescence in the plain habits, plain fare, and unusual hardships of the republi- can camp — had won for him a high place in the confi- dence, esteem, and affection, of all classes. It was, therefore, with general satisfaction that Congi'ess em- braced this opportunity to assign him a command in ac- cordance with his rank. On the 26th of November, immediately after the affair at Gloucester, Washington urged the matter upon the attention of Congress, in a letter commending, in strong tenns, his pradence and good conduct. A resolution was accordingly passed, on the 1st of December, 1777, declaring that " it would be extremely agreeable to the Congi-ess of the United States to see the marquis de Lafayette at the head of a division." Three days after- ward it was proclaimed, in public orders, that he was to take command of the division recently under General Stephen, who had been dismissed from the army. This division, was composed chiefly of the Virginia regiments of militia. On the 5th of December, General Howe, having been reinforced by several regiments from New York, took post at Chesnut hill, scarcely more than three miles from Whitemarsh. His force consisted of twelve thousand men. Washington, with his accustomed prudence, though not averse to an engagement, resolved to act on the de- fensive, upon the ground he had chosen. But Howe, not inclined to venture upon an attack, after wasting three days in a variety of manoeuvres, in the vain hope f gaining some advantage, suddenly returned to Phila- delphia, having lost, in different skirmishes, more than a hundred men. Meanwhile, the American force in Pennsylvania had been considerably sti-engthened by detachments from the 46 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. army at the north, the sun-ender of Burgoyne rendering the longer continuance of the ti-oops in that quarter un- necessary. But as companies and regiments, whose tenns of enlistment had expired, were continually returning to their homes, the whole numher, under the immediate command of Washington, seldom exceeded ten thousand men. With a well-organized, regular army, he could at any time have driven the British from the field. About the middle of December, with his little handful of men, vnetchedly clad, and wretchedly provided in ail respects, Washington went into winter quarters at Valley Forge. An encampment bo unique, so destitute of ev- erything that could make it attractive, comfortable, or even tolerable, our European allies had never seen nor imagined. It filled them with surprise and admiration. Lafayette, who partook of its hardships, remarked that " the patient endurance of both soldiers and officers was a miracle which each moment served to renew." With a devotion to the American cause as deep as it was sin- gular, he encouraged the endurance of othex-s by submit- ting cheerfully and voluntarily to every privation, and remaining constantly on duty in camp. He wished to be even more simple, frugal, and austere, than the Amer- icans themselves, and refused nothing in the way of self- denial or fatigue, which his -duty as an officer rendered practicable. At this epoch. General Lafayette was called upon to take a very conspicuous place in the army, under cir- cumstances which exhibited in the strongest light, not only his sincere attachment to Washington, and his true fidelity to the American cause, but that sterling virtue and incorruptible integiity of character, which made_ him, through his whole life, one of the most noble and consistent of men. An intrigue was in progress, to un- dermine the influence and destroy the power of the com- COMMANDS THE NORTHERN ARMY. 47 ■mander-in-chief. General Grates was at the head of it, though it has received the designation of " Conway's cabal." Gates, Mifflin, and Conway, were the conspira tors ; and, aided by the eclat which attached to the name of the former, in consequence of his success at Saratoga, he had gained the ear of several members of Congress. Even in that honorable body, on whose deliberations and decisions were suspended, not only the fate of the na- tion, but that of Liberty herself for centuries to come, there weye not a few of those shortsighted, shallow rea- soners, who estimate talent by success, and virtue by the noisy pretensions of those who lay exclusive claim to it. The evident design of the cabal was to displace Gen- eral Washington, and raise General Gates to the supreme command. The better to eifect this, it was deemed ne- cessary to detach Lafayette from his interest, and, if possible, draw him into the conspiracy. With this view, an expedition againt Canada was projected, to be or- dered by Congi-ess, and carried on by a distinct anny, under a commander who should be in no way responsi- ble to Washington. Gates, as chairman of the board of war, was the author of this scheme. It was adopted, by the aid of his friends and supporters in Congi'ess, with- out consulting Washington in reference to any of its de- tails. He was only infoi-med of its nature and design, when, in the latter part of January, 1778, he received a letter from General Gates, enclosing another to Lafay ette, informing him that he was appointed to the com mand of the expedition. Washington placed the commission in the hands of his friend, without allowing himself to make a single remark. Lafayette, on perusing the paper, immediately penetra- ■ted the designs of its projectors, and declared to three ^ commissioners of Congi-ess, who chanced to be in the camp at that moment, that he would aever accept any 48 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. command independent of his general, and that the ti- tle of aide-de-camp appeared to him preferable to any other that could be offered to him. His fii-st impulse was to decline the appointment altogether. It was at best an unpromising scheme ; and so it appeared to him at first view. It contemplated the raising of an anny of two or three thousand men, to rendezvous at Albany, proceed across Lake Champlain on the ice, bum the enemy's shipping at St. John's, press onward to Montreal, and accomplish such other enterprises as circumstances might suggest and permit. General Washington at once advised the acceptance of the command, expressing his satisfaction that it was offered to him rather than to any other person, and ad- ding that so high a testimony of the confidence of Con- gress would be honorable to him in the eyes of the world, while his own prudence would be a sufficient guaranty to his reputation, in whatever manner the ex- pedition might terminate. Thus advised by the man in whom he most confided, Lafayette signified his acceptance of the honorable charge on condition of remaining subordinate to General Wash- ington, of being considered but as an officer detached from his command, and of addressing all official letters to him, the duplicates of which should be sent to Con- gress. These stipulations being assented to, he hastened to York, about eighty miles west of Philadelphia, where Congress was then assembled, to confer with the board of war. They had directed him to proceed at once to Albany, and there await his further instractions, hoping thus to intoxicate him with a sense of his ov\rn impor- tance, and at the same time remove him from the influ- ence of the counsels of his commander. But he insisted upon receiving circumstantial orders before his depart- ure, with a full statement of the means to be employed, COMMANDS THE NORTHERN ARMY. 49 and the prospects of ultimate success. He also demand- ed an additional number of general officers, among whom he nominated his old friend the baron de Kalb, who, being senior in rank, would take precedence of Conway, and thus defeat all the hopes based upon his superior influence. * At the house of General Gates, where all these mat- tars were discussed at the dinner-table, Mifflin and Con- way being present, with othei-s interested in promoting the entei-prise, the youthful general threw off all disguise in relation to his own sentiments and preferences, by ob- serving, as they were about to separate, that there was one toast which they had not dmnk, which could not, without violence to his feelings, be omitted. The