All books are subject to recall after two weeks Olin/Kroch Library DATE DUE •^'■i ■> jy^r'T^pf ^*^* GAYLOnn MINTED IN U.S.A. Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924079611913 Cornell University Library reformatted this volume to digital files to preserve the informational content of the deteriorated original. The original volume was scanned bitonally at 600 dots per inch and compressed prior to storage using ITU Group 4 compression. 1997 BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME FROM THE SAGE -ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF Henrg W. Sage 1891 ^a^s^5>^ 9Ai.\\aQ la 3081 HISTORY IN SCOTT'S NOVELS BY THE SAME AUTHOR Literary Influence in British History A Historical Sketch New Edition. Demy 8vo, cloth, 7s. 6d. net. " The book is both interesting and informing. Mr. Canning is ever suggesting matter for serious thought." — Westminster Gazette. " We are sure that this new and revised edition of a valuable and interesting book will be welcomed by the public." — Belfast News Letter. "We cordially commend it to all students of English literature." — Christian Advocate. "Its carefully -balanced judgments vrill doubtless obtain still wider attention as represented in this fresh issue of the book." — The World. " Mr. Canning's book is excellent. It is eminently readable through- out." — Irish Times. " There is not a page in the entire work that is not deeply interesting to the student and the scholar." — Belfast Evening Telegraph. "There is thought displayed in every p^e of the work." — Birmingham City Press. " It is a work which we have the greatest pleasure in recommending." — Reynolds's Newspaper. LONDON : T. FISHER UNWIN HISTORY IN SCOTT'S NOVELS A LITERARY SKETCH THE HON. ALBERT S. G. CANNING tAuthor of "BRITISH POWER AND THOUGHT," " SHAKESPEARE STUDIED IN EIGHT PLAYS," " LITERARY INFLUENCE IN BRITISH HISTORY," ETC., ETC. " Sir Walter Scott has used those fragments of truth which historians have scornfully thrown behind them in a manner which may well excite their envy. '* He has constructed out of their gleanings, works which even con- sidered as histories are scarcely less valuable than theirs.*' Macaulay's Essay on "History," Miscellaneous Writings, vol. i. LONDON : T. FISHER UNWIN PATERNOSTER SQUARE. MCMV {All rights reserved.) Prefatory Note IN this volume I endeavour to draw attention to Sir Walter Scott's historical allusions in the Waverley Novels. His impartiality when describing periods of political and religious excitement renders these allusions, I believe, specially valuable to readers at the present time. A. S. G. CANNING. London, June, 1905. Contents I. "The Talisman" ... II. "Ivanhoe" III. "Fair Maid of Perth " ■ IV. "QUENTIN DuRWARD" V. " Anne of Geierstein " VI. "The Monastery"... VII. "The Abbot" VIII. "Kenilworth" IX. "Nigel" COTEMPORARy WITH King Richard I. PAGE 9 X. " Woodstock " ... King Richard I. ... 25 ... Robert III. in Scotland 61 ... Louis XI. in France ... 69 ... Louis XI. in France ... 83 ... Mary Stuart in Scot- land 91 ... The Earl of Murray's Regency in Scotland 103 ... Queen Elizabeth in England 123 ... King James I. Great Britain 141 ... The Commonwealth Great Britain 153 8 Contents XI. " Peveril of the Peak ' XII. "Old Mortality" ... 'XIII. "Rob Roy" XIV. "Waverley" XV. " Redgauntlet " XVI. Conclusion COTEMPORARY WITH PAGE .. King Charles II 187 .. Charles II. AND William III 201 King George I. ... ... 267 George II ... 273 George III ... 293 Reception of George IV. in Scotland in 1822... 307 HISTORY IN SCOTT'S NOVELS ''THE TALISMAN" IN religious history, so far as it is recorded, no event was more remarkable, or has achieved such important and apparently permanent results, as the triumph of Christianity throughout Europe. It^ former Paganisms, the faith of Jupiter in the south and that of Odin in the north, were for many centuries almost the only religions known, or at least much studied in its countries. Judaism confined to the south of Syria, the Paganisms of Arabia and of northern Africa, the Parseeism of Persia and central Asia, the Brahminism and Buddhism of southern and eastern Asia, comprised the chief religions known at the time of the Roman empire. Its noble political system, though sometimes disgraced by wicked rulers, diffused on the whole a decidedly civilising influence over mankind. In religious toleration, wise legislation, lo "The Talisman" and intellectual encouragement, the Romans, despite many crimes and errors, ruled over their varied subjects in southern Europe, western Asia, and northern Africa greatly to the advantage of all who obeyed them. The Romans more than any other nation of this time extended beneficial results wherever they conquered, and in many respects seemed at one period to be almost the models of human superiority, in practical wisdom as well as in martial achievement. In religious belief alone, at least according to modern ideas, they sunk almost to the level of ignorant Pagans in adhering to a singular and fanciful faith, which even to its unbelievers seemed interesting or pleasing rather than revolting. While, however, the religion of the Romans may have seemed unworthy of them from an intellectual point of view, the faith of the Jews raised that nation above both its Roman rulers and all contemporary heathen neighbours according to Jewish, Christian, and Mohammedan ideas. The position of the Christian Prophet among the Jews, His denunciation of their clergy and implied approval of Roman rule over them were among the chief causes of the stern incredulity with which He was regarded by scornful and indignant fellow-countrymen. Centuries elapsed after His dis- appearance when all He said and did in preserved, scanty records became in Europe generally acknow- ledged as Divine truths and manifestations. The European forms of Paganism in political power, and nominally trusted, at least, by some of the wisest of men, became completely replaced in all the countries Richard I. ii which had believed them by the new faith communi- cated from the south of Syria. Yet, despite its astounding revelation, the Jews politically helpless and banished, remained as incredulous as if their efforts at suppressing it had succeeded. Christianity, however, while prevailing throughout Europe, was rejected by, or unknown to, the majority of Asiatic and African races, and in process of time encountered a new rival rather than a foe in the rise and triumphant progress of the Arabian prophet Mohammed. This great teacher always respected Jesus, though denying His divinity, yet, like Him, claimed the Jewish Old Testament as, to some extent, the foundation for his new faith embodied in the Koran. Yet both Christian Gospel and Mohammedan Koran were alike rejected by the Jews, who, despite banishment and political degradation, preserved their ancient faith unmoved by worldly disaster, while for centuries ruled almost to a man by triumphant, though often contending. Christians and Mohammedans. It was the fate of Judea to fall under the rule of the latter. Mohamme- danism, arising in the adjoining land of Arabia, annexed all Syria to its dominion, and therefore aroused the anger and the apprehension of Christian Europe. I The European Christian sovereigns saw with anger, grief, and even shame, the native land of their Prophet, though it had always rejected Him, fall I "The enthusiasm by which Mohammedanism conquered the world was mainly a military enthusiasm. Men were drawn to it at once and without conditions by the splendour of the achievements of its disciples, and it declared an absolute war against all the religions it encountered " (Lecky's " Rationalism," vol. i.). 12 "The Talisman" under Mohammedan rule. They believed also in perhaps exaggerated accounts of the ill-treatment of Christian pilgrims or travellers by the Mohammedan rulers of Judea, and hence arose those extraordinary military enterprises known as the Crusades.^ These expeditions of European armies, blessed by the Pope as Head of the Christian faith, and favoured by all the power, bravery, and resources of the Christian states, presented an extraordinary spectacle before the reli- gious world. The European nations having universally abandoned their former faiths of Jupiter and of Odin, now with devoted, eager, yet practical zeal, declared themselves thorough believers in the executed victim of the Jews. All the warlike traditions and poetry formerly investing Paganism with such attraction and interest were now exchanged by the Christian nations for an intense desire to not only possess the native land of Jesus, but to obtain by every means the slightest proof or record of His words and deeds. Judea, however, afforded little reward to the devout Crusaders ; scarcely any information about the Christian Prophet was obtained by His enthusiastic followers. The scanty yet venerated records previously diffused throughout southern and western Europe by ' " It was no political anxiety about the balance of power, but an intense religious enthusiasm that impelled the inhabitants of Christendom towards the city which was once the cradle and the symbol of the ancient faith. All interests were then absorbed, all classes were governed, all passions subdued or coloured by religious fervour. No wars the world had ever before seen were so popular as these, which were, at the same time, the most disastrous and the most unselfish" (Lecky's "Rationalism," chap. v.). Richard I. 13 those who had either seen Him themselves or had seen those who had, seemed nearly all the authentic knowledge granted to comparatively ignorant yet most sincere enthusiasts. Yet these brief records proved amply sufficient to spread, exalt, and confirm His life, death, and precepts throughout the whole of Europe. Magnificent churches devoted to Him, and excelling in beauty, size, and costly workmanship any that had been previously known, arose throughout the vast Roman empire gradually converted completely to Christianity. These grand edifices no longer showed statues or pictures representing the powerful and lovely heathen deities, the models, indeed, of human strength and beauty. In their stead appeared the patient, suffer- ing face of the Christian Prophet, and the calm, pensive, beautiful countenance of the Virgin Mary before the devout gaze of millions of sincere worshippers. ^ In many respects the Christian faith seemed suited to the belief and comprehension of the European Pagans. It abounded with instances of human heroism, energy, and endurance, and was, moreover, singularly free from all ideas of national privilege, preference, or distinction. To the Jews alone Christianity could ^ " The Catholic religion is of all religions the most poetical. It has enriched sculpture and painting with the loveliest and most majestic forms. To the Phidian Jupiter it can oppose the Moses of Michael Angelo, and to the voluptuous beauty of the Queen of Cyprus, the serene and pensive loveliness of the Virgin mother. The legends of its martyrs and its saints may vie in ingenuity and interest with the mythological fables of Greece " (Macaulay's "Criticisms on the Principal Italian Writers, Miscellaneous Writings," vol. i.). 14 "The Talisman" never present the same attraction from a worldly point of view. Though it acknowledged their Old Testa- ment, yet its denial of Divine preference for the Jewish race was fatal to one of their most cherished doctrines. Christianity spreading more and more westward, became, in some respects, " The Roman empire over again." ' In central Africa and eastern Asia the Parsees, Brahmins, and Buddhists remained as ignorant or as incredulous about the newer faith as they had been about Judaism or the classic Paganism of Greece and Rome. The Jews, even when scattered and powerless, were yet as firm as ever in their ancestral, exclusive Deism, and beheld the Christian triumph with wonder indeed, yet with a wonder utterly devoid of credulity in the victorious faith. Rome, the former proud capital of the classic Paganism, gradually became the chief seat of Christianity itself. This noble city, whose haughty political rule had nominally sanctioned, or, rather, permitted, the execution of Jesus in Jerusalem, was destined to proclaim the truth of His doctrines throughout all the civilised world, and, despite some checks, with extraordinary success. At Rome the spiritual head of the Christian Church exhorted the Christian nations to rescue what it called the Holy Land from the Mohammedans. But the Jews who, in a national sense, had a better claim to it than the votaries of either of the new religions, beheld their strange contest with feelings which they dared not ' Dean Milman's " History of Christianity." Richard I. 15 express, yet, of course, with no sympathy for either. No deliverer of their scattered race appeared at this strange epoch of their country's history, and the fierce warfare in their ancestral land was now waged between the votaries of the Gospel and of the Koran ; all these three religions agreed in terming Judea and Jerusalem a holy land, and a holy city, though neither Jesus nor Mohammed had been acknowledged by them as inspired prophets. In reality the true home of triumphant Christianity was the converted Roman empire in Europe. It had replaced a political by a religious supremacy. Rome and Constantinople alike worshipped a Prophet whose public execution in Jerusalem proved the resentment of that city towards the anti-Jewish feelings ascribed to Him. Mecca and Medina were the scenes of Mohammed's early danger but final complete and permanent triumph. Yet Jerusalem at the time of the Crusades was regarded by Jews, Christians, and Mohammedans as a city in which all three claimed a peculiar interest, which all three wished to possess, though only two were able to contend for it. Among the European kings who took the chief interest and displayed the most valour in the Crusades was King Richard the First of England. This daring, adventurous monarch became a most enthusiastic Crusader. Gibbon writes of the allied sovereigns of France and England : " Philip and Richard the First were the only kings of France and England who have fought under the same banner ; " but the historian takes a far less favourable view of Richard than Scott expresses, who makes this certainly i6 "The Talisman" brave but imprudent king almost the hero of his novel and full of generosity, yet admitting his capricious and violent temper. The historian, more practical, remarks : " If heroism be confined to brutal and ferocious valour, Richard Plantagenet will stand high among the heroes of the age. The memory of Cosur de Lion, the lion-hearted prince, was long dear and glorious to his English subjects." ' In alliance with King Philip of France and the Emperor of Austria, Richard left his dominions to wage war against the Saracens, now ruling Syria under their renowned sovereign Saladin. This cele- brated chief, though perhaps hardly as interesting a character as Scott describes, was yet, considering his times, a man possessing many noble qualities, and was in some respects more civilised in his ideas than the European kings opposed to him. Richard and Saladin, two royal heroes, are the most interesting and important personages in "The Talisman," and to a considerable extent Scott describes both in accordance with history. Gibbon says of Saladin : " While he emulated the temperance he surpassed the chastity of his Arabian prophet. In a fanatic age, himself a fanatic, the genuine virtues of Saladin commanded the esteem of the Christians." "^ According to modern ideas Scott's description of Saladin is more like that of a civilised and high-minded sovereign, than even his sketch of the vehement, ^ " Decline and Fall," chap. lix. * Ibid. Richard I. 17 impetuous Richard the First. It may be doubted if any Mohammedan ruler since Saladin's time, except perhaps the Indian Emperor Akbar, has equalled or even much resembled the Saracen chief in those great qualities of head and heart, which the novelist probably exaggerates, yet which the historian to some extent confirms. The Scottish young prince, heir to the crown of Scotland, though the nominal hero, was, Scott admits, "pressed into his service," to increase the interest of the novel ; but the historical value of "The Talisman" chiefly depends on the characters, exploits, and sentiments of King Richard and of Saladin. Though Scott's account of both may likely be too favourable, it appears almost certain that the Mohammedan prince on some subjects at least held more tolerant views and civilised ideas than did the Christian king. It is said that, while the English Jews were harshly treated, if not oppressed, by Richard, and forbidden to attend his coronation, Saladin by his will bequeathed money to be equally divided among Christians, Jews, and Mohammedans. ^ In the novel, Saladin, disguised as a physician, cures King Richard, and also rescues the young hero from that excitable monarch's dangerous anger. But these events, like the slaying of the Grand Master of the Templars by Saladin, in presence of the Christian monarchs, are entirely owing to Scott's romantic imagination. The passage in this singular novel which applies most strictly to history is the pathetic ' Hume's "History." 2 1 8 "The Talisman" remonstrance offered to Richard about his neglect of England and impoverishing English subjects by engaging in these Crusades ; yet this remonstrance is rather strangely uttered by an enthusiastic hermit of noble descent, who eagerly shares in these same enterprises, yet who, as if in a lucid interval, utters an alarming prophecy when alone with the fiery monarch (chap. xviii.).i The hermit exclaims to his fearless, if not reckless listener : " Short and melancholy, marked with mortification, calamity, and captivity, isthe span that divides thee from the grave, which yawns for thee in which thou shalt be laid without lineage to succeed thee, without the tears of a people exhausted by thy ceaseless wars to lament thee, without having extended the knowledge of thy subjects, without having done aught to enlarge their happiness." The chivalrous, impetuous King replies : " But not without renown, monk ; not without the tears of the lady of my love ! " The hermit's anticipation was indeed verified. Richard was imprisoned, though not for long, by the Austrian emperor on his return to England ; and his rebellious, ungrateful brother Prince John eventually succeeded him on the English throne. Despite Richard's martial and really glorious exploits, his neglected, impoverished subjects had little reason ' "The King, impelled more by the love of military glory than by superstition, acted from the beginning of his reign as if the rdle and purpose of his government had been the relief of the Holy Land and the recovery of Jerusalem from the Saracens " (Hume's History, " Reign of Richard the First "). Richard I. 19 to love his memory. Yet his reply to the warning hermit, though Scott's invention, seems quite in accord with the romantic king's character, and more worthy of an ardent, daring young knight than of a middle-aged monarch. Though Scott in this imaginary scene indicates historic truth, yet in other parts of this famous novel he rather abandons it for the sake of inspiring a romantic, or sensational interest. He introduces few female characters ; neither Richard's Queen Berengaria, nor the heroine, Edith Plantagenet, arouses much attention, nor is apparently meant to do so, as the novel is romantic and historical rather than sentimental. No Moham- medans of importance, except Saladin, are introduced except, indeed, the fanatic who attempts to murder Richard, but who evidently has had no warrant from Saladin to commit this crime, though, of course,, the latter's subject. The whole tendency of "The Talisman " in its moral aspect is to elevate and ennoble Mohammedans in English estimation. The same desire Scott shows in his short tale of "The Surgeon's Daughter," where the unfortunate king Hyder Ali, a Mohammedan ruler in southern India, is described nearly as generous and as interesting as Saladin, but the sketch is very brief and the story can hardly be thought to convey much historic information. " The Talisman " is perhaps the first, or among the first, of English novels which praises Mohammedans, though of late years, and especially during the eventful nineteenth century, Mohammedans have on the whole been more friendly to Christians 20 "The Talisman" than ever before, and certainly continue to be so. It is likely that had this interesting novel been written during or even some centuries after the Crusades, its favourable account of Mohammedans, especially while warring with Christians, would hardly have been well received either in England or throughout Christendom generally. But it appeared during the earlier part of the nineteeeth century, when Mohammedans, though ruling in Turkey, Persia, Morocco, and other lands, were subjected in India and other parts of Asia, as well as in parts of Africa, to British, Russian, or French authority, and thus brought into frequent contact with Christian rulers and fellow-subjects. Scott's tolerant spirit, totally free from religious or political bigotry, could therefore present historical or ideal Mohammedans without offending his fellow- countrymen. By this means he probably has greatly aided the British public mind to take more interest in them, and to be, therefore, the more fitted as well as the more inclined to view and treat them with a justice previously unknown or disapproved of The idea of Saladin's offer of marriage to Lady Edith Plantagenet, the imaginary heroine, and the slaying of the Templar by the same Mohammedan hero, in presence of the Christian monarchs, appear alike incompatible with the religious or political feelings at the time of the Crusades, though in the civilised period of the nineteenth century when Scott wrote, these events probably increased the interest of "The Talisman" among British readers. Saladin may, indeed, on the whole, be considered if not the Richard I. 21 hero at least the most interesting character in this story. While fully equalling Richard in bravery and generosity, he is mentally superior to his English rival in almost every respect. He is represented, indeed, as a model to all Mohammedan kings, and though Scott's description is likely too favourable, yet in some respects it is evidently true to history. The question, however, may well arise as to whether any Mohammedan sovereign has ever equalled Scott's noble description of this Saracen sultan. Even Saladin's teacher and exemplar the Prophet Mohammed himself seems scarcely his superior, though the accounts given of that wonderful man differ greatly according to their transmission by his believers or by opponents. His great namesake, the victorious Mohammed the Second, whose capture of Constantinople established his religion politically in Europe, falls far below Saladin in the moral estimation bequeathed by history. Scott, perhaps, was the earliest or among the earliest of Christian writers who ever made a Mohammedan ruler a model even to Christians for chivalrous nobleness of character. In "The Talisman" he is actually a civilised contrast to the Christian monarchs oppos- ing him. He has all their heroism united to a knowledge of healing and a self-control which none of them seems to possess. The rather stupid Austrian emperor in this novel rather resembles Shakespeare's sketch of him, or of some imperial successor in the tragedy of King John, the events of which are of course supposed to happen a few years later than 22 "The Talisman" those of this novel. Sir Kenneth, the disguised young Prince David of Scotland, is naturally enough preferred by Edith Plantagenet to her Saracen admirer whose marriage proposal her royal cousin, King Richard, rather favours. But neither this young hero nor heroine in the novel is of much interest, nor probably meant to be. The real charm and interest of this attractive story lie in the sketches given of Crusaders and Saracens during a time of truce in Syria, when meeting together on friendly terms and mutual regard while still as opposed as ever in religious convictions. In this respect, how- ever, the Mohammedans of the present day, at least in many parts of Asia and Africa, seem becoming more and more friendly to Christian rulers, whether British, French, or Russian, and even support their authority in active service. This fact, which every year seems to render more and more important, would likely have astounded Christians and Saracens alike at this period of their history. But during the time of the Crusades Christianity and Mohamme- danism were engaged in fanatical warfare, disastrous to both. It is evident that at this period, while Christians considered Mohammed a mere impostor, his followers regarded the Christian Prophet with respectful veneration, though it fell short of actual worship. During these extraordinary contests in which so many lives and so much treasure were recklessly lost, for the possession of Judea, the scattered Jews, its rightful owners, remained merely helpless if not uninterested witnesses. Distrusted, Richard I. 23 perhaps, about equally by each of the contending parties, the Jews refrained from openly expressing opinion on the relative merits of the two new and powerful religions, which, alike founded on what the Jews believed their own exclusive Old Testament, were both consistently rejected by the morally firm, yet politically helpless race who claimed it for them- selves alone. A Jewish history of the Crusades has probably never been published, perhaps never even written, yet it might prove a more truthful record than any furnished by Christian or by Moham- medan writers. Hume rather sarcastically compares Richard the First's wars against Mohammedans in Syria with the persecution of subjected Jews in England, terming the latter " a crusade less dangerous." But the ill-usage of English Jews was apparently more an attack on them by the English people in some places owing to the general belief in the Jews being peculiarly extortionate in lending money. It is certain that a strange antipathy against both Jews and Mohammedans existed throughout Christian Europe during, before, and long after Richard the First's reign, and in which that king himself to some extent shared. Scott delights, however, in chiefly dwelling on the better side of his character, while occasionally giving unmistakable hints about his violence of temper and thoughtless injustice. In " The Talisman " no Jews are intro- duced; it is likely, indeed, that there were not many of them in Syria at the period it describes. Scott leaves his Europeans and Saracens on the best of 24 "The Talisman" terms at the end of the book, Christians and Mohammedans almost rivalling each other in noble sentiments as well as in brave deeds. The best qualities of the English and Saracen sovereigns are portrayed in the most attractive, picturesque style, while their faults which true historians are forced to admit are, in the case of Saladin especially, to a great extent concealed. Yet in Scott's delinea- tion of Richard Coeur-de-Lion attentive readers may perceive as it were between the lines a violent, capricious temper, while the novelist surrounds him with devoted adherents and noble opponents. II ''IVANHOE" WHILE "The Talisman" had the design or tendency to raise warlike Mohammedans in Christian estimation, " Ivanhoe " had the decided effect of raising subjected Jews in the esteem and consideration of Christian readers. In this admirable work, which may be termed the historical successor of " The Talisman," Richard the First appears in disguise towards the end of the story as the patronising friend of the young Saxon hero, Wilfred of Ivanhoe. In England at this time, the Saxons, while obeying Norman sovereigns with more or less reluctance since the accession of William the Conqueror, often dis- puted with their Norman fellow-subjects, yet gradually settled down into comparative peace with them. Scott makes his hero and heroine, Ivanhoe and Lady Rowena, both Saxons, and on the whole he would seem to slightly prefer them to the Normans. But one of his main objects, and perhaps the most interest- ing one historically speaking, is to describe the oppression of the English Jews about this time. The noble Jewess Rebecca, and her kindly but avaricious 25 26 " Ivanhoe " father, old Isaac of York, are among the most interest- ing of the imaginary characters. During King Richard's absence in Syria heading the English Crusaders, his brother and heir. Prince John, vainly tries to ingratiate himself with the English people, hoping they may make him king and depose Richard. John's own unpopular character greatly obstructed his artful intrigues, while his chivalrous brother was generally admired in his dominions, and thought by many to be the model of a Christian knight. At the time of the alleged events in this novel, England, ruled by a Norman family, was partly inhabited by the Saxons who for many years opposed or disputed with their Norman fellow-subjects. In this novel Scott introduces the celebrated Saxon outlaw, Robin Hood, of whom little seems known for certain, as becoming reconciled to his martial sovereign King Richard. This event may be imaginary, yet it seems to show that there was much in Richard's heroic, even generous character, to attach to him both Saxons and Normans. ' These hostile races, however, blended more and more into one, and Richard the First, despite his occasional cruelties, appears never to have been troubled by a Saxon rival. The living specimens of Saxons and Normans whom Scott intro- duces, usually confirm the historical accounts of these ^ Macaulay observes of the Saxons : " The subject race, though beaten down and trodden under foot, still made its sting felt. Some bold men, the favourite heroes of our oldest ballads, betook them- selves to the woods, and there in defiance of curfew laws and forest laws waged a predatory war against their oppressors " (" History of England," vol. i.). Richard I. 27 two rival races gradually uniting with each other throughout England. The chivalrous, polite, yet licentious Norman, De Bracy, and the dull, greedy, Saxon prince, Athelstane, seem special illustrations of what subsequent historians confirm, i In chapter v. the old Saxon chief Cedric, father of Ivanhoe, is entertaining a Knight Templar and other guests at a banquet in his hospitable house, when the Jew Isaac enters alone craving hospitality. Most of Cedric's guests, both priests and laymen, object to his admission in words which express the feelings of the different personages at this period : " St. Mary ! " said the Abbot, crossing himself, " an unbelieving Jew and admitted into this presence ! " A dog Jew," echoed the Templar, " to approach the defenders of the Holy Sepulchre ! " To this last objection the Saxon jester, Wamba, though supposed by his calling to be foolish, or at least frivolous rather than sensible or reasoning, offers a sarcastically true remark : " By my faith, it would seem the Templars love the Jews' inheritance better than they do their company ; " ^ " The polite luxury of the Norman presented a striking contrast to the coarse voracity of his Saxon neighbours. He loved to display his magnificence, not in huge piles of food and hogsheads of strong drink, but in large and stately edifices, rich armour, gallant horses, choice falcons, well-ordered tournaments, banquets deUcate rather than abundant, and wines remarkable rather for their exquisite flavour than for their intoxicating power " (Macaulay's " History of England," vol. i.). 28 "Ivanhoe" yet likely he would not have dared to so speak were he not under the protection of his master, Cedric. The latter, frank and hospitable, though sufficiently bigoted and prejudiced, replies : " Peace, my worthy guests ] my hospitality must not be bounded by your dislikes." He then speaks more like a wiser man than the fiery old Saxon he really is : "If Heaven bore with the whole nation of stiff-necked un- believers for more years than a layman can number, we may endure the presence of a Jew for a few hours." Then, as if respecting the tender and devout feelings of some among his guests, he says : " But I constrain no man to converse or feed with him. Let him have a board and a morsel apart." Then, noticing the two Saracen followers of the Templar, Bois-Guilbert, he adds : " Unless these turban'd strangers wish his society." The Templar haughtily replies, well knowing the hatred of Arabian, though not of Moorish, Moham- medans to Jews at this time : " My Saracen slaves are true Moslems, and scorn as much as any Christian to hold intercourse with a Jew." Again Scott makes the jester utter wiser words than Richard I. 29 those of Cedric or the Templar when saying that he cannot see why the Saracens "have any advantage over the people once chosen of Heaven." No answer is made to the jester's remark, but the Jew is then admitted, and encounters nothing but stern looks from the assembled Norman and Saxon Christians, as well as from the two Mohammedans who "laid their hands on their poniards, as if ready to rid themselves by the most desperate means from the apprehended contami- nation of his nearer approach." Scott then naturally compares the forlorn aspect of his imaginary Jew, with the real, social, and political position of the unfortunate race at this time, and for centuries later, throughout Christian as well as Mohammedan lands : While Isaac thus stood an outcast in the present society like his people among the nations, looking in vain for welcome or resting- place the young hero Ivanhoe, the disinherited son of Cedric, and now disguised as a pilgrim in his father's house, takes pity on the Jew, and gives up his own place to him at the festive board. Though Cedrlc's Saxon ward, Rowena, loves and is loved by Ivanhoe, the real heroine is the Jewess Rebecca, Isaac's daughter, who with her old, avaricious father encounters many insults and even danger from the ruling Christians, as Normans and Saxons, despite their own feuds, agree in despising the Jews. The position of this unfortunate couple, therefore, some- what resembles even in England that of their oppressed race, now almost entirely scattered in 30 " Ivanhoe " Christian and Mohammedan lands, and who, owing to their rejection of both the Christian and the Mohammedan prophets in historical course, are always more or less oppressed and often persecuted by the votaries of the two prevailing religions. In the story Rebecca's first appearance in public with her father is at the Ashby tournament, presided over by the plotting Prince John, whose great idea was to induce the people by all the means in his power to place him on his brother's throne. It may seem strange that Scott never introduces young Prince Arthur, John's nephew. It appears that Richard at one time named this youth, son of his deceased brother Geoffrey, as his heir, but that he altered this will afterwards in favour of his unworthy brother John. I This change was thought to have been made at the instigation of Richard's mother, the vindictive old Queen Elinor, who is described by Shakespeare as devoted to her favourite son. Prince John. Each of the brothers, Richard and John, in turn despised and oppressed the Jews, but Scott amuses both him- self and his readers by making the stern Prince John admire Rebecca's beauty, and arouse general dissatis- faction among both Normans and Saxons in con- sequence. This invented scene likely indicates historic truth to some extent, alike showing the unscrupulous nature of John, the helpless state of the English Jews, and the absurd prejudices of Saxons and Normans against them at this excited period of ' Hume's " History," chap. xi. Richard I. 31 English history, when warHke Mohammedans abroad and peaceable Jews at home were alike exposed to the bigoted injustice of Christian rulers and warriors. John proposes that Rebecca be named as the Queen ) of Beauty at this tournament. This idea, which perhaps the real Prince would scarcely have enter- tained, or at least ventured to express, offends Normans and Saxons alike despite their mutual jealousy. On hearing John's suggestion the worthy Prior Aymer, doubtless representing clerical feeling on the subject, indignantly exclaims : " Holy Virgin, a Jewess ! We should deserve to be stoned out of the Usts ; and I am not yet old enough to be a martyr. Besides, I swear by my patron saint that she is far inferior to the lovely Saxon Rowena." Here the good Prior is probably not an impartial judge of the beauty of the two ladies ; but John, who disliked the Saxons, yet hardly dared to offend them, hastily, replies : " Saxon or Jew, dog or hog, what matters it ? I say, name Rebecca, were it only to mortify these Saxon churls." At these imprudent words " a murmur arose among his immediate attendants." Rebecca's beauty could scarcely atone for her faith or race, and even the young Norman knight De Bracy, as well as the more cautious Fitzurse, remonstrates : " This passes a jest, my lord," exclaims the former ; " no knight here will lay lance in rest if such an insult be attempted." 32 " Ivanhoe" Fitzurse, a man of more importance to John, being in fact his chief adviser, protests more strongly, exclaiming : " It is the mere wantonness of insult, and if your Grace attempt it, cannot but prove ruinous to your projects." John, obstinate yet nervous, stern and vindictive, yet timid if firmly opposed at first, haughtily replies : "I entertained you, sir, for my follower, but not for my counsellor." Fitzurse, truly representing the majority if not all of the adherents of this imprudent Prince, firmly replies with decisive effect : "Those who follow your Grace in the paths which you tread acquire the right of counsellors ; for your interest and safety are not more deeply engaged than their own." This warning from such a man practically frightens John, who yields the point while partly revealing his vicious temper, as he replies irritably : " I did but jest, and you turn upon me like so many adders ! Name whom you will in the fiend's name, and please yourselves." Though John in this scene may seem to show a more tolerant spirit than his followers, yet Scott truly dissi- pates this idea by soon representing the Prince as practically robbing Isaac of York with his own hand to reward Wamba, the Saxon jester, whose wit had Richard I. 33 amused the young despot as he hoped to become. He exclaims to the jester : " Good fellow, thou pleasest me." Then, having either no money about him, or wishing to plunder Isaac, proceeds : " Here, Isaac, lend me a handful of byzants." " As the Jew, stunned by the request, afraid to refuse, and unwilling to comply, fumbled in the furred bag which hung by his girdle, and was, perhaps, endeavouring to ascertain how few coins might pass for a handful, the Prince stooped from his jennet and settled Isaac's doubts by snatching the pouch itself from his side, and flinging to Wamba a couple of the gold pieces which it contained, he pursued his career round the lists, leaving the Jew to the derision of those around him, and himself receiving as much applause from the spectators as if he had done some honest or honourable action." ^ This scene, however fanciful in itself, may be said to well illustrate the position of Prince John, who, while distrusted by many of his Saxon and Norman subj"ects, tyrannises over the English Jews, who later during his disastrous reign were exposed to insult and even inj'ury with impunity, and met with little sympathy from their divided Christian fellow-subjects. Scott alludes to rather than describes Richard's ^ It is possible, perhaps likely, that Scott may have had the following historical incident in his mind when describing Prince John snatching up the poor old Jew's money-bag : " King John once demanded 10,000 marks from a Jew of Bristol, and on his refusal ordered that one of his teeth should be drawn every day till he should comply. The Jew lost seven teeth, and then paid the sum required of him " (Hume's " History," chap. xii.). 3 34 " Ivanhoe " return to England after his imprisonment in Austria, when he finds his brother, Prince John, plotting against his legitimate authority. With rare generosity the King pardons John, who then remained in sullen discontent biding his time till Richard's death, which occurring not long after his return placed John in supreme power. His disastrous reign and dangerous character are well foreshadowed in this historical novel : Scott while describing contests between Norman and Saxon nobles, makes John secretly tempt the Norman chiefs, Fitzurse and De Bracy, to revolt against Richard when his return was known, and even to attempt his assassination as he is reported to be in England disguised. History hardly proves that John was guilty of this plot, but his crafty, mean, unscrupulous character, afterwards so shown in his unfortunate reign, is ably indicated in the extra- ordinary scene where he tempts both these leaders to slay the King. John is alone with them, having just heard of his brother's escape from Austria. King Philip of France, both in history and this novel, was apparently on the side of John, perhaps from appre- hensive jealousy of the brave Richard, or from a wish to save him from the well-deserved indignation of his elder brother. The French king therefore sent him a warning, recorded both in history and by Scott, in these few alarming words : " Take heed to yourself, for the Devil is unchained." Scott having these facts before him thus illustrates them with fanciful yet surely probable additions. Richard I. 35 King John shows the terrible message to his two adherents, the crafty old Waldemar Fitzurse, and the fiery young Maurice De Bracy. Both are alarmed, the former advising John to postpone an entertain- ment to his followers, the latter wishing the festivity to proceed to prevent disappointment. The vindictive Prince exclaims : " Our banquet shall go forward to-night as we proposed. Were this my last hour of power, it should be an hour sacred to revenge and to pleasure." Yet after the feast he fears that some of his adherents may not remain true to him. Fitzurse, trying to encourage his odious patron, says that he will go among them and convince them that they have gone too far to recede. The guilty Prince replies in language which well confirms Macaulay's words that he was "a trifler and a coward, "^ and exclaims, dread- ing the effect of his popular brother's return to England : " It will be in vain — they have seen the handwriting on the wall — they have marked the paw of the lion in the sand — ^they have heard his approaching roar shake the wood — nothing will reanimate their courage." His followers, comparatively brave, like most Nor- mans, deplore their Prince's nervousness or timidity, and Fitzurse naturally exclaims, though not to be heard by John : " Would to God that aught could reanimate his own ! His brother's very name is an ague to him." " History of England," chap. i. 36 "Ivanhoe" Then, recalling his own dangerous position, Waldemar adds : " Unhappy are the counsellors of a Prince who wants fortitude and perseverance alike in good and in evil " (chap. xv.). Later in the story when at York, John hears from De Bracy of his brother the King's actual arrival disguised in England. The scene then between him and these two adherents admirably displays Prince John's real character. Though it may be imaginary it well agrees with history in its account of John's mingled craft, cowardice, and ferocity, and quite accords with Shakespeare's sketch of this future monarch during his latter days. John, in history, the play, and the novel, is at once suspicious, cowardly, and deceitful, yet always surrounded by braver men than himself, who perhaps are hardly able to believe in the treacherous cowardice of a Prince who, though ambitious and energetic, was so unworthy of the noble Plantagenet family. De Bracy, after telling John he has just met King Richard disguised who had vanquished and spared him in single combat, consults Fitzurse about their own future plans, as if contemplating escape, while the Prince, either overhearing or suspecting their words, exclaims to himself in apprehensive anger : "They fall off from me. They hold no more by me than a withered leaf by the bough when the breeze blows on it." Excited by this idea, and at once alarmed and enraged perhaps in about an equal degree, he proceeds : Richard I. 37 " Hell and fiends ! can I shape no means for myself when I am deserted by these cravens ? " he then, pretending to laugh sarcastically, addresses both : " Ha, ha ! my good lords, I held ye, sage men, bold men, ready- witted men, yet ye throw down wealth, honour, and pleasure, all that our noble game promised you, at the moment it might be won by one bold cast ! " De Bracy perhaps pretends not to understand this dark hint, and advises John to take refuge with his mother Queen Elinor. John, who doubtless knew the influence he, her favourite son, had with her, if the worst came to the worst, and that he has little reason to dread the extreme penalty of the law from his brother, then haughtily reminds both his adherents of their own danger from the King, and proceeds, while " his brow grew black as midnight : " "There is but one road to safety. This object of our terror journeys alone. He must be met withal." This murderous suggestion De Bracy rejects with horror, knowing he owes his life to Richard, exclaim- ing indignantly : " I will not harm a feather in his crest." His old associate, Waldemar Fitzurse, is less scrupulous about the King's life, but De Bracy addresses the Prince as most other gallant Normans would have done : " I will abide by you in aught that becomes a knight whether in the lists or in the camp, but this highway practice comes not within my vow." 38 "Ivanhoe" John on hearing him resolves on another course, and with mingled craft, deceit, and ferocity like what history and Shakespeare alike describe him, tries to use both these "mortal instruments" to promote his design according to their different natures and worldly positions. He calls Fitzurse aside, and exclaims in artful words well fitted to tempt an ambitious, un- scrupulous adherent : " An unhappy Prince am I. My father King Henry had faithful servants. He had but to say that he was plagued with a factious priest and the blood of Thomas-a-Becket, saint though he was, stained the steps of his own altar." After thus recalling this terrible crime to the son of one of its chief authors, he exclaims in words of mingled reproach and temptation : "Tracy, Morville, Brito, loyal and daring subjects, your names, your spirits are extinct, and although Reginald Fitzurse hath left a son he hath fallen off from his father's fidelity and courage." This reproach has its desired effect. At this historical period, devoted loyalty even to an unscrupulous prince was often thought a real duty, and Fitzurse, attached to Prince John by his interest and position, defends himself by warmly replying : "He has fallen off from neither," and then prepares himself to waylay and slay the disguised king. He exclaims in the words of one divided between his interest and his conscience, while recalling his father's fatal crime : " Dearly, however, did my father purchase the praise of a zealous friend, and yet did his proof of loyalty to Henry fall far short of what I am about to afford." Richard I. 39 Like most Normans, Waldemar probably cannot help admiring such an heroic champion of their race as King Richard, yet now spurred on by his ambition and devotion to Prince John, he sets forth on his murderous journey attended by some savage followers to discover and slay the disguised king, leaving De Bracy to guard Prince John, and departs exclaiming in evident excitement : " Adieu, my Prince, till better times." John, when alone with De Bracy, resolves to devote all the artfulness of his nature to attach him closer to his cause by promises and bribery. This scene between John and his two adherents, though perhaps chiefly Scott's invention, yet displays this Prince's position and character at this time in a light so true to history as to merit special attention. With great duplicity, accompanying a perverted knowledge of human nature, the treacherous Prince proceeds to cajole the ambitious high-spirited De Bracy, but in a different style from that he used in tempting Fitzurse. He cautiously begins as if implicitly trusting De Bracy : " What thinkest thou of this Waldemar Fitzurse, my De Bracy ? He trusts to be our Chancellor. Surely we will pause ere we give an office so high to one who shows evidently how little he reverences our blood by so readily undertaking this enterprise against Richard." De Bracy is, doubtless, surprised at these words, yet so inclined to promote his own interests by obeying the Prince, that the latter artfully continues, evidently 40 " Ivanhoe " observing him all the time, and likely well acquainted with his impetuous yet ambitious disposition : "Thou dost think, I warrant, that thou hast lost somewhat of our regard by thy boldly declining this unpleasing task. But no, Maurice, I rather honour thee for thy virtuous constancy." He then proceeds to reason with his not over- wise follower in a calm, philosophic style, which seems partly to deceive and partly to disgust De Bracy's perplexed and not very scrupulous mind : " There are things most necessary to be done, the perpetrator of which we neither love nor honour, and there may be refusals to serve us, which shall rather exalt in our estimation those who deny our request." ' Having thus prepared the way the crafty Prince proceeds to tempt his ambitious yet not altogether unprincipled adherent, and owing partly, perhaps, to his artful manner, but most likely to the profound admiration in which his royal race are held by the Normans, De Bracy, despite some feeling of dislike, listens to all John's words with apparent respect. John continues with assumed calmness, but yet inclined to suspect De Bracy all the time : " The arrest of my unfortunate brother forms no such good title ' In Shakespeare's play (act iv.) King John addresses his follower Hubert in words expressing a somewhat similar idea : "It is the curse of kings to be attended By slaves that take their humours for a warrant To break within the bloody house of life ; And, on the winking of authority. To understand a law." Richard I. 41 to the high office of Chancellor as thy chivalrous and courageous denial establishes in thee to the truncheon of High Marshal." De Bracy probably can hardly conceal his eager joy at the idea. John therefore only adds impressively as he departs : "Think of this, De Bracy, and begone to thy charge." When he is gone, De Bracy, partly attracted and partly shocked by his unscrupulous designing patron, utters an opinion of him, shared, indeed, by most English nobles during his reign, but which at this time all subjects, whether Saxon or Norman, prudently conceal, John being now the heir to the Crown. " Fickle tyrant, evil luck have they who trust thee. Thy Chan- cellor indeed ! He who hath the keeping of thy conscience shall have an easy charge, I trow." These words are true indeed, yet John's cunning and knowledge of the man are too great, as he had expected, for so ambitious and giddy a noble as De Bracy to oppose. The bribe offered, or rather indicated, is too much for both his sense and his conscience, and De Bracy exclaims as if fascinated by its prospect : "But High Marshal of England! that," he said, extending his arm as if to grasp the b&ton of office and assuming a loftier stride along the antechamber, " that is indeed a prize worth playing for." Yet his previous reluctant or hesitating manner had 42 " Ivanhoe " not escaped John's keen observation, and the Prince summons another attendant, Hugh Bardon, to his presence. He first inquires the names of the fellows who have gone with Waldemar on his murderous mission, and then says to Bardon : " It imports our service that thou keep a strict watch on Maurice De Bracy, so that he observe it not, however. And let us know of his motions from time to time, with whom he converses, what he proposeth. Fail not in this as thou wilt be answerable." Bardon bows and retires, and then the vindictive Prince, suspicious, apprehensive, and apparently the only coward among brave men, both friends and foes, yet fated to become their king, exclaims in thorough distrust of almost every one about him : "If Maurice betrays me, as his bearing leads me to fear, I will have his head, were Richard thundering at the gates of York." In these scenes between the future king of England and his adherents John's character and designs agree alike with Shakespeare's play and most historical records. In fact, the Prince John of Scott is at once recognisable in the King John of Shakespeare. These scenes seem to rather stand apart from the progress of the novel, and to convey in Scott's natural manner the historic truth about this dangerous monarch. The ancestral enmity between Saxon and Norman fellow-subjects, which was giving way at this time owing to the general popularity of King Richard and the despised, degraded position of the Jews at this period, form the other most instructive portion of this novel, from a historical standpoint. Its real Richard I. 43 heroine in character and conduct is the Jewess Rebecca, who, with her father, the miserly yet worthy old Isaac of York, are introduced evidently to show the extraordinary position of the once called "chosen race " in Christian England at this period, as well as before and some time after it. Among the chief historical attractions in this noble romance are its life-like descriptions of the splendid tournaments, exhibiting and encouraging British valour. The secret return of King Richard, calling himself the Black Knight, his joyous reception by his subjects, and the rare generosity with which he pardons his rebellious brother John, are verified by history, though Scott always takes a more favourable view of Richard than is confirmed by historic record. All his best qualities are displayed and made the most of by the novelist, though his violence and injustice are to some extent revealed in " The Talisman." In " Ivanhoe " he is -not only the young Saxon hero's friend and patron, but is humane and generous from first to last. Scott ends his novel almost immediately after King Richard's return, thus avoiding the close of his reign, which displayed some of those tyrannical qualities which the novelist in this romance always conceals. The whole work is, indeed, a brilliant composition, perhaps one of the most attractive as well as valuable of English historical romances. But the position of English Jews, both in public opinion and in legal injustice, forms the most instructive, though the least pleasing, part of the work. Rebecca was probably the first Jewish heroine ever described by a Christian 44 " Ivanhoe " novelist. She is evidently intended to represent as noble a character as can be imagined, while her father, though kind and inoffensive, is decidedly fond of money, as eager to receive it and as unwilling to part with it as has usually been laid to the charge of his race. In this respect alone he resembles the Jew Shylock of Shakespeare, but is a far milder specimen of the ill-used race. The cruelty which he narrowly escapes from the Norman tyrant, Front de Boeuf, Scott apparently introduces to show the spirit of the times against the helpless Jews, while he spares his readers from studying the repulsive reality. But when Gurth, Ivanhoe's Saxon attendant, visits Isaac to pay him eighty zecchins for a fine horse and armour sold to him by the rich Jew, the latter, while giving the welcome messenger some delicious wine, and really grateful for being honestly treated, yet cannot bring himself to return any of his money. Yet Gurth, hoping that some may come to his share, eagerly watches the Jew while counting the money before pocketing it. The Jew's comments while doing so may have been com- plimentary, but on the whole unsatisfactory. "Seventy-one — seventy-two; thy master is a good youth — seventy' three — an excellent youth — seventy-four — that piece hath been clipped within the ring — seventy-five — and that looketh light by weight — seventy-six — ^when thy master wants money, let him come to Isaac of York — seventy-seven " — Here the dread of reckless or dishonest debtors, a class he doubtless well knows, checks him and he cautiously adds : " that is, with reasonable security." Richard I. 45 He makes a last pause when he comes to the final coin, the eightieth zecchin : He weighed it upon the tip of his finger and made it ring by dropping it upon the table. Had it rung too flat, or had it felt a hair's breadth too light, generosity had carried the day, but unhappily for Gurth the chime was full and true, the zecchin plump, newly- coined, and a grain above weight. Isaac could not find it in his heart to part with it, so dropped it into his purse, as if in absence of mind with the words, " Eighty completes the tale, and I trust thy master will reward thee handsomely." So far Isaac behaved pretty much as his oppressed race were accused of by their stern Christian rulers, but Scott makes Rebecca meet the disappointed Gurth, she inquires what has passed and richly rewards him. At this unexpected generosity Gurth, like a grateful, yet prejudiced Christian, exclaims : " By St. Dunstan, this is no Jewess, but an angel from Heaven ! " (chap. X.). The novelist likely relieves his mind and those of his readers by this pleasing incident, though historic truth usually guides him throughout this interesting romance. He proceeds to describe Saxons and Normans in constant dispute though professing the same faith, while he steadily intimates throughout a kind sympathy for the despised Jewish race. It may be hoped that the ferocity of the Norman knight Front de Bceuf towards Isaac, who narrowly escapes, may be exaggerated, yet it was exceeded by that of John towards Jews when he became king. It may perhaps be doubted, however, if either Saxons or Normans, 46 '' Ivanhoe " unless by order of the king, could torture Jews as this Norman chief attempts to do, for the sake of extorting money. The romantic episode of the hero, Wilfred of Ivanhoe, risking his life in personal combat to save the Jewess, when sentenced to death for alleged witch- craft, and entering the lists as her champion, is not only one of Scott's invention, but it is to be feared could never have occurred. It is too evidently the chivalrous novelist's fancy, unsupported if not opposed by any historical evidence or even likelihood. Probably no Christian knight at or about that period would ever have raised a Jewess to the position of a wife, or even mistress ; ' but Scott, while hinting at the terrible usage of the Jews, cannot resist making his hero and heroine, Ivanhoe and Rowena, view and treat them with a humanity which, it may be feared, is more derived from his own kind heart than from historical record. The strange yet complete social humiliation of the Jews, nearly all of whom were under Christian or Mohammedan rulers, was the natural result of their religion as well as of their political history. The self-styled " chosen race " were now almost without exception subjects of the followers of Jesus or of Mohammed. The Gospel and the Koran, while ' " The persecution of the Jewish race dates from the very earliest period in which Christianity obtained the direction of the civil power. They were compelled to wear a peculiar dress and to live in a separate quarter. Intermarriage with them was deemed a horrible pollution, and in the time of St. Lewis any Christian who had chosen a Jewess for his mistress was burnt alive." ' ' Lecky's " Rationahsm," chap. vi. Richard I. 47 acknowledging in great measure the truth of the Old Testament, alike opposed its exclusive praise of the Jewish race when obeying the cosmopolitan teachings of the two Prophets who respected no merely national distinctions. The remote and comparatively unknown nations of Parsees and Buddhists had few, if any, Jewish subjects. The scattered Hebrew race were for a long period, it may be said, almost wholly in the power of Christian or of Mohammedan rulers. The Jews in England, if not in Christian Europe generally, like Mohammedans in Asia and in southern Spain, were about the time of this novel viewed with very similar contempt or hatred by Christian rulers and warriors. Scott usually describes the sad position of English Jews only too truly, but in the case of his heroine Rebecca, he is, if not contradictory, hardly consistent, in making her rescued from death by the young hero Wilfred of " Ivanhoe." It is to be feared that no similar instance is historically recorded of a Christian knight entering the lists in behalf of a Jewess, and the incident can probably only be con- sidered as Scott's own romantic idea. The reason for Christian prejudices against Jews, so deep, so long lasting, and found even among people of education and humanity, may not be hard to explain when religious history is carefully examined. The Gospel narrative when furnished exclusively by its believers, the pictures and images of the executed Christian Prophet, whose cruel death was preceded by insult and ignominy, were preached, displayed, and commented on in sermons, paintings, and eloquent descriptions, 48 " Ivanhoe " with a devoted zeal, certain to arouse the hatred of Christians against the Jews. The crucifixion of Jesus and the stoning of St. Stephen, those first awful instances of Jewish bigotry towards the new faith, were followed throughout many centuries by the terrible severities inflicted by its votaries upon the subjected believers in the old. One of Scott's historical objects in " Ivanhoe " is certainly to sketch and- condemn religious bigotry in England, but he gives only a sketch, relieved by instances of generosity and virtue among both Christians and Jews, which philanthropists may hope are not altogether the fancy of the novelist, yet which historical students may find it hard to discover in the records of the period. Had this work appeared during or for many years after the time it describes, the English public would probably have regarded its sympathy for the Jews with disapproval, and perhaps with serious displeasure. The anger of the Sovereign would likely have been equalled by that of the warlike knights and clergy at the idea of a Jewess captivating a Knight Templar and rescued from execution as a witch by a gallant Crusader. The feelings of Jews reading the novel at the time it describes or for many subsequent years might have been rather perplexed as well as grate- ful. Their histor)?