CORNELL 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 
 
 3 1924 103 657 809 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
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 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
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 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924103657809 
 
E S S A Y S 
 
 AND 
 
 TREATISES 
 
 O N 
 
 SEVERAL SUBJECTS. 
 
 In two volumes. 
 
 By DAVID HUME, Efqj 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 Essays, Moral, Political, aftd Literary, 
 A NEW EDITION. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed for A. Millar, in the Strand; 
 
 AND 
 
 A. KiNCAiD, and A. Donaldson, at Edinburgh, 
 MDCCLXVn. 
 
THE 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 FIRST VOLUME, 
 
 SSSAYS, MORAL, POLITICAL, and LITERARY. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 Effay Page 
 
 I. AX F the Delicacy of Tafte and Paffion 3 
 
 II. V-/ Of the Liberty of the Prefs 9 
 
 III. That Politics may be reduced to a Science 15 
 
 IV. Of the Principles of Governtnent 31 
 V. Of the Independency of Parliament 37 
 
 VI. Whether the BritiOi Government inclines more 
 
 to abfolute Monarchy or to a Republic 43 
 
 VII. Of Parties in general 5 1 
 VIII. Of the Parties of Great Britain 61 
 
 IX. Of Superilition and Enthufiafm 75 
 
 X. Of Avarice 8^ 
 
 XI. Of the Dignity of Human Nature 88 
 XII. Of Civil Liberty 97 
 
 XIII. Of Eloquence 107 
 
 XIV. Of the Rife andProgrefs of the Arts and Sci- 
 
 ences 123 
 
 XV. The Epicurean ' 155 
 
 XVL The Stoic 165 
 
 XVII. ThePlatonifl: 175 
 
 XVm. The Sceptic 181 
 
CONTENTS; 
 
 JEflay Pagd 
 
 XIX. Of Polygamy and Divorces 205 
 
 XX. Of Simplicity and Refinement in Writing 217 
 XXI. Of national Charadlers 223 
 
 XXII. Of Tragedy 243 
 
 XXIII. ;0f the Stand^r^ of Tafte. 253 
 
 PART II. 
 
 I. ^^ F Commerce 281 
 
 II- V-/ Of Refinement in the Arts 297 
 
 III. Of Money 311 
 
 ' IV. Of Intereft 327 
 
 V. Of the Balance of Trade 341 
 
 VI. Of the Jealoufy of Trade - 361 
 
 VII. Of the Balance of Power 367 
 VIII. Of Taxes 377 
 
 IX. Of public Credit 383 
 
 X. Of feme remarkable Cuftoms 401 
 
 XI. Of the Populoufnefs of antient Nations 41 1 
 
 XII, Of the Original Contradt 491 
 
 XIII. Of Paffive Obedience 513 
 
 XIV. Of the Coalition of Parties 517 
 
 XV. Of the Proteftant Succeffion 527 
 
 XVI. Idea of a perfeft.JpommonvvealtH 539 
 
ESSAYS, 
 
 MORAL, POLITICAL, 
 
 A Nb 
 
 LITERARY. 
 
 ip A R r I. 
 
 * PuBtlSHED in i74Sl» 
 
 Vqu I. B 
 
C3) 
 
 ESSAY I. 
 
 Of the Delicacy of Taste and Passion. 
 
 SOME People are fubje<^ to a certain delicacy of 
 pajjlony which makes them extremely fenfible to 
 all the accidents of life, and gives them a lively 
 joy upon every profperous event, as well as a piercing 
 grief, when they meet with misfortunes and adverfity. 
 Favours and good offices eafily engage their friendfhip; 
 while the fmalleft injury provokes their refentment. Any 
 honour or mark of diftindion elevates them above mea- 
 fure ; but they are as fenfibly touched with contempt. 
 People of this charafter have, no doubt, much more 
 lively enjoyments, as well as more pungent forrows, 
 than men of cool and fedate tempers : But, I believe, 
 when every thing is balanced, there is no one, who would 
 not rather chufe to he of the latter charadler, were he 
 entirely mafter of his own difpofition. Good or ill for- 
 tune is very little at our own difpofal : And when a per- 
 fon, that has this fenfibility of temper, meets with any 
 misfortune, his forrow or refentment takes intire pofleffioii 
 of him, and deprives him of all relifli in the common 
 occurrences of life ; the right enjoyment of which forms 
 the greateft part of our happinefs. Great pleafures -are 
 much lefs frequent than great pains ; fo that a fenfible 
 temper muft meet with fewer trials in the former way 
 than in the lattej". Not to mention, that men of fuch 
 lively paffions are apt to be tranfported bayond all bounds 
 B 2 of 
 
f E S S( A Y I. 
 
 of prudence and difcretion, and to take falfe fteps in the 
 ^condufl: of life, which are often irretrievable. 
 
 There is a delicacy of tajle obfervable in fome men, 
 which very much refembles this delicacy of pajjion, and 
 produces the fame fenfibitity to beauty and deformity 
 of every kind, as that does to profperity and adverfity, 
 obligations and injuries. When you prefent a poem, or 
 a pifture to a man poflefled of this talent, the delicacy 
 of his /eeling, hiakes him be touched very fenfibly with 
 every part of it; nor are the mafterly ftrokes perceived 
 with more exquifite relifli and fatisfadtion, than the 
 negligences or abfurdities with difguft and uneafmefs. A 
 polite and judicious converfation affords him the higheft 
 entertainment ; rudenefs or impertinence is as great a pu- 
 nifliment to him. In {hort, delicacy of tafte has the 
 fame efFeft as delicacy of paffion : It enlarges the fphere 
 both of our happinefs and mifery, and makes us fenfi- 
 ble to pains as well as pleafures, which efcape the reft 
 of mankind, 
 
 I believe, however, there is no one, who will not 
 agree with me, that notwithftanding this refemblance» 
 a delicacy of tafte is as much to be defired and cultivated 
 aj a delicacy of paffion is to be lamented, and to be re- 
 medied, if poffible. The good or ill accidents of life 
 are Very little at our difpofal ; but We are pretty much 
 mafters what books we fhall read, what diverfions we 
 Ihall partake of, and what company we fliall keep. Phi- 
 lofophers have erideavoured to render happinefs entirely 
 independent of every thing external. That is impof- 
 fible to be attained: Bat every wife man will endeavour 
 to place his happinefs on fuch objefls as depend moft 
 upon himfelf : and that is not to be attained fo much by 
 any Other means as by this delicacy of fentimfent. When 
 a man is poffeffed of that talent, be is more happy by 
 what pleafes hi« taft$, than by what gratifies his appe- 
 tites. 
 
Delicacy of Taste. jj 
 
 iites, and receives more enjoyment from a poem or a 
 piece of reafoning than the moft expenfive luxury can 
 afford. 
 
 How far delicacy of taflre, arid that pf pafiion, arp 
 conneiSled together in the original frame of the mind, it 
 is hard to determine. To me there appears a very con- 
 fiderable connexion between them. For we may Qbferve 
 that women, who have more delicate paffions thaii meni 
 have alfo a more delicate tafte of the ornaments of life, 
 of drefs, equipage, and the ordinary decencies of beha- 
 viour. Any excellency in thefe hits their tafte tpuch 
 fooner- -than ours ; and when you pleaie their tafte, you 
 foon engage dieir affedtipns. 
 
 But whatCKer connexion there may be originally be- 
 tween thefe difpoiitions, I am perfuaded, that nothing is 
 fo proper to cure us of this delicacy of paflion, as the 
 cultivating of that higher and more refined tafte, which 
 enahks us to judge of the chara'dters of men, of com- 
 ■pofitioHS of genius, and of theproduiSions of the nobler 
 arts. A greater or left relifli of thofe obv-iotis beauties 
 which ftpike the fenfes, depends entirely upon the greater 
 or lefs fenfibility of the temper : But with regard to the 
 Sciences and liberal art«, a fine .tafte is, in foiiie meafure, 
 the fafpe with .ftcong fenfe, or at le^ft depends fo much 
 upon it, tb^t they are infeparahle. To judge aright ©f 
 ^ cpragftfitipn of genius, liiere are fo many views to be 
 takf n in, fo many cireumftances to be compared, and 
 ff^cji a knowledge .of human ^nature .req4iifite, that no 
 nianj who is not ppfleffed of the founded judgment, wil} 
 pyei rmake a tolerable critic in fuch performances. And 
 this is a new re^afflPifor .cijiltivating a celiftj in .the Jiberal 
 arts. .Our jjjdgPiejtt will ftrengthen by this exercife : 
 We fliall form jufter notions a( life : Many things, 
 which. pleafe or affliiSt others, will appear to us too fri- 
 •volqus to en-gage our.attejitioji.: And VKefb^lllofe by de- 
 uces that fenfibility and delicacy of paflion, which is fo 
 jncoqimodioui. 
 
 P 3 But 
 
6 E S S A Y X. 
 
 ', But perhaps I have gone too far in faying, That a 
 cultivated tafte for the polite arts extinguifhes the paffions, 
 and renders us indifferent to thofe objeds which are fo 
 fondly purfued by the reft of mankind. On farther re- 
 flexion, I find, that it rather improves our fenfibility fof 
 all the tender and agreeable paffions ; at the fame time 
 that it renders the mind incapable of the rougher and 
 more boifterous emotions. 
 
 Ingenuas didtc'ijfe fideltter artes, 
 Etnollit mores, nee Jink ejfeferos. 
 
 For this, I think there may be affigned two very na- 
 tural reafons. In the firji place, nothing is fo improv- 
 ing to the temper as the ftudy of the beauties, either of 
 poetry, eloquence, mufick, or painting. They give a 
 certain elegance of fentiment, to which the reft of man- 
 kind are entire ftrangers. The emotions they excite 
 are foft and tender. They draw the mind off from the 
 hurry of bufinefs and intereft; cherifh refleftion; dif- 
 pofe to tranquillity ; and produce an agreeable melan- 
 choly, which, of all difpofitions of the mind, is the beft 
 fuited to love and friendftiip. 
 
 In the feeond place, a delicacy of tafte is favourable to 
 ..love arid friendftiip, by confining our choice to few peo- 
 ple, and making us indifferent to the company and con- 
 verfation of the greateft part of men. You will very 
 feldom find, that mere men of the world, whatever 
 ftrong fenfe they may be endowed with, are very nice in 
 diftinguifhing of charafters, or in marking thofe infen- 
 fible differences and gradations which make one man pre- 
 ferable to another. Any one, that has competent fenfe, 
 is fufHcient for their entertainment : They talk to him, 
 of their pleafures and affairs, with the fame franknefs as 
 they would to another; and finding many, who are fit 
 to fupply his place, they never feel any vacancy or want 
 
 in 
 
DeLicAcV of Taste* ^ 
 
 tn hts abfence. But to make ufe of the allufion of a 
 celebrated * French author, the judgment may be com- 
 pared to a clock or watch, where the moft ordinary 
 machine is fufficient to tell the hours ; but the moft ela- 
 borate and artificial alone can point out the minutes and 
 feconds, and diftinguifh the fmalleft differences of time. 
 One that has well digefted his knowledge both of books 
 and men, has' little enjoyment but in the company of a 
 few feledt companions. He feels too fenfibly, how much 
 all the refl of mankind fall Ihort of the notions which 
 he has entertained. And, his afFeftions being thus con- 
 fined within a narrow circle, no wonder he carries them 
 further than if they were more general and undiftinguifh- 
 ed. The gaiety and frolic of a bottle companion im- 
 proves with him into a folid friendfhip : And the ardours 
 of a youthful appetite become an elegant paffion* 
 
 • Mi»/i FoNTENELLE, PluraRte des Msndes. Soir 6] 
 
 B 4 £ S S A Y 
 
.i: (9) 
 
 
 ESSAY IL 
 
 Of the Liberty of the Pr'fsts. 
 
 TyTO THING is more apt to furprize a foreigiwr, 
 X\ than the extreme liberty, which we ienjoy in this 
 country, of communicating whatever we ;pleafe to the 
 public, and of openly cenfuring every meafure, entereij 
 Into by the king or his minifters. If the adminiftration 
 refolve upon war, it is aiSrmed, that either wilfully 'or 
 jgnorantly they ;miftake the intereft of the nation, an4 
 that peace, in the prefent fituation of affairs, is in- 
 ilnitely preferable. If the paffion of the minifters lie to- 
 wards peace, our political writers bfeathe nothing but 
 ■ynx and devaftation, and reprefent the pacific conduftj^ 
 the government as mean and pufillanimous. As this 
 liberty is not indulged in any other government, either 
 republican or monarchical; in Hou-and and Venice, 
 no more than in France or Spain j it may very naturally 
 give occafiori to thcfe two queftions, Hiw it happms that 
 (GrJAT Britain enjoys fuch a peculiar privilege F z-nd 
 Whether the unlimited exercife of this liberty he ^lehantar- 
 geous or prejudicial to- the- public ? 
 
 As to the firft queftion. Why the laws indulge us ii\ 
 fuch an extraordinary liberty ? I believe the reafon may 
 be derived from our mixed form of government, wbfch 
 is peither wholly monarchical, nor wholly republican. 
 It will be found, if I miftake not, a true obfervation in 
 ^nolitics, tiiat the two extrenies in government, lib^ty 
 
 and 
 
Id E S S A y IL 
 
 and flavery, commonly approach neareft to each other i 
 and that as you depart from the extremes, and mix a 
 little of monarchy with liberty, the government become* 
 always the more free ; and on the other hand, when you 
 mix a little of liberty with monarchy, the yoke becomes 
 always th6 more grievous and Intolerable. I {hall en- 
 deavour to explain myfelf. In a government, fuch as 
 that of France, which is entirely abfolute, and where! 
 laws, cuftom, and religion concur, all of them, to make 
 the people fully fatlsfied with their condition, the mo- 
 narch cannot entertain the leaA jealoujy againft his fub- 
 je<Ets, and therefore is apt to indulge them in great liber- 
 ties- both of fpeeCh and aftion. In a government al- 
 together republican, fuch as that of Holland,. wher6 
 there is no magifltate fo eminent as to gWejealaUjy to 
 the ftate, there is no danger in intrufting the magiftrateS 
 -with very large difcretionary powers ; and though maiiy 
 advantages refult from fuch powers, in' the preferving 
 peace and order, yet they lay a confiderdhle reftraint on 
 men's aftions, and m&ke every private fubjefl: pay a 
 great refpefl: to the government. Thus it feems evi- 
 dent, that the two extremes of abfolute monarchy and 
 of a republic, approach very near to each other in fomc 
 material circumftances. In the ^rji^ the magiftrate has 
 no jealoufy of the people : In the fecond, the people have 
 no jealoufy of the magiftrate : Which want of jealoufy 
 begets a mutual confidence and truft in both cafes, arid 
 produces a fpecies of liberty in monarchies, and of ar- 
 bitrary power in republics. 
 
 To juftify the other part of the foregoing obfervatibfl, 
 that in every government the means are moft wide of 
 each other, and that the mixtures of monarchy and li- 
 berty render the yoke either more eafy or more grievous ; 
 I muft take notice of a remark of Tacitus with re- 
 gard to the Romans under the emperor^s, that they nei- 
 
 thet 
 
Liberty of the Press. ir 
 
 ther could bear total flavery nor total liberty, Nee totam 
 fervitutem, nee totam libertatem pati pojfunt. This remark 
 a celebrated poet has tranflated and applied to the Eng- 
 lisH, in his lively defcription of queen ELizABETrt's 
 policy and government. 
 
 Etfit aimer fen joug a rAnglols indomptet 
 ^ui ne peut nifervir, ni vivre en liberte. 
 
 Henriade, L'tv. X, 
 
 According to thefe remarks, we are to confider the 
 S.OMAN government under the emperors as a mixture of 
 defpotifm and liberty, where the defpotifm prevailed ; 
 and the English government as a mixture of the fame 
 kind, but where the liberty predominates. The confe- 
 quences are exa£Hy conformable to the foregoing obfer- 
 vation ; and fuch as may be expefted from thofe mixed 
 forms of government, which beget a mutual watchful- 
 nefs and jealouiy. The Roman emperors were, many 
 of them, the moft frightful tyrants that ever difgraced 
 human nature ; and it is evident that their cruelty was 
 chiefly excited by their jeakufy, and by their obferving 
 that all the great men of Rome bore with impatience 
 the dominion of a family, which, but a little before, 
 was no wife fuperior to their own. On the other hand, 
 as the republican part of the government prevails in 
 England, though with a great mixture of monarchy, 
 'tis obliged, for its own prefervation, to maintain a 
 v/ztdaiul jeakufy over the magiftrates, to remove all dif- 
 cretionary powers, and to fecore every one's life and for- 
 tune by general and inflexible laws. No aiSion muft be 
 deemed a crime but what the law has plainly determined 
 to he fuch : No crime muft be imputed to a man but 
 from a lega} proof before his judges ; and even thefe 
 judges muft be his fellow-fubjeds, who are obliged, by 
 their own intereft^, to have a watchful eye over the en- 
 croach- 
 
I1J ESSAY 11.^ 
 
 croachments afid violence of the minifters. From the'fe 
 caufes it proceeds, that there is as much liberty, and evejj., 
 perhaps, licentioufnefs in Britain, as there were foir 
 jnerly flavery and tyranny in Rome.. 
 
 Thefe principles account for the great liberty of dip 
 prefs in thefe kingdoms, beyond what is indulged in any 
 other government, 'Tisfufficiently known, that arbi- 
 trary power would fteal in ypon us, weye we not ex- 
 tremely vratchful to prevent its progrefs, and were there 
 not an eafy method of conveying the alarum from one 
 end of the kingdom to the other. The fpirit of the 
 people muft frequently be rouzed in order to curb the 
 ambition of the court ; and the dread of rpufing this 
 fpirit, mufl: be employed to prevent that ambition. No- 
 thing fo effeftual to this purpofe as the liberty of the prefs, 
 "by which all the learning, wit and genius of the natioiii 
 ■may be employed on the fide of freedom, and every one 
 -be animated to its defence. As long, therefore, as the 
 republican part of our government can maintain itfelf 
 againft the monarchical, it mufl: be extremely careful of 
 prefefving the prefs open, as of the utrnpfl importance, to 
 its own prefervation. 
 
 Since therefore that, liberty is foeflential to the fupport 
 pf our mixed government; this fufficiently decides tl^e 
 fecond queflion, TVliether Juch a Viherty he adygniagems or 
 frejud'ic'tal ; there being nothing of greater. inippr.tance in 
 ■every ftate than the prefervation of the ancient govern- 
 pent, efpecially if it be a free one. But I would fain go 
 a fl:ep farther, arid affert, that this- liberty is attended 
 with fo few inconveniencies, that it may be claimed as 
 the common right of mankind, and ought to be indulo-ed 
 them almofl: in every government: except the ecclefiafti- 
 fal, to which indeed it would prove fatal. We need not 
 ■ dread frorri this liberty any fuch ill coiifequences as fol- 
 v?owed from the harangues of the popular demagogues of 
 Atrens and tribupes of Rome. A man reads a book 
 
 or 
 
L I fiiR T Y o£the Pr ESS. tt 
 
 pt pamphlet alone, and coolly. There is none prefent 
 from whom he (?an catch the paffion by contagion. He 
 is not hurried away by the force and energy of acSlion. 
 And fhoald he be wrought up to ever fo feditious a hu- 
 mour, there is no violent refolutipn prefented to him, 
 by which he can immediately vent his paffioui The li- 
 berty of the prefs, therefore, however abufed, can fcarcc 
 ever excite popular tumults or rebellion. And as to 
 thofe murmurs or fecret difcontents it may occafion, 'tis 
 better they {hould get vent in words, that they, may come 
 to the knowlege of the magiftrate before it be too late, 
 in order to his providing a remedy againft them. Man- 
 kind, it is .true, have always a greater propenfioit to be- 
 lieve what is faid to the difadvantage of their governors, 
 than the contrary; but this inclination is infcparable from 
 them, whether they have liberty or not. A whifper may 
 fly as quick, and be as pernicious as a pamphlet. Nay, 
 it will be more pernicious, where men are not accuftomed 
 tp think freely, ordiftinguifh between truth and falfhood^ 
 It has alfo been found, as the experience of mankind 
 increafes, that the people are no fuch dangerous monfter 
 as they have been reprefented, and that it is in every 
 refpeiSb better to guide them, like rational creatures, than 
 to lead or drive them, like brute beafts. Before the 
 United Provinces fet the example, toleration was deemed 
 incompatible with good government ; and it was thought 
 impoffible, that a number of religious fecSs could live 
 together in harmony and peace, and have all of them 
 an equal afFefliion to their common country, and to each 
 other. England has fet a like example of civil liberty ; 
 and though this liberty feems to occafion fome fmall fer- 
 ment at prefent, it has not as yet produced any pernici- 
 ous effects ; and it is to be hoped, that men, being every 
 day more accuftomed to the free difcuffion of public 
 affairs, will -improve in the judgment of them, and be 
 with greater difficulty feduced by every idle rumour and 
 popular clamour. 
 
 H 
 
U ESSAY ir. 
 
 It is a very comfortable refledion to the lovers of li- 
 berty, that this peculiar privilege of Britain is of a 
 kind that cannot eafily be wrefted from us, but muft 
 laft as long as our government remains, in any degree, 
 free and independent. It is feldom, that liberty of any 
 kind is loft all at once. Slavery has fo frightful an af- 
 peiEl to men accuftomed to freedom, that it muft ileal 
 upon them by degrees, and muft difguife itfelf in a thou- 
 fand Ihapes, in order to be received. But, if the liberty 
 of the prefs ever be' loft, it muft be loft at once. The 
 general laws againft fedition and libelling are at prefent 
 as ftrong as they poffibly can be made. Nothing can 
 impofe a farther reftraint, but either the clapping an 
 Imprimatur upon the prefs, or the giving to the court 
 very large difcretionary powers to punifh whatever dif- 
 pleafes them. But tbefe conceflions would be fuch a 
 bare-face^ violation of liberty, that they will probably 
 be the laft efforts of a defpotic government. We may 
 conclude, that the liberty of Britain is gone for ever 
 when thel'e attempts ihall fucceed. 
 
 ESSAY 
 
{ IS ) 
 
 ESSAY III. 
 
 That Politics may be reduced to a Science. 
 
 IT is a queftion with many, Whether there be any 
 eflenti^l difference between one form of government 
 and another ? and, whether every form may not become 
 good or bad, according as it is well or ill adminiftred * ? 
 Were it once admitted, that all governments are alike 
 and that the only difference confifts in the charader and 
 cojiduft of the governors, moft political difputes would 
 be at an end, and all 2.eal for one conftitution above an- 
 other, muft be efteemed mere bigotry and folly. But, 
 though a friend to Moderation, I cannot forbear con- 
 demning this fentiment, and ihould be forry to think, 
 that human affairs admit of no greater ftabilitv, than 
 what they receive from the cafual humours and charaders 
 of particular men. 
 
 'Tis true, thofe who maintain, that the goodnefs of 
 all government confifts in the goodnefs of the adminiftra- 
 tjon, may cite many particular inftances in hjftory, where 
 the very fame government, in different hands, has varied 
 fpddenly jntp the two opppfite extremes of good and 
 bad. Compare the French government under Henry 
 III. and under Henry IV. Oppreflion, levity, artifice 
 on the part of the rijlers j fa<Slion, fedition, treachery, 
 
 • Tor forms of gmernment let fools eiutefi^ 
 ff^fiaie'er it tefi adminiflei'd is tefl, 
 
 £tsAy on Man, Book 3. 
 
 iie)>ellion. 
 
i6 ^ E S S A^ III. 
 
 rebellion, difloyalty on the part of the fubjefls : Thefe 
 compofe the character of the former miferable sera. But 
 when the patriot and heroic prince, who fucceeded, was 
 once firmly feated on the throne, the government, the 
 people, every thing feemed to be totally changed ; and 
 all from the difference of the temper and fentiments of 
 thefe two fovereigns. An equal difference of a con- 
 trary kind, may be found on comparing the reigns of 
 Elizabeth and James, atleafl; with regard to foreign 
 affairs : and inftances of this kind may be multiplied, 
 almoft without number, from ancient as well as modern 
 hiftory. 
 
 But here I would beg leave to make a diftinftion. All 
 abfolutc governments (and fuch, in a great meafure, was 
 that of England, till the middle of the laft century, 
 BOtwithftanding the numerous panegyrics on ancient 
 English liberty) muft very much depend on the admi" 
 riflration ; and this is one of the great inconveniendifes 
 of that form of government. But a republican and fred 
 government would be a moft obvious abfurdity, if the 
 particular checks 2nd controuls, provided by the confti-. 
 <tution, had really no influence, and made it not the in- 
 tereft, even of bad men, to operate for the public good. 
 Such is the intention of thefe forms of government, and 
 fuch is their real effect, where they are wifely conftitu- 
 ted : As, on the other hand, they are the fources of all 
 diforder, and of the blackeft crimes, where either fkill 
 or honefty has been wanting in their original frame and 
 imilhution. 
 
 So great is the force of laws, and of particular forttig 
 of government, and fo little dependence have they on 
 tire humours and tempers of men, that confequences 
 almoft as general and certain may be deduced from them/ 
 on moft occafions, as any which the mathematical fci- 
 ences afford us. 
 
 ^ ■ the 
 
Pol 1 T I c s a S c I E li c E. tf 
 
 The Roman government gave the whole legiflative 
 ^ovyer to the commons, without allowing a negative 
 either to thenotilTty or confuls. This unbounded power 
 the comniqns poffeffed In a colleiSlive, not in a reprefen- 
 tative body. ■ The confequences were : When the peo- 
 ple, by fuccefs and conqueft, had become very nume- 
 rous, and had fpread themfelves to a great diftance from 
 the capital, the city-tribes, tho' the moft contemptible, 
 carried almoft every vote : They were, therefore, moft 
 cajoled by every one who affeded popularity : They 
 were fupported in idlenefs by the general diftribution of 
 corn, and by particular bribes, which they received from 
 almoft every candidate: By this means they became every 
 day more licentious, and the Campus Martius was a 
 perpetual fcene of tumult and fedition : Armed flaves 
 were introduced among thefe rafcally citizens j fo that 
 the whole governnient fell into anarchy, and the greateft 
 happinefs which the Romans could look for, was the 
 defpotic power of the C^sars. Such are the efiedls of 
 democracy without a reprfefentatiVe. 
 
 A Nobility may poffefs the whole,- or any part of the 
 legiflative power of a ftate, in two different ways. Ei- 
 ' ther every nobleman Ihares the power as part of the 
 whole body, or the whole body enjoys the power as com- 
 pofed of parts, which have each a diftiniSl power and au- 
 thority. The Venetian ariftocracy is an inftance of 
 the firft kind of government : The Polish of the fe- 
 cond. In the Venetian government the whole body 
 of nobility pofTefles the whole power, arid no nobleman 
 has any authority which he receives not from the whole. 
 Inthe Polish government every nobleman, by means of 
 bis fiefs, has a peculiar hereditary authority over his vaf- 
 fals, and the whole body has no authority but what it 
 receives from the concurrence of its parts. The diftinii 
 operations and tendencies of thefe tw;o fpecies of go- 
 vernment might be made moft apparent even a priori. 
 
 Vof.. I. C' A Ve- 
 
i8 ESSAY III. 
 
 A VE^fETIAN nobility is infinitely preferable to a Pc>- 
 tisH, let the humours and education of men be ever fo 
 much varied. A nobility, w^ho polfefs their power in, 
 common, will preferve peace and order, both among 
 themfelves, and their fubjefts ; and no intmbcr can have 
 authority enough to controul the la\^S for a moment. 
 The nobles will preferve their authority over the people, 
 but without any grievous tyranny, or any breach of pri- 
 vate property J becaufe fuch a tyrannical government 
 promotes not the intereft of the whole body, hovpever 
 it may that of fome individuals. There will be a di- 
 ftin£tion of rank between the nobility and people, but 
 this will be the only diftindlion in the ftate.. The whole 
 nobility will form one body, and the whole people an- 
 other, without any of thofe private feuds and animofities,. 
 which fpread ruin and defolation every where. 'Tis eafy 
 to fee the difadvantages of a Polish nobility in every, 
 one of thefe particulars.. 
 
 'Tis poffible fo to conftitute a free government, as 
 that a fingle perfon, call him doge, prince, or kingy 
 Ihall poffefs a very large fhare of power, and fhall form 
 a proper balance or counterpoife to the other parts of the 
 legiflature. This chief magiftrate may be either eleSl'ive 
 or hereditary ; and though the former inftitution may, 
 to a fuperficial view, appear the moft advantageous ; yet 
 a more accurate infpeftion will difcover in it greater in- 
 conveniencies than in the latter, and fuch as are founded 
 on caufes and principles eternal and immutable. Ther 
 filling of the throne, in fuch a government, is a point 
 of too great and too general intereft, not to divide the 
 whole people into factions : From whence a civil war, the 
 greateft of ills, may be apprehended, almoft with cer- 
 tainty, upon every vacancy. The prince eleaed mufl: 
 be either a Foreigner or a Native : The former will be 
 ignorant of the people whom he is to govern ; fufpicious 
 of his new fubjefts, and Tufpedlied by them ; giving his 
 
 con- 
 
roLiTifcsaSciENCE. Id 
 
 confidence entirely to Arrangers, who will have no other 
 care but of enriching themfelves in the quickeft manner, 
 while their mafter's ftvour and authority are able to 
 lupport them. A native will carry into the throne all 
 his private animofities arid friendfhips, and will never be 
 regarded, in his elevation, witheiut exciting the fenti- 
 ments of envy in thofe, who formerly confidered him as 
 their equal. Not to mention, that a crbvirri is too high 
 a reward ever to be given to merit alone, and will al- 
 ways induce the caiididates to employ force, or money, 
 br intrigue; to procure the votes of the eleddrs : So that 
 fuch an ele<Sliori will give no better chance for fuperior 
 merit in the prince, than if the ftate had trufted to birtH 
 alone for determining their foverelgn. 
 
 It may therefore be pronounced as ah lini^erfal axioin 
 in politics, That an heredttaty prince, a nobility without 
 •uajfals, and a people voting by their reprefentatives, farm the 
 
 beji MONARCHY, A^tlSTOCRACV, and DEMOCRACY. 
 
 But in order to prove more fully, that politics admit of 
 general truths, which are invariable by the humor or 
 education either of fubjeft ot fovereigii, it fiiay not be 
 amils to obferve fome other principles of this fcience, 
 which n^ay feem to deferve that charadter- 
 
 it may eafily be obferved,' that though free governments 
 have been commonly the moft happy for thofe who par- 
 take of their freedom ; yet are they the moft ruinous and 
 oppreffive to their provinces : And this obfervltion may, 
 I believe, be fixed as a maxim of the kind Vve are here 
 fpeaking of.' When a monarch extends his dominions 
 by conquefty he foon learris' to confider his old and his 
 new fubjefts as on the fame footing; becaufe, in reajity, 
 all his fubjedls are to him the fame,' except the few 
 friends and favourites, with whom he is perfonally ac- 
 quainted. He* does not, therefore,- make any diftinftiori 
 between them in his general laws ; and, at the fame 
 C 2 time. 
 
lb ESSAY HI, 
 
 time, is no lefs careful to prevent all particular afts-er 
 oppreflion on the one as on the other. But a free ftate 
 neceflarily makes a greajt diftindion and muft always do 
 fo, till men learn to love their neighbours as well as 
 themfelveS. The conquerors, in fuch a government^ 
 are all legiflatorsj and will be fure fo to contrive matters, 
 by reftridlions of tradcj and by taxes, as to draw fome 
 private} as well as public, advantage from their con- 
 quefts. Provincial governors have alfo a better cliance 
 in a republic, to efcape with their plunder, by means of 
 bribery or intereft ; and their fellow-citizen?, who find 
 their own ftate to be inriched by the fpoils of the fubjeft- 
 provinces, will be the more inclined to tolerate fuch 
 abufes. Not to mention, that it is a necelfary precau- 
 tion in a free ftate to change the governors frequently ; 
 which obliges thefe temporary tyrants to be more expe- 
 ditious and rapacious, that they may accumulate fufficient 
 wealth before they give place to their fucceffors. What 
 cruel tyrants were the Romans over the world during 
 the time of their commonwealth ! 'Tis true, they had 
 laws to prevent oppreflion in their provincial magiftrates ; 
 but Cicero informs us, that the Romans could liot 
 better confult the intereft: of the provinces than by re- 
 pealing thefe very laws. For in that cafe, 'fays he, 
 our magiftrates, having intire impunity, would plunder 
 no more than would fatisfy their own rapacioufnefs j 
 whereas, at prefent, they muft alfo fatisfy that of their 
 judges, and of all the grea't men of Rome, whofe pro- 
 tedtion they ftand in need of. Who can read of the 
 cruellies and oppreffions of Verres without horror and 
 aftonifliment ? And who is not touched with indignation 
 to h*ear, that after Cicero had exhaufted on that abani- 
 doned criminal all the thunders of his eloquence, and 
 had prevailed fo far as to get him condemned to the ut- 
 moft extent of the laws ; yet that cruel tyrant lived peace- 
 ably to old age, in opulence and eafe^ and, thirty years 
 
 after^ 
 
PollTICSaSciENCE. 21 
 
 afterward, was put into the profcription by Mark ANr 
 THONV, on account of his exorbitant wealth, where he 
 fell, with Cicero himfelf, and all the moft virtuous 
 men of Rome ? After the diflblution of the common- 
 wealth, the Roman yoke became eafier upon the pro- 
 vinces, as Tacitus informs \xs^; and it may be obr- 
 ferved, that many of the worft emperors, Domitian t» 
 for inftance, were very careful to prevent all oppreffion 
 of the provinces. In J Tiberius's time, Gaul was 
 efteemed richer than Italy itfelf : Nor, do I find, dur- 
 ing the whole time of the Roman monarchy, that the 
 empire became lefs.rich or populous in any of its pro- 
 vinces ; though indeed its valour and military difcipline 
 were always upon the decline. The oppreffion and ty- 
 ranny of the Carthaginians over their fubje^t ftates 
 in Africa went fo far, as we learn from Polybius |f, 
 that not content with exafting the half of all the pro- 
 duce of the ground, which of itfelf was a very high rent, 
 they alfo loaded them with many other taxes. If we 
 pafs firom antient to modern times, we fliall always find 
 the obfervation to hold. The provinces of abfolute mo- 
 narchies are always better treated than thofe of free ftates. 
 Compare the Pais conquis of France with Ireland, 
 and you will be convinced of this truth ; though this 
 latter kingdom being, in a good meafure peopled from 
 England, pofleflis fo many rights and privileges as 
 fhould naturally make it challenge better treatment than 
 that of a conquered province. Corsica is alfo an obvious 
 inftance to the fame purpofe. 
 
 * Ann. lib. I. cap. 2. 
 
 ■}■ Suet, in vita DoMiT. 
 
 X Egregium rtfumenda libertatUempuijfitffiforinles, quam'incps, Italia, 
 quam imbellh urbana plehs, nihil yalidum in cxtrcililui, niji qued e^ltrnum cogi- 
 tarent. Tacit. Ann. lib. 3. ^ 
 
 II Lib. I. cap, 7Z1 
 
 C 3 There 
 
?^ ESSAY III. 
 
 There is an obferyation of Machiavel, with regard 
 ^o the conquefts of Alexander the Great, which, I 
 think, may be regarded as one of thofe eternal political 
 iruths yvhich no time nor accidents can vary. It trtay feem 
 ilrange, fays that politician, that fuch fudden conquefts, 
 as thofe of Alexander, fliould be fettled fo peaceably 
 by his fucceffors, and that the Persians, during all the 
 confufions and civil wars of the Greeks, never made the 
 fmalleft effort towards the recovery of their former inde- 
 pendent government. To fatisfy us Concerning the caufe 
 of this remarkable event, we may conlider, that a monarch 
 may govern his fubjeits in two different ways. He may 
 either follow the maxims of the eaflern princes, and ftretch 
 his power fo far as to leave no diftinflion of ranks among 
 his fubjefts, but what proceeds immediately from himfelf ; 
 no advantages of birth ; no hereditary honours and pef^ 
 fefEons ; and, in a word, no credit among the people, 
 except from his commilEon alone. Or a monarch may 
 exert his power after a milder manner, like our Euro- 
 pean princes ; and leave other fources of honour, befide 
 his fmile and favour : Birth, titles, pofleffions, valour, 
 integrity, knowlege, or great and fortunate atchieve- 
 ments. In the former fpecies of government, after a 
 conqueft, 'tis impoffible ever to fliake off the yoke ; fince 
 no one polTeffes, among the people, fo much perfonal 
 credit and authority as to begin fuch an enterprize : 
 Whtireas, in the latter, the leaft misfortune, or difcord 
 of the vigors, will encourage the vanquifhed to take 
 arms, who have leaders ready to prompt and condu6l 
 them in every undertaking *. 
 
 Such 
 
 « I have taken it for granted, according to the fuppofition of Machia- 
 vel, that the antient Persians had no nobility ; though there is reafon 
 to fufpefl, that the Florentine fecretjry, who feems to have been bet- 
 ter acquainted with the Roman than the Gbeek authors, was miftalten in 
 this particular. The more ancient Persians, whofe manners are defcribed 
 by XenoTHON, were a fiee people, and had nobility. Their o/<oti/*oi were 
 
 pre- 
 
PotlTICS aSCIENCE. 
 
 aa 
 
 Such is the reafoning of Machiavel, which feems 
 to me very foh'd and conclufive ; though I wifti he had 
 not mixed falflvood with truth, in aflerting that mo- 
 narchies governed according to the eaftern policy, though 
 more eafiiy Jkept when once fubdued, yet are the moft 
 
 freferved e»en after the extending of their conqiiefts and the co'nfequent 
 change of their goveinoient. Arrian mentions them in Dasios's time, 
 De acfed. Alex. lib. z. Hiftoriaps alfo fppak often of the perfonsin com- 
 maqd as men qf family. Tygranes, who was general of fhe Medes 
 vnder Xerxes, was of the race of Achm^nes, Herod, fib, yr cap, 621 
 Artach«as, who direfled the cutting of the canal about mount Athos, 
 was of the fame family. Id. cap. 1 17. Megae yzns was one of the feven 
 eminent Persians who confpired againft the Magi, His fon Zory- 
 itvs, was in the higheft cpmmand under Darivs, and delivered Baby- 
 lon to him. His grandfon, Megasysvs, commanded the army, de- 
 feated at Marathon. His great grandfonZopYRos, was alfo eminent, 
 and was baniflied Persia. Hekod. 4ib. 3. Truc. lib. i. Rosaces, 
 who commanded , an army in Egypt under Art a xerxes, was alfo defcended 
 from on? of the feven confpirators, Diob. Sic, lib. i5. Agesilaus, ii) 
 Xenothon, Hift, Gr^c. li-b. 4. being defirous of making a ijiarriage tie- 
 twixt king Cot Ys his ally, and the^aughter of Spithridates, a Peji- 
 siAN. of rank, who had deferted to fcini, firft /aflcs Cotys what family 
 Spithrjdates is of. One of the moft confiderable in Persia, fays 
 CoTYS, AsiiEus, when oftereS the fovereignty by Clearchus and 
 the ten thoufand Greeks, refufed it as of too low a rank, and faid, 
 that fo many enHRent Persians would never jsndure- his rule. Id. de 
 fxpcd. lib. z. ' Some of the families, def^iended from the (tven Persians 
 abovementioned remained during all Alexander's fucceflbrs ; and Mi- 
 THRiDATEs, in Antiochus's time, is faid by Polybius to be de- 
 fcended from one of them, lib. 5. cap. 43. ArtAbazus wasefteemed, as 
 Arrian fays, tv rei; wfWToif m^cm. lib. 3. And when Alexander 
 married in one day 80 of his captains to Persian women, his intention 
 plainly was to ally the Macedonians with ths moft eminent Perfian fa- 
 milies. Id. lib. 7. Diodorus Sicums fays they were of the moft no- 
 ble birth in Persia, lib. 17. The government of Persia was ijefpotic, 
 and conduced, in many refpefls, after the eaftern manner, .bi»t was not car- 
 ried fo far as to extirpate all nobility, and confound all ranks and orders. It 
 left men who were ftill great, by themftlves and their family, independent 
 of their office and commiffion. And the reafon why the Macedonians 
 kept fo eafily dominion over them was owing to other caufes eafy to be 
 found in the hiftorians; though it muft be owned that Machiavel's 
 reafoning is, in itfelf, juft, however doubtful its application to the prefent 
 cafe. 
 
 C ^ dif- 
 
24 E S S A y III. 
 
 difficult to fiibdue ; fince they cannot contain any powers 
 ■ful fubjefl: whofe difcontent and faftion may facilitata 
 tlie enterprizes of an enemy. For befides, that fuch i» 
 tyrannical government enervates the courage of men, 
 and renders them indifferent towards the fortunes of 
 their fovereign ; befides this, I fay, vve find by expe- 
 rience, that even the temporary and delegated authority of 
 the generals and hiagiftrates ; being always, in fuch go- 
 vernments, as abfolute within its fphere, as that of thq 
 prince himfelf; is able, with barb3.rians accuflomed" to 
 a blind". fubmiiHon, tp produce the jiiofl: dangerous and 
 fatal revolutions. So that, in every refpeft, a gentle go- 
 vemmerit is preferable, and gives the greateft fecurity to 
 the fovereign as well as to the fubject. 
 
 Legiflators, therefore, ought not to truft the future 
 governnient of a ftate entir,ely to chance, but ought to 
 provide a fyftem of laws to regulate the adminiftration 
 of public affairs to the lateft pofterity, Effe<3s will al- 
 ways correfpond to caufes ; and wife regulations in any 
 eommonwealth, are the moft valuable legacy which can 
 be left to future ages, In the fmalleft court or office, 
 the ftated forms and methods, by which bulinefs rauft be 
 conducted, are found to be a confiderable check on the 
 natural depravity of mankind. Why fhould not the 
 cafe be the fame in public affairs ? Can we afcribe the 
 liability and wifdom of the Venetian government, 
 through fo many ages, to any thing but the form of go- 
 vernment ? And is it not eafy to point out thofe defeats 
 in the original conftitution, which produced the tumul- 
 tuous governments of Athens and Rome, and ended 
 at lafl: in the ruin of thefe two famous republics ? And 
 fo little dependa^ce has this affair on the humours and 
 education of particular men, that one part of the fame 
 republic may be wifely conduced, and another weakly, 
 by the very fame men, merely on account of the diffe- 
 rence of the forms and inftitutions, by which thefe parts 
 
 are 
 
PoLiTicsaSciENCE^ 2tf 
 
 are regulated. Hiftorians inform us that this was aftual- 
 ly the cafe with Genoa. For while the ftate was al- 
 ways full of fedition, and tumult, and diforder, the bank 
 of St. George, which had become a confiderable part 
 of the people, was condufted, for feveral ages, with tbq 
 utmoft integrity and wifdom *. 
 
 The ages of greateft public fpirit are not always moft 
 eminent for private virtue. Good Jaws may beget order 
 and moderation in the government, where the manners 
 and cuftoms have inftilled little humanity or juftic.e into 
 the tempers of men. The moft illuflrious period of the 
 Roman hiftory, confidered in a political view, is that 
 between the beginning of the firft and the end of the laft 
 Punic war ; the due balance between the nobility and 
 people being then fixed by the contefts of the tribunes, 
 and not being yet Ipft by the extent of conquefts. Yet 
 at this very time, the horrid pradtice of poifoning vras 
 fo common, that, during part of a feafon, a Prator pu- 
 niflied capitally for this crime above three thoufand f 
 perfons in a part of Italy; and found informations of 
 this nature ftill multiplying upon him. There is a fimi- 
 lar, or rather a.worfe inftance J, in the more early times 
 of the commonwealth. So depraved in private life were 
 that people, whom ,in their hiftories we fo much admire. 
 I doubt not but they were really more virtuous during 
 the time of the two Triumvirates, when they were tear- 
 ing their common country to pieces, and fpreading flijugh- 
 
 * EJfemfio niEramente raro, & da Tilofoji intante loro tmagiftate fif 'vcdute 'Ri- 
 pulUcbe Tna'i rson trovato, 'bedsre dentro ad un medejimo etrchU, fra medefimi «f- 
 tadirii, la.l'iherta, & la tiranmde, la -vita c'mile & la eorolta, la giujiitia & 
 lalicenxa; ferche quello ordlne foh mantUne quella citta pietia di cojiumi antkbt 
 £f mnerahiH. E iegli au-vemffe (cbe col tempo in ogni modo awuerra) que S ak 
 Giorgio luita quel la cUtS occupajfe, farrehte quella una Republka piu dalla 
 Venetian A memoraL'iU» 
 
 Delia Hjft, Florentine, lib. 8. 
 
 •f- T. Livii, lib. 40. cap. 43. 
 
 t Id. lib. 8. cap. 18. 
 
 ^ tcr 
 
25 ESSAY HI. 
 
 terand defolation over the face of the earth, merely for 
 the choice of tyrants *. 
 
 Here, then, is a fufficient inducement to maintain, 
 with the utmoft Zeal, in every free flate, thofe forms 
 2nd inftitutions by which liberty is fecured, the public 
 good confulted, and the avarice or ambition pf particular 
 men reftrained and punifhed. Nothing does more ho- 
 nour to human nature, than t.o fee it fufceptible pf fp 
 noble a paffion ; as nothing can be a greater indicatipn 
 of meannefs of heart in any man, than to fee him devoid 
 pf it. A man who loves only bimfelf, without regard to 
 friendfliip and merit, is a deteftable mpnfter ; and a man, 
 who is only fufceptible of friendfliip, without publie 
 fpirit, or a regard to the community, is deficient in the 
 inoft material part of virtue. 
 
 But this is a fubjed which needs not be longer infifted 
 on at prefent. There are enow of zealots on both fides 
 who kindle up the paffions of their partizans, and under 
 the pretence of public good, purfue the interefts and end^ 
 of their particular faSion.' 'For my part, I fhall always 
 be more fond of promoting moderation than zeal ;. though 
 perhaps the fureft way of producing moderation in every 
 party is to encreafe our zeal for the public. Let us there- 
 fore try, if it be poflible, from the foregoing do£trine, 
 to draw a leflbn of moderation with regard to the par- 
 ties into which our country is at prefent divided ; at the 
 fame time, that we allow not this moderation to abate 
 the induftry and paffion with which every individual is 
 bound to purfue the good of his country. 
 
 Thofe who either attack or defend a minifter in fuch 4 
 government as ours, where the utmoft liberty is allowed, 
 always carry matters to an extreme, and exaggerate his 
 merit or demerit with regard to the public. His ene- 
 
 • VAigU nntre L'jligU, Romains fo«fre Romains, 
 
 Csiiihi:tam fiuhmevt four le choix de tjraits, CorneIILE. 
 
 mies 
 
PoLITIQSaSdlENCE. Zf 
 
 mies are fure to charge him with thegreateft enormities, 
 toth .in domeftic and foreign management ; and there is 
 no meannefs nor crime, of whiph, in their account, he 
 \s not capable. Unnecefiary wars, fcandalous treaties, 
 profufibfl of public treafure, oppreffive taxes, every kind 
 of mal-adminiftration is afcribed to him. To aggravate 
 the charge, his pernicious conduQ:, it is faid, will ex- 
 tend its baleful influence even to pofterity, by undermin- 
 ing the beft conftitution in the world, and difordering 
 that wife fyftem of laws, inftitutions and cuftorns, by 
 which our ^nceftors, for fo many centuries, have been 
 fo happily governed. He is not only a wicked mini- 
 fter in himfelf, but has removed every fecurity provided 
 againft wicked minifters for the future. 
 
 On the other hand, the partizans of the minifter make 
 his panegyric run as high as the accufation againft him, 
 and celebrate his wife, fteady and moderate conduiSt in 
 every part of his adminiftration. The honour and in- 
 •tereft of the nation fupported abroad, public credit main- 
 tained at home, perfecution reftrained, fadtion fubdued ; 
 the merit of all thefe bleflings is afcribed folely to the mi- 
 nifter. At the fame time he crowns all his other merits, 
 by a religious care of the beft conftitution in the world, 
 which he has preferved in all its ^arts, and has tranfmit- 
 ted entire, to be the happinefs and fecurity of the lateft 
 pofterity. 
 
 When this 'fccufation and panegyric are received by 
 the partizans of each party, no wonder they beget a moft 
 extraordinary ferrnent on both fides, and fill the nation 
 with the moft violent animofities. But I would fain per- 
 fuade thefe party-zealots, that there is a flat contradiftion 
 both in the accufation and panegyric, and that it were 
 impoflible for either of them to run fo high, were it not 
 for this contradidli'on. If our conftitution be really that 
 
 noble 
 
28 ESSAY ni, 
 
 nolle fahr'tc, the pride of BviiTAivi, the envy of our neigh- 
 bours, raifed by the labour of fo many centuries., repaired 
 at the jxpence of fo many millions, and cemented by fuch a 
 profufion of blood * 5 I fay, if our conftitution 4oes ia 
 any degree dpfprve thefe pulpgies, it would never have 
 fuffered a \yicked and weak minifter, to govern trium,- 
 phantly for a courfe of twenty years, when oppofed by 
 the greateft geniufes of the nation, who exercifed the 
 utnioft liberty of tongue and pen, in parliament, and in 
 their frequent appeals to the people. But, if the mini- 
 fter be wicked and weak, to the degree fo ftrenuoufly in- 
 fifted on, the conftitution muft be faulty jn its original 
 principles, and he cannot confiftently be charged with 
 undermining the beft CDnftitution in the world. A con- 
 ftitution is only fo far good, as it provides a remedy 
 againft mal-adminiftration ; and if the British confti- 
 tution, when in its greateft vigour, and repaired by two 
 fuch remarkable events, as the Reuolution and AcceJJion, 
 by which our ancient royal family was facrificcd to it ; 
 if our conftitution, I fay, with fo great advantages, does 
 not, in faft, provide any fuch^ remedy, \fe are rather be- 
 holden tp any miriifter vvho undermines it, and. affords 
 us an opportunity of erecting in its place a better con- 
 ftitution. 
 
 I would make ufe of the fame topics to moderate the 
 zeal of thofe who defend the minifter. Is our conflitutian 
 fo excellent ? Then a change of miniftry can be no fuch 
 dreadful event; fince it is elTential to fuch a conftitution, 
 in every miniftry, both to preferve itfelf from violation, 
 and to prevent all enormities in the adqiiniftration. Is 
 mr corfiitution very bad? Then fo extraordinary a jealoufy 
 and apprehenfion, on account of changes, is ill-placed ; 
 and a man ft\ould no more be anxious in this cafe, than 
 a hufband, who had married a woman from the ftews, 
 
 * Dijirtatlm oti farties, Letter to, 
 
 fhould 
 
PoLiTicsaSciENCE. ^5 
 
 &ould be watchful to prevent her infidelity. Public affairs 
 in fuch a conftitution, muft neceffarily go to confufion, 
 by whatever hands they are conduced ; ar\d the zeal of 
 patriots is much lefs requifite in that cafe than the pa- 
 tience and lubmiflioh of philofophers. The virtue and 
 good intentions of Cato and Brutus are highly laud- 
 able } but, to what purpofe did their zeal ferve ? To no- 
 thing, but to haften the fatal period of the Roman go- 
 vernment, and render its convulfions and dying agonies 
 niore violent and painful. 
 
 I would hot be underftood to mean, that public affairs 
 deferve no dare and attention at all. Would men be 
 moderate and confiftent, their claims might be admitted; 
 at leaft might be examined. The country-party might ftill 
 aiTert, that our conftitution, though excellent, will ad- 
 mit of mal-adminiftration to a certain degree ; and there- 
 fore, if the minifter be bad*^ it is proper to oppofe him 
 with ?ifuitahle degree of zeal. And, on the other hand, 
 the court party may be allowed, upon the fuppofition that 
 the minifter were good, to defend, and vi'ith fome zeal 
 too, his adminiftration. I would only perfuade men not 
 to contend, as if they wjere fighting pro arts ^ focis, and 
 change a good conftitution into a bad one, by the vio- 
 lence of their fadlions *. 
 
 I 
 
 * fnat oiir autiir's efinim •was of the famous minijler here pointed atf. may 
 *r teamed from that effay, printed in the former editions, under the title of A 
 charafler of Sir Robert Waliole! It •was as follows : There never 
 was a man, whofe alliens and character have been more earnefily and open- 
 ly canvifled, than thofe of the prefent ihinifter, who, having governed a 
 learned and free nation for fo long a time, amidft fuch mighty oppoficion, 
 may make a large library of what has been wrote for and againffi him, 
 and is the fubje£l of above half the paper (hat has been blotted in the nation 
 within thefe twenty years. I wilh for the honour of our country, that any 
 one character of him had been drawn with fuch judgment and impartiality, at 
 -to have credit with pofterity, and to fljew, that our liberty has, once at 
 leaft, .been employed to good purpofe. I am only afraid of failing in the 
 former quality of judgment : But if it Oiouid be fe, 'tis but one page 
 
 more 
 2 
 
30 ESSAY III. 
 
 I have not here torifideted atty thing that is perfonal 
 in the prefeftt controverfy. In the beft civil conftitutiori, 
 •where every man is reftrairied by the moft rigid lawrs, it 
 is eafy to difcover either the good or bad intentions of a^ 
 minifter, and to judge, whether his perforil charaflef 
 deferves love of hatred. But fuch jjueftions are of little 
 importance to the public, and lay thbfe who employ their 
 pens upon them, under a Juft fufpicion either of malevo- 
 lence or flattery. 
 
 inore thrown away, after an hun3red thpurah^, upon the fame fuljJeQ, that 
 have periflied, and become ufelefs. In the mean time, I fliall flatter my- 
 felf with the pleafing imagination, that the following character will be adop- 
 ted by future hiftorians. 
 
 %\t ROBERT TVALPOtEi prime minifter of Great Britain, is 
 a man of ability, not a genius ; good-natured, not virtuous ; conftant, not 
 magnanimous ; moderate, not equitable -{- j His virtues, in feme inAances, 
 are free from the allay of thofe vices, which ufually accompany fuch virtues s 
 He is a generous friend, without being a bitter enemy. His vices> in other 
 liiftances, are not compenfated by thofe virtues which are nearly allyed to 
 them ; His want of enterprife is not attended with frugality. The private 
 chara£ler of the man is better than the public ; His virtues thore than his 
 vices : His fortune greater than his fame. With many good qualities, he 
 has incurred the public hatred : With good capacity he has not elcaped ridi- 
 cule. He would have been efteemed more worthy of his high flation had he 
 never poflefled it ; and is better qualified for the fecond than for the fjrfl 
 place in any government. His miniftry has been more advantageous to his 
 family than to the public, better for this age than for pofterity,' and more 
 pernicious by bad precedents than by real grievances. During his time 
 trade has flourilhed, liberty declined, and learning gone to ruin. As I am 
 a man, I love him ; as I am a fcholar I hate him ; as I am a Briton, I 
 calmly wifli his fall. And were I a member of either houfe, I would give 
 Iry vote for removing him from St, James's; bat ihould be glad to fee 
 him retire to HouchTon-Hall, to pafs the remainder of his days in 
 cafe and pleafure, 
 
 The author is fUaJed to find, that after ammofiiles are laid, dud calumny has 
 teafed, the whole nation almofi have returned to the fame moderate Jentiments "with 
 regard to this great man, if they are not rather become more favourable to him, bj 
 a very natural tranfttion, from one extreme to another. The author ivould not op- 
 pofe thofe humane fentiments towards the dead ; though he cannot forbear ohfirv. 
 ing, that the not fayipg more of cur public debts luas, as hinted in this charaC' 
 ter, a great, and the only great, error in that long adminifiratictl- 
 
 "J- Moderate in the exercife ofpcwer, not equitable in tngroffmg it. 
 
 ESSAY 
 
I JI } 
 
 ESSAY IV. 
 
 Of the First Principles of Government. 
 
 NO T H I N G is more furprifmg to thofe, who con- 
 fider human affairs with a philofophical eye, than 
 to fee the eafinefs with which the many are governed by 
 the few; and to obferve the implicit fubmiffion with which 
 men refign their own fentiments and paflions to thofe of 
 their rulers. When we enquire by what means this won- 
 der is brought about, we fhall find, that as Force is 
 -always on the fide of the governed, the governors have 
 nothing to fupport them but opinion. 'Tis therefore, 
 on opinion only that government is founded ; and this 
 maxim extends to the mofl defpotic and mofl military go- 
 vernments, as well as to the mofl free and moft popular. 
 The foldan of Egypt, or the emperor of Rome, might 
 drive his harmlefs fubjeds, like brute beafis, againfl their 
 fentiments and inclination : But he muft, at leaf!:, have 
 led his mamalukes, or pratorian hands, like men, by their 
 opinion. 
 
 Opinion is of two kinds, viz. opinion of interest, 
 and opinion of right. By opinion of interefl, I chiefly 
 underftand the fenfe of the public advantage which is 
 reaped from government j together with the perfuafion, 
 that the particular government, which is eftablifhed, is 
 equally advantageous with any other that could eafily be 
 fettled. When this opinion prevails among the gene- 
 lality of a flate, or among thofe who have the force 
 
^i- ESSAY IV. 
 
 in their hands, it gives great fecorlty to any govern^ 
 ciert. 
 
 Right is of two kinds, right to power and right td 
 PROPERTY. What prevalence opinion of the firft kind 
 has over mankind, bay eafily be underftooH by obferving 
 the attachment which all nations have to their ancient 
 government, and even to thofe names which have had 
 the fanftioh of antiquity. Antiquity alv/ays begets the 
 opinion of right; and whatever difadvantageous fenti- 
 ments we may entertain of mankind, they are always 
 found to be prodigal both of blood and treafure in the 
 maintenance of public juftice. This paffibh we may de- 
 nominate ehthufiafm, br we may give it what appellatiofi 
 we pleafe ; btit a politician, who fliould overlook its in- 
 fluence bii Humatt affairs, would prove himfelf but of a 
 very limited underftandihg. There is, indeed, rib par- 
 ticular, in which, at firft fight, there may appear a, 
 greater contradiftion in the frame of the hiiman mind 
 than the prefent. When men adt in a faftion, they are 
 apt, without any fhame or remorfe, to negledt all the ties 
 of honour and morality, in order to ferve their party ; and 
 yet, when a fadion is formed upon a point of right or 
 principle, there is no occafion where men difcover a greater 
 obftinacy, and a more determined fenfe of jtiftifce and 
 equity. The famfe focial difpofition of mankind is the 
 caufe of both thefe coritradiftory appearances. 
 
 'Tis fufficiently underftood, that the opinion of right 
 to property is of the greateft moment in all matters of go- 
 vernment. A noted author has made property the foun- 
 dation of all government ; and moft of our political writ- 
 ers feem inclined to follow him in that particiilar. This 
 is carrying the matter too far; but ftill it muft be owned, 
 that the opinion of right to property has a great influence 
 in this fubjecS. 
 
 Upon thefe three opinions, therefore, of public infe- 
 re/}y of right to power, and of right to propei'ty, are all 
 
 go- 
 
Principles of GovERNME2;T. 33 
 
 governments founded, and all authority of the few over 
 the many. There are indeed other principles, which add 
 force to thefe, and determine, limit, or alter their ope- 
 ration; iMcYi zs felf-intereji, fear, and affeciion: But ftill 
 we may aflert, that thefe other principles can have no 
 influence alone, but fuppofe the antecedent influence of 
 thofe opinions above-mentioned. They are, therefore 
 to be efteemed the fecondary, pot the original principles 
 of government. 
 
 For, firfl, as to felf-interejl, by which I mean the ex- 
 pectation of particular rewards, difi:in(3; from the general 
 proteftion which we receive from government, 'tis evi- 
 dent that the magiftrate's authority muft be antecedently 
 eftabliftied, or, at leaft be hoped for, in order to pro- 
 duce this expeftation. The profpeit of reward ma/ 
 augment the authority w th regard to fome particuJai'^ 
 perfons ; but can never give birth to it, with regard to 
 the public. Men naturally look for the greateft favour^ 
 from their friends and acquaintance ; and therefore, the 
 hopes of any confiderable number of, the ftate, would 
 never center in' any particular fet of men, if thefe men 
 had no other title to magiflrracy, and had no feparate in- 
 fluence over the opinions of mankind. The fame ob- 
 fervation may be extended to the other two principles o^ 
 fear and affeSiion. No man would have any reafon to 
 fear the fury of a tyrant, if he had no authority over any 
 but from fear ; fmce, as a Angle man, his bodily force 
 can reach but a fmall way, and all farther power he pof- 
 felTes muft be founded either on our own opinion, or on 
 the prefumed opinion of others. And tho' affeSlton to 
 wifdcm and virtue in Tifovere'ign extends very far, and hag 
 great influence ; yet he mufl: be antecedently fuppofed 
 invefted with a public charafter, otherwife the public 
 efteem will ferve him in noflread, nor will his virtue have 
 any influence. beyond a narrow fphere. 
 
 Vol. I. D a Go- 
 
34 ESSAY IV. 
 
 A Government may endure for feveral ages, tho' the 
 balance of power, and the balance of property do not 
 agree. This chiefly happens, where any rank' or order 
 of the ftate has acquired a large fhare of the property ; 
 but, from the original conftitution of the government, 
 has no (hare of the power. Under what pretext would 
 any individual of that order alTume authority in public 
 affairs ? As men are commonly much attached to their 
 ancient government, it is not to be expefted, that the 
 public would ever favour fuch ufurpations. But where 
 the original conftitution allows any fhare of power, tho' 
 fmall, to an order of men, who pofTefs a large fliare^of 
 the property, 'tis eafy for th'em gradually to ftretch their 
 authority, and bring the balance of power to coincide 
 with that of property. This has been the cafe with the 
 houfe of commons in England. 
 
 Moft writers, who have treated of the British go- 
 vernment, have fuppofed, that as the houfe of commons 
 reprefents all the commons of Great Britain; fo its 
 weight in the fcale is proportioned to the property and 
 power of all whom it reprefents. But this principle muft; 
 not be received as abfolutely true. For tho*^ the people 
 are apt to attach themfelves more- to the houfe of com- 
 mons, than to any other member of the conftitution 5 
 that houfe being chofen by them as their rcprefentatives, 
 and as the public guardians of their liberty ; yet are 
 there inftances where the houfe, even when in oppofition 
 to the crown, has not been followed by the, people} as 
 we may particularly obferve of the tory houfe of com- 
 mons in the reign of king William.^ Were the mem- 
 bers of the houfe obliged to receive inftruftions from 
 their conftituents, like the Dutch deputies, this would 
 entirely alter the cafe; and, if -fuch immenfe power and 
 riches, as thofe of the whole commons of Britain, 
 were brought into the fcale, 'tis not eafy to conceive, 
 
 that 
 
Principles of GovERNMENi-. 35 
 
 that the crown could either influence that multitude of 
 people, or withftand that overbalance of property. 'Tis 
 true, the crown has great influence over the colleftive 
 body of BritAiiJ in the ele£lions of members; but 
 were this influence, which at prefent is only exerted once 
 in feven years, to be employed in bringing over the peo- 
 ple to every vote, it would foon be wafted ; and no 
 fkill, popularity or revenue, could fupport it. I muft, 
 therefore, be of opinion, that an alteration, in this par- 
 ticular, would introduce a total alteration in our govern- 
 ment, and would foon reduce it to a pure republic ; and, 
 perhaps, to a republic of no inconvenient form. For 
 tho' the people colledted in a body like the Roman 
 tribes, be quite unfit for government, yet when difpeif- 
 ed in fmall bodies, they are more fufceptible both of rea- 
 fon and order ; the force of popular currents and tides 
 is, in a great meafure, br9ke ; and the public ihtereft 
 may be purfued with fome method and conftancy. But 
 'tis needlefs to reafon any farther concerning a form of 
 government, which is never likely to have place in Bri- 
 tain, and which feems not to be the aim of any party 
 amongft us. Let us cherifli and improve our ancient go- 
 vernment as much as po3ible, without encouraging » 
 pailion for fuch dangerous novelties. 
 
 Da ESSAY 
 
C Z7 ] 
 
 ESSAY V. 
 
 Of the Independency of Parliament. 
 
 POLITICAL writers have eftablifhed it as i 
 maxim. That in contriving any fyftem of govern- 
 Mient, and fixing the feveral checks and controuls of the 
 conflitution, every man ought to be fuppofed a ktiave, 
 and to have no other end, in all his aftions, but private 
 intereft. By this intereft we muft govern him, and, by 
 means of it, make him co-operate to public good, not- 
 withftanding his infatiable avarjce and ambition. With- 
 out this, fay they, we fhall in vain boaft of the advan- 
 tages of any conftitution, and fhall find, in the end, that 
 we have no fequrity for our liberties or pofleffions, ex- 
 cept the good-will of our rulers ; that is, we fhall have 
 no fecurity at all. 
 
 'Tis, therefore, a jufl political maxim, That every man 
 ■muji he fuppofed a knave: Tho' at the fame time, it ap- 
 pears fomewhat flrai>ge, that a maxim fhojild be true in 
 politics^ which is fajfe in fa£i. But to fatisfy us oil this 
 head, we may confider, that men are generally more 
 honefl in their private than in .their public capacity, and 
 will go greater lengths to ferve a party, than when their 
 own private interefl is alone concerned. Honour is a 
 great check upon mankind ; But where a confiderable 
 body of men adl together, this check is, in a great mea- 
 jfure, rejnpved j fince a man is fure to be approved of by 
 D 3 his 
 
38 E S S A Y V. 
 
 his own party, for what promotes the common intereft, 
 and he foon learns to defpife the plamours of his adver-r 
 faries. To which we may add, that every court or fe- _ 
 nat'e is determined by the greater number of voices ; fq 
 that, if felfifli views influence orily the majority, (as they 
 will always do) the whole fenate follows the ajlurements 
 of this feparate intereft, and afts as if it contained not 
 pne member, who had any regard to public intereft and 
 liberty. 
 
 When there offers, therefore, to our eenfure, and 
 Examination, any plan of government, real or imaginary, 
 where the power is diftributed among feveral courts, and 
 feveral orders of men, v/e fliould always confider the 
 private intereft of each court, and each order ; and, if 
 we find, that, by the fkilful divifion of the power, the 
 private intereft muft neceffarily, in its operation, concur 
 with the public, v\^e may pronounce that government to 
 be wife and happy. If, on the contrary, the private in- 
 tereft of each order be not checked, and be not direded 
 to public intereft, we ought to look for nothing but fac- 
 tion, diforder, and tyranny from fuch a government. In 
 this opinion we are juftified by experience, as well as by 
 the authority of all philofophers and politicians both anr 
 tient and modern. 
 
 How much, therefore, , would it have furprized fuch a 
 genius as Cicero, or Tacitus, to have been told, 
 That, in a future age, there fliould arife a very regular 
 fyftem of mixt government, where the authority was fo 
 diftribute^, that one rank, whenever it pleafed, mi^^ht 
 fwallow up all the reft, and engrofs thp whole power 
 of the conftitution. Such a government, they would 
 fay, will not be a mixed government. For fo great i? 
 the natural ambition of men, that they are never fatis- 
 fied with power j, and if one order of men, by purfuing 
 its own intereft, can ufurp upon every other order, it 
 
Independency of Parliament. 39 
 
 will certainly do fo, and render itfelf, as far as poffible, 
 abfolute and uncontroulable. 
 
 But, in this opinion, experience fliews that they would 
 have been miftaken. For this is adlually the cafe with 
 the British conftitution. The fhare of powei- allotted 
 by our conftitution to the houfe of coinmons is fo great, 
 that it abfoliltely commands all the other parts of the 
 government. The king's legiflative power is plainly no 
 proper check to it. For tho' the king has a negative in 
 the pafling of laws ; yet this, in h&, is efteemed of fo 
 little moment, that whatever is voted by the two houfes, 
 is always fure to pafs into a law, and the royal afient 
 is little better than a mere form. The principal weight 
 of the crown lies in the executive power. But befides 
 that the executive power in ev^ry government, is alto- 
 gether fiibordinate to the legiflative ; befides this, I fay, 
 the exercife of this power requires an immenfe expence, 
 and the commons have aflumed to themfelves the fole 
 power of difpofing of public money. How eafy, there- 
 fore, would it be for that houfe to wreft from the crown 
 all thefe powers, one after another, by making every 
 grant of money conditional, and choofing their time fo 
 well, that their refufal of fupplies fhould only diftrefs 
 the government, without giving' foreign powers any ad- 
 vantage over us ? Did the houfe of commons depend in 
 the fame manner on the king, and had none of the 
 members any property but from his gift, would not he 
 command all their refolutions, and be from that moment 
 abfolute ? As to the houfe of lords, they are a very 
 powerful fupport to the crown fo long as they are, in 
 their turn, fupported by it; but both experience and 
 reafon Ihew us, that they have no force nor authority 
 fufficient to maintain themfelves alone, without fuch 
 fupport. 
 
 D 4 How, 
 
.40 ESSAY V. 
 
 How, therefore, ihall we folve this paradox ? And by 
 what means is this member of our conftitution confined 
 within the proper limits; fince, from our very conftitu- 
 tion, it muft neceffarily have as much power as it der 
 mands, and can only be confined by itfelf ? How is this 
 confiftent with our experience of human nature ? I anr 
 fwer, That the intereft of the body is here reftrained by 
 the intereft of the individuals, and that the houfe of com- 
 mons ftretches not its power, becaufe fuch an ufurpation 
 would be contrary to tjie intereft of the majority of its 
 members. The crown has fo many offices at its dif- 
 pofal, that, when aflifted by the honeft and difinterefted 
 part of the houfe, it will always command the refo- 
 lutions of the whole ; fo far at leaft, as to preferve the 
 ancient conftitution from danger. We may, therefore, 
 give to this influence what name we pleafe ; we may call 
 it by the invidious appellations of corruption and depen- 
 dence ; buf fome degree and fome kind of it are infepar-r 
 able, from the very nature of the conftitution, and ne- 
 ceflary to the prefervation of our mixed government. 
 
 Inftead then of aflerting f abfolutely, that the Ae- 
 pendence of parliament, in every degree, is an infringe- 
 ment of British liberty, the country-party had better 
 have made fome concefTions to their adverfaries, and have 
 only examined what was the proper degree of this de- 
 pendence, beyond which it became dangerous to liberty. 
 But fuch a moderation is not to be expedted of party-men 
 of any kind. After a conceffioii of this nature, all de- 
 clamation muft be abandoned ; and a ferious calm en- 
 quiry into the proper degree of court-influence, and par- 
 liamentary dependence would have been expelled by the 
 readers. And tho' the advantage, in fuch a controverfy, 
 plight poflibly remain, to the country-party; yet the vic- 
 
 •}■ See Pi^irtathn on Far.ics, throughout. 
 
 torjr 
 
Independency of Parliament. ^i 
 
 tory would not be fo compleat as they wifh for, nor 
 would a true patriot have given an entire loofe to his 
 zeal, for fear of running matters into a contrary exr- 
 jtreme, by diminifliing too f far the influence of the crown. 
 It was, therefore, thought beft to deny, that this ex- 
 treme could ever be dangerous to the conftitution, or that 
 the crown could ever have Joo little inflijence oyer mem.- 
 bers of parliament. 
 
 All queftions concerning the proper medium between 
 extremes are very difficult to be decided ; both becaufe it 
 is not eafy to find wirds proper to fix this medium, and 
 becaufe the good and ill, in fuch cafes, run fo gradually 
 into each other, as even to render our y^«?/»z^«ij doubtful 
 and uncertain. But there is a peculiar difficulty in the 
 prefent cafe, which would embarrafs the moft knowing 
 and moft impartial examiner, The ppwer of the crown 
 is alvi^ays lodged in a fingle perfon, either king or mir 
 nifter ; and as this perfon may have either a greater or 
 lefs degree of ambition, capacity, courage, popularity 
 or fortune, the power, which is too gre^t in one hand, 
 may become too little in another. In pure republics, 
 where the power is diftributed among feveral aflemblies 
 or fenates, the checks and controuls are more regular in 
 their operation ; becaufe the members of fuch numerous 
 aflemblies may be prefumed to be always nearly equal in 
 capacity and virtue ; and 'tis only their number, riches, 
 
 \ By that Infiiencs of the crown, which I would juftify, I mean onlv, that 
 ariilng from the offices and honours which are at the difpofal of the crown. 
 As to private bribery, it may be con£dered in the fame light as the pratflice 
 pf employing fpies, which is fcarce juAifiable In a good minjftcr, and is in- 
 famous in a bad one ; But to be a fpy, or to be corrupted, is always infamous 
 under all miniflers, and is to be regarded as a (hameiefs proftitution. Poly- 
 Blus juftly efteems the pecuniary influence of the fenate and cenfors in giv- 
 ing offices to be one of the regular and conftitutional weights, which pre- 
 fcived the balance of the Roman government. Lib, 6. cap, i j. 
 
42 E S S A Y V. 
 
 or authority, which enter into confideration. But a li- 
 mited monarchy admits not of any fuch ftability ; nor 
 is it poffible to ailign to the crown fuch a determinate 
 degree of power, as will, in every hand, form a proper 
 counter-balance to the Other parts of the conftitution. 
 This is an unavoidable difadvantage, among the many 
 advantages, attending that fpecies of government. 
 
 ESSAY 
 
f 43 ] 
 
 » 
 
 mifm^M 
 
 ESSAY VI. 
 
 Whether the British Gove rnment inclines 
 more to Absolute Mon ARCHY,,or to a 
 
 Republic. 
 
 IT affords a violent prejudice againft almoft every fcf- 
 ence, that no prudent man, however fure of his 
 principles, dares to 'prophefy concerning any event, or 
 foretell the remote confequences of things, A phyfician 
 will not venture to pronounce concerning the condition 
 pf his patient a fortnight or month after :' And ftill lefs 
 (dares a polititian fofetel the fituation of public aiFairs a 
 few years hence, Harrington thought himfelf fo 
 fure of his general principle. That the balance of power 
 (iepends on that of property, that he ventured to pronounce 
 it impoffible ever to re-eftablifli monarchy in England : 
 But his book was fcarce publifhed when the king was 
 reftored ; and we fee that monarchy has ever fince fub- 
 fifted upon the fame footing as before. Notwithftanding 
 this unlucky example, I will venture to examine a very 
 important queftion, viz. Whether the British govern-, 
 mnt inclines more to abfolute monarchy, or to a republic ; and 
 in which of thefe two fpecies of government it will mojl pro- 
 ^ably terminate ? As there feems not to be any great dan- 
 ger of a fudden revolution either way, I fliall at leaft 
 efcape the {hame attending my temerity, if I fhould be 
 found to have been miftaken. 
 
 Thofe 
 
^4 E S S A Y VI. 
 
 Thofe who affert. That the balance of our govern- 
 ment inclines towards abfolute monarchy, may fupport 
 jtheir opinion by the following reafons. That property 
 Jias a great influence on power cannot poflibly be denied ; 
 but yet the genera} maximj That the balance of one de- 
 fen is on the balance of the other, mufl: be received with 
 feveral limitations. 'Tis evident, that much lefs pro- 
 perty in a fingle hand will be able to counter-balance a 
 greater properfy in feveral hands ; not only becaufe it is 
 difficult t;) piakemany perfpns combine in the fame views 
 and meafures , but alfo becaufe property, when united, 
 caufes much greater dependance, than the fame property, 
 Vshen difperfed. An hundred perfons, of looo/. a year 
 a piece, can cpnfi,ime all iheir income, and no body 
 fhall ever be the better for them, except their fervant? 
 and tradefmen, who juftly regard their profits as the pro- 
 duct of their own labour. But a man poflefled of 
 ioo,ooc /. a year, if he has either any generofity, or 
 any cunning, may create a great dependance by obliga- 
 tions, and ftili a greater by expectations. Hence we 
 may obfeive, that in all free governments any fubjeft 
 exorbit?.!! ly rich has always created ajealoufy, even tho' 
 his liches bore no manner of proportion to the riches of 
 the ftatc. Crassus's fortune, if I remember well, 
 ^.mounted only to about fixteen hundred thoufand pounds 
 in our money; and yet we find, that tho' his genius w^a? 
 nothing extraordinary, be was able, by means of his 
 fiches alone, to counter- balance, during his life-time, 
 the power of Pompey as well as that of CiESAR, who 
 afterwards became mailer of the world. The wealth 
 of the Medicis made them mafters of Florence ; tho', 
 'tis probable, it was very inconfiderable, compared to the 
 united property of that opulent republic. 
 
 Thefe confiderations are apt to make one entertain 
 a verjr magnificent idea of the British fpirit and love 
 
 of 
 
The British Government. ^5 
 
 of liberty; fince we could maintain our free govern- 
 ment, during fo many centuries, againft our fovereigns, 
 who, befides the power and dignity and majefly of the 
 crown, have always been pofleffed of much greater 
 riches than any fubjeft has ever enjoyed in any Com- 
 monwealth. But it may be faid, that this fpirltl how- 
 ever great, will never be able to fupport itfelr againft 
 that immenfe property, whicb is now lodged in the 
 king, and which is ftill encreafing. Upon a moderate 
 computatipn, there are near three millions at the diP 
 pofal of the crown. The civil lift amounts- to near a. 
 million ; the colle£tlon of all taxes to another million ; 
 and the employments in the army and navy, together 
 with ecclefiaftical preferments, to above a third million : 
 An enormous fum, and what may fairly be computed to 
 be more than a thirtieth part of the whole income and 
 labour of the kingdom. When we add to this immenfe 
 property, the increafmg luxury of the nation, our prone- 
 nefs to corruption, together with the great power and. 
 prerogatives of the crown, and the command of fuch 
 numerous military forces, there is no one but muft def- 
 pair of being able, without extraordinary efforts, to fup- 
 port our free government much longer under all thefe 
 difad vantages. 
 
 On the other hand, thofe who maintain, that the 
 byafs of the British government leans towards a re- 
 public, may fupport their opinion by very fpecious ar- 
 guments. It may be faid, that tho' this immenfe pro- 
 perty in the crown, be joined to the dignity of firft 
 magiftrate, and to many other legal powers and pre- 
 rogatives, which fhould naturally give it a greater in- 
 fluence ; yet it really becomes lefs dangerous to liberty 
 upon that very account. Were Bri!tain a republic, 
 and were any private man poflefTed of a revenue, a 
 
 third. 
 
4.6 ■ E S S A Y Vi. 
 
 thirds or even a tenth part as large as that of the 
 crown, he wouU very juftly excite jealoufy ; becaufef 
 he would infallibly have great authority in l^e govern- 
 ment: And fuch an irregular authority, not avowed 
 by the laws, is always jnore dangerous than a much 
 greater authority, which is derived from them. A man 
 poffeffed of ufurped power, can fet no bounds to his pre- 
 teftfions : His partizans have liberty to hope for every 
 thing in his favour: His enemies provoke his ambi- 
 tion, with his fears, by the violence of their oppofi- 
 tion : And the government being thrown into a- fer- 
 ment, every corrupted humour in the ftate naturally 
 gathers to him. On the contrary, a legal authority, 
 tho' very great, has always fome bounds, which ter- 
 minate both the hopes and pretenfions of the perfon 
 poffefled of it : The laws muft have provided a remedy 
 againft its excefles : Such an eminent magiftrate has 
 much to fear, and little to hope from his ufurpations ; 
 And as his legal authority is quietly fubmitted to, he 
 has fmall temptation and fmall opportunity of extending 
 it farther. Befides, it happens, with regard to ambiti- 
 ous aims and projefts, what may be obferved with re- 
 gard to fe£ls of philofophy and religion. A new le£t 
 excites fuch ferment, and is both oppofed and defend- 
 ed with fuch vehemence, that it fpreads always fafter, 
 and multiplies its partizans with greater rapidity, than any 
 old eftabliflied opinion, recommended by the fandlion of 
 the laws and of antiquity. Such is the nature of no- 
 velty, that where any thing pleafes it becomes doubly 
 agreeable, if -new ; but if it difpleafes, it is doubly dif- 
 pleafing, upon that very account^ And, in moft cafes, 
 the violence of enemies is favourable to ambitious pro- 
 jects, as well as the zeal of partizans. 
 
 5 
 
 Jt 
 
The British Government. 47 
 
 It may further be faid, that tho' men be very much 
 governed by intereft; yet even intereft itfelf, and all 
 human affairs, are entirely governed hy opinion. Now, 
 there has been a very fudden and a very fenfible change 
 in the opinions of men within thefe laft fifty years, by 
 the progrefs of learning and of liberty. Moft people, 
 in this ifland, have divefted themfelves of all fuperfti- 
 tious reverence to names and authority : The clergy 
 have much loft their credit : Their pretenfions and doc- 
 trines have been ridiculed ; and even religion can fcarce 
 fupport itfelf in the world. The mere name of king 
 commands little refpeiEl; and to talk of a kino- as 
 GOD's vicegerent on earth, or to give him any of 
 tliofe magnificent titles, which formerly dazzled man- 
 kind, would but excite laughter in every one. Tho' 
 the crown, by means of its large revenue, may main- 
 tain its authority in times of tranquillity, upon private 
 intereft and influence ; yet as the leaft fhock or con- 
 vulfion muft break all thefe interefts to pieces, the kingly 
 power being no longer fupported by the fettled prin- 
 ciples and opinions of men, will immediately dif- 
 folve. Had men been in the fame djfpofition at the 
 revolution, as they are at prefer.t, monarchy would 
 have run a great rifque of being entirely loft in this 
 ifland. 
 
 Durft I venture to deliver my own fentiments amidft 
 thefe oppofite arguments, I would aflert, that unlefs 
 there happen fome extraordinary convulfion, the power 
 of the crown, by means of its large revenue, is rather 
 upon the increafe ; tho*, at the fame time I own, that its 
 progrefs feems very flow, and almoft infenfible. The 
 tide has run long, and with fome rapidity, to the fide of 
 popular government, and is juft beginning to turn to- 
 wards monarchy. 
 
 'Tis 
 
4« ESSAY VI. 
 
 'Tis well known that every government muft ccJnie 
 to a period^ and that death is unavoidable to the political 
 as well as to the animal body. But^ as one kind of 
 death may.be preferable to another, it may be enquired, 
 whether it be more defirable for the British conftitu- 
 tion to terminate in a popular government, or an abfo- 
 lute monarchy ? Here I would declare frankly, that 
 tho' liberty be infinitely preferable to flavery, in almoft 
 every cafe ; yet I fhould much rather wifh to fee an ab- 
 folute monarch than a republic in this ifland. For, let 
 us confider, what kind of republic we have reafon to 
 expe£l. The queftion is not concerning any fine ima- 
 ginary republic, of which a man may form a plan in his 
 clofet. There is no doubt, but a popular government 
 may be imagined more perfeft than abfolute monarchy, 
 or even than our prefent conftitution. But what reafon 
 have we to exped: that any fuch government will ever 
 be eftablifhed in Britain, upon the difiblution of our 
 monarchy ? If any fingle perfon acquire power enough 
 to take our conftitution to pieces, and put it up a-newr, 
 he is really an abfolute monarch ; and we have had al- 
 ready an inftance of this kind, fufficient to convince us, 
 that fuch a perfon will never refign his power, or efta- 
 blifli any free government. Matters, therefore, muft 
 be trufted to their natural progrefs and operation ; and 
 t^e houfe of commons, according to its prefexit confti- 
 tution, muft be the only legiflature in fuch a popular 
 government. The inconveniencies, attending fuch a 
 fituation of affairs, prefent themfelves by thoufands. If 
 the -houfe of commons, in fuch a cafe, ever diflbives 
 itfelf, which is not to be expected, we may look for a 
 civil war every eledlion. If it continues itfelf, we (hall 
 fuff"er all the tyranny of a faction, fubdivided into new 
 faftions. And as fuch a violent government cannot long 
 fubfift, we iliall, at laft, after infinite convulfions, and 
 
 civil 
 
The British Government, 49 
 
 civil wars, find repofe in abfolute monarchy, which it 
 would have been happier for us to have eftabliflied peace- 
 ably from the beginning. Abfolute monarchy, there-« 
 fore, is the eafieft death, the true Euthanafta of the Bri- 
 tish conftitution. 
 
 Thus, if we have reafon to be more jealous of mo- 
 narchy, becaufe the danger is more imminent from that 
 quarter ; we have alfo reafon to be more jealous of po- 
 pular government, becaufe that danger is more terrible. 
 This may teach us a lefTon of moderation in all our po^i' 
 tical controverfies. 
 
 Vot. I, E ESSAY 
 
[ 51 }' 
 
 *<• 
 
 ESSAY yii. 
 
 Of Parties in General. 
 
 OF all men, who diftinguifh themfelves by memorable 
 atchievements, the firft place of honour feems due 
 to Legislators, and founders of ftates, who tranfmit 
 a fyftem of laws and inftltutions to fecure the peace, hap- 
 pinefs, and liberty of future generations. The influence 
 of ufeful inventions in the arts and fciences may, per- 
 haps, extend farther than thofe of wife laws, whofe ef- 
 fects are limited both in time and place ; but the benefit 
 arifing from the former is not fo fenfible as that which 
 proceeds from the latter. Speculative fciences do, indeed, 
 improve the mind ; but this advantage reaches only to a 
 few perfons, who have leifure to apply themfelves to them. 
 And as to praftical arts, which increafe the commodities 
 and enjoyments of life, it is well known, that mens 
 happinefs confifts not fo much in an abundance of thefe, 
 as in the peace and fecurity with which they poffefs them; 
 and thofe bleflings can only be derived from good govern- 
 ment. Not to mention, that general virtue and good 
 morals in a ftate, which are To requifite to happinefs, can 
 jiever arife from the moft refined precepts of philofophy, 
 or even the fevereft injunftions of religion ; but muft 
 proceed entirely from the virtuous education of the youth, 
 the effeft of wife laws and inftitutions. I muft, there- 
 fore, prefume to differ from my Lord Bacon in this par- 
 ticular, an4 myft regard antiquity as fomewhat unjuft in 
 
 E ^ it^ 
 
E S SAY VII. 
 
 its diftri^utipn of hpnour, when it made gods of all 
 the inventors of ufeful arts, fuch as Ceres, Bacchus^ 
 iEscuLAPius J- and dignified legiflators, fuch as RoMU- 
 tus and Theseus, only with the appellation of demi- 
 gods and heroes. 
 
 As much as legiflators arid founders of ftates ought 
 to be honoured and rerpe<Sled among men, as much 
 ought the founders of fedis and factions to. be detefted and 
 hated ; becaufe the influence of fadlion is directly conr 
 trary to that of laws. Faftions fubvert government, ren- 
 der laws impotent, and beget the fierceft animofities 
 among men of the fame nation, who ought to give mu- 
 tual afliftance and prote^ion to each other. And what 
 fliould render the founders of parties more odious is, 
 the difficulty of extirpating thefe parties, when once 
 they have taken rife in any ftate. They naturally piro-r , 
 pagate themfelves for many centuries, and feldom end but 
 by the total diflblution of that government, in which 
 they are planted. They are, befides, feeds which grow 
 moft plentifully in the richeft foils j and though defpotic 
 gover;iments be' not entirely free from them, it muft 
 be confefTed, that they rife more eafily, and propagate 
 themfelves fafter in free governments, where they always 
 infeiS the legiflature itfelf, which alone could be able, by 
 the fteady application of rewards and punifhments, to 
 eradicate them. 
 
 Faftions pr parties may be divided into Personal and 
 Real ; that is, into fadlions founded on perfonal friend- 
 fhip or animofity among thofe wl^o compofe the fa£lions, 
 and into thofe founded on fome real diffei;ence of fenti- 
 ment or intereft. The reafon of this diftinftion is ob- 
 vious tho' I muft acknowledge, that parties are feldoni 
 found pure and unmixed, either of the one kind or the 
 other. 'Tis not often feen, that a government divides in- 
 to faftions, where there is no difference in the views of 
 
 the 
 
Of Par ti£ s jri General. 53 
 
 ihe conftituent members, either real or apparent, trivial 
 or material : Arid in thofe fadlions, which are founded 
 on the moft real and n^oft material d^ffexence, there is 
 always obferved to be a great deal of perfoiial animofity 
 or affeflion. But notwitManfling this mixture, a party 
 may be denominated either ,perfonal or real, according 
 to (;hat principle which i^^redominant, and is found to 
 have the greateft influence., 
 
 Perfonal faflions ^rife mbft eafily in fmall republics. 
 Every donieftic quarrel becomes an afFair of ftate. L»ve, 
 vanityi emulation, any paffian begets public divifipn, as 
 well as ambition and refen^mant. The Nerj arid Bian- 
 CHi of Florence, the Fregqsi and Adorni of Ge- 
 _NOA, the .CoLONEsi apd, OrSin:! of niodern Rome, 
 were parties of this kindi* 
 
 Men have Tuch a propenfity to divide Into perjbhal 
 faftions, that the fmalleft appearance of real difference 
 will produce them. What can be imagined more trivial 
 than the difference between one colour of livery and an- 
 other in h'orfe-races ? Yet this difference begot two moft 
 inveterate faftions in the Greek empire, the Prasini 
 find VENETf, who never fufpertded their ammofities, till 
 they ruined that unhappy government. 
 
 We find in the Roman hiftory a very remarkable 
 faflion between two tribes, the PolLia and Papiria, 
 which continued for the fpace of near three hundred 
 years, and difcovered itfelf in their fuffrages at every elec- 
 tion of magiftrates *. This fadion was the more re- 
 markable,' 
 
 * As this fa£l has not beenmuch obfefred by antiquaries or politicians, I fhall 
 deliver It in the words of the Roman hiAorian. Po/ia/asTuscULANus cum 
 ctnjugibus acliberls Romam venli: Ea multitudo, •veftemiiatd, &Jfec)e ri- 
 orum tribus circuit, geniblisfe omnium ad'vol'Uen:. Phi itajue mifericerHia adpxs^ 
 7ia veniam impetrandam, quam cdufa ad crimen purgandum •ualuit, Iribas 
 «mms praierPoLilAM, dntiquarunt legem. PolLi^ fenlentiafujt, pvbere's 
 •serieratu ttecari^ liberal Ctnjugefque fub corond lege belli •venhe i Mimorlamqut 
 
 E 3 tju: 
 
54- 
 
 ESSAY Vfl. 
 
 markable, as it could conritiue for fo long a traft ofP 
 time ; even though it did not fpread itfclf, nor draw any 
 of the othertribes into a (hare of the qtfarrel. If man- 
 kind had not a fttong propenfity tofuch divifiohs, the in- 
 difference of the reft of the community muft have fup- 
 prefied this' foolifli animofity, that had not any aliment 
 of new benefits and injuries, of general fympathy and an- 
 tipathy, which never fail to take place, when the whole 
 ftate is rent into two equal fadtionsi 
 
 Nothing is more ufual than to fee parties, which have 
 begim upon a real difference, continue even after that 
 difference is loft. When men are once inlifted on oppo- 
 lite fides, they contra<S an affeftion to the perfons with 
 whom they are united, and an animofity againft their an- 
 tagonifts : And thefe paffions they often tranfmic to their' 
 pofterity. The real difference between Guelf and 
 Ghiebelline was long loft in Italy, before thefe 
 fa£tions were extinguiftied. The Guelfs adhered to 
 the pope, the Ghibbellines to the emperor; and yet 
 the family of Sforsa, who were in alliance with the 
 emperor, though they were Guelfs, being expelled 
 MiXAN by the king * of France, affifted by Jacomo 
 Trivulzio and the Ghibbellines, the pope concurred 
 with the latter, and they formed leagues with the pope 
 againft the emperor. 
 
 The civil wars which arofe feme few years ago in Mo- 
 rocco, betwixt the blacks and whites, merely on account 
 of their complexion, are founded on a very pleafant dif- 
 ference. We laugh at them ; but I believe, were things 
 
 tjus irte Tusculanis In plena tarn atrocii aiiSfores manjijfe ad patrh ataum 
 ctinjiat; nee quimquamfere ix PotLiA triiu candidaium Papir am ferrefoR- 
 tam, T. Livii, lib. 8. TheCASTiLANi and Nicolloti are two mob. 
 bilh faflions in Vkhice, who fieijuentljr box together, aad then lay afide. 
 their quarrels prefently, 
 
 » U WIS XII. 
 
 rightly 
 
Of Parties in General. ^^ 
 
 Hghtly examined, we afford much mote occafion of ridi- 
 cule \6 the Moors. For, what are all the wars of re- 
 ligion, which have ptevailed in this polite and knowing 
 part of the world? They are certainly more abfurd than 
 the Moorish civil wars. The difference of complexion 
 is a fenfible and a real difference : But the difference 
 about an article of faith, which is utterly abfurd and un- 
 intelligible, is not a difference of fentimehts, but only a 
 differehce of a few phrafes and expfeffions, which one 
 party accepts of, without underftanding them ; and thft 
 other rejefts in the fame manner. BefideS, I do not 
 find, that the whites in Morocco ever impbfed oil the 
 hlacis any nec^ffity of altering their complexion, or threa- 
 tened them with inquifitiohs and penal laws in cafe of 
 obflinacy: nor have the b/ach been more unreafonable ift 
 this particular. But is a man's opinion, where he is able 
 to form a real opinion, more at his difpofal than his com- 
 plexion ? And can one be induced by force or fear to do 
 more than pajnt and difguife in the one cafe as well as in 
 the other ? 
 
 Real fn&ions may be divided into faflions from interej!, 
 irom principle, znd from officii on. Of all fadions, thofe 
 from intereft are the moft reafonable, and the moft ex- 
 cufable. Where two orders of men^ fuch as the nobles 
 and people, have a difl;in£t authority in a governmerttj 
 which is not very accurately balanced and modelled, 
 they naturally follow a diftinft intereft j nor can werea- 
 fonably exped a different conduft, confidering that de- 
 gree of felfilhnefs, which is implanted in human nature^ 
 It requires very great fkill in a legiflator to prevent fuch 
 faftions ; and many philofophers are of opinion, that this 
 fecret, \ike the grand elixir, or perpetual moiion, mayamufe 
 men in theory, but can never poflibly be reduced to prac- 
 tice. . In defpotic governments, indeed, factions often do 
 not appear ; but they are not the lefs real ; or rather, 
 E 4 they 
 
56 ESSAY VII. 
 
 they are more real and more pernicious, upon that very 
 account. The diftin£t orders of men, nobles and people, 
 foldiers and merchants, have all a diftinfl: intereft ; but 
 the more powerful opprefles the weaker with impunity, 
 and without refiftance ; which begets a feemipg tranquil- 
 lity in fuch governments. 
 
 There has been an attempt to divide the landed and 
 trading intereft of England j but without fuccefs. The 
 intereft of thefe two bodies is not really diftincft, and 
 never will be fo, till our public debts increafe to fuch 
 a degree, as to become altogether oppreflive and into- 
 lerable. 
 
 Parties from principles, efpecially abftra£t fpeculativt 
 principles, are known only to tiiodern times, and are, 
 perhaps, the moft extraordinary and unaccountable pha^- 
 nomenon, that has ever yet appeared in human affairs. 
 Where different principles beget a contrariety of con- 
 duift, whicli is the cafe with all different political prin- 
 ciples, the matter may be more eafily explained. A man, 
 who efteems the true right of government to lie in one 
 man, or one family, cannot eafily agree with his fellow 
 citizen, who thinks that another man or family is pof- 
 fefled of this right. Each naturally wilhes that right 
 may take place, according to his own notions of it. But 
 where the difference of principles is attended with no 
 contrariety of aftion, but each may follow his own way, 
 without interfering with his neighbour, as happens in 
 all religious cohtroverfies ; what madnefs, what fury can 
 beget fuch unhappy and fuch fatal divifions ? 
 
 Two men, travelling on the highway, the one eaft, 
 the other weft, can eafily pafs each other, if the way be 
 broad enough : But two men, reafoning upon oppofite 
 principles of religion, cannot fo eafily pafs, without 
 fhocking j though one fliould think, that the way were 
 
 alfo. 
 
Of Parties in General. 57 
 
 alfo, in that cafe, fufficiently broad, and that each might 
 proceed, without interruption, in his own courfe. But 
 fuch is the nature of the human mind, that it alwaj-s 
 takes hold of every mind that approaches it ; and as it 
 is Wonderfully fortified and corroborated by an unanimi- 
 ty of fentiments, fo is it fliocked and difturbed by ariy 
 contrariety. Hence the eagernefs, which moft people 
 difcover in a difpute ; and hence their impatience of op- 
 pofition, even in the moft fpeculative and indifferent opi- 
 nions. 
 
 This principle, however frivolous it may appear, feems 
 to have; been- the origin of all religious wars and diVi- 
 fions. But as this principle is univerfal in human na- 
 ture, its effefts would not have been confined to one 
 age, and to one fe£l of religion, did it not there concur 
 with other more accidental caufes, which raife it to fuch 
 a height as to produce the higheft diforder and devafta- 
 tion. Moft religions of the ancient world arofe in the 
 linknown ages of government, when men were as yet 
 barbarous and uninftrudted, and the prince, as well as 
 peafant, was difpofed to receive, with implicit faith, eve- 
 ry pious tale or fiflion which was offered him. Th« 
 magiftrate embraced the religion of the people, and en- 
 tering cordially into the care of facred matters, naturally 
 acquired an authority in them, and united the ecclefiaf- 
 tical with the civil power. But the Chrijlian religion 
 arifing, while principles diredly oppofite to it were firm- 
 ly eftablifhed in the polite part of the world, who def- 
 pifed the nation that firft broached this novelty ; no won- 
 der, that in fuch circumftances, it was but little counte- 
 nanced by the civil magiftrate, and that the priefthood 
 were allowed to engrofs all the authority in the new kSt. 
 So bad a ufe did they make of this power, even in thofe 
 early times, that the perfecutions of Chriftianity may, 
 
 perhaps, 
 I 
 
^ij E s s A Y vii. 
 
 perhaps, in part *, be aferibed to the violence inftilled b-y 
 them into their followers. And the fame principles ot 
 prieftly government continuingj after Chriftianity be-* 
 came the eftablifhed religion, they have engendered i 
 fpiritof perfecutipn, which has ever ftnce been thp poi- 
 fon of human fociety, and the fource of the moil invete- 
 rate fa£iions in every government. Such fa£lions, there- 
 fore, on the part of the people, may juftly be efteemed 
 fadlions oi principle : but, on the part of the priefts,' who 
 are the prime movers, they are really fa£i:ions of intereji. 
 
 There is another caufe (befide the authority of the 
 priefts, and the feparation of the ecclefiaftjical and civil 
 powers) which has contributed to render Christendom 
 the fcene of religious wars and divifions. Religions, that 
 arife in ages totally ignorant and barbarous, confift moft- 
 Jy of traditional tales and fidions, which may be very 
 different in every feft, without being contrary, to each 
 other ; and even when they are contrary, every one ad- 
 heres to the tradition of his own feft, without much 
 
 * I fay, in fart; Fur 'lis a vulgar error to imagine, that the ancients 
 were as great friends to toleration as the English or Dutch are at pre. 
 fent. The laws againft external fuperftition, amongft the Rom ans, were 
 as ancient as the time of the twelve tables; and th,e Jkws as well as 
 Christians were fometimes puniihed by them ; tho', in general, thefe 
 laws were not rigoroufly executed. Immediately after the conqueft of Gaul, 
 the Romans forbad all but the natives to be initiated into the religion of 
 theDRuiD^s; and this was a kind of perfecution. In sbout a century afldr 
 this conqueft, the emperor, Claudius, quite aboliflied that fuperftition by 
 penal laws; which would have been a very grievous perfecution, if the imi- 
 tation of the Roman maqners had not, before-hand, weaned the GaulI 
 from their ancient prejudices. Suetonius in vita Claudii. Flint 
 afcribcs the abolition of the Druid fuperftition to Tiberius, probably bo- 
 ' caufe that emperor had taken fome ftcps towards reftraining them, (lib. Jo. 
 cap. I.) This is an inftance of the ufual caution and moderation of the Ro- 
 mans in fuch cafe ; and very diflerent from their violent and fangulnary 
 method of treating the Chriftians, Hence we may entertain a fufpiciod, 
 that ^hofe furious perfecutions of C^ri/?i<3Ki/^ were, in fome mcafure, owin^ 
 to the imprudent zeal and bigotry of the firft propagatois of that fe£t: ; and 
 Ecclefialltcal hiltory aA'ords us many reafous to confirm this fufpicion. 
 
 reafoniiig 
 
Of Parties in General. 
 
 59 
 
 reafoning or difputarion. But as philofophy was widely 
 'fpread over the world, at the time when Chriftianity arofe, 
 the teachers of the new fetSl were obliged* to form a fy- 
 ftem of fpeculative opinions ; to divide, with fome accu- 
 racy, their articles of faith ; and to explain, comment, 
 confute, and confirm with all the fubtiity of argument 
 and fcience. From hence naturally arofe keennefs in dif- 
 pute, when the chriftian religion came to be fplit into 
 new divifions and herefies : And this keennefs aflifled the 
 priefts in their policy, of begetting a mutual hatred and 
 antipathy among the deluded followers, Seds of philo- 
 fophy in the ancient world, were more zealous than par- 
 ties of religion ; but in modern times, parties of religion 
 are more furious and enraged than the moft cruel fac- 
 tions that ever arofe from intereft and ambition. 
 
 I have mentioned parties from affeSlion as a kind of 
 real parties, befide thofe from interejl and principle. By 
 parties from afFeSion, I underftand thofe which are 
 founded on the diiFerent afFeftions of men towards parti- 
 cular families and perfons, whom they defire to rule over 
 them. Thefe parties are often very violent ; tho', I muft 
 own, it is fomewhat unaccountable, that men fhould 
 attach themfelves fo ftrongly to perfons, with whom they 
 arc no wife acquainted, whom perhaps they never faw, and 
 from whom they never received, nor can ever hope for 
 any favour. Yet this we find often to be the cafe, and 
 even with men, who, on other occafions, difcover no 
 great generofity of fplrit, nor are found to be eafily tranf- 
 ported by friendfliip beyond their own intereft. ■ We are 
 apt, I know not how, to think the relation between us 
 and our fovereign very clofe and intimate. The fplendor 
 of majefty and power beftows an importance on the for- 
 tunes even of afingle perfon. And when a man's good- 
 nature gives him not this imaginary intereft, his ill-na- 
 ture will, from fpite and oppofition to perfons whofe 
 fentiments are diiFerent from his own. 
 
 ESSAY 
 
C 6i 3 
 
 ESSAY VIII. 
 
 Of the Parti es of Great Britain,. 
 
 WERE the British government propofed as a 
 fubjefl of fpeculation to a ftudious man, he 
 would immediately perceive in it a fource of divifion and 
 party, which it v/ould be almoft impoflible for jt, under 
 any adminifiration, to avoid. The juft balance between 
 the republican and monarchical part of our conditution 
 is really, in itfelf, fq extremely delicate and ujicertain, 
 that when joined to mens paffions and prejudices, 'tis im- 
 poffible but different opinions muft arife concerning it, 
 even among perfons of the beft underftanding. Thofe of 
 mild tempers, who love peace and order, and deleft fedi- 
 tion and civil wars, will always entertain more favour- 
 able fentiments of monarchy, than men of bold and ge- 
 nerous fpirits, who are paflionate lovers of liberty, and 
 think no evil comparable to fubje£tion and flavery. And 
 though all reafonable riien agree in general to preferve 
 our mixed government ; yet when they come to particu- 
 lars, fome will incline to truft larger powers to the crown, 
 to beftow on it more influence, and to guard agaihft its 
 encroachments with lefs caution, than others who are 
 terrified at the moft diftant approaches of tyranny and def- 
 potic power. Thus are there parties of Principle in- 
 volved in the vejry nature of our conftitution, which may 
 
 properly 
 
62 ESSAY VIII. 
 
 properly enough be denominated thofe of + CoURT and 
 CpuNTRY. The ftrength and violence of each of thefe 
 parties will much depend upon the particular adminiftra- 
 tion. An adminiftration may be fo bad, as to throw a 
 great majority into the oppofition ; as a good adminiftra- 
 tion wil> recpncile to the coijrt ma^y of the moft paf- 
 fionate lovers of liberty. Bat hov^ever the nation may 
 liiictu.te between them, the parties themfelves will al- 
 ways fubfift fo long as we are governed by a limited mo- 
 jiarcl'iy, 
 
 But, bcfides this difference of Principle, thofe parties 
 are very much fomented by a difference of Interest, 
 without which they could fcarce ever be dangerous or 
 violent. The crown will naturally befiow all its truft 
 and power upon thofe, whofe principles, real or pre- 
 tended, are moft favourable to monarchical government ; 
 and this temptation will naturally engage them to go 
 jireater lengths than their principles would otherwife car- 
 ry them. Their antagonifts, who are difappointed in 
 their ambitious aims, throw themfelves into the party 
 whofe principles incline them to be moft jealous of royal 
 power, and naturally carry thofe principles to a greater 
 length than found politics will juftify. Thiis the Court 
 and Country parties, which are the genuine offspring of 
 the British government, are a kind of mixt parties, 
 and are influenced both by priticiple and by intereft. 
 
 •f- Thefe words have become of general ufe, and therifor? I fliall employ 
 them, without intending to exprefs by them an tinirerfal blamq of the one 
 party, or approbation of the other. The court-party may, no doubt, on 
 fpme rccafions confult beft the intereft of the country, and the country- 
 party oppcfc it. In like manner, t4),e R^man partie; were denominated 
 Ofiimatis and Pofu/arcs ; and Cicero, like a true patty man, defines the 
 Oj:t,n:ates to be fuch as, in all their public condi\a, regulated themfelves by the 
 fcntiniL'nts of the beft and wonhicft of the Romans : Pro Sexth, cap. 45. 
 The term of Country-parly may afford a favourable definition or etymology , 
 pf the fame kind : But it would bf, folly to draw any argument from ^J>,% 
 he^d, and 1 have no rSaard to it in employing thefe terms, 
 
 7 ■ The 
 
The Parties of Great Britaik, 6| 
 
 The heads of the faftions are commonly moft govern^ 
 ed by the latter motive ; the inferior members of then:> 
 by the former, I muft be underftood to mean this of 
 perfons who have motives for taking party on any fide. 
 For, to tell the truth, the gre^teft part are commonly 
 men who aflbciate themfelves they know' not why ; from 
 example, ^rom jjaffion, from idlenefs. But flill it is re- 
 quifite, that there be fome fource of divifion, either ii^ 
 principle or intereft ; otherwife fuch perfons would not 
 find parties, to which they could aflbciate themfelves. 
 
 As to ecclefiaftical parties ; we may obferve, that, in 
 all ages of the world, priefts have been enemies to liber- 
 ty*, and 'tis certain, that this fteady c6ndu£l of theirs 
 muft have been founded on fixt reafons of intereft and 
 ambition. Liberty of thinking, and of expreiSng our 
 thoughts, is always fatal to prieftly power, and to thofe 
 pious frauds, on which it is commonly founded ; and, by 
 an infellible connexion, which prevails among every {pe- 
 des of liberty, this privilege can never be enjoyed, at 
 leaft, has never yet been enjoyed, but in a free govern- 
 ment. Hence it muft happen, in fuch a government as 
 that of Britain, that the eilabliftied clergy, while things 
 are in their natural fituation, will always be of the Court- 
 party ; as, on the contrary, diflenters of all kinds will 
 be of the Ceuntry-pivty j fince they can never hope for 
 that toleration, which they ftand in ne^d of, but by 
 means of our free conftitution. AH , princes, who have 
 ^imed at defpotic power, have known of what impor- 
 tance it was to gain the eftablifhed clergy : As the cler- 
 gy, qn their fide, have fhpwn a great facility of enter- 
 
 * Thif gropofition is true, notwithftanding, that in tlie earJy times of the 
 EiiCLI^H government, the clergy were the great and principal oppcfers of 
 the crown: But, at that time, their poffcflions were fo immenfely great, that 
 they compofed a confiderable part of the proprietor* of EnglawDj and in 
 jnany conlefts were diieft rivals of the c^own, 
 
64 ESSAY VIIL 
 
 ing into the views of fucb princes *. GusTAvUs Vaka 
 was, perhaps, the only ambitious monarch, that ever de- 
 preffed the church, at the fame time that he difcou- 
 raged liberty. But the exorbitant power of the bifhops 
 in Sweden, who, at that time, overtopped the crown 
 itfelf, together with their attachment to a foreign fami- 
 ly, was the rgafon of his embracing fuch an unufual 
 fyftem of politics. 
 
 This obfervation concerning the propenfity of priefts 
 to defpotic power, and to the government of a lingle 
 perfon, is not true with regard to one fe£t only. The 
 Prefiyterian and Cahinijiic clergy in HotLAND were 
 always profeffed friends to the -family of Orange ; as 
 the Jrminiansy who were efteemed heretics, were al- 
 wavs of the Louvestein fa£tion, and zealous for li- 
 beriy. But if a prince has the choice of both, 'tis eafy 
 to fee, that he will prefer the epifcopal to the prefbyte- 
 rian form of government, both becaufe of the greater af- 
 finity between monarchy and epifcopacy, and becaufe of 
 the facility which a prince finds, in fuch a government, 
 of ruling the clergy, by means of their ecclefiaftical fu- 
 periors f. 
 
 If we confider the firft rife of parties in England, 
 during the civil wars, we fliall find, that it was exaftly 
 conformable to this genera] theory, and that the fpecies 
 of government gave birth to thefe parties, by a regular 
 and infallible operation. The English conftitution, 
 before that time, had lain in a kind of confufion ; yet fo, 
 as that the fubjedts poflefled many noble privileges, which, 
 
 • Judai fibi ipG reges impofuere ; qni mobilitate vnlgi expulii, rerunipta 
 per arma dominatione ; fugas civium, urbium everfiones, fratrum, conju- 
 giim, parentum neces, ali^que folita regibus anfi, fuperftitionem forebant; 
 guia honor facerdotii firniamentum potentiae afluniebatur. Tacit. ii5. 
 lib. S- 
 
 ■f Populi imperium juxta libertatem ; paucoriim dominatio regis libidini 
 proprior eft. Tacit, /inn, lit. 6, 
 
 tho' 
 
TheP^RTiEs of Great Britain. 0^ 
 
 0io' not, perhaps, exa6tly bounded and fecuitd by law» 
 were univerfally deemed, from long pofleflion, to.hel0ng 
 to them as their birth-right. An ambitious, or rathei: an 
 ignorant, prince arofe, who efteemed all thefe privilege? 
 to be conceflions of his predeceflbrs, revocabip at pl.ea- 
 fure ; and, in profecution of this principle, he openly 
 aSed in violation of liberty, during the courfe of feyeral 
 years. Neceffity, at laft, conftrained him to call a par- 
 liament: The fpirit of liberty arofe and fpread Itfelf: The 
 prince, being without any fupport, was obliged to grant 
 every thing required of him : And his enemies, jealous and 
 implacable, fet no bounds to their pretenfions. Here then 
 began thofe contefts, in which it was no wonder, that men 
 of that age were divided into different parties ; fmce, even 
 at this day, the impartial are at a lofs to decide concerning 
 the juflice of the quarrel. The pretenfions of thfe parlia- 
 ment, if yielded to, broke the balance of the conftitution, 
 by rendering the government alfnoft entirely republican. 
 If not yielded to, the natibn were, perhaps, ftill in danger 
 .of defpotic power,' from the fettled- principles and inve- 
 terate habits of the king, which had plainly appeared in 
 every rconceffion that he had been conftrained to make to 
 his people. , In this queftion, fo delicate ^nd' uncertfiin, 
 men naturally fell to the fide which.was moft conformable 
 to their ufual principles ; and thofe, who were the moft 
 paffionate favourers of monarchy, declared for the king, 
 as the zealous, friends of liberty, fided with the parlia- 
 ment. The hopes of fuccefs being nearly equal on both 
 fides, interejl had no general influence in this conteft : 
 So that Round-head and Cavalier were merely par- 
 ties of principle ; neither of whjch difowned either mo- 
 narchy or liberty j but the former party inclined moft to 
 the republican part of our government, and the latter to 
 the monarchical. In this refpefl, they may be confidered 
 as court and country-party, enllaiped into a civil war, by 
 an unhappy concurrence of circumftances, and by the 
 VpL.I, F tviibuknt; 
 
6Si ESSAY Vra. 
 
 turbulent fpirit of the age. The commonwealth's men, 
 and the partisans of defpotic power, lay concealed in 
 both parties, and formed but an inconfidcrable part of 
 them. 
 
 The clergy had concurred with the king's arbitrary 
 d«figns, according to their ufual maxims in fuch cafes : 
 And, in return, were allowed to perfecute their adverfa- 
 rics, whom they called heretics and fchifmatics. The 
 eftabliflied clergy were epifcopal; the non-conformifts 
 prcfbyterian : So that all things concurred t6 throw the 
 former, without rcferve, into the king's party ; and the 
 latter into that of the parliament. The Cavaliers being 
 the court-party, and the Round-heads the country-party, 
 the union was infallible between die former and the efta- 
 bliflied prelacy, and between the latter and prefliyterian 
 non-conformifts. This union is fo natural, according 
 to the general principles of politics, that it requires feme 
 very extraordinary fituation of affairs to break it> 
 
 Every one knows the event of this quarrel ; fatal to 
 the king firft, and to the parliament afterwards. After 
 many confufions and revolutions, the royal family was at 
 laft reftored, apd the government eftabliflied on the fame 
 footing as before. Charles II. was not made wifer 
 by the example of his father ; but profecuted the fame 
 meafures, tho' at firft with more fecrecy and caution. 
 New parties arofe, under the appellation of Whig and 
 Tory, which have continued ever fince to confound and 
 diftraft our government. What the nature is of thefe 
 parties, is, perhaps, one of the moft difficult queflions, 
 which can be met with, and is a proof that hiftory may 
 contain problems, as uncertain as any, which are to be 
 found in the moft abftra£t fciences. We have feen the 
 cpndudl^f thefe two parties, during the courfe of feventy 
 years, in a vaft variety of circumftances, poiTefled of 
 power, and deprived of it, during peace, and during war : 
 4 Perfonsy 
 
The PAftTiES of Gr£at Britain. 67 
 
 Perfons, who pi-bfcfs theinfelves of one fide or other, 
 we meet every hour, in company, in our pleafures, in 
 our ferious occupations : We ourtelves are conftrained, 
 in a manner, to take party ; and Ifving'in a country of the 
 higheft liberty, every one may openly declare all his fen- 
 iiffleAts and opinions : And yet we are at a lofs to tell the 
 fi&ture, pfetenfiohs, and principles of the pities. The 
 queftion is, perhaps, iii itfelf, fomewhat difficult; but 
 has been rendered more fo, by the prejudice and violence 
 of party. 
 
 When we compare the parties of Whig and Tory, 
 to thofe of Round-head and Cavalier, the moft ob- 
 vious difference, which appears between them, confifts 
 in the principles oi pajjive obedience, and indefeajihle rights 
 which were but little heard of among the Cavaliers, 
 but became the univerfal do£trine, and were efteemeJ 
 the true charafteriftic of a Tory. Were thefe princi- 
 ples puffaed into their moft obvious confequences, they 
 imply a formal renunciation of all our liberties, and an 
 avowal of abfolute monarchy ; tince nothing can be a 
 greater abfurdity than a limited power, which muft not 
 be refifted, even when it exceeds its limitations. But as 
 the moft rational principles are ^ften but a weak counter- 
 poife to paffion j 'tis no wonder that thefe abfurd prin- 
 ciples, fufficienU according to a celebrated author *, ta 
 Jhock the common fenfe of a Hottentot or Samoiede, 
 were found too weak for that effedJ. The Tories, as 
 men, were enemies to oppreffign ; and alfo as English- 
 men, they were enemies to arbitrary power. Their zeal 
 for liberty was, perhaps, lefs fervent than that of their 
 antagonifts ; but was fufficient to make them forget all 
 their general principles, when they faw themfdves open- 
 ly threatened with a fubverfion of the antiept government, 
 
 • DifferUtion on partiei, txtttr 2d, 
 
 F 2 From 
 
68 ESSAY VIII. 
 
 From thefe fentiments arofe the revolution ; an event of 
 mighty confequence, and the firmeft foundation of Bri- 
 tish liberty. The condufl; of the Tories, during that 
 event, and after it, will afford us a true infight into the 
 nature of that party. 
 
 In thefirjl place, They appear to have had the fenti- 
 ments of true Rritoits in their affeftions to liberty, 
 and in their determined refolution not to facrifice it to 
 any abftraft principles whatfoever, o^to any imaginary 
 rights of princes. This part of their chara6ler might 
 juftly have been doubted of before the revolution, from 
 the obvious tendency of their avowed principles, and 
 from their great compliances with a court, which made 
 little fecret of its arbitrary defigns. The revolution (hew- 
 ed them to have been, in this refpeft, nothing but a 
 genuine court-party, fuch as might be expefted in a Bri- 
 tish government : That is, Lovers of liberty, But greater 
 lovers of monarchy- It m.uft, however, be confeffed, that 
 they carried their monarchical principles further, even in 
 pradtice, but more fo in theory, than was, in any degree, 
 confiftent with a limited government. 
 
 Secondly, Neither their principles nor afFeftions con- 
 curred, entirely or heartily, with the fettlement made at 
 the revolution, or with that which has fince taken place. 
 This part of their charafler may feem contradi£lory to 
 the former ; fince any other fettlement, in thofe circum- 
 ftances of the nation, muft probably have been dangerous, 
 if not fatal to liberty. But the heart of man is made to 
 reconcile contradiftions ; and this contradiflion is not 
 greater than that betwixt paffive obedience, and the re-^ 
 Ji/lance cmp]oytd zt the revolution. A Tory, therefore, 
 fince the revolution,^ may be defined in a few words, to be 
 a lover of monarchy, tho' without abandoning liberty; and a 
 pariizan of the family of Stuart. As a Whig may 
 be defined to be a lover of liberty, tho" without renouncing 
 
 monarchy; 
 
The Parties of Great Britain. 69 
 
 monarchy, andafrimdtothefettlement in /i? Protestant 
 line*, 
 
 Thefe different views, with regard to the fettlement of 
 the crown, were accidental, but natural additions to the 
 
 • The author atove cited has aflerted, that the real diftinaion betwixt 
 Whig and Tory was loft at the revolution, and that ever Cnce they Jiave ' 
 continued to be mere ^fr/(>fM/ parties, like the Guelfs and Gibbelines, 
 after the emperors had loft all authority in I'fAL y. Such an opinion, were 
 it received, would turn our whole hiftory into an senigma; 
 
 I fliall firft mention, as a proof of a real diftinflion between thefe parties, 
 what every one may have obferve^ or heard concerning the candn£l and con- ■ 
 TCrfation of all his friends and acquaintance on both fides. Have not ih.^ 
 Tories always borne an avowed affeftion to the family of Stuart, and . 
 have not their adverfaries always oppofed with vigour the fucceffion of that 
 fMiiIy ? , 
 
 The Tory principles are confefledly the moft favourable to monarchy. 
 Yet the Tor ies have almoft always oppofed the court thefe fifty years j nor 
 were they cordial friends to King William, even when employed by him. 
 Their quarrel, therefore, cannot be fuppofed to have lain with the throne, 
 but with the perfon who fat on it. 
 
 They concurred iieartUy with the court during the four laft years of Queen 
 Anne. - But is any one at a lofs to find the reafon ? 
 
 The fucceiEon of the crown in the British government is a point of 
 too great confequence to be abfolutely indifferent to perfons who concern 
 tbemfelves, in any degree, about the fortune of the public ; much lefs can it 
 be fuppofed that the Tory party, who never valued themfelves upon mode- 
 ration, could maintain a Jioical indifference in a point of fuch importance. 
 Were they, therefore, zealous forthe houfe of Hanover ? Or was there any 
 thing that Icept an oppofite zeal fiom openly appearing, if it did not openly 
 appear, but prudence, and a fenfe of decency ? 
 
 'Tis monftrous to fee an eftabliihed eplfcopal clergy in declared oppofition 
 to the court, and a con-conformift prelbyterian clergy Tn conjunflion with it, 
 ,What could have produced fuch an unnatural coudufl: in both ? Nothing, 
 but that the former efpoufed monarchical principles too high for the prefent 
 fettlement, which is founded on principles of liberty : And the latter, being' 
 afraid of the prevalence of thofe high principles, adhered to that party from 
 whom they had reafon to expefl: liberty and tolfration. 
 
 The difterent conduft of the two parties, with regard to foreign politics, 
 is alfo a proof to the fame purpofe. Holland has always been moft fa. 
 voured by one, and France by the other. In /hort, the proofs of this 
 kind feem (o palpable and evident, that it is almoft needlcfs to colleft them. 
 
 F 3 principles 
 
70 ESSAY VIII. 
 
 principles of the court and country parties, which are the 
 genuine parties of the British government. A paf- 
 fionate lover of monarchy is apt to be difple^fed at any 
 change of the fuccefilon j as favouring too much of a 
 commonwcahh i a paiEonate lover of liberty is apt to 
 think that every part of the government ought to be fub- 
 ordinate to the interefts of liberty. 'Tis however re- 
 markable, that tho' the principles of Whio and Tory 
 were both of them of a compound nature; yet the in- 
 ^edients, which predominated in both, were not cor- 
 refpondent to each other. A Tory loved monarchy, 
 afid bore an affeftion to the family of Stuart ; but the 
 latter aSe£^ion was the predominant inclitiation of the 
 party. A Whig loved liberty, and was a friend to the 
 fettlement in the Protestant line j but the love of 
 liberty was profeffedly his predominant inclination. The 
 Tories have frequently afled as republicans, where ei- 
 ther policy or revenge has engaged them to that con- 
 ixxdi ; and there was no one of that party, who, upoit 
 the fuppofition, that he was to be difappointed in his 
 views with regard to the fucceflion, would not have de- 
 flred to impofe the ilridlefl: limitations on tl^ crown, and 
 to bring our form of government as near republican as 
 poflible, in order to deprefs the family, which, according 
 to his apprehenfion, fucceeded without any juft title. 
 The Whigs, 'tis true, have alfo taken fteps dangeroua. 
 to liberty, under colour of fecuring the fucceffion and 
 fettlement of the crown, according to their views : But 
 as the body of the party had no paffion for that fucceflion, 
 otherwife than as the means of fecuring liberty, they have 
 been betrayed into thefe fteps by ignorance, or frailty, or 
 the interefts of their leaders. The fucceflion of the crown 
 was, therefore, the chief point with the Tories; the fecu- 
 rity of our liberties with the Whigs. Nor is this feem- 
 ing irregularity at all difficult to be accounted for, by our 
 prsfeiit theory. Court and country parties are the true 
 
 parents 
 
The Parties 6f Great Britain. 71 
 
 ^ parents of Tory and Whig. But 'tis almoft impoffible^ 
 that the attachment of the court pzrty to monarchy Should 
 not degenerate into an attachment to the monarch ; there 
 being fo clofe a connexion between them, and the latter 
 being fb much the more natural obje£t. How eafily does 
 the worfhip of the divinity degenerate into a worfhip of ■ 
 the idol ? The connexion is not fo great between liberty, 
 the divinity of the old country party or Whigs, and any 
 monarch or royal family j nor is it fo reafonable to fup- 
 pofe, that in that party,- the worfhip can be fo eafily 
 transferred from the one to the other. Tho' even that 
 would be no great miracle. 
 
 ^^Tis diiEcult to penetrate into tile thoughts and fenti- 
 ments of any particular man ; but 'tis almoft impoiCble 
 to diflinguifh thofe of a whole party, where it often hap- 
 pens, that no two peifons agree precifely in the fame 
 maxims of conduA. Yet I will venture to affirm, that 
 it was not fomuch principle, or an opinion of inde- 
 ieailble right, which attached theToRiEsto the ancient 
 royal family, as affection, or a certain love and efteem 
 for their perfoiis. The fame caufe divided England 
 A>rmerly between the houfcsof York and Lancaster, 
 and Scotland between the families of Bruce and Ba- 
 LioL ; in an age, when political difputes were but little 
 in fafhion, and when political principles muft of courfe 
 have had but little influence on mankind. The do^rine 
 of paffive obedience, in its rigid fenfe, is fo abfurd in it- 
 felf, and fo oppofite to our liberties, that it feems to 
 have been chiefly left to pulpit-d£claimers, and to their 
 deluded followers among the vulgar.* Men of better fenfe 
 were guided by affeEliBn; and as to the leaders of this 
 party, 'tis probable, that interefi was their chief motive, 
 and that they a£led more contrary to their private fenti- 
 ments, than the leaders of the oppofite party. Tho' 'tis 
 almoft impoflible to maintain with zeal the right of any 
 F 4 perfon 
 
>fi ESSAY VIIL 
 
 perfon or family, without acq-uiring a good-will to them, 
 ani changing the principle -into affeSiion\ yet is this lefs! • 
 natural to people of an elevated ftation, and liberal edu-' 
 cation, who have had full opportunity of obferving the 
 weaknefs, folly, and arrogance of monarchs, and have 
 found them to be nothing fup'erior, if not rather inferior 
 to the reft of mankind. The intertji^ therefore, of being 
 heads of a party, does' often, with fucli people, fiipply' 
 the place both o^ principle and affeHion. 
 
 Some, who will not venture to afl'ert, that the r^a/ dif- 
 ference between Whig and Tory was loft at the revo- 
 lution, feem inclined to think, that the diiFerence is now 
 abolifhed, and that aiFairs are fo far returned to their na-? 
 tural ftate, that there are at prefent no other parties 
 amongft us but coitrt and country ; that is, men, who by 
 intereft or principle are attached either to monarchy or 
 to liberty. It muft, indeed, be confeft, that the Tory 
 party feem, of late, to have decayed much in their num-i 
 bers ; ftill more in their zeal ; and I may venture to fay, 
 ftill.more in their credit and authority. The Tories 
 have been fo long obliged to talk in the republican ftile, 
 that they feem to have made converts of themfelves by' 
 their hypocrify, and to have embraced the fentiments, as 
 well as language of their adverfaries. There are, how- 
 ever, very confiderable remains of that party in Eng- 
 land, with all their old prejudices; and a proof that 
 court and country are not our only parties, is, that almoft 
 all the diffenters fide with the court, and the lower cler- 
 gy, at leaft, of the church of England, with the op- 
 pofition. This may convince us, that feme biafs ftill 
 hangs upon our conftitution, fome extrinfic weight, 
 which turns it from its natural courfe, and caufes a con-i 
 fufion in our parties. 
 
 I ftiall conclude this fubje£l with obferving that we 
 never had any Tories in Scotland, according to the 
 
 proper 
 
The PARTIES of Gi^EAT Britain; >^3 
 
 |>roper fignification of the word, and that the divifion 0/ 
 parties in this country was really into Whigs and Ja- 
 cobites. A Jacobite feems to be a Tory, who has 
 no regard to the conftitution, but is either a zealous par- 
 tizan of abfolute monarchy, or at leaft willing to facri- 
 iice our liberties to the obtaining the fucceffion in that 
 family to which he is attached. The reafon of the dif- 
 ference between England and Scotland, I take to be 
 this : Political and religious divifions in the latter coun- 
 try, have been, fince the revolution, regularly corref. 
 pondent to each other. The Presbyterians were all 
 Whigs without exception : Thofe who favoured epif- 
 copacy, of the oppofite party. And as the clergy of the 
 latter feft were turned out of the churches at the revalue 
 iion, they had no motive for making ^ny compliances 
 with the government in their oaths, or their forms of 
 prayers, but openly avowed the higheft principles of their 
 party ; which is the caufe why their followers have been 
 more violent than their brethren of the Tory party in 
 England*. 
 
 * Some of the opinions, Jclivered in thefe Effays, with regard to the po- 
 blic tranTaflions in the lafi century^ the Author, on more accurate examina- 
 tion, found reafon to recrafl in his iifi^Dry ^y Great Britain. And as 
 he would not enflave bimfelf to the fyftems of either party, neither would he 
 fetter his judgment by his own preconceived opinions and principles 3 nor 13 
 he aihamed to acknowledge his miliakes. 
 
 ESSAY 
 
r 75 I 
 
 ESSAY IX. 
 
 Of SirpERSTiTiON and Enthusiasm. 
 
 CF'HAT the eerruftien of the be/l things produces the worji^ 
 is grown into a maxim, and is commonly proved, 
 among other inftances, by the pernicious eiFeiS^s oifuper" 
 Jiition and enthujiafm, the corruptions of true religion. 
 