glasses being filled, he gave — " The commander-in-chief of the Amer- ican annies." It was received with manifest coldness, but, in deference to him who proposed it, was drunk with the usual ceremony of respect. This frank and manly avowal of his sentiments, and the decided conditions by which he cut off all hope of being made the mere tool of a faction, to promote their owm elevation by the destruction of all above them, deprived the enterprise of all its most promising features, and led to its ultimate abandonment. Its projectors had not the hardihood, however, to give it up without some show of effort, which served only to divide and distract the Amer- ican forces, and consume a large amount of " the sinews of war," the furnishing of which imposed such a heavy burden upon the country. General Lafayette entered'upon the execution of this new trast.with full confidence that he should be able to render important service to the country, if all the prom- ised means were faithfully and promptly afforded him ; but, at the same time, with a strong conviction that the whole would fail for want of those means. In his in- 3 50 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. structions from the war-office, it was stipulated that twenty-five hundred men should be assembled at Albany, to be joined by a large corps of New-England militia, under command of the brave and talented General Stark, whose gi-and achievement at Bemington, the previous year, had furnished the key to all our successes at the north. He was also to be supplied with two millions of paper-money, a considerable quantity of specie, and dl the necessary facilities for conveying his army across Lake Champlain on.the ice. Early in Februaiy, 1778, the commander-in-chief of the northern army, being then some seven months less than twenty-one years of age, commenced his long and dreary journey to Albany. He could only travel ou horseback, and the distance was more than three hun- dred miles. Dismissing his guide at Hemingtown, he wrote a hasty note to Washington, in which he says, " I go on slowly, sometimes drenched with rain, sometimes covered with snow, and not entertaining many handsome thoughts about the projected incursion into Canada. If successes were to be had, it would surprise me in the most agi'eeable manner, for the reason that I do not ex- pect any brilliant ones. Lake Champlain is too cold to produce one sprig of laui'el ; and, if I am not stai-ved, I shall be as proud as if I had gained three battles." I On the 17th, he arrived at Albany. The boasted prep- arations had scarcely commenced. Instead of twenty- five hundred men, but little more than a thouseind were collected, and these poorly provided for such an expedi- tion. General Stark, who, as Gates boastfully predicted, would have burnt the English flotilla at St. John's before the main aimy could anive there, had not even been no- tified that his services would be required. Generals Schuyler, Lincoln, and Arnold, had each sent in their written opinions, condemning the whole enterprise, in COMMANDS THE NORTHERN ARMY. 51 tlie most emphatic manner, as altogether impracticable and preposterous. This was the universal sentiment of the north. Clothing, provisions, military stores, sledges for transportation, were all unprovided. The men who were there were not half furnished even for a summer camj)aign, besides having aiTears of pay due them amount- ing to nearly a million of dollars, the want of which was already producing a serious disaffection in the ranks. Encompassed with these difficulties, and deeply cha grined at the aspect of the enterprise, he wrote to Wash- ington, as to a father, expressing the fear that his reputa- tion would suffer from having his name connected with so ill-judged and ill-planned an expedition, and suggesting the possibility of turning to good account such prepara- tions as had already been made, by a sudden diversion to another quarter. Arnold favored an attack upon New York, but was too sick to accompany it. Lafayette de- sired anything which might save his command from the disgrace of a total failure. The projected invasion of Canada, though deemed im- practicable from the beginning, was not wholly aban- doned by its adventurous commander until the breaking up of the ice in March. Disappointed of the promised reinforcements, he conceived the bold idea of attempting to accomplish by surprise, with a detachment, the enter- prise which he had not means to prosecute in any other way. It was but a momentary thought, however, which mature deliberation pronounced rash and impossible. Carleton was too strongly posted to fear anything but a well-appointed army, and Lafayette, though ardent and fearless, was too prudent to risk anything for the love of adventure merely. As he concealed from every one but Washington his doubts and disgusts, and employed every means in his power to forward the expedition, even boiTowing money 52 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. on his personal credit, to satisfy the demands of the sol- diers, it became at length a cause of serious alann at Georgetown, where Congi^ess was at that time assem- bled, lest he should push forward to the lake, and attempt the passage when it was too late to do so with safety. Orders were therefore issued, countermanding his origi- nal instructions, and recalling him to his foitner position in the main army, where, it was flatteringly said, his pres- ence was highly necessary. He had already, before the azTival of these orders, renounced the expedition. But, consistently with the position he assumed in accepting his command, he would not lay it down, though recalled by Congress, till he received the orders of the command- er-in-chief. " Till I have instructions for leaving the place from yourself," he wrrote, " I shall stay, as power- ful commander-in-chief, as if Congress had never re- solved my presence absolutely necessary for the great army." During his brief residence at Albany, Lafayette had won the affection and confidence of all classes, and i-en- dered some actual sei^vice to the cause in which he was engaged. The whole northern frontier was exposed to the merciless irruptions of the Indian tribes ; especially the Hurons and the Iroquois, who, being in the pay of the British, seized every occasion to plunder and hai'ass the American settlements, often committing the gi-eatest barbarities upon defenceless women and children. Find- ing that he must abandon his expedition to Canada, and conscious that he could not hope for means adequate to the protection of every part of so extensive a frontier, Lafayette resolved at least to do what he could. He directed that quarters for the accommodation of troops should be erected in many different places alono- the line, causing it to be announced as widely as possible, that gaiTisons would immediately be established in them COMMANDS THE NORTHERN ARMY. 53 all. This stratagem made the Indians more cautious in their advances, it being an important part of their sys- tem of tactics to avoid danger whenever they can. The principal tribes in that quarter having been invi- ted to a conference with the American ; commissioners, Schuyler and Duane, at Johnstown, on the Mohawk, General Lafayette was requested to attend the meeting The attachment of these tribes to the Fi'ench had survived their loss of dominion in Canada; and though always ready, for British gold, to fight against Americans, they would probably at any time have preferred to return to their ancient allegiance. The French missionaries were still their instructors and religious guides. With the French language they were more familiar than with the English; and when the young French chief addressed them,- they listened with unusual attention. They receiv- ed his presents with marked satisfaction, and promised, for his sake, to abstain from further acts of hostility against his friends the Americans. They even adopted him as one of their own chiefs, givinghim the name of Kayoula, by which one of their deceased warriors had been distinguished. The treaty thus entered into was for some time rigidly observed by a portion of the Indians, and, so far, had a happy effect in relieving the frontier ; and, if the Amer- ican purse had been as amply provided as the British, they would doubtless have been able, by the aid of their French allies, to avert altogether the atrocities of those ruthless marauders. The effect of this visit was felt for a considerable" time after. Whenever the aid of the Indians was required for any purpose, or any dealings with their chiefs be- came necessaiy, recourse was had to the nam^ and ci-edit of Kayoula, " whose necklaces and words were equally respected." In retiring from this honorable command in the north. 