^ during the Roman dominion was certainly one of political subjection, yet they had experienced better treatment from the votaries of Jupiter than from the believers either in Christ or in Mohammed. The triumphant adherents of both gradually replaced all the European and many of the Richard I. 49 Asiatic Paganisms, following in the track of the former Roman empire, and finally extending more and more beyond its vast limits. The early opposition of the Jews to Gospel and Koran had far exceeded in apprehensive bitterness their former calm distrust of the European or Arabian Paganisms. The poetical, fanciful faith of ancient Rome showed no particular aversion to Judaism as a doctrine. The Jews seem to have been treated much like other political subjects by the Romans in their immense and varied empire. The inevitable tribute of money and thorough political submission were, indeed, insisted on, sometimes, per- haps, with cruel severity, but in other respects the Jews, so firm and resolute, yet so helpless, were treated with comparative justice by the Pagan govern- ment, though with contemptuous indifference. But the followers of Jesus and Mohammed alike believed that they had good reasons to hate as well as distrust that stolid, incredulous race, rejecting from generation to generation the successive additions of Gospel and of Koran to the Old Testament, upon which all three religions of the Book founded their traditional belief As time passed, however, the fierce wars between Christians and Mohammedans, and afterwards between fellow-Christians against each other, gradually caused the historic foes of both to be better treated. In every country they inhabited they were subjects and have always remained such. During and since the life of Scott, however, indulgence towards the English Jews has increased to an unexpected degree. A few years after " Ivanhoe " was written the admission of 4 50 "Ivanhoe" Jews to the British Parliament was proposed, and after some opposition became law. One of the ablest British historians of the nineteenth century, writing in favour of the measure, eloquently says : " If it is our duty to exclude the Jews from political power, it must be our duty to treat them as our ancestors treated them, to murder them, punish them, and rob them. For in that way and in that way alone can we really deprive them of political power. . . . Where wealth is there power must inevitably be." ' He then, by asking pertinent questions, proceeds, well knowing the luxury, tastes, and influence of modern English Jews : " Does he furnish his house meanly because he is a pilgrim and sojourner in the land ? Does the expectation of being restored to the country of his fathers make him insensible to the fluctuations of the Stock Exchange ? " The chief historic interest of " Ivanhoe," apart from its Jewish allusions, lies in its account of the royal brothers. King Richard and Prince John. Scott's account of both at this time, though too partial to the former, seems on the whole to agree with history. Richard, while inevitably ashamed of his brother, seems seldom, if ever, angry with him. It may be that his knowledge of John's unpopularity caused this seeming partiality or indifference. Like the merry King Charles the Second, who is said to have answered his graver and sterner brother James, when ' Macaulay's " Essay on the Civil Disabilities of the Jews." Richard I. 51 warning him of the danger of assassination, "No one will kill me to make you King," Richard must have known that while in England he was in little danger from the ambitious plots of Prince John. But in the novel Scott makes the King attacked by Waldemar Fitzurse, who is captured. Richard, having known and trusted him previously, asks : " Say me the truth — confess who set thee on to this traitorous deed?" " Thy father's son,'' replies Waldemar, who strangely accuses Richard of undutifulness towards his father, King Henry the Second, yet of this charge Prince John was quite as guilty as Richard, who rather nobly asks : " Thou dost not ask thy life, Waldemar ? " Fitzurse, alike bold and unscrupulous, replies : " He that is within the lion's clutch knows it were needless." This resolute answer has perhaps more effect with the gallant King than piteous entreaty, and he says generously : " Take it, then, unasked. The lion preys not on prostrate carcasses, but with this condition, that in three days thou shalt leave England, and that thou wilt never mention the name of John of Anjou as connected with thy felony ... If thou breathest aught that can attaint the honour of my house, by St. George, not the altar itself shall be a sanctuary." 52 "Ivanhoe" This allusion, doubtless reminding Fitzurse of his father's aiding to slay Thomas-a-Becket by instigation of the late King in Canterbury Cathedral, was likely to produce the desired effect, and Waldemar disappears without saying more. This incident may be an inven- tion, but it well serves to show not only the ambitious treachery of John, but the singular generosity with which his brother always treated him, despite the latter's mutinous, ungrateful spirit. The extraordinary trial of the Jewess Rebecca for alleged witchcraft, it is to be feared, had some historic foundation in the previous execution of a Jewess named Miriam on the same charge. Scott makes only brief allusion to this atrocity, and while instructing his readers by recalling it, invents a somewhat similar case though with a just and happy conclusion, through Rebecca's rescue by the hero Ivanhoe. In this imaginary trial, conducted before the Grand Master of the Templars, without the King's authority, the accusation against Rebecca is of witchcraft, and her being a Jewess renders her all the more deserted and unpitied. The dreadful execution of the noble Jewess Miriam, formerly Rebecca's instructress in the art of healing, which Scott mentions, may be to some extent its foundation, yet it seems to bear some re- semblance to the trial of the heroic Christian Joan of Arc, in the extraordinary and unreasoning bigotry of the accusers in both cases. The belief in witchcraft and the eager desire to destroy all believed to be guilty of it were general throughout most Christian countries for centuries, yet in Rebecca's imaginary Richard I. 53 case her conversion to Christianity is proposed as a temptation, by yielding to which she may be saved. This temptation, however, may be only Scott's idea, for it may be doubted if any one really believed a witch could have saved her life by profession of change in religious faith. The love of the Templar Bois- Guilbert for the Jewess and her own requited love for Ivanhoe, are alike the novelist's inventions. The relative positions of Christians and Jews in England, if not in all Christendom, at this time would have pre- vented either case, but the odious sentiments of the stern old bigot, Lucas Beaumanoir, Grand Master of the Templars, about both Jews and Mohammedans, may only too truly express the spirit of the period. When Rebecca is sentenced to death for witchcraft, though whether this could have been legally done without royal warrant may be doubted, the Grand Master tries to convert her to Christianity, and exclaims : "Confess thy witchcraft — turn thee from thine evil faith, embrace this holy emblem," probably showing a crucifix, " and all shall be well with thee here and hereafter. . . . This do and live — what has the law of Moses done for thee that thou shouldst die for it?" This trying question the Jewess answers in the spirit of a Christian martyr, though now in the power of Christians whose odious bigotry reduces them almost to the level of assassins 54 " Ivanhoe " " It was the law of my fathers ; it was delivered in thunder and in storms upon the mountain of Sinai in cloud and in fire. This, if ye are Christians, ye believe — it is, you say, recalled; but so my teachers have not taught me." The Christian Templar, in his turn as bigoted and relentless as the Jewish Rabbis in previous centuries when executing the Founder of Christianity, replies : " Let our chaplain stand forth and tell this obstinate infidel." But here Rebecca, well knowing how hopeless theo- logical argument would be in her present position, calmly says : "Forgive the interruption, I am a maiden, unskilled to dispute for my religion, but I can die for it, if it be God's will " (chap, xxxviii.). Previous to this awful scene Scott amuses, as well as enlightens, his readers by describing the Grand Master rebuking a Saxon peasant, Higg, son of Snell, for taking some healing medicine from Jews. Though it has restored him, yet, according to Beaumanoir, this result is of little consequence. He exclaims to the simple yet somewhat shrewd peasant : " I tell thee it is better to be bedridden than to accept the service of unbelievers' medicine that thou mayest arise and walk ; better to despoil infidels of their treasure by the strong hand than to accept their benevolent gifts, or do them service for wages. Go thou and do as I have said." The peasant, despite his ignorance or simplicity, makes a reply which apparently perplexes as well as irritates the grim old bigot before him : Richard I. 55 " I will tell my two brethren who serve the rich Rabbi Nathan ben Samuel, that your mastership says it is more lawful to rob him than to render him faithful service." This practical reply confounds the Grand Master, who, though perhaps prejudiced enough to sanction any atrocity, is yet to some extent restrained by existing law, which certainly afforded Jews some, though insufficient, protection, or their wholesale banishment or destruction would have been likely. Beaumanoir is too proud or bigoted to relax or modify his odious sentiments, and can only exclaim in evident wrath : " Out with the prating villain ! " being, as Scott observes : Not prepared to refute this practical application of his general maxim (chap, xxxix.). The peculiarly affecting scene between the grateful Rebecca and the Saxon bride Rowena, which ends this powerful story, though ideal, represents with a truth and force hard to believe at present the relative position of ruling Christians and subjected Jews, not only in England, but, it is to be feared, throughout Christendom generally, at this semi- barbarous though romantic period. Isaac and Rebecca are leaving England for southern Spain, then ruled by Moorish Mohammedans. These Moslems, though professing the same faith as the warlike Saracens, were at this period remarkably 56 "Ivanhoe" tolerant, and in some respects more civilised than many contemporary Christians. It was with good historical reason, therefore, that Scott chose the Moorish dominions in Spain as a comparatively safe refuge for the Jews, who seem to have been at this time more or less persecuted and ill-treated in every Christian country. ^ The Lady Rowena at first tries to persuade the Jewess to remain in England saying : " My husband has favour with the King — the King himself is just and generous." In this as in other allusions to Richard, Scott is likely too favourable towards him ; for, though not so cruel as Prince John, he does not seem to have viewed his Jewish subjects with any kind of gene- rosity, though he was always popular with most of the English people. This affecting interview between the fortunate and happy Saxon bride and the despised, noble Jewess may be taken to represent the relative positions of ruling Christians and subjected Jews at this time in England, a period when the Crusades had aroused, as it were, great interest in the Gospel history among Europeans, but with which no Jews ' "Insulted, plundered, hated and despised by all Christian nations, banished from England by Edward I. and from France by Charles VI., they found in the Spanish Moors rulers who, in addition to that measure of tolerance which is always produced by a high intellectual culture, were probably not without a special sympathy for a race whose pure monotheism formed a marked contrast to the scarcely disguised polytheism of the Spanish Catho- lics " (Lecky's " Rationalism," chap. vi.). Richard I. 57 could feel sympathy. Rowena, though a person of gentle nature, yet imbued with the strong prejudices of her time, makes a last vain attempt to convert Rebecca : " Oh, remain with us — the counsel of our holy men will wean you from your erring law, and I will be a sister to you." The Jewess, like all her race, is proof alike against temptation or persecution. The Old Testament, so proud and exulting in its account of the Jews, and so contemptuous and disdainful in its allusions to all other races of men, possesses for the Jews a peculiar charm as well as a solemn conviction, which from the earliest times to the present has preserved them from national conversion by either of their political rulers. Christians or Mohammedans. Rebecca's answer, free from either theological reasoning or ardent enthusiasm, is firm, calm, and to some extent almost repelling : " No, lady, that may not be. I must not change the faith of my fathers like a garment unsuited to the climate in which I seek to dwell." " Farewell. May He who made both Jew and Christian shower down on you His choicest blessings." This interesting scene, the composition, indeed, of Scott's enlightened mind, truly shows feelings becoming alike to Jews and Christians, consistently with the religious belief of both. But history at this excited time affords little indication of such an inter- view being possible. The position, indeed, of the Jews in Christian estimation, not only in England but in 58 "Ivanhoe*' Christendom generally, seems incompatible with Scott's civilised ideas. It is likely Scott had in his mind the coming cruelties of King John towards English Jews, and therefore hurries away his Jew and Jewess from England to Spain before the accession of that future tyrant to the monarchy. This pleasing scene, though worthy of a most affecting novel, is to some extent a historical picture of the period in which it is supposed to occur. The last important historical event in the novel seems greatly founded on fact, and well displays the generosity of King Richard and the meanness, if not the cowardice, of Prince John, who, unhappily for England, is fated to become her king, Ivanhoe asks Lord Essex, both loyal to Richard and knowing a revolt is contemplated against him : " What news from York, brave Essex ? Will the rebels bide us there?" " No more than December snow will bide July's sun," said the other ; " they are dispersing ; and who should come posting to bring us the news but John himself ? " Ivanhoe, who likely well knew the different cha- racters of the royal brothers, indignantly exclaims : " The traitor ! The ungrateful, insolent traitor. Did not Richard order him into confinement ? " To Ivanhoe's surprise Essex replies : " Oh ! He received him, as if they had met after a hunting party ; and pointing to me and our men-at-arms said, 'Thou seest, brother, I have some angry men with me — thou wart best go to our mother, convey to her my duteous affection, and abide with her until men's minds are pacified.' " Richard I. 59 It seems historically true that, partly owing to "our mother," Queen Elinor, Richard completely forgives Prince John (chap, xliv.).' This vindictive old queen Scott never introduces, but Shakespeare, who in his tragedy of "King John" describes a time some years after the events of this novel, makes her reply to John, evidently her favourite son, when boasting of his successfully usurping the rights of his nephew Prince Arthur : "Your strong possession, much more than your right, Or else it must go wrong with you, and me : So much my conscience whispers in your ear, Which none but Heaven, and you, and I shall hear.'' (Scene i.) The resemblance of Shakespeare's King to Scott's Prince is sufficiently evident throughout the play and the novel. The same sullen, suspicious, crafty mind, the same covetous, tyrannical spirit which in the plotting Prince puzzles and alarms his few followers, is shown in his disastrous reign, when, obtaining all he wished and enjoying supreme authority, he drew down on himself the censure of the Pope, the enmity of France, and the revolt as well as the indignation of his English subjects. What the fate of the generous Wilfred of " Ivanhoe " would have been under such a king may be imagined, but Scott ends his noble romance leavinsr Richard the o ' " Prince John threw himself at his brother's feet, and by the intercession of Queen Elinor was received into favour. ' I forgive him,' said the King, ' and hope I shall as easily forget his injuries as he will my pardon'" (Hume's "History," chap. x.). 6o " Ivanhoe " First restored to his throne. His evil successor is generously forgiven, but his unfortunate reign was presented in dramatic form to the English people by the greatest of English poets. Though Shake- speare at the end of his tragedy makes the expiring king an object of pity, yet till the end he represents him as odious a character as he is usually described by historians. Unlike Richard the Third or Henry the Eighth, King John seems to have had few if any partisans or apologists either during his extraordinary reign, or in his subsequent reputation. In many respects, as before observed, Scott's Prince John resembles the poet's account of him when king, but more especially towards the end of his life. His distrustful, suspicious nature is much the same in both the novel and in the play, but in the former he is young, eager, active and plotting, full of misdirected energy, yet nervous if not cowardly at the same time. In the play he is weak, irritable, suspecting almost every one around him, and finally he believes himself poisoned by some of his many enemies ; but whether he was or not seems uncertain from the pages of authentic history. Ill "THE FAIR MAID OF PERTH" THIS rather gloomy story is laid entirely in Scotland in the reign of Henry IV. of England and of Robert III. in Scotland. The latter, a sovereign of mild, gentle temper, a thorough lover of peace, was strangely unfitted to rule Scotland at the stormy, warlike period of his reign. Though this king was not seriously menaced by foreign foes, the turbulent Highlanders under his nominal rule were quarrelling fiercely among themselves, and were greatly dreaded or distrusted by the Lowlanders. It does not seem, however, in either history or the novel, that the Highland chiefs at this time, if ever, claimed independence of the Scottish crown. They appear to have all acknowledged the Scottish kings at Edinburgh, though in almost absolute power over their clans they resembled independent rulers. King Robert's chief though secret enemy is his ambitious, cruel brother, the Duke of Albany, who, taking advantage of the wild, imprudent character of the 62 "Fair Maid of Perth" Duke of Rothsay, the King's eldest son and heir, obtains great influence, and in every way tries to widen the breach between the weak old King and his reckless, dissipated son. The chief historic events mentioned are the murder of Rothsay at the instigation of Albany and the terrible combat before the King between the hostile Highlanders of the Clan Chattan and the Clan Quhele. These two tragic events occupying a large part of the work, make it more a depressing than a cheerful story. It contains little if any of Scott's usual wit and humour, and seems chiefly historical, but always on the tragic side, with no comic characters or incidents to enliven it. The singular historic fact of a brave Perth citizen — Henry Smith of the Wynd — taking part in the Highland combat of his own accord, as the clan he joined needed a champion, evidently interested Scott's chivalrous mind, who represents this man as in every way a hero. He is the lover of Catherine Glover, "The Fair Maid," who seems to be Scott's invention. Henry is decidedly a rough specimen of a hero in a novel, and may perhaps rather resemble his gallant historical namesake, of whom little seems to be known. The mild old king, his treacherous brother and dissolute though generous son, the unfortunate Rothsay, with the Earl of Douglas, often called the Black Douglas, father-in-law of Rothsay, are the chief historic personages introduced. In real history it seems that Albany and Douglas were allied against Rothsay, but in the novel, Albany, with his subordinate. Sir John Ramorny, a deceitful Robert III. 63 follower of Rothsay, are the chief conspirators against the latter. The short career of this ill-fated prince, his imprisonment by his deceived father following Albany's advice, and his subsequent murder in prison are all historic facts, though their narration is involved with many scenes and characters of Scott's invention. The terrible battle between the rival Highland clans in presence of the horrified king, who, rather like some Spanish sovereign unwillingly witnessing bull fights, is practically forced by his subjects to preside at this dreadful scene, is of real historic importance, and is likely a fair representation of an actual event. This savage combat before the King and court is about to end in the defeat of the Clan Quhele, when the compassionate monarch, compelled to witness a scene he would willingly prevent, at length exclaims: " For the sake of the mercy we daily pray for, let this be ended. Surely they will now be ruled and accept of peace on moderate terms." Albany, who in common with some other Scottish men of this time, has no liking for Highlanders, besides being a man devoid of humane principles, coldly replies : "Compose yourself, my Uege. These men are the pest of the Lowlands. Both chiefs are still living — if they go back unharmed the whole day's work is cast away." Then, evidently wishing the destruction of both opposing clans, the heartless, crafty Duke proceeds : " These are not loving subjects, but disobedient rebels." 64 " Fair Maid of Perth " Also knowing that these fiery Highlanders during their present excitement are not likely to heed clerical advice, Albany adds artfully : "The Prior of the Dominicans will vouch for me, that they are more than half-heathen." The meek King, yielding to his crafty, hardened brother, merely replies : "You must work your pleasure and are too wise for me to contend with." The fearful combat goes on instead of being stopped as the King wished. The young chief, Eachan of the Clan Quhele, after seeing the bravest of his clan slain, turned and fled instead of facing the Lowland champion, Henry Smith, the " Gow Chrom," or bandy-legged citizen, of Perth, who in real history took a most heroic part in this battle. Meantime the secret murder of the young Prince Rothsay has yet to be told to the King. Albany and the Black Douglas both know what has happened, of which the former was the guilty cause. The conduct of Douglas in this case seems more doubtful, as Scott represents him innocent of it, though in politic alliance with Albany. The fact of Rothsay 's having unwillingly married Douglas's daughter and then abandoning her, would explain the enmity of his father-in-law to some extent, but the complicity of the latter in Rothsay 's assassination is denied in the novel, but left doubtful in some historical Robert III. 65 records. Douglas in this story refuses to tell the King of Rothsay's death as Albany wished, and immediately suspects the latter. The grieved King is too weak, apparently, to arrest his brother, though he suspects him, yet banishes him in mingled fear and anger from the court, while sending his second son. Prince James, from Scotland. This prince, the future King of Scotland, was captured at sea by an English vessel and taken to England, where the shrewd King Henry IV. detained him as a prisoner, or perhaps as a hostage, though he always treated him well. These events hastened the death of King Robert, and the regency of Scotland descended on Albany, who at his death transferred it to his son Murdoch. Prince James returning to Scotland as lawful king, executed his usurping cousin, but these historic events are only briefly mentioned in the novel. The extraordinary state of Scotland at this remote time evidently interests Scott to describe. The dangerous plots about the court of the quiet, peaceful King, who seems in some respects to resemble Henry VI. of England, being like him surrounded by fierce, war- like subjects and the furious quarrels of the half- independent Highlanders among themselves, form the most interesting as well as valuable parts of this story, from a historical point of view. The relative position of Scottish Highlanders and Lowlanders in historical course is naturally always an interesting subject to Scott throughout many of the Waverley novels. " The Fair Maid of Perth " seems the 5 66 "Fair Maid of Perth" earliest, historically speaking, that deals with the subject, when apparently the Highlanders were thought little better than savages by the Scottish court, or by their more civilised Lowland fellow- countrymen. Yet these brave mountaineers, acknowledging the Scottish king at least nominally, were apparently almost free of any authority but that of their separate chiefs. In this novel the young Highland chief, Eachin, or Conachar, is apprenticed for a time to Glover, father of the Fair Maid Catherine, and lives in Perth for a time in a comparatively civilised manner. This practice of apprenticing young Highland chiefs to Lowlanders for a time, and to obtain some education, Scott says was not unusual in Scotland, and afterwards they were recalled to rule their clans in their native mountains. Scott, to suit his novel, makes Conachar in love with Catherine Glover, but he has a successful rival in Henry Smith, whose historical prototype really fought bravely in Perth for the Clan Chattan. But Conachar, old Simon Glover, and Catherine seem alike Scott's inventions. Unlike most of Scott's novels, this one contains no witty or amusing characters. There seems literally nothing to laugh at, or indeed much to cheer its readers, and no attempt at merriment from beginning to end. It is simply a historical sketch of Scotland in a semi- barbarous time. Its historic characters are mingled with the imaginary, among whom the crafty yet learned old quacksalver, or poisoner, Henbane Dwining, is perhaps the most remarkable and re- Robert III. 67 pulsive. This man, weak, even feeble in body, but resolute in mind, despised, yet partly feared by the warlike, Scottish people around him of high and low degree, yet acquiring a strong influence over some of both, seems strangely out of place in such a country at such a period, and probably there were none like him in Scotland at this time. He is apparently introduced to make the rough, honest hero, Henry Smith, the more interesting, as Dwining's delicate, cruel, vindictive nature, together with his intellectual superiority, make him such a complete contrast to the rude, ignorant, yet kindly Lowland champion. But Dwining's grim sarcasms about the ignorant, warlike Scottish nobles around him have no cheerful wit in them ; instead of enlivening the story by his superior intelligence, he makes it the more repulsive, and was probably introduced for that purpose. The historic value of this novel, which, though far from lively or pleasing, contains some grand passages, lies in its sketches of the Highlanders and of the Scottish court at this time. The book proves much of Scott's historical knowledge and descriptive power, but little or nothing of his genial spirit or cheerful mind. The partly fictitious, partly real hero and the imaginary Fair Maid are in the end happily married in peace and contentment, yet their happiness, humane and amiable as they are, cannot much cheer the reader after the terrible and revolting events of so gloomy a period. The distracted state of part of Scotland, with its brave people nominally ruled 68 "Fair Maid of Perth" by a weak king, yet helplessly passing more and more under that of his wicked brother, the deliberate murder of the unfortunate Duke of Rothsay, and the frantic folly of the Highland clans insisting upon destroying each other, complete a repulsive and odious rather than a pathetic picture. The work is, indeed, endowed with more interest by Scott through his adding imaginary characters and incidents, yet most historical readers will be glad to have a more agreeable study, despite its many interesting chapters and certainly exciting events. IV « QUENTIN DUR WARD " IN this work the young hero is a brave Scottish youth seeking his fortune in France, where his maternal uncle, Ludovic Lesly, called Le Balafre, is a Scottish officer in a high position, being one of the French king's, Louis the Eleventh's, celebrated Scottish guards, a body in whom even this suspicious monarch placed great confidence. This extraordinary sovereign Scott evidently believes the most interest- ing or important character in this story, owning, in the true spirit of a historical novelist : The little love intrigue of Quentin is only employed as the means of bringing out the story ; yet many, perhaps most, readers will be more interested in "the little love intrigue" of the brave young Durward and the French heroine, Isabelle de Croye, threatened with an odious Italian husband, Campo- Basso, a historical personage, than in minutely examining and studying the strange character of the crafty King Louis. Yet in this examination Scott takes a specially strong interest, and probably of all the French kings that ever lived Louis XI. 69 yo " Quentin Durward " has most attracted actors and dramatists. Scott, before introducing Louis among the imaginary incidents of the novel, examines his character with peculiar attention. He has evidently studied French history on the subject, and makes a remarkable com- parison between this wicked sovereign and the differing representations of the King of all Evil presented to a European Christian public by the English and German poets Milton and Goethe. Scott says that Louis "was of a character, so purely selfish, so guiltless of entertaining any purpose unconnected with his ambitious covetousness and desires of selfish enjoyment, that he might seem almost an incarnation of the devil himself." Scott avowedly believes that the Mephistopheles of Goethe more likely resembles the invisible reality than the Satan of Milton, in whom appear some instances of human feeling, sympathy for his suffering, condemned associates, and even a pitying admiration for Eve. But in Goethe's Mephistopheles nothing of the kind is revealed from first to last. Scott thus describes Mephistopheles : A being who otherwise totally unimpassioned seems only to have existed for the purpose of increasing by his persuasions and temptations the mass of moral evil, and who calls forth by his seduction those slumbering passions which otherwise might have allowed the human being who was the object of the Evil Spirit's operation to pass the tenor of his life in tranquillity. For this purpose Mephistopheles is, like Louis XI., endowed with an acute and depreciating spirit of caustic wit, which is employed incessantly in undervaluing and vilifying all actions, the consequences of which do not lead certainly and directly to self-gratification.' ' Introduction to " Quentin Durward." Louis XI. 71 Yet, despite so many evil qualities and inclinations, Louis is always a nominal Christian, a strange mixture of knave and fanatic, and the almost absolute ruler of a devout Roman Catholic country. He was therefore always more or less under the control of the Pope, whose representative, Cardinal Balue, was placed about the French court at this time to watch and likewise report the King's conduct to that Spiritual Head who at this period greatly influenced if he did not quite control all the European Christian sovereigns except that of Russia. Balue, a historical character, is slightly introduced, but the mingled fear and dislike with which Louis regards him partly explains the odious cruelty with which he, at the accession of a new Pope, was said to have imprisoned this legate of the former one in a cage, but which likely enclosed him only at certain intervals to gratify the malicious King. For though Louis hated or dreaded the Cardinal, he would scarcely have dared to wreak his full vengeance upon him from political reasons, know- ing that Balue was supported by the respect of his own subjects viewing him as a dignitary of the Church, and to some extent beyond the power of their sovereign. But the suspicious King has a dangerous rival in his nominal vassal, Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy. The Prince, though impetuous and violent to an almost absurd degree, yet both in history and the novel presented a favour- able contrast to the deceitful ..Louis XI. ; yet it is only by comparing them that the haughty, passionate Duke appears to much advantage. Scott, however. 72 " Quentin Durward " makes 'his young hero Quentin finally transfer his allegiance from the King to Duke Charles, as under so wicked a ruler as Louis, Quentin would have found it hard to escape being the instrument of his evil designs.! The singular personal appearance of Louis with his two favourites, Tristan, called "the Hang- man Marshal," and Oliver Dain, " the Barber Minister," the former attended by his subordinate executioners, the one a hypocrite and the other a buffoon, have all been often represented on the stage in Paris and in London. These five were alike historical characters, and Louis with grim wit is said to have called the two subordinate hangmen " John who cries, and John who laughs." The Italian astrologer, Martius Galeotti, and the historian, Philip de Comines, are likewise real personages, though doubtless many of their acts and deeds in this novel are due to Scott alone. Involved with this singular group of foreign historical characters Scott describes several Scottish officers forming King Louis's guard, who make a curious contrast to their French comrades in the King's service, and are certainly drawn with a friendly hand by their Scottish fellow-countryman. The King's employment of the friendless gipsies as spies, to be used and destroyed when their services are over, is clearly described, and was probably near the historic reality, considering the King's character and position and the state of public feeling in France at this time. The revolt of the Liege people against the political rule of their bishop and his assassi- nation, not regretted, if not secretly instigated by Louis XI. 73 Louis, causes a breach between him and the Duke of Burgundy, which is eventually healed ; and the crafty King and the Duke Charles, though always distrusting one another, are nominally recon- ciled at the end of the story. ' The extraordinary fits of religious devotion, or rather, mental excitement, showing mingled fanaticism and cunning, to which King Louis occasionally yields, interests and perhaps perplexes Scott as well as the French historian. Despite his usual practical, grim, sardonic spirit, Louis often evinces a fear of the Divine Power. Yet this fear, if it could be so called, exercises no moral control over him. Louis to all appearance imagines the supreme Deity something like himself in actual character, while possessing omnipotence and omni- science in ruling mankind. The king's extraordinary prayer (Chapter xxviii.), in which he beseeches the Virgin Mary, as being influential with Omnipotence, to permit his executing the astrologer Galeotti, and that he will then devote the riches of the province of Cham- pagne to her and to her Convent, is not altogether an invention of the novelist. The real prayer which Scott quotes from a Chronicle of the historian Brantome is much in the same style, though referring to the king's brother instead of to the astrologer. The ci-ime, though by some attributed to Louis, was not actually proved, though the following prayer admits murderous intention. This prayer was said to be reported by the king's jester, perhaps no trustworthy authority. Scott quotes from the Chronicle : 74 " Quentin Durward " It chanced that Louis, being engaged in his devout prayers and orisons and no person nigh except this fool, who without his know- ledge was within earshot, thus gave vent to his pious homilies. "Ah, my good Lady, my gentle mistress, my only friend in whom alone I have resource, I pray you to supplicate God in my behalf and be my advocate with him that he may pardon me the death of my brother. ... I confess my guilt to thee as my good patroness and mistress. But then, what could I do? he was perpetually causing disorder in my kingdom. Cause me, then, to be pardoned, my good Lady, and I know what a reward I will give thee." Scott adds from the manuscript Chronicle : This singular confession did not escape the jester, who upbraided the king with fratricide in the face of the whole company at dinner, which Louis was fain to let pass without observation in case of increasing the slander. Louis, however, despite many foes at home and abroad, seems to have had a tolerably successful reign and died in peace. In his time the English civil war of York and Lancaster was being waged, Louis rather siding with the latter owing at least partly to the influence of his relative, Queen Margaret of Anjou, the heroic wife of the deposed Henry the Sixth. The Duke of Bur- gundy was more on the side of the Yorkists,' but neither of these foreign princes took active part in the terrible struggle in England, and fortunately for that country were always openly or secretly opposing each other. The style of the king's real prayer and that of Scott's version are so much alike that they may be well compared, being among many proofs how care- fully Scott adheres to the spirit of the historical ' " Student's History of France. Louis XI. 75 personages whom he associates with fanciful ones while placing them in imaginary situations. Louis, while a suspected prisoner in the power of the Duke of Burgundy, a historical fact, longs to wreak vengeance on his Italian astrologer, Martius Galeotti, by whose advice he had trusted himself to the irritable Duke, and conceives, according to the novelist, a plan for executing Galeotti in a prison where he for the present was confined. The king thus ends a prayer to the Virgin, after promising her the province of Champagne, to enrich her Convent, which, though Scott's invention, closely resembles that recorded by the historian Brantome, and on which it is evidently founded : " Sweetest Lady, work with thy Child, that he will pardon all past sins, and one — one little deed which I must do this night — nay, it is no sin, dearest Lady of Clery — no sin, but an act of justice privately administered ; for the villain is the greatest impostor that ever poured falsehood into a Prince's ear, and leans besides to the filthy heresy of the Greeks. He is not deserving of thy protection ; leave him to my care and hold it as good service that I rid the world of him. . . . Think not of this matter, gentlest, kindest Lady, but only consider how thou canst aid me in my trouble, and I here bind my royal signet to thy effigy in token that I will keep my word concerning the county of Champagne, and that this shall be the last time I will trouble thee in affairs of blood, knowing thou art so kind, so gentle, and so tender-hearted " (chap, xxviii.). Scott makes the following remarkable comment on these prayers, which shows how carefully he had studied and examined the character of this extra- ordinary king, whose accurate description had been the chief object of this novel : After this extraordinary contract with the object of his adoration, Louis recited the seven penitential psalms in Latin. . . . He then 76 " Quentin Durward" arose satisfied that he had secured the intercession of the Saint to whom he had prayed, the rather as he craftily reflected, that most of the sins for which he had requested her mediation on former occasions had been of a different character, and that therefore the Lady of Clery was less likely to consider him as a hardened and habitual shedder of blood than the other saints whom he had more frequently made confidants of his crimes in that respect. Such a man as Brantome describes, and Scott examines, might seem to some hardly in his right mind, yet, despite his strange religious ideas or superstitious fancy, Louis was certainly an astute prince, an able politician, an intelligent judge of character, and in many ways a cool, crafty man of the world. Among his many peculiarities recorded in this novel as historically true is his preferring the companionship of the odious Tristan, the chief execu- tioner, the barber Oliver le Dain, nicknamed, perhaps with some truth, Oliver le Diable, and Tristan's two subordinates, the merry and the gloomy hangmen, while his Court was full of many gallant knights and brave officers, perhaps not men of much learn- ing or refinement, yet who would have scorned intimacy with Tristan and his attendants. Louis, however, without alienating, though he must have surprised the French nobility, favoured and trusted these low associates, who, well knowing their pros- perity, if not safety, depended on the life of this royal patron, probably did all in their power to serve him and promote his interests for their own sake. The cele- brated French historian, Philip De Comines, had left the passionate and violent Duke of Burgundy's service for that of King Louis. De Comines in real life did Louis XI. 77 precisely the same as Scott makes Durward do in changing masters. The young Scottish hero, shocked and disgusted at the French king's dangerous deceit as well as cruelty, leaves his service for that of Duke Charles, who is perhaps in this story described too favourably considering his violent temper and the fatal obstinacy of his conduct and career. The pecu- liarities of Louis the Eleventh evidently interest Scott's observant mind to an uncommon degree. He indeed terms him " the principal character in the romance," yet young Quentin and many other personages in the novel, real and imaginary, might be more interesting to most people. The unfortunate gipsy, Hayraddin, the spy, and finally the victim of this remorseless king, and the learned, astute astrologer, Galeotti, who in his turn contrives to outwit the deceitful monarch, are each to some extent to be pitied or admired. The extraordinary character of Louis the Eleventh — his mingled craft, skill, and, above all, his singular blending of fanaticism and hypocrisy, amounting to self-deception — not only interests, but seems rather to puzzle the great novelist himself. He mentions the favour with which this interesting work was received on the Continent, and cer- tainly with every reason. It must have been a cause of real and gratified surprise for Frenchmen to find this period of their history so accurately known and carefully described by this Scottish writer, who, living almost entirely in Scotland or the north of England, could yet, to all appearance. 7 8 " Quentin Durward" recall foreign rulers, statesmen, warriors, clergy, and peasants to actual life, j As is usual in his historic novels, Scott, with wonderful skill, associates real characters with those of his invention, but all seem as natural in both words and conduct as if described by a personal acquaintance.! The intro- duction of French Catholic clergy without the least prejudice against them, by this Scottish Protestant writer, enables people, both Roman Catholics and Protestants, to read this story without the slightest irritation. There is, moreover, none of the traditional British enmity to France or Frenchmen shown in this valuable work. The Scottish characters introduced, though fic- titious, yet occupy a historic position, as the Scottish guard of King Louis were among his most trusted followers. Their steady fidelity to a king who was certainly unpopular with many, if not most, of his fellow-countrymen is a subject on which Scott dwells with natural satisfaction. Quentin's uncle, Ludovic Lesly, surnamed Le Balafre, an imaginary character, seems to well represent a Scottish officer in his peculiar position, while the narrow escape of the young Burgundian heroine, Isabelle de Croye, from having to espouse this veteran officer is one of the amusing incidents in this novel. This almost comic scene, where King Louis and the Duke of Burgundy are surrounded by Scott's invented personages, well displays the arbitrary characters of the two princes, though it may be hoped, for the sake of humanity, that their power over their respective subjects may Louis XI. 79 be exaggerated by the novelist. This story, how- ever, despite some imaginary characters and inci- dents, may be considered almost a chapter in French history, so clearly and naturally are the numerous characters, real and fanciful, portrayed. Its great success abroad must have been a most pleasing reward for Scott's labours, to which he thus alludes in the preface with the unaffected, sensible modesty of his nature : I may add that the romance of "Quentin Durward" found unusual success on the Continent, where the historical allusions awakened more familiar ideas. There occurs a curious scene where the astrologer Galeotti, a real personage, saves his life by warning Louis that his own death will take place exactly twenty-four hours before that of the King. This incident may not be founded on French history, though a rather similar story was prevalent about another astrologer. Scott admits having borrowed the idea from the Roman history of Tacitus, when the Emperor Tiberius Caesar was deceived by a soothsayer, named Thrasullus, in much the same way. Yet it well displays the character of Louis the Eleventh as well as that of his sub- ordinates. The death of the king is not mentioned in this work ; Scott leaves both Louis and the Duke of Burgundy reconciled and in the full enjoyment of health and spirits, ruling their not very fortunate subjects. The royal Scottish guard represented by 8o " Quentin Durward " Lord Crawford, the hero Quentin, and his amusing uncle Le Balafre, all Scott's inventions, are in every way brought to the front, being praised, rewarded, and trusted throughout. It may be that Scott's account of King Louis being, on the whole, rather more favourable than that of history, was to some extent caused by that king's evident partiality for his Scottish soldiers. They are truly represented as thoroughly faithful to this odious king throughout, yet never admitted into the private confidence of Louis, like Tristan and Oliver. These men were, indeed, the unscrupulous satellites of Louis, while his Scottish adherents are brave soldiers, serving the king, indeed, with gallant fidelity, yet never sharing in the plots and crimes in which Oliver and Tristan are constantly employed by their royal patron. It may seem strange how a deceitful, and by no means a warlike king like Louis, plain if not repulsive in appearance, and miserly in his habits, could so suc- cessfully control a brave, excitable, gay people like the French ; yet his reign was little disturbed by domestic revolts, and though certainly unpopular, he aroused less indignation or personal dislike among his subjects than some other sovereigns who were endowed with far more attractive qualities both of head and heart. His physician, Coitiers, who in real history had great influence over his nervous patron, at least towards the end of his lifej is not even men- tioned in the novel, which leaves Louis in health and safety, and obeyed by the proud French nobility with true loyalty. Yet they were comparatively Louis XI. 8 1 rather distrusted by their suspicious king, who evidently preferred the confidence and the society of his lowly-born, unscrupulous satellites, Tristan, "the Hangman Marshal," and Oliver le Dain, "the Barber Minister." V "ANNE OF GEIERSTEIN" THIS novel, laid in rather a later period than " Quentin Durward," briefly introduces the haughty Duke of Burgundy during his last days of defeat and humiliation. The young hero, Arthur De Vere, with his father, Lord Oxford, banished from England by the victorious York faction, visit the Duke, and have interviews with their widowed Queen, the heroic, unfortunate Margaret of Anjou, now ending her troubled, eventful life in her own country. These three. Queen Margaret, the Duke of Burgundy, and Lord Oxford, are the only his- torical characters of importance described, though King Rene, the frivolous, peaceful father of Queen Margaret, and the Italian Count Campo-Basso are also introduced or alluded to. The historical account of Margaret, so devoted to her husband's, Henry the Sixth's, cause, far more than his own weak nature per- mitted him to be, is vividly portrayed by Shake- speare, who, however, represents her as fierce and implacable as any of her foes. His account of her during the play of " Henry the Sixth " may be true in 84 " Anne of Geierstein " many, if not in most, respects, but his sketch of her in " Richard the Third " cannot be called strictly his- torical. In that exciting tragedy Margaret is intro- duced as lurking about the palace of her triumphant foes, the York family, as if free to go where she liked, reproaching her enemies with vehemence, and then departing for France. Scott in this novel mentions only her last days, when softened and saddened by accumulated misfortunes. He describes her, com- paring his hero, Arthur, with her own brave son, Prince Edward, executed by the York princes, and she expires in peace, expressing her last hope that Oxford and her son, devoted to the Lancaster party, may survive to see the triumph of the defeated House of Lancaster, now represented by the young Earl of Richmond, afterwards King Henry the Seventh. Margaret mentions this shrewd young prince as being " crafty," his real character when king, whereas Shakespeare describes him, though very briefly, as a generous young hero, rescuing England from the tyranny of the terrible Richard the Third. The chief historic character in this story, however, is Charles, Duke of Burgundy. This fiery prince is how in less prosperous days than when described in " Quentin Durward." Though bold and arrogant as ever, he is menaced by foes whom his imperious, if not savage, temper has made mortal enemies. The Swiss mountaineers are in arms against him, while his Italian officer, Carripo- Basso, from marrying whom the heroine in " Quentin Durward " had a narrow escape, finally betrays and deserts him. Louis XL 85 This man is rather differently described in the two novels, at least as to his appearance. Scott, usually so careful and correct in describing the personal appearance of real people, yet mentions him in " Quentin Durward " as repulsive, and in this novel as handsome, but evidently an odious character in both. One very remarkable historical allusion occurs in this story in mentioning the mountain still called Mount Pilatus, where, according to ancient legend, the Roman Governor of Judea committed suicide, and where his figure is said by local tradition to occasionally appear. Though not actually confirmed by history this idea of his death seems not very unlikely. His patron at Rome, Sejanus, being executed, it is said, at the instigation of his suspicious sovereign Tiberius Caesar, and he himself recalled apparently in disgrace or displeasure from Judea, Pilate's suicide according to Pagan ideas would neither be improbable nor thought sinful ; as it was often the last resource of defeat or disappointed ambition among the Romans. Scott writes thus about the popular legend : Pilate, Proconsul of Judea, after spending years in the recesses of that mountain which bears his name, at length in remorse and despair, rather than in penitence, plunged into the dismal lake which occupies the summit. ... A form was often seen to emerge from the gloomy waters and go through the action of one washing his hands. This last incident recalling the awful scene in Jerusalem when the irresolute Roman governor had devolved, or wished to devolve, responsibility for the Crucifixion upon the Jewish priests, eagerly desiring 86 "Anne of Geierstein " the death of One whom they thought a foe to their faith, impressively represents the belief of devout Christian monks. The life and death of the Christian Prophet were to them a constant study, and amid the gloomy solemnity of the surrounding romantic mountains, the tragic scenes of the Gospel were likely often recalled by them in imagination as well as in thought and conversation. Scott does not inquire into the truth of this legend, though had there been any known foundation for it, he was peculiarly fitted by genius and inclination to do so. This interesting tradition seems never to have been much examined by historians or antiquarians. While devout Christians may believe that Pilate's suicide was caused by re- morse for permitting the Crucifixion, though against his will, yet learned men may incline to think it was more likely the result of political disappointment or personal sorrow caused by the execution of his patron Sejanus, together with grief at his own recall in disgrace from Judea. But the strange legend remains apparently unexamined, and seems likely to continue so in the secluded lonely scene of its alleged occurrence. The banished Lord Oxford with his son, after greeting their unfortunate Queen Margaret of Anjou, find Charles the Bold of Burgundy warring against the Swiss mountaineers, and often threatened with assassi- nation by a secret society called the Holy Vehme. His tyranny, despite some generous qualities, always caused this prince to have many dangerous enemies. In the novel of "Quentin Durward" the Duke is younger, more generally admired, and surrounded by Louis XI. 87 faithful followers, some of whom are not reproduced here. In "Anne of Geierstein" the Duke has become morose, embittered, implacable ; his evil qualities seem more developed during a period of almost despotic power, though only over comparatively few subjects. His final betrayal or desertion by the Italian Campo- Basso, his defeat by the Swiss, and his death in battle are alike founded on history. But the remarkable interview after one of his defeats between him and Oxford is Scott's invention. Oxford tries to rouse the fierce Duke from a kind of stupor when prostrated in mind by defeat and mortification. The latter's state of mind rather resembles Shakespeare's de- scription of Mark Antony when likewise stupefied by unexpected defeat and disaster. The poet and the novelist both describe brave men long accustomed to power or victory altogether overcome and mentally prostrated, as it were, by the stunning effects of com- plete defeat, though men of different character. The Roman general, astute, heroic, and triumphant, became fatally fascinated and ruined by Cleopatra, " for whom he lost the world, and was content to lose it," ^ and the proud Burgundian Duke was unex- pectedly defeated by foes whom he had hitherto viewed with the utmost contempt. The Duke, roused by the inspiriting words of Oxford, makes a last stand against his Swiss foes, but deserted by Campo- Basso, he was pursued and slain. Queen Margaret, the " She-wolf of France," ' Johnson's Preface to Shakespeare. 