 Thefe two fpecies of falfe religion^ though both per- 
 nicious, are yet of a very different, and even of a con- 
 trary nature. The mind of man is fubje£l: to certain un- 
 accountable terrors and apprehenfions, proceeding either 
 from the utthappy fituation of private or public affairs, 
 from ill health, from a gloomy and melancholy difpoli- 
 tion, or from the concurrence of all thefe circumftances. 
 In fuch a fiate of mtnd, infinite unknown evils are dread- 
 ed from unknown agents j and where real objefts of ter- 
 ror are wanting, the foul, a^ive to its owji prejudice, and 
 foftering its predominant inclination, finds imaginary 
 ones, to whofe power and malevolence it fets no limits. 
 As thefe enemies are entirely invifible and unknown, the 
 methods taken to appeafe them are equally unaccount- 
 able, and confift in ceremonies, obfervances, mortifica- 
 tions, facrifices, prefents, or in any pra£):ice, however 
 abfurd or frivolous, which either folly or knavery recom- 
 mends to a blind and terrified credulity. Weaknefs, fear, 
 melancholy, together wath ignorance, are, therefore, the 
 true fources of Superstitton, 
 
 But 
 
J76 E S S A V IX. 
 
 But the mind of man is alfo fubjecl to an unaccount-i 
 ablg jflevation and prefumption, proceeding from profpe- 
 rous fuccefs, from luxuriant health, from ftrong fpirits, or 
 from a bold and confident dlfpofition. In fuch a ftate of 
 mind, the imagination fwells with great, but confufed 
 conceptions, to which no fublunary beauties or enjoy- 
 ments can correfpond. Every thing mortal and perifh- 
 able vaniflies as unworthy of attention. And a full range 
 is given to the fancy in the invifible regions or world 
 of fpirits, where the foul is at liberty to indulge itfelf in 
 every imagination, which may beft fuit its prefent tafte 
 and difpqfition. Hence arife raptures, tranfports, and 
 ftirpnfing flights of fancy ; and confidence and prefump- 
 tion ftill increafing, thefe raptures, being altogether un- 
 accountable, and Teeming quite beyond the reach of our 
 twdinary faculties, are attributed to the immediate infpira- 
 tion of that Divine Being, who is the objeft of devotion. 
 In a little time, the infpired perfon comes to regard him-- 
 felf as the chiqf favourite of the Divinity ; and when this 
 frenzy once takes place, which is the fummit of enthu- 
 fiafm, every whimfy is confecrated : Human reafon^ and 
 even morality are rejected as fallacious guides :■ And the 
 fanatic madman delivers bimfelf over, blindly, without 
 referve, to the fuppofed illapfes of the fpirit, and to in- 
 fpirations from above. Hope, pride, prelumption, a warm 
 imagination, together with ignorance, are, therefore, the 
 true fources of Enthusiasm. 
 
 Thefe two fpecies of falfe religion might afford occa- 
 fion to many fpeculations ; but I (hall confine myfelf, at 
 prefent, to a few rcfleiEtions concerning their different 
 influence on government and fociety. 
 
 My firfl: reHedion is. That fuperjlition h favourable ta 
 priejlhj power ^ and enthujiafm as much or rather more contrary 
 is it, than found reafon and philofcphy. As fuperftition is 
 
 founded 
 
Of. Superstition and Enthusiasm, f^ 
 
 jfounddd on fear, forrow, and a depreffion of fpjrits, it re* 
 prefents the man to himfelf in fuch defpicable colours, 
 that he appears unworthy in his own eyes, of approach- 
 ing the divine prefence, and naturally Ijas recourfe to any 
 Dthtr perfon, chofe fanftity of life, or, perhaps, impu- 
 dence and cunning, have made him be fuppofed more. fa- 
 voured by the Divinity. To him the fuperftitipus entrufi: 
 their devotions ; To his care they recommend their pray- 
 ers, petitions, and facrifices : And by his means, they hope 
 to render their addreffes acceptable to their ineenfed Dei- 
 ty. Hence the origin of Priests, who may juftly be 
 regarded as one of the groffeft inventions- of a timorous 
 and abje£l fuperftition; which, ever • diffident of itfelf, 
 dares not oiFer up its own devotions, but ignorantly 
 thinks to recommend itfelf to the Divinity, by the me- 
 diation of his fuppofed friends arid fervants. As fuper- 
 ftition is a confiderable ingredient in almofl: all religions, 
 even the moft fanatical ; there being nothing but philo- 
 Ibphy able to conquer entirely thefe unaccountable ter- 
 rors ; hence it proceeds, that in almoft every fe£): of re- 
 ligion there are priefts to be found : Byt the ftronger 
 mixture there is of fuperftition, the higher is the au- 
 thority of the pritfthood. Judaifm and Popery, (efpe- 
 cially the latter) being the moft unphilofophical and ab- 
 furd fuperflitions which have yet been known in the 
 world, are the moft enflaved by their priefts. As the 
 ciiurch of England may juftly be- faid to retain fome 
 mixture of Popifti fuperftition, it partakes alfo, in its 
 original conftitution, of a propenfity to prieftly power 
 and dominion ; particularly in the refpe<5l which it 
 exafts to the iacerdotal charailer. And. though, ,ac- 
 cording to the fentiments of that church, the prayers of 
 the prieft muft be accompanied with tbofe of the laity ; 
 yet is he the mouih of ihc congregation, his pqrfon is 
 
 fagred, 
 
y8 I S S A V IX. 
 
 fitteii afid Vt^thout his prekace ftv)' would thinle then- 
 public devotions, or the facraniehts, and other rites, ac- 
 ceptable to the Divinity. 
 
 On the other hand, it may be obferj^d, that all cn- 
 thuflafls have been free from the yoke of ccclefiaftics, 
 and have exprefled great independence in their devotion j 
 with a contempt of forms, ceremonies and traditions. 
 The quaiers are the moft egregiousj tho' at the fame time, 
 the moft innocent enthufiafts that have yet been known j 
 and are, perhaps, the only fefli who have never admitted 
 priefts amongft them. The independents^ of all the Eng- 
 XISH feflaries, approach ijeareft to the quakers in fanati- 
 cifm, and in their freedom from prieftly bondage. The 
 prejbyterians follow after, at an equal diftance in both 
 thefe particulars. In fliort, this obfervation is founded in 
 the moft certain experience ; and will alfo appear to be 
 founded in reafon, if we conftdCT, that as enthufiafm 
 ^rifes from a prefumptuous pride and confidence, it thinks 
 itfelf fuiEciently qualified to approach the Divinity, with- 
 out any human mediator. Its rapturous devotions are 
 fo fervent, that it even imagines itfelf aSiually to ap- 
 proach him by the way of contemplation and inward con- 
 verfe ; which makes it negle£t all thofe outward ceremo- 
 nies and obfervances, to which the affiftance of the priefts 
 appears fo requifite in the eyes of their fuperftitious vo- 
 taries. The fanatic copfecrates himfelf, and beftow^ 
 on his own perfon a facred character, much fuperior to 
 what forms and ceremonious inftitution^s can confer on 
 any other. 
 
 My fecond refledHon with regard to thefe fpecies of 
 falfe religion is, that reltgioiiiy which partake of enthufiafm 
 arey on their firji rife, much more furious and, violent than 
 thoft vihfcb partake offuperjiitim j but in a Tittle time become 
 
 much 
 
Of Superstition anil Enthusiasm. 79 
 
 much mare gentle and moderate, Thte viofenee of this fpe- 
 cies of religion, when excited by novelty^ and animated 
 by oppofition, appears from numberlefs inftances ; of the 
 anabaptijis in Germany, the fawjj^n in- France, thi 
 levellers and other fanatics in England, and the ave' 
 nanters in Scotland. Enthufiafm being founded on 
 flrong fptrits, and a prefumptuous boldnefsof charafter, 
 it naturally begets the moft extreme refolutions j efjpe*- 
 cially after it rifes to that height as to hifpire the deluded 
 fanatic with the opinion of divine illuminations, and 
 with a contempt for the common rules of reafoh, mora* 
 Uty and prudence. 
 
 *Tis thus enthufiafm produces the moft cruel defola- 
 tions in human fociety } but its fury is like that of thun- 
 der and tempeft, which exhauft themfelves in a little 
 time, and leave the air more calm and ferene than be- 
 fore. When the firft fire of enthufiafm is fpent, men 
 naturally, in all fanatical fefls, fink into the greateft re- 
 mifihefs and coolnefs in facred matters ; there being no 
 body bf men amongft them, endowed with fufficient au- 
 thority, whofe intereft is concerned to fupport the reli-, 
 gious fpirit : No rites, no ceremonies, no holy obfer- 
 vances, which may enter into the common train of life, 
 and preferve the facred principles from oblivion. Super-" 
 ftition, oa the contrary, deals in gradually and infen- 
 fibly ; renders men tame and fubmifllve ; is acceptable 
 to the magiflrate, and feems inoffenfive to the people : 
 Till at laft the prieft, having firmly eftabliflied his au- 
 thority, becomes the tyrant and difturber of human fo- 
 ciety, by his endlefs contentions, perfecutions^ a^nd reli- 
 gious wars. How fmoothly did the Romish church ad- 
 vance in her acquifitiop oF power? But ipto what dif-. 
 mal convulfions did Ihe throw all Europe, in order to 
 maintain it ? On the other h^nd, our feitaries, who were 
 
 formerlj^, 
 
«c E S § A T IX 
 
 formerly fuch dangerous bigots, are now become very 
 free realbners ; and the quakers feem to approach nearly 
 the only regular body of deijis in the univerfe, the literati^ 
 0r the difciples of Confdcius in China *. 
 
 My third obfervation on this head is, that fuperjiition is 
 en enemy to civil liberty, and enthufiafmr a friend to it. As 
 fuperftition groans under the dominion of the priefts, 
 and enthufiafm is deftruftive of all ecclefiaftical power, 
 this fufEciently accounts for the prefent obfervation. Not 
 to mention, that enthufiafm being the infirmity of bold 
 and ambitious tempers, is naturally accompanied with a 
 fpirit of liberty; as fuperftition, on the contrary, renders 
 men tame and abjedV, and fits them for flavery. We 
 learn from the English hiftory, that, during the civil 
 wars, the independents and deiJls, tho' the moft oppofite in 
 their religious principles ; yet were united in their political 
 ones, and were alike paflionate for a commonwealth. And 
 fince the origin of whig and tory, the leaders of the whigs 
 have either been deiJls or profefled latitudinarians in their 
 principles ; that is, friends to toleration, and indifferent 
 to any particular fe£l; of chriflians : While the fedaries, 
 who have all a ftrong tincture of enthufiafm, have al- 
 ways, without exception, concurred with that party, in 
 the defence of civil liberty. The refemblance in their 
 fuperftitions long united the high-church torieSy and the 
 Roman catholics, in the fupport of prerogative and kingly 
 power ; though experience of the tolerating fpirit of the 
 whigs feems of late to have reconciled the catholics to that 
 party. 
 
 ' The molinijis znd janfenijis in France have a thoufand 
 unintelligible difputes, ■which are not worthy the reflec- 
 tion of a man of fenfe : But what principally difiinguiflies 
 thefe two feels, and alone merits attention, is the different 
 
 * The Chikesi Literati hwe »o priefls or ecclefiaftical eftablifhment. 
 
 fpirit 
 
Of Superstition and Enthusiasm, Sj 
 
 fpirit of their religion. The moliniflsj conduced by the 
 jefuitesy are great friends, to fuperftition, rigid obfervers 
 of external forms and ceremonies, and devoted to the au- 
 thority of the priefts, and to tradition. The janfeni/is 
 are enthufiafts, and zealous promoters of the pailionate 
 devotion, and of the inward life ; little influenced by au- 
 thority ; and, in a word, but half catholics. The confe- 
 quences are exaftly conformable to the foregoing reafon- 
 ing. Thejefuites are the tyrants of the people, and the 
 flaves of the court : And the janfenijis preferye alive that 
 fmall fparks of the love of liberty, which are to be found 
 ia the French nation. 
 
 Vfti. I. ■© ESSAY 
 
(83) 
 
 E S S A Y X. 
 
 Of Avarice. 
 
 J 'TP* I S eafy to obferve, that comic writers exaggerate 
 • X every charafter, and draw their fop, or coward 
 with ftronger features than are any where to be met with 
 m nature. This moral kind of painting for the ftage 
 has been often compaired to the painting for cupolas and 
 cielings, where the colours are over-charged, and every 
 part is drawn exceffively large, and beyond nature. The 
 figures feem mOnftfoua arid difproportioried, when feen 
 too nigh ; but become natural and regular, when fet at a 
 diftance, and pkced in that {)oiht of view, in v^hich they 
 are intended to be furveyed. Fpr a like reafon, when 
 characters are exhibited in theatrical reprefentations, the 
 want of reality removes, in a manner, the perfonages ; 
 and rendering them mote cold and unehtertainlng, makes 
 it neceflary to compenfate, by the force of colouring, 
 what they want in fiibfiande. Thus we find in common 
 life, that when a man once allows hitnfelf to depart from 
 truth in his narrations, he never can keep within the 
 bounds of probability ; but adds ftill fome new circum- 
 ftance to render his flories more marvellous, and to fa- 
 tisfy his ihiagination. Tsvo men in buckram fuits be- 
 came eleven to Sir JoHn Falstaff before the end of 
 his ftory. , 
 
 G a There 
 
84 E S S A Y X. 
 
 There is only one vice, which may be found in life 
 with as ftrong features, and as high a colouring as needs 
 be employed by any fatyrift or comic poet j and that is 
 Avarice. Every day we meet with men of immenfe 
 fortunes, without heirs, and on the very brink of the 
 grave, who refufe themfelves the moft common necef-? 
 faries of life, and go on heaping poffeffions on poflef- 
 iions, under all the real prefTures of the fevereft poverty. 
 An old ufurer, fays the ftory, lying in his lafl: agonies 
 was prefented by the prieft with the crucifix to worftiip'. 
 He opens his eyes a moment before he expires, confiders 
 the crucifix, and cries, Thefe jewels are not true ; / can only 
 hndten'ptjioles'itponfuch a pledge. This was probably the 
 invention of fome epigrammatift ; and yet every one» 
 from his own experience, may be able to recoiled almoft 
 as ftrong inftances ofperfeverance in avarice. 'Tis com- 
 monly reported of a famous mifer in this city, that find- 
 ing himfelf near death, he fent for fome of the magif- 
 trates, and gave them a bill of an hundred pounds, pay- 
 able after his deceafe ; which fum he intended fliould be 
 difpofed of in charitable ufes ; but fcarce were they gone, 
 wben'he orders them to be called back, and offers them 
 ready money, if they would abate five pounds of the 
 fum. Another noted mifer in the north, intending to 
 defraud his heirs, and leave his fortune to the building an 
 hofpital, protracted the drawing of his will from day to 
 day ; and 'tis thought, that if thofe interefted in it had 
 not paid for the drawing it, he had died intefiate. In 
 iliort, none of the moft furious exceffes of love and ambi- 
 tion are in any refpefl: to be compared to the extremes of 
 avarice. 
 
 The beft excufe that can be made for avarice is, that 
 it generally prevails in old men, or in men of cold'tem- 
 pers, where all the other affedions are extin£t ; and the 
 mind being incapable of remaining without fome paffion 
 «T purfuit, at laft finds out; this monftroufly abfurd one, 
 
 which 
 6 
 
Of A V;A R; I C E. ^85 
 
 which .fuits the qoldnefs apdiBaSiyity of its tempor. 
 . vAt the .fame time, it :feems . very extraordinary, that fo 
 frofty,; fpiritlefs a paffion ihou'd. be able to carry us far- 
 ther than all the warmth of youth and pleafure. , ,Butif 
 we look more narrowly into the matter, we, fhall fiiid, 
 tbatthisvery circ'umftance renders the. eicplicstion of tl^e 
 . cafe more £afy. Wheq the temper is warm and" full of 
 vigour, it naturally flioots out inore ways^than one, atid 
 produces inferior paffions to counterrbalance,. iii.forae 
 ' degree, its predominant incUnatiion.. 'Tis ; impoiSble for 
 -a perfon of that temper, however bent on any purfuit, 
 .to be deprived of all fenfe of fliame, or alLregard to 
 the fentiments of mankind. His friends muft have fome 
 influence over him : And other confideratroiis ar*e apt, to 
 have their weight. All this ferves to rfeftrain him within 
 fome bounds. But 'tis no wonder that thd ayaritious 
 man, being, from the coldqefs of his temper, without 
 regard to reputation, to friendftiip, or to pleafure, fhould 
 be carried fo far by his prevailing inclination,; apd^fliould 
 , difplay his paffion in fuch furpriflng inftances. 
 
 Accordingly we find no vice fo irreclaimable, as ava- 
 rice : And tho' there fcarcely has been a moralift or phi- 
 lofopher, from the beginning of the world to this day, 
 who has not levelled a ftr^oke at it, we hardly find a 
 fingle inftance of any perfon's being cured of it. For 
 this reafon, I am more apl to approve of thofe^ who at- 
 tack it with wit and humour, than of thofe who treat it 
 jn a ferious manner. There being fo little hopes of 
 doing good, to the people ihfe£led with this vice, I would 
 )iave the ireft of mankind, at leaft, diverted by our irian- 
 " ner ,of expofing it : As indeed there is no kind of diver- 
 fion, of which they feem fo willing to partake. 
 
 Among the fables of Monfieur de la Motte, there is 
 
 one levelled aga^nft avarice, which feems to me more ha- 
 
 tJiral and eafy, than moft of the fables of thatlrigehious 
 
 G 3 "^authbr, 
 
»6 ESSAY X. 
 
 author. A mifer, fays he^ being dead, and fairly in- 
 terred, came to the banks of the Styx, defiring to be 
 ferried over along with the other ghofts. Charon de- 
 mands his fare, and is furprized to fee the mifer, rather 
 than pay it, throw himfelf into the river, and fwim over 
 to the other fide, notwithftanding all the clamour and 
 oppofition that could be made to him. All hell was in 
 an uproar ; and each of the judges \yas meditating feme 
 punifliment, fuitable to a crime of fuch dangerous con- 
 fequence to the infernal revenues. Shall he be chained 
 to the rock with Prometheus ? Or tremble below the 
 precipice in company with the Danaides? Or affift Si- 
 syphus in rolling his ftone ? No, fays Minos, none 
 of thefe. We muft invent fomefeverer punifliment. Let 
 him be fent back to the earth, to fee the ufe his heirs qre 
 making of his richeg. 
 
 I hope it will not be interpreted as a defign of fetting 
 myfelf in oppofition to this celebrated author, if I pro- 
 ceed to deliver a fable pf my own, which is intended to 
 expofe the fame vice of avarice. The hint of it wa? 
 taken from thefe lines of Mr. Pope. 
 
 Damtid to the mines, an equal fate betides 
 The fiave that digs it^ andthejlave that hides. 
 
 Pur old mother Earth once lodged an indidmept 
 againft Avarice before the dourts of heayen, for her 
 yicked and malicious council and advice, in tempting, 
 inducing, perfuatjing, and traiteroufly feducing the chil- 
 flren of the pUintifF to cofnmit the deteftable crime of 
 parricide upon her, and, mangling her body, ranfack her 
 yery bowels for hidden treafure, The indiflment was 
 very long and verbofe ; but we muft opiit a great part of 
 the repetitions and fynonymous terms, not to tire our 
 readers too much with our tale. Avarice, being call- 
 ed before Jupiter ^o apfwer to this charge, had not 
 
 piuch 
 
Of A V A R I C E, 87 
 
 much to fay in her own defence. The injuftice was 
 clearly proved upon her. The faiSl, indeed, was noto- 
 rious, and the injur)' had been frequently repeated. When 
 therefore the plaintiff demanded juftice, Jupiter very 
 readily gave fentence in her favour ; and his decree was 
 to this purpofe. That fince dame Jvarice, the defendant, 
 Jjad thus grievoufly injured dame Earth, the plaintiff, fhe 
 was hereby ordered to take that treafure, of which fhe 
 had felonioufly robbed the faid plaintiff, by ranfacking 
 her bofom, and in the fame manner, as before, opening 
 ber bofom, reftore it back to her, without diminution or 
 retention. From this fentence, it fhall follow, fays Ju- 
 PJTER to the by-ftanders, That, in all future ages, the 
 retainers of Avarice fhall bury and conceal their riches, 
 ^j)d thereby reftore to the earth what they Jiook from her. 
 
 G 4 ESSAY 
 
( «8 I 
 
 ESS AY XI. 
 
 Of the I Dignity of, Human Nature!, "^ 
 
 THER E are fceirtaih fefts, whkltfecretly fofnithem- 
 felves in the learned world, as well- as in the po- 
 
 > litical } and tho' f<Miftetimes they coitienot toanopenxup^ 
 
 ■ ture, yet they give al different turn to the ways of think- 
 ing- of thofe Who'have taken patty- on either fide. The 
 moft remarkable of this kind are the feds, that are 
 
 - foKindedon the different fentimemts. with regard tothe<%- 
 nity of fjuman nature i which, is a point that feemsto have 
 divided philofophers and poets,, as well as divides, from 
 the beginning of the world to this day. Some exalt aur 
 fpecies to the ikies, and reprefent man as a kind of hu- 
 man demi-god, who derives his origin from heaven, and 
 retains evident marks of his lineage and defcent. Others 
 irifift upon tlie blind fides of human nature, and can dif- 
 cover nothing, except vanity, in which man furpaffes the 
 other animals, whom he atfeiSls fomuch to defpife. If 
 an author poffeffes the talent of rhetoric, and declama* 
 
 ' tion,' he commonly takes party with the former : If his 
 turn lies towards irony and ridicule, l^e naturally throws 
 
 ■^^bimfelf into the other extreme. 
 
 I am fair from thinking, that all thofe, who hav6 de-> 
 apreciafed human nature have been enemies to virtue, and 
 « have expofed the frailties of their fellow creatures with 
 ' any bad intention, On t^e contrary, I arqfenfible,' that 
 
 '^ % very 
 
5© ESSAY Xr. 
 
 a very delicate fenfe of morals, efpecially when attended 
 with fomewhat of the Mifanthrope, is apt to give a man 
 a difguft of the world, and to make him confideFtfee 
 common courfe of human affairs with too much fpleen 
 3nd indignation. I muft, however, be of opinion, that 
 the fentiments of thofe, who are inclined to think fa- 
 vourably of mankind, are much more advantageous to 
 virtue, than the contrary principles which give us a mean 
 opinion of our nature.. When a man is ppffeffed of a 
 high notion of his rank and gharafter in the creatfon, he 
 will naturally endeavour to z.di up to it, apd will fcorn 
 to do a bafe or yici;ous a6tion, which might fink him he- 
 low that figure which he makes in his own imagination. 
 
 - Accordingly, we find, that all our- polite , and fafliionahle 
 •mofalifts infift upon this topic, and endeavour to repre- 
 fent vice as unworthy oii man, as well as odious in: it- 
 
 ...felf; - ■■■ •;, ']■:■ 
 
 Women are generally much more flattered in their 
 youth than men ; which may proceed from this reafon, 
 among others, that their chief point of honour is con- 
 fidered as much moi-e difficult than ours, and requires to 
 be fiipported by all that decent pride, which can be in- 
 ftilled into them. 
 
 We find very few difputes which are not founded on 
 fome ambiguity in the expreffion ; and I am perfuaded, 
 . that the prefent difpute concerning the dignity of human 
 nature, is not more ejcempt from it than any other. • It 
 may, therefore, be worth while to confider, what is real, 
 and what is only verbal in this controverfy. 
 
 That there is a natural difference between njerit ?pd 
 demerit, virtue and vice, wifdom and folly, no reafon- 
 able man will deny : but yet 'tis evident, that in affixing 
 the term, which denotes either our approbation or blame 
 yi& are commonly more influenced by comparlfon than 
 
 b| 
 
The Dignity of Human Nature. 
 
 91 
 
 by any fixt unalterable ftandard in the nature of things. 
 In like manner, quantity, and extention, and bulk, are 
 by every one acknowledged to be real things : But when 
 we call any animal ^reat or Uttk^ we always form a fe- 
 cret comparifon between that animal and others of the 
 fame fpecies ; and 'tis that comparifon which regulates 
 pur judgment concerning its greatnefs. A dog and a 
 horfe may be of the very fame fize, while the one is ad- 
 inired for the greatnefs of its bulk, and the other for the 
 fmallnefe. When I am prefent, therefore, at any dif- 
 pute, I always confider with myfeif, whether it be a 
 queftion of comparifon or not that is the fubjecl of the 
 eontroverfy ; and if it be, whether the difputants com-: 
 pare the fame objects together, or talk of things that are 
 widely different. As the latter is commonly the cafe, 
 I have long fince learnt to negleft fuch difjjutes as mani- 
 feft abufesofleifure, the moft valuable prefent that could 
 be made to mortals. 
 
 In forming our notions of human nature, we are very 
 apt to make a comparifon between men and animals 
 which are the bnly creatures endowed with thought that 
 fall under our fenfes. Certainly this comparifon is very 
 favpurabje to mankind. On the one hand we fee a crea- 
 ture, whofe thoughts are not limited by any narrow 
 bounds, either of place or time ; who carries his re- 
 fearches into the moft diftant regions of this globe, and 
 beyond this globe, to the planets and heavenly bodies ; 
 looks backward to confider the firft origin, at leaft, the 
 Hiftory of human race ; cafts his eyes forward to fee thd 
 influence pf his actions upon pofterity, and the judgments 
 which will be formed of his charader a thoufand years 
 hence; a creature, who traces caufes and effeiS's to a 
 great length and intricacy ; extrafts general principles 
 from particular appearances ; improves upon his difco- 
 yerJes j corredls his miftakes ; and makes his very errors 
 
 pro- 
 
92 ESSAY .XI. 
 
 profitable. On the other hand, we are prefented with a 
 creature the very reverfe of this ; limited in its obferva- 
 tions and reafonings to a very few fenfible obje£ls which 
 furrounditj without curiofity, without forefight j blind- 
 ly conduiSed by inftinft, and attaining in a very fhort 
 time, its utmoft perfection, beyond which it is never 
 able to advance a fingle ftep. What a wide difference is 
 here between thefe creatures ! And how exalted a no- 
 tion muft we entertain of the -former, in compaififon of 
 the latter ! 
 
 There are two means commonly employed to 'deflroy ' 
 this conclufion : Firjl^ By making an unfair reprefen- 
 tation of the cafe, and infifling only upon the weaknelTes 
 pf human nature. AnA fecondly. By forming a new and 
 fecret comparifon between man and beings of the moft 
 perfeft wifdom. Among the other excellencies of man, 
 this is remarkable, that he can form an idea of perfec- 
 tions much beyond what he has experience of in him- 
 felf ; and 's not limited in his. conception of wifdom and 
 virtue. He can eafily exalt his notions and conceive a 
 degree of knowledge^ which, when compared tp his own, 
 will make the latter appear very contemptible, and will 
 caufe the difference between that and the fagacity of / 
 animals, in a manner, to difappear and vanilh. Nqw 
 this being a point, in which all the world is agreed, that 
 human underftanding falls infinitely ftiort of perfeii: wif- 
 dom ; 'tis proper we fliould know when this comparifon 
 takes place, that we may not difpute, where there is no ' 
 real difference in our fentiments. Man falls much more 
 fhort of perfeft wifdom, and even of his own ideas of 
 perfedt wifdom, than animals do of man ; but yet the 
 latter difference is fo confiderable, that nothing but q 
 comparifon with the former, can make it appear of little 
 moment. 
 
 'Tis 
 
The Dignity of Human Nat VRE. o^ 
 
 'Tis alfo very ufual to compare one man with another; 
 and finding very few whom we can call wife or virtuous^ 
 we are apt to entertain a contemptible notion of our fpe- 
 cies in general. That we may be fenfible of the falacy 
 of this way of reafoning', we may obferve, that the ho- 
 nourable appellations of wife and virtuous, are not annex- 
 ed to any particular degree of thofe qualities of wifdom 
 and virtue ; but arife altogether from the comparifon we 
 make between one man and another. When we find a 
 man, who arrives at fuch a pitch of wifdom as is very 
 uncommon, we pronounce him a wife man : So that to 
 fay, there are few wife men in the world, is really to fay 
 nothing ; fince 'tis only by their fcarcity, that they merit 
 that appellation. Were the loweft of our fpecies as wife 
 as TuLLY, or my lord Bacon, we ftiould ftill have rea- 
 fon to fay, that there ace few wife men. For in that cafe 
 we fhould exalt our notions of wifdom, and fliould not 
 pay a Angular honour to any one, who was not Angularly 
 d"^fl:inguiflled by his talents. In like manner, I have 
 heard it obferved by thoughtlefs people, that there are 
 few women poffeffed of beauty, in comparifon of thofe 
 who want it; not confidering, that webefliow the epi- 
 thet oi beautiful only on fuch as poflefs a degree of beauty, 
 that is common to them with a few. The fame degree 
 of beauty in a woman is called deformity, which is treat- 
 ed as real beauty in one of our fex. 
 
 As 'tis ufual, in forming a notion of our fpecies, to 
 compare it with the other fpecies above or below it, or to 
 compare the individuals of the fpecies among themfelves j 
 fo we often compare together the different motives of 
 actuating principles of human nature, in order to re- 
 gulate our judgment concerning it. And indeed, this is 
 the only kind of comparifon which is worth our atten- 
 tion, or decides anything in the prefent queftion. Were 
 Oiir felfiih and vicious principles fo much predominant 
 
 above 
 
94 ESSAY Xr. 
 
 above our focial and virtuous, as is aflerted by fome phi- 
 lofophers, we ought undoubtedly to entertain a contemp- 
 tible notion of human naturfe. 
 
 There is much of a difpute of words in all this cori- 
 troverfy. When a man denies the fincerity t-f all public 
 Ipirit or afFecSlion to a country and community, I am at a 
 Ibfs what to think of him. Perhaps he never felt this 
 paflion in fo clear and diftindt a mariner as to remove all 
 his doubts concerning its force and reality. But when 
 He proceeds' afterwards to reject all private friehdfliip, if 
 rio ihtereft ot felf-love intermixes itfelf ; I am then con- 
 fident that He abufes terms, and confounds the ideas of 
 things ; fiiiCe it is impoflible for any one to be fo felfifli, 
 or rather fo ftupidj as to make no difference between one 
 man and another, and give no preference to qualities, 
 which engage his approbation and efteeni. Is he alfo, 
 fay I, as infenfible to anger as he pretends to be to friend- 
 fhip ? And does injury and wrong no more afFedt him' 
 than kindnefs or benefits ? Impoflible : He does not 
 know himfelf : He has forgot the movements of his mind ; 
 or rather he makes ufe -of a different lauguage from the 
 reft of his countrymen, and calls not things by their 
 proper names. What fay you of natural afFedtion ? (I 
 fubjoin) Is that alfo a fpecies of felf-love ? Yes : All' k 
 felf-love. Tour children are loved only becaufe they are 
 yours : Tour friend for a like reafon : And your country 
 engages you only fo far as it has a connexion with your- 
 filf: Were the idea of felf removed, nothing would af- 
 fedlyou: You would be altogether inadtive and infen- 
 fible: Or if you ever gave yourfelf any movement, it 
 would only be from vanity, and a defire of fame and re- 
 putation to this fame felf. I. am willing, reply I, to re- 
 ceive your interpretation of human adlions, provided you 
 admit the fafts. That fpecies of felf-love, which dif- 
 plays itfelf in kindnefs to others, you muft allow to have 
 2 gre^t 
 
The DiGNtTY of Hum an'N ATURE. 9^; 
 
 grfeat influence, and even greater, on many ocbafions, thaii 
 that which remains in its original fliape and form. For 
 how few arc there, who, havinjg a family, children, and 
 relations, do not fpend more on the maintenance and 
 education ofthefe than on their own pleafures ? This, in- 
 deed, you juftly obferVe, may proceed from their felf-love, 
 fince the profperity of their family and friends is one, or 
 the chief of their pleafures, as well as their chief ho- 
 nour. Be you alfo one of thefe felfifh men, and you are 
 fure of every one's good opinion and good will ; or not 
 to fliock your nice ears with thefe expreffions, the felf- 
 love of every one, and mine amongft the reft, will then 
 incline us to ferve you, and fpeak weH of you. 
 
 In my opinion, there are two things which have led 
 aftray thofe philofophers, who have infifted fo much on 
 the felfiftinefs of man. In thefirjl place, they found, 
 that every aft of virtue or friendfhip was attended with 
 a fecret pleafure: from whence they concluded, that 
 friendfhip and virtue could not be difinterefted. But the 
 fallacy of this is obvious. The virtuous fentiment or 
 paOion produces the pleafure, and does not arife from 
 it. I feel a pleafure in doing good to my friend, becaufe 
 I love him j but do not love him for the fake of that 
 pleafure. 
 
 In thtfecond place, it has always been foiind, that the 
 virtuous are far from being indifferent to praife; and 
 therefore they have been reprefented as a fet of vain- 
 glorious men, who had nothing in view but the applaufes 
 of others. But this alfo is a fallacy. 'Tis very unjuft 
 in the world, when they find any tinfture of vanity in a 
 laudable adlion, to depreciate it upon that account, or 
 afcribe it entirely to that motive. The cafe is not the' 
 fame with ^knity,- as with other paflions. Where ava- 
 rice or revenge enters into any feemingly virtuous aftion 
 ''tis difficult for us to determine how far it enters, and 
 
 'tis 
 
^$ ESSAY XI. 
 
 'tis ftatwal to fuppiofe it- thei fole ajawating- principle. 
 But vanity is fo dofely allied, to virtue, and to love tbC; 
 fame of laudable a6lions approaches fo near the lovc.-of! 
 laudable aflions; for- their own falte, that thefe paflions. 
 arc more capable of' mixture^ than any, othei kinds of 
 affedtion ; and, 'tis almoft impoffible to have the latter 
 without fome degree of the former^ Accordingly we 
 find, that this paiEon for glory is always warped and 
 varied according to the particular tafte or fentiment of 
 the mind on which it falls. Nero had the fame vanity 
 in driving a chariot, that Trajan had in governing the 
 empire with juftice and ability. To love the glory, of 
 virtuous adlions is a fure proof of the love of virtuous 
 aftions. 
 
 ESSAY 
 
c 97 y 
 
 E S S AY Xlii 
 
 Of Civil Liberty. 
 
 THOSE who employ their pens on political fub- 
 jed?, free from party-ragCj and, party-prejudices, 
 cultivate a fcienc6, which, of all othciTs, cpntrib'utes 
 moft to public utility, and evfen to the private fatisfadibri 
 of thofe who addi£t themfelyes, to the ftudy of, it.; I am 
 apt, however, to entertain a fufpicion, that the world is 
 ftill too young to fix rhaiiy general truths in politics, 
 which will remain true to the lateft pofterity. We have 
 not as yet had experience of three thoufand years; (a 
 that not only the art of reasoning is ftill defeftive in this 
 fcierice, as in all others, biit we even want fufficient ma- 
 terials upon which we can reaf6n._ 'Tis not fully known, 
 what degrees of refinement, either ii) virtue o^r vice, hu- 
 man nature is fufceptible of; nor what may be expected 
 of mankind from any great revolution in their education, 
 cuftoms or principles. Machiavel v^as certainly a 
 great genius ; biit having confined his ftudy to the fu- 
 rious and tyrannical govferhinents of ancient times, ox to 
 the little diforderly principalities of Italy, his reafon- 
 ings, efpecially upon monarchical government, have 
 been found extremely defeftive ; and there fcarce. is-any 
 maxim in his prince, which fubfequent experience has not' 
 entirely refuted, yi weak prince^ fays he, is incapable of 
 receiving good counfel; for if he confult iviih fever al, he wiU 
 Vol. L H not 
 
98 E S S, A Y XII. 
 
 not he able to choofe among their different cotmfeh. If he 
 abandon himfelf t<> one, that mini/ier may, perhaps, have ea-* 
 pacity ; hut he will not be. long a minifier : He will be Jure to 
 difpojfefs his majier, and place himjelf and his family upon 
 the throne. I mention this, among innumerable inftances 
 of the errors of that politician, proceeding, in a great 
 'meafure, from his having lived in too early an age of 
 the world, to be a good judge of political truth. Almoft 
 all the princes of Europe are at prefent governed by 
 their minifters ; and have been fo for near two centuries ; 
 and yet no fuch event has ever happened, or can poffibly 
 happen. Sejanus might project dethroning the C^- 
 SARs ; but Fleury, though ever fo vicious, could not, 
 while in his fenfes, entertain the leaft hopes of difpof- 
 feffing the Bourbons, 
 
 Trade was never efteemed an affair of ftate, 'till the 
 laft century ; and there fcarcely is any ancient writer 
 on politics, who has made mention of it f . Even the 
 Italians have kept a profound filence with regard to 
 it ; tho' it has now excited the chief attention, as well 
 of minifters of ftate, as of fpeculative reafoners. The 
 gi-eat opulence, ' grandeur, and military atcbievements of 
 the two maritime powers, feem firft to have inftrufled 
 mankind in the vaft importance of an extenfive com- 
 merce. 
 
 Having, therefore, intended in this eflay to have made 
 a full comparifon of civil liberty and abfolute govern- 
 ment, and to have fiiewn the great advantages of the 
 former abqve the latter ; I began to entertain a fufpicion, 
 that no man in this age was fufficiently qualified for fuch 
 
 f XiNorwoN mentions it; but with a doubt if it be of any advantage 
 oaflate, EiJa xai Ijasroji'it o(j,iJi£j n ^l},;,,' &c. Xek. Hiero. Plato 
 tutally SJtclfldes it from his imaginary rspublic. De legibus, lib, 4, 
 
 an 
 
Df Civil Liberty. 
 
 99 
 
 an undertaking ; and that whatever any one fliould ad- 
 vance on that head would, in all probability^ be refuted 
 ,by further experience, and be rejefled by pofterity. Such 
 mighty revolutions have happened in human affairs, ahd 
 fo many events have arlfen contrary to the expedlation of 
 the ancients, that thpy are fufficient to beget the fufpicion 
 of ftiil further changes. 
 
 It had befen obferved by the ancients, that all the arts 
 and fciences arofe among free nations ; and, that the 
 Persians and Egyptians, notwithftandirtg their eafe; 
 opulence arid luxury, made but faint efforts toWards 
 a relifli in thofe finer pleafuresj which were carried to 
 fuch perfedlion by the Greeks, amidft cohtinual wars, 
 attended with poverty, and the greateft fimplicity of life 
 and manners. It had alfo been obferved, that as the 
 Greeks loft their liberty, tho' they encreafed mightily 
 in riches, by the conquefts of Alexander; yet the 
 arts, from that moment, declined among them,- and 
 have never fince been able to raife their head in that 
 climate. Learning was tranfplanted to Rome, the only 
 free nation at that time in the univerfe ; and having met 
 with fo favourable a foil, it made prodigious fhoots for 
 above a century ; till the decay of liberty produced alfo 
 the decay of letters, and fpread a total barbarifm over the 
 world. From thefe two experiments, of which each 
 was double in its kind, and fhewed the fall of learning 
 in defpotic governments, as well as its rife in popular 
 ones, LoNGiNtJS thought himfelf fufficiently juftified, 
 in aflerting, that the arts and fciences could never floue , 
 rifli, but in a free government : and in this opinion, he 
 has been followed by l^veral eminent writers f in our 
 own country, who either confined their view merely to 
 ancient fafls, or entertained too great a partiality in fa- 
 
 f Mr, Aebisom aadlord Skaftxibvut. 
 
 H 2 VOUX 
 
TOO 
 
 E S S A- Y XIL 
 
 your of that form of government, which is eftabliflied 
 amongft us. 
 
 But what would thefe writers have faid, to the in- 
 ftances of modern Rome and of Florence ? Of which 
 the former carried to perfe£tion all the finer arts of fculp- 
 ture, painting and mufic, as well as poetry, tho' it 
 groaned under tyranny, and under the tyranny of priefts : 
 While' the latter made the greateft progrefs in the arts 
 and fciences, after it began to lofe its liberty by the ufur- 
 pations of the family of Medicis. Ariosto, Tasso, 
 Galileo, no more than Rai^hael, and Michael 
 Angelo, were not born in republics. And tho' the 
 Lombard fchool was famous as well as the Roman, 
 yet the Venetians have had the fmalleft fliare in its 
 honours, and feem rather inferior to the other Italians, 
 in their genius for the arts and fciences. Rubens efta- 
 bliflied his fchool at Antwerp, not at Amsterdam : 
 Dresden, not Hamburgh, is the centre of politenefs 
 in Germany. 
 
 But the moil eminent inftance of the flourifhing of 
 learning in abfolute governments, is that of France, 
 which fcarce ever enjoyed any eftablifhdd liberty, and 
 yet has carried the arts and fciences as near perfe£tion as 
 any other nation. The English are, perhaps, better 
 philofophers * ; the Italians better painters and mufi- 
 cians ; the Romans were greater orators : But the 
 French are the only people, except the Greeks, who 
 have been at once philofophers, poets, orators, hiftorians, 
 painters, architefts, fculptors, and muficians. With 
 regard to the ftage, they have excelled even tKe Greeks, 
 who have far excelled the English. And, in common 
 ^ life, they have, in a great meafure, perfeiEled that art 
 the moft ufeful and agreeable of any, FJrt de Vivre, the 
 art of fociety and converfation. 
 
 • N, B, This was publlflied in 174s. 
 
 If 
 
Of Ci V I L Lib ERT Y. roi 
 
 If we confider the ftate of the fciences and polite arts 
 jn our own country, Horace's obfervation, with re- 
 gard to the Romans, mayj in 5 great meafure, be ap- 
 plied to the British. 
 
 — ! Bed in hngum tamen tevum 
 
 Manferunt, hodieque manent veltigia ruris. 
 
 The elegance and propriety of flyle have been very 
 much neglefted ainong us. We have no dictionary of 
 our language, and fc^rce a tplerafsle grammar. The firft 
 polity prpfe we have, was wrote by a man who, is flill 
 alive*. As to Sprat, Locke, and even TEMPtE, 
 they knew too little of the rules of art to be efteemed 
 very elegant writers. T'he profe of Bacon, Harring- 
 ton, and Milton, is altogether ftiff and pedanfic ; 
 tho' their fenfe be eycglleiit. Men, in this country, 
 have been fp much occupied in the great difputes of Re- 
 ligion, Politics and Ppilofophy, that they had no relifh for 
 the feemingly minute obfervations of grammar and criti- 
 cifm. And tho' this turn of. thinking muft have con- 
 ilderably improved our fenfe and our talent of reafonirig ; 
 it muft be confefled, that even in thofe fciences above- 
 mentioned, we have pot ajiy ftandard-book, which we 
 can tranfmit to pofterity : And the utmoft we have to 
 boaft of, are a few efliiys towards a more juft philofopjiy ; 
 which, indeed, promife fomewhat, but have not, as yet, 
 reached any degree of perfe£tion. 
 
 It has become an eftablifhed opinion, that commerce 
 can never flourifh but in a free government ; and this 
 opinion feems to be founded on a longer and larger ex- 
 perience than the foregoing, with regard to the arts and 
 fciences. If we trace commerce in its progrefs through 
 
 * Dr. SwiKT. 
 
 H 3 TVRE, 
 
102 
 
 ESSAY XII. 
 
 Tyre, Athens, Syracuse, Carthage, Venice, 
 Florence, Genoa, Antwerp, Holland, Eng- 
 land, &c. we fhall always find it to have fixt its feat 
 in free governments. The three greateft trading towns 
 now in Europe, are London, Amsterdam, and 
 Hamburgh ; all free cities, and proteflant cities ; that 
 is, enjoying a double liberty. It muft, however, be ob- 
 ferved, that the great jealoufy entertained of late, with 
 regard to the commerce of France, feems to prove, 
 that this maxim is no more certain and infallible, than 
 the foregoing, and that the fubjedls of an abfolute prince 
 may become our rivals in commerce, as well as in learn- 
 ing. 
 
 Durfl: I deliver my opinion in an affair of fo much un- 
 certainty, I would aflert, that, notwithftanding the 
 efforts of the French, there is fomething hurtful to 
 commerce inherent in the very nature of abfolute govern- 
 ment, and infeparable from it : Tho' the reafon I would 
 affign for this opinion, is fomewhat different from that 
 which is commonly infifled on. Private property feems 
 almofi-as fecure in a civilized European monarchy, 
 as in a republic ; nor is danger much apprehended in fuch 
 a government, from the violence of the fovereign j more 
 than we commonly dread harm from thunder, or earth- 
 quakes, or any accident the mofl unufual and extraor- 
 dinary. Avarice, the fpur of indufiry, is fo obftinate a 
 paflion, and works its way thro' fo many real dangers 
 and difliculties, that 'tis not likely it will be feared by 
 an imaginary danger, which is fo fmall, that it fcarce 
 admits of calculation. Commerce^ therefore, in my 
 opinion, is apt to decay in abfolute governments, rtot 
 becaufe it is there lefs fecure^ but becaufe it is lefs ho- 
 nourable. A fubordination of ranks is necelFary to the 
 fupport of monarchy. Birth, titles, and place, mufl 
 be honoured above iiiduftry and riches. And while thefe 
 
 notions 
 
Of Civil Liberty.' 
 
 103 
 
 notions prevail, all the confiderable traders will be 
 tempted to throw up their commerce, in order to pur- 
 chafe fome of thofe employments, to which privikges 
 and honours are annexed. 
 
 Since I am upon this head of the alterations which 
 *ime has produced, or may produce in politics, I muft 
 obferve, that all kinds of government, free and abfolute, 
 feem to have undergone^ in modern times, a great 
 change to the better, with regard both to foreign and 
 domeftic management. The balarice of power is a fecret 
 in polities, fully known only to the prefent age ; and I 
 muft add, that the internal Police of the ftate has alfo 
 received great improvements within this century. We 
 are informed by Sallust, that Catiline's army 
 was much augmented by the acceflion of the highway- 
 men aibout-RoME ; tho' I believe, that all of that pro* 
 feflion,. who are at prefent difperfed over Europje, would 
 not amount to a regiment. In Cicero's pleadings for 
 ..^2,0, I find this argument, among others, made ufe 
 ■of to prove, that his client had not aflaffinated Clo- 
 DHfs. Had MiLO, faid he, intended to have killed 
 Clodius, he had not attacked him in the day-time, and 
 atfucha diitance from the city: He had way-laid him 
 at night, near the fuburbs, where it might have been 
 pretended, that he was killed by robbers ; and the fre- 
 quency of the accident would have favoured the deceit. 
 This is a furprizing proof of the loofe police of Rome, 
 and of the number and force of thefe robbers ; fince 
 CtODlus * was at that time attended with thirty flaves, 
 who were compleatly armed, and fufficiently accuftomed 
 to blood and danger in the frequent tumults excited by 
 that feditious tribune. 
 
 But thd' all kinds of government be improved in mo- 
 ian times, yet monarchical government feems to have 
 
 * tidejft. Fed. in Oi-at-fro Siihhe, 
 
 H 4. made 
 
IC4 ESSAY Xir- 
 
 piade the greafeft advances towards perfeiHon. It may 
 now be affirmed of civilized monarchies, what was for- 
 m.erly faid in praife of republics alone, thai they are a 
 government of Laws, not of men. They are found fuf- 
 ceptible of order, method, and cpnftancy, to a fur- 
 prizing" degree. Property is there fecure ; induftry en- 
 cpuraged ; the arts flourifti ; and the prince lives fecure 
 among his fubjeflis, like a father among his children. 
 There are perhaps, and have been for two centuries, 
 near two hundred abfolute princes, great and fmall, in 
 Europe ; and allowing twenty years' to each reign, wc 
 may fuppofe, that there have-been in the whole two 
 ^houfand monarchs or tyrants,, as the Greeks would 
 have called them : Yet of thefe there has not been one, 
 not even Philip II. of Spain, fo bad as Tiberius, 
 Caligula, Nero, or Domitian, who were four in 
 twelve ambngft the Roman emperors. It muft, how- 
 ever, be confefled, that tho' monarchical governments 
 have approached nearer to popular ones, in gcntlcneft 
 and {lability ; they are ftill inferior. Our modqru edu» 
 f:ation and cuftoms inftil more humanity and mode* 
 ration than the ancient ; but have not as yet been able to 
 overcome entirely the difadvantages of that forpa of gq- 
 yernment. 
 
 But here I muft beg leave to advance a conjecture, 
 which feems very probable, but which pofterity • alone 
 can fully judge of. I am apt to think, that in monar- 
 chical governments there is a fource of improvement, 
 and in popular governments a fource of degeneracy, 
 which in time will bring thefe fpecies of government ftill 
 nearer in equality. The greateft abufes which arife in 
 France, the moft perfeift model of pure monarchy, 
 proceed not from the number or weight of the taxes, 
 beyond what are to be met with in free countries ; but 
 frorp the expenfive, unequal, arbitrary, and intricate 
 
 meChodi 
 
Of Civil Liberty. • i©^ 
 
 jnethod of levying them, by which the induftry of the 
 poor, efpecially of the peafqnts and farmers, is, in a 
 great meafure, difcouraged, and agriculture rendered a, 
 beggarly and flavifh employment. But to whofe ad- 
 vantage do thefe abufes tend ? If to that of the nobility, 
 they might be efteemed inherent in that form of govern- 
 ment ; fmce the nobility are the true fupports of mo- 
 narchy ; and 'tis natural their intereft ftiould be more 
 confulted, in fuch a conftitution, than that of the peo- 
 ple. But the nobility are, in reality, the principal lofers 
 by this oppreffion ; fince it ruins their eftates, and beg- 
 gars their tenants. The only gainers by it are the Fi- 
 nanpers, a race of mei^ rather odious to the nobility and 
 the whole kingdom. If ^ prince or minifter, therefore, 
 Ihould arife endowed with fufficient difcernment to know 
 his own and the public intereft, and with fufficient force 
 of mind to break thro' ancient cuftoms, we might ex- 
 peft to fee thefe abufes remedied ; in which cafe, the 
 difference between their abfolute government and our 
 free one, would not appear fo confiderable as at prefent. 
 
 The fource of degeneracy, which may be remarked 
 in free governments, confifts in the praftice of contra£l:- 
 ing debt, and mortgaging the public revenues, by which 
 taxes may, in time, become altogether intolerable, and 
 all the property of the ftate be" brought into the hands 
 of the public. This praftice is of modern date. Thq 
 Athenians, tho' governed by a republic, paid near two 
 hundred per Cent, for thofe fums of money, which any 
 emergent occafion made it necefiary for them to borrow ; 
 as we learn from Xenophon *. Among the moderns, 
 •the Dutch iirft introduced the pra'dtice of borrowing 
 
 nopoi. 
 
jo6 ESSAY XIl. 
 
 great fums at low intereft, and have well nigh ruined 
 themfelves by it. Abfolute princes have alfo contrafted 
 debt ; but as an abfolute prince may play the bankrupt 
 when he pleafes, his people can never be oppreft by his 
 debts. In popular governments, the people, and chiefly 
 thofe who have the higheft offices, being commonly the 
 public creditors, 'tis difficult for the ftate to make ufe 
 of this remedy, which, however it may be fometimes 
 receflary, is always cruel and barbarous. This, there- 
 fore, feems to be an inconvenience, which nearly 
 threatens all free govei'nments ; efpecially our own, at 
 the prefent junflure. And what a ftrong motive is this, 
 to increafe our frugality of the public money ; left, for 
 want of it, we be reduced, by the multiplicity of taxes, 
 to curfe our free government, and wifh ourfelves in the 
 fame ftate of fervitude with all the nations that furround 
 
 WS? 
 
 ESSAY 
 
1 107 3 
 
 ESSAY XIIL 
 
 Of E L O Q^U E N C E. 
 
 THOSE, who eonfider the periods and revolutions 
 of human kind, as reprefented in hiftory, are en- 
 tertained with a fpe<aacle full of pleafore and variety, 
 and. fee, with furprize, the manners, cuftoms, and opi- 
 nions of the fame fpecies fufceptible of fuch prodigious 
 changes in different periods of time. It may, however, 
 be obferved, that in civil hiftory there is found a much 
 greater uniformity than in the hiftory of learning and 
 icience, and that the wars, negotiations, and politics 
 of one age refemble more thofe of another, than the 
 tafte, wit, and fpeculative principles. Intereft and am- 
 bition, honour and fliame, friendfliip and enmity, gra- 
 titude and revenge, are the prime movers in all public 
 tranfa^ions ; and thefe paflions are of a very ftubborn 
 and intraflable nature, in comparifon of the fentiments 
 and underftanding, which are cafily varied by education 
 and example. The Goths were much more, inferior 
 to the Romans, in tafte and fcience, than, in courage 
 and virtue. 
 
 But not to compare together nations fo widely difFe- 
 rent, that they may almoft be efteemed of a different 
 fpecies ; it may be obferved, that even this latter period 
 of human learning, is, in many refpe£ts, of an oppofite 
 charader to the ancieHt; and that if we be fuperior ini 
 
 phi- 
 
ioS E S SLA Y Xlir. 
 
 philofophy, we are ftill, notwithftanding all our refine- 
 mefitSj much inferior in eloquence. 
 
 In ancient times, no work of genius was thought to 
 require fo great parts and capacity, as the fpeaking in 
 public ; and fome emii|ent writers have pronounced the 
 talents, even of a great poet or philofopher, to be of 
 an inferior nature to thofe requifite for fuch an under- 
 taking. Greece and Rome prqduced, each of them, 
 but one accompliflied orator ; and whatever praifes the 
 other celebrated fpeakers might merit, they were ftill 
 efteemed much inferior to thefe great models of elo- 
 quence. 'Tis obfprvable, that the ancient critics could 
 fcarce find two orators in any age, who deferved to be 
 placed precifely in the fame rank, and ppflefied the fam^ 
 degree of merit. Cai,vus, C^liuS, Curio, Hor- 
 TENSius, C^SAR rofe one above another: But the 
 greateft of that age was inferior to Cicero, the moft 
 eloquent fpeaker, who had ever appeared in Rome. 
 Thofe of fine taftei however, pronounced thjs judgment 
 of the Roman orator, as well as of the Grecian, that 
 both of them furpafled in eloquence, a|l th^t had ever 
 appeared, but that they were far from reaching the per- 
 fection of their art, which was infinite, and not only 
 exceeded human force to attain, but human imagination 
 to conceive. Cicero declares himfelf diflatisfied with 
 his own performances ; nay, even with thofe of De- 
 mosthenes. Ita funt av'ida tf capaces mees aures, fays 
 he, i^ femper aliquid immenfum, infinitumque defiderant. 
 
 This fingle circumftance is fufficient to make u? appre- 
 hend the wide difference between ancient a^d modern 
 eloquence, and to let us fee how much the latter is in- 
 ferior to the former. Of all the polite and learned na- 
 tions, Britain alone pofl'efles a popular government, 
 or admits into the legiflature fuch numerous aflemblies as 
 can be fuppofed to lie under the dominion of eloquence. 
 
 But 
 
Of E L qJj E N c eJ " tb(^ 
 
 But what has Britain to boaft of in this particular ? 
 In enumerating all the great men, who have done honour 
 to our country, we exult in our poets and philofophers ; 
 but what orators are ever mentioned ? Or where are the 
 monuments of their genius .to be met with ? There are 
 found, indeed^ in our hiftories, the names of feveral, 
 who direfled the refolutions of our parliament : But 
 neither themfelves nor others have taken the pains to 
 preferve their fpeeches ; and the authority which they 
 poffeffed, feems to have been owing to, their experience, 
 wifdom, or power, more than to their talents for oratory. 
 At prefent, there are above half a dozen fpeakers in the 
 two houfes, who, in the judgment of the public, have 
 reached very near the fame pitch of .eloquence ; and no 
 man pretends to give any one the preference to the reft. 
 This feems to me a certain proof, that none of them 
 have attained rnuch beyond a mediocrity, in their art, 
 and that the fpecies of eloquence, which they ^fpire to, 
 gives no exercife to the fublimer faculties of the mind, 
 but may be reached by ordinary talents and a flight ap- 
 plication. A hundred cabinet-makers in London can 
 work a table or a chair equally well ; but no one poet 
 can write verfes with fuch fpirit and elegance as Mr. 
 Pope. 
 
 We are told, that when Demosthenes was to plead, 
 all ingenious men flocked to Athens from the moft re- 
 mote parts of Greece, as to fhe moft celebrated fpec- 
 tacle of the world f- At London you may fee men 
 fauntering in the court of requefts, while the moft im- 
 portant debate is carrying on in the two houfes j and 
 
 •f- Ne illud quidem intelligunt, non modo ita memoriiE proditum efle, lei 
 ita neceffe fuilTe, cum Demosthenes diilurus eflet, ut concurfus, audi- 
 endi caufa, extotaGREciA fierent. At cum ifti Attici dicunt, non 
 medo a corona (quod eft iffum miferabile} fed etiam ab advocatis relin- 
 quuntur. 
 
 CiCERO de Claris Oratoribus. 
 
 many 
 
no 
 
 ESSAY XIII. 
 
 many do not thmk themfelves fufficiently compenfatcd, 
 for the lofing of their dinners, by all the eloquence of 
 our moft celebrated fpeakers. When old Cibber is ta 
 aft the curiofity of feveral is more excited, than when 
 our prime minifter is to defend himfeif frdm a motion for 
 his removal or impeachment. ^ 
 
 Even a perfon unacquainted with the noble reftlainS Of 
 ancient orators, may judge, from a few ftrokes, that 
 the ftile or fpecies of their eloquence was infinitely more 
 fublime than that which modern orators afpire to. How 
 abfurd would it appear, in our temperate and calm 
 fpeakers, to make ufe of an Jpojirophe, like that noble 
 one of Demosthenes, fo miich celebrated by Quinc- 
 TiLiAN and LoNGiNUS, when, juflifying the unfuc- 
 cefsful battle of Ch^ronea, he breaks out. No, mj 
 Fellow-Citizens., No : You have not erred. I fwidt by the 
 manes of thofe heroes, who fought for the fame caufeinthe 
 plains of Marathon and Platjea. Who could now 
 endure fuch a bold and poetical figure, as that whicli 
 Cicero employs, after defcribing in the moft tragical 
 terms the crucifixion of a Roman citizen. Should I 
 paint the horrors of this fcene, not to Roman citizens, not 
 to the allies of our Jlate, not to fhofe -who have ever heard 
 of the Roman Name, not even to men, but to brute-crea- 
 tures ; or^ to go farther, Jhould I lift up my voice, in the 
 moji defolate folitude^ to the rocks and mountains, yet Jhould 
 I furely fee thofe rude and inanimate parts of nature moved 
 with horror and indignation at the recital of fo enormous 
 an aSiion f. With what a blaze of el<?quenc« muft" i'dt% 
 
 •J- The original is ; Quod fi hsc non ad elves Romanos, non ad aliquot 
 amicos noftra civitatis, non ad eos qui populi Romani nonien audiiferit j 
 denique, fi non ad homines, vcrum ad beftias; aut etlaiS, ut longius pro-" 
 grediar, <i in aliqua defertlflima faiitudine, ad faxa & ad fcopulos hac cdii> 
 queri & deplorare vellem, tamen omnia muta atque inanim:!, tanta £^tam 
 Indiana rerum attocitate commoYerentur. Cic, in ver, 
 
 3 fen-' 
 
Of ElOQJU^NCE. Ill 
 
 a fentence be furrounded to give it grace, or caufc it to 
 make any impreffion on the hearers ? Arid what hoble 
 art and fublime talents are requifite to arrive, by juft 
 degrees, at a fentiment fo bold and exceffive : To in- 
 flame the audience, fo as to make them accompany the 
 fpeaker in fuch violent paffions, and fuch elevated con- 
 ceptions : And to conceal, under a torrent of eloquence, 
 the artifice, by which all this is effe£tuated ! Should this 
 fentiment even appear to us exceffive, as perhaps it juftly 
 may, it may at leaft ferve to give an idea of the ftyle of 
 antient eloquence, where fuch fwelling exprfffions wer« 
 not rejcfted as wholly monffirous and gigantic. 
 
 Suitable to this vehemence of thought and expreflion, 
 was the vehemence of ailion, obferved in the ancient 
 orators. The fupphfio pedis, or ftamping of the foot, 
 was one of the moft ufual and moderate geftijres which 
 they made ufe off ; tho' that is nov/ elteemed too vio- 
 lent, either for the fenat?, bar, or pulpit, and is only 
 admitted into the theatre, to accompany the moft- vio- 
 lent paffions, which are there reprefented. 
 
 One is fomewhat at a lofs to what capfe we may af- 
 cribe fo fenfible a decline of eloquence in latter ages. 
 The genius of mankind, at all times, is, perhaps, 
 equal : The moderns hav^applied themfelves, with great 
 induftry and fuccefs, to all the other arts and fciepces : 
 And one of the moft learned nations of the univerfe 
 poflefles a popular government ; a circumftance which 
 feems requifite for the full difplay of thefe noble talents : 
 But notwithftanding all thefe advantages, our progrefs 
 in eloquence is very inconfiderable, in comparifon of the 
 advances, which we have mad.e in all the other parts of 
 learning. 
 
 •j- Ubi dolor ? Ubi ardor aniini, qui etiam ex infantium rngeniis eliccre 
 voces & querelas foJet ? nulla petturbatio animi, nulla corporis: frons ron 
 perculTa, non femur j pedis (quod mimmum eft) nulla fupplofio. Itaque 
 tantum abfuit'ut inflammares noftros animos; fomnum ifto loco vix 'tene« 
 bamus. Citero-de Claris Oratoiibus, 
 
 g Shall 
 
lit ESSAY XIII. 
 
 Shall we aflert, that the ftrains of anfcient cloquertcc 
 are unfuitable to our age, and not to be imitated by. 
 modern orators ? Whatever reafons may be mad? ufe of 
 to prove this,' I am perfuaded they will be found, upon 
 examination, to be unfound and unfatisfadlory. 
 
 jPVr/?, It may be faid, that in ancient times, during 
 the flourjfhing period of the Greek and Roman learn-? 
 ing, the municipal laws, in every ftate, were but few 
 and fimple, and the decilion of caufes was, ih a great 
 meafure, left to the equity and common fenfe of the 
 judges. The ftudy of the laws was not then a laborious 
 occupation, requiring the drudgery of a whole life to 
 iinifh it, and utterly incompatible with every other ftudy 
 or profeflion. The great ftatefmen and geiierals among 
 the Romans were all lawyers j arid Cicero, to ihew 
 the facility of accjuiring this fcience, declares, that in 
 the midft of all his occupations, he would undertalce, in 
 a few days, to make hiriifelf a compleat civilian. Now;, 
 ■where a pleader addrefles himfelf to the equity of his 
 judges, he has much more room to difplay his eloquence, 
 than where he muft draw his arguments froih ftrift laws, 
 ftatutes, and precedents. In the former cafe, many cir- 
 cumftances muft be taken in, many perforial confidera- 
 tions regarded ; and even favour and inclihatioii, which 
 it belongs to the orator, by his art and eloquence, to 
 conciliate, may be difguifed under the appearance of 
 equity. But how fhall a modern lawyer have leifure t6 
 quit his toilfome occupations, in order to gather thfe 
 flowers of Parnassus ? Of what opportunity fhall ht 
 have of difplaying them, amidft the rigid and fubtile ar- 
 guments, objeftions, and replies, which he is obliged to 
 make ufe of? The greateft genius, ^nd great6ft orator, 
 who fliould pretend to plead before the Chancellor, after 
 a month's ftudy of the laws, would only labour to make 
 himfelf ridiculous. 
 
 I am ready to own, that this circumftance, of the 
 multiplicity and intricacy of laws, is a difcouragement 
 
 to 
 
. Of EtOQ^UE?TCE. Ilj 
 
 to eloquence in modern times : But I affert, that it will 
 not account entirely for the decline of that noble art. 
 It may bani(h oratory from Westminster-Hall, 
 but riot from either houfe of parliament. Among the 
 Athenians, the Areopagites exprefly forbad all al- 
 Jurements of eloquence ; and fome have pretended that 
 in the .GreeIc orations wrote in the judiciary form, there 
 IS not fuch a bold and rhetorical ftile, as appears in the 
 Roman. But to what a pitch did the Athenians 
 carry their eloquence in the deliberative kind, when af- 
 fairs of ftate were canvaffed, and the liberty, happinefs, 
 and honour of the republic Were the fubjedt of debate ? 
 Difputes of this nature elevate the genius above all others, 
 and give the fulleft fcope to eloquence j and fuch dis- 
 putes are very frequent in this nation. 
 
 Secondly, It may be pretended, that the decline of elo- 
 quence is owing to the fuperior good fenfe of the mo- 
 derns, who rejeft with difdain, all thofe rhetorical 
 tricks, employed to feduce the jifdges, and will admit 
 of nothing but foljd argument in any debate or delibera- 
 tion. If a man be accufed of murder, the fa<3: muft be 
 proved by witneffes and evidence ; and the laws will af- 
 terwards determine the punifliment of the criminal. It 
 would beridiculous to defcribe, in ftrong colours, the 
 horror and cruelty of the a£tion : To introduce the re- 
 lations of the dead ; and, at a fignal, make them throw 
 themfelves at the feet of the judges, imploring juftice 
 with tears and lamentations : And ftill more ridiculous 
 would it be, to employ a pi<3:ure reprefenting the bloody 
 deed, in order to move the judges by the difplay of Co 
 tragical a fpetStacle : Tho' we know, that this poor ar- 
 tifice was fometimes pra£tifed by the pleaders of old *. 
 Now, banifh the pathetic from public difcourfes, and you 
 
 • Quint It, lib. vi, c>p. I. 
 
 ' Vol. I. I reduce 
 
114 ESSAY XIII. 
 
 reduce the fpeakers merely to modern eloquence ; that is^ 
 to good-fenfe, delivered in proper expreffions. 
 
 Perhaps it may be acknowledged, that our prefeht 
 cuftortis, or our fuperior gOod-ferife, if you will, fhould 
 make our orators more cautious and referved than the 
 ancient, in attempting to inflame the palEons, or elevate 
 the imagination of their audience : But, I fee no reafoti, 
 why it Ihould make them defpair abfolutely of fucceed- 
 ing in that attempt. It fhould make them redouble their 
 art, not abandon it intirely. The ancient orators feetti 
 alfo to have been on their guard againft this jealoufy of 
 their audience ; but they took a different Way of eluding 
 it t» They hurried away with fuch a torrent of fublime 
 and pathetic, that they left their hearers no leifure to per- 
 ceive the artifice, by which they were deceived. Nay, 
 to confider the matter aright, they were not deceived by 
 any artifice. The orator, by the force of his own ge^ 
 nius and eloquence, firft inflamed himfelf with anger^ 
 indignation, pity, forrow ; and then corfimunicated thofe 
 impetuous movements to his audience. 
 
 Does any man pretend to have more good fenfe than 
 Julius C-ffis ar ? Yet that haughty conqueror, we know, 
 was fo fubdued by the charms of Cicero's eloquence^ 
 that he was, in a manner, conflirained to change his 
 fettled purpofe and refolution, and to abfolve a criminal, 
 whom, before that orator pleaded, he was determined to 
 condemn. 
 
 Some objedions, I own, nbtwithflanding his vaft Aic- 
 cefs, may lie againft fome paffages of the Roman ora- 
 tor. He is too florid and rhetorical : His figures are too 
 ftriking and palpable : The Divifions of his Difcourfe 
 drawn chiefly from the rules of the fchools : And his 
 wit difdains not always the artifice even of a pun, rhyme 
 
 •f- LONGINUS, cap, 15, 
 
 or 
 
Of E t O Q^l/.E ti C E. 11^ 
 
 ©r jingle of words. The Gilecian addrefled himfelf to 
 an audience much lefs refined than the Roman fenate 
 or judges* The lowefl: vulgar of Athens were his fo- 
 venigAs, and the arjjiters of his eloquence f. Yet is his 
 manner njuch more chafte and auftere than that of the 
 other. Could it be copied, its fuccefs would be infallible 
 over a modern affcrobly. 'Tis rapid harmony, exaflrly 
 adjufted to the fenfe : 'Tis vehement reafoning, without 
 any appearance of art : 'Tisdifdain, anger, boldnefs, free- 
 dom, involved in a continued ftream of argument : And 
 of all human produftions, the orations of Demosthe- 
 KEs prefent to us the models, which approach the neareft 
 to perfection. 
 
 Thirdly, It may be pretended, that the diforders of the 
 ancient governments, and the enormous crimes,, of which 
 the citizens were often guilty, afforded much ampler mat- 
 ter for eloquence than can be met with among the mo- 
 dtrns. Were there no Verres or Catiline, there 
 would be no CiCEiio. But that this reafon can have 
 no great influence, is evident. It would be eafy to find 
 a Philip in modern times ; but where fhall we find a 
 Demosthenes ? 
 
 What remains, then, but that we lay the blame on 
 the want of genius, or of judgment in our fpeakers, who 
 either found themfelves incapable of reaching the heights 
 of ancient eloquence, or rejefled all fiich endeavours, 
 as unfuitable to the fpirit of modern affemblies ? A few 
 
 ■f The orators formed the'tafte of theATWENiAN people, notthepeopl* 
 of the orators, Gorgias Lsontinus was very taking with them, till 
 they became acquainted with a better manner. His figures of fpcech, fays 
 DiODORUS Sicrtus, his antithefis, his lo-omiX^, his ofMimMtmv, which 
 are now defpifed, had a great effeft upon the audience. Lib. 12. page 106, 
 tx editimie Rhod. 'Tis in vain therefore for modern orators (9 plead the fafte 
 «f their hearers as an apology for their lame performances. It would be 
 ftrange prejudice in favour of antiquity, not to al]ow a British parlia' 
 ment to be naturally fuperior in judgment and delicacy to an Athimiah 
 mob. 
 
 I 2 faCf 
 
ii6 ESSAY XIII. 
 
 fuccefsful attempts of this nature might rouZe the genius 
 of the nation, excite the emulation of the yduth, and ac- 
 cuftom our ears to a morefublime and more pathetic elo- 
 cution, than vyrhat we have been hitherto entertained with.' 
 There is certainly fomething accidental in the firft rife 
 and the progrefs of the arts in any nation. I doubt 
 whether a very fatisfaflory reafon can be given, why 
 ancient Rome, tho' it received all its arts from Greece, 
 could attain only to a tafte or relifh of flatuary, painting 
 and architefture, without reaching the praftice of thefc 
 noble arts : While modern Rome has been excited, by 
 a few remains found among the ruins of antiquity, and 
 has carried thefe aits to the greateft perfeflion. Had 
 fuch a cultivated genius for oratory, as Waller's for 
 jjoetry, arifen, during the civil wars, when liberty began 
 to be fully eftablifhed, and popular aflemblies to enter 
 into all the moft material points of government ; I am 
 perfuaded fo illuftrious an example would have given a 
 quite different turn to British eloquence, and made us 
 reach the perfei^ion of the ancient mpdel. Our orators^ 
 would then have done honour to their country, as well 
 as our poets and philofophers, and British Ciceros 
 have appeared as well as British Plutarchs and 
 
 ViRGILS. 
 
 I have confeft that there is fomething accidental in 
 the origin and progrefs of the arts in any nation ; and 
 yet I cannot forbear thinking, that if the other learned 
 and polite nations of Europe had pofleft the fame ad- 
 vantages, of a popular government, they would probably 
 have carried eloquence to a greater height than it has yet 
 reached in Britain. The French fermons, efpecially 
 thofe of Flechier and Bossuet, are much fuperior to 
 the English in this particular ; and in both thefe au- 
 thors are- fouiid many firokes of the moft fublime poetry. 
 None but private caufes, in that country, are ever de- 
 bated 
 
Of Etoq^UEN CE." 117 
 
 bated before their parliaments or courts of judicature ; 
 but notwithftanding this difadvantage^ there appears a 
 fpirit of eloquence in many of their lawyers, which, 
 ^ith proper cultivation and encouragement, might rife 
 to the greateft height. The pleadings of Patru are 
 very elegant, and give 'us room to imagine what fo fine 
 a genius could have performed in queilions concerning 
 public liberty or flavery, peace or war, who exerts him- 
 felf with fueh fuccefs, in debates concerning the price of 
 an old horfe, or a goffiping ftory of a quarrel between an 
 abbefs and her nuns. For 'tis remarkable, that this po- 
 lite writer, tho' efteemed by dl the men of wit in his 
 time, was never employed in themoftconfiderable caufes 
 of their courts of judicature, but lived and died in po- 
 verty : From an ancient prejudice induftrioufly propagated 
 by the dunces in all countries, That a man of genius i* 
 unfit for huftnefs. The diforders produced by the fadlions 
 againft cardinal Mazarine, made the parliament of 
 Paris enter into the difcuffion of public affairs, and 
 during ithat fliort interval, there appeared many fymp- 
 toms of the revival of ancient eloquence. The avocat 
 general Talon, in an oration, invoked on his knees, 
 the fpirit of St, Louis to look down with compaflion on 
 his divided and unhappy people, and to infpire them, 
 from above, with the love of concord and unanimity f . 
 The members of the French academy have attempted 
 to give us models of eloquence in their harangues at 
 their admittance : But, having no fubjeit to difcourfe 
 upon, they have run altogether into a fulfome ftrain of 
 panegyric and flattery, the moft barren of all fubjefts. 
 Their ftile, however, is commonly, on thefe occafions, 
 very elevated and fublime, and might reach the greateft 
 heights, were it employed on a fubjed more favourably 
 and'engaging. 
 
 f De RxTz's Memoirs. 
 
 I 3 There 
 
iiS ESSAY ^III. 
 
 There are fome circumftances, I confefs, in the EiKSr- 
 LisH temper and geniHs, which are ,difadv»ntageouij 
 to the progrefs of eloquence, and render all Attempts of 
 that kind more dangerous and difficult among them than 
 among any other nation. The English are confpicur 
 ous for good-fenfe, which makes them very jea,lous pf any 
 attempts to deceive them by the flowers of rhetoric and 
 elocution. They are alfo peculiarly mo40fi ; ' Tyhich makes 
 them confider it as a piece of arrogance to offer any 
 thing but reafon to public aiTe'roblies, or attempt to guide 
 them by paffion or fancy. I may, perhaps, be allowed 
 to add, that the people in gesieral are not remarkable for 
 delicacy of tafte, or for fenfibility to the charms of the 
 mufes. Their mufical parts, to ufe the expreffion of a 
 noble author, are but indifferent. Hence their comic 
 poets, to move them, muft have recpurfe to obfcenity ; 
 flieir tragic poets to blood and flaughter : And hence 
 their orators, being deprived of any fuch refource, have 
 abandoned altogether the hopes of moving them, and 
 have confined themfelves to plain argument and reafoning, 
 Thefe circumftances, joined to particular accidents^ 
 may, perhaps, have retarded the . growth of eloquence 
 in this kingdom ; but will not be able to prevent its fuc- 
 cefs, if ever it, appear amongft us : And one may fafely 
 pronounce, that this is a field, in which the moft flou- 
 rifhing laurels may yet be gathered, if any youth of ac« 
 compliftied genius, thoroughly acquainted with all the 
 polite arts, and not ignorant of public bufinefs, fhould 
 appear in parliament, and acpuftom our ears to an elq- 
 quence more commanding and pathetic. And to con- 
 firm me in this opinion, there occur two confiderations, 
 the one derived from ancient, the other from modern 
 times. 
 
 'Tis feldom or never found, when a falfe tafte in poe- 
 try or eloqueiice prevails among any people, that it h^s 
 
 been 
 
Of E L <^U E N C Ei 119 
 
 been pttferredto a true, upon comparifoh and refledlion. 
 It commonly prevails merely frojm ignorance of the true, 
 and from the want pf perfect j^odels, to lead men into 
 a jufter apprebenfion, ?nd more refined relifli of thofe 
 preduftions pf genius. When thefe appear, they foon 
 unite all fuffrages in their favour, and, by their natural 
 and powerful charms, gain over, even the moft prejudic- 
 ed, to, the love and admiration of them. The princijple^ 
 of every paffion, and of every fentiment, is in every 
 man ; and when touched properly, they rife to life, and 
 warm the heart, and convey that fatisfacSion by which a 
 work of genius is diftinguifli^d from the adulterate beau- 
 ties of a capricious wit and fancy. And if this ' obferva- 
 tion be true, with regard to all the liberal arts, it muft 
 be peculiarly fo, with regard to eloquence; which, being 
 merely calculated for the public, and for men of the 
 world, cannot, with any pretence of reafon, appeal 
 from the people to more refined judges; but muft fubmit 
 to th,e public verdift, without refervfi or limitation. 
 Whoever, upon comparifon, is deemed by a common 
 audience the greateft orator, ought moft certainly to be. 
 pronounced fuch, by men of fcience and erudition. And 
 tho' an indifferent orator may triumph for a long time, 
 and be efteemed altogether perfect by the vulgar, who 
 are fatisfied with his accomplifhments, and know not in 
 what he is defeftive : Yet, whenever the true genius 
 arifes, he draws to him the attention of every one, and 
 immediately appears fuperior to his rival. 
 
 Now to judge by this rule, ancient eloquence, that is, 
 the fublime and paffionate, is of a much jufter.tafte than 
 the modern, or the argumentative aiid rational ; and, 
 if properly executed, will always have more command 
 and authority over mankind. We are fatisfied with our 
 mediocrity, becaufe we have had no experience of any 
 thing belter : But the ancients had experience of both, 
 I 4 and, 
 
120 
 
 ESSAY XIII. 
 
 and, upon coniparifon, gave the preference to that kindj 
 of which they have left us fuch applauded models. For, 
 if I am not miftakeii, '6\it modern eloquence is of the 
 fame ftile or fpecies with that which ancient critics de- 
 nominated Attic eloquence, that is, cairn, elegant and 
 fubtile, which inftrucfted the reafon more than afFefled 
 the paflions, and never raifed its tone above argument or 
 common difcourfe< Such was the eloquence 'of Lysias 
 among the Athenians, and of Calvus among the 
 Romans. Thefe were efteemed in their time ; but 
 when compared with Demosthenes and Cicero, were 
 eclipfed like a taper when fet in the rays of the meridian 
 ,fun. Thofe latter orators poffeff^d the fame elegance 
 and fubtilty, and force of argument, with the former; 
 but what rendered them chiefly admirable, was that pa- 
 thetic and fublime, which, on proper occafions, they 
 threw into their difcourfe, and by which they command- 
 ed the refolutions of their audience. 
 
 Of this fpecies of eloquence we have fcarce had any 
 inftances in Britain, at leaft in our public fpeakers. 
 In our writers, we have had fome inftances, which have 
 met with great applaufe, and might affure our ambitious 
 youth of equal or fuperior glory in attempts for the re- 
 vival of ancient eloquence. Lord Bolingbroke's 
 produftions, with all their dfefe£ls in argument, method, 
 and precifion, contain a force and energy, which our 
 orators fcarce ever aim at ; tho' 'tis evident, that fuch 
 an elevated ftile has much better grace in a fpeaker than 
 in a writer, and is aflured of more prompt and more 
 aftonifliing fuccefs. 'Tis there fecpnded by the graces 
 of voice and adion : The. movements are mutually 
 communicated between the orator and the audience: 
 And the very afpe£t of a large aflembly, attentive to the 
 difcourfe of one man, muft infpire him with a peculiar 
 elevation, fufficient to give a propriety to the ftrongeft 
 
 figurgs 
 
Of E L O Q^W E N C E. 12J 
 
 figures and expreffions. 'Tis true, there is a great pre- 
 judice agzin& fet-fpeeches ; and a man can fcarce efcape 
 ridicule, who repeats a difcourfe as a fchool-boy his lef- 
 fon, and takes no notice of any thing which has been 
 advanced in the courfe of the debate. But where is 
 the neceffity of falling into this abfurdity ? A public 
 fpeaker muft know beforehand the queftion under debate. 
 He may compofe all the arguments, objections, and an- 
 fwers, fuch as he thinks will be moft proper for his dif- 
 courfe f. If any thing new occur, he may fupply it 
 from his invention ; nor will the difference be very ap- 
 parent between his elaborate and his extemporary com- 
 pofitions. The mind naturally continues with the fame 
 impetus or force, which it has acquired by its motion j as 
 a veffel, once impelled by the pars, carries on its courfg 
 for fome time, when the original impulfe is fufpended. 
 
 I fhall conclude this fubjeft with obferving, that even 
 tho' our modern orators Jhould not elevate their ftiie or 
 afpire to a rivalfhip with the ancient ; yet there is a ma- 
 terial defe^ in moft of their fpeeches, which they might 
 correft, without departing from that compofed air of 
 argument and reafoning, to which they limit their am- 
 bition. Their great aiFe£latipn of extemporary diC- 
 courfes has made them reje£t all order and method, 
 which feems forequifite to argument, and'withcut which 
 'tis fcarce poffible to produce an entire conviftion on the 
 mind. 'Tis not, that one would recommend many 
 formal divifions in a public difcourfe, unlefs the fubjefl; 
 very evidently ofFer them : But 'tis eafy, without this 
 formality, to obferve a method, and make that method 
 confpicuous to the hearers, who will be infinitely pleafed 
 
 f The firft of the Athenians, who cnmpofed and wrote his fpeechei, 
 was Ptmci-ES, a man of bufinefs and a man of fenfe, if ever there wat 
 one, rifioT®' y^a.Ttrh iiiytv iv Ju«;»{<'«i t7ri, vSi Wjt oiItjI rXft-a^mrif, 
 Suidas in Tliilx^iif 
 
 to 
 
122 ESSAY XIII. 
 
 to fee the arguments rife naturally from one another, and 
 will retain a more thorough perfuafion, than can arife 
 from the ftrbrfgeft reafons, which are thrown together in 
 confufion. 
 
 ESSAY 
 
[ m 1 
 
 ESSAY XIV. 
 
 Of the EiSE and Progress of the Arts 
 ^nd Sciences. 
 
 THERE Is nothing which requires greater nicety, 
 in our inquiries concerning human affairs, than 
 to diftinguilh exadtly what is owing to chance, and what 
 proceeds from caufes ; nor is there any fubjedi, in which 
 3n author is more liable to deceive himfelf by falfe fub- 
 tilties and refinements. To fay, that any event is derived 
 from chance, cuts fliort all farther enquiry concerning it, 
 and leaves the writer in the fame ftate of ignorance with 
 the reft of mankind. But when the event is fuppofed to 
 proceed from, certain and ftable caufes, he may then dif- 
 play his ingenuity, in afBgning thefe caufes ; and as a 
 man of any fubtilty can never be at a lofs in this parti- 
 cular, he has thereby an opportunity of fwelling his vo- 
 lumes, and difcovering his profound knowledge in oh-: 
 ferving what efcapes the vulgar and ignoraiit. 
 
 The diftinguifliing between chance and caufes muft der 
 pend upon every particular man's fagacity, in confider- 
 ing every particular incident. But, if I were to affign 
 any general rule to help ijs in applying this diftinflion, it 
 vvould be the following, fFhat depends upon afewperfons 
 isy in a great meafure, to be afcribed to chance, or fecret and 
 unknoTvn caufes : What arifes from a great number, may ofteti, 
 pe accounted for by determinate and known caufes, 
 
 7 There 
 
124 
 
 ESSAY XIV. 
 
 There may two very natural reafons be afligned for 
 this rule. Firji, If you fuppofe a dye to have any biafg, 
 however foiall, to a particular fide, this biafs, tho' per- 
 haps it may not appear in a few throws, will certainly 
 prevail in a great number, and will caft the balance en- 
 tirely to that fide. In like manner, when any caufes be- 
 get a particular inclination or paffion, at a certain time, 
 and among a certain people ; tho' many individuals may 
 efcage the contagion, and be ruled by paffions peculiar to 
 themfelves ; yet the multitude will certainly be infefted 
 ■with the common ajFeftion, and be governed by it in all 
 their adions, '' 
 
 Secondly^ Thofe principles or caufes, which are fitted to 
 operate on a multitude, are always of a grofler and more 
 fiubborn nature, lefs fubj'e£l to accidents, and lefs in- 
 fluenced by whim and private fancy, than thofe which 
 operate on a few only. The latter are commonly fo de- 
 licate and refined, that the fmalleft incident in the health, 
 education, or fortune of a particular perfoH, is fufficient 
 to divert their courfe, and retard their operation ; nor is 
 it poffible to reduce them to any general maxims or ob- 
 fervations. Their influence at one time will never affure 
 us concerning their influence at another ; even tho' all 
 the general circumftances fhould be the fame in both 
 cafes. 
 
 To judge by this rule, the domefliic and the gradual 
 revolutions of a fl:ate, muft be a more proper fubje£t of 
 reafoning and obfervation, than the foreign and the vio- 
 lent, which are commonly produced by fingle perfons, 
 and are more influenced by whim, folly, or caprice, than 
 by general paffions and interefts. The depreflion of the 
 lords, and rife of the commons in England, after the 
 ftatutes of alienation, and the increafe of trade and in- 
 duftry, are more eafily accounted for by general prin- 
 ciples. 
 
The Rise of Arts and Sciences. 125 
 
 eiples, than the depreffion of the Spanisk, and rife of 
 the French monarchy, after the death of Charles 
 QyiNT. Had Harry IV. Cardinal Richelieu, and 
 Louis XIV. been Spaniards; and Philip II. IIL and 
 IV. and Charles IL been ;Frenchmen, the hiftory 
 of thefe two nations had been entirely reverfed. 
 
 For the fame reafon, 'tis more eafy to account for the 
 rife and progrefs of commerce in any kingdom, than fOf 
 that of learning j and a ftate which fliould apply itfelf to 
 the encouragement of the one, would be much more 
 aflured of fuccefs, than one which fhould cultivate the 
 other. Avarice, or the defiire of gain, is an univerfaJ 
 paffion, which operates at all times, in all places, and 
 upon all perfons : But curiofity, or the love of knowledge, 
 has a very limited influence, and requires youth, leifure, 
 education, genius, and example, to make it govern any 
 perfon. You will never want bookfellers, while there 
 are buyers of books : But there may frequently be readers, 
 where there are no authors. Multitudes of people, ne- 
 ceffity and liberty, have begot commerce in Holland : 
 But ftudy and application have fcarce produced any emi- 
 nent writers. » 
 
 We may, therefore, conclude, that there is no fubjedt, 
 in which we muft proceed with more caution, than in, 
 tracing the hiftory of the arts and fcientes ; left we aflign 
 caufes which never exifled, and reduce what is merely 
 contingent to ftable and univerfal principles. Thofe, 
 who cultivate the fciences in any ftate, are always few 
 in number : The paffion, which governs them, limited : 
 Their tafte and judgment tender and eafily perverted : 
 And their application difturbed with the fmalleft acci- 
 dent. Chance, therefore, or fecret and unknown caufes, 
 muft have a great influence on the rife and progrefs of all 
 the refined arts. 
 
 But 
 
1^6 ESSAY XIV. 
 
 But there is a reafon, which induces me not to afcritii? 
 the matter altogether to chance- Tho' the perfons, who^ 
 cultivate the fciences with fikh aftonifliing fuccefs, as 
 to attradl . the admiration of pofterity, be always few,' 
 in all nations and all ages ; 'tis impoffible but a fliare of 
 the fame ipirit and genius muft be antecedently difFufed) 
 thro' the people among whom they arife, in order to pro- 
 duce, form, and cultivate, from their earlieft infancy, 
 the tafte and judgment of tho'fe eminent writers. The 
 mafs cannot be altogether infipid, from which fuch refined 
 fpirits are extracted. There is a God within usi fay» 
 Ovid, who breathes that divine air by which we are arti~~ 
 mated*. Poets, in all ages, have advanced this claim to 
 infpiration. There is not, however, any thing fuperna- 
 tural in the cafe. Their fire is not kindled from heaven. 
 It only runs along the earth ; is caught from one breaft 
 to another ; and burns brighteft, where the materials are 
 beft prepared, and moft happily difpofed. The queftion, 
 therefore, concerning the rife and progrefs of the arts 
 and fciences, is not altogether a queftion concerning the 
 tafte, genius, and fpirit of a few, but concerning thofe 
 of a whole people ; and may, therefore, be accounted for, 
 in fome meafure, by general caufes and principles. I 
 grant, that a man, who fliould inquire, why fuch a parti- 
 cular poet, as Homer, for inftance, exifted, at fuch a 
 place, in fuch a time, would throw himfelf headlong in- 
 to chimsera, and could never treat of fuch a fubje<ft, 
 without a multitude of falfe fubtilties and refinements. 
 He might as well pretend to give a reafon, why fuch par- 
 ticular generals, as Fabius andSciPio, lived in Rome 
 at fuch a time, and why Fabius came into the world 
 before Scipio. For fuch incidents as thofe, no other 
 reafon can be given but that of Horace. 
 
 • Eft Deus in nobis ; agitane calefcimus illo: 
 
 Impetus hie, facra femina mentis habet. ' Otid. fa/?. Z/i. I. 
 
 Scit 
 
The Rise of Arts and Sciences. 12; 
 
 SdtgeniuSi natale comes j qui temperat aftrum, 
 Natura Deus hutnana, mortaUs in unum 
 —-—^^uodque caput, vultu mutabilisy albus & ater. 
 
 But I am perfuaded, that in many cafes very good rea- 
 fons might be given, why fuch.a nation is more polite 
 and learned, at a particular time, than any of its neigh- 
 bours. At leaft, this is fo curious a fubje(9:, that it were 
 a pity to abandon it entirely, before we have founds 
 whether it be fufceptible of reafoning, and can be re* 
 duced to any general principles, I fhall therefore 
 t>roceed to deliver a few obfervations on this fubjeiS:, 
 which I fubmit to the cenfure and examination of the 
 learned. 
 
 My firft obfervation is. That it is impojfible far the arti 
 and fciences to arife, at firji, among any people, unlefs that 
 people enjoy the bkjjing of a free government. 
 
 In the firft ages of the world, when men are as yet 
 barbarous and ignorant, they feek no farther fecurity 
 againft mutual violence and injuftice, than the choice of 
 fome rulers, few or many, in whom the^ place an im- 
 plicite confidence, without providing any fecurity, by 
 laws or political inftitutions, againft the violence and in- 
 juftice of thefe rulers; If the authority be centered in 
 a fingle perfon, and if the people either by conqueft, or 
 by the ordinary courfe of propagation, increafe to a great 
 multitude, the monarch finding it impoflible, in his 
 own perfon, to execute every office of fovereignty, in 
 every place, muft delegate his authority to inferior ma- 
 giftrates, who preferve peace and order in their particu- 
 lar diftri£ts. As experience and education have not yet 
 refined the judgments of men to any confiderable de- 
 grecj the prince, who is himfeif unreftrained, riever 
 thinks of reftraining his minifters, but delegates his 
 fuli. authority to every one, whom he fets over any por- 
 tion 
 
128 ESSAY XlV. 
 
 tion of the peojJle. All general laws zte attended with 
 inconveniencies, when applied to particular cafes j arid it 
 requires great penetration and experience, both to per- 
 ceive that thefe inconveniencies are fevirer than what re- 
 fiilt from full difcretionary powers in every magiftrate ; 
 and alfo to difcern what general laws are, upon the 
 whole, attended with feweft inconveniencies. This is a 
 matter of fo great difficulty, that men may have made 
 fome advances, even in the fublime arts of poetry and elo- 
 quence, where a rapidity of genius and imagination affifts 
 their progrefs, before th? y have arrived at any great refine- 
 ment in their municipal laws, where frequent trials, and 
 diligent obfervation, can alone direfl their improvements. 
 It is not, therefore, to be fuppofed, that a barbarous mo- 
 narch, unreftrained and uninftrufted, will ever become 
 a legiflator, or think of reftraining his Bajhatus in every 
 province, or even his Cadis in every village. We are 
 told, that the late Czar, tho' actuated with a noble ge- 
 nius, and fmit with the love and admiration of Euro- 
 pean arts ; yet profefled an efteem for the Turkish 
 policy in this particular, and approved of fuch fummary 
 decifions of caufes, as are pradlifed in that barbarous mo- 
 narchy, where the judges are not reftrained by any me- 
 thods, forms, or l^ws. He did not perceive, how con- 
 trary fuch a praclicewould have been to all his other en- 
 deavours for refining his people. Arbitrary power, in all 
 cafes, is fomewhat oppreffive and debafing ; but 'tis .alto- 
 gether ruinous and intolerable, when contra(9bed into a 
 fmall compafs ; and becomes ftlll worfe,, when the perfon, 
 who poflefles it, knows that the lime of his authority is 
 limited and uncertain. Habet. fuh'jeSios tanquam fms ; vile!, 
 ut alienos *. He governs the fubjeds with full authority, 
 as if they were his own ; and with negligence or tyran- 
 ny, as belonging to another, A people governed after 
 
 • Tacit. Hift. lib. i. 
 
 fuch 
 
'The Rise of Arts and Sciences. 129 
 
 i"uch a manner are flaves in the full and proper fenfe of 
 the word ; arid 'tis impoflible they can ever afpire to any 
 refinements of tafte or reafon. They dare not fo much 
 as pretend to enjoy the neceflaries of life in plenty or 
 fecurity. , . 
 
 To expert, therefore, that the arts and fciences fhould 
 take their firfl: rife in a monarchy, is to expe£l a contra- 
 flii5lion. Before thefe refinements have taken place, t'he 
 monarch is ignorant and uninftrufled ; and not having 
 knowlege fufficient to make him fenfible of the necef- 
 fity gf balancirig his government upon general laws, he 
 delegates his full powers to all inferior magiftrates. This 
 barbarous policy debafes the people, and for ever pre- 
 vents all improvement. Were it poffible, that, before 
 fcience was known in the world, a monarch could pof- 
 fefs fo much wifdom as to become a legiflator, and go- 
 vern his people by law, not by the arbitrary will of their 
 /ellow fubjefls, it might be poffible for that fpecies of 
 .government to , be the firft nurfery of arts and fciences. 
 But in that fuppofition there, feems to be a manifeft con- 
 tradidlion. 
 
 It may happen, that a republic, in its infant ftate, may 
 , be fupported by as few laws as a barbarous monarchy^ 
 and may entruft as unlimited an authority to its magi- 
 • ftraies or judges. Buti befides that the frequent elections 
 of thefe magiftrates by the people, are a confiderable 
 check upon their authority ; 'tis impoflible, but, in time . 
 the neceflity of reftraining the magiftrates, in order tb 
 preferve liberty, muft at laft appear, and give rife to ge- 
 neral laws and ftatutes. The Roman CoriTuls, for (urns 
 time, decided all caufes, without being Confined by any 
 pofitive ftaiutes, till the people, bearing this yoke with 
 irnpatiehce, created the decemvirs, who promulgated the 
 twelve tables ; a body of laws, which, tho', perhaps, they 
 were not equal in bulk to one En6lish ad of parlia- 
 
 Vot. I. K. meet, 
 
ip ESSAY XIV. 
 
 ment, wert almofi the 6hly'written rules which regulated 
 property and punifhirient, for fome ages, in that famous 
 republic. They were, however, fufficient, together witH 
 the forms of a free government, to fecure the lives and 
 properties of the citizens ; to exempt one man from the 
 dominion of another ; and to proteft every one againft 
 the violence or tyranny of his fellow citizens. In fuch a 
 fituation the fciences may raife their heads and flourifli : 
 But never can have being amidft fuch a fcene of oppref- 
 llon and flavery, as always refults from barbarous mo- 
 narchies, where the people alone are reftrained by the 
 authority of the magiftrates, and the magiftrates are not 
 reftrained by any law or ftatute. An unlimited defpo- 
 tifm of this nature, while it exifts, effedtually puts a flop 
 to all improvements, and keeps men from attaining that 
 knowlege, which is requlfite to inftruft them in the ad- 
 vantages arifing from a better police, and more moderate 
 authority. - ' 
 
 Here then are the advantages of republics. Tho' a re- 
 public Ihould be barbarous, it neceflarily, by an infallible 
 operation, gives rife to Law, even before mankind have 
 made any confiderable advances in the other fciences. From 
 law arifes fecurity : From fecurity curiqfity : And from 
 curiofity knowlege. The latter fteps of this progrefs 
 may be more accidental ; but. the former are altogether 
 neceflary. A republic without laws can never have any 
 duration. On the contrary, in a monarchical govern- 
 ment, law arifes not neceflarily from the forms of go- 
 vernment. Monarchy, when abfolute, contains even 
 fomething repugnant to law. Great wifdom and re- 
 flexion can alone reconcile them. But fuch a degree of 
 wifdom can never be expeiSted, before the greater refine- 
 ments and improvements of human reafon. Thefe re- 
 finements require curiofity, fecurity, and law. Thefirjl 
 growth, therefore, of the arts and fciences can never be 
 cxpeSed in defpotic governments. 
 
 Accordins: 
 
Th? Rise of Arts and Sciences. 131 
 
 According to the neceflary progrefs of things, law 
 hiuft precede fcience. In republics law may precede 
 fcience, and may arife from the very nature of the go- 
 vernment. In monarchies it arifes not from the nature 
 of the governmentj and cannot precede fcience* An ab- 
 folute prince, who is barbarousj renders all his minifters 
 and magiftrates as abfolute as himfelf : And there needs 
 no more to prevent, for ever, all induftry, curiofity, and 
 fcience. ^ 
 
 There are other caufes which difcourage the rife of the 
 refined arts in defpotic governments ; though I take the 
 waiit of laws, and the delegation of full powers to every 
 petty m^giftr'ate, to be the principal. Eloquence cer-. 
 fainly arifes more naturally in popular governments : 
 Emulation too ii^i every accomplifliment, muft there be 
 more animated and enlivened : And genius and capa- 
 city have a fuller fcope and career. All thefe caufes ren- 
 der free governments the only proper nurfery for the arts 
 and fciences. 
 
 The next obfervation which I fhall make on this head, 
 is. That n:thing is more favourable to the rife of polttenefs 
 and learning, than a number of neighbouring and independent 
 Jiates conned ed together by commerce and policy. The emu- 
 lation, which naturally arifes among thofe neighbouring 
 ftates, is ah obvious fource of improvement : But what 
 1 would chiefly infift on is the flop, which fuch limited 
 territories give both to power and to authority. 
 
 Extended governments, where a fingle perfon has great 
 Influence, foon become delpotic ; but fmall ones change 
 naturally into commonwealths. A large government is 
 accuftomed by degrees to tyranny ; becaufe each aft of 
 violence is at firft performed upon a part, which, being 
 diftant from the majority, is not taken notice of, nor 
 excites any violent ferment. Befides, a large govern- 
 ment, though the whole be difcontented, may, by a 
 K 2' little 
 
t-iTi ESSAY xm 
 
 'J 
 
 little art, be kept in obedience ; while each part, igno- 
 rant of the refolutions of the reft, is afraid to begin any 
 commotion or' infurreflion. Not to mention, that there 
 is a fuperftitioas reverence for princes, which mankind 
 naturally fall into when they do not often fee the fove- 
 reign, and when many of them become not acquainted 
 with him fo as to perceive his weakneffes. And as large 
 ftates can afford a great expence, in order to fupport the 
 pomp of majefty ; this is a kind of fafcination on man- 
 kind, and naturally contributes to the enflaving them. 
 
 In a fmall government, any aft of oppreflion is imme- 
 diately known through the v/hole : The murmurs and 
 difcontents, proceeding from it, are eafily communicated ; 
 And the indignation rifes the higher, that the fubjefts are 
 not apt to apprehend in fuch ftates, that the diftance is 
 very v/ide between themfelves and their fovereign, " No 
 " man," faid the Prince de Conde, " is a hero to his 
 " Valet de Chambre" 'Tis certain, that admiration and 
 acquaintance are altogether incompatible towards any 
 mortal creature. Sleep and love convinced even Alex- 
 ander himfelf that he was not a God: But I fuppofe 
 that fuch as attended him daily could eafily have given 
 him many other ftill more convincing proofs of his hu- 
 manity. 
 
 But the divifions into fmall ftates are favourable to 
 learning, by flopping the progrefs of authority as well as 
 that of power. Reputation is often as great a fafcination 
 upon men as fovereigiity, and is equally dcftruflive to 
 the freedom of thought and examination. But where a 
 number of neighbouring ftates have a great intercourfe of 
 arts and commerce, their mutual jealoufy keeps them 
 from receiving too lightly the law from each other, in 
 matters of tafte and of reafoning, and makes them exa- 
 mine every work of art with the greateft care and accu- 
 
Tbe Rise of Ajits and Sciences. 133 
 
 racy. The contagion of popular opinions fpreads not 
 __ fo eafily from one place to another. It readily receives a 
 check in fome ftate or other, where it concurs not with 
 the prevailing prejudices. And nothing but nature and 
 reafon, or at leaft, what bears them a ftrong refemblance, 
 can force its way through all obftacles, and unite the moft 
 rival nations into an efteem and admiration of it. 
 
 Greece was a clufleroflittle principalities, which foon 
 became republics ; and being united both by their near 
 neighbourhood, and by the ties of the fame language and 
 jntereft, they entered into the clofeft intercourfe of com- 
 merce and learning. There concurred a happy climate, 
 a foil not unfertile, and a moft harmonious and compre- 
 henfive language ; fo that every circumftance among that 
 peoplefeemed to favour the rife of the arts and fciences. 
 Each city produced its feveral artifts and philofopher?, 
 who refufed to yield the preference to thofeof the neigh- 
 bouring republics : Their contentions and debates (har- 
 pened the wits of men: A variety of objefls was pre- 
 ferited to the judgment, while each challenged the prefe- 
 rence to the reft : And the fciences, not being dwarfed 
 by the reftraint of authority, were enabled to malce fuch 
 confiderable {hoots, as are, even at this time, the objefts 
 of our admiration. After the Roman chrijlian, or catho- 
 lic church had fpread itfelf over the civilized world, and' 
 had engrofled all the learning of the times ; being really 
 one large ftate within itfelf, and united under one head ; 
 this variety of fe6rs immediately difappeared,- and the Ph- 
 jilPATETic philofophy was alone admitted into all the 
 fchools, to the utter depravation of every kind of learn- 
 ing. But mankind, having at length thfown off this 
 yoke, affairs are now turned nearly to the fame fituation 
 as before, and Europe is at prefent a copy at large, of 
 what Greece was formerly a pattern in miniature. We 
 have feen the advantage of this fituation in feveral inftan- 
 
 K 3 ces. 
 
134 ESSAY XIV. 
 
 ces. What checked the progrefs of the CARTEsiAif 
 philofophy,_ to which the French nation fhewed fuch 3 
 ftrong propenfjty towards the end of the laft century, bqt 
 the oppofition made f:o it by the other nations of Europe, 
 who foon difcovered the weak fides of that philofophy ? 
 The fevereft fcrutiny, which Newton's theory has ur^r 
 dergone, proceeded not from his countrymen, but from 
 foreigners J and if it can overcome the obfiacles whicli 
 it meets with at prefent in all parts of Europe, it will 
 wpbably go down triumphant to the latefl: ppfterity. The 
 English are become fenfible of the fcandalous licen- 
 tioufnefs of their ftage, from the example of the French 
 decency and morals. The French are convinced, th^t 
 their theatre has becpme fomewhat effeminate, by too 
 much love and gallantry ; and begin to approve of the 
 more mafculine tafte of fome neighbouring nations. 
 
 In China th^re feems to be a pretty confiderable ftock 
 of politenefs and fciencc, which, in the courfe of fo ma- 
 ny centuries, might natiirally be expefted to ripen info 
 fomething more perfeft and iinifhed, than what has yet 
 arifen from them. But China is one vaft empire, fpealc- 
 jng one language, governed by one law, and fympathizing 
 in the fame manners. The authority of any teacher, 
 fuch as Confucius, was propagated eafily from one cor- 
 ner of the empire to another. None had courage to re- 
 fill: the torrent of popular opinion. And pofterity were not 
 bold enough to difpute what had been univerfally received 
 by their ancefiors. This feems to be one natural reafon, 
 why the fciences have made fo flow 4 progrefs }n that 
 ipighty empire % 
 
 If 
 
 • If it be afked how we can reconcilp to the foregping principles the hap- 
 jiinefs, riches, and good police of the Chskzse, who have always been go- 
 verned by a fole monarch, and can fcarce form an idea of a free government J 
 J should anfwer, that tho' the CHpijf goverpment be a pure monarchy, i? 
 
The RrsE of Arts and Sciences. 135 
 
 ?f we cohfider the face of the globe, Europe, of all 
 the four parts of the world, is the moft broken by feas, 
 rivers, and mountains ; and Greece of all countries of 
 Europe. Hence thefe regions were naturally divided 
 into feveral diftiniSl governments. And hence the fciences 
 arofe in Greece; and Europe has been hitherto the 
 moft conftant feat of them. 
 
 I have fometimes been inclinelj to think, that inter- 
 ruptions in the periods of learning, were they not attend- 
 ed with fuch a deftruSion of ancient books, and the re- 
 cords of hiftory, would be rather favourable to the arts 
 and fciences, by breaking the progrefs of authority, and 
 dethroning the tyrannical usurpers over human reafon. 
 In this particular, they have the fame influence, as in- 
 terruptions in political governments and focieties. Con- 
 fider the blind fubmiflion of the ancient philofopliers to 
 the feveral matters in each fchool, and you will be con- 
 vinced, that no good could ever be expeded from an 
 hundred centuries of fuch a fervile philofophy. Even 
 the Eclectic?, who arofe about the age of Augustus, 
 notwithftanding their profefling to chufe freely what plea- 
 fed them from every different fed, were yet, in the main, 
 
 is not, properly fpeakinf, abfolute. This proceeds from a peculiarity of the 
 fituation of that country: They have no neighbours, except the Ta«tars, 
 from whom they were, in foroe meafure fecured, at leaft feemed to be fecured, 
 by their famous wall, and by the great fuperiority of their numbers. By this 
 means, military difcipline has always been much neglefled amongft them ; and 
 their ftanding forces are mere militia, of the worft kind; and ujifit to fup» 
 prefs any general infurreflion in countries fo extrctr.ely populous. The 
 fword, therefore, may properly be faid to be always in the hands of the peo- 
 ple, which is a fufficient reftraint upon the monarch, and obliges him to lay 
 his mandarins or goverjiors of provinces under the reftraint of general laws, 
 in order to prevent thofe rebellions, which we learn fiom hiftory to have 
 been fo frequent and dangerous in that government. Perhaps, a pure mo- 
 narchy of this kind, were it fitted for a defence againft foreign enemies, would 
 be the befl; of all governments, as having both the tranquillity attending 
 jtingly power, aod the moderation and liberty of popular aflemblie!, 
 
 K 4 . *» 
 
136 ESSAY XIV. 
 
 as flavifli and dependent as any of their brethren ; fince 
 they fought for truth, not in nature, .but in the feveral 
 fchools ; where they fuppofed fhe muft neceflarily be 
 found, though not united in a body, yet difperfed in parts, 
 Upon the revival of learning, thofe fefls of Stoics and 
 Epicureans, Platonists, and Pythagoreans, 
 could never regain any credit or authority ; and, at the 
 fame time, by the example of ^;heir fall, kept men from' 
 fubmitting, with fuch blind deference, to thofe new 
 feds, which have attempted to gain an afcendant over 
 them. 
 
 The third pbfervation, which I fliall form on this head, 
 of the rife .and progrefs of the arts and faiences, is, That 
 though^ the onlj proper Nurfery of thefe noble plants be a 
 free government ; yet they may be tranfplanted into any ga^'' 
 vernment ; and that a republic i,s moji favourable to the 
 growth of the fciences, and a civilized monarchy to that of 
 the polite arts. 
 
 To balance a large ftate or foclety, whether monarchi- 
 cal or republican, on general laws, is a work of fo great 
 difficulty, that no human genius, however comprehen- 
 five, is able, by the mere dint of reafon and reflexion, 
 to effedt it. The judgments of many muft unite in this 
 work : Experience muft guide their labour : Time muft 
 bring it to perfe£lion : And the feeling of inconyehiencies 
 muft correft the miftakes, which they inevitably fall into, 
 in their iirft trials and experiments. Hence the impoiS- 
 bility appears, that this undertaking fliould be begun and 
 carried on in any monarchy ; fince fuch a form of go- 
 vernment, ere civilized, knows no other fecret in po- 
 licy, than that of entrufting unlimited powers with eyery 
 governor or magiftrate, and fubdividing the people into . 
 fo many clafles and orders of flavery. From fuch a fitua- 
 t'lon, no improvement can ever be expeded in the fciencesj 
 
 in 
 
The Rise of Arts and Spiences. 137 
 
 }n the liberal arts, in laws, and fcarce in the manual arts 
 and manufaflures. The fame barbarifm and ignorance, 
 Vvith which the government commences, is propagated tQ 
 ^11 pofterity, and can never come to a period by |:he ef- 
 forts or ingenuity qf fuch unhappy flaves. 
 
 But tho' law, the fource of all fecurity and hpppinefy, 
 arifes late in any goyernnient, and is the flow produdl 
 of order and of liberty, it is not preferved with the fame 
 difficulty, with which it is produced ; but when it hay 
 once takeri root, is a hardy plant, which will fcarce evep 
 perifh thro' the ill culture of men, or the rigour of the 
 feafons. The arts of luxury, and, much more the liberal 
 arts, which depend on a refined tafte or fentiment, are 
 eafily loft ; becaufe they are always reliftied by a few 
 only, whofe leifure, fortune, and geijius fit them for fuch 
 amufements. But what is profitable to every mortal^ 
 and in common life, when once difcovered, can fcarce 
 ever perifh, but by the total fubverfion of fociety, and 
 by fuch furious inundations of barbarous invaders, as ob- 
 literate all meii:ory of former arts and civility. Imita- 
 tion alfo is apt to tranfport thefe coarfer and more ufeful 
 arts from one climate to another, and make them precede 
 the refined arts in their progrefs ; though perhaps they 
 fprang after them in their firft rife and propagation. Froni 
 thefe caufes proceed civilize^ monarchies, where the arts 
 of government, firft invented in free ftates, are pre- 
 ferved to the mutual advantage and fecurity of fovereign 
 and fubje£t. 
 
 However perfeft, therefore, the monarchical form may 
 appear to fome politicians, it owes all its perfeftion to 
 , the republican; nor is it poffible, that a pure defpotifm', 
 eftabliflied among a barbarous people, can ever, by its na- 
 tive force and energy, refine and polifh itfelf. It muft 
 tprrow its laws, and methods, and inftitutions, and cod- 
 
 fequently 
 
ijg ESSAY XIV. 
 
 fequently its liability and order, from free governments. 
 Thefe advantages are the fole growth of republics. The 
 extenfive defpotifm of a barbarous monarchy, by enter- 
 ing into the detail of the government, as well as into the 
 principal points of adminiftration, for ever prevents all 
 fiich improvements. 
 
 In a civilized monarchy, the prince alone is unre- 
 ftrained in the exercife of his authority, and poflefles 
 alone a power, which is not bounded by any thing but 
 cuftom, example, and the fenfe of his own intereft. Eve- 
 ry minifter or magiftrate, however eminent, muft fub- 
 mit to the general laws, which govern the whole fo- 
 ciety, and muft exert the authority delegated to him after 
 the manner, which is prefcribed. The people depepd 
 on none but their fovereign, for the fecurity of their 
 property. He is fo far removed from them, and is fo 
 much exempt from private jealoufies or interefts, that 
 this dependence is not felt. And thus a fpecies of go- 
 vernment arifes, to which, in a high political rant, we 
 may give the name of Tyranny, but which, by ajuft and 
 prudent adminiftration, may afford tolerable fecurity to 
 the people, and may anfwer moft of the ends of political 
 fociety. 
 
 But tho' in a civilized monarchy, as well as in a repu- 
 blic, the people have fecurity for the enjoyment of their 
 property ; yet in both thefe forms of government, thofe 
 who poffefs the fupreme authority have the difpofal of 
 many honours and advantages,- which excite the ambition 
 and avarice of mankind. The only difference is, that in 
 a republic, the candidates for offices muft look down- 
 wards, to gain the fuffrages of the people; in a monarchy, 
 they muft turn their attention upwards, to court the good 
 graces and favour of the great. To he fuccefsful in the 
 former way, 'tis necelTary for a man to make himfelf 
 
 ujefult 
 
The Rise of Arts and Sciences, tjtt 
 
 ufiful, by his induftry, capacity, or knowlege : To be 
 profperous in the latter way, 'tis requifite for bitn toMn- 
 der himfelf agreeable, by his wit, complaifance, or civility. 
 A ftrong genius fucceeds beft in republics ; A refined 
 tafte in monarchies. And confequently the fciences arc 
 the more natural growth of the one, and the polite arts 
 of the other. ^ 
 
 Not to mention, that monarchies, receiving their chief 
 ftability from a fuperftitious reverence to priefts and prin- 
 ces, have almoft always abridged the liberty of reafon- 
 ing, with regard to religion and politics, and confe- 
 quently metaphyfics and morals. All thefe form the moft 
 confiderable branches of fcience. Mathematics and na- 
 tural philofophy, which only repiajn, are not half fo va- 
 luable. 
 
 There is a very great connexion among all the arts, ' 
 which contribute to pleafure ; and the fame delicacy of 
 tafte, which enables us to make improvements in one, 
 will not allow the others to remain altogether rude and 
 barbarous. Amongft all the arts of converfation, no one 
 pleafes more than mutual deference or civility, which 
 leads us to refign our own inclinations to thofe of our 
 companion, and to curb and conceal that prefumption 
 and arrogance fo natural tp the human mind, A good- 
 natured man, who is well educated, pradtifes this civility 
 to every mortal without premeditation pr intereft. But, 
 in order to render that valuable quality general among 
 any people, it feems neceffary to affift the natural difpo- 
 jition by fome general motive.' Where power rifes up- 
 wards from the people to the great, as in all republics, 
 fuch refinements of civility are apt to be little praflifed, 
 fince the whole ftate are, by that means, brought near to 
 a level, and every member of it is rendered, in a great 
 meafure, independent of another. The people have the 
 ^dvarjtage, by the authority of their fuffrages : The 
 
 great. 
 
,40 E S S .A Y XIV. 
 
 great, by the fuperiority of their ftation. But in a civj- 
 jized monarchy, there is a long train of dependence from 
 Ithe prince to the peafant, which is not great enough to 
 render property precarious, or deprefs the minds of the 
 people ; but is fufBcient to beget in eyery qnean'inclina,- 
 tion to pleafe his fuperiors, and to form himfelf upon 
 thofe rnodels, which are moft acceptable to people of con,- 
 dition, and education. Politeiiefs of manners, therefore, 
 arifes moft naturally in monarchies and courts ; and where 
 fhat flouriflies, none of the liberal arts will be altogether 
 negle<Sled or defpifed. 
 
 The republics in Europe are at prefent noted for 
 want of politenefs. The goad manners of a Swiss civilized 
 in HoiLAND *, is an expreflion for rufticity among the 
 French. The English, in fome degree, fall under 
 the fame cenfure, notwithftanding their learning and ge- 
 nius. And if the Venetians be an exception to the 
 rule, they owe it, perhaps, to their communication with 
 the other Italians, moft- of whofe governments beget 
 a dependence more than fufficient for civilizing their 
 manners. 
 
 'Tis difficult to pronounce any judgment concerning 
 the refinements of the ancient republics in this particu- 
 lar: But I am apt to fufpecl-, that the arts of converfar 
 tion were not brought fo near to perfedion among them 
 as the arts- of writing and compofitioh. The fcurrility 
 of the ancient orators, in many inftances, is quite fhock- 
 jng, and exceeds all belief. Vanity too is often not ^ 
 little ofFenfive in authors of that age f ; as well as the 
 
 common 
 
 * Cell la politefle d' un Suiffe 
 
 En HoLL.AKDE civilife. Rousseau. 
 
 •)- 'TIs needkfs to cite Ciceko or Puny on this head: They are too, 
 njuch noted: But one is#little furprlzed to findARRiAN, a very grave, judi- 
 «ious writer, interrupt the thread of his narration all of a fudden, to tell his 
 
fhe Rise of Arts arvd SciENcis. 141 
 
 common licentioufnefs and immodefty of their ftile, ^«/- 
 iunque impudicus, adulter, ganeo, manuy ventre, pene, bond 
 patr'ta lacerenierat, fays Sallust in one of the graveft 
 and moft moral paflages of his hiftory. Namfuit ants 
 Helenam Cutinus teterrima belli Caufa, is an expreffion of 
 Horace, in tracing the origiil of moral good and evil. 
 Ovid and Lucretius * are almoft as licentious in their 
 ftile as my Lord Rochester; tho' the former were fine 
 gentlemen and delicate writers, and the latter, from the 
 corruptions of that court, in which he lived, feems to 
 have thrown off all regard to fhame and decency. Ju- 
 venal inculcates modefty with great zeal ; but fets a 
 very bad example of it, if we confider the impudence 
 of his expreffions. 
 
 I fliall alfo be fo bold, as to afRrm^ That among the 
 ancients, there was not much delicacy of breeding, "or 
 that polite deference and refpeft, which civility obliges 
 us either to exprefs or counterfeit towards the perfons 
 'with whom we converfe, Cicero was certainly one 
 of the politeft gentlemen of his age ; and yet I mull 
 confefs I have frequently been j[hocked with the poor fi- 
 gure under which he reprefents his friend Atticus, in 
 thofe dialogues, where he Tiimfelf is introduced as a 
 fpeaUer. That learned and virtuous Roman, whofg 
 dignity, tho' he was only a private gentleman, was in- 
 ferior to thatof nooneinRoME, xs there fliewn in rathet 
 a more pitiful light than Philalethes's friehd in our 
 modern dialogues. He is a humble admirer of the orator, 
 
 readers that he himfelf is as eminent among the Greeks for eloquence. as 
 Alexandie was for arms. Lib, i. 
 
 • 'This poet (See lib. 4. 1 165) recommends a very extraordinary cure foi*' 
 
 |Ove,- and what one expefls not to meet with in fo elegant and philofophical 
 
 a poem. It feems to have been the original cf fome of Dr. Swift's beau-' 
 
 tiful and cleanly images, TheelegantCATViLVs andPH^DEus fall under 
 
 the fame cenfure. 
 
 payS' 
 
142 ESSAY XIV; 
 
 pays him frequent colrtpliments, and receives his inftruc-* 
 tibns, with all the deference a fcholar owes to his mafter *< 
 Even Cato is treated in fomewhat a cavaliermannerinthe 
 Ahlogaes de fnibus. And 'tis remarkable, that Cicero, 
 being a great fceptic in matters of religion, *id unwilling 
 to determine any thing on that head among the diiFerent 
 (e&s of philofophy, introduces his friends difputing con- 
 cerning the being and nature of the gods, while he is 
 only a hearer ; beeaufe, forfooth, it would have been an 
 impropriety for fo great a genius as himfelf, had he fppke, 
 not to have faid fomeching decifive on the fubje£t, and 
 have carried eve;ry thing before him, as he always dqes 
 on other occafions. There is alfo a fpirit of dialogue 
 obferved in the eloquent books de Oratore, and a toler- 
 able equality maintained among the fpeakers: But then 
 thefe fpeakers are the great men of the age preceding 
 the author, and he recounts the conference as only from 
 hearfay. 
 
 One of the moft particular details of 3. real dialogue, 
 which we meet with in antiquity, is related by Polx- 
 BIUS+, whenPHiLip, king of Macedon, a prince of 
 wit and parts, met with Titus I^lamininus, one of 
 the politeft of the Romans as we learn from Plu- 
 tarch J, accompanied with ambaffadors from almoft 
 all the Greek, cities. The ^Etolian ambaflador very 
 abruptly tells the king, that he talked like a fool or a 
 madman (Xh^eik) That's evident, fays his majefty, eljen to 
 a blind man ; which was a raillery on the blindnefs of his 
 excellency. Yet all this paft not the ufual bounds : For 
 the conference was not difturbed j and Flamininus 
 
 » At t. Non mihi videtur ad beate vivendum Tatis elTe virtutem. Mar, 
 At hercule Bb u to meo videtur ; cujus ego judicium, pace tua dixerim, lonee 
 antepono tuo. Tusc. Quaeft, lib. 5. 
 f Lib. 17. 
 J In vitaFtAMiN, 
 
 was 
 
The Rise of Arts and Sciences. 143 
 
 was very well diverted with thefe ftrokes of humour. 
 At the end, when Philip craved a little time to confult 
 with his friends, of whom he had noneprefent, the Ro- 
 man general, being defirous alfo to (hew his wit, as the 
 hiftorian fays, tells him, thai perhaps' the reafen, why he bad 
 none of his friends with him, was becaufe he had murdered 
 them all ; which was aftually the cafe. This unprovoked 
 piece of rufticity is not condemned by the hiftorian, 
 caufed no farther refentment in Philip, than to excite 
 a Sardonian fmile, or what we call a grin, and hin- 
 dered him not from renewing the Conference next day. 
 Plutarch * too mentions this raillery amongft the 
 witty and agreeable fayingsof Flamininus. 
 
 'Tis but an indifFerent compliment, which Horace 
 pays to his friend Grosphus, in the ode addrefled to 
 him. No one, fays he, is happy in every refpeSf. And I 
 may perhaps enjoy Jome advantages, which you are deprived 
 of. You pojfefs great riches : Tour bellowing herds cover the 
 Sicilian plains: Your chariot is drawn by the fineji hor- 
 fes : And you are arrayed in the richejl purple. But the in- 
 dulgent fates, with a fmall inheritance, have given viz a 
 fine genius, and have endowed me with a contempt for the 
 malignant judgments of the vulgar \, Ph^drus fays to 
 
 • In vita Ft AMiN. 
 
 -Nihil eft ab omni 
 
 Parte beatum. 
 AbAulit clarum cita mors Achillem^ 
 Longa TiTHoNUM minuit fene£lus, 
 £t mihi forfan, tibi quod negarit, 
 
 Porriget hora, 
 Te greges centum, Siculxque circiim 
 Mugiunt vaccse : tibi toUit, hinni- 
 Tum apta quadrigis equa: te bis Afra 
 
 Murice tinfts 
 Veftlunt lanse : mihi parva rura, & 
 Spiritum Graix tenuem Camans 
 Patca non mendax dedit & malignum 
 
 Spernere vulgus. Lib, i. Ode lS< 
 
 his 
 
J44, ESSAY XIV. 
 
 his patroji, Eutychus, tf you Intend te readmy^woAs^ t 
 ■Jhall he pleqfed : If not, I Jhall, at haft, have the advantage 
 bf pleajing pofierity * . I am apt to think that a modern 
 |)oet would not have been guilty of fuch an impropriety 
 as that which may be obferved in Virgil's addrefs td 
 Augustus, when, after a great deal of extravagant flat- 
 tery, arid aft^r having deified the empjeror, according td 
 the cuftdm of thofe times, he, at laft, places this god on 
 the fame level vvith himfelf. By your gracious nod^ fays 
 he, render my undertaking profperous; and taking pity, to- 
 gether vyith me^ of the Swains ignorant of hufbandry, heflovj 
 your favourable influence on this work-\. Had men, in that 
 age, been accuftomed to obferve fuch niceties, a writer 
 
 * QuemfilegeS, laetabor; fin aiitum minus, 
 Habebuht certe quo ie oblefteht pofteH. 
 
 ^ Jgnarofque viae mecum iriirerattis agreQes 
 J[ngredere, & votis jam nunc afluefce vbcarij 
 
 One would not fay to a prince or greit man, " When you and I were iri 
 " fuch a place, we faw fuch a thing happen :" But, " When you were ia 
 *' fuch a place, I attended yoii : And fuch a thing happened:" 
 
 Here I cannot forbearmentloiiing a piece of delicacy obferved in Franc ij 
 which feems to me exceflive and ridiculous. You muft not fay, '* That is 
 "' a very fihe dog, Madam." But, '' Madam, that is a very fine dog." 
 They think it indecent that thofe words, dog and madain, fiionld be coupled 
 together in the fentenfce j though they have no reference to each other iii the 
 fenie. 
 
 Aftefall, I acknowledge, that this reafoliing from fingle paflages of an- 
 cient authors may feem fallacious ; arid that the foregoing arguments fannot 
 have great force, but with thofe who are well acquainted with thefe writers; 
 and know the truth of the general pbfition. For iftftance, what abfurdity 
 •Would it be to aflert, that VirgIl underftood n6t the force of the terms he 
 tmploys, and could not chufe his epithets with propriety ? Becaufe in iHe 
 following lines, addrelted alfo to AuGUSTOSf he has failed in that particii- 
 lar, and has afcribed to the Indians a ijuality; which fe.ems, in i manner; 
 to turn his hero into ridicule. 
 
 — — Et te m^xime C«sab, 
 
 Qui nunc extremis Asi^ jam viftor in oris 
 
 /wis/Zf/B avertis RoManxs arciboslndum. Gebrg. Lib, e. 
 
 S ff 
 
The"]R.tsE of Arts anH SciEKcfis; r^j 
 
 fo ddicaf6 as VriiGiL would certainly havfe given a dif- 
 fererit^ttil'n to this fentence. The colirt of Augustus,' 
 lib\\feVer polite, had not fcJt,- it feemsj wotn'off the man- 
 ners of the republic. 
 
 Cardinal Wolsey apologized for his famous'piece of 
 infolence, inlaying, Ec.o et Rex Meus, I and my king., 
 by obferving, that this expreflion was exaiEtly conform- 
 able to the Latin idiorri, arid that a Roman always named 
 himfelf before the perfoh to whom, or of whom he fpiake. 
 Yet this feems to have been anibftance of want of civi- 
 lity apiong that people. The aridients made it a rule. 
 That the perfon of the greateft' dignity fliould be men- 
 tioned firft jn the difcourfe : infomuch, that we jind, the 
 fpring .of a quarrel and jealoufy betw^een the Romans 
 and ./^TOLiANS, to have beei] a poet's naming the ^to- 
 LIANS before the Romans, in celebrating a viilbry 
 gained by their united arms over the Macedonians *. 
 Thus Livia difgufted Tiberius by placing her own 
 name before his in an infcription f. 
 
 No advahtages in this worid are pure and unmixed. 
 In likemanner^ as nlodern politeriefs, which is naturally 
 fo ornamental, ruhs often into afFeiSatioh and foppery and 
 difguife arid infincerity ; fo the ancient fimplicity, which 
 is naturally fo amikble and affecting, often degenerates 
 into rufticity and abufe, fcurrility and obfcenity. 
 
 If the fuperiority in politenefs Ihould be allowed fo 
 modern times, the modern notions of gallantry and ho- 
 nour, the natural produce of courts and monarchies, will 
 probably be afligned as the caufes of this refinement. 
 No one denies thefe inventions to be modern f . But 
 
 * Plut. In vita Flamikiki, 
 ■f- TAC4T, Ann. lib. 3. cap, 64. / 
 
 J In the Self Tormentor of TjefSnce, ClInias, whenever he comes 
 £0 town, inHeai of waiting on his miftrers, fends for her to come to him. 
 
 Vol. I. L fome 
 
U^ ESSAY XIV. 
 
 fome of the moft zealous partizans of the ancients, have 
 afferted them ^o be foppifli and ridiculous, and a re- 
 proach rather than credit to the prefent age *. It may 
 here be proper to examine this queftion, with regard 
 both to gallantry and honour. We fliall begin with gal; 
 lantry. 
 
 Nature has implanted in all living creatures an affec- 
 tion between the fexes, which even in the fierceft and moft 
 rapacious animals, is not merely confined to the {ztiC- 
 h&ion of the bodily appetite, but begets a friendfliip 
 and mutual fympathy, which runs thro' the whole te- 
 nor of their lives. Nay, even in thofe fpecies, where 
 nature limits the indulgence of this appetite to one fea- 
 fon and to one objedt, and forms a kind of marriage or 
 aflbciation between a fingle male and female, there is 
 yet a vifible complacency and benevolence, which ex- 
 tends farther, and mutually foftens the affeftions of the 
 fexes towards each other f. How much more muft this 
 have place in man, where the confinement of the appe- 
 tite is not natural ; but either is derived accidentally from 
 fome ftrong charm of love, or arifes from reflexions on 
 duty and convenience ? Nothing, therefore, can proceed 
 lefs from affe£l:ation than the paffion of gallantry. 'Tis 
 natural in the higheft degree. Art and education, in the 
 moft elegant courts, make no more alteration on it, than 
 on all the other laudable paffions. They only turn Ihe 
 
 • My Lord Shattesburt, fee his JKbra/j/?j, 
 
 •f Tutti gli altti animai, che fono in terra, 
 
 O che vivon quieti & ftanno in pace j 
 O fe vengon a rifla, & fi fan guerra, 
 
 A la femina il mafchio non la face. 
 L' orfa con 1' orfo al bofco Ticura erra. 
 
 La LeonelTa apprelTo il Leon giace« 
 Ccn Lupo vive il Lupa ficura. 
 