54 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. General Lafayette had the satisfaction, not only of hav- ing secured the approbation and increased the confi- dence of Washington, by the manner in which he had conducted, but also of receiving from Congress and the board of war a vote of thanks for his good conduct. The resolution of Congi-ess, on this occasion, declared that that honorable body " entertained a high sense of the prudence, activity, and zeal, of General Lafayette, and that they are fully persuaded that nothing has, or would have been, wanting on his part, or on the part of his officers who accompanied him, to give the expedition the utmost possible effect." He had, however, a higher satisfaction within, than any such testimonials as these could afford — the satisfaction of having been permitted to contribute his share in " turning into foolishness the counsels" of an unprincipled faction, who were aiming to aggrandize themselves by immolating, on the altar of their ambition, the only man who was able to guide, through all the storms that assailed it, the cause of lib- erty and of man. THE PKENCH ALLIANCE. 65 CHAPTER V. THE FRENCH ALLIANCE BARREN-HILL RETREAT BAT- TLE OP MONMOUTH. General Lafayette returned to the camp, at Valley Forge, in season to witness something more of the priva- tions and hardships which the army had endured through that terrihle winter. These were sufficiently severe at its commencement, before he departed for the north ; but they had increased in severity as the months passed on. Soon after his an-ival, he was called upon to render a service of peculiar delicacy and importance to the army. An oath of allegiance had been prescribed by Congress, to be administered to all the officers in its service. It embraced an acknowledgment of the inde- pendence, liberty, and sovereignty, of the United States, an eternal renunciation of George III., his successors and heirs, and every king of England, and a promise to defend the states against any and all attempts of said George III. to reduce them again to his dominion. There were still many men in the army, as well as many private citizens, who had not fully made up their minds that the breach between the mother-country and hei' colonies could not, by suitable concessions on the part of England, be healed. Some, who would by no means submit to the exactions of the past, which they regarded rather as ministerial follies than royal encroachments, were not prepared to renounce for ever their allegiance 56 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE, to the crown. They were consequently reluctant to take the oath. When it was proposed to General Lee, he met it with the peculiar objection, that, though he had no scruples about renouncing for ever his allegiance to the king, he was not prepared to do the same with respect to the piince of Wales. The difficulty arising out of this matter was soon over- come by the delicate and judicious management of La- fayette, whose popularity and influence were universal, and whose good offices, in relation to this particulai- ob- ject, were duly acknowledged by the commander-in- chief and by Congress. But America was indebted to this ardent and devoted friend, or rather to a kind Providence through him, for another and higher influence, on which the question of her destiny seemed to turn. Though he left France against the express interdict of the king, pursued by the • police to the very shore, and by the royal cruisers across the ocean, yet the act of leaving, under such circum- stances, had the effect, ultimately, to win over to the same cause the whole power and chivalry of France. Though denounced by the ministiy and the court, as one who had disobeyed the express orders of his king, his conduct was heartily approved by the greater part of the brave cavaliers of the land. So enthusiastic was their admiration of the course he had taken, that it would not have been politic, or even safe, for the king to exercise his prerogative of punishment, by declaring the offender an outlaw and confiscating his property to the state. France was, and for ages had been, the natural enemy of England, and, by consequence, the natural ally of any power that was opposed to England. The entire suc- cess of the American states would, at any time, have electrified with joy the court and the people of France. They wished to see their rival humbled, and would even- THE FRENCH ALLIANCE. 57 submit to considerable sacrifices to promote that object; but at this particular crisis, when the nation was gi-oan- ing under the weight of accumulated burdens, they were afraid of the expense of involving themselves in another war with England. It was rather from motives of pol- icy, therefore, than of hearty good will, that Louis XVI. and his crafty ministers frowned upon the chivahic en- tei'prise of the young marquis. They were obliged to put on the appearance of displeasure, to satisfy the watchful and suspicious emissaries of George III. The sentiment in favor of the struggling colonies was continually increasing in France. Some of the papers openly advocated their cause, and applauded, in unmeas- ured terms, the heroic conduct of Lafayette. Many brave old soldiers and young cavaliers were eager to follow his example ; and when the news of the suiTen- der of Burgoyne, and the bold and masterly conduct of Washington at GennantowTi, reached the ears of the monarchs of Europe, giving assurance of ultimate suc- cess, the tide of popular feeling set so strongly in favor of America, that the ministi-y was carried along with it. Franklin, Deane, and Lee, were recognised and received as commissioners. A treaty of mutual amity was nego- tiated, and the independence of the United States of America guarantied by the court of France. The gal- lant conduct and spirited coiTCspondence of Lafayette had its full share in bringing about this great result, by creating such a current of popular opinion in its favor as no ministry, however reluctant at heart, would have dared to oppose. So manifest, even at that time, was the agency of Lafayette, in producing this favorable issue, that Franklin, Deane, and Lee, had no sooner been admitted to an audience with the king, than, with John Adams and other distinguished Americans who were then in Paris, they immediately called on Madame 58 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. de Lafayette, and made a public acknowledgment of the indebtedness of their country to her husband. On the 13th of April, I'HS, Simeon Deane, brother of the commissioner in Paris, and bearer of despatches, was landed, from the French frigate La Sensible, at Fal- mouth (now Portland), Maine, bringing the joyful intel- ligence of a treaty with France. He was hailed with enthusiastic joy in all the towns through which he passed, on his way to York, where he arrived on the 2'd of May. When Lafayette received his letters, announ- cing this arrival, he could scarcely contain his joy. He ran to General Washington, and embracing him, with tears of the deepest emotion, exclaimed : " The king, my master, has acknowledged your independence, and formed an alliance with you to secure and establish it." The joy was universal, and loudly expressed. A new confidence was infused into Congress, the anny, and the people. On the 6th of May, the orders of the command- er-in-chief were issued, to have the event suitably ac- knowledged, in the following manner : " It having pleased the Almighty Ruler of the universe to defend the cause * of the united American states, and finally to raise us up a powerful friend among the princes of the earth, to establish our liberty and independence upon a lastino- foundation, it becomes us to set apart a day for grate- fully acknowledging the divine goodness, and celebra- ting the important event, which we owe to his divine intei-position." Agreeably to these orders, the several brigades of the army were assembled at their respective places of pa- rade, on the morning of the 7th, where a full outline of the compact with France was communicated by the chaplains, followed by devout thanksgivings to God, and patriotic discourses upon the renewed obligations of American citizens. After some preparatory manceuvres, BARREN' HILL RETREAT. 