88 " Anne of Geierstein " as she is termed in Shakespeare, is described, like most of Scott's historical characters, rather more favourably than historic facts seem to warrant. Margaret had indeed vehemently, if not cruelly, vindicated the cause of her weak husband, Henry the Sixth, and unable to inspire him with her own courage had succeeded in making her son. Prince Edward, more like herself than his timid father, yet her own father, the peaceful, musical King Rene of Provence, is introduced as complete a contrast to his heroic daughter as her royal husband had been. The banished Queen rails bitterly in this story against the victorious York party, who now, under Edward the Fourth, are supreme in England, yet fated to be in turn overthrown by their own family dissensions, which soon followed their sanguinary triumph. The enthusiasm of this energetic Queen for her husband's alleged royal rights is strictly historical, and Scott introduces a picturesque scene which, though only fanciful, yet well displays her character. During a storm the Queen and Arthur De Vere, whom she often compares to her executed son. Prince Edward, are together out of doors. In a fit of de- pressed excitement for which her sad life gave her only too much cause, she throws from her a feather and a red rose, the last being the well-known badge or symbol of the Lancaster party. The wind carries off the feather, but blows back the rose to young Arthur, who, fully imbued with the superstitious, fanciful feelings of the period, exultingly exclaims : Louis XI. 89 " Joy) joy, and good fortune, royal mistress. The tempest brings back the badge of Lancaster to its proper owner." The Queen, equally if not more imaginative, replies with heroic resignation : " I accept the omen, but it concerns yourself, noble youth, and not me. The feather, which is borne away to waste and desolation, is Margaret's emblem. My eyes will never see the restoration of the line of Lancaster. But you will live to see it and to aid to achieve it " (chap. xxx.). Queen Margaret dies in this novel, longing for and even foreseeing the coming triumph of the House of Lancaster, yet knowing little about its future champion Henry the Seventh, whom she would seem never to have seen, but to have heard of truly as being " cold and crafty," different indeed from her own brave son, Prince Edward. The character and final career of the Duke of Burgundy, his arrogant pride and bravery, though constantly threatened by a secret society called the Holy Vehme with assassination, comprise the most important part of this novel from a historical stand- point. The civil war of the Roses in England occurring about the same time are only alluded to by the exiled Lancastrians, Queen Margaret and Lord Oxford. In this work, like its historical predecessor, " Quen- tin Durward," Louis the Eleventh of France and Duke Charles the Bold of Burgundy are both men- tioned, but the French king is introduced only in the former novel, whereas Duke Charles appears in each. go "Anne of Geier stein" It does not seem that French novelists have much described the state of their country at this period, and hence, perhaps, the popularity abroad of both these novels. Louis has indeed been ably described by French dramatists, but for the stage alone, where his singular appearance and extraordinary character have always interested attentive theatrical audiences, both in London and Paris. Scott's account of Louis is in middle life, that of the French writer, Casimir Delavigne, in old age, yet they are thoroughly con- sistent. The same may be said of Scott's sketch of Prince John in England well agreeing with Shake- speare's description during his last days when King of England. Charles of Burgundy, perhaps the chief historical personage in "Anne of Geierstein," may not have been described in a play, or if he has, was not so popular a subject of dramatic attention as his astute rival and nominal Sovereign, Louis the Eleventh, who certainly never seems to have had much authority over so imperious a vassal as Charles the Bold. VI ''THE MONASTERY" FROM the reign of the " gentle King Robert," described in "The Fair Maid of Perth," Scott seldom alludes to the history of Scotland till the period of " The Monastery," when that country was under the nominal rule of the unfortunate but most interesting of all queens, Mary Stuart. At this time the Protestant movement was making great progress in Scotland. In England it was encouraged and promoted by Queen Elizabeth whom the Scottish Reformers viewed with great respect, while Mary Queen of Scots represented and tried to maintain Roman Catholicism. In this policy she was of course directed and guided by her own religious belief, and by the influence or example of her French relatives. Queen Mary was in many respects more like a French than either a Scottish or an English lady ; her letters were usually if not always signed " Marie Reine," and her heartfelt sorrow at leaving France, the home of her youth, to which she was fated never to return, proved her love for that country and her personal association with it. At the period of this novel, 91 92 " The Monastery " though her rule was nominally acknowledged in Scotland, the chief power was in the hands of her illegitimate half-brother, Lord James, afterwards Earl of Murray, who then became the political leader of the Scottish Reformers. The monastery which Scott describes is at the time of the novel gradually losing its former rights or privileges as well as its revenues throughout the surrounding country. It is obviously meant by Scott to represent the declining state of all such solemn edifices in Scotland, now yielding more and more to the eloquence, energy, and increasing number of the Reformers. Scott, in the pleasing instructive language of which he is such a master, makes the following comparison, which, though in the middle of a novel, represents historic truth with peculiar force and accuracy : That ancient system, which so well accommodated its doctrines to the wants and wishes of a barbarous age, had since the art of print- ing and the gradual diffusion of knowledge, lain floating like some huge leviathan, into which ten thousand reforming fishers were darting their harpoons. ... In many large towns the monasteries had been suppressed by the fury of the populace ; in other places, their possessions had been usurped by the power of the reformed nobles; but still the hierarchy made a part of the common law of the realm, and might claim both its property and its privileges wherever it had the means of asserting them (chap. xxxi.). Scott proceeds about the special monastery in this novel : The community of St. Mary's at Kennaquhair was considered as being peculiarly in this situation. Mary Stuart 93 At the time of this story Queen Mary was not yet deposed, though the chief power was in the hands of her illegitimate brother, Murray, heading the Scottish Reformers, and allied with Queen Elizabeth, whose own supreme authority was often seriously threatened by some of the Roman Catholic nobility in England. The imaginary characters of the worthy Abbot Boniface, indolent and peaceful, and his energetic subordinate. Father Eustace, likely represent some of the Scottish Roman Catholic clergy at this danger- ous period of their history. The eager, eloquent preacher, Henry Warden, among the Reformers is a worthy, though perhaps rather too mild, represen- tative of the sturdy, vehement John Knox, for whom he professes the greatest respect. Knox, protected by the Regent Murray and the Earl of Morton, warmly opposed Queen Mary's religion, and without hitherto advocating ppen revolt, yet protested in a singular treatise against " The Monstrous Regiment ' of Women." This work, however, had the natural effect of irritating the Protestant Queen Elizabeth against him, though he was all the time her virtual ally against her unfortunate rival — Mary Queen of Scots. This novel, in its historical aspect, is a pre- paration for its follower, "The Abbot." Scotland at this period was practically ruled by Murray and Morton, though Queen Mary was still the nominal Sovereign. Her position at this crisis somewhat resembled that of her religion, which, though not as ' Rule. 94 " The Monastery " yet nationally disavowed, was yielding more and more to the vigorous attacks of the Reformers. Their hostility was beginning to develop from vehement argument or denunciation into violent and sometimes brutal attacks on the monasteries and Church property still held by the Roman Catholics. Morton among others was eager to seize upon the former Church lands, while the eloquence and wonderful popularity of Knox and other preachers of the Reformed faith prevailed more and more throughout all Scotland, especially in the Lowlands, and were rather feebly opposed by their Roman Catholic fellow-countrymen. The adherents of the older Church were apparently less numerous or less enthusiastic than their English co-religionists, many of whom, although in a minority, remained always faithfully devoted to Roman Catholicism, their ancestral faith, and often engaged in fatal plots for its restoration. The state of Scotland is thus briefly reviewed by Scott with all the intelligent accuracy which he habitually devotes to historical allusions. The indo- lent Abbot Boniface and the active, energetic Sub- Prior Eustace, though both imaginary, alike represent the actual position of the monks at this time in Scot- land. After stating that " a wide field of duties and cares which he had never as much as dreamed of" now disturbed the quiet, peaceful Abbot Boniface, Scott proceeds : There were opinions to be combated and refuted, the fallen-off to be reclaimed, the wavering to be confirmed, . . . and the vigour of discipline to be re-established. Post upon post arrived at the Mary Stuart 95 Monastery of St. Mary's — horses reeking and riders exhausted — this from the Privy Council, that from the Primate of Scotland, and this other again from the Queen-Mother, exhorting, reproving, condemn- ing, requesting advice upon this subject, and requiring information upon that. Abbot Boniface is indeed the picture of a man fitted by nature for a peaceful age — easy-going, mild, and kindly. The Sub-Prior, Eustace, on the other hand, seems born and suited for the trying times that now demand all his strength, energy, and resolution. Scott's description of Boniface, seated alone, dwelling on his past and present life, is likely the historical representative of many a Scottish Roman Catholic priest at this perilous time. He was gazing indolently on the fire, partly engaged in meditation on his past and present fortunes, partly occupied in endeavouring to trace towers and steeples in the red embers. "Yes," thought the Abbot to himself, "in that red perspective I could fancy to myself the peaceful towers of Dundrennan, where I passed my life ere I was called to pomp and to trouble. A quiet brotherhood we were, regular in our domestic duties ; . . . I can almost fancy that I see the cloister garden and the pear-trees which I grafted with my own hands. And for what have I changed all this but to be overwhelmed with business which concerns me not, to be called My Lord Abbot, and to be tutored by Father Eustace. . . . The Primate says our Holy Father the Pope hath an adviser ; I am sure he could not live with such a one as mine. Then there is no learning what Father Eustace thinks till you confess your own difficulties" (chap. vi.). As dangers and troubles increase, the worthy Abbot finds himself unfitted to cope with them, and finally resolves to abdicate his authority in favour of the energetic Sub-Prior, a man, indeed, who seems born to encounter and deal with the many dangers of 96 " The Monastery " the period. The strength of the Scottish Reformers is now increasing, the monasteries and a;bbeys are threatened with spoliation, the Queen-Mother, though not deposed, is powerless, while the Lord James Murray is in secret alliance with Queen Elizabeth. At this crisis Scott introduces the advent of an English Roman Catholic knight. Sir Piercie Shafton, who, a relation of the Northumberland family, and suspected or endangered by the English Government, has fled to Scotland, craving the protection of the Abbot, being about equally afraid of the English Queen and of the Lord James. The Abbot and the monks assemble together reading and hearing letters about the state of Scotland, and, as may be well imagined, these helpless and peaceful old men are utterly unable to deal with the political intrigues and dangers around them. Scott describes the scene almost as if he had witnessed as well as composed it : The Abbot seemed bowed down with the extremity of sorrowful apprehension, but kept his eye timorously fixed on the Sub-Prior, as if striving to catch some comfort from the expression of his counte- nance. When at length he beheld that, after a second perusal of the letters, he remained still silent and full of thought, he asked him in an anxious tone, " What is to be done ? " " Our duty must be done," answered the Sub-Prior, " and the rest is in the hands of God." " Our duty — our duty ?" answered the Abbot impatiently; "doubt- less we are to do our duty; but what is that duty? or how will it serve us ? Will bell, book, and candle drive back the Enghsh heretics ? or will Murray care for psalms and antiphonars ? " To these natural if rather petulant questions, the Sub- Prior replies by reminding the Abbot that they Mary Stuart 97 have still some warlike men around them who will protect the fugitive Piercie Shafton from English invaders. The Abbot, overwhelmed with doubts, difficulties, and dangers, then finally resolves to devolve all the power he has on his courageous subordinate and abdicate his authority in favour of Father Eustace : "My brain is dizzied with the emergency," said the poor Abbot. " I am not, I think, more a coward than others, so far as my own person is concerned, but speak to me of marching and collecting soldiers, and calculating forces, and you may as well tell of it to the youngest novice of a nunnery. But my resolution is taken. . . . Brethren, hear for the last time the voice of your Abbot Boniface. I have done for you the best that I could; in quieter times I had perhaps done better, for it was for quiet that I sought the cloister, which has been to me a place of turmoil, as much as if I had sate in the receipt of custom, or ridden forth as leader of an armed host. But now matters turn worse and worse, and I, as I grow old, am less able to struggle with them" (chap, xxxiv.). He finally names Father Eustace as his successor, who with earnest and conscientious zeal does all in his power to deal with the many dangers now more and more besetting the Scottish Catholic clergy. But the rapid success of the Reformers in Scotland pro- ceeded with scarcely any serious check or interruption, and John Knox, their chief leader or preacher, acquired considerable influence even in the political government of Scotland at this time. The Queen-Mother was now certainly in a most extraordinary position : she had left France, then a gay, happy, and strictly monarchical country, to nominally preside over the distracted kingdom of Scotland, and to find her own illegitimate brother, though apparently a loyal subject, the virtual represen- 7 98 "The Monastery" tative of the Scottish majority. Mary herself never appears in this novel, while the Earls of Murray and Morton, though ruling in her name, are evidently far more in alliance with Queen Elizabeth than loyal to their own unfortunate sovereign. The imaginary persons Scott introduces are both Roman Catholics and Protestants, the author describ- ing them alike with that rare impartiality which makes his works on such disturbed times so useful to all thoughtful readers. The Sub- Prior Eustace and the Reformed preacher, Henry Warden, once college friends, the latter for a short time in the former's power, meet together after a long separation. The feelings with which both of these sincere religious men now regard each other perhaps resemble those of Sir Walter Scott more than those of any historical prototypes. Students of British history at this period of religious strife and bitterness will, it may be feared, vainly search for the noble sentiments with which Scott imbues both these worthy men when brought face to face with each other. Describing the feeling of Father Eustace gazing at his friend Warden, Scott says in his expressive, picturesque style : They were those of a huntsman, within point-blank shot of a noble stag, who is yet too much struck with his majesty of front and antler to take aim at him. They were those of a fowler who, levelling his gun at a magnificent eagle, is yet reluctant to use his advantage when he sees the noble sovereign of the birds pruning himself in proud defiance. . . (chap. xxxi.). These two men, both excellent from natural disposition and acquired knowledge, had more points of similarity than they them- selves would have admitted. . . . The priest would have been con- Mary Stuart 99 tented to defend, the preacher aspired to conquer. . . . They could not part from each other without a second pressure of hands, and each looked in the face of his old companion, as he bade him adieu, with a countenance strongly expressive of sorrow, affection, and pity (chap, xxxiii.). These two clergymen of Scott's creation he appa- rently intends to represent as the most favourable specimens of the opposing religious enthusiasts of the period, yet it is pretty certain that the real leaders of their contending religions in Scotland, Cardinal Beaton and John Knox, would hardly have shown or perhaps understood the feelings here described. Indeed, it may be doubted if Scott himself, had he lived in a time of actual religious or political strife around him, could have shown that admirable impar- tiality, justice, and humanity which to this day make his novels, and especially the historical ones, so valuable and instructive as well as pleasing to a far more civilised, enlightened world. Scott's humane feelings, however, are yet more strongly shown when describing a duel with swords or rapiers between his hot-tempered young hero, Halbert Glendinning, and the English knight, Sir Piercie Shafton, who falls on the ground appa- rently mortally wounded. Upon this event Scott expresses thoughts which it is to be feared few British, and perhaps still fewer foreign, duellists, the latter still very numerous, could share or quite understand. I believe that few successful duellists (if the word successful can be appHed to a superiority so fatal) have beheld their dead antagonist lOO "The Monastery" stretched on the earth at their feet without wishing they could redeem with their own blood that which it had been their fate to spill (chap. xxii.). In this remarkable instance, as in others throughout his novels, Scott, despite his usual caution, reveals personal feeling rather than that of historic reality. Few except generous youths like Glendinning, or very conscientious, merciful men, could possibly entertain such remorseful feelings about slaying a mortal foe when both had agreed deliberately to do all they could to kill each other, Sir Walter's happy belief in the compassionate generosity of most men on such desperate occasions would likely be contradicted, rather than confirmed, by the history of fatal duelling, either in Britain or abroad. It would be hardly compatible with the feelings of men who deliberately offer and accept the deadly challenge to destroy each other to regret their own escape from death by the success of their rapiers or bullets. In this particular case of a passionate youth provoked to fight by the frivolous insults of a scornful knight like Piercie Shafton, such remorse in young Glendinning may have been likely enough, but could scarcely be ex- pected to exist among the generality of determined and irritated men. The singular introduction of the White Lady of Avenel, a fairy adherent or relative of the heroine, Mary Avenel's family, though a pleasing idea, of course adds little if anything to the historic truths or value of this story, which leaves Scotland partly yielding to the Reformed doctrines, Mary Queen of Scots being powerless and, owing to her Mary Stuart loi religion, unpopular, while Murray and Morton, the two Scottish rulers at this time, are allied with England, their country's former historic rival if not foe. Their present alliance proves how completely at this period of Scottish history religious interests and influences were prevailing more and more over those strictly political jealousies which formerly had kept England and Scotland in frequent enmity with each other. Scott ends this interesting and instructive though not very cheerful novel leaving the two brothers, Halbert and Edward Glendinning, both his inven- tions alike fated to take part in future Scottish history — the elder brother Halbert as a soldier on the Protestant side, and Edward as a Roman Catholic priest devoted to his endangered Church, yet at first in hopeless love with Mary Avenel, who prefers the more spirited youth Halbert. This young priest is a follower and in some ways an imitator of the Sub- Prior Eustace, whom he resembles in political and religious views. These brothers are merely alluded to as intelligent, promising youths in "The Monas- tery," but in its historical successor, " The Abbot," they are grown men, steadily maintaining, however, the different characters they indicate from their first appearance. VII ''THE ABBOT" THIS work, though melancholy in most respects, is far more animated and important than " The Monastery." It presents to a short extent a continua- tion of Scottish history, and the scene, like its predecessor, is laid entirely in Scotland. Though the brave-spirited young hero, Roland Graeme, and Catherine Seyton are the imaginary hero and heroine, the chief interest lies in the historical personages introduced. In fact, Mary Queen of Scots is the real heroine, while no historic hero is mentioned. The Abbot himself is young Edward Glendinning of "The Monastery," elected after the death of Father Eustace, who had replaced the Abbot Boniface, on the latter's voluntary abdication. Edward Glendinning, now called the Abbot Ambrosius, is a noble, interesting character, though very little is said about him, and, while giving his name to this novel, takes little part in its actual events. The real state of Scotland at this time was sufficiently romantic for novelists to describe in interesting details, without the aid of fanciful incidents or invented I04 "The Abbot" characters to increase the exciting interest of the extraordinary period. Since the time of "The Monastery " important events had occurred ; the Queen is now deposed and a prisoner in Lochleven Castle, under the care, or rather the unfriendly guardianship, of her illegitimate brother's mother, the Lady Lochleven. This stern, morose lady, whose son, the Earl of Murray, by the late king, now rules Scotland as Regent, during the minority of Queen Mary's son, is a Protestant, and thoroughly dislikes her royal prisoner. She sees in her son, the Regent, one who indeed but for his illegitimacy would be lawful King of Scotland, and in Scott's opinion one of the best monarchs who had ever reigned there. Yet the proud Scottish nobility, though now mostly Protestant, would never recognise him as king, but all acknowledged Mary's son by Darnley, now a child, as their future king, and perhaps some anticipated the future when he would likely become King of England also. The chance of this event, however, was probably not much discussed openly during Queen Elizabeth's reign in England, though its likelihood must often have been in the thoughts of many both in England and Scotland. These two rivals and neighbouring queens, Mary Stuart and Elizabeth Tudor, at this period represented politically the contending forms of Roman Catholic and Protestant Christianity throughout England, Scotland, and Ireland. Mary Stuart was in almost every respect more attractive and pleasing than Elizabeth, owing to personal beauty, grace, and accomplishments, which. The Earl of Murray's Regency 105 indeed, rendered her perhaps the most interesting of all Christian queens, yet the gift of national popularity- was always denied her in Britain, but was fully enjoyed by her English rival. Mary, in fact, represented in religious opinion a small diminishing minority in Scotland, while Elizabeth represented a strong and increasing majority in England. Religious influence, policy, and interests may be said, therefore, to have finally decided the relative positions and fate of these queens more thoroughly than any other causes could have done during their remarkable period. Mary's young son, Prince James, was, therefore, strictly educated in the Protestant faith, and many Scottish men already regarded him as lawful King of Scotland, and disowned the rights of his deposed and imprisoned mother. On the other hand, all the Scottish people who remained Roman Catholics acknowledged Mary as their sovereign, viewing her dethronement as illegal. Mary's connection with France, through her mother being of the House of Guise, together with her first marriage with the king of that country and her early residence there, greatly identified her in tastes and manners, as well as religion, with French ideas and habits. She appears to have been in most respects a French princess, strangely placed upon the Scottish throne, but totally unsuited to her own subjects in almost every way. This most interesting of Christian queens is virtually the heroine of this .novel, which describes her imprisonment in Lochleven Castle, on a small island in a lake, while her son, a child, now io6 "The Abbot" nominally reigns as James the Sixth of Scotland, yet fated, as Shakespeare wrote, to rule united Britain as James the First.' At the time of this novel Scotland is ruled by the Regent Murray, now a far more important personage than when described as the Lord James in "The Monastery." A most interesting scene, instructive in a historical sense, is in chap, xvii., when the young hero Roland journeys to Edinburgh with the shrewd, honest old falconer, Adam Woodcock ; the latter in the employ of Sir H albert Glendinning, described in " The Monastery " as a lively youth, but now grown into a brave and trusted officer, high in favour with the Regent Murray. Sir Halbert sends Roland to see the Regent, as being a suitable youth to be in the imprisoned Queen's service. In many respects, indeed, Roland Graeme in " The Abbot " resembles what Sir Halbert was in " The Monastery," being both brave, adventurous, and hot-tempered youths. As Roland and Adam approach Edinburgh their conversation naturally alludes to the imprisoned and now deposed Queen. The old falconer says to his young companion : " Ay, ay, Queen she was then, though you must not call her so now." ' In " Macbeth," written, it is believed, during Queen Elizabeth's reign, the poet makes that chief see in a vision shown by the witches the future kings of Great Britain and Ireland. He exclaims in utter amazement : " And some I see, That twofold balls and treble sceptres carry " (act iv.). The Earl of Murray's Regency 107 Then, as if recollecting her fascinating appearance, he proceeds : " Well, they may say what they will — many a true heart will be sad for Mary Stuart, e'en if all be true that men say of her ; for look you, Master Roland, she was the loveliest creature to look upon that I ever saw with eyes, and no lady in the land liked better the fair flight of a falcon. I was at the great match on Roslin-moor betwixt Bothwell — he was a black sight to her that Bothwell — and the Baron of Roslin. . . . And to see her there on her white palfrey, that flew as if it scorned to touch more than the heather blossom, and to hear her voice as clear and sweet as the mavis's whistle, mix among our jolly whooping and whistling, and to mark all the nobles dashing round her ; happiest he who got a word or a look — tearing through moss and hag, and venturing neck and limb to gain the praise of a bold rider and the blink of a bonny Queen's bright eye ! She will see little hawking where she lies now ; ay, ay, pomp and pleasure pass away as speedily as the wap of a falcon's wing." The allusion to Bothwell as a " black sight " to Mary appears as if Scott believed she had no love for him, a question which no historian or biographer had been able to answer for certain. Even well-informed writers towards the end of the nineteenth century have differed altogether, not only upon this point, but on most others about Mary Stuart. When Woodcock with young Roland arrives outside Edinburgh another place of fearful historical interest connected with her is observed by Roland. He asks in complete ignorance, "What goodly house is that which is lying all in ruins so close to the city .■' " The old falconer, either knowing Edinburgh himself or those who do, replies, " The Kirk of Field," in a low, impressive whisper, laying at the same time his finger on his lip : " Ask no more about it. Somebody got foul play, and somebody io8 "The Abbot" got the blame of it, and the game began there which perhaps may not be played out in our time." Adam had probably known the unfortunate Darnley, or had known those who had, as he then adds : " Poor Henry Darnley ! to be an ass, he understood somewhat of a hawk ; but they sent him on the wing through the air himself one bright moonlight night." The memory of this catastrophe was so recent that the page averted his eye with horror from the scathed ruins in which it had taken place, and the accusations against the Queen to which it had given rise came over his mind with such strength as to balance the compassion he had begun to entertain for her present forlorn situation. In this passage, as in others, Scott conceals, or at all events suppresses, his real feelings about Mary's guilt. The impression this novel leaves on the minds of readers is rather that of deep interest and sympathy than of thorough belief in her innocence. He proceeds, describing young Roland's natural emotion at finding himself where he is : It was, indeed, with that agitating state of mind which arises partly from horror, but more from anxious interest and curiosity, that young Graeme found himself actually traversing the scene of those tremendous events, the report of which had disturbed the most distant solitudes of Scotland, like the echoes of distant thunder rolling among the mountains. This fine comparison probably expresses the alarmed, astonished state of the Scottish public mind at this exciting period, but without saying more Roland and Adam enter Edinburgh, which at this time must have presented an animated appearance much as Scott describes : The Earl of Murray's Regency 109 The principal street of Edinburgh was then, as now, one of the most spacious in Europe. . . . The population, close-packed within the walls of the city, and at this time increased by the number of the lords of the King's party who had thronged to Edinburgh to wait upon the Regent Murray, absolutely swarmed like bees on the wide and stately street. Murray and the covetous Earl of Morton, still in close alliance and opposed by many of the Scottish nobility, are on the best possible terms with Queen Elizabeth, probably foreseeing the likelihood of their young King becoming heir to the English throne. They also represent and aid the Scottish Reformers in evident alliance with the celebrated John Knox, whose ardent eloquence and undoubted sincerity are at this time winning many people to the cause of the Reformers from Roman Catholicism. That faith, now declining in favour and influence in Britain generally, was yet represented and maintained by the imprisoned Queen, who in her turn was in secret alliance with many of the English Catholic nobility — Norfolk, Northumberland, and others. They likewise foresaw with dismay the likely chance of a Protestant sove- reign over both England and Scotland at the death of Elizabeth. Thus the relative positions of these rival Queens at this time were important and interest- ing to the last degree. The scene (chap, xx.) where young Roland is intro- duced to the Regent, who sends him as a page to the imprisoned Queen, in many ways confirms historical facts. Roland asks where his "poor services are destined." " You will be told hereafter," said the Regent, and then, as if over- no "The Abbot" coming some internal reluctance to speak further himself, he added, " or why should I not myself tell you that you are about to enter into the service of a most illustrious, most unhappy lady — into the service of Mary of Scotland ? " " Of the Queen, my lord ! " said the page, unable to repress his surprise. " Of her who was the Queen ! " said Murray, with a singular mixture of displeasure and embarrassment in his tone of voice. " You must be aware, young man, that her son reigns in her stead." He sighed from an emotion, partly natural perhaps, and partly assumed. Scott here, as in other places, seems doubtful about the real feelings, if not real character, of the Regent Murray, whom he evidently admires, while apparently more sympathising with his unfortunate sister. Roland, impressed, as probably many Scottish youths were at this time, with deep pity for the poor Queen, asks Murray a question in evidently provoking words : " And am I to attend upon her Grace in her place of imprison- ment, my lord?" again demanded the page, with a straightforward and hardy simplicity which somewhat disconcerted the sage and powerful statesman. Murray is indeed unable to contradict Roland's plain words, yet vexed and wishes to do so. " She is not imprisoned," answered Murray angrily. " God forbid she should." Then, taking a rather different view of Mary's present position than either truth demanded or her partisans believed, proceeds : " She is only sequestrated from state affairs, and from the business of the public, until the world be so effectually settled, that she may The Earl of Murray's Regency iii enjoy her natural and uncontrolled freedom without her royal dis- position being exposed to the practices of wicked and designing men." While conversing with young Roland and laying down his duties for him, Lord Morton enters. This stern, unscrupulous man has heard that the imprisoned Queen is to have the occasional attention of an almoner and a waiting-maiden, which alarms his jealous and suspicious spirit, while Murray, with more feeling than his harsh colleague, replies : " You cannot grudge her one poor maiden instead of her four noble Marys, and all their silken train." Morton, no friend to the clergy of any persuasion, petulantly replies : " I care not so much for the waiting-maiden, but I cannot brook the almoner : I think priests of all persuasions are much like each other. Here is John Knox, who made such a noble puller-down, is ambitious of becoming a setter-up, and a founder of schools and colleges out of the Abbey lands, and bishops' rents, and other spoils of Rome which the nobiUty of Scotland have won with their sword and bow, and with which he would now endow new hives to sing the old drone." This statement as to Knox's design appears strictly true, and doubtless Morton's words represent the selfish, worldly feeling of some of his party at this time. Murray makes a remarkably guarded reply which well accords with what is known of his sagacious character and peculiar position : " Johnis a man of God, and his scheme is a devout imagination." 112 "The Abbot" Scott adds a comment revealing the doubts even of his shrewd mind about Murray's real character : The sedate smile with which this was spoke left it impossible to conjecture whether the words were meant in approbation, or in derision, of the plan of the Scottish Reformer. Roland, after this interview with Murray, departs for Lochleven Castle, where he enters the imprisoned Queen's service as her only page. The stern Lady Lochleven brings Roland to the Queen, and Scott here describes, apparently with truth, " the disguised yet cutting sarcasm " with which the royal prisoner seems to have amused herself or relieved her mind when conversing with her sullen hostess. He says, with probable truth, though without giving historic evidence, alluding to Mary's sarcastic wit : It is well known that her death was at length hastened by a letter which she wrote to Queen Elizabeth, in which she treated her jealous rival and the Countess of Shrewsbury with the keenest irony and ridicule. When Mary Stuart meets Lady Lochleven and Graeme outside the Castle she says much in the spirit of what Scott considers as historical : " We are this day fortunate — we enjoy the company of our amiable hostess at an unusual hour, and during a period which we have hitherto been permitted to give to our private exercise. But our good hostess knows well she has at all times access to our presence, and need not observe the useless ceremony of requiring our per- mission." Lady Lochleven, introducing Roland, says : " I came but to announce the arrival of an addition to your train." The Earl of Murray's Regency 113 Mary, with hardly suppressed scorn, replies: " O ! I crave your ladyship's pardon, and am bent to the earth with obligations for the kindness of my nobles — or my sovereigns, shall I call them?" Lady Lochleven, of course, wishing success to her son's rule and policy, with cold sternness replies : "They have indeed studied, Madam, to show their kindness to your Grace — something at the risk, perhaps, of sound policy, and I trust their doings will not be misconstrued." Mary retorts with ready wit and sarcasm : " Impossible ! the bounty which permits the daughter of so many kings, and who is yet Queen of the realm, the attendance of two waiting women and a boy, is a grace which Mary Stuart can never sufficiently acknowledge. . . . But I must not forget in my selfish joy the additional trouble and charges to which this magnificent augmentation of our train will put our kind hostess, and the whole house of Lochleven. It is this prudent anxiety, I am aware, which clouds your brows, my worthy lady. But be of good cheer; the crown of Scotland has many a fair manor, and your affectionate son, and my no less affectionate brother, will endow the good knight your husband with the best of them ere Mary should be dismissed from this hospitable castle from your ladyship's lack of means to support the charges." Lady Lochleven in these pages, certainly no match for the Queen in sarcasm, haughtily replies that her family, the Douglasses, have always done their duty, even when dangerous, without expecting reward ; to which boast Mary replies in the same spirit of sarcasm : " Nay ! but my dear Lady Lochleven, you are over-scrupulous — I pray you accept of a goodly manor; what should support the Queen of Scotland in this her princely court, saving her own crown- 8 114 "The Abbot" lands — and who should minister to the wants of a mother, save an affectionate son like the Earl of Murray, who possesses so wonderfully both the power and the inclination ? " The interesting interview between Mary and the Lords Ruthven, Lindesay, and Sir Robert Mel- ville, who come to Lochleven to obtain the Queen's signed abdication, are, as Scott admits, imaginary in its details, yet some such scene took place, during which Mary, apparently under some threats, signed her abdication of the throne in favour of her infant son, and also some other deed "establishing" Murray as Regent, a step highly approved of by the Scottish Reformers at this time. The anxiety of the Scottish Puritans to convert Queen Mary from Roman Catholicism to their own form of Christianity is an important and interesting his- torical fact. Scott avoids introducing John Knox, who earnestly desired to effect this conversion, and describes a comparatively mild and considerate Puritan preacher, the Rev. Elias Henderson, visiting Mary in her Lochleven prison, who entreats and exhorts her to abandon her faith for his own. Queen Mary may not have well understood the differences in the various Protestant denominations, now rapidly increasing in numbers and influence, and in her reply scornfully alludes to the Huguenots, or French Pro- testants, towards whom she evidently feels the contemptuous dislike shown them by the French Roman Catholics, among whom she had spent her earlier and happier days. The Queen, vainly trying to discourage the ardent preacher, says : The Earl of Murray's Regency 115 " I have heard your apostle, I have heard Master John Knox, and were I to be perverted, I would willingly resign to the ablest and most powerful of heresiarchs the poor honour he might acquire by overcoming my faith and my hope." "Madam," said the preacher, " it is not to the talents or skill of the husbandman that God gives the increase — the words which were oifered in vain by him whom you justly call our apostle during the bustle and gaiety of a court may yet find better acceptance during the leisure for reflection which this place affords. God knows, lady, that I speak in singleness of heart as one who would as soon compare himself to the immortal angels as to the holy man whom you have named. Yet would you but condescend to apply to their noblest use those talents and that learning which all allow you to be possessed of — would you afford us but the slightest hope that you would hear and regard what can be urged against the blinded superstition and idolatry in which you were brought up, sure am I that the most powerfully gifted of my brethren, that even John Knox himself would hasten hither and account the rescue of your single soul from the nets of Romish error " The Queen here interrupts Mr. Henderson ; ap- parently her remembrance of the outspoken, if not rude, Scottish Reformer is anything but pleasing, especially during her depressing time of imprisonment. " I am obliged to you and to them for their charity," said Mary, "but as I have at present but one presence-chamber I would reluctantly see it converted into a Huguenot synod." The way in which religious and political interests, hopes, and fears were mingled together at this period throughout Britain has inevitably perplexed or misled many historians. But Sir Walter Scott, the romantic novelist, while aiding himself by imaginary characters and incidents, has contrived in both "The Monastery" and in " The Abbot " to lay before the public a rarely impartial account of Scottish history during the most disturbed, trying, and eventful times. His description of Queen Mary's extraordinary beauty, though ad- ii6 "The Abbot" miring and even enthusiastic, scarcely exceeds what has been transcribed by most, if not all, historical records : Her face, her form have been so deeply impressed upon the imagination that even at the distance of nearly three centuries it is unnecessary to remind the most ignorant and uninformed reader of the striking traits which characterise that remarkable countenance, which seems at once to combine our ideas of the majestic, the pleasing, and the brilliant, leaving us to doubt whether they express most happily the queen, the beauty, or the accomplished woman. . . . Even those who feel themselves com- pelled to believe all, or much, of what her enemies laid to her charge, cannot think without a sigh upon a countenance expressive of anything rather than the foul crimes with which she was charged when living, and which still continue to shade, if not to blacken her memory. That brow, so truly open and regal — those eyebrows so regularly graceful, which yet were saved from the charge of regular insipidity by the beautiful effect of the hazel eyes which they over-arched and which seem to utter a thousand histories — the nose, with all its Grecian precision of outhne — the mouth, so well pro- portioned, so sweetly formed, as if designed to speak nothing but what was delightful to hear — the dimpled chin — the stately swan- like neck, form a countenance the like of which we know not to have existed in any other character moving in that high class of life where the actresses as well as the actors command general and undivided attention. . . . We know that by far the most acute of those who in latter days have adopted the unfavourable view of Mary's character longed like the executioner before his dreadful task was performed to kiss the fair hand of her on whom he was about to perform so horrible a duty."' ' This incident is not recorded in Miss Strickland's careful and minute Life of the unfortunate Queen, yet her calm dignity at the last is sufiSciently evident by the following instance, the truth of which seems certain, being apparently transmitted by an eye- witness. When on the scaffold, erected in the hall of Fotheringay Castle, the two executioners " offered to assist her in removing her mantle, but she drew back and requested them not to touch her, observing with a smile, ' I have not been accustomed to be served by such pages of honour, nor to disrobe before so numerous a company'" (Strickland's "Life of Queen Mary," vol. vii.). The Earl of Murray's Regency 117 Mary of Scotland herself is still and apparently will remain a cause of almost complete difference of opinion among historians, students, and theologians. Thus the biographies of her furnished even by able, well-informed writers differ as much as if they described two opposite characters. Such writers as her foes, George Buchanan and Mr. Froude, and her friend Miss Strickland, for instance, describe her as being either angelic, without a fault worth calling so, or as a beautiful fiend, with hardly a redeeming quality, being a combination of deceit and all evil passions. Milton sternly refers to her as "an in- famous woman," i while Walter Scott chiefly dwells upon her misfortunes, always in a sympathising spirit. He thus represents Queen Mary appealing to her confidential attendant, Lady Fleming, in words which well agree with what is recorded of her natural feelings and disposition (chap, xxxi.) : " Thou knowest, my friend, whether to make those who have served me happy was not ever Mary's favourite pastime. When I have been rebuked by the stern preachers of the Calvinistic heresy, when I have seen the fierce countenances of my nobles averted from me, has it not been because I mixed in the harmless pleasures of the young and gay, and rather for the sake of their happiness than my own have mingled in the masque, the song, or the dance with the youth of my household ? Well I repent not of it, though Knox termed it sin and Morton degradation." Unlike a partisan, and more in the cautious or impartial spirit of Shakespeare's Henry VHI. and his descriptions of the Wars of the Roses, Scott ' " Defence of the People of England," chap. x. ii8 "The Abbot" makes nearly all religious and political opponents, though hating each other to the death, as pleasing and instructive to study. Thus the Regent Murray, whom Queen Mary's adherents greatly detested, is made in accordance with some histories to be noble and well-meaning, while Mary herself is both admired for her beauty and pitied for her misfortunes as much as her most loyal subjects could have desired. In one singular scene, however, i Scott describes her as yielding to a fit of nervous excitement when incautiously reminded by one of her attendants of her past misfortunes. This excitement, though natural enough for many in her situation to yield to, being a suspected prisoner, with a melancholy past and an alarming future to contemplate, does not seem founded on fact, nor is it worthy of her usual calm composure under all her many trials. Yet in her excited state she reveals truly enough some of her terrible past history, and exclaims wildly, as if raving or in a terrible dream : " Call my French guards — a mot ! a moi I mes Franfais ! I am beset with traitors in mine own palace. They have murdered my husband. Rescue ! rescue for the Queen of Scotland ! " This fond recollection of her former happy days in France was doubtless often in her mind, yet her terrible experiences in Scotland soon banish for a time all recollection of France as she proceeds to recall her last husband Bothwell with mingled trust and suspicion. "Bid him come hither to our aid," ' Chap. xxxi. The Earl of Murray's Regency 119 she exclaims, then as if suspecting either his treachery or weakness with her foes, continues : "What! closeted with Morton? Nay, if the Douglas and the Hepburn hatch the complot together, the bird when it breaks the shell will scare Scotland." Scott adds that she continued to " talk in a loud, determined tone as if giving forth orders, until at length the voice died away in a feeble and continued lamentation." Her previous history, as well as her present state and dangerous future, would indeed have driven many persons beyond the verge of reason altogether, yet Mary Queen of Scots seems to have seldom, if ever, given way to the excited incoherence which the novelist here attributes to her, and only once in the course of the story. On the contrary, she seems to have usually kept up not only her own spirits but those of others about her, enabling thus herself and them to endure all the trials of her extraordinary life, which really seem to have equalled, if not exceeded, most romances in danger and excitement. Scott describes her escape from Lochleven Castle in a way which, though not true to history in its details, is yet delightful to all romantic readers. ^ The final defeat of her adherents at the battle of Langside and her subsequent flight to England end this interesting novel, of which the chief interest certainly lies in Mary Queen of Scots. The apprehensive protest of the Abbot Ambrose ' Introduction. I20 "The Abbot" against her leaving Scotland and his prophecy that she will never return to it when once in Queen Elizabeth's power, though expressed in words of Scott's invention, doubtless showed truly the feelings and belief of many among Mary's loyal subjects. The Abbot, believing that the English Queen is her mortal enemy, knowing, indeed, that the interests of each were equally opposed to the other, exclaims before the Sheriff of Cumberland, sent to escort the Scottish Queen, yet who refuses to allow Mary's male attendants to enter England : "She foresaw it — she foresaw your flight into her realm, and fearing it gave orders you should be thus received." As if inspired by foreknowledge of the terrible future, the Abbot proceeds in eager, vain entreaty : " Blinded, deceived, doomed Princess ! your fate is sealed when you quit this strand. Queen of Scotland, thou shalt not leave thine heritage ! True men shall turn rebels to thy will that they may save thee from captivity or death. Fear not the bills and bows whom that gay man has at his beck, we will withstand him by force." Then recollecting how helpless he and his party are, flying from all the chief warriors of Scotland, he exclaims : " Oh for the arm of my warlike brother ! Roland Avenel, draw thy sword." This entreaty, though imaginary, doubtless shows the feelings of many among Mary's adherents at this juncture of her history. But the English Sheriff, The Earl of Murray's Regency 121 evidently a loyal subject to his queen, could hardly view her rival and legal successor with friendship or fidelity. He is apparently anxious to obey the orders of Elizabeth, who, perhaps with some reason, dreads her dangerous rival being at liberty, and desires to have her secured in either an English or a Scottish prison. France was the friendly land to which the deposed Scottish Queen longed to go, but which many English people were evidently determined to prevent from both religious and political apprehensions. The Sheriff calmly replies in polite words which partly conceal and partly express his own sovereign's wishes : " What needs this violence. Sir Priest ? I came hither at your Queen's command to do her service, and I will depart at her least order if she rejects such aid as I can offer. No marvel is it if our Queen's wisdom foresaw that such chance as this might happen amidst the turmoil of your unsettled State, and, while willing to afford fair hospitality to her Royal sister, deemed it wise to prohibit the entrance of a broken army of her followers into the English frontier." Queen Mary, addressing her loyal subject the Abbot, though in Scott's words, expresses what history shows to have been her real hope and feeling at this crisis in her eventful life. " You hear that we exercise full liberty of choice in leaving this shore ; and, questionless, the choice will remain free to us in going to France or returning to our own dominions, as we shall determine. Besides, it is too late — your blessing, father, and God speed thee." " May He have mercy on thee. Princess, and speed thee also," said the Abbot, retreating. " But my soul tells me I look on thee for the last time." 122 "The Abbot" This prophecy proved true, indeed, and however different historians may represent these two famous queens, there is little doubt, considering the state of feeling in Britain at this time, that the life of each endangered that of the other perhaps in almost an equal degree. They, at this agitated period, alike represented the two forms of Christianity now contending throughout Britain for political supre- macy, and coming more and more into collision as these queens became older. Few, if any, historians at this time or for many years afterwards could bring themselves to describe either, except from a partisan standpoint. Sir Walter Scott's novels, however, "The Abbot" and " Kenilworth," have attempted to describe both sovereigns fairly and without preju- dice for or against either, and in many respects succeed in doing so. Yet these two noble works only describe a portion of their respective histories, and certainly introduce both queens in a very attrac- tive manner. Even Scott, the most modest as well as meritorious of modern novelists, reveals a slight amount of self-satisfaction when he writes : A certain degree of success, real or supposed, in the delineation of Queen Mary, naturally induced the author to attempt something similar respecting "her sister and her foe," the celebrated Elisabeth.' With this intention he composed the following admirable novel, " Kenilworth." ^ Introduction to " Kenilworth." VIII "KENILWORTH" THOUGH Sir Walter Scott must have often had the sad fate of Mary Queen of Scots in his mind, especially while writing "The Abbot," he yet, with that rare calmness of judgment which marked his character, applied himself to describe her great foe, or, as some would say, her jailor and executioner. Queen Elizabeth, without the slightest prejudice or indignation. Accordingly he has related a happy portion of her long and busy reign, without allusion to its two darkest blots, the executions of Queen Mary and Lord Essex. This attractive work, while to some extent founded on a tragic incident in Berk- shire, has many brilliant historical descriptions, and instructive as well as interesting scenes. It is, indeed, a bright, lively change from the distracted state of Scotland and the woes of Queen Mary Stuart to England and the English Court in the height of national prosperity. The ill-fated heroine. Amy Robsart, and her rejected lover, Edmund Tressilian, the latter an imaginary, though a brave and amiable hero, do not 1 24 " Kenilworth " take much active part. Except for their luckless history, which is partly Scott's invention, this novel is one of the most brilliant and animated of the Waverley series. It dwells chiefly on the joyous Court of Queen Elizabeth at its most peaceful time, and adorned as it was with so many attractions. Although it contained many dangerous and opposing characters, yet Elizabeth, by partly checking and partly favouring the various rival nobles of her realm, of whom at this time the Earls of Sussex and Leicester are the most prominent, steadily main- tained her authority, and her conduct and character in this story are evidently drawn by a friendly hand. Scott's previously expressed sympathy for the un- fortunate Mary Stuart does not in the least degree harden or prejudice him against her triumphant and, as some thought, her murderous foe. In fact, owing to Scott's great genius being always guided by his rare, calm judgment, and shrewd knowledge of character, both these interesting queens might, and probably would, have been alike gratified by his successive descriptions of them in "The Abbot" and in " Kenilworth." Yet had he lived in their times " The Abbot " would likely have been rather disapproved of in England, while " Kenilworth " would have by no means pleased Mary Stuart's advocates in Scotland. These grand novels, repre- senting as it were two historical portraits, are alike the thoughtful work and composition of a fair, calm historical mind, almost completely free from those religious and political prejudices which have Queen Elizabeth 125 so greatly influenced and so often misrepresented history during agitated, disturbed times. This novel is only partly founded on the Berkshire legend, which, though perhaps true in the main, seems never to have been much investigated. It stated that the Earl of Leicester, for some time one of Elizabeth's most favoured courtiers, was privately married to a Miss Robsart, of Devonshire. This marriage was always kept secret, and the unhappy countess was said to have been assassinated by Leicester's followers, though whether with or without their patron's consent does not seem fully proved. In this novel Scott retains the names of the real persons engaged in this tragedy. Sir Richard Varney, the chief insti- gator of the crime, is also the villain of this story, and represented as a rival to Tressilian in admiring Amy Robsart, whose death he finally accomplishes. In the novel this wretch commits suicide, but in reality he seems to have died, tormented by his evil conscience. But the historic interest and value of this attractive work lie in its glowing description of the gay, brilliant Court of " England's Elizabeth." During her reign, indeed, lived some of the wisest Englishmen ever known. Yet through social, religious, or political circumstances, restrictions or disabilities, many were more appreciated by an admiring posterity than by some contemporaries, owing to private jealousy, religious opposition, or political rivalry. The illustrious quartet, Shakespeare, Spenser, Baqon, and Raleigh, lived in this reign, yet it 126 "Kenilworth" seems doubtful if Spenser, Bacon, or Raleigh knew Shakespeare personally. But Raleigh and Bacon were doubtless well acquainted at Elizabeth's Court. In this novel the latter is never introduced. Shake- speare himself merely appears "bowed," and dis- appears without a word, while young Raleigh, handsome, gay, enterprising, and fearless, is intro- duced as the accomplished and steady friend of the hero Tressilian. Though Scott imputes no words to Shakespeare, he makes the rich, patronising Leicester, the Queen's "favourite Earl," address him, and therewith introduces a graceful compliment to the unrivalled English poet. Leicester exclaims on recognising him among other suitors for Court notice or favour : " Ha ! Will Shakespeare, wild Will ! Thou hast given my nephew Philip Sidney love powder. He cannot sleep without thy Venus and Adonis under his pillow." The player bowed, and the Earl nodded and passed on — so that age would have told the tale — in ours perhaps we might say the immortal had done homage to the mortal. A beautiful scene occurs in this story, which, though perhaps not strictly historical, yet conveys so much truth in its lively representation of the characters, tastes, and respective positions of the Queen, Raleigh, and other personages of this period, that it may well be read for instruction as well as amusement. The Queen is in her barge on the Thames, attended by many mem- bers of her splendid Court, comprising, as it did, old, sage counsellors, wise statesmen, and gay. Queen Elizabeth 127 attractive young courtiers, who, however differing from one another in appearance and character, were united in devoted loyahy to Elizabeth. The conver- sation turns upon Shakespeare, and Walter Raleigh is commanded by the Queen to repeat some of the poet's lines. Raleigh, naturally enough, selects, apparently from memory, the celebrated passage in " A Midsummer Night's Dream," by some thought to refer to the unmarried Queen herself, where the Fairy King Oberon, supposed to possess supernatural powers of vision, addresses his roguish subordinate. Puck: "That very time I saw (but thou couldst not), Flying between the cold moon and the earth, Cupid, all arm'd; a certain aim he took At a fair vestal, throned by the west ; And loosed his love-shaft smartly from his bow. As it should pierce a hundred thousand hearts. But I might see young Cupid's fiery shaft Quench'd in the chaste beams of the watery moon; And the imperial vot'ress passed on. In maiden meditation, fancy free " (Act ii.). Scott proceeds, describing this interesting scene of his invention as if he had witnessed it : The voice of Raleigh, as he repeated the last lines, became a little tremulous, as if diffident how the sovereign to whom the homage was addressed might receive it, exquisite as it was. If this diffidence was affected, it was good policy ; but if real there was little occasion for it. The verses were not, probably, new to the Queen, for when was ever such elegant flattery long in reaching the royal ear to which it was addressed ? But they were not the less welcome when repeated by such a speaker as Raleigh. Alike delighted with the matter, the manner, and the graceful form and animated countenance of the young reciter, Elizabeth kept time to every cadence with look and with finger (chap. xvii.). 