 Ne la Guivenca ha d«l Torel paurat 
 
 Akiosto, Canto J( 
 
 mind 
 
The Rise of Aats and SclEtTtEs. n*i ■ 
 
 mmd more towards it ; they refine it ; they polifh it ; 
 and give it a proper grace and expreffion. 
 
 But gallantry is as generdus as it is natural. To cof- 
 refl; fuch grofs vices^ as lead us to commit a real injury 
 to others, is the part of morals, and the objeft of the 
 moft ordinary education. Where that is not attended to, 
 in fome degfee, no human fociety can fubfift. But ih 
 order to render converfation, and the intercourfe of mirtds 
 more eafy and agreeable, Good-manners have been in- 
 vented, and have carried the matter fomewhat farther. 
 Wherever nature has given the mind a propenfity to any 
 vice, or to any paffion difagreeable to others, refined 
 breeding has taught men to throw the biaft ort the oppd- 
 fite fide, and to preferve, in all their behaviour, the ap- 
 pearance of.fentiments contrary to thofe v/hich they na- 
 turally incline to. Thus, as we are commonly proud 
 and felfifh, and apt to aflume the preference aboVe others, 
 a polite man learns to behave with deference towards 
 thofe with whom he converfes, and to yield the ftipefio- 
 rity to them in all the common incidents ai fociety. Iri 
 like manner, wherever a perfon's fituation may natural- 
 ly beget any difagreeable fufpicion in him, 'tis the part 
 of good-manners to prevent it, by a ftudied difplay of 
 fentiments, diredly contrary to thofe of which he is apt 
 to be jealousi Thus, old men know their infirmities, 
 and 'naturally dread contempt from the' yoiith' : Hence, 
 well-educated youth redouble the inftances of refpe£l 
 and deference to their elders. Strangers and. foreigners 
 are without proteftion : Hence, in all polite countries, 
 they receive the bigheft civilities, and are infitled to the 
 fjrft place in every company. A man is lord in his own 
 family, and his guefis are, in a manner, fubjedt to his 
 authority : Hence, he is always the loweft perfori' m the 
 company ; attentive to the wants of every one; and giv- 
 ing himfelf all the trouble, in order to pleafe, which may 
 La Bot- 
 
148 ESSAY XIV. 
 
 not betray too vifible an afFeflafion, or impofe too mucfi 
 conftraint on his guefts *. Gallantry is nothing but an 
 inftance of the fame generous and refined attention. As 
 nature has given man the fuperiority above woman, by en- 
 dowing him with greater ftrength both of mind and bo- 
 dy ; 'tis his part to alleviate that fuperiority, as much as 
 poffible, by the generofity of his behaviour, and by a 
 ftudied. deference and complaifance for all her inclina- 
 tions and opinions. Barbarous nations difplay this fupe- 
 riority, by reducing their females to the moft abjedt-flave- 
 ry ; by confining them, by beating them, by felling them, 
 by killing them. But the male fex, among a polite 
 people, difcover their authority in a more generous, 
 though not a lefs evident manner ; by civility, by refpe*^, 
 by complaifance, and, in a word, by gallantry. In good 
 company, you need not afk. Who is the mafter of the 
 feafi:? The man who fits in the loweft place, and who 
 is always induftrious in helping every one, is moft cer- 
 tainly the perfon.. We muft either condemn all fuch in- 
 ftances of generofity, as foppifti and affected, or admit 
 of gallantry among the reft. The ancient Muscovites. 
 wedded their wives with a whip, inftead of a wedding- 
 ring. The fame people, in their own houfes, took al- 
 ways the precedency above foreigners, even f foreign 
 ambafladors. Thefe two inftances of their generofity 
 and politenefs are much of a piece. 
 
 Gallantry is not lefs confiftent with wlfdom and pru- 
 dence, than with nature and generofity ; and when under 
 
 * The frequent mention in ancient authors of that ill-bred coftom of the 
 rnafter of the family's eating better bread or drinking better wine at table, 
 than he afforded his guefts, is hut an indifferent mark of the civility Of thofe 
 ages. See Juvenal, fat. 5. Plinii, lib. 14, cap. 13, Alfo PiiNii 
 Epiji, Luc'mn de menede cojiduSlis, Saturnalia, Sec. There is fcarce any part 
 of Europe at prefent fo uncivilized as to admit o/fuch a cuftom, 
 
 ■ -f Sec Relation of tbru Emia£les, by the Earl of Carlisle. 
 
 ' proper 
 
The Rise of Arts and Sciences. 149 
 
 proper regulations, contributes more than any other in- 
 vention, to the entertainment and improvefjient of the youth 
 of both fexes. In all veget'ables, 'tis obfervable, that the 
 flower and the feed are always connefled together ; and 
 in hke manner, among every fpecies of animals, nature 
 has founded on the love between the fexes their fweeteft 
 and befl: enjoyment. But the fatisfe£lion of the bodily 
 appetite is not alone of great value ; and even among 
 brute creatures, we find, that their play and dalliance, 
 and other expreUrons of fondnefs, form the greateft part 
 of the entertainment. In rational beings, we muft cer- 
 tainly admit the mind for a confiderable fhare. Were 
 we to rob the feaftof all its garniture of reafon, difcourfe, 
 fympathy, friendfliip, and gaiety, what remains would 
 fcarce be worth acceptance, in the judgment of the truly 
 elegant and luxurious. 
 
 What better fchool for mannecs, than the company of 
 virtuous women , where the mutual endeavour to pleafe 
 muft infenfibly poli{h the mind, where the example of the 
 female foftnefs arid modefty muft communicate itfelf to 
 their admirers, and where the delicacy of that fex puts 
 ^very one on his guard, left he give offence by any 
 breach of decency ? 
 
 Among the ancients, the charadter of the fair-fex 
 was confidered as altogether domeftic, nor were they 
 regarded as part of the polite world, or of good com- 
 pany. This, perhaps, is the true reafon why the an- 
 cients have not left us one piece of pleafantry, that is 
 excellent, (unlefs one may except the banquet of Xe- 
 NOPHON, and the dialogues of Lucian") though many 
 of their ferious compofitions are altogether inimitable. 
 Horace condemns the coarfe railleries and cold jefts 
 of Plauti/s : But^ though the moft eafy, agreeable, 
 and judicious writer in the world, is his own talent for ri- 
 dicule very ftriking or refined ? This, therefore, is one 
 confiderable improvement, v.hich the polite arts have 
 
 L 3 ■ lecei e<i 
 
150 ESSAY XIV. 
 
 received from gallantry, and from courts, where it firft 
 arofe. 
 
 The point of honour, or duelling, is a modern inven- 
 tion, as well as gallantry ; and by feme efteemed equal- 
 ly ufeful for the refining of manners : But how it has 
 contributed to that efFeft, I am at a lofs to determine. 
 Converfation, among the greateft ruftics, is not com- 
 monly infefted with fuch rudenefs as can give occafion 
 to duels, even according to the moft refined laws of this 
 fantaftic honour; and as to the other fmall indecencies, 
 which are the moft offenfive, becaufe the moft frequent, 
 they can never be cured by the pradice of duelling. But 
 thefe notions are not only ufekfs : They are alfo perni-. 
 clous. By feparating the man of honour from the man 
 of virtue, the greateft profligates have got fomething to 
 value themfelves upon, and have been able to keep them- 
 felves in countenance, tho' guilty of the moft Ihameful' 
 and moft dangerous vices. They are debauchees, fpend- 
 thrifts, and never pay a farthing they owe : But they 
 are men of honour ; and therefore are to be received as 
 gentlemen in all companies. 
 
 There are fome of the parts of modern honour, whigh 
 are the moft eflential parts of morality ; fuch as fidelity, 
 the obferving promifes, and telling truth. Thefe points 
 of honour Mr. /Addison had in his eye when he made 
 JuBA fay, 
 
 Honour's q f acred tye, the law of iipgs. 
 
 The noble mind's dijiinguijhing perfeiiion. 
 
 That aids andjiren^thens virtue when it meets her^ 
 
 And imitates her aSiions where Jhe is not : 
 
 It ought not to be/ported witfi. 
 
 Thefe lines are very beautiful : But I am afraid, th?t 
 
 l^r. Addison has here been guilty of that impropri^fy 
 
 ? ■ ■ Of 
 
The Rise of Arts and Sciences. »5t 
 
 of fcntlment, with which, on .other occafions, he has 
 fo juftly reproached our poets. The ancients certainly 
 never had any notion of honour as diftinfl: from vir- 
 tue. 
 
 But, to return from this digreffion, I fliall advance it 
 as i fourth obfervation on this fubjedt, of the rife and pro- 
 grefs of the arts and fcifences. That when the arts andfel- 
 tnces come to perfeSion in any Jlate, from that moment they na~ 
 turallyy or rather necejjarily decline, and feldom or never re- 
 vive in that nation^ where they formerly fourijhed. 
 
 It muft be confefled, that this maxim, though con- 
 formable to experience, may, at firft fight, be efteemed 
 very contrary to reafon. If the natural genius of man- 
 kind be the fame in all ages, and in almoft all countries, 
 (as I am of opinion it is) it muft very much forward and 
 cultivate this genius, to be pofleflcd of exa6t patterns in 
 every art, which may regulate the tafte, and fix the ob- 
 jects of imitation. The models left us by the ancients 
 gave birth to all the arts about 200 years ago, and have 
 mightily advanced their progrefs in every country ofEu- 
 ROPE : Why had they not a like efFefl during the reign 
 of Trajan and his fucceffors, when they were much 
 more entire, and were ftill admired and ftudied by the 
 whole world ? So late as the empeior Justinian, the 
 Poet, by way of diftinilion, was underftood, among 
 the Greeks, to be Homer; among the Romans, 
 ViRGit. Such admiration ftill remained for thefe 
 divine Geniufes ; though no poet had appeared for ma- 
 ny centuries, who could juftly pretend to have imitated 
 them. 
 
 A man's genius is always, in the beginning of his 
 
 life, as much unknown to himfelf as to others, and 
 
 'tis only after frequent trials, attended with fuccefs, 
 
 L 4 that 
 
''3 
 
 Si 
 
 ESSAY XIV. 
 
 that he dare? think Jiimfelf equal .tp. thofe unde4ak^ 
 ings, in which they vvho have fucceeded, have fijcecf 
 the admiration of mankind. If his own nation be al- 
 ready poffefled of many models of eloquence, he' na- 
 turally compares his own juvenile exercifes with thefe j 
 ajid being fenfibje of the infinite difproportion >between 
 them, is difcouraged from any further attempts, and 
 never aims at a rivalfhip with thofe authors, . whom 
 he fo much adpiires. A nobl? emulation is the fowce 
 of every excellence. Admiration and modefty naturally 
 ,extinguifh this etnulatiori. And no pne is fo liable to 
 an excefs of admiration an§ modefty, as a truly great 
 genius. 
 
 Next to emulation, the greateft encourager of the 
 noble arts, is praife and glory. A writer is animated 
 with' new force, when he he;ars the. applaufes of the 
 . world for his former produdtiphs ; and, being roufed 
 by fuch a motive, he often reaches a pitch of per- 
 fedion, which is equal'y furprizing to himfelf, and to 
 his readers; But when the pofts of honour are all' 
 occupied, his firft attempts are but coldly received by 
 the public ; being compared to produfSions, which are 
 both in themfelves more excellent, and haye already 
 thp advaijitage of an eftablifhed, reputation. Were Mo- 
 iiERE and CoRNEiLLE to bring upon the ftage at 
 prefent their early produftions, which were formerly 
 fo Well iejcived, it would difcourage the ypuiig poets, 
 to fee ihe indifference and difdain of the public. The 
 i^iior.an,cs of the age alone could have given admiflion 
 to the Prince cf Tyre; but 'tis to that we owe the 
 Moor : Had Every man in his humour been rejeded, we 
 had never feen Vclpone. 
 
 Perhaps it may not be for the advantage of any na- 
 tion, to have die arts imported from their neighbours 
 4 in 
 
The Rise of Arts and Sciences. 153 
 
 in too great perfeflion. This extinguilhes emulation, 
 and finks the ardour of the generous youth. So many 
 models of Italian painting brought into Britain, 
 inftead of exciting our artifts, is the caufe of their fmall 
 progrefs in that noble art. The fame, perhaps, was 
 the cafe of Rome, when It received the arts from 
 Greece. That multitude of polite produ6tions in the 
 French language, difperfed all over Geriv^any and the 
 North, hinder thefe nations from cultivating their own 
 language, and keep them ftill dependent on their neigh- 
 bours for thofe elegant entertainments. 
 
 'Tis true, the ancients had left us models in every 
 kind of writing, which are highly worthy of admira- 
 tion. But befides that they were wrote in languages, 
 which were known only to the learned j befides this, I 
 fay, thecomparifon is not fo perfedt nor intire between 
 modetn wits, and thofe who lived in fo remote an age. 
 Had Waller been born in Rome, during the reign 
 of Tiberius, his firft productions had been defpifed, 
 when compared to the finiflied odes of Horace. But 
 in this ifland the fuperiority of the Roman poet dimi- 
 niflied nothing from the fame of the English. We 
 efleemed ourfelves fufficiently happy, that our climate 
 and language could produce but a faint copy of fo excel- 
 lent an original. 
 
 In fhort, the arts and fciences, like fome plants, re- 
 quire a frefli foil ; and however rich the land may be, 
 and however you may recruit it by art or care, it will 
 never, when once exhaufted, produce any thing that is 
 perfedl: or finiihed in the kind. 
 
 P S S A Y 
 
t 155 3 
 
 ESSAY XV. 
 
 The Epicurean*. 
 
 9 f I ^ I S a great mortification to the vanity of man, 
 jL that his utmoft art and induftry can never equal 
 the meaneft of nature's produ6tions, either for beauty or 
 value. Art is only the underworlcman, and is employed 
 to give a few ftrokes of embellifliment to thofe pieces, 
 which come from the hand of the mafter. Some of the 
 drapery may be of his dr^wring ; but he is not allowed 
 tp touch the principal figure. Art may make a fuit of 
 clothes : But nature muft produce a man. 
 
 Even in thofe produdlions, which are commonly deno- 
 minated works of art, we find that the nobleft of the 
 kind are beholden for their chief beauty to the force and 
 happy influence of nature. To the Oejlrum or native en- 
 thufiafm of the poets, we owe whatever is admirable in 
 their produftiqns. The greateft genius, where nature at 
 any time fails him (forfheis not equal) throws afide the 
 lyre, and hopes not, from the rules of art, to reach that 
 ^ivine harmony, which muft proceed from her infpiration 
 
 • Ok, the man of eUgane'i and pkafure. The intention of this and the 
 three following efTays is not fo much, to explain accurately the fentiments of 
 the ancient fe£ls of pbilofophy, as to deliver the fentiments of fe£ls, that 
 naturally form themfelves in the worfd, and entertain diiFere'nt idpas of hu- 
 inan life and of happinefs. I have given each of them the name of the 
 yhilofophical kCt, to which it bears the greatcil affinity. 
 
 aloiie. 
 
156 E S 15 A Y'; XV. 
 
 alone. How poor are thofe fongs, where a happy flow 
 of fancy has not furnifiied materials for art to embelliih 
 and refine ! 
 
 But of all the fruitlefs attempts of art, no one is fo 
 ridiculous, as that which the fevere philofophers have 
 undertaken, the producing an artificial happinefsy and 
 making us be pleafed by rules of reafon, and by re- 
 fie£tion. Why did none of them claim the reward, which 
 Xerxes promifed to him, who could invent a new plea- 
 fure ? Unlefs, perhaps, they invented fo many pleafures 
 for their own ufe, that they defpifed riches, and flood in 
 no need of any enjoyments,, which the rewards; of that 
 monarch could procure them. I am apt, indeed, to 
 think, that they were not willing to furnifli the Per- 
 sian court with a new pleafure, by prefentin.g it with 
 fo new and unufual an objefl: of ridicule. Their fpecu- 
 lations, when confined to theory, and gravely delivered 
 m the fchools of Greece, might excite admiration in 
 their ignorant pupils : But the attempting to reduce fuch 
 principles to pradlice would foon have betrayed their ab- 
 furdity. 
 
 You pretend to make me happy by reafon, and by 
 rules of art. You mufl, then, create me anew by rules 
 of art. For on my original frame and ftruflure does my 
 happinefs depend. But you want power to efFe£l this ; 
 and fkill too, I am afraid : Nor can 1 entertain a lefs 
 opinion of nature's wifdom than of yours. And let hei^ 
 conduct the machine, which (he has fo wifely framed. 
 I find that I fhould only fpoil it by my tampering. 
 
 ' To -what purpofe fhoul-d I pretend to regulate, refine, 
 or invigorate any of thofe (prings or. principles, which 
 nature has implanted in me ? Is this the road by wjiich 
 1 maft reach happinefs ? But happinefs implies eafe, con- 
 tenlmentj repofe, and pleafure;' hot wr.tchfulncfs, care, 
 
 , . , .. . <in|d 
 
The E p I c tr R E A u. 
 
 t^ 
 
 and fatigue. The health" of my body confifts iii the fa- 
 cility with which all its operations are performed. The 
 ftomach digefts the aliments : The heart circulates the 
 blood : The brain feparates and refines the -fpirits :; And 
 all this vjthout my concerning myfelf in the matter. 
 When by my will alone I can^ ftop the blood, as it runs 
 with impetUofity along its canals, then may 1 hope to- 
 change the courfe of my fentiments and pallions. In 
 vain fliould I ftrain my facilities, and endeavbuf to re- 
 ceive pleafure from an objeft, which is not fitted by na- 
 ture to afFeft my organs with delight. I may gi\?e my- 
 felf pain by my fruitlefs endeavours, but fllall never reach 
 any pleafure. 
 
 Away then with all thofe vain pretences of making 
 ourfelves happy within ourfelves, of feafting on our own 
 thoughts, of being fatisfied with the confcioufnefs of 
 well-doing, and of defpifing'allaffiftance and all fupplies 
 from external objects. This is the voice of Pride, not 
 of Nature. And it were well, if even this pride could 
 fupport itfelf, and communicate a real inward pleafure, 
 however melancholy or fevere. But this impotent pride 
 can do no more than regulate the outftde ; and with infi- 
 nite pains and attention compofe the language and coun- 
 tenance to a philofophrcal dignity, in order to deceive 
 the ignorant vulgar. The heart, mean while, is empty' 
 of all enjoyment : And the mind, unfupported by its 
 proper objects, finks into the deepeft forrow and deje^c- 
 tion. Miferable, but vain mortal ! Thy mind be happy 
 within itfelf ! With vrtiat refources is it endowed to fill 
 fa immenfe a void, and fupply the place of all thy bodily 
 fenfes and faculties ? Can thy head fubfift without thy 
 other members ? In fuch a fituation. 
 
 What foolijh figure muji it make ? 
 Do nothing elje hut lleep and ake. 
 
 Into 
 
i^S ESSAY XV, 
 
 Into fuch a lethargy, or fuch a melancholy, muft thy 
 mind be plunged, when deprived of foreign occupations , 
 and enjoyments. 
 
 Keep me, therefore, no longer in this violent con- 
 ftraint. Confine me not within myfelf; but {point out 
 to me thofe obje£ts and pleafures, which afford the chief 
 enjoyment. But why do I apply to you, proud and ig- 
 norant fages, to fliew me the road to happinefs ? Let me 
 confult my own paffions and inclinations. In them muft 
 I read the diftates of nature; not in your frivolous dif- 
 courfes. 
 
 But fee, propitious to my wiflies, the divine, the ami- 
 able Pleasure *, the fupreme Love of GODS and 
 men, advances towards me. At her approach, my heart 
 heats with genial heat, and every fenfe and every faculty 
 is diflblved in joy ; while flie pours around me all the 
 embellifhments of the fpring, and all the treafures of the 
 autumn. The melody of her voice charms my ears with 
 the foftefl: mufic, as fhe invites me to partake of thofe de- 
 licious fruits, which with a fmile that diffufes a glory on 
 the heavens and the earth, fhe prefents to me- The 
 fportive Cupids, who attend her, or fan me with their 
 odoriferous wings, or pour on my head the moft fragrant 
 oils, or offer me their fparkling neftar in golden goblets. 
 O ! for ever let me fpread my limbs on this bed of rofes, 
 and thus, thus feel the delicious moments, with foft and 
 downy fteps, glide along. But cruel chance ! Whither 
 do you fly fo faft ? Why do my ardent wifhes, and that 
 load of pleafures, under which you labour, rather haf-' 
 ten than retard your unrelenting pace ? Suffer me to en- 
 joy this foft repofe, after all my fatigues in fearch of 
 happinefs. Suffer me to fatiate myfelf with thefe de- 
 
 • Die Vbhiptat, LucaFT, 
 
 Itcacies, 
 
1'h« £ 7 ( C U R F "% M* 1 39, 
 
 licac'ies, after the pains of fo lon^ and fo foolilh an ah- 
 ilinence. 
 
 But it will not do. The rofes have loft their hue ; 
 The fruit its flavour : And that delicious wine, whofe 
 fumes, fo late, intoxicated all my fenfes with fuch de- 
 light, now folicits in vain the fated palate. Pleafure fmiles 
 at my languor. She beckens her fifter, Virtuey to come 
 to her afliftance. The gay, the frolic Vir,tue obferves 
 the call, and brings along the whole troop of my jovial 
 friends. Welcome, thrice welcome, my ever dear com- 
 panions, to thefe fhady bowers, and to this luxurious re- 
 paft. Your prefence has reftored to the rofe its hue, 
 and to the fruit its flavour. The vapours of this fprightly 
 ne£lar now again play around my heart ; while you partake 
 of my delights, and difcover in your chearful looks, the 
 pleafure which you receive ifrom my happinefs and fatif- 
 faftion. The like do I receive from yours ; and encou- 
 raged by your joyous prefence, fhall again renew the 
 feaft, with which, from too much enjoyment, my fenfes 
 were well nigh fated ; while the mind kept not pace 
 with the body, nor afforded relief to her over-burthened 
 partner. 
 
 In our chearful difcourfes, better than in the formal 
 reafonings of the fchools, is true wifdom to be found. 
 In our friendly endearments, better than in the hollow 
 debates of flatefmen and pretended patriots, does true 
 virtue difplay itfelf. Forgetful of the pafl, fecure of the 
 future, let us here enjoy the prefent ; and while we yet 
 poUefs a being, let us fix fome goed, beyond the power 
 of fate or fortune. To-morrow will bring its own plea- 
 sures along w.ith it : Or fliould it difappoint our fond 
 wiihes, we fhall at leafl enjoy the pleafure of refle£ting 
 on the pleafures of to-day. 
 
 Fear not, my friends, that the barbarous diflbnance 
 of Bacchits, and of his revellers, fhould break in upon 
 
 this 
 
iBd E g" S^ A - r "it. 
 
 this entertainment,, an J confound us vf\t\\ their turhuTen^ 
 and clamorous pleafures. The fprightly mufes wait 
 aroUhd ; and with their charming fymphbhy, Aifficient 
 to foften'the wolves atid-tygefsof the faVage defert, in'- 
 fpire a foft joy into ^vety bofom. Peate*, harmony, and 
 concord reign in this retreat; nor is the filencc' ever 
 Broke but by the mufie of our forigs'j Or the chearful ac- 
 cents of our friendly voices. 
 
 But hark ! the faVourite of the mufes, the gentle Da- 
 mon, ftrikes the lyre ; and while he accompanies its har- 
 monious notes with his more harmonious fong", he in- 
 fpires us with the fame happy debauch of fancy, by which 
 he is himfelf tranfported. " Ye happy youth," h'efirigs", 
 *' Ye favoured of heaven*, while the wanton fpririg 
 *' pours upon you all her blooming honours, let not 
 *' glory feduce yoii, with her delufive blaze, to pafs ill 
 *' perils and dangers this delicious feafdh, this prime of 
 " life. Wifdom points out to you the road to pleafure: 
 *' Nature too beckons you to follow Her in that' fmootii 
 *' and ftowery path. VVill you fl^Ut yOur eats to theii: 
 *« commanding voice ? Will you harden' yoilt heart to 
 *' their foft allurements ? Oh, deluded mortals, thus to 
 *' lofe your youth, thus to throw away fq invaluable a 
 *' prefeht, to trifle with fo perifliing a bleffing. Con* 
 *' template well your recompence. Confider that glorjri 
 " which fo allurefe your proud hearts, and feduces you 
 *' with your own praifes. 'Tis an echo, a dream, nay 
 *' the fliadow of a dream, which is diffipated by every 
 *' wind, and loft by every contrary breath of the igno- 
 " rant and 411-judging multitude. You fear not^ that 
 *' even death itfelf fliall ravifh it from youi But be-" 
 
 • An imitation of the Strens fong in Tasso. 
 •' O GiovinettJ, nientre Aprile & Maggio 
 '■' V atnmantan di fioiite & verde fpoglie," &c. 
 
 Ciui^falemme liberata, Catito 14^ 
 
 '« hold ! 
 
The Epicurean.' tSf 
 
 hold ! while you are yet alive, calumny bereaves you 
 of it ; ignorance negle£ls it ; nature enjoys it not j 
 fancy alone, renouncing every pleafure, receives this 
 airy recompence, empty and unliable as herfelf." 
 
 Thus the hours pafs unperceived along, and lead in 
 their wanton train all the pleafures of fenfe, and all the 
 joys of harmony and friendfhip. Smiling innocence clofes 
 the proceffion ; and while fhe prefents herfelf to our ra- 
 viflied eyes, fhe embellifhes the whole fcene, and ren- 
 ders the view of thefe pleafures as tranfporting, after they 
 iiave paft us, as when, with laughing countenances, they 
 were yet advancing towards us., 
 
 But the fun has funk below thehorifon ; and darknefs 
 Healing filently upon us, has now buried all nature in 
 an univerfal (hade. " Rejoice, my friends, continue 
 " your repaft, or change it for foft repofe. Tho' abfent, 
 *' your joy or your tranquillity fliall ftill be mine." But 
 whither do you go ? Or what new pleafures call you from 
 our foc'uty ? Is there aught agreeable without your friends ? 
 And can aught pleafe, in which we partake not ? " Yes, 
 " my friends ; the joy, which I now feek, admits not 
 " of your participation. Here alone I wifh your ab- 
 " fence : And here alone can I find a fufficient compen- 
 *' fation for the lofs of your fociety." 
 
 But I have not- advanced far thro' the fliades of the 
 thick wood, which fpreads a double night around me, 
 ere, methinks, I perceive through the gloom the charm- 
 ing CiELiA, the miftrefs of my wilhes, who wanders 
 impatient thro' the grove, and preventing the appointed 
 hour, filently chides my tardy fteps. But the joy, which 
 Ihe receives from my prefence, beft pleads my excufe ; 
 ^nd diflipating every anxious and every angry thought, 
 ieave room for nought but mutual joy and rapture. With 
 what words, my fair one, fhall I exprefs my tendernefs. 
 
 Vol. I. M or 
 
'161 ESSAY XV. 
 
 or defcribe the emotions which now Warm my tranfported 
 bofom ! Words are too faint to defcribe lay love ; and 
 if, alas ! you feel not the fame flame within you, in vain 
 fhall I endeavour to convey to you a jufl: conception of 
 it. But your every word and every motion fufEce to re- 
 move this doubt; and while they exprefs your paffioil, 
 ferve alfo to enflarne mine. How amiable this folitude, 
 this filence, this darknefs ! No objefts now importune 
 the ravifhed foul. The thought, the fenfe, all full of no- 
 thing but our mutual happinefs, wholly poflefs the mind, 
 and convey a pleafure, which deluded mortals vainly feelc 
 for in every other enjoyment. 
 
 But why does your bofom heave with thefe fighs, 
 while tears bathe your glowing cheeks ? Why diftraft 
 your heart with fuch vain anxieties ? Why fo often afk 
 me, How long my love Jhall yet endure? Alas, my C-ffiLiA, 
 can I refolve this queftion ? Do I know how long my life 
 Jhall yet endure ? But does this alfo difturb your tender 
 breaft ? And is the image of our frail mortality for ever 
 prefent with you, to throw a damp on your gayeft hours, 
 and poifon even thofe joys which love infpires ? Confider 
 rather, that if life be frail, if youth be tranfitory, we 
 fhould well employ the prefent moment, and lofe no part 
 of fo perifhable an exiftence. Yet a little moment and 
 thefe fhall be no more. We fhall be, as if we had never 
 been. Not a memory of us be left upon earth ; and 
 even the fabulous fhades below will not' afford us a habi- 
 tation. Our fruitlefs anxieties, our vain projedts, our 
 uncertain /peculations fhall all be fwallowed up and lofi. 
 Our prefent doubts, concerning the original caufe of all 
 things, mud never, alas I be refolved. This alone we 
 jtiay be certain of, that if any governing mind prefide 
 «ver the univerfe, he mufl be pleafed to fee us fulfil the 
 ends of our being, and enjoy that pleafure, for which 
 3 alone 
 
The Epicurean. 163 
 
 alone we were created. Let this refledtion give eafe to 
 your anxious thoughts; but render not your joys too 
 ferious, by dwelling for ever upon it. 'Tis fufficient, 
 once, to be acquainted with this philofophy, in order to 
 give an unbounded loofe to love and jollity, and remove 
 all thefcruples of a vain fuperftition : But while youth and 
 pafHon, my fair-one, prompt our eager deiires, we muft 
 find gayer fubje£ts of difcourfe, to intermix with thefe 
 amorous carefles. 
 
 M!^. . l-SS^t 
 
f ^6^ ] 
 
 ESSAY XVI, 
 
 The Stoic f. 
 
 TH £R C is this obvious and material diiFer6nce in 
 the conduct of nature, with regard to man and 
 other animals, that having endowed the former with a 
 fablime celeftial fpirit, and having given him an affinity 
 with fuperior beings, Ihe allows not fuch noble faculties 
 to lie lethargic or idle ; but urges him, by neceffity, to 
 employ, on every emergence, his utmoft art and induflry. 
 Brute creatures have many of their neceffities fupplied 
 by nature, being cloathed and armed by this beneficent 
 parent of all things : And where their own indujiry is 
 requifite on any occafion, nature, by implanting inftinfts, 
 ftill fupplies them with the art, and guides them to their 
 good, by her unerring precepts. But man, expofed 
 naked and indigent to the rude elements, rifes flowly 
 from that helplefs ftate, by the care and vigilance of his 
 parents ; and having attained his utmoft growth and per- 
 • fe£tion, reaches only a capacity of fubfifting, by his own 
 Care and vigilance. Every thing is fold to fkill and la- 
 bour ; and where nature furniflies the materials, they' 
 are ftill rude and unfiniflied, till induftry, ever aflive 
 and intelligent, refines them from their brute ftate, and 
 fits them for human ufe and convenience. 
 
 ■}- Or the man of ajlion and virtue. 
 
 M 3 Ac- 
 
j66 E ^ § A V XVI. 
 
 Acknowlege, therefore, O man, the beneficence of 
 nature : For flie has given thee that intelligence which 
 fupplies all thy neceffitles. But let not iSaolence, under 
 the falfe appearance of gratitude, perfuade thee to reft 
 contented with her prefents. Wouldeft thou return to 
 the raw herbage for thy food, the open Iky for thy 
 covering, and to ftones and clubs for thy defence againft 
 the ravenous animals of the defert ? Then return alfo 
 to thy favage manners, to thy timorous fuperftition, to 
 thy brutal ignorance ; and fink thyfelf below thofe ani- 
 mals, whofe condition thou admireft, and wouldeft fo 
 fondly imitate. ^ 
 
 Thy kind parent, nature, having given thee art and 
 intelligence, has filled the whole globe with materials for 
 thefe talents to work upon: Hearken to her voice, 
 which fo plainly tells thee, that thou thyfelf fliouldeft 
 alfp be the objedl of thy induftry, and that by art and. 
 attention thou canft alone acquire that ability, which 
 will raife thee to thy proper ftation in the univerfe. Be-; 
 hold this artizan, who converts a rude and fliapelefs 
 flone into a noble metal ; and molding that metal by 
 his cunning hands, creates, as it were by magic, every 
 weapon for his defence, and every utenfil for his conve- 
 nience. , He has not this fkill from nature : Ufe and 
 practice hath taught it him ; And if thou wouldeft emu- 
 late his fuccefs, thou muft follow his laborious foot- 
 fteps. 
 
 But vvhile thou amh'ft'ioujly afpireft to the perfefiing thy 
 bodily powers and faculties, wouldeft thou meanly negledl 
 thy mind, and from a prepofterous floth, leave it flill 
 rude, and uncultivated, as it came from the hands of na- 
 ture ? Far be fuch folly and negligence from every ra- 
 tional being. If nature has been frugal in her gifts and 
 endowments, there is the more need of art to fupply her 
 defe£ls. If ftie has been generous and liberal, know that 
 
 Ihe 
 
The Stoic. 167 
 
 file ftill expefts induftry and , application on our part, 
 and revenge^ herfelf in proportion to our negligent in- 
 gratitude. 'The richeft genius, like theinofl: fertile foil, 
 when uncultivated, fhoots up into the ranked: weeds ; 
 and inftead of vines and olives for the pleafure and ufe 
 of man, producci, to its floth'ful owner, the moft abun- 
 dant crop of poifons. 
 
 The great end of all human induftry, is the , attain- 
 ment of happinefs. For this v/ere arts invented, fclences 
 cultivated, laws ordained, and focieties modelled, by the 
 profo\indeft' wifdom of patriots and legiflators. Even 
 the lonely favage, who lies expofed to the inclemency of 
 the elements, and the fury of the wild beafts, forgets not,, 
 for a moment, this grand objeft of his being. Ignorant 
 as he isrof every art of life, he keeps ftill in View the end 
 of all thofe arts, ^nd eagerly feeks for felicity amidft' 
 that darknefs with which he is environed. But as muclj^ 
 as the wildeft favage is inferior to the poliihed citizenj 
 who, under the prote£lion of Jaws, enjoys every conve- 
 nience which induftry has invented; fo much is this ci- 
 tizen himfelf.inferior to the man of virtue, and the true 
 ■ philofopher, who governs his appetites, fubdues his paf- 
 fions, and has learned, from reafon, to fefa juft value on 
 /every purfuit and enjoyment. For is there an art and 
 ppprenticefliip necefl!ary for every other attainment ? And 
 is there no art of life, no rule, no precepts to direds us 
 in this principal concern ? Can no particular pleafure be 
 attaiiied without fkill ; and can the whole be regulated 
 without refle(aion or intelligence, by the blind guidance 
 of appetite- and inftinit .? Surely then no miftakes are 
 ever committed in this affair; but every man, however 
 diftblute and negligent, proceeds in the purfuit of happr- 
 nefs, with as unerring a motion, as that which the celef- 
 tial bodies obferve, when, conduced by the hand of the 
 Alniigbty, they roll -along the ethereal plains. But if 
 M 4 miftakes 
 
i68 ESSAY XVI. 
 
 miftakes be often, be inevitably committed, let us regifter 
 thefe miftakes ; let us confider their caufes ; let us weigh 
 their importance ; let us inquire for their remedies. 
 When from this we have fixed all the rules of conduft, 
 we are fhilofophers : When we have reduced thefe rules to 
 pradtice, we 2xcfages. 
 
 Like many fubordinate artifts, employed to form the 
 fcveral wheels and fprings of a machine : Such are thofe 
 who excel in all the particular arts of life. He is the 
 mafter workman who puts thofe feveral parts together, 
 moves them according to juft harmony and proportion, 
 and produces true felicity as the refult of their confpiring 
 order. 
 
 While thou haft fuch an alluring objedl in view, (hall 
 that labour and attention, which is requifite to the at- 
 taining thy end, ever feem burdenfome and intolerable ? 
 Know, that this labour itfelf is the chief ingredient of 
 the felicity to which thou afpireft, and that every enjoy- 
 ment foon. becomes infipid and diftafteful, when not ac- 
 quired by fatigue and induftry. See the hardy hunters 
 rife from their downy couches, fhake off the llumbers 
 which fti'il weigh down their heavy eye-lids, and, ere 
 Aurora has yet covered the heavens with her flaming 
 mantle, haften to the foreft. They leave behind, in 
 their own houfes, and in the neighbouring plains, ani- 
 mals of every kbd, whofe flefli furnifjies the moft de- 
 licious fare, and which offer themfelves to the fatal 
 firoke. Laborious man difdains fo eafy a purchafe. He 
 feeks for a prey, which hides itfelf from his fearch, or 
 flics from his purfuit, or defends itfelf from his violence. 
 Having exerted in the chace every paflion of the mind, 
 and every member of the body, he then finds the charms 
 of repofe, ai)d with joy compares its pleafures to thofe of 
 his engaging labours. 
 
 And 
 
The S T o I c. 169 
 
 And can vigorous induftry give pleafure to the purfuit 
 even of the moft vi^ortWlfs prey, which frequently ef- 
 capes our toils ? And cannot the fame induftry render 
 the cultivating our mind, the moderating our paffions, 
 the enlightening our reafon, an agreeable occupation; 
 while we are every day fenfible of our progrefs, and 
 behold our inward features and countenance brightening 
 inceflantly with new charms ? Begin by curing yourfelf 
 of this lethargic indolence ; the ta(k is not difficult : 
 You need but tafte the fweets of honeft labour. Pro- 
 ceed to learn the juft value of every purfuit ; long ftudy 
 is not requifite : Compare, tho' but for once, the mind 
 to the body, virtue to fortune, and glory to pleafure. 
 You will then perceive the advantages of induftry : Vou 
 will then be fenfible what are the proper objefts of youit 
 induftry. 
 
 In vain do you feek repofe from beds of rofes : In vain 
 do you hope for enjoyment from the moft delicious wines 
 and fruits. Your indolence itfelf becomes a fatigue: 
 Your pleafure itfelf creates difguft. The mind, jnex- 
 ercifed, finds every delight inftpid and loathfome ; and 
 ere yet the body, full of noxious humours, feels the 
 torment of its multiplied difeafes, your nobler part is 
 fenfible of the invading poifon, and feeks in vain to re- 
 lieve its anxiety by new pleafures, which ftill augment 
 the fatal malady. 
 
 I need not tell you, that by this eager purfuit of plea- 
 fare, you more and more expofe yourfelf to fortune and 
 accidents, and rivet your affediions on external objefl:s, 
 which chance may, in a moment, rayifli from you. I 
 fhall fuppofe, that your indulgent ftars favour you ftill 
 with the enjoyment of your riches and pofleffions. I 
 prove to you, that even in the midft of your luxurious 
 pleafures, you are unhappy ; and that, by too much in- 
 dulgence, you arc incapable of enjoying what profperous 
 
 fortune ftill allows you to poflsfs. 
 
 But 
 
j^a E S S, A Y XVI. 
 
 ^ut furely the inftability of fortune is a conride;-atjon 
 hot tQ be over-looked or negl^ed. Happinefs cannot 
 poffiblyexift, where there is * fecurityj and Security 
 can have no place, where fortune has any doqiinion, 
 Tho' that unftable deity fhould.not exert her rage.againft 
 you, the dread of it would ftill torment you-, would ^ 
 difturb your flumbers, ■ haunt your dreamsj^and throw, 
 a damp on the jollity of your moft delicious- banquets. 
 
 The temple of wifdomis feated on a rock, abpve the, 
 rage of the, fighting elements, and inacceflible, to all, the 
 malice of man. The r.olling thunder breaks below ; and 
 • tiiofs more terrible inftruments of human fury, reach not 
 to fo fubiime a height. The fage, while he breathe^ 
 that ferene air, looks down with pleafure, mixed with 
 compaflion, on the errors of miftaken mortajs, who 
 blindly feek for the true path of life, and purfue riches, 
 iiobility, honour, or power, for genuine felicity. The 
 greateft part -he beholds difappointe^ of their fond wifhes : 
 Some lament, that having once poflefled the objeiS of 
 their defires,. it is raviflied from them by envious fortune : 
 And all complain, that even their own vows, tho' grant;- 
 ed, cannot give them happinefs, or relieve the anxiety 
 of their diftraded minds. 
 
 But does the fage preferve himfelf always in this phi- 
 lofophlc indifference, and reft contented with lamenting 
 the miferies of mankind, without ever employing him- 
 felf for their relief? Does he conftantly indulge this 
 fcvere wifdom, which, by pretending to elevate him 
 above human accidents, does in reality harden his heart, 
 and render him carelefs of the interefts of mankind, and 
 of fociety ? No : He knows that in this fullen Jpathy, 
 neither true wifdom. nor true happinefs are to be found. 
 He feels too ftrongly the charm of the focial affe£lion$ 
 ever to counterad fo fv/eet, fo natural, fo virtuous a 
 
 pro- 
 
ihe B T d I c. 
 
 171 
 
 propenfity. ^ven when, bathed in tears, he laments 
 the miferies of human . race, of his country, of his 
 friends, and unable to give fuccour, can only relieve them, 
 bycompaflion; he yet rejoices in the generous . difpofi- 
 tion, and' feels a fatisfadtion fuperior 10 that of the moft' 
 indulged fenfe. So engaging are the fentiments of hu- 
 manity, that they brighten up the very face of forrow, 
 and operate like the fun, which, ''fliining on a dufky 
 cloud or falling rain, paints on them the moft glorious 
 colours which are to be found in the whple circle of 
 nature. 
 
 But 'tis not here alone, that the focial virtues difplay 
 their energy. With whatever ingrecJient you mix them, 
 they are flill predominant. As forrow cannot overcome 
 them, fo neither can fenfual pleafure obfcure them. The 
 joys of love, however tumultuous, banilh not the tender 
 fentiments of fympathy and affeftion. They even de- 
 rive their chief influence from that generous paiTion ; 
 and when prefented alone, afford nothing to the unhappy 
 mind but laflitude and difguft. Behold this fprightly 
 debauchee, who profefles a contempt of all other plea- 
 fures but thofe of wine and jollity : Separate him from 
 his companions, like a fpark from a. fire, where before 
 it contributed to the general blaze : His alacrity fuddenly 
 extinguifhes ; and though furrounded with every other 
 means of delight, he lothes the fumptuous banquet, and 
 prefers even the mcfl abftracSled ftudy and fpecu'lation, as 
 more agreeable and entertaining. 
 
 But the focial paffioni never afford fuch tranfporting 
 pleafures, or make fo glorious an appearance in the eyes 
 both of G O D and man, as when, (baking off every 
 earthly mixture, they afTociate themfelves with the fen- 
 timents of virtue, and prompt us to laudable and worthy 
 a£iions. As harmonious colours mutually give and re- 
 ceive a luftre by their fiiendly union ; fo do thefe en- 
 nobling 
 
1^2 
 
 ESSAY xvr. 
 
 nobling fentlments of the human mind. See the triumph 
 of nature in parental afFeftion ! What felfifli paffion ; 
 what fenfual delight is a match for it ! Whether a man 
 exults in the profperity and virtue of his ofFspring, or 
 flies to their fuccour, thro' the moft threatning and tre- 
 mendous dangers ? 
 
 Proceed ftill in purifying the generous paffion, you 
 will ftill the more admire its fhining glories. What 
 charms are there in the harmony of minds, and in a 
 friendlhip founded on mutual efteem and gratitude ! 
 What fatisfadion in relieving the diftreffed, in comfort- 
 ing the afflicted, in raifing the fallen, and in flopping 
 the career of cruel fortune, or of more cruel man, in' 
 their infults over the good and virtuous ! But what fu- 
 preme joy in the vi<Stories over vice as well as mifery, 
 when, by virtuous example or wife exhortation, our fel- 
 low-creatures are taught to govern their paffions, reform 
 their vices, and fubdue their worft enemies, which in' 
 habit within their own bofoms I 
 
 But thefe x)bje<as ate ftill too limited for the human 
 minJ, which, being of celeftial origin, fwells with the 
 divineft- and moft enlarged afFeftions, and carrying its 
 attention beyond kindred and acquaintance, extends its 
 benevolent wifhes to the moft diftant pofterity. It views 
 liberty and laws as the fource of human happinefs, and 
 devotes itfelf, with the utmoft alacrity, to their guardian- 
 ihip and proteflion. Toils, dangers, death itfelf, carry 
 their charms, when we brave them for the public good, 
 and ennoble that being, which we generoufly facrifice 
 for the inferefts of our country. Happy the man, whom 
 indulgent fortune allows to pay to virtue what he owes to 
 nature, and to make a generous gift of what muft other- 
 wife be raviihed from him by cruel neceflity ? 
 
 In the true fage and patriot are united whatever can 
 diftingiiifli human nature, or elevate mortal man to a- 
 
 re- 
 
The ^ T o I c; 173 
 
 tefemblance with the divinity. The fofteft benevolence, 
 the moft undaunted refolution, the tendereft fentiments, 
 the moft fublime love of virtue, all thefe animate fuc- 
 celfively his tranfported bofom. What fatisfaftion, when 
 he looks within, to find the moft turbulent paffions tuned 
 to juft harmony and concord, and every jarring found ba- 
 nifhed from this enchanting mufic ! If the contemplation, 
 even of inanimate beauty, be fo delightful j if it ravifhes 
 the fenfes, even when the fair form is foreign' to us': 
 what muft be the eiFedis of moral beauty ? And what in- 
 fluence muft it have, when it embelllfhes our own mind, 
 and is the refult of our own refleftion and induftry ? 
 
 But where is thf reward of virtue ? Jnd what recompena 
 has nature provided for fuch^important facrificeSf as thofe of 
 life and fortune, which we muft often make to it ? Oh, fons 
 of earth ! Are you ignorant of the value of the celeftial 
 miftrefs ? And do you meanly inquire for her portion, 
 when you obferve her genuine charms ? But know, that 
 nature Jias been indulgent to human weaknefs, and has 
 not left this favourite child naked and unendowed. She 
 has provided virtue of the richeft dowry ; but being care- 
 ful, left the allurements of intereft fliould engage fuch 
 fuitors, as were infenfible of the native worth of fo divine 
 a beauty, flie has wifely provided, that this dowry can 
 have no charms but in the eyes of thofe who are already 
 tranfported wfth the love of virtue. Glory is the portion 
 of virtue, the fweet reward of honourable toils, the trium- 
 phant crown, which covers the thoughtful head of the 
 difinterefted patriot, or the dufty brow of the vi<Storious 
 warrior. Elevated by fo fublime a prize, the man of virtue 
 looks down with contempt on all the allurements of plea- 
 fure, and all the menaces of danger. Death itfelf lofes 
 its terrors, when he confiders, that its dominion extends 
 only over a part of him, and that, in fpite of death and 
 , time, the rage of the elements, and the endlefs viciffitude 
 
 of 
 
•174 ESSAY XVI. 
 
 of human affairs, he is affured of an immortal fame among 
 all the fons of men. 
 
 There furely is a being who prefidcs ovef the univerfe ; 
 and who, with infinite wifdom and power, has reduced 
 the jarring elements into juft order and prop^ortion. Let 
 fpeculative reafoners difpute, how far this beneficent 
 being extends his care, and whether he prolongs our ex- 
 iftence beyond the grave, in order to beftow on virtue 
 its juft reward, and render it fully triumphant. The 
 man of morals, without deciding any thing on fo dubious 
 a fubjedt, is fatisfied with that portion which is marked 
 out to him by the fupreme difpofer of all things. Grate- 
 fully he accepts of that farther reward prepared for him ; 
 but if difappointed, he thinks not virtue an empty name j 
 but juftly efteeming it its own reward, he gratefully ac- 
 knowleges the bounty of his creator, who, by calling him 
 forth into exiftence, has thereby afforded him an oppor- 
 tunity of once acquiring fo invaluable a poffeffion. 
 
 ESSAY 
 
t 'TS ] 
 
 ESSAY XVII. 
 
 TJie P L A T O N I S T -f-. 
 
 To fome philofophers it appears matter of furprJze, 
 that all mankind, pofleffing the fame nature, and 
 being endowed with the fame faculties, fhould yet differ 
 fo widely in their purfuits and inclinations, and that 
 one Ihould utterly condemn what is fondly fought after 
 by another. To fome it appears matter of flill more 
 furprize, that a man fliould differ fo widely from him- 
 felf at different times; and, after pofleffion, rejedl with 
 difdain what, before, was the objed: of all his vows 
 and wiflies. To me this feverifli uncertainty and ir- 
 refolution, in human condudl, feems altogether un- 
 avoidable ; nor can a rational foul, made for the con- 
 templation of the Supreme Being, and of his works, 
 ever enjoy tranquillity or fatisfaftion, while detained 
 in the ignoble purfuits of fenfual pleafure or popular ap- 
 plaufe. The divinity is a boundlefs ocean of blifs and 
 glory : Human minds are fmaller ftreams, which arifing 
 at firfl: from this ocean, feek ftill, amid all their wan- 
 derings, to return to it, and to lofe themfelves in that 
 immenfity of perfedlion. When checked in this natural 
 courfe, by vice or folly, they become furious and en- 
 
 ■f Or, the man of contemplation, and /ii/i/of &'<•«/ devotion, 
 ' raged j 
 
176 t S S A Y XVII. 
 
 raged j and, fwelling to a torrent, do then fprcad horror 
 and devadation on the neighbouring plains. 
 
 In vain, by pompous praife and paffionate expref- 
 iion, each recommends his own purfuit, and invites the 
 credulous hearers to an imitation of his life and manners. 
 The heart belies the countenance, and fenfibly feels, 
 even amid the higheft fuccefs, the unfatisfaftory nature 
 of all thofe pleafures, v?hich detain it from its true ob- 
 jeft. I examine the voluptuous man before enjoyment ; 
 I meafure the vehemence of his defire, and the impor- 
 tance of his objeil ; I find that all his happin^fs proceeds 
 only from that hurry of thought which takes him from 
 himfelf, and turns his view from his guilt and mifery. 
 I confider him a moment after ; he has now enjoyed the 
 pleafure, which he fondly fought after. The fenfe of 
 his guilt and mifery returns upon him with double an- 
 guifh : His mind tormented with fear and remorfe j his 
 body depreffed wit^ difguft and fatiety. 
 
 But a more auguft, at leaft a more haughty perfonage, 
 prefents himfelf boldly to our cenfure ; and affuming the 
 title of a philofopher and man of morals, ofFers to fub- 
 mit to the moft rigid examination. He challenges with 
 a vifiWe, though concealed impatience, our approbati<w 
 and applaufe ; and feems offended, that we fhould he- 
 fitate a moment before we break out into admiration of 
 his virtue. Seeing this impatience, I hefitate ftill more : 
 I begin to examine the motives of his feeming virtue : 
 But behold ! ere I can enter upon this inquiry, he flings 
 himfelf from me ; and addreffing hisj difcourfe to that 
 crowd of heedlefs auditors, fondly abufes them by his 
 magnificent pretenfions. 
 
 O philofopher ! thy wifdom is vain, and thy virtue 
 unprofitable. Thou feekeft the ignorant applaufes of 
 
 men> 
 
 4 
 
The Platonist. 
 
 177 
 
 men, not the folid refle£tions of thy own confcience, or 
 the more folid approbation of that being, who, with 
 one regard of his all-feeing eye, penetrates the univerfe. 
 Thou furely art confcious of the hollownefs of thy pre- 
 tended probity, whilft calling thyfelf a citizen, a fon, 
 a friend, thou forgetteft thy higher fovereign, thy trap 
 father, thy greateft benefadtor. Where is the adoration 
 due to fuch infinite perfe<ftion, whence every thing good 
 and valuable is derived ? Where is the gratitude, owing 
 to thy creator, who called thee forth from nothing, who 
 , placed thee in all thefe relations to thy fellow- creatures, 
 and requiring thee to fulfil the duty of each relation, for- 
 bids thee to neglefl: what thou oweft to himfelf, the 
 moft perfeft being, to whom thou art connedted by the 
 clofeft tye ? 
 
 But thou art thyfelf thy own idol : Thou worfliip- 
 peft thy imaginary perfeiSions : Or rather, fenfible of 
 thy real, imperfections, thou feekeft only to deceive the 
 world, and to pleafe thy fancy, by multiplying thy ig- 
 norant admirers. Thus, not contented with neglecting 
 ■what is moft excellent in the univerfe, thou defireft 
 to fubftitute in his place what is moft vile and contetnp- 
 tible. 
 
 Confider all the works of mens hands ; all the inven- 
 tions of human wit, in which thou affeiteft fo nice a 
 difcernment : Thou wilt find, that the moft perfeft pro- 
 duftion ftill proceeds from the moft perfect thought, and 
 that 'tis MIND alone, which we admire, while we be- 
 ftow our applaufe on the graces of a well proportioned 
 ftatue, or the fymmetry of a noble pile. The ftatuary, 
 the architect comes ftill in view, and makes us refleCl 
 on the beauty of his art and contrivance, which, from 
 a heap of unformed matter, could extraft fucb expref- 
 fions and proportions. This fuperior beautyof thought 
 
 Voi. I, N and 
 
178 ESSAY XVII. 
 
 and intelligence thou thyfelf acknowlegeft, while tboij' 
 inviteftius to contemplate, in thy condu£i:, the harmony 
 of affe(Stions, the dignity of fentiments, and all thofe 
 graces of a mind, which chiefly merit our attention. 
 But why ftoppeft thou Ihort ? Seeft thou nothing farther 
 that is valuable ? Amid thy rapturous applaufes of beauty 
 and order, art thou ftill ignorant where is to be found 
 the moft confummate beauty f the moft perfeft order ? 
 Compare the works of art with thofe of nature. Thq 
 one are but imitations of the other. The nearer art ap- 
 proaches to nature the more perfedl it is efteemed. 
 But ftill, how wide are its neareft approaches, and what 
 an immenfe interval may be obferved between them ? 
 Art Qopies only the outfide of nature, leaving the in- 
 ward and more admirable fprings and principles ; as ex- 
 ceeding her imitation ; as beyond her comprehenfion. 
 A.n copies only the minute productions of nature, de- 
 fpairing to reach that grandeur and magnificence, which 
 are fo aftonifhing in the mafterly works of her original. 
 Can we then be fo blind, as not to difqover an intelr 
 ligence apd a defign iij the exquifite and moft ftupendous 
 contrivance of the univerfe ? Can we be fo ftupid, as 
 not to feel/ the warmeft raptures of worfhip and adora- 
 tion, upon the contemplation of that intelligent being, 
 fo infinitely good and wife ? 
 
 The moft perfeiSl happinefsj furely, muft arife from 
 the contemplation of the moft perfecS objedl. But what 
 more perfect than beauty and virtue ? And where is 
 beauty to be found equal to that of the uniyerfe ? Ot 
 virtue, which can be compared to-'the benevolence and 
 juftice of the Deity ? If aught can diminifli the plea- 
 lure of this contemplation, it muft be either the nartow- 
 nefs of our faculties, which conceals from us the great-. 
 t& part of thefe beauties and perfe<ftions ; or the fliort- 
 
 - ' nefs 
 
The PiATONIST. 179 
 
 nefs of our lives, which allows not time Aifficient to in- 
 ftrudt us in them. But 'tis our comfort, that if we 
 employ worthily the faculties here afligned us, they will 
 be enlarged in another ftate of exiftence, fo as to render 
 ,us more fuitable worfhippers of our maker : And that 
 the tafk, ,which can never be finilhed in time, will be 
 ^he bujyjefs of 3n eternity. 
 
 fl 2 ESSAY 
 
I ««« 1 
 
 ESSAY XVIII. 
 
 The Sceptic, 
 
 I HAVE long entertained a great fufpicion, withrcai 
 gard to the decifions of philofophers upon all fub- 
 jedls, and found in myfelf a greater inclination to dif- 
 pute, than to aflent to their conclufions. There is one 
 miftake to which they feem liable, almoft without ex- 
 ception; they confine too much thgir principles, and 
 make no account of that vaft variety, which nature has 
 fo much affected in all her operations. When a philo- 
 fopher has once laid hold of a favourite principle, which 
 perhaps accounts for many natural effedls, he will ap- 
 ply the fame principle over the whole creation, and re- 
 duce to it every phsenomenon, tho' by the moft violent 
 and abfurd reafoning. Our own mind being narrow and 
 contradted, we cannot extend our conception to the 
 variety and extent of nature ; but imagine, that flie is 
 as much bounded in her operations, as we are in our fpe- 
 culations. 
 
 But if ever this infirmity of philofophers is to be fuf- 
 peAed on any occafion, 'tis in their reafonings concern-, 
 ing human life, and the methods of attaining happinefs. 
 In that cafe, they are led aftray, not only by the nar- 
 jrownefs of their underftandings, but alfo by that of their 
 paffions. Almoft every one has a predominant incli- 
 nation, to which all his other defires and afFedlions fub- 
 N 3 mits 
 
i82 £ S 8 A Y: XVIIf. 
 
 mit, and which governs him, tho', perhaps, with fomC 
 iatersals, .tbr&' the whok- courfe of his life. 'Tis ^if- 
 "ficult for him to apprehend, that any thing, which ap- 
 pears totally indifferent to him, can eyer give enjoyment 
 to any perfon, or can poflefs charms, which altogether 
 efcapehis obfervation. Hisown.purfuits' are always, in 
 his account, the moft epgaging : The objefts of his paf- 
 fion, the moft valuable : And the road which he pur- 
 fues, the only ojtie that leads to happinefs. 
 
 But would thefe prejudiced reafoners refle6t a moment, 
 there are many obvious inftances and arguments, fuiE- 
 tient to undeceive them, and make them enlarge their 
 inaxims and principles. Do they not fee the vaft va- 
 riety of inclination's and purfuits among our fpfecies, 
 where each mari feems fully fatisfied with his own courfe 
 of life, and would efteem it the greatefl unhappinefs to 
 be confined to that of his neighbour ? Do they not feel 
 in themfelves, that what pleafes at one time, difpleafes 
 at another, by the change of inclination ; and that it is 
 hot in their power, by their utmoft efforts, to recall that 
 tafte or appetite, which formerly heftowed charms on 
 what now appears indifferent or difagreeable ? What is 
 the meaning therefore of thofe general preferences of the 
 town or country life, of a life of aflion or one of plea- 
 fure, of retirement or fociety ; when, befides the diffe- 
 rent inclinations of different men, every one's experience 
 niay convince him, that each of thefe kinds of life is 
 agreeable in its turn, and that their variety or their ju- 
 dicious mixture chiefly contributes to the rendering all of 
 them agreeable. i 
 
 Biit (hall this bufinefs be allowed to go altogethef at 
 adventures ? And muft a man confult only his humour 
 and inclination, in order to determine his courfe of life, 
 without ever employing his reafon to inform him what 
 toad is preferable, and leads mofl: furely to happinefs ? 
 6 la 
 
The S fc E i» T I c; i^jl 
 
 Is there no difference then between one man's conduft 
 and another ? 
 
 I anfwer, There Is a great diJFerence. One man, 
 following his inclinations, in chufing his courfe of life, 
 tnay employ much furer means for fucceeding than an- 
 other, who is led by his inclination into the fame courfe 
 6f life, and purfues the fame objeft; Are riches the chief 
 ehje£i of your defires ? Acquire fkill in your profeffion ; be 
 4iligent in the exetcife of it ; enlarge the drcle of your 
 friends and acquaintance ; avoid pleafure and expence j 
 and riever be generous, but with a view of gaihiiig more 
 than you could fave ,by frugality. Wbuld you acquire the 
 public ejleem? Guard equally againft the extremes of ar- 
 rogance and fawning. Let it appear that you fet a value 
 iipon yourfel^ but v^ithout defpifing. others. If you fall 
 into either of the. extremes, you either provoke man's 
 pride ^y your infolence, or teach them to defpife you by 
 your timorous fubmiffion, and by the mean opinion which 
 you feem to entertain of yourfelf. 
 
 Thefe, you fay, are the maxims of common prudence, 
 and difcretion ; what every parent inculcates on his child, 
 iand what every man of fenfe purfiies in the courfe of life, 
 vhich he has chofen. — What is it then you defire more ? 
 Do you come to a philofopher, as to a cunning man, td 
 learn fomething by magic or witchcraft, beyond what 
 
 can be known by corhmon prudence and difcretion ? • 
 
 Yes } we come to a philofopher to be inftruited, How 
 we fliall chufe oiir ends, more thari the means for at- 
 taining thefe ends : We want to know what defires we 
 ihali gratify, what paffioris we fhall comply with, what 
 appetites we fhall indulge. As to the reft, we truft to 
 common fenfe, and the general riiaxims of the iVorld, 
 ibr our iriftrudion. 
 
 I am forry, then, I have pretended to be a philofo- 
 pher : For I find your queftions very perplexing ; and 
 N 4 am 
 
if4 ESSAY XVin. 
 
 am in danger, if my anfwer be too rigid and fevere, of 
 pafling for a pedant and fcbolaftic ; if it be" too eafy and 
 free, of being taken for a preacher of vice and immor- 
 ality. However, to fatisfy you, I fliail deliver my opi- 
 nion upon the matter, and only defire you to efleem it 
 of as little confequence as I do myfelf. By that means 
 you will, neither think it worthy of your ridicule nor 
 your anger. 
 
 If we can depend upon any principle, which we learn 
 from phi'iofophy, this, I think, may be cbnfidered as cer- 
 tain and undoubted. That there is nothing in itfelf, va- 
 luable or defpicable, defirable or hateful, beautiful or 
 deformed ; but that thefe attributes arife from the parti- 
 cular conftitution and fabric of human fentiments and 
 afFedtions. What feems the moft delicious food to one 
 animal, appears loathfome to another : What afFefts the 
 feeling of one with delight, produces uneafinefs to an- 
 other. This is confefledly the cafe with regard to all the 
 bodily fenfes: But if we examine the matter more ac- 
 curately, we fhall find that the fame obfervation holds 
 even where the mind concurs with the body, and mingles 
 its fentiments with the exterior appetites. 
 
 Defire this paffionate lover to give you a cbarafter of 
 his miftrefs : He will tell you that he is at a lofs for words 
 to defcribe her charms, and will a(k you very ferioufly if ' 
 ever you was acquainted with a goddefs or an angel ? If 
 you anfwer that you never w?.s : He will then fay. That 
 'tis impoflible for you to form a conception of fuch di- 
 ' vine beauties as thofs which his charmer poffefles ; fo 
 complete a fhape ; fuch proportioned features j fo en- 
 gaging an air ; fuch fweetnefs of difpofition j fuch gaiety 
 ef humour. You can infer nothing, however, from all 
 this difcourfe, but that the poor man is in love ; and 
 that the general appetite between the fexes, which na- 
 ture has infufed into all animals, is in him determined 
 5 *» 
 
The Sceptic; igij 
 
 to a particular objeft by fome qualities, which give him 
 pleafure. The fame divine creature, not only to a dif- 
 ferent animal, but alfo to a different man, appears a mere 
 mortal being, and is beheld with the utmoft indifference. 
 Nature has given all animals a like prejudice in favour 
 of their offspring. As foon as the helplefs infant fees 
 the light, tho' in every other eye it appears a defpicable 
 and a miferable creature, it is regarded by its fond pa- 
 rent with the utmoft affedtion, and is preferred to every 
 other objed, however perfedl and accomplifhed. The 
 palfion alone, arifing from the original ftrufture and for- 
 mation of human nature, bellows a value on the moft 
 infignificant obje£t. 
 
 We may pufh the fame obfervation further, and may 
 conclude, that even when the mind operates alone, and 
 feeling the fentiments of blame or approbation, pro- 
 nounces one objeft deformed and odious, another beau- 
 tiful and amiable ; I fay, that even in this cafe, thofe 
 qualities are not really in the objedts, but belong entirely 
 to the fentiments of that mind which blames or praifes, 
 I grant, that it will be more difficult to make this pro- 
 portion evident, and as it were, palpable, to negligent 
 thinkers, becaufe nature is more uniform in the fenti- 
 ments of the mind than in moft feelings of the body, 
 and produces a near refemblance in the inward than iri 
 the outward part of human kind. There is fomething 
 approaching to principles in mental tafte ; and critics can 
 reafon and difpute much more plaufibly than cooks ot 
 perfumers. We may obferve, however. That this uni- 
 formity among human kind, hinders not, but that there 
 is a confiderable diverfity in the fentiments of beauty and 
 worth, and that education, cuftom, prejudice, caprice, 
 and humour frequently vary our taffe of this kind. You 
 will never convince a man, who is not accuflomed to 
 Italian mulk, and has not an ear to follow its intri- 
 
 caciesr 
 
186 ESSAY XYin. 
 
 cacies, that a Scots tuiie is hot preferable.' You hay« 
 hot even any fingle argument, beyond your own taftej' 
 ■which you can employ in your behalf: And to your ari- 
 tagonift, his particular tafte will always appear a much 
 more convincing argument to the contrary. If you be 
 wife, each of you will allow, that the other may be in 
 the right ; and having many other inftances of this di- 
 verfity of tafte, you will both confefs, that beauty and 
 worth are merely of a relative nature, and confift in an 
 agreeable fentiment, produced by an objeft on a parti- 
 cular mind, according to the peculiar ftrudiure and con- 
 ititution of that mind. 
 
 By this diverfity of fentiment, obfervable in humajll 
 kind, nature has, perhaps, intended to make us fenfible 
 of her authority, and let us fee what furprlzihg changes 
 flie could produce on the pailions and defires of inankindj 
 merely by the change of their inward fabric, without 
 any alteration on the objefls. The vulgar may even b* 
 convinced by this argument: But men accuftomed to 
 thiijking may draw a more convincing, at leaft a more 
 general argument, from the very nature of the fubjedl. 
 
 In the operation of reafoning, the mind does nothing 
 but run over its objefts, as they are fuppofed to ftand in 
 reality, without adding any thing to them, or diminifli- 
 ing any thing from them. If I examine the Ptolomaic 
 and CoPERNiCAN fyftems, I endeavour only, by my 
 enquiries, to know the real lituatlon of the planets j that 
 is, in other words, I endeavour to give them^ in my 
 mind or conception, the fame relations which they bear 
 towards each other in the heavens. To this operation 
 of the mind, therefore, there feems to be alvvays a real, 
 tho' often an unknown ftandard, in the nature of things ; 
 nor is truth or fajfliood variable by the various apprehen- 
 fions of mankind. Tho' all human race fhould for ever 
 conclude, that the fun moves, and the earth remains at 
 
 fefti 
 
The S C E * T I c. ig^ 
 
 Ifeft, the fun fiirs not an inch from his place for all thefe 
 reafonings ; and fuch conclufions are eternsHy falfe and 
 erroneous* 
 
 feat the cafe is not the fame with the qualities of heau- 
 tlful and deformed^ defirahle and odious, as with truth and 
 faJfhood. In the former cafe, the mind is not contented 
 with merely fiirveying its objefts, as they ftand in them- 
 felves : It alfo feePs a fentiment of delight or uneafinefsr, 
 approbation or blame, confequent to that furvey ; and 
 this fentiment determines it to pronounce the object 
 beautiful or deformed, defirahle or odious. Now, 'tis evi- 
 dent, that this fentiment muft depend upon the particular 
 fabric or flrudlure of the mind, which enables fuch par- 
 ticular objedis to operate in fuch a particular manner^ 
 and produces a fympathy or conformity between the 
 mind and the objefts. Vary the ftrudure of tjie mind 
 or inward organs, the fentiment no longer follows, tho' 
 the objefls remain the fame. The fentiment being dif- 
 ferent from the objeft, and arifing from its operation 
 upon the organs of the mind, an alteration upon the 
 .^tter muft vary the effeft, nor can the fame objedt, 
 prefented to a mind totally diiFerent, produce the iame 
 fentiment. 
 
 This conclufion every one is apt to form of himfelf, 
 without much philofophy, where the fentiment is evident- 
 ly diftinguifhable from the objeft. Who is not fenfible, 
 that power, and glory, and vengeance, are not defirahle 
 of themfelves, but derive all their value from the ftruc- 
 ture of human pafHons, which begets a defire towards 
 fuch particular objefls ? But with regard to beauty, 
 whether natural or moral, the cafe is commonly fuppofed 
 to be different. The agreeable quality is thought to lie 
 in the objeil, not in the fentiment ; and that merely 
 becaufe l;he fentioient is not fo turbulent and violent as 
 
 to 
 
t8? £ S S A Y ^nit. 
 
 to diftingulfh itfelf, in an evident manner, from the pet- 
 .ception of the obje<^» 
 
 But a very little refle<a:ion fuffices to diftinguifh them* 
 A man may knovir exadly all the circles and ellipfes of 
 the CoPERNiCAN fyftem, and all the irregular fpirals of 
 the Ptolomaic, "without perceiving that the former is 
 more beautiful than the latter. Euclid has very fully 
 explained every quality of the circle, but has not, in any 
 propofition, faid a word of its beauty. The reafon is 
 evident. Beauty is not a quality of the circle. It lies 
 not in any part of the line whofe parts are all equally 
 diflant from a common centre. It is only the effeft, 
 which that figure operates upon the mind, v/hofe parti- 
 cular fabric or ftrudture renders it fufceptible of fuch fen- 
 tlments. In vain vvfould you look for it in the circle, or 
 feek it, either by your fenfes, or by mathematical rea- 
 fonings,in all the properties of that figure. 
 
 The mathematician, who took no other pleafure in 
 reading Virgil, but that of examining Eneas's voyage 
 by the map, might underftand perfeflly the meaning of ■ 
 every Latin word, imployed by that divine author ; and 
 confequently, might have a diftindt idea of the whole 
 narration. He v^ould even have a more diftiniEt idea of 
 it, than they could have w^ho had not ftudied fo exadly 
 the geography of the poem. He knew, therefore, every 
 thing in the poem : But he was ignorant of its beauty ; 
 becaufe the beauty, properly fpeaking, lies not in the poem, 
 but in the fentiment or tafte of the reader. And where a 
 man has no fuch delicacy of temper, as to make him feel 
 this fentiment, he muft be ignorant of the beauty tho' pof- 
 feffed of the fcience and underftanding of an angel*. 
 
 The 
 
 ' Were I not afraid of appearing too philofophical, I fliould remind my 
 reader of that famous doflrine, fuppofed to be fully proved in modern 
 times, " That taftes and colours, and all other fenfible qualities, lie not 
 
 " in 
 
The Sceptic ig^ 
 
 The inference upon the whole is, that it is not from 
 the value or worth of the objeft, which any perfon pur- 
 fues, that we can determine his enjoyment, but merely 
 from the paffion with which he purfues it, and the fuc- 
 cefs which he ineets with in his purfuit. Objedls have 
 ^bfolutely no worth or value in themfelves. They de- 
 ^x'lvs their worth merely from the paffion. If that be 
 ilrong, and fteady, and fuccefsful, the perfon is happy, 
 It cannot reafonably be doubted, but a little mifs, dreft 
 in a new gown for a dancing- fchool ball, receives as comr 
 pleat enjoyment as the greateft orator, who triumphs in 
 the fplendor of his eloquence, while he governs the paf- 
 lions and refolutions of a numerous. alTembly. 
 
 All the difference, therefore, between one man and 
 another, with regard to life, confifts either in the paj/tan, 
 or in the enjoyment : And thefe differences are fufficient 
 to produce the wide extremes of happiniefs and mifei^y. 
 
 To be happy, the paffion muft neither be too violent- 
 nor too remifs. In the firft cafe, the mind is in a per- 
 petual hurry and tumult ; in the fecond, it finks into a 
 ^ifagreeable indolence and lethargy. 
 
 To be happy, the paffion muft be benign and focia,! 
 pot rough or fierce. The affedtions of the latter kind 
 are not near fo agreeable to the feeling, as thofe of the 
 former. Who will compare rancour and animpfity, envy 
 
 " in the bodies, but merely in the fenfes.V The cafe is the fame with 
 ^eauty and deformity, virtue and, vice. This doflrine, hovpever, takes ofF 
 no more from the reality of the latter qualities, than from that of the for- 
 mer; nor need it give any umbrage either to critics or moralifts. Tho* 
 colours were allowed to lie only in the eye, would dyers or painters ever b? 
 lefs regarded or efteemed ? There is a fufficient uniformity in the fenfqs and 
 feelings of mankind, to make all thefe qualities the obje^s of art and rea- 
 foning, and to have the greateft influence on life and manners. And as 'til 
 certain, that the difcovery above-mentioned in natural philofophy, makes no 
 alteration on aftion and condufl j why Hiould a like difcovery in moral phi- 
 lofophy make any alteration ? 
 ■"' ■ ■"' and; 
 
jgo ESSAY xvin. 
 
 and revenge, to friendfliip, benignity, clemency and gra^ 
 titude ? 
 
 To be happy, the paflion mufl: be chearful and gay, 
 not gloomy and melancholy. A propenfity to hope and 
 joy is real riches : One to fear and forrow, real pp- 
 , verty. 
 
 Some paflions or inclinations, in ths enjoyment of tljeir 
 objeft, are not fo fteady or conftant as others, nor conr 
 vey fuch durable pleafure and fatisfaftion. Phikfophical 
 devotion, for inftance, like the enthufiafm of a poet, is 
 the tranfitory eStSt of high fpirits, great leifure, a fine 
 genius, and a habit of ftudy and contemplation: But 
 notwithftanding all thefe circumftances, an abftra£ted, 
 invifible objeft, like that which natural religion alone 
 prefents to us, cannot long adtuate the mind, or be of 
 any moment in life. To render the paffion of continu- 
 ance, we muft find fome method of afFefting the fenfe*' 
 and imagination, and muft embrace fome hijiorical iswtW 
 as philofophfcal accounts of the divinity. Popular iuperr 
 ftitions and obfery^nces are even found to be of ufe iij 
 this particular. 
 
 Tho' the tempers of men be very different, yet we may 
 fafely pronounce *in general, that a life of pleafure can- 
 not fuppoft jtfelf fo long as one of bufinefs, but is much 
 more fubjeft to fatiety and difguft. The apiufements, 
 which are the moft durable, have all a mixture of appli- 
 cation and attention in them ; fuch as gaming and hunt- 
 ing. And in general, bufinefs and action fill up the grea;, 
 vacancies of human life. 
 
 But 'where the temper is the beft difpofed for any en- 
 joy?nent, the objedt is often wanting : And in this refpeft,, 
 the paffions, which purfue external objefls, contribute 
 not fo much to happinefs, as thofe which reft in our- 
 fclves ; fince we are neither fo certain of attaining fuch 
 
 cbr 
 
The Sceptic. jo, 
 
 pbjefls, nor fo fecure of poiTeffing them. A paflion for 
 ^earning is preferable, with regard to happinefs, to one 
 for riches. 
 
 Some (Oien are poflefTed of great ftrength of mind ; and 
 even when they purfue exterrkl ohjeQs, are not much af- 
 feflied by a difappointment, but renew their application 
 and induftry with the greateif chearfulnefs. ' Nothing 
 contributes more to happinefs than this turn of mind. 
 
 According to this fhort and imperfetS fketch of hu- 
 man life, the happieft difpofition of mind is the virtuous ^ 
 or, in other words, that which leads to adion and em- 
 ployment, renders us fenfible to the fecial paffions, fteels 
 the heart againft the aflaults of fortune, reduces the af- 
 feftions to a juft moderation, makes our own thoughts 
 an entertainment to us, and inclines us rather to the plea- 
 fures of fociety and converfation, than to thofe of the 
 fenfes. This, in the mean time, mufl: be obvious to the 
 moft carelefs reafoner, that all difpofitions of mind are 
 not alike favourable to happinefs^ and that one paifion 
 or humour may be extremely defirable, while another is 
 equally difagreeable. And indeed, all the difference be- 
 tween the conditions of life depends upon the mind ; nor 
 is there any one fituation of affairs, in itfelf, prefefablq 
 to another. Good and ill, both natural and moral, are 
 entirely relative to human fentiment and afFeftion. No 
 man would ever be unhappy, could he alter his feelings. 
 PROTEUS-like, he would elude all attacks, by the con- 
 tinual alterations of his fhape and form. 
 
 But of this refource nature has, in a great meafure, 
 deprived us. The fabric and conftitution of our mind 
 ijo more depends on our choice, than that of our body, 
 fhe generality of men have not even the fmallefl notion, 
 tjiat anj alteration in this refpeft can ever be defirable^ 
 As a ftreaip neceflarily follows the feveral inclinations of 
 the grouni]!^ on which it runs j fo are the ignorant and 
 
 thought- 
 
igi 
 
 ESSAY xviir. 
 
 thoughtlefs part of mankind afluated by their natural 
 propenfities. Such are efFeftually excluded from all pre- 
 tenfions to philofophy, and the medicine of the mind, fo 
 much boafted. But even upon the wife and thoughtful, 
 nature has a prodigious influence ; nor is it always in a 
 man's power, by the utmoft art and induftry, to correct 
 his temper, and attain that virtuous charader, to which 
 he afpires. The empire of philofophy extends over a 
 kvf ; and with regard to thefe too, her authority is very 
 weak and limited. Men may well be fenfible of the 
 value of virtue, and may defire to attain- it ; but 'tis not 
 always certain, that they will be fuccefsful in their 
 y/ifhes. 
 
 Whoever confiders, without prejudice, the courfe of 
 human adlions, will find, that mankind are almoft en- 
 tirely guided by conflitution and temper, and that gene- 
 ral maxims have little influence, but fo far as they affeiS 
 our tafte or fentiment. If a man have a lively fenfe of 
 iionour and virtue, with moderate paflions, his condu(3: 
 will always be conformable to the rules of morality; or 
 if he depart from them, his return will be eafy and ex- 
 peditious. But, on the other hand^ where one is born 
 pf fo perverfe a frame of mind, of fo callous and infen- 
 fible a difpofition, as to have no relifli for virtue and 
 humanity, no fympathy with his fellow creatures, no 
 defire of efteem and applaufe ; fuch a one muft be allow- 
 ed entirely incurable, nor is there any remedy in phi- 
 lofophy. He reaps no fatisfaftion but from low and 
 fenfual objefts, or from the indulgence of malignant 
 paflions : He feels no remorfe to controul his vicious in- 
 clinations : He has not even that fenfe or tafte, which 
 is requifite to make him defire a better charader : For 
 my part, I know not how I fhould addrefs myfelf to 
 fuch a one, or by what arguments I fliould endeavour to 
 yeform him. Should I tell him of the inward fatisfac- 
 
 tioH 
 
ine aCEPTic; 193 
 
 tion which refults from laudable and humane aflions, the 
 delicate pleafures of difihterefted love atid friendfhip, the 
 lafting enjoyments of ± good name and an eftabliflied 
 character, he might ftill reply, that thefe were, perhaps, 
 pleafures to fuch as were fufceptible to them ; but that, 
 for his partj he finds himfelf of a quite different turn 
 and difpofition. I muft repeat it ; my philofophy aifords 
 no remedy in fuch a cafe, nor could I do any thiftg but 
 lament this perfon's unhappy condition. But theal afk^ 
 If any other philofophy can afford a remedy ; or if it be 
 poffible, by any fyttem, to render all mankind virtuous, 
 however perverfe may be their natural frame of niind ? 
 Experience will foon convince us of tlie contrary ; and I 
 will ventiire to affirm, that perhaps, the chief benefit, 
 which refults from philofophy, arifes in an indire£l man- 
 ner, and proceeds more from its fecret, Infenfible influ- 
 ence, than from its immediate application. 
 
 'Tis certain, that a ferious attention to the fciences 
 and liberal arts, foftens and humanizes the temper, ani 
 cherifhes thofe fine emotions, in- which true virtue and 
 honour confifts. It rarely, very rarely happens, that a 
 man of tafte and learning is not, at leaft, an honeft man, 
 whatever frailties may attend him. The beftt of his mind 
 to fpeculative ftudies muft mortify in him the paflions of 
 intereft and ambition, and muft, at the fame time, give 
 him a gfeiter ferifibility of all the decencies and duties 
 of life. He feels rtiore fully i moral dfftinftion in cha- 
 racters and manners, hor is his fehfe of this kind dimi- 
 nilhed, but, on the contrary, it is rtiuch ehcreafed, by 
 his fpeculations. 
 
 Befides fuch infenfible changes upon the temper and 
 difpofition, 'tis highly probable, that others may be pro- 
 duced by ftuuy and application. The prodigious effects 
 of educatron may convince as, that the mind is not al- 
 together ftubborn and inflexible, but wfill admit of many 
 
 Vol. I. O altera* 
 
194 
 
 E S S A^ Y XVlIt. 
 
 alterations from its origirtJir make and ftruSure. Let a 
 man propofe to himfelf the model of a charader, which 
 he approves of : Let him be well acquainted with thofe 
 particulars, in which his own chara6ter deviates from 
 this model : Let him keep a conftant watch over hi|n- 
 felf, ^nd bend his mind, by a Continual effort, from the 
 vices, towards the virtues ; and I doubt not but, in 
 time, he will find, in his temper, an alteration to the 
 better. 
 
 "Habit -is another powerful means of reforming the 
 mind, and implanting in it good difpofitions and incli- 
 nations. A man who continues in a courfe of fobriety 
 and temperance, will hate riot and diforder : If he en- 
 gage in bufmefs or ftudy, indolence will feem a punilh- 
 ment to him : If he conftrain himfelf to pradife benefi- 
 cence and affability, he will foon abhor all inftances 
 of pride and violence. Where one is thoroughly con- 
 vinced that the virtuous courfe of life is preferable j if 
 he has but refolution enough, for fome time, to impofe 
 a violence on himfelf; his reformation needs not be de- 
 fpaired of. The misfortune is, that this conviflion and 
 this refolution never can have place, unlefs a man be, 
 before-hand, tolerably virtuous. 
 
 Here then is the chief triumph of art and philofophy : 
 It infenfibly refines the temper, and it points out to us 
 thofe difpofitions which we fliould endeavour to attain, 
 by a conftant bent bf mind, and by repeated habit. Be- 
 yond this I cannot acknowledge it to have great influence; 
 and I muft entertain doubts concerning all thofe exhor- 
 tations and confolations, wrhich are in fuch vogue among 
 all fpeculative reafoners. 
 
 We have already obferved, that no objects are, of 
 themfelves, defirable or odious, valuable or defpicable j 
 but that objeils acquire thefe qualities from the particu- 
 lar 
 
IPhe 1^ c E V T i c. ide 
 
 ISr charac^r and Gonftitution of theniiri3, which Tui^r^y^ 
 therrt. To diminifh therefofe, or augment any perfon's 
 Vaflae for an fihjtA., to excite or moderate his paffioris, 
 there art no diredl atguihents or reafons, which can be 
 employed with any force or influence. The catching 
 ■fliesj like Domitian, if it give more pleafilirej is pre- 
 feratle to the hu'nting wild heafts, like William Ru- 
 FU«i, or coriquering kingdoms, like AiEJiANiiER. 
 
 But tho' the value of every objedl can "be determined 
 only by the fentimeiits- or paffions of every individual, 
 we may obfervej that the paifions, in pfohoiincing their 
 verdia, confider not the objeft fimply, as it is ih i'tfelfj 
 tut furvey it with all the circunifta^ces, which attertd 
 it. A man tranfported with joyj oh account of his pof- 
 fefling a diamond, confines not his view to the gliftefing 
 ftbne before him: He alfo coiiftders its rarity, arid from 
 thence chiefly arifes his pleafure and exultation. Efere 
 therefore a philofepher may ftep in, arid fuggeft parti- 
 cular views and confiderafions^ and circuitiftances, which 
 otherwife would hav'e efcaped Qs ; and, by tliat means, 
 he may either moderate or excite any particular paflion. 
 
 It may feem unreafonable abfolutely to deny the au- 
 thority of philofophy in this refpeit ;. But it muft be con- 
 feffed, that there lies this ftrong prefumption againft it,, 
 that if thefe views be natural and obvious, they would 
 have occurred of themfelves, without the afliftance of 
 philofophy ; if they be not natural, they ilever can have 
 any influence on the affeflions. Thefe are of a very de- 
 licate nature, and rannot be forced or conftrained by 
 the utmofl: art or iriduftry. A confideration, which we 
 feek for on purpofe, which we enter into with difficulty, 
 ■jyhich we retain with care and attention, can never 
 produce thofe genuine and durable movements of»paflion, 
 which are the refult of nature, and the conftitution of 
 the, mind. A man may as well pretend to cure himfelf 
 
 O 2 of 
 
196 ESSAY XVIII. 
 
 of love, by viewing his miftrefs through the artificial 
 medium of a microfcopc, or profpeft, and beholding 
 there the coarfenefs of her fkin, and monftrous dif- 
 proportion of her features, as hope to excite or mode- 
 rate any paflion by the artificial arguments of a Seneca 
 or an Epictetus. The remembrance of the natural' 
 afpedt and fituation of the objefts will, in both cafes, 
 ftill recur upon him. The reflexions of philofophy are- 
 too fubtile and diftant to take place in common life, or 
 eradicate any affe£tion. The air is too fine to breathe 
 in where it is above the winds and clouds of the atmof- 
 phere. 
 
 Another defeat of thofe refined refleftions, which 
 philofophy prefents to us, is, that commonly they can- 
 not diminifh or extinguifh our vicious paflions, without ' 
 diminifhing or extinguilhing fuch as are virtuous, and 
 rendering the mind totally indifferent and unaflive, 
 They are for the moft part, general, and are applicable 
 to all our afFedtions. In vain do we hope to direi^ their 
 influence only to one fide. If by incelTant ftudy and me- 
 ditation we have rendered them very intimate and prefent 
 to us, they will operate throughout, and fpread an uni- 
 verfal infenfibility over the mind. When we deftroy the 
 nerves, we extinguifh the fenfe of pleafure, together with 
 that of pain. 
 
 It will be eafy, by one glance of the eye, to find one 
 or other of thcfb defeds in moft of thofe philofophical 
 reflediions, fo much celebrated both in ancient and nio- 
 dern times. Let not the injuries or violence of men, fay the 
 philofophers *, ever difcompoje you by anger or hatred. 
 Would you be angry at the ape for its malice, or the tyger for 
 its ferocity ? This refledtion leads us into a bad opinion of 
 human nature, and muft extinguifh the focial afFedions. 
 It tends alfo to remove all remorfe for a man's own 
 
 • PtUT. dtira utilindat 
 
 crimeS) 
 
The Sceptic. 197 
 
 crimes, when he confidiers, that vice is as natural to man- 
 kind, as the particular inftindts to brute creatures. 
 
 All ills arift from the order of the univerfe^ which is ahfa- 
 lutely perfiii. Would you wijh to dijlurb fo divine an order 
 for the fake of your own particular interefi ? What if the ills 
 I fufFer arife from malice or oppreffion ? But the vices 
 and imperfeSiions of men are alfo comprehended in the order 
 afthe univerfe. 
 
 If plagues and earthquakes break not hemPn's defign^ 
 Why then a Borgia or a Catiline ? 
 
 Let this be allowed ; and my own vices will alfo be a 
 part of the fame order. 
 
 To one who faid, that none was happy, who was not 
 above opinion, a Spartan replied, then none are happy 
 hut knaves and robbers *. 
 
 Man is born to be niiferable ; and is he fur prized at any 
 particular misfortune ? And can he give way to forraw and 
 lamentation upon account of any difafler ? Yes : He yery 
 reafonably laments, that he ftiould be born to be mifer- 
 able. Your confolation prefents a hundred ills for one, 
 that you pretepd to eafe him of. 
 
 Ybu Jhould always have before your eyes death, difenfe, po~ 
 Vfr^^ blindnefs, exile, calumny, and infamy, as ills which 
 are incident to human nature. When any one of thefe ills 
 falls to your lot, you will bear it the better that you have laid 
 your account with it. I anfwer, If we confine ourfelves 
 to a general and diftant refledlion on the ills of human 
 life, that can have no effe£t to prepare us for them'. If 
 by clofe and intenfe meditation we render them prefent, 
 and intimate to us, that is the true fecret to poifon all 
 our pleafures, and render us perpetually miferable. 
 
 • Plwt. tacm, 4pof 
 
 03 
 
1 98 ESSAY XVIIL, 
 
 Yourfirrou) is fruitlefs, and will not change the courji of- 
 dejiiny. Very true: And for that very re^fon I am. 
 forry. 
 
 Cicero^ confolation for deafnefs is fomewhat curious. 
 How many languages are there, fays he, which you do not 
 underjland? The PuNic, Spanish, Gallic, Egyp- 
 tian, i^c. With regard to allthefe^youare asif^ouwere- 
 deaf, and yet you are indifferent about the mattjer. Is it then 
 fo great a misfortune to he deaf to one language more * ? 
 
 I like better the repartee of Antipater the Cyre- 
 tiAic, when fome women were condoling with him for 
 his blindnefs: What! fays he,. Do you think there are nO; 
 pleafures in the dark ? 
 
 Nothing cqin he more deJirytElivey fays Fontenelle, ta, 
 ambition, and the paffton for conquefi, than the truefy/ierrt 
 of ajironomy. What a poor thing is even the whole globe in 
 comparifon of the infinite extent if nature? This confidera-r 
 tion is evidently too diftant ever to have any efFeft. And 
 if it had any, would it not deftroy patriotifm as well as 
 ambition ? The fame gallant author adds with fome rea- 
 fon, that the bright eyes of the ladies are the only ob- 
 jeds, which lofe nothing of their luftre or value from the 
 moft extenfive views of aftronomy and philofophy, but 
 ftand proof againft every fyftem. Would philofophers 
 advife us to linjit our aifeftion to them ? 
 
 Exile, fays Plutarch to a friend in banifhment, if 
 no evil: Mcthematicians tell us, that the whole earth is but 
 as a point, compared to the heavens. To change one's country^ 
 then, is little more than to remove from one fireet to another. 
 Man is not a plant, rooted to a (ertain fpot of earth : All 
 foils and all climates are alike fuited to him +. Th'efe to- 
 pics are admirable, could they fall oply into the hands. 
 
 « Tusc. S^aft.UhyY. 
 ■J- De exi'.li), 
 
 of 
 
The S c E P T I c. 1^9 
 
 of baniflid perfons. But what if they come alfo to the 
 knowledge of thofe employed in public affairs, and de- 
 ftroy all their attachment to their native country ? Or 
 will they operate like the quack's medicine, which is 
 equally good for a diabetes and a dropfy ? 
 
 'Tis certain, were a fuperior being thruft into a hu- 
 man body, that the whole of life would to him appear fo 
 mean, contemptible and puerile, that he never could be 
 induced to take part in any thing, and would fcarcely 
 give attention to what paffes around him. To engage 
 him to fuch a condefcenfion as to play even the part of 
 a Philip with zeal and alaqrity, would be much more 
 difficult than to conftrain the fame Philip, after having 
 been a king and a conqueror during fifty years, to mend 
 old Ihoes with proper care and attention ; the occupa- 
 tion which LuciAN affigns him in the infernal regions. 
 Now all the fame topics of difdain towards human af- 
 fairs, which could operate on this fuppofed being, occur 
 alfo to a philofopher ; but being, in fome meafure, dif-' 
 proportioned to human capacity, and not being fortified 
 by the experience of any thing better, they make not a 
 full impreffion on him. He fees, but he feels not fuiE- 
 ciently their truth ; and is always a fublime philofoph&r, 
 when he needs not ; that is, as long as nothing difturbs 
 him, or rouzes his affedions. While others play, he 
 wonders at their keennefs and ardour ; but he no fooner 
 puts in his 6wn ftake, than he is commonly tranfported 
 with the fame paffions, which he had fo much condemned 
 while he remained a fimple fpedlator. 
 
 There are chiefly two confiderations to be met with in 
 books of philofophy, from which any important effed is 
 to be expedled, and that becaufe thefe confiderations are 
 drawn from common life, and occur upon the moft fu- 
 perficial view of human affairs. When we refled on 
 the ikortnefs and uncertainty of life, , how defpicable 
 , 04. fcem 
 
•200 ESSAY XVIII. 
 
 feem all our purfuits of happinefs ? And even, if we 
 would extend our concern beyond our own life, how fri- 
 volous appear our moft enlarged and moft generous 
 projefls ; when we confider the inceflant changes and 
 revolutions of human affairs, by which laws and learn- 
 ing, books and governments are hurried away by time, 
 as by a rapid ftream, and are lofl in the immenfe ocean 
 of matter ? Such a reflection certainly tends to mortify 
 all our paflions : But does it not thereby counterwork 
 the artifice of nature, who has happily deceived us into 
 an opinion, that human life is of fome importance? 
 And may not fuch a refleftion be employed with fuccefs 
 by voluptuous reafoners, in order to lead us from the 
 paths of adlion and virtue, into the flowery fields of in- 
 dolence and pleafure ? 
 
 We are informed by Thucydides, that, during the 
 famous plague of Athens, when death feemed prefent 
 to every one, adiflblute mirth and gaiety prevailed among 
 the people, who exhorted one another to make the moft 
 of life as long as it endured. The fame obfervation is 
 made by BpccApE with regard to the plague of Flo- 
 rence. A like principle makes foldiers, during war, 
 to be more addifted to riot and expence, than any other 
 race of men. Prefent pleafure is always of importance ; 
 and whatever djminiflies the importance of all other 
 pbjefts mufl: beflow on it an additional influence and 
 value. 
 
 The fecond philofophical confideration, which may 
 often have an influence on the afieftions, is derived from 
 a comparifon of our own condition with the condition 
 of others. This comparifon we arfe continually making, 
 even in common life ; but the misfortune is, that we are 
 apt rather to compare our fituation with that of our fu- 
 paiors, than with that of our inferiors. A philofopher 
 correfts this natural infirmity, by turning his view to 
 the other fide, in order to render hknfelf eafy in the 
 
 fituation 
 
The S c E p T 1 G. 201 
 
 fituation in which fortune has placed him. There are 
 few people, who are not fufceptible of fome confolatlon 
 from this refledion, though to a very good natured man, 
 the view of human miferies fhould rather produce fojr- 
 row than comfort, and add to his lamentations for his 
 own misfortunes a deep compaffion for thofe of others. 
 Such is the imperfection, even of the heft of tjiefe phi- 
 lofophical topics of confolation *, 
 
 I (hall 
 
 • The Sceptic, pcihaps, carries the matter too far, when he limits all 
 philofophical topics and refleflions to thefe two. There feem to be others, 
 vhofe truth is undeniable, and whofe natural tendency is to tranquillize and 
 foften all the pal£ons. Phllofophy greedily feizes thefe, fludies them, 
 weighs them, commits them to the memory, and familiarizes them to the 
 mind ; and their influence on tempers, which are thoughtful, gentk, and 
 moderate, may be confiderable. But what is their influence, you will fay, 
 if the temper be antecedently difpofed after the fame manner to which they 
 pretend to form it ? They may, at leaft, fortify that temper, and furnifli 
 it with views, by which it may entertain and nourifh itfelf. Here are a 
 few examples of fuch philofophical refie£lions. 
 
 1 . Is it not certain, that every condition has concealed ills ? Then why 
 envy any body ? 
 
 2. Every one has known ills ; and there is a compenfation throughout. 
 Why not be contented with the prefent ? 
 
 3. Cuftom deadens the fenfe both of the good and the ill, and levels every 
 thing. 
 
 4. Health and humour all. The reft of little confequence, except thefe 
 be affeflcd. 
 
 5. How many other goods have I ? Then why be vexed for one Ul ? 
 
 6. How many are happy in the condition of which I complain ? How 
 jnany envy me ? 
 
 7. Every good muft be paid for : Fortune by labour, favour by flattery. 
 Would I keep the price, yet have the commodity? 
 
 8. Expeflnot too great happinefs in lifei Human nature admits it not; 
 
 9. Propofe not a happinefs too complicated. But does that depend on 
 me? Yes: The firft choice does. Life is like a game ; One may choofe the 
 jame : And pafiion, by degtees, feires the proper objeft. 
 
 10. Anticipate by your hopes and fancy future confolation, which time 
 infallibly brings to evsry affiifli»n. 
 
 I>4 
 
f02 
 
 ESSAY XVIIL 
 
 I fhall conclude this fubjea with obferving, That tho* 
 virtue be undloubtedly the beft choice, when it is attain- 
 able ; yet fuch is the diforder and confufion of human 
 affairs, that no perfect ceconomy or regular diftribution 
 of happinefs and mlfery is ever, in this life, to be ex- 
 peded. Not only the goods of fortune, and the endow- 
 ments of the body (both which are of great importance) 
 pot only thefe advantages, I fay, are unequally divided 
 between the virtuous and vicious, but even the mind, 
 itfelf partakes, in fome degree, of this diforder, and the 
 moft worthy charadter, by the very ceconomy of the 
 paiSons, enjoys .not always the higheft felicity. 
 
 'Tis obfervable, that tho' every bodily difeafe or pain 
 proceeds from fome diforder in, the parts, yet the pain is 
 
 11, I defirtto betich. Why? That I may poffefs many fine objefls^ 
 houfes, gardens, e^v'tfi^e, &c. How many fine gbjefls does nature' offer 
 to every one without ejcpence ? If enjoyed, fufficient. If not ! See the ef- 
 fefl of cuftom or of temper, which would foon. tak;e off the relifli of the 
 
 ikhes. 
 
 12. I defire fame. Let this oceur ; If I aft well, I Ihall hav« the ef- 
 teem of all my acquaintance. And what is all the reft to me ? 
 
 Thefe reffeflions are fo obvious, that 'tis a wonder they occur not t» 
 every man : So convincing, that 'tis a wonder they perfuade not every man. 
 But perhaps they do occur to and perfuade moft men ; when they confider 
 human life, by a, general and calm furvey : But where any real, affeAing 
 incident happens; when pafiion is awakened, fancy agitated, example 
 draws, and counfel urges ; the philofopher is loft ip the man, and he 
 featches in vain for that perfualion, which before feemed fo firm and 
 unthalcen. What remedy for this inconvenience ? Aflift yourfelf by a fre- 
 quent petufal of the entertaining moralifts : Have recourfe tp the learning 
 of Plutarch, the imagination of Lucian, the eloquence of Ciceko, 
 the witof SzNECA, the gaiety of Montaigne, thefublimity of Shaft- 
 ISBUKY. Moral precepts, fo couched, ftrike deep, and fortify the mind 
 againft the illuBons of paflion. But truft not altogether to external aid : 
 By habit and ftudy acquire that philofophic temper, which both gives force 
 to refleftign, and by rendering a great part of your happinefs independant, 
 takes off the edge from all diforderly paflions, and tranquilizes the mind. 
 Defpife not thefe helps ; but confide not too much in them neither : unlefs- 
 nature has been favourable in the temper, with which ihe has endowed 
 jou. 
 
 pot 
 
The Sceptic." 
 
 <^n 
 
 not always proportioned to the diforder; but is greater 
 or lefs, according to the greater or lefa fenfibility of the 
 part, upon which the noxious huniours exert their in- 
 fluence. A tooth-ach produces more violent convulfions 
 of pain than a phthifts or a dropfy. In like manner, with 
 yegard to the conftitution of the mind, we may obferve, 
 that all vice is indeed pernicious ; b\it yet the difturbance 
 or pain is not meafured out by nature with exaft propor- 
 tion to the degrees of vice, nor is the man of higheft 
 virtue, even abftrafting from external accidents, always, 
 the moft happy. A gloomy and melancholy difpofitioii 
 is certainly, to our fenttments, a vice or imperfe£tion ; but 
 as it maybe accompapied with great fenfe of honour and 
 great integrity, it may be found in very worthy charafters j 
 though 'tis fufficient alone to imbitter life, and render 
 the perfon afFedted with it compleatly miferable. On the 
 other hand, a felfifli villain may poflefs a fpring and ala- 
 crity of temper, a certain gaiety of heart, which is indeed 
 a good quality, but which is rewarded much beyond its 
 merit, and when attended with good fortune, will com- 
 penfate the \ineafmefs and remorfe arifing from all the 
 other vices, 
 
 I fhall add, as an obfervation to the fame purpofe, 
 that if a man be liable to a vice or imperfe£lion, it may 
 often happen, that a good quality, which he poffefles 
 with it, will render him more miferable than if he were 
 completely vicious. A perfon of fuch imbecility of tern-? 
 per, as to be eafily broke by affli£lion, is more unhappy 
 - for being endowed with a generous and friendly difpofi- 
 tion, v/hich gives him a lively concern for others,, and 
 expofes him the more to fortune and accidents. A fenfe 
 of fhame, in an imperfefl: charadter, is certainly a virtue, 
 but produces great uneafinefs and remorfe, from which 
 the abandoned villain is entirely free. A very amorous 
 complexion, with a heart incapable of friendfliip, is hap- 
 pier 
 8 
 
ae4 ESSAY XVIII. 
 
 pier than the fame excefs in love, with a generofity of 
 temper, which tranfports a man beyond himfelf, and 
 renders him a total flave tp the objeift of his paffion. 
 
 In a word, h(iman life is more governed by fortune 
 than by reafon ; is to be regarded more as a dull paftime 
 than as a ferious occupation ; and fe more influenced by 
 particular humour than by general principles. Shall, we 
 engage ourfelves in it with paflion and anxiety ? It is not 
 worthy of fo much concern. Shall we be indifferent 
 about what happens ? We lofe all the pleafure of the 
 game by our phlegm and careleflhefs.. While we are rea- 
 foning concerning life, life is gone; and death, though 
 perhaps they receive him differently, yet treats alike the 
 fool and the philofopher. To reduce life to exadl rule 
 and method, is commonly a painful, oft a fruitlefs oc- 
 cupation : And is it not alfo a proof, that we overvalue 
 the prize for which we contend ? Even to reafon fo 
 carefully concerning it, and to fix with accuracy its juft 
 idea, would be over-valuing it, were it not that, to fome , 
 tempers, this occupation is one of the moft amufing, ^F^ 
 which life could poSibly be employed. 
 
 ESSAY 
 
I «J ] 
 
 ESSAY XIX. 
 
 Of Polygamy and Divorces. 
 
 AS marriage is an engagement entered into by mu- 
 tual confent, and has for its end the propagation 
 of the Ipecies, 'tis evident, that it muft be fufceptible of 
 all the variety of conditions, which confent eftablifties, 
 provided they be not contrary to this end. 
 
 A man, in conjoining himfelf to a v/oman, is bound 
 
 , to her according to the terms of his engagement : In 
 begetting children, he is bound, by all the ties of na- 
 ture and humanity, to provide for their fubfiftence and 
 education. When he has performed thefe two parts of 
 
 . duty,, no being can reproach him with' injuftice or in- 
 jury. And as the terms of his engagement as well as 
 the methods of fublifting his offspring, may be very va- 
 rious, 'tis mere fuperftition to imagine, that marriage, 
 can be entirely uniform, and will admit only of one mode 
 or form. Did not human laws reftrain the natural li- 
 berty of men, every particular marriage would be as 
 different, as contracts or bargains of any other kind or 
 ipecies. 
 
 As circumflances vary, and the laws propofe different 
 advantages, we find, that, in different times and places^ 
 they impofc different conditions on this important con- 
 trait. In ToNquiN 'tis ufual for the failors, when the 
 fliips come into the harbour, to marry for the feafori ; 
 
 and. 
 
ao'e Essay xix. 
 
 and, notwithftanding this precarious engagement, th'6y 
 are affurefd, 'tis faid, of the flri6left fidelity to their bed^ 
 as wdl as in the whole management of their affairs from 
 thofe temporary fpoufes. 
 
 I cannot, at prefeat, rCcolleft my authorities ; but I 
 have fomewhere read. That the republic of Athens 
 having loft many of its citizens by war and peflilence, 
 allowed every man to marry two wivesj in order the 
 fooner to repair the wafte which had bfeen made by thefe 
 calamities. The poet EuRiPibEs happened to be coupled 
 to two noify Vixens, who fo plagued him with their 
 jealoufies and quarrels, that he became ever after a pro* 
 felled woman-hater ; and is the only theatrical writer^ 
 perhaps the only poet, who ever entertained an averfion 
 againft the whole fex. 
 
 In that agreeable romance, called the Hijiory of the 
 SevarambiAns,^ where a great many men and a few 
 women are fuppofed to be fhipwrecked on a defert cbaft'; 
 the captain of the troop, in order to obviate thofe eridlefs 
 quarrels which arofe, regulates their marriages after the 
 following manner : he takes a handfome female to him- 
 felf alone; affigns one to every couple of inferior of- 
 ficers ; and to five of the loweft rank he gives one wifd 
 in common. Could the greateft legiflator, in fuch cir-, 
 cumftances, have contrived matters with greater wifdom ? 
 
 The ancient Britons had a very fingular kind of 
 marriage, which is to be met with ataong no other peo- 
 ple. Any number of them, as ten or a dozen, joined 
 in a fociety together, which was perhaps requifite for 
 mutual defence in thofe barbarous times. In order to" 
 link this fociety the clofer, they took an equal number 
 of wives in common, and whatever children were born, 
 were reputed to belong to all of them, and were accord- 
 ingly provided for by the whole community. 
 
 Among 
 
Of PotYGAMY and Divorces. 20;^ 
 
 Among the inferior creatures, mature herfelf, being 
 the fupreme legiflator, prefcribes all the laws which re- 
 gulate their marriages, and varies thofe laws according 
 to the different circumftances of the creature. Where 
 flie furnifhes, with eafe, food and defence to the new- 
 born animal, the prefent embrace terminates the mar- 
 riage ; and the care of the offspring is committed entirely 
 to the female. Where the food is of more difficult pur- 
 chafe, the marriage continues for one feafbn, till the 
 common progeny can provide for itfelf ; and then the 
 union immediately diffolves, and leaves each of the par- 
 ties free to enter into a new engagement at the enfuing 
 feafon. But nature having endowed man with reafoni 
 has not fo exaSly regulated every article of his marriage 
 contract, but has left him to adjuft thefh, by his owfli 
 prudence, according to his particular circumftances and 
 fituation. Municipal laws are a fupply to the Wifdom 
 of each individual j and at the fame time, by reftrain- 
 ing the natural liberty of men, make the private intereft 
 fubmit to the intereft of the public. All regulations, 
 tijereforcj on this he^d are equally lawful, and equally 
 conformable to the principles of nature ; tho' they are 
 not all equally convenient, or equally ufeful to fociety. 
 The laws may allow of polygamy, as among the Eajlern 
 nations; or of voluntary divorces, as among the Greeks 
 and Romans ; or they may confine one man to one 
 woman, during the whole courfe of their lives, as 
 among the modern Europeans, It may not be dif- 
 agreeable to confider the advantages and difadvantages 
 which refult from each of thefe inftitutions. 
 
 The advocates for polygamy may recommend it as the 
 only effectual remedy for the furies and diforders of love, 
 and the oniy expedient for freeing men from that flavery 
 to the females, which the natural violence of our paf- 
 fions has impofed' on us. By this means alone can wc 
 
 regain 
 
2o8 ESSAY XIX; 
 
 ■" ain our right 'of fovereignty; and, fating our appe- 
 ti e, re-eftablifli the authority of reafon in our mindsy 
 and, by confequence, our own authority in our families^ 
 Man, like a weak fovereign, being unable to fupport 
 himfelf ,againft the wiles and intrigues of his fubjefts,' 
 muft play one faftion againft another, and become ab- 
 folute by the mutual jealoufies of the females. To dU 
 •vide and to govern is an univerfal maxim ; and by negledt-, 
 ing it, the Europeans undergo a more grievous and a 
 more ignominious flavery than the Turks or Persians, 
 who are fubje<3:ed indeed to a fovereign, that lies at a 
 diftaiice from them, but in their domeftic affairs rule 
 with an uncontroulable fway. An honeft Turk, who 
 fhould come from his feraglio, where every one trembles 
 before him, would be furprized to fee Sylvia in her 
 drawing-room, adored by all the beaus and pretty fellows 
 about town, and he would certainly take her for fome. 
 mighty despotic queen, furrounded by her guard of ob- 
 fequious flaves and eunuchs. 
 
 On the other hand, it may b'e urged with better rea- 
 fon, that this fovereignty of the male is a real ufurpa- 
 tion, and defliroys that liearnefs of rank, not to fay 
 equality, which nature his eftablifhed' between the fexes. 
 We are, by nature, their lovefs, their friends, their pa- 
 trons : Would we willingly change fuch endearing appel- 
 latioii's, for the' biarbarous titles of mafter and tyrant ? 
 
 In what capacity fhall we gain by this inhuman pro- 
 ceeding ? As lovers, or as hufbands ? The lover, is to- 
 tally annihilated; arid courtfhip, the moft agreeable 
 fcene in human life, can no longer have place, where 
 women have not the free difpofal of themfelves, biit are 
 bought and fold, like the iheaneft animals. The hufbaiid 
 is as little a gaiiier, having found the admirabfe fecret (if 
 extinguifhing every part of love, except its jealoufyl 
 There is no rofe without its thorn j hut he nl'uft b'ei 
 
 foolifh 
 
Of Polygamy and D I voRQEs. JI09 
 
 fOolifli wretch indeed, who throws away the rofe and 
 preferves only the thorn. 
 
 I would not willingly infift upon it as an advantage in 
 our EuROPEAK cuftoms, what was obferved by Mehe* 
 MET Effendi the laft Turkish ambaffador in France* 
 TVe Turks, fays he, are great Jmphtons in comparifon of 
 the Chrijlians. We are at the txpence and trouble of keeping 
 a feraglio, each in his own hoife: But you eafe yourfelv'ei of 
 this burden, and have your feraglio in your friends houfes. 
 The known virtue of our British ladies' frees them, 
 fufficiently from this imputation : And the Turk him- 
 felf, had he travelled among us, muft have owned, that 
 our free commerce with thte fair fex, more than any 
 other invention, embelliihes, enlivens^ and poliflies fo- 
 ci ety. 
 
 But the Asiatic manners are as deftruflive to friend- 
 ihip as to love. Jealoufy excludes men from all inti- 
 rrtacies and familiarities with each other. No man dares 
 bring his friend to his houfe or table, left he bring a 
 lover to his numerous wives. Hence all over the eaft, 
 each family is as feparate from another, as if they were 
 fo many diftinfl: kingdoms. No wonder then, that So- 
 lomon, living like an eaftetn prince, with his feven 
 hundred wives, and three hundred concubines, without 
 one friend^ could write fo pathetically concerriing the 
 Vanity of the world. Had he tried the fecret of one 
 wife or miftrefs, a few friends, and a great many com-' 
 panions, he might have fotlnd life fomewhat more agree- 
 able. Deftroy love artd friendftiip j what remains in jhc 
 ■world worth accepting ? 
 
 The bad education of children, efpecially children of 
 condition, is another unavoidable confequence of thefe 
 eaftern inftitutions. Thofe, who pafs ail the early part 
 of life among flaves, are only qualified to be, them- 
 
 VoLii.-' P felves. 
 
fti» ESSAY XIX. 
 
 felves, flaves and tyrants ; and in every future intercourfe, 
 cither with their inferiors or fup^riors, are apt to forget 
 the natural equality of mankind. What attention, too, 
 can it be fuppofed a parent, whdfe feraglio affords him 
 fifty' forts, will give to the inftflling principles of mora- 
 lity or fcie^ce into a progeny, with whom he himfelf 
 is fcarcely acquainted, and whom he loves with fo di- 
 vided an afFedtion ? Barbarifm, therefore, appears, from 
 reafon as well as experience, to be the infeparable con- 
 comitant of polygamy. 
 
 To render polygamy more odious, I need not recount 
 the frightful efFefls of jealoufy, .and the conftraint in 
 which it holds the fair-fex all over the eaft. In thofe 
 countries men are not allowed to have any commerce 
 with the females, not even phyficians, when ficlcnefs may 
 be fuppofed to have extinguifhed all wanton paffions in 
 the bofoms of the fair, and, at the fame time, has ren- 
 dered them unfit objefts of defire. Tournefort tells 
 us, That when he was brought into the grand Jigmor's 
 feraglio as a phylician, he was not a little furprized, in 
 looking along a gallery, to fee a great number of naked 
 arms, {landing out from the fides of the room. He 
 could not imagine what this could mean ; till he was 
 told, that thofe arms belonged to bodies, which he muft 
 cure, without knowing any more about them, than what 
 he could learn from the arms. He was not allowed to 
 alk a queftion of the patient, or even of her attendants, 
 left he might find it neceffary to enquire concerning cir- 
 cumftances, which the delicacy of the feraglio allows 
 not to be revealed. Hence the phyficians in the eaft 
 pretend to know all difeafes from the pulfe ; as our quacks 
 in Europe undertake to cure a perfon merely from fee- 
 ing his water. I fuppofe, had Monfieur TournefoRT 
 been of this latter kind, he would not, in Constan- 
 tinople, have been allowed by the jealous Turks to 
 4 be 
 
Of Polygamy and DiVorce^s. 21I 
 
 , be furnifl^d yrith materials requifite for exercifing his 
 art. 
 
 In another country, where polygamy is alfo allowed, 
 they fender their wives cripples, and make their feet of 
 no ufe to them, in order to confine them to their own 
 houfes. But it will, perhaps, appear ftrange, that in an 
 European country, wherp polygamy is not allowed, 
 jealoufy cap yet be carried to fuch a height, that 'tis 
 ipdepent fo nfiuph as to fuppofe, that a woman of rank 
 can have feet or legs. A Spaniard is jealous of the 
 very thoughts of thqfe vfho approach his wife ; and, if 
 poflible, v^rill preveiit his being diflionoured, even by the 
 waiUpppefs of imagination. Witnefs the following 
 ilory, which we have from very good authority f. When 
 the mother of the late king of Spain was on her road 
 towards Madrid, flie paffed thro' a little town in Spain, 
 famous for its manufa<5lqry pf gloves and ftockings. The 
 honeft magiftrates of the place thought they could not 
 better exprefs their joy for* the reception of their new 
 queen, than by prefenting her Mfith a (ample of thofe ■ 
 commodities, for which alone their town was remarkable. 
 The major-domo^ who condudted the princefs, received 
 the gloves very gracioufly : But when the ftockings were 
 prefente(f, he flung them away with great indignation, 
 and feverely reprimanded the magiftrates for this egre- 
 gious piece of indecency. Know, fays he, that a queen 
 of Spain has m legs. The poor young queen, who, 
 at that time, underftood the language but imperfectly, 
 and had been often frightened with ftories of Spanish 
 jealoufy, imagined that they were to cut off her legs. 
 Upon which fhe fell a crying, and begged them to con- 
 du£k her back to Germany ; for that flie never could 
 endure that operation : And it was with fome difficulty 
 
 •J- Mfntiru Je/acQur d'EssAXint far Madame d'Avsov, 
 
 P 2 they 
 
212 ESSAY XIX. 
 
 they could appeafe her. Phiiip IV. is faid never in his 
 life to have laughed heartily, but at the recital of this 
 ftory. 
 
 Jf a Spa'nish lady muft not be fuppofcd to have legs, 
 what muft be fuppofed of a Turkish lady ? She muft 
 not be fuppofed to have a being at all. Accordingly, 
 'tis efteemed a piece of riidenefs and indecency at 
 Constantinople, ever to make mention of a man's 
 ■wives before him f. In Europe, 'tis true, fine bred 
 people majce it alfo a rule never to talk of their waives : 
 But the reafon is not founded on our jealoufy. I fup- 
 pofe it is becjufe we Ihould be apt, w^ere it not for this 
 rule, to become troublefome to company, by talking too 
 much of them. 
 
 The author of the Persian letters has given a dif- 
 ferent reafon for this polite fnaxim. Men, fays he, never 
 care to mention their wives in company, leji they Jhould talk 
 of them before people, who are better acquainted with^ them 
 than themfelves. 
 
 Having rejedled polygamy, and matched one man 
 with one woman, let us now confider what duration we 
 fliall afTign to their union, and whether we fliall admit 
 of thofe voluntary divorces, which were in ufe among^ 
 the Greeks and Romans. They who would defend 
 this praiSlice, may employ the following reafons. 
 
 How often does difguft and averfion arife after mar- 
 riage, from the moft trivial 'accidents, or from an in- 
 compatibility of humour; where time, inftead of curing 
 the wounds proceeding from mutual injuries, fefters them 
 every day the more, by new quarrels and reproaches ? 
 Let us ieparate hearts, which are not made for eafch 
 other. Each of them may, perhaps, find another, for 
 
 -J- MeiKohcs dc Marquii i'ARGEKE. 
 
 ., - which 
 
Of .P6LYGAMY and Divorces. 213 
 
 vdiich it is better fittedi At kaft, nothing can be more 
 cruel, than to preferve by violence, an union, which, 
 at firft, wasiniade by mutuallove,-and is now, inefFedt, 
 diflblyed by mutual hatred. 
 
 But the liberty of divorces is not only a cure to ha- 
 tred arid domeftic quartels : It is alfo an admirable prc- 
 fervative againft them, and the only fecret for keeping 
 alive that love, which firft -united the" married couple* 
 The hjeartof man delights in liberty : The very image 
 of conftraint is grievous to it: When you would con- 
 fine it by violence, to • what would otherwife have been 
 its choice, the inclination immediately changes, and de- 
 ilre is turned into averflon. If the public intereft will 
 not allow us to enjoy in polygamy that variety, which is 
 fo agreeable in love ; at leaft, deprive us not of that li- 
 berty, which is fo eflentially requifite. In vain you tell 
 me, that I had my choice of the perfon, with whom I 
 would conjoin myfelf. I had my choice, 'tis true, of my 
 prifon ; but this is but a fmall comfort, fince it muft ftill 
 be a prifon. 
 
 Such are the arguments, which may be urged in fa- 
 vour of divorces : But there feem to be thefe three un- 
 anfwerable objedions againft them : Firji, What muft 
 become of the children, upon the feparatioh of the pa- 
 rents ? ■ Muft they be committed to the care of a ftep- 
 mother ; and inftead of the fond attention and concern 
 of a parent, feel all the indifference or hatred of a 
 ftranger or an enemy ? Thefe inconveniencies are fuf- 
 ficiently felt, where nature has made the divorce, by the 
 doom inevitable to all mortals : And fljall we feek to 
 multiply thefe inconveniencies, by multiplying divorces, 
 and putting it In the power of parents, upon every ca- 
 price, to render their pofterity miferable ? 
 
 Secondly, If it be true, on the one hand, that the heart 
 
 of man naturally delights in liberty, and hates every 
 
 P 3 thing 
 
5T4 ESSAY Xlti 
 
 thing to which it is confined; 'tis alfotrue, on the otTller 
 hand, that the heart of man naturally fubinits to neccf- 
 fity, and foon lofes an inclination, when there appears 
 an absolute impoiEbility of gratifying it. Thefe prin- 
 ciples of human nature, you'll f^, are contfadtfi'dry : 
 But what is man but a heap of contradiftions ! Tho' 'tis 
 remarkable, that where principles are, after this mannei", 
 contrary in their opeJ-ation, they do not always deftroy 
 each other j but the one or the other may predominate 
 on any particular occafioh, according as circumftances 
 are more or lefs favourable toi it. For inftance, love is 
 a reftlefs and impatient paffibnj full of caprices and va- 
 riations ; arifing in a moment from a feature, from an 
 air, from nothing, and fuddenly extinguifhiflg after the 
 fame^manner. Such a paffion requires liberty above all 
 things ; and therefore Eloisa had reafon, when, in order 
 to preferve this paffion, flie refufed to marry her belove4 
 Abelard. 
 
 How oft, when pre/1 to marriage, have I /aid, 
 Curfe on all laws but thafe whith love ho} made : 
 Love, free as air, at fight of human ties. 
 Spreads his light wings, and in a moment flies. 
 
 But friendjhip is a calm and fedate affeftion, eoh^ufled 
 by reafon and cemented by habit ; fpringing from long 
 acquaintance and mutual obligations ; without jealoufies 
 or fears, and without thofe feverilh fits of heat and cold, 
 which caufe fuch an agreeable torment in the amoroud 
 paflion. So fober an affe<aion, therefore, as frieiidfliip, 
 rather thrives under conftraim, and never rifes to fuch a 
 height, as when any ftrong intereft or neceffity binds two 
 perfons together, and gives them fome common obgedt of 
 purfuit. Let us confider then, whether love or friend- 
 flihp fhould moft predominate in marriage ; and we Ihall 
 foon determine whether liberty or conftraint be moft fa- 
 vourable 
 
' Of PoLYGAHiY and Divorces. 215 
 
 vourable to it» The happkft marriages, to be fure, are 
 found w&ere love^, by long accpainSance, is confolidated 
 into friendihip; Whoever dreams of raptures and ex- 
 tafies beyond the honey-month, is a fo^L Even ro- 
 mances themfy ves, with all their liberty of fiflionj are 
 obliged to drop their lovers the very day of their mar- 
 riage, and find it eafier to fupport the paffion for a dozen 
 years under coldnei^, difdain and difficulties, than a week 
 under poiieffion and fccui"ity. We need not, therefore, 
 be afraid of drawing the marriage- knot the dofeft pof- 
 fible. The friendship between the perfons, wiiere it is 
 folid and fincere, will rather gain byit: And where it 
 is wavering and uncertain, this is the beft expedient for 
 fixing it. How many frivolous quarrels and difgufts are 
 there, which people of common prudeiice endeavour to 
 forget, when they lie under a neceffity of paffing their 
 lives together ; but which would foon be inflamed into 
 the moft deadly hatred, were they purfued to the utmoft, 
 under the profpeii of an eafy reparation ? 
 
 In the third place, we muft confider, that nothing is 
 more dangerous than to unite two perfons fo clofely in alj 
 their interefts and concerns, as man and wife, without 
 rendering the union intire and total. The leaft poffibi- 
 lity of a feparate intereft muft be the fource of cndleis 
 quarrels and jealoufies. What Dr. Parnej, calls, 
 
 The little pilfring temper of a wife^ 
 
 will be doubly ruinous ; and the hufband's felfiflinefs, 
 being accompanied with more power, may be ftill more 
 dangerous. 
 
 Should thefe reafons againft voluntary divorces be 
 efteemed infufficient, I hope no body will pretend to re- 
 fufe the teftimony of experience. At the time when di- 
 vorces were moft frequent among the Romans, mar- 
 riages were moft rare J and Augustus was obliged, by- 
 P 4 penal 
 
£i6 E S, S A Y XIX. ' 
 
 penal laws, to force the men of fafhion into. tHe mzt-' 
 ried ftate : A circumftance which is fcarce to be found 
 in any other age or nation. The more ancient laws of 
 Rome which prohibited divorices, are extremely r^raifed 
 by DioNYsius Halycarnabs^us f . Wonderful was 
 the harmony, fays the, hiftorian, which this infeparable 
 union of interefts produced betweert rriarried ..perfons ; 
 while each of them confidered the inevitable neceflity by 
 which they were linked together, and : abandoned all 
 profpedi of any other choice or eftablifhment;. , 
 
 The exclufion of polygamy and divorces fufficiently 
 recommends our prefent European pradice with regard 
 to marriage. . . ' 
 
 f Lib. is 
 
 ESSAY 
 
[ 217 ] 
 
 ESSAY XX. 
 
 Of Simplicity and Refiisemxnt in Writing, 
 
 FINE writings according to Mr. Addison, con- 
 fifts of fentiments, which are natural, without be^ 
 ing obvious. There cannot be a jufter, and more con* 
 cife definition of fine writing. 
 
 Sentiments, which are merely natural, affe<St not the 
 mind, with any pleafure, and feem not worthy of our 
 attention. The pleafantries of a waterman, the obfer- 
 vations of a peafant, the ribaldry of a porter or hackney 
 coachman j ali thefe are natural, and difagreeable. What 
 an infipid comedy fhould we make of the chit-chat of the 
 tea-table, copied faithfully and at full length ? Nothing 
 can pleafe perfons of tafte, but nature drawn with all 
 her graces and ornaments, la belle nature ; or if we copy 
 low life, the ftrokes muft be flrong and remarkable, and 
 muft convey a lively image to the mind. The ajbfurd 
 naivety of Sancho Pancho is reprefented in fuch inimitable 
 colours by Cervantes, that it entertains as much as 
 the pi(3:ure of the moft magnanimous hero or fofteff: 
 lover. 
 
 The cafe is the fame with orators, philofophers, cri- 
 tics, or any author who fpeaks in his own perfon, with- 
 out introducing other fpeakers or adlors. If his language 
 be not elegant, his obfervations uncommon, his fenfb 
 ftrong and mafculine, he will in vain boafl: his nature 
 
 5 m^ 
 
2i8 ESSAY. XX. 
 
 and fimplicity. He may be correfi: ; but he never will 
 be agreeable. 'Tis the unhappinef^ of fuch authors, 
 tbat they are never blamed nor cenfured. The good 
 fortune of a book, and that of a man, are not the fame. 
 The fecret deceiving path of life, which Horace talks 
 of, falknth femka vita,- may be the happieft lot of the 
 one ; but is the greateft misfortune, which the other 
 can poflibly fall into. 
 
 Oir the other band, produ'fiions, whi<?b' are rherely 
 furprifing, without being natural, can never give any 
 lafting entertainment to the mind. To draw chimeras 
 is not, properly fpeaking, to copy or imitate. The juft- 
 nefs of the reprefentation is loil, and the mind is di^ 
 pteafed to find a pifture, which bears no refemblance 
 to any original. Nor are fuch exceffive refinements 
 more agreeable in the epiftolary or philofophic flile, than 
 in the epic or tragic. Too much ornament i^ a fault in 
 every kind of produdlion. Uncommon exprelTions, ftrong 
 flafhes of wit, pointed fimilies, and epigrammatic turn«, 
 efpeclally when they recur too frequently, are atlisfigure- 
 ment rather than any embelliftiment of difcouife. As the 
 eye, in furveying a Gothic building, is diftrafted by 
 the multiplicity of ornaments, and lofesthe whole by- its 
 minute attention to the parts ; fo the mind, in perufing 
 a work overftocked with wit, is fatigued and difgufted 
 with the conftant endeavour to fhine and furprize. This 
 is the cafe where a writer overabounds in wit, even th<^' 
 that wit, in itfelf, ,fliQuld be juft and agreeabk. But it 
 commonly happens to fuch writers, that they feek for 
 their favourite ornaments, even where the fubjeiSt affords 
 them not j and by that means, hav-e twenty infipid con- 
 ceits for one thought which is really beautiful. 
 , There is no fubjeft in critical learning more copious, 
 than this of the juft mixture of fimplicity and refine- 
 ment in writing ; and therefore, not to wander in too 
 
 lar^e 
 
Of SiMPiiciTY aiid Refinement, -ii^ 
 
 large a fidd, t (hall confine inyfdf to a few general ob"- 
 fervations on that htead. 
 
 //ry?, I obferve, 7T)d^ lio' meffes of hoih kinds are to he 
 aveidtJy and tho" a proper medium ought to be JiucUed in all 
 produSiions ; yet this medium lies not in a pointy but admits of 
 d very conJiderdUe latitude. Cdhfider the wide diftarice, 
 in this re(pe£l, between Mr. Pope and Lucretius. 
 Thefe feeiri to lie in the two greateft extremes of refine- 
 ment and firtiplicity, in which a poet can indtilgef him- 
 felf, wkhout being guilty of any blameable excefe. Aft 
 this interval may be filled with poets, who may diiFer from 
 each other, but rax^ be ecjually admirable, each in his 
 peculiar ftile and manner. Corneille and Congreve, 
 who carry their wit and refinement fordewhat farthet 
 than Mr. Pope (if poets of fo different a kind can be 
 {compared together) and SofHOCtEs arid Terence^ 
 who are more fimple than Lucretius, feem to have 
 gone out of that medium, in which the moft perfe£l: pro- 
 ductions are found, and to be gujlty of fome excefs in 
 thefe oppcifite charafters. Of all the great poets, Vir- 
 Gii. and Racine, in my opinion, lie neareft the center, 
 and are the fartheft removed from both the extremities. 
 
 MyyJ^wS/ obfervation on this head is. That it ts very 
 Afficulty if Hot impoffibUf to explain by words, where thejujl 
 medium between the excejfes ofjimplicity and refinement lies, or 
 to give afiy rule, iy which we can know precifely the bounds 
 between the fbuh and the beauty. A critic may drfcourfe 
 not only veiy judicioufly on this head, without inftru£t- 
 kig his readers, but even without underftanding the 
 matter perfeCHy himfelf. There is not a finer piece of 
 criticifm than the dijfertationonpajlorals by Fontenelle; 
 where, by a number of reflexions and philofophical rea- 
 fonirigs, he endeavours to fix the juft medium, which is 
 fuitable to that fpecies of writing. But let any one read 
 the paftorals of that author, and he will be convinced 
 
 tha,t 
 
42© 
 
 E S S rA Y XX.. 
 
 that thijS jiidicipus critic^ notwithftanding his fine reafort- 
 ings, had a falfe tafte, and fixed' the point of .perfeftidit 
 vnuch nearer the .extreme xif refinement- than paftoral 
 .poetry will admit of. The fentiments of his fhepherds 
 ..zre-better fuited to the.toilettes of Paris, than to the fo_- 
 refls oJf Xrcadia. But tljis it is impoffible to difcover 
 'from his critical reafonings. He blames all exceffive 
 painting and ornament as much as Virgil could have 
 ^one, had ^he wrote a differtation on that fpecies p^f 
 eoetry^ .However "different the taftes of men m,ay be, 
 ;the,ir general difcourfes. on thefe fubjeils are commonly 
 .the fame. No criticifm can be very inftruftive, which 
 ^.efcepds.not to particulars, 'and is not full of examples 
 .and illuftrations. 'Tis allckwed on all hands, that beautyj 
 ^s well ^s virtue, lies, always in a medium; but wherg. 
 this medium is placed, is the great <juefl:ion, and cao 
 jiever be fufficiently explained by general reafonings. 
 
