CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY PR6025.AlT63cTr"'"-"'"'^ The camp of refuge; 3 1924 013 657 717 Cornell University Library The original of tliis book is in tlie Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924013657717 SLibrarg of Ibiatorical iRovele ana iRomances EDITED BY GEORGE LAURENCE GOMME THE CAMP OF REFUGE TOilliam £. '1 Tk^L^^ CAMP OF REFUGE BY CHARLES MACFARLANE EDITED WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES BY GEORGE LAURENCE GOMME mew lorft LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. Meetminetet ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE AND CO. 1897 Edinburgh : T. and A, Constable, Printers to Her Majesty PREFACE England does not possess a national epic and but few - national traditions. But its literature is enriched by romances^ dramatic and narrative, founded on the events of almost all epochs in the national history. The quality of these romances varies, of course, but some of them are of classical value, many are far above the average of fiction, and nearly all are of interest and value to the literary history of the country. It is proposed to reproduce such of these romances as are available and suitable for the purpose, in a uniform series, arranged under the reigns of the sovereigns to which they belong. The value which this series must possess for educational purposes has influenced to a very con- siderable extent the plan adopted by the editor for presenting each volume to the public. The well- known attraction of a good historical novel to the young will be made use of to direct attention to the real history of the period of which each story was intended by its author to be a representation. To refer the reader to the genuine authorities of the period ; to give as far as possible a short account of the ii THE CAMP OF REFUGE period, and of the characters introduced; to present illustrations of costumes, buildings, and facsimiles of signatures ; and to give examples of the language of the period, is not only to introduce young students to these books as interesting examples of English litera- ture and ■ phases of English literary history, but to bring home to them, in connection with pleasant associations, most of the really important events in English history. Every reign, practically, will be represented by at least one story and sometimes by more than one, and in this way the series will gradually take the reader through the entire annals of English history. Many works of established reputation, together with others not so well known to the modern reader as they deserve to be, will thus appear in a new light and with new surroundings, among the most distin- guished of the authors being Scott, Thackeray, Kingsley, Lytton, Leigh Hunt, Daniel Defoe, John Gait, Oliver Goldsmith, Charles Dickens, Lord Beaconsfieldj Ainsworth, and others. The first volumes of the series cover the period of the Norman Conquest, namely. Lord Lytton's Harold, the Last of the Saxons (1848), and the present volume. The issue will not be in chronological order, but will rather aim at dealing with the different reigns in accordance with the interest of the subject matter treated of by the author of the representative story. Gradually, however, the several reigns will be filled up ; and while the unity of the series will not therefore be affected, the interest of readers will be quickened by PREFACE iii their attention not being confined to a strictly chrono- logical order of events. For educational purposes, too, it is desirable that books relating to different periods should be available as early as possible. Having treated of the greatest event in English history in the two first volumes of the series, namely, the Norman Conquest, the next volume to be issued will refer to a scarcely less jmportant event, namely, the attempted Spanish Conquest of England in the reign of one of our greatest sovereigns, Elizabeth. This volume is, of course, Charles Kingsley's Westward Ho.' The editor has received many letters of suggestion and encouragement, and will always be thankful for communications on books belonging to the series. G. L. GOMME. 24 Dorset Square, N.W. CONTENTS INTRODUCTION . GLOSSARY AND NOTES CHAPTER I. THE MESSENGER I II. THE SUCOUBSAL CELL . . . . . 1 5 III. THE GREAT HOUSE AT ELY .... 34 IV. THE MONKS OP ELY FEAST .... 48 V. THE MONKS OP ELY TAKE COUNSEL. . . 64 VI. IVO TAILLE-BOIS AND THE LADIE LUCIA . . 8 1 VII. HEREWABd's RETURN ..... 90 Vm. LORD HEBEWABD GOES TO GET HIS OWN . . I03 IX. ELPBIC THE EX-NOVICEj AND GIROLAMO OF SALERNO, PREPARE TO PLAY AT DEVILS . 126 X. THE HOUSE AT CROWLAND . . . -133 XI. THE LINDEN-GROVE AND LADIE ALFTRUDE . I50 XII. THE MARRIAGE AND THE AMBUSCADE . . 1 62 XIII. HOW LORD HEBEWABD AND HIS LADIE LIVED AT EY 1 78 XIV. HEBEWARD IS MADE KNIGHT . . . 189 XV. THE CASTLE AT CAM-BRIDGE AND A BATTLE . 204 XVI. THE TRAITOROUS MONKS OP PETERBOROUGH . 215 XVII. HEBEWABD GOBS TO BBUNN, AND IS DISTURBED THERE ....... 228 PAGE ix Ixviii THE CAMP OF REFUGE CHAPTER PAGE XVIU. THE DANES AND THEIR KINg's SON . . 247 XIX. THE NORMAN WITCH . . . • .271 XX. THE NORMAN DUKE TRIES AGAIN . . . 282 XXI. THE MONKS OP ELY -COMPLAIN AND PLOT . 296 XXII. HEREWARD BRINGS CORN AND WINE TO ELY . 319 XXIII. A CHAPTER AND A GREAT TREASON . . 345 XXIV. THE DUNGEON ...... 367 XXV. THE NORMANS IN THE CAMP . . . . 381 XXVI. A FIRE AND A RESCUE ..... 397 XXVII. HEREWARD STILL FIGHTS .... 407 XXVUI. THE HAPPY END . . . . . . 415 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS FACE PAGE ANGUi-SAXON umsTREis (Cottonian MSS.) . . xxi ANGLO-SAXON MINSTRELS AND GLEBMEN (CottOnian MSS.) xxiii ANGLO-SAXON DRINKING AND MINSTRELSY (Harktan MSS. No. e03) xxiv A NORMAN CAROUSAL {BayeuiK TapBstry) . . xxvi S. GUTHLAO'S CROSS ...... XXXV SITE OP HEREWARD's CASTLE .... XXXvii MAP SHOWING THE ROUTE BY WHICH WILLIAM i. APPROACHED ELY ..... xlvii HBRBWARD's MOUND AT ELY, SUPPOSED TO BE THE SITE OP THE LAST STAND ..... xlix A MAPP OP THE GREAT LEVELL (PROM DUGDALe's HistOry of Imbanking) ...... liii MAP OP THE DISTRICT, PROM THE ORDNANCE SURVEY Hv KENNBPH's BOUNDARY— STONE IN WELLAND WASH . Ivi THORNEY ABBEY CHURCH ..... Ivii SECTION OP CANOE POUND NEAR LYNN (Cambridge Anti- quarian Society, vol. iv.) . . . . Iviii CROWLAND ABBEY CHURCH ..... Hx vii viii THE CAMP OF REFUGE FACE PAGE CASTLE MOUND AT CAMBBIDGB .... Ix PnECINCT OP THE PBIOBY OP SPALDING (pROM DUGDALe's Monasticon) ...... Ixi CASTLE MOUND AT CAMBRIDGE .... Ixi ECCLESLASTICAL SCULPTURES SHOWING COSTUME IN SAXON TIMES Ixii ANGLO-SAXON HOUSE (Harleian M8S. No. 603) . Ixiv SILVER PENNY OF WIIJJAM I. . . . ; Ixvii INTRODUCTION The point in the romance of English history which was reached in Lord Lytton's Harold was the defeat of the West Saxon army at Hastings, resulting in the death of the last of the Saxon Kings and the triumph of William Duke of the Normans, henceforth to be known as King of the English. The next stage in English fiction is only four years forward, and belongs practically to the same cycle of events. Two books have been devoted to these events : one is Charles Kingsley's Heremard the Wake, and the other is Macfar lane's Camp of Refuge. It is not possible to include Kingsley's fine romance in the present series, but in adopting Macfarlane's book for the purpose it will be found that ample justice is done to the fictional representation of the struggle of the English against the Norman. The hero of that struggle was Hereward, a name which has become absorbed into English historical romance as typical of some of the best qualities of the English character. If Harold, last of the Saxon kings, is the foremost English hero of the Norman Conquest, Hereward, un- crowned and almost unknown, assuredly stands next. Gurth and Leofwine Godwinsson, as great perhaps as h X THE CAMP OF REFUGE Harold, are overshadowed by their brother; Edwin and Morcar are overshadowed by their own acts; Waltheof was the hero of one desperate fight, and was then cruelly murdered ; Siward Barn, Leofric of Peter- borough, Godric of Berkshire, heroes all, were not heroes of the people ; while all other of the Saxons are the unnamed heroes of a conquered nation. It is not, however, the lessening of the fame of others which causes the fame of Hereward to rise. His is true fame. It was won in a desperate and, as it turned out, a hopeless cause ; it was won in the cause of his countrymen, and it was voiced from the hearts of those who loved the cause. Whatever view be taken of Hereward as an historical character, the plain fact remains that after Harold had died in defending his country from the last foreign invader who has landed on her shores, Hereward alone of all who remained to fight was staunch and faithful, was unselfish and un- blemishedj Hereward alone was able to make a stand and teach William that England was not entirely won even by such a victory as Hastings. The events in which Hereward was the chief actor are fairly well recorded in history, but the personality of Hereward himself is a matter of much doubt, in which different historians have taken different views. Harold, marching from Stamfordbridge in the north, placed himself across William's path at Hastings. William, marching over the dead bodies of thedefenders to begin the conquest of the country then laid open to his attack, had to meet local insurrections at Exeter, at York, in the north and elsewhere, the only effective INTRODUCTION xi stand being made at Ely under the leadership of Here- ward in 1070j four years after Hastings. Who then was this Hereward, able to withstand the conqueror of Harold, who had previously shown himself the greatest of soldiers by conquering the foremost captain of his age at Stamfordbridge ? Clearly, this last of the English, as Kingsley unhappily calls him, was a great soldier if only by comparison of the success he gained with the failure of those who had preceded him in the fight. But he is known to history only in his capacity as leader in the defence of Ely against William, and there is not much recorded of him. Where history has failed, however, legend and song have been busy, and the difficulty is to separate what is true in the legendary account in order to add it to the meagre account of history. It is necessary to attempt this task, however, before proceeding to the actual events which are the ground-work of Macfarlane's story. There are difficulties and contradictions and myth to contend with in the legendary accounts, but they are undoubtedly the traditions of the people concerning a hero who has forced his name into English history, and of whom those who related the traditions were proud. The historical authorities who record facts about Hereward are : — Domesday (edited by Sir H. Ellis). Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (in Rolls Series of Chronicles). Florence of Worcester (in English Historical Society Series, 2 vols.). Henry of Huntingdon (in 'Anglicarum rerum Scrip- tores ' by Savile). xii THE CAMP OF REFUGE Simeon of Durham (in ' Anglicans Historise Scrip- tores ' by Twysden). Hugo Candidus (in Sparke's ' Historiae Anglicanae Seriptores '). And the legendary authorities are : Gaimar Estorie des Engles (in Caxton Society's Series). GestaHeretvardi Saxonis (in Caxton Society's Series). Ingulf Historia Croylandensis (in Gale's ' Rerum Anglicarum Seriptores/ vol. i.). Historia Eliensis (edited by D. J. Stewart^ 1848). My first point will be to ascertain how history and legend respectively deal with the pre-heroic times of Hereward's career — that is to say, his life before the defence of Ely. If we begin with Domesday we find two classes of entries, distinguished from each other in an important particular, relating to a Hereward (namely Hereuuard) having lands in Lincolnshire in the time of King Edward and not at the formation of the survey, and Hereuuard having lands in Warwickshire in the time of King Edward and also at the formation of the survey, when he also held lands in Worcestershire. Moreover, there is another important distinction in these entries. The Warwickshire Hereward held his lands prin- cipally of the Earl of Mellent, but it is recorded that in the time of King Edward he held them as a free- man. The Lincolnshire - Hereward has no such dis- tinction stated of him, for he held his land of the Abbot of Peterborough, or of the Abbot of Crowland. These distinctions raise the presumption that the INTRODUCTION xiii entries relate to difiFerent persons, a presumption which Mr. Freeman hints at (Hist. Norm. Conq. iv. 826), and Mr. Round concludes to be a fact (Feudal England,-}^. 162). If this be so we may dismiss the Warwickshire and Worcestershire Hereward, and turn to the entries relating to the Lincolnshire Hereward. He held of the Abbot of Peterborough at Witham and Manthorp and Toft with Lound, 12 bovates of land. This hold- ing was his patrimony, but besides this entry there are two others which occur in the Clamores de Chetsteven (torn. i. fol. 376 b.) : ' Terram Asford in Bercham hund. dicit Wapentak non habuisse Herewardum die qua aufugiit,' and on folio 377, ' Terram S. Guthlaci quam tenet Ogeras in Repinghale dicunt fuisse dominicam firraam monachorum. Vlchel abbatem commendasse earn ad firmam Hereuuardo, sicut inter eos conueniret unoquoque anno, sed abbas resaisiuit cam antequam Hereuuardus de patria fugeret, eo quod conuentionem non tenuisset.' The latter of these entries takes us back to the days before the Conquest. It relates that the lands of S. Guthlac (i.e. Crowland Abbey) in Ripinghale had been let out to Hereward by Abbot Ulfcytel on terms to be agreed upon between themselves ; but as Here- ward did not keep his agreement, Ulfcytel took the land back into his own hands. Now Abbot Ulfcytel was not appointed until 1062, and so this event cannot have happened until after that date. This gives only four years to the battle of Hastings, and eight to the chief events in the defence of Ely which have made Hereward's name famous. Professor Tout in his xiv THE CAMP OF REFUGE interesting account of Hereward in the Dictionary of National Biography suggests that 'the unruly character of Hereward is borne out both by this ' and by the other passage in the survey. But this point appears to me at least doubtful, and would probably not have occurred to his biographer had not the Hereward which Kingsley has depicted for us grown into the ideal of Hereward in modern times. The other entry is more important, for it bears upon the story of Hereward's banishment from England, which is stated in the Gesta Herewardi to have taken place when he was eighteen years old. Kingsley makes the most of this episode, and introduces into his story the romantic adventures attributed to Hereward in Northumberland, Ireland, and Cornwall, and then in Flanders. But Macfarlane, in the only passage where he could have introduced it, namely, in the account of Hereward put into the mouth of Father Adhelm (see pp. 68-70), not only ignores it but makes Hereward fight by the side of Harold in Wales, at Stamfordbridge, and at. Hastings. There is no historical evidence for this, but on the other hand the silence of all the Chronicles as to the names of the English heroes at Hastings would allow us to think that Hereward might have been there, if only we can get over one or two points in the more or less legendary history. And this I think can be done. The event, or alleged event, which it is clearly necessary to meet, is the outlawry of Here- ward for his unruly conduct when he was a youth of eighteen. We have only legend for it, except for the very curious reference to his flight in the first of the INTRODUCTION xv two entries above quoted from Domesday. Now this reference, 'die qua aufugiit,' must in the absence of evidence to the contrary, as Mr. Round points out, be referred to Hereward's escape from the isle of Ely when, in 1071, in the words of Florence, 'cum paucis evasit.' This too, adds Mr. Round, would at once explain the Domesday entry as to Asford, 'for he would of course have forfeited his holding before that date' (Feudal England, p. l62). This explanation not only accounts for the single historical reference to Hereward having been at any time a fugitive, but, in fixing the date to be after his exploits at Ely, disposes of any probability in the legendary theory that he was a fugitive before the battle of Hastings. Now here, then, we have a position which distinctly gives a clue to the probable course of events. They may be summed up as follows : — 1. That Hereward was a young man, being by tradition only eighteen, when his career began to interest his countrymen. 2. That he was in England after 1062. 3. That suddenly, without preliminary note, his name appears in English history as success- fully withstanding William's conquest of England. 4. That popular tradition has, in order to supply him with heroic [adventures, banished him to other lands before he took part in the defence of Ely. If the three first of these propositions may be accepted, the fourth is the only one that needs xvi THE CAMP OF REFUGE correction in order to fit it in with the historical evidence. What, then, was the foundation for it? Before going to Ely Hereward must have had experi- ence and knowledge of war, otherwise he would not have been chosen leader when Morcar and other more illustrious men were there. This much is perfectly certain, for men like Morcar do not readily give up the position of leader, and this much therefore of the popular tradition may be accepted. Now Macfarlane's suggestion in the story is that he won this experience and knowledge at Stamfordbridge and Hastings. This seems at least a possible solution, for it is remarkable that all the historical facts fit in with it, at least so far as Hastings is concerned. This . is a very interesting point, and I will show how it is arrived at. There is first the important fact that of the English shires which sent men to fight at Hastings, Lincolnshire is one (see the list of shires in Wace's Chronicle and Mr. Freeman's note in Hist. Norm. Conq. iii. 425) ; while of the few English names preserved from that fight, one is no less a person than Leofric the Abbot of Peterborough, who came back to his home sick and wounded, 'and waes daed sone thaeraefter' (Chron. Peterborough, 1066). But Hereward was, according to the authority of Hugh Candidus (for the first time pointed out by Mr. Round, Feudal England, p. l6l), a 'man' of the Abbot of Peterborough, that is to say, a tenant bound to per- form military service for his lord. That Hereward, of all the abbot's tenants, should have followed his lord to Hastings is more than likely — ^the strange thing would be that he should not have done so ; that, going INTRODUCTION xvii thither nameless among the many, he should gain ex- perience under the genius of Harold, though no fame has come to him through the historians from a field where Saxon fame was buried ; that his own genius should make him use his experience when need arose ; that among the English all survivors from that fatal field who were still unwilling to bow the knee to William would be reckoned as heroes ; that on this account alone he would be given rank above Morcar, who had weakly, if not traitorously, kept away ; — are conclusions not drawn from the recorded facts of history, only because history has recorded no facts about any one who fought at Hastings. That they are not out of harmony with the few records of the nameless Hereward, who in 1070 was to plant his name for ever high among the heroes of English tradi- tion, seems to me to warrant much for their accept- ance as the probable truth. It seems, then, that although the historical Hereward is not so well known as most of us would like, the history that is known fixes upon him as a Lincoln- shire land-holder, who was in England within four years of Hastings and a fugitive at the time of the compilation of Domesday ; who by the terms of his holding ought to have followed his lord to Hastings, when that lord — one of the few English heroes who are known by name, Leofric, Abbot of Peterborough — ^rode forth to take his part, and only came back to die; who by right of his own individuality was chosen leader of the fenland patriots, and who de- fended the last shelter of English freedom against xviii THE CAMP OF REFUGE the might of William. ' His heart failed him not when the hearts of the noblest of the land quaked within them. Our most patriotic Latin annalist adorns his name with the standing epithet with which he adorns the name of Harold, vir strenuissimus, and our native chronicler records his deeds in words which seem borowed from the earlier record of the deeds of Alfred' (Freeman, Hist. Norm. Conq. iv. 455). I always think there is one undoubted fact on record which illumines the defence of Ely and makes it assume more of a national than a local character — makes it certain that Hereward was a leader whom all EngUshmen had learned to trust. This event is the elFort of a small band of the men of Berkshire, tenants of the Abbey of Abingdon, to join the new champions of England. Their line of march lay right across the country, and they were surprised by a body of Normans, surrounded, and either killed or captured (Freeman, Hist. Norm. Conq. iv. 467). And let it be noted in