128 "Kenilworth" It has never, indeed, been ascertained if the Queen ever heard these or any other lines of the immortal poet. But Scott cannot resist the temptation of delighting himself and his readers with a scene so beautiful and interesting. Even if without actual historic truth, it yet represents with picturesque accuracy the wise, discerning Queen, when in a particularly gracious mood, hearing some of the finest lines of her most gifted living subject repeated with exquisite taste and expression by one of the most accomplished, intellectual young members even of her brilliant Court. Amid so many loyal subjects repre- senting different views, and of such differing characters, the shrewd' Queen calmly studies them all without alienating any whom she considered trustworthy, while encouraging ability and talent wherever she perceived them. Yet her appreciation and genius never made her incautious ; she seems always to have insisted, like the ancient Romans about their political tribute, on loyalty first and favour, or even, it is to be feared, mercy, next. On the present happy occasion, however, she is surrounded by loyal subjects alone and can rule them alike, despite their differing opinions or characters. Thus, while coolly dissenting from the strict views of the Dean of St. Asaph, who had rather censured Shakespeare and playwrights before Raleigh's recitation, she says nothing to offend, or in any way alarm his conscientious feelings. The courtiers present, however, perceiving the favourable impression Walter Raleigh had made on the Queen's mind, naturally congratulate him, perhaps with more Queen Elizabeth 129 pretended than real friendship, while his old comrade Sir Nicholas Blount remains silent till asked by his gay young friend why he does not also wish him joy. Blount then replies in sad, prophetic words, all the more impressive at this time of Raleigh's new favour and success at the English Court. This perhaps imaginary incident truly foretells Raleigh's historic future, of which Scott in the midst of this most attractive scene reminds the reader in the true spirit of a historic novelist. Blount says in real apprehensive sympathy : " My good Walter, I wish thee as well as do any of these chatter- ing gulls, who are whistling and whooping congratulations in thine ear, because it seems fair weather with thee. But I fear for thee, Walter," and he wiped his honest eye — " I fear for thee with all my heart. These court tricks, and gambols, and flashes of fine women's favour, are the tricks and trinkets that bring fair fortunes to farthings and fine faces and witty coxcombs to the acquaintance of dull block and sharp axes." So saying, Blount arose and left the hall, while Raleigh looked after him with an expression that blanked for a moment his bold and animated countenance (chap. xvii.). The "dull block and sharp axe" indeed awaited this illustrious young courtier, in the ensuing reign of James the First, yet in the story of Nigel, laid in that king's reign, Scott never mentions Raleigh. Except in Blount's prophetic warning there is no hint or indication of Sir Walter Raleigh's unjust and tragic fate, which must always rank among the many lament- able incidents in English political history. The gay festivities in Kenilworth Castle in honour of Queen Elizabeth's visit to its owner, the Earl of Leicester, is historical and described with a power and 9 130 "Kenilworth" brilliancy worthy of the great novelist, for whom such a subject was eminently suited. The popularity of the Queen seems now to be at its height. She in herself represented the Protestant faith established in England, and in Scotland under James the First, though in rather a different form ; while Roman Catholicism was devotedly retained by the Irish majority. France and Spain were at this time greatly associated in British minds with Roman Catholicism, rendering it perhaps the more unpopular as being maintained or vindicated by the two ancient political foes or rivals of England. The oppressed and sus- pected English Roman Catholics, who, though they adhered to the ancient faith, had no wish to see their country ruled by foreigners, hoped for the accession of the imprisoned Mary Stuart of Scotland. After her death they could only hope that some future British sovereign might return to their Church, as Elizabeth's immediate successor, the sixth King James of Scot- land and the first of Great Britain united, was known to have been educated as a staunch Protestant. Though the British public mind at this time was inevitably much disturbed by religious as well as political apprehensions, the splendid festivities at Kenilworth for a brief time, at least to all appearance, banished them from men's thoughts. During this magnificent entertainment presented by Lord Leicester to his gracious Queen, one grand historic spectacle was shown,! referring to European as well as to ' A.D. 1575. Queen Elizabeth 131 English history. This splendid exhibition Scott describes with the keen interest of an antiquary as well as the romantic taste of a novelist : The masque which entered consisted of four separate bands, which followed each other at brief intervals, each consisting of six principal persons and as many torch-bearers, and each representing one of the various nations by which England had at different times been occupied. The aboriginal Britons, who first entered, were ushered in by two ancient Druids, whose hoary hair was crowned with a chaplet of oak, and who bore in their hands branches of mistletoe. The masquers who followed these venerable figures were succeeded by two bards, arrayed in white, and bearing harps, which they occasionally touched, singing at the same time certain stanzas of an ancient hymn to Belus, or the Sun. The aboriginal Britons had been selected from amongst the tallest and most robust young gentlemen in attendance on the court. . . . The sons of Rome, who came to civilise as well as to conquer, were next produced before the princely assembly. . . . The Roman eagles were borne before them by two standard-bearers, who recited a hymn to Mars, and the classical warriors followed with the grave and haughty step of men who aspired to universal conquest. The third quadrille represented the Saxons, clad in the bearskins which they had brought with them from the German forests. . . . They were preceded by two Scalds, who chanted the praises of Odin. Last came the knightly Normans, in their maU-shirts and hoods of steel, with all the panoply of chivalry, and marshalled by two minstrels, who sung of war and ladies' love. These four bands entered the spacious hall with the utmost order, a short pause being made that the spectators might satisfy their curiosity as to each quadrille before the appearance of the next. They then marched completely round the hall, in order the more fully to display themselves. ... At length the four quadrilles of masquers, ranging their torch-bearers behind them, drew up in their several ranks on the two opposite sides of the hall, so that the Romans confronting the Britons, and the Saxons the Normans, seemed to look on each other with eyes of wonder, which presently appeared to kindle into anger, expressed by menacing gestures. At a burst of a strain of martial music from the gallery, the masquers drew their swords on all sides, and advanced against each other in the measured steps of a sort of Pyrrhic or military dance. 132 " Kenilworth " clashing their swords against their adversaries' shields, and clattering them against their blades as they passed each other in the progress of the dance. Scott breaks off to indicate the pleasing interest which even his own description affords him of a sight which, though he never saw, yet appeared before his imaginative, romantic mind with all the vivid force of reality. It was a very pleasant spectacle to see how the various bands, preserving regularity amid motions which seemed to be totally irregular, mixed together, and then disengaging themselves resumed each their own original rank as the music varied. In this symbolical dance were represented the conflicts which had taken place among the various nations which had anciently in- habited Britain. At length, after many mazy evolutions, which aflforded great pleasure to the spectators, the sound of a loud-voiced trumpet was heard, as if it blew for instant battle or for victory won. . . . The doors of the hall were thrown wide, and no less a person entered than the fiend-born Merlin, dressed in a strange and mystical attire, suited to his ambiguous birth and magical power. About him and behind him fluttered or gambolled many ex- traordinary forms, intended to represent the spirits who waited to do his powerful bidding; and so much did this part of the pageant interest the menials and others of the lower class then in the castle, that many of them forgot even the reverence due to the Queen's presence so far as to thrust themselves into the lower part of the hall. . . . Elizabeth, at the same time, with her usual feeling for the common people, requesting that they might be permitted to remain undisturbed to witness the pageant. . . . Merlin, having entered and advanced into the midst of the hall, summoned the presenters of the contending bands around him by a wave of his magical rod, and announced to them, in a poetical speech, that the Isle of Britain was now commanded by. a royal maiden, to whom it was the will of fate that they should all do homage, and request of her to pronounce on the various pretensions which each set forth to be esteemed the pre-eminent stock from which the present natives, the happy subjects of that angelical princess, derived their lineage. Queen Elizabeth 133 In obedience to this mandate, the bands, each moving to solemn music, passed in succession before Elizabeth ; doing her, as they passed, each after the fashion of the people whom they represented, the lowest and most devotional homage, which she returned with the same gracious courtesy that had marked her whole conduct since she came to Kenilworth. The presenters of the several masques, or quadrilles, then alleged, each in behalf of his own troop, the reasons which they had for claiming pre-eminence over the rest; and when they had been all heard in turn, she returned them this gracious answer : That she was sorry she was not better qualified to decide upon the doubtful question which had been propounded to her by the direction of the famous Merlin, but that it seemed to her that no single one of these celebrated nations could claim pre-eminence over the others as having most contributed to form the Englishman of her own time, who unquestionably derived from each of them some worthy attribute of his character. "Thus," she said, "the Englishman had from the ancient Briton his bold and tameless spirit of freedom ; from the Roman his disciplined courage in war, with his love of letters and civilisation in time of peace ; from the Saxon his wise and equitable laws ; and from the chivalrous Norman his love of honour and courtesy, with his generous desire for glory." Merlin answered with readiness, that it did indeed require that so many choice qualities should meet in the English as might render them in some measure the muster of the perfections of other nations, since that alone could render them in some degree deserving of the blessings they enjoyed under the reign of England's Elizabeth (chap, xxvii.). At this remarkable period of English history, this splendid representation of past times and men proved the awakened interest of the English people in the distinctive manners and habits of their varied ancestry, and probably their wish to emulate whatever was worthy in them. Though doubtful if Queen Elizabeth ever used, or could use, such noble words as Scott imputes to her, they yet probably express from all that is recorded, what were her real feelings towards her subjects, or at least to those of her own religious 134 " Kenilworth " persuasion. This most popular of English queens showed, like her father, Henry the Eighth, a marvellous combination of self-indulgence with astute policy, and always identified herself with the great majority of her subjects. Elizabeth seemed, indeed, their national champion as well as their lawful sovereign ; and while to some extent distrusted by many Scottish neighbours and dreaded by the Irish majority, represented the English of her period in almost every sense. In this attractive novel, Scott describes her supreme and popular rule over the English majority in a bright style which, though varied and even saddened by imaginary incidents, seems on the whole to adhere to history. The rival Earls Sussex and Leicester, " the useful and the ornamental," she insists on, at least apparently, reconciling to each other. Elizabeth insists on the reconciliation of the two Earls in words of Scott's invention, yet which well describe her imperious character and almost absolute power over her obedient courtiers. I The Queen sternly reproves both when before her, and likely expressing in their angry looks the words of Shakespeare : " High stomach'd are they both and full of ire. In rage deaf as the sea, hasty as fire."'' Elizabeth's abrupt, if not blunt, style of speaking recorded in history and faithfully repeated in this ' Chap. xvi. " " Richard the Second," act i. Queen Elizabeth 135 novel, seems usually to have caused submission rather than opposition. " If you cannot keep your temper, we will find means to keep both that and you close enough. Let me see you join hands, my lords, and forget your idle animosities." The two rivals looked at each other with reluctant eyes, each unwilling to make the first advance to execute the Queen's will. " Sussex," said Elizabeth, " I entreat — Leicester, I command you." Yet so were her words accented that the entreaty sounded like command and the command like entreaty. She then threatens both with imprisonment, and they join hands in obedience to her command. While encouraging the ambitious, handsome Leicester in a partly loyal, partly enamoured admiration for herself, she yet retains in full confidence her sage ministers Burleigh and Walsingham to watch care- fully over the political safety of the realm. Both history in its main facts and Walter Scott in this novel alike represent Elizabeth as possessing great knowledge of the English character, much like her father, Henry the Eighth. The tragic and probable though hardly proved story of Lady Leicester's murder throws a deep gloom over this otherwise cheerful novel, but it is only vaguely recorded in history though detailed in an antiquarian book,' to which Scott alludes and evidently believes. From a historic standpoint Scott leaves Queen Elizabeth at the height of her power after the end of the splendid Kenilworth festivities. ' Ashmole's " Antiquities of Berkshire." 136 " Kenilworth " Among the many gay courtiers surrounding Elizabeth, Leicester and Walter Raleigh are chiefly mentioned. The latter, heroic, young, and enter- prising, is the true friend of the imaginary hero Tressilian, but though full of bright promise, spirit, and energy, Raleigh is still young and comparatively Httle known at the close of the novel. Scott in " Kenilworth " seems rather like Shake- speare in " Henry the Eighth,'' to describe the most successful or triumphant parts in the reigns of these two sovereigns. The historic play and the historic novel alike leave the almost absolute king, and his nearly despotic daughter, enjoying a time of public power and popularity which both these English sovereigns seem to have always possessed to an extraordinary degree. Each of these rulers would, indeed, have likely been highly gratified with Shake- speare and Scott had they been fated to read their attractive descriptions by these gifted writers. Except the late excellent Queen Victoria, no female sovereign of either England or Scotland has attracted the same general interest as Queen Elizabeth and Mary Stuart. Scott chose only the last year or so of Mary's life in Scotland to describe her as a State prisoner, and as escaping from a comparatively safe detention in Scotland to the dangerous refuge of England at that agitated period. After this pathetic recital, without describing though hinting at Mary's final imprisonment in England, the novelist turns his attention to Queen Elizabeth, and though one of the most modest of men, indicates some little satisfaction at his account of Queen Elizabeth 137 Mary Queen of Scots. Yet while apparently more on her side than against her, and while deeply interesting all readers in her misfortunes, Scott proceeds to describe Queen Elizabeth with evident admiration. In fact his whole sketch of her, partly historic, partly imaginary, in " Kenilworth" is altogether in her favour throughout. She is correctly described before and during the Kenilworth entertainment, given in her honour, as surrounded by loyal though rival statesmen. Yet she keeps them all under her own control with a mingled skill and firmness worthy of her resolute yet politic father, Henry the Eighth. This Queen, while attracting and amusing herself with the younger courtiers, such as Leicester, Raleigh, and others, yet retained for all practical purposes the services of several steady old statesmen — Burleigh, Walsingham, and others — who must have long lost personal attractions if they had ever possessed them. It was generally thought that Elizabeth at one time had a real affection for Leicester, which this festive occasion may have encouraged. Scott thus describes a scene between the favoured host and his royal guest, which is apparently not entirely his invention, while walking alone, or at least tite-d-tite together in the garden of Kenilworth : — The conversation of Elizabeth and the favourite Earl has not reached us in detail. But those who watched at some distance (and the eyes of courtiers and court ladies are right sharp) were of opinion that on no occasion di'd the dignity of Elizabeth, in gesture and motion, seem so decidedly to soften away into a mien expressive of indecision and tenderness. . . . The Duchess of Rutland, who ventured nearest, was even heard to aver that she discerned a tear 138 "Kenilworth" in Elizabeth's eye and a blush on her cheek ; and still farther, " She bent her looks on the ground to avoid mine," said the duchess ; " she who, in her ordinary mood, could look down a lion " (chap, xxxiv.).' Scott then evidently invents the following, which may, however, have been near the truth : "No, Dudley," said Elizabeth, yet it was with broken accents — "no, I must be the mother of my people. Other ties, that make the lowly maiden happy, are denied to her sovereign. No, Leicester, urge it no more. Were I as others, free to seek my own happiness, then, indeed — but it cannot — cannot be." Elizabeth, during a long period of her extraordinary eventful reign, unmistakably showed the most thorough knowledge of human nature, especially in its English form. Yet this successful and in many ways glorious reign had rather a tragic termination. The executions of her rival, Mary Queen of Scots, and of her favourite courtier. Lord Essex, were perhaps the saddest incidents of her reign. Elizabeth, indeed, may have been personally innocent of the former dreadful deed, as it was doubtless desired by many of her more influential subjects, and was likely enough to have been actually committed without her full or personal ^ This fierce look in the Queen's eyes recalls Shakespeare's account of a similar terrific glance in those of her father, Henry the Eighth, according to the unfortunate Cardinal Wolsey's description : " What sudden anger's this? How have I reaped it ? He parted frowning firom me, as if ruin Leap'd from his eyes : so looks the chafed lion Upon the daring huntsman that has gall'd him ; Then makes him nothing " (Act iii.). Queen Elizabeth 139 consent. I But the public execution of her former favourite, if not lover, the Earl of Essex, was apparently caused by an outburst of her fiery temper and bitterly regretted when too late. Scott never alludes to Essex, whose execution, according to some historians, broke the heart and apparently, hastened the death of the Queen. Though the executions of both Mary Stuart and Lord Essex were indeed grand subjects for Scott's genius to describe or narrate, he avoids each of them, and only shows Queen Elizabeth in her best days, and in almost unrivalled power and prosperity. I Strickland's " Life of Mary Queen of Scots." IX "FORTUNES OF NIGEL" THIS story historically follows " Kenilworth," being a brief sketch of James the First's rule in Britain, to the throne of which he had peacefully succeeded on the death of Elizabeth. His accession had encountered no opposition from any quarter. As James the Sixth of Scotland he was always acknowledged by that country ; he was the first James who ever ruled England, while Ireland, though it had often resisted Elizabeth's rule in some parts of that island, avowedly acknowledged no other sovereign but that of Great Britain. This king was, indeed, both in mind and body, a strong contrast to either of his handsome parents, Mary Queen of Scots and Lord Darnley, both of whom were thought almost models of physical beauty. James always spoke in a broad Scottish accent, which Scott perhaps may exaggerate in the novel, while his ill-fated son, Charles the First, handsome, accomplished, and dignified, was totally unlike his ungainly, if not vulgar-looking father, and seemed to recall many of his distinguished ancestry, both in appearance and manner. 141 142 " Fortunes of Nigel " Nigel Olifaunt, Lord Glenvarloch, is Scott's inven- tion, a brave young Scottish noble, whose estate and fortune are in difificulties through no fault of his own, and he comes to London, attended by his faithful, brave, and partly comic follower Richie Moniplies, whose strong Scottish accent is made to much resemble that of James the First. Richie also is a man of Scott's invention, but his attachment to Nigel, who has many foes in high places, makes him one of the most interesting characters in the fictitious part of this story. The only historical personages of much interest are James the First, Prince Charles, who is only slightly noticed, and the Duke of Buckingham. This last-named nobleman was often called " Steenie " by the King, owing, Scott explains, to his real or supposed likeness to the picture of the martyr St. Stephen. He is introduced as rather opposing Nigel at first in his claim for justice, yet as a generous man, though proud, ambitious, and dissolute, James, often calling his son " Baby Charles " even after the latter was grown up, and talking with easy, sometimes grotesque familiarity to all who approached him, niggardly in policy yet kind and peace-loving in many respects, was quite opposed to the English ideal of what a king should be. An amusing instance of James and his troubles is in chapter v., where he complains to George Heriot, a Scottish goldsmith, though settled in London, of how he is tormented by his fellow-countrymen following him to that city : " I cannot keep them out of the court by all the proclamations James I. 143 that the heralds roar themselves hoarse with. Yesterday, nae further gane, just as we were mounted, and about to ride forth, in rushed a thorough Edinburgh gutterblood — a ragged rascal, every dud upon whose back was bidding good-day to the other, with a coat and hat that would have served a pease-bogle — and, without havings or reverence, thrust into our hands like a sturdy beggar, some Supplication about debts owing by our gracious mother, and siclike trash." Again (chap, ix.), when this half-simple, half-shrewd monarch is among his assembled nobles and gentle- men, probably mostly English, his strange way of talking seems to rather try their loyalty. When reminded by a faithful Scottish peer, Lord Hunting- len, how he had made peace in Edinburgh between some of his disputing Scottish subjects, the King replies, delighted with himself and with all who flatter him : " I mind it weel," said the King, " I mind it weel ! It was a blessed day, . . . and it was a blithe sport to see how some of the carles girned as they clapped loofs together. By my saul, I thought some of them, mair special the Hieland chiels, wad have broken out in our own presence ; but we caused them to march hand in hand to the Cross, ourselves leading the way, and there drink a blithe cup of kindness with ilk other, to the stanching of feud and perpetuation of amity. Auld John Anderson was Provost that year. The carle grat for joy ; and the Bailies and Councillors danced bareheaded in our presence like five-year-old colts, for every triumph." His loyal subject old Lord Huntinglen, evidently wishing to please the King, exclaims in words which he knows James will like to hear : "It was indeed a happy day, and will not be forgotten in the history of your Majesty's reign." 144 " Fortunes of Nigel " " I would not that it were, my lord," replied the monarch — " I would not that it were pretermitted in our annals. Ay, ay — Beati padfict. My English lieges may weel make much of me. For I would have them to know, they have gotten the only peaceable man that ever came of my family. If James with the Fiery Face had come amongst you," he said, looking round him, "or my great- grandsire, of Flodden memory ! " He seems to pause, as if expecting a gratifying reply, and does not hear the English comments upon his words. "We should have sent him back to the north again," whispered one English nobleman. " At least," said another, in the same inaudible tone, " we should have had a Tnan to our sovereign, though he were but a Scotsman." James the First seems in this novel, and probably was in reality, almost a laughing-stock for his own courtiers, though the grave, stately, proud Prince Charles always treated his father, and tried to make others treat him, with all the respect due to a king. In the course of this story James makes a prophetic allusion before Charles and Buckingham to the state of England which conveys in few, expressive words what was pretty generally apprehended at this time. Though Britain was apparently tranquil, not troubled by either open rebellion or foreign invasion, the religious disputes between opposing fellow-Christians were now beginning more and more to affect their political opinions. James in both history and the novel was shrewd enough to perceive this, and certainly during his reign, though dangerously threatened by secret conspiracies, was not menaced James I. 145 by actual revolution. The terrible atrocity of the Gunpowder Plot revealed the desperation of some among the Roman Catholic party, who at this time were powerless, and therefore subject to constant oppression. James exclaims to his son, who, usually grave and dignified, can hardly suppress his contempt at what he considers his father's exaggerated fears or apprehensions, so quaintly expressed : " Ye are laughing, Baby Charles ? Mind what I say. When I came here first frae our ain country, where the men are as rude as the weather, by my conscience, England was a bieldy bit ; one would have thought the King had little to do but to walk by quiet waters. . . . But, I kenna how or why, the place is sair changed — read that libel upon us and on our regimen." He probably shows the Prince some insulting or complaining paper and nervously continues : " The dragon's teeth are sown. Baby Charles ; I pray God they bearna their armed harvest in your day, if I suld not live to see it. God forbid I should, for there will be an awful day's kemping at the shearing of them." Prince Charles, with the firm resolution attributed to him by his friends, or with the tyrannical obstinacy attributed to him by his triumphant foes, proudly replies, appealing to Buckingham, who says nothing on this occasion : "I shall know how to stifle the crop in the blade — ha, George ? " . . . turning to the favourite with a look expressive of some contempt for his father's apprehensions, and full of confidence in the superior firmness and decision of his own counsels (chap, xxvii.). 146 " Fortunes of Nigel " This favourite nobleman, Scott says : Well knew the different dispositions both of James and Charles, and had no difiSculty in so conducting himself as to maintain the highest post in the favour of both. ... It was certain that Buckingham, though surviving the master [James I.] by whom he was raised, had the rare chance to experience no wane of the most splendid court favour during two reigns, until it was at once eclipsed in his blood by the dagger of his assassin Felton (chap. XV.). This terrible crime, as well as the strange character of the young fanatic Lieutenant Felton, are described at length by Dumas in his famous novel " The Three Musketeers." The assassination certainly took place at Portsmouth in Charles the First's reign, so far history and the French novelist agree, but the female influence Dumas describes as secretly causing the murder may be a matter of some doubt to the historical inquirer. Scott is well known to be a Royalist in every sense, and more favourable to Cavaliers than to Roundheads. Yet in a singular passage in this novel he makes a rather severe reflection on the Prince, afterwards Charles the First. The timid King James, speaking to the honest gold- smith, George Heriot, or " Jingling Geordie," as he familiarly calls him, describes the base, profligate young Lord Dalgarno, the imaginary villain of this story, when detected undergoing reproof from Prince Charles and Buckingham, his former intimates : " I left Baby Charles and Steenie laying his duty before him ; and if he can resist doing what they desire him — why, I wish he would teach me the gate of it. Oh, Geordie, Jingling Geordie ! " James I. 147 The old weak monarch adds, evidently admiring both his son and the gay courtier, Buckingham : "It was grand to hear Baby Charles laying down the guilt of dissimulation, and Steenie lecturing on the turpitude of inconti- nence ! " Here James, without intention, is grimly sarcastic in this description by attributing to his son and to Buckingham their censure of those special vices laid to their separate charge by their many foes. Heriot frankly but imprudently answers hastily, evidently " thinking aloud " : " I am afraid ... I might have thought of the old proverb of Satan reproving sin" (chap, xxxii.). Heriot would likely never have been so outspoken in real life, though James, being one of the most placable of men, few if any of his subjects had any reason to fear him. This hasty frankness, however, is a little too much even for the easy-going King, who irritably replies, trying to vindicate Prince Charles and the Duke : " Deil hae our saul, neighbour, but ye are not blate ! I gie ye license to speak freely, and, by our saul, you do not let the privilege become lost. ... Is it fit, think ye, that Baby Charles should let his thoughts be publicly seen? No — no — prince's thoughts are arcana imperii — qui nescit dissimulare nescit regnare.^ Every liege subject is bound to speak the whole truth to the King, but there is nae reciprocity of obligation." ' The secrets of power — he who cannot dissemble knows not how to reign. 148 " Fortunes of Nigel " This morality was beginning to be thought rather questionable in England, but the worthy old monarch stolidly proceeds, apparently believing that he cannot either be in error or mistaken : "... and for Steenie having been whiles a dike-louper at a time, is it for you, who are his goldsmith and to whom, I doubt, he awes an uncomatable sum, to cast that up to him ? " Heriot is too shrewd to argue with the King, but soon pacifies him, evidently an easy matter. Though this talk is certainly Scott's own idea, it seems to well illustrate the characters and relative positions of the three historical personages mentioned. The simplicity, yet to some extent the craft of the old King, his nervous timidity and almost prophetic apprehensions about the safety of his ill-fated son and heir, even when the latter, is a grown man, render him very unlike Scottish and English kings before and since his time. Except in occasional instances Sir Walter Scott is too much occupied in his sketches of imaginary events and characters to dwell long on historical personages, though when he does so he seems to wonderfully unite historical truth with the charm of fiction. The dis- orderly strange state of part of London at this time he graphically mentions, describing his hero, young Nigel, when endangered by his influential foe, Lord Dalgarno, taking refuge in a quarter called Alsatia, where even the King's authority was hardly obeyed, though no actual rebellion occurred in this strange place. In describing this lawless refuge or abode of James I. 149 some among the most desperate characters in the metropolis, no historic personages or incidents are introduced, and the whole vivid account of that part of London at this period seems due chiefly to his own imagination. But in the beginning of chap, xxvi., Scott, when describing Nigel as not "very affable in his disposition, or apt to enter into conversation with those into whose company he was casually thrown," reveals his own private feelings and habits, which he very rarely does in any of his works. So exalted and gifted a writer may well be studied with profit and pleasure alike, and he thus contrasts his own personal tastes and habits with those of his young hero : For ourselves we can assure the reader, and perhaps if we have ever been able to afford him amusement, it is owing in a great measure to this cause that we never found ourselves in company with the stupidest of all possible companions in a post-chaise, or with the most arrant cumber-corner that ever occupied a place in the mail- coach, without finding in the course of conversation with him we had some ideas suggested to us either grave or gay, or some information communicated in the course of our journey which we should have regretted not to have learned and which we should be sorry to have immediately forgotten. Scott here mentions post-chaises and mail-coaches, but how he would have felt or what he would have done under the changed conditions of modern travelling can never be known. He was apparently fortunate in meeting fellow-travellers in chaises and mail-coaches as agreeable, or at least as conversational, as himself At the present time it may be doubted if many railway fellow-travellers would welcome much conversation 150 " Fortunes of Nigel" with total strangers, nor perhaps would it be always safe or advisable to encourage it. Yet there can be no doubt that Scott would have made the most delightful as well as instructive of fellow-travellers, and he evidently acquired much additional knowledge "of men and manners " from his rare conversational powers and social disposition. Nigel himself, though an interesting character, is not one of Scott's most attractive heroes. This novel, while containing many passages of great force and interest, is chiefly valuable to historical readers from its graphic sketches of King "Jamie," "Baby Charles," and the proud, ill-fated "Steenie," Duke of Bucking- ham, as well as for its rather gloomy, weird description of part of London at this peculiar period. Scott, unlike Dickens and Thackeray, whose many works on London and Londoners generally describe the middle and lower classes of society, nearly always introduces its leading people, whether sovereigns or persons distinguished by special talent or celebrity. It may be regretted that Scott never again introduces the unfortunate and interesting King Charles the First, whose tragic career and fate would have so admirably suited his descriptive powers. Yet he leaves him in this novel, proud, dignified, over- confident in his own abilities, always respectful to his childish, peculiar old father, setting a steady example of right feeling and conduct towards all around him, yet indicating a firm, if not obstinate, character quite different from the monarch whom he always obeyed and wished others to obey. His James I. 151 character has even of late years continued to be a matter of great difference in opinion among historians who have tried to examine it. Scott gives no very- decided opinion on it, and his next novel in historical course describes a time soon after the unfortunate King's execution, and while his son and heir, after- wards Charles the Second, is making his escape from victorious republican foes. X " WOODSTOCK" THIS work, like "Nigel," is partly historical, but vast political changes have occurred in Britain during the rather short interval elapsing between these two novels. The apprehensive fears of James the First so quaintly expressed in "Nigel" were, indeed, terribly verified, and poor " Baby Charles " had fallen a victim to a revolution either caused by his own tyrannical obstinacy according to some, or by the brutal violence of his foes according to others. James the First ended his life peacefully, undisturbed by rebellion or invasion, though threatened by detected conspiracies, while Charles, instead of " stifling the crop in the blade," had perished in the attempt. A military dictatorship under General Oliver Cromwell became supreme over Great Britain and Ireland, while Charles, the young heir to the Crown, was a wandering fugitive trying to escape at the time of this novel ; his party being signally defeated in the battle of Worcester by the military genius of Cromwell and the enthusiastic bravery of the latter's devoted army. JS3 154 " Woodstock " The Prince, now in disguise and attending on Sir Henry Lee's son Albert under the assumed name of Louis Kerneguy, is supposed to take refuge from his pursuing foes in the house of the stout old Cavalier, Sir Henry, at Woodstock. This fiery old Royalist, though Scott's invention, may well be taken as a tolerably fair though favourable sample of the English Cavaliers at this excited time, though it may be hoped his violent language exceeded that of most among his class. The religious state of England at this period engages Scott's notice at the beginning of this work. The Presbyterians and the Independents aspire now to the chief political power, but the latter, representing the opinions of Cromwell and many of his victorious warriors, soon obtain an almost complete yet brief ascendancy. Scott describes in his usual graphic yet good-humoured style a zealous Puritan divine, Mr. Holdenough, who has replaced the former Prelatist clergyman, now in his turn expelled, and even driven from the pulpit by one of Cromwell's Independent soldiers. Trusty Tomkins, in the old Woodstock Church. I This religious or fanatical warrior delivers a wild, vehement harangue to the assembled congre- gation, in which the religious and political disputes of the time are strangely mingled. Though this scene is mainly due to Scott himself, it is well worthy of study, as in many ways it quite accords with the his- torical accounts and feelings of the period. The Roman Catholics had been since the accession of ' Chap. i. The Commonwealth 155 Queen Elizabeth replaced in political influence by the Anglican Protestants, who in their turn are now sub- jected, after the execution of Charles the First, and since then the Puritans and the Independents, alike under the firm control of Cromwell, were struggling for the mastery, and probably alone prevented by his wonderful sagacity from openly warring with each other. When wohhy Mr. Holdenough is about to ascend the pulpit he is stopped by Tomkins, who has several fellow-soldiers in the church prepared and resolved to support their comrade : "Friend," quoth the intruder, "is it thy purpose to hold forth to these good people ? " " Ay, marry is it," said the clergyman, " and such is my bounden duty. Woe to me if I preach not the gospel. Prithee, friend, let me not in my labour." But the other rudely interrupts, well knowing that he is now master of the situation : " Nay, I am myself minded to hold forth ; therefore do thou desist, or if thou wilt do by my advice, remain and fructify with those poor goslings, to whom I am presently about to shake forth the crumbs of comfortable doctrine." Astonished and irritated at this rude interference, wholly unexpected, on the part of the soldier. Hold- enough exclaims : "Give place, thou man of Satan, . , . respect mine order — my cloth." To this appeal Tomkins makes a provoking reply, which the other perhaps found it hard to contradict : 156 " Woodstock " " I see no more to respect in the cut of thy cloak, or in the cloth of which it is fashioned, . . . than thou didst in the Bishop's rochets — they were black and white, thou art blue and brown. Sleeping dogs every one of you, lying down, loving to slumber — shepherds that starve the flock but will not watch it, each looking to his own gain — hum." Scott, doubtless well read in the history of the time he describes, proceeds : Scenes of this indecent kind were so common at the time, that no one thought of interfering ; the congregation looked on in silence, the better class scandalised, and the lower orders, some laughing and others backing the soldier or minister as their fancy dictated. Meantime the struggle waxed fiercer ; Mr. Holdenough clamoured for assistance. "Master Mayor of Woodstock," he exclaimed, "wilt thou be among those wicked magistrates who bear the sword in vain ? Citi- zens, will you not help your pastor ? Worthy aldermen, will you see me strangled on the pulpit stairs by this man of buff and Belial ? But lo, I will overcome him and cast his cords from me." As Holdenough spoke he struggled to ascend the pulpit stairs, holding hard on the banisters. His tormentor held fast by the skirts of the cloak, which went nigh to the choking of the wearer, until, as he spoke the words last mentioned in a half-strangled voice, Mr. Holdenough dexterously slipped the string which tied it round his neck, so that the garment suddenly gave way ; the soldier fell backwards down the steps, and the liberated divine skipped into the pulpit, and began to give forth a psalm of triumph over his prostrate adversary. But a great hubbub in the church marred his exultation, and although he and his faithful clerk continued to sing the hymn of victory, their notes were only heard by fits, like the whistle of a curlew during a gale of wind. The cause of the tumult was as follows : The Mayor was a zealous Presbyterian, and witnessed the intrusion of the soldier with great indignation from the very beginning, though he hesitated to interfere with an armed man while on his legs and capable of resistance. But no sooner did he behold the champion of Independency sprawling on his back, with the divine's Geneva cloak fluttering in his hands, than the magistrate rushed forward, exclaiming that such insolence was not to be endured, and ordered his constables to seize the prostrate champion, proclaiming in the magnanimity of his wrath, " I will commit every red-coat of them all — I will commit him were he Noll Cromwell himself." The Commonwealth 157 The worthy Mayor's indignation had overmastered his reason when he made this mistimed vaunt ; for three soldiers who had hitherto stood motionless like statues, made each a stride in advance, which placed them betwixt the municipal officers and the soldier, who was in the act of rising ; then making at once the movement of resting arms according to the manual as then practised, their musket- butts rang on the church pavement, within an inch of the gouty toes of Master Mayor. The energetic magistrate whose efforts in favour of order were thus checked, cast one glance on his supporters, but that was enough to show him that force was not on his side. All had shrunk back on hearing that ominous clatter of stone and iron. Scott thus indicates the increasing dread of Cromwell's soldiery, who, although calling themselves the friends of liberty, were falling more and more under the almost absolute rule of the great leader whom they alone so respected, and would have followed to the death. Holdenough has to leave the church, exclaiming to the frightened congregation in reasonable though comically expressed indignation : " I forsake you, in scorn of your faint hearts and feeble hands, and will seek me elsewhere a flock which will not fly from their shepherd at the braying of the first wild ass which cometh from out the great desert." He departs, and Tomkins, triumphantly ascending the pulpit, began to deliver one of those strange dis- courses, partaking partly of a sermon and partly of a military exhortation, which Scott well knew were common at this time. His text was (Psalm xlv.) : " Gird thy sword upon thy thigh, O most mighty, with thy glory and thy majesty : and in thy majesty ride prosperously." Scott proceeds, having evidently often read discourses of this kind, with certainly no liking for them : 158 " Woodstock Upon this theme he commenced one of those wild declamations common at the period, in which men were accustomed to wrest and pervert the language of Scripture by adapting it to modern events. The language which, in its literal sense, was applied to King David, and typically referred to the coming of the Messiah, was in the opinion of the military orator most properly to be interpreted of Oliver Cromwell, the victorious general of the infant Commonwealth, which was never destined to come of age. After praising the victorious Cromwellian soldiery and reproaching the Cavaliers, with whom he truly charges some of his Woodstock audience with sympathy, he alludes to the immediate politics of the day and to the fugitive Prince Charles now flying before his Crom- wellian pursuers, trying to escape for the present from the revolutionary violence of the ruling party in England : " And then, what saith the text ? Ride on prosperously — do not stop — do not call a halt — do not quit the saddle — ^pursue the scat- tered fliers — sound the trumpet — not a levant or a flourish, but a point of war — sound, boot and saddle — to horse and away — a charge ! — follow after the young man ! — what part have we in him ? Slay, take, destroy, divide the spoil ! Blessed art thou, Oliver, on account of thine honour — thy cause is clear, thy call is undoubted — never has defeat come near thy leading staiT, nor disaster attended thy banner. Ride on, flower of England's soldiers ! Ride on, chosen leader of God's champions ! Gird up the loins of thy reso- lution, and be steadfast to the mark of thy high calling." Tomkins, after this wild panegyric on Cromwell, which likely represented the feelings of many among his brave but fanatical soldiery, then begins to threaten and censure the Woodstock people, who seem com- pelled to hear him ; they are for the most part quite on the Royalist side, and are therefore suspected by the triumphant party. Scott represents him in The Commonwealth 159 menacing language allude to some political danger that is impending, after reproaching them bitterly for their Cavalier sympathies : " I tell you, ye are but like Jehu the son of Nimshi, who broke down the house of Baal, yet departed not from the sins of Jeroboam. Even so ye eat not fish on Friday, with the blinded Papists, nor minced pies on the 25 th of December like the slothful Prelatists ; but ye will gorge on sack-posset each night with your blind Presby- terian guide, and ye will speak evil of dignitaries and revile the Commonwealth ; and ye will glorify yourselves in your park of Woodstock, and say, ' Was it not walled in first of any other in England, and that by Henry son of William called the Conqueror ? ' And ye have a princely Lodge therein and call the same a Royal Lodge ; and ye have an oak which ye call the King's Oak ; and ye steal and eat the venison of the park, and say, ' This is the King's venison, we will wash it down with a cup to the King's health — better we eat it than those roundheaded Commonwealth knaves.' " Here Tomkins may speak truly enough, as such a toast was often drunk in secret at this time ; and either irritated or pretending to be at the idea, he sternly proceeds in threatening language : " But listen unto me and take warning. For these things come we to controversy with you. And our name shall be a cannon-shot, before which your Lodge, in the pleasantness whereof ye take pastime, shall be blown into ruins ; and we will be as a wedge to split asunder the King's Oak into billets to heat a brown baker's oven ; and we will dispark your park, and slay your deer and eat them ourselves, neither shall ye have any portion thereof. . . . And ye shall have no comfort nor support, neither from the sequestrated traitor Henry Lee, who called himself Ranger of Woodstock, nor from any on his behalf; for they are coming hither who shall be called Maher-shalal-hash-baz, because he maketh haste to the spoil." Here ended this wild effusion, the latter part of which fell heavy on the souls of the poor citizens of Woodstock. Some would likely suspect that Cromwell himself, or one of his chief officers empowered by him, would i6o "Woodstock" soon pay them a destructive visit, and at present they are incapable of the least resistance to this general's increasing power. The assembled inhabitants of Woodstock, therefore, hear this Cromwellian soldier with mingled fear and wonder, natural enough in the present state of England. Day after day they had been informed that the fatal fiat of Parlia- ment had gone out for selling the park of Woodstock, destroying its lodge, disparking its forest, and erasing, as far as they could be erased, all traces of its ancient fame. Scott's imaginary Independent soldier Tomkins is really a spy of Cromwell's party, now actively trying to capture the fugitive young king, Charles the Second. Tomkins himself seems a knavish zealot, or, in Scott's words, a "fanatical voluptuary." His abuse of Shakespeare's plays, which he finds in Sir Henry Lee's house, is evidently meant to express the hatred which many of his party felt towards England's greatest poet. "Here," he said, dealing a perilous thump upon the volume, " here is the King and high priest of those vices and follies ! Here is he, whom men of folly profanely call nature's miracle. Here is he, whom princes chose for their cabinet-keeper and whom maids of honour take for their bed-fellow ! Here is the prime teacher of fine words, foppery and folly ! ... On thee, William Shakespeare, I charge whate'er of such lawless idleness and immodest folly hath defiled the land since thy day. . . . Away with him, away with him, men of England, to Tophet with his wicked book ! " At this disturbed period his great works were usually admired by the Cavaliers and condemned by The Commonwealth i6r the Roundheads. They had been also much admired by the executed king, Charles the First, but it may be doubted if his gay successor, the second Charles, ever had the taste or the inclination to examine them. Shakespeare's illustrious poetical successor, John Milton, however, greatly admired him. This able and most accomplished man was about this time an eager politician. He seemed absolutely devoted to Crom- well's interests, whom he indeed admired and trusted more like an enthusiastic loyal subject of a noble king than a Republican. He declared in the spirit of monarchical loyalty that Cromwell deserved to be alone superior over Great Britain, and viewed all opposing him with threatening indignation. Two more remark- able contrasts can hardly be imagined than these great Englishmen, Cromwell and Milton, who, at the time of this historical novel, were firmly united to support the Commonwealth, which soon developed into Cromwell's sole authority, and to efface by all possible means any sympathy for the memory of the late king, or any regard for the alleged rights of his successor. Yet Milton, unlike his political chief and most of his political partisans, was a thoroughly literary man, and thus a true admirer of Shakespeare. Milton's accomplished mind, when free from the irri- tating influence of political strife, recognises in his own beautiful language the delight of hearing Shakespeare's plays on the stage as among the chief intellectual pleasures of a city life. He also praises Shakespeare's friend and cotemporary Ben Jonson, though likely neither of these poets would have found or diffused 1 62 "Woodstock" much pleasure among Milton's political friends and partisans. Then to the well-trod stage anon, If Jonson's learned sock be on Or sweetest Shakespeare, Fancy's child, Warble his native wood notes wild. ' But Milton apparently concealed or controlled his poetical tastes and sympathies when pleading zealously for Cromwell's rule, as most of his followers detested Shakespeare, whose monarchical tendencies are often revealed, especially in his plays of Henry the Fifth and Henry the Eighth. The only historical person- ages introduced in this story are Charles the Second, Oliver Cromwell, and the regicide, General Harrison ; but Scott contrives to introduce some of Milton's poetry, and thereby illustrates the detestation with which the Cavalier party regarded him. It would seem that England's two chief poets, Shakespeare and Milton, were at this time and long after considered as to some extent political teachers or advisers by the opposing parties in England. Scott therefore makes his hero, a Roundhead officer, Colonel Markham Everard, repeat some of Milton's verses, at first without naming the writer, to his old Cavalier uncle. Sir Henry Lee, with whose daughter, Alice, Everard is in love, but his suit is for some time sternly rejected by Sir Henry, viewing all Crom- wellians with detestation. Yet Scott makes even ' The " Allegro." The Commonwealth 163 Everard, a man of high character, mention Shake- speare with great injustice, though without the coarseness of Tomkins. This scene Scott apparently introduces to illustrate the prejudices even of estimable and comparatively well-educated Englishmen about their most distin- guished poets at this agitated time.' Everard answers Sir Henry, who praises Shakespeare more, perhaps, because the late king admired him than from his own power of appreciation : "I cannot think these fine poems are a useful study, and especially for the youth of either sex, in which bloodshed is pointed out as the chief occupation of the men, and intrigue as the sole employment of the women." Sir Henry, irritated at this depreciation of Shake- speare, controls his hot temper, and after awhile, trying to be sarcastic, replies : " I would insist, were it fit for a poor disbanded Cavalier to use such a phrase towards a commander of the conquering army, upon knowing whether the convulsion which has sent us saints and prophets without end, has not also afforded us a poet with enough both of gifts and grace to outshine poor Will, the oracle and idol of us blinded and carnal Cavaliers." Milton's name at once occurs to the challenged Everard, but he prudently refrains from mentioning it, well knowing that the poet was now more known as the vehement literary supporter of Cromwell than for, as Scott says, " the poetry doomed in after-days to support the eternal structure of his immortality." ' Chapter xxv. 164 "Woodstock" Milton's two chief poems, indeed, had not yet ap- peared, but Everard mentions a play "written by a friend of the Commonwealth," from which he intends to quote. Sir Henry, little thinking he means Milton, and knowing the objections usually expressed by the Roundhead party against all theatrical exhibitions, exclaims in wonder : "A play, too, and written by a Roundhead author ! " " A dramatic production at least," replied his nephew. And Everard then recites from " Comus " : "These thoughts may startle well, but not astound The virtuous mind that ever walks attended By a strong-siding champion. Conscience." These noble words breathing a consolation to the afflicted or endangered almost worthy of the Bible itself. Sir Henry naturally applies to his own present distress, his house being recently seized on and occu- pied by three Roundhead leaders — Messrs. Desborough and Bletson, together with the well-known regicide. General Harrison. Full of sympathetic warmth, the old Cavalier cannot resist exclaiming : " My own opinion, nephew Markham, my own opinion — better expressed, but just what I said when the scoundrelly Roundheads pretended to see ghosts at Woodstock. Go on, I prithee." Everard proceeded, repeating some more beautiful lines from "Comus," but still prudently withholding the name of the writer. Sir Henry, who, despite his The Commonwealth 165 rough nature and hot temper, certainly admired poetry, finally exclaims : "Yes ! I do call that poetry — though it were even written by a Presbyterian or an Anabaptist either. . . . Doubtless the gentleness of spirit and the purity of mind which dictated those beautiful lines has long ago taught a man so amiable to say ' I have sinned, I have sinned.' Yes, I doubt not so sweet a harp has been broken even in remorse for the crimes he was witness to ; and now he sits drooping for the shame and sorrow of England." Scott now makes Prince Charles — who, disguised as a Scottish page, has taken refuge at Sir Henry's house — reveal Milton's name to the enraged old Cavalier, while Everard silently awaits the coming, storm : " John Milton ! " exclaimed Sir Henry in astonishment. "What ! John Milton, the blasphemous and bloody-minded author of the ' Defensio Populi Anglicani ' ; the advocate of the infernal High Court of Fiends ; the creature and parasite of that grand impostor, that loathsome hjrpocrite, . . . and that compendium of baseness, Oliver Cromwell. . . . Everard, I will never forgive thee — never, never ! Thou hast made me speak words of praise respecting one whose offal should fatten the region-kites. . . . Am I, your kinsman and benefactor, a fit person to be juggled out of my commendation and eulogy, and brought to bedaub such a whitened sepulchre as the sophist Milton ? " In vain Everard reasonably explains : " You defied me to produce poetry as good as Shakespeare's. I only thought of the verses, not of the politics of Milton." But the angry old Cavalier can only sarcastically reply : " Oh yes, sir ; we well know your power of making distinctions ; you could make war against the King's prerogative without having 1 66 "Woodstock" the least design against his person. Oh ! Heaven forbid ! But Heaven will hear and judge you." Though Sir Henry's vehement language seems unjustifiable, yet, when Milton's prose works are calmly examined, the old knight's wrath may be somewhat excused. For about this time the supposed penitent poet was writing, and trying to diffuse a terrible and apparently most false charge against the late king, and in the very publication which old Sir Henry abuses so vehemently. Apparently Milton wrote this in the hope of destroying all that sympathy for the king's fate and respect for his many good qualities, exaggerated, perhaps, by his adherents, yet which were becoming more and more acknowledged by his conscientious or reasonable opponents. Dr. Johnson's well-deserved censure on Milton's vindictive bitterness when yielding to " Party spirit," is often blamed by people who, enchanted or fascinated by Milton's splendid poetry, or with his noble treatise the " Areopagitica ; or, A Plea for Unlicensed Printing," cannot have much studied those bitter ebullitions of political rancour in which Milton indulged without shame or scruple. Even his reproachful attacks on Irish royalists, whether Protestant or Roman Catholic, who hesitated or refused to acknowledge his great hero Cromwell's authority, prove that his practical love of real liberty in religious or political questions was hardly reliable. But his deliberate accusation against Charles the First is probably the most unscrupulous or unjustifiable of all his writings, and in some degree justifies Dr. Johnson's indignant censure in his " Life The Commonwealth 167 of Milton," and of Sir Henry Lee's angry explosion in the novel directly he hears the poet's name. Milton, evidently desiring to support Cromwell with all the force and energy of his mighty genius, dreading also the possibility, if not likelihood, of a restoration of monarchy, thus imputes to the late king the awful crime of parricide. He does so in two parts of his celebrated and certainly very able treatise, "The Defence of the English People," at first cautiously, as if feeling his way to popular credulity, but finally he proclaims the charge openly, though without offering the least proof He writes : "Solomon began his reign with the death of his brother, who had justly deserved it : King Charles began his with his father's funeral, I do not say with his murder, and yet all the marks and tokens of poison that may be, appeared in his dead body, but that suspicion lighted on the Duke of Buckingham only whom the king notwithstanding cleared to the Parliament." ' Later on in the same treatise Milton boldly declares (p- ^2,7)- "Charles murdered both his prince and his father, and that by poison. For to omit other evidences, he that would not suffer a duke that was accused for it to come to his trial must needs have been guilty of it himself." This awful charge is not even mentioned by some historians, whether on the King's side or not. As it was published during the height of Cromwell's power, and when it was obviously his duty and interest alike to establish its truth, there is every reason to believe ' " Defensio Populi," p. 59 (Bohn's edition). 