59 the whole array was formed into line, and a grand salute fired of thirteen heavy guns. This was followed by a brilliant running fire of all the infantry, through the whole front line, from right to left, when it was imme- diately taken up by the rear line, and continued from left to right. Upon a signal then given, the whole anny shouted, "Long live the Icing of France !" — the echo, "king of France !" reverberating from the hills on ev- ery side, being blended with and lost in another dis- charge of thirteen rounds from the heavy artillery. A second general discharge of musketry, in a running fire as before, from right to left, and left to right, was suc- ceeded by the universal shout, " Long live the friendly European poioers !" Prefaced in the same brilliant manner, the last and loudest huzza was given to " The American States !" which, rising on the breeze, was borne away to the distant hills, announcing, as if by a voice from heaven, that those states were now recog- nised in Europe as a free and independent nation. In all these festive demonstrations. General Lafayette and his French compatriots bore a conspicuous part, receiving, as the representatives of their nation, the homage of a grateful people. Under these encouraging auspices, the campaign of '78 was opened with a confidence and spirit which few, if any, of the American leaders, had ever felt before. In the expectation of efficient aid which was soon to aiTive from France, it was determined to .make evei-y effort to bring all their effective force into the field, and drive the enemy fi'om his posts. With a view to obtain satisfac- tory intelligence of their position, as well as to protect the country on the north from the ravages of foraging parties, two thousand four hundred men, under the com- mand of General Lafayette, were sent, on the 18th of May, across the Schuylkill to Baixen hill, a position 60 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. about equidistant from the two armies. This movement and its object were immediately reported to General Clinton by a spy, who had formerly been a soldier in the American army, and who still kept up a familiar but unsuspected intercourse with his old comrades. On re- ceiving this intelligence. General Clinton formed a plan for cutting oft" the whole detachment ; and so confident was he of success, that he invited several ladies of Phil- adelphia to sup with him on the evening of the following day, promising them the honor of an introduction to the young marquis de Lafayette. With this view, General Grant was detached, at the head of five thousand men, with orders to file off to the left, through Whitemarsh, so as to fall upon the rear of the American detachment. At the same time. General Grey, with two thousand men, marched up on the western bank of the Schuylkill, and took a station about two miles below Barren hill, on that side of the i-iver ; while another corps, commanded by General Clinton in person, took the direct road fi'om Philadelphia, and halted at Chestnut hill. Lafayette had chosen his position with the eye of a general, and disposed his men to great advantage. His camp occupied a commanding eminence, protected by the Schuylkill with its precipitous, rocky banks on the right, and by thick woods and some strong stone houses on the left. His cannon were well planted in front. A little in advance of his left wing was Captain M'Lane's company of riflemen, with about fifty young Indian war- riors, having charge of the woods, to prevent a sui-prise. The roads leading to Philadelphia were well guarded by light troops, accustomed to the service of videttes ; while General Porter, with six hundred Pennsylvania militia, was stationed on the road to "WTiitemarsh. A short distance in the rear of his encampment, on the left, there was a fork in the road, each branch leading to the BARREN HILL RETREAT. 61 river, one striking it at Matson's ford and tte other at Swedes' ford, the latter being the direct road to the camp at Valley Forge. The movements of the enemy were quiet, stealthy, and unexpected. Their approach was not discovered by any of the argus-eyed outguards till the morning of the 20th, when General Grrant's column was within a mile, on Lafayette's left. When this intelligence reached him, he was in the act of commissioning a messenger to Phil- adelphia, in the person of a young woman, who, under pretence of visiting her friends in the city, had engaged to procure infoi-mation of the movements and designs of the British. While engaged in conversation with this woman, he was informed that a body of cavalry in red uniform was advancing from Whitemarsh. Expecting, according to previous arrangement, that a detachment of dragoons would join him from that quaater, the an- nouncement did not alarm him. He sent an officer, how- ever, to reconnoitre, and was soon informed that a strong column of the enemy, much superior in number to his own, was in full march along the road from Whitemarsh to Swedes' ford, and that the direct retreat to Valley Forge was cut off, the advanced guard of the enemy having already gained the fork. The picket coming in at the same time from the south, reported General Grey's column advancing on the Ridge road fi-om Philadelphia. The numbers and proximity of the en«my, and the ad^ vanced position ali'eady gained by General Grant, ren- dered the situation of Lafayette and his detachment haz- ardous and critical in the extreme. The youthful general saw at a glance the full extent of his danger, and the absolute necessity of consummate prudence and instant action in order to effect his escape. With the greatest promptness and decision, he changed his front, ordered a strong party to take possession of a 62 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. diurchyard, which lay directly between his camp and the line of the enemy's advance, and drew up the remainder so that they were protected by the wood and the stone houses before mentioned. Perceiving that his only re- treat was by Matson's ford, he directed a rapid but or- dex'ly advance on that road, at the same time sending out several small parties, with orders to show themselves, as heads of columns, at different points in the wood, hoping thus to deceive the enemy into the belief that his whole force was marching to an attack. In this manceuvre he was entirely successful. On the appearance of these parties, making a bold front, General Gi'ant supposed they were sustained on their rear by the whole Ameri- can force, and, fearing they might attempt to turn his flank if he continued his march in column, he halted his troops and drew them up in order of battle. Availing himself of the time occupied in this movement, Lafayette drew off his main body in rapid march toward Matson's ford, that road being fortunately concealed from the view of the enemy by an intervening hill covered with wood. In a little time his heads of columns and pickets gradu- ally fell back and joined in the retreat. Having all arrived safely at the ford, they crossed the river, took possession of the high grounds on the other side, and prepared to receive the enemy, should he attempt to pursue them farther. His advanced parties reached the ford in season to annoy the American rear-guard, which was protecting the passage of the artillery. A slight skirmish took place, in which the Americans lost nine men killed and taken, and the enemy two dragoons killed and several wounded. Wlien the two divisions of the British met at the church on Barren hill, their over-confident generals were surprised and chagrined to find that the bird had flown. They were quite sure that they had him in a net from BARREN HILL KETREAT. 