connection with what has already been suggested about Hereward's fame having been gained at Hastings, that Godric, the Sheriff of Berkshire, was one of the few heroes of Hastings whom we know by name, and that for a man to have been a thegn of Berkshire seems at that time to have implied almost as a matter of course that he had died at Hastings (ibid. 33). For the sons and companions of such men as these to flock to Hereward is an indirect testimony, of no little weight, to the other indirect testimony of Hereward's fame as a hero of that fight. INTRODUCTION xix Intervening, however, between our own times and the actual Hereward as made known by history and by such conclusions as history allows us to draw, there is a mass of legend and tradition which, after the nature of legend and tradition, has accumulated itself round the name and deeds of the hero. So far as this legend and tradition deals with the period when Hereward was at Ely, it is difficult to separate it from real history; but so far as it deals with his earlier life, before the defence of Ely, it may be considered apart from the few facts which we have already seen are due to historical evidence. This consideration is all the more necessary because Kingsley's superior genius as a romance writer has re- stamped these early adventures upon the minds of the people, and is apt therefore to influence judgment as to the merit of Macfarlane's work. At a later stage the literary merits of the two books will be touched upon ; all that I am anxious to make clear now are the historical merits of Macfarlane-s story. If we cannot positively affirm that Hereward was at Hastings, there is nothing in history to oppose the theory, and there is much to support it. The only opposition to it comes not from history but from tradition. Of the element of popular tradition there can be no doubt. Mr. Round gives the sanction of his great authority to the importance of the false historian of Crowland Abbey (Ingulph) incidentally stating that the daring deeds of Hereward ' adhuc in triviis canun- tur,' as an allusion ' to a ballad history surviving, it may be, so late as the days when the forgery was XX THE CAMP OF REFUGE compUed' {Feudal England, p. l66). The Gesta and Gaimar's Estorie are evidences of the existence of popular accounts of the hero which have been taken up into historical or would-be historical chronicleSj namely, Ingulph and the Historia Eliensis. The Liber Eliensis (cap. 102-107) gives only Here- ward's doings in the isle of Ely, and says nothing of his other adventures, of his wife, of his ^death, nor of his doings after his firing of the siege works of William. There is a good deal of the language in the Liber Eliensis (cc. 104-106) common also to the Gesta, especially in chapter 106. In GefFrei Gaimar's L'Estorie des Engles (vv. 5457- 5710) there is nothing before the uprising in the fens. It describes hira as a ' noble man, one of the best of the country ' ; it tells of the fortifying of the isle, of Hereward's firing of William's bridge, of his plunder- ing of Peterborough. It seems further to imply that he married Alftruda, no mention being made of Turfrida; and it gives 'at considerable length (5615- 5700) an account of his murder by certain Norman knights. It mentions (5609) that he had taken part in an expedition of King William into Maine. Mr. Searle has devoted a separate volume of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society's publications to a study of Ingulf and the Historia Croylandensis, and his summaries are very valuable. Ingulf begins with Here- ward's pedigree (of which more hereafter), his youth, and his exile about 1062 ; his journey to Northumbria, Cornwall, and Ireland, and his exploits in Flanders; tells of his marriage with Turfrida, her becoming a ANGLO-SAXON MINSTRELS (Cottonian MSS.) INTRODUCTION xxi nun, the attack upon Peterborough, capture of Torold ; and concludes the story of his life that he ended it in peace and was buried at Croyland by the side of his ■wife) nothing being said of a second wife, or of Alftruda. This leaves us with the principal legendary account, the Gesta Herervardi Saxonis, contained in a Latin ms. of the twelfth century, printed by Mr. T. Wright in a volume of the publications of the Caxton Society published in 1850. Mr. Wright has also published a sort of free translation of this ms. in the second volume of his Essays on the Middle Ages, from which the following account is chiefly abridged. The second chapter commences a retrospective account of Here- ward, the first chapter having related his landing at Bourne in 1068. This account makes Hereward the son of Leofric, Earl of Chester and Mercia, and of his wife jEdiva, the famous Lady Godiva of the Coventry legend. As he grew up, his adventurous disposition gave rise to continual feuds and tumults, which drew upon him the enmity of his family. He collected some of his father's rents to distribute among his wild followers, and his kinsmen were often obliged to rescue him from some imminent danger. His father at last obtained from King Edward an order of banish- ment, and he was driven from home with only one attendant, Martin with the Light Foot (cum solo servo, Martino, cui cognomen erat Levipes). From this time he was known as Hereward the Exile (Herewardus Exul). The third chapter relates that he first journeyed to the borders of Scotland, where he was received into the household of his godfather, Gisebritus xxii THE CAMP OF REFUGE de Gant. Gisebert kept a number of wild beasts of various kinds^ which at the festivities of Easter^ Whit- suntide, and Christmas he let out, to try the strength and courage of the youths who were candidates for the honour of knighthood (qui militare cingulum expec- tabant et arma). Among the rest, he had a large Norwegian bear which escaped, slew every person it met, and spread terror through the castle. Hereward rushed forth to meet it, and after a desperate struggle succeeded in destroying it. By this action he secured the favour of the ladies (et mulieres ac puellae de eo in choris canebant), but the envy of his companions. After having escaped a plot laid against his life, he left the castle, and proceeded to the extreme part of Cornwall, which was then governed by an independent British chief named Alef, who had a beautiful daughter, who appears by the sequel to have bestowed her affections upon an Irish prince. Her father, more from fear than inclination, had promised her hand to Ulcus Ferreus, one of her countrymen, a popular man among the Cornishmen for his strength and valour. Hereward soon became an object of hatred to him, which broke out in a quarrel resulting in a victory for Hereward. The Cornishmen, enraged at the loss of their champion, called for vengeance, and Alef, under pretence of throwing him into prison, shielded him. He escaped with the lady's aid to the Irish prince, and to the king his father. Soon after Hereward's arrival in Ireland, he was joined by two of his kinsmen, named Siward the White and Siward the Red (Siwardo albo et Siwardo rufo), ANGLO-SAXON MINSTREI^ AND GLEEMEN (Cottonian MSS.) INTRODUCTION xxiii who brought him intelligence of his father's death, and urged him to return home. But he remained to assist the kingj at whose court he was living, in a war against another Irish king. Meanwhile the Cornish princess was betrothed to another suitor, and she sent a messenger to the Irish prince, to beg his assistance in averting it. He, with Hereward, was engaged in a descent on the coast of Cornwall, and immediately sent forty of his soldiers as messengers to claim the lady's hand in fulfilment of a former promise of her father. Hereward, doubting the result, disguised himself, and with three of his companions arrived on the day of the nuptial feast, and learned that the Irish messengers had been thrown into prison, and that the intended bride- groom was to carry home his wife on the following day. He entered the hall with his companions, and they seated themselves at the lowest end of the table. The princess, thinking she recognised Hereward, ordered him to be served. Hereward affected rudeness, which excited her suspicions. It was the custom at this time in Cornwall that, after dinner on the day before she left her father's house, the lady in her bridal robes should assist her maidens in serving round the cup to the guests, while a harper went before and played to each as the cup was offered to him. (Sponsa namque post prandium regalibus ornata indumentis, sicut mos provinciae est, cum puellis potum convivis et conservis patris et matris in extrema die a paternadomo discedens ministratura processit, quodam praecedente cum cithara et unicuique citharizante cum poculo.) Hereward, in fulfilment of a vow, refused to accept anything except xxiv THE CAMP OF REFUGE at the hands of the princess herself, who, finding out this, took some wine to him herself, and, being sure that it was Hereward, threw a ring to him, and excused his rudeness because he was unacquainted with their customs. The minstrel, however, remained dissatisfied when Hereward seized the harp from his hands and played with skill. He was requested to proceed, and again played, not only accompanied by his own voice, but his companions joined at intervals, 'after the manner of the Saxons.' The princess, to aid him, sent him a rich cloak, the common reward of successful minstrels, and her husband, unwilling to be behindhand in his liberality, offered him any gift he would ask, except his wife and his lands. Hereward demanded the release of the Irish messengers who had been imprisoned. The prince was at first inclined to grant his request, when one of his followers exclaimed, ' This is one of their base messengers, who is come to spy thy house, and to mock thee by carrying from thee thy enemies in return for his frivolous performances.' The Cornish chief's suspicions were easily aroused, but Hereward, with the aid of the princess, escaped with his companions. When they had left the house, they followed the road along which the Cornish chief and his bride would pass, and concealed themselves on the banks of a river which formed the boundary of his dominions. The prince, determining to deprive each of the Irish messengers of their right eye, took them into his own territory. When he came to the river, Hereward and his companions rushed out, slew the prince re- ANGLO-SAXON DRINKING AND MINSTRELSY (Harleian MSS. No. 603) INTRODUCTION xxv leased the Irishmen, carried away the princess, and met the Irish prince, who was on his way to avenge the insult offered him in the person of his messengers. Hereward accompanied the