1 68 "Woodstock" that if it had any foundation, no secrecy, denial, or concealment would at such a time have been possible. Yet, except in the middle of Milton's eager, eloquent treatise, it seems to have been unknown or dis- believed. Even Macaulay, no friend to Charles, admits that his domestic life was " without blemish." ^ It is obvious that had this most accomplished historian the remotest idea of the King's guilt he would never have written these words. Yet it is surprising to find in the many allusions which Macaulay makes to Milton, of whose genius he is such an eloquent admirer, no notice appears of this terrible imputation. An accusation so important and sent forth openly to the English nation in a published treatise naturally horrified all the Cavalier party, and evidently made them forget, or ignore, the brilliant poet in the fierce and unscrupulous Cromwellian. Alluding to this sort of accusation, though without naming Milton, Macaulay writes that people, especially in England, "were in the habit of attributing the deaths of princes, especially when the prince was popular and the death unexpected, to the foulest and darkest kind of assassination. . . . Thus Charles the First had been accused of poisoning James the First." ^ Evidently Macaulay, though no admirer of Charles the First, never believed this accusation against the King's memory, though written and openly addressed to the English nation by the historian's favourite poet. ' " History of England," vol. i. ^ Ibid., chap. iv. The Commonwealth 169 In this historical novel Scott introduces the young Prince, Charles the Second, as a disguised and red- wigged Scottish page attending on Sir Henry's son Albert, and falling in love with the old knight's daughter, Alice Lee. While an apparent refugee at Woodstock from the Worcester defeat, he even makes very free with the female servants in the host's house, which, from historical accounts, is likely true enough to his nature. This gay young man probably found Woodstock, even when a temporary refuge from peril, yet a dull place, and Sir Henry tries to amuse him in a way which might have suited Charles the First but was quite a failure with his frivolous successor. Scott, who always delights to describe historical persons in imaginary situations, while adhering closely to every sign of probability, writes : Sir Henry then offered to read him a play of Shakespeare, and for this purpose turned up King Richard II. But hardly had he commenced with "old John of Gaunt, time-honoured Lancaster," when the young gentleman was seized with such an uncontrollable fit of the cramp as could only be relieved by immediate exercise (chap, xxiii.). The worthy host, however, had strangely chosen one of the most serious, if not gloomy, among the "Plays." Had he chosen to read aloud about Falstaff, or Benedick and Beatrice, the bored young Prince might have listened either with pleasure, or at least with comparative patience.^ But previously Scott makes ' Chapter xxii. lyo "Woodstock" Alice Lee describe the character of Charles the First to his father and the disguised Prince in terms of the highest praise, yet which was evidently believed by the Cavalier party, and rather resembled the account given by Hume : "If moral virtues and religious faith were to be selected as the qualities which merited a crown, no man could plead the possession of them in a higher or more indisputable degree, temperate, wise, and frugal, yet munificent in rewarding merit — a friend to letters and the muses, but a severe discourager of the misuse of such gifts — a worthy gentleman — a. kind master — the best friend, the best father, the best Christian " Her voice began to falter, and her father's handkerchief was already at his eyes. " He was, girl, he was," exclaimed Sir Henry ; " but no more on't, I charge ye " He is apparently overcome with emotion, as doubtless the vision of the last scene on the scaffold at Whitehall occurred to his mind, as to many other Royalists when recalling the memory of the executed King. The young Prince, however, expresses no interest nor sympathy, and, indeed, in real life there seems not to have been the least resemblance between Charles the First and Charles the Second ; and this little scene might well have passed in many a Cavalier's house at this time. But the most amusing, perhaps the most natural, though fictitious sketch of the lively Prince is when, after his hasty flight from Woodstock, Albert Lee, remaining there, loyally personates him, not only in dress, but in imitating his impudent liberties with the female servants. His father, anxious for the Prince's safety, eagerly asks Albert Lee : The Commonwealth 171 " Hast thou succeeded ? hast thou taken royalty upon thee so as to pass current ? " "I have sir," the loyal son replies, " the women will swear that Louis Kerneguy was in the house this very last minute." " Right, for they are good and faithful creatures," said the knight, and asks, " How didst thou impress the deceit upon them ? " His son replies : " By a trifling imitation of the royal manner, sir, not worth mentioning." Sir Henry, evidently guessing his meaning, replies, half-gratified yet half-ashamed : " Out, rogue ! I fear the King's character will suffer under your mummery." " Umph ! " said Albert, muttering what he dared not utter aloud — " were I to follow the example close up, I know whose character would be in the greatest danger " (chap, xxxii.). Yet Scott, on the whole, is certainly more favour- able to Charles than he deserved, despite his constant merriment and thoughtless good-nature. Scott's account of Cromwell, whom he personally introduces chiefly towards the end of the book, as the friend, or rather the political leader of Everard, though written with calmness, would hardly satisfy either Oliver's friends or foes, and may therefore, perhaps, be considered all the more reliable. In this novel Cromwell is mentioned as hastily sentencing several prisoners to death one evening and liberating all the next morning.' Scott, as if in explanation, states that, though Cromwell " made formidable examples, he was by no means sanguinary," but his sudden ' Chapters xxxv. and xxxvii. 172 "Woodstock" change in this instance is, of course, the novelist's idea. Cromwell's relentless Irish policy towards both Protestant and Roman Catholic Royalists is not alluded to, and, on the whole, Scott's sketch of him makes Cromwell generous rather than vindictive, at least to all English foes. Nor does he likely depart from truth in this account, for considering the fierce, covetous, and bigoted nature of many among his triumphant soldiers, had it not been for Oliver's firmness in restraining them, the confiscation of Cavalier property might have been general. Crom- well, however, evidently desired to keep all England as quiet and settled as possible, and had no great prejudice against any English opponents, though, unfortunately, he regarded both foreigners and Irish- men alike as his country's foes, and detested them accordingly. In this novel he is described as making eager search after the fugitive Prince, who makes his escape from Woodstock, while Cromwell himself arrives there determined, if possible, to discover and arrest him. Scott introduces, as perhaps a type of many among the English Cavaliers — a brave, kind- hearted, but intemperate Royalist, Roger Wildrake, whose name rather represents his character. This man, whose life was saved by his political foe. Colonel Everard, attends upon him, and is, in fact, under his present protection, but remains as firm a Cavalier as ever. He is commissioned by Everard to interview Cromwell in London with a view to reinstate old Sir Henry Lee in his house at Woodstock, now occupied by three Parliamentary Commissioners. The extra- The Commonwealth 173 ordinary interview between the powerful Protector and the reckless Cavalier, though imaginary, is likely meant by Scott to display Cromwell's singular style of speaking, which naturally confounds and puzzles the not very intelligent Cavalier Wildrake. Scott says of Cromwell that no man could "put his meaning into fewer or more decisive words. But when, as it often happened, he had a mind to play the orator for the benefit of people's ears without enlightening their understanding, Cromwell was wont to invest his meaning, or that which seemed to be his meaning, in such a mist of words, surrounding it with so many exclusions and exceptions. . . . that, though one of the most shrewd men in England, he was, perhaps, the most uninteUigible speaker that ever perplexed an audience." While uttering copious language, Cromwell yet keeps his shrewd eye intent upon his listener Wild- rake's face, telling him that the royal Prince is now a fugitive hiding somewhere, and that all true English patriots should aid in capturing him. During this interview with the imprudent Cavalier, who in real life would hardly have been trusted by a man of Everard's sense as a fit messenger to Cromwell, Scott makes the latter show Wildrake a picture of Charles the First by mistake, intending to show him that of the fugitive. Cromwell's agitation at seeing this picture, though imaginary, is yet interesting if not instructive to historical students as showing Scott's opinion about Cromwell's actual feelings about the late King's execution, and the part he had taken against him. It is a subject on which the friends and foes of Cromwell, even to the present time, differ greatly in opinion. Cromwell's emotion is unlike his illustrious 1 74 " Woodstock " admirer, Milton, who, in eloquent, vehement prose, boldly justifies the act altogether by deliberately writing : "The only grief is that the head [of the king] was not struck off to the best advantage and commodity of them that held it by the hair." ' This ferocious language seems, indeed, utterly inconsistent with the beautiful verses in "Comus," the calm wisdom of the " Areopagitica," or the subsequent sublimities of "Paradise Lost" and "Paradise Re- gained." Cromwell himself apparently never " put pen to paper" about the King's execution, nor alluded to it in public utterances. Macaulay's opinion that the regicides committed " not only a crime but an error," adding that " From that day began a reaction in favour of monarchy," ^ might also have been in Cromwell's mind on perceiving all Royalist sympathies immediately transferred to the comparatively unknown young Prince. Whether it was so or not, the words Scott attributes to Cromwell seem natural enough for a conscientious man suddenly placed in so lofty and powerful yet endangered and perilous position. He exclaims on recognising the accurate likeness of him whom so many called his royal victim : " That Flemish painter ; that Antonio Vandyck — what a power he has ! Steel may mutilate, warriors may waste and destroy — still "Iconoclast," p. 315 (Bohn's edition). " History of England," vol. i. The Commonwealth 175 the King stands uninjured by time. ... It was a stern necessity — it was an awful deed." Cromwell proceeds almost in the words of some admiring adherents, recognising at once his success and the King's failure in ruling the agitated British nation at this time : " Who blames him, who, mounted aloft, rides triumphantly among the people, for having succeeded where the unskilful and feeble fell and died ? Verily he hath his reward." Then again he exclaims, as if addressing the picture which has evidently excited even his firm, resolute mind : "Then, what is that piece of painted canvas more to me than others ? No ; let him show to others the reproaches of that cold, calm face, that proud yet complaining eye. . . Not wealth, nor power brought me from my obscurity. The oppressed consciences, the injured liberties of England were the banner that I followed." His favourite daughter now enters, who leads her agitated father away, and soon after Cromwell, quite recovered from his excitement, again receives Wild- rake, to whom he entrusts an important packet for Colonel Everard, authorising him to request, or enforce, the departure of the three Parliamentary Commissioners from Woodstock. In this transaction Cromwell wishes to gratify Everard, whom he regards as a valuable officer, and therefore desires the Com- missioners to leave Woodstock, reconciling them, however, by the welcome promise of their obtaining 176 "Woodstock" the yet more lucrative pleasure of occupying instead the royal park of Windsor. These Commissioners are a curious trio. Mr. Bletson, M.P., is a con- ceited, unscrupulous sceptic; Desborough an ignorant, covetous man, but a brother-in-law of Cromwell ; and General Harrison a brave, fanciful, yet crafty enthusiast. Scott thus mentions the three, though rather from a Cavalier point of view : It was wonderful to behold what a strange variety of mistakes and errors on the part of the King and his Ministers, on the part of the Parliament and their leaders, on the part of the allied kingdoms of Scotland and England towards each other, had combined to rear up men of such dangerous opinions and interested characters among the arbiters of the destinies of Britain (chap. xi.). When Everard announces his news to this trio now in possession of Woodstock, that Cromwell desires their departure, all three are displeased, especially Harrison, who, commanding some devoted or fanatical soldiers, openly declares he will resist even Crom- well's authority, fiercely exclaiming to Everard: " Knowest thou not, Markham Everard, that I have followed the man Cromwell as close as the bull-dog follows his master ? and so I will yet ; — but I am no spaniel, either to be beaten, or to have the food I have earned snatched from me. ... I looked amongst the three of us, that we might honestly, and piously, and with advantage to the Commonwealth, have gained out of this commission three, or it may be five, thousand pounds. And does Cromwell imagine I will part with it for a rough word ? No man goeth a warfare on his own charges. He that serves the altar must live by the altar." Then, alluding to the wants of himself and his soldiers : The Commonwealth 177 "And the saints must have means to provide them with good harness and good horses against the unseaUng and the pouring forth. . . . Of a surety I will resist, and the men who are here being chiefly of my own regiment — men who wait and who expect, with lamps burning and loins girded, and each one his weapon upon his thigh, will aid me to make this house good against every assault — ay, even against Cromwell himself, until the latter coming — Selah ! Selah ! " The others, though less warHke, are obstinate, but when Everard intimates to all three that they leave Woodstock for the purpose of disposing of the royal property and disparking the Kmg's forest of Windsor. . . . All parties pricked up their ears, and their droop- ing and gloomy and vindictive looks began to give place to courteous smiles and to a cheerfulness which laughed in their eyes and turned their mustaches upwards (chap. xvi.). In the course of the story Scott describes Wildrake vainly trying to stab Cromwell, who generously par- dons him. This incident, which perhaps might well have been omitted, is likely introduced as assassina- tion was said to be the only danger dreaded by the heroic spirit of Cromwell. Wildrake, though not apparently very grateful for pardon, seems rather a favourite with Scott, who makes him at the end of the story be the first to announce to Charles the Second when abroad the speedy restoration of the Monarchy. While Charles, with Buckingham, Lord Wilmot, and some other gallants of his wandering Court, were engaged in a convivial party, the Chancellor Clarendon suddenly craved audience, and entering with less ceremony than he would have done at another time, announced extraordinary news. For the messenger he said he could say nothing, saving that he appeared to have drunk much and 178 " Woodstock" slept little, but that he had brought a sure token of credence from a man for whose faith he would venture his life. The King demanded to see the messenger himself. A man entered with something the manners of a gentleman and more those of a rakehelly debauchee. . . . He staggered without ceremony to the head of the table, seized the King's hand, which he mumbled like a piece of gingerbread ; while Charles, who began to recollect him from his mode of salutation, was not very much pleased that their meeting should have taken place before so many witnesses. "I bring good news," said the uncouth messenger, "glorious news ! — the King shall enjoy his own again. My feet are beautiful on the mountains. Gad, I have lived with Presbyterians till I have caught their language — but we are all one man's children now — all your Majesty's poor babes. The Rump is all ruined in London, bonfires flaming, music playing, rumps roasting, healths drinking, London in a blaze of light from the Strand to Rotherhither — tankards clattering — " " We can guess at that,'' said the Duke of Buckingham. " My old friend, Mark Everard, sent me off with the news ; I'm a villain if I've slept since. Your Majesty recollects me, I'm sure. . . ." "Master Wildrake, I remember you well," said the King. "I trust the good news is certain." "Certain, your Majesty! did I not hear the bells? — did not I see the bonfires? — did not I drink your Majesty's health so often, that my legs would scarce carry me to the wharf? It is as certain as I am poor Roger Wildrake of Squattleseamere, Lincoln." The Duke of Buckingham here whispered to the King, " I have always suspected your Majesty kept odd company during the escape from Worcester, but this seems a rare sample." The gay Duke then asks Charles's leave to examine Wildrake himself, but Scott makes the King wisely hand over poor Wildrake to the examination of the more prudent Chancellor, Lord Clarendon. The King's reasons for this not only agree with the pre- vious incidents of the novel, but well display his licentious character, not unmingled with some degree of caution. The Commonwealth 179 He gave a signal to the Chancellor to take away Wildrake, whom he judged in his present humour to be not unlikely to communicate some former passages at Woodstock, which might rather entertain than edify the wits of his court (chap, xxxviii.). The last scene of this truly historical novel describes almost enthusiastically the triumphal entrance of Charles the Second into London, for the peaceful death of Cromwell soon occasioned the joyful restora- tion of the Monarchy. The return of the new King to London is witnessed by Sir Henry Lee, now old and feeble, with intense emotion. Scott's description of this great national event here, and Macaulay's account, though written by men of such differing views, much resemble each other, and may be interesting to compare : " All the contemporary accounts represent the nation as in a state of hysterical excitement, of drunken joy. . . . Bonfires blazed. Bells jingled. The streets were thronged at night by boon com- panions who forced all the passers-by to swallow on bended knees brimming glasses to the health of his most sacred Majesty and the damnation of Red-nosed Noll. . . . All London crowded to shout and laugh round the gibbet where hung the rotting remains of the greatest prince who had made England the dread of the world, who had been the chief founder of her maritime greatness and of her colonial empire. . . . When some of those brave and honest though misguided men, among whom was General Harrison, who had sat in judgment on the King, were dragged on hurdles to a death of prolonged torture, their last prayers were interrupted by the hisses and execrations of thousands." ' Macaulay's Essay on " Mackintosh." 1 8o " Woodstock " Dryden, despite his previous poetic praise of Crom- well, now altered his tone. In the words of Dr. Johnson, " If he changed he changed with the nation," and accordingly wrote in a more than loyal style : "And welcome now, great monarch, to your own. , . . Methinks I see those crowds on Dover's strand, Who, in their haste to welcome you to land, Choked up the beach with their still growing store, And made a wilder torrent on the shore; While spurred with eager thoughts of past delight. Those who had seen you court a second sight. . . . How shall I speak of that triumphant day, When you renewed the expiring pomp of May ! A month that owns an interest in your name — You and the flowers are. its peculiar claim." ' The 29th of May, the King's birthday, was also that of his entry into London, which evoked these beautiful lines from this political poet. Scott writes with evident pleasure : On horseback, the restored monarch rode slowly over roads strewed with flowers — by conduits running wine, under triumphal arches and through streets hung with tapestry. There were citizens in various bands, some arrayed in coats of black velvet with gold chains ; some in military suits of cloth of gold, or cloth of silver, followed by all those craftsmen who, having hooted the father from Whitehall, had now come to shout the son into possession of his ancestral palace. On his progress through Blackheath he passed that army which, so long formidable to England herself, as well as to Europe, had been the means of restoring the Monarchy which their own hands had destroyed. As the King passed the last files of this formidable host he came to an open part of the heath where many persons of quality with others of inferior rank, had stationed themselves to congratulate him as he passed towards the capital. ^ "Astroea Redux." The Commonwealth i8i There was one group ... of which the principal figure was an old man seated in a chair, having a complacent smile on his face and a tear swelling to his eye, as he saw the banners wave on in inter- minable succession and heard the multitude shouting the long- silenced acclamation, " God save King Charles ! . . ." And now the distant clarions announced the royal presence. Onward came pursuivant and trumpet — onward came plumes and cloth of gold, and waving standards displayed, and swords gleaming to the sun ; and at length, heading a group of the noblest in Eng- land, and supported by his royal brothers on either side, onward came King Charles. Then on recognising Sir Henry Lee, Scott makes the King show a nobler feeling than history altogether warrants, despite his usual thoughtless good-nature : The monarch sprang from his horse and walked instantly up to the old knight, amid thundering acclamations which arose from the multitude around, when they saw Charles with his own hand oppose the feeble attempts of the old man to rise to do him homage. . . . He took his aged hand in both his own, and stooped his head towards him to catch his accents, while the old man, detaining him with the other hand, said something flattering of which Charles could only catch the quotation — "Unthread the rude eye of rebellion. And welcome home again discarded faith." Muttering these words, which indeed well expressed the Royalist principles of his life, the agitated old Cavalier dies from joyful excitement, and in the beautiful words of Scott : The light that burned so low in the socket, had leaped up and expired in one exhilarating flash (chap, xxxviii.). Yet while the rejoicing of England's majority was really as complete, and wildly enthusiastic, as the 1 8 2 " Woodstock " Tory novelist and the Whig historian in the nine- teenth century alike describe, though with different feelings, some few grieved or ruined adherents of Cromwell still lingered on in endangered obscurity. Among these, a decidedly small minority of England's people, Milton was indeed supreme. He avoided, or, in Johnson's scornful words, "skulked from the approach " ' of the new King in the same firm spirit as he had opposed the former, and even calumniated the memory of the late one. The sublime poet was about this time, or soon after, composing his two greatest works, though in comparative blindness and probably real danger. These immortal works, " Para- dise Lost " and " Paradise Regained," have indeed permanently survived in the minds of intellectual Englishmen those eager and violent political attacks and vindications so common in his time, and in which he had himself so vehemently if not unscrupulously indulged. Alluding to these general rejoicings on the King's accession, the saddened and lonely poet appeals, as others in misfortune have sometimes done, to the resources of literature for consolation. He addresses the Greek Muse Urania, imploring aid to his afflicted mind in words which, without mention- ing English names or events, clearly refer to the restoration of the Monarchy and the ruin of his own party : " More safe I sing with mortal voice unchanged To hoarse or mute though fallen on evil days, Johnson's " Life of Milton." The Commonwealth 183 On evil days though fallen and evil tongues, In darkness, and with dangers compassed round, And solitude, yet not alone, while thou Visits my slumbers nightly, or when Morn Purples the east. Still govern thou my song, Urania, and fit audience find though few." Milton evidently knows and here admits that most of his fellow-Englishmen are against him, and that only among a small minority even of educated people are his feelings likely to be at present shared or perhaps understood. He proceeds, apparently dis- turbed or tormented by the shouts, revellings, and insults of some triumphant and likely drunken Cavaliers : " But drive far off the barbarous dissonance Of Bacchus and his revellers, the race Of that wild rout that tore the Thracian bard In Rodope where woods and rocks had ears To rapture, till the savage clamour drowned Both harp and voice ; nor could the muse defend Her son. So fail not thou who thee implores. For thou art heavenly, she, an empty dream." • The new King, however, found an ardent poetical admirer in Dryden, who wrote upon his coronation, April, 1 66 1, in an exulting spirit of loyal joy- fulness which would have gratified even Sir Henry Lee or Wildrake : "All eyes you draw, and with the eyes the heart. Of your own pomp yourself the greatest part : Loud shouts the nation's happiness proclaim. And heaven this day is feasted with your name. "Paradise Lost" (book vii.). 184 "Woodstock" Your cavalcade the fair spectators view From their high standings, yet look up to you. From your brave train each singles out a prey, And longs to date a conquest from your day. . . . Now charged with blessings while you seek repose, Officious slumbers haste your eyes to close ; And glorious dreams stand ready to restore The pleasing shapes of all you saw before. Next to the sacred temple you are led. Where waits a crown for your most sacred head. . . . Music herself is lost ; in vain she brings Her choicest notes to praise the best of kings : Her melting strains in you a tomb have found, And lie like bees in their own sweetness drowned. He that brought peace, all discord could atone, His name is music of itself alone." This extravagant though beautiful style of loyal rejoicing was likely well suited to the excited time when it appeared, and Charles the Second seems for many years to have been admired and praised far more than he deserved or perhaps much desired. His singular contempt without dislike for most people is ably noticed by Macaulay, who says, "He saw little in men but what was hateful, yet he did not hate them." I The whole novel of "Woodstock," though certainly written from a Royalist point of view, might yet hardly have pleased any political parties during the times it describes. Scott's whole style of writing and thinking about this distracted or excited period shows the feelings of a calm, humane man living in a time of domestic peace and tranquillity, altogether different from the dangerous and stirring times which he describes with such instructive impartiality. ' " History of England," vol. i. XI "PEVERIL OF THE PEAK" THIS story, like " Nigel," is laid chiefly in London. The disguised young prince in "Woodstock" is now the middle-aged King Charles the Second, nicknamed in a friendly way " Old Rowley " by many of his subjects, probably chiefly by those in London. His brother and immediate successor, James Duke of York, is never introduced, though in London at this time, where Charles with his gay courtier, the Duke of Buckingham, are enjoying themselves and seem to have all their own way there, yet they occasionally quarrel together without coming to an open rupture. Among the chief imaginary characters, Sir Geoffrey Peveril and Major Bridgenorth represent, though neither very favourably, the Cavalier and the Roundhead parties. The Cavaliers are now altogether triumphant, and old Sir Geoffrey is their intemperate representative, a man very inferior to Sir Henry Lee in spirit and intelligence, though of the same politics ; Major Bridgenorth is gloomy and, like Milton, mourns over the downfall of his party. Young Julian Peveril, son 185 1 86 "Peveril of the Peak" of Sir Geoffrey, and Alice, daughter of the Major, are the fanciful hero and heroine, but neither is particularly interesting. The chief historical interest of this somewhat inferior novel lies in the alleged "Popish Plot" and other suspected conspiracies in London. The long-previous execution of the Cavalier Lord Derby by the Roundhead party, and the subsequent one of William Christian in the Isle of Man, at the instigation partly of the widowed Countess, who blamed him for plotting against her late husband, seem to be historical events ; and Edward Christian, the villain of this story, eagerly seeks revenge against the Countess for the death of his relative, yet Scott owns that this man is an imaginary person. None of his invented characters are of much importance, and the chief interest of the book lies in its historical characters and events. London was evidently at this period of Charles the Second's reign in an extraordinary condition, and among its multitude of inhabitants probably few were so little troubled by fears or apprehensions of any sort as its joyous if not fearless king. Rumours of dangerous plots among the discontented and op- pressed Roman Catholics were being constantly spread and believed, while Duke James, heir to the crown and future king, was naturally the hope and the advocate of the Catholic minority. While dangerous plots, political assassinations, and alarming apprehensions troubled his reign, the gay, dissipated, licentious king with his profligate courtier, Buck- ingham, thoroughly enjoyed themselves, without Charles II. 187 apparently thinking or caring much about the future either in this world or the next. It was said and believed that the " Merry Monarch " when warned by his graver and less popular brother about the risk of assassination, replied with sarcastic cheerful- ness and truth, " Nobody will kill me to make you king," yet some of the most desperate among the oppressed Roman Catholics might have desired to commit this crime, and the friendly warning was a sure proof of the steady affection which James, despite his many faults, always showed for his elder brother. The discovery, however, of the terrible Gunpowder Plot had sunk so deep among the English, especially the London people, that some unscrupulous men — Titus Oates, Everett, Dangerfield, and others — for a time succeeded in obtaining money and influence by cunningly inventing Roman Catholic conspiracies, and destroying the lives or fortunes of many innocent persons whose religious faith at this time not only exposed them to popular suspicion, but to some extent deprived them of much confidence. Titus Oates, with the severe Judge Scroggs, are introduced in one short scene, but this story ends before the former had obtained his terrible notoriety as one of the most dangerous false accusers ever known. Oates, taking advantage of the general prejudice throughout England, London perhaps chiefly, against Roman Catholics at this time, persisted in his alleged discoveries of " Popish Plots," and he is described as talking before Judge Scroggs in a strange, coarse accent, but full of 1 88 "Peveril of the Peak" effrontery, which agrees with historical record. He exclaims : "All men knaw at what coast and praice I have given my evidence, which has always been under Gaad the means of awakening this poor naation to the dangerous state in which it staunds." He always calls the alleged Plot the Plaat, and for some time was pretty generally believed, but in this novel he is only briefly described or introduced without taking much part in its events. Scott's personal de- scription of this notorious Doctor Oates agrees with Dryden's poetic account : Even his exterior was portentous. A fleece of white periwig showed a most uncouth visage, of great length, having the mouth, as the organ by the use of which he was to rise to eminence placed in the very centre of the countenance and exhibiting to the astonished spectator as much chin below as there was nose and brow above the aperture. His pronunciation, too, was after a conceited fashion of his own, in which he accented the vowels in a manner altogether peculiar to himself. This notorious personage such as we have described him, stood forth on the present trial, and delivered his astonishing testimony concerning the existence of a Catholic Plot for the subversion of the Government and murder of the King in the same general outline in which it may be found in every Enghsh history (chap. xli.). Dryden, with whose description of Oates Scott was doubtless acquainted, writes with evident exactness : 'Sunk were his eyes, his voice was harsh and loud. Sure signs he neither choleric was, nor proud : His long chin proved his wit, . . . His memory miraculously great, Could plots exceeding man's belief repeat ; Charles II. 189 Which therefore cannot be accounted lies, For human wit could never such devise." ' Titus Oates is only briefly sketched in this novel, which leaves him trusted and generally believed. Macaulay, describing his trial years after the time of Scott's novel, thus alludes to his strange, destructive influence over many, who, despite their superior educa- tion or position, never detected this redoubtable im- postor till too late to save the victims of his many falsehoods : " He had then been the idol of the nation. Wherever he had appeared men had uncovered their heads to him. The lives and estates of the magnates of the realm had been at his mercy. . . . Times had now changed, and many who had formerly regarded him as the deliverer of his country shuddered at the sight of those hideous features on which villainy seemed to be written by the hand of God. It was proved beyond all possibility of doubt that this man had by false testimony deliberately murdered several guiltless persons." ^ Scott also briefly introduces the two rogues or bravoes, Everett and Dangerfield, subordinate in- formers, but only in the beginning of their infamous career. They appear in the pages of this novel like dark shadows flitting across it, yet more full of future than of present danger ; while, apart from all their schemes, plotting, and lies, the gay Charles the Secoad, Buckingham, and other courtiers are enjoying yet dis- gracing their high position by profligacy and self- indulgence. Charles is certainly more favorably described than many historians allow. He is here the ' " Absalom and Achitophel " (part i.). ' " History of England" (chap. iv.). I go " Peveril of the Peak" elderly king, nicknamed " Old Rowley," with a black wig, and taking the nickname in thorough good- humour, and quite consistent on the whole with his description as the pretended Scottish youth in "Wood- stock." In both stories his character as described by the Tory novelist agrees in great measure with that given by the Whig historian ; the latter says of the King: " He had received from nature excellent parts and a happy temper. . . . He had passed through all varieties of fortune and had seen both sides of human nature. . . . Charles came forth with social habits and engaging manners, and with some talent for lively conver- sation; addicted beyond measure to sensual indulgence, fond of sauntering and of frivolous amusements, incapable of self-denial and of exertion, without faith in human virtue or in human attachment. . . . Accordmg to him every person was to be bought, but some people haggled more about their price than others. . . . Thinking thus of mankind, Charles naturally cared very little what they thought of him." The cunning courtier, Chiffinch, is often employed by Charles in licentious intrigues, and is introduced to all appearance truly, and accompanied by a wife like himself, who may be Scott's invention. The unscru- pulous couple in this novel seem alike in the employ and confidence of both Charles and Buckingham. The way in which this pair are employed by Charles, and his style of speaking to these licentious and shameless people, seem quite true to history. In " Woodstock " the profligate character indicated by Charles when a young disguised fugitive is thoroughly developed in " Peveril of the Peak," where he displays it in the full- blown confidence of royal power and even popularity, which latter gift of fortune he owed to his almost Charles II. 191 proverbial good-nature. Mrs. Chififinch, cordially aid- ing her husband's odious occupation in gratifying the King's licentious caprices, tries to introduce the heroine, Alice Bridgenorth, to Charles. Accordingly she addresses her patron : "There is a young person from the country, but she is unprepared for such an honour as to be admitted to your Majesty's presence, and " The royal voluptuary, rather in the spirit of Don Giovanni courting Zerlina, interrupts : " And therefore the fitter to receive it, Chififinch. There is nothing in nature so beautiful as the first blush of a little rustic between joy and fear and wonder and curiosity. It is the down on the peach — pity it decays so soon ! " Though Scott wrote thus years before Macaulay's account of the King, the two descriptions of this gay monarch thoroughly agree. The historian writes that to Charles's mind, who was incapable of understanding real virtue in either sex : " The chief trick by which clever men kept up the price of their abilities was called integrity. The chief trick by which handsome women kept up the price of their beauty was called modesty. . . . Honour and shame were scarcely more to him than light and dark- ness to the blind."' But scarcely has the libertine king finished speaking, when Scott's heroine, Alice Bridgenorth, appears pur- sued by the Duke of Buckingham, and the King and ' " History of England," vol. i. 192 " Peveril of the Peak" he, engaged in the same love chase, rather angrily con- front each other. Alice now reproaches her treacherous hostess, Mrs. Chiffinch, for exposing her " to solicita- tions " which she " despises." When she recognises the King her idea is to appeal to him against Buckingham, little suspecting that the two profligattes are as like one another as "cherry is to cherry," though on this imaginary occasion they run counter to each other, for as Scott says : In that intriguing Court it had not been the first time that the Duke had ventured to enter the lists of gallantry in rivalry to his Sovereign (chap. xxxi.). Charles, however, now reproaches Buckingham for rivalling him in this pursuit, to which the latter replies in a low tone : "It is hard that the squeal of a peevish wench should cancel the services of so many years." " It is harder," Charles is supposed to reply in the same subdued tone which both preserved through the rest of this conversation, "that a wench's bright eyes can make a nobleman forget the decencies due to his Sovereign's privacy." Buckingham replies with somewhat reasonable sarcasm : "May I presume to ask your Majesty what decencies are those?" To this perhaps difficult question the King hardly replies, merely alluding to their joint pursuit of Alice Bridgenorth as "a foolish business," and the two liber- tines are soon reconciled on this imaginary occasion, as Charles II. 193 probably they were on similar real ones, if history is to be trusted about them. In a scene when Charles and Buckingham perceive that the object of their pursuit prefers the hero, Julian Peveril, the way the King speaks to his employ^, Mrs. Chiffinch,! reveals his real character in rather an amusing style. Charles laughingly exclaims to Bucking- ham in the presence of Mrs. Chififinch, who is pro- foundly disappointed : " Oddsfish, George, this young spark might teach the best of us how to manage the wenches. I have had my own experience, but I could never yet contrive either to win or lose them with so little ceremony." Then addressing Mrs. Chiffinch, who pretends to cry at the King's disappointment, he proceeds in his usual gay, bantering style : " Chiffinch, what for dost thou convulse thy pretty throat and face with sobbing and hatching tears, which seem rather unwilling to make their appearance?" " It is for the fear," whined Chiffinch, " that your Majesty should think — that you should expect " She seems to pause, and the King calmly finishes her sentence in words which exactly confirm Macaulay's opinion of this Prince : " That I should expect gratitude from a courtier, or faith from a woman ? " answered the King, patting her at the same time under Chap. xxxi. 13 194 " Peveril of the Peak" the chin to make her raise her face. " Tush ! chicken, I am not so superfluous." " There it is now," said Chiffinch, continuing to sob the more bitterly as she felt herself unable to produce any tears ; " I see your Majesty is determined to lay all the blame on me, when I am inno- cent as an unborn babe ; I will be judged by his Grace." But Charles, thoroughly knowing and despising both, without disliking either of them, sarcastically rejoins : "No doubt — no doubt, Chiffie. His Grace and you will be excellent judges in each other's cause and as good witnesses in each other's favour." This Duke of Buckingham was a man hard even to sketch without at least apparent exaggeration. A great novelist and a great poet have both described him, and yet such a person seems scarcely a possibility, though their accounts on the whole agree. Scott mentions him as an extraordinary mixture ' of craft, courage, talent, and perpetual restlessness, which puzzles his shrewd valet Jerningham, his instrument in many ways, but who personally may be the novelist's invention. Scott adds of Buckingham : Amid the gay and the licentious of the laughing Court of Charles the Duke was the most licentious and most gay ; yet, while expend- ing a princely fortune, a strong constitution and excellent talents in pursuit of frivolous pleasures, he nevertheless nourished deeper and more extensive designs. Dryden's account of him as Zimri may be the ^ Chap, xxviii. Charles II. 195 poetical original on which Scott founds his prose description : A man so various that he seemed to be Not one, but all mankind's epitome : Stiff in opinions, always in the wrong, Was everything by starts, and nothing long ; But in the course of one revolving moon Was chemist, fiddler, statesman, and buffoon ; Then all for women, painting, rhyming, drinking. Besides ten thousand freaks that died in thinking. Blest madman, who could envy our employ With something new to wish or to enjoy! Railing and praising were his usual themes. And both, to show his judgment, in extremes. . . . In squandering wealth was his peculiar art; Nothing went unrewarded but desert. Beggared by fools whom still he found too late. He had his jest, and they had his estate. He laughed himself from court; then sought relief By forming parties, but could ne'er be chiefs An amusing incident, which if not historical well describes the real persons engaged in it, is when the daughter of the vindictive Edward Christian, often sarcastically called "Most Christian Christian" by the witty Buckingham, is brought disguised into the Duke's presence, who believes her to be Alice Bridge- north, about whom the King and he are rivals. When this girl Zarah, a/ms Fenella, a dark beauty, pretend- ing to be a Moorish princess, throws back her veil, Buckingham, though astounded and at first disap- pointed, soon makes love to her, when she darts through a window with wonderful agility and thus escapes. Scott proceeds : ' "Absalom and Achitophel" (Part i.). 196 " Peveril of the Peak" Finding all his search in vain, the Duke of Buckingham, after the example of spoiled children of all ages and stations, gave loose to the frantic vehemence of passion, and fiercely he swore vengeance on his late visitor, whom he termed by a thousand opprobrious epithets, of which the elegant phrase " jilt " was most frequently repeated. Even Jerningham, who knew the depths and shallows of his master's mood and was bold to fathom them at almost every state of his passions, kept out of his way on the present occasion, and cabineted with the pious old housekeeper, declared to her over a bottle of ratafia that in his apprehension, if his Grace did not learn to put some control on his temper, chains, dark- ness, straw, and Bedlam would be the final doom of the gifted and admired Duke of Buckingham (chap, xxxix.). Yet, " gifted and admired " as he was, readers will perceive his inferiority to the two executed Bucking- hams in Richard the Third's and in Henry the Eighth's reigns. Even his immediate predecessor, the influential favourite of James the First and of Charles the First, who was finally the victim of the young assassin Felton, was apparently a superior man to this strange if not insane compound of passion, excitement, daring trifling, and self-indulgence which apparently formed the character of the man whom the able pens of Scott and Dryden transmit in prose and verse. Another scene, ' which, though Scott's invention, describes historic persons and refers to this time, is a sharp discussion between the notorious Chiffinch and his wife, the unscrupulous instruments of their dissolute king's will and pleasure, and who fancy Alice has escaped, instead of Zarah, who has personated her. Scott invents 2 the following ' Chap. xl. » Ibid. Charles II. 197 conversation, certainly very natural under the cir- cumstances : The frolic of the Duke of Buckingham and the subsequent escape of Alice Bridgenorth, had kindled fierce dissension in Chiffinch's family, when, on his arrival in town, he learned these two stunning events. " I tell you," he said to his obliging help- mate, who seemed but little moved by all that he could say on the subject, " that your d d carelessness has ruined the work of years." " I think it is the twentieth time you have said so," replied the dame. . . . "How on earth could you have the folly to let the Duke into the house when you expected the King ? " said the irritated courtier. "Lord, Chiffinch," answered the lady, " ought not you to ask the porter rather than me that sort of question? I was putting on my cap to receive His Majesty." "With the address of a madge-howlet," said Chiffinch; "and in the meanwhile you gave the cat the cream to keep." "Indeed, Chiffinch," said the lady, "these jaunts to the country do render you excessively vulgar ! " Chiffinch, though angry with her, controls himself, well knowing that their interests are the same, and exclaims : " I am sure, Kate, you must be sensible that our all depends on His Majesty's pleasure." Mrs. Chiffinch, who believes, perhaps truly, that she understands the King as well as, if not better than, he, replies : " Leave that to me, I know how to pleasure His Majesty better than you can teach me. Do you think His Majesty is booby enough to cry like a schoolboy because his sparrow has flown away ? His Majesty has better taste. I am surprised at you, Chiffinch," she added, drawing herself up, "who were once thought to know the 198 " Peveril of the Peak" points of a fine woman, that you should have made such a roaring about this country wench. . . What signifies whence she came, or where she goes ? There will be those behind that are much more worthy of His Majesty's condescending attention, even when the Duchess of Portsmouth takes the frumps. ... I tell you, Tom Chififinch, that you will find your master quite consoled for loss of the piece of prudish Puritanism that you would needs saddle bim with; as if the good man were not plagued enough with them in ParUament, but you must, forsooth, bring them into his very bedchamber." Her husband makes a half-comic, half-gloomy reply, knowing that she will have her own way, and perhaps may know the King best after all : "Well, Kate, if a man were to speak all the sense of the seven wise masters, a woman would find nonsense enough to overwhelm him with ; so I shall say no more, but that I would to Heaven I may find the King in no worse humour than you describe him." This licentious talk between the profligate pair of subordinates shows apparently without much exag- geration how and among what people Charles the Second and Buckingham indulged themselves in London at this time. The chief, if not the only, historical interest or importance of this novel lies in its lively account of Charles and his dissolute court, which Scott, however, may describe with perhaps more indulgence than the truth altogether warrants. Thus by introducing some imaginary characters and incidents Scott succeeds in presenting a wonderfully true account of the historical period he deals with. " Peveril of the Peak " can hardly be called either a very gloomy or a very cheerful story. Charles II. 199 Most of the worthy or interesting of the imaginary persons end well and happily, but the historical aspect of the novel shows very striking contrasts in its repre- sentation. The plots, the political suspicions, and the false accusations among England's divided population in London especially prevail to a dangerous extent, and are evidently on the increase towards the end of this story, though rather briefly alluded to. The joyous, self-indulgent King, as if sharing the expectation imputed to an Austrian statesman, "After me will come the Deluge," seems resolved to thoroughly enjoy his pleasure, and to deny himself nothing. The unpopularity of his successor, the future James the Second, whose ensuing and most interesting reign Scott never describes, greatly aided to maintain Charles undisturbed in his selfish enjoyments. Indeed, while the latter lived he made few personal enemies, though reigning at a period when his divided subjects were abusing and suspecting each other with extra- ordinary bitterness. Ireland at this time seems to have been comparatively and unusually tranquil. But Scotland was fated in Charles the Second's reign to be the scene of a revolution of a remarkable nature in which religious and political animosities were strangely blended. Accordingly the next novel in historical course which Scott writes is laid entirely in Scotland. Though Charles is still King he is at a distance from the seat of war. He evidently, and, it must be owned, naturally, preferred enjoying him- 200 " Peveril of the Peak " self among London pleasures and gaieties to revisiting that distracted kingdom, of which his youthful history when a fugitive there had likely left no very pleasing recollections in his gay and frivolous mind. XII "OLD MORTALITY" TH E scene of this very superior and most instruc- tive story is laid in Scotland, the greater part of it during Charles the Second's reign. The political reaction against the Roundhead party recently triumphant had now occurred in Scotland as well as in England, though in a different degree, and was by no means so popular. The memory of the once all-powerful Cromwell was no longer respected, but seems scarcely to have been so generally con- demned in Scotland as in England, or at least the name of king was hardly so much reverenced. In Scotland the Royalist party once represented by the gallant Marquis of Montrose, executed by his oppo- nents, was now again in the ascendant, but by no means so popular as in England. The more extreme party among the Presbyterians were indignant on account of what they thought the King's faithlessness in refusing to observe the Solemn League and Covenant to which he had agreed when taking refuge among them from the English Republicans. This party, both the King and his brother James par- 202 "Old Mortality" ticularly detested, the former with indolent disgust, the latter with the ardour of a zealous Roman Catholic. Scott writes (chap, ii.) with his usual clearness, explaining the state of Scotland at the time when his novel commences : Under the reign of the last Stuarts there was an anxious wish on the part of the government to counteract by every means in their power the strict or puritanical spirit which had been the chief characteristic of the republican government, and to revive those feudal institutions which united the vassal to the liege lord and both to the crown. Frequent musters and assemblies of the people, both for military exercise and for sports and pastimes, were appointed by authority. The interference, in the latter case, was impolitic to say the least; for, as usual on such occasions, the consciences which were at first only scrupulous became confirmed in their opinions, instead of giving way to the terrors of authority ; and the youth of both sexes to whom the pipe and tabor in England, as the bagpipe in Scotland, would have been in themselves an irresistible temptation, were enabled to set them at defiance, from the proud consciousness that they were at the same time resisting an Act of Council. . . . The rigour of the strict Calvinists increased in proportion to the wishes of the government that it should be relaxed. ... A superciUous condemnation of all manly pastimes and harmless recreations, as well as of the profane habit of pro- miscuous dancing, that is, of men and women dancing together- in the same party (for I believe they admitted that the exercise might be inoifensive if practised by the parties separately) — distinguishing those who professed a more than ordinary share of sanctity, they discouraged, as far as lay in their power, even the ancient wappen- schaws, as they were termed when the feudal array of the County was called out, and each crown vassal was required to appear with such muster of men and armour as he was bound to make by his fief, and that under high statutory penalties. . . . The preachers and proselytes of the more rigid Presbyterians laboured, therefore, by caution, remonstrance, and authority, to diminish the attendance upon these summonses, conscious that in doing so they lessened not only the apparent, but the real strength of the government. . . . The commands of the law were imperative, and the privy council who administered the executive power in Scotland were severe in enforcing the statutory penalties against Charles II. 203 the crown vassals who did not appear at the periodical wappen- schaw, ... it frequently happened that, notwithstanding the strict charge of their elders, to return as soon as the formal inspection was over, the young men-at-arms were unable to resist the temptation of sharing in the sports which succeeded the muster, or to avoid listening to the prayers read in the churches on these occasions, and thus in the opinion of their repining parents meddling with the accursed thing which is an abomination in the sight of the Lord (chap ii.). The first historical event mentioned, though not described, in this novel is the murder of the Prelatist Archbishop Sharpe by some Puritan fanatics headed by two^entFusiasts, Hackstpn of Rathillet _and. Balfour of Burley. The latter is one of the chief characters in the story, the former being only alluded to. Scott introduces two rival young heroes, Hen ry Mor ton of Milnwood, a Presbyterian Whig, and Lord Evandale, a Cavalier, as exemplary specimens of their respective parties. These young men are rivals at a wappen- schaw, when Morton wins, and also are alike in love with Miss Edith Bellenden, who prefers Morton though she belongs to a Royalist family, and lives with her widowed grandmother, Lady Margaret Bellenden, who seems devoted to the very name of king, and whose husband had been executed by the Roundhead party for adherence to the Cavalier •champion, the Marquis of Montrose. The story practically begins just after Sharpe's murder. This crime was one of those fanatical atrocities, not rare even in Christian history, in which the perpetrators firmly believed they were doing right in slaying a persecutor, as they termed Sharpe, who was besides a convert or pervert, having exchanged 204 "Old Mortality" Puritanism for Prelacy, and was also accused of particular hatred towards his former religious de- nomination. The first news of the assassination is told in Niel Blane's public-house, when, after winning at the wappen-schaw, Morton and some of his friends are assembled there together with some soldiers. Niel Blane, a prudent, peace-loving man, and a widower, is now assisted by his daughter Jenny in entertaining his varied guests, and to her he gives valuable advice, which, though perhaps not historical, admirably explains the disturbed state of Scotland at this time, and the trouble it consequently caused all peaceable people who wished to live quietly without offending either severe government officials or equally bitter or suspicious revolutionists. The Cavalier party, mostly Prelatists, are again in the ascendant. Their Whig opponents, chiefly Puritans, are now exposed to much the same per- secuting spirit on the part of their rulers as they themselves had previously shown for a short period after the overthrow of the Monarchy. The prudent, shrewd words of Niel Blane are almost a political / lecture suited to the period, when instructing his / daughter how to behave to his different guests, so as to make money out of them alike without offending any. He begins : " Jenny, this is the first day that ye are to take the place of your worthy mother in attending to the public ; a douce woman she was, civil to the customers, and had a good name wi' Whig and Tory, baith up the street and down the street. It will be hard for you to Charles II. 205 fill her place, especially on sic a thrang day as this ; but Heaven's will maun be obeyed. Jenny, whatever Milnwood ca's for, be sure he maun hae't, for he's the captain o' the Popinjay and auld customs maun be supported if he canna pay the lawing himsell, as I ken he's keepit unco short by the head, I'll find a way to shame it out o' his uncle" (chap. ii.). Niel then notices a sight which doubtless rather shocked the Puritans and perhaps some Prelatists, namely, the nephew of the famous Cavalier Grahame of Claverhouse playing at dice with a curate : " Be eident and civil to them baith — clergy and captains can gie an unco deal o' fash in thae times, when they take an ill-will. The dragoons will be crying for ale and they wunna want it, and maunna want it — they are unruly chields, but they pay ane some gate or other. I gat the humle-cow that's the best in the byre, frae ten pund Scots, and they drank out the price at ae downsitting." The triumph of his trade in this tricky transaction is not quite so pleasant to his more timid daughter, who replies : " But, father, they say the twa reiving loons drave the cow frae the gude wife at Bell's Moor, just because she gaed to hear a field- preaching ae Sunday afternoon." This outrage, not uncommon in Scotland at this time, is likely believed by her father, well knowing that this field-preaching was sometimes directed against the oppressive government, and was therefore much suspected by the authorities. He carefully avoids, however, giving any opinion, while rebuking as well as cautioning his daughter : " Whisht ! ye silly tawpie, ... we have naething to do how they come by the bestial they sell — be that atween them and their con- sciences." 