 1 fhall ■ deliver it as a third obfervation on this fub- 
 iefl. That we ought to he more on our guards agalnjl ihe ex- 
 tefi of refinement than that ofjimplidty ; arid that hecaufe the 
 former excefs is both lefs beau.tiful, and more daagerous than 
 the. latter,. \- - , . : 
 
 'Tisa certai.n rule,, that wit and pafllon .are intirely 
 inconfift-ent. When the' affe<Si:ions are moved, there is 
 no place for the imagination- The mind of man being 
 naturally limited, "tis impoflible, that all its faculties can 
 operate at once: And .the more any one predominates, 
 the lefs room is there for the others to exert their vigour. 
 For ihisreafon, a greater degree of fimplicity is required 
 in all compofitions, where men, and aftions, and paf- 
 fions are painted, than in fuch as confift of reflexions 
 and obfervations. And as the former fpecies of writing 
 ^s the more engaging and beautiful, one may fafely, upon 
 this account, give the preference to the extrerrje of finiT 
 pUcity above that of refinement, 
 ^ ' We 
 
Of SiMfxrtiTV and RfeFiNfiSi^NT. 221^ 
 
 We may alfo obferve, that thofe compofitionsj which 
 we read the ofteneft, and which every man of tafte has 
 got by heart, have the recommendation of fimplicity, 
 and have nothing furprifing in the thought, when di- 
 vefted of that elegance of expreffion, and harmony of 
 numbers, with which it iscloathed. If the merit of the 
 compofition lies in a point of wit; it may ftrike atfirfi: ; 
 but the mind anticipates the thought in the fecond pe- 
 rufal, and is no longer affefled by it. When I read aa 
 epigram of Martial, the firft line recalls the whole ; 
 and I have no pleafure in repeating to myfelf what I 
 know already. But each line, each word in Catullus, 
 has its merit ; and I am never tired with the perufal of 
 him. 'Tis fufficient to run over Cowley once : But 
 Parnel, after the fiftieth reading, is as frefh as at the 
 firfl:. Befides, 'tis with books, as with women, where 
 a certain plainnefs of manner and of drels is more en- 
 gaging than that glare of paint and airs and apparel, 
 which may dazzle the eye, but reaches not the affedtions. 
 Terence is a modeft and balhful beauty, to whom we 
 grant every thing, becaufe he afllimes nothing, and whofe 
 purity and nature make a durable, tho' not a violent im- 
 preffion on us. 
 
 But refinement, as it is the lefs beautiful, fo is it the 
 
 more dangerous extreme, and what we are the apteft to 
 
 fall into.' Simplicity pafles for dulnefs, when it is not 
 
 accompanied with great elegance and propriety. On 
 
 the contrary, there is fometbing furprizing in a blaze of 
 
 wit and conceit. Ordinary readers are mightily ftruck 
 
 with it, and falfely imagine it to be the moft difficult, as 
 
 well as moft excellent way of writing. Seneca abounds 
 
 with agreeable faults, fays Quintilian, abundat dulci- 
 
 hus vitiis ; and for that reafon is the more dangerous, and 
 
 the more apt to pervert the tafte of the young and in- 
 
 «onfiderate, 
 
 Ifhall 
 
tt22 ESSAY XX, 
 
 I fhall add, that the cxcefs of refinement is now more 
 to be guarded ag^inil tljan everj becaufe 'tis the ex- 
 treme which men are the moft apt to fall into, after learn- 
 ing has made great prpgrefs, and after eminent writer^ 
 have appeared in every fpecies of comppfitiqn. Thp en- 
 deavour to pleafe by novelty leads men wide of fimplicity 
 and nature, and fills their writings with affeftation and 
 conceit. It was thus the Asiatic eloquence degenerat- 
 ed fo much from the Attic. It was thus the age of 
 Claudius and Nero becanje fo mu,ch TnrferiQr to that 
 of Augustus in tafte and geniug : And perhaps there 
 are, at prefent, fome fymptoms of a like degeneracy of 
 tafte, in France as well as in Ei^gi-and. 
 
 ESSAY 
 
t 22? i 
 
 ESSAY XXL 
 
 Of NaTIO N A L ChARACT ERS. 
 
 TH E vulgar are very apt to carry all national cha* 
 rasters to extremes ; and having once eftablifhed 
 it as a principle, that any people are knavifli, oi: cow- 
 ardly, or ignorant, they will admit of no exception, but 
 comprehend every individual under the fame charadler. 
 Men of fenfe condemn thefe undiftinguilhing judgments : 
 The' at the feme time, they allow, that each nation has 
 a peculiar fet of manners, and that fome particular 
 qualities are more frequently to be met with among one 
 people than among their neighbours. The common 
 people in Swisserland have furely more probity than 
 thofe of the fame rank in Ireland ; and every prudent 
 man will, from that circumftance alone, make a dif- 
 ference in the truft which he repofes in each. We have 
 reafon to expeft greater wit and gaiety in a Frenchman 
 than in a Spaniard; tho' Cervantes was born in 
 Spain. An Englishman will naturally be fuppofed 
 to have more knowledge than a Dane; tho' TycHO 
 Brahe was a native of Denmark. 
 
 DiiFerent reafons are affigned for thefe nathnal cha- 
 raSiers; while fome account for them from moral and 
 others from phy/tcal caufes. By moral caufes, I mean all 
 circumftances, which are fitted to work on the mind as 
 motives or reafons, and which render a peculiar fet of 
 manners habitual to us. Of this kind are, the nature 
 
 of 
 
224 
 
 ESSAY' jfxr. 
 
 of the government, the revolutions of public affairs, thd 
 plenty Of penury in which the people live, the fituatifih 
 of the nation with regard to its neighbours, and above 
 all, the courfe of education, and the example of parents 
 and companions* By phyjical caufes,- I mean thofe qua- 
 lities of the air and climate, which are fuppofed to work 
 infenfibly on the temper, by altering the tone and habit 
 of the body, and giving a particular complexiah, which 
 tho' reflexion and reafon may fometimes overcome, yet 
 •will it prevail among the generality of mankind, and have 
 an influence on their manners. 
 
 That the charadter of a nation will very much depend 
 on moral caufes, muft be evident to the mofl: fuperficiad 
 obferver ; fince a nation is nothing but a colledion of in- 
 dividuals, and the manners of individuals are frequ'ently 
 determined by thefe caufes. As poverty and hard labour 
 debafe the minds of the common people, and render them 
 unfit for any fcience and ingenious profeflion ; fo where 
 any government becomes very oppreflive to all its fubjedsi 
 it muft have a proportional effedl on their temper and ge- 
 nius, and muft banifh all the liberal arts from among them. 
 Inftances of this nature are very frequent in the worM. 
 
 The fame principle of moral caufes fixes the character 
 of different profeffions, and alters even that difpofition, 
 which the particular members receive from the hand of 
 nature, k foldier and z. pr'ujl are different charadlers, in 
 all nations, and all ages j and this difference is fouiided 
 on ciicumfiances, whofe operation is eternal and unalr 
 terable. 
 
 The uncertainty of their life makes foldiers lavifh and 
 generous, as well as brave: Their idlenefs, together with 
 the large focieties, which they form in camps or gani- 
 fons, inclines them to pleafure and gallantry : By their 
 frequent change of company, they acquire good breed* 
 
 .jng 
 
Of National Characters. 225 
 
 ing and an opennefs of behaviour : Being eftiployed only 
 againft a public and an open enemy, they become can- 
 did^ honeft, and undefigning : And as they ufe more the 
 labour of the body than that of the mind, they are com- 
 monly thoughtlefs and ignorartt*. 
 
 'Tis a trite, but not altogether a falfe maxim, that 
 friefls of all religions are the fame ; and tho' the charafter 
 tff the profeflion will not, in every inftance, prevail over 
 the perfonal charadter, yet it is fure always to predomi- 
 nate with the greater number. For as chymifts obferve, 
 that fpkits, when raifed to a certain height, are all the 
 fame, from whatever materials they be extracted ; fo 
 thefe men, being elevated above humanity, acquire a uni- 
 form, charadler, which is intirely their own, and which, 
 in my opinion, i^, generally fpeaking, not the moft 
 amiable that is to be met with in human fociety. It is, 
 in mod points, oppofite to that of a foldier ; as is the 
 way of life, from which it is derived f. 
 
 As 
 
 • 'Tis a faying of Menanber, Kofivf-oc ffiTiajTn;, Si' £t li b-^ottsi 
 J&EOC oCQu^ ykvoiT av. Men. apud S T o B ^ u M . T/j fiat in the -poiver even of 
 God to make a polite foldier. The contrary obfervation with regard to the 
 mannerG of foldiers takes -place in our days. This feems to me a prefump- 
 tioo, that the ancients owed all their refini;ment and civility to books and 
 ftudy; for which, indeed, a foldier's life is not fo well calculated. Com. 
 pany and the world is their fphere. And if there be any politenefis to be 
 learned from company, they will certainly have a confiderable (hare of it. 
 
 '•(■ Tho' all mankind have a ftrong propenfrty to religion at certain times 
 and in certain difpofitions •; yet are there few or none, who have it to that 
 degree> and with that conftancy, which is requifite.to fupport the charafier 
 of this profeflion. It muft, therefore, happen, that clergymen, being drawn 
 from the common mafs of mankind, as people are to ■other employments, 
 by the -views of profit, the greateft part, tho' no atheifls or free-thinkers, 
 will find it Bcceffary, on particular occafions, to feign more devotion than 
 they are, at that time, poifelTcd of, and to maintain the' appearance of fer- 
 Tor and ferioufnefs, even when jaded with the. exercifes of their religion, or 
 when they have their minds engaged in the common occupations of life. 
 They mult not, like the reft of the world, give fcope to their natural move- 
 
 VoL. I, Q^ jnenta 
 
226 ESSAY XXL 
 
 As to phyfml caufes, I am inclined to doubt altogether 
 ©f their operation in this particular ; nor do I thinks 
 
 that 
 
 fncnts and fentiments: They, mud fet a guard over their looks and woi^j 
 and anions : And in order to fupport the veneration paid them by the igno- 
 rant vulgar, they muft not only keep a remarkable referve, but muft pro- 
 mote the fpirit of fuperftition, by a continued grimace and bypocrify. This, 
 diffimulation often deftroys tJie candour and ingenuity of their temper, ant 
 makes an irreparable breach in their charafler. 
 
 If by chance any of them be poffefied cf a temper more fufceptible of devo'- 
 tion than ufual, fo that he has but little occafion for bypocrify to fupport 
 the charafler of his profeffioiv; 'tis fo natural for him to oyer-rate this ad- 
 vantage, and to think that it atones foi- every violation of morality, that 
 frequently he is not more virtuous than the hypocrite. And tho' few date 
 openly avow thofe exploded opinions, that ever;} thing is laivful to the Jams,- 
 and that they alone have property in their goods ; yet we may obferve, that 
 thefe principles lurk in every bofom, and reprefent a zeal for religious ob- 
 fcrvances as fo great a merit, that it may compenfate for many vices and 
 endrmilies. This obfervation is fo common, that all prudent' men are on- 
 fheir guard, when they meet with any extraordinary appearance of religion ; 
 tho' at the fame time, they coiifefs, that therg are many exceptions to thiss 
 general rule, and that probity and fuperftition are not altogether incom- 
 patible, 
 
 Moft men are ambitious ; but the ambition of other men may commonly 
 Be fatisfied, by excelling in their particular profeffion, and thereby promoting 
 the interefls of fociety. The ambition of the clergy can often be fatisfiei 
 only by promoting ignorance and fuperftition and implicit feith ^and pious 
 frauds. And having got what Archimedes only wanted, (i<i)a." another 
 world, on which he could fix his engines) no wonder they move this world at 
 their pleafurer 
 
 Moft men have an over-weaning conceit of themfelves ; but tbeje have a 
 peculiar terr.ptation to that vice, who are regarded with fuch veneration, ani 
 are even deemed facrcd, by the ignorant multitude, 
 
 Moft men are apt to bear a particular regard for members of their own 
 profeflion ; but as a lawyer, or pbyfician, or merchant does, each of them, 
 follow out his bufinefs apart, the interefts of thefe profelTions are not f* 
 clofely united as the interefts of clergymen of the fame religion; where the 
 whole body gains by the veneration, paid to their common tenets, and by the' 
 fuppreffion of antagonifts. 
 
 Few men can bear contradiftion with patience j but the clergy too of-" 
 ten proceed even to a degree of fury on this artidet Becaufe all their credit 
 
Of National Characters. 227 
 
 that men owe any thing of their temper or genius to 
 the air, food, or climate. I confefs, that the contrary 
 opinion may juftly, at firfl: fight, feem very probable ; 
 fmce we find, that thefe ciicumftances have an influence 
 :over every other animal, and that even thofe creatures, 
 which are fitted to live in all climates, fuch as dogs, 
 
 and livelihood depend upon the belief, which their opinions meet with; and 
 they alone pretend to a divine and fupernatural authority, or have any colour 
 for reprefenting their antagoniAs as impious and prophane. The Odium \ 
 Tbeologicum-, or Theological Hatred, is, noted even to a proverb, and means 
 that degree of rancour, which is the moft furious and implacable. 
 
 Revenge is a very natural paflion to- mankind ; but feems to reign with 
 the greateft force in priefts and women : Becaufe being deprived of the im- 
 mediate exertion of anger, in violence and combat, they are apt to fancy 
 themfelves defpifed on that account j and their pride fupports their vindiflive 
 difpofition. 
 
 Thus many of the vices of human nature are, by fixed moral caufeS, in- 
 flamed in that profeffion; and tho' feveral individuals efcape the contagion, 
 jet all wife governments will be on their guard againft the attempts of a 
 fociety,-who will for ever combine into one faftion, and while it afts as a 
 fociety, will for ever be at2uated by ambition, {)ride, revenge, and a perfe- 
 tuting fpirit. i 
 
 The temper of religion is grave and ferious 5 and this is the charafler re- 
 quired of priefts, which confines them to AnSt rules of decency, and com- 
 monly prevents irregularity and intemperance amongft them. The gaiety, 
 much lefs the exceffes, ofpleafure, is not permitted in that body; and this 
 virtue is, perhaps, the only one, which they owe to their profeflion. In 
 religions, indeed, founded on fpeculative principles, and where public dif- 
 courfes make a part of religious lervice, it may alfo be fuppofed that the 
 clergy will have a confiderable fliare in the learning of the times j tho' 'tis 
 certain that their tafle and eloquence will always be better th^n their ftil' 
 in reafoning and philofophy. But whoever poUejles the other noble virtues 
 of humanity, meeknefs, and moderation, as very many of them, no doubt, 
 do, is beholden for them to natuie or refleflion, not to the genius of his 
 calling. 
 
 'Twas no bad expedient in the Romans, for preventing the (irong effefl 
 of the prieftly charafler, to make it a law that no one Ihould be received 
 into the facerdotal office, till he was paft fifty years of age, Dion. Hal. lib. 
 I. The living a layman till that age, 'tis prefumed, would be able to fix the 
 
 charafler. 
 
 Q^ 2 iorfes. 
 
228 E S S AY XXI. 
 
 horfes, i^c. do not attain the fame perfection in all. The 
 courage-of bull-dogs and game-cocks feems peculiar to 
 England. Flanders is remarkable for large and 
 heavy horfes': Spain for horfes light, and 6f good mettle. 
 And any breed of thefe creatures, tranfported from one 
 country into another, will foon lofe the qualities, which 
 they derived from their native climate. It may be afked, 
 why hot the fame with men * ? 
 
 There are few queftions more curious than this, of 
 which will occur oftener in our inquiries concerning hu- 
 man affairs ; and therefore it may be proper to give it a 
 ferious exainination. 
 
 The human mind is of a very imitative nature ; nor 
 is it poffible for any fet of men to converfe often toge-- 
 ther, without acquiring a fimilitude of manners, and com- 
 municating to each other their vices as well as virtues. 
 The propenfity to company and fociety is ftrong in all 
 rational creatures j and the fame difpofition, which gives 
 lis this propenfityj makes us enter deeply into each other's 
 fentiments, and caufes like paffions and inclinations t6 
 run, as it were by contagion, thro' the whole club or 
 knot of companions. Where a numher of men ar6 
 united into one political body, th6 occafiohs of their 
 
 * C^sAH (de Bell. Gallico, lib. i.) fays that the GalLic horfes 
 were very good ; the German very bad. We find in lib. 7. that he was 
 obliged to remount fome German cavalry with Gallic horfes. At pre- 
 ient, no part of Europe has fo bad horfes of all kinds as France; But 
 Germany abounds with excellent war horfes. This may beget a little fuf* 
 picion, that even animals depend not on the climate ; but on the diffe- 
 rent breeds, and on the (kill and care in rearing them. The north of Eng- 
 land abounds in the bail horfes of all kinds which are in the world. In 
 the neighbouring counties, north fide the Tweed, no good horfes of any 
 kind are to be met with,> Strabo, lib,, a, rejefts, in a great meafure, 
 the influence of climate upon men. All is cuftom and education, fays he'. 
 It is not from nature, that the Athenians are learned, the Lacedemo- 
 nians ignorant, and theTHEBANS too, who are ftiU nearer neighbours 
 to the former. Even the difference of animals, he adds, depends not on 
 climiite. 
 
 inter" 
 
Of Nationai Characters. 
 
 229 
 
 intercourfe muft be. fo frequent, for d-efence,. commerce, , 
 and government, that together with the fame fpeech or 
 language, they muft acqujre a refemblance in their man- 
 nei:s, and have a comnion. or national chai;a(Stcr, as well as 
 a perfcnal one^ peculiar to each individual. Now tho' 
 nature produces all kinds of temper and uhderftanding in 
 great abundance, it follows not that Ihe always produces 
 them in like proportions, and that in every fpciety the 
 ingredients of induftry and indolence, valour and cow- 
 ardice, humanity and brutality, wifdom and folly, will 
 be mixed after the fame manner. In the infancy of fo-^ 
 ciety, if any of thefe difpofitions. be found in greater 
 abundance than the reft, it will naturally prevail in the 
 compofition, and give a tinfture to the national charadler. 
 Or fliould it be aflerted, that no fpecies of temper can 
 reafonably be prefumed to predominate, even in thofe 
 contrafted focieties, and that the fame proportions will 
 ^ways be preferved in the mixture ; yet furely the per- 
 fons in credit and authority, being ftill a more contra<Sled 
 body, cannot always be prefumed to be of the fame cha- 
 ra£ler ; and their influence on the manners of the people, 
 rauft, at all times, be very confiderable. If on the firft 
 ^ablifhment of a republic, a Brutus fhbuld be placed 
 in authorit}', and be tranfported with fuch an enthufiafm 
 for liberty and public good, as to overlook all the ties of 
 nature, as well as private intereft, fuch an illuftrious 
 example will naturally have an efFeft on the whole fo- 
 ciety, and kindle the fame paffion in every bofbm. 
 Whatever it be that forms the manners of one genera- 
 tion, the next muft imbibe a deeper tindture of the 
 feme dye ; men being more fufceptible of all impref- 
 fions during infancy, and retaining thefe impreffions as 
 long as they remain in the world. J affert, then, that 
 all national charaders, where they depend not on fixed 
 ^oral caufes, proceed from fuch accidents as thefe, and 
 
 Q. 3 th^t 
 
230 
 
 ESSAY XXL 
 
 that phyfical caufes have no difcernable operation on the 
 human mind. 
 
 If we run over the whole globe, or revolve all the an- 
 nals of hiftorjr, we fliall difcover every where figns of 
 this fympathy or contagion of manners, none of the in- 
 fluence of air or climate. 
 
 1. We may obferve, that where a very extenfive go- 
 vernment' has been eftabliflied for many centuries, it 
 fpreads a riaaonal character over the whole empire, and 
 communicates to every part a fimilitude of manners. 
 Thus the Chinese have the greateft uniformity of cha- 
 rader imagi^naijle ; tho' the air and climate, in d liferent 
 parts of thofe vaft dominions, admit of very confiderablp 
 variations-. 
 
 2. In fmall governments, which are contiguous, 
 the people have notwithftanding a different charafter, 
 and are often as diflinguifhable in their manners as the 
 moft diftant nations. Athens and Thebf.s were but 
 a fliort day's journey from each other j tho' the Athe- 
 nians were as remarkable for ingenuity, politenefs, and 
 gaiety, as the Theeans for dulnefs, rufticity, and a 
 phlegmatic temper. Plutarch, difcourfing of the ef- 
 fects of air on the minds of men, obferves, that the in- 
 habitants of the PiRJEUM pofleffed very different tempers 
 from thofe of the higher town of Athens, which was 
 diflant about four miles from the former : But. I believe 
 no one attributes the difference of manners, in Wap- 
 PING and St. James's, to a difference of air or cli- 
 mate. 
 
 3. The fame national charafter commonly follows the 
 authority of government to a precife boundary ; and 
 upon (.rofTing a river or pafTing a mountain, one finds 
 a new fet of manners, witli a new government. The 
 Languedocians and Gascons are the gayefl people 
 
 of 
 
Of National Characters, 231 
 
 tjf all France ; but whenever you pafs the Pyrenees, 
 you are among Spaniards. Is it conceivable, that the 
 qualities of the air fhould change fo exaftly with the 
 limits of ah empire, which depend fo much on the acci- 
 ■dents of battles, negociations, and marriages ? 
 
 4. Where any fet of men, fcattered over diftant 
 nations, have a clofe fociety or communication together, 
 they acquire a fimilitude of manners, and have but little 
 iii common with the nations among whom they live. 
 Thus the Jews in Europe, and the Armenians in 
 the eaffi, have a peculiar charadter ; and the former are 
 as much noted for fraud, as the latter for probity *. The 
 Jefu'its in all Raman-catholtc countries, are alfo obferved 
 to have a charadler peculiar to themfelves, 
 
 5. "Where any accident, as adifFerence of language or 
 religion, keeps two nations, inhabiting the fame coun- 
 try, from mixing with each other, they will preferve, 
 during feveral centuries, a diftiniSt and even oppofite fet 
 of manners. The integrity, gravity, and bravery of the 
 Turks, form an exa<3: contrail to the deceit, levity, 
 and cowardice of the modern Greeks. 
 
 6. The fame fet of manners will follow a nation, and 
 adhere to them over the whole globe, as well as the fame 
 laws and language. The Spanish, English, French 
 and Dutch colonies are all diftinguifhable even between 
 the tropics. 
 
 * A fmall feft or fociety amidft a greater are commonly moll regular 
 in their morals ; becaufe they are more remarked, and the faults of indi- 
 viduals draw di/honour on the whole. The only exception to this rule is, 
 when the fuperftition and prejudices of the large fociety are fo ftrong as to 
 throw an infamy on the fmaller fociety, independent of their morals. For 
 in that cafe, having no charafter either to fave or gain, they become carelefs 
 of tieir behaviour, except among themfelves, 
 
 0.4. 7. The 
 
232 
 
 ESSAY XXL 
 
 y. The manners of a people change very confiderably 
 from one age to another ; either by great alterations in 
 their government, by the mixtures, of new people, or by , 
 that inconftancy, to which all human affairs are fubjeft. 
 The ingenuity and induftry of the ancient Greeks have, 
 nothing in common with the ftupidity and indolence of 
 the prefent inhabitants of thofe regions. Candour, bra^ 
 very, and love of liberty, formed the character pf the an_ 
 cient Romans ; as fubtilty, cowardice, and a flavifli. 
 difpofition do that of the modern. The old Spaniards 
 were refll.efs, turbulent, and fo addicted to war, that, 
 many of them killed the.mfelves, when deprived of their 
 arms by the Romans*. One would find an, equal diffi- 
 culty, at prefent, (at leaft one would have found it iiftjr 
 years ago) to roufe up the modern Spaniards to arms. 
 The Batavians were all foldiers of fortune, and hired 
 themfclves into the Roman armies- Their pofterity- 
 make ufe of foreigners for the fame purpofe that the Ro- 
 ma ns did their anceftors. Though fome few flrokes of 
 the French charafter be the fame with that, which Cje- 
 SAR has afcribed to the Gauls ; yet what comparifon 
 between the civility, humanity, and knowlege of the 
 modern inhabitants of that country, and the iguorance, 
 .barbarity, and groffnefs of the ancient ? Not to infift 
 upon the great difference between the prefent poffeffors of 
 Britain, and thofe before the Roman conqueft; we 
 may obferve that our anceftors, a few centuries ago, 
 were funk into the moft abjedt fuperftition, laft century 
 they v/ere inflamed with the moft furious enthufiafm, and 
 are now fettled into the moft cool indifference with re- 
 gard to religious matters, that is to be found in any na- 
 tion of the world. 
 
 8. Where feveral neighbouring nations have a 
 very clofe communication together, either by policy, 
 commerce, or travelling, they acquire a fimilitude of 
 • Tit. LiYii, Lib. 54. Cap. 17. 
 
 manners, 
 
Of National Char AcTHRs. j.33. 
 
 inanners,_ proportioned to the communication. Thus, 
 all the Franks appear to have a uniform charafler to- 
 the eaftern nations. The differences among them are 
 like the peculiar accents of different provmces, which 
 are not diftinguifhable, except by an ear accuftomed to 
 them, and which commonly efcape a foreigner. 
 
 9. We may often remark a wonderful mixture oP 
 manners and characters in the fame nation, fpeaking 
 the fame language, and fubjecEl: to the fame government; 
 A^nd in this particular the English are the moft remark- 
 able of any people, that perhaps ever were in the world. 
 Nor is this to be afcribed to the mutability and un- 
 certainty of their climate, or to any other phyjical caufes ; 
 fince all thefe caiifes take place iij, their neighbotiring 
 Ifingdom of Scotland, without having the fanie effeft.. 
 Where the government of a nation is altogether repu-r 
 blican, it is apt to beget a particular fet of manners. 
 Where it is altogether monarchical, it is more apt to 
 have the fame effefl: ; the imitation of fuperiorsfpread- 
 i'ng the national manners fafter among the people. If the 
 governing part of a ftate confifts altogether of merchants-, 
 ?s in Holland, their uniform way of life will fix their 
 cbaradler. If it confifts chiefly of nobles and landed 
 gentry, like Germany, France, and Spain, the fame 
 effcdt follows. The genius of a particular feci or reli- 
 gion is alfo apt to mould the manners of a people. But- 
 the English government is a mixture of monarchy, 
 ariflocracy, and democracy. The people in authority are 
 compofed of gentry and merchants. All fe^s of religion 
 are to be found among them. And the great liberty and 
 independency, which every, man enjoys, allows him to 
 difplay the manners peculiar to him. Hence the Eng- 
 lish, of any people in the univerfe, have the leaft of 
 a national character} unlefs this very fingularity may 
 (land for fuch. 
 
 If 
 
234 
 
 ESSAY XXI. 
 
 If the charaflers of men depended on the air and cli- 
 mate, the degrees of heat and cold fhould naturally be 
 «xpe£ted to have a mighty influence ; fmce nothing has 
 a greater efFeft on all plants and irrational animals. And 
 indeed there is fome reafon to think, that all the nations, 
 which live beyond the polar circles or between the tro- 
 pics, are inferior to the reft of the fpecies, and are utter- 
 ly incapable of all the higher attainments of the hurnaa 
 mind. The poverty and mifery of the northern inhabi- 
 tants of the globe, and the indolence of the fouthernj 
 from their fevv neceflities, may, perhaps, account for 
 this remarkable difference, without our having recourfe 
 txs phfical caufes. This however is certain, that the 
 charafters of nations are very promifcuous in the tempe- 
 rate climates, and that almoft all the general obferva- 
 tions, which have been formed of the more fouthern or 
 more northern nations in thefe climates, are found to be 
 uncertain aad fallacious *. 
 
 Shall we fay, that the neighbourhood of the fun in- 
 flames the imagination of men, and gives it a peculiar 
 fpirit and vivacity. The French, Greeks, Egyp- 
 
 * I am apt to .fiifpe<9: the negroes, and in general all the other fpecies of 
 men (for there are four or five different kinds) to be naturally inferior to the 
 whites. There never was a civilized nation of any other complexion than 
 ■whitCj nor even any individual eminent either in aftion or fpeculation. 
 No ingenious nianHfa£lures amongft them, no arts, no fciences. On the 
 xjther hand, the mod rude and barbarous of the whites, fuch as the an- 
 cient GiRMANS, the jH-efent Tartars, have flill fomething eminent 
 about them, in their valour, form of government, or fome other particular. 
 Such a uniform and conftant ditlerence could not happen, in fo many 
 countries and ages, if nature had not made an original diftinftion betvifixt 
 thefe breeds of men. Not to mention our colonies, there are Negroe 
 flives difperfed all over Europe, of which none ever difcovered any fymp- 
 toms of ingenuity ; tho' low people, without education, vfiil ftart up amongfl; 
 <us, and diAingvifh themfelves in every profeflion. In Jamaica indeed 
 they talk of one negroe asa man of parts and learning ; but 'tis likely he 
 is admired for very jQender accompliiKments, like a parrot, who fpeaks a few 
 words plainly. 
 
 TIANS, 
 
Of National Chara'cters. 235 
 
 TiANs, and Persians are remarkable for gaiety. The 
 Spaniards, Tdrks, and Chinese are noted for gra- 
 vity and a ferious behaviour, without any fuch difference 
 of climate, as to produce this difference of temper. 
 
 The Greeks and Romans, who called ah other na- 
 tions barbarians, confined genius and a fine undcrftand- 
 ing to the more fouthern climates, and pronounced the 
 northern nations incapable of all knov/lege and civi- 
 lity. But Britain has produced as great men, either 
 for aftion or learning, as Greece or Italy has to 
 boaft of. 
 
 'Tis pretended, that the fentiments of men become 
 more delicate as the country approaches nearer the fun ; 
 and that the tafte of beauty and elegance receives pro- 
 portionable improvements in every latitude ; as we may 
 particularly obferve of the languages, of which the more 
 fouthern are fmooth and melodious, and the northern 
 harfh and untuneable. But this obfervation holds not 
 univerfally. The Arabic is uncouth and difagreeable : 
 The Muscovite foft and mufical. Energy, ftrength, 
 and harfhnefs form the charadler of the Latin tongue : 
 The Italian is the moft liquid, fmooth, and effemi- 
 nate language that can poflibly be imagined. Every lan- 
 guage will depend fomewhat on the manners of the peo- 
 ple ; but much more on that original ftock of words and 
 founds, which they received from their anceftors, and 
 which remain unchangeable, even while their manners 
 admit of the greatefl alterations. Who can doubt, but 
 the English are at prefent a much more polite and know- 
 ing people than the Greeks were for feyeral ages after 
 the fiege of Troy ? Yet there is no comparifon between 
 the language of Milton and that of Homer, Nay, the 
 greater are the alterations and improvements, which hap- 
 pen in the manners of a people, the lefs can be expeflred 
 in their language. A kw eminent and refined geniufes 
 
 will 
 
236 ESSAY XXI. 
 
 will communicate their tafte and knowledge to a wholet 
 people, and produce the greateft improvements : But they 
 fix the tongue by their writings, and prevent, in fome 
 degree, its farther changes. 
 
 Lord Bacon has obferved, that the inhabitants of the 
 fouth are, in general, more ingenious than thofe of the 
 north; but that, where the native of a cold climate has ge- 
 nius, he rifes to a higher pitch than can be reached by the 
 fouthern wits. This obfervation a late writer* confirms, 
 ty comparing the fouthern wits to cucumbers, which are 
 commonly all good of their kind ; but at beft are an in-i 
 fipid fruit: While the northern geniufes are like melons, 
 of which not one in fifty is good ; but when it is fo, it, 
 has ai) ex.qiiifite reliih. I, believe this ^emarjf may be. 
 allowed juft, when confined to the European nations, 
 and to the prefer\t age, or rather to the preceding one : 
 But then I think it may be accounted for from moral 
 caufes. All the fciences. and liberal arts have been im-. 
 ported to us from the fouth.; and 'tis eafy to imagine,, 
 that, in the firft ardor of application, when excited by 
 emulation and by glory, the few, who. wer.e addi<^ed tci 
 them, would carry them to the gre.ateft height, and" 
 ftretch every nerve, and every faculty, to reach the pin- 
 nacle of perfeilion. Such illuftrious examples fpread 
 knowlege every where, and begot an univerfal efteem 
 for the fciences : After which, 'tis no wonder, that in?^ 
 dufiry rdaxes ; while men meet not with fuitable enr 
 couragement, nor arrive at fuch diftinftion by their at-! 
 tainments. The univerfal difFufion of learning among a 
 people, and the intire banifliment of grofs ignorance and 
 rufticity, is, therefore, feldom attended with any remark- 
 able perfeilion in particular perfons. It feems to be 
 taken for granted in the dialogue de Oratoribus, that 
 knowlege was much more common in Vespasian.'s 
 
 * Dr, Eerkele-/; Minute Philofopher, 
 
 age 
 
Of National CHARACtERs. 23JP 
 
 lige than that of Cicero or Augitstus. Quincti- 
 iiAN alfo complains of the profanation of learning, by- 
 its becoming too vulgar. " Formerly," fays Juvenal, 
 *' fcience was confined to Greece and Italy. Now the 
 " whole world emulate Athens and Rome. Eloquent 
 *' Gaul has taught Britain, knowing in the laws^ 
 " Even Thule entertains thoughts of hiring rhetoricians 
 " for its inftruftion *." This ftate of learning is re- 
 markable ; becaufe Juvenal is himfelf the laft of the 
 Roman writers, who poflefled any degree of geniusi. 
 Thofe, who fucceeded, are valued for nothing but the 
 matters of fa£t, of which they give us information. I 
 hope the late converfion of Muscovy to the fludy of the 
 fciences will not prove 3, like prognoftic to the prefent 
 period of learning. 
 
 Cardinal Bentivoglio gives the preference to th6 
 horthern nations abovethe fouthern with regard to can- 
 dour and fmcerity ; and mentions, on the one hand, the 
 Spaniards and Italians, and on the other, the 
 Flemings and Germans. But I am apt to think, that 
 this has happened by accident. The ancient Romans 
 feem to have been a candid fincere people as are the mo- 
 dern Turks. But if we muft needs fuppofe, that this 
 event has arifen from fixed caufes, w6 may only conclude 
 ffom it, that all extremes are apt to concur, and are com-' 
 monly -attended with the fame confequences. Treachery 
 is the ufual concomitant of ignorance and barbarifm } 
 and if civilized nations ever embrace fubtle and crooked 
 politics, 'tis from an excefs of refinement, which makes 
 them difdain the plain direfl: road to power and glory. 
 
 .* «Sed Cantaber unde 
 StoieTiis ? antiqui prafertim aetate Metelli. 
 Nunc totus Graias, noftrafque habetorbis Athenas. 
 Gallia caufidicos docuit facunda Britannos; 
 He conducendo loquitur jam rhetore Thule." SatjT. r;. 
 
 Mod 
 
23? ESS A Y XXr. 
 
 Moft conquefts have gone from north to fouth ; ind 
 hence it has been inferred, that the northern nations 
 poflefs a fuperior degree of courage and ferocity. But 
 it would have been jufter to have faid, that moft con- 
 quefts are made by poverty and want upon plenty and, 
 riches. The Saracens, leaving the deferts of Ara- 
 bia, carried their conquefts northwards upon all the fer- 
 tile provinces of the Roman empire; and met the 
 Turks half way, who were coming fouthwr.rds from 
 the deferts of Tartary. 
 
 An eminent writer* has remarked, that all couragtous 
 animals are alfo carnivorous, and that greater courage is 
 to be expeiSled in a people, fuch as the English, whofe 
 food is ftrong and hearty, than in the half-ftarved com- 
 monalty of other countries. But the Swedes, notwith- 
 fianding their difadvantages in this particular, are not 
 inferior, in martial courage, to any nation that ever was 
 in the world. 
 
 In general, we may obferve, that courage, of all na- 
 tional qualities, is the moft precarious ; becaufe it rs 
 exerted only at intervals, and by a few in every nation ; 
 whereas induftry, knowlege, civility, may be of con- 
 flant and univerfal ufe, and for feveral ages, may become 
 habitual to the whole people. If courage be preferved, 
 it muft be by difcipline, example and opinion. The 
 tenth legion of C^sar, and the regiment of Picardy 
 in France were formed promifcuoufly from among the 
 citizens ; but having once entertained a notion, that they 
 were the bcft troops in the fervice, this very opinion 
 really made them fuch. 
 
 As a proof how much courage depends on opinion, 
 we may ohfeive, that of the two chief tribes of the 
 Greeks, the Dorians, and Ionians, the former were 
 
 • Sir William Temple's accountof the NethciUnds, 
 
 always 
 
Of National Characters. caja 
 
 always efteemed, and always appeared more brave and 
 manly than the latter ; though the colonies of both the 
 tribes were interfperfed and intermingled through all the 
 extent of Greece, the leffer Asia, Sicily, Italy, 
 and the iflands of the ^gean fea. The ATHENiANa 
 were the only Ionians that ever had any reputation for 
 valour or military atchievements ; though even thefe were 
 efteemed inferior to the Lacedemonians^ the braveft 
 of the Dorians. 
 
 The only obfervation, with regard to the differences 
 of men in different climates, on which we can reft any 
 weight, is the vulgar one, that people in the northern 
 regions have a greater inclination to ftrong liquors, and 
 thofe in the fouthern to love and women. One can af- 
 fign a very probable phyjical caufe for this differeace. 
 Wine and diftilled fpirits warm the frozen blood in the 
 colder climates, and fortify men againft the injuries of 
 the weather : As the genial heat of the fun, in the coun- 
 tries expofed to his beams, inflames the blood, and exalts 
 the paffion between the fexes. 
 
 Perhaps too, the matter may be accounted for hjmsrcfl 
 eaufes. All ftrong liquors are rarer in the north, and 
 confequently are more coveted. DiodoRUS Sicutus * 
 tells us, /that the Gauls in his time were great drunk- 
 ards, and much addicted to wine ; , chiefly, I fuppofe, 
 from its rarity and novelty. On the other hand, the 
 heat in the fouthern climates, obliging men and women 
 to go half-naked, thereby renders their frequent com- 
 merce more dangerous, and inflames their mutual paffion. 
 This makes parents and huft)ands more jealous and re- 
 ferved } wbicb ftill farther inflames the paffion. Not to 
 
 • Lib, 5. The fame auchor afcribes taciturnity to that people; a newr 
 proof that national cbara£iers may alter very much. Taciturnity, as a na- 
 tional charafter, implies unfociablenefs. Aristotle in his Politics; 
 boolc 2. chap. 9. fays that the Gavls are the only watlike nation, ivha 
 are nsgligent of women. 
 
 mention. 
 
^4® 
 
 i: s s A Y xxi'. 
 
 mention, that as women ripen fooner in the fouthern re*- 
 gions, 'tis neceflary to obferve greater jealoufy and care 
 in their education ; it being evident, that a girl of twelve 
 cannot poffefs equal difcretion to govern this paffionj 
 with one, who feels not its violence till flie be Seventeen 
 or eighteen. 
 
 Perhaps too, the hO. is falfe, tliat nature has, eitheir 
 from moral or phyfical caufes, diftributed thefe different 
 inclinations to the different climates. The ancient 
 •Greek's, thou^ born in a warm climate, feem to have 
 been much addi£led to the bottle j nor were fheir parties 
 of pleafure any 'thing but niatches of drinking among the 
 men, who palTed their time altogether apart; firom thft 
 fair fex. Yet when Alexander led the Greeks into 
 Persia, a ftill lilore fouthern cliiftate, they multiplied 
 their debauches of this kind, in imitation of the Per- 
 sian manners *. So honourable was the character of a 
 drunkard among thePERsiANSj that Cyrus the younger, 
 Ibliciting the fober Lacedemonians for fuccour againft 
 his brother Artaxerxes, claims it chiefly on account 
 of his fuperior endowments, as more valorous, more 
 bountiful, and abetter drinker f, Darius Hystaspes 
 made it be infcribed on his tomb-ftone, among his other 
 virtues and princely qualities, that no one could bear a 
 greater quantity of liquor. You may obtain any thing 
 of the Negroes by offering them ftrong drink ; and 
 may eafily prevail with them to fell, not only their pa=- 
 rents, but their wives and miftreffes, for a cafk of branr 
 dy. In France and Italy few drink pure wine, ex-- 
 cept in the greateft heats of fummer ; and indeed, it is 
 then almoft as neceffary, in order to recruit the fpirits, 
 
 * ^A^VLONii maxiitie in vinum, & qua ebrietatm fiquuMur, effufipnt, 
 ^INT, Cur. Lib, 5. Cap. i. 
 
 t PiBTfSyM-r. Lib, i, Qusft.ij. 
 
Of National Characters, 241 
 
 evaporated by heat, as it is in Sweden, during the win- 
 ter, in order to warm the bodies congealed by the rigour 
 of the feafoi). 
 
 If jealoufy be regarded as a proof of an amorous difpo- 
 fition, no people were more jealous than the Musco- 
 vites, before their communication with Europe had 
 fomewhat altered their manners in this particular. 
 
 But fuppofing the fa<9: true, that nature, by phyfical 
 principles, has regularly diftributed thefe two paffions, 
 the one to^ the northern, the other to the fouthern re- 
 gions ; we can only infer, that the climate may afFeft the 
 grofler and more bodily organs of our frame ; not that it 
 can work upon thofe finer organs, on which the opera- 
 tions of the mind and undcrftanding depend. And this is 
 agreeable to the analogy of nature. The races of ani- 
 mals never degenerate when carefully tended ; and horfe?, 
 in particular, always fhow their blood in their fliape, fpi- 
 rit, and fwiftnefs : But a coxcomb may beget a philofo- 
 pher; as a man of virtue may leave a worthlefs progeny. 
 
 I fliall conclude this fubjeft with obferving, that tho* 
 the'paffion for liquor be much more brutal and debafing than 
 love, which^ when properly managed, is the fource of all 
 politenefs and refinement ; yet this gives not fo great an 
 advantage to the fouthern climates, as we may be apt, at 
 firft fight, to imagine. When love goes beyond a certain 
 pitch, it renders men jealous, and cuts off the free inter- 
 courfe between the fexes, on which the politenefs of a 
 nation will commonly much depend. And if we would 
 fubtilize and refine upon this point, we might obferve, 
 ^hat nations, in very temperate climates, ftand the faireft 
 chance for all forts of improvement ; their blood hot be- 
 ijig fo inflamed as to render them jealous, and yet being 
 warm enough to make them fet a due value on the 
 charms and endowments of the fair fex. 
 Vol. I. ^ ES S A Y 
 
[ 243 3 
 
 ESSAY XXII. 
 
 Of Tragedy. 
 
 IT feems an unaccountabTe p leafu rg, which the fpec- 
 tators of a well wrote tragedy receive from forrowi 
 terror, anxiety, and other paffions, which are in them- 
 felves difagreeable and uneafy. The more they are touch- 
 ed and affefled, the more are they delighted with the fpec- 
 t^cle; and as foon as the uneafy paflions ceafe to operate, 
 the piece is at an end. One fcene of full joy and con- 
 tentment and fecurity is the utmoft, that any compbfition 
 of this kind can bear j and it is fure always to be the 
 concluding one. If in the texture of the piece, there 
 be interwoven any fcenes of fatisfailion, they afford only- 
 faint gleams of pleafiire, which are thrown in by way of 
 variej^j and in order to plunge the aftors iiS'to deeper 
 cliftrefs, by means of that contra ft and difappointment. 
 The whole art of the poet is employed, in rouzing and 
 fupporting the compaffion and indignation, the anxiety 
 and refentment of his audience. They are pleafed in 
 proportion as they are afflicted, and never are fo happy, 
 as when they employ tears, fobs, and cries to give vent 
 to their forrow,, and relieve their heart, fwoln with the 
 tcndereft fympathy and compaffioit. 
 
 The few critics, who have had feme tinflure of phi- 
 lofophy, have remarked this fingular phjenomenon, and 
 have endeavoured to account for it. 
 
 R 2 L'abbe 
 
244 ESSAY XXir. 
 
 L'abbe Dubos, in his reflexions on poetry and paint- 
 ing, aflerts, that nothing is in general fo difagreeable td 
 the mind as the languid, Ijftlefs ftate of indolence, into 
 which it falls upon the removal of every paffion and oc- 
 cupation. To get rid of this painful fituation, it feekg 
 every amufement and purfujt ; bufinefs, gaming, fliews, 
 executions ; whatever will rouze the paffions, and take 
 its attention from itfelf. | No matter wl^at the paffion is : 
 Let it be difagreeable, afflitling, melancholy, difordered; 
 itis, ftill better than that infipid languor, which arifes 
 from perfed: tranquillity and repofe.j 
 
 |t is impoffible not to admit this account, as being, at 
 leaft, ii>.ipjttt4*Us|aj3ory. You may obferve, when there 
 are feveral tables pf gaming, that all the company run to 
 thofe, where the deppeft play is, even tho' they find not 
 there the beft players. The view, or at leaft, imagina- 
 tion of high pafpons, ariilng from great lofa or gain, af- 
 feds the fpedators by fympathy,/ gives them fome touches 
 of the fame paffions, and ferves them for a momentary 
 entertainment. It makes the time pafs the eafier with 
 them, and is fome relief to that oppreffion, under which 
 men commonly labour, when left intirely to their own 
 thoughts and meditations. 
 
 We find, that common lyars always magnify, in their 
 narrations, all kinds of danger, pain, diftrefs, ficknefs, 
 deaths, murders, and cruelties ; as well as joy, beauty, 
 mirth, and magnificence. It is an abfurd fecret, which 
 they have for pleafing their company, fixing their atten- 
 tion, and attaching them to fuch marvellous relations, by 
 the paffions and emotions, which they excite. 
 
 There is, however, a difficulty of applying to the 
 prefent fubjeiS, in its full extent, this folution, however 
 ingenious and fatisfaftory it may appear. It is certain, 
 that the fame object of diflirefs, which pleafes in a tra- 
 gedy, were it really fet before U5, would give the moft 
 
 unfeigne4 
 
Of Tragedy. *l4.^ 
 
 ■Unfeigned uneafinefs ; tho' it be then the moft effeftual 
 cure of languor and indolence. Monfieur Fontenelle 
 feems to have been fenfible of this difficulty ; and ac- 
 cordingly attempts another folution of the phaenomenon ; 
 at leaft makes fome addition to the theory above men- 
 tioned *. 
 
 " Pleafure and pain," fays he, " which are two 
 *' fentiments fo different in themfelves, differ not fo 
 *' much in their caufe. From the inftance of tickling, 
 *' it appears, that the movement of p leafuyep ufhed a 
 *' little too far, becomes pain; and that the movement 
 *' dT^paiij, a little moderated, becomes pleafure. Hence 
 " it proceeds, that there is fuch a thing as a forrow, foft 
 *' and agreeable : It is a pain weakened and diminiftied. 
 *' The heart likes naturally to be moved and affefled. 
 *' Melanchsly objedts fuit it, and even difaftrous and 
 *' forrowful, provided they are foftened by fome circum- 
 *' fiance. It is certain, that on the theatre, the repre- 
 *' fentation has almoft the effe6t of jeality ;_JELUt~yef it 
 *' has not altogether that e^edl. However we njay be 
 *' liurried^away by'tTTelp^tacle ; whatever dominion the 
 *' fenfes and imagination may ufurp over the reafon, 
 *' there ftill lurks at the bottom a certain idea of falfe- 
 *' hood in the whole of what we fee. This idea, tho' 
 *' weak and difguifed, fuffices to diminifh the pain 
 " which we fuffer from the misfortunes of thofe whom 
 *' we love, and to reduce that afflidlion to fuch a pitch 
 " as converts it into a pleafure. We weep for the mif- 
 ** fortune of a hero, to whom we are attached. In the 
 " fame inftant we comfort ourfelves, by reflefting, that. 
 *' it is nothing but a fiftion : And it is precifely that 
 " mixture of fentiments, which compofes an agreeable 
 *« forrow, and tears that delight us. But as that afflic- 
 *' tion, which is caufed by exterior and fenfible obje<Sts, 
 
 * ReflexiojiB fur la poetique, §. 36, 
 
 R 3 <Jh 
 
±^6 E S S A V XXII. 
 
 «' is ftronger than the confolation which arifes from an 
 "internal refle6lion, they are the efFefls and fyrrfptonrs 
 *' of forrow, which ought to prevail in the compOf- 
 " fition." ' ' 
 
 This folution feems juft and convincing ; hut perhaps 
 it wants ftill fomie addition, to make it anfwer fully the 
 phsenomehon, which we here examine. All the paifions, 
 excited by eloquence, are agreeable in the higheft de- 
 gree, as w^ell as thofe which are moved by painting and 
 the theatre. The epilogues of Cicero are, on this ac- 
 count chiefly, the delight of every reader of tafte ; and 
 it is difficult to read fome of them without the deepeft 
 fympathy and forrow. His merit as an orator, no doubt, 
 •depends much on his fuccefs in this particul^i;. When 
 he hadraifed tears inhisjudg£sand all his audience, they 
 were then the moft highly delighted, and exprefied the 
 greateft fatisfa<Si;ion with the pleader. The pathetic de- 
 fcription of the butchery made by Verres of the Sici- 
 lian captains is a mafter-piece of this kind : But I be- 
 lieve none will affirm, that the being prefent at a melan- 
 choly fcene of that nature would afford any entertain- 
 ment. Neither is the forrow here foftened by fiftion ; 
 For the audience were convinced of the reality of every 
 circumftance. What is it then, which in this cafe raifes 
 a pleafure from the bofom of uneafmefs, fo to fpeak ; 
 and a pleafure, which flill retains all the features and 
 outward' fymptoms of diftrefs and forrow ? 
 , I anfwer : Thb , extraordinary effeft proceeds , JraOJ 
 that very elfiquence, w^ith which the melancholy fcene is 
 reprefented. The genius required to paint objefts in a 
 Ifvely mariner, theari_empioyed in collefting all the pa-* 
 iKetlc'circumftances, the judgment difplayed in dlfpofing 
 them ; the exercife, Ifay, of thefe noble talents, together 
 with the Torc&IIe£-42Cgreffion, and beauty oif oratorial 
 ijumbers^difFufe the higheft fatisfaftion oii tloeludiEnce, 
 
 and 
 
Of T fi A G E D ■?; 247 
 
 itnd excite the moft delightful moveiiiei\ts. By this 
 ineans, t^e uneafinefs of the melancholy pa^ions is not 
 bnly oyerpovirered and effaced by fomething ftronger of an 
 jbppoiite kind ; but the whole movement of thofe pafEons 
 Js converted into pleafdre, and (wells the delight which 
 the elpquence raifes in us. The fam e force of or atory, 
 employolon an,.ujQijnterefting.XHWeftj y^o}^_M>t. pleafe 
 half Jo_ much, or rather wo>tld.app£aj alto g ether rid icu- 
 JauS^ and the mind, being left in abfolute calninefs 
 and indifference, would relifh none of thofe beauties 
 qfiimagination or expreffion, whichj if joined to paffion,' 
 yj ve it liic h exguifl te entertairimen^ / Xtte^^ p^ilfe or ve- 
 hemence, arihng from forrow, compaffion, indigRation, 
 ie(;5i3ffi£_a^ jQew:jdirei3ioa,fl:<ica„ tte Jefld^^ 
 The latter, bein^ the predominant emotioiis, feize the 
 whole mind, and coinverr the former into themfelves, or 
 at leaft, tiniSlure them fo ftrongly as totally to alter their 
 nature t And the fouj, being, at the fame time, rouzed 
 by,paffion, and.cliarmed by eloquence, feels on the whole 
 J., ftrqno;, movement, which is altogether, delightful. 
 
 •The %ne^i;inciple takes place in tragedy ; with this 
 addition^ .fl^^f■^ tragedy i-i an imitatio p, ana[ i mitatjon js 
 al ways of itfelf agreeable j This circumfta nce ferves ftill 
 farther to fmooth the motions of pafllo n. and convert tb *^ 
 .^whole feeli ng into on ejjnifor m and ftrong enjoyment . 
 Olyefts of the greateft terror and diftrefs pleafe in paint- 
 ipg, and pleafe more than the moft beautiful objeflis, that 
 appear^alm and indifferent *, The affedtion rouzing the. 
 
 • Painters inaKe no fcruple of reprefenting diftrefs and forrow as well as 
 any other paffion : But they feetn not to dwell fo much on thcfe melancholy 
 .jfiaioiis as the poets, who, the' they ropy every emotion of the human 
 breaft, yet pafs very quickly over the agreeable fentiments, A fainter le- 
 ^refents only one inftant ; and if that be paffionate enough, it is' fure to af- 
 feftand delight the fpeflator! But nothing can furnifti to the poet a variety 
 of fcenes and incidents and fentiments, except diftrefs, terror, or anxiety. 
 . ComplSat joy and fatisfaftion is attended with fecurity, and leaves no farther 
 room for aflion. 
 
 R 4 mind. 
 
a4& E S S A V 3^X11. 
 
 irtind, excites a large ftock of fpirit and vehemence i 
 which is all transformed into pleafure by the Force of the 
 prevailing movement. It i s thus the fiflion.j i£ji:aggdy 
 foftens t he paflio n, by an infufion of a new feeling, not 
 merely by weakening or dimihifliing tire^lafrow. You 
 mSy'~by HegreesweaEen a real fotrow, till it totally dif- 
 appears ; yet in none of its gradations will it eVer give 
 pleafure ; except, perhaps, by accident, to a man fuftk 
 under lethargic indolence, whom it rbuzes from that lan- 
 guid ftate. 
 
 To confirm this theory, it will be fufficient to produce 
 other inftances, where the fubordinate movement-is con- 
 verted into the predominant, and gives force to it, tho 
 of a diiFerent, and even fometimes tho' of a contrary 
 nature. i • 
 
 Novelty naturally rouzes the mind, and attrafts our 
 attention ; and the movements, which it eaufesj are al- 
 ways converted into any paflion, belonging to the obje£^, 
 and join their force to it. Whether-an-ejientexcites joy 
 or.ibxrow^pride_orAamej_^ 
 
 to produce aJtrbriger^ affe<3:ion,_^when new,, or unufual. 
 And tho' novelty of itfelf be agreeable, it enforces the 
 painful, as well as agreeable paflions. 
 
 Had you any intention to move a perfon cjxtremely by 
 the narration of any event, the beft method of increafmg 
 its effeft would be artfully to delay informing him of it, 
 and firft excite his curiofity and impatience before you let 
 him into the fecret. This is the artifice praftlfed by 
 Iago in the famous fcene of Shakespeare ; and every 
 fpeflator is fenfible, that Othello's jealoufy acquires 
 additional force from his preceding impatience, and that 
 the fubordinate paflion is here readily transformed into 
 the predominant. 
 
 Difficulties increafe paffions of every kind ; and by 
 roufing our attention7an3"'excitiing our^aSTve powers, 
 
 they 
 
Of Tragedy; 3,^ 
 
 -they produce an emotion, whic hnour iflies. theji revailijj g 
 
 Parents commonly love that child moft, wbofe fickly 
 infirm frame of body has occafioned them the greateft 
 pains, trouble, and anxiety, in rearing him. The agree- 
 able fentiment of afFedtion here acquires force from fen- 
 timents of uneafmefs. ,; 
 
 Nothing endears fo much a friend as forrow for his 
 death. The pleafure of his company has not fo power- 
 ful an influence. <*« •/(, 
 
 f Jealoufy is a painful paflion ; yet, without fome 
 Ihare of it, the agreeable afFedion of love has djiEculty 
 to fubfift in its full force and violence. Abfence is alfo a 
 great fource of complaint amongft Jiovers, and gives them 
 the greateft uneafmefs : Yet nothing is more favourable 
 to their mutual paflion than ihort intervals of that kind. 
 And if long intervals be pernicious, it is only becaufe, 
 thro^ time, men are accuftonied to them, and they eeafe 
 to give uneafinefs. Jealoufy and abfence in love com- 
 pofe the dake piceante of the Italians, which they fup- 
 pofe fo effential to all pleafure. 
 
 There is a fine obfervation of the elder Pliny, 
 which illuftrates the principle here infilled on. It is very 
 remarkable, izys he, that the lajl works of celebrated' artijis, 
 which they left imperfeSi, are always the moft prixed^fuch as 
 /^^ Iris o^Aristides, the Tyndarides «/" Nicoma- 
 CHus, ifo Medea c/'Timomachus, andthe'Vnnvsef 
 Apelles. Thefe are valued even above their -finijhed pro- 
 duElions : The broken lineaments of the piece y and the half 
 formed idea of the painter are carefully Jiudied; and our very 
 grief for that curious hand, which had been flopped by deaths 
 is an additional increafe to ourfkufure *, 
 
 Thefe 
 
 * Illnd vera perquam rarum ac memoria dignum, etiam fuprema opera ar^ 
 tiSeam, impetfeOar^ue tabulas, £cut, Hifi Akisttdis, Tyndarida* 
 
 NiCOMACXI, 
 
 a 
 
2^0 E S S AY XXII. 
 
 Tfaefe-inftances (and many more might be colleSed) 
 are fufficient to afford us fome infight into the analog)^ 
 of nature, and to fhow us, that the pleafurci which 
 poets, orators, and mufitiahs give us, by exciting grief, 
 forrow, indignation, compaffion, is not fo extraordinary 
 nor paradoxical, as.it may at firft fight appear. JTilc 
 force of imagination, the energx.^sxpreffion, thgjgaSiSr 
 oC^^ifiSi^IllE^S|raH|SCimitation ; .all th^e are natu- 
 rall^.ro£„tliemfsJ.yes,, delightful to the mind : And whert 
 the.glyefl: jrefe|it£4„lays alfo hold_ofj[pj^. affe^on^ the 
 pleafure ftill rifes upon us, by the, converfion qf tbisfub- 
 ordiiiafg raovement into that which_is predominant. The 
 pafflen, though, perhaps, naturally, and wKen.excited by 
 the fimple appearance of a real obje£t, it may be painful j 
 yet is fo fmoothed, and foftened, and rhollified, when 
 raifed by "tjie finer arts, that it affords the highf ft enter- 
 tainment. 
 
 To confirm this reafpning, we may obferve, that if 
 the movements of the imagination be not predoftiinaijt 
 above thofe of the paffion, a contrary effect follows ; and 
 the former, being now fubordinatej is converted into the 
 latter, and f);ill farther increafes the pain and -affliction of 
 the fufferer.. 
 
 Who could ever think of it as a good pxpedient for 
 comforting an afflifted parent, to exaggerate,- with alltlje 
 force of oratory, the irreparable lofs, which he has met 
 with by. the death of a/avourite child ? The more po>v^r 
 of imagination and expreffion you here employ, .the more 
 you incre^fe his defpair and afflidion. 
 
 ■NicoMACHi, Medeam Timomachx, & quam dixiihiis Vikerzm 
 Afillis, in majori admiratlone elTe quam perfeQa. Quippe. in lis linea- 
 menta reliqua, ipfaeque cogitationes artificum fpeilantur, atque in lenocinio 
 commendationis dolor eft inanus, cum id agetet, extin£is. Lib, xxxv. 
 cap. ii* 
 
 The 
 
ijf Tragedy. ^ajt 
 
 THe fhame, confufion, and terror of Verees, no 
 "doubf, rofe in proportion to the noble eloquence and ve- 
 hemence of Cicero: So alfo did his pain and uneafi- 
 nefs. Thefe former paflions were too ftrong for the 
 'pkafure afifing from the beauties of elocution; aind ope- 
 rated, tho' from the fame principle, yet in a contrary 
 maimer, to Ae fympathy, compaffion, and indignation 
 of the audience. . . 
 
 Lord Clarendon, when he approaches the cataf- 
 trophe of the royal party, fuppofes, that his narration 
 mufl: then .become infinitely difagreieable ; and he hurries 
 over the king's .death, without giving us one circum- 
 ftance of it. He confiders it as too horrid a fcene £6 be 
 contemplated with any fatisfailion, or even withoirt the 
 utmoft pain and averfion. He himfelf, as well as the 
 readers of that age, were too deeply concerned in the 
 events, and felt a pain from fabjefts, which an hiftoriati 
 and a reader of another age would regard as the moft 
 pathetic arid mcift interefting, and, by confeqaence, tHe' 
 -^' moft agreeable. 
 
 An aftion, reprefented in traged y^^ mayj be, too bloody 
 and atrocious. It may'excite fuch movements of horror 
 as will not foften into pleafure; and the greafeft energy 
 of expreffion, beftowed on defcrijjtions of that nature, 
 ferves only to augment our uneafinefs. Such is that ac- 
 tion, reprefented in the Jmbitious Sup-mother, where a 
 venerable old man, raifed to the .height of fury and 
 ( defpair, ruflies againft a pillar, and ftriking his bead 
 upon it, befmears it all over with mingled brains and 
 gore. / TJie English theatre abounds too much with 
 fuch images. 
 
 Even the common fentiments 6f compaffion require to 
 
 be foftened by fome agreeable affeftion, in order to give 
 
 a thorough fatisfaftion to the audience. The mere fuf- 
 
 fering of plaintive virtue, under the triumphant tyranny 
 
 ' and 
 
 8 
 
i5i ESSAY s:xii; 
 
 and oppreflion of vice, forms a difagreeable fpeftacle, and 
 is carefully avoided by all mafters of the drama. In order 
 to difmifs the audience with intirq fatisfaflion and con- 
 tentment, the Virtiie muft either convert itfelf into a 
 noble courageous defpair, or the vice receive its proper 
 punifhment. 
 
 Moft painters appear in this light to have bfeen Very 
 unhappy in their fubjefts. As they wrought much for 
 churches and convents, they have chiefly reprefented fuch 
 horrible fubjefls as crucifixions and martyrdoms, where 
 nothing appears but tortures, wounds, executions, and 
 paffive fufFering, without any adion or afFedtion. When 
 they turned their pencil from this ghaftly mythology, 
 they had recourfe commonly to Ovid, whofe fiilions, 
 tho* paflionate and agreeable, are fcarce natural or pro- 
 bable enough for painting. 
 
 \ The fame inverfion of that principle, which is here in- 
 fifted on, difplays itfelf in common life, as in the effedts 
 of oratory and poetry. Raife fo the fubordinate paffion 
 that it becomes the predominant, it fwallows up that af- 
 feftiop, which it before nouriflied and increafed. Too 
 muchjealoufy extinguiflies love: Too much^ifficuljy 
 renders us indifFerent: Too much ficknefs and infirmity 
 difgufts a felfifli and unkind parent. 
 
 What fo difagreeable as the difmal, gloomy, difaftrous 
 ftories, with which melancholy people entertain their 
 companions ? The uneafy paflion, being there raifed 
 alone, unaccompanied with any fpirit, genius, or elo-, 
 quence, conveys a pure uneafinefs, and is attended with 
 nothing that can foften it into pleafure or fatisfaftion. 
 
 ESSAY 
 
[ 'S3 I 
 
 ESSAY xxiir. 
 
 Of the Standard of T a s t e. 
 
 THE great variety of Taftes, as well as of opinions, 
 which prevail in the world, is too obvious not to 
 have fallen under every one's obfervation. Men of the 
 moft confined knowlege are able to remark a difference 
 of tafte in the narrow circle of their acquaintance, even 
 where the perfons have bfeen educated under the fame go- 
 vernment, and have early imbibed the fame prejudices. 
 But thofe who can enlarge their view to contemplate di- 
 ftant nations and remotq ages, are ftill more furprized at 
 the great inconfiftence and contrariety. We are apt to 
 call barbarous whatever departs widely from our own tafte 
 and apprehenfion : But foon find the epithet of reproach 
 retorted on us. And the higheft arrogance and felf-con- 
 celt is at laft'ftartled, on obferving an equal afTurance on 
 all fides, and fcruples, amidft fuch a conteft of fenti- 
 ments, to pronounce pofitively in its own favour. 
 
 As t]iisLJuua£tjMof_talle,is obvious to the moft carelefs 
 enquirer ; fo will it be found, on examination, to be ftill 
 greater in reality than in app eararice. Th,efentiingats.sf 
 men often differ with regard to,Jg|^^ an,d„deforfnity of 
 airicinds, even while their general difcourfe is the fame. 
 There are certain terms in every lang^iage, whith import 
 blame, and others praife; and all men, who ufe the 
 fame tongue, muft agree in their application of them. 
 
 Every 
 
X54 , ESSAY XXIII. 
 
 Every vo'ce is united in applauding elegance, propriety, 
 Simplicity, \fpirit in writing ; and in blaming fuftian, af- 
 fectation, poldnefs, and a falfe brilliancy : B at when . 
 crit ics come to particulars, this feeming unanimity va^ 
 niflies ; and it is found, that they had affixed a very dif- 
 ferent meaning -to their, expreffions. In all matters of 
 opinion and fcience, the cafeisoppofite : The difference 
 among menJ5.-£te£.g|£ner iOund_t£ hein ggjnerals than iq 
 paiMc,"!^!^ ^J^^^tghe Ms in reality thanin appearance, j 
 An explication of the terms commonly ends the con^- 
 verfy ; and the difputants are furprized to find, that they 
 had been quarrelling, while at bottom they, agreed in 
 their judgment. 
 
 Thofe who found morality on fentiment, more than 
 on reafon, are inclined to comprehend ethics under the 
 former obfervation, and to fuppofe, that in all queftions, 
 which regard condudl and manners, the difference among 
 men is really greater than at firft fight it appears. It is 
 indeed obvious, that writers of all nations and all ages 
 concur in applauding juftice, humanity, magnanimity^ 
 prudence, veracity ; and in blaming the oppofite qua- 
 lities. Even poets and other authors, whofe compofi- 
 tions are chiefly calculated to pleafe the imagination, are 
 yet found, from Homer down to Fenelon, to incul- 
 cate the fame moral precepts, and to beftow their ap- 
 plaufe and blame on the fame virtues and vices. This 
 great unanimity is ufually afcribed to the influence of 
 plain reafon ; which, in all thefe cafes, maintains fimi- 
 lar fentiments in all men, and prevents thofe contro- 
 verfies, to which the abfl:ra£l fciences are fo much ex- 
 pofed. So far as the unanimity is real, the account may 
 be admitted as fatisfatSory : But it mufl alfo be allowed 
 that fome part of the feeming harmony in morals may be 
 ccounted for from the very nature of language. The 
 
 'ord, tTirtue, with its equivalent in every tongue, im- 
 plies 
 
Of the Standard of Taste. 255 
 
 plies praife ; as that of ^•/V^ does blame : And no one 
 without the moft obvious and grofleft impropriety, could 
 affix reproach to a term, which in general ufe is under- 
 ftood in a good fenfe ; or beftow applaufe, where the 
 idiom requires difapprobation. IHomer's general pre- 
 cepts, where he delivers any fuch, will never be con- 
 troverted J but it- is very ot?vio.i^g , that when he draw s 
 pi^£tigulat_pi<Sures of manners, and reprefents heroilm 
 In Achilles and prudence in Ulysses, he intermixes 
 a much greater degree of fefocity in the former, and of 
 cunning and fraud in the latter, tljan Fenelon would 
 admit ojQ The fage Ulysses in the Greek poetfeems 
 to delight in lies and fidtions, and often employs them 
 without any neceffity or even advantage : But his more 
 fcrupulous fon in the French epic writer expofes him- 
 felf to the moft imminent perils, rather than depart from 
 the exadleft line of truth and veracity. 
 
 The admirers and followers of the Alcoran infift 
 very much on the excellent moral precepts, which are 
 interfperfed throughout that wild performance. ■ But it 
 is to be fuppofed, that the Arabic words, which corre- 
 ijjond to theENGLiSH, equity, juftice, temperance, meek- 
 nefs, charity, were fuch as, from the conftant ufe of that 
 tongue, muft always be taken in a good fenfe; and it 
 would have argued the greateft ignorance, not of mo- 
 rals, but of language, to have mentioned them with any 
 epithets, befides thofe of applaufe and approbation. But 
 would we know, whether the pretended prophet had 
 really attained a juft fenriment of morals ? Let us attenid 
 to his. narration : and we fhall foon find, that he beftows 
 praife on fuch inftances of treachery, inhumanity, cruelty, 
 revenge, bigotry, as are utterly incompatible with civi- 
 lized fociety. No fteady rule of right feems there to be ( 
 attende d to j and every aQion is blamed or praifed , fo 
 far only as it is beneficial or hurtful to the true believers. 
 
 The 
 
J56 ESSAY XXIIt %U-'-,)'i 
 
 Xhejaeiltof delivering true^|eneTdjrece2^JlL£thics 
 is indeed very fmall. Whoever recommends any moral 
 viKu^"rSL[ly°does^ no more than is implied in the terms 
 themfelves. The people, who invented the vi^ord charity, 
 and ufed it in a good fenfe, inculcated more clearly and 
 Hiuch more efficacioufly, the precept, be charitable, than 
 any pretended legiflator or prophet, who fhould infert 
 fuch a maxim in his writings. Of all expreffions, thofe, 
 which, together with their other meaning, imply a de- 
 gree either of blame or approbation, are the leaft liable 
 to be perverted or miftaken. 
 
 It is natural for us to feek a Sta ndard ofUjiBe ; a rule, 
 by whjch the various fentimentsjofmmmaybe recpn-i 
 ciled ; or at leaft, a decifipn afforded, confirming one 
 fentiment, and condemning another. 
 
 The re is a fpecies of phiiofophy, which cuts _gff_all 
 lio pes of furcefs in fuch an attempt, and rep refepts-the 
 i mpoflibility of PVRr attaining anyjfta ndard of ta ftg^ The 
 difference, it is faid, is very wide between judgment and 
 fentiment. AjHentjiAeotkxi^ ; becaufe fentiment has 
 a reference to nothing beyond itfelf, and is always real, 
 wherever a man is confcious of it. Bu t all determina - 
 tion^'pf the undgrpanding are not ri^t; becaufe they 
 have a reference to fomething beyon3 "tnemfelvesj to wit, 
 real matter of fa£t ; and are not always conformable to 
 that flandar^. Among a thoufand different opinions 
 which different men may entertain of the fame fubjeft, 
 there is one, and but one, that is juft and true ; and the 
 only difficulty is to fix and afcertain it. On the contrary, 
 a thoufand different fentiments, excited by the fame ob- 
 jeft, are all right : Becaufe nb fentiment reprefsjjtsjslaat 
 is.,i:efillyin, ths. 9.b]£^^f, It; only *niarK''a certain confor- 
 mity or relation between the objeil aodflve organs or fa- 
 culties of the mind ; and if that conformity did not really 
 exift, the fentirnent could never poffibly have a being. 
 
 ' Beauty 
 
t)f the Standard of Ta sTE. 45*^ 
 
 Beauty k no_c[ilality in thin gs t hem felyes;. It exjjfts merely 
 *" the mind w hich c o ntem plates theni, ; and each mind 
 percei^^^^^^lir One perfon may even per- 
 "fceive''3Sormityj; whereanother is fenfible of beauty ; and 
 every individual ought to acquiefce in his own fentiment, 
 without pretending to regulate thofe of others. * To feek 
 the real be'^uty, or real deformity is as fruitlefs an en- 
 quiry^ as to pretend to afcertain the real fweCt or real 
 bitter. According to the difpofition of the organs, the 
 fame objedt may be both fweet and bitter; and the pro- 
 verb has juftly determined it to be fruitlefs to difpute con- 
 cerning taftes. It is very natural, and even quite necef- 
 fary, to extend this axiom to rrientdl, aS well as bodily 
 tafte J and thus common fenfe, which is fo often at va- 
 riance with philofophy, efpecially with the fceptical 
 kind, is found, in one inftance at leaft,^ to agree in pro- 
 nouncing the fame decifion. 
 
 But though this axiom, by palling into.a prbverb, feenis 
 to have attained the fanftioh of common fenfe; thereis 
 certainly a fpecies of common fenfe which oppofes it, 
 or at leaft ferves to modify and reftrain it. Xy^^nr'^' t 
 Would affert ati_e£ uality of geaiua_ajjd-^egance between 
 )GiLBf a nd Milton, n y Pitmyan and_ ADDisoN-, 
 wouldJiS jhought to dejejiiLno leiL an extravap;an ce^jthart 
 if he had maintained a mnlehill t O-bfJ ^"^'Ch.j^^JTFNF- 
 RiFFEj_or a pond as fextenfive as the ocean. Tho' there 
 may be found perfons, who give the preference to the 
 former authors ; ho dne pays attention to fuch a tafte. 5 
 and we pronounce without fcruple the fentiment of thefe 
 pretended critics to be abfurd and ridiculous. The priii - 
 eiple of the natural eqitafay«£-tafl£s. .ls-i% p J^tallv for-' 
 got : and while we admit of it on fgme flCfiafififlS^^Sistiere 
 the objeds feern near an equality, it appears an extra:va- 
 £^SL£S£^!^£^^ o-T.J'^^'^^'' a p.a]paBIe.a-l?fur3}£y^,w,here ob- 
 j efls fo^^ropo rtiuned are compared together. 
 
 ' Vot. I. S It 
 
^^% ESSAY xxm. 
 
 / It is evident, that none of the rules ofcom pofitiQn , are 
 fixed by reafonings- a /inW/;- or caiTISieaeeined abftrafl 
 conclufions'o'F t1ie"'uhdeFfl:anding, from comparing thofe 
 habitudes and relations of ideas, which are eternal and 
 immutable. Their foundation is the fame with that of 
 all the pra£tical fciences," experience ; nor are they any 
 thing but general obfervations, concerning what has been 
 univerfally found to pleafe in aircouhtries and in all ages. 
 Many of the beauties of poetry and even of eloquence 
 are founded on falfhood and fidion, on hyperboles, me- 
 taphors, and an abufe or peiverfion of expreflions from 
 their natural meaning. To check the failles of the'ima- 
 gination, and to reduce every expreffion to geometrical 
 truth and exadtnefs, would be the moft contrary to the 
 laws of criticifm ; becaufe it would produce a work, 
 which, by univerfal experience, has been found the moft 
 infipid and difagreeable. ' But tbo' poetry can never fub- 
 mit to exadl truth^-rft mull ^h^ conKnlH'Ty rules of art, 
 difcovered to the aythor either^ by genius or obferyation. 
 If fome negligent or irregular writers have pkafed, they 
 have not pleafed by their tranfgreflions of rule or order, 
 but in fpite of thefe tranfgreflions : They have poffeffed 
 other beauties, which were conformable to juft criticifm; 
 and the force of thefe beauties has been able to overpower 
 cenfure, and give the mind a fatlsfadtion fuperior to the 
 difguft arifing from the blemifties. Ariosto pleafes ; 
 but not by his monftrous and improbable fictions, by his 
 bizarre mixture of the ferious and comic ftyles, by the 
 want of coherence in his ftories, or by the continual in- 
 terruptions of his narration. He charms by the fgije 
 a nd elear;i elj ftf hk pypr eflion> by th e readinefs and vari- 
 c:tv nf his inventions, and by his natural piiSures ofthe 
 paflions, efpecially thofe of th e gay and Amorous kind : 
 And however his faults may dimlnifli our latistattion,' 
 they are not able entirely to deftroy it. Did our pleafure 
 really arife from thofe parts of his gpem, v/hich we de- 
 nominate 
 
Of the Standard of Taste. 259 
 
 nominate faults, this would be no objedion to criticifm 
 in general : It would only be an objediion to thofe parti- 
 cular rules of criticifm, which would eftablifh fuch clr- 
 cumftances to be faults, and would reprefent them as 
 univerfally blameable. Ifthe^axsiound.. to plegfei.... th e y 
 cannot be faulj^ } let the plfeafure^ v^jsiuihey^Mioidusj:, 
 Be ^?2flaunexpe^ed. anS unaccountable. 
 
 But though all t he general rules o£^rt are founded, 
 only on experience an d on the bbferva tlon o f the comm on 
 Tentimen js^ of human nature^^ we mufl: npt ima^ ^^f^J_t]^^^J 
 on.every occ afion, the feelings of men will be conForr 
 *aahleJtQ-thsfe_Iul£S. Thofe finer emotions of the mind 
 are of a very tender and deljcate nature, and require the 
 concurrence of many favourable circumftances to make 
 them play with facility and exa£lnefs, , according to their 
 general and eflablilhed principles. The leaft exterior 
 hindrance to fuch fmall fprings, or the leaft internal dif- 
 order, difturbs their motion, and confounds the opera- 
 tion of the whole machine. When we would make an 
 experiment of this nature, and would try the force of 
 any beauty or deforinity, we muff choofe with care a 
 proper time and place, and bring the fancy to a fuitable 
 fitUation and difpofition. A pexhQ fprenify of mirul,-a- 
 rprn]]f-r^\nnj^f thf>llp;H^, a diie attent ion to the obje^ ; 
 jfa ny of thde^rriimffiinrp'' ^"' wahfing^ nnr eypRrim{;pf 
 
 iviM hpfnMicinii'?! atrl w fhal' ^'' '■■■■^'•'k ^■r>yi'^^p nfthp 
 catholicand uriiverlal_beaiity. The relation, which na- 
 ture has pla^ed~between the form and the fentiment, 
 will at leaft be more obfcufe ; and it will require greater 
 accuracy to trace and difcern it. We fhall be able to 
 afcertaiii its influence not fo much from the operation of 
 each particular beauty, as from the durable admiration, 
 which attends thofe works, that have furvived all the ca- 
 prices of mode and fafliion, all the roiftakes of ignorance 
 and envy. 
 
 S 2 • Tlie 
 
26o ESSAY XXnt. 
 
 The fameJHoMER, who pleafed at Athens aticf 
 Rome two thoufand years ago, is ftill admired at Paris 
 and at London. All the changes of climate, govern- 
 ment, religion, and language, have'not been able to ob- 
 fcure his glory. Authority or prejudice may give a 
 temporary vogue to a bad poet or orator ^ but his repu- 
 tation will never be durable or general. When his com- 
 pofitions are examined by pofterity or byforeigners, the 
 enchantment is diflipated, and his faults appear in their 
 true colours . On the co ntrary, _a , rgal^nlui^lJie longer 
 his worlds. endure,_- and the more wide they are fpread a 
 the moje.fmcere is, the admiration which he ^megts^Hith. 
 Envy and jealoufy have too much place in a narrow 
 circle ; and even familiar ac^juaintance with his perfon 
 may diminifh the applaufe due to his performances : But 
 when thefe obftrudlions are removed, the beauties, which 
 are naturally fitted to excite agreeable fentiments, itri- 
 mediately difplay their energy ; and while the world en- 
 dures, they maintain their authority over the minds of men. 
 
 It appears then, that amidft all the variety and caprice 
 trf taftej,jifice.^& certain^^genei^l £rincJ£lsa^aEgroba- 
 tiQjj^,or.,,blame, whpfe^.yifluence a careful eye may trace 
 ia .a|l_^,operations of^the^mind. Soiiie particular forms 
 or qualities, from the original ftrudture of the internal 
 fabric, are calculated to pleafe, and others t&difpleafej 
 and if they fail of their efFe£t in any particular inil;ance> 
 it is from fome apparent defedi or imperfecStion in the 
 organ. A man in a fever would not infift on his palate 
 as able to decide concerning flavours ; npr would one, 
 afFe£ted with the jaundice, pretend to give a verdid: with 
 regard to colours. In each creature, there is a found and 
 a defc£tive ftate ; and the former alone can be fuppofed 
 to afFoid us a true ftandard of tafte and fentiment. I'f 
 in the found ftate of the organs, there be an entire or a 
 confiderable uniformity of fentiment among men, we 
 
 may 
 
Of the StancarO of Taste. 261 
 
 may thence derive an idea of the perfeft beauty ; in like 
 manner as the appearance of objedts in day-light to the 
 eye of a man in health is denominated their true and real 
 colour, even yi^hile colour i? allowed to be nxerely a 
 phantafm of the fenies. 
 
 Many and^fygguet^t gre f;^p 'jtkQsi ;n thejj iternal or - 
 gans, which4«£Eeiit.jC2JLK6ake the^i|iSueiicejo£,tb.ofe ge- 
 jieraTprinci ples, on which depe^d-S.^pur ^fentiment of 
 beaut)r^or_dkform'ity. ""TEoTfome objefls. by thp flmr- 
 ture of thejgind, be naturally calculated ttT'efvemea- 
 4s not to.be expedted, that in every individual the 
 pleafure will be equally felt. Particular incidents and ' 
 lltuations occur, whicli either throw a falfe light on the 
 Dbjefts, or hinder the true from conveying to the imagi- 
 nation the proper fentiment and perception. 
 
 One obvious caufe, why many feel not the proper fen- 
 timent of' beauty, is the want of that delicacy of imagi- 
 nation, which is requifite to cbnyey a fenfibility of thofe 
 finer emotions. , This delicacy every one pretends to : 
 Every one talks of it ; and would reduce every kind of 
 tafte or fentiment to its ftandard. But as our intention 
 jn this difiertation is to iningle fome light of the under- 
 ftanding with the feelings of fentiment, it will be prpper 
 to^y^^mpre accurate definition of _i£li£aay, than has 
 hitherto been attempted. And not to draw our philo- 
 fophy from too profound a fource, we fhall have recourfe 
 to a noted ftory in Don Quixote. 
 
 'Tis with good re^fon, fays Sancho to the fquire with 
 the great nofe, that I pretend to have a judgment in 
 wine : This is a quality hereditary in our family. Two 
 of my kinfmen were once called to give their opinion 
 of a hogfhead, which was fuppofed to be excellent, being 
 old and of- a good vintage. One of them tafles it ; con- 
 fiders it, and after mature reflexion pronounces the wine 
 S3 to 
 
262 ESSAY, XXIII. 
 
 to be good, were it not for a fmall tafte of leather, which 
 he perceived in it. The other, after ufmg the fame pre- 
 cautions, gives alfo his verdift in favour of the wine; 
 but with the referve of a tafte of iron, which he could 
 eafily diftinguifli. You cannot imagine how much they 
 were both ridiculed for their judgment. But who laughed 
 in the end ? On emptying the hogfhead, there was 
 found at the bottom, an old key with a leathern thong 
 tied to it.^ V 
 
 The ' great refemblance between mentaLand^bodUy 
 tafte will eafily teach us to apply thjs ftory. ^Tho it 
 be'certain, tirat"'beauty ' an3^ deformity, no more than 
 fweet and bitter, are not qualities in objefts, but belong 
 entire ly to the fentiment, inte rnaLa & <Mt e£a alf; it muft 
 be allowed, that there are certain qualities in objefts, 
 ^hich are fitted by nature to produce thofe particular 
 feelings. Now as thefe qualities may be found in a fmall 
 degree or may be mixed and confounded with each other, 
 it often happens, that the tafte is not zffe&ed with fuch 
 minute qualities, or is not able to diftinguifli all the par^- 
 ticular flavours, amidft the diforder, in which they are 
 prefented. Whe re the organs are fo fine, as to allow 
 
 ■n(j fh\n<r tn e.Q-ap p tVipm • fln<^ at-thp fpmp ti'mp fo^jt^A^ 
 
 to perceive every ingredient in the compofition :._This we . 
 call delicacy of tafte. whe ther wp. pmplny thefe term s 
 in the natural or metaphorical fenfe. Here then the ge- 
 neral rules of beauty are of ufe; being drawn from 
 eftablifhed models, and from the obfervation of what 
 pleafes or difpleafes, when prefented finglj^ and in a high 
 degree; And if the fame qualities, in a continued com- 
 pofition and in a fmaller degree, afFedt not the organs 
 with a fenfible delight or uneafinefs, we exclude the 
 , perfon from all pretenfions to this delicacy. To produce 
 thefe general rules or avowed patterns of compofition is 
 like finding the key with the leathern thong; which 
 
 juftified 
 
Of the Standard of Taste. 3.61 
 
 juftified the verdift of Sancho's kinfmen, and con- 
 founded thofe pretended judges who had condeipned them. 
 Tho' the hogfhead had never been emptied, the tafte of 
 the one was ftill equally delicate, and that of th.e other 
 equally dull and languid : But it would have been more 
 difficult to have proved the fuperiority of the former, to 
 the conviftion of every by-ftander. Jn like manner, 
 tho' the beauties of writing had never been methodized, 
 or reduced to general principles ; tho' no excellent mo- 
 dels had ever been acknowledged ; the different degrees 
 of tafte would ftill have fubfifted, and the judgment of 
 one man been preferable to that of another ; but it would 
 not have been fo eafy to filence the bad critic, who 
 might always infift upon his particular fentiment, and 
 refufe to fubmit to his antagonift. But when we fhow 
 him an avowed principle of art ; when we illuftrate this 
 principle by examples, whofe operation, from his own 
 particular tafte, he acknowledges to be conformable to 
 the principle ; when we prove, that the fame principle 
 may be applied to the prefent cafe, where he did not per- 
 ceive nor feel its influence : Ke muft conclude, upon the 
 whole, that the fault lies in himfelf, and that he wants 
 the delicacy, which is requifite to make him fenfible of 
 every beauty and every blemjfh, iij any compofition of 
 .difcourfe. 
 
 'Tis acknowledged to be the perfection of every fenfe 
 or faculty, to perceive with exadtnefs its moft mimite 
 objefts, and allow nothing to efcape its notice and ob- 
 fervation. The fmaller the objefts are, which become 
 fenfible to the eye, the finer is that organ, and the more 
 elaborate its make and compolitioi|. A good palate is 
 not tried by ftrong flavours ; but by a mixture of fgiall 
 ingredients, where we are ftill fenfible of each part, 
 jiotwithftahding its minutenefs and its confufion with the 
 re|^. In like manner, ai quick and acute perception of 
 S 4 beauty 
 
■^54 ESSAY XXIII, 
 
 beauty and defofmity muft be the perfeilion of our mgnr 
 tal tafte, nor can a man be fati?fied with bimfelf while 
 he fufpeds, that any excellence or bleniifli in a difcourfe 
 has pafled him uijobferyed. In this c^fe, the perfeflion 
 of the man, ^nd the perfeftion of the fenfe or feeling, are 
 found to be united. A very delicate palatp, on many 
 occafions, may be a great inconvenience both to a man 
 himfelf and to his friends : But a delicate tafie of wit or 
 beauty muft always be a defirable quality; becaufe it is 
 the fource of all the fineft and moft innocent enjoyments, 
 of which human nature is fufceptible. In this decifioi| 
 the fentiments of all mankind are agreed.!! Wherever 
 you can fix or afcertain a delicacy of tafte, it is fure to 
 be approved of j and the beft way of fixing it is to apr 
 peal to thofe models and printiples, which have been 
 eftabliflied by the uniform, approbation and experience of I 
 nations and ages. 1/ 
 
 But tho' there be., naturally a^verywide difference in 
 point of delicacy between one perfon and another, no- 
 thing tends further to encreaJfe ..and improve this talent, 
 , than.^ ^ggg/£g tf i,A^. pattic ukr; art, - and the frequent furvey 
 pr con templanoh of a particular fpecies of beauty. 
 When objefts of ariy kind are fi.rft prefented to th? eye 
 or imagination, the fentiment, which attends them, is 
 obfcure and confufed ; and the mind is, in a great mea- 
 fure, incapable of pronouncing concerning their merits 
 pr defedts. The; tafte cannot perceive the feveral exr 
 cellencies of the performance; much lefs'diftiflguifli the 
 particular charader of each excellency, and affertain its 
 quality and degree. If it pronounce the whole iii 
 general to be beautiful or deformed, 'tis the utmoft which 
 can be expedted ; and, even this judgment a perfon, fo 
 unpradifed, will be apt to deliver with great hefitatiqn 
 and referve. But allow him to acquire experience in 
 thofe objeds, his feeling becon;ies more exadt and nice : 
 
 ■ He 
 
Of the Standard of Taste. ^65 
 
 Pe not only perceives the beauties and defers of each 
 
 fiart, bu£ nrarks the diftinguifhing fpecies of each qua- 
 ity, and affigns it fuitable praife or blame. A clear and 
 diftin£i: fentiment attends him through the whole furvey 
 of the objects; and he difcerng that very degree and 
 kind of approbation or difpleafure, which each part is na- 
 turally fitted to produce. The mift diflipates, which 
 feemed formerly to hang oyer the dbjefl: : The organ 
 acquires greater perfeflion in its operations ; and pan pro- 
 nounce, without danger of miftake, concerning the me- 
 rits of each performance. In a word, the fame addref^ 
 and dexteri ty, which pra£l:ice gives to the execution of 
 any work, is allo^acquiredT^y^he fame means^ in the 
 7"^JgTng"Pf1t: • ' -— -~^ 
 
 So advantageous is pra£Hce to the difcernment of 
 beauty, that before we can pronounce judgment on any 
 work of importance, it will even be requifite, that that 
 yery individual performance be more than once perufed 
 by us, and be furveyed in different lights with attention 
 and deliberation. There is a flutter or hurry of thought, 
 which attends the firfl perufal of any piece, and which 
 confounds the genuine fentiment of beauty. The refe- 
 rence of the parts is not difcerhed : The true charailefs 
 of ftyle are little diftinguifhed : The feveral perfe£lions 
 and defedts feem wrapped up in a fpecies of confufion, 
 and prefent themfelves indiftindly to the imagination. 
 Not to mention, that there is a fpecied of beauty, which, 
 as it is florid and fuperficiali pleafes at firft ; but being 
 found incompatible with a jufl expreflion either of reafoa 
 or paffion, foon palls upon -the tafle, and is then rejeflred 
 with difdain, at leafl rated at a much lower value. 
 
 It is impoflible to continue in the pra£tice of contem- 
 plating any order of beauty, without being frequently 
 obliged to koxmmn^arjfiiiiJasi^sex!^^ 
 atjd degrees of excellency, and eftiniatingabeix progor- 
 ~ tion 
 
?66 ESSAY XXIII. 
 
 ^ioH to each ojher, A man, who has had no opportu* 
 iHtjroTcQmparipg the different kinds of beauty, is indeed 
 stotally unqualified to pronounce an opinion with regard 
 Jo any objeft prefented to him. By comparifon alone 
 we fix the epithets of praife or blame, and learn how 
 to affign the due degree of each. The coarfeft dawhihg 
 of a figji-poft contains a certain luftre of colours and 
 exaftn.efs of imitation, which are fo far beauties, and 
 would affeft the mind of a peafant or Irfdian with the 
 higheft admiration. The moft vulgar ballads are not en- 
 tirely deftitute of harmony or nature ; and none but a 
 perfon, farniliarized to fuperior beauties, would pro- 
 nounce their numbers harlh, or narration uninterefting. 
 A great inferiority of beauty gives pain to a perfon con- 
 verfant in the higheft excellency of the kind, and is for 
 that reafon pronounced a deformity ,: As the moft finifheij 
 objeft, with which we are acquainted, is naturally fup- 
 pofed to have reached the pinnacle of perfeflion, and to 
 be entitled to the higheft applaufe. A man, who has 
 had opportunities of feeing, and exaipining and weighing 
 the feyeral performances, admired in different ages and 
 nations, can alone rgte the merits of a work exhibited to 
 his view, and aflign its proper rank among the produc- 
 tions of genius. 
 
 '' But to enable hjm the rpore fully to execute this uijr 
 dertaking, he muft ^preferre^hjs mind fre e fr om all pre- 
 J^I^'C^ Jmd allo w nothing: to enteri nto his confiderat , i on. 
 but the veryobject,^ which is fubmitted to his exami- 
 ii^tidn, We may obferve, that every work of art, in 
 order to produce its due effeiS on the mind, mijft be fur- 
 .veyed in a certain point of view, and cannot be fully 
 reliflied by perfons, whofe fituatlon, real or imaginary, 
 is not conformable to that required by the performance. 
 An orator addreffes himfelf to a particular audience, and 
 ijiuft have a regard to their particular genius, interefts, 
 
 opiniojiSj 
 
Of the Standard of Taste. 267 
 
 opinions, paflions, and prejudices; otherwife he hopes 
 in vain to govern their refolutions, and iniflame their af^ 
 feftions. Should they even have entertained feme pre- 
 poffeiSons againft him, however unreafonable, he muft 
 not overlook thisdifadvantage ; but before he enters upon 
 the fabjeft, muft endeavour to conciliate their afFeftion, 
 and acquire their good graces. | A critic of a different 
 age or nation, who (hould perufe this difcourfe, muft 
 have all thefe circumftances in his eye, and muft place 
 himfelf in the fame fituation as the audience, in order 
 to form a true judgment of the oration. |. In like manner, 
 when any work is addrefled to the public, tho' I fliould 
 have a friendftlip or enmity with the author, I muft de- 
 part from this particular fituation ; and confidering my- 
 felf as a man in general, forget, if poflible, my indivi- 
 dual being and my peculiar circumftapces. A perfon, 
 influenced by prejudice, complies not with this condition j 
 but obftinately maintains his natural poiition, without 
 .enteriiig into that required by the performance. If the 
 work be addrelfed to perfons of a different age or nation, 
 he makes no allowance for their peculiar views and pre- 
 judices ; but full of the maniiers of his own times, ralhly 
 condemns what feemed admirable in the eyes of thofe for 
 whom alone "the difcourfe was calculated. If the work 
 be executed for the public, he neypr fufficiently enlarges 
 his comprehenfion, or forgets his intereft as a friend or 
 eneniiy, as a rival or commentator. By this means, his 
 fentiments are perverted ; nor have the fame beauties and 
 blemifhes the fame influence upon him, as if he had im- 
 pofed a proper violence on his itnagination, and had for- 
 got himfelf for a moment. So far his tafte evidently 
 departs from the true standard j and qf confequence lofes 
 all credit and authority. 
 
 It is well known, tha^, in all queffions, fubmitted to 
 tfie upderftanding, prejudice is moft deftrudive of found 
 
 jut's- 
 
2,68 ESSAY XXIII, 
 
 judgment, and perverts aJJ. operations of the inteU?£i:uaI 
 faculties: It is no lefs contrary togoodtafte; nor has 
 it lefs Influence to corrupt our fentiments of beauty. 
 .«Jt belongs- to good fmfi tochecjc its inH.u£jice_ijj_hQtJL> 
 - ip afe i i ; and tir" tfaxrTe<pedt^ as, well as jn many others, rear 
 ipnj_j F not an eflential part of tafte, is at leaft requifitg. 
 to the operations of th i s latter faculty. In all the nobler * 
 produiSlions of genius, there is a rnutual relation and | 
 correfpondence of parts ; nor can either the beauties or < 
 blemilhes be perceived by him, whofe thought is not ca-f 
 pacious enough to comprehend -all thofe parts, and com-| 
 pare them with each other, in order to perceive the con-:? 
 fiftence and uniformity of the whole. Every work of art' 
 has alfo a certain end orpurpofe, for y/hich it is calculat-j' 
 ed ; ajid is to be deejtned more or lefs perfect, as it js more 
 or lefs fitted to attain this end. The objecSt of eloquence 
 is to perfuade, of hiflory to inftruft, of poetry to pleafe 
 by means of the paffions and the imagination, Thefe 
 ends we muft carry conftantly in our view, when we pe-i 
 jrufe any perfgrrnaoce ; and we muft be able to judge how 
 far.themean& employed are adapted to their refpedlive 
 purpofes. Befides, every kind of compofition, even the 
 moft poetical, is nothing but a chain of propofitions 
 and reafonings ; not always indeed the jilfteft and moft 
 cxa£t, but ftill plaufiblc and fpecious, however difguifed 
 by the colouring of the imagination. The perfons, \n- 
 trpduced in tragedy and epic poetry, muft be reprefented 
 as .'reafoning and thinking, and concluding and adting, 
 Jfuitable to their charaflers and circumftances j and with- 
 out judgment, as wgll as tafte and invention, a poet can 
 , never hope to fucceedin fo delicate an undertaking. Not 
 to mention, that the fame excellence of faculties which 
 contributes to the improvement of reafon, the fame clear- 
 nefs of conception, the fame exaftnefs of diftindtion, the 
 fame vivacity of apprehenfion, are elTential to the ope- 
 7 rations 
 
Of fiie'STANDARD of Taste. i6^ 
 
 i'ations of true tafte, and are its infallible c6ncomitants; 
 It feldom, or never happens, that a man of fenfe, who 
 has experience in any art, cannot judge of its beauty; 
 and it is no lefs rare to meet with a man, who has a juft 
 tafte, without a found underftanding* 
 
 Thus, tho' the principles of tafte 'be uiiiverfal, and 
 nearlxiJf.jti9,t,. entirely the fame in all men; yet few are 
 qualified to give judgment on any work of art, or efiabr 
 lifli their own fentiment as the ftandardof beauty, Thp 
 organs of internal fenfation are feldom fo perfect as to 
 allow the general principles their full play, and produce 
 a feeling correfpondent to thofe principles. They either 
 labour under fome defedl:, or are vitiated by fom6 difor- 
 der; and by that me^ns, excite a fentiment, which may 
 be pronounced erroneous. When the critic has no de- 
 licacy, he judges without any diftinjStion, and is only 
 aiFe£ted by the groffer and more palpable qualities of the 
 objed: : The finer touches pafs unnoticed and difregarded. 
 Where he is not aided by pra£lice, his verdiiSi is att£;nded 
 with confufion and hcfitation. Where no comparifon 
 has been employed, the moft frivolous beauties, fuch as 
 rather merit the name of defefls, are the objefts of his 
 admiration. Where he lies under the influence of pre- 
 judice, all his natural fentiments are perverted. Where 
 good fenfe is wajnting, he is not qualified to difcern the 
 beautTes of defign and reafoning, which are the highefl; 
 and moft excellent, j Under fome or other of thefe im- 
 perfeflions, the generality of men labour; and hence 
 a true judge in the finer arts iS- obferved, even during the 
 moft polifhed ages, to be. fo rare acharader :] Strong. 
 fenfe u nited to delicate fentimen t, improved by praQice . 
 perfected by comparifon, and cleared of all prejudice, 
 f.an alone entitir r^'^t\r< tr , this valua hlf rharaAp,- . -^mj 
 the joint verdi6t o fjj^'vhi wilfrnv'" *^''y ^'•'t *^ ^"' fonni^j 
 i-iJJTMTii fJ}n i nd;ird n f fnft" int f-H-^i^y ? 
 
 ' But 
 
i7d ESSAY XXliii 
 
 But where are fuch critics to be found ? By what marks 
 are they to be known .' Mow diitiiiguifh them from pre- 
 tenders ? 'rb^fe queftions are embarrafftng ; and feem to 
 throw lis bacTc ihto tlie fame uncertainty, from which, 
 during the courfe of this eflay, we have endeavoured to 
 extricate ourfelves. 
 
 But if we confider the matter a'rightj th'fefe are queftionS 
 of faft, not of fentimeiit. Whether any particular per- 
 fon be endowed with good fenfe and a delicate imagin- 
 ation, free frflm prejudice, may often be the fubje£t of 
 dlfpute, ,and be liable to great difciiffion arid enquiry : 
 But that fuch a charafter is Valuable and eftimable will 
 be agreed by all mankind. Where thefe doubts occur, 
 men cari do no more than in other difpiitable queftions, 
 which are fubmitted to the underftariding : They mult 
 produce the belt arguments, which their invention fug- 
 gefts to them : (hey muft acknowlege a true and deci- 
 five ftandard to exift fomewhere, to wit, real exiftence 
 and matter of fad J and they muft have indulgehce to fuch 
 as differ from them in their appeals to this ftandard. It 
 is fuiRcient for our prefent purpofe, if we have proved, 
 that the tafte of all individuals i^ not upon an equal 
 footing, and that fome men in general, however difficult 
 to be particularly pitched upon, will be acknowledged by 
 univerfal fentiment to have a preference above others. 
 
 But in re ality t he diffi culty of fi nding, even in par- 
 ticulars, the ftandard of tafte. Is not fo great as itTTieil. 
 pre lentec T 'Iho' in fpeculatioii7 we maj' readily avow a 
 certain criterion in fcience and deny it in fentiment, the 
 matter is found in pradice to be much more hard to af- 
 ccrtain in the former cafe than in the latter. Theories 
 of abftrad philofophy, fyftems of profound theology 
 have prevailed during one age : In a fucqeffive period, 
 thefe have been univerfally exploded : Their abfurdity 
 has been detected : Other theories and fyftems have fup- 
 6 plied 
 
Of tfie Standard of Taste. 
 
 27s 
 
 |>Ked their place, which again gave way to their fuccef- 
 fors : And nothing has been experienced more liable to 
 the revolutions of chance and fafhion than thefe pretend- 
 ed decifions of feience. The cafe is not the fame with 
 the beauties of eloquence and poetry. Juft expreflions of 
 paiSon and nature are fure, after a little time, to gain 
 public vogue, which they maintain for ever. Aristo- 
 tle and Plato, Epicurus and Descartes, may 
 fucceffively yield to each other : But Terence and Vir- 
 gil maintain an univerfal, undifputed empire over the 
 minds of men. The abftrafl: philofophy of Cicero hag 
 loft its credit : The vehemence of his oratory is ftill the 
 obje<^ of our admiration. 
 
 - X hp' men of delicat e tafte are rare, the yjire eafily to 
 be diftinguiflie d in fociety by . the fouiidnefs of their un- 
 derftanding and the fuperiority of the irlSculties above the 
 reft oTniankin d. The afcendant, which .they acquire, 
 gives a prevalence to that lively approbation, with which 
 they receive any produiStion of genius, and renders it 
 generally predominant. Many men, when left to them- 
 felves, have but a faint and dubious perception of beauty, 
 who yet are capable of relifhing any iine firoke, which 
 IS pointed out to them. Every convert to the admi- 
 ration of the real poet or orator is the caufeof fome new 
 converfion. And tho' prejudices may prevail for a time, 
 they never unite in celebrating any rival to the true ge- 
 nius, but yield at laft to , the force of nature and juft 
 fentiment. And thus tho' a civilized nation may eafily 
 be miftaken in the choice of their admired philofopher, 
 they never have been found long t» err, in their aifec- 
 tion for a favourite epic or tragic author. 
 
 But notwithftanding all our' endeavours to fix a fland- 
 ard of tafte, and reconcile the difcordant apprehenfions 
 of men, there ftill remain^two-'fijtl'reBT' of ..variation, 
 which are not fufEcient indeed to confound all the boun::~~ 
 
 daries 
 
172 ESSAY XXIII; 
 
 daries of beauty and deformityi but will often fefve id 
 produce a difference ill the degrees of our approbatioft ot 
 blame. The one is the different humours^fjgartj^cular^ 
 men ; the other, the particular manners and opinions of 
 our- agfi. zaA. country. The general principles of taftd 
 are uniform in humaii nature : Where men vary in their 
 judgments, fome defeft or perverfion in the faculties may 
 commonly be remarked ; proceeding either from pre- 
 judice, from want of pra£tice, or want of delicacy; and 
 there isjuftreafon for approving one tafte, and condemn- 
 ing another. But where there is fuch a diverfity in the 
 internal frame or external fituation as is entirely blame- 
 lefs on both fides, and leaves no room to give one the 
 preference above the other; in that cafe a certain diver- 
 fity of judgment is unavoidable, and we feek in vain for 
 a ftandard, by which we can reconcile the contrary fertr 
 timents. 
 
 A young mati^ whofe paffiorts are warm^ will be: more 
 fenfibly touched with amorous and tender images, than a 
 man more advanced in years, who takes pleafure in wife; 
 and philofophical refleftions concerning the condudt of 
 life and moderation of the paflions. At twenty^ Ovid 
 maybe the favourite author; Horace at forty; and 
 perhaps Tacitus at fiftyj Vainly would we, in fucli 
 cafes, endeavour to enter into the fentiments of others,- 
 and diveft ourfelves of thofe propenfities, which are na- 
 tural to us. We chufe oiir favourite author as we do our 
 friend, from a conformity of humours and difpofitions.- 
 Mirth or paflion, fentiment or refieftion ; which ever Of 
 thefe moft predominates in our temper, it gives us a pe- 
 culiar fympathy with the writer who refembles us. 
 
 One perfon is more pleafed with the fublime; anotHei' 
 with the tender ; a third with raillery. One has aflrong 
 ienfibility to blemiflies, and is extremely ftudious of cor- 
 rednefs : Another has a more lively feeling of beauties, 
 
 and 
 
Of the Standard ©f Taste. 173 
 
 and pardons twenty abfurdities and defedls for one elevat- 
 ed or pathetic ftroke. The ear of this man is entirely 
 turned towards concifenefs and energy j that man is de- 
 lighted with a copious, rich, and harmonious expreffion. 
 Simplicity is afFefted by one; ornament by another. 
 Comedy, tragedy, fatire, odes have each their partizans, 
 who prefer that particular fpecies of writing to all others. 
 It is j)lainly an error in a critic, to confine his appro- 
 bation to one fpecies or ftyle of writing, and condemn all 
 the reft. But it is almoft im{>offibIe not to feel at predi- 
 lection for that which fuits our particular turn and difpo- 
 fition. Such preference^, are innocent and unavoidable, 
 and can never reafonably be the obje£t of difpute, becaufe 
 there is no ftandard,. by which they caa heideciskd, 
 
 For a like reafon, we are more pleafed with pi£lures 
 of charadlers, which refemble fuch as are found in our 
 own age or country, than with thofe which defcribe a 
 different fet of cuftoms. 'Tis not without fome effort, 
 that we reconcile ourfelves to the fimplicity of antient 
 manners, and behold princefles drawing water from a 
 fpring, and kings and heroes dreffing their own visuals. 
 We may allow in general, that the reprefentation of 
 fuch manners is no fault in the author, nor deformity in 
 the piece ; but we are not fo fenfibly touched with them. 
 For this reafon, compdy is not transferred eafily from 
 one age or nation to another. A Frenchman or En- 
 glishman is not pleafed with the Andria of TeI 
 RENCE, or Clitia of Machiavel, where the fine 
 lady, upon whom all the play turns, never once appears 
 to the fpeftators, but is always kept behind the fcenes, 
 fuitable to the referved humour of the antient Greeks 
 and modern Italia NS._JLfflJ JJ. of Earning and reflect 
 tion can makeallowance for ther(> pprnliaritie-; fjf mpj^ 
 jieg_ij, but a common audience can never divefl themfelves 
 fo far of their ufual ideas and fentiments a5 to relijli pic- 
 tures which nowifs refemble them. 
 
 Vol. I. T And 
 
474 ESSAY ttllh 
 
 And here there occurs a reflexion, which may, per- 
 haps, be ufeful in examining the celebrated controverfy 
 concerning antient ,..and. modetn. iearning ; where wef 
 ©ften find the one fide excufing any feeming abfurdity in 
 the antients from the manners of the age^ and the other 
 refufing to admit this excufe, or at leaft, admitting it 
 only as an apology for the author, not for the perfor- 
 mance. In my opinioHj the proper bounds in this fub- 
 jeO. have feldom been fixed between the contending par- 
 ties. Where any innocent peculiarities of manners are 
 reprefetited, fuch as thofe abovementioned, they oughfi 
 certainly to be admitted ,; and a man who ia fhocked 
 with them, gives an evident proof of falfe delicacy and 
 refinement. Thet poets-mmument more durable than hrafsy 
 muft fall, to the ground like common bric^ or clay, were 
 men to,rria!ke, iio allowance for the continual revolutions! 
 of manners and euftoms, and would admit nothing but 
 what was fuitable to the prevailing fafliiori. Muft we 
 throw afide the pictures of oiir anceftors, becaufe of 
 their ruffs and fardingales 3 jBut where the ideas of mo- 
 rality and decency alter from one -age to another, and 
 where vicious manners are defcribed, without beinw 
 marked with the proper charafters of blame and difap- 
 probation ; this mufl: be allowed to disfigure the poerir, 
 and to be a real deform ity.j|| I cannot, nor is it proper 
 I fhould, enter mto filch fentlments ; an^i^J^Q;g^gj5ej J 
 may excufe the poet, on account of the manners QLilisL- 
 age, T never can relilh the compofition. The want of 
 humanity ,ang_ of decency, fo conrpicuous in the cha- 
 raflers drawn by feveral of the antient poets, even fome- 
 times by Homer and the Greek tragedians, diminiihes 
 confiderably the merit of jthejr noble' performances, and 
 gives modcin authors a great advantage over them. We 
 are not interefted in the fortunes and fentiments of fuch 
 ?ough heroes ; We are difpleafed to find the limits of 
 
 vic6 
 
Of the S + AN^ARb of Taste, ayi| 
 
 ike and virtue fo confounded : And whatever indulgence 
 S^emaygive the writer on account of his prejudices, we 
 cannot prevail on ourfelves to enter into his fentiments^ 
 or bear an affeftion to charaifters', whick we plainly dif- 
 cover to be blaraeable. 
 
 The cafe is not the fame with moral principles, as with 
 fpeculative .opinions of any kind. Thefe aire ip con- 
 tinual flux and- revolution. " The fon embraces a diffe- 
 r'entTyfterii from the Hther. Nay, there fcarce is any- 
 man* who can boaft of great conftancy and uniformity 
 in this particular. Whatever fpeculative errors may be 
 found in the polite writings of any age or country, they 
 detradl but little Trotri th& value of thofe compofitions. 
 There needs but a certain turn of thought or imagination 
 to make us enter into all the opinions^ which then pre- 
 vailed, and relilh the fentiments or conelufions derived 
 from them. But a very violent effort is requifite to 
 change our judgment of manners, and excite fentiments 
 of approbation or blanje, love or hatred, different from 
 thofe to which the mind from long cuftom has been fa- 
 miliarized-. Arid where a man is confident of the rec- 
 titude of that moral ftaiidardj by which he judges, he is 
 juftly jealous of it, and will not pervert the fentiments 
 of his heart for a moment^ in complaifahce tb any writer 
 what-eVefj 
 
 Of all fpeculative err o rs, thofe vyh ich regard jgligianj 
 are theipoft excu^^eJnjcom^o^j^iaiSlJQf *. lior is 
 
 It ever permitted to pdge, of the . civility xir wifdom of. 
 any people, or gyeja of linglq perfons, by the groffnefs 
 or refinement of their thealogical principles. The fame 
 good fenfe, that direfts men in the ordinary occurrences 
 of life, is not hearkened to iii religious matters, which 
 are fu^sppfed to be placed entirely above the cogiiizance 
 ef human reafon. Upon this account, all the abfurdj- 
 tifes of the pagan fyftem of theology muft be overlooked 
 
Z76 ESSAY XXIlr. 
 
 by every critic, who would pretend to form a juft notion 
 of antient poetry ; and our pofterity, in their turn, muft 
 have the fame indulgence to their forefathers. No reli- 
 gious principles can ever be imputed as a fault to any poet, 
 while they remain merely principles, and take not iuch 
 ftrong poffeffion of 4is.iieax£,„ai_to lay him under th|L„ 
 imputation of bigotry or fuperjiition. Where that bap- 
 pens, they confpund the fentiments of morality, and 
 alter the natural boundaries of vice and virtue. They 
 are therefore eternal blemifhes, according to the principle 
 abovementioned ; nor are the prejudices and falfe opinions 
 of the age fufficient to juftify them. 
 
 'Tis effential to the Roman catholic religion to in- 
 fpire a violent hatred to every other worfhip, and repre- 
 fent all pagans, mahometans, and heretics as the objefts 
 of divine wrath and vengeance. Such fentiments, tho' 
 they are in reality extremely blameable, are confidered 
 as virtues by the zealots of that communion, and are re- 
 prefented in their tragedies and epic poems as a kind of 
 divine heroifm. This bigotry has disfiguired two very 
 fine tragedies of the French theatre, Polieucte and 
 Athalia ; where an intemperate zeal for particular 
 modes of worfhip is fet off with all the pomp itnagin- 
 able, and forms the predominant charafter of the he- 
 roes. " What is this," fays the heroic Joad to JosA- 
 BET, finding her in difcourfe with Mathan, theprieft 
 of Baal, " Does the daughter of David fpeak to this 
 " traitor ? Are you not afraid, left the earth Ihould open 
 " and pour forth flames to devour you both ? Or left 
 " thefe holy walls fliould fall and crufli yoii together ? 
 *' What is his purpofe ? Why comes that enemy of God 
 " liither to poifon the air, which we breathe, with his 
 " horrid prefence?" Such fentiments are received with 
 great applaufe on the theatre of Paris ; but at London 
 the fpeitators would be full as much pleafed to hear A- 
 
 CHILLES 
 
Of the Standard of TASTEi 377 
 
 CHiLLEs tell Agamemnon, that he was a dog in his 
 forehead, and a deer in his heart. Or Jupiter threaten 
 Juno with a found drubbing, if fhe will not be quiet. 
 
 Religious principles are ^Ifo a blemiih in any polite 
 compofition, when they rife up to fuperftition, and in- 
 trude themfelves into every fentiment, however remote 
 ^rom any connection with religion. 'Tis no excufe for 
 the poet, that the cuftoms of his country had burthened 
 life with fo many religious ceremonies and obfervances, 
 that no part of it was exempt from that yoak. It muft 
 be for ever ridiculous in Petrarch to compare his mif- 
 trefs, Laura, to Jesus Christ. Nor is it lefs ridi- 
 culous in that agreeable libertine, Boccace, very feri- 
 oufly to give thanks to God Almighty, and the ladies, 
 for their afliftance in defending him againft his enemies. 
 
 ESSAYS, 
 
ESSAYS, 
 
 MORAL, POLITICAL, 
 
 AND 
 
 LITERARY, 
 
 PART IL* 
 
 * Published in 175a. 
 
 T4 
 
I a8i J 
 
 ESSAY L 
 
 Of Commerce. 
 
 TH E greateft part of mankind may be divided into 
 two claffes } that of Jhalloiv thinkers, who fall 
 fhort of the truth ; and that oi abjlrufe thinkers, who go 
 beyond it. The latter clafs are by far the moft uncom- 
 Jnon i and I may add, by far the moft ufeful and valu- 
 able. They fuggeft hints, at leaft, and ftart difficulties, 
 which they want, perhaps, fkill to purfue ; but which 
 may produce very fine difcoveries, when handled by men 
 who have a more juft way of thinking. At worft, what 
 they fay is uncommon ; and if it fhould coft fome pains 
 to comprehend it, one has, however, the pleafure of 
 bearing fomething that is new. An author is little to be 
 valued, who tells us nothing but what we can learn from 
 every coffec-houfe converfation. 
 
 All people o{ Jhallovi) thought are apt to decry even 
 Aofe oifolid underftanding, as ahjlrufe thinkers, and me- 
 taphyficians, and refiners j and never will allow any 
 tiling to be juft which is beyond their own weak concep- 
 tions. There are fome cafes, I own, where an extra- 
 ordinary refinement affords a ftrong prefumption of falfe- 
 hood, and where no reafoning is to be trufted but what is 
 natural and eafy. When 9 man deliberates concerning 
 J)Ss condudi in Jin^ particular alFair, and forms fchemes in 
 politics, trade, oeconomy, or any bufinefs in life, he never 
 ought to draw his arguments too fine, or conneA too 
 
 long 
 
^ii E s s^^A if I. 
 
 long a chain of confequences together. Something It 
 fure to happen, that will diFconcert his r^afoning, and 
 produce an event diiFerent from what he expedled. But 
 when we reafon upon general fubjedls, one may juftly 
 affirm, that our fpeculatiorts can fcarce ever be too fine, 
 provided they be juft ; and that the difference between 4 
 common man and a man of genius is chiefly feen'in the 
 fliallownefs or depth of the principles gpon which they 
 proceed, peneral reafonings feem intricate, merely be- 
 caufe they are general ; nor is it eafy for the bulk of matir 
 kind to diftinguifli, in a great number of particulars, that 
 common circumflance in which they all agree, or to ex- 
 trail it, pure ^nd unmixed, frorp tlje other fuperfiuous 
 circumfliances. Every judgment or conclufion, with 
 them, is particular. They cannot enlarge their view to 
 thofe univerfal propofitions, which comprehend under, 
 them an infinite number of individuals, and include a 
 whole fcience in a fingle theorem. , Their eye is con- 
 fouhded with fuch an extenfive profpedt ; and the conclur 
 fiohs derived from it, even tho' clearly exprelled, feem in- 
 tricafe and obfcure. IJut however intricate they may 
 feem, 'tis certain, that general principles, if juft and 
 found, muft always prevail in the general courfe of 
 things, tho' they may fail in particular cafe^ ; and 'tis tha 
 chief bufinefs of philofophers to regard the general courfe 
 of things. I may add, that 'tis alfo the chief bufinefs.of 
 politicians ; efpecially it> the domeftlc government of the, 
 ftate, where the jsublip good, which is, or ovjght to b^ 
 their obje£l, depends on the concurrence of a multitude 
 of cafes; hot, as in foreign politics, pn accidents an4 
 thances, and the caprices of a few perfons. This there'; 
 fore rnakes the difference bfetyveen partifular deliberations - 
 and ^jTKfJ^^/ reafonings, and renders fubtilty and refinement 
 much more fuitabte to the latter than tothe former. 
 
 , I thought this introduaion neceflary befoire the fol-^ 
 lowing difccurfes 011 (ammeree, money, interejl, balance of 
 
 tradif 
 
'Of G ja M E|L c E. 285 
 
 » 
 
 ^^, £sff . where, perhaps, there will occur fome prin- 
 ciples- which are uncommon, and which may feem top 
 refihed and fubtil^ for fiich vulgar fubjeds. If falfe, let 
 them be rejefted : But no one ought to entertain a pre- 
 judice againft theijt, mterely becaufe they are out of the 
 common road. 
 
 The greatnefs of a ftate, and the happinefs of itsfub- 
 Je£ls, hOWfever independent they may be fuppofed in 
 fome refpefts, are commonly allowed to be infeparablf 
 with regard to commerce] and as private men receive 
 greater fecurity in the pofleffion of thejr trade ami 
 riches, from the power of the public, fo the public be- 
 comes powerful in proportion to the riches and extenfive 
 commerce of private men. This maxim is true in ge- 
 neral ; tho' I cannot forbear thinking, that it may pofli- 
 bly admit of fome exceptions, and that we often eftabliffi 
 it with too little referve and limitation. There may be 
 fome circumftances, Where the commerce, and riches, 
 and luxury of individuals, inftead of adding ftrength tQ 
 the public, will ferve only to thin its armies, and dimi- 
 pilh its authority among the neighbouring nations. 
 Man is a very variable being, and fufceptible of many 
 different opinions, principles, and rules of condui}:. 
 What may be true \yhile he adheres to one way of think- 
 fng, will be found falfe when he has embraced an oppo- 
 fite fet of manners and opinions. 
 
 The bulk of every ftate may be divided into huJbancL- 
 men znd manufciSfurers. The former are employed in the 
 culture of the land : The latter work, up the materials 
 fu'rniftied by the fqrmer, into all the commodities which 
 are neceffary and ornamental to human life. As foon as 
 men quit their favage ftate, where they live chiefly by 
 hunting and fiftiing, they muft fall into thefe two claffes ; 
 tho' the arts of agriculture employ at firji the moft nu- 
 ■' ' ' ' • • merous 
 
2^4 E s s A r I^ 
 
 merous part of the fociety *. Time and experience InU 
 prove fo much thefe arts, that the land may eafily main- 
 tain a much greater number of men, than thofe who are 
 immediately employed in its cultivation, or who furniftt 
 the more necelTary manufactures to fuch as are fo em- 
 ployed. 
 
 If thefe fuperfluous hands apply themfelves to the 
 finer arts, which are commonly denominated the arts 
 of luxury, they add to the happinefs of the ftate j fince 
 they afford to many the opportunity of receiving enjoy- 
 ments, with which they would otherwife have been un- 
 acquainted. But may not another fcheme be propofed 
 for th? employment of thefe fuperfluous hands ? May not 
 the fovereign lay claim to them, and employ them in 
 fleets and armies, to increafe the dominions of the ftate 
 abroad, and fpread its fame over diftant nations ? 'Tis 
 certain, that the fewer defires and wants are found in 
 the proprietors and labourers of land, the fewer hands 
 do they employ ; and confequently the fuperfluities of 
 the land, inftead of maintaining tradefmen and manu- 
 faSurers, may fupport fleets and armies to a muah 
 greater extent, than where a great many arts are required 
 to minifter to the luxury of particular perfons. Here 
 therefore feems to be a kind of oppofition between the 
 greatnefs of the ftate and the happinefs of the fubjedts. 
 A ftate is never greater than when all its fuperfluous 
 hands are employed in the fervice of the public. The 
 eafe and convenience of private perfons require, that 
 thefe hands fliould be employed in their fervice. The 
 
 * Monf. Melon in his political eOay on eemmeree afTerts, that even at 
 prefent, if you divide France into »o parts, i6 are labourers or peafants; 
 a only artifans ; one belonging ts the law, church, and military } and one 
 merchants, financiers, and bourgeois. This calculation is certainly very er- 
 Toneous. In Frai*ce, England, and indeed mod parts of Europe, half 
 of the inhabitants live in cities ; and even of thofe who live in the country, 
 a very great number are artifans, perhaps above a third. 
 
 one 
 
Of Commerce. 2^ j 
 
 one can never be fatisfied, but at the expence of the 
 other. As the ambition of the fovereign muft entrench 
 on the luxury of individuals ; fo the luxury of indivi- 
 duals muft diminifli the force, and check the ambition of 
 the fovereign. 
 
 Nor is this reafoning merely chimerical; but is 
 founded on hiftory and experience. The republic of 
 Sparta was certainly more povi^erful than any ftatenow 
 in the world, confifting of an equal number of people : 
 and this was owing entirely to the want of commerce 
 and luxury. The Helotes were the labourers : The 
 Spartans were the foldlers or gentlemen. 'Tis evi- 
 dent, that the labour of the Helot es could not have 
 maintained fo great a number of Spartans, had thefe 
 latter lived in eafe and delicacy, and given employment 
 to a great variety of trades and manufaftures. The like 
 policy may be remarked in Rome. And indeed, thro' all 
 antient hiftory, 'tis obfervable, that the fmalleft republics 
 raifed and maintained greater armies, than ftates confift- 
 ing of triple the number of inhabitants, are ab]e to fup- 
 port at prefent. 'Tis computed, that, in all European 
 nations, the proportion between foldiers and people does 
 not exceed one to a hundred. But we read, that the 
 city of Rome alone, with its fmall territory, raifed and 
 maintained, in early times, ten legions againft the La- 
 tins. Athens, whofe whole dominions were not 
 larger than Yorkshire, fent to the expedition againft 
 Sicily near forty thoufand men*. Dionysius the el- 
 der, 'tis faid, maintained a ftanding army of a hundred 
 thoufand foot and ten thoufand horfe, befide a large fleet 
 of four hundred fail f ; tho' bis territories extended no 
 
 * TaueyoiDEs, liTi. 7. 
 
 ^ Dioc, Sic. lib. z. This account, I own, Is fomewhat fufpicious, not 
 to fay worfe ; chiefly beea«fe this army was not compofed of citizens, but of 
 m»KMty forces, 
 
 farther 
 
285 £ S S A Y Ij 
 
 farther than the city of Syracuse, abovt a third part of 
 the ifland of Sicily, and fome fea-port to^wns or garri- 
 fons on thecoaft of Italy and Illyricum- 'TJs true, 
 the ancient armies, in time of war, fubfifted much x^poa. 
 plunder : But did not the enemy plunder iii their turn ? 
 which was a more ruinous way of levying tax, than any 
 other that could be devifed. In fhort, no probable reafoi^ 
 can be affigned for the great power of the more antient 
 itates above the modern, but their want" of commerce 
 and luxury; Few artifans were maintained by the la- 
 bour of the farmers, and therefore more foldiers might 
 live upon it. Titus Livius fays, that Rome, in his 
 time, would find it difficult to raife as large an army as 
 that which, in her early days, (he fent out againfl: the 
 Gauls and Latins*. Inftead of thofe foldiers whp 
 fought for liberty and empire inCAMiLLUs's time, there 
 were in Augustus's days, muficians^ painters, cooks, 
 players, and tailors ; and if the land was equally culti- 
 Tated at, both periods, 'tis evident It could maintain equal 
 numbers in the one pfofefEon as in the other. They 
 added nothing to the mere neceffaries of life^ in the latter 
 period more than in the former. 
 
 'Tis natural on this occafion td affcj whether fove- 
 reigns m.ay not return to the maxims of antient policy,* 
 and confult their own intereft in this refpeft, more than 
 the happinefs of their fubje£ts ? I anfwerj that it appears 
 to me almofl: impoflible j and that becaufe antient policy 
 was violent, and contrary to the more natural and ufual 
 courfe of things.* 'Tis well known with what peculiail 
 laws Sparta was governed, and what a prodigy that re- 
 public is juftly efteetned by every one, who has confidered 
 human nature, as it has difplayed. itfelf in other nations, 
 ind other ages. Were the teftimony of hiftory lefs pofi- 
 
 • Tin Livii, lib. 7. cap. 14. " Adeo in qua Uboramu?," f»ythe, 
 *' fob crevimas, divitias luxtuiemqae.'* 
 
 live 
 
^f C^ M M E R c E. a^7 
 
 tive and ciroumftantiaJ, fucK a government v?ould app?a.t 
 a mere philofophical whim or fidtion, and impoflibld 
 ever to be reduced to practice. And tho' the Romak( 
 ?p.d other antient republics v^ere {upported on pcincipJes 
 ibmewfh.at more natural, yet was there a very extraordi- 
 nary concurrence of circumftaaces to make them fubmit 
 tp fuch griev6us burthens. They were free'fta,tes; they 
 were fmaU ones ; and the age being martial, all the 
 neighbouring ftates were coii,tinually in arms. Freedom 
 naturally begets public fpirlt, efpecially in fmall ftates j 
 and this public fpirit,, this t^mpr patrits, rtiuffi increafe, 
 when the public is almoft in continual alarm, arid merl 
 are obliged, every moment, to expofe themfelves to the 
 greateft dangers for its defence. A continual fucceffiori 
 qf wars ma3s£s every citizen a foldier : He takes the field 
 in his turn ; and during his fervice is chiefly maintained 
 by himfelf. And notwithftanding that his fervice is equi- 
 valent to. a very fevere tax, 'tis lefs" felt by a people ad- 
 dicted toarms, who fight for honour and revenge more 
 tban pay,, and are unacquainted with gain and induftryas 
 well as pleafure *. Not to mention the great equality 
 oi fortunes amongft the._ inhabitants of the antient repub- 
 lics, wher€ every field belonging to a different proprietor, 
 
 * The more antient Romans lived In perpetual war with all their neigh- 
 bours: and in old LatIn, the term, j5o^/j, expreffed both a-ftranger and an 
 enemy. This is remarked by Cicero ; but by him is afcribed to the huma- 
 nity of his anceftors, who foftened, as much as poffible, the denomination of 
 an enemy, by calling him by the fame appellation which fignified a ftrangef . 
 Se Off. lib. z. 'TishowSver much more probable, from the manners of the 
 tiijges, that the ferocity of thofe people viis fo great as to malce them regard 
 all ftrangers as enemieSj and call them by the' fame name. It is not, be-J 
 fides, confident with the moft commoil maxims of policy or of nature, that 
 ally Hate fliould regard its public enemies with a friendly eye, or preferve any 
 fcch fentiments for them as (he Roman orator would afcribe to his an- 
 Ceftois. Not to mention, that theearly Romans really exercifed piracy, as 
 we learn from their firft treaties with Carthage, pteferved by PotYBius, 
 lib. 3. and consequently, liice the Sallee and Alcerine rovers, were ac- 
 tually at war with moft nations^ and a Aranger and an enecny were with 
 tktva xlnoft fynonimousi 
 
 wa-s 
 
t8» ESSAY I. 
 
 was able to maintain a family, and rendered the numrbers 
 of citizens very confiderable, even without trade anl 
 nunufaftures. 
 