Irish prince and his bride to Ireland, and prepared to return with his friends to England. A tempest arose, one of his two ships was lost, and the storm carried the second to the coast of Flanders, and wrecked them in the neighbourhood of S. Berlin, where they were first arrested as spies, but received with hospitality when his name was known, and the Count of Flanders accepted his assistance in the wars in which he was engaged. Hereward's bravery gained him the affections of Tur- frida, whom he married. News then arrived that the Normans had conquered Britain; and, leaving his wife to the care of the two Siwards, he repaired to England. In the year IO69, Hereward returned to his native land, brmging with him the two Siwards, and other Saxons who had joined him, and his wife Turfrida. Finding that his estates had remained unoccupied by the Normans, he proceeded direct to Bourne^ where some of his bravest kinsmen were waiting for him. He then made a signal by setting fire to three cottages on the highest part of the Brunneswold, where he was soon joined by a gallant band of Saxon outlaws. Amongst those who joined him there were : Leofric the Mower (Lewinus Moue, id est falca), so called because, being once attacked by twenty armed men whilst he was mowing alone in the field, with nothing but his scythe to defend himself, he had defeated them all, killing several and wounding many; Leofric, named xxvi THE CAMP OF REFUGE Pratt (Lefwinus Pratt id est astutus) or the Cunning, because, though often taken by his enemies, he had always found means of escape, often having slain the keepers ; Wulric the Black (Wluncus Niger), so named, because on one occasion he had blackened his face with charcoal, and, thus disguised, had penetrated unobserved among his enemies, and killed ten of them with his spear befoi-e he made his retreat; Wulric Hragra, or the Heron (Wluricus Rahen, vel Ardea), who, passing the bridge of Wrexham when four brothers, unjustly condemned to be hanged, were led by that road to the place of execution, had ventured to expostulate with their guards, but the latter called him in mockery a heron, and he rushed upon them, slew several, drove away the rest, and delivered their prisoners. At this time the monks of Ely, with their abbot Thurstan, fortified themselves in their almost inaccessible island among the wild fens. As soon as they heard of Hereward's arrival, they sent to urge him to join his strength with theirs, which he determined to do. This is the point in the legendary account where Macfarlane's story may be said to commence, in con- trast to Kingsley's story, which, as may readily be seen, absorbs the whole of these traditions. Looked at closely, these adventures are sufficiently parallel to the events of current mythic legend and of the chivalrous romance of the age to be accounted for as the product of post-Herewardian times. The hero of the people must be clothed with the traditions of the people according to the well-known process of >h ffl A NORMAN CAROUSAL (Bayeux Tapestry) INTRODUCTION xxvii attachment of existing traditions to a popular hero. For instance, there is the curious legend of Hereward pretending to be dead, and so being carried into a castle and slaying the inhabitants — a story well known, as Mr. Freeman reminds us, to comparative mythologists (Hist. Norm. Conq. iv. 828) — and there are his fight with the bear and his fight with the giant, two more episodes of mythic rather than historic events. But if these adventures can be safely put aside as the work of popular tradition according to laws of human thought quite well understood by all students of folklore, there is not much of moment left, except, indeed, the geography of his supposed travels — a geography which belongs to the very home of tradition, the unknown territories of the Celts, Ireland, Cornwall, and Scotland, and the equfilly un- known foreign countries. And let me point out that there is ground for attributing to people of the fen dis- trict a considerable fund of traditional lore ready to be adapted to personages who strongly influenced them. Thus there are the legend of the Pedlar of SwafFham, and the story of Tom Hick-a-thrift. The former is a world-wide myth, and the latter, which has been examined by me in a special edition, is closely con- nected with primitive tradition; and yet both are attached to the locality of the fens. There are other stories of the peasantry equally interesting from this point of view, and, perhaps, belonging to the Here- ward cycle, as, for instance, the ' Legend of Byard's Leaps' (Arch. Assoc, xxxv. 283). The point need not, however, be laboured. All I am anxious to establish xxviii THE CAMP OF REFUGE is, that in giving Hereward an early romantic career, popular tradition would easily fit him with its own adventures. Before dismissing this part of the subject, however, there is also the work of the pedigree-makers to look into. Hereward's holding 'was situated at Witham on the Hill with its hamlets of Manthorpe and Toft with Lound not far from Bourne, and at Barholme with Stow a few miles off, all in the extreme south- west of the country.' Mr. Round, starting from this, goes on to examine {Feudal England, p. l6l) a passage from Hugh Candidus showing how Baldwin Wake possessed the holdings of Hugh de Euremou (the man who, according to Ingulph, married Here- ward's daughter) and of Ansford. Here then, says Mr. Round, ' we see how this legendary name and legendary position of Hereward were evolved. The Wakes, Lords of Bourne, held among their lands, some not far from Bourne, which had once been held by Hereward. Thus arose the story that Hereward had been Lord of Bourne ; and it was but a step further to connect him doubly with the Wakes, by giving him a daughter and heir married to Hugh de Euremou, whose lands had been similarly passed to the Lords of Bourne. The pedigree-makers' crowning stroke was to make Hereward himself a Wake' (p. l6l). This name of Wake, so generally given to Hereward by modem writers, is first mentioned by John of Peter- borough, a writer of uncertain date and personality. Under date IO69 occurs the passage, 'Obiit Brando Abbas Burgi, patruus dicti Herewardi le Wake, cui INTRODUCTION xxix ex Regis collatione successit Turoldus,' and again, under 1071, he is called ' Herewardus le Wake.' But the legendary account, as we have seen (ante, p. xxi.), also makes him a son of Leofric, Earl of Mercia, and of the famous countess the Lady Godiva — in other words, a brother of Alfgar and uncle of Edwin and Morcar. Mr. Kingsley defends this pedigree, in the introductory chapter of his story, on historical grounds. Sir Henry Ellis also lent his authority to this parentage {Introd. to Domesday, ii. 146). But it comes only from a genealogical roll of the fifteenth century, and Mr. Freeman has sufficiently exposed the worthlessness of this testimony {Hist. Norm. Conq. iv. 830). In the meantime, there is to note that Hereward being ' a man ' of Leofric, Abbot of Peterborough, is perhaps a sufficient datum from which to start the idea that he was son of a Leofric, and then, at the last stage, that he was son of the Leofric. I will now deal with the events from the commenc- ing point of Macfarlane's story. It opens in the spring of 1 070, when the rising began by the English folk joining the Danish fleet and attempting thereby to throw off the Norman yoke. The prospect of being ousted from his Peterborough lands by a follower of the new French abbot would, as Mr. Round says, have added a personal zest to Hereward's patriotic zeal ; but whatever the personal interest, the zeal was undoubtedly there, and it broke out at the time when the Norman monk Turold or Thorold was marching at the head of an armed body of Frenchmen to take possession of his monastery. XXX THE CAMP OF REFUGE This event is told by an uninipeachable authority, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle ; and as it is one of the few undoubted historical facts recorded of Hereward, I shall quote this passage in full : 'Then, in the same year (1070) came Svein, king of Denmark, into the Humber, and the country people came to meet him, and made peace with him, weening that he would overnin the land. Then came to Ely Christian, the Danish bishop, and Asbiorn jarl, and the Danish "husearls" with them; and the English folk from all the fenlands came to them, weening that they would win all the land. Then the monks of Peter- borough heard say that their own men would plunder the monastery, that was Hereward and his company. That was because they had heard say that the king had given the abbacy to a French abbot named Turold, and that he was a very stern man, and was then come to Stamford with all his Frenchmen. There was then a church-ward there named Yware, who took by might all that he could; that was, gospels, mass-mantles, cantor-copes, and robes, and such little things, what- ever he could ; and went forthwith, ere day, to the Abbot Turold, and told him that he sought his protec- tion, and informed him how the outlaws were to come to Peterborough, and that he did all by the advice of the monks. Then soon on the morrow all the outlaws came with many ships and would enter the monastery, and the monks withstood so that they could not come in. They then set it on fire and burned all the monks' houses and all the town save one house. They then came in through fire, in at Bolhithe gate, INTRODUCTION xxxi and the monks came to meet them, praying for peace. But they recked of nothing, went into the monastery, clomb up to the holy rood, then took the crown from our Lord's head, all of beaten gold ; then took the " foot-spur " that was underneath his foot, ^Yhich was all of red gold. They clomb up to the steeple, brought down the crosier that was there hidden; it was of gold and of silver. They took there two golden shrines, and nine of silver, and they took fifteen great roods, both of gold and silver. They took there so much gold and silver, and so many treasures in money, and in raiment, and in books, as no man may tell to another, saying that they did it from affection to the monastery. They then betook themselves to the ships, proceeded to Ely, and there deposited all the treasures. The Danish men weened that they should overcome the Frenchmen ; they then dispersed all the monks, none remaining there save one monk named Leofwine Lange. He lay sick in the sick man's ward. Then came Abbot Turold and eight times twenty Frenchmen with him, and all fully armed. When he came thither, he found within and without all burnt, save only the church. The outlaws were then all afloat, knowing that he would come thither. This was done on the day the ivth of the Nones of June (June 2nd). The two kings, William and Svein, became reconciled, when the Danish men went out from Ely with all the aforesaid treasure, and conveyed it with them. When they came in the middle of the sea, a great storm came and scattered all the ships in which the treasures were : some went xxxii THE CAMP OF REFUGE to Norway, some to Ireland, some to Denmark ; and all that thither came were the crosier and some shrines, and some roods, and many of the other treasures; and they brought them to a king's town called . . ., and placed them all in the church. Then afterwards, through their heedlessness, and through their drunkenness, on one night the church was burnt, and all that was therein. Thus was the monastery of Peterborough burnt and plundered. May Almighty God have compassion on it through His great mercy. And thus the Abbot Turold came to Peterborough, and the monks then came again, and did Christ's service in the church, which had a full sennight before stood without any kind of rite. When Bishop ^gelric that say, he excommunicated all the men who had done the evil.' Mr. Freeman seems to think of this event as telling against Hereward's character (Hist. NoT^n. Cong. iv. 461) ; but remembering that the English hero was a • man ' of the Abbot of Peterborough, it is not difficult to see that he might have deemed himself loyal to the English abbot by opposing his French successor. Mr. Round takes this view. 