2o6 "Old Mortality" He then wisely draws her attention to one suspicious- looking guest whom his shrewd eye correctly guesses to be a dangerous man : " Take notice, Jenny, of that dour, stour-looking carle that sits by the cheek o' the ingle, and turns his back on a' men. He looks like ane o' the hill-folk, for I saw him start a wee when he saw the red coats and I jalouse he wad hae liked to hae ridden by, but his horse (it's a gude gelding) was ower sair travailed; he behoved to stop whether he wad or no. Serve him cannily, Jenny, and wi' little din, and dinna bring the sodgers on him by speering ony questions at him ; but let na him hae a room to himsell, they wad say we were hiding him. . . . Aweel — when the malt begins to get aboon the meal they'll begin to speak about government in kirk and state, and then, Jenny, they are like to quarrel — let them be doing — anger's a drouthy passion, and the mair they dispute, the mair ale they'll drink ; but ye were best serve them wi' a pint o' the sma' brovst, it will heat them less, and they'll never ken the difference." Jenny, obedient but alarmed, asks a last question for final direction : "But, father, if they came to lounder ilk ither, as they did last time, suldna I cry on you ? " Her shrewd and selfish old parent, who evidently well knows by experience the temperament of his differing guests, coolly replies : " At no hand, Jenny ; the redder aye gets the warst lick in the fray. If the sodgers draw their swords, ye'll cry on the corporal and the guard ; if the country folk tak the tangs and poker ye'll cry on the baillie and town-oflScers, but in nae event cry on me." After these sensible directions Niel departs to another room to have a quiet drink with an old friend whom Scott appropriately terms the Laird of " Lick-it-up " but does not introduce ; Niel thus leaves Charles II. 207 the scene of entertainment occupied by guests of very- different religious and political opinions, and who, as he predicted, soon after begin to quarrel. While young Morton, surrounded by friends, is being con- gratulated on his triumph at winning the Popinjay, a party of dragoons, headed by_Sergeant Bothwell^ a, brav e C avalier of royal ^descent^ view most of their fellow-guests with contemptuous suspicion. They well know the hatred felt against the Archbishop Sharpe of St. Andrew's by the Puritans generally, and not as yet aware of his murder, they resolve to force those present to drink to the unfortunate Prelate's health, as a test, and a very trying one, of their loyalty to the existing government of Scotland. Bothwell selects for the first man to ask, the dangerous-looking individual whom Niel Blane had perceived and warned his daughter about. This mysterious stranger seems reluctant at first to comply till threatened by Sergeant Bothwell, backed by the other soldiers present. Then the stranger, taking the cup, he exclaims aloud in words of terrible meaning though not understood at the time by any but himself : " The Archbishop of St. Andrew's and the place he now worthily holds. May each prelate in Scotland soon be as the Right Reverend James Sharpe." Bothwell cannot understand this qualification, and is beginning to quarrel with Morton, who protests against any religious or political discussion on this occasion, when the stranger challenges the soldier to wrestle, and throws him, to the surprise of Bothwell and 2o8 " Old Mortality " of his comrades. The two men, regarding each other with deep hostility, then challenge one another to some future and more serious contest, and the stranger following Morton, to whom he wishes to speak, they leave the house together. <,-■ Soon after they have left, young Cornet Grahame enters, followed by more soldiers, and announcing the murder of Archbishop Sharpe. Bothwell then eagerly exclaims, guessing the truth : " The test, the . test, and the qualification ! I know the meaning now. Zounds, that we should not have stopt him ! " The Cornet reads the description of one of the alleged murderers : "John Balfour, called Burley, aquiline nose, red-haired, five feet eight in height . . . rode a strong black horse, taken from the primate at the time of the murder." " The very man," exclaimed Bothwell, "and the very horse ! he was in this room not a quarter of an hour since." No doubt remains now but that " the reserved and stern stranger was Balfour of Burley, the actual commander of the band of assassins wIioTirthe-fiCIfy"or ini^uided zeal had murdered the primate whom they accidentally met, as they were searching for another person against whom they bore enmity. In their excited imagination the casual encounter had the appear- ance of a providential interference, and they put to death the Arch- bishop, . . . under the belief that the Lord, as they expressed it, had delivered him into their hands." Balfour, however, has now vanished, and Cornet Grahame can only exclaim in the hopes of capturing him : " Horse, horse, my lads ! the murdering dog's head is worth its weight in gold." Charles II. 209 Meantime Morton and his mysterious companion proceed to the house of the former's uncle, an old miser, Mr. Morton of Milnwpod^_who with a careful housekeeper, Mrs. Aliso n Wilson, have no idea that Morton is concealing Balfour in the house. This man's influence or claim on Morton is explained by the singular career and character of Morton's late father, who was apparently allied with both the opposing parties in Scotland at different times. He had been friendly with Balfour, the Covenanter, and also with Major Bellenden, a Tory Prelatist, uncle to Edith Bellenden, the heroine of this novel. Henry Morton is, therefore, placed now in a perplexing position, being intimate and even friendly with both these men. All these personages, however, except Balfour are of Scott's invention, introduced^ to_explain Morton's singular position at this critical time of his country's history. He is, of course, quite ignorant of Balfourslaying the Primate, and viewing him as his father's old friend, who had once saved his life and was now persecuted by an oppressive government, consents to give him a refuge for a night in his uncle's house. The next day Balfour departs alone, evidently bent on stirring up revolt with all his energy among his fellow- Presbyterians, who were certainly much oppressed at this time. This same evening Balfour expresses to Morton in Scott's instructive language the feelings of many Scottish Covenanters at this period, and which well explains their historical position. Balfour, in common with the rest of his energetic faction, bitterly accuses 14 2IO "Old Mortality" Charles the Second of ingratitude towards his Scottish Puritan subjects. In this charge there may have been some truth, yet it is evident that no British "sovereign could have fairly ruled a nation of divided subjects and satisfied such men as Balfour. He is evidently disturbed by his conscience as to the murder of his late victim, and says mysteriously to Morton, who, of course, cannot quite understand his partly hidden meaning : "There are times when I am weary of myself. . . . Think you that when some prime tyrant has been removed from his place that the instruments of his punishment can at all times look back on their share in his downfall with firm and unshaken nerves? . . . Trow ye that in this day of bitterness and calamity, nothing is required at our hands, but to keep the moral law ? . . . No ; we are called upon when we have girded up our loins to run the race boldly, and when we have drawn the sword, we are enjoined to smite the ungodly, though he be our neighbour, and the man of power and cruelty, though he were of our own kindred and the friend of our own bosom." Morton is alarmed, if not disturbed, at these violent sentiments, and calmly replies, probably as Scott him- self would have done at this moment : "These are sentiments that your enemies impute to you, and which palliate, if they do not vindicate the cruel measures which the Council have directed against you. They affirm that you pretend to derive your rule of action from what you call an inward light, rejecting the restraints of legal magistracy, of national law, and even of common humanity, when in opposition to what you call the spirit within you." Balfour seems unable to contradict Morton's sensible words, but replies in the one-sided, un- reasoning language of a religious and political Charles II. 2ii enthusiast, incapable, perhaps, of really understanding those differing from himself: " They do us wrong, it is they . . . who now persecute us for adherence to the Solemn League and Covenant between God and the kingdom of Scotland. . . . When this Charles Stuart returned to these kingdoms did the malignants bring him back ? They had tried it with a strong hand, but they failed, I trow. Could James Grahame of Montrose and his Highland caterans have put him again in the place of his father ? " He refers with actual exultation to the cruelties perpetrated by his own party, while apprehending similar treatment from his present triumphant opponents. " I think their heads on the West Port told another tale, for many a long day." Then attributing the Restoration of the Monarchy entirely to his own party, which impartial history hardly justifies, proceeds : — " It was the workers of the glorious work — the reformers of the beauty of the tabernacle — that called him again to the high place from which his father fell. And what has been our reward ? In the words of the prophet, ' We looked for peace, but no good came; and for a time of health, and behold trouble.'" Morton hears these words and more to the same effect, partly agreeing with them and partly not. The bitter disappointment of the zealous Covenanters, and their present oppression, was rendering them more and more unreasonable. The recall of Charles the Second had been certainly the general, though 212 " Old Mortality" not the universal, desire of nearly all parties in Britain, for which none had the right to claim exclusive power or reward. Yet the restored Stuarts and their con- sistent adherents distrusted and hated the party who had been their triumphant foes, and were now trying, perhaps even more in Scotland than in England, to suppress all popular freedom of thought or utterance, among the partisans of their former opponents Balfour and Morton part for the night, neither being quite satisfied with the opinions of the other, but the next morning, Morton, on visiting his concealed guest, finds him asleep, but muttering dangerous words referring to the murder of the Archbishop, but which Morton, of course, cannot as yet understand : A ray of l^ht streamed on his uncurtained couch, and showed to Morton the working of his harsh features, which seemed agitated by some strong internal cause of disturbance. . . . Both his arms were above the bed-cover, the right hand strongly clenched and occasionally making that abortive attempt to strike which usually attends dreams of violence; the left was extended and agitated from time to time by a movement as if repulsing some one. The perspiration stood on his brow, " like bubbles in a late disturbed stream," and these marks of emotion were accompanied with broken words which escaped from him at intervals — "Thou art taken, Judas — thou art taken — Cling not to my knees — hew him down ! — A priest? Ay, a priest of Baal, to be bound and slain even at the brook Kishon" (chap. vi.). He utters yet more desperate words, when Morton awakes him : The first words he uttered were, " Bear me where ye' will, I will avouch the deed." Still Morton though alarmed and perplexed, knows Charles II. 213 nothing of what has occurred, and Balfour, after praying for what he considers the suffering Church of Scotland, asks him if he has been impressed by what he had heard him say the day before on the state of the country. Morton answered in words which again are likely what Scott himself would have used, and which he apparently approves of: " That he remained of the same opinion which he had formerly held, and was determined at least as far as possible to unite the duties of a good Christian with those of a peaceful subject." This quiet answer rouses Balfour to reply with all the fanaticism which now animated so many of his party : "Think ye to touch pitch and remain undefiled? to mix in the ranks of malignants, papists, papaprelatists, latitudinarians, and scoffers; to partake of their sports, which are like the meat offered unto idols ; • . • think you, I say, to do all these things and yet remain free from pollution? I say unto you that all communication with the enemies of the Church is the accursed thing which God hateth." He rides off, and Morton looking after him exclaims : " Farewell, stem enthusiast ! In some moods of my mind, how dangerous would be the society of such a companion ! . . , Can I be a man, and a Scotchman, and look on with indifference on that persecution which has made wise men mad?" Morton, with whom Scott inspires much of his own liberal spirit so prevalent in the nineteenth century, is naturally perplexed at the- intolerant .feeling. shown by both the opposing parties in Scotland, and adds with great truth : 214 "Old Mortality" "And yet, who shall warrant me that these people, rendered wild by persecution, would not in the hour of victory be as cruel and as intolerant as those by whom they are now hunted down? ... I am weary of seeing nothing but violence and fury around me — now assuming the mask of lawful authority, now taking that of religious zeal." While Morton, doubtless like other patriotic Scottishmen, is grieved and perplexed at the present state of his country, Scott introduces the old Castle of Tillietudlem, a lojal Cavalier stronghold, now occupied byTUe widow, Eady Margaret Bellenden, whose husband had been a martyr to the royal cause, and who herself is a staunch, kindly, but prejudiced Royalist, and doubtless represents many Tory ladies of her time. Her dispute with an old tenant or dependent, the widow, Mause Headrigg, a zealous Covenanter who has objected to her shrewd merry son Cuddie's attending the wappen-schaw, though he had secretly done so, unknown to Lady Margaret and to his mother, illustrates in Scott's amusing style the prejudices of both the Scottish parties, high and low, at this time of approaching revolution. Mause, Ixerself a strange mixture of ignorant zeal and in;; telligence, draws in all sincerity a comparison between this recent wappen-schaw or shooting match, authorised by Charles the Second's Government, with the Scriptural account about the worship of the golden image, likewise authorised by the Assyrian king Nebu- chadnezzar. After a few words Mause protests that her conscience " tells me that I suld leave a' — cot, kaleyard, and cow's grass — and suffer a' rather than that I or mine should put on harness in an unlawfu' cause." Charles II. 215 " Unlawful !" exclaimed her mistress. "The cause to which you are called by your lawful lady and mistress — by the command of the king — by the writ of the privy-council — by the order of the lord-lieutenant — by the warrant of the sheriff?" Mause is now ready with her answer and refers her question to the Bible : " Ay, my leddy, nae doubt ; but no to displeasure your leddy- ship, ye'll mind that there was -ance a king in Scripture, they ca'd Nebuchadnezzar, and he set up a golden image in the plain o' Dura, as it might be in the haugh yonder, by the waterside, where the array were warned to meet yesterday ; and the princes and the governors and the captains and the judges themsells, forby the treasurers, the counsellors, and the sheriffs, were warned to the dedication thereof, and commanded to fall down and worship at the sound of the comet, flute, harp, sackbut, psaltery, and all kinds of music." Lady Margaret naturally asks: " And what o' a' this, ye fule wife ? Or what had Nebuchad- nezzar to do with the wappen-schaw of the Upper Ward of Clydesdale?" To this question Mause replies_m a spirit of firm, conscientious sincerity, though showing a strange confusion of ideas, not uncommon in Scotland at this time : "Only just thus far, my leddy, that Prelacy is like the great golden image in the plain of Dura, and that as Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego were borne out in refusing to bow down and worship, so neither shall Cuddie Headrigg, your leddyship's poor pleughman, at least wi' his auld mither's consent, make murgeons or Jenny-flections, as they ca' them in the house of the prelates and curates, nor gird him wi' armour to fight in their cause, either at the sound of kettle-drums, organs, bagpipes, or ony other kind of music whatever." 2i6 "Old Mortality" Lady Margaret is so indignant at this sort of comparison, which she considei"s as revolutioriiary, that Mause and Cuddie are turned out of their dwelUng, and then taken into old Milnwood's service by Morton's intercession, who does this act of charity at the written request of Edith Bellenden, who, though living with her grandmother, has less of the worthy old lady's prejudices. While Mause with Cuddie are comfortably installed at Milnwood, and are at dinner in company with their employer's family, as was the custom in those days, they experience a startling surprise. A domiciliary visit is paid to the house by Sergeant Bothwell and a party of soldiers still vainly trying to capture the murderous fugitive Balfour of Burley. This remarkable scene may likely be taken as a sample, though a peculiarly amusing one, of many that were now taking place throughout Scotland, where the apprehended revolt of the oppressed Whig party is arousing more and more the suspicious severity of the Tory or Cavalier Government. When Bothwell and his soldiers arrive at Milnwood's door, the poor old miser and his housekeeper are terribly frightened, and the latter exclaims at seeing the unwelcome guests from a secret aperture — " The red-coats ! the red-coats ! " Milnwood, dreading to see them, yet afraid to refuse admission, exclaims to his nephew and servants in terrified perplexity : Xharles II. " 217 "Open the door; speak them fair, sirs — Lord love ye, speak them fair — they winna bide thrawing — we're a' harried — we're a' harried." Cuddie, terribly afraid that his mother's vehemence may reveal her dangerous principles, as they were thought by the prevailing party, whispers to her with more truth than respect, yet which the occasion certainly excuses : "Now, ye daft auld carline, mak yoursell deaf — ... and. let me speak for ye — I wad like ill to get my neck raxed for an auld wife's clashes, though ye be our mither." " O hinny aye, I'se be silent or thou sail come to ill," was the corresponding whisper of Mause ; " but bethink ye, my dear, them that deny the Word, the Word will deny '" Her admonition was cut short by the entrance of the Life- guardsmen, a party of four troopers commanded by Bothwell. In they tramped, making a tremendous clatter upon the stone- floor with the iron-shod heels of their large jack-boots, and the clash and clang of their long, heavy, basket-hilted broadswords. Milnwood and his housekeeper trembled, from well-grounded apprehensions of the system of exaction and plunder carried on during these domiciliary visits (chap. viii.). After these unwelcome guests had drunk some liquor, unwillingly offered by the frightened host, Bothwell proceeds promptly to "business." Though himself anything but a theologian, this insolent, though not ill-natured, bold soldier is now empowered to inquire sharply about the religious opinions of others. He accordingly asks : "You attend Poundtext, the Presbyterian parson, I understand, Mr. Morton ? " 2i8 "Old Mortality" Milnwood hastened to slide in a confession and apology. "By the indulgence of His Gracious Majesty and the Govern- ment, for I wad do nothing out of law, I hae nae objection whatever to the establishment of a moderate episcopacy, but only that I am a country-bred man, and the ministers are a homelier kind of folk, and I can follow their doctrine better and with reverence, sir, it's a mair frugal establishment for the country." To this admission Bothwell replies frankly enough, but revealing what a tyrant he would be in power : "Well, I care nothing about that; t hey're indul ged, and there's an end of it; but for my part, if I were to giveThe-feiw, never a crop-ear'd cur of the whole pack should bark in a Scotch pulpit." He then makes the assembled party drink the king's health, and also that of Colonel Grahame, of Claver- house, after which he announces the murder of Arch- bishop Sharpe, of which the others had heard a rumour. Bothwell shows an account of the crime just published by the Government, and demands old Milnwood's opinion. Milnwood's eyes hastily glanced through the papers to pick out the strongest expressions of censure with which it abounded, in gleaning which he was greatly aided by their being printed in italics. " I think it a — bloody and execrable — murder and parricide — devised by hellish and implacable cruelty — utterly abominable and a scandal to the land." This frightened answer satisfies Bothwell, who can easily see that old Milnwood is far too nervous and timid to be dangerous, and he asks the same trying Charles II. 219 question of Morton, who boldly denies the soldier's right to ask the question. Bothwell soon recognises him as the winner at the shooting-match, and remem- bering that he had then left Niel Blane's house in company with Balfour, is about to arrest him, when old Alison, the housekeeper, offers to pay twenty pounds if he will pass the matter over. Bothwell seems to consent, but perhaps only seems to do so, and replies, hesitating : " I don't know. Most of my cloth would have the money and take off the prisoner too, but I bear a conscience, and if your master will stand to your offer, and enter into a bond to produce his nephew, and if all in the house will take the test oath, I do not know but " The old housekeeper, trembling for young Morton's safety, interrupts : " O ay, ay, sir, ony test, ony oaths ye please ! " Bothwell proceeds : " You, Alison Wilson, solemnly swear, certify, and declare, that you judge it unlawful for subjects under pretence of reformation, or any other pretexts whatsoever, to enter into Leagues and Covenants '" Here the ceremony was interrupted by a strife between Cuddie and his mother, which, long conducted in whispers, now became audible. " O whisht, mother, whisht ! " " I will not whisht, Cuddie,'' replied his mother ; " I will uplift my voice and spare not. I will confound the man of sin, even the scarlet man, and through my voice shall Mr. Henry be freed from the net of the fowler." The prudent apprehensive Cuddie now gives up all for lost, exclaiming : 220 "Old Mortality" " She has her legs ower the harrows now ; stop her wha can. I see her cocked up behint a dragoon on her way to the Tolbooth. I find my ain legs tied beneath the horse's belly. Ay, She has just mustered up her sermon, and there — wi' that grane— out it comes, and we're a' ruined horse and foot." Mause, who certainly lacks no courage, boldly re- proaches the soldiers : "And div ye think to come here, wi' your soul-killing, saint- seducing conscience — confounding oaths and tests and bands — your snares and your traps, and your gins ? Surely it is in vain that a net is spread in the sight of any bird." Bothwell, astonished as a mastiff dog might be should a hen-partridge fly at him in defence of its young, exclaims in sarcastic amusement : "This is the finest language I ever heard! Can't you give us some more of it ? " " Gie ye some mair o't ? " said Mause, clearing her voice with a preUminary cough. " I will take up my testimony against you ance and again. Philistines ye are, and Edomites — leopards are ye, and foxes — evening wolves that gnaw not the bones till the morrow — ^wicked dogs that compass about the chosen — thrusting kine and pushing bulls of Bashan — piercing serpents ye are, and allied baith in name and nature with the great Red Dragon. Revelations, twalfth chapter, third and fourth verses." This talk is too much for the soldier to hear with patience, and Bothwell now resolves to carry off Morton with him as a suspected prisoner. Old Milnwood and his housekeeper vainly entreat Both- well not to heed Mause ; Cuddie also declares that neither his late father nor himself ever " minded muckle what our mither said." Bothwell, however, appeals successfully to Mause : Charles II. 22 1 " Come, good dame, you see your master will not believe that you can give so bright a testimony." Mause's zeal did not require this spur to set her on again in full career, and she concludes another long denunciation with a confused allusion to the present state of Scotland : " And if it was accounted a backsliding even in godly Hezekiah that he complied with Sennacherib, giving him money, and offering to bear that which was put upon him (see the same Second Kings, aughteen chapter, fourteen and feifteen verses), even so it is with them that in this contumacious and blacksliding generation pays localities and fees, and cess and fines to greedy and unrighteous publicans, and extortions and stipends to hireling curates (dumb dogs which canna bark, sleeping, lying down, loving to slumber), and gives gifts to be helps and hires to our oppressors and destroyers. They are all like the casters of a lot with them — like the preparing of a table for the troop, and the furnishing a drink-offering to the number." " There's a fine sound of doctrine for you, Mr. Morton ! How like you that ? " said Bothwell ; " or how do you think the Council will like it ? . . . She denies paying cess, I think, Andrews ? " "Yes," replied Andrews, evidently specially impressed with Mause's last words ; " and she swore it was a sin to give a trooper a pot of ale, or ask him to sit down to a table." Bothwell soon after departs, taking the unlucky Morton away as a prisoner, while Milnwood and "His housekeeper, in a rage, banish old Mause and Cuddie, she reproaching Mause bitterly with having caused Morton's arrest and all their troubles. ' Morton is now taken to the Castle of Tillietudlem, where he is soon brought into the dangerous pre- sence of the celebrated Colonel Grahame, of Claver- house, commanding some of the King's troops. ' Chap. viii. 222 "Old Mortality" He is one of the bitterest foes to the Covenanters, and a former friend of the slain Archbishop Sharpe, besides being devotedly loyal to the reigning House of Stuart. Morton boldly refuses to tell this severe ofificer where or when he last saw Balfour, and is immediately sentenced to be shot. Lady Margaret Bellenden, her brother and Edith, all three vainly" mtercede for Morton's life, when the latter 's young rival. Lord Evandale, much trusted by Claver- ' house, obtains Morton's reprieve, though not his full pardon. Claverhouse coolly sentences Morton to death, in tKe^pinf^bf""^ complete despot, and at this time he seems to have really had almost absolute authority in some parts of Scotland. Scott describes him certainly with a friendly, prob- ably too friendly, hand, yet on the whole with truth. In appearance he must have been well fitted for the attractive hero of a sentimental novel : His features exhibited even feminine regularity. An oval face, a straight and well-JForined nose, dark hazel eyes, a' complexion just sufficiently tinged with brown to save it from the charge of effeminsicy, a short upper lip, curved upward like that of a Grecian statue, and slightly shaded by small mustachios of light brown, joined to a profusion of long curled locks of the same colour which fell down on each side of his face, contributed to form such a countenance as limners love to paint and ladies to look upon. The severity of his character, as well as the higher attributes of undaunted and enter- prising valour, which even his enemies were compelled to admit, lay concealed under an exterior which seemed adapted to the Court or the saloon rather than to the field. . . . But under this soft exterior was hidden a spirit unbounded in daring and in aspiriiig, yet cautious and prudent as that of Machiayel himself. Profound in politics, and imbued, of course, with that disregard for individual rights which its intrigues usually generate, this leader was cool and collected in danger, fierce and ardent in pursuing success, careless of facing death himself, and ruthless in inflicting it upon others. Charles II. 223 Scott adds a wise remark to this able description, which, indeed, may be instructive for attentive students to reflect upon when forming opinions of historical personages : Such are the characters formed in times of civil discord, when the highest qualities perverted by party spirit, and inflamed by habitual opposition, are too often combined with vices and excesses which deprive them at once of their merit and of their lustre (chap. xii.). When Evandale, in the presence of Lady Margaret and others, pleads for Morton's life, Claverhouse replies in words which probably many of his party would have approved of at this time : " X know mankind, Evandale — were he an insignificant, fanatical country booby, do you think I would have refused such a trifle as his life" to Lady Margaret and this family? But this is a lad of fire, zeal, and education — and these knaves want but such a leader to direct theiFblind,!^ enthusiastic hardiness. I mention this, not as refusing your request, but to make you fully aware of the possible conse- quences. ... If you ask his life, he shall have it." " Keep him close prisoner," answered Evandale, " but do not be surprised if I persist in requesting you will not put him to death." " Be it so, then," Claverhouse replies, and then proceeds to give advice which in the present state of Scotland likely seemed in the minds of many to be wise and politic, yet hardly consistent with Christian principles : "Young man, should you wish in your future life to rise to eminence in the service of your king and country, let it ,be your first task to subject to the. public interest and to the discharge of your duty your private passions, affections, and feelings." . . . He then stepped forward to the table and bent his, eyes keenly on Morton, as if to observe what effect the' pause of awful suspense between death and life, which seemed to freeze the bystanders with horror, would have upon him. . . . " You see him ? " said Claverhouse, in a half-whisper to Lord Evandale. "He is tottering on the verge between time and 224 "Old Mortality" eternity, ... yet his is the only cheek unblanched, the only eye that is calm, the only heart that keeps its usual time, the only nerves that are not quivering. Look at him well, Evandale — if that man shall ever come to head an army of rebels, you will have much to answer for on account of this morning's work," and then says aloud, "Young man, your life is for the present safe at the intercession of your friends" (chap. xiii.). Morton wilJuCiLddie Headrigg, who is also arrested, are then sent. forward as prisoners, in the charge of Claverhouse's troops, when the singular, historical battle or skirmish of Drumclog occurs. Previous to this encounter young Cornet Grahame, nephew to Claverhouse, has a parley with the insurgents now drawn up in battle array to resist the royal troops and headed by Balfour of Burley. This interview between Grahame and Balfour is imaginary, but Balfour's words are full of historic meaning, and express the feelings and motives of many among the persecuted Covenanters, now bravely opposing in armed rebellion the authority of Charles the Second. /Cornet Grahame is authorised by his uncle Claver- house to offer pardon to the rebels before thpm, provided they return to their allegiance, but to say that otherwise they will be attacked forthwith by the royal forces. Balfour, acting as leader and spokesman, replies in behalf of the insurgents, and his answer to Grahame is almost a political vindication or an attempt at conveying the opinions of many among his party : " Return to them that sent thee, and tell them that we are in arms this day for a broken Covenant and a persecuted Kirk ; tell them that we renounce the licentious and perjured Charles Stuart, whom you call king, even as he renounced the Covenant. . . . Whereas, far from keeping the oath, he called God and angels to witness, his Charles II. 225 first step after his incoming into these kingdoms was the fearful grasping at the prerogative of the Almighty, by that hideous Act of Supremacy " (chap. xvi.). He continues to denounce Charles the Second, but the Cornet having neither time nor inclination to hear him, and recognising Balfour as a murderer exempted from the general pardon he offers, tries to address the other insurgents, and is therefore shot dead by their spokesman Balfour, who is now their leader. The battle or skirmish of Drumclog ensued, which led to most important results. The Covenanters bravely defeated Claverhouse, who fled back to Tillietudlem Castle. Bothwell is slain by Balfour in single fight, Morton is released by the flight of his captors, and is now almost forced as it were by circumstances to take command among his rescuers, the insurgents. Scott writes, perhaps with historic truth, that after this engagement the rebel leaders took counsel together : Some were for sending a deputation of their number to London to convert Charles the Second to a sense of the error of his ways, and others less charitable proposed either to call a new successor to the Crown or to declare Scotland a free republic. A free parliament of the nation and a free Assembly of the Kirk were the objects of the more sensible and moderate of the party (chap, xviii.). These last views were likely those which Scott would have sanctioned at this time. He then proceeds to describe a sermon of the Rev. Gabriel Kettle- drurnmle, preached to the victorious insurgents, which can hardly be called the novelist's complete inven- ts 226 "Old Mortality" tion as it certainly expressed the views of some, if not many, among the Covenanters at this time, and its rather contradictory nature makes it both amusing and instructive : At times he was familiar and colloquial — now he was^loud, energetic, and boisterous. Some parts of his disfiStirse might be fcaMed^stlblim'e" ancr~'ot£ers sunk below burlesque. Occasionally he vindicated with great animation the right of every freeman to worship God according to his own conscience, and presently he charged the guilt and misery of the people on the awful negligence of their rulers, who had not only failed to establish Presbytery as the national religion, but had tolerated sectaries of various descrip- tions. Papists, Prelatists, Erastians, assuming the name of Presbyte- rians, Independents, Socinians, and Quakers, all of whom Kettle- drummle proposed by one sweeping act to expel from the land, and thus re-edify in its integrity the beauty of the sanctuary. He next handled very pithily the doctrine of defensive arms and of resistance to Charles the Second, observing that, instead of a nursing father to the Kirk, that monarch had been a nursing father to none but his own bastards. He went at some length into the life and conversation of that joyous prince, few parts of which, it must be owned, were qualified to stand the rough handling of so uncourtly an orator, who conferred on him the hard names of Jeroboam, Omri, Ahab, ShaUum, Pekah, and every other evil monarch recorded in the Chronicles, and concluded with a round application of the Scripture, "Tophet is ordained of old; yea, for the King it is provided, he hath made it deep and large ; the pile thereof is fire and much wood, the breath of the Lord like a stream of brimstone doth kindle it." Kettledrummle's extraordinary sermon is succeeded by a very different one from a devoted young en- thusiast, Ephraim Macbriar. This preacher, earnest, sincere, self-sacrificing, is yet as cruelly intolerant towards religious opponents as they were to his own party. On the present occasion, after this unexpected little success of the insurgents, Macbriar preaches with an enthusiastic eloquence more worthy of some Charles II. 227 among the early Christians when enduring Jewish or Pagan persecutions than of fellow-Christians com- plaining of each other's tyranny. Among other passages in his exciting, fervent address he exclaims to the listening ears of the victorious Covenanters : " Verily, I say unto you that not when the ancient Temple in its first glory was there offered sacrifice more acceptable than that you have this day presented, giving to the slaughter the tyrant and the oppressor, with the rocks for your altars and the sky for your vaulted sanctuary, and your own good swords for the instruments of sacrifice. . . . Heaven has been with you and has broken the bow of the mighty. . . . " Well is he this day that shall barter his house for a helmet and sell his garment for a sword, and cast in his lot with the children of the Covenant, even to the fulfilling of the promise. . . . Up, then, and be doing ! ... the prayers of persecuted Christians, sheltering themselves in dens and deserts from the sword of their persecutors, ... all are with you, pleading, watching, knocking, storming the gates of heaven in your behalf." Much more eloquence of this kind Macbriar now utters to exhort his hearers to courage and endurance. Yet all this legal oppression, eager vehemence, and devoted energy shown in Scotland at this time are directed by fellow-countrymen, fellow- Christians and fellow-Protestants against each other, whichever party being in power, apparently emulating the other in the intolerant abuse of it. Times in Scotland are now strangely altered from what Scott describes in "The Monastery" and "The Abbot," when Roman Catholicism was feebly and hopelessly defending itself from the overpowering attacks of differing Christian denominations. 22 8 "Old Mortality" In this novel of " Old Mortality " Roman Catholics hardly appear at all in Scottish politics. All the bitter hostility formerly shown mutually between them and Protestant opponents seems now transferred to rival Protestant sects, tormenting and trying to suppress each other with much the same bigoted or intolerant severity. Though the time for which the celebrated John Knox and other zealous Reformers prayed for had arrived, and a Protestant Government was established throughout Great Britain, yet at this period in Scotland differing Protestants, now in full possession of the field, were opposing each other with a fanatical bitterness which some years before would hardly have been thought possible. After the Drumclog battle, described with graphic minuteness, Scott impressively ends his eighteenth chapter with an important historical remark on the heroism of the insurgent Covenanters : Whatever may be thought of the extravagance or narrow-minded bigotry of many of their tenets, it is impossible to deny the praise of devoted courage to a few hundred peasants, who, without leaders, without money, without magazines, without any fixed plan of action, and almost without arms, borne out only by their innate zeal and a detestation of the oppression of their rulers, ventured to declare an open war against an established Government supported by a regular army and the whole force of three kingdoms. IrLthis-jengageroent Morton saves Lord Evandale's life, when the latter is in Balfour's power, and thus the young rival heroes save each other's lives against the will of their respective leaders, Claverhouse and Balfour. These insurgent Covenanters seem certainly Charles II. 229 at this period to have received little if any aid from any party either in Great Britain or Ireland, while many of their fellow-countrymen, including most of the Highlanders, were zealously, even fiercely, opposed to them. After their success at Drumclog the insur- gents, at first a small number, assembled together in considerable force. They are then addressed by different preachers and speakers, but Morton is shocked at the frantic, if not insane, vehemence of a certain Habakkuk Mucklewrath, a former imprisoned victmTof the present stern Government, and who now urges his fellow-rebels to show no mercy to the party of those from whom they have certainly received none. The insane preacher broke in with a scream that drowned all competition. "Who talks of signs and wonders? Am not I Habakkuk Mucklewrath, whose name is changed to Magor-Missabib, because I am made a terror unto myself and unto all that are around me ? I heard it. When did I hear it ? . . . What heard I ? — the voice that cried, Slay, slay — smite — slay utterly — let not your eye have pity ! slay utterly, old and young" (chap. xxii.). This savage language of a desperate fanatic driven almost mad by ill-usage, and probably always of an excitable nature, was doubtless only too common at this trying time in Scotland. Morton, whom Scott inspires with his own enlightened moderation, is nearly as much shocked by the stern bigotry of Balfour and Macbriar as by the frantic violence of the half- mad Mucklewrath, yet finds himself now trusted and followed by many, of the insurgents,"' and tries in every way to restrain their vehemence, and 230 "Old Mortality" to prove himself, if possible, a mediator between them and the Government. The Castle of Tillietudlem is supposed to be captured by the rebels, Lord E vandale taken prisoner and threatened with execution by Balfour, but is a second time rescued from him by the intervention of Morton. The latter not only releases Lord Evandale, but persuades him to try to be a mediator between the rebel Covenanters and the Royalists, well knowing that he has some influence with the latter party. Thus Lord Evandale and Morton, the rival heroes of this novel, are each made to save the other's life, Morton being nearly shot by Claverhouse, and Evandale on the point of being hanged by Balfour. Evandale and Morton thus representing fierqe. and opposing parties, are alike shown to be generous, patriotic men. Yet both are to some extent inevitably influenced by their respective leaders, the. relentless general Claverhouse, and the equally relentless revolutionist Balfour. Though obeying these leaders, who neither love nor can probably understand true liberty, as they are alike striving to obtain absolute power, these fair-minded young men apparently represent many of the feelings and opinions of Scott himself, who is steadily imbued with the calm en- lightenment of the nineteenth century. Whether during this revolution in Scotland such men as Morton and Evandale could have had much influence over others, or even have existed, may indeed be doubted. Scott accordingly, as his story proceeds, has to describe the passions of the opposing parties, alike Charles II. 231 claiming to be Protestants, becoming more and more inveterate against each other, and this account completely agrees with historic truth. After Morton has a second time rescued Lord Evandale, these two young men, both in arms for opposing parties, confer together, and the latter agrees to try mediation between the King's forces and the insurgent Covenanters. The former are now nomi- nally commanded by the celebrated Duke of Monmouth, illegitimate son of Charles the Second, who with Claverhouse and an old general, Dalzell, are in supreme authority. Dalzell, a historical character, is a fierce old Cavalier, who had sworn or resolved never to shave his beard off, after the execution of Charles the First. Over these two implacable men Claverhouse and Dalzell, the mild, fascinating Monmouth, was supposed to rule, but in reality was greatly controlled by them. When Morton visits Monmouth's' camp, on his peace-making mission, offering terms of peace from the insurgent men-at-arms, he finds the royal army prepared for batde. The description of this force, just before the fatal battle of Bothwell Bridge, Scott writes probably in accordance with history. There were three or four regiments of English, the flower of Charles's army — there were the Scottish Life Guards, burning with desire to revenge their late defeat. . . . Morton also observed several strong parties of Highlanders drawn from the points nearest to the Lowland frontiers — a people, as already mentioned, particularly obnoxious to the western Whigs, and who hated and despised them in the same proportion. These were assembled under their chiefs 232 "Old Mortality" and made part of this formidable array. A complete train of field artillery accompanied these troops, and the whole had an air so imposing, that it seemed nothing short of an actual miracle could prevent the ill-equipped, ill-modelled and tumultuary army of the insurgents from being utterly destroyed (chap. xxx.). Morton approached the three generals commanding this powerful force, he being considered as an envoy from the rebel army, and therefore safe from arrest. Scott adds : He had the more confidence of a favourable reception that the Duke of Monmouth, to whom Charles had entrusted the charge of subduing this rebellion, was a man of gentle, moderate, and accessible disposition, well known to be favourable to the Presby- terians, and invested by the King with full powers to take measures for quieting the disturbances in Scotland. It seemed to Morton that all that was necessary for influencing him in their favour was to find a fit and sufficiently respectable channel of communication, and such seemed to be opened through the medium of Lord Evandale. In reality Monmouth felt, if not actual sympathy for the insurgents, far more pity for them than his two other colleagues were capable of showing to any enemies. Dalzell probably recognised in the rebels the party or their allies who had previously rebelled against Charles the First, to whose cause he had been devoted. Claverhouse saw before him the men who had authorised or approved of the execution of his kinsman, the Marquis of Montrose, and who, he knew, would treat him in the same way if he fell into their power. Both these generals, therefore, viewed the Covenanters with much the same prejudiced abhor- Charles II. 233 rQnce as their most ignorant soldiers did. But Monmouth _was influenced by very different feelings, and Scott writes explaining Monmouth's position : The inadequacy of the Scottish Government to provide for their own defence, or to put down a rebellion of which the commence- ment seemed so trifling, excited at the English court doubts at once of their capacity and of the prudence of the severities they had exerted against the oppressed Presbyterians. It was, therefore, resolved to nominate to the command of the army of Scotland the unfortunate Duke of Monmouth, ... it was expected that his mild temper and the favourable disposition which he showed to Presby- terians in general, might soften men's minds, and tend to reconcile them to the Government (chap. xxvi.). He was at this time, indeed, acting or appearing to act as the loyal subject and representative of Charles the Second, but in reality was often under the tempting influences of ambitious friends in England. These adherents seem not only to have urged him to be almost mutinous against Charles the Second, but finally to resist the accession of the King's brother and lawful heir, James the Second, to the throne. Inspired secretly, therefore, by different and almost opposite feelings to those animating Claverhouse and Dalzell, Monmouth regarded Morton in a much more favourable light than seemed right to either of his advisers, who, though nominally under his authority, probably viewed him with a suspicion which history partly verified in the not very distant future. Morton is pleasantly surprised at the engaging countenance and manner of the handsome Duke, so different from most of the stern visages around him, and which 234 "Ol^ Mortality" seemed to almost justify his beautiful description by Dryden : "In peace the thoughts of war he could remove, And seemed as he were only bom for love, Whate'er he did, was done with so much ease. In him alone 'twas natural to please ; His motives all accompanied with grace. And Paradise was opened in his face.'" On this occasion Monmouth certainly seemed, and probably was, really anxious " to remove the thoughts of war," but surrounded by equally fierce foes and followers, who, indeed, resembled each other in poli- tical and religious intolerance, he, though nominally supreme, could do nothing but try, with little, if any, success to moderate the passions of the Royalists under his command. He receives Morton with his usual polite courtesy, and addresses him in words which, judging from his personal history, probably expressed his mind at this important moment of his unfortunate life, and which Scott has therefore im- puted to him. When Morton approaches the three leaders, Monmouth received him with the graceful courtesy which attended j even his slightest actions ; Dalzell regarded him with a stern, j gloomy, impatient frown ; and Claverhouse with a sarcastic smile I and inclination of his head seemed to claim him as an old I acquaintance. Morton having through Lord Evandale transmitted a ' "Absalom and Achitophel," part i. Charles II. 235 " Remonstrance and Supplication " to the Duke on behalf of the insurgents, Monmouth says to Morton, in words perhaps more courteous than he would really have spoken, since the latter is still in arms against the King : " I understand from Lord Evandale that Mr. Morton has behaved in these unhappy matters with much temperance and generosity, for which I have to request his acceptance of my thanks." This style of speech to a rebel leader is too much for Dalzell's patience, who shook his head and whispered to Claverhouse, who, far more self-con- trolled, merely smiled in return without speaking. Scott proceeds : The Duke, taking the petition from his pocket, proceeded, obviously struggling between the native gentleness of his own disposi- tion, and perhaps his conviction that the petitioners demanded no more than their rights, and the desire on the other hand of enforcing the King's authority, and complying with the sterner opinions of the colleagues in office who had been assigned for the purpose of controlling as well as advising him. " There are, Mr. Morton, in this paper, proposals as to the abstract propriety of which I must now waive delivering any opinion. Some of them appear to me reasonable and just, and although I have no express instructions from the King upon the subject, yet I assure you, Mr. Morton, and I pledge my honour, that I will interpose in your behalf, and use my utmost influence to procure you satisfaction from his Majesty." He then, however, insists that he can "only treat with supplicants, not with rebels," and that, "as a preliminary " the Insurgents must lay down their arms and' disperse. Morton respectfully declines on the part of his followers to accept these terms, and 236 "Old Mortality" Monmouth repeats his former words, which were on the whole favourable to the rebels, perhaps with some idea of the future in his mind when he himself became a rebel against the present King's brother. He appeals to his two stern advisers : "I think, gentlemen, this is the utmost length to which I can stretch my instructions in favour of these misguided persons." Dalzell suddenly and fiercely rejoins with a bitter sarcasm implied rather than expressed : " By my faith, and it is a length to which my poor judgment durst not have stretched, considering I had both the King and my con- science to answer to. But doubtless your Grace knows more of the King's private mind than we who have only the letter of our instructions to look to." Monmouth blushed deeply. "You hear," he said, addressing Morton, " General Dalzell blames me for the length which I am disposed to go in your favour." Morton replies with truth and spirit, well knowing Monmouth's perplexity and difficult position : " General Dalzell's sentiments, my lord, are such as we expected from him ; your Grace's such as we were prepared to hope you might please to entertain." Monmouth bids him a courteous farewell, adding, likely in all sincerity, if not with some secret sympathy, that he hopes the reply of the rebels " may be such as to save the effusion of blood." This humane desire is far from that of either the cruel_D.alzell ,.pr the vindictive Claverhouse, who, to do them justice, recognise in the insurgents the same party who, when Charles II. 237 in power previously, had executed many of their partisans or relatives. Another smile of deep meaning passed between Dalzell and Claverhouse. The Duke observed it, and repeated his words with great dignity. " Yes, gentlemen, I said I trusted the answer might be such as would save the effusion of blood. I hope the sentiment neither needs your scorn, noi: incurs your displeasure. The two fierce generals hear this mild remonstrance with characteristic contempt, the one with half- suppressed anger, the other, perhaps, with calm surprise, yet thorough scorn. Dalzell returned the Duke's frown with a stern glance, but made no answer. Claverhouse, his lip just curled with an ironical smile, bowed and said, " It was not for him to judge the propriety of his Grace's sentiments." At this time these two resolute generals, likely well versed in English as well as in Scottish politics, could hardly feel much confidence in Monmouth's thorough loyalty to either his father, the King, or to his uncle, the Duke James of York, though apparently repre- senting Charles the Second's authority. Morton is returning to the rebel camp, when Claverhouse, whom Scott invests with some generous qualities, despite his cruelty, appreciates Morton's character and promises him future protection, feeling personally grateful for Morton's saving the life of Lord Evan- dale. Such mutual generosity on the part of both Claver- house and Morton is evidently Scott's invention, yet 238 " old Mortality" it may be hoped that some such acts of Christian mercy and charity may have really occurred, though rarely recorded in the history of these times. Morton finds the insurgent camp in great confusion; some of the rebels were listening to the wild harangues of fanatical preachers, some of whom suspect and denounce Morton, while others were bravely prepar- ing for the coming battle, on whichj^deed, depended the fate of their hasty, ill-prepared, yet heroic attempt at insurrection. Scott, while introducing his imaginary personages, describes this extraordinary conflict : Kettledrummle, Poundtext, Macbriar, and other preachers busied themselves in their ranks, and prevailed on them to raise a psalm. But the superstitious among them observed, as an ill omen, that their song of praise and triumph sank into a " quaver of consterna- tion." . . . The melancholy melody soon received a rough accom- paniment; the royal soldiers shouted, the Highlanders yelled, the cannon began to fire on one side and the musketry on both, and the bridge of Bothwell, with the banks adjacent, were involved in wreaths of smoke (chap. xxxi.). This remarkable battle is then partly described : the insurgents, as might have been foreseen, were completely routed, the fiigitives beiiig, many of JEiem, pursued and slain, despite of Monmouth's humane endeavour to stop the slaughter. Scott writes : AVhile busied in this humane task, he met with General Dalzell, who was encouraging the fierce Highlanders and royal volunteers to show their zeal for King and country by quenching the fiame of the rebellion in the blood of the rebels. " Sheathe your sword, I command you, General," exclaimed the Duke, "and sound the retreat. Enough of blood has been shed; give quarter to the King's misguided subjects. . . ," Charles II. 239 "It is your Grace's province to command and to be respon- sible for your commands," answered Dalzell as he gave reluctant orders for checking the pursuit. Scott, despite some admiration for Claverhouse, never denies his relentless character, and says : But the fiery and vindictive Grahame was already far out of hearing of the signal of retreat, and continued with his cavalry an unwearied and bloody pursuit (chap, xxxii.). It must, however, be remembered that Claverhouse had in his mind the deliberate execution of his rela- tive, the gallant Montrose, by the present defeated party or their sympathisers, and neither desired to receive nor extend mercy. This implacable hatred had for years animated both parties in Scotland, and it cannot be denied that each party resembled the other, when in brief power, in a way which did little credit to their common claim to Christianity. This decisive battle of Bothwell Bridge, between such ill-matched forces, could only have one result. The insurgents, .alike in history and the novel, were routed and dispersed. Balfour and Morton, among others, escape, yet become separated ; the former disappears for a time, while Morton, with his faithful attendant, Cuddie Headrigg, takes refuge in a small house where they find other fugitives assembled. Among them are Macbriar and the insane Habak- kuk Mucklewrath, who with others have lately sus- pected moderate men like Morton of not being true to their cause. They are now engaged in prayer, but some of the party arrest or guard Morton, while 240 "Old Mortality" the shrewd Cuddie makes his escape, but resolves to rescue his master. The description of Morton, now a helpless prisoner in the power of these wretched, desperate insurgents, is written in Scott's most graphic manner, and if not actually founded on known fact, likely conveys a true account of the state of feeling among some fanatics at this time in Scotland. Macbriar, believing in Morton's treachery or luke- warmness in their cause, sentences him to death as a traitor, but delays the execution for the following theological reasons, which he thus explains to the captive after a series of vague accusations against him : " It is our judgment that we are not free to let you pass from us safe and in life, since Providence hath given you into our hands at the moment that we prayed with godly Joshua, saying, ' What shall we say when Israel turneth their backs before their enemies?' Then earnest thou, delivered to us as it were by lot, that thou mightest sustain the punishment of one that hath wrought folly in Israel. Therefore mark my words. This is the Sabbath, and our h^nd shall not .be on thee to spill thy '^Ot5d';tgp;bTi. this :]iay"; but when the twelfth Kour shall striKe, it is ^ toKeh that thy time on earth hath run ! Wherefore improve thy span, for it flitteth fast away. Seize on the prisoner, brethren, and take his weapon.' " Morton now is bound and helpless, and expecting almost immediate death, murmurs to himself, yet partly aloud, the petition for deliverance and for composure of spirit- which is to be found in the " Book of Common Prayer " of the Church of England. Macbriar, whose family were of that persuasion, instantly recog- nised the words. "There lacked but this," he said, his pale Charles II. 241 cheek kindling with resentment, " to root out my carnal reluctance to see his blood spilt. He is a prelatist who has sought the camp under the disguise of an Erastian, and all, and more than all, that has been said of him must needs be verity. His blood be on his head, the deceiver — let him go down to,Tophet with the ill-mumbled mass which he' calls a prayer-book in his right hand." The crazy Mucklewrath, impatient for the execu- tion, here breaks in : " I take up my song against him ! As the sun went back on the dial ten degrees for intimating the recovery of Holy Hezekiah, so shall it now go forward, that the wicked may be taken away from among the people and the Covenant established in its purity." He sprang to a chair with an attitude of frenzy, in order to antici- pate the fatal moment by putting the index forward. But rescue now arrives in a party of soldiers headed by Claverhouse himself, whom Cuddie is supposed to have informed about Morton's danger. Some of the fugitives are slain and others taken prisoners ; among the latter are Morton and Macbriar, while Claverhouse now appears in a new light as Morton's deliverer. He orders the immediate execution of some of the captives, but directs that the preacher Macbriar should be detained for examination before the Privy Council. Claverhouse soon has a private talk with his rescued prisoner, Morton. During their conversation, while he sees Morton shudder at the sound of the prisoners being shot, Claverhouse utters words which seem to anticipate his own fate, and which probably truly expressed his real feelings : " When I think of death, Mr. Morton, as a thing worth thinking of, it is in the hope of pressing one day some well-fought and hard- 16 242 "Old Mortality" won field of battle and dying with the shout of victory in my ear — that would be worth dying for, and, more, it would be worth having lived for" (chap, xxxiv.). Scott, who all through this story always likes allud- ing to historic facts, describes the half-mad victim JVEuckle wrath as mortally wounded among the rest of Claverhouse's executed prisoners, and he suddenly ap- pears before him and Morton. Though at the. point of death, he has heard or guessed the last w:prds of Claverhouse, and truly prophesies the dethronement of the Stuart family, an event probably desired and talked of by many now in Scotland, and also pre- dicts the fate of Claverhouse himself, on a victorious batdefield : He bent upon Claverhouse eyes in which the grey light of insanity still twinkled, though just about to flit for ever, and exclaimed with his usual wildness of ejaculation, "Wilt thou trust in thy bow and in thy spear, in thy steed and in thy banner ? . . . Wilt thou glory in thy wisdom, and in thy courage, and in thy might ? And shall not the Lord judge thee ? " Then, prophesying the .depositioa.