 But tho' the want of trade and manufaflures, amongff 
 a free and very martial people, may fomettmes have no 
 other effefl: than to render the public more powerful, 'tis 
 certain, that in the common courfe of human affairs, it 
 will have a quite contrary tendency. Sovereigns muft 
 take mankind as they find them, and cannot pretend to 
 introduce any violent change in their principles and ways 
 of thinking. A long courfe of time, with a variety of 
 accidents and circumftances, are requifite to produce 
 thofe great revolutions, which fo much diverfify the face 
 of human affairs. And the lefs natural any fet of prin- 
 ciples are, which fupport a particular fociety, the more 
 difficulty will a legiflator meet with in railing and culti- 
 vating them. 'Tis his beft policy to comply with the 
 common bent of mankind, and give it all the improve- 
 ments of which it is fufceptible. Now, according to the 
 moft natural courfe of things, induftry, and arts, and 
 trade increafe the power of the fovereign as well as the 
 happincfs of the fubjefts; and that policy is violent, 
 which aggrandizes the public by the poverty of indivi- 
 duals. This will eafily appear from a ftw confiderations, 
 which will prefent to us the confequences of floth and 
 barbarity. 
 
 Where manufaftures and mechanic arts are not culti- 
 vated, the bulk of the people muft apply themfelves to 
 agriculture ; and if their (kill and indoftry increafe, there 
 muft arife a great fuperfluity from their labour beyond 
 what fulfices to maintain them. They have no tempta- 
 tion, therefore, to encreafe their (kill and induftry ; fince 
 they cannot exchange that fuperfluity for any commodi- 
 ties, which may ferve either to their pleafure or vanity. 
 A habit of indolence naturally prevails. The greater 
 
 part 
 I 
 
0f Commerce; 
 
 patt of the land lies uncultivated. What is cultivated, 
 yields not its utmoft, for want of ikill or affiduity in the 
 farmers. If at any time the public exigencies require, 
 that great numbers ftiould be employed in the public fer- 
 yice, the labour of the people furniflies now no fuper- 
 fluities, by which thefe nun\bers can be maintained. The 
 labourers cannot increafe their fkill and induftry on a 
 fudden; Lands uncultivated cannot be brought into til- 
 lage for feme years. The armies, meanwhile, muft ei- 
 ther malc^ fudden and violent conquefts, or difband for 
 want of fubUftence. A regular attack or defence there- 
 fore, is not to be expefted from fuch a people, and their 
 foldiers muft be as ignorant and unfkilful as their farmers 
 and manufai^urers. 
 
 Every thing in the world is purchafed by labour j and 
 our paflions are the only caufes of labour. When a nation 
 abounds in manufactures and mechanic arts, the proprie- 
 tors of landj as well as the farmers, ftudy agriculture as a 
 fcience, and redouble their indtiftry and attention. The 
 fuperfluity which arifes from their labour, is not loft ; but 
 is exchanged with the manufacturers for thofe corrimo- 
 dities which mens luxury now makes them covet. By 
 .this means, land furniflies a great deal more of the ne- 
 ceffaries of life, than what fuffices for thofe who culti- 
 vate it. In times of peace and tranquillity, this fuper- 
 fluity goes to the maintenance of manfailurers,' and the 
 improvers of liberal arts. But 'tis eafy for the public to 
 convert many of thefe manufacturers into foldiers, and 
 maintain them by that fuperfluity, which arifes from the 
 labour of the farmers. Accordingly we find, that this is 
 the cafe in all civilized governments. When the fove- 
 reign raifes an army, what is the confequence? He im- 
 pofes a tax. This tax obliges all the people to retrench 
 what is leaft neceflary to their fubfiftence, Thofe who la- 
 bour in fuch commodities, muft either enlift in the troops, 
 6>r turn themfelves to agriculture, and thereby oblige feme 
 
 Vol. I. U labourers 
 
29© . ESSAY r. 
 
 labourers to enlift for want of bufinefs. And to CDnG<Ier 
 the matter abftra<a:ly, manufaftures increafe the power 
 of the ftate only as they ftore up fo much labour, ^nd that 
 of a kind to which the publick may lay claim, without 
 depriving any one of the neceflaries of life. The more 
 labour, therefore, is employed beyond mere neceflaries, 
 the morfe powerful is any, ftate j fince the perfons engaged- 
 in that labour may eafily be converted to the public fer- " 
 vice. In a ftate without manufaftures there may be the 
 fame number of hands ; but there is not the fame quan- 
 tity of labour,, nor of the fame kind. All the labour is 
 there beftowed upon neceffaries, which can admit of little 
 or no abatement. , 
 
 Thus the greatnefs of the fovereign and the bappineft 
 of the ftate are, in a great meafure, united with regard t» 
 trade and manufa(Stures. 'Tis^ a violent method, and in 
 moft cafes impracticable, to oblige the labourer to toil, in 
 order to raife from the land more than what fubfifts him- 
 felf and family. Furnifh him with manufactures and<' 
 commodities, and he trill do it of h-imfelf. Afterwards 
 you will find rteafy to feize fome part of his fuperfluous 
 labour, and employ it in the public fervice, without giv- 
 ing him his wonted return. Being accuftomed to in- 
 duftry, he will think this lefs grievous, than if,, at once, 
 you obliged him to an augmentation, of labour without any 
 reward. The cafe is the fame with regard to the other 
 members of the ftate. The greater is the ftock of la- 
 bour of all kinds, the greater quantity may be taken from 
 the heap, without making any fenfible alteration upon it. 
 
 A public granary of corn, a ftorehoufe of cloth, a ma- 
 gazine of arms ; all thefe muft be allowed real riches and 
 ftrength in any ftate. Trade and induftry are really no- 
 thing but a ftock of labour, which, in time of peace and 
 tranquillity, is employed for the eafe and fatisfadtion of in- 
 divi(3uals; hut in the exigencies of-ftate,>may, in part, be 
 
 turned 
 
Of C O^M M E R C e. 2gj 
 
 turhe4 to public advantage. Could we convert a city in- 
 to a kind of fortified camp, and infufe into each breaft Ca 
 martial a genius, and fuch a paffion ifor public good, as 
 to make every one wrilling to undergo the greateft hlrd- 
 fhips for the fake of the public ; thefe afFeftions might 
 now, as in antient times, prove alone a fufficient fpur to 
 induftry, and fupport the community. It would then be 
 advantageous, as in camps, to banifli all arts and luxury ; 
 and, b/reftriaions on equipage and tables, make the pro- 
 visions and forage lafl longer than if the army were loaded 
 with a number of fuperfluous retainers. But as thefe 
 principles are too difinterefted and too difficult to fupport 
 'tis requifite to govern men by other paffions, and animate 
 them with a fpirit of avarice and induftry, art and luxury. 
 The camp is, in this cafe, loaded with a fuperfiuous re-> 
 tinue; but the provifions flow in proportionably larger. 
 The harmony of the whole is ftill fupported ; and the na- 
 tural bent of the mind being more complied with indi- 
 viduals, as well as the public, find their account in the 
 obfervance of thofe maxims. 
 
 The fame method of reafoning wijl let.us fee the ad- 
 vantage o{ foreign commerce, in augmenting the power 
 of the flate, as well as the riches and happinefs of the 
 fubjeds. It increafes the ftock of labour in the nation - 
 and the fo'vereign may convert what fliare of it he finds 
 necefTary to the fervice of the public. Foreign trade,, by 
 its imports, furnifhes materials for new manufa£tures j 
 and by its exports, it produces labour in particular com- 
 modities, which could not be confumed at home. In 
 (hort, a kingdom, that has a large import and export, 
 muft abound more with induftry, and that emploved 
 ipon delicacies and luxuries, than a kingdom which refts 
 :ontented with its native commodities. It is, therefore, 
 nore powerful, as well as richer and happier. The in- 
 lividuals reap the benefit of thefe commodities, fo far as 
 hey gratify the fenfes and appetites. And the public is alfo 
 U a a gainer. 
 
igz ESSAY h 
 
 a gainer, while a greater ftock of labour is, by tbi* 
 means, ftored up againft any public exigency ; that is, 
 a greater number of laborious men are maintained, who 
 may be diverted to the public fervice, without robbing 
 any one of the neceffaries, or even the chief conveni- 
 encies of life. 
 
 If we cbnfult hiftory, we fhall find, that in moft na- 
 tions foreign trade has preceded any refinement in home 
 manufa£lures, and given birth to domeftic luxury. Ths 
 temptation is ftronger to make ufe of foreigri commodi- 
 ties, which are ready fof ufe, and which are entirely 
 new to us, than to make improvements on any domeftic 
 commodity, which always advance by flow degrees, and 
 never affecl us by their novelty. The profit is alfo very 
 great in exporting what is fuperfluous at home, and what 
 bears no price, to foreign nations, whofe foil or climate 
 is not favourable to that commodity. Thus men become 
 acquainted with the pkafures of luxury and the profits of 
 commerce; and their delicacy and induflry, being once 
 awakened, carry them to farther improvements, in every 
 branch of domeftic as well as foreign trade. And this 
 perhaps is the chief advantage which arifes from a corn- 
 merce with ftrangers. It roufes men from their indolence; 
 anc| prefenting the gayer and more opulent part of the 
 nation with objeiSts of luxury, which they never before 
 dreamed of, raifes in them a defire of a more fplendid way 
 of life than what their anceftors enjoyed, and at the 
 fame time, the few merchants, who poffefs the fecret of 
 this importation and exportation, make exorbitant pro- 
 fits; and becoming rivals, in Wealth to the antient nobi- 
 lity, tempt other adventurers to become their rivals in 
 commerce. Imitation foon diffufes all thofe arts; while 
 domeftic manufacturers emulate the foreign in their im- 
 provements, and work up every home commodity to the 
 utmoft perfection of which it is fufceptible. Their ov^n 
 fteel and iron, in fuch laborious hands, become equal to 
 the gold and rubies of the Indies. 
 
 7 When 
 
Of Commerce. jgj 
 
 .'When the affairs of the fociety are once brought to this 
 fituation, a ijation may lofe moft of its foreign trade, and 
 y?t continue a great and powerful people. If ftrangers 
 will not take any particular commodity of Ours, we muft 
 ceafe to labour in it. The fame hands w'ill turn them- 
 felves toyvards fome refinement in other comnjodities, 
 which may be wanted at home. And there muft always 
 be materials for them to work uporj ; till every perfon in 
 the ftate, who poffefles riches, enjoys as great plenty of 
 home commodities, and thofe in as great petfedlion, as 
 hp defires ; which can never ppflibly happen, China is 
 r^prefented as one pf the mpft flourifliing empires in the 
 world ; tho' it h^s very little commerce beyond its own 
 territories. 
 
 It will not, I hope, beconfidered as. a fuperfluous di-r 
 greffion, if I here obferve, that as the multitude of me, 
 chanical arts is advantageous, fo is the great number of 
 perfons to whofe (hare the produdlions of thefe ,arts fall, 
 A too great difproportion ariiong the citizens weakens 
 any ftate. Every perfon, if poflible, ought to enjoy the 
 fruits of his labour, in a full poffeffioii of all the neceffa^ 
 rjes, and many of the conveniengies of life. No one can 
 doubt, but fuch an equality is moft fuitable to human 
 nature, and diminifties much lefs from the happinefs of 
 the rich than it adds to that of the poor. It alfo aug- 
 ijients the power ofthejiatf, and makps any extraordinary 
 taxes or irnpofitions be paid with much mqre chearful- 
 nefs. Where the riches are engrofled by a few, thefe 
 muft cpntribvite very largely to the fupplying the public 
 neceflities. But when the riches are difperfed among, 
 multitudes, the burthen feels light on every fhoulder, 
 and the taxes make not a ve.ry fenfible difference on any 
 one's way of living. 
 
 Add to this, that where the riches are in few hands, 
 thefe muft enjoy all the power, and will readily confpir* 
 
494 E S S A Y I. 
 
 to lay the whole burthen on the poor, and opprefs thehl 
 ftill farther, to the difcouragement of all induftry. 
 
 In this circumftance confifts the great advantage of 
 England above any nation at prefent in the world, or 
 that appears in the records of ftory. *Tis true, the En- 
 gush feel fome difadvantages in foreign trade by the 
 high prjj:e of labour, which is in part the efFedt of the 
 riches of their artifans, as well as of the plenty of money: 
 But as foreign trade is not the mofl: material circurhftance, 
 'tis not to be, put in competition with the happihefs of fo 
 many millions. And if there were no rhore to endear to 
 them that free government under which they live, this 
 alone were fufficient. The poverty of the common 
 people is a natural, if not an infallible effedl of abfolute 
 monarchy ; tho' I dOubt, whether it be always true, on 
 the other hand, that their riches are an infallible refult 
 of liberty. Liberty muft be attended with particular ac- 
 cidents, and a certain turn of thinking, in order to pro- 
 duce that efFefl. Lord BACOtf, accounting for the 
 great advantages obtained by the English in their 
 wars with France, afcribes them chiefly to the fuperior 
 eafe and plenty of the comthoh pfeople amohgft the for- 
 mer ; yet the government of the tw6 kingdoms were, 
 at that time, pretty much dhke. Where the labourers 
 and artizans are accuflomed to work for low wages, and 
 to retain but a fmall part of the fruits of their labour, 
 'tis difficult for them, even in a free government, to bet- 
 ter their condition, cr confpire among themfelves td 
 h.ighten their wages. But even where they are ac- 
 CLiftomed to a more plentiful way of life, 'tis eafy for the 
 rich, in a defpotic government, to confpire againft ibevif 
 and throw the whale burthen of the taxes on their Shoul- 
 ders. 
 
 It may feem an odd pofition, that the poverty of the 
 Common people in. France, Italy, and Spain, is, in 
 
 fome 
 
Of C Kt M E R C fi. 
 
 29.5 
 
 femenaeafure, owing to the fuperior riches of the foil and 
 happinefs of the climate; and yet there want not many 
 3-eafons to juftify this paradox. In fuch a fine mold or 
 foil as thatofthofe more fouthern regions, agriculture is 
 an eafy art ; and one man, with a couple of forry horfes, 
 will he able, in a feafon, to cultivate -as much land as 
 will pay a pretty confiderable rent to the proprietor. All 
 the art, which the farmer knows, is to leave his ground 
 fallow for a year, fo foon as it is exhaufted ; and the 
 warmth of the fun alone and temperature of the climate 
 enrich it, and reftore its fertility. Such poor peafants, 
 therefore, require only a fimple maintenance for their la- 
 bour« They have no ftock nor riches, which claim 
 more j and at the fame time, they are for ever dependant 
 -an their landlord, who gives no leafes, nor fears that his 
 land will be fpoiled by the ill methods of cultivation. In 
 England, the land is rich, but coarfe; muft be culti- 
 vated at a great expence; and produces flender crops, 
 when not carefully managed, and by a method which 
 gives not the full profit but in a courfe of feveral years. 
 A farmer, therefore, in England mufthave a confider- 
 able ftock and a long leafe ; which beget proportional 
 profits. The fine vineyards of Champagne and Bur- 
 gundy, that oft yield to the landlord above five pounds 
 per acre, are cultivated by peafants, who have fcarce 
 bread : And the reafon is, that fuch peafants need no 
 ftock but their own limbs, with inftruments of hufband- 
 ry, which they can buy for'twenty Ihillings. The farm- 
 ers are commonly in fome better circumftances in thofe 
 countries. But the grafiers are moft at their eafe of all 
 thofe who cultivate the land. The reafon is ftill the fame. 
 Men muft have profits proportionable to their expence and 
 hazard. Where fo confiderable a number of labouring poor 
 as the peafants and farmers are in very low circumftances, 
 all the reft muft partake of their poverty whether the go- 
 vernment of that nation be monarchical or republican. 
 
 U 4 • We 
 
256 E" B S A Y t 
 
 We may form a fimilar remark with regard to the ge- 
 neral hiftory of mankind. What is the reafon, why nq 
 people living between the tropics could ever yet attain to 
 any art or civility, or reach even any police in their go- 
 vernment, and any military difcipline ; while few nations 
 in the temperate climates have been altogether deprived of 
 thefe advantages ? 'Tis probable, that one caufe of this 
 phaenomenon is the warmth and egualiiy of weather ia 
 the torrid zone, which render cloaths and houfes lefs re- 
 quifite for the inhabitants, and thereby remove, in part, 
 that neceffity, which is the great fpur to induftry and 
 invention. Curis acuens mortalia corda. Not to men- 
 tidn, that the fewer goods or pofieflions of this kind any 
 people enjoy, the fewer (juarrels are likely to arife amongft 
 them, and the lefs neceffity will there be for a fettled po- 
 lice or regular authority to protecSl and defend them from 
 foreign enemies, or from each other. 
 
 ESSAY 
 
i »$7 3 
 
 ESSAY II, 
 
 of Refinement in the Arts, 
 
 LU X U R Y is a word of a very iincertain fignificatioti, 
 and may be taken in a good as well as in a bad fenfe. 
 In general, it means great refineinent in the gratification 
 of the fenfes ; and any degree of it may be innocent or 
 blameable, according to the age, or country, or condition 
 of the perfon. Tl>e bounds between the virtue and the 
 vice cannot here be fixed exa6i:ly, more than in other mo- 
 ral fubjedls. To imagine, that the gratifying any of the 
 fenfes, or the indulging any delicacy in meats, drinks, or 
 appare), is initfelf a vice, can never enter into a head, 
 that is not difordered by the frenzies of enthufiafm. I 
 have, indeed, heard of a njonk abroad, who, becaufe the 
 windows of his cell opened upon a very noble profpefl:, 
 made a covenant with his eyes never to turn that way, or re- 
 ceive fo fenfual a gratification. And fuch is the crime of 
 drinking Champagne or Burgundy, preferably to 
 fmall beer or porter. Thefe indulgences are only vices, 
 when they are purfued at the expence of fome virtue, as 
 liberality or charity ; in like manner as they are follies, 
 when for them a man ruins his fortune, and reduces him- 
 felf to want and beggary. Where they entrench upon no 
 virtue, but leave ample fubjeiSl whence to provide for 
 friends, family, and every proper objedt of generofity or 
 compaflion, they are intirely innocent, and have in every 
 age been acknowledged fuch by almoft all moralifts. To 
 
 be 
 
498 E S S A V 11; 
 
 be jntireJy occupied with the luxury of the table, for irf* 
 ftancc, without any relifh for the pleafures of ambition, 
 ftudy, or converfation, is a mark of grofs ftupidity, and is 
 incompatible with any vigour of temper or genius. To 
 confine one's expence intirely to fuch a gratification, with- 
 out regard to friends or family, is an indication of a heart 
 intirely devoid of humanity or benevolence. But if a man 
 referve time fuflicient for all laudable purfuits, and money 
 fuflicient for all generous purpofes, he is free from every 
 ibadow of blame or reproach. 
 
 Since luxury may be confidered either as innocent or 
 blameable, one may 'be furprized at thofe prepofterous 
 opinions which have been entertained concerning it ; 
 while men of libertine principles beflow praifes even on 
 vicious luxury, and reprefent it as highly advantageous ta 
 fociety ; and on the other hand, men of fevere morals 
 blame even the moft iruiocent luxury, and regard it as 
 the fource of all the corruptions, diforders, and faftions, 
 incident to civil government. We fliall here endeavour 
 to correft both thefe extremes, by proving, firjl, that the 
 ages of refinement are both the happicft and moft virtuous ; 
 fecondh^, that where-ever luxury ceafes to be innocent, it 
 al(b ceafes to be beneficial ; and when carried a degree too 
 far, is a quality pernicious, though perhaps not the moft 
 pernicious, to political fociety. 
 
 To prove the firft point, we need but cohfider the ef- 
 feSs of refinement both on private and on public life. Hu- 
 man happinefs, according to the moft received notions, 
 feems to confift in three ingredients ; aftion, pleafure, 
 and indolence : And tho' thefe ingredients ought to be 
 mixed in different proportions, according to the particu- 
 lar difpofitions of the perfon ; yet no one ingredient can 
 . be entirely wanting, without deftroying, in fome meafure, 
 the relifli of the whole compofition. Indolence or repofe, 
 indeed, feems not of itfelf to contribute much to our en- 
 joyment j 
 
Of R E It 1 N E M E N T In tl»e A R tS. S^^ 
 
 joyment ; but, like deep, is requifite as an indulgence to 
 the weaknefs of human nature, which cannot fupport aa 
 uninterrupted courfe of bufinefs or pleafure. That quick 
 march of the fpirits, which takes a man from himfelf, 
 and chiefly gives fatisfaftion, does in the end exhauft the 
 mind, and requires fome intervals of repofe, which, tba* 
 agreeable for a moment, yet, if prolonged, beget a lan- 
 quor and lethargy, that deftroy all enjoyment. Education, 
 cuftom, and example, have a mighty influence in turning 
 the mind to any of thefe purfuits ; and it muft be owned, ' 
 that where they promote a relifli for action and pleafure, 
 they are fo far favourable to human happinefs. In times 
 when induftry and arts flourifli, men are kept in perpe- 
 tual occupation, and enjoy, as their reward, the occu- 
 pation itfelf, as well as thofe pleafures which are the ' 
 fruits of their labour. The mind acquires new vigour j 
 enlarges its powers and faculties 3 and by an afliduity in 
 honeft indufliry, both fatisfies its natural appetites, and 
 prevents the growth of unnatural ones, which commonly 
 fpring up, when nourifhed with eafe and idlenefs. Ba^- 
 nifh thofe arts from- focietyj you deprive men both of ac- 
 tion and of pleafure ; and leaving nothing but indolence 
 in their place," you even deftroy the relifh of indolence, 
 vvhich never is agreeable, but when it fucceeds to labour, 
 and recruits the fpirits, exhaufted by too much application 
 and fatigue. 
 
 Another advantage of induftry and of refinements in the 
 mechanical arts, is, that they commonly producfe fome re- 
 finements in the liberal ; jior can the one be carried to per* 
 fetftion, without being accompanied, in fome degree, with 
 the other. The fame age which produces great philofo- 
 phers and politicians, renowned generals and poets, ufu- 
 ally abounds with fkilful weavers and fhip-carpenters. 
 We cannot reafonably expeft, that a piece of woollen 
 icloth will be wrought to perfeflion in a nation which is 
 Igttorant 6( aftrbnomy, or where ethics are negleded. The 
 
 fpirit 
 
jpo ESSAY II. 
 
 fpirit of the age afFefls all the arts ; and the minds of 
 njpn, being once roufed from their lethargy, and put into 
 a fermentation, turn themfelves on all fides, and carry 
 improvements into every art and fciepce. Profound ig? 
 norance is totally baniftied, and men enjoy the privilege 
 of rational creatures, to think as well as to a<3, to culti- 
 vate the pleafures of the mind as well as thofe of the body. . 
 The more thefe refined arts advance, them.ore fociable 
 do men become; nor is it poffible, that, when inriched' 
 with fcience, and ppflefled of a fund of copyprfation, they 
 fhould be contented to remain in folitude, or live with 
 their fellow-citizens in that diftant manner, which is pe- 
 culiar to ignorant and barbarous nations. They flock intoi 
 cities ; love to receive and communicate knowledge ; to 
 ■fliow their wit or their breeding ; their tafte in converfa-; 
 tion or living, in cloaths or furniture. Curiofity allures 
 the wife ; Vanity the foolifli ; and pleafure both. Particu- 
 lar clubs and focieties are every where formed : Both fexes 
 meet in an eafy and fopiable manner; and the tempers of 
 men, as well as their behaviour, refine apace. So that, 
 befide the improvements which they receive from know- 
 ledge and the liberal arts, 'tis impofliblebut they muft feel 
 an increafe of humanity, from the very habit of con- 
 verfing together, and contributing to each other's plea- 
 fure and -entertainment. Thus indujiry, knowlege, and 
 humanity, are linked together by an indiflbluble chain, and 
 are found, from experience as well as reafon, to be pe- 
 culiar to the more polifhed, and, what are commonly 
 denominated, the more luxurious ages. 
 
 Nor are thefe advantages attended with difadyantages 
 which bear any proportion to them. The more men re- 
 fine upon pleafure, the lefs will they indulge in excefles of 
 any kind ; becaufe nothing is more deftru£live to true 
 pleafure than fuch excefles. One may fafely affirm, that 
 the Tartars areoftener guilty of beaftly gluttony, when 
 
 they 
 
t)f Refinement in the Arts. 30* 
 
 they feaft on their d6ad horfes, than European courtiers 
 with all their refinements of cookery, ■ And if libertine 
 love, or even infidelity to the marriage-bed, be more fre- 
 quent in polite ages, when it is often regarded only as a 
 piece of gallantry; drunkennefs, on the other hand, is 
 much lefs common : A vice more odious, and more per- 
 nicious both to mind and body. And in this matter t 
 would appeal, not only to an Ovid or a Petronius, 
 but to a Seneca or eCato. We know, that C^sar, 
 during Catiline's confpiracy, being neceflitated to put 
 into Cato's hands a billet-doux, which difcovered an in- 
 trigue with Servilia, Cato's own fifter, that ftern phj- 
 lofopher threw it back to him with indignation ; and, in 
 the bitternefs of his wrath, gave him the appellation of 
 drunkard, as a term more opprobrious than that with 
 which he could more juftly have reproached him. 
 
 But induftry, knowlege, and humanity, are not ad- 
 vantageous in private life alone : They diffufq their bene- 
 ficial influence on the public, and render the government 
 as great and flourifhing as they make individuals happy 
 and profperous. The increafe and confumption of all the 
 commodities which ferve to the ornament and pleafureof 
 life, are advantageous to fociety ; becaufe at the fame time 
 that they multiply thofe innocent gratifications to indivi- 
 duals, they are a kind oi Jiorehoufe of labour, v/hich, in the 
 exigencies of ftate, may be turned to the public fervice. In 
 a nation, where there is no demand for fuch fupcrfluities, 
 men fink into indolence, lofe all the enjoyment of Ii,fe, and 
 are ufelefs to the public, which cannot maintain nor fup- 
 port its fleets and armies, from the induftry of fuch floth- 
 ful members. 
 
 The bounds of all the European kingdoms are, at 
 prefent, pretty near the fame they were two hundred years 
 ago : But TVhat a difference is there in the power and 
 grandeur of thofe kingdoms I Which can be afcribed to 
 
 nothing 
 
302 ESSAY II. 
 
 nothing but the increafe of art and induftry. When 
 Charles VIII. of France invaded Italy, he carried 
 with him about 20,000 men : And yet this armament fo 
 exhaufted the nation, as we learn from Guicciardin, 
 that for fome years Jt was not able to n^ke fo great an 
 eiFort. The late king of France, in time of war, kept 
 in pay above 400,000 men f J though from Mazarine's 
 death to his own, he was engaged iij a courfe of war? 
 that lafted near thirty years. 
 
 This induftry is much promoted by the knowlege in- 
 feparable from the ages of art and refinement ; as, on the 
 other hand, this knowlege enables the public to make 
 the beft advantage of the induftry of its fubjedls. Laws, 
 Older, police, difcipline ; thefe can never be carried to any 
 degree of perfeftion, before human reafon has refined itfelf 
 by exercife, and by an application to the more vulgar arts, 
 zt leaft, of commerce and manufaftures. Can we expedl, 
 that a government will be well modelled by a people, who 
 know not how to make a fpin-ning-wheel, or to employ a 
 loom to advantage? Not to mention, that all ignorant 
 ages are infefted with fuperftition, which throws the go- 
 vernment off its bias^ and difturbs men in the purfuit of 
 their intereft and happinefs. 
 
 Knowlege in the arts of government naturally begets 
 rnildnefs and moderation, by inftrufting men in the advan- 
 tages pf humane maxims above rigour and feverity, which 
 drive fubjefts into rebellion, and render the return to fub- 
 miflion imprafticable, by cutting off all hopes of pardon. 
 When the tempers of men are foftened as well as their 
 knowlege improved, this humanity appears ftill more 
 confpicuous, and is the chief charafteriftic which diftin- 
 guilhes a civilized age from times of barbarity and igno- 
 rance. Fadtions are then lefs inveterate, revolutions lefs 
 tragical, authority lefs fevere, and feditions lefs frequent. 
 
 •f The infcription on the Pl ace-de-Vi!ndome fays 440,000. 
 
 i Even 
 
Of Refinement tn the Arts. 303 
 
 Even foreign wars abate of their cruelty j and after the 
 field of battle, where honour and intereft fteel men againft 
 compaflion as well as fear, the combatants divcfi: them- 
 /elves of the brute, and refume the man. 
 
 No/ need we fear, that nien, by lofing their ferocity, 
 will lofc their martial fpirit, or become lefs undaunted and 
 vigorous in defence of their country or their liberty. The 
 arts have no fuch efFe<a in enervating either the mind or 
 body. On the contrary,induftry, their infeparable attend- 
 ant, adds new force to both. And if anger, which is faid 
 to be the wbetftone of courage, lofes fomewhat of its af- 
 perity, by politenefs and refinement ; a fenfe of honour, 
 which is a ftconger, more conftant, and more governable 
 principle, acquires frefti vigour by that elevation of genius, 
 which arifes from knowlege and a good education. Add 
 to this, that courage can neither have any duration, nor 
 be of any ufe, when not accompanied with difciplineaad 
 martial fkill, which are feldom found among a barbaroas 
 people. The antients remarked, thatDATAMEs was the 
 only barbarian that ever knew the art of war. And Pya- 
 RHUS feeing the Romans marflial their army with fome 
 art and (kill, faid with furprize, Thefe barbarians have nt- 
 thing iarbarous in their 'difcipline ! 'Tis obfervable, that as 
 the old RoMAKS, by applying themfelves fokly to war, 
 were the only uncivilized people that ever pofl'effed mili- 
 tary difcipline ; fo the modern Italians are the only ci- 
 vilized people, among Europeans, that ever wanted 
 courage and a martial fpirit. Thofe who would afcribe 
 this effeminacy of the Italians to their luxury or po- 
 litenefs, or application t6 the arts, need but confider the 
 French and EngIish, whofe bravery is as unconteft- 
 able, as their love for luxury, and their affiduity in com- 
 merce. The Italian hiftorians give us a more fatisfa<5i:orjr 
 reafon for this degeneracy of their countrymen. They 
 ihew us how the fword,was dropt at once by all the Ita- 
 ^SAN fovereignsi while ths Venetian ariftocracy was 
 
 jealc"4s 
 
^04 ESSAY ii 
 
 jealous of its fubjedfcs, theFEORENTiNE democracy ap*-* 
 plied itfelf intirely to commerce j Rome was governed 
 by priefts, and Naples by womeru War then became 
 tbe bufinefs of foldiers of fortune^ who fpared one an-J 
 other, and, to the aftonifhment of the world, coi^d en- 
 gage a whole day in what they called a batt/e, and retiiri^ 
 at night to their camp, without the leaft bloodfhed. 
 
 What has chiefly induced fevere moralifts to declaim 
 againft refinement in the arts, is the example of antient 
 Rome, which, joining to its poverty and rufticity, virtue 
 and public fpirit, rofe to fuch a furprizing height of gran- 
 deur and liberty ; but having learned from its conquered 
 provinces the Asiatic luxury, fell into every kind of 
 corruption ; wherice arofe fedition and civil wars, attended 
 at laft with the total lofs of liberty. All the Latin daf- 
 fies, whom we perufe in our infancy, are full of thefe 
 fentiments, and univerfaliy afcribe the ruin of their ftate 
 to the arts and riches imported from the Eafl: : Infomuch 
 that Sallust reprefents a tafte for painting as a vice n9 
 lefs than lewdnefs and drinking. And fo popular were 
 thefe fentiments, during the latter ages of the republic, 
 that this author abounds in praifes of the old rigid Roman 
 virtue, tho' himfelf the moil egregious inftance of modern 
 luxury and corruption ; fpeaks contemptuoufly of the 
 Grecian eloquence, tho' the moft elegant writer in the 
 world ; nay, employs prepofterous digreflions and decla* 
 mations to this purpofe, though a model of tafte and 
 correftnefs. 
 
 But it would be eafy to prove, that thefe writers miflook 
 the caufe of the diforders in the Roman ftate, and afcribed 
 to luxury and the arts, what really proceeded from an ill- 
 modelled government, and the unlimited extent; of con- 
 quefts. Refinement on the pleafures and conveiiiencies of 
 life has no natural tendency to beget venality and corrup- 
 tion. The value which all men put upon any particular 
 
 pleafurc, 
 
Of REJiNfii^ENT m the Arts. 305 
 
 pleaflire, depends on comparifon and experience ; nor is a 
 porter Icfs greedy of money, which he fpends on bacon and 
 brandy, than a courtier, who purchafes champagne and 
 ortolans. Riches are valuable at all times, and to all men, 
 becaufe they always purchafe pleafures, fuch as men are 
 accuftomed to, and defiire: Nor can arty thing reftrain or 
 .regulate the love of money, but a fenfe of honour and 
 virtue ; which, if it be not nearly equal at all times, will 
 naturally abound moft in ages of knowledge and reiine- 
 ment. 
 
 Of ail EuROi^EAN kingdoms, Poland feems the moft 
 defedtive in the arts of war, as well as peace, mechanical 
 as well as liberal ; and yet 'tis there that venality and cor- 
 ruption do moft prevail. The nobles feem to have preferved 
 their crown elective for no other pui-pofe, biit regularly to 
 fell it to the higheft bidder. This is almoft the only fpe- 
 eies of commerce with which that people are acquainted. 
 
 The liberties of England, fo far from decaying fince 
 the improvements in the arts, Jiave never flouriflied fo 
 much as during that peiriod. And tho' corriiption may 
 feem to iricreafe of late years ; this is chiefly to be afcribed 
 to our eftabliflied liberty, when our princes have found 
 the impoflibility of governing without parliaments, or of 
 terrifying parliaments by the phantom of prerogative. 
 Not to mention, that this corruption or venality prevails 
 infinitely more among the electors than the elefted ; and 
 therefore cannot juftly be afcribed to any refinements in 
 luxury. 
 
 If we corifider the matter in a proper light, we fhall 
 find, that improvements in the arts are rather favourable 
 to liberty, and have a natural tendency to preferve, if not 
 produce a free government. In rude unpolifhed nations, 
 where the arts are negle£ted, all the labour is beftowed on 
 the cultivation of the ground ; and the whole fociety is 
 divided into two claffes, proprietors of land, and their 
 
 Vol. I. X vaffals 
 
3o6 ESSAY II. 
 
 vaffals or tenants. The latter are neceflarily dependent, 
 and fitted for flavery and fubjeftion ; efpecially where they 
 poffefs no riches, and are not valued for their knowledge 
 in agriculture ; as muft always be the cafe where the arts 
 are neglefted. The former naturally ereft themfelves in- 
 to petty tyrants ; and muft either fubmit to an abfolute 
 mafter for the fake of peace and order ; or if they will pre- 
 ferve their independency, like the ancient barons, they 
 muft fall into feuds and contefts among themfelve% and 
 throw the whole fociety into fuch confufion, as is perhaps 
 worfe than the moft defpotic government. But where 
 luxury nourifties commerce and induftry, the peafants, 
 by a proper cultivation of the land, become rich and in- 
 dependent ; while the tradefmen and merchants acquire a 
 Ihare of the property, and draw authority and confidera- 
 tion to that middling rank of men, who are the beft and 
 firmeft bafis of public liberty. Thefe fubmit not to flavery, 
 like the poor, peafants, from poverty and meannefs of fpi- 
 rit ; and having no hopes of tyrannizing over others, like 
 the barons, they are not tempted, for the fake of that gra- 
 tification, to fubmit to the tyranny of their fovereign. 
 They covet equal laws, which may fecure their property, 
 and preferve them from monarchical, as well as ariftocra- 
 tical tyranny. 
 
 The houfe of commons is the fupport of our popular 
 government ; and all the world acknowlege, that it owed 
 its chief influence and confideration to the increafe of 
 commerce, which threw fuch a balance of property intp 
 the hands of the commons. How inconfiftent then is it 
 to blame fo violently a refinement in the arts, and to re- 
 prefent it as the bane of liberty and public fpirit ! 
 
 To declaim againft prefent times, and magnify the vir- 
 tue of remote anceftors, is a propenfity almoft inherent in 
 liuman nature : and as the fentiments and opinions of ci- 
 vilized ages aJone are tranfmitted to pofterity, heijce it is 
 4 that 
 
Of Refinement in the Arts. > 307 
 
 that we meet with fo many fevere judgments pronounced 
 againft luxury, and even fcieiice ; and hence it is that at 
 prefent we give fo ready an aflent to them. But the fal- 
 lacy is eafily perceived from comparing different nations 
 that are contempora,ries ; where we both judge more im- 
 paftially and can better fet in oppofition thofe manners 
 with which we are fufficiently acquainted. Treachery and 
 cruelty, the moft pernicious and moft odipus of all vices, 
 feem peculiar to uncivilized ages ; and by the refined 
 Greeks and Romans were afcribed to all the barbarous 
 nations, which furrounded them. They might juftly, 
 therefore, haV-e prefumed, that their own anceftors, fa 
 highly celebrated, poffefled no greater virtue, and were as 
 ■much inferior to their pofterity in honour and humanity^ 
 as in tafte and foience. An antient Frank or Saxon may 
 be highly extolled : But I believe €very man would think 
 his life or fortune much lefs -fecure in the hands of a. 
 Moor or Tartar, than in thofe of a French or Eng- 
 lish gentleman, the rank of men the moft civilized in 
 the mofi: civilized nations. 
 
 We come now to xhzfecond pofition vvhich we propofed 
 to illuftrate, vix. t^at as innccent luxury, or a refinement 
 in the arts and conveniencies of life, is advantageous to 
 the public ; fo where- ever luxury ceafes to be innocent, 
 it alfo ceafes to be beneficial ; and when carried '3 degree 
 farther, begins to be a quality pernicious, tho',' perhaps, 
 not ,the moft pernicious, to political fociety. 
 
 Let us confider what we call vicious luxury. No gra- 
 tification, however fenfual, can of itfeif be efteemed vi- 
 cious. A gratification is only vicious, when it engroffes 
 all a man's expence, and leaves no ability for fuch a£ls of 
 duty and generofity as are required by his fituation and 
 fortune. Suppofe, that he correct the vice, and employ 
 part of his expence in the education of his children, in the 
 ftipport of his friends, and in relieving the poorj would 
 X 2 any 
 
5o8 £ S S A Y IL 
 
 any prejudice refult to fociety? On the contrary, the 
 fame confumption would arife ;. and that labour, which, 
 at prefent, is employed only in producing a flender grati- 
 fication to one man, would relieve the neceflitous, and be- 
 ftow fatisfailion on hundreds. The fame care and toil 
 which raife a difli of peas at Christmas, would give 
 bread to a whole family during fix months. To fay, that, 
 without a vicious luxury, the labour would not have been 
 employed at all, is only to fay, that there is fome other 
 defedtin human nature, fuch as indolence, felfifhnefs, in- 
 attention to others, for which luxury in fome meafure 
 provides a remedy ; as one poifon may be an antidote to 
 another. But virtue, like wholfome food, is better than 
 poifons, however corrected. 
 
 , Suppofe the fame number of men that are at prefent in 
 Britain, with the fame foil and climate; I afk, is it not 
 pofiible for them to be happier, by the moft perfefl way of 
 life which can be imagined, and by the greateft reforma- 
 tion which Omnipotence itfelf could work in their temper 
 and difpofition ? To aflert that they cannot, appears evi- 
 dently ridiculous. As the land is able to maintain more 
 than all its inhabitants, they could never, in- fuch an 
 Utopian ftate, feel any other ills than thofe which arife 
 from bodily ficknefs ; and thefe are not the half of human 
 miferies. All other ills fpring from fome vice, either in 
 ourfelves or others ; and even many of our difeafes pro- 
 ceed from the fame origin. Remove the vices, and the 
 ills follow. You muft only take care to remove ail the 
 vices. If you retnove part, you may render the matter 
 worfe. By banifhing vicious luxury, without curing floth 
 and an indifference to others, you only diminifli induftry 
 in the ftate, and add nothing to mens charity or their ge- 
 nerofity. Let us, therefore, reft contented with aflerting, 
 that two oppofite vices in a ftate may be more advan- 
 tageous than either of them alone ; but let us never pro- 
 nounce vice in itfelf advantageous. Is it not very incon- 
 
 fiflent 
 
Of REriNEMENT in the A:RTs. 309 
 
 (ifl-eflt for an author to aflert in one page, that moral dif- 
 tin£tions are inventions of politicians for public intereft; 
 and la the next page maintain, that vice is advantageous 
 to the public f ? And indeed it feems, upon any fyftera 
 of morality,- little lefs than a contradiSion in terms, to 
 talk of a vice which is in general beneficial to fociety. 
 
 Prodigality is not to be confounded with a refinement 
 in the arts. It even appears, that that vice is much lef» 
 frequent in the cultivated ages. Induftry and gain beget 
 this frugality, among the lower and middle ranks of men ; 
 and in all the bufy profeffions. Men of high rank, in- 
 deed, it may be pretended, are more allured by the plea- 
 fures, which become more frequent. But idlenefs is the 
 great fource of prodigality at all times ; and there are plea- 
 fures and vanities in every age, which allure men equally 
 when they are unacquainted with better enjoyments. Not 
 to mention, that the high intereft, payed in rude_ times, 
 quickly confumes the fortunes of the landed gentry, and 
 multiplies their neceffities. 
 
 I thought this reafoning neceflary, in ord^r to give fome- 
 light to a philofophical queftion, which has been much 
 difputed in Britain. I call it a philofophical queftion, 
 not a political one. For whatever may be the confequence 
 of fuch a miraculous transformation of mankind, as would 
 endow them with every fpecies of virtue, and free thenj 
 from every fpecies of vice j this concerns not the magif- 
 trate, who aims only at poflibilities. H.e cannot cure every 
 vice, by fubftituting a virtue in its place. Very often he 
 can only cure one vice by another j arid in that cafe, he 
 ought to prefer what is leaft pernicious to fociety, Luxury, 
 when exceffivc, is the fource of many ills ; but is in gene- 
 j:^l gr^fejaye to floth and idlenefs, which would com- 
 
 •f Fable of the Beet. 
 
 X 3 jnofily 
 
310 ESSAY II. 
 
 monly fucceed in its place, and are more pernicious both 
 to private perfons and to the public When floth reigns, a 
 irsean uncultivated way of life prevails amongft indivi- 
 duals, without fociety, without enjoyment. And if the- 
 fovereign, in fuch a fituation, demands the f6rvice of his 
 fubjedts, the labour of the flat,; fufBces only to furnilh the 
 necelTaries of life to the labourers, and can afford nothing 
 to thofe who are employed in the public fervks. 
 
 ESSAY 
 
r 311 ] 
 
 ESSAY III. 
 
 Of Money. 
 
 MONEY is not, properly fpeaking, one of tha 
 fubjeflis of commerce ; but only the inflrument 
 which men have agreed upon to facilitate the exchange 
 of one commodity for another.- 'Tis none of the wheels 
 of trade : 'Tis the oil which renders the motion of the 
 wheels more fmooth and eafy. If we confider any one 
 kingdom by itfeif, 'tis evident, that the greater or lefs 
 plenty of money is of no confequence ; fince the prices 
 of commodities are always proportioned to the plenty of 
 money, and a crown in Henry VII. 's time ferved the 
 fyme purpoft ais a pound does at prefent. 'Tis only the 
 public which draws any advantage from the greater plenty 
 of money ; and that only in its wars and negociations 
 with foreign ftates. And this is the reafon, why all rich 
 and trading countries, from Carthagk to Britain 
 and Holland, have employed mercenary troops, which 
 they hired from their poorer neighbours. Were they to 
 make ufe of their native fubjefts, they would find lefs 
 advantage from their fuperior riches, and from their great 
 plenty of gold and filver ; fince the pay of all their fer- 
 vants muft rife in proportion to the public opulence. 
 Our fmall army in Britain of 20,000 men are main- 
 tained at as great expence as a French army thrice as 
 numerous. The English fleet, during ^he late war, 
 X 4 requited 
 
312 
 
 ESSAY III. 
 
 required as much money to fupport it; as all the Romai* 
 legions, which kept the whole world in fubjeftionj dur- 
 ing the time of the emperors *. 
 
 The greater number of people and their greater in- 
 duftry are ferviceable in all cafes ; at home and abroad, 
 in private, ^i)d in public. But the greater plenty of mor 
 ney, is very limited in its ufe, and may even fometimes 
 be a lofs to a nation in its commerce with foreigners. 
 
 There feemsto be a happy concurrence of caufes in 
 human affairs, which checks the growth of trade and 
 riches, and hinders them from being confined intirely to 
 one people ; as might naturally at firft be dreaded froqif 
 the advantages of an eftabliflied commerce. Where one 
 nation has got the ftart of another in trade, 'tis very dif- 
 ficult for the latter to regain the ground it has loft ; be- 
 caufe of the fuperior induftry and (kill of the former, and 
 the greater ftocks, of which its merchants are pofleffed, 
 and which enable them to trade for fo much fmaller pro- 
 fits. But thefe advantages are compenfated, in fomg 
 
 * A private foMier in the Roman infantry had a denarius a-day, fome- 
 what lefs than eight-pence. The Roman emperors had commonly »5 le- 
 gfons in pay, which, allowing 5900 men to a legion, makes 125,000. 
 Tacit, jim. Hi. 4. 'Tis true, there were alfo auxiliaries to the legions ; 
 kut their numbers are uncertain, a? well as their pay. To confider only 
 the legionaries, the pay of the private men could not exceed 1,600,006 
 pounds. Now, the parliament in the l.ilt war commonly allowed for the 
 fleet a, 500,000. We have therefore 900,000 over Jor ihe officers and othef 
 expences of the Roman legions. There feem to have been but few offi- 
 cers in the Roman armies, in compafifon of what are employed in all 
 our modern troops, except fome Swiss corps. And thefe officers had very 
 fmall pay : A centurion, for iiifliance, only double a common foldier. And 
 as the foldlers from their pay (Tac(t. jlnii, lib, I.) bought their own 
 cloath% arms, tents, and baggage; this mud alfo diminilh confider'ably the 
 other charges of the army. So little expcnfive was that mighty govern J- 
 ri.ent, and fo eafy was its yoke over the world. And, indeed, this is the 
 more natural conclufion from the foregoing calculations. For money, after 
 the conquefl- of yEcYPT, feemsto have been nearly in as great plenty ^t 
 ^CMK, as it i; atprefcnt in the ticbeft of thcEuRoPiAK kingdoms. 
 
 meafurf} 
 
Of M Q N E Y. 313 
 
 nieafure, by the low price of labour iii every nation 
 jvhich has not an extenfive commerce, and does not 
 very much abound in gold and filver. Manufactures, 
 therefore, gradually fliift their places, leaving thofe counr 
 tries and provinces which they haye already inriched, 
 9nd flying to others, whither they are allured by the 
 cheapnefs of provifions and labgur ; till they have inriched 
 thefe alfp, and are again bani(hed by the fame caufes. 
 And, in general, we may obferve, that the dearnefs of every 
 thing, from plenty of iDoney, is a difadvantai^e, which 
 attends an eftablifhed commerce, and fcis bounds to it 
 ip every country, by enabling the poorer ftates to under- 
 fel the richer in all foreign markets. 
 
 This has made me entertain a great doubt concernino- 
 the benefit of banks and paper-credit, which are fo gene- 
 rally-efteemed advantageous to every nation. That p'o- 
 vifions and labour ihould become dear by the increafe of 
 trade and money, is, in many refpefts, an inconvenience ; 
 but an inconvenience that is unavoidable, and the efFed): 
 of that public wealth and profperity which are the end of 
 all our wifties. 'Tis compenfated by the advantages 
 which we reap, from the pofleffion of thefe precious me- 
 tals, and the weight which they give the nation in all fo- 
 reign wars and negotiations. But there appears no reafon 
 for increafing that inconvenience by a counterfeit money, 
 which foreigners will not accept in any payment, and 
 which any great diforder in the flate will reduce to j^o- 
 thing. There are, 'tis true, many people in every rich 
 flate, who, having large fums of money, would prefer 
 paper with good fecurity ; as being of more eafy tranf^ 
 port and more fafe cuftody. If the public provide nbt a 
 bank, private bankers will take advantage of this circum- 
 ilance ; as the goldfmiths formerly did in London, or 
 ^s the bankers do at prefent in Dublin : And therefore 
 'tis better, it may be thought, that a public company 
 ' ■ ■ fliould 
 
3H 
 
 ESSAY III. 
 
 Ihould enjoy the benefit of that paper-credit, which al- 
 ways will have place in every opulent kingdom. But to 
 endeavour artificially to increafe fuch a credit, can never 
 be the intereft of any trading nation ; but muft lay them 
 under difadvantages, by increafing money beyond its na- 
 tural proportion to labour and commodities, and thereby 
 heightening their price to the merchant and manufac- 
 turer. And in this view, it muft be allowed, that no 
 bank could be more advantageous, than fuch a one as 
 locked up all the money it received *, and never aug- 
 mented the circulating coin, as is ufual, by returning 
 part of its treafure into commerce. A public bank, by 
 this expedient might cut off much of the dealings of 
 private bankers and money-jobbers ; and tho' the ftate 
 bore the charge of falaries to the directors and tellers of 
 this bank, (for, according to the preceding fuppofjtion, 
 it would have no profit from its dealings), the national 
 advantage, refulting from the low price of labour and 
 the deftruftion of paper-credit, would be a fufficient 
 compenfation. Not to mention, that fo large a fum, ly^ 
 ing ready at command, would be a great convenience in 
 times of public danger and diftrefs ; and what part of it 
 was ufed might be replaced at leifure, when peace aqd 
 tranquillity were reftored to the nation. 
 
 But of this fubjeft of paper-credit we fhall treat more 
 largely hereafter. And I {hall finifh this effay on mo- 
 ney, by propofing and explaining two obfervatiojis, 
 which may, perhaps, ferve to employ the thoughts of 
 our fpeculative politicians. For to thefe only I all along 
 addrefs myfelf. 'Ti* enough that I fubmit to the ridi- 
 cule fometimes, in this age, attached to the charafler of 
 a philofopher, without adding to it that which belongs 
 to a projedior. 
 
 * This is the cafe with the bank of Amstxbdam, 
 
 It 
 
Of M o N E y. «je 
 
 It was a fhrewd obfervation of Anach arsis f the? 
 Scythian, -who had never feen money in his own 
 country, that gold and filver feemed to' him of no ufe ta 
 the Greeks, but to aflift them in numeration and arith- 
 metic. 'Tis indeed evident, that money is nothing but 
 the reprefentation of labour and commodities, and ferves; 
 only as a method of rating or eftimating them. Where 
 coin is in greater plenty ; as a greater quantity of it is. 
 required to reprefent the fame quantity of goods ; it can 
 have no effeft, either good or bad, taking a nation with- 
 in itfelf ; no more than it would make any alteration on 
 a merchant's books, if, inftead of the Arabian method 
 of notation, which requires few characfters, he fliould 
 make ufe of the Roman, which requires a great many. 
 Nay, the greater quantity of money, like the Romaw 
 charafters, is rather inconvenient, and requires greater 
 trouble both to keep and tranfport it. Butnotwithftand- 
 ing this conclufion, which muftbe allowed juft, 'tis cer- 
 tain, that fmce the difcovery of the mines in America, 
 induftry has increafed in all the nations of Europe, ex- 
 cept in the pofleilbrs of thofe mines ; and this mayjuftiy 
 be afcribed, amongft other reafons, to the increafe of 
 gold and filver. Accordingly we find, that in every king- 
 dom into which money begins to flow in greater abun- 
 dance than formerly, every thing takes a new face ; la- 
 bour and induftry gain life ; the merchant becomes more 
 enterprifing, the manufaiSurer more diligent and Ikilful, 
 and even the farmer follows his plough with greater ala- 
 crity and attention. This is not eafily to be accounted 
 for, if we confider only the influence which a greater 
 abundance of coin has in the kingdom itfelf, by heighten- 
 ing the price of commodities, and obliging every one to 
 pay a greater number of thefe little yellow or white 
 pieces for every thing he purchafes. And as to fo- 
 
 •{■ Plvt, S^omSdo juisfuos prffeSiui in viriutejentire pcjit, 
 
 reign 
 
3i6 ESSAY III. 
 
 reign trade, it appears^ that great plenty of money is 
 rather difadyantageous, by raifing the price of every kind 
 pf labour. •' 
 
 To account, then, for this pheenomenon, we muft 
 confider, that tho' the high price of commodities be a 
 necefTary confequence of the increafe of gold and filver, 
 yet it follows not immediately upon that increafe ; but 
 fome time is required before the money circulate thro' 
 the whole ftate, and, make its effefis be felt on all ranks 
 of people. At firft, no alteration is perceived ; by dcr 
 grees, thfe price rifes, firft of one commodity, then of 
 another ; till the whole at leaft reaches a juft proportion 
 with the new quantity of fpecie which is in the kingr 
 dom. In my opinion, 'tis only, in this interval or interr.. 
 C mediate fituation, between the acquifition of money and 
 rife of prices, that the increafing quantity of gold and 
 filver IS favourable to induftry. When any quantity of 
 money is imported into a nation, it is not at firft dif- 
 perfed into many hands ; but is confined to the coffers 
 of a few perfons, who immediately feek to employ it to 
 the beft advantage. Here are a fet of manufacturers or 
 merchants, we fliall fuppofe, who have received returns 
 of gold and filver for goods which they fent to Cadiz. 
 They are thereby enabled to employ more workmen than 
 formerly, who never dream of demanding higher, wages, 
 but are glad of employment from fuch good paymafters. 
 If workmen become fcarce, the manufacturer gives higher 
 wages, but at firft requires an increafe of labour ; and this 
 is willingly fubmitted to by the artifan, who can now eat 
 and drink better, to compenfate his additional toil and 
 fatigue. He carries his money to market, where he finds 
 every thing at the fame price as formerly, but returns 
 with greater quantity and of better kinds, for the ufe of 
 his famfly. The ftrmer and gardener, finding, that all 
 their commoiliti-^s are taken off, apply ihemfelvcs with 
 
 alacrity 
 
Of M O N E Y. 'pf 
 
 alacrity to the raifing more ; and at the fame time can 
 afford to take better and more cloths from their tradef- 
 men, whofe price is the fame as formerly, and their in- 
 duftry only whetted by fo much new gain. 'Tis eafy to 
 trace the money in its progrefs thro' the whole common- 
 wealth ; 'vhere we (hall find, that it muft firft quicken the 
 diligence of every individual, before it increafe the price 
 of labour. 
 
 And that the fpccie may increafe to i confiderable pitch, 
 before it have this latter effeiSl, appears, amongft other 
 inftancesj from the frequent operations of the French 
 king on the money ; where it was always found, that 
 the augmenting the numerary value did not produce a 
 proportional rife of the prices, at leaft for fome time. In 
 the-laft year of Louis XIVv money was raifed three fe~ 
 venths, but prices augmented only oiie. Corn in France 
 is now fold at the fame price,' or for the fame number of 
 livres it was in 1683 ; tho' filver was then at 30 livreS 
 the mark, and is now at 50 *. Not to mention the great 
 
 addition 
 
 * Thefe fafts I give upon the authority of Monf. du Tot in his Re- 
 Jltxions fo/iiijues, an author of reputation, Tho' I muft confefs, that th« 
 fafts which he advances on other occafions, ar; often fo fufpicious, as to 
 make his authority lefs In this matter. However, the general obfervation, 
 that the augmenting the money in Fk ance does not at firft propartionably 
 augment the prices, is certainly juft. 
 
 By the by, this feems to be one of the beft reafons which can be givei?, 
 for a gradual and univerfal augmentation of the money, tho'' it has been 
 intirely overlooked in all thofc volumes which have been wrote on that 
 queftionby Melon, du Tot, and Paris de Vkrney. Were ail our mo- 
 ney, for inftance, recoined, and a penny's worth of filver taken from every 
 fliilling, the new ffiilling would probably purchafe every thing that could 
 have been bought by the old : the prices of every thing would (hereby be 
 infenfibly diminifhed ; foreign trade enlivened ; and domeftic induftry, by 
 the circuljition of a greater number of pounds and /hillings, would receive 
 fome increafe and encouragement. In executing fuch a projeft, 'twould be 
 better to make the new fliilling pafs for 24 half-pence, in order to preferve 
 the illufion, and make it be taken for the fame. And as a refcinage of our 
 
3i8 ESSAY lit; 
 
 addition of gold and filver, which may have come into 
 that kingdom fince the former period. 
 
 From the whole of this reafoning we may conclude, 
 that 'tis of no manner of confequence, with regard to the 
 domeftic happinefs of a ftate, whether money be in a 
 greater or lefs quantity. The good policy of the%iagiftrate 
 confifts only in keeping it, if poflible, ftill increafing > 
 becaufe, by that means, he keeps alive a fpirit of induftry 
 in the nation, and increafes the ftock of labour, In which 
 confifts all real power and riches. A nation whofe money 
 decreafes, is aiStually, at that time, much weaker and more 
 miferable than another nation, which poflelles no more 
 money, but is on the increafing hand. This will be 
 eafily accounted for, if we confider, that the alteration* 
 in the quantity of money, either on the one fide or the 
 other, are not immediately attended with proportionable 
 alterations in the prices of commodities. There is al- 
 ways an interval before matters be adjufted to their new 
 fituation ; and this interval is as pernicious to induftry 
 when gold and filver are diminifliing, as it is advan- 
 tageous when thefe metals are increafing. The work- 
 man has not the fame employment from the manufac- 
 turer and merchant ; tho' he pays the fame price for 
 every thing in the market. The farmer cannot difpofe 
 of his corn and cattle ; tho' he muft pay the fame rent 
 to his landlord. The poverty, and beggary, and floth, 
 which muft enfue, are eafily forefeen. 
 
 II. The fecond obfervation which I propofed to make 
 with regard to money, may be explained after the fol- 
 lowing manner. There are fome kingdoms, and many 
 provinces in Europe, (and all of them were once in the 
 fame condition) where money is fo fcarce, that the land- 
 
 filver begins to be requifite, by the continual wearing of our Jhillliigs and 
 lixpences, it may be doubtful, whether we ought to imitate the example 
 in King WittiAM's reign, when the dipt money was raifed to the old 
 fiandaid. 
 
 . lord 
 
Of M o N E Y. 3t9 
 
 lord can get none at all froni his tenants ; but is obliged to 
 take his rent in kind, and either to confume it him- 
 felf, or traflfport it to places where he may find a mar- 
 ket. In thofe countries, the prince can levy few or no 
 taxes, but in the fame manner : And as he will receiver 
 very fmall begefit from impofitions fo paid, 'tis evident 
 that fuch a kingdom has very little force even at home ; 
 and cannot maintain fleets and armies to the fame extent, 
 as if every part of it abounded in gold and filver. There 
 is furely a greater difproportion betwixt the force of 
 Germany at prefent and what it was three centuries 
 ago t, than there is in its induftry, people, and manu- 
 faftures. The Austrian dominions in the empire 
 are in general well peopled and well cultivated, and are 
 of great extent ; but have not a proportionable weight 
 in the balance of Europe ; proceeding, as is commonly 
 fuppofed, from the fcarcity of money. How do all thefe 
 fa£ls agree with that principle of reafon, that the quan- 
 tity of gold and filver is in itfelf altogether indifferent ? 
 According to that principle, where ever a fovereign has 
 numbers of fubje£ts, and thefe have plenty of commo- 
 dities, he fliould of courfe be great and powerful, and 
 they rich and happy, independent of the greater or lef- 
 fer abundance of the precious metals. Thefe admit of 
 divifioris and fubdivifions to a great extent ; and where 
 they would become fo fmall as to be in danger of being 
 loft, 'tis eafy to mix them vvith a bafer metal, as is prac- 
 tifed in fome countries of Europe ; and by that means 
 raife them to a bulk more fenfible and convenient. They 
 fiill ferve the fame purpofes of exchange, whatever their 
 number may be, or whatever colour they may be fup- 
 pofed to have. 
 
 •J- The Italians gave to the Emperor Maiimh-Iar, the ntcfc- 
 name of Pochi-Danaki. None of the enterprifes of that prince e»er 
 facceeiei, fci want of njoney. 
 
 To 
 
320 
 
 E S S A V III. 
 
 To thefe difficulties I anfwer, that the effe£t here fup-' 
 pofed to flow from fcarcity of money, really arifes from 
 the manners and caftoms of the inhabitants ; and that 
 we miftake, as is too ufualj a collateral eiFe£t for a 
 caufe. The contradidion is only apparent ;,but it requires 
 fome thought and reflexion to difcover th^pririciples by 
 whith we can reconcile reafon to experience. 
 
 It feems a nia:xim almoft felf-evident,' that the prices 
 of every thing depend on the proportion 'between com- 
 modities and money, and that any conffdetable alteration* 
 on either of thefe has the fame efFe<S, either of heighten- 
 ing or lowering the prices; Increafe the commodities,' 
 they become cheaper ; increafe the money, they rife in 
 their value. As, on the other hand, a diminution of 
 the former, and that of the latter, have contrary ten- 
 dencies. 
 
 'Tis alfo evident that the prices do not fo much de- 
 pend on the Sbfolilte ijuantity of commddities and that 
 of money, which are in a nation, as in that of the com- 
 ihoditieS, which coftie or may corhe to market, and of 
 the money which circulates. If the coin be locked up in 
 chefts, 'tis the fame thing with regard to prices, as if it 
 were annihilated : If the commodities be hoarded in gra- 
 naries, a like efFefl: follows. As the money and com- 
 modities, in thefe cafes, never meet, they cannot afFeS 
 each other. Were we, at apy time, to form conjec- 
 tures concerning the price of provifipns, the corn which 
 the farmer muft referve for the maintenance of himfelf 
 and family, ought never to enter into the eftimation. 
 *Tis only the overplus, compared to the demand, that de. 
 termines the value. 
 
 To apply thefe principles, we muft confider, that ia 
 
 the firft and more uncultivated ages of any ftate, ere 
 
 fancy has confounded her wants with thofe of nature, 
 
 men, contented with the produ6lions of their own fields, 
 
 6 or 
 
Of Money. 32, 
 
 orwiththofe rude preparations which they themfelves 
 can work upon them, have little occafion fof exchange 
 or at leaft for money, which, by agreement, is the com- 
 mon meafiire of exchange. The wool of the farmer*3 
 own flock, fpun in his own family, and wrought by a 
 neighbouring weaver, who receives his payment in corn 
 or wool, fuffices for furniture and cloathing. The car- 
 penter, the fmith, the mafon, the tailor, are retained by 
 wages of a like nature j and the landlord himfelf, dwell- 
 ing in the neighbourhood, is contented to receive his rent 
 in the commodities raifed by the farmer. The greateft 
 part of thefe he confumes at home, in ruftic ho/pitality : 
 The reft, perhaps, he difpofes of for money to the neigh- 
 bouring town, whence he draws the few materials of his 
 expence and luxury. 
 
 But after men begin to refine on all thefe enjoyments, 
 and live not always at home, nor are contented with' 
 what can be raifed in their neighbourhood, there is more 
 exchange and commerce of all kinds, and more money 
 enters into that exchange. The tradefmen will not be 
 paid in corn ; becaufe they want fomething more than 
 barely to eat. The farmer goes beyond his Own parifli 
 for the commodities he purchafes, and cannot always 
 carry his commodities to the merchant who fujpfplies him. 
 The landlord lives in the capital, or in a foreign coun- 
 try ; and deihands his rent in gold and filver, which can 
 eafily be tranfported to him. Great undertakers, and 
 manufa£lurers, and merchants, arife in every commodity j 
 and thefe can conveniently deal in nothing but in fpecie. 
 And confequently, in this fituation of fociety, the coin 
 enters into many more contraflrs, and by that means is 
 much more employed than in the former. 
 
 The neceflary efFed is, that, provided the money doe? 
 not increafe in the nation, every thing muft become 
 much cheaper in times of induftry and refinement, than 
 
 Vol. I. y jn 
 
322 
 
 E S S A Y III. 
 
 in rudfv uncultivated ages. 'Tis the proportion be- 
 tween the circulating money, and the commoditpes in 
 the market, which determines the prices. Goods that 
 are confumed at home, or exchanged witTi other goods 
 in the neighbourhood, never come to market ; they af- 
 fect not in the leaft the current fpecie; with regard to 
 it they are as if totally annihilated ; and confequently 
 this method of ufing them finks the proportion on the 
 fide of the commodities, and increafes the prices. But 
 after money enters into all contrails and fales, and is 
 every where the meafure of exchange, the fame national 
 cafh has a much greater talk to perform ; all commo- 
 dities are then in the market ; the fphere of circulation 
 is enlarged ; 'tis the fame cafe as if that individual fum 
 were to ferve a larger kingdom ; and therefore, the 
 proportion being here leflened on the fide of the mo- 
 ney, every thing muft become cheaper, and the prices 
 gradually fall. 
 
 By the mod exa£l: computations that have been form- 
 ed all over Europe, after making allowance for the al- 
 teration in the numerary value or the denomination, 'tis 
 found, that the prices of all things have only rifen three, 
 or at moft, four times, fince the difcovery of the West 
 Indies. But will any one aflert, that there is not much 
 more than four times the coin in Europe, that was in the 
 fifteenth century, and the centuries preceding it ? The 
 Spaniards and Portuguese from their mines, the 
 English, French, and Dutch, by their African 
 trade, and by their interlopers in the West Indies, 
 bring home about fix millions a-year, of which not above 
 a third part goes to the East Indies. This fum alone 
 in ten years would probably double the ancient flock of 
 money in Europe. And no other fatisfafliory reafon 
 can be given, why all prices, have not rifen to a much 
 more exorbitant height, except that derived from a change 
 
 of 
 
Of M o N E y: 22^ 
 
 of cuftoms and manners. Befides that more commo- 
 dities are produced by additional induftry, the'-fame com- 
 modities come more to market, after men depart from 
 their ancient fimplicity of manners. And though this 
 increafe has not been equal to that of money, it has, 
 however, been confiderable, and has preferved the pro- 
 portion between coin and commodities nearer the an- 
 cient ftandard. 
 
 Were the queftion propofed, Which of thefe methods 
 of living in the people, the fimple or refined, is the moft 
 advantageous to the ftate or public ? I fliould, without 
 much fcruple, prefer the latter, in a view to politics at 
 leaft ; and fhould produce this as an additional reafon for 
 the encouragement of trade and manufafturesv 
 
 When men live in the ancient firnple mariner, and fap«- 
 ply all their neceflaries from domeftic induftry or fronx 
 the iTeighboUi-hood, the fovereign can levy no taxes in 
 money from a confiderable part" of his fubje<3:s ; and if he 
 will impofe on them any burdens, he muft take his pay- 
 ment in comniodities, with which alone they abound ; a 
 method attended with fuch great and obvious inconve- 
 niencies, that they need not here be infifted on. All 
 the money he can pretend'to raife, muft be from his prin- 
 cipal cities, where alone it circulates ; and thefe, 'tis evi- 
 dent, cannot afford him' fo much as the whole ftate 
 ct»uld, did gold and filvef circulate through the whole. 
 But befideS this obvious diminution of the revenue, there 
 isalfo another caufeof the poverty of the public in fuch 
 a fituation. Not only the fovereign receives lefs mo- 
 ney, Kut the fame money goes not fo far as in times of 
 induftry and' general commerce. Every thing is dearer, 
 where the gold and fiWer are fuppofed equal ; and that 
 becaufe fewer comniodities come to marke'i, and the 
 whole coin bears a higher proportion to What is to be 
 
 Y 2 purchafed 
 
3^4 
 
 i ?? S A Y Hlj 
 
 parehafed by it ; whence alone the prices of every thing 
 are fixed and determined. 
 
 Here then we may learn the fallacy of the remark, 
 often to be met with in hiftorlans, and even in com- 
 mon converfation, that any particular ftate is weak, tho* 
 fertile, populous, and well cultivated, merely becaufe it 
 wants money. It appears, that the want of money can 
 never injure any ftate within itfelf: For men and com- 
 modities are the real ftrength of any community. 'Tis 
 the fimple manner of living which here hurts the public, 
 by confining the gold and filver to few hands, and pre- 
 venting its univerfal difFufion and circulation. On the 
 contrary, induftry and refinements of all kinds incorpo- 
 rate it with the whole ftate, however fmall its quantity 
 may be : They digeft it into every vein, fo to fpeak ; 
 and make it enter into every tranfaftion and contraft* 
 No hand is entirely empty of it. And as the prices of 
 every thing fall by that means, the fovereign has a double 
 advantage : He may draw money by his taxes from every 
 part of the ftate ; and what he receives, goes farther in 
 every purchafe and payment. 
 
 We may infer, from a comparlfon of pricesj that mo- 
 ney is not more plentiful in China, than it was in Eu- 
 rope three centuries ago : But what immenfe power Is 
 that empire poflefled of, if we may judge by the civil and 
 military lift mairttained by it ? Polybius * tells us, that 
 provifions were fo cheap in Italy during his time, that 
 in fome places the ftated club at .the inns was a femis a- 
 head, little more than a farthing ! Yet the Roman 
 power had even then fubdued the whole known world. 
 About a century before that period, the Carthaginian 
 ambaflador faid, by way of raillery, that no people lived 
 more fociably. amongft themfelves than the Romans ; 
 for that in every entertainment, which, as foreign mi- 
 
 * Lib. 2, cap, 15, 
 
 niilcre, 
 
Of M N E Y, 325 
 
 nifters, they received, they ftill obferved the fame plate 
 at every table*. The abfolute quantity of the precious 
 metals is a matter of great indifFerence. There are only 
 two circumftances of any importance, viz. their gradual 
 increafe, and their thorough conco£tion and circulation 
 thro' the ftate ; and the influence of both thefe circum- 
 ftances has been here explained. 
 
 In the following Eflay we fhall fee an inftance of a like 
 fallacy as that above mentioned ; where a collateral ef- 
 feft is taken for a caufe, and where a confequence is 
 afcribed to the plenty of money ; tho' it be really owing 
 to a change in the manners and cuftoms of the people. 
 
 * P1.IN. lib, 33. cap. it« 
 
 y 3 ESSAY 
 
C 2*7 1 
 
 ESSAY IV, 
 
 Of Interest. 
 
 NOTHING is efti^emed a moje certain fign of the 
 flourifbing condition of any nation than the low- 
 nefs of intereft : And with leafpn ; tho' I believe the 
 caufe is fomewhat different- from what is commo^ily ap- 
 prehended. The lownefs of intereft is generally afcribed 
 to the plenty of money. But money, however plentir 
 ful, has no other effect, if fixed, than to raife the price 
 of labour, Silver is more common than gold j and there- 
 fore you receive a greater quantity of it for the fame com- 
 modities. But do you pay lefs intereft for it ? Intereft 
 in Batavia and Jamaica is at lo pr cent, in Por- 
 tugal at 6 i tho' thefe places, as we may learn from 
 the prices of every thing, abound much more in gold 
 and filver than either Loneon or Amsterdam. 
 
 Were all the gold in England annihilated at once, 
 and one and twenty {hillings fubftituted in the place of 
 every guinea, would money be more plentiful or intereft 
 lower ? No furely : We ftiould only ufe filver inftead of 
 gold. Were gold rendered as common as filver, and fil- 
 ver as common as copper ; would monjey be more plenti- 
 ful or intereft lower ? We may afluredly give the fame 
 anfwer. Our fliillings would then be yellow, and our 
 halfpence white ; and we fhould have no guineas. No 
 Y 4 other 
 
328 ESSAY IV. 
 
 othex difFerence would ever be obferved ; no alteration 
 on commerce, manufaftures, navigation, or intereftj 
 unlefs we imagine, that ithe colour of the metal is of any 
 confequence. 
 
 Now, what is fo vifible in thefe greater variations of 
 fcarcity or abundance of the precious metals, muft hold 
 in all inferior changes. If the multiplying gold and fil- 
 ver fifteen times makes no difference, much lefs can the 
 doubling or tripling them. All augmentation has no 
 other effedi: than to heighten the price of labour and 
 commodities ; and even this variation is little more than 
 that of a name. In the progrefs towards thefe clianges, 
 tbe augmentation may have fome influence, by exciting 
 induftry ; but after the prices are fettled, fuitable to the 
 new abundance of gold and filver, it has no manner of 
 influence. 
 
 An effedl always holds proportion with Its caufe. Prices 
 have rifen about four times fince the difcovery of the 
 Indies j and 'tis probable gold and filver have multiplied 
 much more : But intereft has not fallen much above a half. 
 The rate of jntereft, therefore, is not derived from the 
 quantity of the previous metals. 
 
 Money having merely a fiflitious value, arifing from 
 the agreement and convehtion of meri, the greater or 
 lefs plenty of it is of no confequence, if we confider a 
 nation within itfelf ; and the quantity of fpecie, when 
 once fixed, tho' never fo large, has no other effedl, than 
 to oblige every one to tell out a greater number of thof^ 
 ftiining bits of metal, for cloaths, furniture, or equipage, 
 without increafing any one convenience of life. If a 
 man borrows money to build a houfe, he then carries 
 home a greater load ; becaufe the ftone, timber, lead, 
 glafs, (^c. with the labour of the mafons and carpenters, 
 are reprefented by a greater quantity pf gold and filver. 
 
 But 
 
Of Interest. 
 
 329 
 
 But as thefe metals are confidered merely as reprefenta- 
 tions, there can no alteration arife, from their bulk or 
 quantity, their weight or colour, either upon their real 
 value or their intereft. The fame intereft, in all cafes, 
 bears the fame proportion to the fum. And if you lent 
 me fo much labour and fo many commodities ; by receiv- 
 ing five per cent, you receive always proportional labour 
 and commodities, however reprefented, whether by yel- 
 low or white coin, whether by a pound or an ounce. 
 'Tis in vain, therefore, to look for the caufe of the fall 
 or rife of intereft in the greater or lefs quantity of gold 
 and filver which is fixed in any nation. ^ 
 
 High intereft arifes from three circumftances : A great 
 demand for borrowing ; little riches to fupply that de- 
 mand ; and great profits arifing from commerce. And 
 thefe circumftances are a clear proof of the fmall advance 
 of commerce and induftry, not of the fcarcity of gold 
 and filver. Low intereft, on the other hand, proceeds 
 from the three oppofite gircumftances : A fmall demand 
 for borrowing ; great riches to fupply that demand ; and 
 fmall profits arifing from commerce. And thefe circum- 
 ftances are all connected together, and proceed from, 
 the increafe of induftry and commerce, not of gold and 
 filver. We fhall endeavour to prove thefe points as 
 fully and diftindly as poffible ; and fhall begin with the 
 caufes and the efFe£ts of a great or fmall demand for 
 borrowing. 
 
 When the people have emerged ever fo little from a fa- 
 vage ftate, and their numbers have increafed beyond the 
 original multitude, there muft immediately arife an ine- 
 quality of property ; and while fome poflefs large trafts 
 of ]*ind, others are confined within narrow lirnits, and 
 fome are entirely without any landed property. Th'ofe 
 who poffefs more land than they can labour, employ 
 tfaofe who poffefs none, and agree to receive a determi- 
 5 "^*^^ 
 
339 ESSAY IV. 
 
 nate part of the produ6t. Thus the landed mtereft is im- 
 mediately eftabliftied j nor is there any fettled govern- 
 ment, however rude, in which aiFairs are not on this 
 footing. Of thefe proprietors of hnd, fome muft pre- 
 fently difcover themfelves to be of different tempers 
 from others ; and while one would willingly ftore up the 
 produdt of his land for futurity, another defires to con- 
 fume at prefent what fliould fuffic^ for many years. But 
 as the fpending a fettled revenue is a way of life entirely 
 without occupation; men have fo much need; of fomewhat 
 to fix and engage them, that pleafures, fuch as they are, 
 will be the purfuit of the greateft part of the landholders, 
 and the prodigals amongftthem will always be more nu- 
 merous than the mifers. In a ftate, therefore, where 
 there is nothing but a landed intereft, as there is little 
 frugality, the borrowers mufl be very numerous, and the 
 rate of intereft muft hold proportion to it. The diiFe- 
 rence depends not on the quantity of money, but on the 
 habits and manners which prevail. By this alone the 
 demand for borrowing is increafed or diminished. Were 
 money fo plentiful as to make an egg be fold for fix- 
 pence ; £b long as there are only landed gentry and pea- 
 fants in the ftate, the borrowers muft be numerous, and 
 intereft high. The rent for the ftme farm would be 
 heavier and more bulky : But the fame idlenefe of the 
 landlord, with the higher prices of commodities, would 
 difllpate it in the fame time, and produce the fame ne- 
 ceflity and demand for borrowing. 
 
 Nor is the cafe different with regard to the fccand cir- 
 cumftance which we propofed to confider, viz. the great 
 or little riches to fupply this demand. This effeit alfo 
 depends on the habits and ways of living of the p^ple, 
 not on the quantity of gold and filver. In order to have 
 in any ftate, a great number of lenders, "'tis not fufii- 
 cient nor requifite that there^be great abundance of the 
 precious metals. 'Tis only requifite that the property or 
 
 command 
 
Of Interest, 
 
 331 
 
 command of that quantfty, which is in the ftate, whe- 
 ther great or fmall, fliould be coUeded in particular 
 hands, fo as to form confiderable fums, or compofe a 
 great monied intereft This begets a number of lenders, 
 and firiks the rate of ufury ; and this, I (hall venture 
 to affirm, depends not on the quantify of fpeeie, but on 
 particular manners and cuftoms, which make the fpeeie 
 gather into feparate fums or mafles of confiderable value. 
 
 For fuppofe, that, by miracle, every man in Britain 
 fhould have five pounds flipt into his pocket iii one night ; 
 this would much more than double the whole money 
 that is at prefent in the kingdom ; and yet there would not 
 next day, nor for fome time, be any more lenders, nor 
 any variation on the intereft. And were there nothing 
 but landlords and peafants in;thf ftate, this money, how- 
 ever abundant, could never gather into fums ; and would 
 only ferve to increafe the prices of every thing, with- 
 out any farther confequence. The prodigal landlord dif- 
 fipates it as faft as he receives it ; and the beggarly pea- 
 fant has no means, nor view, nor ambition of obtain- 
 ing above a bare livelihood. The overplus of borrowers 
 above that of lenders continuing ftill the fame, there will 
 follow no reduftion of intereft. That depends upon an-, 
 other principle ; and muft proceed from an increafe of in- 
 duftry and frugality, of arts and commerce. 
 
 Every thing ufeful to the life of man arifes from the 
 ground ; but few things arife in that condition which is 
 requifite to render them ufeful. There muft, therefore, 
 befide the peafants, and the proprietors of land, be an- 
 other rank of men, who, receiving from the former the 
 rude materials, work them into their proper form, and 
 retain part for their own ufeand fubfiftence. In the in- 
 fancy of fociety, thefe contracts betwixt the artifans and 
 the peafants, and betwixt one fpecies-of artifans and an- 
 other, are commonly entered into immediately by the 
 
 perfons 
 
332 ESSAY IV. 
 
 perfons themfelves, who, being neighbours, are aafily 
 acquainted with each other's neceffities, and can lend 
 their mutual afliftance to fupply them. But when men's 
 induftrjr increafes, and their views enlarge, ^tis found, 
 that the moft remote parts of the ftate can afuft each 
 other as well as the more contiguous, and that this inter- 
 courfe of' good offices may be carried on to the greateft 
 extent and intricacy. Hence the origin of merchants, the 
 moft ufeful race of men in the whole fociety, who ferve 
 as agents between thofe parts of the ftate, that are wholly 
 unacquainted, and are ignorant of each other's neceffi- 
 ties. Here are in a city fifty workmen in filk and linen, 
 and a thoufand cuftomers ; and thefe two ranks of men, 
 fo neceflary to each other, can never rightly meet, till 
 one man ere£i:s- a fhop, to which all the workmen and 
 all the cuftomers repair. In this province, grafs rifes in 
 abundance : The inhabitants abound in cheefe, and but- 
 ter, and cattle ; but want bread and corn, which, in a 
 neighbouring province, are in too great abundance for 
 the ufe of the inhabitants. One man difcovers this.' 
 He brings corn from the one province, and returns with 
 cattle ; and fupplying the wants of both, he is, fo far, 
 a common benefadior. As the people increafe in num- 
 bers and induftry, the difficulty of their intercourfe in- 
 creafes : The bufinefs of the agency or merchandize be- 
 comes more intricate; and divides, fubdivides, com- 
 pounds, and mixes to a greater variety. In all thefe 
 tranfadions, 'tis neceflary, and reafonable, that a confi- 
 derable part of the commodities and labour fhould be- 
 long to the merchant, to whom, in a great meafure, 
 they are owing. And thefe commodities he will fopie- 
 times preferve in kind, or more commonly convert into 
 money, which is their common reprefentation. If gold 
 and filver have increafed in the ftate together with the 
 induftry, it will require a great quantity of thefe metals to 
 reprefent a great quantity of commodities and labour. 
 
 If 
 
.Of I M T E R JE S T. 'J2f 
 
 If induftry alone has increafed, the prices of every thing . 
 muft fink, and a very fmall quantity of fpecie will ferve 
 as a reprefentation. 
 
 There is no craving or demand of the human mind 
 more conftant, and infatiable than that for exercife and 
 employment ; and this defire feems the foundation of 
 moftof our paffions and purfuits. Deprive a man of 
 all bufinefs and ferious occupation, he runs reftlefs from 
 one amufement to another ; and the weight and oppref- 
 fion which he feels from idlenefs, is fo great, that he 
 forgets the ruin which muft follow from his immoderate 
 expences. Give him a more harmlefs way of employ- 
 ing his mind or body, he is fatisfied, and feels no longer 
 that infatiable thirft after pleafure. Btit if the employ- 
 ment you give him be profitable, efpecially if the profit 
 be attached to every particular exertion of induftry, he 
 has gain fo often in his eye, that he acquires, by de- 
 grees, a paffion for it, and knows no fuch pleafure as 
 that of feeing the daily increafe of his fortune; And 
 this is the reafon why trade increafes frugality, and why, 
 among merchants, there is the fame overplus ®f mifers 
 above prodigals, as, among the pofleflbrs of land, there 
 is the contrary. 
 
 Commerce increafes induftry, by conveying it readily 
 from one member of the ftate to another, and allowing 
 none of it to perifli or become ufelefs. It increafes fru- 
 gality, by giving occupation to men, and employing them 
 in the arts of gain, which foon engage their afFeftion, 
 and remove ail relifli for pleafure and expence. 'Tis an 
 infallible confequence of all induftrious profeflions, to 
 beget frugality, and make the love of gain prevail over 
 the love of pleafure. Among lawyers and phyficians 
 who have any praiSice, there are many more who live 
 within their income, than who exceed it, or even live 
 up to it. But lawyers and phyficians beget no induftry; 
 
 and 
 
^34; fE S S A Y IV; 
 
 and 'tis even at the expence of others they acquire their 
 riches ; fo that they are fure to ditninifh the pofleffions 
 of fome of their fellow-citizens as faft as they increafe 
 their own. Merchants, on the contrary, beget induftry, 
 by ferving as canals to convey it through every corner of 
 the ftate ; and at the fame time by their frugality, they 
 acquire great power over that induftry, and coUedt a 
 large property in the labour and commodities, which they 
 are the chief inftruments in producing. There is no 
 other profeffion, therefore, except merchandize, which 
 can make the monied intereft confiderable, or, in other 
 words, can increafe induftry, and, by alfo increafing fru- 
 gality, give a great command of that induftry to particu- 
 lar members of the fociety. Without commerce, the 
 flate muft confift chiefly of landed gentry, whofe prodi- 
 gality and expence make a continual demand for borrow- 
 ing ; and of peafants, who have no fums to fupply that 
 demand. The money never gathers into large ftocks or 
 fums, which can be lent at intereft. It is difperfed int» 
 numberlefs hands, who either fquander it in idle ftiow 
 and magnificence, or employ it in the purchafe of the 
 common neceflaries of life. Commerce alone aflembles it 
 into confiderable fums ; and this eiFeft it has merely from 
 the induftry which it begets, and the frugality which it 
 infpires, independent of that particular quantity of pre- 
 cious metal which may circulate in the ftate. 
 
 Thus an increafe of commerce, by a neceffary confe- 
 quence, raifes a great number of lenders, and by that 
 means produce a lownefs of intereft. We muft now 
 confider how far this increafe of commerce diminifties 
 the profits arifing from that profeffion, and gives rife to 
 the third circumftance requifite to produce a lownefs of 
 intereft. 
 
 It may be proper to obferve on this head, that low in- 
 tereft and low profits of merchandize are two- events, 
 
 that 
 
Of Interest. 335 
 
 that mutually forward each other, and are both originally 
 derived from that extenfive commerce, which produces 
 opulent merchants, and renders the monied intereft con- 
 fiderable. Where merchants poflefs great flocks, whe- 
 ther reprefented by few or many pieces of metal, it muft 
 frequently Happen, that when they either become tired 
 of bufinefs, or have heirs unwilling or unfit to engage ia 
 commerce, a great deal of thefe riches will feek an 
 annual and fecure revenue. The plenty diminiflies the 
 price, and makes the lenders accept of a low intereft. 
 This confideration obliges many to keep their flocks in 
 trade, and rather be content with low profits than dif- 
 pofe of their money at an under value. On the other 
 hand, when commerce has become very extenfive, and 
 employs very large flocks, there muft arife rivalfliips 
 among the merchants, which diminifh the profits of 
 trade, at the'fame time that they increafe the trade it- 
 felf. The low profits of merchandize induce the mer- 
 chants to accept more willingly of a low intereft, when 
 they leave ofF bufinefs, and begin to indulge themfelves 
 in eafe and indol-ence. It is needlefs, therefore, to en- 
 quire which of thefe circumftances, viz. low intereft or 
 low profits, is the caufe, and which the effeii ? They 
 both arife from an extenfive commerce, and mutually 
 forward each other. No man will accept of low profits, 
 where he can have high intereft ; and no man will accept 
 of low intereft, where he can have high profits. An 
 extenfive commerce, byproducing large flocks, diminiflies 
 both interefl and profits ; and is always affifled in its di- 
 minution of the one, by the projJOrtional finking of the 
 bther. I may add, that as low profits arife from the 
 increafe of comtiierce and iilduftry, they ferve in their 
 turn to the farther increafe of commerce, by rendering 
 the commodities cheap'er, encouraging the confumption, 
 and heightening the induftry. And thus, ifwecorifider 
 4 thft 
 
336. ESSAY IV. 
 
 the whole connecSion of caufes and eiFe£ts, intereft is 
 the true barometer of the ftate, and its lownefs is a fign 
 almoft infallible of the flourifliing of a people. It proves 
 the increafe of induftry, and its prompt circulation thro 
 the whole ftate^ little inferior to a demonftration. And ' 
 tho', perhaps, it may not be impoflible but arfudden and 
 a great check to commerce may have a momentary effed: 
 of the fame kind, by throwing fo many ftocks out of 
 trade ; it muft be attended with fuch mifery arid want 
 of employment in the poor, that, befides its fhort du- 
 ration, it will not be poflible to miftake the one cafe for 
 the other. 
 
 Thofe who have aflerted, that the plenty of money 
 was the caufe of low intereft, feem to have taken a col- 
 lateral efFedl for a caufe ; fmce the fame induftry which 
 fmks the intereft, does commonly acquire great abun-' 
 dance of the precious metals. A variety of fine manu- 
 factures, with vigilant enterprifing merchants, will foon 
 draw money to a ftate, if it be any where to be found 
 in the world. The fatne caufe, by multiplying the 
 conveniencies of life, and increafing induftry, collefts 
 great riches into the hands of perfons, who are not pro- 
 prietors of land, and produces by that means a lownefs 
 of intereft. But tho' both thefe effefts, plenty of money 
 and low intereft, naturally arife from commerce and in- 
 duftry, they are altogether independent of each other. 
 For fuppofe a nation removed into the Pacific ocean, 
 without any foreign commerce, or any knowledge of 
 navigation : Suppofe, that this nation poflefles always the 
 fame ftock of coin, but is continually increafing in its 
 numbers and induftry : 'Tis evident, that the price of 
 every commodity muft gradually diminifli in that king- 
 dom j fince 'tis the proportion between money and any 
 fpecies of goods, which fixes their mutual value ; and, 
 upon the prefent foppofition, the conveniencies of life 
 
 become 
 
Of Interest. 
 
 337 
 
 become every day more abundant, without any altera- 
 tion on the current fpecie. A lefs quantity of money, 
 therefore, amongft this people, will make a rich man, 
 during the times of induftry, than would ferve to that 
 purpofe, in ignorant and flothful ages. Lefs money will 
 build a houfe, portion a daughter, buy an eftate, fup- 
 port a manufa(5lory, or maintain a family and equipage. 
 Thefe are the ufes for which men borrow money ; and 
 therefore, the greater or lefs quantity of it in a ftate has 
 no influence on the intereft. But jtis evident, that the 
 greater or lefs ftock of labour and commodities muft have 
 a great influence ; fince we really and ia efFedt borrow 
 thefe, when we take money upon intereft. 'Tis true, 
 when commerce is extended all over the globe, the mofl: 
 induftrious nations always abound moft with the precious 
 metals : So that low intereft and plenty of money are in 
 fadl almoft ijifeparable. But ftill 'tis of cOnfequence to 
 know the principle whence any phsenomenon arifes, and 
 to diftlnguifh between a caufe and a concomitant efFeft. 
 Befides that the fpeculation is curious, it may frequently 
 be of ufe in the condufl: of public affairs. At leaft, it 
 muft be owned, that nothing can be of more ufe than to 
 improve, by practice, the method of reafoning on thefe 
 fubjefts, which of all others are the moft important ; 
 tho' they are commonly treated in the loofeft and moft 
 carelefs manner. 
 
 Another reafon of this popular miftake with regard to 
 the caufe of low intereft, feems to be the inftance of 
 fome nations ; where, after a fudden acquifition of mo- 
 ney, or of the precious metals, by means of foreign con- 
 queft^, the intereft has fallen, not only among them, but 
 in all the neighbouring ftates, as foon as that money was 
 difperfed,and had infinuated itfelf into every corner. Thus, 
 intereft in Spain fell near a half immediately after the 
 difcovery of the West Indies, as we are informed by 
 
 Vot. I. Z Gar- 
 
338 E. S S^ A Y IV. 
 
 Garcilasso de tA Vega '. And it has been everfmce 
 gradually finking in every kingdom of Europe. Inte- 
 reft in Rome, after the cbnqueft of Egypt, fell from- 
 6 to 4 per cent, as we learn from Dion *. 
 
 The caufes of the finking of intereft upon fuch an 
 event, feem different in the conquering country and ia 
 the neighbouring ftates ; but in neither of them can we 
 juftly afcribe that effedl merely to the increafe of gold 
 and filver. 
 
 In the conquering country, 'tis natural to imagine, 
 that this new acquifition of money will fall into a few 
 hands, and be gathered into large fums, which feek a fe- 
 eure revenue,, either by the purchafe of land or by in- 
 tereft ; and confequently the fame effedl follows, for a 
 little time, as if there had been a great acceffion of in- 
 duftry and commerce. The increafe of lenders above 
 the borrowers finks the intereft ; and fa much the fafler, 
 if thofe who have acquired thofe large fums, find no 
 indufiry or commerce in the ftate, and no method of em- 
 ploying their money but by lending it at intereft. But 
 after this new mafs of gold and filver has been digefted, 
 and has circulated thro' the whole ftate, affairs will foon 
 return to their former fituation; while the landlords and 
 new money-liblders living idly, fquander above their in- 
 come j and the former daily cbntra£t debt, and the latter 
 incroach on their ftock till its final extinSion. The 
 
 - whole money may ftill be in the ftate, and make itfelf 
 be felt by the increafe of prices : But not being now col- 
 leded into any large mafles or ftocks, the difpfoportibn 
 between the borrowers and lenders is the fame as for- 
 
 - merly, and confequently the high intereft returns. 
 
 Accordingly we find, in Rome, that fo early as Ti- 
 BERius's time, intereft had again mounted to 6 per 
 
 * Lib. 5K 
 
r/ r Of I N T E;R E, S Tt. 339 
 
 r'ceni. *. tho' nq accident had happened to drain the em- 
 pire of.mqney^^ In^X^A^AN's time, money lent on 
 moitgages. ia IxalY;,, lore 6 ./)«;■ ««/. f ;.pn. common 
 fecurities in Bithv,i\'_;,a,,I2 i\. : Ar-''-.'* 'ntgpefl: in Spain 
 has not rifen to its old iJi,t:h , this canibefifpribed, to fro- 
 thing but the continuance of the Lvnc. Cd,afe th^t/unk 
 It, ^7z, . the , large fortunes continually tT^.adc^ in, |:h>; .In- 
 dies, which come over to^ Spain from t^jnp to, tjpnej 
 iand fupply the demand of the borrowers. By this acci- 
 dental and extraneous caufe, more money is to be lent 
 in Spain, that is, more money is colledied into large 
 fums, than would otherwife be found in a ftate, where 
 there are fo little commerce and induftry. 
 
 As to the redu£lion of intereft, which has followed in 
 England, France, and other kingdoms of Europe, 
 that have no mines, it has been gradual ; and has not 
 proceeded from the increafe of money, confidered merely 
 in itfelf ; hut from the increafe of induftry, which is the 
 natural efFe£t of the former increafe, in that interval, 
 before it raifes the price of labour and provifions. For 
 to return to the foregoing fuppofition ; if the induftry of 
 England had rifen as much from other caufes, (and 
 that rife might eafily have happened, the' the ftock of 
 money had remained the fame) muft not all the fame 
 confequences "have followed, which we obferve at pre- 
 fent? The fame people would, in that cafe, be found 
 in the kingdom, the fame commodities, the fame iu' 
 diiftry, manufactures, and commerce ; and confequently 
 the fame merchants, with the fame ftocks, that is, with 
 the fame command over labour and commodities, only 
 reprefented by a fmaller number of white or yellow 
 
 • CoiuMELiA, lib. 3. cap. 3. 
 •f PiiNii epift. lib. 7. ep. 18. 
 } Id. lib, 10. ep. 6z, 
 
 Z Z pieces; 
 
340 ESSAY IV. 
 
 pieces ; which being a circumftance of ao moment, would 
 only affeft'the waggoner, porter, and trunk-maker. 
 Luxury, therefore, raanufadtures, arts, induftry, fruga- 
 lity, flourifliing equally as at prefent, 'tis evident that 
 intereft muft alfo have been as low ; fince that is the ne- 
 ceflary refult of all thefe circumftances j fo far as they 
 determine the profits of commerce, and the proportion 
 between the borrowers and lenders in any ftate. 
 
 ESSAY 
 
C 341 3 
 
 ESSAY V. 
 
 Of the Balance of Trade. 
 
 "T^IS very ufual, in nations ignorant of the nature 
 X of commerce, to prohibit the exportation of com- 
 modities, and to preferve among themfelves whatever 
 they think valuable a.nd ufeful. They confidernot, that, 
 in this prohibition, they aft direflily contrary to their in- 
 tention ; and that the more is exported of any commodi- 
 ty, the more will be raifed at home, pf which they them- 
 felves will always have the firft offer. 
 
 'Tis well known to the learned, that the antient laws 
 of Athens rendered the exportation of figs criminal j 
 that being fuppofed a fpecies of fruit fo excellent in At- 
 tica, that the Athenia^ts efteemed it too delicious for 
 the palate of any foreigner. And in this ridiculous pro- 
 hibition they were fo much in earneft, that informers 
 were thence called Jycophants among them, from two 
 Greek words, which fignify^^f and difcoverer f. There 
 are proofs in many old ads of parliament of the fame 
 ignorance in the nature of commerce, particularly in the 
 reign of Edward III. And to this day, in I^^rauce, 
 the exportation of corn is almoft always prohibited ; in 
 order, as they fay, to prevent famines j tho' 'tis evident, 
 
 \ PlVT, De eurUJitate. 
 
 Z 3 that 
 
34^ ESSAY V- 
 
 that nothing contributes more to the frequent famines 
 •which fo much diftrcfs that fertile country. 
 
 The fame jealous fear, with regard to money, has al- 
 fo prevailed among fevfiral nations ; and it required both 
 reafon and experience to convince any pe(^le, that thefe 
 prohibitions ferve to no other purpofe than to raife the 
 exchange againft them, and produce a ftill greater ex- 
 portation. ', , ... 
 
 Thefe errors, one may fay, are grofs and palpable ; , 
 but there ftill prevails, even in nations well acquainted 
 with commerce, a ftrong jealpufy with regard to the 
 balance of trade, and a fear, that all their gold and file 
 ver inay be leaving thepi. This feems to me, almoft. in. 
 every cafe, a very groundlefs apprehenfion ; and I fhould . 
 as fOon dread, that all our fpirings and rivers fhould be 
 jexhaufted, as that money fhould abandon a kingdom 
 where there are people and induftry. Let us carefully 
 preferve thefe latter advantages; apd wg need, never be 
 apprehenfive oflofingthe former. 
 
 'Tis eafyto obferve,' that all calculations concerning 
 the balance of ti'ade are founded on very uncertain fails 
 and fuppdfitions. The cuftomhoufe-books arfe allbwted' 
 to be an infufficient ground of reafoning ; nor is the rate' ' 
 of exchange much better ; urilefs we confidef it with all 
 nations, and know alfo the prqpoi-tion of the feveral 
 fums remitted ; which one may fafely pronounce impof- 
 fible. Every man who has ever leafoned oh this fubje£t," ' 
 has alwkys proved his theory, whatever it was, by fafts 
 and calculations, arid by an enumeration of all the com- 
 rnodltifes'fent to all foreign kingdoms. 
 
 The writings of Mr. Gee ftruclc the nation with an 
 univerfal panic, when they faw it plainly demonfirated, 
 by a detail of particulars, that the balance was againft 
 them for fo confiderable a luip as muft leave them with- 
 out 
 
Of the Balance of Tra'de. 343 
 
 .out a fingle fliilling in five or fix years. But luckily, 
 twenty years have fince elapfed,' with an expenfive fo-' 
 reign war ; and yet it is commonly fuppofed, that mo- ■ 
 iiey is ftili more plentiful among us than in any former 
 period. 
 
 Nothing can he more entertaining on this head than 
 Dr. SwLFT ; an author fo quick in difcerning the mif- 
 takes and abfurdities of others. He fays, in his Jhort 
 view of the Jiate of Ireland, that the whole cafli of 
 that kingdom ameunted but to 500,000 /. ; that out of 
 this they remitted every year a neat million to Eng- 
 land, and had fcarce any other fource from which, 
 they could compenfate themfelves, and little other fo- 
 reign trade but the importation of French wines, for 
 which they paid -ready money. The confequehce of this 
 -fituation, which muft he owried to he difadvaritag^oiis, ' 
 was, that in a courfe of three years; the current money 
 of Ireland, from 500,000/. was reduced to lefs than' 
 twoi And at prefent, I fuppofe, in a courfe of 30 years, 
 it is abfolutely nothing. Yet I know not how, that opi- 
 nion of the advance of riches in Ireland, which gave 
 the Do<9:or fo much indignation, feems ftill to continue, 
 and gain ground with every body. 
 
 In fliort, this apprehenfion of the wrong balance of 
 trade, appears of fuch a nature, that it difcovers itfelf, 
 where-ever one is out of humour with the miniftry, or 
 is in low fpirits ; and as it can never be i-efuted by a par- 
 ticular detail of all the exports, which counterbalance the 
 irrlports, it may here be proper to form a general argu- 
 ment, which may prove the impoflibility of that event, 
 as long as we preferve <jur people and our induftry. 
 
 Suppofe four fifths of all the money in Britain to be, 
 annihilated in one night, and the nation reduced to the 
 fame condition, with regard to fpecie, as in the reigns 
 
 Z 4 , of 
 
the Harrys and Edwards, what would be the 
 confequence ? Muft not the price of all labour and com- 
 modities fink in proportion, and every thing be fold as 
 cheap as they were in thofe ages ? What nation could 
 then difpute v/ith us in any foreign market, or pretend 
 to navigate or lo fell manufaftures at the fame price, 
 ■vynicn to us would afford fufficient profit? In how little 
 tirrie; therefore, muft this bring back the money which 
 we bad loft, and r^ife us to the level of all the neighbour- 
 ing nations ? Where, after we have arrived, we imme- 
 diately lofe the advantage of the cheapnefs of labour and 
 commodities ; and the farther flowing in of money is 
 flopped by our fulnefs and repletion. 
 
 Again, fuppofe, that all the money of Britain were 
 multiplied fivefold in a night, muft not the contrary ef- 
 fe£t follow ? Muft not all labour and commodities rife 
 to fuch an .exorbitant height, that no neighbouring na- 
 tions could afford to buy from us ; while their commo- 
 dities, on the other hand, became fo cheap in comparifon, 
 that, in fpite of all the laws which could be formed, 
 they would be run in upon us, and our money flow out j 
 till we fall to a level with foreigners, and lofe that great 
 fuperiority of riches, which had laid us under fuch dif- 
 advantages ? 
 
 Now, 'tis evlilent, that the fame caufes which would 
 corre£l thefe exorbitant inequalities, were they to 'hap- 
 pen miraculouHy, muft prevent their happening in the 
 common courfe of nature, and muft for ever, in all the 
 neighbouiii.g nations, preferve money nearly proportion- 
 able to the art and induftry of each nation. All water, 
 where-ever it communicates, remains always at a level. 
 Afk naturalifts ihe reafon^ they tell you, that were it to 
 be raifed in any one place, the fuperior gravity of that 
 part not being balanced, muft deprefs it, till it meets a 
 counterpoife } and that the fame caufe which redrefies 
 
 the 
 
Of the Balance of Trade. 345 
 
 the inequality when it happens, muft for ever prcYent 
 it, without fome violent external operation *. 
 
 Can one, imagine, that it had ever been poffiblej by 
 any laws, or even by any art or induftry, to have kept 
 all the money in Spain, which the galleons have brought 
 from the Indies ? or that all commodities could be fold 
 in France for a tenth of the price which they would 
 yield on the other fide of the Pyrenees, without finding 
 their way thither, and draining from that immenfe trea_ 
 fure ? What other reafon, indeed, is there, wrhy all na- 
 tions, at prefent, gain in their trade with Spain and 
 Portugal ; but becaufe it is impoffible to heap up mo- 
 ney, more than any fluid, beyond its proper level ? The 
 fovereigns of thefe countries have ftiown, that they want- 
 ed not inclination to keep their gold and filver to them- 
 felves, had it been in any degree pradicable. 
 
 But as any body of water may be raifed above the le- 
 vel of the furrounding element, if the former has no 
 communication with the latter; fo in money, if the 
 communication be cut ofF, by any material or phyfical 
 impediment, (for all laws alone are inefFeftual) there 
 may, in fuch a cafe, be a very great inequality of mo- 
 pey. Thus the immenfe diftance of China, together 
 with the monopolies of our India companies, obftrudl- 
 ing the communication, preferve in Europe the gold and 
 filver, efpecially the latter, in much greater plenty than 
 they are found in that kingdom. But, notwithftanding 
 this great obftruftion, the force of the caufes above- 
 mentioned, is ftill evident. The fkill and ingenuity of 
 Europe in general furpaffes perhaps that of China, 
 
 * There is another caufe, though more limited in its operation, which 
 checks the wrong balance of trade, to every particular nation to which the 
 kingdom trades. When we import more goods than we export, the ex- 
 change turns againft us, and this becnmes a new encouragement to export ; 
 as much as the charge of carriage and infurance of the money which becomes 
 due would amount to. For the exchange can never rife higher than that fam. 
 
 with 
 
34^ ;£ S S A Y %. : > 
 
 ^ith regard to manual arts and manufaflui^es ; yet arc 
 we never able to trade thither vithout-great difadyan-: 
 tage. And were it not for the; continual recruits which, 
 we receive from America, money would very foon fink 
 in Europe, and rife in China, till it came nearly to a 
 level in both places. Nor can any reafonable man doubt, 
 but th^t induftripus nation, were they as near us as Po- 
 land , or Barbary, would drain us of the overplus of 
 our fpecie, ai^d draw to themfelves a larger fhare of the 
 West-Indian treafures. We need have no recourfe 
 to a phyfical attraction, to explain the neceflity of this 
 operation. There is a moral attraflion, arifing frojn the 
 interefts and paffions of men, which is full as potent and 
 infallible. 
 
 How is the balance kept in the provinces of every 
 kingdom among themfelves, but by the force of this p'rin- 
 ciple, which makes it impoflible for money to lofe its level, 
 " and either to rife or fink beyond the proportion of the 
 labour and commodities which is in each province? Did 
 not long experience make people eafy on this head, what 
 a fund of gloomy refleflions might calculations afford a 
 melancholy Yorkshireman, while he computed and 
 piagnified the fums drawn to London by taxes, ab- 
 fentees, commodities, and found on comparifon the op- 
 pqfite articles fo much inferior ? And no doubt, had the 
 Heptarchy fubfifted in England, the legiflature of each 
 ftate had been continually alarmed by the fear of a wrong 
 balance ; and as "tis probable that the mutual hatred of 
 thefe ftates would have been extremely violent' on ac- 
 count of their clofe neighbourhood, they would have 
 loaded and opprelTed all commerce, by a jealous and fu- 
 perfluous caution. Since the union has removed the bar- 
 riers between Scotland and England, which of thefe 
 nations gains from the other by -this free commerce ? Or 
 if the former kingdom has received any increafe of riches, 
 
 can 
 
Df the Baiance of T|iADE. 34^ 
 
 can it be reafonably accounted for by any thing' but the 
 Increafe of its art and induftry ? It was a common ap- 
 prehenfion in England, before the union, as w« leari^ 
 from L'Abbp du Bos *, that Scotland would foon drain 
 them of their treafure, were an open trade allowed ; and 
 pn the other fide the Tweed a contrary apprehenfion 
 prevailed : With what juftice in both, time has fhown. 
 
 What happens in fmall portions of mankind, muft take 
 place in greater. The provinces of the Roman em- 
 pire, no doubt, kept their balance with each other, and 
 with Italy, independent of the legiflature; as much 
 as the feveral counties of Britain, or the feveral pa- 
 rifhes of eacl> county. Arfd any man who travels over 
 Europe at this day, may fee by the prices of commodi- 
 ties, that money, in fpite of the abfurd jealoufy of princes 
 and ftates, has brought itfelf nearly to a level ; and that 
 the difference between one kingdom and another is not 
 greater in this refpeft, than it is often between different 
 provifices of the fame kingdom. Men naturally flock to 
 papital cities, fea-ports, and navigable rivers. There we 
 find more men, more induftry, more commodities, and 
 confequently more money ; but ftill the latter difference 
 holds proportion with the former, and the level is pre- 
 ferved f . 
 
 Our 
 
 * La hlerets d" Angliterre mai-enUndus, 
 
 •(• It muft carefully be remarked, that throughout this difcourfe, where- 
 ever I fpeak of the level of money, I mean always its proportional level to 
 the commodities, labour, induftry, and ikill, which is in the feveral ftates. 
 Andlaffert, that where thefe advantages are double, trible, quadruple, to 
 whatthey are in the neighbouring ftates, the money infallibly will alfo be 
 double, trible, quadruple. The only circumftance that can obftruft the exa£l- 
 nefs of thefe proportions, is tha expence of tranfporting the commodities 
 fropi. one place to another; and this expence is fom^times unequal. Thus 
 the,cqrn, cattle,' cheefe, butter, of Derbyshire, cannot draw the money 
 cf LopDoN, fo mtich as the manufadlures of London drawr the money of 
 
 Derby- 
 
34? ESSAY V. 
 
 Our jealq^ify and our hatred of France, are without 
 bounds ; and the former fentiment, at leaft, muft be ac-" 
 knowleged ver)( reafonable and well-grounded. Thefe 
 paflions have occafioned innumerable barriers and ob- 
 ftruflions upon commerce, where we are accufed of being 
 commonly the aggreflbrs. But what have we gained by 
 the bargain ? We loft the French market for our wool- 
 len manufaflures, and transferred the commerce of wine 
 to Spain and Portugal, where we buy much worfe 
 liquor at a higher price. There are few Englishmen 
 who would not think their country abfolutely ruined, were 
 French v.'ines fold in England fo cheap and in fuch 
 abundance as to fupplant, in fome meafure, all ale, and 
 home-brewed liquors : But would we lay afide preju- 
 dice, it would not be difficult to prove, that nothing 
 could be more innocent, perhaps advantageous. Each 
 new acre of vineyard planted in France, in order to 
 fupply England v/ith wine, would make it requifite for 
 the French to take the produce of an English acre, 
 fownin wheat or barky, in order to fubfift themfelvesj 
 and 'tis evident, that we have thereby got command of 
 the better commodity. 
 
 There are many edifls of the French King, prohi- 
 biting the planting of new vineyards, and ordering all 
 thofe already planted to be grubbed up : So lenfible are 
 they in that country, of the fuperior value of corn, above 
 every other produdt. 
 
 Marefchal Vauban complains often, and with reafon, 
 of the abfurd duties v.'hich load the entry of thofe wines 
 of Languedoc, Guienne, and other fouthern pro- 
 vinces, that are imported into Britany and Norman- 
 dy. He entertained no doubt but thefe latter provinces 
 
 Derbyshire. But this objeftion is only a feeming one : Forfo far as the 
 tranrport of commodities is expenfive, fo far is the communication between " 
 the place obftruileil and imperfeiV. 
 
 could 
 
Of the BALANCE of TkADE. 
 
 549 
 
 tbuld preferve their balance, notwithftanding the open 
 commerce which he recommends. And 'tis evident, that 
 a few leagues more navigation to England would make 
 no difference ; or if it did, that it muft operate alike on 
 the commodities of both kingdoms. 
 
 There is indeed one expedient by which it is poffible 
 to fmk, and another by which we may raife, money be- 
 yond its natural level in any kingdom ; but thefe cafes, 
 when examined, will be found to refolve into our gene- 
 ral theory, and to bring additional authority to it, 
 
 I fcarce know any method of finking money below 
 its level, but thofe inftitutions of banks, funds, and pa- 
 per-credit, which are fo much praflifcd in this kingdom. 
 Thefe render paper equivalent to money, circulate it 
 thro' the whole ftate, make it fupply the place of gold 
 and fllver, raife proportipnably the price of labgur and 
 commodities, and by that means either banifli a great 
 part of thofe precious metals, or prevent their farther in- 
 creafe. What can be more fhort-fighted than our rea- 
 fonings on this head ? We fancy, becaufe an individual 
 would be much richer, were his flock of money doubled, 
 that the fame good eiFe£t would follow were the money 
 of every one increafed ; not confidering, that this would 
 raife as much the price of every commodity, and reduce 
 every man, in time, to the fame condition as before. 
 'Tis only in our public negotiations and tranfadtions with 
 foreigners, that a greater flock of money is advantage- 
 ous ; and as our paper is there abfolutely inflgnificant, 
 we feel, by its means, all the ill efFefts arifing from a 
 great abundance of money, without reaping any of the 
 
 advantages *. 
 
 Suppofc 
 
 • We obferved in Effay III. that money, when increafing, gives encou- 
 ragement to induftry, during the interval between the increafs of money and 
 life of the prices. A good eSe£l of this nature may fallow too from paper 
 
 credit j 
 
350 
 
 E S S A Y- -V. 
 
 Suppofe that there are 12 millions of papery •whifcH 
 circulate in the kingdom as money, (for we are not.td 
 imagine, that all our enormous funds are employed in 
 that fliape) and fuppofe the real cafli of the kingdom td 
 be 18 millions : Here is a ftate which is fotfnd by expe- 
 rience able to hold a ftoek of 30 millions. I fayj if it 
 be able to hold it, it muft of necefSty have acquired it 
 in gold and filver, had we not obftrudled the entrance 
 of thefe metals by this new invention of paper; Whence 
 would it have acquired that fum ? From all the kingdoms 
 of the world. But why ? Becaufe, if you remove thefe 
 12 millions, money in this ftate is below its level, com- 
 pared with our neighbours ; and we muft immediately 
 draw from all of them, till we be full and faturate, fo i6 
 fpeak, and can hold no more. By our prefeht politics, 
 •we are as careful to fluff the nation with this fine cohi- 
 modity of bank-bills and chequer notes, as if we w^re 
 afraid of being over-burthencd with the precious metalS; 
 
 'Tis not to be doubted, but the great plenty of bullion 
 in France is, in a great meafure, owing to the want of 
 paper-credit. The French have no banks ; Merchants 
 bills do not there circulate as with us : Ufury or lend- 
 ing on intereft is not direftly permitted ; fo that many 
 have large fums in their coffers : Great quantities of 
 plate are ufed in private houfes ; and all the churches are 
 full of it. By this means, provifion and labour ftill re- 
 main much cheaper among them, than in nations that 
 are not half fo rich in gold and filver. The advantages 
 of this fituation in point of trade, as well as in great 
 public emergencies, are too evident to be difputed. 
 
 The fame falhion a few years ago prevailed in Ge- 
 noa, which ftill has place in England and HollanDj 
 
 Credit ; but 'tis dangerous to precipitate matters, at the rifle of lofing. all by 
 the failing of that credit, as muft happen upon any violent fliock in jyiblic 
 aflfaiis, ', 
 
 6 • :• of 
 
Of the Bal-ance of Trade. 351 
 
 of ufitlg fervices of China ware inftead of plate; but 
 the fenate, wifely forefeeing the confeq-uence, prohibited 
 the: ufe of that brittle, commodity beyond a certain ex- 
 tent ; while the" ufe of filver plate was left unlimited. 
 And I fuppofe, in their late dlftreffes, they felt the good 
 efFecft of this ordinance. Our tax on plate is, perhaps, 
 in this view, fomewhat impolitic. 
 
 Before the introduction of paper-money into our co- 
 lonies, they had gold and filver fuiScient for their circu- 
 lation. Since the introduftion of that.comniodity, the 
 leaft inconveniency that has followed is the total banifii- 
 ment of the precious metals. And, after the abolition 
 of paper, can it be doubted but money will return, while 
 thefe colonies poffefs manufactures and commodities, the 
 only thing valuable in Commerce, and for whofe fake 
 alone all men defire money ? 
 
 What pity Lycurgus did not think of paper-credit, 
 when he wanted to banifh gold, and filver from Sparta ! 
 It would have ferved his purpofe better than the lumps 
 of iron he made ufe of as money; and would alfo have; 
 prevented more efFeClually all commerce with ftrangers, 
 as being of fo much lefs real and intrinfic value. 
 
 It muft, however, be confefled, that, as all thefe 
 queftions of trade and money are extremely complicated, 
 there are certain lights, in which this fubjedl maj^jbe 
 placed, fo as to reprefent the advantages of paper-credit 
 and banks to be fuperior to their difadvantages. That 
 they banifh fpecie-and bullion from a ftate is undoubtedly 
 true ; and whoever looks np farther than this circum- 
 ftance does well to condemn them ; but fpecie and bullion 
 are not of fo great confequence as not to admit of a com- 
 , penfation, and even an overbalance from the increafe of 
 induftry and of credit, which may be promoted by the 
 right ufe, of paper-money. It is well known of what 
 ad vantage it is to a merchant to be able to difcount his bills 
 
 upon, 
 
352 
 
 ESSAY V.' 
 
 tipon oCcafiori ; and every thing that facilitates this fj^e- 
 cies of traffic is favourable to the general commerce of 
 a ftate. But private bankers are enabled to give fuch 
 credit by the credit they receive from the depofiting of 
 money in their fhops; afld. the bank of England in the 
 fame manner, from the liberty they have to iflue their 
 notes in all payments. There was an invention of this 
 kind, which was fallen upon fome years ago by the banks 
 of Edinburgh ; and which, as it is one of the moft in- 
 genious ideas that has been executed in commerce, has 
 alfo been found very advantageous to Scotland. It is 
 there called a Bank-Credit;, and is of this nature. 
 A man goes to the bank and finds furety to the amount, 
 we fhall fuppofe, of five thoufand pounds. This mo- 
 ney, or any part of it, he has the liberty of drawing out 
 whenever he pleafes, and he pays only the ordinary inte- 
 reft for it, while it is in his hands. He may, when he 
 pleafes, repay any fum fo fmall as twenty pounds, and 
 the intereft is difcounted from the very day of the repay- 
 ment. The advantages, refulting from this contrivance, 
 are manifold. As a man may find furety nearly to the 
 amount of his fubftance, and his bank-credit is equi- 
 valent to ready money, a merchant does hereby in a 
 manner coin liis houfes, his houfehold furniture, the 
 goods in his warehoufe, the foreign debts due to him, his 
 Ihips at fta ; and can, upon occafion, employ them in 
 all payments, as if they were the current money of the 
 country. If a man borroyvs five 'thoufand pounds from 
 a private hand, befides that it is no^*always to be found 
 when required, he pays intereft for it, whether he be 
 ufing it or not ; His bank-credit cofts him nothing ex- 
 cept during; the very moment in which it is of fervice 
 to him : And this circumftance is of equal advantage as 
 if he had borrowed money at much lower intereft. Mer- 
 ch.'.nts, likewife, from this invention, acquire a great faci- 
 lity in fupporting each other's credit, which is a confi- _ „ ^ 
 
 derable 
 
Of the Balance of Trade. 
 
 353 
 
 derable fecurity againft bankruptcies, A man, when 
 his own bank-credit is exhaufted, goes to any of his 
 neighbours who is not in the fame condition ; and he 
 gets the nioney, which he replaces at his convenience. 
 
 After this practice had taken place during fome years 
 at Edinburgh, feveral companies lof merchants at 
 Glasgow carried ihe matter farther. They affociated 
 themfelves into different banks, and iJTued notes fo low 
 as ten (hillings, which they ufed in all payments- fot 
 goods, manufactures, tradefmen, labour of all kinds ; 
 and thefe notes, from the eftabliihed credit of the com- 
 panies, pafied as money in all payments throughout the 
 country. By this means, a ftock of five thoufand pounds 
 was able to perform the fame operations as if it were ten • 
 and merchants were thereby enabled to trade to a greater 
 extent, and to require lefs profit in all their tranfadlions. 
 In Newcastle and Bristol, as well as other trading 
 places, the merchants have fince inftituted banks of a 
 like nature, in imitation of thofe in Glasgow. But 
 whatever- other advantages refult from thefe inventions, 
 it muft ftill be allowed that they banifh the precious me- 
 tals ; and nothing can be a more evident proof of it, than 
 a comparifonof the pafl and prefent condition of Scot- 
 land in that particular. It was found, upon the re- 
 coinage made after the union, that there was near a mil- 
 lion of fpecie in that country : But notwithflanding the 
 great increafe of riches, commerce and manufactures 
 of all kinds, it is thought, that, even where there is no 
 extraordinary drain made by England, the current fpe- 
 cie will not now amount to a fifth of that fum. 
 
 But as our projeits of paper-credit are almoft the only 
 expedient by which we can fink money below its level ; 
 fo, in my opinion, the only expedient by which we can 
 raife money above its level, is a pradlice which we fhould 
 all exclaim againfl as deflruftive, viz, the gathering large 
 
 VoLi I. A a fums 
 
354 {ESSAY V. 
 
 fums into a public treafure, locking them up, and abfo- 
 lutely preventing their circulation. The fluid not com- 
 municating with the neighbouring element, may, by fuch 
 an artifice, be raifed to what height we pleafe. To prove 
 this, we need only return to our firft fuppofition, of the 
 annihilating the half or any part of our cafh ; where vve 
 fourid, that the immediate confequence of fuch an event 
 would be the attra6tion of an equal fum from all the 
 neighbouring kingdoms. Nor does there feem to be any 
 neceflary bounds fet, by the nature of things, to this 
 pradlice of hoarding. A fmallxity like Geneva, con- 
 tinuing this policy for ages, might ingrofs nine tenths 
 of the money of Europe. There feems, indeed, in the 
 nature of man, an invincible obftacle to that immenfe 
 growth of riches. A weak ftate, with an enormous trea- 
 fure, will foon become a prey to fome of its poorer, but 
 inore powerful neighbours. A great ftate would diffi- 
 pate its wealth in dangerous and ill-cpncerted projects j 
 and probably deftroy, with it, what is much more va- 
 luable, the induftry, morals and numbers of its people. 
 The fluid in this cafe, raifed to too great a height, 
 burfts and deftroys the vefTel that contains it ; and mix- 
 ing itfelf with the furrounding element, foon falls to its 
 proper level. 
 
 So little are we commonly acquainted with this prin- 
 ciple, that though all hiftorians ap;ree in relating uni- 
 formly fo recent an event, as the immenfe treafure amaf- 
 fed by Harry VII. (which they make amount to 
 r,700,ooo pounds,) we rather rejedt their concurring 
 teftimony, than admit of a fadi: which agrees fo ill with 
 our inveterate prejudices. 'Tis indeed probable, that 
 that fum might be three fourths of all the money in 
 England. But where is the difficulty that fuch a fum 
 might be amaffed in twenty years, by a cunning, rapa- 
 dous, frugal, and almoft abfolute monarch ? Nor is it 
 
 probable, 
 
Of the Balance of Trade. 355 
 
 proljable, that the diminution of circulating money was 
 ever fenfibly felt by the people, or ever did them any 
 prejudice. The finking of the prices of all commodi- 
 ties would immediately replace ft, by giving England 
 the advantage in its commerce with all the neighbouring 
 kingdoms. 
 
 __ Have we not an inftance in the fmall republic of 
 Athens with its allies, who in about fifty years between 
 the Median and Pe.loponnesian wars, amafled a fum 
 greater than that of Harry VII. * ? For all the Greek 
 hiftorians t and orators J agree, that the Athenians 
 colledted in the citadel more than 10,000 talents, which 
 they afterwards diffipated to their own ruin, in ralh and 
 imprudent interprizes. But when this money was fet 
 a-running, and began to communicate with the fur- 
 rounding fluid ; v?hat was the confequence ? Did it remain 
 in the ftate ? No. For we find by the memorable cenfus 
 mentioned by Demosthenes || and Polybius 4., that, 
 in about fifty years afterwards, the whole value of the re- 
 public, comprehending lands, houfes, commodities, flaves, 
 and money, was lefs than 6000 talents. 
 
 What an ambitious high-fpirited people was this, to 
 colleft and keep in their treafury, with a view to con- 
 quefts, a fum, which it was every day in the power of 
 the citizens, by a fingle vote, to diftribute among them- 
 felves, and which would go near to triple the riches of 
 every individual ; For we muft obferve, that the num- 
 bers and private riches of the Athenians are faid by 
 ancient writers to have been no greater at the beginning 
 
 • There were about eight ounces of filver in a pound Sterling in Hakrv 
 VII.'s time. 
 
 •f- Thucydidis, lib. ». and DioD. Sic. lib. ii, 
 
 X ^;(/.^SCHINISrtDlMOSTHENIs£>j/?. 
 
 Aa 2 ^f 
 
356 E S 'S A Y V. 
 
 of the Pelopoknesia?; war, than at the beginning of the 
 Macedonian. 
 
 Money was little more plentiful in Greece during the 
 ageof Phiup and Pekseus, than in England during' 
 that of Harry VII. : Yet thefe two monarchs in thirty 
 years* colle£led from the. fmall kingdom of Macedon, 
 a much larger treafure than that (5f the English mo- 
 narch. Paulus jEmilius brought to Rome about 
 1,700,000 pounds Sterling-^. Pliny fays, 2,400,000 J. 
 And that was but a part of the Macedonian treafure. 
 The reft was difSpated by the refiftance and flight of 
 Perseus 1|. 
 
 We may learn from Stanyan, that the canton of 
 Berne had 300,000 pounds lent at intereft, and had 
 above lax times as much in their treafury. Here then is 
 a fum hoarded of i,8oo,oco pounds Sterling, which is 
 at leaft quadruple of what fliould naturally circulate in 
 fuch a petty ftate ; and yet no one who travels into the 
 Pais de Vaux, or any part of that canton, obferves 
 any want of money more than could be fuppofed, in a 
 country of that extent, foil, and fituation. On the con- 
 trary, there are fcarce any inland provinces in the conti- 
 nent of France or Germany, where the inhabitants 
 are at this time fo opulent, though that canton has vaftly 
 increafed its treafure fmce 1714, the time when Sta- 
 nyan wrote his judicious account of Switzerland 4-. 
 
 The account given by Appi AN § of the treafure of the 
 PtolomieSj is fo prodigious, that one cannot admit of it j 
 
 * TiTiLivii, lib. 45. cap, 40. f Vel. Paterc. lib.i. cap.g. 
 
 J Lib. 33. cap. 3, g TiTi Livii, Hid. 
 
 4- The poverty which Stanyan fpeaks of is only to be feen in the mod 
 mountainous cantons, where there is no commodity to bring money: And 
 even there the people are not poorer than in the diocefs of Saitsbueg on 
 the one hand, or Savoy on the other, 
 § Proem, 
 
 and 
 
Of the Baeance of Trade. 357 
 
 and fo much the lefs, becaufe thehiftorian fays, the other 
 fucceflbrs of Alexander were all fo frugal, and had 
 many of them trcafures not much inferior. For this fav- 
 ing humour of the neighbouring princes muft .neceflarily 
 have checked the frugality of the Egyptian monarchs, 
 according to the foregoing theory. The fum he men- 
 tions is 740,000 talents, or 191,166,666 pounds 13 {hil- 
 lings and 4 pence, according to_,Dr, Arbuthnot's cotn-t 
 pupation. And yet Appian fays, that he extradted his 
 account from the public records ; and he was himfelf a 
 native of Alexandria. 
 
 From thefe principles we may learn what judo-ment 
 we ought to form of thofe numberlefs bars, obftrudions, 
 and impofts, which all nations of Europe, and none 
 more than England, have put upon trade; from an 
 exorbitant defire of amaffing money, which never will 
 heap up beyond its level, while it circulates ; or from an 
 itl grounded apprehenfion of lofmg their fpeci?, which 
 never will fink below it. Could any thing fcatter our 
 riches, it would be fuch impolitic contrivances. But 
 this general ill effedl, however, refults from them, that 
 they deprive neighbouring nations of that free commu- 
 nication and exchange, which the Author of the world 
 has intended, by giving them foils, climates, and geniufes, 
 fo different from each other. 
 
 Our modern politics embrace the only method of ba- 
 nilhiijg money, the ufing paper-credit; they reject the 
 only method of amaffing it, the pradice of hoarding ; 
 and they adopt a hundred contrivances, which ferve to 
 no purpofe but to check induftry, and rob ourfelves and 
 our neighbours of the common benefits of art and na- 
 ture. 
 
 All taxes, however, upon foreign commodities, are 
 
 not to be regard as prejudicial or ufelefs, but thofe only 
 
 A a 3 vi'hich 
 
358 E S S A V V, 
 
 which are founded on the jealoufy above-mentioned, 
 A tax on German linen encourages home manufaftures, 
 and thereby multiplies our people and induftry. A tax 
 on brandy increafes the fale of rum, and fupports our 
 fouthern colonies. And as 'tis neceffary impofts fhould 
 be levied, for the fupport of government, it may be 
 thought more convenient to lay thenl on foreign commo- 
 dities, which can eafily be intercepted at the port, and 
 fubjedted to thejmpoft. We ought, however, always to 
 remember the maxim of Dr. Swift, That, in the arith- 
 metic of the cuftoms, two and two make not four, but 
 often make only one. It can fcarcely be doubted, but 
 if the duties on wine were lowered to a third, they would 
 yield much more to the government than at prefent : 
 Our people might thereby afford to drink commonly a 
 better and more wholefome liquor ; and no prejudice 
 would enfue to the balance of trade, of which we are fo 
 jealous. The manufafture of ale beyond the agriculture, 
 is but inconfiderable, and gives employment to few hands. 
 The tranfport of wine and corn would not be much in- 
 ferior. 
 
 But are there not frequent inftanccs, you will fay, 
 of ftates and kingdoms, which were formerly rich and 
 opulent, and are now poor and beggarly ? Has not the 
 money left them, with which they formerly abounded ? 
 I anfwter. If they lofe their trade, induftry and people, 
 they cannot expeft to keep their gold and filver : For 
 thefe precious metals will hold proportion to the former 
 advantages. When Lisbon and Amsterdam got the 
 East-India trade frpm Venice and Genoa, they alfo 
 got the profits and money which arofe from it. Where 
 the feat of government is transferred, where expenfive 
 armies are maintained at a diftance, where great funds 
 are pofleffed by foreigners ; there naturally follows from 
 thefe caufes a diminution of the fpecie. But thefe, we 
 
 may 
 
Of the Balance of Trade. 359 
 
 may obferve, are violent and forcible methods of carry- 
 ing away money, and are in time commonly attended 
 with the tranfport of people and induftry. But where 
 thefe remain, and the drain is not continued, the money 
 always finds its way back again, by a hundred canals, of 
 which we have no notion or fufpicion. What immenfe 
 treafures have been fpent, by fo many nations^ in Flan- 
 ders fince the revolution, in the courfe of three long 
 wars ? More money perhaps than the half of what is at 
 preljent in all Europe. But what has now become of it ? 
 Is it in the narrow compafs of the Austrian prbvinceS ? 
 No, furely : It has moft of it returned to the feveral 
 countries whence it came, and has followed that art and 
 induftry by which at firft it was acquired. For above 
 a thoufand years, the money of Europe has been flow- 
 ing to Rome, by an open and fenfjble current; but it 
 has been emptied by many fecret and infenfible canals ; 
 And the want of induftry and commerce renders at pre- 
 fent the papal dominions the pooreft territories in all 
 Italy. 
 