'Details recorded by Hugh Candidus, which the Peterborough Chronicle omits,' he says, 'place Hereward's conduct in a somewhat different light, and suggest that he may really have been loyal to the abbey whose man he was. His plea for bringing the Danes to Peterborough was that he honestly believed that they would overthrow the Normans, and that the treasures of the Church would therefore be safer in their hands. He may perfectly INTRODUCTION xxxiii well have been hostile to the Normans and yet faith- ful to the abbey so long as Brand held it; but the news that Turold and his knights were coming to make the abbey a centre of Norman rule against him (William of Malmesbury in loco) would drive him to extreme courses' (Feudal England, p. 163). After these opening events things are not so clear. The best summary from all the chronicle sources is given by Sir William Dugdale in his History of Imhank- ing (pp. 185-91)j and I shall use this narrative in the following pages, checking it where necessary by later research. One important point is worth mentioning here, to show a great distinction which exists between the legendary accounts of Hereward before and after the Ely events begin. I have already alluded to the fact that the legendary events before Ely are placed in a district which is the home of legend and romance. This is in contrast to the events after Ely, when, if we must mistrust some of the stories — and that is matter of no absolute certainty — we cannot mistrust the geography, for it is all true to the fenland. This seems to give a warrant of truth to the Ely events. Understanding that Hereward, Lord of Bourne, in Lincolnshire, was returned from beyond sea, those who had fled into the isle forthwith sent for him, desiring that he would repair thither with all his power, and join with them in the defence of their native country, and redeeming their just liberties : and in particular they importuned in behalf of Thurstane, then abbot of that place, and his monks, whose the said island wholly was, and on whose behalf xxxiv THE CAMP OF REFUGE the same was then fortified against the king, that he would make no delay, because the said king brought in a foreign monk out of France, to obtrude upon them as abbot there ; and that he proposed to do the like in all churches throughout England. {Ingulphi Hist., p. 511 n. 20; Ex vet. memhr. penes Georgiwii Puresey, de Wadley, in com. Berks, arm. anno. l653; Ex Regist. de Peterborough penes Will. Pierpoint arm. {. 234, a.) To which request of theirs he willingly con- descended, and forthwith began his journey towards them accordingly : whereof the Earl Warren having notice, whose brother, long before, the said Hereward had killed, he laid ambushes for him on the outside of the fens belonging to this isle, and kept guards about the waters near to the land, hoping to take him cunningly without any slaughter of his own men ; but Hereward being aware thereof, as also that some of those guards had encountered with part of his soldiers, and pursued them, he came unto their aid, and by taking some of them, discovering that the said earl had set these ambushes for him, and likewise that he was on the morrow to be at Pokerhed, he hastened thither with his ship, and placing some armed soldiers near the bank of the river, he went himself with three horsemen and four archers, well armed, unto the mouth thereof; where the earl himself with his men was then also come on the other side; and seeing them, sent some of his party nearer ; who inquiring whether they belonged to Hereward, and finding that they did, endeavoured to persuade them to forsake S. GUTHLACS CROSS INTRODUCTION xxxv him ; but prevailing not, they returned to the eari, and told him, that Hereward himself was on the other side of the water. Whereupon the said earl animated his soldiers to swim over with him presently, and revenge his brother's death. But they told him, that it was not possible so to do, saying, that his coming thither was purposely thus to delude them : where- upon the earl, sighing, said to them on the other side of the water, ' O that I had that devilish fellow (your master) here ! I would certainly torment him to death.' To which words of his Hereward replied, ' If we should happen to be so fortunate as to meet alone in any fit place, you would not wish me in your feeble hands, nor like well of my company ' ; and having so said, stooping a little, he bent his bow, and letting fly an arrow, hit the earl on his breast, but his coat of mail would not suffer it to enter ; nevertheless, it came with such a force, that it struck hfm off his horse, so that his servants took him for dead in their arms. In the meanwhile Hereward went away, and came with his company into the isle the same day, when he was received with great honour by the abbot and his monks ; as also by these noble persons that were there, viz. Morkere, Earl of Warwick, and other eminent men of the country, who, having been much oppressed by the said Conqueror, fled thither. Whereof the king hearing, and being much enraged thereat, he resolved to get the isle by assault ; and to that end caused a rendezvous of his whole army at Alrehede (near which place there is a military rampire yet to be seen), where the fen was four furlongs in xxxvi THE CAMP OF REFUGE breadth; and having brought store of wood, stone, and faggots of all kinds, with a multitude of trees and great pieces of timber, fastened them together underneath with cow hides ; and to the end that they might the better pass over them, they stript oiF the skins of beasts, and filled them with mud like bladders, which being done, there were so many that pressed on to get over, being greedy of the gold and silver, whereof they supposed store to be in the isle, that they that went foremost were drowned, with their bridge, and those in the midst became swallowed up in the depth of the fen ; but of those that were hindmost, a few, throwing away their weapons, made a shift by the mud to escape. Nevertheless multitudes perished in this adventure, whose bodies were long after found, putrified in har- ness, and dragged out from the bottom of the water ; but one only man (whose name was Beda) getting into the isle. The king therefore, beholding this lamentable disaster, and much grieving thereat, departed thence with those few which he had left, without any hope to conquer it, placing guards of soldiers about it to prevent those within from wasting the country. In the meantime the said Beda, being taken, and brought before the chief persons that were in the isle, and asked why he so boldly adventured himself, he told them, that the king did promise, that whosoever should first enter, and do some notable exploit there to the danger of those that defended it, let him ask what he would of any man's therein, and he should obtain it ; which when they heard, they commended SITE OF HERB WARDS CASTLE INTRODUCTION xxxvii his valour, and kept him there with them for certain daySj using him with great respect. Having therefore had this experience of their civilities, and observing how secure the place was by reason of the fortifications there made, as also the number and valour of the soldiers therein, he professed, that as he had often heard them reputed to be persons more expert in war than others, he now found it to be true, and faithfully promised them, upon liberty to go back to the king's camp, that he would there relate as much ; which he accordingly did, all being joyful to see him safe returned, even the king himself, for he was one of his most eminent soldiers, unto whom he related the strength of the isle, and his own adventure, and that those earls before mentioned were there, with two noblemen, viz. Orgar and Thirchitell, surnamed Childe ; but extolled Hereward not only beyond them all, com- paring him with the most famous knights which he had seen through France, the whole Roman Empire, or Constantinople. At which story the Earl of Warren took no small ofifence, not enduring to hear such a commendation of him that had slain his brother (as hath been observed) ; and suggested to the king, that the relator was bribed to make so partial a report. But the king, going on in making more inquiry of his particular observations there, had this further account from him, that the monks of this place, fearing to be subject to a foreigner, in regard the king had designed to bring over such out of France, to be chief in all monasteries and churches of England, did entertain those persons there for this xxxviii THE CAMP OF REFUGE defence, and thereupon fortified the said isle ; affirm- ing that they were much more willing to live by the labour of their hands than to be reduced to such a servitude, and that the same isle was not then at all burthened by those forces. 