63 whicli he could not escape. They pushed on with all speed to the ford, but, finding that the retreating party- was strongly posted on the other side of the stream, and ready*to contest the passage, they abandoned the pursuit and returned immediately to Philadelphia. Lafayette obtained and deserved the highest praise for the prudence and skill with which he extricated him- self from this perilous position. He received the warm- jest approbation of his beloved commander, and a vote of thanks from Congress, in which they styled his ma- noeuvre " a well-timed and masterly retreat." Nor was it through any want of proper military prudence on his part that he was brought into a situation of so unuch peril without due notice. The road to Whitemarsh had been provided with a sti'ong guard of six hundred men, under General Porter, who, for some unexplained rea- son, of which the general was not notified, had retired to another position, and left that road open to the enemy. This affair was one of the deepest interest to both the contending parties. Lafayette's detachment comprised the flower of the American army, and its loss would have been a severe if not an irreparable disaster. To- give intensity to the interest of the occasion, the whole scene of his peril was distinctly viewed, by the aid of telescopes, from the camp at Valley Forge. His position was high, with a declivity toward the north, which exposed to the view of the observers at headquarters the encampment and the entire line of General Grant's march toward the Swedes' ford road. The road to Matson's ford was con- cealed fi-om view. So that Washington and his com- peers had the pain of seeing their noble young friend suiTounded with peril from which it seemed impossible to escape, without the power of following him in his masterly retreat. The British generals, on the other hand, were so sure 64 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. of their prey before they started on the chase, that they were wholly unprepared for a disappointment. It is understood that General Howe, though not then in com- mand, accompanied the expedition, and that his brother, the admiral, was also present as a volunteer, flattering him- self that he should have the pleasure of conveying the young marquis as a prisoner to Europe. When the gen- erals met on the hill, they were both so overcome with vexation at the loss of their prey, that they almost quar- relled with each other. There was little time, however, for words. The alarm-guns fired at Valley Forge, to warn Lafayette of his danger, had given them the im- pres^on that the whole American force was coming down upon them. They therefore made all possible despatch in securing their ovim retreat. An amusing incident is related in connection with this enterprise. The young Indian warriors, who were placed near Captain M'Lane's company, in ambush among the trees, had never seen an English dragoon. When, there- fore, a party of these fierce-looking cavaliers, with their huge bearskin caps and fiery costume, advancing rapidly along the road, came suddenly upon the ambuscade, the teiTified savages raised a horrible yell, threw down their arms, and escaped by swimming across the Schuylkill; The dragoons, on the other hand, had recently arrived in the country, and had not yet encountered an Indian foe. Equally astounded and terrified by the sudden ap- parition and the unearthly yell, they turned suddenly about, without firing a pistol, and never looked behind them till they reached Philadelphia. On the arrival of the commissioners with Lord North's proposals of conciliation, a new excitement arose, in which General Lafayette was destined to act a conspic- uous pai-t. The door to reconciliation with the mother- country was hopelessly closed, long before this arrival. PROPOSALS OP CONCILIATION. 65 The Declaration of Independence, notwithstanding some differences of opinion among the people, had settled that point for ever. It was the Magna Charta of America. The oath of renunciation and allegiance administered to the officers of the army, and the resolutions of Congress of the 22d of April, before the aiTival of the commissioners, and before the treaty with France was announced, de- claring that " the United States could not with propriety hold any conference or treaty with any commissioners on the part of Great Britain, unless they shall, as preliminary thereto, either withdraw their fleets and annies, or else in positive and express terms acknowledge the indepen- dence of said states," were the double bars and bolts that secured the ai-k where that charter was deposited. And the ratification of the treaty with France, in which, while she guarantied our independence and liberty, we sol- emnly pledged ourselves not to listen to any proposal for relinquishing it, placed a seal upon those bolts which few would have been so hardy as to break, even if they had desired to do so. The commissioners were not admitted to an interview with Congress, the essential preliminary above contem- plated, not having been attended to. Among the papers transmitted by them to Congress was an address to that honorable body, the reading of which was called for as soon as it was announced by the president. The paper contained, among other offensive matters, expressions which were regarded as highly disrespectful to the king of France. At that point the reading was interrupted. The house directed the president to seal up the papers, and immediately adjourned. When the subject was re- sumed the next day, the 17th of June, it was only to re- iterate the resolution of the 22d of April, and assure the commissioners of their perfect readiness to make peace whenever the king of Great Britain should manifest a 65 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. disposition to do bo, "the only solid proof of which would be an explicit acknowledgment of the independence of these states, or the withdrawal of his fleets and aiinies." The offensive passage in the address w^as in these words : " We can not but remark the insidious interpo- sition of a power which has, from the first settlement of the colonies, been actuated by enmity to us both ; and, notwithstanding the pretended date, or present foim, of the French offers to North America, it is notorious that they have only been made, because it was believed that Great Britain had conceived the design of an amicable ari'angement, and with a view to prevent reconciliation, and prolong this destructive war." By orders from the minister of war, the British gen- eral prepared to evacuate Philadelphia as soon as it was ascertained that the terms of conciliation would not he accepted by Congi-ess. The war was now to be prose- cuted with the utmost vigor. The olive-branch was with- drawn, and absolute, unconditional submission, at the point of the bayonet, proposed in its stead. From New York, as the central post, the thunder-bearing ships and the armed legions were to be sent forth in all directions to ravage the country, to lay waste the towms and vil- lages, that so rebellion might be crushed under the iron hoof of Mars. The evacuation took place on the 17th of June. Sir Henry Clinton led the army in person across the Jer- seys, moving by slow and easy marches, and appai-ently inviting an attack. The army of Washington, which was of nearly equal force, left its quarters at Valley Foro-e at the same time, and took the road to Coryell's feny, with the purpose of hanging on the rear of the enemy, and taking advantage of every opportunity that might offer to annoy him. It was a question in the council of war, upon which the officers were seriously divided, whether they BATTLE OP MONMOUTH. 