-.of _.James the^ Second : " Behold the princes, for whom thou hast sold thy soul to the destroyer, shall be removed from their place, and banished to other lands, and their names shall be a desolation, and an astonishment and a hissing and a curse. And thou, who hast partaken of the wine- cup of fury, and hast been drunken and mad because thereof, the wish of thy heart shall be granted to thy loss and the hope of thine own pride shall destroy thee. I summon thee, John Grahame, to appear before the tribunal of God to answer for this innocent blood, and the seas besides which thou hast shed." After these awful words, more worthy of a true Charles II. 243 martyr than of a fanatic as prepared to slay others in cold blood as to be slain himself, the insane enthusiast falls dead before Morton and Claverhouse. The former is naturally shocked at the sight, but Claver- house, quite unmoved, calmly listens to the prophetic words of his victim, or, to speak more truly, the victim of the persecuting Government of which he is the willing instrument. The next scene of historic truth or interest is before the Privy Council in Edinburgh, composed of zealous Royalists who, dreading the revival of the Republican party lately supreme in Britain, partly through fear and partly through hatred, show no mercy to their luckless political prisoners now in their power." When Morton and Cuddie are summoned to attend at this fearful investigation, Scott evidently wishing to amuse his readers, amid so much gloomy description of sin and suffering, introduces Cuddie s mother, the enthu- siastic old Mause, addressing her more prudent son. Though-she._partly kings for his safetj^, she^et fana- tically trusts that he will behave like a noble martyr in the good cause, and she exclaims to Cuddie, who is determined to preserve his life if possible, despite of her eager enthusiasm : " O hinny, hinny ! glad and proud and sorry and humbled am I, in ane and the same instant, to see my bairn ganging to testify for the truth gloriously with his mouth in council, as he did with his weapon in the field ! " Chap. XXXV. 244 "Old Mortality" " Whist, whist, mither ! " cried Cuddie, impatiently. " Odd, ye daft wife, is this a time to speak o' thae things ? I tell ye I'll testify naething either ae gate or another. I hae spoken to Mr. Poundtext and I'll tak' the declaration, or whate'er they call it, and we're a' to win free oif if we do that — he's gotten life for himself and a' his folk, and that's a minister for my siller ; I like nane o' your sermons that end in a psalm at the Grassmarket." ' "O Cuddie, man, laith wad I be they suld hurt ye," said old Mause, divided grievously between the safety of her son's soul and that of his body; " but mind, my bonny bairn, ye hae battled for the faith, and dinna let the dread o' losing creature-comforts withdraw ye frae the gude fight." " Hout tout, mither," replied Cuddie, " I hae fought ower muckle already, and to speak plain, I'm wearied o' the trade; ... I ken naething should gar a man fight (that's to say, when he's no angry), by and out-taken the dread o' being hanged or killed if he turns back." "But, my dear Cuddie," continued the persevering Mause, " your bridal garment. O hinny, dinna sully the marriage-garment ! " "Awa, awa, mither," replied Cuddie; "dinna ye see the folks waiting for me ? Never fear me — I ken how to turn this far better than ye do — for ye're bleezing awa about marriage and the job is how we are to win by hanging." The coming scene ^ before the Scottish Privy- Council, so stern and relentless according to history, Scott tries to enliven by introducing the almost comic characters of Mause and Cuddie, and the latter with Morton are brought before th^^Duke of Lauderdale, General Dalzell, Clayerhouse, and others, all of whom are resolved as far as they can to punish, and put down, if not exterminate, the defeated party. It is evident in historical course that the previous execu- tion of the Marquis of Montrose and others by the victorious Puritans, now embittered and hardened the ' Scott says in a footnote : " Then the place of public execution." ^ Chap, xxxvi. Charles II. 245 triumphant Cavalier party, the chiefs of whom well knew what their own fate would likely be were they in the position of the unfortunate prisoners now awaiting judgment before them. Lauderdale, Claverhouse, and Dalzell, the first of whom Macaulay calls " a savage old tyrant," ' are alike utterly relentless to fallen foes, though the heroism of Claverhouse, his attractive appearance, and thorough sincerity have made his memory of great interest to poets and musicians, as well as to historians. The two prisoners, Macbriar and Cuddie, whom Scott describes as now before these stern rulers, are chosen as utter contrasts, doubtless resembling many among their party. , Macbriar 's enthusiastic nature is as ready to suffer death as to inflict it, while Cuddie is a good-natured, shrewd, faithful fellow, on whom the eager fanaticism of his poor old mother has made no other impression but an earnest desire to escape its consequences. While Scott, however, in describing their separate examinations before the Council, amuses or relieves his readers by the shrewd, half-comic words of Cuddie and his subsequent pardon, the sad historic truth is more delineated in the terrible execution of Macbriar, who before had shown himself equally relentless when Morton was in his power. Morton is first dealt with.X'i^verhquse and Lord Evandale being his securities, that he will go abroad " and. remain in foreign parts until his Majesty's pleasure was further " " History of England," chap. ii. 246 "Old Mortality" known." To these terms Morton agrees, or rather, submits, and Cuddie is then exarnmed. Scott writes : The poor fellow cast a piteous look around him, in which were mingled awe for the great men in whose presence he stood and compassion for his fellow-sufferers, with no small fear of the personal consequences which impended over himself. He made his clownish obeisance with a double portion of reverence, and then awaited the opening of the awful scene. "Were you at the battle of Bothwell Brigg?" was the first question. . . . Cuddie meditated a denial, but had sense enough upon reflection to discover that the truth would be too strong for him, so he replied with true Caledonian indirectness of response : " I'll no say, but it may be possible that I might hae been there." " Answer directly, you knave — yes or no ? You know you were there." " It's no for me to contradict your Lordship's Grace's honour," said Cuddie. " Once more, sir, were you there ? — yes or no ? " said the Duke impatiently. " Dear stir," again replied Cuddie, " how can ane mind preceesely where they hae been a' the days o' their life ? " The savage old Dalzell here exclaims : " Speak out, you scoundrel, or I'll dash your teeth out with my dudgeon-haft ! Do you think we can stand here all day to be turn- ing and dodging with you, like greyhounds after a hare ? " ' " Aweel then," said Cuddie, " since naething else will please ye, write down that I cannot deny but I was there." " Scott here adds an explanatory footnote : " The General is said to have struck one of the captive Whigs, when under examination, with the hilt of his sabre. . . . The provocation for this unmanly violence was that the prisoner had called the fierce veteran 'A Muscovy beast, who used to roast men.' " Scott may perhaps believe the charge or something like it, as he expressively adds : " Dalzell had been long in the Russian service, which in those days was no school for humanity." Charles II. 247 Lauderdale, after continuing the examination, asks : " Are you content to accept of the King's pardon for your guilt as a rebel, and to keep the church, and pray for the King? " "Blithely, stir," answered the unscrupulous Cuddie, "and drink his health into the bargain when the ale's gude." This answer, more worthy of a captive Cavalier than of a Puritan, is just suited to please, satisfy, and delight the Royalist judges, who, dreading the gloomy sincerity of the Covenanters, wish to encourage every sort of gaiety and pleasure, everi when accompanied by reckless dissipation : " Egad ! " said the Duke. " This is a hearty cock- And then, unexpectedly interested in him, asks " What brought you into such a scrape, mine honest friend ? " "Just ill example, .stir,", replied. the prisoner, J^jjid_.ajiaft„auld jade oTai mither. ..." -"'^'"WEy,"G6d-a-mercy, my friend," replied the Duke, "take care of bad advice another time. . . . Make out his free pardon and bring forward the rogue in the chair." This unhappy "rogue in the chair" is the fanatic Macbriar, now prepared as ever to alike suffer or inflict any act of cruelty for what he believed the "good Cause." He bravely refuses to say where he last saw Balfour of Burley, is cruelly tortured and borne off to execution, exclaiming in a spirit indeed far more 248 "Old Mortality" worthy of a Christian than his previous conduct had warranted, and which seems hardly consistent with it : "Ye send me from darkness into day — from mortality to immortality — and in a word, from earth to heaven ! If the thanks, therefore, and pardon of a dying man can do you good, take them at my hand, and may your last moments be as happy as mine !" (chap, xxxvi.). Even Morton, who had so narrowly escaped death from the fanaticism of Macbriar, cannot resist ex- claiming to Claverhouse after witnessing Macbriar's heroism : ^ " Marvellous firmness, and _gallantry ! What a pity it is that with ! such self-devotion and heroism shoiild have been mingled the fiercer \ features of his sect ! " To this expression of regret Claverhouse, more polished than Macbriar, yet quite as relentless, if not as bigoted, replies sarcastically : " You mean his resolution to put you to death," and to this equally true remark, Morton makes, and likely can make, no reply. Morton having obtained pardon on condition of going abroad soon after this scene, departs, but just as he is embarking a person in disguise gives him a letter and disappears. When Morton is on board ship bound for Rotterdam, he opens the letter, which first alluded to the late battle at Bothwell Bridge : Charles II. 249 "Thy courage on the fatal day when Israel fled before his enemies hath in some measure atoned for thy unhappy owning of the Erastian interest. . . . There is an honest remnant in Holland whose eyes are looking out for deliverance. Join thyself unto them, like a true son of the stout and worthy Silas Morton, and thou wilt have good acceptance among them for his sake and for thine own working. Shouldst thou be found worthy again to labour in the vineyard, thou wilt at all times hear of my in-comings and out- goings by inquiring after Quintin Mackell of Irongray, at the house of that singular Christian woman Bessie Maclure, near to the place called the Howff", where Niel Blane entertaineth guests. So much from him who hopes to hear again from thee in brotherhood. . . . Meanwhile possess thyself in patience. Keep thy sword girded and thy lamp burning as one that wakes in the night ; for He who shall judge the Mount of Esau and shall make false professors as straw, and maUgnants as stubble, will come in the fourth watch with garments dyed in blood, and the house of Jacob shall be for spoil, and the house of Joseph for fire. I am he that hath written it, whose hand hath been on the mighty in the waste field." This extraordinary letter was subscribed J. B. of B. ; but the signature of these initials was not ntecessary for pointing out to Morton that it could come from no other than Burley. Norton destroys the letter, not wishing to have anything more to do with the writer, sails off to Holland, and was "separated for several years from the land of his nativity " (chap, xxxvi.). These " several years " that Scott merely mentions without further description embrace much of the important time which the most accomplished English historian of the nineteenth century has described so vividly. Though Macaulay in many respects differs widely from Scott in his views on Scottish history, they yet partly agree in admiring the rule and policy of King William the Third. To the former the shrewd, silent king is almost a model for other monarchs, while Scott, without the same enthusiasm, calmly writes of the great changes in Scotland, and 2 so "Old Mortality" indeed in Britain generally, and certainly on the whole approves of William the Third's policy. He writes : Betwixt Morton's first appearance as a competitor for the popinjay and his final departure for Holland, hardly two months elapsed.' ... I entreat the reader's attention to the continuation of the narrative, as it starts from a new era, being the year immediately subsequent to the British Revolution. During Morton's absence from Scotland events had happened almost as strange and perplexing as might be found in a sensational novel rather than in the pages of practical history. Charles the Second died in peace, but had sent or allowed his stern brother, the Duke of York, afterwards James the Third, to govern Scotland, where the savage old tyrant Lauderdale was sinking into the grave. 2 "Even Lauderdale was now out-done. The administration of James was marked by odious, barbarous punishments, and by judgments to the iniquity of which even that age furnished no parallel." It was remarked, according to Macaulay, that " the Duke of York seemed to take pleasure " in the severities which he authorised or witnessed, but this statement, of course, may be exaggerated, as Macau- lay's dislike to James the Second may incline him to believe more against him than was known for cer- tain. Monmouth, the once " graceful and fascinating " Duke who, compared to the relentless Claverhouse ' Chap, xxxvii. = Macaulay's History. William III. 251 and to Dalzell, formerly seemed to Morton the picture of humane courtesy, had rebelled against James the Second and been executed on the scaffold. Macaulay, though no friend to the latter, admits : "The King cannot be blamed for determining that Monmouth should suffer death. ... He had declared against his uncle a war without quarter. In a manifesto put forth at Lyme, James had been held up to execration as an incendiary, as an assassin . . . and, lastly, as the poisoner of his own brother." Monmouth's execution may have caused slight inte- rest in Scotland, where for a very brief time he had held important command, but his tragic end in real history forms an impressive sequel to his early career of gaiety, power, and prosperity. His fate Scott does not describe, but it is fully detailed by Macaulay. ^ The spoiled darling of the court and of the populace, accustomed to be loved and worshipped whenever he appeared, was now surrounded by stern jailors in whose eyes he read his doom. The stern distrust of him that Scott describes as shown by Claverhouse and Dalzell when acting as his colleagues was now developed into fatal earnest by James the Second and the ruling party in Britain. The King had granted him a last interview, but refused to spare his life. Macaulay observes of Monmouth : He had done that which could never be forgiven. He was in the grasp of one who never forgave. The arms of the prisoner were " History of England," vol. i. 2 52 "Old Mortality" bound behind him with a silken cord, and thus secured he was ushered into the presence of the implacable kinsman whom he had wronged. Then Monmouth threw himself on the ground and crawled to the King's feet. He wept. He tried to embrace his uncle's knees with his pinioned arms. He begged life, only life at any price. By the ties of kindred, by the memory of the late king who had been the best and truest of brothers, the unhappy inan adjured James to show some mercy. . . . James gravely replied that this repentance was of the latest, that he was sorry for the misery which the prisoner had brought on himself, but that the case was not one for lenity. Monmouth's nervous terror, despite his personal bravery at execution, is eloquently described by Macaulay, and probably with historic truth. His death occurred during Morton's absence in Holland ; but a yet more important event was to come in the deposition of James the Second, some time after Monmouth's revolt, and the accession of William the Third to the throne. When Morton returns from abroad Scott con- tinues : Scotland had just begun to repose from the convulsion occasioned by a change of dynasty, and, through the prudent tolerance of King William, had narrowly escaped the horrors of a protracted civil war. Another wonderful change, however, was in store for Morton, as Scott proceeds : The Highlanders alone resisted the newly established order of things, and were in arms in a considerable body under the Viscount of Dundee, whom our readers have hitherto known by the name of Grahame of Claverhouse. This gallant general, formerly so active in maintain- William III. 253 ing kingly power against all attempt at revolution, was now himself heading a rebellion against the established government. This new government, how- ever, being formed by a general revolt against a lawful king, was in Dundee's opinion apparently as unjustifiable almost as the previous outbreak of the Covenanters which he had been so zealous in sup- pressing. Yet, though William the Third's rule was peacefully established in England, he had the singular fate to behold the extreme sections of opposing parties in Scotland actually, though only for a short time, united against him, and in favour of restoring " the banished oppressor," as Macaulay terms James the Second. Except from the enterprising Dundee, however, William encountered little opposition in Scotland. Scott writes : In the Lowlands, the Jacobites, now the undermost party, had ceased to expect any immediate advantage by open resistance, and were in their turn driven to hold private meetings and form associa- tions for mutual defence, which the government termed treason, while they cried out persecution. The triumphant Whigs, while they re-established presbytery as the national religion, . . . would listen to no proposal for re-establishing the Solemn League and Covenant ; and those who had expected to find in King WiUiam a zealous Covenanted monarch were grievously disappointed when he intimated with the phlegm peculiar to his country his intention to tolerate all forms of religion which were consistent with the safety of the State. The principles of indulgence thus espoused and gloried in by the government gave great offence to the more violent party, who condemned them as diametrically contrary to Scripture, for which narrow-spirited doctrine they cited various texts. ... This party remained, therefore, grumbling and dissatisfied, and made repeated declarations against defections and causes of wrath, which, had they been prosecuted as in the two former reigns would 254 "Old Mortality" have led to the same consequence of open rebellion. But as the murmurers were allowed to hold their meetings uninterrupted, and to testify as much as they pleased against Socinianism, Erastianism, and all the compliances and defections of the time, their zeal, unfanned by persecution, died gradually away, their numbers became diminished, and they sunk into the scattered remnant of serious, scrupulous, and harmless enthusiasts, of whom Old Mortality, whose legends have afforded the groundwork of my tale, may be taken as no bad representative. When_Morton is again in Scotland he asks his former servant, Cuddie, who at iBrat, does not recognise him, about the state of the country. Cuddie replies in his usual Scottish accent, but with more boldness than in former days : "Ou the country's weel enough, an it werena that dour deevil Claver'se (they ca' him Dundee now), that's stirring about yet in the Hielands, they say wi' a' the Donalds, and Duncans, and Dugalds that ever wore bottomless breeks, driving about wi' him, to set things asteer again, now we hae gotten them a' reasonably weel settled. But Mackay wUl pit him down, there's little doubt o' that ; he'll gie him his fairing, I'll be caution for it." Morton well remembers Dundee's valour and ability. He perhaps knew little, if anything, of King William's general, Mackay, "the stout old Purita^i: who, according to Macaulay, entreated his soldiers not to swear, and asks : " What makes you so positive of that, my friend ? " (chap. xvii.). and Cuddie recounts the prophecy of the victim Mucklewrath, which Morton doubtless well remembers, adding quaintly about the unfortunate enthusiast : " His brain was a wee ajee, but he was a braw preacher for a that." William III. 255 It must indeed have astonished Morton to find the brave King's officer and champion of divine right, Claverhouse, no longer commanding the Royal Life Guards, but heading the Highlanders against the new British Government. He had been dangerously- threatened by his many foes among the Covenanters in Edinburgh, and was apparently in fear of assassina- tion. Macaulay adds : " Brave as he undoubtedly was, he seems, like many other brave men, to have been less proof against the danger of assassination than against any other danger. He knew what the hatred of the Cove- nanters was, he knew how well he had earned their hatred. . . . His old troopers, the Satans and Beelzebubs who had shared his crimes and who now shared his perils, were ready to be the companions of his flight." ' His hasty departure from the Scottish capital was celebrated by Scott in spirited lines set to music, and written with feelings almost opposite to those of Macaulay : " To the Lords of Convention then Claverhouse spoke. Ere the King's crown go down there are crouns to be broke, So each Cavalier who loves honour and me Let him follow the bonnets of bonny Dundee." Then fiercely alluding to King William's accession to the throne, which he is determined to resist, Scott attributes to him words which in all probability Dundee would have quite approved of in his fearless mind : "Away to the hills, to the woods, to the rocks, Ere I own a usurper I'll couch with the fox. ' Macaulay's History. 256 "Old Mortality" And tremble, false Whigs, though triumphant ye be You have not seen the last of my bonnets and me. Come fill up my cup, come fill up my can, Come saddle my horses and call up my men. Fling all your gates open and let me go free, For 'tis up with the bonnets of Bonny Dundee ; " and history certainly proved that his foes had not yet seen the last of him; but the next point of historic interest in this story is when Morton visits Niel Blane. This shrewd old innkeeper, who previously showed fear of all contending parties, is now since the Revolu- tion much more at his ease. He no longer dreads the same violence from any party, and replies freely to Morton's questions, who, seeing soldiers in the house, inquires about them, and Niel answers : " These are Scotch dragoons, our ain auld caterpillars ; these were Claver'se lads a while syne, and wad be again, maybe, if he had the lang ten in his hand." " Is there not a report of his death ? " asks Morton. " Troth is there," said the landlord, "your honour is right — there is sic a fleeing rumour, but in my opinion, it's lang or the deil die. I wad hae the folk here look to themsells. If he makes an outbreak, he'll be doun frae the Hielands or I could drink this glass — ^and whare are they then? A' thae hell-rakers o' dragoons wad be at his whistle in a moment. Nae doubt they're Willie's men e'en now, as they were James's a while syne, and reason good they fight for their pay ] what else hae they to fight for ? They hae neither lands nor houses I trow. There's ae gude thing o' the change or the Revolution as they ca' it, — folks may speak out afore thae birkies now, and nae fear o' being hauled awa' to the guard-house, or having the thumikins screwed on your finger-ends, just as I wad drive the screw through a cork." This homely way of speaking well explains to Morton the present general feeling of personal safety William III. 257 and security compared to what existed when he left Scotland, and" he cannot be otherwise than cheer- fully impressed by the change. He soon after this talk visits the blind widow Maclure, who, though seldom introduced, is, in a religious sense, one of the most impressive of the imaginary characters in the novel. It may be hoped, indeed, by all philanthropists that such a person could have existed during a period of civil war and rebellion, when, after enduring grievous domestic trials and affliction, she is yet enabled to preserve undiminished some of the nobler feelings or sentiments enjoined by the Christian faith. During the late revolt she had received young Lord Evandale when wounded and pursued into her house and relieved him, for which act of true charity she was blamed by some of her own party : " They said," the forlorn mother continued to Morton, who listens in deep sympathy, "that I wanted natural affection to relieve ane that belanged to the band that murdered my two sons." Morton asks in horrified surprise : "That murdered your two sons?" and she replies : " Ay, sir, though maybe ye'll gie their deaths another name — the tane fell wi' sword in hand, fighting for a broken national Covenant ; the tother — O they took him and shot him dead on the green before his mother's face ! My auld een dazzled when the shots were looten off, and to my thought, they waxed weaker and weaker ever since that weary day. . . . But, alas ! betraying Lord Evandale's young 17 258 "Old Mortality" blood to his enemies' sword wad ne'er hae brought my Ninian and Johnie alive again." " Lord Evandale ? " said Morton in surprise. " Was it Lord Evandale whose life you saved?" " In troth, even his," she replied. " And kind he was to me after, and gae me a cow, and calf, malt, meal, and siller." This rare instance of.. Christian charity at a time .when this highest of moral duties was so often violated by both opposing parties despite their professed faith is a real relief to the reader, yet Scott, unfortunately, cannot or does not cite any historical foundation for it. Morton then inquires about Balfour of Burley, at whose terrible name the widow is alarmed, though belonging to her own persuasion, and she owns to Morton that , Balfour detests the new Goverxunent. as much as he did the former one. This news surprises Morton, who naturally thought that the recent Revolution was what Balfour would have wished to see. At this time in Scotland it is evident from this novel, supported by history, that the extremes of both parties, formerly so implacable towards each other, actually tried to unite against William the Third, who avowedly wished to tolerate all religious denominations, pro- vided they did not engage in open rebellion. Scott, through the interesting medium of his imaginary characters, conveys in the homely, expressive words of the Scottish peasantry the real state of their country at this critical time. The widow Maclure — a truly conscientious, yet to some extent narrow- minded Covenanter — thus explains the views or wishes of the most extreme section of that party to Morton : William III. 259 " The Stuarts hae been dethroned, and William and Mary reign in their stead — but nae mair word o' the Covenant than if it were a dead letter. They hae taen the indulged clergy and an Erastian General Assembly into their very arms and bosoms." She then proceeds to make an extraordinary state- ment, which, though true to history, astonishes Morton, well remembering the terrible severities of the last Stuart kings in Scotland : " Our faithfu' champions o' the Testimony agree e'en waur wi' this than wi' the open tyranny and apostasy of the persecuting times. . . . And anes it was thought something might be made by bringing back the auld family on a new bargain and a new bottom." For this strange and surely rash expectation the widow gives one reason which indicates the strong prejudices between fellow- Protestants at this time ; "as after a' when King James went awa' I understand the great quarrel of the English against him was in behalf of seven unhallowed prelates, . . . our honest friend and others that stude up for purity of doctrine and freedom of conscience were determined to hear the breath o' the Jacobites before they took part again them, fearing to fa' to the ground like a wall built with unslaked mortar or from sitting between twa stools." Morton, better acquainted with English as well as Scottish history than the widow Maclure was, naturally replies : "They chose an odd quarter from which to expect freedom of conscience and purity of doctrine." But the poor widow, who, despite her merciful, for- 26o " Old Mortality " giving character, is yet imbued with the bigotry of her party, answers : " O, dear sir ! the natural day-spring rises in the east, but the spiritual day-spring may rise in the north for what we blinded mortals ken." Morton asks, perhaps not without some sarcasm : " And Burley went to the north to seek it ? " Then comes information almost beyond Morton's power to believe, considering his own personal ex- perience and recollection : "Truly ay, sir; and he saw Claver'se himsell, that they ca' Dundee now." " What ! " exclaimed Morton in amazement ; " I would have sworn that meeting would have been the last of one of their lives." "Na, na, sir — ^in troubled times, as I understand," said Mrs. Maclure, " there's sudden changes. . . . Claver'se spoke our friend fair, and sent him to consult with Lord Evandale. But then there was a break off, for Lord Evandale wadna look at, hear, or speak wi' him " (chap. xlii.). ^TJiis nobleman, as well as Morton, Sir Walter imbues, with much of his own moral, scrupulous spirit. Neither of these young men, though opposed, could altogether agree with the views of their respective chiefs ; but it can never be known how far Scott him- self would have preserved that calm moderation he always shows had he lived in the exciting time he describes. The widow tells Morton that Balfour's disappointment has driven him almost mad at times, and that he has taken refuge in a cave not far from William III. 261 her house. She reminds Morton of what he must probably remember, when he first met Burley : " Are ye acquainted familiarly wi' John Balfour o' Burley and dinna ken that he has had sair and frequent combats to sustain against the Evil One ? Did ye ever see him alone but the Bible was in his hand and the drawn sword on his knee ? . . . O ye ken little o' him, if ye have seen him only in fair daylight, for nae man can put the face upon his doleful visits and strifes that he can do. I hae seen him after sic a strife of agony tremble that an infant might hae held him, while the hair on his brow was drapping as fast as ever my puir thatched roof did in a heavy rain." Scott, who evidently means that Burley. should now truly express the religious enthusiasm of the most vehement of his -party at this exciting period, writes : It was natural to suppose, and could easily be inferred from the narrative of Mrs. Maclure, that disappointed ambition, wrecked hopes, and the downfall of the party which he had served with such desperate fidelity were likely to aggravate enthusiasm into temporary insanity. It was, indeed, no uncommon circumstance in those singular times that men like Sir Harry Vane, Harrison, Overton, and others, themselves slaves to the wildest and most enthusiastic dreams, could when mingling with the world conduct themselves not only with good sense in difficulties and courage in dangers, but with the most acute sagacity and determined valour. The subsequent part of Mrs. Maclure's information confirmed Morton in these impressions. " In the grey of the morning," she said, " my little Peggy will show ye the gate to him. . . . But ye maun let his hour of danger, as he ca's it, be ower afore ye venture on him in his place of refuge." Next day Morton visits his former companion in arms in a wild, secluded cave, and finds him at first fencing with his sword as if fighting an invisible enemy, and uttering frantic language, which, however, partly reveals his conscience reproaching him for the 262 "Old Mortality" murderjjf Arclibishe^ Sbarpe, and perhaps for other desperate acts during his dangerous career : " Ha ! ha ! — there — there ! " he exclaimed, accompanying each word with a thrust, urged with his whole force against the impassible and empty air. " Did I not tell thee so ? I have resisted and thou fleest from me. Coward as thou art — come in all thy terrors — come with mine own evil deeds which render thee most terrible of all — there is enough betwixt the boards of this book to rescue me ! What mutterest thou of grey hairs ? It was well done to slay him." After uttering a few more wild words, he sunk the point of his sword and remained standing still like a maniac whose fit is over. Morton then addresses him by name, and Burley, who soon recognises him, muttered something of the damp and cold which sent an old soldier to his fencing exercise to prevent his blood from chilhng, and, sheathing his sword, calmly asks Morton if he is ready to join him again, evidently in some new attempt at revolt. Morton vainly attempts to reason with thts~ desperate enthusiast, being evidently satisfied with the present state of Scotland, and says at last : "The land has peace, liberty, and freedom of conscience, and what would you more?" --— ""' "" Burley proudly draws his sword, boasting of all the exploits it has achieved, exclaiming : " This sword has yet more to do — to weed out this base and pestilential heresy of Erastianism — to vindicate the true liberty of William III. 263 the Kirk in her purity— to restore the Covenant in its glory— then let it moulder and rust beside the bones of its master." Morton coolly replies with calm good sense, which doubtless represents Scott's own opinion : " You have neither men nor means, Mr. Balfour, to disturb the government as now settled. The people are in general satisfied, excepting only the gentlemen of the Jacobite interest, and surely you would not join with those who would only use you for their own purposes ? " Burley replies with that fanatical, short-sighted selfish- ness, which really animated some of his party at this extraordinary time : "It is they that should serve ours. I went to the camp of the mahgnant Claver'se, as the future King of Israel sought the land of the Philistines ; I arranged with him a rising, and but for the villain Evandale, the Erastians ere now would have been driven from the west." Morton, however, like Lord Evandale, though from different motives, refuses to join Burley in any scheme of revolt, and they part to meet no more. The death of Dundee, killed as he had wished during his glorious victory at Killiecrankie, ends the historic interest of this novel. Lord Evandale announces this fatal victory of his "gallant friend," and is about to jofn Tiis Highland followers and take Dundee's place, if possible, when he is himself slain in an encounter of Scott's invention, yet Evandale's fate confirms what was historically true, that after Dundee's death there was no Jacobite leader able to continue his glorious career in behalf of the banished James the Second. 264 "Old Mortality" Balfour of Burley is described as slain soon after in a desperate encounter with a Dutch soldier trying to capture him, and whom he drowns, but perishes himself with his foe. This account, however, Scott owns to be his invention, as the real Balfour, a bold leader who had been wounded at Bothwell Bridge, retired to Holland, and does not seem to have ever returned. The last moments of Dundee are graphically de- scribed by' his political opponent Macaulay, though avoided by Scott in this novel : "A musket ball struck him, and his horse sprang forward and plunged into a cloud of smoke and dust which hid from both armies the fall of the victorious general. A person named Johnstone was near him, and caught him as he sank down from the saddle. " How goes the day ? " said Dundee. " Well for King James," answered Johnstone, " but I am sorry for your lordship." True to the gallant spirit which Scott so well describes the dying hero replied : " If it is well for him, it matters the less for me." And Macaulay adds, "He never spoke again." ^ Even Macaulay cannot resist to some extent admiring him, and this admiration is the more important when avowed reluctantly by an eager and eloquent political opponent. The historian says : " The news of Dundee's victory was everywhere speedily followed by the news of his death, and it is a strong proof of the extent and ' " History of England," chap. xiii. William III. 265 vigour of his faculties that his death seems everywhere to have been regarded as a complete set-off against his victory. . . . During the last three months of his life he had approved himself a great warrior and politician, and his name is therefore mentioned with respect by that large class of persons who think that there is no excess of wickedness for which courage and ability do not atone." Macaulay would surely not include the judicious Sir Walter Scott among that "large class," yet he expresses surprise at Scott's views upon Scottish history at this time especially (chap. xiii.). "When Sir Walter Scott mentioned Killiecrankie he seemed utterly to forget that he was a Saxon. . . . His heart swelled with triumph when he related how his own kindred had fled like hares before a smaller number of warriors of a different breed and of a different tongue." Scott's reply to this statement will, indeed, never be known, but it is alike interesting and instructive to compare the views of the two ablest Scottish writers in the nineteenth century about their country's history. This Scottish novel of "Old Mortality" and the English one of " Woodstock " are perhaps the most useful of all Scott's novels from a historic standpoint, in so ably describing party-spirit in Britain and in inventing as well as portraying good and bad men in opposing parties. " Old Mortality " himself, it seems, was the nickname of a certain devout Puritan named Paterson, whose constant delight, Scott says, was to cleanse and repair the epitaphs on the tombs of Scottish Covenanters. It was he who seems to have supplied Scott with legends referring to this story, but 266 "Old Mortality" despite the great novelist's rare modesty, the real merit of this valuable, instructive historical novel is due almost entirely to Scott alone. With sincere, patriotic eloquence Scott observes in a preliminary chapter : If recollection of former injuries, extra loyalty, and contempt and hatred of their adversaries, produced rigour and tyranny in the one party, it will hardly be denied, on the other hand, that if the zeal for God's house did not eat up the conventiclers, it devoured at least (to imitate the phrase of Dryden) no small portion of their loyalty, sober sense, and good breeding. We may safely hope that the souls of the brave and sincere on either side have long looked down with surprise and pity upon the ill-appreciated motives, which caused their mutual hatred and hostility. These are indeed the feelings, admirably expressed, of a civilised Briton of the enlightened nineteenth century. But whether many people, even possessing talent and education, would have quite shared or understood them in the time this novel describes, may appear very doubtful to the historical inquirer. XIII "ROB ROY" THIS work, though referring to the real Highland chief Rob Roy Macgregor Campbell, has no political interest till the end, which alludes to the Jacobite revolt of 1715. Between the end of "Old Mortality " and this novel the reign of Queen Anne had passed, and during it Scotland was comparatively tranquil. The imaginary hero of this tale, who, unlike all Scott's heroes, except in " Redgauntlet," tells his own story, is a young Englishman, Mr. Francis Osbaldistone, only son of a rich London banker. He visits an uncle in Scotland, old Sir Hildebrand Osbaldistone, and then meets with Rob Roy, at first under other names, and whom Scott describes per- haps rather more favourably than this outlaw may have quite deserved. Rob seems to have taken little part in the Jacobite revolt of 171 5, and though suspected to be in its favour by some, apparently escaped prosecution, and ended his days peacefully in his own country and amid his Highland clan. His position, however, and the political state of the Scotch Highlands, Scott reveals in the shrewd words of old 267 268 " Rob Roy " Bailie Jarvie, who explains both to young Frank Osbaldistone.1 The Bailie is himself a distant rela- tive of Rob Roy, but is quite a Lowlander, loyal to King George the First, and with little if any sympathy for the Jacobites, who have nearly all the Highlanders on their side, but not the powerful Argyle family. The Bailie says to his English listener : " Ye are to understand that the Hielands hae been keepit quiet, since the year aughty-nine — that was Killiecrankie year. But how hae they been keepit quiet, think ye ? By siller, Mr. Osbaldistone. King William caused Breadalbane to distribute twenty thousand gude punds sterling among them, and it's said the auld Hieland Earl keepit a lang lug o't in his ain sporran. And then Queen Anne, that's dead, gae the chiefs bits of pensions sae they had wherewith to support their gillies and caterans that work no work, as I said afore, and they lay quiet enough. . . . But there's a new warld come up wi' this King George (I say, God bless him for ane), there's neither like to be siller nor pension gaun amang them, they haena the means o' mainteening the clans that eat them up, as ye may guess frae what I said before ; their credit's gane in the Lowlands ; and a man that can whistle ye up a thousand or feifteen himdred linking lads to do his will wad hardly get fifty punds on his bond at the Cross o' Glasgow. This canna stand lang — ^there will be an outbreak for the Stuarts — they will come down on the Low country, like a flood as they did in the waefu' wars o' Montrose." Jarvie adds that Rob Roy can himself levy five hundred men, but is rather puzzled about Rob's politics, in the anticipated Jacobite revolt, as this singular chieftain, apparently more a freebooter than either a loyalist or a rebel, is hardly trusted by the Jacobite " grandees," who "are doubtfu' o' Rob and he's doubtfu' o' them, and he's been weel friended wi' the Argyle family, wha stand for the present model ' Chap. xxvi. George I. 269 of government. . . . The truth is that Rob is for his ain hand ; . . . he'll take the side that suits him best ; if the deil was laird, Rob wad be for being tenant, and ye canna blame him, puir fellow, consider- ing his circumstances." Such being Rob Roy's character, it explains why he really took no very decided part in the rebellion of 171 5> yet in this novel Scott makes him rescue a Jacobite prisoner. Sir Frederick Vernon, from the King's soldiers. His daughter Diana is the heroine of the story, and both appear to be imaginary persons ; but the account of the revolt as told by Sir Frederick to Frank Osbaldistone, in whose house he seeks refuge after the failure of the movement, throws some light on the actual history of the time. ' This Jacobite leader, a Roman Catholic, who is in hiding just before his escape to the Continent, relates some of his adventures which seem to show that religious differences between the English and Scottish Jacobites chiefly caused the utter and speedy failure of the outbreak in 1715. He says : " I had hardly joined our English friends when I became sensible that our cause was lost. Our numbers diminished instead of increasing, nor were we joined by any, except of our own persuasion. The Tories of the High Church remained in general undecided." This general distrust of the Stuart family by the English Protestant majority, whether Whig or Tory, for religious reasons is still indicated by Protestant writers, who lived long after the two Jacobite revolts. One of the ablest English writers of the nineteenth ' Chap, xxxviii. 270 " Rob Roy " century strongly reveals this feeling, when writing about George the First, against whom the rebellion of 1715 was directed. Though by no means very favourable to this king, he writes : " We took him because we wanted him, -because he served our turn ; we laughed at his uncouth German ways, and we sneered at him. He took our loyalty for what it was worth, laid hands on what money he could. ... I for one would have been on his side in those days. Cynical and selfish as he was, he was better than a king out of St. Germains with the French king's orders in his pocket and a swarm of Jesuits in his train." ' Except in the reasons given by Bailie Jarvie for the Highland revolt in 1715, and of the singular position of Rob Roy between the contending parties in Scot- land, there is not much of historic interest in this novel. Rob Roy himself, despite his many wild predatory exploits, had a far more fortunate and peaceful fate than many of the Jacobite leaders, who would, indeed, have disdained to join in some of his plundering enterprises. Scott concludes : He continued to maintain his ground among the mountains of Loch Lomond, in despite of his powerful enemies, and obtained to a certain degree the connivance of government to his self-elected office of Protector of the Lennox, in virtue of which he levied black-mail with as much regularity as the proprietors did their ordinary rents. It seemed impossible that his life should have concluded without a violent end. Nevertheless he died in old age and by a peaceful death, some time about the year 1733, and is still remembered in his country as the Robin Hood of Scotland — the dread of the wealthy, but the friend of the poor, and possessed of many qualities ' Thackeray's "Four Georges," chap. i. George I. 271 both of head and heart, which would have graced a less equivocal profession than that to which his fate condemned him (chap, xxxix.). This chief's death thus took place between the two Jacobite rebellions of 1715 and the more important one of 1745. It is the latter, about thirty years later than the date of this novel, that Scott describes in " Waverley," which, though the first written of his novels, is yet the latest, except " Redgauntlet," which introduces historical events and characters. XIV " WAVERLEY" EDWARD WAVERLEY, a young English country gentleman, visits Scotland and becomes intimate with Highlands and Highlanders. Scott's great object in this celebrated work is to render these mountaineers, their habits, history, and national characters, interesting to English people, to whom, though living so near them, these Scottish High- landers were almost unknown except by vague and, generally speaking, unfavourable report. Waverley becomes intimately acquainted with a brave, generous, but fierce Highland chief, Fergus Mclvor, called often Vich Ian Vohr, and his sister Flora, who, having resided in France at the Court of the Pretender James the Third, as he was severally termed by his friends and foes, is therefore a zealous Jacobite. Flora encourages her fiery brother, who quite agrees with her to join in the second Jacobite rebellion of 1745, which is headed by the young Prince Charles Edward in behalf of his banished father. These Princes are styled the old and the young Pretenders by the English generally and by most of the Scottish Lowlanders. ig 273 274 "Waverley" Charles Edward was in some respects — though, perhaps, more in appearance than in reality, a very engaging and interesting character. Waverley, not a very strong-minded hero, but brave and amiable, is induced to leave the army of George the Second and to join the young prince now heading the Jacobites. He accompanies him with Fergus Mclvor and a large force of Highlanders in their invasion of England, their object at first being evidently to march upon London. The distrust of many among the English Jacobites for the Highlanders indicated years before in 171 5, and mentioned in " Rob Roy," seems to have chiefly foiled this bold design. Scott writes : The Jacobite sentiments were general among the Western counties and in Wales. But although the great families of the Wynnes, the Wyndhams, and others had come under an actual obligation to join Prince Charles if he should land, they had done so under the express stipulation that he should be assisted by an auxiliary army of French, without which they foresaw the enterprise would be desperate. Wishing well to his cause, therefore, and watching an opportunity to join him, they did not, nevertheless, think themselves bound in honour to do so, as he was only sup- ported by a body of wild mountaineers speaking an uncouth dialect and wearing a singular dress. The race up to Derby struck them with more dread than admiration. ... A well-founded disbelief in the co-operation of the English Jacobites kept many Scottish men of rank from his [Charles Edward's] standard, and diminished the courage of those who had joined it (chap. xl.). The only historical persons introduced are the young Pretender and the Duke of Cumberland, the latter only by allusion, who commanded in behalf of his relative, George the Second. Scott introduces a Colonel Talbot as a manly specimen, indeed, of George II. 275 some English officers in the Government service. The author seems to rather contrast Talbot's cool heroism and calm courage with the fiery enthusiasm of Fergus Mclvor, who, though far less worthy of confidence, is made perhaps the most interesting, or at least the most romantic, of the two opposing warriors. These men seem selected as interesting types of their respective parties, and may, therefore, be almost considered to some extent in the light of historical characters. The description of the Highland army when about to attempt the invasion of England, Scott writes with picturesque truth : . . . Here was a pole-axe, there a sword without a scabbard, here a gun without a lock, there a scythe set straight upon a pole, and some had only their dirks and bludgeons or stakes pulled out of hedges. The grim, uncombed, and wild appearance of these men, most of whom gazed with all the admiration of ignorance upon the most ordinary production of domestic art, created surprise in the Lowlands, but it also created terror. So little was the condition of the Highlands known at that late period, that the character and appearance of their population while thus sallying forth as military adventurers, conveyed to the south country Lowlanders as much surprise as if an invasion of African Negroes or Esquimaux Indians had issued forth from the northern mountains of their own savage country. It cannot, therefore, be wondered if Waverley, who had hitherto judged of the Highlanders from the samples which the policy of Fergus had from time to time exhibited, should have felt damped and astonished at the daring attempt of a body not exceed- ing four thousand men, and of whom not above half the number at the utmost were armed, to change the fate and alter the dynasty of the British kingdoms. ... An iron gun, the only piece of artillery possessed by the army which meditated so important a revolution, was fired as the signal of march. The Chevalier had expressed a wish to leave this useless piece of ordnance behind him, but to his surprise the Highland chiefs interposed to solicit that it might accompany their march, pleading the prejudices of their followers, who, little accustomed to. artillery, attached a degree of absurd importance to this field-piece. 276 "Waverley" and expected it would contribute essentially to a victory which they could only owe to their own muskets and broadswords. Two or three French artillerymen were, therefore, appointed to the manage- ment of this military engine, which was drawn along by a string of Highland ponies and was, after all, only used for the purpose of firing signals (chap. xliv.). Yet, despite of such almost absurd disadvantages, the first battle between the Highlanders and the King's forces at Preston Pans ended in the victory of the Jacobites. Scott attributes the defeat of the English in this strange encounter to the following reason : The horse, who were commanded to charge the advancing High- landers in the flank, received an irregular fire from their fusees as they ran on, and, seized with a disgraceful panic, wavered, halted, disbanded, and galloped from the field. The artiller3rmen, deserted by the cavalry, fled after discharging their pieces, and the High- landers, who dropped their guns when fired and drew their broad- swords, rushed with headlong fury against the infantry (chap, xlvii.). The gallant Colonel Gardiner, an historical person- age, is merely mentioned as being slain in this conflict, and recognising Waverley on the rebel side as he considered, looked reproachfully at him as he expired. Waverley, however, succeeds in saving the life of the heroic Colonel Talbot, who is taken prisoner, and as such is forced to accompany the march of the victorious Jacobites. News of his wife's illness reaches him, of which he tells Waverley, who procures his liberation from the young Pretender, whose cause, however. Colonel Talbot steadily opposes. He, indeed, dislikes all Highlanders around him with the prejudiced disgust, probably, of many Englishmen George II. 277 at this period. Thus when thanking Waverley, the Colonel exclaims : "Well, I never thought to have been so much indebted to the Pretend " Waverley interrupts, saying : " To the Prince," and Talbot rejoins : "To the Chevalier, it is a good travelling name and which we may both freely use. Did he say anything more?" Waverley replies in words which likely enough reveal the true situation of Charles Edward at this time, when surrounded by vehement, ambitious followers, flushed and excited by their recent victory : " Only asked if there was anything else he could oblige me in, and when I replied in the negative he shook me by the hand and wished all his followers were as considerate. . . . Indeed, he said, no prince seemed in the eyes of his followers so like the Deity as himself, if you were to judge from the extravagant requests which they daily preferred to him." A slight touch of compassion then appears in the English Colonel's reply, " Poor young gentleman ! I suppose he begins to feel the difficulties of his present situation." Then, on seeing Fergus Mclvor, whom Scott apparently describes as a specimen of a proud, fiery Highland chief, while Talbot is always the cool, resolute English officer, the latter exclaims : "I see your Highland friend, . . . and his orderly with him — I must not call him his orderly cut-throat any more, I suppose. See how he walks, as if the world were his own, with the bonnet on 278 "Waverley" one side of his head and his plaid puffed out across his breast ! 1 should like now to meet that youth where my hands were not tied, I would tame his pride, or he should tame mine." This truly English contemptuous dislike to the Scottish Highlanders, extending even to their picturesque dress and peculiar habits, prevailed greatly at this time throughout England, and seems to have induced most of the English to view the descendant of their former kings more as a Scottish Highlander than as a prince of their nation. Waverley exclaims perhaps as Scott would have done in his place : " For shame, Colonel Talbot, you swell at sight of tartan as the bull is said to do at scarlet. You and Mclvor have some points not much unlike, so far as national prejudice is concerned." Scott continues : The latter part of this discourse took place in the street. They passed the Chief, the Colonel and he sternly and punctiliously greeting each other like two duellists before they take their ground. It was evident the dislike was mutual. Waverley, who in different ways admires both these gallant men, naturally but vainly remonstrates : "I assure you, Colonel, that you judge too harshly of the Highlanders " ; but Talbot in reply expresses feelings more like those of Macaulay than of Walter Scott : " Not a whit — not a whit, I cannot spare them a jot — I cannot bate them an ace. Let them stay in their own barren mountains, and pufF and swell and hang their bonnets on the horns of the moon if they have a mind ; but what business have they to come George II. 279 where people wear breeches and speak an intelligible language ? . . . I could pity the Pr , I mean the Chevalier, for having so many desperadoes about him." Waverley naturally exclaims : "A fine character you'll give of Scotland upon your return, Colonel Talbot." The worthy Colonel answers, quoting from Shake- speare : " O, Justice Shallow will save me the trouble — ' Barren, barren — beggars all, beggars all. Marry, good air,' — and that only when you are fairly out of Edinburgh. ... Adieu, my dear Waverley ! — many, many thanks for your kindness." And then he suggests an impressive political change : " Unplaid yourself on the first opportunity " (chap. Ivi.). This last entreaty is evidently from the good Colonel's own heart, and briefly expresses the hostile contempt at this time felt for all Highlanders by many Englishmen, and even by some of their fellow- Scottishmen among the Lowlanders. Scott (chap. Ivii.) says he does not mean " to intrude upon the province of history," though he apparently has done so, and in a very instructive way, in this able, interesting work. He therefore very briefly describes the triumphant progress of the Highland army in England, which, indeed, was of very short duration. Waverley himself is made to perceive what really was the case at this time, and his observation confirms history in every point. Scott says : 28o "Waverley" He could not but observe that in those towns in which they proclaimed James the Third " no man cried, God bless him." ' The mob stared and listened, heartless, stupefied, and dull, but gave few signs of that boisterous spirit which induces them to shout upon all occasions. . . . The Jacobites had been taught to believe that the north-western counties abounded with wealthy squires and hardy yeomen. But of the wealthier Tories they saw little. Some fled from their houses, some feigned themselves sick, some sur- rendered themselves to the Government as suspected persons. Of such as remained, the ignorant gazed with astonishment mixed with horror and aversion at the wild appearance, unknown language, and singular garb of the Scottish clans. And to the more prudent their scanty numbers, apparent deficiency in discipline, and poverty of equipment, seemed certain tokens of the calamitous termination of their rash undertaking. Thus the few who joined them were such as bigotry of political principle blinded to consequences, or whose broken fortunes induced them to hazard all on a risk so desperate. The quaint old Jacobite Baron of Bradwardine, who, despite his age, accompanies the Highlanders, being asked what he thought of these recruits, answered drily, "they resembled precisely the followers who attached themselves to the good King David at the cave of AduUam, every one that was in distress and every one that was in debt and every one that was discontented," and added, "doubtless they will prove mighty men of their hands, and there is much need that they should." and he then admits the disfavour with which he perceives his party are viewed, "for I have seen many a sour look cast upon us." These remarks and comments, though made by imaginary personages, convey in Scott's attractive, natural style the actual historic truth, as proved by both events and historians. While the rather despondent old Baron thus thinks, the younger and more enthusiastic Fergus Mclvor was ' Shakespeare, in " Richard II." George II. 281 " all air and fire and confident against the world in arms, measured nothing but that every step was a yard nearer London," evidently full of hope, and "admits the luxuriant beauty of the country," perhaps a pleasing contrast to his wild Highland home. But this enterprise soon ends in failure. In Scott's words : After a council of war held at Derby the Highlanders relinquished their desperate attempt to penetrate farther into England, and, greatly to the dissatisfaction of their young and daring leader, positively determined to return northward.' They commenced their retreat accordingly, and by the extreme celerity of their movements out- stripped the motions of the Duke of Cumberland, who now pursued them with a very large body of cavalry. This retreat was a virtual resignation of their towering hopes. None had been so sanguine as Fergus Mclvor, none, consequently, was so cruelly mortified at the change of measures. He argued, or rather remonstrated, with the utmost vehemence at the council of war, and when his opinion was rejected, shed tears of grief and indignation. From that moment his whole manner was so much altered that he could scarcely have been recognised for the same soaring and ardent spirit, for whom the whole earth seemed too narrow but a week before. This imaginary Highlander doubtless is shown to truly describe the actual feelings and emotions of the most daring of the Jacobites at this disastrous change in their plans. From this time, indeed, in both history and this novel nothing but misfortune awaited the Jacobites. Fergus, unlike the majority of his fellow- Highlanders, while representing a brave minority, now shared the deep disappointment of the unfortunate Charles Edward. In reply to Waverley's question why most of the Highland ' Chap. lix. 2 82 "Waverley" chiefs were determined to retreat, Fergus replies in expressive words about the state of feeling among certainly the greater part of the Highlanders at this dangerous crisis of their history. " They think that, as on former occasions, the heading, hanging, and forfeiting will chiefly fall to the lot of the Lowland gentry, that they will be left secure in their poverty and their fastnesses, there according to the proverb ' to listen to the wind upon the hill till the waters abate.' But they will be disappointed, they have been too often troublesome to be so repeatedly passed over, and this time John Bull has been too heartily frightened to recover his good humour for some time." He adds, with the impetuous, grim bitterness of his disappointed spirit, yet certainly foretellirtg the historic truth about the coming vengeance : "The Hanoverian ministers always deserved to be hanged for rascals, but now, if they get the power in their hands — as sooner or later they must, since there is neither rising in England nor assistance from France — they will deserve the gallows as fools, if they leave a single clan in the Highlands in a situation to be again troublesome to Government. Ay, they will make root-and- branch-work, I warrant them." Fergus then yielding to superstitious fears believes in his certain capture or death soon, having seen or fancifully dreamed about an apparition the night before, which had warned him of his fast approaching end. In what Fergus said, however, about the alarm of the English at this time he almost contradicts himself, as he truly owns that no assistance from French invasion or from English revolt favoured the desperate, enterprise of the Scottish Highlanders. George II. 283 These hardy mountaineers, though always formid- able for a time in their native fastnesses, were in England completely outnumbered and over-matched in every way. Though some English people may have been astonished, and even alarmed, at the Jacobite invasion, the established Government of George the Second was strong enough to utterly despise such unassisted foes. The King himself was evidently quite undismayed, and therefore Thackeray writes : In 1745, when the Pretender was at Derby and many people began to look pale, the King never lost his courage — not he. "Pooh ! don't talk to me that stuff," he said, like a gallant little Prince as he was, and never for one moment allowed his equanimity or his busi- ness or his pleasures or his travels to be disturbed." ' In this novel the Jacobites are soon both defeated and scattered, after this talk between Waverley and Fergus. The unfortunate Jacobites retreated towards Scotland, pursued by the Duke of Cumberland. The final and terrible battle of CuUoden is alluded to, but not described ; and Waverley at length takes refuge with Colonel Talbot. It is now the latter's turn to save Waverley 's endangered life, by inter- ceding for him with the Duke of Cumberland, now commanding the troops of his kinsman George the Second. This Duke, often nicknamed " Butcher Cumberland," owing to the many cruelties inflicted in his name upon the vanquished Jacobites, may perhaps personally not quite have deserved the ' Thackeray's " Four Georges," p. 38. 