'For (quoth he) they matter not the siege, the husbandman not neglecting his plow, nor the hunter his sports ; neither doth the fowler cease from his employment ' : concluding, that they were securely defended by their own soldiery. ' Nay, I shall tell you more (saith he), both what I know and saw. This isle is extraordinary fruitful in all sorts of grass, there being no place in England that hath a more fertile turf; and, moreover, it is compassed about with huge waters and fens, as it were with a strong wall, and aboundeth not only with domestic cattle, but with a multitude of wild beasts, viz. harts, dogs, goats, and hares, both in the woods and near the fens ; as also ermines, pole-cats, weasels, and the like vermin, which are taken with traps and other engines in the winter time. And of fish and fowl which there breed, what shall I say ? At the flood-gates upon the skirts of those waters, what a vast company of eels do they take in nets ! as also mighty pikes and pickerells, perch, roach, and sometimes greater and royal fishes. Of birds like- wise these be innumerable. So also of geese, bitterns, sea-fowl, water-crows, herons, and ducks, abundance, especially in the winter season, or when they moult their feathers, whereof I have seen three hundred taken at one time ' {Ex Hist. Eccl. Elien. in Bibl. Bodl. {. 30 a). Adding, that every day whilst he stayed with them. INTRODUCTION xxxix the fashion of their sitting at dinner and supper in the common hall was a knight and a monk ; and at the upper table the abbot himself, with the said earls ; as also Hereward and Turkill before specified. Like- wise, that above the head of each knight and monk hung a target and lance upon the wall ; and in the midst of the room, upon forms, lay coats of mail and helmets, with other arms; that, when any occasion should be, the monks always, as well as the soldiers, might be ready to go to fight, whom he found to be most expert men at their weapons. And, moreover, magnified their plenty of all things there, that he said he thought it much better and more safe for the king to come to peaceable terms with them than to adven- ture to assail them by force, and miscarry in the attempt (Ex Regist. de Peterborough, ut supra). Which speech of his being thus ended, there stept out one of those soldiers that the king had employed to keep the fort made at Reche, in order to the siege of this isle, who being but newly returned from thence, having heard this relation of the before-mentioned Beda, said : ' Do you think this to be a vain report, and not to be believed ? I assure you, that yesterday I myself saw a party of the enemy make a sally out of the isle, whereof but seven of them were armed ; and all monks except two, who behaved themselves in every point like soldiers, and fired the town of Burwell, doing much mischief otherwise : which, when our men saw, ten of them issued out of the fort, with a purpose to take them in their return, because they were fewer in number ; but in the skirmish, they slew all our men. xl THE CAMP OF REFUGE except one, a stout soldier, whose name was Richard, and nephew to Osbert the shireeve, with whom one Wenothus had a single encounter; wherein neither prevailing, though they fought a good while, some of our men went to part them; whereof the famous Hereward taking notice (for he was within view), he would not suffer any one to meddle, saying, that it was not just that two or three should set upon one man, and that he would not suffer any of his to do so base a thing. But our men followed them to their ships, and killed one of their mariners with a dart ; and taking another prisoner, he told us who they all were, and their names; viz. Hereward the General, Wenothus, Thurstane (a young man, afterwards surnamed Provost), Boter of S. Edmonds Bury, Siward, Leuric, and Acer, for his stoutness surnamed Hardy. These, notwith- standing they were monks, being skilful men in arms, often gave testimony of their valour in preference of the said Hereward.' All which the king hearing, as he would not speak an evil word of them, deeming it a most unworthy thing to give bad language of such valiant men, so did he forbear to commend their courage above his own soldiers ; but considered to make peace with them, in regard the isle was so strongly fortified, and that he knew not how to prevent their coming out thereof, or return. Whereupon calling together his nobles and counsellors, he told them his thoughts ; alleging, that now he was to march against the army of the Danes, and soon after of necessity to go into Normandy, it would not be safe to leave such an enemy behind him INTRODUCTION xU in the midst of the land^ at his back. But some of his nobles, then present, and who were most of his Privy Council, dissuaded him from so doing ; urging, that if he dealt thus favourably with those that had embroiled his kingdom for so long a time, others would not be afraid to do the like (ibid. 188). To whom the king in anger replied, that he was not able to conquer them, considering the place naturally so defensible. Whereupon, one Ivotael le Bois, moved with some indignation, told him, that he had long known a certain old witch, who, if she were there, would by her art soon destroy their whole strength and places of defence ; and drive them out as cowards from the island : which was no sooner said, but that all who stood by became earnest suitors to the king, that he would make no delay to encourage and well reward whomsoever that could by any art or skill vanquish his enemies. The king, therefore, yielding to these their persuasions, caused this old woman to be privately sent for, that it might not be talked of ,- and brought his army together again, placing it on all parts of the isle, making fortifications on every side thereof, and appointing strict guards, to prevent the issuing forth of any that were within, lest they should know what was in hand, and use any means to hinder the same. All which being done, and understood by those that were within, it put them to no little disturbance of mind, and likewise fearj they not knowing what to do, because the king had learned some new way of warring against them. They therefore consulting what d xlii THE CAMP OF REFUGE was best to be done, concluded to send out some fit person to make a discovery what it was that their enemies were in hand, but finding no man fit for such a task, the valiant Here ward resolved to undergo it himself, either as a scout or traveller, or to alter his habit, though all were against it ; and at length did set forwards, taking with him only his mare called Swallow, which was always very lean and ill-shapen, but of pace exceedingly swift, and nimble for action. And when he went out, he changed his clothes, cut his hair and beard ; and being so clad, met with a potter, whose pots he took from him, and feigning himself a potter, took his way to the king's court, then at Brandon in Suffolk. And being got thither, it happened that he lodged at the house of a widow, where that old witch was entertained, who was to be brought privily, for the destruction of all those in the isle ; where he heard them discourse in Latin what art was to be used for the subduing thereof, they deem- ing him to be a plain country fellow, and ignorant of what they then discoursed. And, about the dead time of the night, discerning the woman of the house and that old sorceress to go out of doors, he secretly followed them, and saw that they went to a certain spring, which was by the side of a garden, and ran towards the east; and hearing them discourse, he understood that they designed to murther him ; but, to prevent their purpose, he got away very early in the morning with his pots ; and wandering about the king's court on every side, he cried (as potters use to do), ' Pots, pots, good pots and pitchers ; all good earthen- INTRODUCTION xliii ware.' Whereupon being called into the king's kitchen, that they might buy some of his pots, there came in one of the constables of the town, and looking upon him, said, that he never saw any man -in favour of face and stature so like Hereward, as a poor man might be like to a rich, and a country man to a soldier ; insomuch as divers came about him, desiring to see a man like so much famed a person. But some when they saw him said, that a man of no greater limbs could not be of that valour and courage as Hereward was said to be. Others asked him, if he knew, or had ever seen, that wicked follow, scilicet ' Hereward.' To whom he answered, ' I wish that he were now here amongst us, he being the greatest enemy that I have, for he took a cow and four sheep from me which were all the goods in the world that I had, except my pots and this mare, and the only livelihood for myself and my two sons.' About this time, the king's dinner being making ready, Hereward retired into the kitchen ; and, after dinner, the servants, cooks, and grooms of the kitchen gave him wine and beer, that they might make him drunk, and laugh at him, scoffing at him diversly, having a purpose to shave his crown, and pull off the hair of his beard ; and then to hoodwink him, to the intent that he might break his own pots, which they had set about him. But refusing to be thus abused, one of them struck him, whom he requited pre- sently with a blow that knocked him down ; insomuch as the rest took up tongs and other things to beat him; wjiich he discerning, forthwith snatched up a fire- xliv THE CAMP OF REFUGE shovel, and laying about him stoutly, killed one, and wounded divers of them. Whereupon, it being made known in the house, they apprehended him, and put him in ward : and soon after, the king being gone out to hunt, one of the keepers came, and brought a naked sword in one hand, and a pair of fetters in the other, which he threatened to put upon him ; but Hereward, being too nimble for him, wrested the sword out of his hold and slew him ; and so, over hedges and ditches hasted to the king's outer court, where he found his mare ; and though some pursued him, got safe away to Somersham Wood, where he hid himself till the moon shone after midnight, and then came into the isle. But whilst he was thus in the wood, he chanced to meet with a person whose horse was tired, and himself too ; and demanding of him who he was, he told him that he was one of the king's servants, who had pursued a man who had killed one of the kitchen boys and another that had the custody of him after he was apprehended for that fact ; and desired him, that for the love of God, and generosity's sake, he would discover to him, whether he saw such a fellow or not, whom he then described. To whom he replied, ' Because thou requirest me to tell thee, for the love of God, and of generosity, I will. Know, therefore, that I am the man. And now, that thou mayest be infallibly assured that I am so, and that thou hast spoken with me, take this my sword with thee for a testimony, and leave thy lance with me.' All which he reported to the king, who, with those th^t were INTRODUCTION xlv