67 should allow the foe to pass unmolested to New York, and content themselves with merely taking possession of the ground, by establishing their camp at White Plains, or endeavor to weaken him as they went, by falling on his rear, or offering him battle. Lee, Stirling, and sev- eral others, were opposed to fighting, on the ground that the advantage was too much in favor of the enemy. Others, among whom Lafayette was one of the most ur- gent, contended that it would be dishonorable to them- selves, and unjust to the army, to allow so favorable an opportunity to pass, when they had the choice of the time and mode of attack. To this opinion, in which he was ably supported by General Greene, the commander-in- chief was strongly inclined. But the majority seconded the views of Lee. Confident in his ability to meet the enemy, and satis- fied that the interests of his cause demanded the trial, Washington called another council, in which his views were again negatived by a decided majority. Finding, however, that some of his officers on whom he placed the greatest reliance not only supported his views, but were ready to take the lead in any plan of operations which he might direct, he resolved to take the entire respon- sibility upon himself. He was then in the vicinity of Princeton, and the British army was on its march, by way of Crosswicks and AllentovTn, toward Monmouth. Major-General Dickerson, with about one thousand of the Jersey militia, and a brigade of continentals, com- manded by General Maxwell, kept close on its track, and obsei-ved and reported all its movements. Gen- eral Cadwallader and Colonel Morgan, with their re- spective corps, were also in pursuit, hanging on the right flank and rear of the enemy. On the 24th of June, Brigadier-General Scott was de- tached, with a chosen coi-ps of fifteen hundred men, to 68 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. reinforce General Maxwell. The next day, Brigadier- General Wayne followed with a thousand select troops, accompanied by Major-General Lafayette, who had com- mand of the whole force. This command, which was in the highest degree honorable and important, devolved of right upon General Lee. But that officer having op- posed with all his eloquence the hazard of the present expedition, thought proper to decline the post. It was immediately solicited and obtained by Lafayette, much to the satisfaction of Washington, who rejoiced in having BO good an opportunity of showing his entire confidence in the ability and prudence of the young marquis. He was no sooner gone, than General Lee changed his mind, and addressed a note to the commander-in- chief, ajiologizing for his " rash assent" to the aiTange- ment, and claiming the right to have it reversed, de- clai'ing that, in case of action on the pai't of so large and important a detachment, under the command of their junior, both he and Lord Stirling would be disgraced. Willing to gratify Lee, and desirous, at the same time, of saving the feelings of Lafayette, the former was imme- diately detached, with two additional brigades, to sup- port the latter. As senior officer, he would, of course, have command of the whole division ; but lie was spe- cially instructed, in case General Lafayette had already undeitaken any definite enterprise against the enemy, that he should be permitted to caiTy it through without interference. With this understanding, Lee joined the detachment at English Town, and assumed the command of the whole division, leaving to Lafayette only that of the militia and the light-horse. It was with the greatest reluctance that the latter yielded a position he had so much coveted ; but when General Lee appealed to his generosity, saying, " It is my fortune and my honor that I place in your hands ; you are too generous to cause BATTLE OF MONMOUTH. 69 the loss of both," he waived his right, and retired to his subordinate command. Meanwhile, before the arrival of Lee, Lafayette had pressed boldly forward, and taken a position on com- manding ground, not far from Monmouth, and about five miles in the rear of the enemy, with the intention of leading- on the attack as soon as he should take up his line of march in the morning. The main army having moved on to CranbeiTy,. this advanced coi^ps was found to be too far on the right, to be easily reinforced, in case of coming to close action, and Lafayette received orders from Washington .to file off toward English Town. This was done early in the morning of the 27th. Sir Heni-y Clinton having taken a strong position on the heights of Freehold, it was not deemed prudent to assail him there ; but as there would be no chance of operating successfully against him, if he should succeed in reaching the heights of Middletown, it was determined to attack his rear, as soon as he should move from his encampment. Orders to this effect were sent to Gen- eral Lee, and corresponding preparations were made with the main division. The subsequent details of this battle belong rather to the history of the war and to the private memoirs of Washington and Lee, than to those of Lafayette. The part he took in it was subordinate, and dependent upon the orders and movements of others, and consequently afforded little opportunity for the display of military talent. The unexpected retreat of Lee, the disorder and confusion consequent thereupon, the sudden arrival of Washington, the renewed attack, the decisive advan- tages gained by the American anns, and the silent aban- donment of the field by the English, under cover of the night, notvnthstanding the manifest desire of Washing- 70 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. ton to renew the battle, are recorded in all tlie chronicles of the day. The position of General Lafayette in this engagement was in the left wing, under the immediate command of General Lee. The light-horse companies of his detach- ment, being brought into immediate conflict with the queen's dragoons, were soon routed. The militia could hardly be expected to stand their ground, whoever led them, when the whole division, under superior orders, had commenced a retreat. When, through the presence and active exertions of Washington, Lee's flying squad- rons rallied, and the inglorious reti'eat was changed into an impetuous chai'ge, and a decided repulse of the enemy, Lafayette was in the thickest of the fray, and won the admiration of all around him, for his coolness, intrepidity, and skill. Colonel Willet, of New York, who acted as aid to General Scott, of the Virginia Hne, and was under the immediate command of Lafayette, was particularly enthusiastic in his commendation of the youthful hero. " I have been charmed," said he, " with the gallantry and sagacity of the mai-quis de Lafayette, who appears to be possessed of every requisite to con- stitute a great general." But gallantry and intrepid courage were not the only virtues he displayed on this brilliant occasion. The truly brave are always generous and humane. A truly heroic soul can not be a selfish one. Having approach- ed, with a small escort, within reach of the enemy's guns, for the pui-pose of reconnoitring their position, his aide- de-camp and friend was sti-uck by a ball, and fell at his side. The officers and soldiers fled precipitately from the spot ; but the general would not abandon his friend, while a chance remained of saving his life. He hastened to his side, and, leaning over him, addressed him in tones of kindness and affection. But it was too late ; the work BATTLE OP MONMOUTH. 71 of death was already done. Turning away with deep emotion, he left the place with slow and mournful steps, and presently rejoined his escort, who awaited his coming at a safe distance from the fatal battery. It is said that Sir Henry Clinton was present in person at this scene ; and recognising the young marquis, by the snow-white charger which he always rode, was so touched by his fteroic magnanimity and manly gi'ief, that he command- ed the gunners to cease firing, and suffered him to retire unmolested. How beautifully are the harsh and revolt- ing features of war relieved by such noble traits of hu- manity as these ! and how lamentable that men, who, even when arrayed in deadly strife against each other, are alive to such sentiments, and moved by such sym- pathies, should ever feel it necessary to resort to the sword for the settlement of their differences, whether national or personal. 