284 "Waverley" appellation. It does not seem that he had any personal foes among his prisoners, and he appeared only to inflict the severe, odious laws of the time, in the long previous enactment of which he could have taken no part whatever. He may not, indeed, have felt or showed any humane reluctance, but mechanically enforced the cruel laws against alleged "rebels" established by the national will or consent, and which he carried out as a public servant. Colonel Talbot's letter to Waverley describing his interview with the Duke is certainly of historic interest, as it closely resembles one which Scott describes in the " Introduction " as a real fact. The letter is that of a loyal man resolved in almost a comic way to make the best of his stern prince." Like most Englishmen of his time, he evidently believes it a duty to support George the Second, though without much attachment, as neither George the First, George the Second, nor the Duke of Cumber- land appear to have been personally popular, yet were all generally preferred to the banished Stuarts. Talbot writes to Waverley : " I waited upon His Royal Highness . . . and found him in no very good humour for my purpose. Three or four Scotch gentle- men were just leaving his levee. 'Would you think it,' he said, 'Talbot? here have been half a dozen of the most respectable gentlemen and best friends to Government north of the Forth . . . who have fairly wrung from me by their downright importunity a present protection, and a promise of future pardon, for that stubborn old rebel whom they call Baron of Bradwardine. They allege that ' Chap. Ixvi. George II. 285 his high personal character and the clemency which he showed to such of our people as fell into the rebel's hands should weigh in his favour ; especially as the loss of his estate is likely to be a severe enough punishment . . . but it's a little hard to be forced in a manner to pardon such a mortal enemy to the House of Brunswick.' This was no favourable moment for opening my business; — however, I said I was rejoiced to learn that His Royal Highness was in the course of granting such requests, as it emboldened me to present one of the like nature in my own name. He was very angry, but I persisted; ... I hinted the policy of detaching on all future occasions the heir of such a fortune as your uncle's from the machinations of the disaffected. But I made no impression. I mentioned the obligation which I lay under to Sir Everard and to you personally and claimed as the sole reward of my services that he would be pleased to afford me the means of evincing my gratitude. I perceived that he still meditated a refusal, and taking my commission from my pocket I said (as a last resource) that as His Royal Highness did not under these pressing circumstances, think me worthy of a favour, which he had not scrupled to grant to other gentlemen, whose services I could hardly judge more im- portant than my own, I must beg leave to deposit with all humility my commission in His Royal Highness's hands and to retire from the service. He was not prepared for this ; he told me to take up my commission, said some handsome things of my services and granted my request." Talbot proceeds, amusingly comparing in a merry mood the courtesy of Charles Edward with the blunt sternness of the Duke of Cumberland, while pre- tending to more admire the latter : " Thus you see my prince can be as generous as yours. I do not pretend, indeed, that he confers a favour with all the foreign graces and compliments of your Chevalier errant, but he has a plain English manner, and the evident reluctance with which he grants your request indicates the sacrifice which he makes of his own inclination to your wishes." The old Baron of Bradwardine, so reluctantly pardoned by the Duke, and who seems to have been twice in rebellion against the House of Bruns- 286 "Waverley" wick, is a kind and generous, though pedantic man, well worthy, indeed, of the clemency of any generous foe, which the Duke of Cumberland apparently was not. It seems strange how the dangerous name of "rebel" has often been applied with equal im- placability to contending parties during British history, in civilised times and in Christian countries. Scott, evidently deploring the extreme bitterness of party spirit at this historic period, probably inspires some of his readers with his own humane feelings by his reflections as well as by his descriptions. He describes Fergus Mclvor and Colonel Talbot as both men of honour, integrity, and great courage, yet alike imbued with implacable prejudices against each other's political opinions. Thus when Fergus is captured and condemned to death as a rebel in arms against Talbot's King George the Second, he becomes in the Colonel's opinion no fit subject for clemency. Talbot well knew, indeed, that having already obtained Waverley 's pardon with the utmost difficulty, it would be useless for him to intercede for Mclvor, and has evidently no wish to do so. He replies with calm determination to Waverley, who has entreated him to try to save his Highland friend : "Justice, which demanded some penalty of those who had wrapped the whole nation in mourning, could not, perhaps, have selected a fitter victim. . . . That he was brave, generous, and possessed many good qualities, only rendered him the more dangerous " (chap. Ixvii.). In this opinion the reasoning of the Whig Colonel George II. 287 Talbot may remind the reader of very similar ideas in the mind of the Jacobite Claverhouse ' when reluctant to save Henry Morton's life, owing to his many noble qualities rendering him only the more dangerous to his foes and therefore the less deserving of mercy from them. Such in the course even of Christian history has often been the reasoning of party spirit when in power, and a more immoral sentiment, even in the minds of brave or well-meaning men, can hardly be imagined, or one more fatal to the cause of virtue in mankind. Scott ends this chapter with impressive words well suited to the comparatively humane, enlightened British public of the nineteenth century to whom his great works were addressed, and on whom they were sure to produce a beneficial and it is to be hoped a permanent effect. Such was the reasoning of those times, held even by brave and humane men towards a vanquished enemy. Let us devoutly hope that in this respect at least we shall never see the scenes or hold the sentiments that were general in Britain sixty years since. The historical ending of this work is extremely pathetic, though the imaginary hero and heroine, Edward Waverley and Rose Bradwardine, are married in peace and happiness to the delight of the pardoned old Baron of Bradwardine and of Colonel Talbot. The fate of the unfortunate Mclvors and the last interviews of Waverley with them are likely meant by Scott to illustrate the severity of a government which, though established ' "Old Mortality." 288 "Waverley" by revolution, was implacable towards " rebels," and also to describe the heroism of the defeated party, who, had they triumphed, would likely have been equally tyrannical. Fergus, with his faithful adherent, Evan Dhu, are tried, sentenced, and executed at Carlisle, the historic scene of similar Jacobite execu- tions. Waverley witnesses the end of the trial, and sees his Highland friend standing up in the dock with Evan to hear their sentences. Scott describes with great power the last words of these two Highland victims, the brave, vehement chief and his devoted follower. Fergus proudly yet truly replies, when formally asked -what he has to say for rebelling against the reigning, yet, as he believes, the usurping House of Hanover : " What I have to say you would not bear to hear, for my defence would be your condemnation. Proceed, then, in the name of God to do what is permitted to you. Yesterday, and the day before, you have caused honourable and loyal blood to be poured forth like water. Spare not mine. Were that of all my ancestors in my veins, I would have perilled it in this quarrel." Such words doubtless represented the feelings of many brave, sincere Jacobite leaders at this time. It should always, however, be remembered that the Jacobite party, who often showed themselves so noble and fearless in adversity, had when in power disgraced it with fully as much tyrannical cruelty towards " rebels " as they in their turn had to suffer from triumphant opponents. These last bold words of Fergus, therefore, may have excited little interest among those acquainted with the severe reign of George II. 289 James the Second, whose family, and probably whose policy, the Jacobites wished to restore. But the faithful Evan, who at this moment shows the devoted attachment of many Highlanders to their chiefs, is evidently meant by Scott to illustrate their faithfulness in a pathetic incident. Addressing the judge, Evan says, " in what he meant to be in an insinuating manner " : "I was only ganging to say, my Lord, that if your excellent honour and the honourable Court would let Vich Ian Vohr go free just this once, and let him gae back to France and no to trouble King George's government again, that ony six o' the very best of his clan will be wilUng to be justified in his stead . . . and you may begin wi' me the very first man." The judge, evidently a humane man, but compelled to pronounce the cruel laws of the period against alleged high treason, thus answers Evan after uttering the last dread sentence on both the prisoners : " For you, poor ignorant man, who, following the ideas in which you have been educated, have this day given us a striking example how the loyalty due to the king and the State alone, is, from your unhappy ideas of clanship, transferred to some ambitious individual who ends by making you the tool of his crimes — for you, I say, I feel so much compassion that if you can make up your mind to petition for grace I will endeavour to procure it for you. Other- To these words, had Evan been able or inclined to argue, he might well have answered that " loyalty due to the King," who was lawful heir to the sovereign all Britain acknowledged some years before, had brought his chief and himself into their present position ; but perceiving from the judge's words that 19 290 " Waverley " there is no hope for the chief, he fiercely interrupts in words of heroic defiance : " Grace me no grace. Since you are to shed Vich Ian Vohr's blood, the only favour I would accept from you is to bid them loose my hands and gie me my claymorCj and bide you just a minute sitting where you are." These words of bold defiance leave no chance of mercy for either of the prisoners, who accordingly are left to suffer the extreme penalty of the law. The last words Waverley hears from Fergus are on the day after, when he is going to execution. They were doubtless uttered by many Jacobite leaders in the same position, as a final proof of what they considered loyal duty. " God save King George ! " said the High Sheriff, when Fergus stood erect in the sledge, and with a firm, steady voice replied, "God save King James!" Scott adds : These were the last words which Waverley heard him speak (chap. Ixix.). This whole scene detailed in two chapters of the trial and execution of these Highlanders, though imaginary as regards the special individuals, is probably a true representation of what happened at this period with the full sanction of British law and of British public opinion, and may, therefore, well claim the attention of historical students. The result of such George II. 291 attention may at first sight inspire some sympathy for the Jacobite cause as well as for its unfortunate champions ; yet on examining previous history, this sympathy will probably be extended only to a few special cases. In fact, at this period it is evident that each opposing party was afraid of the other, and with good reason, as neither expected mercy from an opponent in power. James the Second's reign should be carefully examined by all desiring to form a fair opinion of the conduct of the British nation generally during the revolutionary attempts of his son and grandson, the old and the young Pretender, to recover what they con- sidered their birthrights. It will then be found that whenever revolution was attempted, or even for cer- tain contemplated, the legalised cruelty of Jacobites and their opponents when either had the power to inflict it, was much the same in both cases. When Scott wrote his admirable works referring to British civil wars or revolts, he did so safely for himself and for all whom he addressed. Had he thus written when contending parties were yet in arms, or in fear of rebellion, he would likely have been endangered or distrusted. His evident purpose was to represent to an enlightened, peaceful British public the interesting and often noble natures of men to whom, in religion and in politics, the ruling party were historically opposed. His picturesque, attractive description of Highlands and Highlanders accordingly delighted many among the English public to an extent which certainly surprised and even offended some of their 292 " Waverley " Scottish fellow-countrymen among the Lowlanders. This change in English feeling towards the Scottish Highlanders was in every way increased, if not chiefly occasioned, by the philanthropic spirit pervading the attractive novels of Sir Walter Scott. XV " REDGA UNTLE T " THIS work, continuing Scott's historical references to a yet later period than "Waverley," chiefly displays its historic interest towards the close. Its object seems principally to describe the last hopes of the few remaining Jacobites in England during the last days of the unfortunate Charles Edward. Though Scott had presented this prince in so attractive a light in " Waverley," historic truth induces him in a great degree to alter the pleasing impression produced by the first description. In his own expressive, yet com- prehensive words, Scott thus describes the Prince in the introduction : The adventurous Prince, as is well known, proved to be one of those personages who distinguish themselves during some single and extraordinary brilliant period of their lives, like the course of a shooting star, at which men wonder as much on account of the briefness as the brilliancy of its splendour. A long trace of dark- ness overshadowed the subsequent life of a man who in his youth showed himself so capable of great undertakings — the latter pursuits and habits of this unhappy Prince are those painfully evincing a broken heart, which seeks refuge from its own thoughts in sordid enjoyments. . . . Notwithstanding the discomfiture of Charles Edward, the non-jurors of the period long continued to nurse 294 " Redgauntlet " unlawful schemes, and to drink treasonable toasts until age stole upon them. Another generation arose which did not share the sentiments which they cherished, and at length the sparkles of disaffection, which had long slumbered but had never been heated enough to burst into actual flame, became entirely extinguished. But in proportion as the political enthusiasm died gradually away among men of ordinary temperament, it influenced those of warm imaginations and weak understandings, and hence wild schemes were formed as desperate as they were adventurous. The chief character in this book, Hugh Redgauntlet, younger brother of Sir Harry Redgauntlet, executed for high treason before this story begins, is evidently a remarkable man, who represents some historic per- sonage. Hugh RedgauntLet's nephew, Sir Arthur, — called Darsie Latimer for some time in the story — and his young friend Allan Fairford, an Edinburgh lawyer, are the nominal heroes of this story, which is at first told in their letters to each other. Scott, how- ever, changes this style after some chapters, and relates the chief part of this work in regular narrative, like all the rest of his novels except " Rob Roy." Yet the real hero of this tale, on whom its chief interest depends, is certainly Hugh Redgauntlet, an ardent, even fanatical Jacobite, who, never forgetting or forgiving his brother's execution, does all in his power to induce his nephew, who is finally called Sir Arthur Redgauntlet, to join a fresh Jacobite revolt, in England this time instead of Scotland, in behalf of Charles Edward. With this prince, now called their king by the Jacobites since the death of his father, the old Pretender, Redgauntlet is familiar, having lived abroad with him. The whole object of Red- gauntlet's bold and daring spirit is now to revive the George III. 295 almost extinct enthusiasm of the diminishing Jacobite party. It is also his earnest hope to induce his nephew, the lawful head of his family, to join with him in stirring up a revolution in England. That some such plots or designs were conceived among the Jacobites in England years after the Culloden defeat seems certain ; but the strange conspiracy headed by Hugh Redgauntlet in this novel is apparently, or at least partly, Scott's imagination. Yet this work seems to prove that the Jacobite spirit was not yet extinguished in England, and it also describes the rather different feelings among both Jacobites and their opponents from what existed in the previous Jacobite revolts. A comparative absence of enthusiasm for or against the Jacobite cause seems now shown throughout Britain generally. Redgauntlet himself is the firm incarnation of a past time. He appears in resolution, vigour, and even arrogance, like a second Fergus Mclvor, but instead of being followed by numbers of devoted clansmen, he is vainly striving to inspire lukewarm partisans and relatives with his own ardour. They all admire his courage, but wisely distrust his judgment. When surrounded by much younger men, to some extent sharing his opinions, this singular personage is more like a fiery youth than any of them, despite of his advanced years. Even his nephew and niece, Sir Arthur and Lilias Redgauntlet, cannot be tempted, despite his vehement appeals, to share in his enthusiasm for Charles Edward. These young people, brother and sister, evidently represent the generation who, as Scott 296 " Redgauntlet " writes, I "did not share the sentiments" which a former generation cherished. Unlike what is usually described in books and found in real life, this novel shows the middle-aged, if not elderly, Redgauntlet, vainly trying to rouse the energies of those younger than himself, and from whom he might have learnt some comparative wisdom and prudence but for his ancestral prejudices, which, animating his resolute, romantic mind, endanger himself and all around him. Red- gauntlet, by constantly recalling the wrongs of his family and the historical instances of their sufferings and that of partisans in behalf of the exiled Stuarts, has become an object of mingled dread and mystery to his young relations, and even friends, who, calmly reconciled to existing laws, have no mind to be hurried into revolution for the doubtful chance of avenging past injuries. Perhaps the most interesting incident of this novel from a historical point of view is the splendid Coronation of the young king, George the Third. This event is described by Lilias, who with her uncle had witnessed it, to her brother. Redgauntlet had arranged with some Jacobite friends to take up the champion's gauntlet at this ceremony, and to leave in its place a gage of battle offering to accept the combat. Whether this extraordinary incident ever happened at this Coronation, Scott does not precisely say, yet he describes Lilias, at the instigation of her plotting uncle, attend the ceremony and lift the glove ' Introduction. George III. 297 according to his direction. Neither of these young people seems very Jacobitically disposed, but Lilias relates the Coronation scene she had witnessed and taken an unwilling part in with picturesque interest. Evidently she has none of the spirit or inclination of Flora Mclvor, but merely acts in the scene she de- scribes as the ignorant instrument of her enthusiastic relative, I "At a table above the rest, and extending across the upper end of the hall, sat the youthful Sovereign himself, surrounded by the princes of the blood and other dignitaries, and receiving the suit and homage of his subjects. Heralds and pursuivants, blazing in their fantastic yet splendid armorial habits, and pages of honour, gorgeously arrayed in the garb of other days, waited upon the princely banqueters. In the galleries with which this spacious hall was surrounded shone all, and more than all, that my poor imagi- nation could conceive of what was brilliant in riches or captivating in beauty. . . . By-and-by I perceived that my uncle had acquaint- ances among those who were under the galleries, and seemed, like ourselves, to be mere spectators of the solemnity. They recognised each other with a single word, sometimes only with a grip of the hand, exchanged some private signs, doubtless, and gradually formed a little group, in the centre of which we were placed. " ' Is it not a grand sight, Lilias ? ' said my uncle ; ' all the noble and all the wise and all the wealthy of Britain are there assembled.' " 'It is, indeed ! ' said I — ' all that my mind could have fancied of regal power and splendour.' " ' Girl,' he whispered — and my uncle can make his whispers as terribly emphatic as his thundering voice or his blighting look — ' all that is noble and worthy in this fair land are there assembled — but it is to bend like slaves and sycophants before the throne of a new usurper.' As he proceeded, his strong and muscular frame shook with suppressed agitation. ' See,' he said, ' yonder bends Norfolk, renegade to his Catholic faith; there stoops the Bishop of , traitor to the Church of England ; and, shame of shames ! yonder the gigantic form of Errol bows his head before the grandson of his father's murderer ! But a sign shall be seen this night amongst Chap, xviii. 298 " Redgauntlet " them ; " Mene, Mene, Tekel, Upharsin," shall be read on these walls as distinctly as the spectral handwriting made them visible on those of Belshazzar.' " ' For God's sake,' said I, dreadfully alarmed, ' it is impossible you can meditate violence in such a presence?' " ' None is intended, fool,' he answered, ' nor can the slightest mischance happen provided you will rally your boasted courage and obey my directions. But do it coolly and quickly, for there are a hundred lives at stake.' " ' Alas ! what can I do ? ' I asked in the utmost terror. " ' Only be prompt to execute my bidding,' said he ; 'it is but to lift a glove. Then hold it in your hand, throw the train of your dress over it, be firm, composed, and ready — or, at all events, I step forward myself.' " ' If there is no violence designed,' I said, taking mechanically the iron glove he put into my hand. I could not conceive his meaning, but in the excited state of mind in which I beheld him I was convinced that disobedience on my part would lead to some wild explosion. I felt from the emergency of the occasion a sudden presence of mind, and resolved to do anything that might avert violence and bloodshed. I was not long held in suspense. A loud flourish of trumpets and the voice of heralds were mixed with the clatter of horses' hoofs, while a champion armed at all points like those I had read of in romances, attended by squires, pages, and the whole retinue of chivalry, pranced forward, mounted on a barbed steed. His challenge in defiance of all who dared impeach the title of the new Sovereign was recited aloud — once and again. " ' Rush in at the third sounding,' said my uncle to me, ' bring me the parader's gage, and leave mine in lieu of it.' " Lilias, who, though delighted with the gorgeous spectacle before her, evidently never shared, nor, perhaps, could quite understand, her bold uncle's feelings, yet obeyed his injunctions, but certainly without any Jacobite enthusiasm. She proceeds : " With a swift and yet steady step, and with a presence of mind for which I have never since been able to account, I discharged the perilous commission. I was hardly seen, I believe, as I exchanged the pledges of battle and in an instant retired. ' Nobly done, my George III. 299 girl,' said my uncle, at whose side I found myself, shrouded as I was before by the interposition of the bystanders. ' Cover our retreat, gentlemen,' he whispered to those around him." Her brother, who, like herself, is hardly a Jacobite, calls and considers his uncle a " frantic enthusiast," and asks Lilias more particulars of his past life and real feelings. Lilias then relates some of his many adventures, both among English and Scottish ac- quaintances, vainly trying to revive the diminishing Jacobite sympathies among them. He has found, to his utter disappointment, how changed the times are from when he was young, and perceives that he is himself more and more a relic of the past, surrounded by what he thinks "the degeneracy of the times, the decay of activity among the aged, and the want of zeal in the rising generation." In fact, the terrible lessons of past failures seem to have produced scarcely any effect upon this resolute man, whose mind, devoted as ever to the exiled House of Stuart, still dwells on remembrances of its former champions. Lilias adds, describing his disturbed state of mind between eager hope and apprehension : " After the day had been spent in the hardest exercise, he has spent the night in pacing his solitary chamber, bewailing the down- fall of the cause, and wishing for the bullet of Dundee or the axe of Balmerino." These two gallant men had indeed died true to the cause of James the Second and of his heirs ; the first during his splendid victory in Scotland, the latter as a captive executed on the scaffold. During this Coro- 300 " Redgauntlet " nation, which Lilias describes, it was extensively reported that Charles Edward himself was present, of course in disguise, and under an assumed name. This incident Scott mentions in a footnote,^ where he rather discredits the interesting report of the exchange of gloves, terming it probably one of the many fictions which were circulated to keep up the spirit of a sink- ing faction, adding that " the incident was, however, possible." As to the rumoured presence of Charles Edward at the Coronation of George the Third, the King, according to Scott, had a police of his own, whose agency was so efficient that the Sovereign was able to tell his Prime Minister upon one occasion, to his great surprise, "that the Pretender was in London." When the minister asked the King what he meant to do in the matter, " To leave the young man to himself," said George the Third, "and when he tires he will go back again." Scott significantly adds : The truth of this story does not depend on that of the lifting of the gauntlet; and while the latter could be but an idle bravado,, the former expresses George the Third's goodness of heart and soundness of policy. A more recent writer than Sir Walter Scott, Dean Stanley, thus confirms the presence of Charles Edward in London at this time : "The most interesting peculiarity of George the Third's Coronation was the unseen attendance of the rival to the throne — Prince Charles Edward." Chap, xviii. George III. 301 Stanley quotes from the historian, Hume : " I asked my Lord Marshal the reason of this strange fact. " Ay," says he, " a gentleman told me so who saw him there and whispered in his ear, ' Your Royal Highness is the last of all mortals whom I should expect to see here.' " " ' It was curiosity that led me,' said the other, ' but I assure you,' added he, ' that the person who is the cause of all this pomp and magnificence is the man I envy least.' " ^ Dean Stanley adds in a footnote, 2 that Charles Edward "was in London under the name of Mr. Brown," according to the Gentleman's Magazine of 1764. It seems strange that Scott does not say more about the Prince's visit to London at such an inte- resting and important time. The account of the Coronation is followed in this novel by the appearance of the Pretender some time after under the name of a foreign priest, Father Buonaventure. Scott makes him come, owing to an invitation sent him by some of the leading Jacobites, headed by Hugh Red- gauntlet. The Prince comes, however, accompanied by his treacherous mistress, Mrs. Walkinshaw, a paid spy of the Government to report his proceedings, but whom he never suspects. The base deceit of this lady and the complete trust reposed in her by the royal dupe, seem historic facts, recorded in Scott's Introduction ; but her coming with Charles Edward at this time, and the assembling of Jacobite chiefs to meet him, seem to be Scott's invention. These ' Hume, in Gentleman's Magazine, 1773- ^ " Memorials of Westminster Abbey," chap. xxi. 302 " Redgauntlet " imaginary incidents, however, Scott apparently intro- duces to describe, perhaps truly enough, the arrogant obstinacy of the unfortunate Prince towards his faith- ful followers. Scott therefore attributes to a Sir Richard Glendale, in the novel, almost the same reproachful words as those of the historical Jacobite leader, Macnamara, at the Prince's stubborn refusal to dismiss this dangerous woman or even to examine the allegations against her. " My God, sire ! of what great and inexpiable crime can your Majesty's ancestors have been guilty that they have been punished by the infliction of judicial blindness on their whole generation ? " But no appeal, argument, or entreaty, though coming from most faithful adherents, produced the least effect on the self-willed Prince, and they therefore refuse to engage in the desperate enterprise of a revolt, and Charles Edward returns to the Conti- nent. Though this meeting of conspiring Jacobites may not be historical, their language to the obstinate Prince, and his to them, are evidently meant by Scott to represent their real characters, and may therefore be considered as of some historic importance. The Pretender, in refusing to dismiss Mrs. Walkinshaw, takes no notice of the charges against her, thus seeming to have little practical confidence in his faithful adherents, many of whose friends and rela- tives had perished for his cause. While -saying, perhaps truly, that he has no particular love for her, he, in the true spirit of hopeless perverseness, declares that he will never give up his rights as a sovereign George III. 303 and as a man to purchase an allegiance which is his birthright. He proceeds in the same spirit of proud, yet probably courageous, obstinacy : " If the axe and scaffold were ready before the windows of White- hall, I would rather tread the same path with my great-grandfather than concede the slightest point where my honour is concerned." At this final declaration the assembled Jacobites are about to disperse when a brave young nobleman exclaims : "Not till we have learned what measures can be taken for his Majesty's safety." Then Charles Edward replies, bitterly recalling the devoted, unquestioning devotion of the Scottish Highlanders, described in " Waverley," who had followed him in his younger and better days : " Care not for me, young man ; when I was in the society of Highland robbers and cattle drovers I was safer than I now hold myself among the representatives of the best blood in England " (chap. xxii.). These scornful words, though perhaps never uttered, probably express truly the real feelings of this haughty, imprudent Prince, who seems to acknow- ledge no medium between mortal foes and the most devoted, if not slavish, followers. The more Charles Edward's character is examined according to Scott's novels, and to the historic authorities on which they are mainly founded, the more unworthy he appears, despite some attractive qualities, of either the love 304 " Redgauntlet " or confidence of reasonable men. After this disagree- ment between him and his followers, Scott introduces a Government official, General Campbell, sent ex- pressly by George the Third, offering a free pardon to all concerned in the contemplated, but now aban- doned revolt, provided that the Pretender leaves Britain and that his followers promptly disperse. This message Scott attributes to the reigning king, and, though perhaps not true, quite accords with this kind sovereign's real character. "I speak the King's very words from his very lips," says General Campbell, addressing the assembled Jacobites. " ' I will,' said his Majesty, ' deserve the confidence of my subjects by reposing my security in the fidelity of the millions who acknow- ledge my title — in the good sense and prudence of the few who con- tinue, from the errors of education, to disown it.' His Majesty will not even believe that the most zealous Jacobites who yet remain can nourish a thought of exciting a civil war, which must be fatal to their families and themselves, besides spreading bloodshed and war through a peaceful land. He cannot even beUeve of his kinsman, that he would engage brave and generous, though mistaken men, in an attempt which must ruin all who have escaped former calamities, and he is convinced that did curiosity or any other motive lead that person to visit this country, he would soon see it was his wisest course to return to the Continent, and his Majesty compassionates his situation too much to offer any obstacle to his doing so." This unexpected clemency, so different from the conduct or policy of the two former kings, completely succeeds in its benevolent purpose, and the historical part of the novel ends with the departure of Charles Edward for the Continent with Hugh Redgauntlet. George III. 305 Scott, as if to fully justify the kind sentiments he attributes to George the Third, quotes a long subsequent instance of his generosity towards fallen foes of which his more stern predecessors would apparently have been incapable. The King hearing of an old Scottish Jacobite in Perthshire who, when having the newspaper read to him, caused the King and Queen to be designated by the initial letters K and Q, as if by naming the full word he might imply an acquiescence in the usurpation of the family of Hanover, commissioned the member for Perthshire to carry his compliments to the steady Jacobite. " That is," said the excellent old King, " not the compliments of the King of England, but those of the Elector of Hanover, and tell him how much I respect him for the steadiness of his principles." ' This gracious language may seem to almost overshoot the mark, and was not probably approved of by all the King's Scottish adherents, who, in memory of living men, had not altogether ceased to dread a successful Jacobite revolution, with its dangerous consequences. But such real words representing the feelings of the mild, conscientious King, well explain the generous sentiments attributed to him in this work by the historical novelist. ' Introduction. XVI CONCLUSION IT may be useful as well as interesting to compare the differing views indicated by three of the most eminent Scottish writers in the last century, Sir Walter Scott, Sir Archibald Alison, and Lord Macaulay, on their country's divided population and remarkable history. Macaulay, who admits, and perhaps may rather exaggerate, the dislike of the English generally, and of the Scottish Lowlanders towards the Highlanders, writes : "This contemptuous loathing lasted till the year 1745, and was then for a moment succeeded by intense fear and rage." At this period, so vividly described in "Waverley," Macaulay says : " England, thoroughly alarmed, put forth her whole strength. The Highlands were subjugated, rapidly, completely, and for ever. During a short time, the English nation, still heated by the recent conflict, breathed nothing but vengeance. The sight of the tartan inflamed the populace of London with hatred. A political and social revolution took place through the whole Celtic region. The power of the chiefs was destroyed, the people were disarmed, the 307 3o8 Conclusion use of the old national garb was interdicted, the old predatory habits were effectually broken, and scarcely had this change been accomplished when a strange reflux of public feeling began. Pity succeeded to aversion. The nation execrated the cruelties which had been committed on the Highlanders, and forgot that for these cruelties it was itself answerable. Those very Londoners who, while the memory of the march to Derby was still fresh, had thronged to hoot and pelt the rebel prisoners, now fastened on the prince who had put down the rebellion the nickname of Butcher. As long as there were Gaelic marauders they had been regarded by the Saxon population as hateful vermin who ought to be ex- terminated without mercy. As soon as the extermination had been accomplished, as soon as cattle were as safe in the Perthshire passes as in Smithfield market, the freebooter was exalted into a hero of romance. As long as the Gaelic dress was worn, the Saxon had pronounced it hideous, ridiculous, nay, grossly indecent. Soon after it had been prohibited, they discovered that it was the most graceful drapery in Europe. At length this fashion reached a point beyond which it was not easy to proceed. The last British king who held a court in Holyrood [George IV.] thought that he could not give a more striking proof of his respect for the usages which had prevailed in Scotland before the union, than by disguising himself in what before the union was considered by nine Scotchmen out of ten as the dress of a thief." ' After these rather severe words of Macaulay, and the melancholy fate of the Highlanders as described by Scott in " Rob Roy " and in " Waverley," it may be interesting to quote the picturesque account of George the Fourth's visit to Scotland written by the historian Alison, an eminent friend to the Highlanders, and who mentions Scott as taking an important part in the loyal celebrations. The connection of this king's visit, therefore, in 1822, about eight years after the appearance of "Waverley," with the civilising and humane influences so evident in Scott's novel, seems Macaulay's " History " (chap. xiii.). Reception of George IV. in Scotland 309 confirmed by the presence and active participation of this truly patriotic author : " The preparations for his Majesty's reception, under the direction of Sir Walter Scott, were of the most magnificent description, and the loyal spirit of the inhabitants of Scotland rendered it interesting in the highest degree. The heart-burnings and divisions of recent times were forgotten. The ancient and inextinguishable loyalty of the Scotch broke forth with unexampled ardour; the devoted attachment they had shown to the Stuarts appeared, but it was now transferred to the reigning family. The clans from all parts of the Highlands appeared in their picturesque and varied costumes, with their chieftains at their head ; the eagle's feather, their well-known badge, was seen surmounting many plumes; two hundred thousand strangers from all parts of the country crowded the streets of Edinburgh, and for a brief period gave it the appearance of a splendid metropolis." ' The gratifying position of Sir Walter Scott at this pleasing spectacle of national peace in Britain is also thus noticed by one of the ablest English novelists of the last century : "He was the King's Scottish champion, rallied all Scotland to him, made loyalty the fashion." ^ Macaulay observes that, " History commenced among the modern nations of Europe in romance, "3 and certainly the success of Scott as a historical novelist was soon acknowledged in Britain and on the Continent, nor has he ever been surpassed or even much resembled in this peculiar department of literature. The previous grand success of Shake- ' Alison's " History of Europe," vol. ii. chap. x. == Thackeray's "Four Georges," p. 93. 3 Essay on History. 3IO Conclusion speare in composing historical plays, won for them from the judicious Mr. Hallam the term of " dramatic chronicles," so observantly did this learned historian recognise the historic merits of England's greatest poet. As a rule, however, both Shakespeare and Scott take far more favourable views of historic events and characters than some historians are inclined to do. Both render historic scenes, times, and per- sonages attractive rather than repelling, and the majority of the real persons described by poet and novelist would likely be gratified rather than offended at their graphic yet to some extent fanciful descriptions. Although Gibbon gravely writes that History "is, indeed, little more than the register of the crimes, follies, and misfortunes of mankind," ^ yet Shakespeare and Sir Walter Scott invest it with a charm and dignity which, it may be hoped, are nearer the truth than the despondent words of the great historian of Rome. This statement of his, however, is perhaps one of the most profound and impressive sentences in his great work. A historian who found his studies led to such a conclusion might be supposed to find little, if any, pleasure in his literary labours. Yet Gibbon throughout his great history shows the keenest interest, if not, delight, in describing the grand position of the Roman Empire and its improving influence, generally speaking, over its millions of different subjects in southern Europe, western Asia, and northern Africa. But Gibbon, ' " Decline and Fall," chap. iii. Reception of George IV. in Scotland 311 always so calm and self-controlled, was a highly- cultivated writer of the eighteenth century, and his chosen task was to describe the gradual downfall of a vast pagan empire, surrounded and partly inhabited by semi-barbarous foes who finally over- ran and replaced it. His apparent indifference to the Fine Arts of classic times probably restricts his thoughtful mind in a great measure to political or military triumphs and defeats, together with geographical discoveries. These he describes with the comprehensive exactness of a learned as well as a highly-interesting chronicler, but few, if any, historical characters seem to have much attracted him. He scarcely recognises either heroes or heroines in real life. Shakespeare and Scott, on the contrary, exalt many real characters, especially in British history, to the noble position of heroes and heroines of brilliant romance. As time has proceeded, and learning increased throughout the civilised world, their great works, instead of losing credit or esteem, are, it may be confidently expected, more and more appreciated by a posterity to whom their efforts have bequeathed an inheritance of the highest intellectual pleasure, as well as of permanent moral improvement. Vbe (Eresbam Vrese, UNWIN BROTHERS, UMITED, WOEING AND LONDON. WORKS by the Hon. ALBERT S. 6. CifflfflU RELIGIOUS STRIFE IN BRITISH HISTORY. Smith, Elder & Co., Waterloo Place, London. " Mr. Canning's account of these religious conflicts and proscriptions does equal and impartial justice." — Daily News. "A very temperate exposition of the evils of religious persecution." — The Tablet. " Mr. Canning has displayed much fairness and ability." — Rock. "We have in 'Religious Strite in British History' one of the most lucid expositions of religious life and thought in our ovirn country that has seen the light jfor some time past." — Christian Union. PHILOSOPHY OF THE WAVERLEY NOVELS. Smith, Elder & Co. "This volume estimates very truly and fairly the moral and intellectual qualities of the great novelist." — Scotsman. " There are few who will rise from its perusal without feeling that they understand Scott better than they did before." — The Queen. " Mr. Canning dissects the several novels, sketching the plots, examining the characters, pointing out defects and excellences, and we can endorse most of his conclusions as opportune and judicious. " — Literary Churchman. PHILOSOPHY OF CHARLES DICKENS. Smith, Elder & Co. " Mr. Canning has produced a pleasing book. He has shed much light on Dickens's genius and methods, and we heartily thank him for his volume." — British Quarterly Review. " We have to thank Mr. Canning for a very s^eeable book." — The Globe. " The book is admirably suited for lectures at an institute ; it will recall the plots to those who have forgotten them ; it will incite others to read Dickens in preference to trash."— The Graphic. " A book full to overflowing with true criticism and sound common sense. " — The English Churchman. WORKS BY THE HON. ALBERT S. G. CANNING MACAULAT, ESSAYIST ASH HISTOBIAN. Smith, Elder & Co. " Mr. Canning describes the purpose and scope of each of the Essays, traces the outlines, and sums up the general conclusions of the history with praiseworthy fidelity. " — Scotsman. " Mr. Canning's little book is admirable." — Morning Post. " This is a book of rare merit, clear, concise, and instructive." — Whitehall Review. " Probably no single volume, lately published, will do more, few so much, towards placing the character of Lord Macaulay as a litterateur fairly before the English reader." — ^Yorkshire Post. THOUGHTS ON SHAKESPEARE'S HISTORICAL PLAYS. W. H. Allen & Co., Waterloo Place, London. " It is in feet a painstaking and intelligent interpretation of the plays in modem English prose." — Scotsman, March 22, 1884. " Mr. Canning has brought much scholarship and research, as well as thoughtful study, to his work. A sketch of each play is given. The analyses are all so good that it is almost invidious to select." — Literary World, May 9, 1884. " Discrimination, erudition, and refined discernment have been given to the production of this excellent work." — Whitehall Review. " Mr. Canning possesses claims to consideration that justly belong to but few of his predecessors in the field." — Morning PosT,_/»»e 23, 1884. BE70LTED IBELAND, 1798 AlH) 1803. W. H. Allen & Co. From Mr. Lecky, Author of " History of England in the E^hteenth Century," &c.,&c. " Athenseum Club. — Mr. Lecky begs to thank Mr. Albert Canning very sincerely for his kind present, and he has been reading it with great pleasure and admiration." " Amongst recent books and pamphlets relating to Ireland one of the most useful is the Hon. A. S. G. Canning's ' Revolted Ireland.' Mr. Canning's clear and dispassionate inquiry is of great value just now. The application of the historical lesson to the present political situation is plain and legible on every page." — ^Saturday Review./wb* 19, 1887. WORKS BY THE HON. ALBERT S. G. CANNING " It is interesting to turn to the instructive and impartial pages of Mr. Can- ning. His little book, ' Revolted Ireland,' is that rare but almost unique thing in literature — a sketch in Irish history uncoloured by religious or political partisan- ship. It will be read with profit." — Scotsman, September ii, 1886. THOUGHTS ON BELI6I0US HISTOET. Eden, Remington & Co., King Street, Covent Garden, London. " Mr. Canning is always a thoughtful and instructive writer. The pass^es that he collects from the works of great writers on the position of Jews in history are full of interest." — ^The Observer, .4»^ri 2, 1891. " Mr. Canning is evidently a fair-minded man, and writes in a spirit of charity. He strives to deal even-handed justice to each party as it passes under review." — ^The Scotsman, August 3, 1891. "Mr. Canning's workmanship is eminently scholarly and thoughtfiil." — ^The People, August 2, 1891. " The work is characterised by a rare impartiality and an obvious desire to take wide views, and paint both the sunshine and the shadow of religious histo^." — The Jewish Chronicle, October 2, 1891. " The picturesque and entertaining style of this scholarly work is the more striking because of the dispassionate comparison of conflicting authorities, and the painstaking research, the actual hard study and reflection that have neces- sarily been bestowed on its production." — Whitehall Review, September 26, 1891. "A sensible and evenly-balanced summary of the world's religions. It shows with much clearness and judgment the relations in which Paganism, Christianity, and Mohammedanism stood to each other in the past, and the place of Judaism in the march of religious progress. Mr. Canning is certainly sincere, honest, and thoughtful in his appreciations of the faiths of the past and present." The Graphic, October, 1891. " There is really a good deal of information to be derived from this little book." — The World, August, 1891. " The evils of intolerant dogmatism are dispassionately criticised, while the writer is singularly free from the extrav^ant and captiousness so commonly associated with the criticism of religion." — Manchester Guardian, July 28, 1891. WORKS BY THE HON ALBERT S. G. CANNING WOBDS ON EXISTING BELIOIONS: A HISTORICAL SKETCH. W. H. Allen & Co., Limited. " Full of sincere appreciation of the many elements of truth in various ancient and modem religious systems." — ^The Guardian, May 24, 1893. " Mr. Canning, a most fair-minded and impartial writer, has evidently read widely, and has collected in his pages many important and useful facts." — RECORD,y«^ 28, 1893. " The book is evidently the result 01 much labour and wide reading, and the author shows considerable skill and discrimination in drawing from his somewhat numerous authorities. Though writing from a professedly Christian standpoint, he deals fairly and systematically with the other religions that he touches upon. The attention which has latterly been devoted to the comparative study of religion is one of the most remarkable features of the thought of the century, and those who are curious to know what the results of that study of them are, will find them admirably summarised in Mr. Canning's book." — Scotsman, March 20, 1893. " Gives a very just and sympathetic survey of the world's religions." — Daily Chronicle, April 8, 1893. " These thoughtful and instructive essays will do something to popularise this wider and nobler view." — Bradford Observer, May 5, 1893. "An interesting and instructive volume, characterised by profound thought and great research." — Belfast Nevfs Letter, April 12, 1893. THE DIVIDED IBISH. W. H. Allen & Co. " One cannot but admire the tone of charity and justice which pervades this work from beginning to end." — The National Observer, September, 1894. "One of the most valuable books which the present year has produced." — Irish Times, November 23, 1894. " We can heartily recommend a perusal of this work, for Mr. Canning shows that he has a great grasp on his subject by his lucidity, his shrewdness, and his fairness." — Public Opinion, /«/)/, 1894. WORKS BY THE HON. ALBERT S. G. CANNING " This book is one which every one should read who wants to understand Irish political movements, and the parts played in history by Irish political factions." — ^The Scotsman, y»^, 1894. " Mr. Canning's book may be commended to all Englishmen who want to understand Irish history, and to all Irishmen who care for the amelioration of their country." — Manchester Guardian, August, 1894. " Mr. Canning treats of ' Divided Ireland ' up to date and from all points of view ; in doing so he has consulted a large number of authorities of most diverse opinions, so that this re-issue of his book will be found really helpful by all interested in the relations of England and its sister island." — Publishers' CiRCULAR,/«/y 28, 1894. RELIGIOTTS DEVELOPMENT: A HISTORICAL SKETCH. W. H. Allen & Co. "The political aspects of the question are considered from an impartial Christian standpoint, and we recognise the general value of Mr. Canning's mode of treatment." — The Guardian. "We heartily commend the work to all thoughtful and discriminative readers." — Public Opinion. " Distinguished throughout by the impartiality of a sincere inquiry, and it will be read with profit by every one interested in its subject." — Scotsman. "This thoughtful and dispassionate survey of the growth and influence of religious thought may be read with interest and profit by all students of history." — Liberty Review. "A studious, comprehensive, conscientious, Christian-spirited book." — Whitehall Review. HISTORY IN FACT AND FICTION: A LITEEARY SKETCH. Smith, Elder & Co. " The work will be read with interest and profit." — Scotsman, January, 1897- " I do not think I ever saw the difficulties of the Eastern Question in so clear WORKS BY THE HON. ALBERT S. G. CANNING a light as I did after reading the short chapter which Mr. Canning devotes to it." Pall Mall Gazette, January, 1897. " We recommend ' History in Fact and Fiction ' as a valuable work." Public Opinion, February, 1897. " Excellent reading for all sorts and conditions of men is liberally provided." —The People, February, 1897. "The title gives but a faint idea of the main theme of a most interesting work."— Liverpool Covrier, /une, 1897. " Mr. Canning's knowledge of modem literature is so wide that he is able to criticise almost every well-known name for purposes of illustration." — School Guardian, August, 1897. " People who have no time to plod through the great histories, if they take up this book will gain much historical knowledge." — Lloyd's Weekly Newspaper, February, 1897. " A delightful contribution to the historical literature of the day." — Morning Advertiser, y»«M, 1897. " The Hon. Albert Canning deals with conspicuous fairness and in an interest- ing way with the conflicts between the historic religions of the world." — Jewish Chronicle, February s, 1897. " Whatever Mr. Canning discusses he is distinguished by dispas^onate candour." — Record, August 20, 1897. "A valuable contribution to historical philosophy." — Parents' Review, April, 1897. " This is a very readable work. The author exhibits in a lively, instructive manner the respective positions of Paganism in ancient Rome, Hinduism, Buddhism, Mahometanism in Asia and Africa, the Jewish system throughout the various nations of the world, and the Christian system in Europe and America. The work merits a very careful perusal." — Asiatic Quarterly Review, January, 1898. BRITISH BULE AND MODEBN POLITICS: A HISTOEICAL STTTDY. Smith, Elder & Co. "An examination of the effect of English literature upon modern politics and national thought, which as far as we are aware is a distinctly new departure, and one which in Mr. Canning's able hands is eminently successful." — ^Westminster Review, February, 1899. WORKS BY THE HON. ALBERT S. G. CANNING " It is a book that touches a great subject in such a way as to give any careful reader a grasp of the salient points." — Lloyd's Weekly, NffsemberzT, 1898. "The book contains many sound views regarding the present situation in Europe, and is a very readable estimate of the beneficial results of British rule." — Literary World, December, 1898. " As a literary critic Mr. Canning has few superiors to-day." — Manchester CODRIER, November, 1898. " Those who have perused other works by the same author will not need to be told that much scholarship, research, and thought have been brought to bear on the treatise." — Liverpool Courier, February, 1899. " Mr. Canning's ' British Rule and Modem Politics ' is a most instructive and satisfying commentary upon past and present." — Irish Times, January, 1899. " A carefiil and eminently judicial survey of some of the principal tendencies which have been and are at work, with illustrations from English literature." — The Guardian, April, 1899. "As a popular historical study of modem poUtics it is certainly a book to possess." — Publishers' Circular, December, 1898. BRITISH POWER AlH) THOTTGHT: A mSTOBICAL INamBY. Smith, Elder & Co. "The book will be read with interest and profit by any thoughtful student of history who opens it." — Scotsman. " If any one else can give a more rational analysis of the past, or a more convincing forecast of the future, I should be pleased to have it." — Prkston Guardian. " Mr. Canning deals with a thousand subtle influences absolutely without passion or prejudice, and it is an intellectual delight to go with him in his pleasant pages." — Liverpool Courier. " The book is extremely well and widely informed and stimulating, and in every way worthy of study." — Glasgow Herald. " An able and interesting historical enquiry." — Bookman. WORKS BY THE HON. ALBERT S. G. CANNING SHAEESFEABE STUDIED IN EIGHT FLAYS. T. Fisher Unwin. " Mr. Canning modestly says that the work is not intended for Shakespearian experts who have all the resources of ample research at their disposal. His object is simply to render the eight plays which he has selected more interesting and in- telHgible to general readers, and in this task he has, undoubtedly, succeeded." — Standard. " We cordially wish this book success. " — ^Westminster Review. "This valuable and interesting work. . . . Those for whom the book is specially intended will find it both entertaining and instructive." — Belfast News Letter. "The reader will find some beautiful writing in the peroration to the section on 'A Midsummer's Night's Dream.'" — ^Belfast Northern Whig. "It is written in a very readable style, and displays the author's sound judgment and thorough knowledge of human nature. Those who wish to gain a general insight into any of these eight plays cannot do better than take Mr. Canning as their guide." — Church Times. " Mr. Canning's style is of the unaffected kind that will appeal to every reader, and evidences of his wide reading and careful study abound." — Aberdeen Free Press. " These eight studies are, without doubt, a most valuable contribution to the general appreciation of the world's greatest dramatist." — Whitehall Review. "We can imagine no more instructive book for the young student of our greatest literary marvel." — Reynolds' Newspaper.