then present, admired Hereward for an excellent soldier (p. 189). The king, therefore, according to his former pur- pose, having prepared divers warlike instruments, brought his whole army to Aelreheth (now Audrey), causing great store of wood and stone, with divers sorts of fagots, and suchlike materials to be' carried thither. And summoned all the fishermen in these parts, with their boats, to meet at Cotingelade, that they might transport thither whatsoever was brought, and raise large hills and heaps on this side Aelreheth, whereupon to fight. Amongst which fishermen came Hereward himself also with a boat, using all show of diligence; and the same day, before sun-setting, having set fire on what was so brought, and killed and drowned divers, he made his escape away. And to the end he might not be known, he coloured his head and beard red, neglecting no way to disguise himself, which might further the doing of mischief to his adversaries. Whereof the king hearing, commanded, that if ever he could be taken, he should be brought alive to him without any hurt. But, having warning by these losses, the king caused more strict guards and watches day and night in every place; and within seven days raised four or five mounts of earth and other materials, in which they placed certain warlike engines ; intending, on the morrow, with all their force, to assault the isle ; and, that they might the better succeed therein, set that old witch, before mentioned, upon the highest place, in the very midst of them ; that, being so well xlvi THE CAMP OF REFUGE guarded, she might exercise her wicked art. Who, being so set up, made long speeches against the isle, and all those that were in' it, making signs and shows of their being vanquished ; and always at the end of each spell, she turned up her bare buttocks towards the isle. Howbeit as she was beginning with her third spell, there were those in the isle that set fire on the reeds growing in the fen all thereabouts, which, by the help of wind, spread itself no less than two furlongs; and making a horrible noise of crackling amongst the willows, and suchlike vegetables, did so affright the assailants, that they hastened away as fast as they could ; but, being troubled with the smoke, could not tell which way to betake themselves, insomuch as many were drowned, the defendants having the advantage of the wind and smoak getting out of the isle, and showering multitudes of arrows upon them. And in this prodigious rout and confusion of the assailants, down tumbled the old witch from the place where she was set, and broke her neckj nay, the king himself hardly escaped death, there being an arrow shot into his target, which he carried away with him to his tent : which so soon as his soldiers saw, they feared he had been wounded ; but he told them that he was not at all hurt, otherwise than by evil counsel, in being deceived and abused through the cunning of that wicked sorceress, expressing that all the mischief which had happened did befall him deservedly, in putting any trust in her devilish art. At that time it was that Raphe, surnamed Waer INTRODUCTION xlvii (Earl of the East Angles)^ having privately got together a great strength, inviting divers of the English to his wedding, obliged them to his party deceitfully, by oath ; and wasted the whole country from Norwich to Thetford; whereof the two earls, and all the rest of the chief persons who then were in this isle, having notice, repaired to them, leaving only Hereward, with the monks and his own soldiers, to defend this place. Things standing therefore thus, the king discern- ing that all his endeavours were fruitless, as to the conquering this isle by war or power, having lost so many men in his attempt to that purpose : he at length, by the counsel of William, then Bishop of Hereford, and others, determined that all the goods and possessions belonging to that abbey, which lay without the compass of the isle, should be seized on and divided amongst his soldiers {Ex Hist. Elien. Eccl. in Bihl. Cotton, sub effigie Titi, A. 1 f. 87 a.), to the end that they might keep guard on the outsides thereof. Of which the monks having knowledge, they forth- with consulted together, their abbot being returned (who, dissembling to go with those earls, fled with the ornaments and treasure of the church to Anger- hale), and resolved not only to yield peaceably to the king, in case he would restore unto them peaceably and honourably all the lands belonging to their church, but to give him a thousand marks. And accordingly sent cunningly, without the knowledge of the noble Hereward, to make that tender to him, the king being then at Warwick, who acceptably entertaining it, they gave admission to him and his soldiers, to come xlviii THE CAMP OF REFUGE privately into the isle, when Hereward was gone out with his men to forage, to the end that the business might be done without resistance (Ex Regist. de Peterb., ut supra) : which being discovered to Hereward, by one of the said monks (whose name was Alwyne, the son of Orgar), he grew so enraged that he resolved to set fire to the church and the town ; but, at the earnest entreaty and prayer of that monk, wishing him rather to have regard to his own safety, as also telling him that the king with all his army was then at Wyccheford (within the distance of one furlong), and desiring him that he would secure himself by flight, in case he had no mind to make his peace ; he yielded to those, his persuasions, because he had often accompanied him in his military adventures, and been faithful to him ; and thereupon presently betook himself to those his ships which he had to guard the isle into a large and spacious meer, called Wide, not far from Welle (this being the seventh year of their so holding of the same isle against the king) ; and sailed thither, in regard there were free passages out of it. And there resolving to stay a while, employed some of his soldiers towards Soham, to plunder and pillage the country ; to whom he sent out scouts to bring them back to him, lest they should be taken. Which scouts, finding them in a little island, called Stuntney, thought them to be their enemies; and therefore two of them (viz. Scarfulte and Broher) got amongst the reeds; and with their swords each shaved the other's crown, expecting thereby to find the more favour being taken ; but at length discovering that they were all of • SECTION OP CANOE I^OUND NEAR LYNN (Cavfibridge Aniiquafidn Society, voL iv.) b: "3=1 ff 1^1 l;/ it irfrw CHOWLAND ABBEY CHURCH INTRODUCTION lix At the latter part of the fifteenth century, the choir aisle was erected {Arch. Assoc, xxxv. 323). It is now being destroyed by the so-called restorers. Ely is perhaps sufficiently described on pp. 37-39 of the story, for the present cathedral church does not contain any portion of the ancient Saxon foundation. Of Crowland there is more to be said. S. Guthlac's house and chapel were on what is still called Anchorite or Anchor Charch Hill, about a quarter of a mile north- east of the abbey, on the east side of the road to Spalding, and a few hundred yards south of S. James Bridge. He seems to have at first selected a mound, which had previously been dug into, most likely as a gravel-pit, and to have built partly over this pit. A ground-plan of the last portion of the foundations of what has been traditionally supposed to be the anchorite's cell is given in the Archceological Associa- tion Journal (xxxv. 133). It was exhumed in 1866, in order to get out the foundation-stones on which it stood. The foundations then exposed consisted of two parallel walls, running east and west, about 14 feet apart, and 84 feet in length. On either side, towards the western end, was a room, making the whole width of the western end 42 feet. These foundations consisted of concrete walls, nearly 3 feet thick, with at intervals substantial bases of unhewn stone, more than 8 feet square, three on each side, opposite to each other, about [12 feet apart, with an intermediate base (half the size of the other bases) between the two easternmost bases on the south side. Full two hundred tons of Barnack rag-stone were Ix THE CAMP OF REFUGE carted away from these foundations at this time. As this operation was carried on by. the new proprietor very privately, only a few relics, such as portions of deers' horns, the metal lid of a small cup, came to light. Prior to this act of vandalism^ the site was a cultivated mound. In the year 1708, Dr. Stukeley says he 'saw the remnant of a chapel there, which was then turned into a dwelling-house or cottage.' He says, moreover, that the ruins of this stone cottage were pulled down about 1720, and the field was known as ' Anchor Church Field.' Here, there is little doubt, was the cell of S. Guthlac, and not on the site of the abbey, which was erected full three centuries after his death. Crowland is a dull, decayed village. Many of the cottages look as mouldy as if they had remained un- touched since the dissolution, when the glory of Crow- land departed. The wondrous triangular bridge still exists in the village street, though even a deluging rain now fails to make a stream run beneath its finely moulded and ancient arches, which for five hundred years have attested the skill of all its builders. The villagers will have the seated effigy on the bridge to ■be Cromwell, with a loaf of bread in his hand. It may have been that the figure was originally intended to represent iEthelwald, king of Mercia, one of the first benefactors of the abbey; others, again, think it to be the figure of a saint from a niche in the church. The story goes, that about the year 710 ^thel- wald was a fugitive, and sought refuge with his kins- man Guthlac, who prophesied his future greatness. In a,cknowledgment of the fulfilment of this prophecy. PRECINCT OP THE PRIORY OF SPALDING^ PROM DUGDALe's MoTtOSticon INTRODUCTION Ixi iEthelwald built a church of stone as a memorial to S. Guthlac, and around this the monastic buildings gathered; They were destroyed by the Danes when they invaded the country in 806. Ninety years later Abbot Thurk3rtel began a new church, but it was not till the latter days of the Confessor that the present building was begun; and, indeed, it is possible that some of the older foundations, excavated a few years ago, were of this date (Arch. Assoc, xxxv. 319). Of Spalding there are practically no remains. In 1789 the ruins of the priory consisted of some cottages, with Gothic windows, and part of the church and gate- way, but these have since been almost demolished. Dugdale, in the original edition of his Monasticon, gives an engraved plan of