72 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. CHAPTER VI. Lafayette's services in rhode island — iiis return TO FRANCE. Early in July, tlie Fi-encli fleet, consisting of twelve vessels, under command of the count d'Estaing, anived in tlie offing at New York, to aid, agreeably to tlie terms of the treaty, in establishing the independence of the United States. M. Girard, a minister duly accredited to the young republic, accompanied the fleet. This aiTival was an occasion of the sincerest satisfaction to Lafayette, and soon procured for him the honor of an active and useful service. He was still in official discredit at Versailles. " The last mark of attention," to use his own words, " with which the court had honored him, had been an order to aiTest him in the West Indies." He consequently re- ceived no letters by the fleet; but Count d'Estaing, re- specting his character, and perceiving the elevated stand he had taken in America, honored him with special marks of attention and confidence. It was the design of the count, and the wish of Con- gi-ess, to make an immediate attack on the headquarters of the British at New York ; but not being able, in con- sequence of the heavy draught of his ships, to enter the harbor, it was resolved to make an attack on General Pigot, at Newport, in Rhode Island. The British gaiTison, at that time, consisted of six thousand effective ti'oops. SERVICES IN RHODE ISLAND. 73 in a sti-ong position, with excellent defences and ample militaiy appointments. General Sullivan commanded the American force in that quarter, which, for this emer- gency, was to he augmented by large draughts upon the New England militia. His headquarters were at Providence. On the 21st of July, Lafayette was de- tached from the army at White Plains, with two brigades of continentals, to support Sullivan. He was immedi- ately followed by General Greene, who, besides being one of the ablest commanders in the American army, was a native of Rhode Island, and possessed great per- sonal influence with the people. On his awival, he-took command of the right wing, under Sullivan, Lafayette being at the head of the left. The French fleet arrived at Newport on the 25th. A plan of operations was immediately conceited, to dis- lodge the British garrison. The French fleet was to enter the harbor, and land a body of troops on the west side of the island, while the Americans, under cover of the guns of a frigate, should land on the opposite shore. Everything being in readiness, on the 8th of August, the French squadron entered the harbor of Newport, discharging heavy broadsides into the town, and receiv- ing the fire of the batteries, but without material damage to either party. Some reinforcements of militia which were expected to co-operate in this entei-prise not having aiiived, Sullivan sent a message to the French admiral, proposing to postpone the attack till the next day. The fleet accordingly retired down the bay. Having ascer- tained at early dawn the next day, that the British de- fences on the northern part of the island had been aban- doned during the night, and deeming it necessary to take immediate possession of the works, Sullivan crossed over with his whole army, at Howland's ferry, and occupied the deserted posts. 4 74 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. The French commander was displeased with this move- ment, in which he and his troops were not allowed to co- operate, as it deprived them of their just share in the honors of the day. He contended that it was his own demonstration of the previous day which led to the evacu- ation of the fortresses, and to him belonged the honor of taking possession. In this, however just might have been his claim to precedence, he was more punctilious than wise, and, as the result proved, sacrificed the whole expe- dition to a point of etiquette. The day was lost in dis- cussion, which should have been given to action. Sulli- van, when he sent to inform the count of his new position, proposed an immediate attack ; but that gentleman's resentment was so great, that he not only refused to move, but even to reply to the message. The next day, the French fleet had other business to do than to attack Newport. A British fleet appeared in the offing, and Count d'Estaing found it necessary to do the same thing which Sullivan had done two days before, that is, to accommodate his motions to this new emergency without consulting the American commander. The wind being favorable, he put out to sea in quest of the British ships, after sending word to General Sul- livan that, on his return to port, he would pursue any course with respect to the intended attack which the American commander might then deem proper. As Lord Howe did not consider it prudent, on his part, to attempt the succor of General Pigot while the French fleet held possession of the bay, it is difficult to imagine on what grounds the count was induced to relinquish so great an advantage, at the very moment when eveiything was ready for decided action. Had he first made the contemplated attack on Newpoi't, he might, and prob- ably would, after accomplishing the highest hopes of the expedition, have gone forth, in the very flush of one vie- SERVICES IN RHODE ISLAND. 75 tory on land, to seek and secure anothei on his own appropriate element. But Providence ordered it oth- erwise. The Bi'itish garrison escaped, and jealousies were kindled and excitements produced, which for a time disturbed the whole country, and threatened even to nullify all the gi-eat and peiinanent advantages which were expected to result from the French alliance. A violent stoiTn prevented the engagement of the two hos- tile fleets, doing such material damage to the ships of both as to render them unfit for action. Lord Howe re- turned to New York for repairs ; and Count d'Estaing, after an absence of nine days, regained the harbor of Newport. In the meantime, the expected reinforcements of mili- tia from New Hampshire and Massachusetts had amved, increasing Sullivan's effective force to ten thousand men, and it was deemed advisable at once to commence the siege. General Lafayette remonstrated against proceed- ing to active operations before the return of the count, on the twofold ground that his presence and co-operation were essential to success, and that new oftence would be taken, should they make any decisive move in his ab- sence. There was, however, a necessity for immediate action. The ai"my, composed mostly of volunteer mili- tia, who had only for a few days exchanged their scythes and sickles for swords and bayonets, to meet a sudden emergency, could not long be held together, except by the pressure of imminent danger or active service. La- fayette's opinion was consequently oven'uled by the ma- jority in council, and Sullivan with his army encamped before Newport on the fifth day after the departure of the French. His situation was critical and alarming; since, by the departure of the fleet, the door was thrown •^vide open for the entrance of any succors by which the British general might wish to reinforce the town, or cut 76 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. off the retreat of the besiegers. On the evening of the 19th, all apprehensions on this account were relieved by the reappearance of the fleet. But Sullivan was doomed to a second disappoint- ment, more bitter than the first. Count d'Estaing had only put into the bay to infoi-m him that it was impos- sible to render any assistance at that time, as he was obliged, by the tenor of his instructions, to go to Bos- ton for repairs. The American commander employed arguments and persuasions, entreaties and remonstran- ces, in the hope of reversing this fatal decision. Gen- erals Greene and Lafayette were deputed to wait on the admiral in person, with instructions to urge evei-ything which might induce a compliance with their wishes. This commission, though faithfully executed, was un- successful. With the ardor and earnestness of men personally interested in the result, they represented to the count the vast importance, not only to America but to France, of striking an early and decisive blow. They urged the absolute certainty of success ; requiring, for that end, a delay on his part of two days only. They painted, in glowing colors, the brilliancy of the exploit, which should reduce to submission, at one stroke, a well- appointed garrison of six thousand chosen troops, and the con-esponding reproach that would be cast upon the allied arms, if so favorable an opportunity for distinction should be causelessly thrown away, and the beleaguered enemy suffered to escape unharmed. They pressed the consideration that everything was ready on the part of the Americans, and that, in the view of both nations and the world, the failure of the entei-prise must be chargeable solely to the untimely withdrawal of their new allies, whom the common enemy had earnestly en- deavored to persuade them they would find always more ready to promise than to perfoi-m — always more ready SERVICES IN RHODE ISLAND. 