 In fhort, a government has great reafon to preferye 
 with care its people and its manufa£):ures. Its money, it 
 may fafely truft to the courfe of human affairs, without 
 fear or jealoufy. Or if it ever give attention to this lat- 
 ter circumftance, it ought only to be fo far as it afFe£ts 
 the former^ 
 
 Aa4 ESSAY 
 
I ' 3&I 3 
 
 ESSAY VI. 
 
 Gf the Jeaj-ousy of Teade. 
 
 HAVING endeavoured to remove one fpecies of 
 ill-founde4 jealdufy, which is fo prevalent among 
 commercial nations, it may not be amifs to mention 
 another, which feems equally groundlefs. Nothing is 
 more ufual, among ftates which have made fome advances 
 in commerce than to look on the progrefs of their neigh- 
 bours with a fufpicious eye, to confider all trading ftates 
 as their rivals, and to fuppofe that it is impoffible for any 
 of them to flourifh, but at their expence. In oppofition 
 to this narrow and malignant opinion, I will venture to 
 alTert, that the increafe of riches and commerce in any 
 one pation, inftead of hurting, commonly promotes the 
 riches and commerce of all its neighbours ; and that a 
 ftate can fcarcely carry its trade and induftry very far, 
 where all the furrounding ftates are buried in ignorance, 
 floth, and barbarifm. 
 
 It is obvious, that the domeftic induftry of a people 
 cannot be hurt by the greateft profperity of their neigh- 
 bours 5 and as this branch of commerce is undoubtedly 
 the inoft important in any extenfive kingdom, we are fo 
 far removed from all reafon of jealoufy. But I go far- 
 ther, and obferve, that where an open communication is 
 preferved among nations, it is impoffible but the domeftic 
 induftry of every one muft receive an increafe from the 
 
 improve- 
 
562 ESSAY ri. 
 
 jmprovements of the others. Compare the fituation of 
 Great Britain at prefent, with what it was two cen- 
 turies ago. AU the arts both of agriculture and manu- 
 fa6tures were then extremely f ude and imperfefl:. Every 
 improvement which we have fince made, has arifcn from 
 our imitation of fpreigners ; and we ought fo far to efteem 
 it happy, that they had previoufly made advances in arts 
 and ingenuity. But this intercourfe is flill upheld to our 
 great advantage : Notwithftariding the advanced ftate of 
 our manufadtures, we daily adopt in every art, the inven- 
 tions and improvements of our neighbours. The c6m- 
 modity is firft imported from abroad, to our great dif- 
 content, while we imagine that i^ drains us of our 
 money : Afterwards, the art itfelf is gradually imported, 
 to our vifible advantage : Yet we continue ftill to repine, 
 that our neighbours fhould poflefs any art, induftry, and 
 invention ; forgetting that had they not firft inftrufted 
 us, we fhould have been at prefent barbarians ; and did 
 they not ftill continue their inftrudtions, the arts muft fall 
 into a ftate of languor, and lofe that emulation and no- 
 velty which contribute fo much to their advancement. 
 
 The increafe of domeftic induftry lays the foundation 
 of foreign commerce. Where a great number of com- 
 modities are raifed and perfefted for the home-market, 
 there will always be found fome which can be exported 
 with advantage. But if our neighbours have no art nor 
 cultivation, they cannot take them ; becaufe they will 
 have nothing to give in exchange. In this refpeft, ftates 
 are in the fame condition as individuals. A finglc man 
 can fcarce be induftrious, where all his fellow-citizens 
 are idle. The riches, of the feveral members of a com- 
 munity contribute to increafe my riches, whatever prb- 
 feflion I may follow. They confume the produce of my 
 induftry, and afford me the produce of theirs in return. 
 
 Nor' 
 
Of the jEAtousy of Trade, 363 
 
 Nor need any ftate ientertain apprehenfions, that their 
 neighbours will improve to fuch a degree in every art and 
 manufaSure, as to have no demand from thern. Na- 
 ture, by giving a diyerfity of geniufes, climates, and 
 foils to different nations, has fecured their mutual interr 
 courfe apd comn^erce, as lofig as they all remain induftrir 
 ous and civilized. Nay, the more the art? increafe in 
 any ftate, the more will be its demands from its induftri- 
 Dus neighbours. The inhabitants, having become opu- 
 lent and (kilful, defire to have every commodity in the 
 utmoft perfeflion ; and as they have plenty of commo- 
 dities to give in exchange, they make large importations 
 from every foreign country. The induftry of the nations 
 from whom they import, receives encouragement : Their 
 own is alfo increafed, by the fale of the cpipmodities 
 which they give in exchange. 
 
 But what if a nation has any ftaple commodity, fuch 
 as the woollen manufadture is to England ? Muft not 
 the interfering of their neighbours in that manufadture 
 be a lofs to them ? I anfwer, that when any commodity 
 is denominated the ftaple of a kingdom, it is fuppofed 
 that that kingdom has fome peculiar and, natural advan- 
 tages for railing the commodity ; and if, notwithftanding 
 thefe advantages, they lofe fuch a manufaftory, they 
 ought to blame their own idlenefs, or bad government, 
 not the induftry of their neighbours. . It ought alfo to 
 be confidered, that by the increafe of induftry among the 
 neighbouring nations, the confumption of every parti- 
 cular fpecies of commodity is alfo increafed ; and though 
 foreign manufaftures interfere with us in the market, the 
 demand for our produft may ftill continue, or even in- 
 creafe. And even fliould it diminifli, ought the confe- 
 quence to be efteemcd fo fatal ? If the fpirit of induftry 
 be preferved, it may eafily be diverted from one branch 
 to another; and the manufadures of wool, for inftance, 
 7 be 
 
36* ESSAY VI. 
 
 be employed in linen, filk, iron, or any other commo- 
 dities, for which there appears to be a demand. We 
 need not apprehend, that all the objefts of induftry will 
 be exhaufted, or that our manufadturers, while they re- 
 main on an equal footing with thofe of our neighbours, 
 will be in danger of wanting employtnent. The emula- 
 tion among rival nations ferves rather to keep induftry 
 alive in all of them : And any people is happier who 
 poflefs a variety of manufadures, than if they enjoyed 
 one fingle great manufaflure, in which they are all em- 
 ployed. Their fituation is lefs precarious, and they will 
 feel lefs fenfibly thofe revolutions and uncertainties to 
 which every particular braffch of commerce will always 
 Ibe expofed, 
 
 The only commercial ftate which ought to dread the im- 
 provements and induftry of their neighbours, is fuch a one 
 as Holland, which enjoying no extent of land, nor pof- 
 feffing any native commodity, flourifhes only by being the 
 brokers, and fadlors, and carriers of others. Such a people 
 may naturally apprehend, that as foon as the neighbouring 
 fiates come to know and purfue their intereft, they will 
 take into their own hands the management of their af- 
 fairs, and deprive their brokers of that profit, which 
 they formerly reaped from it. But though this confe- 
 quence may naturally be dreaded, it is very long before 
 it takes place ; and by art and induftry it may be warded 
 off" for many generations, if not wholly eluded. The 
 advantage of fuperior ftocks and correfpondence is fo 
 great, that it is not eafily overcome; and as all thetranf- 
 aftions increafe by the increafe of induftry in the neigh- 
 bouring ftates, even a people w! ofe commerce ftands on 
 this precarious bafis, may at firft reap a confiderable profit 
 from the flourifliing condition of their neighbours. The 
 Dutch, having mortgaged all their revenues, make not 
 fuch a figure in political tranfaftions as formerly ; but 
 
 thei^: 
 
Of the Jealousy of Trade, 365 
 
 their commerce is furely equal to what it was in the 
 middle of the laft century, when they were reckoned 
 among the great powers of Europe. 
 
 Were our narrow and. malignant politics to meet with 
 fuccefs, we fliould reduce all our neighbouring nations 
 to the fame ftate of floth and ignorance that prevails in 
 Morocco and the coaft of Barbary. But what would 
 be the confequence ? They could fend us no commo- 
 dities : They could take none from us : Our domeftic 
 commerce itfelf would langiiifli for want of emulation, 
 example, and inftruftion : And we ourfelves fhould foon 
 fall into the fame abjefV condition to which we had re- 
 duced them. I fhall therefore venture to acknowledge, 
 that not only as a man, but as a British fubjed:, I pray 
 for the flourifhing commerce of Germany, Spain, 
 Italy, and even France itfelf. I am at leaft certain, 
 that Great Britain, and all thefe nations, would 
 flourifli more, did their fovereigns and minifters adopt 
 fuch enlarged and benevolent fentiments towards each 
 other. 
 
 ESSAY 
 
[ 3'57 !If' 
 
 ESSAY vir. 
 
 Of'the Balance of Power. 
 
 IT is a queftion, whether the idea of the balance of 
 power be owing intirely to modern policy, or whether 
 the phrafe only has been invented in thefe latter ages ? 
 'Tis certain, that Xenophon fj in his inftitution of 
 Cyrus, reprefents the combination of the Asiatic 
 powers to have arifen from a jealoufy of the increafing 
 force of the Medes and Persians ; and tho' that ele- 
 gant compofition fliould be fuppofed altogether a romance, 
 this fentiment, afcribed hy the author to the eaflern 
 princes, is at leaft a proof of the prevailing notions of 
 antient times. 
 
 In all the politics of Greece, the anxiety with regard 
 to the balance of power, is nioft apparent, and is ex- 
 prefly pointed out to us, even by the antient hiftorlans. 
 Thucydides X reprefents the league which was formed 
 againft Athens, and which produced the Peigponne- 
 siAN war, as intirely owing to this principle. And after 
 the decline of Athens, when the Thebans and La- 
 cedemonians difputed for fovereignty, we find, that 
 the Athenians (as well as many other republics) threw 
 themfelves always into the lighter fcale, and endeavoured 
 to preferve the balance. They fupported Thebes againft 
 Sparta, till the great viftory gained by Epaminondas 
 
 f Lib. I, % Lib, I. 
 
 at 
 
%6S E SAY VII. 
 
 at Leuctra 5 after which they immediately went over 
 to the conquered, from generofity, as they pretended, 
 ijut, in reality, from their jealoufy of the conquerors f . 
 
 Whoever will read Demosthenes's oration for the 
 Megalopolitans, may fee the utmoft refinements on 
 this principle, which ever entered into the head of a 
 Venetian or English fpeculatift. And upon thefirft 
 rife of the Macedonian power, this orator immediate- 
 ly difcovered the danger, founded the alarm thro' all 
 Greece, and at laft affembled that confederacy under 
 the banners of Athens, which fought the great and 
 decifive battle of Chaeronea. 
 
 'Tis true, the Grecian wars are regarded by hifto- 
 rians as wars of emulation rather than of politics ; and 
 each ftate feems to have had more in view the honour of 
 leading the reft, than any well-grounded hopes of autho- 
 rity and dominion. If we confider, indeed, the fmall 
 number of inhabitants in any one republic, compared to 
 the whole, the great difficulty of forming fieges in thofe 
 times, and the extraordinary bravery and difcipline of 
 every freeman among that noble people ; we fhall con- 
 clude, that the balance of power was of itfelf, fufficiently 
 fecured in Greece, and needed not to be guarded with 
 that caution which may be requifite in other ages. But 
 whether we afcribe the fliifting fides in all the Grecian 
 republics to jealous emulation or cautious politics, the effeiSts 
 were alike, and every prevailing power was fure to meet 
 with a confederacy againft it, and that often compofed of 
 its former friends and allies. 
 
 The fame principle, call it envy or prudence, which 
 produced the OJiracifm of Athens, and Petalifm of Sy- 
 racuse, and expelled every citizen whofe fame or 
 power overtopped the reft ; the fame principle, I fay, 
 
 \ Xenoph. Hift, Graec. lib, 6. & 7, 
 
 na- 
 
Of theBAiANCE of Power.' 360 
 
 naturally difcovered itfelf in foreign politics, and foon 
 raifed enemies to the leading ftate, however moderate in 
 the exercife of its authority. 
 
 The Persian monarch was really, in his force, a 
 petty prince compared to the Grecian republics ; and 
 therefore it behoved him, from view^s of fafety more 
 than from emulation, to intereft himfelf in their quar- 
 rels, and to fupport the weaker fide in every conteft. 
 This was the advice given by Alcibiades to Tissa- 
 PHERNEs *, and it prolonged near a century the date of 
 the Persian empire ; till the negleft of it for a moment, 
 after the firft appearance of the afpiring genius of Phi- 
 rip, brought tha^ lofty and frail edifice to the ground, 
 with a rapidity of which there are few inftances in the 
 hiftory of mankind. 
 
 The fuccelTors of Alexander fhowed an infinite 
 jealoufy of the balance of power ; a jealoufy founded on 
 true politics and prudence, and whicH preferved diftindt 
 for feveral ages the partitions made after the death of that 
 famous conqueror. The fortune and ambition of An- 
 tic on us t threatened them anew with an univerfal 
 monarchy ; but their combination, and their victory at 
 Ipsus faved them. And in after times, we find, jhat as 
 the Eaftern princes confidered the Greeks and Mace- 
 donians as the only real military force with whom they 
 had any intercourfe, they kept always a watchful eye 
 over that part of the world. The Ptolemies, in par- 
 ticular, fupported firft Aratus and the Achaeans, 
 and then Cleomenes king of Sparta, from no other 
 view than as a counterbalance to the Macedonian mo- 
 narchs. For tKis is the account which Polybius gives 
 of the Egyptian politics J. 
 
 The reafon why 'tis fuppofed, that the ancients were 
 entirely ignorant of the balance of power, feems to be 
 
 • Thucyd. .lib. 8. f DioD. S,ic. lib, 20. J Lib. 2. cap. 51. 
 
 Vol. L B b drawn 
 
37° 
 
 ESSAY VII. 
 
 dtawn from the Roman hiftory more than the Grs- 
 ciANj and as the tranfaiStions of the former are gene- 
 rally the moft familiar to us, we have thence formed all 
 our conclufions. It muft be owned, that the Romans 
 r.ever met "with any fuch general combination or con- 
 federacy againft them, as might naturally be expected 
 from their rapid conquefts and declared ambition,; but 
 were allowed peaceably to fubdue their neighbours, one 
 after another, till they extended their dominion over the 
 whole known world. Not to mention the fabulous hif- 
 tory of their Italic wars ; there was, upon Hanni- 
 bal's invafion of the Roman ftate, a very remarkable 
 crifis, which ought to have called up the attention of all 
 civilized nations. It appeared afterwards (nor was it 
 diiEcuIt to be obferved at the time) f that this was a con- 
 teft for univerfal empire ; and yet no prince or ftate feems 
 to have been in the leaft alarmed about the event or ifTue 
 of the quarrel. Philip of Macedon remained neuter, 
 till he faw the vidtories of Hannibal^ and then moft 
 imprudently formed an alliance with the conqueror, upon 
 terms ftill more imprudent. He ftipulated, that he was 
 to affift the Carthaginian ftate in their conqueft of 
 Italy ; after which they engaged to fend over forces 
 into Greece, to aflift him in fubduing the Grecian 
 commonwealths j. 
 
 The Rhodian and Achaean republics are much 
 celebrated by antient hiftorians for their wifdom and 
 found policy; yet both of them aflifted the Romans in 
 their wars againft Philip and Antiochus. And what 
 may be efteemed ftill a ftronger proof that this maxim 
 was not familiarly known in thofe ages ; no ancient au- 
 
 ■f It was obferved by foBic, as appears-by the fpeech of Agelaus of 
 Naupactum, in the general congreCs of Greece. See Polyk, lib., 5, 
 cap. XC4. 
 
 J TiTi Livii lib, 23. cap, 3 J. 
 
 thor 
 
Of A© Balance of Power. 37^ 
 
 liior has ever remarked the imprudence of thefe meafures, 
 nor has even blamed that abfurd treaty above mentioned, 
 made by PHitip vi^ith the CARTHAGI^f^ANs, PrinceS 
 and ftatefmeii may in all ages be blinded in their reafon- 
 iags with regard to events, beforehand : But 'tis foihe- 
 what extraoirdinary, that hiftorians, afterwards, fhould 
 not forni a fouiider judgment of them. 
 
 Massinissa, Attalus, Prusias, in Satisfying theii- 
 private paffions^ were, all of them, the instruments of 
 the Roman greatnefs; and never feem to have fufpefted, 
 that they were forging their own chains, while they ad^ 
 vanced the conqtiefts of their ally. A fimple treaty and 
 agreement between Massinissa and the Carthagini- 
 ans, fo much reqiiired by mutual iiitereft, barred the 
 Romans from all entrahce mto AF&ica, and prefer ved 
 liberty to mankind. 
 
 The only prince we meet with in the Roman hiftory, 
 who feems to have undei:ftood the balance of power, is 
 jHiero king of Syracuse. Tho' the ally of Rome, 
 he fent affiftance to the Carthaginians, during the 
 war of the auxiliaries : " Efteeming it requifite," fays 
 PoLYBius t, '* both in order to retain his dominions 
 " in SieiLY, and to preferve the Roman friendfhip, 
 " that Carthage fhould be fafe; left by its fall the 
 " renvjiining power fhould be able, without contraft or 
 " oppofition, to execute every purpofe arid undertaking. 
 ''^ And here he ailed with great wifdom .and prudence. 
 " For that is never, on any account, to be overlooked ; 
 " nor cTught fuch a force ever to be thrown into one 
 " hand, as to incapacitate the neighbouring ftates from 
 •' defending their rights againft it." Here is the aim 
 ©f modern politics pointed out in exprefs terms. 
 
 In fljort, the maxim of pfeferving the balance of 
 power is founded fo much on common fenfe and obvious 
 
 •J- Lib. I. cap. 83, 
 
 B b 2 reafoning, 
 
372 ESSAY Vit 
 
 reafoning, that 'tis impoffible it could altogether have 
 efcaped antiquity, where we find, in other particulars, fo 
 many marks of deep penetration and difcernment. If it 
 was not fo generally known and acknowledged as at pre- 
 fent, it had, at leaft, an influence on all the wifer and 
 more experienced princes and politicians. And indeed, 
 even at prefent, however generally known and acknow- 
 ledged among fpeculative reafoners, it has not, in prac- 
 tice, an authority much more extenfive among thofe who 
 govern the world. 
 
 After the fall of the Roman empire, the. form of go- 
 vernment eftabllftied by the northern conquerors, inca- 
 pacitated them in a great meafure, from farther con- 
 quefts, and long maintained each flate in its proper 
 boundaries. But when vafTalage and the feudal militia 
 were abolifhed, mankind were anew alarmed by the dan- 
 ger of univerfal monarchy, from the union of fo many 
 kingdoms and principalities in the perfon of the emperor 
 Charles. But the power of the houfe of Austria, 
 founded on extenfive but divided dominions, and their 
 riches, derived chiefly from mines of gold and filver, 
 were more likely to decay, of themfelves, from internal 
 deftfts, than So overthrov/ all the buJv/arks raifed againft 
 them. In lefs than a century, the force of th^t violent 
 and haughty race v/as fliattered, their opulence difEpated, 
 their fplendour eclipfed. A new power fucceeded, more 
 formidable to the liberties of Europe, poflefling all the 
 advantages of the former, and labouring under none of 
 its defeats ; except a {hare of that fpirit of bigotry and 
 perfecution, with which the houfe of Austria were fo 
 long, and ftiU are fo much infatuated. 
 
 EiJROPE has now, for above a century, remained on- 
 the defenfive agajnft the greateft force that ever, perhaps, 
 was formed by the civil or political combination of man- 
 kind. And fuch is the influence of. the maxim here 
 
 treated 
 
Of the Balance of P o w e r. 373 
 
 / 
 treated of, that though that ambitious nation, in the five 
 
 laft general wars, have been vidlorious in four f, and im- 
 fuccefsful only in onej, they have not much enlarged their 
 dominions, nor acquired a total afcendant over Europe. 
 There remains rather room to hope, that, by maintain- 
 ing the refiftance fonie time, the natural revolutions of 
 human affairs, together with unforefeen events and ac- 
 cidents, may guard us againft univerfal monajrchy, and 
 preferve the world from fo great an evil. 
 
 In the three laft of thefe general wars, Britain has 
 , flood foremoft in the glorious ftruggle ; and (he ftill 
 maintains her ftation, as guardian of the general liber- 
 ties of Europe, and patron of mankind, Befide her 
 advantages of riches and fituation, her people are animat- 
 ed with fuch a national fpirit, and are fo fully fenfible of 
 the ineftimable bleffings of their government, that we 
 may hope their vigour never will languifli in fo neceflary 
 and fo juft a caiife. On the contrary, if we may judge 
 by the paft, their paffionate ardour feems rather to re- 
 quire fome moderation ; and they have oftener erred from 
 a laudable excefs than from a blameable deficiency. 
 
 In the/r/? place, we feem to have been more poflefTed 
 with the antient Greek fpirit of jealous emulation, 
 than actuated with the prudent views of modern politics. 
 Our wars with France have been begun with juftice, 
 and even, perhaps, from neceflity ; but have always been 
 too far puftied from obftinacy and paflion. The fame 
 peace which was afterwards madeat Rvswick: in 1697, 
 was offered fo early as the ninety-two • that concluded 
 at Utrecht in 1712 might have been finilhed on as 
 good conditions at Gertruytjtnberc in the eight; 
 and we might have given at Francfort, in 1743, the 
 
 ■j- Thofe concluded by the Peace of the Pyefneis, Nir^navsHj 
 Rvswick, and Aix-la-Ckapeii,!. 
 
 f That concludeil by the peace of UTRrcHT, 
 
 B b ? [:v.-M 
 
374 
 
 ESSAY VII. 
 
 fame terms^ which we were glad to accept of at Aix.» 
 ia-Chapelle in the forty- eight. Here then we fee, 
 that above half of our wars with France, and all our 
 public debts, are owing more to our own impru'dent ve-p 
 hemence, than to the ambition of our neighbours. 
 
 In the fecond place, we are fo declared in our pppofir 
 tipn to French power, and fo alert in defence bf our 
 allies, that they always reckon upon our force as upoii 
 their own ; and expeding to carry on war at our ex- 
 pence, refiife all reafonable terms of accommodation, 
 Habcnt fubjeSios, tanquam fuos 5 v'des, ut alienos. All the 
 world knows, that the faftious vote of the Houfe of 
 Commons, in the beginning of the laft parliament, with 
 theprofeffed humour of the nation, made the queen of 
 Hungary inflexible in her terms, and prevented that 
 agreement with Prussia, which would immediately 
 have reftored the general tranquillity of Europe. 
 
 In the third place, we are fuch true combatants, that, 
 when once engaged, we lofe all concern for ourfelves 
 and our pofterity, and confider only how we may beft 
 annoy the enemy. To mortgage our revenues at fo deep 
 a rate, in wars, where we are only acceflbries, was 
 furely the moft fatal delufion, that a nation, who had 
 any pretenfion to politics and prudence, has ever yet 
 been guilty of. That remedy of funding, if it be a re- 
 medy, and not rather a poifon, ought, in all reafon, to 
 be referved to the laft extremity ; and no evil, but the 
 greateft and moft urgent, fhould ever induce us to em- 
 brace fo dangerous an expedient. 
 
 Thefe excefl'es, to which we have been carried, are 
 prejudicial; and may, perhaps, in time, become ftill 
 more prejudicial another way, by begetting, as is ufual, 
 the oppofite extreme, and rendering us totally carelefs 
 and fupine with regard to the fate of Europe. The 
 Athenians, from the moft buftling, intriguing, warlike 
 
 people 
 
OftheBALAN E of Power. 2/'S 
 
 people'fef Greece, finding their error in thrufting them-, 
 felves into every quarrel, abandoned all attention to fo- 
 reign affairs ; and in no conteft ever took party on either 
 fide, except by their flatteries and complaifance to the 
 vicStor. 
 
 Enormous monarchies are, probably, deftruftive to hu- 
 man nature; in their progrefs, in their continuance -f-, 
 and even in their downfal, w^hich never can be very dif- 
 tant from their eftablifliment. The military genius which 
 aggrandized the monarchy, foon leaves the court, the 
 capital, and the center of fuch a government ; while the 
 wars are carried on at a great diftance, and intereft fo 
 ■fmall a part of the ftate. The antient nobility, whofe 
 affe£lions attach thpm to their fovereign, live all at court; 
 and never will accept of military employments, which 
 would carry them to remote and barbarous frontiers, 
 where they are diftant both from their pleafures and their 
 fortune. The arms of the ftate muft, therefore, be 
 trufted to mercenary ftrangers, without zeal, without 
 attachment, without honour; ready on every occafion 
 to turn them againft the prince, and join each defperate 
 malecontent, who oiFers pay and plunder. This is the 
 neceffary progrefs of human affairs : Thus human na- 
 ture checks itfelf in its airy elevations : Thus ambition 
 blindly labours for the deflruflion of the conqueror, of 
 his family, and of every thing near and dear to him. 
 The Bourbons, trufling to the fupport of their brave, 
 faithful, and afFedlionate nobility, would pufli their ad- 
 vantage, without referve or limitation. Thefe, while 
 fired with glory and emulation, can bear the fatigues and 
 dangers of war ; but never would fubmit to languifh in 
 the garrifons of Hungary or Lithuania, forgot at 
 
 ■f If the Roman empire was of advantage, it could only proceed from 
 this, that mankind were generally in a very diforderlj, uncivilized condition, 
 (jjsfpre its eftabliihment. 
 
 B b 4 court, 
 
376 ESSAY ylL 
 
 court, and facrificed to the intrigues of every mir^on or 
 miftrefs, who approaches the 'prince. The troops are 
 filled with Cravates and Tartars, Hussars and 
 CossACs; intermingled, perhaps, with a few foldiers 
 of fortune from the better provinces : And the melan- 
 cho'y fate of the Roman emperors, from the famecaufe, 
 is renewed over and over again, till the final dilTolution of 
 the monarchy. 
 
 ESSAY 
 
C 377 ] 
 
 ESSAY VIII. 
 
 Of Taxes. 
 
 THERE is a maxim, that prevails among thofe 
 whom in this country we call ways and means men^ 
 and who are denominated Financiers and Maltotlsrs in, 
 France, That every new tax creates a new ability In the 
 fubjeii to bear it, and that each Increafe of public burdens 
 increafes proportlonably the Indujiry of the people. This 
 maxim is of fuch a nature as is moft likely to be extreme- 
 ly abufcd ; and is fo much the more dangerous, as its 
 truth cannot be altogether denied ; but it muft be owned, 
 when kept within certain bounds, tp have fome foun- 
 dation in reafon and experience. 
 
 When a tax is laid upon commodities, which are con-» 
 fumed by the common people, the neceflary confequence 
 may feem to be, that either the poor muft retrench feme- 
 thing from their way of living, or raife their wages, fo 
 as to make the burden of the tax fall intirely upon the 
 rich. But there is a third confequence, which very often 
 follows upon taxes, viz. that the poor increafe their in- 
 duftry, perform more work, and live as well as before, 
 without demanding more for their labour. Where taxes 
 are moderate, are laid on gradually, and gfFedl not the 
 neceflaries of life, this confequence naturally follows ; 
 and 'tis certain, that fuch difficulties often ferve to ex- 
 cite the induftry of a people, and render them more opu- 
 lent and laborious, than others, who enjoy the greateft 
 advantages. For we may obferve, as a parallel inftance, 
 that the moft commercial nations have not always pof- 
 
 fefled 
 
37S ESSAY VIII. 
 
 felTed the greateft extent of fertile land ; but, on the 
 contrary, that they have laboured under many natural dif- 
 advantages. Tyre, Athens, Carthage, Rhodes, 
 Genoa, Venice, Holland, are flrong examples to 
 this purpofe. And in all hiftory, we find only thrge in- 
 ftances of large and fertile countries, which have pof- 
 fefled much trade ; the Netherlands, England, and 
 France. The two former feem to have been allured by 
 the advantages of their maritime fituation and the necef- 
 iity they lay under of frequenting foreign ports, in order 
 to procure what their own climate refufed them. And 
 as to France, trade has come very late into that king- 
 dom, and feems to have been the effeft of refleflion and 
 obfervation in an ingenious and enterprifing people, who 
 remarked the immenfe riches acquired by fuch of the 
 neighbouring nations as cultivated navigation and com- 
 merce. 
 
 The places mentioned by Cicero *, as poflefled of the 
 greateft commerce in his time, are Alexandria, Col- 
 cHos, Tyre, Sidon, Andros, Cyprus, Famphylia, 
 Lycia,Rhodes, Chios, Byzantium, Lesbos, Smyr- 
 na, MiLETUM, Coos. All thefe, except Alexandria, 
 were either fmall iflands, or narrow territories. And 
 that city owed its trade intirely to the happinefs of its 
 fituation. 
 
 Since therefore fome natural neceflities or difadvanta- 
 ges may be thought favourable to induftry, why may not 
 artificial burdens have the fame efFeft ? Sir William 
 Temple f, we may obferve, afcribes the induftry of the 
 Dutch intirely to neceflity, proceeding from their na- 
 tural difadvantages ; and illuftrates his dodtrine by a very 
 flriking comparifon with Ireland ; " where," fays he, 
 *' by the largenefs and plenty of the foil, and fcarcity of 
 
 * Eplft, ad Att. lib, 9. ep. 11, 
 
 •}■ Account of the Nethzelanps, Chap, 6. 
 
 people, 
 
Of Taxes,' 21<^ 
 
 ** people, .all things neceffary to life are fo cheap, that 
 *' an induftrious man, by two days labour, may gain 
 *' enough to feed him the reft of the week. Which % 
 ** take to be a very plain ground of the laainefs attri- 
 «' buted to the people. For men naturally prefer eafe 
 ** before labour, and will not take pains if they can live 
 *' idle ; tho' when, by neceffity, they have been inured 
 *' to it, they cannot leave it, being grown a cuftom ne- 
 " ceffary to their health, and to their very entertain- 
 *' ment. Nor perhaps is the change harder, from con-' 
 *' ftant eafe to labour, than from conftant labour to eafe." 
 After which the author proceeds to confirm his doftrine, 
 by enumerating, as above, the places where trade has moft 
 flourifhed, in antieiit and modern time? ; and which are 
 commonly obferved to be fuch narrow confined territories, 
 as beget a neceffity for induftry. 
 
 'Tis always obferved, in years of fcarcity, if it be not 
 ejctreme, that the poor labour more, and really live bet- 
 ter, than in years of great plenty, when they indulge 
 ^hemfelves in idlenefs and riot. I have been told, by a 
 confiderable manufatSurer, that in the year 1740, when 
 bread and provifions of all kinds were very dear, hiswork- 
 pien not only made a ftiift to live, but paid debts, which 
 they had contracted in former years, that were muclj 
 more favourable and abundant *. 
 
 This dodtrine, therefore, with regard to taxes, may 
 be admitted in fome degtee : But beware of the abufe. 
 Exorbitant taxes, like extreme neceffity, deftroy induftry^ 
 by producing defpair; and even before they reach this 
 pitch, they raife the wages of the labourer and manufac- 
 turer, and heighten the price of all commodities. An 
 attentive dilinterefted legiflature, will obferve the point 
 when the emolument ceafes, and the prejudice begins : 
 jBut as the contrary character is much more commonj 
 
 f To this purpofe fee alfo Effay I, at fhe end. 
 
 >^» 
 
 m 
 
38(3 ESSAY Vlir. 
 
 'tis to be feared that taxes, all over EuiCopjE, are mul- _ 
 tiplying to fuch a degree, as will intrrety crufh all art 
 and induftry ; tho', perhaps, their firft increafe, together 
 with other circumftances, might have contributed to the 
 growth of thefe advantages. 
 
 The beft taxes are fuch as are levied upon confump- 
 tions, efpecially thofe of luxury ; becaufe fuch taxes are 
 lefs felt by the people. They feem, in fome meafure, 
 voluntary ; fince a man may chufe how far he will ufe 
 the commodity which is taxed : They are paid gradually ' 
 and infenfibly : And being confounded with the natural 
 price of the commodity, they are fcarcely perceived by 
 the confumers. Their only difadvantage is, that they 
 are expenfive in the levying. 
 
 Taxes upon pofleffions are levied without expence ; 
 but have e\fery other difadvantage. Moft ftates, howeverj^ 
 are obliged to have recourfe to them, in order to fupply 
 the deficiencies of the other. 
 
 But the moft pernicious of all taxes are thofe which 
 are arbitrary. They are commonly converted, by their 
 managementj into punilhments on induftry ; and alfo, by 
 their unavoidable inequality, are more grievous than by 
 the real burden which they irnpofe. 'Tis furprifing, 
 therefore, to fee them have' place among any civilized 
 people. 
 
 In general, all poll-taxes, even when not arbitrary, 
 which they commonly are, may be efteemed dangerous : 
 Becaufe it is fo eafy for the fovereign to add a little more, 
 and a little more, to the fufn demanded, that thefe taxes 
 are apt to become altogether oppreffive and intolerable. 
 On the other hand, a duty upon commodities checks it- 
 felf ; and a prince will foon find, that an increafe of the 
 impoft is no increafe of his revenue. It is not eafy, there- 
 fore, for a people to be altogether ruined by fuch taxes. 
 
 Hiftorians 
 
Of Taxes; gjf 
 
 Hiftorians mform us, that one of the chief caufes of 
 the deftrudtion of the RdMAN ftate, was the alteration 
 which CoNSTANTrNE introduced into the finances, by 
 fubftituting an univerfal poll-tax, in lieu of almoft all 
 the tithes, cuftoms, and excifes, which formerly com- 
 pofed tht^revenue of the empire. The people, in all the 
 pro>rinces, were fo grinded and oppreffed by the publicanSf 
 that they were glad to take refuge under the conquering 
 arms of the barbarians; whofe dominion, as they had 
 fewer neceflities, and lefs art, was found preferable to the 
 refined tyranny of the Romans. 
 
 There is a prevailing opinion, that all taxes, however 
 levied, fall upon the land at lafi:. Such an opinion may 
 be ufefulin BRITAI^, by checking the landed gentlemen, 
 in whofe hands our legiflature is chiefly lodged, and mak- 
 ing them preferve great regard for trade and induftry. 
 But I muft confefs, that this principle, tho' firft advan- 
 ced by a celebrated writer, has fo little appearance of 
 reafon, that, were it not for his authority, it had never 
 been received by any body. Every man, to be fure, is 
 defirous of pufhing off from himfclf the burden of aay 
 tax, which is impofed, and laying it upon others : But 
 as every man has the fame inclination, and is upon' the 
 defenfive; no fet of men can be fuppofed to prevail al- 
 together in this conteft. And why the landed gentleman 
 fliouldbe the viaim of the whole, and fhould not be able 
 to defend himfelf, as well as others are, I cannot readily 
 imagine. All tradefmen, indeed, would willingly prey 
 upon him, and divide him among them, if they could : 
 But this inclination they always have, tho' no taxes were 
 levied ; and the fame inethods, by which he guards againft 
 the impofition of tradefmen. before taxes, will ferve him 
 afterwards, and make them fliare the burden with him. 
 No labour in any commodities, that are exported, can 
 be very confiderably raifrd in the price, without lofing 
 4 the 
 
33ss ' ESSAY Vlir. 
 
 the foreign market ; and as fome part of almoft every 
 manufaftory is exported, this circumftance keeps the prica 
 of moft fpecies of labour nearly the fame after the impo- 
 fition of taxes. I may add, that it has this efFefl: upon 
 the whole : For were any kind of labour paid beyond its 
 proportion, all hands would flock to' it, and w^uld foon* 
 fink it to a level with the reft. 
 
 I fhall condude this fubjeft wJth obfert^ing, that wd 
 have, with regard to taxes, an inftance of what fre- 
 quently happens in political inftitutions, that the confe- 
 quences of things are diametrically oppolite to what we 
 fliould 'expeft on the firft appearance. 'Tis regarded as 
 a , fundamental maxim of the Turkish governmenti 
 That the Grand Signior, tho' abfolute mafter of the lives 
 and fortunes of each individual, has no authority to im- 
 pofe a new tax; and every Ottoman prince, who has 
 made fuch an attempt, either has been obliged to retraft, 
 or has found the fatal effeflis of his perfeverance. One 
 would imagine, that this prejudice or eftablifhed opinion 
 were the firmeft barrier in the world againft oppreflion ; 
 yet 'tis certain, that its efFeft is quite contrary. The 
 emperor, having no regular method of increafing his re- 
 venue, muft allow all the bafhaws and governors to op- 
 prefs and abufe the fubje£ts : and thefe he fqueezes after 
 their return from their government. Whereas, if he 
 could impofe a new tax, like our European princes, his 
 intereft would ^o far be united with that of his people, 
 that he v/ould immediately feel the bad effedls of thefe 
 diforderly levies of money, and would find, that a pound, 
 raifed by general impofition, would have lefs pernicious 
 efFecSs, than a {billing taken in fo unequal and arbitrary 
 a manner. 
 
 ES SAY 
 
I 3*3 J 
 
 ESSAY IX. 
 
 Of Public Credit. 
 
 IT appears to have been the common praSice of an- 
 tiquity, to make provifion, in times of peace, for 
 the neceffities of war, and to hoard up treafures before- 
 hand, as the inftruments either of conqueft or defence ; 
 without trufiing to extraordinary impofts, much lefs to 
 borrowing, in times of diforder and confufion. Belides 
 the immenfe fums above mentioned *, which were amaf-< 
 fed by Athens, and by the Ptolemies, and other fuc- 
 ceffors of Alexander ; we learn from Plato f, that 
 the frugal Lacedemonians had alfo coHedted a great 
 treafure ; and Arrun { and Plutarch [[ fpecify the 
 riches which Alexander got pgffeffion of on the con- 
 queft of SusA and Ecbatana, and which were re- 
 ferved, fome of them, from the time of Cyrus. If I 
 remember right, the fcripture alfo mentions the treafure 
 of Hezekiah and the Jewish princes ; as profane hif- 
 tory does that of Philip and Perseus, kings of Ma- 
 CEDON. The ancient republics of Gaul had commoa- 
 ]y large fums in referve §. Every one knows the trea- 
 fure feized in Rome by Julius Cjesar, during the civil 
 
 • Eflay V. f A1.CI8. I. t Lib. 3, 
 
 II PiWT, iti vita Alex. He makes thefe treasures amount to 8o,qoo ta- 
 lents, or about 15 millions fterl.' Quintus Curtius (Lib. 5. Cap. i.) 
 fays, that Alexander found in Susa above 50,000 talents, 
 § Steaeo, Lib, 4. 
 
 wars J 
 
384 ESSAY IX. 
 
 wars; and we find afterwards, that the wifer emperors, 
 Augustus, Tiberius, Vespasian, Severus, i^c. al- 
 ways difcovered the prudent forefight, of faving great 
 fums againft any public exigency. 
 
 On the contrary, our modern expedient, which has 
 become very general, is to mortgage thf public revenues, 
 and to truft that pofterity, during peace, will ^y offtne 
 incumbrances contracted during the preceding war ^ And 
 they, having before their eyes, fo good an example of 
 their wife fathers, have the farne prudent reliance on thqir 
 pofterity ; who, at laft, from neceflity more than choice, 
 are obliged to place the fame confidence in a new pofte- 
 rity. But not to wafte time in declaiming againft a prac- 
 tice which appears ruinous, beyond the evidence of 'an 
 hundred demonftrations j it feems pretty apparent, that 
 the antient maxims are, in this refpeft, much more pru- 
 dent than the modern ; even thp' the latter had been con- 
 fined within fome reafonable bounds, and -had ever, in 
 any one inftance, been attended with fuch frugality, in 
 time of peace, as to difcharge the debts incurred by an 
 cxperifive war. For why fhould the cafe be fo very dif- 
 ferent between the public and an individual, as to make 
 us eftablifh fuch different maxims of conduft for each ? 
 If the funds of the former be greater, its neceflary ex- 
 pences are proportionably larger; if its refources be more 
 numerous, they are not infinite ; and as its frame fhould 
 be calculated for a much longer duration, than the date 
 of a fingle life, or even of a family, it ftiould embrace 
 maxims, large, durable, and generous, agreeable to the 
 fuppofed extent of its exiftence. To truft to chances 
 and temporary expedients, is, indeed, what the neceffity 
 of human affairs frequently reduces us to; but whoever 
 voluntarily depend on fuch refourxes, have not neceffity, 
 but their own folly, to acCufe for their misfortunes, when 
 any fuch befal them. 
 
Of Public Gredit. '385 
 
 If the abufes of treafures be dangerousj either by en- 
 gaging the ftate in rafli enterprizes, or making it negle£l 
 military difcipline, in confidence of its riches ; the abufes 
 4Df mortgaging are more certain and inevitable ; pov&rty, 
 impotence, and fubjeiSiion to foireign powers. 
 
 According to modern policy, war is attepded with 
 every deftru6tive circumftance ; lofs of men, increafe of 
 taxes, decay of commerce, diffipation of money, devaf- 
 tation by fea and laud. According to ancient maxim'', 
 the opening of the public treafure, as it produced an un- 
 common affluence of gold and fil\'er, ferved as a tempo- 
 rary encouragement to induftry, and attoned, in fome 
 degree, for the inevitable calamities of war. 
 
 What then flrall vlre fay to the new paradox, That pub- 
 lic incumbrances are, of themfelves, advantageous, in- 
 dependent of the neceflity of contracting them ; and that 
 any ftate, even though it were not prefTed by a foreign 
 enemy, could not poffibly have embraced a wifer expe- 
 dient for promoting commerce and riches, than to create 
 funds, and debts, and taxes, without limitation ? Dif- 
 courfes, fuch as thefe, might naturally have pafled for 
 trials of wit among rhetoricians, like the panegyrics on 
 folly and a fever, on BusiRis and NEROi had we not 
 feen fuch abfurd maxims patronized by great minifteis, 
 and by a w'hole party among us. And thefe puzzling 
 argumeilts, (fftr they deferve not the name of fpecious) 
 though they could not be the foundation of Lord Or- 
 tORD's condua, for he had more fenfe ; ferved at leaft 
 to keep his partizans in coimtenance, and perplex the 
 iinderftanding of the nation. 
 
 Let lis examine the cor/equences of public debts, both 
 in our domellic management, by th-ir i:ifiuence on com- 
 
 VoL. L Go- merce 
 
386 E S S A Y IX. 
 
 merce and induftry ; and in our foreigit tranfaftions, by 
 their eiFeS on wars and negotiations. 
 
 There is a word, which is here in the mouth of every 
 body, and which, I find, has alfo got abroad, and is 
 much employed by foreign writers t, in imitation of the 
 E^fGLISH; and this is, circulation. This word 
 ferves as an account of every thing ; and though I con- 
 fefs, that I have fought for its meaning in the prefent 
 fubjeQ, ever fince I was a fchool-boy, I have never yet 
 been able to difcover it. What poflible advantage is there 
 which the nation can reap by the eafy transference of 
 ftock from hand to hand ? Or is there any parallel to be 
 drawn from the circulation of other commodities, to that 
 of chequer-notes and India bonds ? Where a manu- 
 fadlurer- has a quick fale of bis goods to the merchant, 
 the merchant to the fhopkeeper, the fhopkeeper to his 
 cuftomers ; this enlivens induftry, and gives new en- 
 couragement to the firft dealer or the manufafturer and 
 all his tradefmen, and makes them produce more and 
 better commodities of the fame fpecies. A ftagnation is 
 here pernicious, wherever it happens ; becaufe it operates 
 backwards, and flops or benumbs the induftrious hand 
 in its produiSiion of what is ufeful to human life. But 
 what production we owe to Change-alley, or even 
 what confumption, except that of cofFee, and pen, ink, 
 and paper, I have not yet learned ; nor can one forefee 
 the lofs or decay of any one beneficial commerce or com- 
 modity, though that place and all its inhabitants were for 
 ever buried in the ocean. 
 
 But though this term has never been explained by 
 thofe who infift fo much on the advantages that refult 
 
 f Melon, DuTot, Law, in the pamphlets publlflied in Fhance. 
 
 from 
 
Of P U 2 i I C C R E D I T. 387 
 
 from- a circulation, there feems, however, to be feme 
 benefit of a fimilar kind, arifing from our incuilibrances : 
 As indeed, what human evil is there, which is not at- 
 tended with fome advantage ? This we ihall endeavour to 
 explain, that we may eftimate the weight which we 
 ought to allow it. 
 
 Public fecurities ate with us become a kind of money-j 
 and pafs as readily at the current price as gold or filver. 
 Wherever any profitable Undertaking offers itfelf, how- 
 ever expenfive, there are never wanting hands enough to 
 embrace it ; nor neied a trader, who has fums in the pub- 
 lic ftocks, fear to launch out into the moft extenfive 
 trade ; fince he is poflefled of funds, which will anfwer 
 the moft fudden demand that can be made upon him. 
 No merchant thiilks it neceflary to keep by him any 
 confiderable cafh. Bank-ftock, or India-^bonds, efpecial- 
 ly the latter, ferve all the fame purpofes ; becaufe he can 
 difpofe of them, or pledge them to a banker, in a quarter 
 of an hour; and at the fame time they are not idle, even 
 when in his fcritoire, but bring him in a conftant reve- 
 nue. In (hort^ our national debts turnifli merchants 
 with a fpecies of money, that is continually multiply- 
 ing in their hands, and produces fure gain, befides the 
 profits of their commerce. This muft enable them to 
 trade upon lefs profit. The fmfall profit of the merchant 
 renders the commodity cheaper, caufes a greater con- 
 fumption, quickens the labour of the common people j 
 and helps to fpread arts and induftry through the whole 
 fociety. 
 
 There are alfo, we may obferve, in England, and 
 in all Hates, which have both commerce and public debts, 
 a fet of men, who are half merchants, half ftock-holders^ 
 and may be fuppofed willing to trade tor fmall profits ; 
 becaufe commerce, is not their principal or fole fupport, 
 and their revenues in the funds are a fure refource for 
 C c 2 tbem-i 
 
388 E S S A Y IX. 
 
 themfelves and their families. Were there no funds, 
 great merchants would have no expedient for reahzing 
 or fecuring any part of their profit, but by making puf- 
 chafes of land ; and land has many difadvantages in com- 
 parifon of funds. Requiring more care and infpedlion, 
 it divides the time and attention of the merchant ; upon 
 any tempting offer or extraordinary accident in trade, 
 it is not fo eafily converted into money ; and as it atfcrads 
 too much, both by the many natural pleafures it affordsj 
 and the authority it gives, it loon converts the citizen into 
 the country gentleman. More men, therefore, with large 
 flocks and incomes, may naturally be fuppofed to con- 
 tinue in trade, where there are public debts: and this, 
 it muft be owned, is of fome advantage to commerce, 
 by diminiHiing its profits, promoting circulation, and 
 encouraging induftry. 
 
 But, in oppofition to thefe two favourable circum- 
 ftances, perhaps of no very great importance, weigh the 
 many difadvantages which attend our public debts, in the 
 whole interior oeconomy of the ftate : You will find no 
 comparifon between the ill and the good which refult 
 from them. 
 
 Firjl, 'Tis certain, that national debts caufe a migJity 
 confluence of people and riches to the capital, by the 
 great fums which are levied in the provinces to pay the 
 intereft of thofe debts ; and perhaps, too, by the advan- 
 tages in trade above mentioned, which they give the 
 merchants in the capital above the reft of the kingdom. 
 The queftion is. Whether, in our cafe, it be for the 
 public intereft, that fo many privileges fliould be con- 
 ferred on London, which has already arrived at fuch an 
 enormous fize, and feems ftill encreafing ? Some men 
 are apprehenfive of the confequences. For my part, I 
 cannot forbear thinking, that tho' the head is undoubt- 
 edly 
 
Of P u B L L c Credit. 389 
 
 cdly too big for the body, yet that great city is fo hap- 
 pily iituated, that its exceffive bulk caufes lefs inconve- 
 nience than even a fmaller capital to a greater kingdom. 
 There is more difference between the prices of all pro- 
 vifions in Paris and Languedoc, than between thofe 
 in London and Yorkshire. 
 
 Secondly, Public ftocks, being a kind of paper-credit, 
 have all the difadvantages attending that fpecies of money. 
 They banifh gold and filver from the moft confiderable 
 commerce of the ftate, reduce them to common circu- 
 lation, and by that means render all provifions and la- 
 bour dearer than otherwife they would be. 
 
 Thirdly, The taxes which are levied to pay the inte- 
 refts of thefe debts, are apt to he a check upon induftry, 
 to heighten the price of labour., and to b^ an oppreffion 
 on the poorer fort. 
 
 Fourthly, As foreigners poffefs a fliare of our national 
 funds, they render the public, in a manner, tributary to 
 them, and may in time occafion the tranfport of our 
 people and our induftry. 
 
 Fifthly, The greateft part of public ftock being always 
 in the hands of idle people, who live on their revenue, 
 our funds give great encouragement to an ufelefs and in- 
 adive life. 
 
 But tho' the injury which arifes to commerce and in- 
 duftry from our public funds, will appear, upon balanc- 
 ing the whole, very confiderable, it is trivial, in com- 
 parifon of the prejudice which refults to the ftate con- 
 fidered as a body politic, 'which muft fupport itfelf in the 
 fociety of nations, and have various tranfaftions with 
 ether ftat-es, in wars and negotiations. The ill, thero^ 
 is pure and unmixed, without any favourable cireumftance 
 to atone for it ; and 'tis an ill too of a nature the high- 
 eft and naoft important, 
 
 C c 3 We 
 
'39» 
 
 ESSAY IX. 
 
 We have, indeed, been told, that the public is no 
 weaker upon account of its debts ; fince they are moftly 
 due among ourfelves, and bring as much property to one 
 ■ as they taH:e from another. 'Tis like transferring money 
 from the right hand to the left ; which leaves the perfon- 
 neither richer nor poorer than before. Such loofe rea- 
 fonings and fpeciouscomparifons will always pafs, where 
 we judge not upon principles. I afk, Is it poffible, iri 
 the nature of things, to overburthen a nation with 
 taxes, even where the fovereign refides among them ? 
 The very doubt feems extravagant ; fince 'tis requifite 
 in every commonwealth, that there be a certain pro- 
 portion obferved between the laborious and the idle part 
 of it. But if all our prefent taxes be mortgaged, muft 
 we not invent new ones ? And may not this matter be 
 carried to a length that is ruinous and deftruftive ? 
 
 In every nation, there are always fome methods of 
 levying money more eafy than others, agreeable to the 
 way of living of the people, and the commodities they 
 mafee ufe of. In Britain, the excifes upon malt and 
 beer afford a very large revenue ; becaufe the operations 
 of malting and brewing are very tedious, and are impof- 
 flble to be concealed ; and at the fame tirhe, thefe com- 
 modities are not fo abfolutely neceflary to life, as that 
 the raifing their price would very much affeft the poorer 
 fort. Thefe taxes being all mortgaged, what difficulty 
 to find new ones ! what Vexation and ruin of the poor ! 
 
 Duties upon confumptions are more equal and eafy 
 than thofe upon pofleffions. What a lofs to the public, 
 that the former are all exhaufted, and that we muft have 
 recourfe to the more grievous method of levying taxes ! 
 
 Were all the proprietors of land only ftewards to th© 
 public, muft not neceffity force them to praftife all the 
 art;s of opprpffion ufed by ftewards, wliere the abfence or 
 
Of P IJ B t I C, C K. E D X-T. 
 
 39 i 
 
 Oegligence of, the proprietor render them fecure againft 
 enquiry ? 
 
 It will fcarce be aflerted, that no bounds ought ever 
 to be fet to national debts ; and that the public would be 
 no weaker, were twelve or fifteen fhillings in the pound, 
 land-tax, mortgaged, with all the prefent cuftoms and 
 excifes. There is fomething therefore in the cafe, befide 
 the mere transferring of property from one hand to an- 
 other. In 500 years, the pofterity of thofe now in the 
 coaches, and of thofe upon the boxes, will probably have 
 changed places, without afFeding the public by thefe re- 
 volutions. 
 
 Suppofe the public once fairly brought to that condi- 
 tion, to which it is haftening with fuch amazing rapi- 
 dity ; fuppofe the land to be taxed eighteen or nineteen 
 fhillings in the pound ; for it can never bear the whole 
 twenty : fuppofe all the excifes and cuftoms to be fcrewed 
 up to the outmoft which the nation can bear, without 
 entirely loling its commerce and induftry ; and fuppofe 
 that all thofe funds are mortgaged to perpetuity, and that 
 the invention and wit of all our proje£tors can find no 
 new impofition which may ferve as the foundation of a 
 new loan ; and let us confider the neceflary confe- 
 quences of this fituation. Tho' the imperfe(Sl ftate of 
 our political kpowlege, and the narrow capacities of men 
 make it difEcult to foretel the efFe£ls which will refult 
 from any untried meafure, the feeds of ruin are here 
 fcattered with fuch profufion as not to efcape the eye of 
 the moft carekfs obferver. . 
 
 In this unnatural ftate of fociety, the only perfons who 
 poflefs any revenue, beyond the immediate efFe£ls of their 
 induftry, are the ftock-holders, who draw almoft all the 
 rent of the land and houfes, befides the produce of all the 
 cuftoms and excifes. Thefe are men, who have no con- 
 nexions in the ftate, who can enjoy their revenue in any 
 C c 4 part 
 
3§2 E S S A Y IX. 
 
 part of ithe world in which they choofe to refide, who 
 will naturally bury themfelves in the capital, or in' 
 great cities, and who will fink into the lethargy of a ftu- 
 pid and pampered luxury, without fpirit, ambition, or 
 enjoyment. Adieu to all ideas of nobility, gentry, and 
 family. The flocks can be transferred in an inftant, and 
 being iri fuch a fluiStuating ftate, will feldom be tranf- 
 mittcd during three generations from father to fon. Or 
 were they to remain ever fo long in one family, they 
 convey no hereditary authority or credit to the pofleflbrs ; 
 and by this means, the feveral rariks of men, which form 
 a kind of independant magiftracy in a ftate, inftituted by 
 the hand of nature, are entirely loft ; and every man in 
 authority derives his influence from the commiflion alone 
 of the fovereign. No expedient remains for preventing 
 or fuppreflina; infurreftions, but mercenary armies : No 
 expedient at all remains for refifting tyranny : Eleftions 
 , are fway'd by bribery and corruption alone : And the 
 middle power between king and people being totally re-r 
 moved, a horrible defpotifm muft infallibly prevail. The 
 land- holder?, defpifed for their poverty, and hated for 
 their oppreflions, will be utterly unable to make any opr 
 pofition to it. 
 
 Tho' a, refolution fliould be formed by the legiflature 
 never to impofe any tax which hurts commerce and dif- 
 courages induftry, it will be impoflible for men, in fub- 
 je£ls of fuch extreme delicacy, to reafon fo juftly as never 
 to be miftaken, or amidft difficulties fo urgent, never to 
 be feduced from their refolution. The continual fluc- 
 tuations in commerce require continual alterations in the 
 nature of the taxes ; which expofes the legiflature every 
 moment to the danger both of wilful and involuntary 
 error. And any great blow given to trade, whether by 
 injudicious taxes or by other accidents, throws the whol? 
 fyftem of the government into confufion. 
 
 But 
 
Of , P u B 1 1 c Credit. 393 
 
 But what expedient is the public now tp fall upon, 
 even fuppofing trade to continue in the moft flourifliing 
 condition, to fupport its foreign wars and enterprizes, 
 and to defend its own honour and interefts or thofe of its 
 allies ? I do not afk how the public is to exert fuch a pro- 
 digious power as it has maintained during our late wars j 
 where ive have fo much exceeded, not only our own na- 
 tural ftrength, but even that of the greateft empires. This 
 extravagance is the abufe complained of, as the fource of 
 all the dangers to which we are at prefent expofed. But 
 fince we muft ftill fuppofe great commerce and opulence 
 to remain, even after every fund is mortgaged i thofe 
 riches piuft be defended by proportionable power, and 
 whence is the public to derive the revenue which fup- 
 ports it? It muft plainly be from a continual taxation of 
 the annuitants, or which is the fame thing, from mort- 
 gaging anew, on every exigency, a certain part of their 
 annuity ; and thus making them contribute to their own 
 defence, and to that of the nation. But the diiBculties, 
 attending this fyftem of policy, will eafily appear, whe- 
 ther we fuppofe the king to have become abfolute mafter, 
 or to be ftill controuled by national councils, in which 
 the annuitants themfelves muft jieceflarily bear the prin- 
 cipal fway. 
 
 If the prince has become abfolute, as may naturally 
 be expedled from this fituation of affairs, it is fo eafy for 
 him to encreafe his exaftions upon the annuitants, which 
 amount only to the retaining money in his own hands, 
 that this fpecies of property will foon lofe all its cre- 
 dit, and the whole income of every individual in the 
 ftate muft lie entirely at the mercy of the fovereign : A 
 degree of dpfpotifm which no oriental monarchy has ever 
 yet attained. If, on the contrary, the confent of the 
 annuitants be requifite for every taxation, they will 
 never be perfuaded to contribute fufficiently even to the 
 fupport of government ; as the diminution of their re- 
 venue 
 
39+ 
 
 ESSAY IX. 
 
 venue muft in that cafe be very fenfible, would not be 
 difguifed under the appearance of a branch of excife or 
 cuftonis, and would not be fliared by any other order of 
 the ftate, who are already fuppofed to be taxed to the 
 utmoft. There are inftances, in fome republics, of a 
 hundredth penny, and fometimes of the fiftieth, being 
 given to the fupport of the ftate ; but this is always an 
 extraordinary exertion of power, and can never become 
 the foundation of a conftant national defence. We have 
 always found, where a government has mortgaged all its 
 revenues, that it neceflarily finks into a ftate of languor, 
 inaftivity and impotence. 
 
 .Such are the inconveniencies, which' may reafonably 
 be forefeen, of this fituation, to which Great Britain 
 is vifihly tending. Not to mention, the numberlefs in- 
 conveniences, which cannot be forefeen, and which muft 
 refult from fo monftrous a fituation as that of making 
 the public the fole proprietor of land, befides invefting 
 it with every branch of cuftoms and excife, which the 
 fertile imagination of minifters and projedors have been 
 able to invent. 
 
 I muft confefs, that there is a ftrange fupinenefs, from 
 long cuftom, crept into all ranks of men, with regard to 
 public debts, not unlike what divines fo vehemently com- 
 plain of with regard to their religious doftrines. We 
 all own, that the moft fanguine imagination cannot 
 hope, either that this or any future miniftry will be pof- 
 fefled of fuch rigid and fteady frugality, as to make any 
 confiderable progrefs in the payment of our debts ; or that 
 the fituation of foreign afFairs will, for any long time, 
 allow them leifure and tranquillity for fuch an under- 
 taking!. What thm' is to become of us? Were we ever 
 
 fo 
 
 t In times of peace and lecurity, when alone it Is pofljble to pay debt, 
 the monied intereft are averfe to receive partial payments, whicli they know 
 not how to difpofe of to advantage ; and the landed intereft arc averfe to con- 
 tinue 
 
Of PuBt ic Cr E D I T. 395 
 
 fo good Cbrifllans, and ever fo refigned to Providence ; 
 tbis, methinks, were a curious q-ueftion, even confidered 
 as a fpeculative ottej an^ What it might not be altogether 
 impoffible to form fome conje<Stural felution of. The 
 events here will depend little upon the dotitingencies of 
 battles, ri^otiations, in-trigues and faSlions. There 
 fcemsto be a natural progfefs of things, which may guide 
 our reafcning. As it would have required but a moderate 
 Ihare of prudence, when we firft began this practice of 
 mortgaging, to have foretoM, from the nature of men 
 and of minifirers, that things would neceffarily be carried 
 to the length we fee ; fo now, that they have at laft hap- 
 pily reached it, it may not be difficult to guefs at the 
 confequences. It muft, indeed, be one of thefe two 
 events ; either the nation muft deftroy public credit, or 
 public credit will defiroy the nation. 'Tis impoffible they 
 can both fubfift, after the manner they have been hither-» 
 to managed, in this, as well as in fome other nations. 
 
 There was, indeed, a fcheme for the payment of our 
 debts, which was propofed by an excellent citizen, Mr, 
 Hutchinson, above thirty years ago, and which was 
 much approved of by fome men of fenfe, but never was 
 liicely to take efFe^. He afferted, that there was a fal- 
 lacy in imagining that the public owed this debt ; for 
 that really every individual owed a proportional fhare of 
 it, and paid, in his taxes, a proportional fliare of 
 fhe intereft, befide the expences of levying thefe taxes. 
 Had we not better, then, fays he, make a proportional 
 diftribution of the debt among us, and each of us con- 
 tribute a fum fuitable to his property, and by that means 
 
 ?inue the taxes requifite for that purpofe. Why therefore fliould a minifter 
 perfevere in a noeafure ib difagreeable to all parties ? For the fake^ I fuppoie^ 
 of a pofterity, which he will never fee, or of a few reafonable refle£ling 
 people, whofe united intereft, perhaps, will not te able to (ecure him the 
 fmalleft burrough in England. 'Tis not likely ve ihall ever find any mi- 
 jlifter fo bad a politician. With regard to thefe narrow deftruflive maxims 
 ef politics, all miniflers are expert eqoupli. 
 
 dif- 
 
396 ESSAY TX. 
 
 difcharge at once all our funds and public mortgages ? 
 He feems not to have confidered, that the laborious poor 
 pay a confiderable part of the taxes by their annual con- 
 fumptions, tho' they could not advance, at once, a pro- 
 portional part of the fum required. Not to mention, 
 that property in money and ftock in trade might eafily 
 be concealed or difguifed ; and that vifible property in 
 lands and houfes vrould really at laft anfwer for the 
 whole : An inequality and oppreiEon which never would 
 be fubmitted to. But tho' this projeft is never likely to 
 take place; 'tis not altogether improbable, that when the 
 nation become heartily fick of their debts, and are cruel- 
 ' ]y opprefTed by them, fome daring projeftor may arife 
 with vifionary fchemes for their difcharge. And as pub- 
 lic credit will begin, by that time, to be a little frail, the 
 leaft touch will deftroy it, as happened in France ; and 
 in this manner it will die of the doSior *. 
 
 ' But 'tis more probable, that the breach of national 
 faith will be the neceffary efFeit of wars, defeats, misfor- 
 tunes, and public calamities, or even perhaps of viftories 
 and conquefts. I muft confefs, when I fee princes and 
 Hates fighting and quarrelling, amidft their debts, funds, 
 and public mortgages, it always brings to my mind a 
 match of cudgel-playing fought in a China fhop. How 
 
 • Some neighbouring dates praftife an eafy expedient, by which they 
 lighten their public debts. The French have a cuftom (as the Romans 
 formerly had) of augmenting their money} and this the nation has been 
 fo much familiarized to, that it hurts not public credit, tho* it be really 
 cutting off at once, by an ediil, fo much of their debts. The Dutch di- 
 minilh the intereft, without the confent of their creditors; or, which is the 
 fame thing, they arbitrarily tax the funds as well as other property. Could 
 we praftife either of thefe methods, we need never be opprefled by the na- ' 
 tional debt ; and 'tis not impollible but one of thefe, or fome other method, 
 may, at all adventures, be tried, on the augmentation of our incumbrances 
 and difficulties. But people in this country are fo good reafoners upon what- 
 ever regards their intereft, that fuch a praflice will deceive no body; and, 
 public credit will probably tumble at once by fo dangerous a triaf, 
 
 can 
 
Of Public Credit. 
 
 397 
 
 can it be expefted, that fovereigns will fpare a fpecies of 
 property, which is pernicious to themfelves and to the 
 public, when they have fo little compaflion on lives and 
 properties, which are ufeful to both ? Let the time come 
 (and furely it will come) when the new funds, created 
 for the exigencies of the year, are not fubfcribed to, and 
 raife not the money projeded. Su'ppofe, either that the 
 cafli of the nation is exhaufted j or that our faith, which 
 has been hitherto fo ample, begins to fail us. Suppofe, 
 that, in this diftrefs, the nation is threatened with an 
 invafion ; a rebellion is fufpe£led or broke out at home ; 
 a fquadron cannot be equipped for want of pay, victuals, 
 or repairs ; or even a foreign fubfidy cannot be advanced. 
 What muft a prince or minifter do in fuch an emer- 
 gence ? The right of felf-prefervation is unalienable in 
 every individual, much more in every community. And 
 the folly of our ftatefmen muft then be greater than the 
 folly of thofe who firft contradted debt, or, what is more, 
 than that of thofe who trufted, or continue to truft this 
 fecurity, if thefe ftatefmen have the means of fafety in 
 their hands, and do not employ them. The funds, 
 created and mortgaged, will, by that time, bring in a 
 large yearly revenue, fufficient for the defence and fecu- 
 rity of the nation : Money is perhaps lying in the ex^ 
 chequer, ready for the difcharge of the quarterly intereft : 
 Neceffity calls, fear urges, reafon exhorts, compaflion 
 alone exclaims : The money will immediately be feized 
 for the current fervice, under the moft folemn protefta- 
 tions, perhaps, of being immediately replaced. But no 
 more is requillte. The whole fabric, already tottering, 
 falls to the ground, and buries thoufands in its ruins. 
 And this, I think, may be called the natural death of pu- 
 blic credit : For to this period it tends as naturally as an 
 animal body to its diflblution and deftru6tion *. 
 
 Thefe 
 
 • So great dupes are the generality of mankind, that, notwithilanijing 
 fuch a violent Jhock to public credit, as a voluntary bankruptcy in Eng- 
 
 XANO 
 
398 ESSAY IX. 
 
 Thefe two events, fuppofed above, are calamitous^ 
 but not the moft calamitous. Thoufands are hereby fa- 
 crificed to the fafety of millions. But we are not witb' 
 out danger, that the contrary tvent may take place, and 
 that millions may be facrificed for ever to the temporary 
 fafety of thoufands f- Oui popular government, per- 
 haps, will render it difEcult or dangerous for a miniftei' 
 
 to 
 
 lAND would occalion, it would not probably be long, ere credit would again 
 revive in as flourilhing a condition as before. The prefent king of Fk anci# 
 during the late war, borrowed money at lower intereft than ever his grand- 
 father did ; and as low as the British parliament, comparing the natural 
 rate of intereft in both kingdoms. And tho' men are commonly more go- 
 verned by what they have feen, than by what they forefee, with whatevefi' 
 certainty ; yet promifes, proteftations, fair appearances, with the allure- 
 ments of prefent intereft, have fuch powerful influence as few are able to re- 
 fift. Mankind arc, in all ages, caught by the fame baits ; The fame tricks, 
 played over and over again, flill trepan tbeih. The heights of popularity and 
 patriotifm are ftill the beaten road to power and tyranny; flattery to treach-' 
 ery; ftanding armies to arbitrary government ; and the glory of God to the 
 temporal intereft of the clergy. The fear of an everlafting deftruSion of 
 credit, allowing it to be an evil, is a needlefs bugbear. A prudent man, ini 
 reality, would rather lend to the public immediately after they had taken 
 a fpunge to their debts, than at prefent ; as mnch as an opulent knave, even 
 tho' one could not force him to pay, is a preferable debtor to an hnneft 
 bankrupt : For the former, in order to carry on bufiniifs, may find it his 
 intereft to difcharge his debts, where they are not exorbitant : The latte^ 
 has it not in his power. The reafoning of Tacitus, Hift. lit. 3. as it is 
 eternally true, is very applicable to our prefent cafe. Scdvulgus ad magnitU'^ 
 dimtn heiiejiciorum aderat : Stultijjimui quijque pecutiils mercabatur : Apud fa- 
 pieitss cajfa hahebavtUTf tjua ne^us d^ri neque auipi, falva republicBy pttie* 
 rant. The public is a debtor, whom Jio man can oblige to pay. The only 
 check which the creditors have on it, is the intereft of preferving credit; an 
 intereft, which may eafily be overbalanced by a very great debt, «nd by a 
 difGcult and extraordinary emergence, even fuppofing that credit irrecoverable. 
 Not to mention, that a prefent neceflity often forces ftates into meafutes; 
 which are, ftriftly fpeaking, againft tlieir intereft. 
 
 -|- I have heard it has been computed, that all the creditors of the public, 
 natives and foreigners, amount only to 17,0c o. Thefe make a figure M 
 prefent on their income ; but, in cafe of a public bankruptcy, would, in an 
 inftant, become the loweft, as well as the moft wretched of the people* 
 The dignity and authority of the landed gentry and nobility Is much better 
 
 rooted; 
 
Of PuBiic Credit. 
 
 399 
 
 to venture on fo defperatc an expedient, as that of a vo- 
 luntary bankruptqr. And tho* the houfe of Lords be al- 
 together compofed of the proprietors of lands, and the 
 houfe of Commons chiefly ; and confequently neither of 
 them can be fuppofed to have great property in the funds : 
 Yet the connections of the members may be fo great 
 with the proprietors, as to render them more tenacious 
 of public faith, jhan prudence, policy, or even juftice, 
 ftriftly fpeaking, requires. And perhaps, too, our fo-i 
 reign enemies, or rather enemy (for we have but one to 
 dread) may be fo politic as to difcover, that our fafety 
 lies in defpair, and' may not, therefore, fliow the dan- 
 ger, open and barefaced, till it be inevitable. The ba- 
 lance of power in Europe, our grandfathers, our fa- 
 thers, and we, have all juftly efteemed too unequal to be 
 preferved vvithout our attention and affiftance. But our 
 children, weary with the ftruggle, and fettered with in- 
 cumbrances, may fit down fecure, and fee their neigh- 
 bours opprefled and conquered ; till, at laft, they them- 
 felves and their creditors lie both at the mercy of the 
 conqueror. And this may properly enough be denomi- 
 nated the violent death of our public credit. 
 
 Thefe feem to be the events which are not very re- 
 mote, and which reafon forefees as clearly almoft as fhe 
 can do any thing that lies in the womb of time. And 
 tho' the antients maintained that, in order to reach' the 
 gift of prophecy, a certain divine fury or madnefs was 
 
 rooted ; and would render the contention very unequal i if ever we come to 
 that extremity. One would incline to afiign to this event a very near pe- 
 riod, fuch as half a century, had not our fathers' prophecies of this kind 
 been already found fallacious, by the duration of our public credit, fo much^ 
 beyond all reafonable ex{>eclation. When the aftrologers in France were 
 every year foretelling the death of Henrt IV. Thefe fellows, fays he, mufi 
 ie right at lajt. We Ihall, therefore, be more cautious than to allign any 
 precife date'j and Ihall content ourfclves with pointing out vhe event in ge- 
 neral. 
 
 re- 
 
40O E S S A Y , IX. 
 
 requifite, one may fafely affirm, that, in order to delivei* 
 fuch prophecies as thefe, no more is neceflary, than merely 
 to be in one's fenfes, free from the influence of popular 
 madnefs and delufion. 
 
 ESSAY 
 
t 401 3 
 
 ESSAY X. 
 
 Of some Remarkable Customs. 
 
 I Shall obferve three remarkable cuftoms in three ce- 
 lebrated governments ; and {hall conclude from the 
 whole, that all general maxims in politics ought to be 
 eftablifhed with great referve; and that irregular and ex- 
 traordinary appearances are frequently difcovered in the 
 moral, as well as in the phyfical world. The former, 
 perhaps, we can better accdfcnt for, after they happen, 
 from fprings and principles, of which every one has, with- 
 in himfelf, or from obvious obfervation, the ftrongeft 
 aflurance and conviftion : But it is often fully as impof- 
 fible for human prudence, beforehand, to forefee, and 
 foretel them. 
 
 I. One would think It eflential to every fupreme coun- 
 cil or aflembly, which debates, that intire liberty of 
 fpeech fliould be granted to every member, and that ail 
 motions or reafonings fliould be received, which can any 
 way tend to iliuftrate the point under deliberation. One 
 would conclude, with ftlll greater aflurance, that, after a 
 motion was made, which was voted and approved by that 
 afferably in which the legiflative power is lodged, the 
 member who made the motion muft forever be exempted 
 from farther trial or inquiry. But no political maxim 
 can, at ^^ fight, appear more undifputable, than that 
 he muft, arleaft, be fecured from all inferior jurifdit-^ion ; 
 :,nd that nothing lefs than the fame fuprenie legifiative 
 
 Vol, I. D d affijmWy, 
 
402 
 
 ESSAY X. 
 
 affembly, in their fubfequent meetings, could render him 
 accountable for thofe motions and harangues which they 
 had before approved of. But thefe axioms, however ir- 
 refragable they may appear, have all failed in the Athe- 
 nian government, fromcaufes and principles too, which 
 appear almoft inevitable. 
 
 By the ypa'pyi ■stxpxvoiauv, or indiSiment of illegalityt 
 (tho' it has not been remarked by antiquaries or commen- 
 tators) any man was tried and puniflied by any common 
 court of judicature, for any law which had paffed upon 
 his motion, in the aflembly of the people, if that law 
 appeared to the court unjuft, or prejudicial to the pvi- 
 blic. Thus Demosthenes, finding that fhip-money 
 was levied irregularly, and that the poor bore the fame 
 burden as the rich in equipping the gallies, correfted this 
 inequality by a very ufeful jaw, which proportioned the 
 expence to the revenue arid income of each individual. 
 He moved for this law in the aflembly j he proved its 
 advantages* J he convinced the people, the only legifla- 
 ture in Athens ; the law paflied, and was carried into 
 execution : And yet he was tried in a criminal court for 
 that law, upon the complaint of the rich, who refented 
 the alteration -he had introduced into the finances f . He 
 was indeed acquitted, upon proving anew the ufefulnels 
 of his law. 
 
 Ctesiphon moved in the aflembly of the people, that 
 particular honours fhould be conferred on Demosthe- 
 nes, as on a citizen affectionate and ufeful to the com- 
 monwealth : The people, convinced of this truth, voted 
 thofe honours : Yet was Ctesiphon tried by the y^Kipn 
 7nx^ci.voy.ui/. It was aflerted, among other topics, that 
 Demosthenes was not % good citizen, nor afFedionate 
 to the commonwealth : And the orator was called upon 
 
 * His harangue for it isftill extant ; arsgi XU|W|«5{i«;, 
 § Pro Ctssiphoste. 
 
 to 
 
Of SOME Remarkable Customs, ^aj 
 
 to defend his friend, and confequentljr himfelf ; which he 
 executed by that fublime piece of eloquence, that has 
 ever fince been the admiration of mankind. 
 
 After the battle of ChjerOnea, a law was pafled up- 
 on the motion of Hyperides, giving liberty to flaves, 
 and inroUing them in the troops*. On account of this 
 law, the orator was afterwards tried by the indictment 
 above mentioned, and defended himfelf, among other 
 topics, by that ftroke celebrated by Plutarch and 
 LoN'GiNus. It was not 7, faid he, that moved for this 
 law : It was the necejjities of war ; It was the battle of 
 Ch^ronea. The orations of Demosthenes abound 
 with many inftances of trials of this nature, and prove 
 clearly, that nothing was more commonly praciifed. 
 
 The Athenian Democracy was fuch a tumultuary 
 government, as we can fcaree form a notion of in the 
 prefent age of the world. The whole colle(Sive body 
 of the people voted in every law, without any limitation 
 of property, without any diftiniSion of rank, without 
 controul from, any magiftracy or fenatefj and confe- 
 quently without regard to order, juftice, or prudence. 
 The Athenians foon became fenfible of the mifchiefs 
 attending this conftitution : But being averfe to the 
 checking themfelves by any rule or* reftriftion, they re- 
 folved, at leaft, to check their demagogues or counfel- 
 lors, by the fear of future punifliment and inquiry. 
 They accordingly inftituted this remarkable law ; a law 
 efteemed fo effential to their government, that jEschi- 
 
 * PtUTARCHUS ia vita decern oratoram, Demosthenes gives a dif. 
 ferent account of this law. Centra AvilstoG trot), oral, II. He fays, That 
 its purport was, to render the rtTi,«ofr ettiti/aoi, or to reftore the privilege of 
 bearing offices to thofe who had been declared incapable. Perhaps thsfe were 
 both claufes of the fame law. 
 
 f The fenate of the Bean was only a lefs numerous ir.ob, chofea b/ lot 
 ifom among the people j and their authority was not great, 
 
 D d a KES 
 
404 
 
 ESSAY X. 
 
 NES infifts on it as a known truth, that were it aboliflied 
 or negledled, it were impoffible for the Democracy to 
 fubfift «. 
 
 The people feared not any ill confequence to liberty 
 from the authority of the criminal courts ; becaufe thefe 
 were nothing but very numerous juries, chofen by lot 
 from among the people. And they confidered themfelves 
 juftly as in a ftate of perpetual pupillage; where they 
 had an authority, after they came to the ufe of reafon, 
 not only to retrad: and controul whatever had been de- 
 termined, but to punifli any guardian for meafures which 
 they had embraced by his perfuafion. The fame law had 
 place in Thebes f ; and for the fame reafon. 
 
 It appears to have been an ufual praftice in Athens^ 
 on the eftablifhment of any law efteemed very ufeful or 
 popular, to prohibit for ever its abrogation and repeal. 
 Thus the demagogue, who diverted all the public reve- 
 nues to the fupport of fliows and fpediacles, made it cri- 
 minal fo much as to move for a repeal of this law J. 
 Thus Leptines moved for a law, not only to recal all 
 the immunities formerly granted, but to deprive the peo- 
 ple for the future of the power of granting any more {{. 
 Thus all bills of attainder 4 were forbid, or laws that 
 affecSted one Athenian, without extending to the whole 
 commonwealth. Thefe abfurd claufes, by v/hich the 
 legiflature vainly attempted to bind itfelf for ever, pro- 
 ceeded from an univerfal fenfe of the levity and incon- 
 ftancy of the people. 
 
 * In Ctesiphontem, 'Tis remarkable, that the firft ftep after the 
 liifTolution of the Democracy by CritIas and the Thirty, was to annul the 
 y^tt^ii -STrtgavo^oBV, as we learn from Demosthenes xara Ti^ox. The 
 orator in this oration gives us the words of the law, eftablifhing the y^a^v 
 'aaga-mfixv, pag. 297. ex ciit. Aldi. And he accounts for it, from the fame 
 principles we here reafon upon. 
 
 ■f- Plut. !» MM Pelop. J DzMo^r. 0/yrtb. i. a. 
 
 II Demost. contraLLfT, \. Demost. i:i;;;« Asistocratem. 
 
 ir. 
 
Of SOME Remark AfiLB CUSTOMS. 405 
 
 Jtl» A wheel within a wheel, fuch as we obferve in the 
 German empire, is confidered by Lord Shaftesbury* 
 as an abfurdity in politics : But what muft we fay to two 
 equal wheels, which govern the fame political machine, 
 without any mutual check, controul, or fubordination ; 
 and yet preferve the greateft harmony and concord ? To 
 eftablifli tvfo diftindl legiflatures, each of which poflefTes 
 fiiH and abfolute authority within itfelf, and flands in no 
 need of the other's afliftance, in order to give validity 
 to its afts ; this may appear, beforehand, altogether im- 
 prafticable, as long as men are adluated by the paflions 
 of ambition, emulation, and avarice, which have been 
 hitherto their chief governing principles. And fliould I 
 aflert, that the ftate I have in my eye was divided into 
 two diftin£l fadtions, each of which predominated in a 
 diftinft legiflature, and yet produced no claftiing in thefe 
 independent powers ; the fuppofition may appear almofl: 
 incredible. And if, to augment the paradox, I ftiould 
 affirm, that this disjointed, irregular government, was 
 the moft ajftive, triumphant, and illuftrious common- 
 wealth, that ever yet appeared on the ftage of the world j 
 I fliould certainly be told, that fuch a political chimera 
 was as abfurd a$ ^ny vifioi) of the poets. But there is no 
 liped for fearching long, in order to prove the reality of 
 the foregoing fuppofitions : For this was actually the cafe 
 with the Roman republic. 
 
 The legiflative power was there lodged in the co- 
 mi tia centuriata ••and comitia tributa. In the former, 'tis 
 well known, the people voted according to their cenfus; fo 
 that when the firftclafs was unanimous, tho' it contained 
 not, perhaps, the hundredth part of the commonwealth, 
 it determined the whole j and, with the authority of the 
 fenate, eftabliflied a law. In the latter, every vote was 
 alike; and as the authority of the fenate was not there 
 
 f Eflay on the freedom of wit and humour, part. 3. § a. 
 
 D d 3 j-equifjte 
 
4o6 E S S A Y X. 
 
 requifite, the lower people entirely prevailed, and gave law 
 to the whole ftate. In all party-divifions, at firft between 
 the Patricians and PtEBEiANS, afterwards between 
 the nobles and the people, the intereft of the Ariftocracy 
 was predominant in the firft legiflature ; that of the De- 
 mocracy in the fecond : The one could always deftroy 
 what the other had eftablifhed : Nay, the one, by a fud- 
 den and unforefeen motion, might take the ftart of the 
 other, and totally annihilate its rival, by a vote, which, 
 from the nature of the conftitution, had the full autho- 
 rity of a law. But no fuch conteft or ftruggle is obferv- 
 ed in the hiftory of Rome : No inftance of a quarrel be- 
 tween thefe two legiflatures ; though many between the 
 parties that governed in each. Whence arofe this con- 
 coid, which may feem fo extraordinary ? 
 
 The legiflature eftabliftied at Rome, by the authority 
 ofSERVius TuLLius, was the comitia c'enturiata, which, 
 after the expulfion of the kings, rendered the govern- 
 ment, for fome time, altogether ariftocratical. But the 
 people, having numbers and force on their fide,- and 
 being elated with frequent conquefts and viftories in their 
 foreign wars, always prevailed when puflied' to extre- 
 mities, and firft extorted from the fenate the magiftracy 
 of the tribunes, and then the legiflative power of the co- 
 mitia tributa. It then behoved the nobles to be more 
 careful than ever not to provoke the people. For befide 
 the force which the latter were always poffefied of, they 
 had now got poffeflion of legal authority, and could in- 
 llantly break in pieces any order or inftitution which di- 
 reiSlIy oppofed them. By intrigue, by influence, by 
 money, by combination, and by the refpcft paid their 
 charafler, the nobles might often prevail, and dire<5l the 
 whole machine of government : But had they openly 
 fet their comitia centuriata in oppofition to the tributa, they 
 had foon loft the advantage of that inftitution, together 
 ivith their confuls, pra2tors,.ediles, and all the magiftrates 
 
 elected 
 
Of SOME Remarkable Customs, 407 
 
 elefted by it. But the comitia trtbuta, not having the 
 fame reafon for refpeiSting the centuriata, frequently re- 
 pealed laws favourable to the Ariftocracy : they limited 
 the authority of the nobles, prote<fted the people from 
 oppreffipn, and conttolled the actions of the fenate and 
 magiftracy. The centuriata found it convenient always 
 to fubmit ; and tho' equal in authority, yet being in- 
 ferior in power, diirft never diredly give any fliocktothe 
 other legiflature, either by repealing its laws, or eftablifli- 
 ing laws, which, it forefaw, would foon be repealed 
 by it. 
 
 No inflance is found of any oppofition or ftruggle be- 
 tween thefe comitia ; except one flight attempt of this 
 kind, mentioned by Appian in the third book of his ci- 
 vil wars. Mark Anthony, refolving to deprive £)e- 
 ciMOs Brutus of the government of Cisalpine 
 Gaol, railed in the Forum, and called one of the co~ 
 mitia, in ordier to prevent the meeting of the other, which 
 had been ordered by the fenate. But affairs were then 
 faHen into fuch cortfufion, and the Roman conflitutioni 
 vvas fo near its final difTolution, that no inference can be 
 drawn froirf fuch an expedient. , This contefl, befides, 
 was founded more on form than party. It was the fe- 
 nate who ordered the cgmitia iriiuta, that they might ob- 
 fl:ru6l the meeting of the centuriata, which, by the con- 
 flitution, or at leafl forms of the government, could alone 
 difpofe of provinces, 
 
 Cicero was recalled by the Mzn/z/fl ««/ar/Wtf, though 
 banilhed by the trihuta, that is, by a plebifcitum. But 
 his banifhment, we may obferve, never was confidered 
 as a legal deed, arifing from the free choice and inclina- 
 tion of the people. It was always afcribed to the vio- 
 lence alone of Clodius, and to the diforders introduced 
 by him into the government. 
 
 D d 4 III. 
 
4o8 , E S S A Y X. 
 
 III. The /^V^cuftom which we prdpofed to obfervfi, 
 regards England ; and though it be not fo important as 
 thofe which we have pointed out in Athens and Rome, 
 it is no lefs fingujar and remarkable. 'Tis a maxim in 
 politics, which we readily admit as undifputed and uni- 
 verfal. That a power, however great, when granted by 
 law to ai| eminent magiftrate, is not fo dangerous to li- 
 berty, as an authority, however inconfiderable, which 
 he acquires fropi violence and ufurpation. For, befides 
 that the law always limits eve];y power which it beflsows* 
 the very receiving it as a conceflion eflablifhes the autho" 
 rity whence it is derived, and preferves the harmony of 
 the conftitution. By the fame right that one prerogative 
 Js affumed without law, another may alfo be claimed, 
 and another, with ftill greater facility j while the firft 
 ufurpations both ferve as precedents tp tl^e following, and 
 give force to maintain them, Hefice the h^roifm of 
 IIampden, who fuftaiiied the whole violence of royal 
 profecution, rather tfian pay a tax of twenty fhillings not 
 impofed by parliament; hence the care of all English 
 patriots to guard againtt the firft epcroacbments pf the 
 crown; and hence alone the ^xiftence, a^ this day, of 
 E-NGLisri liberty. 
 
 Xhere i§, hov/ever, one occafion, where the parlia- 
 ment has departed ffoqi this maxin ; and that is, in the 
 frejjing gf feamen. The ejxercife of an illegal power is 
 here tacitly permitted in the crown ; and tho' it has fre- 
 quently been under dfliberafion, hqw that power might 
 be rendered legal, and granted under proper reftriflions 
 to the fovereign, no fafe expedient could ever be pro- 
 pofed for that purpofe, and the danger to liberty al- 
 ways appeared greater from law than frpm ufurpation. 
 While this power is exercifed to no other end than to 
 man the navy, men willingly fubmit to it, from a fenfs 
 of its ufe and neceHity ; and the failors, v/ho are alone 
 7 afFcfled 
 
Of SOME Remarkable Customs. 409 
 
 affeiaed by it, find no body to fupport them, in claiming 
 the rights and privileges which the law grants, without 
 diftindtion, to all English futgeds. But were this 
 power, on any occafion, made an inftrument of fadion 
 or minifterial tyranny, the oppofite faftion, and indeed 
 all lovers of their country, would immediately take the 
 alarm, and fupport the injured party; the liberty of 
 Englishmen would be aflerted ; juries would be im- 
 placable J and the tools of tyranny, ailing both againli 
 law and equity, would meet with the fevereft vengeance. 
 On the other hand, were the parliament to grant fuch an 
 authority, they would probably fall into one of thefe 
 two inconveniencies : They would either beftow it under 
 fo many xeftridUons as would make it lofe its efFefts, by 
 cramping the authority of the crown ; or they would 
 render it fo large and comprehenfive, as might give oc- 
 cafion to great abufes, for which we could, in that cafe, 
 have no remedy. The very illegality of the power, at 
 prefent, prevents its abufes, by affording fo eafy a remedy 
 againft them. 
 
 I pretend not, by this reafoning, to exclude all pof- 
 fibility of contriving a regifter for feamen, which might 
 man the navy, without being dangerous to liberty. I 
 only obferve, that no fatisfacftory fcheme of that nature 
 has yet been propofed. Rather than adopt any projeft 
 hitherto invented, we continue a practice feemingly the 
 moft abfurd and unaccountable. Authority, in times of 
 full internal peace and concord, is armed againft law. 
 A continued and open ufurpation of the crown is per- 
 mitted, amidft the greateft jealoufy and watchfulnefs in the 
 people ; nay proceeding from thofe very principles : Li- 
 berty, in a country of the higheft liberty, is left in- 
 tirely to its own defence, without any countenance or 
 protedlion : The wild ftate of nature is renewed, in one 
 ©f the moft ciyilized focjeties of mankind : And great 
 
 vio- 
 
410 E S' S A Y X. 
 
 violences and diforders among the people, the moft hu- 
 mane and tlie bell natured, are committed with impu- 
 nity ; while the one party pleads obedience to the fu- 
 preme magiftrate, the other the fanftion of fundamental 
 laws. 
 
 ESSAY 
 
C 411 ] 
 
 ESSAY XL 
 
 Of the PopuLOusNEss of Antient 
 Nations*. 
 
 THERE is very little ground, either from reafon 
 or experience, to conclude the univerfe eternal 
 ■or incorruptible. The continual and rapid motion of 
 matter, the violent revolutions with which every part 
 is agitated, the changes remarked in the heavens, the 
 plain traces as well as tradition of an univerfal deluge ; 
 all thefe prove ftrongly the mortality of this fabric 
 of the world, and its paffage, by corruption or diflb- 
 lution, from one ftate or order to another. It 
 muft, therefore, as well as each individual form which 
 it contains, have its infancy, youth, manhood, and old 
 
 * An ingenious writer has honoured this difcourfe with an anfwer, full of 
 folitenefs, erudition, and good fenfe. So learned a refutation would have 
 made the author fufpeft, that his reafonings were entirely overthrown, had 
 he not ufed the precaution, from the beginning, to keep himfelf on the 
 fceptical fide ; and having taken this advantage of the ground, he was en- 
 abled, tho' with much inferior forces, to preferve himfelf from a total de- 
 feat. That Reverend gentleman will always find, where his antagoniA is 
 fo entrenched, that it will be difficult to force him. Vakro, in fuch a 
 (ituation, could defend himfelf againft Hannibai, Pharnaces againft 
 C/ESAR. The author, however, very willingly acknowledges, that his an- 
 tagonift has detefted many miftakes both in his authorities and reafonings ; 
 and it was owing entirely to that gentleman's indulgence, that many more 
 errors were not remarked. In this edition, advantage has been taken of his 
 learned animadverfions, and the Eflay has been rendered Icfs imperfefl than 
 formerly, 
 
 agcj 
 
412 ESSAY XI. 
 
 age; and 'tis probable, that in all thefe variations, man, 
 equally with every animal and vegetable, will partake. 
 In the flourifiiing age of the world, it may be expefled, 
 that the human fpecies fliould poffefs greater vigour both 
 of mind and body, more profperous health, higher fpi- 
 rits, longer life, and a ftronger inclination and power of 
 generation. But if the general fyftem of things, and hu- 
 man fociety of courfe, have any fuch gradual revolutions, 
 they are too flow to be difcernible in that fhort period 
 which is comprehended by hiftory and tradition. Stature 
 and force of body, length of life, even courage and ex- 
 tent of genius, feem hitherto to have been, naturally in 
 all ages, pretty much the fame. The arts and fciences, 
 indeed, have flouriflied. in one period, and have decajed 
 in another : But we may obferve, that at the time when 
 they rofe to greateft perfeiSlion among one people, they 
 ■jvere perhaps totally unknown to all the neighbouring 
 nations; and tho' they univerfally decayed in one age, 
 yet in a fucceeding generation they again revived, and 
 diiFufed themfelves over the world, As far, therefore, as 
 obfervation reaches, there is no univerfal difference dif- 
 cernible in the human fpecies ; and though it were zU 
 lowed, that the univerfe, like an animal body, had « 
 natural progrefs from infancy to old age ; yet as it muft 
 ftill be uncertain whether, at prefent, it be advancing to 
 its point of perfedtion, or declining from it, we cannot 
 thence prefuppofe any decay in human nature*. To 
 prove, therefore, or account for the greater populoufnefs 
 of antiquity, by the imaginary youth or vigour of the 
 
 * Columella fays, lib. 3. cap. 8. that in .zEgypt and Africa the 
 bearing of twins was frequent, and even cuftomary j gem'im pitrtus familiareif 
 ac pt£ne foktimsjunt. If this v;as true, there is a phyfical dltference both In 
 couniries and ages. For travellers mske no fuch remarks of thefe countries 
 at prefent. On the contrary, we are apt to fiippofe the northern nations 
 more fertile. A& thofe two countries were provinces of the Roman empifS, 
 'tis difficult, thou-ih not altogether aufurd, to fuppofe that fuch a man as 
 CcLU.MrLLA might be raifMktn with regard to them, 
 
 world, 
 
PopoLOUSNESs of Antient Nations. 413 
 
 world, will fcarce be admitted by any juft reafoner. Thefe 
 general phyjical cnuks ought, entirely to be excluded from 
 that queflion. 
 
 There are indeed fome more particular phyjical ca,ufes 
 of great imporf^nce. Difeafes are mentioned in antiqui- 
 ty, which are almoft unknown to modern medicine; and 
 new difeafes have arifen and propagated themfelves, of 
 which' there are no traces in antient hiftory. And in this; 
 particular we may obferve, upon comparifon, that the 
 difadvantage is very much on the fide of the moderns. 
 Not to mention fome others of lefs importance ; the 
 fmall-pox commits fuch ravages, as would almoft alone 
 account for the great fuperiority afcribed to antient times. 
 The tenth or the twelfth part of mankind, deftroyed 
 every generation, fhould make a vaft difference, it may 
 be thought, in the numbers of the people ; and when 
 joined to venereal diftempers, a new plague difFufed e^tty 
 where, this difeafe is perhaps equival'ent, by its conftant 
 operation, to the three great fcourges of mankind, war, 
 peftilence, and famine. Were it certain, therefore, that 
 antient times, were more populous than the prefent, and 
 could no moral caufes be aifigned for fo great a change ; 
 thefe phyfical caufes alone, in the opinion of many, would 
 be fufEcient to give us fatisfa£i:Ion on that head.. 
 
 But is it certain, that antiquity was fo • much more 
 populous as is pretended ? The extravagancies of Vos- 
 Sius, with regard to this fubjefl:, are well known. But 
 an author of much greater genius and difcerrtment has 
 ventured to affirm, that, according to the beft computa- 
 tions which thefe fubjedls will admit of, there are not 
 now, on the face of the earth, the fiftieth part of mankind, 
 which exifled in the time of Julius C^sar*. It may 
 cafily be obferved, that the comparifons, in this cafe, 
 
 * Lcflres Persakes. See aifo UEfprtldeLoix, Ih. 33. cap. 17, 'g, 19. 
 
 nuift 
 
414 ESSAY XI. 
 
 muft be very itnperfeft, even though we confine ourfelves 
 to the fcene of antient hiftory; Europe, and the nations 
 about the Mediterranean. We knovir not exaftly 
 the numbers of any European kingdom, or even city, 
 at prefent : How can we pretend to calcuV>.te thofe of an- 
 tient cities and ftates, where hiftorians have left us fuch- 
 imperfefl: traces ? For my part, the matter appears to 
 me fo uncertain, that, as I intend to throw together fome 
 reflexions on that head, I (hall intermingle the inquiry 
 concerning caufes with that concerning faUs; which 
 ought never to be admitted, where the faflis can be afcer- 
 tained with any tolerable affurance. We fliall, firji, 
 confider whether it be probable, from what we know of 
 the fituation of fociety in both periods, that antiquity 
 muft have been more populous ; fecondly, whether in 
 reality it was fo. If I can make it appear, that the con- 
 clullon is not fo certain as is pretended, in favour of an- 
 tiquity, 'tis all I afpire to. 
 
 In general, we may obferve, that the queftion with re- 
 gard to the comparative populoufnefs of ages or king- 
 doms implies very important confequences, and common- 
 ly determines concerning the preference of their whole 
 police, their manners, and the conftitution of their go- 
 vernment. For as there is in all men, both male and fe- 
 male, a defire and power of generation, more adlive than 
 is ever univerfally exerted, the reftraints which they lie 
 under, muft proceed from fome difficulties in their fitua- 
 tion, which it belongs to a wife legiflature carefully to 
 obferve and remove. Almoft every man who thinks he 
 can maintain a family will have one ; and the human 
 fpecies, at this rate of propagation, would more than 
 double every generation. How faft do mankind multi- 
 ply in every colony or new fettlement ; where it is an 
 eafy matter to provide for a family ; and where men are 
 nowife ftriutened or confined, as in long eftablilhed go- 
 vernments ? 
 
PopuLousNEss of Ancient Nations. 415, 
 
 vefnments ? Hiflory tells us frequently of plagues, which 
 have fwept away the third or fourth part of a people : 
 Yet in a generation or two, the deftrudion was not per- 
 ceived ; and the fociety had again acquired their former 
 number. The lands which were cultivated, the houfes 
 built, the commodities raifed, the riches acquired, en- 
 abled the people who efcaped, immediately to marry, and 
 to rear families, which fupplied the place of thofe who 
 had perilhed*. And for a like reafon, every wife, juft, 
 and mild government, by rendering the condition of its 
 fiibjefls eafy and fecure, will always abound moil in peo- 
 ple, as well as in commodities and riches. A country, 
 indeed, whofe climate and foil are fitted for vines, will 
 naturally be more populous than one which produces 
 only corn, and that more populous than one which is 
 only fitted for pafturage. But if every thing elfe be equal, 
 it feems natural to expeft, that where-ever there are moft 
 happinefs and virtue, and the wifeft inftitutions, there will 
 alfo be moft people. 
 
 The queftion, therefore, concerning the populoufnefs 
 of antient and modern times, being allowed of great im- 
 portance, it will be requifite, if we would bring it to 
 fome determination, to compare both the domejlic andpe- 
 litical' fituation of thefe two periods, in order to j udge of 
 the faits by their moral caufes ; which is thejir/i view in 
 which we propofed to confider them. 
 
 The chief difference between the domeji'tc oeconomy 
 of the ancients and that of the moderns confifts in the 
 praftice of flavery, which prevailed among the former, 
 
 • This too is a good reafon why the fmall-pox does not depopulate coun- 
 tries fo much as may at firft light be imagined'. Where there is room for 
 more people, they will always arife, even without the afliftance of natuj-ali- 
 zation bills. 'Tis remarked by Don Geronimo de Ustakiz, thit the 
 provinces of Spain which fend moft people to the Iwdies, are moft po- 
 pulous j v.hich proceeds from their fujierior riches, 
 
 and 
 3 
 
4i6 ESSAY Xr. 
 
 and which has been abolifhed for fome centuries through- 
 out the greateft part of Europe. Some paffionate ad- 
 mirers of the ancients, and zealous partizans of civil li- 
 berty, (for thefe fentiments, as they are both of them, 
 'in the main, extremely juft, are found to Le almoft in- 
 feparable) cannot forbear regretting the lofs of this in- 
 flitution ; and whilft they brand all fubmifllon to the 
 government of a iingle perfon with the harfh denomi- 
 nation of flavery, they would gladly reduce the greateft 
 part of mankind to real flavery and fubjeftion. But to 
 one who confiders coolly on the fubjedl, it will appear, 
 that human nature, in general, really enjoys more liberty 
 at prefent, in the moft arbitrary governments of Europe, 
 than it ever did during the moft flouriftiing period of an- 
 tient times. As much as fubmiflion to a petty prince, 
 whofe dominions extend not beyond a fmgle city, is more 
 grievous than obedience to a great monarch ; fo much is 
 domeftic flavery more cruel and oppreflive than any civil 
 fubjedion whatfoever. The more the matter is removed 
 from us in place and rank, the greater liberty we enjoy ; 
 the lefs are our adions infpedled and controled ; and the 
 fainter that cruel comparifon becomes between our own 
 fubje<3:ion, and the freedom, and even dominion of an- 
 other. The remains that are found of flavery, in the 
 American colonies, and among fome European na- 
 tions, would never furely create a defire of rendering 
 it more univerfal. The little humanity commonly ob- 
 ferved in perfons accuftomed, from their infancy, to ex- 
 ercife fo great authority over their fellow- creatures, and 
 to trample upon human nature, were fufficient alone to 
 difguft us with that authority. Nor can a more probable 
 reafon be given for the fevere, 1 might fay, barbarous, 
 manners of antient times, than the praiSice of domeftic 
 flavery ; by which e-wery man of rank was rendered -j. 
 petty tyrant, and educateJ amidft the flattery, fubmiljon, 
 and low debr.lcment of his flaves. 
 
 According! 
 
FoPULOUSNESSOfANTIENT NATIONS. 415^ 
 
 According to the antient pra£tice, all checks were on 
 the inferior, to reftrain him to the duty of fubmiffion j 
 none on the fuperior, to engage him to the reciprocal 
 duties of gentlehefs and humanity. In modern times, a 
 bad ferVant finds nol eafily a good ihafter, nor a bad ma- 
 fter a good Xervant ; and the checks are mutual, fuitable 
 to thd inviolable and eternal laws of reaibn and equity. 
 
 The cuftom of expofing old, ufelefs, or fick flaves in 
 an ifland of the Tyber,, there to ftarve, feems to have 
 been pretty common in Rome j and whoever recovered, 
 after having been fo expofed, had his liberty given him, 
 ty an edict of the emperor Ci-AUDltis; where it was 
 likewife forbid to kill any flave merely for old age or 
 fickhefs *. Bilt ftipjiofirig that this, edi6t was ftridly 
 obeyedi would it bettei: the dbmeftic treatment of flaves, 
 or render theit lives ihuch mote ddmfortable ? We niay 
 imagine what others would pradife, when it was the pro- 
 fefled maxitn of the elder Cato, to fell his fuperahnuated 
 flaves for ariy price, rather than maihtairi what he effecni- 
 ed an lifelefs burthen f. 
 
 The ergajlula, or dungeons, where flaves iri chains 
 were forced to work, were very common all over Italy; 
 Columella % advifes, that they be always built under 
 ground ; and recomniends || it as the duty of a careful 
 bverfeer, to call over every day the names of thefe flaves, 
 like the liiiiltering of a regiment or fliip's company, in 
 order to know prefently when any of them had deferted. 
 A proof of the frequency of thefe erga/lula, and of the 
 great number of flaves ufually confided in them. 
 
 A chained flave for a porter Was lifual in RoME j as ap- 
 pears from Ovid 4-> and other authors §. Had not thefe 
 
 • SffiTONlus invita Claudii. f PtoT. invitaCATOKM; 
 
 X Lib. 1. cap. 6. II Id. lib. 11. cap. i. 4- Amor. lib. 1. deg. 6; 
 
 § SvsTOH. Ji Claris rtetor. So alfo the aiili«nt poet, ^amteris tim'iti- 
 iiirtimfidmenta aujie, 
 
 Vol. I. E e pebpU 
 
i^l8 ESSAY XI. 
 
 people {hakenofF^U fenfe of compaffion towards that on- 
 happy part of their fpecies, would they have prefentcd 
 all their friends, at the firft entrance, with fuch an 
 image bf the feverity of the mafter, and mifery of the 
 flave ? 
 
 Nothing fo common in all trials, even of civil caufe;, 
 as to call for the evidence of Haves ; which was always 
 extorted by the moft exquifite torments. Demosthenes 
 fays *, that where it was poffible to produce, for the fame 
 fafl, either freemen or flaves as witneiTes, the judges al- 
 ways preferred the toi^turing of flaves, as a more certain 
 and infallible evidence f. 
 
 Seneca draws a pidture of that diforderly luxury, 
 which changes day into night, and night into day, and 
 inverts every ftated hour of every ofEce in life. Among 
 other circumftanccs, fuch as difplacing the meals and times 
 of bathing, he mentions, that regularly about the third 
 hour of the night, the neighbours of one who indulges 
 this falfe refinement, hear the noife of whips and laflies j 
 and, upon enquiry, find that he is then taking an ac- 
 count of the coiiduft of his fervants, and giving them 
 due correftion and difcipline. This is not remarked as an 
 inftance of cruelty, but only of diforder, which, even in 
 anions the moft ufual and methodical, changes the fixed 
 hours that an eftablifhed cuftom had ailigned them %. 
 
 But 
 
 • In OiuUram trot. i. 
 
 f The fame praflice was common m Rome ; but CtcERO feems not to 
 think this evidence fp certain a tlie teftimony of free-citizens. Pn Calio. 
 
 ' J Ef'i/l. 121. The irthuman fports exhibited atROar, may juffly be 
 confidered too as an efte£l of the people's contempt for flaves, and was alfo 
 a gr^at caufe of the general inhumanity of their princes and rulers. Wh» 
 can read the accounts of the amphitheatrical entertainments without hor> 
 'or f Or whoJe furprized, that the emperors fliould treat that people in the 
 fame way the people treated their inferiors ? One's humanity, on that oc> 
 
 caCon^ 
 
PoPtiLOusSESS of Antient Nations, 419 
 
 But our prefent bufinefs is only to confider the influence 
 of flavery on the populoufnefs of a ftate. 'Tis pretended, 
 that, in this pirtjcular, the antient piraQice had infinite- 
 ly thfe advantagej and was the chief caufe of that ex- 
 treme p(c^oiifnefs which is fuppofed in thofe times. 
 A!t prefent, all m^ers difcourage the marrying of their 
 male fervants, and admit not by any means the mar- 
 riage of the feittale, who are then fuppofed altogether in- 
 capacitated for their fervice. But where the property of 
 the fefvantsis lodged iii thfe mafterj their marriage and 
 fertility fof in his riches, and bring him a fucceffion of 
 flaves, that lupply the placfe of thofe whom age and in- 
 firmity have difabled. He encourages, therefore, their 
 prepiaf Akm as much as that of his cattle j rears the 
 youhg with -the fame care; and educates them to fome 
 art or •calling, which may render them more ufeful or 
 Valuable to him. The opulent are, fcy this policy^ ift- 
 terefted in the being at leaft, though not the well-being 
 of the poor; and enrich themfelveis, by increafing the 
 iiumber and induftry of thofe whoare fiibjeiled to them> 
 Each man, being a fovereign in his own family, has the 
 faiiie intereft with regaird to it, as the prince with re- 
 gard to the ftate j and has not, like the prince, any op- 
 pofite motivfe of ambition or vain-glory, which may lead 
 him to depopulate his little fovereignty^ All of it is, at 
 all times, under bis eye j and he has leifure to infped the 
 
 eafiori, is apt to rertew the barbarous wi'fb of CaIicola, ^hat the people 
 ha j but one neck. A man could almoft be g^afed, by a iingle blow, 'ft 
 put an end to fuch a race of monften- You n^ay thank God, fays the 
 author above cited, (tp'ifi. •].) addrefling himf£lf to the Roman people, that 
 you have a inafter, (v'ik, the mild and merciful NzKo} who is iriipabl^ 
 6f learning cruelty from yo^r example; This was fpoke in thelieginniag of 
 his teign : But he fitted them very well afterwards j and no doubt waS con- 
 fiderably improved by the fight of the barbarous Objeft), to which he had, 
 from bi^ infancy, been acculiomcd. 
 
 E e a moflf 
 
'420 
 
 ESSAY Xt. 
 
 moft minute detail of the marriage and education of liiS 
 
 fulijefts t- 
 
 Such are the confequences of domeftic flavery, accord- 
 ing to the firft afpeft and appearance of things: But if 
 we enter more deeply into the fubjeft, we fhall perhaps 
 find reafon to retradt our hafty determinations. The 
 comparifon is (hocking between the management of hu- 
 man creatures and that of cattle ; but being extremely 
 juft, when applied to the prefent fubjed, it may be pro- 
 per to trace the confequences pf it. At the capital, near 
 all great cities, in all populous, rich, induftrious pro- 
 vinces, few cattle are bred. Provifions, lodging, attend- 
 ance, labour, are there dear ; and men find better their 
 Account in buying the cattle, after they come to a certain 
 age, from the remoter and cheaper countries. . Thefe are 
 confequently the only breeding countries for cattle ; and 
 by a parity of reafon, for men too, when the latter are 
 put on the fame footing with the former. To rear a 
 child in London till he could be ferviceable, would coft 
 much dearer, than to buy one of the fame age from 
 Scotland or Ireland ; where he had been raifed in a 
 cottage, covered with rags, and fed on oatmeal or po- 
 tatoes. Thofe who had flaves, therefore, in all the 
 richer and more populous countries, would difcourage 
 the pregnancy of the females, and either prevent or de- 
 ftroy the birth. The human fpecies would perifh ia 
 thofe places where it Ought to increafe the fafteft; and a 
 perpetual recruit be needed from all the poorer and more 
 •defart provinces. Such a continued drain would tend 
 
 - -|- We may here ohktve, that if domeflic flavery really increafed popu- 
 loufnefs, it would be an exception to the general rule, that the happinefs ef 
 any fociety and its populoufnefs are ncceffary attendants. A matter, from 
 humour or intereft, may make his flaves very unhappy, and yet he careful 
 from intereft, to increafe their number. Their marriage is not a matter of 
 .choice with them, no more than aoy other aAion of their life. 
 
 mightily 
 
FoPULOUSNESSOfANTlENT NATIONS. 44X 
 
 mightily to depopulate the ftate, and render great cities 
 ten times more deftru6tive than with us ; where every 
 man is mafter of himfelf, and provides for his children 
 from the powerful inftindl of nature, not the calculations 
 of fordid intereft. If London, at prefent, without 
 increafing, needs a yearly recruit from the country, of 
 5000 people, as is commonly computed j what muft it 
 require, if the greateft part of the tradefmen and common 
 people were flaves, and were hindered from breeding by ■ 
 their avaricious mafters ? 
 
 All antient authors tell us, that there was a perpetual 
 flux of flaves to Italy from the remoter provinces, par- 
 ticularly Syria, Cilicia *, Cappadocia, and the 
 Lefler Asia, Thrace, and ^gypt : Yet the num- 
 ber of people did not increafe in Italy j and writers 
 complain of the continual decay of induftry and agricul. 
 ture f . Where then is that extreme fertility of the Ro- 
 man flaves, which is commonly fuppofed ? So far from 
 multiplying, they could not, it feems, fo much as keep 
 up the flock, without immenfe recruits. And tho' great 
 numbers were contiaually manumitted, and converted 
 into Roman citizens, the numbers even of thefe did not 
 increafe J, till the freedom of the city was communicated 
 to foreign provinces. 
 
 The term for a flave born and bred in the family, was 
 verna H ; and thefe flaves feem to have been intitled by 
 
 cuftom 
 
 * Ten thoufand flaves in a day have been often fold for the ufe of the 
 Romans, at Deius inCiticiA, Stkabo, lib, 14. 
 
 •j- CoLOM£LLA, lib. 1. ^wflfw. ct Cap. 2. et 7. Varro, lib.3.cap,T. 
 HoRAT. lib. 2. od. 15, Tacit. a/tW. lib. 3. cap, 54. Suzton, ;n w'ta 
 Aug, cap, 4z. PLiN.lib. i8. cap, 13, 
 
 ^ Mimre itidles flebi hgrmia, iays Tacit us, aim, lib, 24. cap. 7, 
 
 II As fervus was the name of the genus, and vtriia of the fpecies, with- 
 out any correlative, this forms a Arong prefumptien, that the latter wer,e 
 
 E c 3 . by 
 
424 ESSAY Xr, 
 
 puftom to privileges and indulgences beyond others;,* 
 fufEcient yeafon why the niafters would not bo fond^f 
 rearing many of that kind *. Whoever is acquainted 
 with the maxims of our planters, wi)l acknowledge the 
 Juftnefs of this obfervatjon t> 
 
 Attipus is much praifed by bis hiftorian for the care 
 which he took in recruiting his family froni the flaves 
 
 ly far the leaft numeroos, *Tis an nniverfa). obfervation vihkh wq may 
 fcrm upon language, that wherp two related parts of a whple. beat any pro- 
 |)ortian to each other, in numbers, rank, or confideration, there are alway$ 
 correlative terms invented, which anfi^er to both the parts, and exprefe their 
 mutual relation. If they bear no proportion to eac|j other, fhe term is.on)y 
 invented for the lefs, and marks its diftihftion from the whole. Thus max 
 jnd -wcmav, majler and fervant, fatfier and /<?», prince and Juhjtl}, firangir 
 and citizen, ait correlative terms. But the words, feafuait, (^rpintir, fmi'ttj 
 tailor, &c. have no correfpondent terms, which ^xprefs thoie who are no 
 feaman, no carpenter, ©■<:, Languages differ very niuch with regard tg 
 the particular words where this diftin£iion obtains; and may (hepce afford 
 very fh-ong iiif;erences, concerning the manners and cuftoms of different na- 
 tions. The military government of the Roman emperors h^d exalted the 
 foldiery fo higii, that they balanced all the other orders of the flate : Heiice 
 mila and ffganus became (relative terms ; a thing, till then, unknown to 
 ancient, and ftill fo to modern languages. Modern fuperftition has exalted 
 the clergy fO high, that they overbalance the whole ftate: Hence clergy and 
 Icity are terms-oppofed in all modern languages j and in thefe alone. And ffom 
 the fame principles I infer, that if the number of Haves bought by the Ro- 
 mans from foreign countries, had not extremely exceeded thcfe bred at 
 home, ijsr»a would have had a correlative, which would have expreffed the 
 former fpecies of ' ilaves. But thefe, it- would feem, compofed the main body 
 of the antient flaves, and the latter were but a few exceptions, 
 
 • Vrnia is ufed by the Roman writers as a word equivalent Xofeurra, on 
 account of the petulance and impudenfx of thofe flaves. MAKT.lib. i. ep. 
 4Z. Horace alfo nientions the vms proeacet; and Pithonius, cap, 
 »4.. vemula urhanitdi, Seneca, defrmid. cap. i. vernularum liciniia, 
 
 ^ 'Tis computedin the WtsT Indies, thata ffock of flaves ^grow worfc 
 fnt-per cent, every year, unlefs new flaves be bought to recruit them. They 
 are not able to keep up their number, even in thofe warm countfies, wher^ 
 cloaths and ptpviiions are fo eafilygot. How much more m\\& this happen 
 jn EVROPEAN countries, andinot near great cities ? 
 
 born 
 
PtsputousNEss of Antikmt Natioki. 4,2.3 
 
 born, in it * ; May we not thence infer, that that prac- 
 tice, was not then very common ? 
 
 The names of flaves in the Greek comedies, Sy- 
 Avs, Mysus, Geta,Thrak, Davus, Lydus, Phryx, 
 {iff. afford a prefumption, that at Athens, at leaft, moft 
 of the flaves were imported from foreign natioiiis. Th« 
 Athenians, fays Strabo t* gave to their Aaves, either 
 the names of the nations whence they were bought, as 
 Lydus, Syrus j or the names that were moft common 
 among thofe nations, as Manes or Midas to a Phry« 
 
 GIAN, TiBIAS to aPAPHLAGONIAN. 
 
 Demosthenes, after having mentioned a law Which 
 forbid any man to flrike the flave of another, praifes the 
 humanity of this law ; and adds that if the barbarians 
 from whom flaves were bought had information that 
 their countrymen met with fuch gentle treatment, they 
 would entertain a great efteem for the Athenians J. 
 IsocRATES 4- too inflnuates, that the flaves of the 
 Greeks were generally or very commonly barbarians. 
 Aristotle in his Politics )1 plainly fuppofes, that a 
 flave is always a foreigner. The antient comic writers 
 reprefented the flaves as fpeaking a barbarous language §. 
 This was an imitation of nature. 
 
 'Tis well known that Demosthenes, in his nonage* 
 had been defrauded of a large fortune by his tutors, and 
 that afterwards he recovered, by a profecution at law, 
 the value of his patrimony. His orations, on that oc- 
 cafion, ftill remain, and contain a very exa& detail of 
 
 • Coin. Utros in vita Attici. We may remark, that Atticus'« 
 eftate lay chiefly in EriRvs, which- being a remote, deiblate place, would 
 render it profitable for him to rear flaves there. 
 
 -f- Lib. 7. % In MiDtAM, p. zil. ex edit. Aldi. 4 Panegyr< 
 
 II Lib. 7. cap. 10. /ub. fin. 
 
 § Akistofk. Equites, 1, 17. The antient fcholiall remarks on thit 
 
 £ e 4 the 
 
424 ESSAY XL 
 
 the whole fubfiance left by his father *, in money, mer-» 
 chandlfe, houfes, and flaves, together with the value of 
 each particular. Among the reft were 52 flaves, handi- 
 craftfmen, viz. ^2, fword-cutlers, and 20 cabinet ma- 
 kers t > all males ; not a word of any wives, children, 
 or family, wh^ch ^hey certainly wtmld have had, had it 
 been a common cuftom at Athens to breed from the 
 flaves : And the v^lue of the whole muft have depended 
 very much on that circumftance. No female flaves are 
 even fo much as mentioned, except fome houfe- maids, 
 who belonged to his mother. This argument has great 
 fprce, if it be not altogether decifive. 
 
 Confider this paflage of Plutarch J, fpeaking of the 
 Elder Cato. ^' He bad a great number of flaves, whom 
 »^ he took care to buy at the fales of prifoners of war ; 
 <? and he chofe them young^ that they might cafily be 
 ♦♦ accuftomed to any diet or manner of life, and be jn- 
 " ftrufted in any biifincfs or labour, as men teach any 
 *' thing to young dogs or horfes.— — rAnd efteeming 
 " love the. chief fource of all diforders, he allowed the 
 " male flaves to have a commerce with the female in his 
 *• family, upon paying a certain fum for this privilege : 
 " But he ftriflly forbad all intrigues out of his family." 
 Are there any fymptoms in this narration of that care 
 which is fuppofed in the arrtients, of the marriage and 
 propagation of their flaves ? If that was a common prac- 
 - tice, founded on general intereft, it would furely have 
 been embraced by. Cato, who was 9 great oecon,omift> 
 and lived in times when the antient frugality and fim- 
 plicity of manners were ftill in credit and reputation. 
 
 It is exprefsly remarked by the writers qf thp RoMAt^; 
 
 • In Amflolum oral, I, 
 
 !j »>r.»OTcor, makers of thflfe teds ^hich Ui5 antients lay upon a) mfal*. 
 
 J In vita Catonis, 
 
 law^ 
 
 4 4 4 4 
 
PoputousNEis of Antient NAtioNs. 425 
 
 !aw, that fcarce any ever purchafe flaves with a view of 
 ^reeding from them *. 
 
 Our lackeys and houfe-maids, I own, do not ferve 
 much to multiply their fpecies : But the antients, befides 
 thofe who attended on their perfon, had all their labour 
 performed by flaves, who lived, many of them, in their 
 family ; and fome great men pofleffed to the number of 
 1 0,000. If there be any fufpicion, therefore, that this 
 inftitution was unfavourable to propagation, (and the fame 
 ficafon, at leaft in part, holds with regard to antient 
 Haves as well as modern fervants) how deftruftive piuft 
 IJavery have proved ? 
 
 Hiftory mentions a Roman nobleman, who had 400 
 flaves under the fame roof with him : And having been 
 afl"aflinated at home by the furious revenge of one of 
 them, the law was executed with I'igour, and all with- 
 out exception were put to death -f-. Many other Ro- 
 man nol?|ena|n had families equally, or more numerous ; 
 
 * " Non tcmere anc'illx ejus rei caufa comparantur ut pariant." DigcJ!, 
 lib. 5. tit. 3. de tared. petit. Itx XT . Tfce following texts are tp the fame pur- 
 ^ofe. " Spadonem morbofum non efle, neque vitiofum, verlusmihi videtur; 
 " fed fanum efl°e, ficuti ilium qui unum tefticulum habet, qui etiam generate 
 " poteft." Digeft. lib. 2. tit, I. deadilitio ediSo, lex 6. §. z.. " Sin autem 
 " quis ita fpado fit, ut tarn neccflaria pars corporis penitus ablit, morbofus - 
 " eft." Jd. lix 7. His impotence, it feems, was only regarded fo far as his 
 health or life might be affefled by it. In other refpefts, he was full as va- 
 l(iable. The fame reafoning is employed with regard te female Havesa 
 " Qua:ritur de ea mulicre quae femper mortuos parit, an morbofa fit ? et 
 " ait Sabinus, fi vulvae vitio hoc contingit, morbofam efle." Jd, lex 14. 
 It has even been doubted, whether a woman pregnant was morbid or vitiated i 
 and it is determined, that ihe is found, npt pn account of the value of her 
 ^^spring, hut bccaufe it is the natural part or office of women to bear chil- 
 dren. " S; inulier praegnans venerit, inter omnes conrenit fanam earn elTe, 
 " Maximum enim ac przcipuvm munus fccminarum arcipere ac tueri con- 
 " ceptum. , Puerperam qooque fanam effe; fi modo nihil extrinfecus acce- 
 " dit, quod corpus ejus in aliquam valetudinem immitterct. De Iterili 
 ff Cslius difiinguere Trebatium dicit, ut fi oatura Aerilis fit, fana fit ; fi vi- 
 ♦* tio corporis, contra.*' U. 
 
 ■^ Ta.cit. ana, lib. 14. cap. 43, 
 
 and 
 
426 ESSAY XI. 
 
 and I believe every one will allow, that thii would fcSrce 
 be prafticable, were we to fuppofe all the flaves married, 
 and the females to be breeders *. 
 
 So early as the poet Hesiod f, married flaves, whe- 
 ther m^e or female, were efteemed very inconvenient. 
 How much more, where families had increafed to fuch 
 an enormous fize, as in Rome, and where fimplicity of 
 manners was bapifhed from all ranks of people ? 
 
 Xenophon in his Oeconomics, where he gives direc- 
 tions for the management of a farm, recommends a ftrift 
 care and attention of laying the male and the female flaves 
 at a diftance from each other. He feems not to fuppofe 
 that they are ever married. The only flaves among the 
 Greeks that appear to have continued their own breed, 
 were the Helotes, who had houfes apart, and were 
 more the flaves of' the public than of individuals J. 
 
 The fame author § tells us, that Nicias's overfeer, by 
 agreement with his matter, was obliged to pay him an 
 obolus a day for each flave ; befides maintaining them, 
 and keeping up the number. Had the antient flaves been 
 all breeders, this laft circumflance of the contrail had 
 been fuperfluous. 
 
 The antients talk fo frequently of a fixed, (lated portion 
 of provifions aiEgned to each flave 1|, that we are natu- 
 rally led to conclude, that flaves lived almoft all fingle, 
 and received that portion as a kind of board-wages. 
 
 ■ The flaves in the great honles, had little rooms affigned then, called 
 tella;. Whence the name of cell was transferred to the monks room in a 
 convent. See farther on this head. Just. Lipsios, Saturn, i. cap. 14. 
 Thefe form ftrong prefamptiofls againfi the marriage and propagation of the 
 family flaves. 
 
 ■\ Opera et Dies, lib. x. I. 24. alio ]. »o. 
 
 JStkaio, lib. 8. § De ratione redituum. 
 
 II See Cato de re ruftica, cap. 56. Ponatus in Phomioa, I. x. 9. 
 SzKZCAK epift. 80. 
 
 The 
 
PoPULOusNESs of Antient Nations. 457 
 
 The praSice, indeed, of marrying the flayes fecms not 
 to have been very common, even among the cpuntry- 
 Jabourers, where it is more naturally to be expedted. 
 Cato *, enumerating the (laves requifite to labour a 
 vineyard of a hundred acres, make them to amount to 
 15 ; the overfeerand his virife, villicus and villica, and 15 
 male flaves ; for an olive plantation of 240 acres, the 
 overfeer and his wife, and 1 1 male flaves ; and fo in pro- 
 portion to a greater or lefs plantation or vineyard. 
 
 Varro t» citing this paflage of Cato, allows his 
 computation to be juft in every refpeft, except the laft. 
 for as it is requifite, fays he, to have an overfeer and 
 his wife, whether the vineyard or plantation be great or 
 fmall, this muft alter the exa(3:nefs of the proportion. 
 Had Cato's computation been erroneous in any other 
 refpeft, it had certainly been correfled by Varro, who 
 |eems fond of difcovering fo trivial an inaccuracy. 
 
 The fame author J, as well as Columella §, recom- 
 mends it as requifite to give a wife to the overfeer, in 
 order to attach him the more ftronglyto his matter's fer- 
 yice. This was therefore a peculiar indulgence granted 
 to a flave^n whom fo great a confidence was repofed. 
 
 In the fame place Varro mentions it as an ufeful pre- 
 caution, not to buy too many flaves from the fame na- 
 tions, left they beget fadtions and feditions in the family : 
 A prefumption that in Italy the greateft part, even of 
 the country labouring flaves, (for he fpeaks of no other) 
 were bought from the remoter provinces. All the world 
 knows, that the family-flaves in Rome, who were inftru- 
 ments of fhew and luxury, were commonly imported from 
 Jhe eaft. Hoc profefere, fays Pliny, fpeaking of thejea-: 
 lous care of matters, mancipiorum kgiones, et in domo turba 
 txuma ac fervorum quoque caufa nomenclator adhibendus ||. 
 
 * De re ruft, cap. lo, II. f' I<ib. i. cap. i8. % Lib. i. cap. 17. 
 
 ^ Lib. I. cap. iS. 
 
 jj Lib. 33, cap. I. So likewife Tacitus, annal, lib. i^. cap: 44. 
 
 It 
 
428 £ S S A Y XI. 
 
 It is indeed recommended by Varro *, to propagate 
 young fhepherds in the family from the old ones. For 
 is grafing farms were commonly in remote and cheap 
 places, and each ftiepherd lived in a cottage apart, his. 
 marriage and increafe were not liable to the fame incon- 
 veniencies as in dearer places, and where many fervants 
 lived in a family ; which was univerfally the cafe in fuch 
 of the Roman farms as produced wine or corn. If we 
 confider this exception with regard to the fhepherds, and 
 weigh the reafons of it, it will ferve for a ftrong confirm- 
 ation of all our foregoing fufpicions f. 
 
 Columella J, I own, advifes the matter to give a 
 reward, and even liberty toafemaleflave, that had reared 
 him above three children : A proof, that fometimes the 
 antients propagated from their flaves ; which, indeed, 
 cannot be denied. Where it otherwife, the practice of 
 flavery, being fo common in antiquity, muft have been 
 deftrutSive to a degree which no expedient could repair. 
 All I pretend to infer from thefe reafonings, is, that fla- 
 very is in general difadvant'ageous both to the happinefs 
 and populoufnefs of mankind, and that its place is much 
 better fupplied by the pradtice o/ hired fervants. 
 
 The laws, or, as fome writers callthem, the feditions 
 of the Gracchi, were occafioned by their obferving the 
 increafe of flaves all over Italy, and the diminution of 
 free citizens. Appian § afcribes this increafe to the pro- 
 pagation of the flaves ; Plutarch || to the purchafing of 
 barbarians, who were chained and imprifoned, (iocpSxpix/n 
 Jftr/xuTiipia +. 'Tis to be prefumed that both caufes con- 
 curred. 
 
 Sicily, 
 
 * Lib. 2. cap. lo. 
 
 ■f Paftoris duri eft hie filius, ille bubulci. JuriN, fat. II. ijl. 
 J Lib. I. cap. 8. § De bel. civ. lib. i. 
 
 II Invita Tib. &. C. Grjicchi. 
 
 ^ To tlie fame purpofe is that paflage of the elder Seneca, ex contro- 
 Krfia 5. lib. 5. " Arata quondam populis rura, finguJorum ergaftulorum 
 
 •• funt; 
 
PoPULousNEss of Antient Nations. 429 
 
 Sicily, fays FloRus *, was full of ergajlula, and was 
 . cultivated by labourers in chains. Eunus and Athenio 
 excited the fervile war, by breaking up thefe monftrous 
 prifons, and givingliberty to 60,000 flaves. The younger 
 PoMPaY augmented his army in Spain by the fame ex- 
 pedient f. If the country-labourers, throughout the Ro- 
 man empire, were fo generally in this fituation, and if 
 it was difficult or impoffible to find feparate lodgings for 
 the families of the city-fervants, how unfavourable to 
 propagation, as well as to humanity, muft the inftitution 
 of domeftic flavery be efteemed ? 
 
 Constantinople, at prefent, requires the fame re- 
 cruits of flaves from all the provinces, which Rome did 
 of old ; and thefe provinces are of confequence far from 
 being populous. 
 
 Egypt, according to Monf. Maillet, fends conti- 
 nual colonies of black flaves to the other parts of the 
 Turkish empire; and receives annually an equal return 
 of white : The one brought from the inland parts of 
 Africa , the other from Mingrella, Circassia, and 
 Tartary. 
 