the precinct of the priory as it stood in his time, and a reduced wood-block of this is given in the later edition (vol. iii. p. 214). Two other places sacred to Hereward's history are the remains of the castle at Cambridge, from which William delivered his attack on Ely, and ' Hereward's mound ' at Ely, still pointed out as the spot where the hero made his last stand. Besides the character of Hereward and his followers and the events with which they were connected, the story deals with the monastic life of the period. We have the picture of Ely brought very vividly before us, and it may be generally stated that Macfarlane's details are very fairly correct. He is severe and sarcastic upon the attention the monks paid to feast- ing and wine-drinking, but apparently not without reason. The elaborate details of the refectory afford Ixii THE CAMP OF REFUGE evidence of the importance attached to the supper of the monks. This room was a large hall. Within the door on the left hand was an almery where stood the grace cup out of which the monks after grace every day drank round the table ; and another large one on the right with smaller within, where stood the mazers, of which each monk had his peculiar one. At the south end of the high table was an iron desk, on which lay a Bible from which one of the novices read a part in Latin during dinner. At the east end was a table for the master of the novices, the elects, and the novices to dine and sup at. Two windows opened into the refectory from the great kitchen, the one large for principal days, the other smaller for every day ; and through these the meat was served. Over against the door in the cloister was a conduit or lavatory for the monks to wash their hands and faces. This description, quoted from Fosbrooke's British Monachism, is no doubt more particularly applicable to Norman times, but it is probable that the late Anglo-Saxon arrangements at a large abbey like Ely would not be very different. The costume of the monks is a matter of some interest, especially as Mr. R. A. S. Macalister has quite recently investigated the subject of ecclesiastical vestments, generally from the point of view of their historical origin in pagan civil costume. On p. 317 a list of articles belonging to the monks is recited by the chamberlain, and these, as may be seen by refer- ence to the glossary, are probably taken from the authority of Fosbrooke. Fosbrooke figures a bishop C^AyV0f>i/Ht^A^ ECCLESIASTICAL SCULPTURES SHOWING COSTUME IN SAXON TIBIES INTRODUCTION Ixiii from a Saxon ms. about 1066 (British Monachism, p< 291, plate i.), and two sculptures of about the same date from Peterborough {ibid, plate ii.)- The dress of monksj says Mr. Macalister, usually consists of the vestis, tunic, or closed gown; the scapular, roughly speakingj a narrow chasuble-like dresSj with the front and back portions rectangular, and of uniform width throughout; one or more open gowns (pallium or cappa), and the caputium or hood fastened at the back and capable of being drawn over the head. Different vestments are worn by individual orders or houses (Ecclesiastical Vestments, p. 235). Minor details which are illustrated by Macfarlane's story may be briefly referred to. The opening chapter describes the use of the curious fen-poles, ' such as the fenners yet use in Holland, Lindsey, and Kesteven ' (p. 1), an illustration of which is given in Wheeler s History of the Fens, p. 91. The men of Spalding are described as wearing 'sheepskin jackets, and with bows and knives in their hands ' (p. 22). The game of bowls referred to on p. 49 is probably quite warranted by the history of the game, though there is no actual evidence of it being played in Anglo-Saxon times; but I should doubt there being a bowling-alley at Ely. The game of pitching the bar (p. 315) may also have been a Saxon game. The manor-house of stone and moated, ' proper to stand a siege ' (p. 3, et alii), is, I am afraid, not true to Anglo- Saxon times, and is particularly not true of the fen district, where very little stone was used. Macfarlane makes a point about Saxon architecture being of Ixiv THE CAMP OF REFUGE stone, and objects to the theory that the 'churches and abbeys and monasteries were built almost entirely of wood' (p. 39). It is true that controversy has ranged round this subject and that authorities differ, but I think on the whole it must be admitted that the evidence for a very extensive use of stone prior to the Norman Conquest is not forthcoming (see a discussion in Gentleman's Magazine, reprinted in the 'Ecclesiology' volume of the Gent. Mag. Lib., pp. 17-61), while it is certain that bricks were not used at all (see Gomme, Village Community, p. 46).~ The houses of the villagers, however, are very well described on p. 329 in the account of the raid upon Dereham. The house customs described on p. 179 are in accord with what is known of Anglo-Saxon life, but the bath mentioned on p. 181 is probably an ana- chronism. The Norman baptismal feast described in chapter vi. is probably correct, and the illustration, from an early Ms., given in Wright's Domestic Manners, p. 64, of a Norman carousal may be referred to. Affectionate regard is paid to Harold. He is believed to have escaped alive from Hastings (see p. 57), and to have been preparing to again head the English against the Norman Conqueror. This has, however, only the warrant of a ms. life of Harold of the thirteenth century, which has been reprinted by Mr. Walter de Gray Birch, and of a story related by Giraldus Cambrensis, that Harold survived the battle, became a monk in Chester, and before he died had a long and secret interview with Henry the First. No historian except Palgrave gives credit to this, but the •^,^^: ANGLO-SAXON HOUSE (Harleim MSS. No. 603) INTRODUCTION Ixv uncertainty as to Harold's burial would account for it having arisen. According to most of the English writers, the body of Harold was given by William to Githa, without ransom, and buried at Waltham. But William of Poitiers, who was the Duke's own chaplain, expressly says that William refused Githa's offer of its weight in gold for the supposed corpse of Harold, and ordered it to be buried on the beach, with the well-known taunt, ' Let him guard the coast which he madly occupied ' ; and on the pretext that one whose cupidity and avarice had been the cause that so many men were slaughtered and lay un- sepultured, was not worthy himself of a tomb. Orderic confirms this account, and says the body was given to William Mallet for that purpose. It is also put in the story, as a matter of belief, that Hastings ' was lost by foul treachery ' (see p. 58), but of this there is absolutely no proof. Other more specific matters of history or archaeo- logy are dealt with in the glossary and notes. Of the literary merits of Macfarlane's story there can be little question. It is written as the simple narrative of a chronicler, and touches one with the charm of ancient days. It indicates rather than describes the scenery ; it relates rather than explains the events ; it records rather than extols the heroic ; it tells part of the conversations that took place rather than puts into the mouths of men and women talk that might have taken place. It is obvious that these character- istics bring it into sharp contrast with Kingsley's story. Kingsley is more dramatic and lifelike ; Mac- Ixvi THE CAMP OF REFUGE farlane is more penetrating. There is nothing in Macfarlane to equal Kingsley's remarkably fine descrip- tions of Hereward's relationship to Tostig Godwinsson ; of his reception of the news of Stamfordbridge, and his scornful surprise that Harold Sigurdsson should have been defeated and slain by Harold Godwinsson ; of his reception of the news of Hastings and his indignant protest against England being lost in consequence — ' Sussex is not England, nor Wessex either ' ; of his pain- ful cry to have been there 'to go with them to Valhalla'; of his touching reception of Githa, the widow of God- win and mother of Harold, in her flight from defeated England to Flanders. Again, there is nothing like the picture of the fierce Danish nature of Hereward, the same nature that brought out in Kingsley's story the war-song of Surturbrand the blind Viking, ' Hereward is come, Ahoi ! he is wet with blood,' when he met Hereward when, landing at Bourne, he recaptured his own homestead. Indeed, in the treatment of this event by the two authors their difference of method is very plainly illustrated. The Hereward of Macfarlane is a more polished knight. And who shall say which is the truer portrait ? Let them both exist. There is room for both pictures, for both characters : — for the wild, blood- thirsty, generous, and wayward Hereward of Kingsley, who would not fight at Hastings, because he would not accept Harold as king, and yet cried out to know where Edwin and Morcar fought at the battle, and scorned them as vain babies when he was told of their unmeaning action; who went over to fight for his country when there was little chance left of his success ; SILVER PENNY OF WILLIAM L. INTRODUCTION Ixvii who played with the faithful heart of his wife, as his mood and passion taught him ; who came in to William at last; and died lighting and killing to the last : and there is room, too, for that other Hereward of Mac- farlane's story, who earned his right to championship by fighting by the side of Harold at Hastings; who kept on the struggle because he would not give in so long as there was a chance ; who lived the life of the times, and died the death of one who had earned his peace. There is room for both heroes and both stories, and history and literature claim them for the light they shed upon a glorious page of England's history. The author of this book was born in Scotland, and died as a 'poor brother of Charterhouse' in 1858. He was a voluminous writer, but his only thorough piece of work is the Civil and Military History of England, which he contributed to Knight's Pictorial History, and which has been reprinted with additions once or twice since. The Camp of Refuge was published anonymously in two volumes, 12mo, in 184-4. It then appeared with other stories in Old English Novelettes, four volumes, 18mo, 1846-7. It was next reprinted by itself in 1880, and again in 1887. The present edition is a reprint of the 1846-7 edition. GLOSSARY AND NOTES Aeeat, or Abbot (p. 41). The head of an abbey, elected by the chapter. He was deposable for yarious causes by the ceremony of breaking his seal, as was done at his natural demise, by a hammer upon one of the steps before the altar, and depriving him of the 'stole and ring. — Fosbrooke's M