77 to negotiate a treaty for mutual benefit, than to carry it into effect. To that enemy it would be a double triumph, to see so formidable and promisinij an expedi- tion melt away into nothing, and to be able, tauntingly, to say, " "VVe forewarned you of this. Behold the broken reed on which you have chosen to lean. Its first act has involved you in loss and disgrace, when it might easily have secured you a triumph. From such friends you have more to fear than even from your enemies." It was further suggested, and with ample reason, that, in the shattered condition of the fleet, it would incur a new hazard in attempting the diflacult navigation of the Nantucket shoals and Cape Cod; while its present position offered equal facilities for refitting with Boston, and far greater advantages for annoying the enemy. To these arguments were added an earnest entreaty that no personal or private considerations should be allowed to affect a decision, on which so many and so great public interests were suspended. It was all in vain. The count, inflexible in his purpose, sailed for Boston on the 22d of August. When Lafayette and Greene returned to the ai-my with this report, it awakened the most lively emotions of indignation and regret. Loud murmurs, not un- mixed with bitter execrations, ran from rank to rank, and the same feeling of intense disappointment and re- gi-et pei-vaded the whole country. Sullivan, seeing a glorious and certain achievement wrenched from his very gi'asp, was chagrined and excited beyond measure. In the forlorn hope of yet saving the expedition from utter failure, he despatched Lieutenant-Colonel Laurens, in a fast-sailing clipper, to overtake the fleet, with an- other message of earnest remonstrance to Count d'Es- taing, against so singular an abandonment of an enter- prise of his own suggesting, and pressing him, in any 78 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. event, if he must withdraw his ships, to leave behind his land-forces. This was accompanied by a protest, signed by all the general officers of Sullivan's command, except Lafayette, setting forth, in tenns of emphatic eamest- ness, the views they entertained of his conduct, and the poignant regret and disappointment, not of the army alone, but of the whole country, at his unexpected de- parture from the scene of action. The count was deeply wounded and displeased with the terms of the protest, but, unmoved by its arguments and appeals, held on his course to Boston. Thus disconcerted in his plan of operation, General Sullivan was subjected to the additional mortification of seeing his own force, which, by exti-aordinary exertions, he had augmented to ten thousand, dwindle away to something less than half that number. The neighboring militia, who, with the promise of efficient aid, and the expectation of instant and decided action, had rushed to the rescue at a moment's warning, seeing now no hope of accomplishing any good purpose, rushed back to their fanns and their firesides, with a sullen detei-mination not again to leave them, till the trumpet should give forth a less " uncertain sound." In the course of a few days, the army was so reduced that it became necessaiy to raise the siege, and retire to the post recently abandoned by the enemy, at the noith end of the island. Having entrenched himself in this position, G-eneral Sullivan resolved to make one effort more to induce Count d'Estaing to return, and lend the aid of his fleet, to accomplish the object he had so much at heart. For this purpose, recourse was had, a second time, to the good offices of General Lafayette, who, in- company with General Hancock, of the Massachusetts militia, proceeded to Boston, to seek an interview with the French commandant. SERVICES IN RHODE ISLAND. 79 Had this mission proved successful in its main object, the aid it solicited would have amved too late. In breaking up his camp before Newport, Sullivan used every precaution to prevent the enemy from gaining an advantage over him. Retiring in perfect silence, under cover of the night, his motions were not obsei-ved till lie had nearly effected his object. As soon as the dawn revealed his retreat to General Pigot, he issued forth in two heavy columns, and fell upon the rear. Stung with vexation and disappointment, in view of his changed position, and nerved to tenfold resolution by the events which had just transpired, Sullivan turned upon his pur- suers and offered instant battle. A wai'm action ensued, in which the Americans displayed the most admirable coolness and resolution, and repulsed the enemy with considerable loss. The fighting continued through the day. The day following, a distant cannonade was kept up on both sides, but neither party was inclined to risk a general engagement. General Pigot was houi-ly expecting reinforcements fi'om New York. Sullivan, being duly advised of their embarkation, silently abandoned his post on the island, and crossed over, with his whole force, to the main land. So judiciously was this manoeuvre planned, and so hand- somely executed, that the enemy had no intimation of the movement till it was effected. When Lafayette re- ceived intelligence of the reti-eat of Sullivan, he hastened back from Boston, and aiTived at his post in season to render essential service in covering the rear. A more timely retreat was never made. The next day, the 31st of August, Sir Henry Clinton arrived in the bay, with twelve shijDS-of-war, and large reinforcements of men. Thus ended this unfortunate expedition to Rhode Island. But the feeling of disgust, which it everywhere excited, did not end here. Diligently and skilfully fomented by 80 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. British influence, it broke out, in several places, inbj acts of open hostility. The part borne by General Lafayette, in these trying scenes, was as magnanimous as it was difficult. To an interest in the cause of American independence, as deep and sincere as that of the best and bravest of her own sons, he added an honest, earnest loyalty to his native land, and a patriot's pride in, all that concerned her honor. While he shared in all the disappointment and regret of the army to which he was attached, and the people of his adoption, he was, as a Frenchman, keenly alive to every indignity offered to the crown and flag of France in the person of her military representative. He suffered alike from the caprice and captiousness of Count d'Estaing, and from the severe though merited animad- versions of Sullivan and his associates. In all this, he maintained the dignity and self-i-espect of the French- man, without compromising, in any degi-ee, the ardor and fidelity of his attachment to America, or lessening the confidence of his American friends in the heartiness of his devotion to their cause. Having withdrav^n his army from the immediate vi- cinity of the enemy. General Sullivan re-established his headquarters at Providence. The posts near Newport were left in charge of Lafayette, whose quarters_ were fixed at Bristol. In a few days he repaii-ed again to Boston, where his presence and influence were required to sooth the excited passions of the multitude, and /e- store harmony and good feeling between his countrymen and the Americans, which, recently so cordial and en- thusiastic, seemed about to b^ changed into b'tterness. Some of the leading men in Boston were so c^ocply ex- cited, that it was feared the necessary faciliti