 'Our modern convents are, no doubt, very bad inftitu- 
 tions : But there is rea(bn to fufpeft, that antientiy every 
 great family in Italy, and probably in other parts of 
 the world, was a fpecies 6f convent. And tho' we have 
 reafon to deleft all thofe popifli inftitutions, as nurferies 
 
 " funt : Utiufque nunc villici, quam oUm rages, imperant. At nunc eadem," 
 fayi Pliny, " vin£li pedes, damnatae manus, infcripti vultus exercenc." 
 lib, iS. cap. 3. So alfo Maktial. 
 
 " £t fonet innumera compede ThuTcus ager.'' lib. 9. ep, zj. 
 And LvcAN, 'f Turn longosjungere fines 
 
 Agroruin, et quondam duro fulcata Camilli, 
 
 Vomere et antiqua Curiorum pafla ligones, 
 
 Longa fub ignotis extendere rura colonit. lib. i. 
 Vinfto foflbre coluntut 
 
 Hefperiaefegetes,— _ lib. 7. 
 
 • tib. J, cap. 19, f Id, lib. 4, cap. %, 
 
 of 
 
'439 E S S A 1? H. 
 
 of the moft abjeft fuperftitibn, barthenfOiMe to thfe pit^s 
 licj and oppreffive tb the poor, prifbiiefs, male as Well as 
 female ; yet may it be qiieftiohed whether they be Ib'de- 
 ftrudtivfe to th6 populoufnefs of a ftate as is commonly 
 imagitted. Were the land which belongs to a convent, 
 beftowed on a nobleman, he would fpehd its revenue on 
 dogs, hoiffes, grooms, footmen, cooks, and hbiife-maids j 
 and his family would not furnifh m^iiy more citizens than 
 the convent. s 
 
 The common reafon why parents thtuft their daiighteris 
 into nunneries, is, that they may not be over-burthened 
 with too numerous a family ; but tlie antients had a 
 irethod almoft as innocent, and ihofe effeftual to that 
 purpofe, viz. the e>ipofmg their children in the earllfift 
 infancy. This pradice was very common ; ahd is iio't 
 mentioned by any author of thofe titties 'with the horror 
 it deferves, or fcatce * even with difapprbb&tion. PttJ- 
 TARCH, the humane, gbod-hatiifed PluTatich, f re- 
 commends it as a virtue in AtTalus, king of Perga* 
 Mus, that he murdered, or, if you will, expofed all his 
 own children, in order to leavd his crown to the fbn of 
 his brother^ Eumenes ; fignalizing in this manner his 
 gratitude and afFeftion to Eumenes, whs had lefft hitti hiis 
 heir preferable to that fon. • It was Solon, the moft 
 celebratedof the fages of Greece, who gave parents per- 
 miffion by law to kill their children J. 
 
 Shall we then allow thefe two circumftances to com- 
 penfate each other, viz. monaftic vows and the expofing 
 of children, and to be unfavourable, in equal degrees, to 
 the propagation of mankind? I doubt the advantage is 
 here on the fide of antiquity. Perhaps, by an odd con- 
 
 • Ta c 1 t u s blames it. De morib. Germ. 
 
 ■f De fraterno amore. Seneca alfo approves of the cxpoCng of fickly^ 
 infirm children, De ira, lib. i, cap, ij. 
 J Sext, Emp. lib, j. cap. 14.. 
 
 ne£lJon 
 
PoPutousMEss of Antient Nations. 431 
 
 tieffioh of caufes, the barbarous pradtice of the antlenrj 
 might rather render thofe titties more populous. By re- 
 moving the terrors of too numerous a family it virdulii 
 engage many people in marriage ; and fuCh is the force 
 «f natural afFe'^Uon, that very few, in comparifon would 
 have refolution enough to carry into execution their for- 
 mer intentions. 
 
 China, the oply country where this cruel practice of 
 expoflng children prevails at prefent, is the moft populous 
 country we know ; and every man is married before he is 
 twenty. Such early marriages tould fcarce be general, 
 had not men the profpeft of fo eafy a method of getting 
 rid of their children. I oWn, that Plutarch f fpqaks 
 of it as a very univerlkl maxim of the poor to expofe their 
 children j and as the rich were then averfe to marriage, 
 on account of the courtfhip they met with from thbfe 
 who expefted-legacies from them, the public muft have 
 been in a bad fituation between them %, 
 
 Of all faiences there is none, where firft appearances are 
 more deceitful than in politics. Hofpitals for foundlings 
 feem favourable to the ihcreafe of numbers ; and, per- 
 haps, may be fo, when kept under proper reftridtions. 
 But when they open the door to every one, without dif- 
 tin^ion, they have probably a contrary efFecl, and are 
 pernicious to the ftate; 'Tis computed, that every ninth 
 
 ff- De amore prolit. 
 
 J The pra£lice of leaving great funis of money to friends, tho'^one bad 
 near relatrons, was common in GxEicz as well as Rome ; as we may ga- 
 ther from LciciAN. Thispraftice prevails much lefsin modern times; and 
 BtN. Johnson's Volpone is therefore almoft entirely extracted from an- 
 tient authors, and fuits better the manners ef thofe times, 
 
 Itmayjuftly be thought, that the liberty of divorces in Rome was an- 
 other difcouragement to marriage. Such a pra£tice prevents not quarrels 
 from humour, but rather increafes them ; and occafions alfo thofe from interiflf 
 which are much more dangerous and deftru£live. See farther on this heid, 
 ElTays moral, political, and literary. Part. I. elTay XIX. Perhaps toe ths 
 unnatural lufts of the antients ought to be taken intoconfideration, as of feme 
 nioment, 
 
 child 
 
iF32 
 
 E S S A, Y Xf. 
 
 cM^ born at Paris, is fent to the hofpital ; tho' it feenoS 
 certain, according to the common courfe of human af- 
 fairs, that 'tis not ^ hundredth partwhofe parents are 
 altogether incapacitated to rear and educate them. The 
 infinite ■difference, for health, .induftry, ^d morals, be- 
 tween an education in an hofpital and that in a private 
 family, fliould induce us not to make the entrance into an 
 hofpital too eafy and engaging. To kill one's own child 
 is fliocking to nature, and muft tlierefore be pretty un- 
 ufual ; but to turn over 'the care of him upon others is 
 very tempting to the natural indolence of mankind. 
 
 Having confidered the domeftic life and manners of the 
 ahtients, compared to thofe of the moderns ; where in 
 the main, we feem rather fuperior, fo far as the prefent 
 queftion is concerned ; wefhall npw examine the politicat 
 cuftoms and inflitutions of both ages, and weigh their 
 influence in retarding or forwarding the propagation of 
 mankind. 
 
 Before the increafe of the Roman power, ot rather till 
 its full eftablilhment, almoft all the nations which are the 
 fcene of antient hiftoryj were divided into fmall territo- 
 ries or petty commonwealths, where of courfe a great 
 equality of fortune prevailed, and the centre of the go- 
 vernment was always very near its frontiers. 
 
 This was the fituation of aiFairs not only in Greece 
 and Italy, but alfo in Spain, Gaul, Germany, 
 Afric, and a great part of the Lefler Asia. And it 
 muft be owned, that no inftitiition could be more favdur- 
 able to the propagation of mankind. For tho' a man of 
 an overgrown fortune, not being able to confumfe more 
 than another, muft fhare it with thofe who ferve arid 
 attend him ; yet their pofTellion being precarious, they 
 havcnot the fame encouragement to marriage, as if each 
 had a fmall fortune, fecure and independent. Enormous 
 cities are, befides, deflrudtive to foCiety, beget vice arid 
 
 diforder 
 
PopULOusNESS of Antient Nations. 433 
 
 diforder of all kinds, ftarve the remoter provinces,«4md 
 even ftarve themfelves, by the prices to which they raife 
 all provifions. Where each man had his little houfe and 
 field to himfelf, and each county had its capital, free and 
 independent ; what a happy fituation of mankind ! How 
 favourable to induftry and agriculture ; to marriage and 
 propagation ! The prolific virtue of men, were it to a£t 
 in its full extent, without that reftraint which poverty 
 and neceffity impofes on it, would double the number 
 every generation : And nothing furely can give it more 
 liberty, than fuch fmall commonwealths, and fuch an 
 equality of fortune among the citizens. All -fmall ftates 
 naturally produce equality of fortune, becaufe they afford 
 no opportunities of great increafe ; but fmall common- 
 wealths much more, by that divifion of power and autho- 
 rity which is effential to them. 
 
 When Xenophon * returned after the famous expe- 
 dition with Cyrus, he hired himfelf and 6000 of the 
 Greeks into the fervice of Seuthes, a prince of 
 Thrace ; and the articles of his agreement were, that 
 each foldier {hould receive a daricz month, each captain 
 two darks, and he himfelf, as general, four : A regula- 
 tion of pay which would not a little furprife our modern, 
 officers. 
 
 Demosthenes and vEschines, with eight more, were 
 'fent ambafladors to Philip of Macedon, and their 
 appointments for above four months were a thoufand 
 drachmas, which is lefs than a drachma a day for each am- 
 baflador f. But a drachma a day, nay fometimes two J, , 
 was the pay of a common foot-foldier. 
 
 A penturion among the Romans had only double pay 
 to a private man, in Polybius's time§, and we ticcord- 
 
 • De e*p. CvR. lib. 7. 
 
 f Demqst. defalJaUg. He calls it a conficSerable fum. 
 
 X Tbucid. lib, 3. ^ Lib. 6, cap, 37, 
 
 . Vot, I. F f ingljf 
 
43+ 
 
 ESSAY xr. 
 
 ingly find the gratuities after a triumph regulated by that 
 proportion *. But Mark Anthony and the triumvirate 
 gave the centurions five times the reward of the other f. 
 So much had the increafe of the commonwealth increafed 
 the inequality among the citizens |. 
 
 It muft be owned, that the fituation of afFairs in mo- 
 dern tithes, with regard to civil liberty, as well as equa- 
 lity of fortune, is not near fo favourable, either to the 
 propagation or happinefs of mankind. Europe is'fhared 
 out moftJy into great monarchies ; and fuch parts of it 
 as are divided into ftnall territories, are commonly go- 
 verned by abfolute princes, who ruin their people by a 
 mimickry of the greater monarchs, in the fplendor 
 of their court and number of their forces. Swisser- 
 LAND alone and Holland refemble the antient repu- 
 blics J and tho' the former is far from pofieffing any 
 advantage either of foil, climate, or commerce, yet the 
 numbers of people, with which it abounds, notwith- 
 ftanding their inlifting themfelves into every fervice in 
 Europe, prove fufficiently the advantages of their politi- 
 cal inftitutions. 
 
 The antient republics derived their chief or only fe- 
 curity from the numbers of their citizens. The Tra- 
 CHINIANS having lofl: great numbers of their people, the 
 remainder, jnftead of inriching themfelves by the inheri- 
 tance of their feilow-citiZens, applied to Sparta, their 
 metropolis, for a new ftock of inhabitants. The Spar- 
 tans immediately colledted ten thoufand men ; among 
 whom the old citizens divided the lands of which the 
 former proprietors had periflied §. 
 
 • Tit. Liv. lib. 41. cap. 7. 13. & alih't fajfm. 
 ■J" Appian. D I hell. (W. lib. 4. , 
 
 J C^SAR gave the centurions ten times the gratuity of the common fol- 
 dicrs, De hell. Gallico, lib. S. In the Rhodian cartel, mentioned after- 
 wards, no diliin£lion in the ranfom was made on account of ranks in the 
 army, 
 
 § DioD Sic. lib. 12. Tklc vd. lib. 3. 
 
 Ai'ter 
 
PoPULousNESs of Antient Nations. 435 
 
 After TiMOLEON had baniflied Dionysius from Sy^ 
 IIACU5E, and had fettled the affairs of Sicily, finding 
 the cities of Syracuse and SEi.;iiNUNTiUM extremely- 
 depopulated by tyranny, war, and fai^ion, he invited 
 over from Greece feme new inhabitants to repeople 
 tbem *. Injmediately forty thoufand men (Plutarch f 
 fays fixty thoufand) offered themfelves j and he diftributed 
 fo many lots of land among them, to the great fatisfac- 
 tion of the antient inhabitants : A proof at once of the 
 maxims of antient policy, which affeded populoufnefs 
 more than riches ; and of the good effefts of thefe maxims, 
 in the extreme populoufnefs of that fmallcountry,GREECE, 
 which could at once fupply fo large a colony. The cafe 
 was not much different with the Romans in early times. 
 He is a pernicious citizen, faid M. Curius, who can- 
 not be contented with feven acres J. Such ideas of equa- 
 lity could not fail of producing great numbers of people. 
 
 We muft now confider what difadvantages the antients 
 lay under with regard to populoufnefs, and what checks 
 they received from their political maxims and inftitutions. 
 There are commonly compenfations in every human con- 
 dition ; and tho' thefe compenfations be not always per- 
 fe&ly equal, yet they ferve, at leaft, to reftraih the pre- 
 vailing principle. To compare them and eftimate their 
 influence, is indeed very difficult, even where they take 
 place in the fame age, and in neighbouring countries : 
 But where feveral ages have intervened, and only fcat- 
 
 • DioD. Sic. lib. i6. -f In vita Timol. 
 
 J Plin. lib. i8. cap. 3. The fame author, in cap. 6. fays, f^erumjui 
 fatentibus latifundia perdidere It ali am ; jam vero et promncias. Sex deal 
 femiffem Arnica pojpdtbant, cum interfecit eas ^Eso priitceps. In this view, 
 the barbarous butchery committed by the firft Roman emperors, was not, 
 perhaps, fo deftruftive to ths public as we may imagine. Thefe never ceafed 
 till they had extingui/hed all the illuftrious families, which had enjoyed the 
 plunder of the world, daring the latter ages of the republic. The^oew no- 
 bles who rofe in their place, were lefs fplendid, as we learn from Tacit. 
 aKn, lib 3. cap. 55. 
 
 F f 2 tered 
 
436 ESSAY XL 
 
 tered lights are afForded us by antieflt authors j what can 
 we "do but amufe oXirfelves by talking, pro and «k, on an 
 interefting fubje£t, and thereby correfting all hafty and 
 violent determinations? 
 
 Firpt We may obferve, that the antient republics wera 
 almoft in perpetual war ; a natural efFefl: of their martial 
 fpirit, their love of liberty, their mutual emulation, and 
 that hatred which general^ prevails among nations that 
 live in a clofe neighbourhood. Now, war in a fmall ftate 
 is much more deftrudlive than in a great one ; both be- 
 caufe all the inhabitants, in the former cafe, muft ferve 
 in the armies ; aiid becaufe the ftate is all frontier, and 
 all expofed to the inroads of the enemy. 
 
 The maxims of antient war were much more deftruftive 
 than thofe of modern ; chiefly by the diftribution of plun- 
 der, in which the foldiers were iridulged. The private 
 men in our armies are fuch a low fet of people, that 
 we find any abundance beyond their fimple pay, breeds 
 confulion and diforder, and a total diflbliition of difci- 
 pline. The very wretchednefs and meannefs of thofe 
 who fill the modern armies, render them lefs deftruftive 
 to the countries which they invade : One inftance, among 
 many, of the deceitfulnefs of firft appearances in all po- 
 litical reafonings *. 
 
 Antient battles were much more bloody by the very 
 nature of the weapons employed in them. The antients 
 drew up their men 1 6 or 20, fometimes 50 men deep, 
 which made a narrow front ; and it was not difficult to 
 find a field, in which both armies might be marfhalled, 
 and might engage with each other. Even where any 
 
 * The antient foUiers, being free citizens, above tiie lowed rank, were 
 all married. Our modern foldiers are either forced to live unmarried, or 
 tlieir marriages turn to fmall account towards the increafe of mankind. A 
 circumilance which ought, perhaps, to be taken into confideration, as of 
 feme coofequence in favour of the antients. 
 
 body 
 
PopulousnessoFAktient Nations. 437 
 
 body of the troops was kept off by hedges, hillocks, woods, 
 or hollow ways, the battle was not fo foon decjded between 
 the coptendipg parties, but that the others ha4 time to 
 overcome the difficulties which oppofed them, and take 
 part in the engagement. And as the v^hole^ armies were 
 thus engaged, and each man clofely buckled to his anr 
 tagonift, the battles were commonly very bloody, and 
 great flaughter was made on both fides, efpefially on the 
 vanquifhed. The long thin lines required by fire-arms, 
 and the quick decifiqn pf the fray, render our modern 
 engagements but partial rencoynters, and enable the ge- 
 neral, who is foiled in the be^jniiing of the day, to draw 
 off the greatefl: part of his army, found and intire. Could 
 Folard's projed of the colurhn take place (which feems 
 impradicable*) it , would render modern battles as d?- 
 ftruftive as the antient. 
 
 The battles of antiquity, both bjr their duration, and 
 theif' refeqiiblance of fingle combats, were wrought up to 
 a degree of fu'ry quite unknown to latter ages. Nothing 
 could then engage the combatants to give quarter, but 
 the hopes of profit, by making flaves of their prifoners. 
 In civil wars, as we learn from Tacitus fj the battles 
 were the moft bloody, becaufe the prifoners were not flaves. 
 
 What a ftout refiftance muft be made, where the van- 
 quiflied expefted fo hard a fate ! How inveterate the 
 rage, where the maxims of war were, in every refpeft, 
 fo bloody and fevere ! 
 
 Inftances are very frequent, in antient hlftory, of cities 
 befieged, whofe inhabitants, rather than open their gates, 
 murdered their wives and children, and rufhed themfelves 
 
 * What is the advantage of the column after it has broke the enemy's line ? 
 only, that it then takes them in flank, and diflipates whatever ftands near it 
 by a fire from all fides. But till it has broke them, does it notprefent a flank 
 to the enemy, and that expofed to their muf^uetry, and, what is much ^ofCt, 
 fo their cannon ? 
 
 ■f Hist, lib. 2. cap, Af. 
 
438 ESSAY XL 
 
 on a voluntary death, fweetened peihaps with a littl6 
 profpefiof rtvenge upon the enemy. Greeks *^as well 
 as Barbarians, have been often wrought up to this 
 degree of fury. And the fathe determined fpirit and cru- 
 elty muft,! in many other inftances, lefs remarkable, have 
 been extremely deftru£tive to human fociety, in thoffe 
 petty commonwealths, which lived in a clofe neighbour- 
 hood, and were engaged in perpetual wars and conten- 
 tions. 
 
 Sometimes the wars in Greece, fays Plutarch t> 
 were carried on intirely by inroads, and robberies, and 
 piracies. Such a method ef war muft be more deftruc-- 
 tive, in fmall ftates, than the bloodieft battles and fieges. 
 
 By the laws of the twelve tables, pofleffion for two 
 years formed a prefcription for land ; one year for move- 
 ables J: An indication, that there was not in Italy, 
 during that period, much more order, tranquillity, and fet- 
 tled police, than there is at prefent among the Tartars. 
 
 The oiily cartel I remember in antient hiftory, is, that 
 betweenDEMETRiusPoLiORCETES andtheRnoDiANS; 
 when it was agreed, that a free citizen fliould be reftored 
 for 1000 drachmas, a flave bearing arms for 500 %, 
 
 Bat, ficendly, it appears that antient manners were more 
 unfavourable than the modern, not only in times of war, 
 but alfo in thofe of peace ; and that too in every refpeft, 
 except the love of civil liberty and equality, which is, I 
 own, of confiderable importance. To exclude faflioq 
 from a free government, is very difficult, if not altogether 
 
 • As Ab VDUS, mentioned by LivY, lib. 31, cap. 17. 18. and PoLvn 
 Jib. 16. As alfo the XaNTHians, Atpiaii, Je Ml civil, lib. 4, 
 
 ■f In vita Arati. 
 
 ■J Inst. lib. s. cap. 6. 'Tis true, the fame law feenis to have been con- 
 tinned till the time of Jvstinian. But abnfes introduced by barbarifm 
 jre not always corre£led by civility. 
 
 Ij DioD. SicuL. lib, ao, 
 
 im- 
 
PoPULOOstfEss of Antient Nations. 439 
 
 imprafticable ; but fuch inveterate rage between the fac- 
 tions, and fuch bloody maxims, are found, in modern 
 times, amongft religious parties alone, where bigotted 
 priefts are the accufers, judges, and executioners. In 
 antient hiftory, we may always obferve, where one party 
 prevailed, whether the nobles or people (for I can ob- 
 ferve no difference in this refpefl:*) that they immedi- 
 ately butchered all of the oppofite party who fell into their 
 hands, and banifhed fuch as had been fo fortunate as to 
 efcape their fury. No form of procefs, no law, no trial 
 no pardon. A fourth, a third, perhaps near a half of the 
 city, were flaughtered, or expelled, every revolution; 
 and the exiles always joined foreign enemies, and did all 
 the mifchief poffible to their fellow citizens ; till fortune 
 put it in their power to take full revenge by a new revo- 
 lution. And as thefe were very frequent in fuch violent 
 governments, the diforder, diffidence, jealoufy, enmity, 
 which rnufl prevail, are not eafy for us to imagine in this 
 age of the world. 
 
 There are only two revolutions I can recollect in an- 
 tient hiftory, which pafTed without great feverity, and 
 great effufion of blood in mafTacres and af&ffinations, viz. 
 the reftoration of the Athenian Democracy by Thra- 
 SYBULUS, and the fubduing the Roman republic by C^. 
 SAR, We learn from antient hiftory, that Thrasybu- 
 lus pafTed a general amnefty for all paft offences j and iirft 
 introduced that word, as well as pradtice into Greece f. 
 It appears, however, from many orations of Lysias J, 
 that the chief, and even fome of the fubaltern offenders, 
 in the preceding tyranny, were tried, and capitally pu_ 
 
 • Lysias, who was himfelfof the popular faction, and very narrowly 
 efcaped from the thirty tyrants, fays, that the Democracy was as violent a 
 government as the Oligarchy. Oral. 24. defiatu, poful. 
 
 •J- Cicero, PhiItIP. j. 
 
 J As erat, 11, antra ^RATOST, orat, 12, contra AGORA7, orat. 15, 
 prtMAmnH, 
 
 F f 4 niflied. 
 
440 
 
 ESSAY XL 
 
 niflied. This is a difficulty not cleared up, and even not 
 obferved by antiquarians and hiftorians. And as to C^- . 
 bar's clemency, tho' much celebrated, it would not gain 
 great applaufe in the prefent age. He butchered, for 
 jnftance, all Cato's fenate, when be became mafter of 
 Utica * ; and thefe, we may readily believe, were not the 
 moft worthlefs of the party. Ail thofe who had borne 
 arms againft that ufurper, were forfeited; and, by HiR- 
 Tius's law, declared incapable of all public offices. 
 
 Thefe people were extremely fond of liberty ; but feem 
 not to have underftood it very well. When the thirty 
 tyrants firft eftablifhed their dominion at Athens, they 
 began with feizing all the fycophants and informers, who 
 had been fo troublefome during the Democracy, and put- 
 ting them to death by an arbitrary fentence and execur 
 tion. Every man, fays Sallust f and Lysias f re- 
 joked at thefe punijhments ; not confidering, that liberty 
 was from that moment annihilated. 
 
 The utmoft energy of the nervous ftyleof Thucydi- 
 DES, and the copioufnefs and expreffion of the Greek 
 language, feem to fink under that hiftorian, when he at- 
 tempts to defcribe the diforders which arofe from fa<Stion 
 thro'out all the Greek commonwealths. You would 
 imagine, that he ftill labours with a thought greater than 
 he can find words to communicate. And he concludes 
 his patlietic defcription with an obfervation, which is at 
 once very refined and very folid. *' In thefe contefts," 
 fays he, " thofe who were dulleft and moft ftupid, and 
 *' had the leaft forefight, commonly prevailed. For be- 
 " ing confcious of this weaknefs, and dreading to be 
 *' over-reached by thofe of greater penetration, they went 
 
 * Appjan. de bell, civ, lib. 2. 
 
 •f" See Cesar's fpeech, ^e hill.Cai'i!. 
 
 X Oral. 24. And in iirat. zg. he mentions the fafticus fpirit of the po- 
 pular aflemblies as the only caufe why thefe illegal puni/hinents fliould dif- 
 pleale. 
 
 « to' 
 
PoPULoCfsNEssefAKtiENT Nations. 4.41 
 
 *' to work haftily, without premeditation, by the fword 
 *« and poniard, and thereby prevented their antagonifts, 
 " who were forming fine fchemes and projeds for their 
 »' deftruaion*." 
 
 Not to mtention DioNYSlus f the elder, who is CGm-» 
 puted to have butchered in cold blood above 10,000 of 
 hi? fellow-citizens ; nor Agathocles J, Nabis §, and 
 others, ftill more bloody than he ; the tranfadlions, even 
 in free governments, were extremely violent and deflrruc- 
 tive. At Athens, the thirty tyrants and the nobles, in 
 a twelvemonth, nflirdered, without trial, about i 200 of 
 the people, and baniflied above the half of the citizens 
 that remained \\. In Argos, near the fame time, the 
 people killed 1200 of the nobles; and afterwards their 
 own denjagpgu.es, becaufe they had refufed to carry their 
 profecutions farther**. The people alfo in Corcyra 
 killed 1500 of the nobles, and baniflied a thoufand-}-. 
 Thefe numbers will appear the more furprifing, if we 
 confider the extreme fmallnefs of thefe ftates. But all 
 antient hiftory is full of fuch inftances ||{|. 
 
 When 
 
 * Lib. 3, The country in Eukofe in which I have obferved the faftion» 
 to be moft violent, and jiarty-hatred the ftrongeft, is Ik eland. This goes 
 Jo far as to cut off even the moft common intercourfe of civilities between the 
 Proteflants and Catholics. Their cruel infurreflions, and the fevere revenges 
 which they have taken of each other, are the caufes of this mutual ill will, 
 yhich is the chief fource of the diforder, poverty, and depopulation of that 
 country. TheGRiEJ? faflions I imagine to have been inflamed ftill to a 
 higher degree of rage j the revolutions being commonly more frequent, and 
 the maxiips of aiTaflination much more avowed and acknowledged, 
 
 f Plvt. de-vlrt. t^ fort. Alex. J Dioo. Sic. lib. \%, 19, 
 
 § Tit, Liv, lib, 31, 33, 34. 
 
 II DioD.Sic. lib. 14. IsocRATzs fays there were only jooo baniflied. 
 H»-makes the number of thofe killed amount to 1 5C0. Ar£Of. /Eschines 
 contra Ctesiph. afligns precifely the fame number. Seneca (fie tranj. 
 fnim. cap. 5.) fays 13CO. 
 
 ** DioD Sic. lih^ 15. 4- Dion. Sic. lib, ij. 
 
 |i| vVelhall mention from Diodorus Siculus alone a few, which p'afTed 
 ;n th« cguffe of fixty years during the moft fliining age of G«i;ece. There 
 
44* 
 
 ESSAY XI. 
 
 When Alexander ordered all the exiles to be reftor-* 
 ed thro' all the cities; it was found, that the whole 
 amounted to 20,000 menf ; the remains probably of ftill 
 greater flaughters and maffacres. What an aftonifliing 
 multitude in fo narrow a country as ancient Greece ! 
 And what domeftic confufion, jealoufy, partiality, re- 
 venge, heart-burnings, muft tear thofe cities, where fac- 
 tions were wrought up to fijch a degre of fury and de- 
 fpair ! 
 
 It would be eafier, fays Isocrates to Philip, to 
 raife an army in Greece at prefect, from the vagabonds 
 than from the cities. 
 
 were baniflied from Sy BAR IS 500 of the nobles and their partifans ; lib, iz. 
 p, 77. <x etJiV. Rmodomanni. Of Chi an s, 600 citizens banilhedj lib, 13, 
 p. 189. At EpH£scs, 340 killed, 1000 baniflied; lib. 13. p. 223. Of 
 Cyeenians, 500 nobles killed, all the reft baniflied ; lib. 14, p. 263. The 
 CoKiNTHiANS killed izo, baniflied 500; lib, 14, p, 304. Ph/bbisas 
 the Spartan baniflied 30oB£Otian5; lib, 15, p, 342, Upon the fall 
 of the Lacedemonians, Democracies were reftored in many cities, and 
 fevere vengeance taken of the nobles, after the Greek manner. But mat- 
 ters did not end there. For the baniflied nobles, returning in many places, 
 butchered their adverfaries at Phialje, in CorinTh, in Megara, in 
 Phliasia, In this laft place they killed 3<30 of the people ; but thefe again 
 revolting, killed above 600 of the nobles and baniflied the reft ; lib. 15, 
 p. 357, In Arcadia 1400 baniflied, befides many killed. The baniflied 
 retired to Sparta and to Pall antium : "IJhe latter delivered up to their 
 countrymen, and all killed, lib. 15. p. 373. Of the baniflied from Ar Cos 
 and Thebes, there were joo in the Spartan army; id. p. 374. Heie 
 is a detail of the moft remarkable of Ac at hoc les's cruelties from the fame 
 author. The people before his ufurpation had baniflied 600 nobles ; lib. 13, 
 p, 655. Afterwards that tyrant, in concurrence with the people, killed4oco 
 nobles, and baniflied 6000 j id. p. 647, He killed 4000 people at Gel A i 
 si/, p. 741. By Agathocles's broiher 8000 baniflied from Syracuse; 
 lib. 20. p. 757. The inhabitants of ^G EST A, to the number of 40,000, 
 were killed, man, woman, and child ; and with tortures, for the fake of 
 their money j id. p, 802. All the relations, mx. father, brother, children, 
 grandfather, of his Libyan army, killed; id. p, 103. He killed 7600 
 «Ki)es after capitulation ; id. p. 816. 'Tis to be remarked, that Agatho- 
 C.L E.S was a man of great fenfe and courage : His violent tyranny, therefor*, 
 is a ftronger proof of the manners qf the age. 
 f DioD. Sic. lib. 18. 
 
 Even 
 
PoPULOUSNESSofANTIEMT NATIONS, i^^^ 
 
 Even where affairs came not to fuch ejctremities 
 (which they failed not to do almoft in every city twice or 
 thrice every century) property was rendered very preca- 
 rious by the maxims of antient government. Xemoo 
 PHON, in the banquet of Socrates, gives us a very 
 natural unaffefted dcfcription of the tyranny of the 
 Athenian people. " In my poverty," fays Charmi- 
 DEs, " I am much more happy than ever I was while 
 " poffeft of riches ; as much as it is happier to be in 
 *' feourity than in terrors, free than a flave, to receive 
 *' than to pay court, to be trufted than fufpefted. For- 
 *' merly I was obliged to carefs every informer ; fome 
 *' impofition was continually laid upon me ; and it was 
 *' never allowed me to travel, or be abfent from the city. 
 *' At prefent, when I am poor, I look big, and threa- 
 *' ten others. The rich are afraid of me, and fhow me 
 *' every kind of civility and refpfeft j and I am become a 
 *' kind of tyrant in the city *." 
 
 In one of the pleadings of Lysias J, the orator very 
 coolly fpeaks of it, by the by, as a maxim of the Athe- 
 nian people, that whenever they wanted money, they 
 put to death fome of the rich citizens as well as ftrangers, 
 for the fake of the forefeiture. In mentioning this, he 
 feems to have no intention of blaming them ; ftill lefs of 
 provoking them who were his audience and judges. 
 
 Whether a man was a citizen or a ftranger among 
 that people, it feems indeed requifite, either that he 
 fliould impoverifh himfelf, or the people would impove- 
 rish him, and perhaps kill him into the bargain. The 
 orator laft mentioned gives a pleafant account of an eftate 
 laid out in the public fervice + ; that is, above the third 
 of it in rareelhows and figured dances, 
 
 I need ' 
 
 • Pag. 885. » «iif. Leunclav. J Orat. 29. mNicom. 
 
 ■f In order to recommend his client to the favour of the people, he enu- 
 merates all the fums he had expended. When X'»5''J'»'> 3^ mw^s ; Upon a 
 7 choru u 
 
4^ E S S A Y XI. 
 
 I need not infift on the Greek tyrannies, wjiich were 
 altogether horrible. Even the mixed njonarchies, by 
 which moft of the antient ftates of Greece were go- 
 3/ern.ed, before the introduction of republics, were very 
 unfettled. ^ Scarce any city, but Athens, fays IsocrAt 
 TES, could fhow a fucceffion of kings for four or five 
 generations °. 
 
 Befides many other obvious reafons for th? infl:ability 
 of ancient monarchies, the equal divifion of property 
 among the brothers in private families, mufl, by a necef- 
 fary confequence, contribute to unfettle and difturb the 
 flate. The univerfal preference given to the ejder by 
 modern laws, tho' it increafes the inequality of fortunes, 
 has, however, this good efFeft, that it accuftoms men to 
 the fame idea of public fucceffion, and cuts ofF all claim 
 and pretenfion of the younger. 
 
 The new fettled colony of Heraclea, falling imme- 
 diately into fadions, applied to Sparta, who fent 
 
 chorus of men 20 minas ; ^icwvo^ij^t^at; 8 minas ; av$(Aa*i jgognyfwv. 50 nit- 
 lias ; xi/xJ^iXaj x^^*' 3 ^^^^^ • Seven times trierarchj wl^ere he fpent 6 t«^- 
 lents : Taxes, once 30 minas^ another time 40 5 yvfAvaa-tet^x'^v, iz minas ; 
 ^o^tty^ 'urathita x^i^> '5 minas; ho,wo^oi; x°i'"3''"^> '^ minas; iffyfgi;^!- 
 j^atc' ayevstoi?, 7 minas; TfJ^fif aftA^oftsv^, 15 minas; afp^ijSewgof, 30 
 oiinas; In the whole ten talents 38 minas. An immcnfe fum for an 
 Athenian fortune, and what alone would be efteemed great riches, Oral, 
 as. 'Tis true, he fays, the law did not oblige him abfoiutely to be at fo 
 much expence, not above a fourth. But without the favour of the people 
 no body was fo much as fafe ; and this was the only way to gai n it. See far- 
 ther, oret. 24. defop.ftatu. In another place, he introduces a fpeaker, who 
 fays that he had fpent his whole fortune, and an immenfe one, eighty 
 talents, for the people. Orat. 25, de pmb. Evandri.- The /uetoixoi, or 
 grangers, find, fays he, it they do.not contribute largely enough to the pea- 
 pie's fancy, that they have reafon to repent, Orat. 30. contraPHM.. You 
 may fee with what care Demoethines difplayshis expenceoof this nature, 
 when he pleads for himfelf i/e corona; and how he exaggerates Midias's 
 ftinginefs in this particular, in his accufation of that criminali All this, 
 by the by, is the mark a very iniquitous judicature: Arid yet the Athe- 
 nians valued themfehes on having the moft legal and regular adminiftra- 
 tionof any people in G»i£ci, * Panath. 
 
 Herip.idas 
 
PoPULousNEss of Antient Nations. 44J 
 
 Heripidas with full authority to quiet their dinTerifions. 
 This man, not provoked by any oppofition, not inflamed 
 by party rage, knew no better expedient than immediate- 
 ly putting to death about 500 of the citizens f . A ftrong 
 proof how deeply rooted thefe violent maxims of govern- 
 ment were throughout all Greece. 
 
 If fuch was the difpofition of mens minds among that 
 refined people, what may be expedted in the common- 
 wealths of Italy, Afric, Spain, and Gaul, which 
 were denominated barbarous ? Why otherwife did the 
 Greeks fo much value themfelves on their humanity, 
 gentlenefs and moderation, above all other nations ? 
 This reafoning feems very natural. But unluckily the 
 hiftory of the Roman commonwealth, in its earlier 
 times, if we give credit to the received accounts, ftands 
 againft us. No blood was ever flied in any fedition at 
 Rome, till the murder of the Gracchi. Dionysius 
 Halicarnass^us f, obferving the fingiilar humanity 
 of the Roman people in this particular, makes ufe of it 
 as an argument that they were originally of Grecian 
 extraflion : Whence we may conclude, that the faftions 
 and revolutions in the barbarous republics were ufu^ily^ 
 more violentthaneventhofeofGREECE above-mentioned. 
 
 If the Romans were fo late in coming to blows, they 
 made ample compenfatiorv after they had once entered 
 upon the bloody fcene j and Appian's hiftory of their 
 civil wars contains the moft frightful picture of maffacres, 
 profcriptions, and forfeitures, that ever was prefented to 
 the world. What pleafes moft, in that hiftorian, is 
 that he feems to feel a proper refentment of thefe barbar- 
 ous proceedings ; and talks not with that provoking cool- 
 nefs and indifference, which cuftom bad produced in 
 many of the Greek hiftorians *. 
 
 The 
 
 •f DioD. Sic. lib. 14, J Lib. i, 
 
 * The authorities cited above, are all hiftorians, orators, and philofo- 
 pheit, whafe teftjmonv is unqueftioned. 'Tis dangerous to rtly upon writers 
 
 whs 
 
446 ESSAY XL 
 
 The maxims of antjent politics contain, in general, fo 
 little humanity and moderation, that it feems (uperfluoiis 
 to give any particular reafon for the violences committed 
 at any particular period. Yet I cannot forbear obferving, 
 that the laws, in the latter ages of the Roman common- 
 wealth, were fo abfurdly contrived, that they obliged the 
 heads of parties to have recourfe to thefe extremities. All 
 capital punifliments were abolifhed : However criminal, 
 or, what is more, hov\rever dangerous any citizen might 
 be, he could not regularly be punifhed otherwife than by 
 banifliment : And it became neceflary, in the revolution? 
 of party, to draw the fvvord of private vengeance ; nor 
 was it eafy, when laws were once violated, to fet bounds 
 to thefe fanguinary proceedings. Had Brutus himfelf 
 prevailed over the triumvirate, could he, in common 
 prudence, have allowed Octavius and Anthony to 
 live, and have contented himfelf with banifhing them to 
 Rhopes or Marseilles, where they might ftill have 
 plotted new commotions and rebellions ? His executing 
 C. Antonius, brother to the triumvir, fhows evidently 
 his fenfe of the matter. Did not Cicero, with the ap- 
 
 who deal in ridicule and fatyr. What will pofterity, for inftance, infer from 
 this paffage of Dr. Swift ? " I told him, that in the kingdom of Trib- 
 " NIA (Britain) by, the natives called Langdon (London) where I 
 " bad fajourned fame time in my travels, the bulk of the people confift, in a 
 " manner, wholly of difcoverers, witnefles, informers, accufers, profecu- 
 " tors, evidences, fwearers, together with their feveral fubfervient and fub- 
 " altern inftruments, all under the colours, the conduct, and pay of mini- 
 •' iters of ftate and their deputies. The plots in that kingdom are ufually 
 " the workmanfliip of thofe perfons," fife. Gwii-iver's rraWi. Such a 
 reprefentation might fuit the government of Athens ; but not that of 
 England, which is a prodigy even in modern times, for humanity, juftice, 
 and liberty. Yet the Doflor's fatyr, tho' carried to extremes, as is ufual 
 vfith him, even beyond other fatyrical writers, did not altogether want an 
 obje£l. The Bifliop of Rochester, who was his friend, and of the fame 
 party, had been baniflieJ a little before by a bill of attainder, with great juf- 
 tice, but without fuch a proof as was legal, or according to the ftrifl forms 
 of common law. 
 
 probation 
 
PopuLousNESs of Antient Nations. 44jr 
 
 probation of all the wife and virtuous of Rome, arbitra- 
 rily put to death Catiline's aflbciates, contrary to 
 law, and without any trial or form of procefs ?, And if 
 he moderated his executions, did it not proceed, either 
 from the cleme-cy of his temper, or the conjunftures of 
 the times ? A wretched fecurity in a government which 
 pretends to laws and liberty ! 
 
 Thus, one extreme produces another. In the fame 
 manner as exceffive feverity in the laws is apt to beget 
 great relaxation in their execution ; fo their exceffive le- 
 nity naturally produces cruelty and barbarity. 'Tis dan- 
 gerous to forge us, in any cafe, to pafs their facred 
 boundaries. 
 
 One general caufe of the diforders fo frequent in all 
 antient governments, feems to have confifted in the great 
 difficulty of eftablifbing any Ariftocracy in thofe ages, 
 and the perpetual difcontents and feditions of the people, 
 whenever even the meaneft and moft beggarly \yere ex- 
 cluded from the legiflature and from public offices. The 
 very quality of freeman gave fuch a rank, being oppofed 
 to that of flave, that it feemed to intitle the pofleflbr to 
 every power and privilege of the commonwealth. So- 
 lon's f laws excluded no freeman from votes or eledlions, 
 but confined fome magiftracies to a particular cenfus ; yet 
 were the people never fatisfied till thofe laws were re- 
 pealed. By the treaty with ANTiPATERf, no Athe- 
 nian had a vote whofe cenfus was lefs than 2000 drach" 
 mas (about 60 /. Sterling). And tho' fuch a government 
 would to us appear fufficiently democratical, it was fo dif- 
 agreeable to that people, that above two thirds of them 
 immediately left their country ||. Cassander reduced 
 that cenfus to the half § ; yet ftill the government was 
 
 •f- Plutarchuj iitvita SoiON. 
 
 J DioD, Sic, lib, ig. 
 
 II Id. ibid, § Id. ibid. 
 
 confiJered 
 
448 E S S A Y XI. 
 
 confidered as an oligarchical tyranny, and tBe effeiSt of 
 foreign violence. 
 
 Servius TuLLius'sf laws feemvcry equal and rea- 
 fonatle, by fixing the power in proportion to the pro- 
 perty : Yet the Roman people could n*'er be brought 
 quietly to fubmit to them. 
 
 In thofe days there was no medium between a fevere, 
 jealous Ariftocracy, ruling over difcontented fubjedts ; 
 and a turbulent, factious, tyrahnical Democracy. 
 
 But, thirdly, there are many other cirCumftances, in 
 which antient nations feem inferior to the modern, both 
 for the happinefs and increafe of mankind. Trade, ma- 
 nufaftures, induftry, were no where, in former ages, fo 
 flourifhing as they are at prefent in Europe. The only 
 garb of the antients, both for males and femaleS, feems 
 to have been a kind of flannel, which they wore com- 
 monly white or gray, and which they fcoured as often 
 as it grew dirty. Tyre, which carried on, after Car- 
 thage, the greateft commerce of any city in the Me- 
 diterranean, before it was deftroyed by Alexander, 
 was no mighty city, if we credit Arrian's account of 
 its inhabitants %, Athens is commonly fuppofed to 
 have been a trading city : But it. was as populous before 
 the Median war as at any time after it, according to 
 Herodotus || ; and yet its commerce, at that time, 
 was fo inconliderable, that, as the fame hiftorian ob- 
 ferves §, even the neighbouring coafts of Asia were as 
 little frequented by the Greeks as the pillars of,HER- 
 CULES : For beyond thefe he conceived nothing. 
 
 ■f- Tit. Liv. lib. I. cap. 43. 
 
 X Lib. z. There were 8000 killed during the fiege ; and the whole cip- 
 tives amounted to 30,000. Diodorus Sicuius, lib. 17, fays only 13,000;* 
 But he accounts for this fmall number, by faying that the Tyrians had 
 fent away beforehand part of their wives, and children to Carthage. 
 
 II Lib. 5, he makes the number of the citizens amount to 30,000. 
 
 h lb. 5. 
 
 Great; 
 
PbPULoxjsNEss of Antiknt Nations. 44$ 
 
 Great intereft of moneys and great profits of trade, 
 are an infallible indication, that induftry and commerce 
 are but in their infancy. We read in Lysias * of 100 
 per cent, profit made of a cargo of two talents, fent to 
 no greater, diftance than from Athens to the Adria- 
 tic : Nor is this mentioned as an inftance of exorbitant 
 profit. Antidorus, fays Demosthenes f, paid three 
 talents and a half for a houfe, which he let at a talent 
 a-year : And the orator blames his own tutors for not 
 employing his money to like advantage. My . fortune, 
 fays he, in eleven years minority, ought to have been 
 tripled. The value of 20 of the flaves left by his father, 
 he computes at 40 minas, and the yearly profit of their 
 labour at 12 1- The moft moderate intereft at Athens, 
 (for there was higher || often paid) was 12 per cent, §, 
 and that paid monthly. Not to infift upon thg exorbi- 
 tant intereft of 34 /"^r cent, to which the vaft fums diftri- 
 buted in eledions had raifed money 4 at Rome, we find, 
 that Verres, before that faftioiis period^ ftated24^^r 
 cent, for money, which he left in the publicans hands. 
 And tho' Cicero declaims againft this article, it is not 
 on account of the extravagant ufury ; but becaufe it had 
 never been cuftomSry to ftate any intereft on fuch occa- 
 fions %%. Intereft, indeed, funk at RoMEj after the fet- 
 tlement of the empire: But it never remained any con- 
 fiderabie time fo low, as in the Comniercial ftates of mo- 
 dern ages §§. 
 
 Among the other inconveniencies which the Athe- 
 nians felt from the fortifying Decelia by the Lace- 
 PEMoNiANS, it is reprefented by Thucydides ft, as 
 
 *Ortft 33. adverfi Diagit. 
 
 •f- Contra Aphob. p. 25- ex edit. Aldi. 
 
 X Id. p. 19. II Id. ibid. 
 
 § Id. ibid, and .^s CHINES contra CTXSira., 
 
 4 Epill. fljATTtc. lib. 5. epift. 11. 
 
 Jt &»»raV£RR.ora(. 3. §§ See Eflay IV. tf Lib. 7. 
 
 Vot. I. G g one 
 
450 E -S S A Y XI, 
 
 one of the moft confiderable, that they could not brfng 
 over their c6rn from Eubea by land, pafling by Oro- 
 pus ; but were obliged to embark it, and to fall about 
 the promontory of Sunium. A furprifing inflance of 
 the imperfedlion of antient navigation : For the water- 
 cdrriage is not here above double the land. 
 
 I do not i'emember any paflage in any antient author, 
 where the growth of any city is afcribed to the eftablifh- 
 ment of a liianufafture. The commerce which is faid to 
 fiourifh, is chiefly the exchange of thofe commodities 
 for which different foils and climates were fuited. The 
 fale of wine and oil into Africa, according to Diodo- 
 Rus SicuLUS*, was the foundation of the riches of 
 Agrigentum. The fituation of the city of Sybaris, 
 according to the fame author f, was the caufe of its im- 
 raenfe populoufnefs : being built near the two rivers 
 Crathys and Sybaris, But thefe two rivers, we 
 may obferve, are not navigable ; and could only produce 
 fome fertile valleys, for agriculture and hufbandryj an 
 advantage fo inConfiderable, that a modern writer would 
 fcarcely have taken notice of it. 
 
 The barbarity of the antient tyrants, together with 
 the extreme love of liberty, which animated thofe ages, 
 muft have banifh.ed every merchant and' manufadlurer; 
 and have quite depopulated the ftate, had it fubfifted up- 
 on induftry and commerce. While the cruel and fufpi- 
 cious DiONYSius was carrying on his butcheries, who, 
 that was not detained by his landed property, and could 
 have carried with him any art or {kill to procure a fub- 
 fiflience in other countries, would have remained expofed 
 to fuch implacable barbarity ? The perfecutions of Phi- 
 lip II. and Lewis XIV. filled all Europe with the 
 manufacturers of Flanders and of France. 
 
 • Lib. 13. f Lib. Ii. 
 
 I grant. 
 
PoPULousNEss of Antient Nations. 451 
 
 I grant, thjt .^gjriculture is the fpecies of induftry 
 lyjiich is chiefly requifite to the fubfiftence of multitudes ; 
 gnd it is poflible, that this induftry may flourifli, even 
 jKhere mapufaiStures and other arts are unjcnown a;id ne-» 
 gle£ted. Swisserland is at prefent a very remarkable 
 inftancej where yye find, at once, the moft Ikilful huf- 
 bandmen and the moft bungling tradermen, that are to 
 be met with in all Europe. That agriculture flouriflied 
 ^i? Greece and ItaLy, at leaft in fome parts of them, 
 •and at fpme .periods, we have reafon to prefume : And 
 jwhether the mechanical arts had reached the fame degree 
 jof perfe(9aon, fliay not be efteemed fo material j efpeci- 
 ally, if we confider th^ great equality in the antient re- 
 publics, where each family was obliged to cultivate, with 
 the greateft care and induftry, its own little field, in or- 
 der to its fubfiftence. 
 
 But is it juft reafoning, becaufe agriculture may, in 
 .fome inftances, fiourifh vj^ithout trade or manufaftures, 
 to. conclude, jthat, in any great extent of country, and 
 for any great tradt of time, it would fubfift alone ? The 
 moft natural ^ay, furely, of encouraging huft)andry, is, 
 iirft, to excite other kinds of induftry, and thereby afford 
 the labourer a ready market for his commodities, and a 
 return of fuch goods as may contribute to his pleafure 
 and enjoyment. This method is infallible and univerfal ; 
 and aa it prevails more in modern government than in the 
 antient, it afjprds a prefumption of the fuperior popu- 
 loufnefs of the former. 
 
 Every man, fays Xenophon f , may be a farmer : No 
 art or fkill is requifite : All confifts in the induftry, and 
 attention to the execution. A ftrong proof, as Colu- 
 mella hiots, that agriculture was but little known in 
 the age of Xenophon. 
 
 •{■ Oecon. 
 
 G g 2 All 
 
432 ESSAY XI. 
 
 All our latter improvements and refinements, have 
 they operated nothing towards the eafy fubfiftence of 
 men, and confequently towards their propagation and in- 
 creafe ? Our fuperior (kill in mechanics, the difcovery 
 oF new worlds, by which commerce has been fo much 
 enlarged, the eftablifliment of pofts, and the ufe of bills 
 of exchangte : Thefc feem all extremely ufeful to the en- 
 couragement of art, induftry, and populoufnefs. Wei'e 
 we to ftrilce oft" thefe, what a check fliould we give to 
 every kind of bufmefs and labour, and what multitudes 
 of families would immediately perifh from want and hun- 
 ger ? And it feems not probable, that we could fupply 
 the place of thefe new inventions by any other regulation 
 or inftitution. 
 
 Have we reafon to think, that the police of antient 
 flates was any wife comparable to that of modern, or 
 that men had then equal fecurity, either at home, or in 
 their journies by land or water ? I queftion not, but 
 every impartial examiner would give us the preference in 
 this particular *. 
 
 Thus, upon comparing the whole, it feems impoflible 
 to aflign any juft reafon, why the world (hould have 
 been more populous in antient than in modern times. 
 The equality of property among the antients, liberty, 
 and the fmall divifions of their ftates, were indeed fa- 
 vourable to the propagation of mankind : But their wars 
 were more bloody and deftruclive, their governments 
 more fadtious and unfettled, commerce and manufadtures 
 more feeble and languifliing, and the general police more 
 loofe and irregular. Thefe latter difadvantages feem to 
 form a fufficient counterbalance to the former advanta- 
 ges ; and rather favour the oppofite opinion to that 
 which commonly prevails with regard to this fubjeft. 
 
 t See Parti. tfiUy XII. , 
 
 But 
 
PoPutousNEss of An.tient Nations. 453 
 
 , But .there is no re^foniog, it may be faid, againft tpatr 
 ter.pf ^faft. If it appear, that the world was then more 
 populous than at prefent, we may be affured, that our 
 conjeftures are falfe, and that we have overlooked fome 
 material circumftance in the comparifon. This I readily 
 own : All our preceding reafdnings, I acknowledge to 
 be mere trifling, or, at leaft, fmall {kirmifhes and frivo- 
 lous rencounters, which decide nothing. But unluckily 
 the main combat, where we compare fadts, cannot be 
 rendered much more decifive. The facSs delivered by 
 antient authors, are either fo uncertain or fo imperfedt as 
 to afford us nothing pofitive in this matter. How in- 
 deed could it be otherwife ? The very fads which we 
 muft oppofe to them, in computing the greatnefs of mo- 
 dern ftates, are far from being either. certain orcompleat. 
 Many grounds of calculation, proceeded on by cele- 
 brated writers, are little better than thofe of the Emperor 
 Heliogabalus, who formed an eftimate of the im- 
 menfe greatnefs of Rome, from ten thoufand pound 
 weight of cobwebs which had been found in that city f . 
 
 'Tis to be remarked, that all kinds of numbers are un- 
 certain in antient manufcripts, and have been fubjeiS to 
 much greater corruptions than any other part of the text; 
 and that for a very obvious reafon. Any alteration, in 
 other places, commonly afFefts the fenfe or grammar, and 
 is more readily perceived by the reader and tranfcriber. 
 
 Few enumerations of inhabitants have be?n made of 
 any trafl: of country by any antient author of good autho- 
 rity, fo as to afford us a large enough view for compari- 
 fon. 
 
 'Tis probable, that there was formerly a good foun- 
 dation fgr the number of citizens affigned to any free city j 
 jsef aufe they entered for a fhare of the government, and 
 
 •f- ^Lil Lampbid. iB'Z'/'a HeiiogAb. cap,'z6. 
 
 G g 3 there 
 
454 ESSAY tt 
 
 there were exa£t regifters kept of them. But aS th(j 
 number of flaves is feldorn mentioned, tHis leavfes us in 
 as great uncertainty as ever, with regard to thepopulouf- 
 nefs even of firigle cities. 
 
 The firft page of Thucydipes is, in my opinion* 
 the commencement of real hiftory. All preceding nar- 
 rations are fo intermixed with fable, that philofophers 
 ought to abandon them, in 3 great meafure, to the em- 
 beUifhment of poets and orators *. 
 
 With regard to remote times, the numbers of people 
 afligned are often ridiculous, and lofe all credit and au- 
 thority. The free citizens of Sybaris, able to bear 
 arms, and aftually drawn out in battle, were 300,000, 
 They encountred at Siagra with 100,000 citizens of 
 Croto'na, another Greek city contiguous to themj 
 and were defeated. This is Diodorus Siculus's f 
 account ; and is very ferioufly infifted on by that hifto- 
 rian. Strabo f alfo mentions the fame number of Syt 
 barites. 
 
 Diodorus Siculps §, enumerating the inhabitants 
 of Agrigentum, when it was deftroyed by the Car- 
 thaginians, fays, that they amounted to 20,000 citi- 
 zens, 200,000 ftrangers, befides {laves, who, in fo opu- 
 lent a city as he reprefents it, would probably be, at 
 
 * In general, tlitre is thbre ca'ntfoui- ah'd fincerity in antient hiftoriaiis, hut 
 lefs exa£lnefs and care, tha'n in the modern^. Our ipefculative fa£):iDil5, efpe- 
 eially thofe of religion, throw fuch an illuHon over our minds, that men 
 feem to regard impartiality to their adverfaries and to heretics, as a vice or 
 weakncfs : Bu't the commonnefs of books, by means of printing, has obligei 
 modern hiftoriaTis to be more careful in avoiding contradictions and incon- 
 gruities. Diodorus SicuLUs is a good writer; but 'tis with pain 1 fee 
 hfs narration cdhtradidV, in fo many particulars, the two moft authentic 
 pieces of all Greek hiftoryy vix. Xenophon's expedition, and DEJabs- 
 thenSs's orations. PlutaIsch and Appian feem fcarc'e ever tq liaVe 
 read Cicero's epiftles, 
 
 t Lib. u. J Lib. 6. § Lit. 13. 
 
 leaft, 
 
PoPULousNESs of Antient Na.tions. 455 
 
 leaft, as numerous. We muft remark, that the women 
 and the children are not included ; and that therefore, 
 upon the vyhole, the city muft have contained near two 
 millions of inhabitants *, And w'hat was the reafon of 
 fo immenfe an increafe ! They were very i;iduftrious 
 in cultivating the neighbouring fields, not exceeding a 
 fmall English county ; and they traded with their wine 
 and oil to Africa, which, at that time, had none of 
 thefe commodities. 
 
 Ptolemy, fays Theocritus f, commands 33,339 
 cities. I fuppofe the fingularity of the number was the 
 reafon of afligning it. Diodorus Siculus J afligns 
 three millions' of inhabitants to ^gypt, a very fmall 
 number : But then he makes tl^e numb.er of their cities 
 amount tp 18,000 : An evident contf^diftion. 
 
 He fays |1, the people were formerly feven millions. 
 Thus remote times are always moft envied and admired. 
 
 That Xerxes's army was extremely numerous, I can 
 readily believe ; both from the great extent of his em- 
 pire, and from the foolifli pradice of the Eaftern nations, 
 of encumbering their camp with a fuperfluous multitude ; 
 But will any rational man cite Herodotus's wonderful 
 narrations as an authority ? There is fomething very 
 rational, I own, in Lysias's § argument upon this fub- 
 jedt. Had not Xerxes's army been incredibly numerous, 
 fays he, he had never built a bridge over the Helle- 
 spont : It had been much eafier to have tranfported his 
 men over fo fhort a paflage, with the numerous (hipping 
 of which he was m after. 
 
 Polybius |. fays, that the Romans, between the 
 firft and fecond Punic wars, being threatened with an 
 
 * DiOGiNEs LakRtius (lit -vlta Tc-mt zdoclis) fays, tbatAGKi- 
 GZNTUM contained only 8oo,cod inhabitants. 
 
 t Idyll. 17. ' t Lib. 1. II Id. ibid, 
 
 § Oralffumbrii, 4- ''''',• *• 
 
 G g 4 invafion 
 
456 ESSAY XI. 
 
 inyafion from the Gauls, muftered all their own fordeSj 
 and thofe of their allies^ and found them amount to feven 
 hundred thoufand men able to bear arms. A great num- 
 ber liirely, and which, when joined to the flaves, is pro- 
 bably not iefs, if nojt rather more than that extent of 
 country affords at prefent*. The enumeration too feems 
 to have been made with fome exa<Stnefs : and Polybius 
 gives us the detail of the particulars. But might not the 
 number be magnified, in order to encourage the people. 
 
 DiODORUS SicULUs f , makes the fame enumeration 
 amount to near a million. Thefe variations are fufpi- 
 cious. He plainly too fuppofes, that Italy in his time 
 was nrt fo populous : Another very fufpicious circum- 
 ftance. For who can believe, that the inhabitants of 
 that country diminifhed from the time of the firft Punic 
 war to that of the triumvirates F 
 
 Julius Caesar, according to Appian J, encountered 
 four millions of Gauls, killed one million, and took 
 another million prifoners ||. Supposing the number (^f 
 the enemy's army and of the killed could be exaftly af- 
 figned, which never is poflible j how could it be known 
 how often the fame man returned into the armies, or 
 Jiow diftinguifli the new from the old levied foldiers ? 
 No attention ought ever to be given to fuch loofe, exag- 
 gerated calculations ; efpecially where the author tells us 
 not the mediums upon which the calculations were 
 founded, 
 
 Paterculus § makes the number killed by C-^SAR 
 amount only to 400,000 : A much more probable ^p- 
 
 • The country that fupplied this number, was not above a third of Italy 
 viz, the Pop,e*s dominions, Tuscany, and a 'part of the kingdom of 
 Naples : But perhaps in thofe early times there were very few flaves, except 
 in Rome, or the great cities. ■}■ Lib. 2. J Cxltica, 
 
 11 Plutarch (irfvitaCjs.s,) makes the number that C/esar- fought 
 with amount only to three millions. Julian, (in C^sajieus) to two. 
 
 § Lib. 2. cap. 47, 
 
 count, 
 
PopuLousNEss of Antient Nations. 457 
 
 count, and more eafily reconciled to the hiftory of thefe 
 ■wars given by that conqueror himfelf jn his Gonjmenta- 
 lies. , 
 
 One would imagine, that eyery circumftance of th? 
 life and aftions of Dionysius the elder might be regard- 
 ed as authentic, and free from all fabulous exaggeration ; 
 both becaufe he lived at a time when letters flouri{he4 
 moft in Greece, and hecaufe his chief hiftorian was 
 Philistus, a man allowed to be of great genius, aijd 
 who was a courtier and minifter of that prjnce. But can 
 we admit, that he had a ftanding army of 100,000 foot, 
 10,000 horfe, and a fleet of 400 gallies * ? Thefe, we 
 may obferve, were mercenary forces, and fubfifled upon 
 their pay, like our armies in Europe. For the citizens 
 were all difarmed ; and when Dion afterwards invaded 
 Sicily, and called on his countrymen to vindicate their 
 liberty, he was obliged to bring arms along with him, 
 which he diftributed among thofe who joined him \, In 
 a ftate where agriculture alone flourifhes, there may be 
 many inhabitants ; and if thefe be all armed and difci- 
 jMined, a great force may be called out upon occafion : 
 But great numbers of mercenary troops can never be 
 maintained without either trade and manufa£lures, or 
 very extenfive dominions. The United Provinces never 
 were matters of fuch a force by fea and land, as that 
 which is faid to belong to Dionysius ; yet they poflefs 
 as larire a territory, perfectly well cultivated, and have 
 infinitely more refources from their commerce and induf- 
 try. DiODoRUS Siculus allows, that, even in his time, 
 the army of Dionysius appeared incredible ; that is, 
 as I interpret it, it was entirely a fiflion, and the opi- 
 liion arofe from the exaggerated flattery of the courti- 
 ers, and perhaps from the vanity and policy of the tyrant 
 himfelf. 
 
 f PloD.Sic. lib, t, t PivTARCH in viiaDiovJS, 
 
 • 'Tis 
 
458 ESSAY XL 
 
 'Tis a very ufual fallacy, to confider all the ages of 
 antiquity as one period, and to compute the numbers 
 contained in the great cities mentioned by antient authors, 
 as if thefe cities had been all cotemporary. The Greek 
 colonies flourifhed extremely in Sicily during the age 
 of Alexander : But in Augustus's time they were fo 
 decayed, that almoft all the product of that fertile ifland 
 was confumed in Italy *. 
 
 Let us now examine the numbers of inhabitants aflign- 
 ed to particular cities in antiquity ; and omitting the 
 numbers of Nineveh, Babylon, and the Egyptian 
 Thebes, let us confine ourfelves to the fphere of real 
 hiftory, to the Grecian and Roman ftates. I muft 
 own, the more I confider this fubjedl:, the more am I in- 
 clined to fcepticifm, with regard to the great populouf,. 
 nefs afcribed to antient times. 
 
 Athens is faid by Plato f to be a very great city ; 
 and it was furely the greateft of all the Greek J cities, 
 except Syracuse, which was nearly about the famefize 
 in Thucydides's || time, and. afterwards increafed be- 
 yond it. For Cicero § mentions it as the greateft of all 
 the Greek cities in his time ; not comprehending, I 
 fuppofe, either Antioch or Alexandria under that 
 denomination. Athenjeus f fays, that, by the enu- 
 meration of Demetrius Phalereus, there were in 
 Athens 21,000 citizens, 10,000 ftrangers, and 400,000 
 flav-es. This number is very jnuch infifted on by thofc 
 
 • Strabo, lib 6. -j- Apelag. SocE. 
 
 ^ Ar GO s feems alfo to have been a great city : For Lysi as contents bim» 
 lelf with faying that it did not exceed Athens, Orat. 34. 
 
 II Lib. 6. See alfo Plutarch »b otm Ni c i je . 
 
 § Omt. contra Verrem, lib. 4. cap. 52. Strabo, lib. 6, &ys it was 
 twenty two miles in compafs. But then we are to confider, thatit contained 
 two harbours within it ; one of which was a very large one, and might be 
 reg^irded as a kind of bay. 
 
 ■\ Lib. 6. cap. 20. 
 
 7. whofe 
 
POPULOUSNESS of AnTIENT NATIONS. 459 
 
 whofe Opinion I call in queftion, and is fefteemed a fun- 
 damental fddl to their purpofe ; But, in my opiition, there 
 is no point of criticifrti ftiore certain, than that Athe- 
 Hjevs, and CtesicleS, whom he cites, are here mifta- 
 ken, and that the number of flaves is augmented by a 
 whole cypher, and dpght not to b<B regarded as more than 
 40,000. 
 
 Fir/}j When the number of citizens is faid to be ■ 
 21,000 by Athen^us *, men of iWl age are only under- 
 ftood. For, (i.) Herodotus fajs t, that Aristago- 
 JIAS, ambaflador from the Ioniaims, found it harder to 
 deceive one Spartan than 30,000 Athenians ; mean- 
 ing, in a loofe way, the whole ftat^e, fuppofed to be met 
 in one popular affembly, excluding the women and chil-. 
 dren. (2.) Thucydides J fays, that, making allow-r 
 ance for all the abfentees in the fleist, army, garrifons, 
 and for people employed in their private affairs, the Athe- 
 jJian aflembly never rofe to five thoufand. (3.) The 
 forces enumerated by the fame hiftorian §, being all citi- 
 jtens, and amdunting to 1^,000 heavy- armed infantry, 
 prove the fame method of calculation ; as alfo the whole 
 tenor of the Greek, hiftorians, whi? always underftand 
 men of full age, when they afllgn the number of citizens 
 in any republic. Now, thefe being but the fourth of the 
 inhabitants, the free Athenians were by this account 
 (84^000 ; the ftrangfers 40,000 ; and the flaves, calculat- 
 ing by the fmaHfej: numbet, and allowing that they tnar- 
 j-ied an^ propagated at the fame rate with -freemen, were 
 160,000; and the whole inhabitants 284,000 : A large 
 enough number furely, Th6 other number, 1,720^000 
 ittakfes AtttlEN's larger than London and Paris united. 
 $econdfyt There were but I0,ooo houfes in Atijens |1, 
 
 • Demosthenes afligns 20,oop; cotttra Akist cg. 
 
 t Lib. 5. J Lib. 8. 
 
 4 Lib. 2. DioDORus Sicutu's's account petfef Vy agrees, lib. 12, 
 
 H Xenophon Mem- lib. 2, . 
 
 Thirdly, 
 
460 ESSAY XI. 
 
 Thirdly, Tho' the fextent of the walls, as given uS by 
 Thucydid£s *, be great, (viz. eighteen miles, befide 
 the fea-coaft) : yet Xenophon f fays, there was much 
 wafte ground within the walls. They feempd indeed tq 
 have joined four diftinct and fejiarate cities %. 
 
 Fourthly,"i^o infurre^ion of the flavesj nor fufpicion 
 of infurredtion, are ever mentioned by hiftorians; ex- 
 cept pne ,cofrimotion of the miners §. 
 
 Fifthly^ The Athenians treatment of their flaves 
 is faid by Xenophon {|, and Demosthenes **, and 
 Plautus tt, to have been extremely gentle and indul- 
 gent : Which could never have been the cafe, had the 
 difproportion been twenty to one. The difproportion is 
 not fo great in any of our colonies ; and yet we are ob- 
 liged to exercife a very rigorous military government over 
 the negroes. 
 
 Sixthly, No man is ever efteemed rich for poflefling 
 what may be reckoned an equal diftribution of property 
 in any country, or even triple or quadruple that wealth. 
 Thus every perfon in England is computed by fome to 
 fpend fix-pence a-day : Yet is he eftimated but poor who 
 has five times that fum. Now Timarchus is faid by 
 .ffiscHiNES %% to have been left in eafy circumftances j 
 
 * l,ib. z, -)■ Derationered. 
 
 X We are to obferve, that when Diontsibs Halicarnass^eus fays, 
 
 that if we regard the antient lAralls of Rom i, the extent of the city will 
 
 not appear greater than that of Athens ; he muft mean the Acropolis 
 
 and high town only. No antient author ever fpeaks of the Pyr^um, 
 
 Phalerus, and Munychia, as the fame with Athens. Much lefs 
 
 can it be fuppofed, that Dion v s i ii s would confider the matter in that light, 
 
 after the walls of CiMoN and Pericles were dtflroyed, and Athens was 
 
 entirely feparated from thcfe other towns. This obfervation dellroys ail 
 
 yo«sios's reafonings, and introdutes common fenfe intothefe calculations, 
 
 § ATHEN.Iib, 6. II Derep. Athzs, 
 
 •• Philip. 3. ff Stic'ho. 
 
 JJ CwirraTlMARCH. 
 
 but 
 
PoPULOtJSilESS of ANTIENt NATIONS. 46^ 
 
 but he was mafter only of ten flaves employed in manu- 
 fadtures. Lysias and his brother, two ftrangers, were; 
 profcribed by the thirty for their great riches ; tho' they 
 had but fixty a-piece *. Demosthenes was left very 
 rich by his father ; yet he had no more than fifty-two 
 flaves f . His workhoufe, of twenty cabinet-makers, is 
 faid, to be a very confiderable manufadlory J. 
 
 Seventhly, During the Decelian war, as the Greek 
 hiftorians call it, 20,000 flaves deferted, and brought the 
 Athenians to great diftrefs, as we learn from Thucy- 
 DiDES §. This could not have happened, had they 
 been only the twentieth part. The beft flaves would not 
 defert. 
 
 Eighthly, Xenophon II propofes a fcheme for enter- 
 taining by the public 10,000 flaves : And that fo great 
 a number may poflibly be fupported, any one will be 
 Convinced, fays he, who confiders the numbers we pof- 
 fefled before the Decelian war. A way of fpeaking al- 
 together incompatible with the larger number of Athe* 
 NjEUS. 
 
 Islinihly, The whole cenfu's of the ftate of Athens 
 was lefs than 6000 talents. And tho' numbers in antient 
 manufcripts be often fufpedted by critics, yet this is un- 
 exceptionable ; both becaufe Demosthenes f, who 
 gives it, gives alfo the detail, which checks him ; and 
 becaufe Polybius %% afllgns the fame number, and rea- 
 fons upon it. Now, the moft vulgar flave could yield 
 by his labour an oholus a day, over and above his main- 
 tenance, as we learn from Xenophon tt> who fays, that 
 NiciAs's overfeer paid his mafter fo much for flaves, 
 whoei he employed in digging of mines. If you will 
 
 * Oral. ij. f Contra Athos, J Ibid. 
 
 § Lib. 7. II De rat. red. fl De clajfibus, 
 
 %% Lib. 2. cap. 6i. ft ^* '■"'• "^- 
 
 take 
 
464 " ESSAY XL 
 
 take the pains to eftimate an obolits i day, and the flalves 
 at 40.0,000, computing only at four years purchafe, you 
 will fi.nd the fum above 12,600 talents j even tho' allow- 
 ance be;nade forthe great number of holidays in Athens* 
 Befides, many of the flaves would have a nj^oh greater 
 value from their art. The loweft that Demosthenes 
 eftimates any of his * father's flaves, is two minas a-head. 
 And upon this fuppofttion, it is a little difficult, I con- 
 fefe, to recondile eveii the number of 40,000 flaves with 
 the cmfus.of 16000 talents. 
 
 Tenthfy, Chios is faid by Thucydides fj to contain 
 more flaves than any Greek city, except Sparta. 
 Sparta then had more than Athens, in proportion to 
 the ;number pf citizens. The Spartans were 9000 in 
 ;the town, 30,000 in the country J. The male flaves, 
 -thQrefpre,,,Qf full age, myft have been more than 780,000 5 
 the w^iole more thsn 3,120,000. A number impoffible 
 •to be majntainejlin a narrow ,bai;ren country, fuch as La- 
 coNiA, which had no trade. Had the Helotes been 
 fo very numerous, the murder of 2000 mentioned by 
 Thucydides §, would have irritated them^ without 
 weakening theni. 
 
 Befides, we are to confider, that the number afligned 
 >hy Athe-njeus J,, .whatever it is, comprehends all the 
 inhabitants. of Attica, as ■wfell as thofe of Athens. 
 The Athenians affe<Shed much a country life, as we 
 learn from Thucydides.*!!; and when they were 3II 
 
 * C()ntra Aphobum. -j- Lib. 8. 
 
 X Plutarch, in i/;ra Lycuro. § Lib, 4. 
 
 jj The fame author affirms, that Corinth had once 460,000 flaves, 
 iEoiNA 470,000. But the foregoing arguments hold ftronger againft thefe 
 fa£is, which are indeed entirely abfurd and impoflible. 'Tis however re- 
 markable, that At HEN /E us cites fo great an authority as Aristotle for 
 thislaftfafl: And the fchoUaft on Pindar mentions the fame number of 
 flaves in J&c\f!A, 
 1! Lib. 1. 
 
 chafed 
 
PoPutousNEss of Antient Nations. 463 
 
 chafed into town, by the invafion of their territory dur- 
 ing the Peloponnesian war, the city was not able to 
 contain them j and they were obliged to lie in the porti- 
 coes, temples, and even ftreets, for want of lodging *. 
 
 The fame remark is to be extended to all the other 
 GREEKcities; and when the number of the citizens is 
 affigned, we muft always underftand it of the inhabitants 
 of the neighbouring country, as well as of the city. Yet, 
 even with this allowance, it muft beconfeffed, that Greece 
 was a populous country, and exceeded what we could ima- 
 gine of fo narrow a territory, naturally not very fertile, 
 and which drew no fuppljes of corn from other places. 
 For excepting Athens, which traded to Pontus for 
 that commodity, the other cities feem to have fubfifted 
 chiefly from their neighbouring territory f. 
 
 Rhodes is well known to have been a city of exten- 
 five commerce, and of great fame and fplendor j yet it 
 eoritained only 6000 citizens able to^bear arms, when.it 
 was befieged by Demetrhjs J., 
 
 Thebes was always one of the capital cities of 
 Greece § : But the number of its citizens. exceeded not 
 thofe of Rhodes ||. Phliasia is faid to be a fmall city 
 
 by 
 
 • Thucyd. lib. i. 
 
 ■f Demost. fM^ra Left. The Athinians broughtyearly fromPoN- 
 Tus 400,909 medinini or bulbelt of corn, as appeared from the cuftom-houie 
 - becks. And this was the greateft part of their importation. This by the 
 by is a ftrong proof that there is fonie great miftake in the foregoing paf- 
 fage of Athen^eus. For Attica itfelf was fo barren in corn, that it 
 produced not enough even to maintain the peafants. Tit. Liv, lib. 43, 
 cap. 6. LiJCIAN, in his namgium Jive veta, fays, that a fliip, which by the 
 dimenfions be gives, feemsto have been about the fize of our third rates, car- 
 ried as much corn as would maintain all Attica for a twelvemonth. But 
 perhaps Athens was decayed at that timej and befides, it is not fafe to 
 truft fuch loofe rhetorical calculations. 
 
 X DiOB. Sic. lib. 20. ^IsoCK.patieg. 
 
 II DiOD. Sic lib. 17, When Alexander attacked Thebes, we may 
 fafely conclude, that almoft all the inhabitants were prefent. Whoever it 
 
464 ESSAY XL 
 
 by Xenophon *, yet we find, that it contained 6000 ci- 
 tizens f. I pretend not to reconcile thefe two fads. Per- 
 haps," Xenophon calls Phliasia a fmall town, becaufe 
 it made but a fmall figure in Greece, and maintained 
 only a fubordinate alliance with Sparta ; or perhaps the 
 country belonging to it, was extenfive, and moft of the 
 citizens were employed in the cultivation of it, and dwelt 
 in the neighbouring villages. 
 
 Mantinea w'as eqiial to any city in Arcadia % : 
 Confequently it was equal to MEGALOPOtis, which was 
 fiftv ftadia or fixty miles and a quarter in circumference §'. 
 But Mantinea had only 3000 citizens ||. The Greek 
 titles, therefore, contained often fields and gardens, to- 
 gether with the houfes ; and we tannot judge 6f them by 
 the extent of their walls. Athens contained no morc 
 than 10,000 houfes ; yet its walls, ^ith the fea-coafty 
 were about twenty miles in extent. Syracuse was 
 twenty-two miles in circumference ; yet v^as fcarce ever 
 
 acquainted with the fpirit of the Greeks, efpecially of the Theeans, 
 will never fiifpefti that any of theni would defert their country, when it 
 was reduced tb fuch extreme peril and diftrefs, AsAlexander took the 
 town by ftoVm, all thofe who bore afrms were put to the fword without mercy j 
 and they amounted only to fsoo men. Among thefe were fome ftrangers 
 ^nd manumitted (laves. The captives, confining of old men, women, chil- 
 dren, and (laves, were fold, and they amounted to 30,000. We may there- 
 fore conclude that the free citizens in Thebes, of both fexes and all ages, 
 were near 24,00b ; the (trangers and (laves about 11,000. Thefe hft, we 
 may obferve, were fomevvhat fewer in proportion than at Athens; as is 
 reafonable to imagine from this cirtumftance, that Athens was a town of 
 more trade to fupport (laves, and of iSiore entertainment to allure ftrangers. 
 It is alfo to be remarked, that thirty-fix thoufand was the whole number of 
 people, bothin the city of Thebes, and the neighbouring territory: Avery 
 moderate number, it muft be confelTed ; and this computation being founded 
 in fafls which appear undifputable, muft have great weight in the prefent 
 controverfy. The above mentioned number of Rmooians too were all tke - 
 inhabitants of the idjnJ, who were free, and able to bear arms. 
 
 » Hifl-. Gk.tc. lib, 7. f Id. lib. 7. J PoLYE, I'b. a. 
 
 ^ PoLYB. lib. q. cap, 20. jj Lysias, orat. 34. 
 
 fpoke 
 
PoPULOUSNESSofANTIENxNATIONS. 465 
 
 fpoke of by the antlents as more populous than Athens. 
 Babylon was a fquare of fifteen miles, or fixty miles 
 in circuit ; but it contained large cultivated fields and 
 inclofures, as we learn from Pliny. The' Aurelian's 
 wall was fifty miles in circumference*; the circuit of all 
 the thirteen divifions of Rome, taken apart, according 
 to PuBLius Victor, was only about forty-three miles. 
 When an enemy invaded tiie country, all the inhabitants 
 retired within the walls of the antient cities, with their 
 cattle and furniture, and inftruments of hufbandry ; and 
 the great height to which the walls were raifed, enabled 
 a fmall number to defend them with facility. 
 
 Sparta, fays Xenophon t> is one of the ciiies of 
 Greece that has the feweft inhabitants. Yet Poly- 
 Bius J fays, that it was forty-eight ftadia in circumfe- 
 rence, and was round. 
 
 All the .^TOLiANS able to bear arms in Antipater's 
 time, dedufting fome few ga^rifons, were but ten thou- 
 fand men§. 
 
 PoLYBius II tel's us, that the Achjean league might, 
 without any inconvenience, march 30 or 40,000 men : 
 And this account feems very probable : For that league 
 comprehended the greateft part of Peloponnesus. Yet 
 PAUSANiAsfl[, fpeaking of the fame period, fays, that 
 all the AcH^AKS able to bear arms, even when feveral 
 manumitted flaves'were joined to them, di4not amount 
 to fifteen thoufand. 
 
 The Thessalians, till their final conqueft by the 
 Romans, were, in all ages, turbulent, factious, fedi- 
 tious, diforderly 4- 'Tis not therefore natural to fup- 
 
 * VopisccB in •uim A"KEt. 
 
 + De ref>. Laced. This paffag: is not eafily reconciled with that of 
 P;.UTARCH above, vvho f^^ys, that Starta hsQ^90oo citizens. 
 J PoLYB. lib. 9. cap. io. 
 
 § bioD. Sic. lib. 18. - lI'LiOAT, fl' Jm AcHAjeis. 
 
 4 Tit. Liv. lib. 34. cap. 5r. Plato /a Cai'i 9NI. 
 
 Vol. I. H Ji pofe, 
 
466 E S S A Y XI. 
 
 pofe, that th'at part of Greece abounded much irt 
 people. 
 
 We are told by Thucy0id.es *, that the part of Pe- 
 loponnesus adjoining to Pylos^ was defart and uncul- 
 tivated. Herodotus fays f, tha.t Macedonia was 
 full of lions and wild bulls ; animals which can only in- 
 habit v^fl: unpeopled forefts. Thefe were the two ex- 
 tremities of Greece. 
 
 All the inhabitants of Epir-us^ of all ages, fexes and 
 conditions, who were fold by Paulus jEmilius, a- 
 mounted only to 150,000$. Yet EpiRus might he 
 double the extent of Ywrkshire. 
 
 Justin § tells us, that when Philip of Macedom 
 was declared head of the Greek confederacy, he called 
 a congrefs of all^ the ftates, except the Lacedemo- 
 nians, who rcfufed to concur; and he found the force 
 of the whole, upon computation, to amount to 200,000 
 infantry, and 15,000 cavalry. This muft be nnderftood 
 to be all the citizens capable of bearing arms. For as 
 the Greek republics maintained no mercenary forces, 
 and had no militia diftinfl: from the whole body of the 
 citizens, it is not conceivable what other medium there 
 could be of computation. That fuch an army could 
 ever by Greece be brought into the field, and be 
 maintained there, is contrary to all hiftory. Upon this 
 fuppofition, therefore, we may thus reafon. The free 
 Greeks of all ages and fexes were 860,000. The 
 flaves, eftimating them by the number of Athenian 
 flaves as above, who feldom married or had families, 
 were double the male citizens of full age, viz. 430,000. 
 And all the inhabitants of antient (tREECE, excepting 
 Laconia, were about one million two hundred . and 
 
 » Lib. 7, f Lib. 7. 
 
 J Tit, Liv. lib. 45. cap. 54. § Lib. 9, cap, 5. 
 
 ninety 
 
PoPULQOSNEss of Ant I ENT Nations. 467 
 
 ninety thoufand : No mighty number, nor exceeding 
 what may be found at prefent in Scotland, a country 
 of nearly the fame extent, and very indifferently peo- 
 pled. 
 
 We may now confider the numbers of people in Rome 
 and Italy, and Colleft all the lights afforded us by 
 fcattered pafTages in antient authors. We fhall find, 
 upon the whole, a great difficulty in fixing any opinion 
 on that head J and no reafon to fupport thofe exaggerated 
 calculations, fo much infifled on by nrodern writers. 
 
 DioNYSius Hallicarnass^us * fays, that the an- 
 tient walls of Rome were nearly of the fame compafs 
 with thofe of Athens, hot that the fuburbs ran out to 
 a great extent ; and it was difficult to tell, where the 
 town ended or the country begun. In fome places of 
 Rome, it appears, from the fame author f, from Juve- 
 nal J, and from other antient writers §, that the houfes 
 were high, and families lived in feparate ftoreys, one 
 above another : But it is probable, that thefe were only 
 the poorer citizens, and only in fome few flreets. If we 
 may judge from the younger Pliny's || account of his 
 
 houfe, 
 
 • Lib. 4. f Lib. lO. J Satyr. 3. 1. 269, 270. 
 
 § Strabo, lib. 5. fays, that the emperor Augustus prohibited the 
 raifing houifes higher than feventy foot. In another paflage, lib. 16, he 
 fpe»ks of the houfes 0/ Romi as remarkably high. See alfo to the fame 
 purpofe Vi T R o V I u Sj lib. i^ cap. 8, Aristidks the fophift, in his ora- 
 tion Ei( P»;ui)y, fays, that Rome confifled of cities on the top of cities; 
 and that if one were to fpread it out, and unfold it, it would cover the 
 whole furface of Italy. Where an author indulges himfelf in fuch ex- 
 travagant declamations, and gives fo much into the hyperbolical ftyle, one 
 knov;s not how far he muft be reduced. But this reafoning feems natural : 
 If Rome was built in fo fcattered a manner as Dionysius fays, and ran 
 fo much into the country, there muft have been very few ftreets where the 
 houfes were raifed fo high. 'Tis only for want of ground, that any body 
 builds in that inconvenient manner. 
 
 11 Lib. I. epift. 16. lib. 5. epift. 6. ;Tjs true, Pliny there defcribes 
 
 a country-houfc ; But fince that was the idea which the anciej.ti formed of 
 
 H h 1 » niiJB- 
 
468 ESSAY XI, 
 
 houfe, and from Bartoli's plans of antient buildings, 
 the men of quality had very fpacious palaces; and their 
 buildings were like the Chinese houfes at this day, where 
 each apartment is feparated from the reft, and rifes no 
 higher than a fingle ftorey. To which if we add, that 
 the Roman nobility much afFe£ted very extenfiVe porti- 
 coes, and even woods * in town ; we may perhaps allow 
 VoS'sius (tho' there is no manner of reafon for it) to 
 read the famous paflage of the elder Pliny f his own 
 way without admitting the extravagant confequences 
 which he draws from it. 
 
 The 
 
 3 magnificent and convenient building, the great men would certainly build 
 the fame way in town, " In laxitatem ruris excurrunt," fays Seneca of 
 the rich and voluptuous, epifl, 114. Valerius Maximus, lib, 4, cap. 
 4. fpeaking of Cincuinatus's field of four acres, fays, " Augnfte fe 
 " habiiare nunc putat, cujus domus tantum patet quantum Cincinnati 
 *' rura patuerant." To ihe fame purpofe fee lib. 35, cap. 15. alfo lib. iS. 
 cap. z. / 
 
 • ViTRuv. lib. 5, cap. II. Tacit, annal, lib. II. cap. 3, SuXTONt 
 in Vila OcTAV. cap. 72, &c. 
 
 f " Mffinia ejus (RoM«) coUegere ambitu imperatoribus, cenforibufque 
 <' Vespasianis, a. U, C. 828. paff. xiii. MCC. complexa montes 
 " feptem, ipfa dividitur in regiones quatuordecim, con-.pita earum 265, 
 *< Ejufdem fpatii menfura, currente a milliario in capitelloM. Fori ftatuto, 
 ** ad fingulas portas, qua; funt hodie nuniero 37, ita ut duodecim port« fe- 
 " mel numerentur, prstereanturque ex veteribus feptem, quae effe defie. 
 " runt, efficit paffuum per direftum 30,775. Ad extrema vcro te£lo- 
 " rum cum caflrls prastoris ab eodem Milliario, per vicos omnium 
 ** vJarum, menfura collegit paulo amplius fep'uiginta millia paiTuum, Quo 
 ** {i quis altitudinem teftcrum addat, dignam profe£lo, leftimationem con- 
 " cipiat, fateaUirque nuUius urbis manitudinem in toto orbc potuifle ei 
 " comparari." Pi. IN. lib. 3. cap. 5, 
 
 All the beft manufcripts of Pliny read the pafTage as here cited, and fix 
 the compafs if the walls of Rome to be thirtt-en miles. The queftion is. 
 What Pliny means by 30,775 paceSj and how that number was formed p 
 Tlie manner in which I conceive it, is this. Rome was a femicircular area 
 of thirteen miles circumference. The Forum, and confequently the Millia. 
 rium, \vc know, was fituated on the b^nks of theTYBER, and near the 
 center of the circle, or upon the diameter of the femicircular area. Tho> 
 {here were thirty-feven gates to Rome, yetonly twelveof them had flraight 
 
 flreets. 
 
PoPULousNESs of An t 1 e n t Nat ions. 4.69 
 
 The number of citizens who received corn by the pu- 
 blic diftribution in Augustus's time, were, two hundred 
 
 thou- 
 
 flreets, leading from them to the Milliarium. Plinv, therefore, having 
 alTigned the circumference of RoMr, and knowing that that alone was not 
 fufficient to give us a jud notion of its fnrface, ufes this farther method. 
 He fuppofej all the ftreets, leading from the Milliarium to the twelve gates, 
 to be laid together into one flraight line» and fuppofes we run along that line 
 fo as to count each gate once : In which cafe, he fays, that the whole line is 
 30,775 paces ; Or, in other words, that each ftreet or radius of the femi- 
 circular area is upon an average two miles and a half; and the whole length 
 of Rome is five miles, anl its breadth about half as much, befides th? 
 fcattered fuburbs. 
 
 Peee Hakdouin underftands this pafTjge in the fame manner.; with re- 
 gard to the laying together the fevcral ftreets of Rome into one line, in or- 
 der to compofe 30,775 paces : But then h^ fuppofes, that ftreets led from 
 the Milliarium to every gate, and that no ftreet exceeded »oo paces in length. 
 But (1.) a femicircular area, whofe radius wai only 800 paces, could never 
 have a drcumferenpe near thirteen miles, the compafs of Rome as afligned 
 by Pliny. A radius of two miles and a half forms very nearly that circum- 
 ference. (2.) There is an abfurdity in fuppofing a city fo built as to have 
 fireets running to its center from every gate in its circumference. Thcfe 
 ftreets muft interfere as they approach. (3.) This diminiflies too much from 
 the greatnefs of ancient Rome, and reduces that city below even Bristol 
 or Rotterdam. 
 
 The fenfe which Vossius in his Oljervationes -vanee put«. on this paffage 
 of Pliny, errs widely in the other extreme. One manufcript, of no au- 
 thority, inftead of thirteen miles, has afligned thirty miles for the com- 
 pafs of the walls of Rome. And Vossius underftands this only cf the 
 curvilinear part of the circumference; fuppofing, that as the Tyber form- 
 ed the diameter, there were no walls built on that fide. But (i,) this read- 
 ing is allowed contrary to almoft all the manufcripts. (z.) Why fliould 
 Pliny, a cuncife writer, repeat the compafs of the walls of Rome in two 
 fucceflive ftntences ?- (3.) Why repeat it with fo fenfible a variation? 
 (4.) What is the meaning of Pun y"s mentioning twice the Milliarium, 
 if a line was meafured that had no dependence on the Milliarium ? 
 (5.) Aurelian's wall is faid by VoPIscus to have been drawn laxiore 
 ambitu, and to have comprehended all the buildings and fuburbs on the 
 north fide of the Tybes ; yet its compafs was only fifty miles ; and even 
 here critics fufpeft Cime miftake or corrup inn in the text. It is not pro- 
 bable, that Rome would dimlnifli from Augustus to Aubelian. It 
 remained ftiU the capital of the fame empire ; and none of the civil wars 
 in that long period except the tumults on the death of Maximus and 
 H h 3 Balbinus, 
 
476 ESSAY XI. 
 
 thoufand *. This one would efleem a pretty certain 
 ground of calculation: Yet it is attended with fuch cir- 
 cumftances as throw us back into doubt and uncertainty. 
 
 Did the poorer citizens only receive the diftribution ? 
 It was calculated, to be fure, chiefly for their benefit. But 
 it appears from a paflage in Cicero f, that the rich might 
 alfo take their portion, and that it was eflee'med no re- 
 proach in them to apply for it. 
 
 To whom was the corn given ; whether only to heads 
 of families, or to every man, woman, and child ? The 
 portion every month wasfivemodi! to each J, (about 5 fixths 
 of a bufhel.) This was too little for a family, and too 
 much for an individual. A very accurate antiquarian ||, 
 therefore, infers, that it was given to every man of full 
 years :, But he allows the matter to be uncertain. 
 
 I, },t 
 
 Balbinus, ever affefled the city. Caracalla is faid by Aur el ivs 
 Victor to have increafed Rome. (6.) There are no remains of ancient j 
 buildings, which mark any fuch greatnefs of Rome, Vossius's reply tp 
 this objeftion feenis a^furd, That the rubblfh would fink (ixty or feventy 
 feet below ground. It appeals ffom Sfartian (w vita SeveriJ that 
 the five-mile {{6n& in "via LaT'icatta was out of the city. (7.) Oltmpio.. 
 Boaus and Publius Victor fix the number of houfes in Romi to be 
 betwixt forty and fifty thoufafid. (g.) The very extravagance of the confj- 
 quences drawn by this critic, as well as Lipsius, if they be necefTary, de-, 
 ftroys the foundation on which they are grounded : That Rome contained 
 fourteen millions of inhabitants ; while the whole kingdom of France 
 contains only five, according to his computation, fefr . ^ ' 
 
 The only objeflibn to the fenfe which we have aflixed above to the paC 
 fage of PtiNY, feems to lie in this, That .PLl^■^', after mentioning the 
 tliirty-feven gates of Rome, afi'igns only a reafon for fupprefling the feveij 
 old ones, and fays nothing of the eighteen gates, the flreets leading from, 
 which terminated, according to my opinion, before they reached the Fo- 
 rum.- Butas PtiNY was writing to the Romans, who peffefllyknew the 
 difpofition of the ftreets, it is not ftrange he (hould take a circumftance foj 
 granted, which was fo familiar to every body. Peihaps too, many of thefe 
 gates led to wharfs upon the river. 
 
 Ex monument, /^ncyr., f Ta/c. quaft. lib. 3. cap. 48. 
 
 % Licinius apud Sallujl. hifl. f,agA\h. 3. 
 11 JSlicolaUi Bortenfms de re frumtntana Katian. 
 
 Was 
 
Populousn'ess of Antient Nations. 471 
 
 Was it ftriiElly inquired, whether the claimant lived 
 within the precinds of Roiyti, or was it fufficientthat he 
 prefented hinifelf at the monthly diftribu'tion ? This laft 
 Teems mois probable *. 
 
 Were there no falfe claimants ? We are told f , that 
 C^sAR {truck oiF at once 170,006, who had crept in 
 withoutajuft title; and it is very little probable, that he 
 remedied all abufes. 
 
 But, laftly, what proportion of flaves muft we aflign 
 to thefe citizens ? This is the moft material queftion ; 
 and the moft uncertain. 'Tis very doubtful, whether 
 Athens can be eftabliflied as a'rule for Rome. Perhaps 
 the Athenians had more flaves, becaufe they employed 
 them in manufadures, for which a capital" city^ like 
 Rome, feefms not fo proper. Perhaps, on the othef 
 hand, thje Romans had more flaves, on account of their 
 fuperior luxury and riches. 
 
 There wei'Sexaft bills of mortality kept at Rome ; but 
 no antient author has given us the number of burials, 
 except Suetonius J, who tells us, that in one feafon 
 thfere'were 30,000 names carried to the temple of Libe_ 
 TINA : But this was during a plague; which can afford 
 no certain foundation for any inference. 
 
 The public corn, tho' dlftjibuted only to 200,odo ci- 
 tizens, afFefted very confiderably the whole agriculture 
 of Italy |{ : A fadi no wajfe reconcilable to fome mo- 
 dern exaggerations with regard to the inhabitants of that 
 counti-y. 
 
 • Not to take the people too much from their bulinefs, Avgustus or- 
 dained the diftribudon of corn to be made only thrice a-y.-ar! But the people 
 finding the monthly diftributions more convenientj (as pteferving, I fuppofe, 
 a more regular oeconomy in their family) defited to have them rcffored, 
 SuETON. August, cap. 40. Had not fome of the people come ftom fome 
 -diftance for their corn, Augustus's precaution, feems fupcrfluous. 
 
 f Sueton. ir. Jul. cap. 41. J In vita Nenmit. 
 
 II Sutton, Aug, cap, 42. 
 
 H h 4 The 
 
472 , E S S A Y XI. 
 
 The bed: ground of conjefture I can find concernii^g 
 the grcatnefe of antient Rome, is this : We are told by 
 Hbrodian *, that Anticch and Alexandria were 
 very little inferior to Rome. It appears from DiODO- 
 Rus SicuLus f , that one firaight ftreet of Alexandria 
 reaching from port to port, was five miles long; and as 
 Alexandria was much more extehded in length than 
 breadth, it feems to have been a city nearly of the 
 bulk of Paris % ; and Rome might be about the fize of 
 London. 
 
 There lived in Alexandria,, in DioDoRus Sicu- 
 Lus's time ||, 300,009 free people, comprehending, I fup- 
 
 * Lib. 4.. cap. 5. f Lib. i-. 
 
 J QuiNTus CuRTius fays, its walls were only ten miles in circumfe- 
 rence, when founded by Alexander, j lib. 4. cap. 8. Ste abo, who haj 
 travelled to Aiix.^NDRiA, as well as DionoEus Siculus, fays it was 
 fcarce four miles long, and in moft places about a mile broad ; lib. 17, Pli- 
 ny fays it refembled a Macedonian caffock, ftretching out in th,e cor- 
 ners; lib, 5. cap. 10. Notwithftandinp this bulk of Alexandria, whicll 
 feems but moderite, Diodorus Siculus, fpeaking of its circuit as drawn 
 by Alexander, (which it never exceeded, as we learn from" Amihianus 
 Marcellinus, lib. a*, cap. j6.) fays it was ^Ji^eSej Jta^sgovTa, extremeh 
 great, ibid. The reafon why he afligns for its furpafling all cities of the 
 world (for he excepts not Ro.me) is, that it contained 300,000 free inhabi- 
 tants. He alfo mentions the revenues of the )<i igs, vix,. 6000 talents, as 
 another circumftance to the fame purpofe : No fuch mighty fum in our 
 eyes even though we make allowances for the different value of money. 
 What Straeo fays of the neighbouring country", means only that it was 
 well peopled, ci«h^ev« xaXw;. Might not one affirm, without any great 
 hyperbole, that the whole banks of the river from Gr avesend to Wind- 
 sor are one city? This is even more than Strabo fays of the Ijanks 
 of the lake Mareotis, and of the canal to Canopus. 'Tis a vulgar 
 faying in Italv, that the King of Sardinia has but one town in Pied- 
 mont ; for it is all a town. Agrippa in Josephus de hello Judaic. 
 lib. i. cap. i5. to make his audience comprehend the exceflive greatnefs of 
 Alexandria, which he endeavours to magnify, defcribes only the com- 
 pafs of the city as drawn by Alexander : A clear proof that the bulk of 
 the inhabitants were lodged there, and that the neighbouring country was 
 no more than what might be expefled about all great towns, very well culti- 
 vatE'i, and well peopled. 
 
 II Lib. 17. > 
 
 pofe, 
 
Poputousy^ss of AMTI5NTN/^TIo^fs. 473 
 
 pofe, wompn and children *. But what number of flaves ? 
 Had we any juft ground to fix thefe at an equal number 
 with the free iohabitants, it would favour the foregoing 
 calculation. 
 
 There is a palTage in Herqdian, which is a little 
 furprifing, He fays ppfijtlvely, that the palace pf the Em- 
 peror was as large as all the jeft of the city +. This 
 was Nero's golden houfe, which is indeed reprefent- 
 ed by Suetonius % and Pliny as of an enormqus 
 extent || ; but no power of imagination can make u^ 
 conceive it to bear any proportion to fuch a city as 
 London. 
 
 We may obferve, that, had the hiftpriah been relating 
 Nero's extravagance, and had he made ufe of fuch an 
 expreffion, it would have had much lefs weight j thefe 
 rhetorical exaggerations being fo apt to creep into an au- 
 thor's ftyle, even when the moft chafte and corredl. But 
 'tis mentioned by Herodian only by the by, in relating 
 the quarrels between Geta and Caracals a. 
 
 • He /ays iXivSifOi, not isroXiTai, which laft 'expreffion muft have been 
 underftood of citizens alone, and grown men, 
 
 "f Lib, 4. cap, J. witrti; tjoXio!;. Politian interprets It " sedlbusma- 
 " joribus etiam reliqua urbe," 
 
 J He fays (in Nerone cap. 30.) that a portico or piazza of it was 3000 
 feet long ; " tanta laxitas ut porticus triplices milliarlas haberet." He 
 cannot mean three miles. For the whole extent of the houfe from the Pa- 
 lATiNE to the Es(}uiLiNE was not near fo great. So when Vopisc. in 
 AURELIANO mentions a portico in Sallust's gardens, which he calls 
 fcrlicas miiliarUnfis, it muft be underftood of a thoufand feet. So alfo Ho- 
 
 »ACE J 
 
 " Nulla decempedis 
 Metata privatis opacam 
 Porticus excipiebat Ar£ion." Lib. i, ode 15. 
 So alfo in lib. i. Satyr, i. 
 
 Mille pedes in fronte, trecentos cippus in agrum 
 Kic dabat.'* 
 HjPljnius, lib. 36. cap. 15. " Bis vidimus urbem totam cingi domi- 
 " bus principum, Caii ac Neronis," 
 
 It 
 
474 
 
 ESSAY xr. 
 
 It appears froin the fame hiftorjan *, that there was 
 then much land uncultivated, and put to no manner of 
 ufe; and he afcribes it as a great praife toPERTiNAX, that 
 he allowed every one to take fuch land either in IxAtY 
 or elfewhere, arid cultivate it as he pleafed, without pay- 
 ing any taxes. Lands uncultivated, and put to no manner of 
 ufe ! This is not heard of inany part of Christendom^ 
 except perhaps in fgrne remote parts of Hungary ; as I 
 have been informed. And it fiirely correfponds very ill 
 with that idea of the extreme populoufnefs of antiquity, 
 fo mu<:h infiftfed on, 
 
 We learn from Vopiscus f , that there was in Etru- 
 RiA much fertile land uncultivated, which the Emperor, 
 AuRELiAN intended to convert into vineyards, in order 
 to furniih the Roman people with a gratuitous diftribu- 
 tion of wine : A very proper expedient to difpeople ftil} 
 farther that capital and all the neighbouring territories. 
 
 It may not be amifs to take notice of the account 
 which PoLYBius % gives of the great herds of fwine to 
 be met with in Tuscany and Lombardy, as well as 
 in. Greece, and of the method of feeding then;i which 
 was then praftiied. " There are great herds of fwine," 
 fays he, " throughout all Italy, particularly informer 
 " times, thro' Etruria arid Cisalpine Gaul. And 
 " a herd frequently contains a thoufand or more fwine. 
 " When one of thefe herds in feeding meets with ano- 
 " ther, they mix together ; and the fwine-herds have 
 " no other expedient to feparate them than to g(5 to dif- 
 " ferent quarters, where they found their horn ; and 
 " thefe animals, being accuftomed to that fignal, run 
 " immediately each ^to the horn of his own keeper. 
 " Whereas in Greece, if the herds of fwine happen to 
 " mix in the forefts, he who has the greateft flock, takes 
 
 • Lib. z. cap. 15. f In AuREilAN, caj, 48. 
 
 J Lib. 12. cap, 2. 
 
 7 " cunningly 
 
PoPULousNEss of Antient Nations. 475 
 
 *' cunningly the opportunity of driving all away. And 
 *' thieves are very apt to purloin the ftragglings hogs 
 " which have wandered to a great diflance from their 
 *' keeper in.fearcb of food." 
 
 May we not infer from this account, that the north 
 of Italy was then much lefs peopled, and worfe culti- 
 vated, than at prefent ? How could thefe vaft herbs be 
 fed in a country fo thick of inclofures, fo improved by 
 agriculture, fo divided by farms, fo planted with vines 
 and corn intermingled together ? I muft confefs, that 
 PoLYBius's relation has more the air of that ceconomy 
 which is to be met with in our American colonies, 
 than the management of an European country. 
 
 We meet with a refledlion in Aristotie's * ethics, 
 which feems to me unaccountable on any fuppofition, and 
 by proving too much in favour of our prefent reafoning 
 may he thought really to prove nothing. That philofo- 
 pher, treating of friendfhip, and obferving, that that re- 
 lation ought neither to be contra£ted to a very few, nor 
 extended over a great multitude, illuftrates his opinion 
 by the following argument. " In like manner," fays 
 he,. " as a city cannot fubfift, if it either have fo few 
 " inhabitants as ten, or fo many as a hundred thoufand ; 
 " fo is there a mediocrity required in the number of 
 " friends ; and you deftroy the efience of friendfliip by 
 " running into either e^^treme." What! impoffible that 
 a city- cai> contain a hundred thoufand inhabitants ! Had 
 Aristotie never feen nor heard of a city which was 
 rear fo populous ? This, I muft own, paffes my com- 
 prehenfion. 
 
 Pliny f tells us thatSELEuciA, the featof the Greek 
 empire in the Eaft, was reported to contain 600,000 
 
 • Lib. 9, cap. 10. His expreflion is avSjajr®-, not aroNiTUf ; inhabiu;.'-, 
 not citizen, 
 ■f Libi 6. C3JI. 28. 
 
 people^ 
 
476 ESSAY XI. 
 
 people. Carthage is faid by Strabo * to.haye con- 
 tained 700,000. The inhabitants of Pekin are not 
 much niore numerous. London,Paris, and Constan- 
 tinople, may admit of nearly the fame computation ; at 
 leaft, thetwolattercitiesdonot exceed it. Rome, AleIx- 
 andR'IA, Antioch, we have already fppke of; Proti^ 
 the experience of paft and prefent ages, one might con- 
 jeflure, that there is a kind of impoflibility, that any 
 city cpuld evfr rife much beyond this proportion. Whe- 
 ther thq grandeur of a city be founded on comrherce or 
 on empire, there feem to be invincible obftacles, which 
 prevent its farther progrefs. The feats of vail monarchies, 
 by introducing extravagar.t luxury, irregular expence, 
 idlenefs, dependence, and falfe ideas of rank and fupe- 
 ricrity, are improper for commerce. Extenfive com- 
 merce checks itfelf, by raifmg the price of all labour and 
 commodities. When a great court engages the attend- 
 ance of a numerous nobility, poffefled of overgrown for- 
 tunes, the middling gentry remain in their provincial 
 towns, where they can make a figure on a moderAte in- 
 come. And if the dominions pf a ftate arrive at an 
 enormous fize, there neceffarily arife many capitals, in the 
 remoter provinces, whither all the inhabitants except a 
 few courtiers, repair, for education, fortune, and amufe- 
 mentf. London, by uniting extenfive commerce and 
 middling empire, has, perhaps, arrived at a greatnefs, 
 which no city will ever be able to e'xceed. 
 
 Chufe Dover or Calais for a center : Draw a circle 
 of two hundred miles radius : You comprehend London, 
 Paris, the Netherlands, the United Provinces, 
 and fome of the beft cultivated counties pf France and 
 
 * Lib. 17. 
 
 f Such were ^i.i:xa\'db 1.=,, Antioch, Carthage, Ephisos, 
 Lyons, &c. in the Roman empire. Such are even Bourdeaux, Tho- 
 LousE, Dijon, R£nnes, Rouen, Aix, &V. in Frakczj Dublin, 
 i-DiNBURGH, York, in tiie Bsjtieh dominions. 
 
 Eng- 
 
PopULousNEsS of Antient Nations. 477 
 
 England. It may fafely, I think, be affirmed that no 
 fpot of ground can be found, in antiquity, of equal extent, 
 which contained^ near fo many great and populous cities, 
 and was fo flocked with riches and inhabitants. To ba- 
 lance, in bot^ periods, the ftates, which poflefled moft 
 art, knowlege, civility, and the beft police, feems the 
 trueft method of comparifon. 
 
 'Tls an obfervation of L'Abbe du Bos *, that Italy 
 is warmer at prefentthan it was in" antient times. " The 
 " annals of Rome tell us," fays he, " that in the year 
 " 480 ab U. C. the winter was fo fevere that it deflroyed 
 *' the trees. The Tyber froze in Rome, and the 
 " ground was covered with fnow for forty days. When 
 *' Juvenal f defcribes a fuperflitious woman, herepre- 
 " fents her as breaking the ice of the Tyber, that flie 
 *' might perform her ablutions. 
 
 *' Hyhernum fraSia glacle defcendet in amnem^ 
 " Ter matutino Tyberi mergeiur. 
 
 *' He fpeaks of that river's freezing as a common evejit. 
 " Many paffages of Horace fuppofe the flreets of Rome 
 " full of fnow and ice. We fliould have more cer- 
 " tainty with regard to this point, had the antients 
 " known the ufe of thermometers : But their writers, 
 " without intending it, give us information, fufficient 
 *' to convince us, that the winters are now much more 
 " temperate at Rome than formerly. At prefent, the 
 " Tyber no more freezes at Rome than the Nile at 
 " Cairo. The Romans efteem the winter very ri- 
 " gorous, if the fnow lies two days, and if one fees for 
 " eight and forty hours a few icicles hang from a foun- 
 *' tain that has a north expofition. 
 
 The obfervation of this ingenious critic may he ex- 
 tended to other European, climates. Who could dif- 
 
 » Vol. ». § 16. t Sat. 6. 
 
 cover 
 
478 ESSAY X[. 
 
 cover the mild climate of France in Diodorus Si,c»- 
 rus's * defcription of that of Gaul ? " As it is a 
 " northern climate," fays he, " it is infefted with cold 
 " to an extreme degree. In cloudy weather, inftead of 
 " rain, there fall great fnows ; and in clear weather it 
 " there freezes fo exceffive hard, that the rivers acquire 
 " bridges of their own fubftance, over which, not 
 •' only fingle travellers may pafs, but large armies, ac- 
 " companied with all their baggage; and loaded wag- 
 *' gons. And there being many rivers in Gaul, the 
 •' Rhone, the Rhine, ^c almoft all of them are froze 
 *' over ; and 'tis ufual, in order to prevent falling, to 
 •' cover the ice with chafF and flraw at the places where 
 *' the road pafles." Colder than a Gallic Winter, is 
 ufed by Petronius, as a proverbial expreflion. 
 
 North of theCEVENNEs, fays STRABOf, Gaul pro- 
 duces not figs and olives : And the vines, which have 
 been planted, bear not grapes, that will ripen. 
 
 Ovid politively maintains, with all the ferious affir- 
 mation of profe, that the EuxiNE fea was frozen over 
 every winter in his time ; and he appeals to Roman 
 gdvernours, whom he names, for the truth of his affer- 
 tion J. This fejdom or never happens at prefent in the 
 latitude of Tomi, whither Ovid was banilhed. All the 
 complaints of the fame poet feem to mark a rigour of 
 the feafons, which is fcarce experienced at prefent in Pe- 
 tersburg or Stockholm. 
 
 Tournefort, a Provencal, who had travelled into the 
 fame countries, obferves, that there is not a finer climate 
 in the world : And he afferts, that nothing but Ovid's 
 melancholy could have given him fuch difmal ideas of it. 
 
 • Lib. 4, ■{• Lib. 4. 
 
 J 7r'iji. lib. 3, eleg, 9. De Fonts, lib 4 eleg. 7. 9, 10. 
 
 But 
 
PoPOLOusN£ss of An TIE JJT Nat IONS. 479 
 
 But the fafls ifientioned by that poet, are too eircum- 
 ftantial to bear any fuch interpretation. 
 
 PoLYBius * fays, that the climate in Arcadia was 
 very cold, and the air moift. 
 
 «< Italy," <fay& VARRof, " is the moft temperate 
 " climate in Europe. The inland parts" (Gaul, Ger- 
 many, and Pannonia, no doubt) '' have almoft per- 
 " petual winter." 
 
 The northern parts of Sprain, according to Strabo % 
 are but ill inhabited, becaufe of the great cold. 
 
 Allowing, therefore, this remark to be juft, that Eu- 
 rope is become warmer than forjnerly ; how can we 
 accouiit for it ? Plainly, by no other method, but by 
 fuppofing, that the land is at prefent much better culti- 
 vated, and that the woods are cleared, which formerly 
 threw a {hade upon the earth, and kept the rays of the 
 fun from penetrating to it. Our nort^-jm colonies in 
 America become more temperate, in proportion as the 
 WQodS are felled § ; but in general, every one may remark, 
 that cold ftill makes itfelf much more feverely felt, both 
 in North and South America, than in places under the 
 fame latitude in Europe. 
 
 Saserna, quoted by Columella ||, affirmed, that the 
 •Ijfpofition of the heavens was altered before his time, and 
 that the air had become much milder and warmer ; as ap- 
 pears hence, fays he, that many places now abound with 
 vineyards and olive plantations, which formerly, by rea- 
 fon of the rigour of the climate, could raife none of thefe 
 
 * Lib. 4. cap. »I. f Lib. I. cap. a. | Lib. 3, 
 
 § The warm fouthern colonies alfo become more bealthfiil : And 'tfs re- 
 markable:, that in the Spanish hiftories of the firft difcovery and conqueft 
 of thefe countries, they appear to have been very healthful j being then 
 well peopled and cultivated. No account of the fiekneft or decay of CoR- 
 TEs's or PizzARRo's fmall armies. 
 
 II Lib, I, cap, I, 
 
 pro- 
 
4^0 £ S S A Y ifl. 
 
 produ^ioilSi ^uch a change, if real, will be allowed an 
 evidentfign ofthe better cultivation and peopling of coun- 
 tries before the age of Saserna ; * and if it be continued 
 to the prefent times, is a proof, that thefe advantages 
 have been continually increafing throughout this part of 
 the world. 
 
 Let us now call oXir eye over all the countries which 
 were the fcene of antient and modern hiftory, and com- 
 pare their paft and prefent fituation : We fhall not, 
 perhaps, find fuch foundation for the complaint of the 
 prefent emptinefs and depopulation ofthe world, ^g ypt 
 is feprefented by Maillet, to whom we owe the beft 
 account of it, as extremely populous ; tho' he efteems 
 the number of its inhabitants to be diminiflied. Syria, 
 and the Leffer Asia, as well as the coaft of Bareary, I 
 can really own, to be very defart in comparifon of their 
 antient condition. The depopulation of Greece is alfo 
 very obvious. But whether the country now called 
 TuRKY in Europe may not, in general, feontain a« 
 many inhabitants as during the -flourifliing period, of 
 Greece, may be a little doubtful. The Thracians 
 jfeem then to have lived like the Tartars at prefent, by 
 pafturage and plunder f : The Getes were ftill more un- 
 civilizedj: And the Illyrians were no better §. Thefe 
 occupy nine tenths of that country : And tho' the go- 
 vernment ofthe Turks be not very favourable to induftry 
 and propagation ; yet it preferves at leaft peace and order 
 among the inhabitants; and is preferable to that bar- 
 barous, unfettled condition in whii:h they antiently lived. 
 
 Poland and Muscov y in Europe are not populous ; 
 but are certainly much more fo than the antient Sarma- 
 
 * He feems to have lived about the time of the younger Afkicanus; 
 lib. I. cap. I. 
 
 f Xemph. exp. lib. 7. Poljb. lib. 4. cap. 45. 
 
 J Ovid, pnj/im, &c. Strain, lib. 7. § Ps/yi, lib. 2, cap. iz. 
 
 TIA 
 
PoPULousNEss of Antiestt NA/TIONS. 48« 
 
 TJA and ScYTHiA ; where no hufbandry or tillage was 
 ever heajd of, and pafturage was the fole art by which 
 the people were maintained. The like obferyation may 
 be extended to Denmark and Sweden. No one ou<jht 
 to efteem .the immenfe fwarms of people, which formerly 
 eame from the North, and over-ran all Europe, to be 
 any objeftion to this opinion. Where a whole nation, 
 or even half of it remove their feg* ; ^tis eafy t;o imagine, 
 what a prodigious multitude they muft form ; with what 
 defperate valour they muft make their attacks.; aiid hov/ 
 the terror they ftrike into the invaded nations will make 
 thefe magnify, in their imagination, both the courage and 
 multitude of the invaders. Scotland is neither exten- 
 iive nor populous ; but were the half of its inhabitants to 
 feek new feats, they would form a colony as large as the 
 Teutons and Cimbri ; and would fhake all Europe, 
 fuppofmg it in no better condition for defence than for- 
 merly, 
 
 "Cerman V has furely at prefent twenty times more in- 
 habitants than in antient times, when they cultivated no 
 ground, and each tribe valued itfelf on the extenfive de- 
 folation which it {pread around ; as we learn from C^- 
 sAR ^i and Tacitus f , and Strabo J. A proof, that 
 the divilion into fmall republics will not alone render a 
 /lation populous, unlefs attended with the fpirit of peace, 
 order, and induflry. 
 
 The barbarous condition of Britain in former times 
 is well known, and the thinnefs of its inhabitants may 
 eafily be conjeftured, both from their barbarity, and from 
 a circumftance mentioned by Herodian §, that sill 
 Britain was marfhy, even in Severus's time, after 
 the Rowans had been fuWy fettled in it above a whole 
 century. 
 
 • Ge kllf Gtllico, lib.. 6. 
 
 ■)" De pionbus GerMn 
 
 t Lib, 7. 
 
 § Lib. 3. cap, 47, 
 
 
 
 Vov, I. 
 
 11 
 
 Ti? 
 
4^2 ESSAY XT. 
 
 *Tis not Cafiiy imagined, that the Gauls were an- 
 tiently much more advanced in the arts of life than theiif 
 northern neighbours ; fince they travelled to this ifla-nd 
 for their education in the myfteries of the religion and 
 philofophyof theDRUiDs *. I cannxDt, therefcre, thinkj 
 that Gaul wras then near fo populous as France is at 
 prefent. 
 
 Were we to believe, indeed, and join together the 
 teftimony of Appian, and that of DiortoRus SicuLus, 
 we rauft admit an incredible populoufnefs in Gaul. The 
 formen hiftorian f fays,' that there were 400 nations in 
 that country ; the latter { affirms, that the largeft of the 
 • Gallic nations confifted of 2oo,t>oo men, befides wo- 
 men and' children, and the leaft of 50,o®o. Calculating, 
 therefore, at a medium, we muft admit of near 200 mil- 
 liops of people, in a country, which we efteem populous 
 at prefent, tho' fuppofed to contain little more than twen-^ 
 ty §. Such calculations, therefore, by their extravagance 
 lofe all manner of authority. We may obferve, that that 
 equality of property, to which the populoufnefs of an- 
 jiquityrnay be afcribed, had no place among the Gauls ||, 
 Their inteftine wars alfo, before Cjesar's time, were 
 almofl: perpetual 4. And Strabo ** obferves, that tho' 
 all Gaul was cultivated, yet it was not cultivated vvith 
 any fkill or care; the genius of the inhabitants leading 
 them lefs to arts than arras, till their flavery to Rome 
 produced peace among themfelves. 
 
 CiEs AR XX enumerates very particularly the great forces 
 which were levied at Belgi UM to oppofe his conquefts ; 
 and makes them amount to 2o8,QOO, Thefe were not; 
 
 • Cs.sK% debdloGallico; lib. i6. Strabo, lib. 7. fays, the GAULt 
 were not much moie improved than the Germans. 
 •J- Celt, pars i. J Lib. 5. 
 
 § Antient Caul was more extenfive than modern France. 
 lCafardebelIoGail;a>;X\\>C, \ Id. ibid. «• Lib. 4, 
 
 XX Dc bdh Gallico j lib, z. 
 
 the 
 
PoPutou sNfess of AwTifeKT Nations. 48-? 
 
 the whole people aHe to bear arms in Belgium : Forthe 
 fame hiffiorian teJls usj that the Bellovaci could have 
 broirght a hundred thoufand men into the fieM, tho' they 
 engaged' only for fixty.. Taking the whcfle, therefore, in 
 this proportion of ten to fix, the fum of fighting nien in 
 all the ftates of Belgium was about 350,000 ; all the 
 inhabitants a million and a half. And Belgtu^m being 
 about the fourth of Gaul, that country might contain' 
 fix millions, which is not the third of its prefent inha- 
 bitants f . We are informed by Cjesar^ thattHe Gauls 
 had no fixed propelrty in land j but that the ebieftains, 
 when any death happened in a family, made a new divi- 
 fion of all the lands among the- feveral members of the' 
 family. This is the cufloni' of Tmijiry^ which fo long 
 prevailed in Ireland ; and which retained that country 
 in a ftate of mifery, barbarifm, and defolation. 
 
 The antient Helvetia was 250 miles in length, and 
 • 180 in breadth, according to the fame author J; yet con- 
 tained only 360,000 inhabitants. The canton'of Berne 
 alone has, at prefent, as many people. 
 
 After this computation of Appian and Diodorus 
 SicuLUS, I know not, whether I dare affirm, that the 
 modern Dxjtch are more numerous than the antient 
 
 BATAVr. 
 
 •|- It appears from Cesar's account, that the Gauis haj no domeltid 
 ilaves, who formed a dift'erent order from the Pleiet. The whole common 
 jieople were indeed a kind of flaves to the nobility, as the people of Poland 
 Jre at this day t And a nobleman of Gaul had fometiires ten thoafand de' 
 pendants of this kind. Nor can we doubt, that the armies were compofed 
 of the people as well as of the nobility: An. army ef ioo,aoo noblemen from 
 a very fmall ftate is incredible. The fighting men amongft the Helvetii 
 were the fourth partof the whole inhabitants; a clear proof that all the 
 males of military age bore arms. See Cm s a r i/e teth Gall, lib, i. 
 
 We may remark, that the numbers in C.SS A r's commentaries can be more 
 depended on than thofe of any other antient author, becaufe of the Greek 
 'ranflation, which ftill remains, and which checks the Latim original. 
 
 I DiMloCallia-, lib, i. 
 
 i i 2 SpaiK 
 
4^4 E S S A Y XL 
 
 jSpain is decayed from what it was three centuries agoj 
 but if we ftep backward two thoufand years, and confider 
 the reftlefs, turbulent, unfettled condition- of its inhabi- 
 tants, we may probably be inclined to think, that it is 
 now much more populous. Many Spaniarps killed 
 themfelves when deprived of their arms by the Romans *. 
 It appears from Plutarch f , that robbery and plunder 
 were efteemed honourable among the Spani ards. Hir- 
 Tius J reprefents in the fame light the fituation of that 
 country in Cesar's time; and he fays, that every man 
 was obliged to live in caftles and walled towns for his 
 fecurity. It was not till its final conqueft under Au- 
 gustus, that thefe diforders were reprefled §. The ac- 
 count which Strabo || and Justin I give of Spain, 
 correfponds exacSly with thofe above mentioned. How 
 much, therefore, muft it diminifli from our idea of the 
 populoufnefs of antiquity, when we find, that Cicero, 
 comparing Italy, Afric, Gaul, Greece, and Spain, 
 mentions the great number of inhabitants, as the peculiar 
 circumftance which rendered this latter country formid- 
 able **, 
 
 Italy, 'tis probable however, has decayed : But how 
 many great cities does it ftill contain ? Venice, Genoa, 
 Pavia, Turin, Milan, Naples, Florence, Legt 
 HORN, which either fubfifted not in antient times, or were 
 then very inconfiderable ?. If we refle£l on this, we {hall 
 not be apt to carry matters to fo great an extreme as js 
 ufua), with regard to this fubjefl:. 
 
 • Tit.Limi; lib. 34.. cap. 17. -f- Invita Mar'ii, J De hello Hiff. 
 
 § f^ell. Palirc. lib. z. § 90. ]( Lib. 3. 4- Lib. 44. 
 
 *» " Ncc nutnero Hifpanos, nee roborc Gallos, nee calliditate Posnos, nee 
 " artibus GrKcos, nee denique hoc ipfo hujus gentis, ac terrae dooieflico 
 ** nativoque fenfu, Italos ipfos ac Latinos — fuperavimus,*' De barufp. refp, 
 •eif.g. The difordersof Spain feem to have been almoftproverbial : "Nee 
 " itnpacatos a tergo Korrebis Iberos." f^irg. Georg. \ib, ^. The Ieek: ?re 
 here plainly taken, by a poetical figure, for robbers in general. 
 
 When 
 
PoPULousNESs of Antient Nations. 485 
 
 When the Roman authors complain, that Italy, 
 which formerly 'exported corn, became dependent on all 
 the provinces for its daily bread, they never afcribe this 
 alteration to the increafe of its inhabitants, but to the 
 negledt of tillage and agriculture f. A natural effefl of 
 that pernicious praQice of importing corn, in order to ■ 
 diftribute it gratis among the Roman citizens, and a very 
 bad means of multiplying the inhabitantsof any country J. 
 The fporiula, fo much talked of by Martial and Ju- 
 venal, being prefenfs regularly made by the great lords 
 to their fmaller clients, muft have had a like tendency 
 to produce idlenefs, debauchery, and a continual decay 
 among the people. The parifti-rates have at prefent the 
 fame bad confequences in England, 
 
 Were I to aflign a period, when I imagine this part of 
 the world might poiEbly contain more inhabitants than at 
 prefent, I fliould pitch upon the age of Trajan and the 
 Antonines ; the great extent of the Roman empire be- 
 ing then civilized and cultivated, fettled almoft in a pro- 
 found peace both foreign and domeftic, and living under 
 the fame regular police and government |. But we are 
 
 told, 
 
 •}• Varro <ff re Tujika, lib, z, prffif. Columella prsf. Sueton, 
 August, cap. 42. 
 
 J Tho' the obfervations of L' Abbe du Bos fliould be admitted, that Ital ir 
 is now wanner than in former times, the confequence may not be neceflary,- 
 that it is more populous or better cultivated. If the other countries of Eu. 
 nopi were more favage and woody, the cold winds that blew from thenj^ 
 might affeft the climate of I T A L Y . 
 
 II The inhabitants of Marseilles loft not their fuperiority over the, 
 Gauls in commerce and the mechanic atts, till the Roman dominion 
 turned the latter from arms to agriculture and civil life. See Strabo, lib. 
 4. That author, in feveral places, repeats the obfervation concerning the 
 improvement ariling from the Roman arts and civility : And he lived at the 
 time when the change was new, and would be morefenlible. So alfo Pli- 
 ny ! " Quit enim non, communicato orbe terrarum, majeftateRoMANi im- 
 " peril, profecifle vitam putet, commercio rerum ac focietatc feftae pacis, 
 " omniaque etiam, qua occulta antea fuerant, in promifcuo ufu fafta. Lib, 
 lis •' 14. 
 
486 ESSAY XI. 
 
 toM, that all extenfive governments, efpecially aWolute 
 monarchies, are deftrudive to population, and contain 
 
 a fe- 
 
 " 14. proam. Numine deumelefta (fpeaking of Italy) qna cdum ip- 
 " fum clarius fiiceret, fparfa congregaret imperia, ritufque moUiret, & tot 
 " populorum -dilcordes, fcrafque lingu.is fermonis commercio contraheret ad 
 " collpquia, & humanitatem homini daret ; breviterque, una cunaaruin 
 " iientium in toto orbe patria fieret ;" lib. 2. cap. 5, Nothing can b« 
 ilrongcr to this purpofe than the folloiving pafTage from Teetulu an, who- 
 lived abont the age of Severus. " Certe qiiidem ipfe orbis in promptu eft, 
 " cnltior de die & inftruflior priftino. Omnia jam pervia, omnia nota, 
 " omnia negntiofa. Solitudines faiBofas retro fundi amreniffimi obliterave- 
 " runt, filvas arva domuerunt, feras pccora fugaveront; arenas feruntur, 
 " faxa panguntur, paludes eliquantur, tantse urbes, quantae non cafa quon- 
 " dam. Jam nee infulas horrent, nee fcopuli terrent; ubique domus, 
 ** ubique populiis, ubique refpublica, ubique vita. Summum teftimo- 
 " nium frequentia; humana;, onerofi fumus mundo, vix nobis elementa 
 " ftffficiunt ; & neceflitates arfliores, & quarrels apud omnes, dumjam nos 
 " naturanon f^jftinet." De anima, cap. 30. The air of rhetoric and de- 
 clamation which appears in this pallage, diminirnes fcmewhat from its 
 authority, but does not entirely defiroy it. The fame remark may be ex- 
 tended to the following paflage of Akistides the fophift, who lived in the 
 a*e of AfiRiAtJ. " The whole \jorld," fays he,, addrefiing himfelf to the 
 Romans, " feems to keep one holiday ; and mankind, laying afide the fword 
 " which they fortrerly wore, now betake themfelves to feafting and to joy. 
 ** The cities, forgetting their antient contentions, preferve only one emu- 
 " lation, which (hall embelliJh itfelf moft by every art and ornament? 
 " Theatres every where arife, amphitheatres, porticoes, aquedufts, temples, 
 " fchools, academies ; and one may fafely pronounce, that the finking 
 <* world has been agaimraifed by your aufpicious empire. Nor have cities 
 <* alone received an increafe of ornament and beauty 5 but the whole earth, 
 " like a garden or paradife, is cultivated and adorned ; Infomuch, that fuch 
 *' of mankind as are placed out of the limits of your empire (who are but 
 " few) feem to merit onr fympathy and compaffion," 
 
 'Tis remarkable, that tho* Diodoros Sjcvlus makes the inhab'.tants 
 of iEcvpT, when conquered by the Romans, amount only to three mil- 
 lions; yet Joseph, ds iells jfuj, lib, 2. cap. i5. fays, that its inhabitants, 
 excluding thofe of Alexandria, were feven millions -and a half, in the 
 reign of Nero ; And he exprefly fays, that he drew this account from the 
 hooks of the Roman publicans, who levied the poll-tax. Strabo, lib, 17, 
 praifes the fuperior police of the Romans with regard to th-e finances of 
 ^GYPT, above that of its former monarchs : And no part of adminiftration 
 3s more ellential to thehappinefs of a people. Yet we read in AtheNjCus, 
 (lib, I. cap. 25.) who, fipuriflied during the reiga of the Antonines, that 
 
 the 
 
PoPULousNESs of Antient Nations. 487 
 
 a fecret vice and.poifon, which deflroy the effeft of all 
 •thefe promifing appearances*. To confirm this, there 
 is apaffage cited from Plutarch f, which being fome- 
 what fingukr, we (hall here examine it. 
 
 That author, endeavouring to account for the (Hence 
 of many of the oracles, fays, that it may be afpribed to 
 the prefent defolation of the world, proceeding from for- 
 mer wars and fa<Slions ; which common calamity, he 
 adds, has fallen heavier upoii Greece than on any other 
 country ; infomuch, that the whole could fcarce at pre- 
 ient furnifli three thoufand warriors ; a number which in 
 the time of the Median war, were fupplied by the fingle 
 city of Megara. The gods, therefore, who afFe£t works 
 of dignity and importance, have fuppreffed many of their 
 oracles, and deign jiot to ufe fo many interpreters of their 
 will to fo diminutive a people. 
 
 i muft confcfs, that this pafTage contains fo many dif- 
 ficulties, that I know not what to make of it. You may 
 cbferve, that Plutarch afligns, for a caufe of the decay 
 ■of mankind, not the extenfive dominion of the Homans, 
 but the former wars and faiSlLons of the feveral nations ; 
 all which were quieted by the Roman arms. Plutarch's 
 reafoning, therefore, is direflly contrary to the inference 
 which is drawn from the fait he advances. 
 
 Fjolybius fuppofes, that Greece had become more 
 profperous and flourifliing afrer the eftablifliment of the 
 
 the town Marxia, near Alexandria^ which was formerly a large city, 
 had dwindled into a village. This is not, properly fpeaktr a, acontradiftion, 
 SaiDAS (August ) fays, that the Emperor Augustus, having num- 
 bered th£ whole Roman cmpiire, found it contained only 4,101,017 men 
 (a»!j£t). There is here furely fome great miftake, either in the author or 
 (ranictiber. But this authority, feeble as it is, may be Sufficient to counter- 
 balance tl)e exaggerated accounts of H£kodotus and Djodorvs Siculvs 
 with regard to more early times. 
 
 • VEfprit des loix, liv. 23. thap. Jg. 
 ^ Dt erac, defeltus, 
 
 I i 4 Roman 
 
4^ £ S S A V ^U 
 
 lioMAM yoke*; and tHo' that hiftorian wrote feefor'6 
 thefe conquerors had degenerated, from being fhe' pa- 
 trons, to be the plunderers of mankind ; yet as we find 
 from Tacitus -f, that the feverity of the ertiperofs after- 
 wards checked the' liceflce of the governors, we have no 
 i-ea!on to think that extenfive mortarcby fo deftru6tive,as 
 it is fo often reprefented. 
 
 We iearn from Strabo %, that the RoivfANi from 
 their regard to the Greeks, maintained, to his time, 
 moft of the privileges and liberties oif that celebrated na- 
 tion ; and Nero afterwards rather increafed them §. HoW 
 therefore can we imagine, that the Roman yoke was fo 
 burdenfome over that part of the world ? The oppreflioh 
 of the proeohfuls was reftrained ; and the magiftracies in 
 Greece being all beftowed, in the feveral cities, by the 
 free votes of the people, there was no great necefiity for 
 the competitors to attend the emperor's court. If great 
 numbers went to feek their fortunes in Rome, and ad- 
 vance themfelves by learning or eloquence, the commo- 
 dities of their native country, many of them would return 
 with the fortunes which they had acquired, and thereby 
 enrich the Grecian commonwealths. 
 
 But PtuTARCH fays, that the general depopulation 
 had been more fenfibly felt iii Greece than in any othSr 
 country.- How is this reconcileable to its fuperipr privi- 
 leges and advantages ? 
 
 * Lib. 2. cap. 6i. It may perhaps be imagined, that Polvbius, being 
 dependent on Rome, ivoutd naturally extol the Roman dominion. But, 
 in the jf/y! place, PolYBius, tho' one fees /bmetimes inftances of his cau- 
 tion, difcovers no fymptoms of flattery. Secondlyj This opinion is only de- 
 livered in a fingle ftroke, by the by, while he is intent upon another fubjeft j 
 and 'tis allowed, if there be any fufpicion of an author's infincerity, that 
 thefe oblique propofitions difcover hia real opinion better" than his more for- 
 mal and direft afletticns. 
 
 f Antial, Kb. J . cap. 2. J Lib. ?, and 9, 
 
 § PitJTAReH. Ce iU qui fao s Nuiriine fuviuntur, 
 
 Befides, 
 
foPttLotJsNEss of AntiKnt Nations. 489 
 
 Bfefides, this paflage, by proving too much, really proves 
 tiotbing. Only three thoufand men able to bear arms in aU 
 Greece ! Who can admit fo ftrange a propofition, ef- 
 pecially if we confider the great number of Greek cities, 
 •whofe names ftill remain in hiftory, and which are men- 
 tioned by writers long after the age of Plutarch ? 
 There are there furely ten times more people at prefent, 
 when there fcarce remains a city in all the bounds of 
 antient Greece. That country is ftill tolerably culti- 
 vated, and furniflies a fure fupply of corn, in cafe of any 
 fcarcity in Spain, Italy, or the fouth of France. 
 
 We may obferve, that the antient frugality of the 
 Greeks, and their equality of property, ftill fubfifted 
 during the age of Plutarch^ as appears fromLuciAN §. 
 Nor is there any ground to imagine, that that country 
 was poffeffed by a few matters, and a great number of 
 Haves. 
 
 'Tis probable, indeed, that military difcipline, being 
 intirely ufelefs, was extremely negleiSed in Greece af- 
 ter the eftabli£hment of the Roman empire; and if 
 thefe commonwealths, formerly fo warlike and ambitious, 
 maintained each of them a fmall city-guard, to prevent 
 mobbifli diforders, 'tis all they had occafion for : And 
 thefe, perhaps, did not amount to 3000 men, throughout 
 all Greece. I own, that if Plutarch had this faiS: 
 in his eye, he is here guilty of a very grofs paralogifm, 
 and affigns caufes no wife proportioned to the effects. 
 But is it fo great a prodigy, that an author fhould fall into 
 
 a miftake of this nature |{ I 
 
 But 
 
 § De mirceJt uniuCl'is, 
 
 II Imuftconfefsthatthat difcourfe of PiVTARCH, concerning the filenee 
 of the oracles, is in general of fo odd a texture, and fo unlike his other pro- 
 duftions, that one is at alofs what judgment to form of it. 'Tis wrote in 
 dialogue, which is a method of compofition that Plutarch commonly 
 little aftefls. The perfonages he introduces advance very wild, abfurd,' ani 
 eontradiftoiy opinions, more like the vifionary fyftems or ravings of Piato 
 
 ' than 
 
^99 -ESSAY XI. 
 
 But whatever force may remain in this pafikge of Ptu- 
 TAftcH, wc Ihall endeavour to counterbalance it by as 
 remarkable a pafiage in DxODOrus Siculus, where the 
 JmftDrian, after mentioning Ninus's a/rmy 0;f 1,700,000 
 foot and 2-00,000 horfe, endeavours to fupport the cr^di- 
 tility of this account hy fome pofterior facts ; and adds, 
 that we muft not form a notion of the antient populouf- 
 IBefs of mankind from the prefent emptinefs and depo- 
 pulation which is fpread over the world f . Thus atv 
 author, who lived at that very period of antiquity which 
 is r^refented as moft populous J, complains of the defo- 
 lation which then prevailed, gives the preference to for- 
 mer times, and has reccurfe to antient fables as a founda- 
 tion for his opinion. The humour of blaming the pre- 
 fent, and admiring the paft, is ftrongly rooted in human 
 nature, and has an influence even on perfons endueiarith 
 the moft profound judgment and moft extenfive learning. 
 
 than the foKd ftnfe of Plutarch. Thtre runs alfo throufh the whole an 
 air of fuperftition and credulity which refemWes very little the fp irit that 
 appears in other philofophical compofitions of that author. For 'tis remark- 
 abk, thatfho'PxuTAKCH be an hiftorian as fuperftitious as Hekodotus 
 lorLivY, yet there is fcarcely, in all Snticfuity, a philofojiher lefs f-jperfti- 
 tipns, accepting CiCEKo and Lvcian. I muft therefore confefs, that a 
 ■yaffege of P-l-utarch, cited from this difcourfe, has much left authority 
 with me, 'than if it had been found in moft of his other compofitions. 
 
 There is only one other difconrfe of Pltitarcb liaMe to like objeflions, 
 wis. that ctncirmng ibije tvbije funijhinent n delayed by the Deity, It is alfo 
 wrote in dialogue, contains like fuperftitious, wild vifions, and feems to have 
 leen chiefly connpofed in livalihip to Plato, patticulaily his laft book de 
 re^uVka, 
 
 And here I cannot but obferve, thatMonf. Fontenelli, « writer^mi. 
 nent for candor, feems to have departed a little from his ufual charafler, when 
 .be endeavours to throw a ridicule upon Plutarch on account of paflages 
 to be met with in this dialogue concernins oracles. The abfurdities here put 
 into the mouths of the feveral perfonages are not to be afcribed to Piw- 
 TARCH. He makes them refute each other ; and, in general, he feems to 
 intend the ridiculing of thofe very opinions, which Font enelle would ii» 
 dicule him for maintaining. See Hrfioires des oracUst 
 
 t l-'l'- 2- ] 
 
 J He was colemporary with C^sar and At; gustos. 
 
 ESSAY 
 
[ 4»I 3 
 
 ESSAY XII. 
 
 Of the Original Contract. 
 
 AS no party, in the prefent age, can fupport itfelf, 
 without a pbilofophical or fpeculati ve fyftem of prin- 
 ciples, annexed to its political or pra(9:ical one ; we ac- 
 cordingly Bnd, that each of the parties, into which this 
 nation is divided, has reared up a fabric of the former 
 kind, in order to proteft and cover that fcheme of adlions, 
 which it purfues. The people being commonly very rude 
 builders, efpecially in this fpeculative way, and more es- 
 pecially ftill, when actuated by party-zeal ; 'tis natural 
 to imagine, that their workmanlhip muft be a little un- 
 ihapely, and difcover evident marks of that violence and 
 hurry, in which it was raifed. The one party, by tracing 
 up the origin of government to the Deity, endeavour to 
 render government fo facred and inviolate, that it muft 
 be little lefs than facrilege, however diforderly it may be- 
 come, to touch or invade it, in the fmalleft article. The 
 other party, by founding government altogether on the 
 confent of the People, fuppofe that there is a kind of 
 original contraSf., by which the fubje(Ss have reserved the 
 power of refifting their fovereign, whenever they find 
 themfelve^ aggrieved by that authority, with which they 
 have, for certain purpofes, voluntarily entrufled him. 
 Thefe are the fpeculative principles of the two parties ; 
 and thefe too are the practical confequences deduced from 
 
 them. 
 
 I fliall 
 
i^92 
 
 ESSAY xir. 
 
 I fhall venture to affirm. That both thefe fyftems of ffe" 
 culative principles are jujl ; tho' not in the fenfe, intended by 
 ibe parties : And That both the fcbemes of praliical confe- 
 quences are prudent ; tho' 7tot in the extremes, to which each 
 party, in oppojition to the other, has commonly endeavoured to 
 tarry them. 
 
 That the Deity is the ultimate author of all govern-' 
 mcnt, will never be denied by any who admits a general 
 providence, and allows, that all events in the univerfe are 
 condudted by an uniform plan and dire£ted to wife purpofes. 
 As 'tis impoflible for human race to fubfift, at leaft in any 
 comfortable or fecure ftate, without the proteftion of 
 government ; government mufl: certainly have been In- 
 tended by that beneiicent Being, who means the good of ■ 
 all his creatures : And as it has univerfally, in faft, taken 
 place, in all countries, and all ages ; we may conclude, 
 with ftilKgreater certainty, that it was intended by that 
 omnifcient Being, who can never be deceived by any 
 event or operation. But fmce he gave rife to it, not by 
 any particular or miraculous interpofition, but by his 
 concealed and univerfal efficacy ; a fovereign cannot, pro- 
 perly fpeaking, be called his vicegerent, in any other 
 fenfe than every power or force, being derived from him, 
 may be faid to adl by his commiffion. Whatever actually 
 happens is comprehended in the general plan or intention 
 of providence ; nor has the greateft and moft lawful 
 prince any more reafon, upon that account, to plead a 
 peculiar facrednefs or inviolable authority, than an infe- 
 rior magiftrate, or even an ufurper, or even a robber and 
 a pyrate. The fame divine fuper-intendant, who, for 
 wife purpofes, invelted an Elizabeth or a Henry [j 
 with autinority, did alfo, for purpofes, no doubt, equally 
 wife, tho' unknown, bellow power on a Borgia or an. 
 Angria. The fame caufes which gave rife to the fa- 
 ll HiNRY the 4th of France. 
 
 vereign 
 
Of the Original Con tract.' 
 
 vereign power in every ftate, eftahliflied likewise every 
 petty jurifdifSion in it, and every limited authority, A 
 conftable therefore, no lefs than a king, a<9:s by a divine 
 commifliOn, and polTeffes an indefeafible right. 
 
 When we confider how nearly equal all men are in their 
 bodily force, and even in their mental powers and facul- 
 ties, till cultivated by education ; we muft necelTarily al- 
 low, that "nothing but their own confent could, at firft, 
 aflbciate them together, and fubje£t them to any autho- 
 rity. The people, if we trace government to its firft 
 origin in the woods and deferts, are the fource of all 
 power and jurifdidtion, and voluntarily, for the fake of 
 peace and order, abandoned their native liberty, and re- 
 ceived laws from their equal and companion. The con- 
 ditions, upon which they were willing to fubmit, were 
 either expreft, or were fo clear and obvious, that it might 
 well be efteemed fuperfluous to exprefs them. If this, 
 then, be meant by the original contrast, it cannot be de- 
 nied, that all government i?, at firft, founded on a con- 
 tra^, and that the moft ancient rude combinations of 
 mankind were formed entirely by that principle. In vain, 
 4re we fent to the records to feek for this charter of our 
 liherties. It was not wrote 6a parchment, nor yet oa 
 leaves or barks of trees. It preceded the ufe of writing 
 and all the other civilized arts of life. But we trace it 
 plainly in the nature of man, and in the equality, which 
 we find in all the individuals of that fpecles. The force^ 
 which now prevails, and which is founded on fleets and 
 armies, Ts plainly political, and derived fropi authority, 
 thp efteft of eftablifhed government. A man's natural 
 force confilb only in the vigour of his limbs, and thefirm- 
 nefs of his courage j which could never fubjedl multi- 
 tudes to the command of one. Nothing but their own 
 .confent, and their fenfe of the advantages of peace and 
 order, could have had that influence. 
 
 But 
 
i(94 ESSAY XII. 
 
 But philofophers, who have embraced a party (if that 
 be not a contradidion in terms)' are not contented wjth 
 thefe conceflions. They affert, not only that„govern- 
 ment in its earlieft infancy arofe from confent, or the vo- 
 luntary combination of the people; but alfo, that, even 
 at prefent, when it has attained its full maturity, it refts 
 on no other foundation. They affirm, that all men are 
 ftill born equal, and owe allegiance to no prince or go- 
 vernment, unlefs bound by the obligation and fanftion of 
 a promife. And as no man, without fome equivalent, 
 would forego the advantages of his native liberty, and 
 fubjeiS himfelf to the will of another; this promife is 
 always underftood to be conditional, and impofes on him 
 no obligation, unlefs he meets with juftice and proteflion 
 from his fovereign. Thefe advantages the fovereign pro- 
 mifes him iri return ; and if he fails in the execution, he 
 has broke, on his part, the articles of engagement, and 
 has thereby freed his fubjefls from all obligations to alle- 
 giance. Such, according to thefe philofophers, is the 
 foundation of authority in every government ; and fuch 
 the right of refiftance, pofleft by every fubjedi. 
 
 But would thefe reafoners look abroad into the world, 
 they would meet with nothing that, in the leaft, cor- 
 'refponds to their ideas, or can warrant fo refined and 
 philofophical a theory. On the contrary, we find, every 
 where, princes, who claim their fubjeiSts as their property, 
 and ailert their independent right of fovereignty, fiom 
 conqueft or fucceffion. We find alfo, every wjjere, fub- 
 je£ts, who acknowlege this right in their princes, and 
 fuppofe themfelves born under obligations of obedience to 
 a, certain fovereign, as much as under the ties of rever- 
 ence and duty to certain parents. Thefe connexions are 
 always conceived to be equally independent of our con- 
 fent, in Persia and China 5 in France and Spain ; 
 and even in Holland and England, wherever the 
 
 doctrines 
 
 4 
 
Of the Original CoMTRAcr; Ij.^^ 
 
 do(^ines abovementicmed have not been carefully incul- 
 cated. Obedience or fubjedtion becomes fo familiar, that 
 moft men never make any enquiry about its origin or 
 caufe, more than about the principle of gravity, refift- 
 ance, or the moft ulii\ >;rfal laws of nature. Or if curio* 
 fity ever moyethem j fo foon as they learn, that they them- 
 selves and their anceftora have, for feveral ages, or from 
 time immemorial,, been fubje£t to fuch a government or 
 foch a family ; they immediately acquiefce, and acknow- 
 ledge their obligation to allegiance. Were you to preach, 
 in Hioft parts of the world, that political connexions are 
 founded altogether on voluntary confent ox anautuaVpro- 
 mife, the magiftrate would foon imprifon you, as fedi- 
 tious, for loofening the ties of obedience J if your friends 
 did not before fhut you up, as delirious, for advancing 
 fuch abfurdities. 'Tis ftrange, that an adl of the n^ind, 
 which every individual is fuppofed to have formed, and 
 after he came to the ufe of reafon too, otherwife it could 
 have no authority; that this aft, I fay, fhould be Jo un- 
 known to al) of them, that over the face of the whole 
 earth there fcarce remain any traces or memory of it. 
 
 But the contract, on which government is founded, is 
 faid to be the eriginal contraSi ; and confequently may be 
 fuppofed too old to fall under the knowledge of the pre- 
 (ent generation. If the agreement, by which favage men 
 firft afTociatfd and conjoined their force, be here meant, 
 this is acknowledged to be real ; but being fo antient, 
 and being obliterated by a thoufand changes of govern- 
 ment and princes, it cannot now be fuppofed to retain 
 any authority. If we would fay any thing to the pur- 
 pofe, wc muft affert, that every particular government, 
 which is lawful, and which impofes any duty of allegi- 
 ance on the fubjeft, was, at firft, founded on confent and 
 a voluntary compaft. But bcfides that this fuppofes the 
 confent of the fathers to bind the <;hildren, even lo th^ 
 
 cnoft 
 
ijgS ESSAY XII. 
 
 jnoft remote generations (which republican writers will 
 never allow) befides this, I fay, it is not juftified by hif- 
 tory or experience, in any age or country of the world. 
 
 Almoft all the governments, which exift atprefent, or 
 of which there remains any record in ftory, have been 
 founded originally, either on ufurpation or conqueft, or 
 both, without any pretence of a fair confent, or volun- 
 tary fubje£i:ion of the people. When an artful and bold 
 man is placed at the head of an army or faflion, 'tis often 
 eafy for him, by employing fometimes violence, fome- 
 times falfe pretences, to eftablifh his dominion over a 
 people a hundred times more numerous than his parti- 
 -zans. He allows no fuch open communication, that his 
 enemies can know, with certainty, their number or force. 
 He gives them no leifure to afiemble together in a body 
 to oppofe him. Even all thofe, who are the inftruments 
 of his ufurpation, may wifli his fall ; but their ignorance 
 of each other's intention keeps them in awe, and is the 
 fole caufe of his fecurity. By fuch arts as thefe, many 
 governments have been eftabliflied ; and this is all the 
 original contraii, which they have to boaft of. 
 
 The face of the earth is continually changing, by the 
 encreafe of fmall kingdoms into great empires, by the 
 diflblution of great empires into fmaller kingdoms, by the 
 planting of colonies, by the migration of tribes. Is there 
 any thing difcoyerable in all thefe events, but force and 
 violence ? Where is the mutual agreement or voluntary 
 affociation fo much talked of ? 
 
 Even the fmootheft way, by which a nation may re- 
 ceive a foreign mafter, by marriage or a will, is not ex- 
 tremely honourable for the people; but fuppofes thet^ 
 to be difpofed of, like a dowry or a legacy, according 
 to the pleafure or intereft of their rulers. 
 
 But where no force interpofes, and eleflion takes place; 
 what is this eleftion fo highly vaunted ? 'Tis either the 
 
 com* 
 
Of the QtilGJUAt CoilfRACT; 597 
 
 tOmbinatlon of a few great men, who decide for the whole, 
 and wiU allow of no oppofitioh ; Or 'tis the fury of a 
 rabblcj that follow a feditious ringleader^ who i» not 
 knowii, Jjerhips, to a dozeh ainong them, and who owes 
 'his advancement merely to his own impudente, or to the 
 momentary caprice of his fellows. 
 
 Are thefe diforderly eledlionsj whidh are rife too, of 
 fuch mighty authority, as to be the only lawful founda-i 
 tion of all government and allegiance ? 
 
 In reality, there is not a more terrible event, than a 
 total diffolution of government, which gives libei-ty to the 
 multitude, and makes the determination or choice of a 
 new eftablifliment depend upon a number which hekriy 
 approaches the body of the people : For it never comes 
 entirely to the whole body of them. Every wife man, 
 then, wiflies to fee, at the head of a powerful and obe- 
 dient army, a general, who mayfpeedily feize the prize, 
 and give to the people a mafter, which they are fo unfit 
 to choofe for themfelves. So little correfpOndent is faii 
 and reality to thofe philofophical ijotioRSj 
 
 Let not the eftablifliment at the revolutten, deceive us, 
 or make us fo much in love with a philofophicalorigin to 
 government, as to imagine all others monftrous and irre- 
 gular. Even that event was far from cofrefponding to 
 thefe refined ideas. It was only the fucceiltori, and that 
 only in the regal part of the government, which was then 
 changed : And it was only the majority of feyen hundred, 
 who determined that change for near ten millions. I 
 doubt notj indeed, but the bulk, of thefe ten millions 
 ■equiefced willingly in the determination : But was the 
 matter left, in the leaft, to their choice ? "VS^as it not 
 juftly fuppofed to be, from that moment, decided, and 
 every man punifhed, who refufed to fubmit to the new 
 Sovereign ? How otherways could the matter have ever 
 been bjrought to any iffue or concluficfn ? 
 
 Vol. I. Kk Tli« 
 
;f98 ESSAY XII. 
 
 The republic of Athens was, I believe, the moftex- 
 tenfive democracy, which we read of in hiftory ; Yet if we 
 make the requifite allowa.nces for the women, the flaves^ 
 and the ftrangers, we fliall find, that that eftablifliment 
 was not, at firft, made, nor any law ever voted, by a tenth 
 part of thofe who were bound to pay obedience to it. 
 Not to mention the iflands and foreign domitiipns, which 
 the Athenians claimed as theirs by right of conqueft. 
 And as 'tis well known, that popular affemblies in that 
 city were always full of licence and diforder, notwith- 
 ftanding the forms and laws by which they were checked : 
 How much more diforderly muft they be, where they form 
 not the eftablifhed conftitution, but meet tumulfuoufly 
 on the diflblution of the antient government, in order to 
 give rife to a new one ? How chimerical muft it be to 
 taik of a choice in any fuch circumftances ? 
 
 The AcHiEANS enjoyed the freeft and moft perfedl 
 democracy of all antiquity ; yet they employed force to 
 oblige fome cities to enter into their league, as we learn 
 from PoLYBius J. 
 
 ' Harry the I Vth and Harry the Vllth of England, 
 had really no other title to the throne but a parliamentary 
 eledtion ; yet they never would acknowledge it, for fear 
 of weakening their authority. Strange ! if the only real 
 foundation of all authority be confent and promife. 
 
 'Tis in vain to fay, that all governments are, or fliould 
 be, at firft, founded on popular confent, as much as the 
 neceflity of human affairs will admit. This favours en- 
 tirely my pretenfion. I maintain, that human affairs 
 never will admit of this confent; feldom of the appear- 
 ance of it. But that conqueft or ufurpation, that is, in 
 plain terms, force, by diffolving the antient governments, 
 is the origin of almoft all the new ones, which ever were 
 
 % Lib, 2, cap. 38, 
 
 «ftab]ii])ed 
 
Of the ORlGiN/vt Contract, 499 
 
 cfiabliflied in the world. And that in the few cafes, where 
 confent may feem to have taken place, it was commonly 
 fo irregular, fo confined, or fo much intermixed either 
 with fraud or violence, that it cannot have any great au- 
 thority. 
 
 My intention here is not to exclude the confent of the 
 people from being one juft foundation of government where 
 it has place. It is fu^ely the beft and moft facred of any. 
 I only pretend, that it has very feldom had place in any 
 degree, and never almoft in its full extent. And that 
 therefore fome other foundation of government muft alfo 
 fee admitted. 
 
 Were all men poffeft of fo inflexible a regard tojuflice, 
 that, of tbemfelves, they would totally abftain from the 
 properties of others j they had far ever remained in a flrate 
 of abfolute liberty, without fubjedion to any magiftrates 
 or political fociety : But this is a fl;ate of perfedliori, of 
 which human nature is juftly efteemed incapable. Again ; 
 were all men poffeft of fo juft an underftanding, as 
 alvvays to know- their own intereft, no form of govern- 
 ment had ever been fubmitted to, but what was eftablifhed 
 on confent, and was fully canvaft by each member of the 
 fociety : But this ftate of perfedion is likewife much fu- 
 perior to human nature. Reafon, hiftory and experience 
 ihew us, that all political focieties have had an origin much 
 lefs accurate and regular ; and were one to choofe a period 
 of time, when the people's confent was leaft regarded 
 in public tranfadions, it would be precifely on the efta- 
 blilhment of a new government. In a fettled conftitu- 
 tion, their inclinations are often ftudied ; but during the 
 fury of revolutions, conquefts, and public convulfions, 
 military force or political craft ufually decides the contro- 
 ^rerfy. 
 
 When a new government is eftablilhed, by whatever 
 
 means, the people are commonly diffatisfied with it, and 
 
 K k 2 pay 
 
|bo ESSAY Xii. 
 
 pay obedience more from fear and neceffity, tlian frbiii 
 ^any idea of allegiance or of moral obligation. The prince 
 is watchful and jealous, and muft carefully guard againft 
 every beginning or appearance of infurredtion. Time, 
 by degrees, temoves all thele difficulties, and accuftoms 
 the nation to regard, as their" lawful or native princes, 
 that family, whom, at firft, they confidered as ufurpers Or 
 foreign conquerors. In order to foiihd this opinion, they 
 have no recourfe to any notion of vbluhtary confent or 
 promife, which, they know, never was, in this cafe, either 
 expedted br d'ejiianded. The original eftablifhment was 
 formed by violence, aiid fubmitted to from neceffity. 
 The fubfequent adminiftrati'on is alfo fuppoi-ted by power, 
 and acquiefced in by the people, not as a matter of choice, 
 but of obligation. They imagine not, that their confent 
 gives their prince a title: But they willingly confent, 
 becaufe they think, that, from long pofleffion, he has 
 acquired a title, independent of their choice or inclination. 
 Should it be faidj that by living under the dominion 
 of a prince, which one might leave, every individual has 
 given a tack confent %o his authority, and promifed him 
 obedience ; it may be anfwered, That fych implied con- 
 fent can only take place, where a man imagines, that the 
 matter depends on his choice. But where he thinks (as 
 all mankind do who are born under eftablilhed govern- 
 ments) that by his birth he owes allegiance to a certain 
 prince or certain government ; it would be abfurd to in- 
 fer a confent or choice, which he exprefly, in this cafe, 
 renounces and abjures. 
 
 Can we ferioufly fay, that a poor peafant or artizan 
 has a free choice to leave his ovvn country, when he knows 
 no foreign- language or manners, and lives from day to 
 day, by the fmall wages which'he acquires? We may 
 as well aflert, that a man, by remaining in a vclTel, freely 
 «onfents to the dominion of the mafler ; tho' he was car- 
 ried 
 
Of the Originai. Contract. m| 
 
 tied on board while afleep, and muft leap into the ocean 
 and perifli, the moment he leaves her. 
 
 What if the prince forbid his fubjefts to quit his do- 
 minions; as in TiBERius's time, it was regarded as, a 
 crime in a Roman knight that he had attempted to fly to 
 the ParThians, in order to efcape the tyranny of that 
 emperor J? Or as the antient Muscovites prohibited 
 all travelling under pain of death ?• And did a prince ob- 
 ferve, that many of his fubjedls were feized with the frenzy 
 of tranfporting themfelves to foreign countries, he would 
 doubtlefs, with great reafon and juftice, reffrain them, in 
 order to prevent the depopulation of his own kingdom. 
 Would he forfeit the allegiance of all his fubjedts, by fo 
 wife and reafonable a law ? Yet the freedom of thejr 
 choke is furely, in that cafe, rayifhed from them, 
 
 A company of men, whofliould leave their native coun- 
 try, in order to people fome uninhabited region, might 
 dream of recovering their native freedom ; but they would 
 foon find, that their prince ftill laid claim to them, and 
 called them his fubjefts, even in their new fettlement. 
 AncJ in this he would but zQ: conformably to the coniT 
 mon ideas of mankirul. 
 
 The trueft tacit confent ^fthis kind, which is ever ob- 
 ferved, is when a foreigner fettles in any country, and 
 is beforehand acquainted with the prince, and govern- 
 ment, and laws, to which he muft fubmit : Yet is his al- 
 legiance, tho' more voluntary, much lefs expetSled or de- 
 pended on, than that of a natural born fubjeiEl. On the 
 contrary,, his native prince ftill aflerts a claim to him. 
 And if he puniflies not the renegade, when he fejzes him, 
 in war with his new prince's commiflion ; this clemency 
 is not founded on the municipal law, which in all coun- 
 tries condemns the prifoner ; but on the confent of princes, 
 
 J Tacit. Ann. 6. cap. 14. 
 
 K t 3 Who 
 
5^4 E S S A Y XII. 
 
 who have agreed to this indulgence, in order to prevent 
 reprifals. 
 
 Suppofe an ufijrper, after iiaving banifhed his lawful 
 prince and royal family, fliould eftablifli his dominion for 
 ten or a dozen years in any country, and fhould preferve 
 fuch exaiSl difcipline in his troops, and fo regular a difpo- 
 fition in his garrifons, that no infurreiSion had ever been 
 raifed, or even murmur heard, againfthis adminiftration 1 
 Can it be afTerted, that the people, who in their hearts 
 abhor his treafon, have tacitly confented to his authority, 
 and promifed him allegiance," merely becaufe, from necef-^ 
 fity, they live under his dominion ? Suppofe again their 
 natural prince reftored, by means of an army, which he 
 affembies in foreign countries : They receive him with 
 joy and exultation, and fliew plainly with what relu£tance 
 they had fubmitted to any other 'yoke. I may now afk, 
 upon what foundation the prince's title ftands ? Not on 
 popular confent furely : For tho' the people willingly ac- 
 quiefce in his authority, they never imagine, that their 
 confent makes him fovereign. They confent; becaufe 
 they apprehend him to be already, by birth, their lawful 
 fovereign. And as to that tacit confent, which may now 
 be inferred from their living under his dominion, this is 
 no more than what they formerly gave to the tyrant and' 
 ufurper. 
 
 Wheri we aflert, that all lawful government arifes from' 
 the people, we certainly do them a great deal more ho- 
 nour than they deferve, or even expert and defire from 
 us. After the Roman dominions became too unwieldy 
 for the republic to govern, the people, over the whole 
 known world, were extremely grateful to Augustus for 
 that authority, which, by violence, he had eftablifhed over 
 them ; and they fhewed an equal difpofition to fubmit to 
 the. fucceflbr, whom he left them, by his laft will and 
 teftament. It was afterwards their misfortune, that there 
 5 never 
 
Of the ORiciiiAt Contract; 503 
 
 never was, in one family, any long regular fucceffion ; 
 but that their line of princes was continually broke, either 
 by private affaflination or public rebellion. The fra~ 
 titrean bands, on the failure of every family, {tt up one 
 emperor ; the legions in the Eaft a fecond ; thbfe in Ger- 
 many, perhaps, a third : And the fword alone could 
 decide the controverly. The condition of the people, 
 in that mighty monarchy, was to be lamented, notbecaufe 
 the choice of the emperor was never left to them ; for that 
 was impracticable : But becaufe they never fell under any 
 fucceffion of mafters, who might regularly follov/ each 
 other. As to the violence and wars and bloodflied, oc- 
 cafioned by every new fettlement ; thofe were not blame- 
 aUcj becaufe they were inevitable. 
 
 The houfe of Lancaster ruled in this Ifland about 
 fixty years ; yet the partisans of the white rofe feemed 
 daily to multiply'in England. The prefent eftablifti- 
 ment has taken place during a ftill longer period. Have 
 all views of right in another family been utterly extin- 
 gaifhed ; even tho' fcarce any man now alive had arrived 
 at years of difcretioh, when it was expelled, or could have 
 confented to its dominion, or have promifed it allegiance ? 
 Afufficient indication furely of the general fentiment of 
 mankind on this head. For we blame not the partizans 
 of the abdicated family, merely on account of the long 
 time, during which they have preferved their imaginary 
 fidelity. We blame them for adhering to a family, which, 
 we affirm, has been juftly expelled, and which, from the 
 moment the new fettlement took place, had forfeited all 
 title to authority. 
 
 But would we have 'a more, regular, at leaft, a more 
 philofophical refutation of this principle of an original 
 contraa or popular confent j perhaps, the following ob- 
 Xeirvations niay fuiftce. 
 
 K k 4 -^^^ 
 
•JP4 ESSAY XII, 
 
 All moral, duties may be divided into two kinds. Th^ 
 jffy? are thofe, to which men are impelled by a natural 
 infi:in£t pr itninediate propenfity, which operates in them, 
 itt<iependent of all ideas of obligation, and of all views, 
 cither to public or private utility. Of this nature are, 
 love of children, gratitude to betiefa<5i:or^, pity to the un-* 
 fortunate. When we refle<St on the advantage, which 
 refulfs to fociety from fuch humane inftin£ls, we pay thern 
 the juft tribute of moral apgrobation and efteem : But the 
 perfon, aftuated by them, feels their power and influ- 
 ence, antecedent to any fuch refleiSion. 
 
 Thefecond kind of moral duties ar« fuch as are not fup- 
 p'orted by any original inftindt pf nature, but are per- 
 formed entirely from a fenfe of obligation, when we con- 
 fider the neceffities of hunian fociety, and the impoffibility 
 of fupporting it, if thefe duties were negleiSled. 'Tis thus 
 ju^ice or a regard to the property of others, fidelity or the 
 obfervance of promifes, become obligatory, and acquire 
 aa authority oyer mankind. For as 'tis evident, that every 
 man loves hjmfelf better than any other perfon, he is na- 
 turally impeded to extpnd his acquifitions as much as 
 poJlble ; and nothing can reftrain him in this propenltty, 
 but rfefledion and experience, by which he learns the per- 
 nicious effects that licence, and the total diflblutipn of 
 focietj, which muft enfue from it. . His original inclina- 
 tion, therefore, or inilinfl, is here checked and reflrained 
 by a fubfequent judgment or obfervation. 
 
 The cafe is precifely the fame with the political or civil 
 <luiy ^aUeghnce, as with the natural duties of juftice and 
 fidelity. Our primary inftin6b lead us, either to indulge 
 ourfelves in yBlimited liberty, or to i feek dominion ov-er 
 others :'And 'tis reile<9;ion only, which engages us to fa- 
 criSce fuch ftrong paflions to the interefts of peace and 
 order. A very fmall degree of experience and obferva- 
 f ioa fuffices to teach us, that fociety cannot poflibly be 
 
 maintained 
 
Of the ORx6fNAX Contract. ^e^ 
 
 aaalntalned without the authority of magiftrates, and that 
 this authority muft foon fall into contempt, where exaiSt 
 obedience is not payed to jit. The ohfervation of thefe 
 general and obvious interefts is the fource of ail allegianca, 
 and of that moral obligation, which we attribute to it. 
 
 What neceffity, therefore, is there to found the duty 
 of allegiance or obedience to magiftrates on that of fidelity 
 or a regard to promifes, and tp fuppofe, that 'tis the con- 
 fent of each individual, which fi|bje(9:s him to govern-ii 
 n?ent ; when it appears, that both allegiance and fidelity 
 Hand precifely on the fame foundation, and are both fuh- 
 mitted to by mankind, on account of the apparent in- 
 terefts and neceffities of human fociety? We are bound 
 to obey our fovereign, 'tis faid ; becaufe w6 have given a 
 tacit promife to that purpofe,. ^^ut why are we bound to 
 obferve our promife ? It muft here be aflerted, that the 
 comiherce and intercpurie of mankind, which are of fuch 
 mighty advantage, can have no fec\irity where men pay 
 no regard to their ei?gagements. In like manner, may it 
 be faid, that men coujd not Jive at all in fociety, at leaftin. 
 a civilized fociety, without laws and magiftrates and judges, 
 to prevent the encroachments of the ftrong upon the weak, 
 of ihe violent upon the juft and equitable. The obliga- 
 tion to allegiance being of like force and authority with 
 the, obligation to fidelity, we gain nothing by refolving 
 the one into the other. The general interefts or neceffi- 
 ties of fociety are fufficient to eftablifli both. 
 
 If the reafon is a&ed of that obedience, which we are 
 bound to pay to government, I readily anfwer : hecaufi 
 fociety could.not otherwife fubji/l-: And this anfwer is clear 
 and intelligible to all mankind. Your anfwer is, iecaufi 
 wejhould ieep our ward. But befides, that no body, till 
 trained in a philofophical (yftem, can either comprehend 
 or relifh this anfwer : Befides this, I fay, you find yourfelf 
 cmbarrafled, when 'tis afked, why we«re bound io keep our 
 
 word? 
 
5o6: E S S^ A Y XII. 
 
 word ? And you can give no other anfwei-, but what 
 would, immediately, without any circuit, baVe accounted- 
 for our obligation to allegiance. 
 
 But t^> whom is alkgiance due ? And who are our lawful 
 fivereigns ? This queftiori is ofteii the moft difficult of 
 atiy, and liable to infinite difcuflions. Wheii people are 
 fo happy, that they can anfwer. Our prefent fovereign^ whi 
 inherits^ in a direSi line, from dncefiors, that have gaverned' 
 lis for many ages j this anfwer admits of no reply ; even 
 tho' hiftorians, in traciiig up to the rejnotefl: antiquity th6 
 origin of that royal fartiily, may find, as commonly hap- 
 pens, that its firft authority was derived from, ufurpatioiif 
 and violence. 'Tis confeft, that' private juftice or the 
 abftinence from the properties of others, is a moft cardi- 
 nal virtue : Yet reafon tells us, that there is no property 
 in durable objefls, fuch as lands or houfes, when carefully 
 examined in paffing from hand to hand, but muft, in fome 
 period, have been founded on fraud and injuftice. The 
 neceffities of human fociety, lieither in private nor public 
 life, will allow of fuch an accurate enquiry: And there 
 is no virtue or moral duty, but what may, with facility, 
 be refined away, if we indulge a falfe philofophy, in 
 fifting and fcrutinizing it, by every captious rule of logic^ 
 in every light or pofition, in which it may be placed. 
 
 The queftions with regard to public property have filled 
 infinite volumes of law and philofophy, if in both we add 
 the commentators to the original text ; and in the end, 
 we may fafely pronounce, that many of the rules, there 
 eftablifhed, are uncertain, ambiguous^and arbitrary. The 
 like opinion may be formed with regard to the fuccefllons 
 and rights of princes arid forms of government. Many 
 cafes, no doubt, occur, efpecialiy in the infancy of any 
 government, which admit of no determination from the 
 laws of juftice and equity : And ~ our hiftorian RapiNj. 
 allows, that the controverfy between Edward the third 
 
 and 
 
Of the Originai GoNTRACTi 507 
 
 andPHiLlP de Valois was of this nature, and could be 
 decided only by an appeal to heaven, that is, by war and 
 violence. 
 
 Who fliall tell me, whether Oermanicus or DrusuS 
 ought to have fucceeded Tiberius, had he died, while 
 they were both alive, without naming any of them for his 
 fucceljbr ? Ought the right of adoption to be received • 
 as equivalent to that of blood, in a nation, where it had 
 the fame effe£t in private families, and had already, in 
 two inftances, taken place in the public ? Ought Ger- 
 MANicus to be efteemed the eldeft fon becaufe he was 
 born before Drusus ; or the younger, becaufe he was 
 adopted after the birth of his brother ? Ought the right 
 of the elder to be regarded in a nation, where the eldpft 
 brother had no advantage in the- fucceljion of private fa- 
 milies? Ought the Roman empire, at that time, to be 
 efteemed hereditary, becaufe of two examples ; or ought 
 it, even fo early, to be regarded as belonging to the 
 ilronger or prefent pofleflbr, as being founded on fo re- 
 ,cent an ufurpation ? 
 
 CoMMODUs mounted the throne after a pretty long 
 fucceffion of excellent emperors, who had acquired their 
 title, not by birth, or public eledtion, but by the iSdii- 
 tious rite of adoption. That bloody debauchee being 
 murdered by a conspiracy fuddenly. formed between his 
 wench and her gallant, who happened at that time to be 
 Frcstorian PnsfeSl, thefe immediately deliberated about 
 choofing a mafter to human kind, to fpeak in the ftyle 
 of thofe ages ; and they caft their eyes on Pertinax. 
 Before the tyrant's death was known, the PmfeSl went 
 fecretly to that fenator, who, on the appearance of the 
 foldiers, imagined that his execution had been ordered 
 by CoMMODUS. He was immediately faluttd emperor 
 by the ofEcer and his attendants ; chearfully proclaimed 
 by the populace i unwillingly fubmitted toby the guards ; 
 , ' for- 
 
|o8 ESSAY XIL 
 
 formally recognized by the fenate ; and paffively received; 
 i)jrthe provinces and armies of the empire. 
 
 Tfoe difcontent of the Pratorian bands fx5on broke out 
 In a fudden fedition, which occafioned the murder of that 
 lEXcellent prince : And the world being now without a 
 raafler and without government, the guards thought 
 proper to fat the empire formally to fale. Julian, the 
 parcbafer, was proclaimed by the foldicrs, recognized by 
 the fenate, and fubmitted to by the people, and muft alfo 
 bave been fubmitted to by the provinces, had not the envy 
 cf the legions begot oppofition and refiftance. Pescen- 
 Bics Niger in Syria eledted himfelf emperor, gained 
 ^le tumultuary confent of his army, and was attended 
 ■with the fecret good-will of the fenate and people of 
 RoHE, Albinus in, Britain found an equal right to 
 fet up his claim; but Severhs, who governed Panno- 
 NtA., prevailed in the end above both of them. That 
 able politician and wairrior, finding his own birth and dig- 
 r^ity too much inferior to the imperial crown, profeft at firft, 
 an intention only of revesting the death of Pertinax. 
 He marched as general i-ato Italy, defeated Julian j 
 and. without our. being able to fix any precife commence- 
 isent even of the foldiers confent, he was from neceffity 
 acknowledged em,peror by the fenate and people; and- 
 fully eftablifhed in his violent authority by fubduing Ni- 
 ger and. Albinus *.. 
 
 InUyh^cGordianus C^sar (fays Gapitolinus, fpeak- 
 ferg of another ^Griodi) fuhlatus a militibus, Imperator, eji- 
 appellatuT, qtiia non erat alius in prafenti. 'Tis to be re- 
 marked that G0R91AN was a boy of fourteen years of 
 age- 
 Frequent inftances of a like nature occur in the hiftory 
 ©f the emperors ; in that of Alexander's fuccelTors ;, 
 
 * Herodun, lib. 2. 
 
 an,4 
 
jbf tiie Original Contract. «6j 
 
 and of many othfr countries : Nor can anything Tie more 
 unhappy than a defpotic government of that kind ; wh«re 
 the fucceffipii is disjointed and irregular, and muft te 
 determined, on every occafion, Isy force or ele<a:ion. In 
 a free government, the matter is often uuavoidabk, and 
 is alfo much 1 fs dangerous. The interefts of liberty 
 may there frequently lead the people, in their own de- 
 fence, to alter the fucceffion of the crown. And the 
 conftitution, being compounded of parts, may fiill main- 
 tain a fufficient {lability, by refting on the ariftocratical 
 or democratical members, tho' the monarchical be al- 
 Ttered, from time to time, in order to accommodate it tq 
 the former. 
 
 In an abfolutfe government, when there is no legal 
 prince, who has a title to the throne, it may fafely be 
 determined to belong to the firft occupier. Inftances of 
 this kind are but too frequent, efpecialiy in the eailern 
 monarchies. When any race of princes expires, the will 
 or deftination of the laft fovereign will be regarded as a 
 title. Thus the edidl of Lewis the XlVth, who called 
 the baftard princes to the fucceffion in cafe of the failure of 
 all the legitimate princes, would, in fuch an event, have 
 fome authority *. Thus the will of Charles the fc- 
 
 cond 
 
 • "Tis rtmarkAle thatin&e rembnttrance of tlie duke of BotrnBON tmi. 
 *he legitimate prinfes, againft this deftination of Louis the XlVth, the doc- 
 trine of the original covtraB isinlifted on, even in that abfolute government, 
 TheFniNCH nation, fay they, choofing Huch Cafet and hispofterity XO 
 rule o»er them and their pofterity, w)iere the former line fails, there is a tacit 
 1-ight referved to choofe a new royal family ; and^his right is invaded by C8l» 
 ling the baftard princes to the throne, without the confent of the nation 
 ButtheComte deBouLAiNViLtiERS, who wrote in defence of the baftard 
 Jirinces, ridicules this notion of an original contraft, efpecialiy when ajylie^ 
 \o Hugh Capet ; who mounted the throne, fays he, by the fame arts, 
 'which have ever been employed by all conquerors and ufurpers. He got ii« 
 title, indeed, recognized by the flates after he had put himfelf in pofleiTion J 
 But is tfcis a choice or contraift? The Comte de BovLAltJvii.i.iEKs, wp 
 
sib E S S A V XII. 
 
 cond difpofcd of the whole Spanish mojiarchy. The 
 ceflion of the antient proprietor, efpecially. when joined 
 to conqueft, is likewife efteemed a very good title. The 
 general bond or obligat'on, which unites us to govern- 
 ment, is the intereft and neceflities of fociety ; and this 
 obligation is Very ftrong. The determination of it to 
 this or that particular prince or form of government is 
 frequently more uncertain and dubious. Prefent poflef- 
 fion has confiderable authority in thefe cafes, and greater 
 than in private property ; becaufe of the diforders which 
 attend all revolutions and changes of government*. 
 
 We fhall only obferve, before we conclude, that tho' 
 an appeal to general opinion may juftly, in the fpecula- 
 tive fciences of metaphyfics, natural philofophy, or af- 
 tronomy, be efteemed unfair and inconclufive, yet in all 
 <jueftions with regard to morals, as well as criticifm, 
 there is really no other flandard, by which any contro- 
 verfy can ever be decided. And nothing is a clearer 
 proof that a theory of this kind ^rs erroneous, than to 
 find, that it leads to paradoxes, which are repugnant to 
 the common fentiments of mankind, and to general 
 pradice and opinion. The doftrine, which founds all 
 lawful government on an original contrail, or confent of 
 the people, is plainly of this kind ; nor has the ableft 
 of its partizans, in profecution of it, fcrupled to affirm, 
 that abfolute monarchy is inconjtftent with civil fociety, and 
 fo can be no form of civil government at all\ ; and that the 
 
 may obferve, was a noted republican ; but being a man of learning, and very 
 converfajit in hiflory, he knew the people were never almoft confulted in 
 thefe revolutions and new eflablifliments, and that time alone bellowed right 
 arid authority on what was commonly at firft founded on force and violence. 
 See Etatdela France, Vol, III, 
 
 * The crime of rebellion, amongfl: the antients was commonly marked by 
 the terms vEaTeg(2^Eiv, tiovai res moliri, 
 
 ■\ See l^ocK^B on government, chap. 7. § go. 
 
 fttprme 
 
Of the Original Contract," ^ij 
 
 pipreme power in a jiate cannot take from any man, by taxes 
 and impofitlons, any part of his property, without his own 
 confent or that of his reprefentatives f. What authority 
 any moral reafoning can have, which leads to opinions 
 fo wide of the general pradtice of mankind, in every 
 place but this ^.ngle kingdom, 'tis eafy to determine ||. 
 
 •}■ Id. chap. II. § 138, 139, 140. 
 
 II The only paflage I meet with in antiquity, where the obligation of obedl- 
 ence to government is afcribed to a promife is in Pl a t in Critone : where 
 Socrates refufes to efcape from prifon, becaufe h? had tacitly promifed to 
 obey the laws. Thus he builds a tory confequence of paflive obedience, on a 
 <i»big foundation of the original contraft. 
 
 New difcoveries are not to be expefled in thefe matters. If no man, till 
 very lately, ever imagined that government was founded on contraft, 'tis cer- 
 tain it cannot, in general, have anyiuch foundation. 
 
 £SSAt 
 
[ 5^3 ] 
 
 ESSAY XIII. 
 
 Of Passive Obedience. 
 
 IN the former eflay, we endeavoured to refute iSasfpe- 
 culative fyftems of politics advanced in this nation ; as 
 well the religiotis-fyftem of the one party, as the philo- 
 fophical of the other. We come now to examine the 
 praSfical confequences, deduced by each party, with re- 
 gard to the meafures of fubmifEon due to fovereigns. 
 
 As the oljligation to juftice is founded intirely on the 
 interefts of fociety, which require mutual abftinence from 
 property, in order to preferye peace among mankind; 'tis 
 evident, that, when the execution of juftice would be 
 attended with very pernicious confequences, that virtue 
 muft be fufpended, and give place to public utility, in 
 fuch extraordinary and fuch preffing emergencies. The 
 maxim, fiat Juflitia ^ ruat Caelum, let juftice be per- 
 formed, tho' the univerfe be deftroyed, is apparently 
 falfe, and by facrificing the end to the means, fhews a 
 prepofterous idea of the fubordination of duties. What 
 governor of a town makes any fcruple of burning the fub- 
 urbs, when they facilitate the advances of the enemy ? 
 Or what general abftains from plundering' a neutral 
 country, when the neceflities of war require it, and he 
 cannot otherwife maintain his army ? The cafe is the 
 fame with the duty of allegiance ; and common fenfe 
 teaches us, that as government binds us to obedience 
 only on account of its tendency to public utility, that 
 duty muft always, in extraordinary cafes, when public 
 ruin would evidently attend obedience, yield to the pn- 
 
 VoL. I. L I inary 
 
5H 
 
 ESSAY XIII. 
 
 mary and original obligation. Salus popult fuprema Lex, 
 the fafety of the people- is the fupreme law. This 
 maxim is agreeable to the fentiments of mankind in all 
 ages: Nor is any one, when he reads of the infurrec- 
 tions againft a Nero, or a Philip, fo infatuated with 
 party-fyffems, as not to wifh fuccefs to the enterprize, 
 and praife the undertakers. Even our high monarchical 
 party, in fpite of their fublime theory, are forced, in fuch 
 cafes, to judge, and feel, and approve, in conformity to 
 the reft of mankind, 
 
 Refiftance, therefore, being admitted in extraordinary 
 emergencies, the queftion can only be, among good 
 reafoners, with regard to the degree of neceflity, which 
 can Juftify refiftance, and render it lawful or commend- 
 able. And here I muft confefs, that I fliall always in- 
 cline to their fide, who draw the bond of allegiance the 
 clofeft poffible, and confider an infringement of it, as 
 the laft refuge in defperate cafes, when the public is in 
 the higheft danger, from violence and tyranny. For be- 
 fides the mifchiefs of a civil war, which commonly at- 
 tends infurreflion ; 'tis certain, that where a difpofition 
 to rebellion appears among any people, it is one chief 
 caufe of tyranny in the rulers, and forces them into many 
 violent meafures, which they never would have em- 
 braced, had every one feemed inclined to fubmiflion and 
 obedience. 'Tfs thus the tyrannicide or afTafHnation, ap- 
 proved of by antient maxims, inftead of keeping tyrants 
 and ufurpers in awe, made them ten times more fierce 
 and unrelenting; and is now juftly, upon that account, 
 abolifhed by the laws of nations, and univerfally con- 
 demned as a bafe and treacherous method of bringing 
 to juftice thefe difturbers of fociety. 
 
 Befides ; we muft confider, that as obedience is our 
 duty in the common courfe of things, it ought chiefly 
 to be inculcated ^ nor can any thing be more prepofte- 
 
 rous 
 
Of Passive OBEnrfiNGE. j-i^ 
 
 roiis than an anxious cafre and follicitude in ftating alJ 
 the cafes, in which refiftancc may be allowed. Thus, 
 the' a philofbpber reafonably acknowleges, in the courfe 
 of an argument, that the rules of juftice may be dif- 
 penfed with in cafes of urgent neceflity; what fhould we 
 think of a preacher or cafuift, who fhould make it his 
 chief ftudy to find out fuch cafes, and enforce them with 
 all the vehemence of argument and eloquence ? Would 
 he not be better employed in inculcating the general 
 dodlrine, than in difplaying the particular exceptions, 
 which we are, perhaps, but too much inclined, of our- 
 felves, to embrace, and to extend ? 
 
 There ate, however, two reafons, which may be 
 pleaded in defence of that party among us, who have, 
 with fo much induftry, propagated the maxims of refift- 
 ance; maxims, which,. it muft be confeft, are, in ge- 
 neral, fo pernicious, and fo deftru£live of civil fociety. 
 "Thefirjl is, that their antagonifts carrying the doftrine 
 of obedience to fuch an extravagant height, as hot only 
 never to mention the exceptions in extraordinary cafes 
 (which might, perhaps, be excufable) but even pofitively 
 to exclude them ; it became neceflary to infifl: on thefe 
 exceptions, and defend the rights of injured truth and 
 liberty. The fecsnd, and, perhaps, better reafon, is 
 founded on the nature of the British conftitution and 
 form of government. 
 
 'Tis almoft peculiar to our conftitution toeftablifh a 
 firft magiftrate with fuch high pre-eminence and dignity, 
 that tho' limited by the laws, he is, in a manner, fa 
 far as regards his own perfon, ahove the laws,, and can 
 neither be queftioned nor punifhed for any injury or 
 wrong, which may be committed by him. His miniftera 
 alone, or thofe who a<3: by his commrffion, are obnoxi- 
 ous to juftice ; and while the prince is thus allured,- by 
 the profpeft of perfonal fafety, to give the laws their free 
 courfe, an equal fecurity is, in tS&Si, obtained, by the 
 L I 2 punifli,- 
 
5i6 ESSAY XIII. 
 
 punifliment of lefler offenders, and at the fame time a 
 civil war is avoided, which would be the infallible con- 
 iequence, were an attack, at every turn, made diredtly 
 upon the fovereign. But tho' the conftitution pays this 
 falutary compliment to the prince, it can never reafon- 
 ably be underftood, by that maxim, to have determin- 
 ed its own deftru£tion, or to have eftabliflied a tame fub- 
 miffion, where he prote£ls his minifters, perfeveres in 
 injuftice, and ufurps the whole power of the common- 
 wealth. This cafe, indeed, is never exprefly put by the 
 laws J becaufe it is impoflible for them, in their ordi- 
 nary courfe, to provide a remedy for it, or eftablifh any 
 magiftrate, with fuperior authority, to chaftife the ex- 
 orbitancies of the prince. But as a right without a 
 remedy would be the greateft of all abfurdities j the 
 remedy in this cafe, is the extraordinary one of refift- 
 ance, when affairs come to that extremity, that the con- 
 ftitution can be defended by it alone. Refiftance, there- 
 fore, muft, of courfe, become more frequent in the 
 British government, than in others, which are fimpler 
 and confift of fewer parts and movements. Where the 
 king is an abfolute fovereign, he has little temptation 
 to commit fuch enormous tyranny as may juflly provoke 
 rebellion: But where he is limited, his imprudent am- 
 bition, without any great vices, may run him into-that 
 perilous fituation. This is commonly fuppofed to have 
 been the cafe with Charles the Firft; and if we may 
 now fpeak truth, after animofities are laid, this was alfo 
 the cafe with James the Second. Thefe were harmlefs, 
 if not, in their private charadter, good men ; but miftak- 
 ing the nature of our conftitution, and engrofEng the 
 whole legiflative power, it became neceffary to oppofe 
 them with fome vehemence ; and even to deprive the 
 latter formally of that authority, which he had ufed with 
 fuch imprudence and indifcretion. 
 
 ESSAY 
 
[ 517 3 
 
 ESSAY XIV. 
 
 Of the CoAtiTioN of Parties. 
 
 TO abolifli all diftinftions of party may not be prac- 
 ticable, perhaps not defirable, in a free govern- 
 ment. The only parties, which are dangerous, are fuch 
 as entertain oppofite views with regard to the efTentials 
 of government, the fucceffion of the crown, or the more 
 confiderable privileges belonging to the feveral members 
 of the conftitution 5 where there is no room for any com- 
 promize or accommodation, and where the dontroverfy 
 may appear fo momentous as to juftify even an oppofition 
 Vy arms to the pretenfions of antagonifts. Of this na- 
 ture was the animofity continued for above a century be- 
 tween the parties in England ; an animofity which 
 broke out fomPtJmes into civil war, which occafioned 
 violent revolutions, and which continually endangered 
 the peace and tranquillity of the nation. But as there 
 has appeared of late the ftrongeft Cymptoms of an uni- 
 verfal defire to abolifh thefe party diftin^tions j this ten- 
 dency to a coalition affords the moft agreeable profpeft 
 of future happinefs, and ought to be carefully cheriflied 
 and promoted by every lover of his country. 
 
 There is not a more effeftual method of promoting fo 
 
 good an end, than to prevent all unreafonable infult and 
 
 triumph of the one party over the other, to encourage 
 
 pioderate opinions, to find the proper medium in all dif- 
 
 Ll 3 putes, 
 
51 8 E S S A Y XI V. 
 
 putes, to perfuade each that its antagonift may pofllbly 
 be fometimes in the right, and to keep a balance in the 
 praifeand blame which we beftow on either fide. The 
 two former Effays, concerning the original contrail and 
 pajftve obedience, are calculated for this purpofe with re- 
 gard tcxthephfkfopMcatcontroweifies between the parties, 
 and tend to fhow that neither fide are in thefe refpe£ts fo 
 fully fupported by reafon as they endeavour to flatter 
 themfelves. We Ihall proceed to exercife the fame mo- 
 deration with regard to the /i//?flnVfl/ difputes, by proving 
 that each party was juftified by plaufxbie topics; that 
 there were on both, fides wile men who meant well to 
 their country, apd that the paft animofity between the 
 fadions had no better foundation than narrow prej.udice 
 or intqrefted paffipn. 
 
 The pppular party, who afterwards acquired the name 
 of whigs, might juftify by very fpecious arguments, that 
 oppofition to the crown, from which our prefent free 
 eonftitutioh is derived. Tho' obliged to acknowlege, 
 that precedents in favour of prerogative had uniformly 
 taken place during many reigns before Charles the Firft, 
 they thought, that there was no reafon for fubmitting 
 any longer to fo dangerous an authority. • Such might 
 have been their reafoning : The rights of mankind arc 
 fo facred, that no prefcription of tyranny or arbitrary 
 power can have authority fufiicient to abolifh them. Li- 
 berty is the moft ineftimable of all bleffings j and where- 
 ever there appears any probability of recovering it, a na- 
 tion may willingly run many hazards, and ought not even 
 to repine at the greateft eflFufion of blood or diffipation of 
 treafure. All human infiitutions, and none more than 
 government, are in continual fluftuation. Kings' are 
 fure to embrace every opportunity of extending their pre- 
 rogatives : And if favourable incidents be not alfo laid 
 liojd of to extend and fecure the privileges of the people, 
 
 m 
 
Of tke Coalition of Parties. 519 
 
 an univerfal defpotifm muft for ever prevail among man- 
 kind. The example of all the neighbouring nations 
 prove, that it is no longer fafe to entruft with the crown 
 the fame exorbitant prerogatives which had formerly been 
 cxercifed during rude and fimple ages. And tho' the 
 example of many late reigns may be pleaded in favour 
 of a power in the prince fomewhat arbitrary, more re- 
 mote reigns aiFord inftances of flrifter limitations impofed 
 on the crown ; and thofe pretenfions of the parliament, 
 now branded with the title of innovations, are only a re- 
 covery of the juft rights of the people. 
 
 Thefe views, far from being odious, are furely large, 
 and generous, and noble : To their prevalence and fuc- 
 cefs the kingdom owes its liberty; perhaps its learning, 
 its Induftry, commerce, and naval power : By them 
 chiefly the English name is diftinguifhed. among the fo- 
 ciety of nations,, and afpires to a rivalfliip with that of 
 ■the freeft and moft illuftrious commonwealths of anti- 
 quity. But as all thefe mighty confequences could not 
 xeafonably be forefeen at the time when the conteft be- 
 gan, the royalifts of that age wanted not fpecious argu- 
 ments on their fide, by which they could juftify their 
 defence of the theneftabliflied prerogatives of the crown- 
 We {hall ftate the queftion, as it might appear to them 
 at the aflembling of that parliament, which by their 
 violent encroachments on the crown, began the civil 
 wars. 
 
 The only rule of government, they might have faid, 
 known and acknowleged among men, is ufe and prac- 
 tice: Reafon is fo uncertain a guide that it will always 
 be expofed to doubt and controverfy : Could it ever render 
 itfelf prevalent over the people, men had always retain- 
 ed it as their fole rule of conducS : They had ftiU con- 
 tinued in the primitive, unconnefted ftate of nature, 
 without fubmitting to political; government, whofe fole 
 L 1 4 bafis 
 
5ao ESSAY XIV. 
 
 bafis is, not pure reafon, but authority and precedent, 
 Diflblve thefe tyes, you break all the bonds of civil fa- 
 ciety, and leave every man, at liberty to confult his parti- 
 cular intereft, by thofe expedients, which his appetite, 
 difguifed under the appearance of reafon, fhall dictate to 
 him. The fpirit of innovation is in itfelf pernicious, 
 however favourable its particular objeft may fometimes 
 appear : A truth fo obvious, that the popular party them- 
 felves are fenfible of it, and therefore cover their en- 
 croachments on the crown by the plaufible pretence of 
 their recovering the antient liberties of the people. 
 
 But the prefent prerogatives of the crown, allowing 
 all the fuppofitions of that party, have been inconteftibly 
 ellabliflied ever fmce the acceffion of the houfe of Tu- 
 dor ; a period, which, as it now comprehends an hun- 
 dred and fixty years, may be allowed fufficient to give 
 {lability to any conftitution. Would it not have appeared 
 ridiculous, in the reign of the Emperor Adrian, to 
 talk of the conftitution of the republic as the rule of go- 
 vernment ; or to fuppofe that the former rights of the 
 fenate, and confuls and tribunes were ftill fubfifting ? 
 
 But the prefent claims of the Engiish monarchs are 
 infinitely more favourable than thofe of the Roman 
 emperors during that age. The authority of Augustus 
 was a plain ufurpation, grounded only on military vio- 
 lence, and forms fuch an sera in the Roman hiftory, as 
 is obvious to every reader. But if Henry VII. really, 
 as fome pretend, enlarged the power of the crown, it was 
 only by infenfible acquifitions, which efcaped the appre- 
 henfion of the people, and have fcarcely been remarked 
 even by hiftorians and politicians. The new govern- 
 ment, if itdeferves the name, is an imperceptible tran- 
 fition from the former j is entirely engrafted on it; de- 
 fives its title fully from that root j and is to be confidered 
 only as one of thofe^ gradual revolutions, to which 
 
 human 
 
Of the CoAiiTioN of Parties. 521 
 
 liumaa' affairs, in every nation, will be for ever fub- 
 jea. 
 
 The Houfe of Tudor, and after them that 6f Stuart, 
 exercife no prerogatives, but what had been claimed 
 and exercifed by the Plantagenets. Not a fingle 
 branch of their authority can be faid to be altogether an 
 innovation. The only difference is, that perhaps the 
 jmore antient kings exerted thefe powers only by intervals, 
 and were not able, by reafon of the oppofition of their 
 barons, to render them fo fteady a rule of adminiftration *. 
 But the fole inference from this fa6l is, that thofe times 
 were more turbulent and feditious ; and that royal au- 
 thority, the conftitution, and the laws have happily of, 
 Jate gained the afcendant. 
 
 Under what pretence can the popular party now talk 
 «f recovering the antient conftitution ? The former con- 
 troul over the kings was not placed in the commons, but 
 in the barons : The people had no authority, and even 
 Jittle or no liberty, till the crown, by fuppreffing thefe 
 faftious tyrants, enforced the execution of the laws, and 
 obliged all the fubjedts equally to refpe£l each others 
 rights, privileges, and properties. If we muft return 
 to the antient barbarous and Gothic conftitution; let 
 thofe gentlemen, who now behave themfelves with fo 
 much infolenc? to their fovereign, fet the firft example. 
 Let them make court to be admitted as retainers to a 
 neighbouring baron ; and by fubmitting to Ilavery under 
 him, acquire fome prote£l:ion to themfelves ; together with 
 the power of exercifing rapine and oppreffion over their 
 
 • The author believes that he was the firft writer who advanced that the 
 family of Tudor poffefled iu general more authority than their immediate 
 predeceiTors ; An opinion, which, he hopes, will be fupported by hiftory, 
 but which he propofes with fome diffidence. There are ftrong fymptoms of 
 arbitrary power in fome former reigns, even after figning of the charters. 
 The power of the crown in that age depended lefs on the conftitution than 
 on th« capacity and vigour »f the prince who wore it. 
 
 inferior 
 
522 B S S A Y XIV: ' 
 
 iiiferior flaves artd villains. This was the cdnditron of 
 the commons among their remote anceftors. 
 
 But how far back (hall we gtf, in having recourfe to 
 intient conftitutions and governments ? There Wzs a 
 conftitution ftill more antient than that to which thefe 
 innovators affect fo much to appeal. DuriHg that pe- 
 riod there was no magna thsrta : The barons themfelves 
 pofififled few regular, ftated privileges i And the hoUfe of 
 commons probably had not an Sxiftence. 
 
 It is pleafant to hear a houfe, while they are ufurping 
 the whole po^w^er of gbVerhrtient, talk of reviving an- 
 tient inftitutions. Is it not kriowrn, that, tho' the re- 
 prefentatives received wages fr6m their conftituehts ; to 
 be a member of their houfe wis alvvays cohiidered as a 
 bitrthen, afld a freedotn frem it as a privilege ? Will they 
 perfuade ms, that power, which of all human acquifitiorts 
 is the moft coveted, and in comparifon of Which even 
 repatation and pleafure and riches are flighted, could 
 ever be regarded a;s a burthen by any man ? 
 
 The property acquired of late by the commons, it is 
 laid, entitles them to more power than their anceffors 
 ienjoyed. But to what is this encreafe of their property 
 owing, but to an encreafe of their liberty and their Xe- 
 curity ? Let them therefore acknowledge, that their an- 
 ceilors, while the crown was reftrained by the feditious 
 barons, really enjoyed lefs liberty than they themfelves 
 have attained, after the fovereign acquired the afcendant : 
 And let them enjoy that liberty with moderation; and 
 not forfeit it by new exorbitant claims, and by rehdcr- 
 ing it a pretence for endlefs innovations. 
 
 The true rule of goverjiment is the prefent eftabliflied 
 prafliceof the age. That has moft authority, becaufe it 
 is recent : It is aKo better known, for the fame reafon. 
 Who has afllired thofe tribunes, that the Plantace- 
 
 NETS 
 
 I 
 
€)f the Coalition of Parties. .523 
 
 AiETs did not exercife as high afl:s of authority as the 
 TuDOAS ? The hiftorians, they fay, do not mention 
 them* But the hiftorians are alfo filent with regard to 
 ithe chief exertions of prerogative by the TuDORS. 
 Where any power or prerogative is fully and undoubt- 
 edly eftabliftied, the exercife of it pafles for a thing of 
 courfe, and readily efcapes the notice of hiftory and an- 
 nals- Had we no other monuments of Elizabeth's 
 xeign, than what are preferved even by CAMDE^f, the 
 moft copious, judicious, and exaft of our hiftorians, we 
 fliould be entirely ignorant of the moft important maxims 
 of her government. 
 
 Was not the prefent monarchical government, to its 
 full extent, authorized by lawyers, recommended, by 
 divines, acknowleged by politicians, acquiefced in, nay 
 paflionately cherifhed, by the people in general ; and all 
 this during a period of at leaft a hundred and ftxty years, 
 and till of late, without the leaft murmur or contro- 
 yerfyi This general confent furely, during fo long a time, 
 muft be fufticient to render a conftitution legal and valid. 
 If the origin of all power be derived, as is pretended, 
 /rom the people ; here is their confent in the fulleft and 
 moft ample terms that can be defired or imagined. 
 
 But the people muft not pretend, becaufe they can, 
 by their confent, lay the foundations of government, 
 that therefore they are to be permitted, at their pleafure, 
 to overthrow and fubvert them. There is no end of 
 thefe feditious and arrogant claims. The power of the 
 crown is now openly ftruck at : The nobility are alfo in 
 vifible peril : The gentry will foon follow : The popular 
 leaders, who will thjn afliime the name of gentry, will 
 next be expofed to danger : And the people themfelves, 
 having become incapable of civil government, and lying 
 under the reftraint of no authority, muft, for the fake 
 of peace, admit, inftead of their legal and mild mo- 
 Uarchs, a fucceffion of military and defpotic tyrants. 
 
 Thefe 
 
SH 
 
 ESSAY XIV. 
 
 Thefe confequences are the more to be dreaded, as the 
 prefent fury of the people, tho' glofled over by preten- 
 fions to civil liberty, is in reality incited by the fanati- 
 cifm of religion ; a principle the moft blind, headftrong 
 and ungovernable, by which human nature can ever 
 poflibly be acSuated. Popular rage is dreadful from what- 
 ever motive derived : But muft be attended with the moft 
 pernicious confequences, when it arifes from a principle^ 
 which difclaims all controul by human law, reafon, or 
 authority. 
 
 Thefe are the arguments, which each party may make 
 ufe of to juftify the conduft of their predecellbrs, during 
 that great crifis. The event has fhown, that the reafon- 
 ings of the popular party were better founded ; but per- 
 haps, according to the eftablifhed maxims of lawyers and 
 politicians, the views of the royalifts ought, beforehand, 
 to have appeared more folid, more fafe, and more legal. 
 But this is certain, that the greater moderation we now 
 ■employ in reprefenting paft events ; the nearer we -fliall 
 be to produce a full coalition of the parties, and an en- 
 tire acquiefcehce in our prefent happy eftablifhment. Mo- 
 deration is of advantage to every eftabliftiment : Nothing 
 but zeal can overturn a fettled power : And an over- 
 • adlive zealin friends is apt to beget a like fpirit in anta- 
 gonJlls. The tranfuion from a moderate oppofition 
 againft an eftablifliment, to an entire acquiefcence in it, 
 is eafy and infenfible. 
 
 There are many invincible arguments, which fhould 
 induce the malecontent party to acquiefce entirely in the 
 prefent fettlement of the conftitution. They now find, 
 that the fpirit of civil liberty, tho' at firft connected with ' 
 religious fanaticifm, could purge itfelf from that polr 
 lution, and appear under a more genuine and engaging 
 afpefl:; a friend to toleration, and an encourager of all 
 the enlarged and generous lentiments that do hpnour to 
 
 human 
 
Of the Coalition of Parties. 525 
 
 human nature. They may obferve, that the popular 
 claims could ftop at a proper period ; and after retrench- 
 ing the exorbitant prerogatives of the crown, could ftill 
 maintain a due refpeft to monarchy, to nobility, and to 
 all antient inftitutions. Above all, they muft be fen- 
 fible, that the very principle, which made the ftrength 
 of their party, and from which it derived its chief au- 
 thority, has now deferted them, and gone over to their 
 antagonifts. The plan of liberty is fettled ; its happy 
 efFedls are proved by experience ; a long traft of time has 
 given it ftabillty ; and whoever would attempt to over- 
 turn it, and to recall the paft government or abdicated 
 family, would, befides other more criniinal imputations, 
 be expofed in their turn to the reproach of fadlion and in- 
 novation. While they perufe the hiftory of paft events, 
 they ought to refleft, both that the rights of the crown 
 are long fince annihilated, and that the tyranny, and vio- 
 lence, and oppreffion, to which they often gave rife, are 
 ills, from which the eftabliflied liberty of the conftitution 
 has now at laft happily proteiSed the people. Thefe re- 
 fle6):ions will prove z better fecurity to our freedom and 
 privileges, than to deny, contrary to the cleareft evidence 
 of fails, that fuch regal powers ever had any exiftence. 
 There is not a more efFeflual method of betraying a 
 caufe, than to lay the ftrefs of the argument on a wrong 
 place, and by difputing an untenable poft, enure the ad- 
 verfaries to-fuccefs and victory. 
 
 ESSAY 
 
i 527 ] 
 
 ESSAY XV, 
 
 Of the Protestant Succession. 
 
 I Suppose, that a member of parliament, in the reign 
 of KingWiiLiAM or Queen Anne, while theefta- 
 blifliment of the Protejlant Succeffton was yet uncertain, 
 were deliberating concerning the party he would chufe, 
 in that important queftion, and weighing, with impar- 
 tiality, the advantages and difadvantages oh each fide. 
 I believe the following particulars would have entered 
 into his confideration. 
 
 He would eafily perceive the great advantages refulting 
 from" the reftoration of the Stuart^ family; by which 
 we fhould preferve the fucceffion clear and undifputed, 
 free from a pretender, with fuch a fpecious title as that 
 of blood, which, with the multitude, is always the claim, 
 the ftrongeft and moft eafily comprehended. 'Tis in 
 vain to fay, as many have done, that the queftion with 
 regard to gaverners, independent of government, is frivo- 
 lous, and little worth difputing, much lefs fighting about. 
 The geilerality of mankind never will enter into thefa 
 fentiments ; and 'tis much happier, I believe, for fo- 
 ciety, that they do not, but rather continue in their 
 natural prejudices and prepofleffions. How could ftabi- 
 Ijty be preferved in any monarchical government, (which, 
 tho' perhaps, not the beft, is, and always has been, the 
 xnoft common of any) unlefs men had fo paffionate a. re- 
 
 gard 
 
528 ESSAY XV. 
 
 gard for the true heir of their royal family; and even tW 
 he be weak in underftanding, or infirm in years, gave 
 him fo great a preference above perfons the moft accom- 
 pliflied in fliining talents, or celebrated for great atchieve- 
 ments i Would not every popular leader put in his claim 
 at every vacancy, or even without any vacancy ; and 
 the kingdom become the theatre of perpetual wars and 
 convulfions ? The condition of the Roman empire, fure- 
 ly, was not, in this refpeil, much to be envied 5 nor is 
 that of the Eajlern nations, who pay little regard to the 
 title of their fovereigns, but facrifice them, eVery day, 
 to the caprice or momentary humour of the populace or 
 foldiery. 'Tis but a foolifli wifdom, which is fo care- 
 fully difplayed, in undervaluing princes, and placing them 
 on a level with the meaneft of mankind. To be fure, 
 an anatomift finds no more in the greateft monarch than 
 in the loweft peafant or day-labourer ; and a moralift 
 may, perhaps, frequenttyfind lefs. But what do all thefe 
 refleftions tend to ? We, all of us, ftill retain thefe pre- 
 judices in favour of birth and family ; arid neither in our 
 ferious occupations, nor moft carelefs amufements, can we 
 ever get entirely rid of them. A tragedy, that fhould re- 
 prefent the adventures of failors, or porters, or even of 
 private gentlemen, would prefently difguft us ; but one 
 that introduces kings and princes, acquires in our eyes are 
 air of importance and dignity. Or fhould a man be able, 
 by his fuperior wifdom, to get entirely above fucb pre- 
 pofieffions, he would foon, by means of the fame wif- 
 dom, again bring himfelf down to them, for the fake of 
 fociety, whofe welfare he would perceive to be rntimately 
 conne£ted with them. Far from endeavouring to unde- 
 ceive the people in this particular, he would cherifh fuch 
 fentiments of reverence to their princes ; as requifite to 
 preferve a due fubordination in fociety. And tho' the 
 lives of twenty thoufand men be often facrificed to main>- 
 tain a king in poffeflion of his throne, or preferve the 
 
 right 
 
Of the Protestant Succession. 529 
 
 right of fucceffion undifturbed, he entertains no indigna- 
 tion at thelofs, on pretence that every individual of thefe 
 was, perhaps,; in himfelf, as valuable as the prince he 
 ferved. He confiders the confequences of violating the 
 hereditary rights of kings : Confequences, which may be 
 felt for many centuries ; w^hile the lofs of feveral thou- 
 fand men brings fo little prejudice to a large kingdom, 
 that it may not be perceived a few years afterwards. 
 
 The advantages of the Hanover fuccefSon are of an 
 oppofite nature, and arife from this very circun^lance, 
 that it violates hereditary right ; and places on the throne 
 a prince, to whom birth gave no title to that dignity. 
 'Tis evident to any one who confrders the hiftory of this 
 ifland, that the privileges of the people have, during the 
 two laft centuries, been continually upon the increafe, 
 by the divifion of the church-lands, by the alienations 
 of the barons eftates, by the progrefs of trade, and above 
 all, by the happinefs of our fituation, which, for a long 
 time, gave us fufficient fecurity, without any ftanding 
 army or military eftablifliment; On the contrary, public 
 liberty has, almoft in every other nation of Europe, 
 been, during the fame period, extremely upon the de- 
 cline ; while the people were difgufted at the hardfhips 
 of the old feudal militia, and chofe rather to intruft their 
 prince with mercenary armies, which he eafily turned 
 agaioft themfelves. It was nothing extraordinary, there- 
 fore, that fome of our British fovereigns miftook the 
 nature of the conftitution, and genius of the people ; 
 and as they embraced all the favourable precedents left 
 them by their anceftors, they overlooked all thofe which 
 were contrary, and which fuppofed a limitation in our 
 government. They were encouraged in this miftake, by 
 the example of all the neighbouring princes, who, bear- 
 ing the fame title or appellation, and being adorned with 
 the fame enfigns of authority, naturally led them to 
 Vol. I. M m chim 
 
530- 
 
 £ s s A Y x:v. 
 
 claim the fame powers and prerogatives *. The flattery 
 of courtiers farther blinded them ; and above all, that of 
 the clergy, who from feveral paflages oi fcripture, and 
 thefe wrefted too, had ere&d a regular and avowed fyftem 
 of tyranny and defpotic power. The only method of 
 
 • It appears from the fpeeches, and proclamations, and whole train of 
 King James I.'s afiions, as well as his fon's, that they confidered the 
 English government as a fimple monarchy, and never imagined that any 
 confiderable part of iheir fubjcfts entertained a contrary idea. This ijvade 
 them difcovcr their pretenlions, without preparing any force to fopport them ; 
 and even without referve or difguife, which are always employed by thofe, 
 who enter upon any new projeifi, or endeavour to innovate iff any govepnw 
 ment. King James told his parliament plainly, when they meddled in 
 ftate affairs, Ke Jutor ultra crepidam. He ufed alfo, at his table, in promif- 
 ctious companies, to advance his notions, in a manner ftill more undifguifed 1 
 As we may learn from a ftory told in the life of Mr. WALtEK, and which 
 that poet ufed frequently to repeat. When Mr. Wailer was young, he 
 had the curiofity to go to court ; and he flood in the circle, and faw King 
 James dine, where, amongft other company, there fat at table two bi- 
 fhops. The King, openly and aloud, propofed this queftion. Whether he 
 tn'iglt not take his JuijcBs money ^ luhen be had occajion for iff iDUhout all this 
 fortiiality of parliament ? The one bifhop readily replied, God forbid you Jh^tulti 
 not : For you are the breath of our nojlrih, Tbe other bilhop declined anfw^r- 
 iiig, and faid he was not Jlcilled in parliamentary cafes : But Mpon tjie 
 King's urging him, and faying he woul'd admit of no evafion, his lordlhip 
 replied very pieafantly. Why, thin, I think your majejly may laivfully ttie my 
 brother' I money : For he offers it. In Sir Walter Raleigh's preface to 
 the Hiftory of the World, there is this remarkable pafragc. Philip II. iy 
 Jfrong hand and main foics, attempted to make bimjelf not only an abfolute mo- 
 narch over the Netherlands, like unto the kings and fovereigns of England and 
 France; but Turk like, to tread under his feet ail theirnatu>-al and fundamen- 
 tal laivs, privilege!, and antieni rights, Spenser, fpeaking of fome grants 
 of the English kings to the Irish corporations, fays, " All which, tho', 
 " at the lime of their firft grant, they were tolerable, and perhaps reafon- 
 *' able, yet now are moft unreafonable and inconvenient. But all thefe 
 " will eafrly be cut off with the fuperior power of her ma3efty's prerogative, 
 " againft which her own grants are nof to be pleaded or inforced." State 
 "/"Ireland, p. 1537. Edit. 1706. 
 
 As thefe were very common, if not, perhaps, the univerfal notions of 
 the times, the two firft princes of die houfe of Stuart were the more 
 excufable for their miftake. Ar.d Rapin, fuitable to his ufual maJig- 
 nity and partiality, feen;s. to trc:t them with too much fevcrity, upon ac- 
 count tf it, 
 
 dcftroying, 
 
Of the Protestant SucCEsSfoN. jjs 
 
 deftroying, at once, all thefe exorbitant claims and prc- 
 tenfions, was to depart from tlie true hereditary line, 
 and choofe a prince, who, being plainly a creature of the 
 public, and receiving the crown on conditions, expreffeA 
 and avowed, found his authority eftablilhed on the fame 
 bottom with the privileges of the people. By elefting 
 him in the royal line, we cut off all hopes of ambitious 
 fubjedls, who might, in future emergencies, diflurb the 
 government by their cabals and pretenfions : By render- 
 ing the crown hereditary in his family, we avoided all the 
 inconvenienclesof el eftive monarchy : And by excluding 
 the lineal heir, we fecurcd all our confUtutional limita- 
 tions, and rendered our government uniform and of a 
 piece. The people cherifti monarchy, becaufe proteflred 
 by it : The monarch favours liberty, becaufe created by 
 it. And thus every advantage is obtained by the new 
 eftablifliment, as far as human (kill and wifdom can ex- 
 tend itfelf. 
 
 Thefe are the feparate advantages of fixing the fuccefs- 
 fibn, either in the houfe of Stuart, or in that of Hano_ 
 VER. There are alfo difadvantag^s on each eftab'ifh- 
 ment, which an impartial patriot would ponder and exa- 
 mine, in order to form a juft judgment upon the whole. 
 
 The difadvantages of the'proteftant fucce'ffion confift ia 
 the foreign dominions, which are poffefled by the princes 
 of the Hanover line, and which, it might be fuppofed, 
 would engage us in the intrigues and wars of th? conti- 
 nent, and lofe us, in fome meafure, the ineftimahle ad- 
 vantao-e we poffefs of being furrounded and guarded by 
 the fea, which we command. The difadvantages of re- 
 calling the abdicated family confift chiefly in'their reli- 
 gion, which is more prejudicial to fociety'than that efta- 
 blifhed among us, is contrary to it, and affords no to- 
 leration, or peace, or ftcurity to any other religion. 
 
 M m 2 It 
 
5J2 ESSAY XV. 
 
 It appears to me, that all thefe advantages and difecf- 
 vantages are allowed on both fides ; at leaft, by every one 
 who is at all fufceptible of argument or reafoning. No 
 fubjeit, however loyal, pretends tp deny, that the dif- 
 puted title and foreign dominions of the prefent royal fa- 
 mily are a lofs. Nor is there any partizan of the Stuart 
 family, but willconfefs, that the claim of hereditary, in- 
 defeafible right, and the Roman Catholic religion, are 
 alfo difai^vantages in that family. It belongs, therefore, 
 to a philofopher alone, who is of neither party, to put all 
 thefe circumftances in the fcale, and affign to each of 
 them its proper poife and influence. Such an one will 
 leadily, at firft, acknowledge, that all political queftions , 
 are infinitely complicated, and that there fcarce ever oc- 
 curs, in any deliberation, a choice, which is either pure- 
 ly good, or purely ill. Confequences, mixed and varied', 
 may be forefeen to flow from every meafure : And ma- 
 ny confequences, unforefeen, do always, in fa^, refult 
 from it. Hefitation, and referve, and fufpence, are there- 
 fore the only fentiments he brings to this eflay or triah 
 Or if he indulges any paffion, 'tis that of derifion and ri- 
 dicule agkinft the ignorant multitude, who are always 
 clamorous and dogmatical, even in the niceft queftions, 
 of which, from want of temper, perhaps ftill more than 
 of underftanding, they are altogether unfit judges. 
 
 But to fay fomething more determinate on this head, 
 the following reflexions will, I hope, fhow the temper, 
 if not the underftanding of a philofopher. 
 
 Were we to judge merely by firft appearances, and by 
 paft experience, we muft allow that the advantages of a 
 parliamentary title of the houfe of HanoVer are much 
 greater than ,thofe of an undifputed hereditary title in the 
 houfe of Stuart ; and that our fathers afted wifely in 
 preferrtng the former to the latter. So long as the houfe 
 of Stuart reigned in Britain, which, withfome in- 
 terruption > 
 
Of the Protest ANT Succession. 533 
 
 terruption, was above 80 years, the government was kept 
 in a continual fever, by the contentions between the pri- 
 vileges of the people and the prerogatives of the crown. 
 If arms were dropt, the noife of difputes continued : Or 
 if thefe were filenced, jealoufy ftill corroded the heart, 
 and threw the nation into an unnatural ferment and dif- 
 order. And while we were thus occupied in domeftic 
 contentions, a foreign power, dangerous, if not fatal, to 
 public liberty, eredted itfelf in Europe, without any 
 oppofition from us, and even fometimes wjth our af- 
 fiftance. 
 
 But during thefe laft fixty years, when a parliamentary 
 eftablifhment has taken place ; whatever fadlions may 
 have prevailed either among the people or in public af- 
 -femblies, the whole force of our conftitution has always 
 fallen to one fide, and an uninterrupted harmony has 
 been preferved between our pri^jces and our parliaments. 
 Public liberty, with internal peace and order, has flou- 
 rifhed almoft without interruption: Trade and manii- 
 faftures, and agriculture, have increafed : The arts, and 
 fciences, and philofophy, have been cultivated. Even reli- 
 gious parties have been neceffitated to lay afide their mu- 
 tual rancour : And the glory of the nation has fpread itfelf 
 all over Europe ; while we ftand the bulwark againft 
 oppreffion, and the great antagonift of that power which 
 threatens every people with conqueft and fubje(Stion. So 
 long and fo glorious a period no nation almoft can hoaft 
 of: Nor is there another inftance in the whole hiftory 
 of mankind, that fo many millions of people have, dur- 
 ing fuch a fpace of time, been held together, in a man- 
 ner fo free, fo rational, and fo fuitable to the dignity of 
 human nature. 
 
 But tho' this recent inftance feems clearly to decide in 
 
 favour of the prefent eftablifhment, there are fome circum- 
 
 ftances to be thrown into the other fcale ; and 'tis dan-, 
 
 M m 3 gercus 
 
534 ^ S S A Y XV. 
 
 gerous to regulate our judgment by one event or ex'-' 
 
 ample. 
 
 We have had two rebellions during the flourifhing pe- 
 riod above mentioned, befides plots and confpiracies with- 
 out number. And if none of thefe have produced any 
 very fatal event, we may afcribe our efcape chiefly to the 
 narrow genius of thofe princes who difputed our efta- 
 bliflimcnt ; and may efteem ourfelves fo far fortunate. 
 But the chims of the bani&ed family, I fear, are not yet 
 antiquated ; and who can foietel, that their future at- 
 tempts v.-;ll produce no greater diforder ? 
 
 The difputes between privilege and prerogative may 
 eafily bccompofed by laws, and votes, and conferences, 
 g,nd ccncefTions ; where there is tolerable temper or pru- 
 dence on both fides, or on either fide. .Among contend- 
 ing titles, the queftion can only be determined by the 
 fv.'ord, and by devaftation, and by civil war. 
 
 A prince who fills the throne with a difputed title, 
 dares not arm his fubjefls ; the only method of fecuring 
 a jieople fully, both againfi- domeftic oppreflion and fo- 
 reign conqueft. 
 
 Notv.'ithftanding all our riches and renown, what a 
 critical efcape did we lately make from dangers, which 
 were owing not fo much to bad conduct and "ill fuccefs 
 in Vvar, as to the pernicious practice of mortgaging our 
 finances, and the ftill more pernicious m'axim of never 
 paying off our incumbrances ? Such fatal meafures could 
 iiever have been embraced, had it not bpen to fecure a 
 precarious eJlablifhment *. 
 
 But to convince u?, that an hereditary title is to b? 
 etnbiaceJ rather than a pailiamentary one, which is not 
 
 * Thufe who confiie-r how univerT..! this pernicious praftlce of funding 
 ^ t? herome all overPoRO?F,, m^y perhaps difpute this laft opinion. But 
 v- Iiv under ku i;ctw!!'i'y thjn other (ia'.cs. 
 
 fupported 
 
Of the Protestant Succession. 535 
 
 fupported by any other views or motives ; a man needs 
 only tranfport himfeif back to the aera of the reftoration, 
 and fuppofe, that he had had a feat in that parliament 
 which recalled the royal family, and put a period to the 
 greateft diforders that ever arofe from the oppofite pre- 
 tenfions of prince and people. What would have, been 
 thought of one, that had propofed, at that time, to fet 
 afide Charles II. and fettle the crown on the Duke of 
 York or Gloucester, merely in order to exclude all 
 high claims, like thofe of their father and grandfather ? 
 Would not fuch an one have been regarded as a very 
 extravagant projector, who loved dangerous remedies, and 
 could tamper and play with a government and national 
 conftitution, like a quack with a fickly patient ? 
 
 The advantages which refult from a parliamentary 
 title, preferably to an hereditary one, tho' they are great, 
 axe too refined ever to enter into the conception of the 
 vulgar. The bulk of mankind would never allow them 
 to be fuiEcient for committing what would be regarded a« 
 an injuftice to the prince. They muft be fupported by 
 fome grofs, popular, and familiar topics ; and wife men, 
 though convinced of their force, would reject them, in 
 compliance with the weaknefs and prejudices of the peo- 
 ple. An incroaching tyrant or deluded bigot alone, by 
 bis mifcondufl:, is able to enrage the nation, and render 
 prafticable what was always perhaps defirable. 
 
 In reality, the reafon affigned by the nation for exclud- 
 ing the race of Stuart, and fo many other branches of 
 the royal family, is not on account of their hereditary 
 title (which, however juft in itfelf, would, to vulgar 
 apprehenfions, have appeared altogether abfurd) but on 
 account of their religion. Which leads us to compare the 
 difadvantages above mentioned of each eftablifliment. 
 
 I confefs, that, confidering the matter in general, it 
 
 were much to be wilhed, that our prince had no foreign 
 
 li'J m 4 dominion?, 
 
$3& . ESSAY XV, 
 
 dominions, "and could confine all his attention to the 
 government of this ifland. For not to mention fome-real 
 inconveniencies that may refult fi-om territories on the 
 continent, they afford fiich a handle for calumny and 
 defanjation, as is. greedily feized by the people, who are 
 always d'fpofed to think ill. of their fuperiprs. It muft, 
 hosyev.er, ,be acknoMfledged, that Hanover is, perhaps, 
 ^S.fpot of grpun.d in:EuRopE the leaft inconvenient for 
 a King of Britain. It lies in the heaj;t of Gerjma- 
 NY, at adiftance from the great powers, which are our 
 natural rivals : It is proteijled by the laws of the empire, 
 as well as by the arms of its own fovereign, and it ferves 
 only to connedl us more clofely with the houfe of Aus- 
 tria, which is our natural ally. 
 
 In the laft war, it has been of fervice to us, by fur- 
 nifliing us with a confiderable body of auxiliary troops, 
 the braveft and moft faithful in the world. The Eledlor 
 of Hanover is the only confiderable prince in the em- 
 pire, who has purfued no feparate end, and has r^ife'd 
 up no fiale pretenfnns, during the late commotions of 
 Europe ; but has aded, all along, with the dignity of a 
 King of Britain. And ever fince the acceffion of that 
 family, it would be difficult to (how any harm we have 
 ever received from the eledtoral dominions, except that 
 fhort difguft in 17 18, with Charles XII. who, regttr 
 lating himfelf by maxims, very different from thofe of 
 other princes, made a perfopal quarrel of every public 
 injury *. 
 
 The religious perfuafion of the houfe of Stuart is an 
 inconvenience of a much deeper dye, and would threateii 
 ps with much more difmal confequences. The Roman 
 Catholic religion, with its huge train of priefts and friers, 
 is vaflly more expenfive than ours : Even tho' unaccom- 
 panied with its natural attendants of inquifitors, and 
 
 6 Thi: was putUiled in the year jyji. 
 
 flakesj 
 
Of the Protestant Succession. 53^ 
 
 -ftakes, and gibbets, it is lefs tolerating : And not con- 
 tented with dividing the fecerdotal from the reg^l officfe 
 ^which muft be prejudicial to any "ftatfe) it beftows the 
 former on a foreigner, who has always a feparate, anU 
 may often have an (^pofite intereft to thUtof the public. ■ 
 
 But were this religion eVer fo advantageous to fociety, 
 it is contrary to that which is eftabliihed among us, and 
 which is likely to keep pofieflion for a long 'time, of the 
 minds of the people. And tho' it is rritich to be hoped, 
 that the progrefs of reafon and philofophy will, by de- 
 grees, abate the virulent acrimony of oppofite religions 
 all over Europe ; yet the fpirit of moderation has, as 
 yet, made too flow advances to be entirely trailed. The 
 conduft of the Saxon family, where the fame perfon 
 can be a Catholic King and Proteftaht Eledlor, is, per- 
 haps, the firft inftande, in modern times, of fo reafonabfe 
 and prudent a behaviour. And thejgradual progrefs of 
 the 'Gatholic fuperftitlon does, even there, prognofticafe 
 a fpeedy alteration : After which, 'tis juftly to be appre- 
 hended, that perfecutions will put a fpeedy period to the 
 Proteftant religion in the place of its nativity. 
 
 Thus, upon the whole, the advantages of the fettle- 
 ment in the family of Stuart, which frees us from a 
 difputed title, feem to bear fome proportion with thofe of 
 the fettlement in the family of Hanover, which frees 
 us from the claims of prerogative : But at the fame 
 tfmc, its difadvantages, by placing on the throne a Ro- 
 man Catholic, are much greater than thofe of the other 
 /eftablifhment, in fettling the crown on a foreign prince. 
 What party an impartial patriot, in the reign of K. 
 William or Q. Anne, would hkve chofen amidft thefe 
 .opp^te views, may, perhaps, to fome appear hard to 
 determine. For my part, I efteem liberty fo invaluable 
 a bleffing in fociety, that whatever favours its progrefs 
 ?nd fecurity, can fcarce be too fondly cheriihed by every 
 
 cpe who is a lover of human kind. 
 
 But 
 
538 ESSAY XV. 
 
 But the fettlemcnt in the houfe of Hanover has ac- 
 tually taken place. The princes of that family, without 
 intrigue, without cabal, without felicitation on their 
 part, have been called to mount our throne, by the united 
 voice of the whole legiflative body. They have, fince 
 their acceilion, difplayed in all their adions, the utmoft 
 niildnefs, equity, and regard to the laws and conftitution. 
 Our own minifters, our own parliaments, ourfelves have 
 governed us ; and if aught ill has befallen us, we can 
 only Jilame fortune or ourfelves. What a reproach muft 
 we become among nations, if, difgufted with a fettle- 
 ment /o deliberately made,' and whofe conditions have 
 been fo religioufly obferVed, we fliould throw every thing 
 again into confufion ; and by our levity and rebellious 
 difpofition, prove ourfelves totally unfit for any ftate but 
 that of abfolute flavery and fubjeition? 
 
 The greateft inconvenience attending a difputed title, 
 ,is, that it brings us in danger of civil wars and rebel- 
 lions. What wife man, to avoid this inconvenience, 
 would run dire£Hy upon a civil war and rebellion ? Not 
 to mention, that fo long poffeflion, fecured by fo many 
 laws, muft, ere this time, in the apprehenfion of a great 
 part of the nation, have begot a title in the houfe of Ha- 
 nover, independent of their prefent poffeflion : So that 
 now we ftiould not, even by a revolution, obtain the end 
 of avoiding a difputed title. 
 
 No revolution made by national forces, will ever be 
 able, without fome other great neceffity, to abolifli our 
 debts and incumbrances, in which the intereft of fo many 
 perfons is concerned. And a revolution made by foreign 
 forces, is a conqueft : A calamity vvith which the pre- 
 carious balance of power threatens tis, and which our 
 civil diffenfions are likely, above all other circumftances, 
 to bring upon us. 
 
 ESSAY 
 
C 539 ] 
 
 ESSAY XVI. 
 
 Idea of a Perfect Commonwealth. 
 
 OF all mankind there are none fo pernicious as poli- 
 tical proje£lors, if they have power ; nor fo ridi- 
 culous, if they want it : As on the other hand, a wife 
 politician is the moft beneficial charafter in nature, if ac- 
 companied with authority ; and the moft innocent, and 
 not altogether ufelefs, even if deprived of it, 'Tis not 
 with forms of government, as with other artificial con- 
 trivances ; where an old engine may be rejefbed, if we 
 can difcover another more accurate and commodious, or 
 where trials may fafely be made, even tho' the fuccefs 
 be doubtful. An eftablifhed government has an infinite 
 advantage, by that very circumftance of its being efta- 
 blifhed ; the bulk of mankind being governed by autho- 
 rity, not reafon, and never attributing authority to any 
 thing that has not the recommendation of antiquity. T» 
 tamper, therefore, in this affair, or try projefts merely 
 upon the credit of fuppofed argument and philofophy, 
 can never be the part of a wife magiftrate, who will bear 
 a reverence to what carries the marks of age ; and tho' 
 he may attempt fome improvements for the public good, 
 yet will he adjuft his innovations, as much as poffible, to 
 the antient fabric, and preferve intire the chief pil]a(-s and 
 fppports of the conflitution. 
 
 The mathematicians in Europe have been much di- 
 vided concerning that figure of a fhip, which is the mofl 
 commodious for failing ; and Huygens, who at laft de- 
 
 termined 
 
540 ESS A Y XVI. 
 
 jtermined this controverfy, is juftly thought to have obli- 
 ged thelearned, as Well as commercia! world ; tho' Co- 
 lUMBUs had failed to America, and Sir Francis 
 Drake made the tour of the world, without any fuch 
 dlkovery. As one form of government muft be allowed 
 more perfedt than another, independent of the manners 
 and humours of particular men ; why may we not in- 
 quire what fs the mbfl: perfefit of all, tho' the common 
 botched and inaccurate governments feem to ferve the 
 purpoTes of fociety, and tho'- it be not fo eafy to eftablifh 
 a neW government, as to build a veffel upon a new plan ? 
 The fubje^ is furely the njoft worthy curiofity of any the 
 wit of rtian can poffibL^xieviie. And who knows, if this 
 controverfy were fixed by the uriiverfa:! cortfent of the 
 learned, but, in fome future age, an opportunity might 
 be afiorded of -reducing tlie theory to pradtce, either by 
 a diflblution of the old governments, or the combination 
 of men to form a new one, in fome diftant part of the 
 world ? In^all cafes, it muft be advantageous to know 
 what is moft perfect in the kind, that we may bcableto 
 bring any real conftitution or form of government as near 
 it as poffible, by fuch gentle alterations and innovations 
 as may not give too great difturbance to fociety. 
 
 All I pretend to in the prefent effay is to revive this 
 fubjeiSt of fpeculation ; and therefore I fhall deliver my 
 fentiments in as few words as poffible. A long differta- 
 tion on that head would not, I apprehend, be very ac- 
 ceptable to the public, who will be apt to regard fuch 
 difquifitions both as ufelefs and chimerical. 
 
 All plans of government, which fup'pofe great refor- 
 mation in the manners of mankind, are plainly imagin- 
 ary. Of this nature, are the Republic of PlaTo, and 
 the Utopia of Sir Thomas More. The Oceana is the 
 only valuable model of a commonwealth, that has as yet 
 been offered to the public, 
 
 The 
 
Idea of a Perfect Commonwealth. 541 
 
 The chief defeats of the Oceana feem to be thefe- 
 Firji^ Its rotation is inconvenient, by throwing men, of 
 whatever ability, by intervals, out of public employ- 
 ments. Secondly, Its Agrarian is impra'fticable. Men 
 will foon learn the art, which was praiSrfed in antient 
 Rome, of concealing their pofleffions .under other peo- 
 ple's names ; till at laft, the abufe will become fo com- 
 mon, that they will throw off even the appearance of re- 
 firaint. Thirdly, The Oceana provides not a fufficient 
 fecurity for liberty, or the redrefs of grievances. The 
 fenate muft propofe, and the people confent j by wbicli 
 means, the fenate have not only a negative upon the 
 people, but, what is of infinitely greater confequence, 
 their negative goes before the votes of the people. Were 
 the King's negative of the fame nature in the English 
 conftitution, and could he prevent any bill from coming 
 into parliament, he would be an abfolute monarch. As 
 his negative follows the votes of the houfes, it is of little 
 confequence : Such a difference is there in the manner of 
 placing the fame thing. When a popular bill has been 
 debated in the two houfes, is brought to maturity, all its 
 conveniencies and inconveniencies weighed and balanced ; 
 if afterwards it be prefented for the royal affent, few 
 princes will venture to reje£l: the unanimous defire of the 
 people. But could the King criifh a difagreeable bill in 
 embryo (as was the cafe, for feme, time, in the Scots 
 parliament, by means of the lords of the articles) the 
 British government would have no balance, nor would 
 grievances ever be redrefled : And 'tis certain, that exor- 
 bitant power proceeds not, in any government, from 
 new laws, fo much as from neglecting to remedy the 
 abufes which frequently rife from the old ones. A go- 
 vernment, fays Machiavel, muft often be brought 
 back to its original principles. It appears then, that in 
 the Oceana the whole legiflature may be faid to reft in; 
 the fenate j;4vhich Harrington would own to bean 
 
 incon- 
 
544 ESSAY XVI. 
 
 inconvenient form of government, efpecially after the 
 jlgrarian is abolilhed. 
 
 ■ 
 
 Here is a form of government, to vvrhich I cannot, in 
 theory, difcover any confiderable obje^ion. 
 
 Let Great Britain and Ireland, or any terri- 
 tory of equal extent, be divided into a lOO counties, and 
 each county into lOO parifties, making in all 10,000. 
 If the country purpofed to be ere£led into a common- 
 wealth, be of more narrow extent, we may diminifti the 
 number of counties ; but never bring them below thirty. 
 If it be of greater extent, . it were better to enlarge the 
 pariflies, or throw more parilhes into a county, than in- 
 creafe the number of counties. 
 
 Let all the freeholders of ten pounds a -year in the 
 country, and all the houfe-holders worth 200 pounds in 
 the town-parifhes, meet annually in the parifh church, 
 and chufe, by ballot, fome freeholder of the county for 
 their member, whom we fhall call the county reprefentative. 
 
 Let the 100 county reprefentatives, two days after 
 their ele£lion, meet in the county-town, and chufe by 
 ballot, from their own body, ten county magijirates^ and 
 on&fenator. Inhere are, therefore, in the whole com- 
 monwealth, 100 fenators, iico county magiftrates, 
 and 10,000 county reprefentatives. For we fhall bellow 
 on all fenators the authority of county magiftrates, and 
 on all county magiftrates the authority of county repre- 
 fentatives. 
 
 Let the fenators meet in the capital, and be endowed 
 with the whole executive power of the commonwealth ; 
 the power of peace and war, of giving orders to generals, 
 admirals, and ambafTadors, and, in fhort, all the prero- 
 gatives of a British King, except his negative. 
 
 Let the county reprefentatives meet in their particular 
 counties, and pofTefs the whole legiflative power of the 
 commonwealth ; the greatefl: number of counties decid- 
 ing 
 
Idea of aPeRF^ECT CoMftjoNWE^tTH. ^/^ 
 
 ing the queftion ; and where thefe are equal, let the 
 fenate have the cafting vote. 
 
 Every newr law muft firft be debated in the fenate • 
 and tho' rejedql by it, if ten fenators infift and proteft, 
 it muft be fent down to the counties. The fenate may 
 join to the copy of the law, their reafons for receiving or 
 rejefting it. '* 
 
 Becaufe it would be troublefome to affemble all the 
 county reprefentatives for every trivial-law, that may be 
 requifite, the fenate have their choice of fendino- down 
 the law either to the county magiftrates or county repre- 
 fentatives. » 
 
 The magiftrates, tho' the law be referred to them, 
 may, if they pleafe, call the reprefentatives^ and fubmit 
 the affair to their determination. 
 
 Whether the law be referred by the fenate to the 
 county magiftrates or reprefentatives, a copy of it, and 
 of the fenate's reafons, muft be fent to every reprefenta- 
 tive eight days before the day appointed for the aflem- 
 bling, in order to deliberate concerning it. And tho* 
 the determination be, by the fenate, referred to the ma- 
 giftrates, if five reprefentatives of the county order the 
 magiftrates to affemble the whole court of reprefentatives, 
 and fubmit the affair to their determination, they muft obey. 
 
 Either the county magiftrates or reprefentatives may 
 give, to the fenator of the county, the copy of a law to 
 be propofed to the fenate ; and if five counties concur in 
 the fanie order, the law, tho' refufed by the feijiate, muft 
 come either to the county magiftra.tes or reprefentatives, 
 as is contained in the order of the five counties. 
 
 Any twenty counties, by a vote either of their magi- 
 ftrates or reprefentatives, may throw any man out of all 
 public offices for a year. Thirty counties for three years. 
 
 The fenate has a power of throwing out any member 
 or number of members of its ovfd body, 'i;iot to be re- 
 
 e]e<Sl?d 
 
544 
 
 ESSAY XVI; 
 
 de^ed for that year. The fenate cannot thrpw out twkc 
 in a year the fenator of the fame county. 
 
 The power of the old fenate continues for three weeks 
 a^er the annual eledtion of the county 'eprefentatives. 
 Then all the new fenators are ihutup in a conclave, like 
 the cardinals ; and by an intricate ballot, fuch as that of 
 Venice or Malta, they chufe the following magj- 
 ftrates ; a prote6tor, who reprefents the dignity pf the 
 commonwealth, and prefides in the fenate i- two fecreta- 
 ri£s of ftate ; thefe fix councils, a council of ftate, a 
 council of religion and learning, a council of trade, a 
 council of laws, a council of war, a council of the admi- 
 ralty, each council confifting of five perfons ; together 
 >yith fix commiflipners of the treafury and a firft commif- 
 fioner. All thefe muft be fenators. The fenate alfa 
 i}a,mes all the ambafladors to foreign courts, who may 
 either be fenators or not. 
 
 , , The fenate may continue any or all of thefe, but muit 
 le-elefl; them every year. 
 
 ^ The protedtor and two fecretaries have feflion and fuf- 
 fragie in the council of ftate. The bufinefs of that coun- 
 til is all foreign politics. The council of ftate has fef- 
 
 fion and fufFrage in all the other councils. 
 
 ' fThe council of religion and learning infpefls the uni- 
 verllties and clergy. That of trade infpeiSls every thing 
 Jhat may affe£t commerce. That of laws infpeds all 
 the abufes of laws by the inferior magiftr^tes, and exa- 
 fnines what improvements may be made of the municipal 
 flAw. That of war infpedts the militia and its difcipline, 
 'magazines, ftores, i3'c. and when the republic is in war, 
 examines into the proper orders for generals. The coun- 
 cil of admiralty has the fame power with regard to the 
 n,avy, together with the nomination of the captains and 
 ^U inferior officers. 
 
Idea of a Perfect CoMMONWKAtTH. 545 
 
 None of thefe [councils can give orders themfelves, 
 except where they receive fuch povirers from the fenate. 
 In other cafes, they muft communicate ^very thing to 
 the fenate. 
 
 When the fenate is under adjournment, any of the 
 councils may afTemble it before the day appointed for its 
 meeting. 
 
 Befides thefe councils or courts, there is another call- 
 ed the court of competitors', which is thus conftituted. 
 If any candidates for the office of fenator have more 
 votes than a third of the reprefentatives, that candidate, 
 who has moft votes, next to die fenator elefted, becomes 
 incapable for one year of adl public offices, even of being 
 »magifirate or lepceientative-: But he takes his feat in 
 the court of cona^tstors. Here then i& a court which 
 may fomettmes confix of a huiidred members^ fomet^mes 
 have no memibecs at all} aind by that means, be for a 
 year ab(difiied. 
 
 The court of competitors has no power hi the com- 
 monwealri). It has only the infpedion of public ac- 
 counts, and the accufing any man before the fenate. If 
 the fenate ac(|uit him, the court of competitors may, 
 if they pleafe, appeal to the people, either magiftrates 
 or reprefentatives. Upon that appeal, the magiftrates 
 or reprefentatives meet at the day appointed by the court 
 of competitors, and chtife in each county three perfojjs ; 
 from which number every fenator is excluded. Thefe to 
 the number of 300 meet in the capital, ^nd bring the per-> 
 fon accufed to a new trial. 
 
 The court of competitors may propofe any law to the 
 fenate j and if refufed, may appeal to the people ; that; 
 is» to tiie magiftrates or reprefentatives, who exapiine it 
 in their counties. Every fenator, who is thrown out 
 of the fenate by a vote of the court, takes his feai in the 
 court of competitors. 
 
 Yot. L N n The 
 
^46 ESSAY XVI. 
 
 The fenate poflefles all the judicative auth'orlty of tKe 
 houfe of Lords, that is, all the appeals from the infe- 
 rior courts. It likewife nominates the Lord Chancellor, 
 and all the officers of the law. 
 
 Every county is a kind of republic within itfelf, and 
 the reprefentatives may make county-laws; which have 
 no authority 'till three months after they are voted. A 
 copy of the law is fent to the fenate, and to every other 
 county. The fenate, or any fingle county, may, at any 
 time, annul any law of another county. 
 
 The reprefentatives have all the authority of the Bri- 
 tish juftices of peace in trials, commitments, i^c. 
 
 The magiftrates have the liomination of all the officers 
 of the revenue in each cotmty. All caufes with regard 
 to the revenue are appealed ultimately to the magiftrates. 
 They pafs the accompts of all the ofliGers ; but muft have 
 all their own accompts examined and paffed at the end of 
 the, year by the reprefentatives. 
 
 The magiftrates name redors or minifters to all the 
 parifhes. 
 
 The Prefbyterian government is eftabliflied ; and the 
 liigheftecclefiaftical court is an aflembly orfynod of all 
 the Prefbyters of the county. The magiftrates may 
 take any caufe from this court, and determine it them- 
 ftlvesi 
 
 The magiftrateis may try^ and depofe or fufpend any 
 prelbytef. 
 
 The militia is eftablifhed in imitation of that of Swis- 
 sERLANb, which being well known, we ihall not infift 
 wporl it. It will only be proper to make this additionj 
 that an army of 20,000 men be annually drawn out by 
 rotation, paid and encamped during fix weeks in fummer ; 
 that the duty of a camp may not be altogether unknown. 
 
 5 The 
 
lijieA oif a Perfect Commonwealth, ^^^.f 
 
 The magiftrates nominate all the colonels and down- 
 ■wrafds. The fejj^te all tipwards. During Wafi the ge- 
 neral nominates the colonel and downwards, ■ And hid 
 cemmiffion is good fbi: a twelvemonth. But after thatj 
 it muft be confirmed by the magiftrates of the county, to 
 which the regiment belongs. • The magiftrates may break 
 any officer in the county regiment. And the fenate may 
 do the fame to any officer in the fervice* If the magi- 
 ftrates do not think proper to confirm the general's choice, 
 they may liominate another officer in the place of him. 
 they rejeft. 
 
 All crimes are tried within the county by the magi- 
 ftrates and a jury. But the fenate can fiop any trial, and 
 bring it before themfelves. 
 
 Any county may indid: any man before the fenate, f6i 
 any Crime, 
 
 The prote£lor, the two fecretafies, the Council of ftatej 
 with any five more that the fenate appoints, on extra- 
 ordinary emergencies, are poflefled of diSfdtorial power 
 for fik months. 
 
 The proteflior may pardon any perfon cohdemhed by 
 the inferior courts. 
 
 , In time of war, no officer of the army that is in the 
 field, can haVe any civil office in the Commonwealth. 
 
 The capital, which we fliall call London, may be 
 allowed four members in the fenate. It may therefore 
 be divided into four counties. The reprefentatives of 
 each of thefe chufe one fenator, and ten riiagiftrates. 
 There are therefore in the city four fenators, forty-four 
 magiftrates, and four hundred reprefentatives. The ma- 
 giftrates have the fame authority as in the counties. The 
 reprefentatives alfo have the fame authority; but they 
 never meet in one general court : They give their votes 
 in their particular coupty, or diyifion of hundreds. 
 
 N n 2 When 
 
54« ESSAY XVI. 
 
 When th?y enaft any city-law, the greateft numbef 
 of counties or divifjons determines the matter. , And 
 where thefe are equalj the magiftrates have the cafting 
 vote. 
 
 The magiftrates chufe the mayor, flieriflT, recorder, 
 and other officers of the city. 
 
 In the commbhivealth, no reprefentativci magiftrate, 
 or fenator, as fach, has a)ny falafy. The protefidTj fej' 
 cret^ries^, councils, and itabuf^ddrs, have falaries. 
 
 The firfl: year in every century is fet apart to corre(£i 
 all inequalities, which time may have produced in the 
 reprefeiitative. This muft be done by the legiflature. 
 
 The following political aphorifms may explain the 
 reafon of thefe orders. 
 
 The lower fort of people and fmall proprietors are 
 good enough ji^dg« of one not very diftant from them in 
 rank or habitation; and therefore, in their parochial meet- 
 ings, will probably chufe the beft, or nearly the beft re- 
 prefentative : But they are wholly unfit for county-meet- 
 ings, and for elefting into the higher offices of the re- 
 public. Their ignorahce gives the grandees an oppor- 
 tunity of deceiving them. 
 
 Ten thovif^nd, even though th^ were not annually 
 cle£ted, are a large enough balls for any &ee government. 
 'Tis true, the nobles in Poiand are more than 10,000, 
 and yet thefe opprefs the {)eople. But as power continues 
 there always in the fame perfons and faftiilies, this makes 
 them, in a manner, a different nation from the people. 
 Befides, the nobles are there united uhder a few heads of 
 families. 
 
 All free governments muft confift of two councils, a 
 lefs and a ^greater, or, in other words, of a fenate iand 
 people. -The people, as Harrington obferves, would 
 
 want 
 
Idea of a Perfect CoMMONWEAiTtt. 549 
 
 want wi(dom, without the fenate : The fenate, with- 
 out the people^ would want hoheftjr. 
 
 A large aflemhly of 1000, for inftance, tp reprefgnt 
 the people^ if allowed to debate, would fall into difor- 
 der. If not allowed to debate, the fenate has a liega- 
 tlve upon them, and the lyorft kind of negative, that be- 
 foK refolution. 
 
 Here therefore is an inconvenience, which no govcj"n- 
 ment has yet fully remedied, but which is the eafieft to 
 be remedied in the world. If the people debate, all is 
 confufion : If they do not debate, they can only refolve j 
 and then the fenate carves for them. Divide the people 
 into many feparate bodies ; and then they may debate 
 with fafety, ajid every inconvenience feems to be pre- 
 vented. 
 
 Cardinal de Retz fays th^t all numerous aflemblies, 
 however coinpofed, are mere mob, and fwayed in their 
 debates by the leaft motive. This we find confirmed by 
 daily experience. When an abfivdity ftri|ces a member^ 
 Jie conveys it to his neighbour, and fo on, till the whole 
 be infei^ed. Separate this great body ; and tho' every 
 member be only of middling fenfe, 'tis not probable, that 
 any thing but reafon can prevail over the whole- Influ- 
 ence and example being removed, good fenfe will always 
 get the better of bad among a number of people. Good 
 fenfe is one thing : But follies are numberlefs ; and every 
 man has a different one. The only way of making a 
 people wife, is to keep them from uniting into large af- 
 femblies. 
 
 There are two things to be guarded agaiflft in every 
 fenaU : Its combination, and its divifion. Its combina- 
 tion is moft dangerous. And againft this inconvenience 
 we have provided the following remedies, i. The great 
 dependence of the fenate rs on the people by annual elec- 
 N n 3 tionj 
 
55® ESSAY XVr, 
 
 tJon ; %Rd that not by an undiftinguifliing rabble, like the 
 English eIe£i:ors, but by men pf fortune and educatioij- 
 2. ;The fmall power they are allowed. They have few 
 offices to difpofe of. Almqft all are given by the magj- 
 flrates in the counties'. "3. .The court of competitors, 
 which being compofed qf men that are their rivals, next 
 to them iriintereft, and uneafy in their pr'efent fituation, 
 will be fure to take all advantages againft theni. 
 
 The divifion of the fenate is prevented, i. By the 
 fmallnefs of their pumber. 2. As faftion fuppofes 3 
 cpmbinatipn to a feparate intereft, it is prevented by their 
 dependence on the people. 3. They have a power of 
 expelling any failious member. 'Tis true, when another 
 member of the fame fpirit comes from the county, they 
 have no power of expelling him : Nor is it fit they fliould j 
 for that fhows the huraour to be in the people, and pro- 
 bably arifes from fonae ill conduct in public affairs. 4. 
 Almoft any maji, in a fenate fp regularly chofen by the 
 people,' niay be fuppofed fit for any civil office. It would 
 be proper, therefore, for the fenate to form fome gene- 
 ral refoluHons with regard to the difppfing of offices 
 among the members : which refolutipns would not con- 
 fine thehi in critical times, when extraordinary parts on 
 the one hand, or extraordinary ftupidity on the other, 
 appears in any fenator j but yet they would be fufficient 
 to prevent brigue and faftion, by making the difpofal of 
 the offices a thing of courfe. For inftance, let it be a 
 refolution. That no man fhall enjoy any office, till he 
 has fat four years in the fenate : That, except arabafTa- 
 dors, no man Ihall be in office two years following : That 
 no man fhall attain the higher offices but thro' the lower : 
 That no man fhall be proteftor twice, (ffc. The fenatp 
 of Venice govern themfelves by fuch refolutions. 
 
 In foreign politics the intereft of the fenate can fcarcp 
 ever be divided from that of the people ; and therefore 
 
Idea of aPfiRFEpT CoMMONv^EAiTH. 551 
 
 ?tijs fit to make tfee fenate abfolute with regard to them ; 
 pthervsrife there could be no fecrecy nor refined policy. 
 Befides, without money no alliance can be executed ; 
 and the fenate is ftill fufficiently dependant. Not to 
 mention, that the legiflative power being always fuperior 
 to the executive, the magiftrates or reprefentatives may 
 interpofe, whenever they think proper. 
 
 The chief fupport of the British government is the 
 pppofition of interefts]; but that, tho' in the main fervice- 
 able, breeds endjefs faftions. In the foregoing plan, it 
 does all the good withput apy of the harm. The compe- 
 titors have no power of controlling the fenate ; they have 
 only the power of accufing, and appealing to the people. 
 
 'Tis neceflary, likewife, to prevent both cpml?inatioii 
 and divifion in the thoufand magiftrates. This is done 
 fufiiciently by the feparation of places and interefts. 
 
 But left that fliould not be enough, tbeir dependence 
 on the 10,000 for their elefiions, fejyes to the fame 
 purpofe. 
 
 Nor is that all : For the 10,000 may refiime the power 
 whenever they pleafe 5 and not only when they all pleafc, 
 but when any five of a hundred pleafe, which will hap- 
 pen upon the very firft fuipicion of a feparate intereft. 
 
 The 10,00® are too large a body either to unite or di- 
 vide, except when they meet in one place, and fall under 
 the guidance of ambitious leaders. Not to mention their 
 annual election, by, the whole body of the people, that 
 are of any confideration. 
 
 A fmall commonwealth is the happieft government 
 Jn the worl4 within itfelf, becaufe every thing lies under 
 ^he. eye of the rulers : But it may be fubdued by great 
 force from without. This fcheme feems to have all the 
 advantages both of a great-and a little commonwealth. 
 
 Every county-law may be annulled either by the fenate 
 gr another county ^ becaufe that fliows an oppofition of 
 
 jntefeft ; 
 
55* ESSAY XVI. 
 
 intereit : Ip which cafe no part ought to decide for itfelf. 
 The matter muft be referred to the whole, which will 
 fceft determine what agrees with geaer^l intereft. 
 
 As to the cler^ and mijitia, the reafons of thefe or- 
 ders are obvious. Without the dependence of the clergy 
 on the civil magiftrates, and without a militia, 'tis folly 
 to think any free government will ever have fecurity or 
 flability. 
 
 In many governments, the inferior magiftrates have no 
 rewards but what arife from their ambition, vanity, or 
 public fpirit. The falaries of the French judges amount 
 not to the intereft of the fums they pay for their offices. 
 The Dutch burgo-mafters have little more immediate 
 pro6t than the English juftices of peace, Or the mem- 
 bers of the houfe Of commons formerly. But left any 
 jbould fufpeft, that this would beget negligerite iii the 
 aJminiftratioH, (which is little to be feared, confidering 
 the natural ambition of mankind) let the iitagiftrates have 
 competent falaries. The fenators have accefs to fo many 
 btmourable and lucrative offices, that their attendance 
 needs not be bought. Thsrejs little attendance required 
 of tbereprefentatives. 
 
 That the foregoing plan of government is practicable, 
 no one can doubt, who confidqrs the refemblance it bears 
 to the commonwealth of the United Provinces, formerly 
 one of the wifeft and moft renowned governments in the 
 world. The alterations in the prefent fcheme are^l 
 evidently to the better, i. The reprefentation is more 
 equal. 2. The unlimited power of the burgo-mafters 
 in the towns, which forms a perfeiS ariftocracy in the 
 Dutch commonwealth, is correifted by a well-tempered 
 democracy, in giving to the people the annual eleftion 
 of the county reprefentatives. 3. The negative, which 
 every province and town has upon the whole body of the 
 Dutch republic, with regard to alliances, peace and war, 
 and the impofition of taxes, is here removed, 4. The 
 
 counties, 
 
iDEAofaPsRFECT Commonwealth, sss 
 
 counties, in the prcfcnt plan, are not fo independent of 
 each other, nor do they form fepacate bodies fo much as 
 the feven provinces } where the jealoufy and envy of the 
 fmaller prpvii^es and towns againft the greater, particu- 
 larly H0I.LAND and Amsterdam, have frequently di- 
 fiurbed the government. 5, Larger powers, tho' of the 
 fafeft kind, are intrufted to the fenate than the States- 
 General pofiefs } by which means, the former may be- 
 come more expeditious, and fecret in their refolutions, 
 than 'tis pollible for the latter. 
 
 The chief alterations that coold be made on the Bri- 
 tish government, in order to bring it to the moft per- 
 fe^ model of limited monarchy, feetn to be the follonr- 
 ing. Firjl^ The plan of the republican parliament ought 
 to be reftored, by making the reprefentation equal, and 
 by allowing none to vote in the county elediions who 
 poiTefs not a proper^ of 200 pounds value. Secondly, As 
 fuch a boufe of Commons would be too weighty for a 
 frail houfe of Lords, like the prefent, the Bifhops and 
 Scots Peers ought to be removed, whofe behaviour, in 
 farmer parliaments, deftroyed entirely the authority of 
 that houfe: The number of the upper houfe ought to be 
 raifed to three or four hundred : Their feats not heredi- 
 tary, but during life : They ought to have the ele<aioa 
 of their own members ; and no commoner fliould be al- 
 lowed to refufe a feat that was offered him. By thJs» 
 means, the houfe of Lords would confift entirely of the 
 men of chief credit, ability, and intereft of the nation j 
 and every turbulent leader in ifhe houfe of Commons 
 might be taken offi and conne(Si:ed in intereft with the 
 houfe ©f Peers. Such an ariftocracy would be an excel- 
 lent barrier both to the monarchy and againft it. At 
 prefent, the balance of our government depends in fome 
 meafure on the ability and behaviour of the foveteign ; 
 which are variable and uncertain circumftances. 
 
 I lal- 
 
554 ESSAY XVI. 
 
 I alidVi^, that this plan of limited monarchy, hdwevef 
 correded, is ftill liable to three great inconveniencies, 
 Pirji^ It removes not entirely, tho' it may foften, thd 
 parties of court and country. Secbndly^ Th^ King's per- 
 fonal ch^rafter muft ftill have a great influence on the 
 government. Thirdly^ The fword is in the hands of a 
 iingie perfon, who will always iiegledl to difcipline the 
 militia, in order to have a pretence for keeping up a 
 ftanding army. 'Tis evident, that this is a mortal dif- 
 temper in the British government, of which it muft at 
 laft inevitably perifli. I muft, however, confefs^ that 
 Sweden feems, in fome meafure, to have remedied this 
 Inconvenience, and to have a militia, with its limited 
 , monarchy, as well as a ftanding army, which is lefs dan- 
 gerous than the British. 
 
 We fliall conclude this fubjeft with obferving the 
 falfehood of the common opinion, that no large ftate, 
 fuch as France or BRITAI^f, could ever be modelled 
 into a commonwealth, but that fuch a form of govern- 
 ment can only take place in a city or fmall territory. 
 The contrary feems evident. Tho' 'tis more difficult to 
 form a republican government in an extenfive country 
 than in a city ; there is more facility, when once it is 
 formed, of preferving it fteady and uniform, without tu- 
 mult and faftion. 'Tis not eafy, for the diftant parts of 
 a large ftate to combine in any plan of free government ; 
 but they eafily confpire in the efteem and reverence for a 
 fingle perfon, who, by means of this popular favour, 
 may feize the power, and forcing the more obftinate to 
 fubmit, may eftablifli a monarchical government. On the 
 other hand, a city readily concurs in the fame notions of 
 government, the natural equality of property favours li- 
 berty, and the nearnefs of habitation enables the citizens 
 mutually to affift each Other. Even under abfolute prin* 
 ces, the fubordinate government of cities. is commonly 
 
 republi- 
 
IbEA of a PfiRFECT Commonwealth. 555 
 
 tepublican ; while that of counties and provinces is mo- 
 narchical. But thefefarhecircumftances, which facilitate 
 the erection of cbmmonwealths in cities, render their 
 conftitutioij more fraii and uncertain. Democracies are 
 turbulent^ For however the people may be feparated or 
 divided Into fmall parties, either in their votes or elec- 
 tions ; their near habitation in a city will always make 
 the force of popular tides' and currents very fenfibie. , 
 Arjftocracies are better adapted for peace and order, and 
 accordingly were mofl admired by antient writers ; but 
 they are jealous and oppreflive. In a large government, 
 which is modelled with mafterly fkill, there is compafs 
 and room enough to refine the democracy, from the lower 
 people, who may be admitted into the firft eledions or 
 firft concodion of the commonwealth, to the higher ma- 
 giftrates, who dire£l all the movements. At the fame 
 time, the parts are fo diflrant and remote, that 'tis very 
 difficult, either by intrigue, prejudice, or paffion, to 
 hurry them into any meafures againft the public intereft. 
 
 'Tis needlefs to inquire, whether fuch a government 
 would be immortal. I allow the juflnefs of the poet's 
 exclamation on the endlefs projefts of human race, 
 Man and for ever ! The world itfelf probably is not im- 
 mortal. Such confuming plagues may arife as would 
 leave even a perfect government a weak prey to its neigh- 
 bours. - We know not to what lengths enthuliafm, or 
 other extraordinary motions of the human mind, may 
 tranfport men, to the negle<3: of all order and public 
 good. Where difference of interefi is removed, whimfii- 
 cal and unaccountable fa£Fions often arife, from per- 
 fonal favour or enmity. Perhaps ruft may grow to the 
 fprings of the moft accurate political machine, and dif- 
 order its motions. Laftly, extenfive conquefts, when 
 purfued, muft be the ruin of every free government ; 
 and of the more perfect governments fooner than of the 
 
 impcrfedl j 
 
5s6 E S -S A Y XVI; 
 
 imperfedl ; becaure of the very advantages which the for- 
 mer pofiefs above (he latter. And tho' fuch a ftate ought 
 to eftablUh a fundamental law againft comtuefts; yet re- 
 publics have ambition as well as (individuals, and pre- 
 fent intereft makes men forgetful of their pofterity. 'Ti» 
 a fufficient incitement to human endeavours, that fuch a 
 government would flourish for many ages ; without pre- 
 tending to beftow vn any work of man, that immorta- 
 lity, which the Almighty feems to have refufed to hia 
 own produ£lioasr 
 
 END of the FIRST VOLUME.