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 UNIVERSITY 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
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Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of tiiis book is in 
 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://archive.org/details/cu31924028830467 
 
THE MAKING OF PENNSYLVANIA 
 
 EIGHTH EDITION 
 
THE MAKING OF 
 PENNSYLVANIA 
 
 AN ANALYSIS OF THE ELEMENTS OF THE 
 
 POPULATION AND THE FORMATIVE 
 
 INFLUENCES THAT CREATED 
 
 ONE OF THE GREATEST 
 
 OF THE AMERICAN 
 
 STATES 
 
 BY 
 
 SYDNEY GEORGE FISHER 
 
 AUTHOK or " PENNSYLVANIA ! COLONY AND COMMONWEALTH'' 
 
 PHILADELPHIA 
 
 J. B. LIPPINCOTT COMPANY 
 
 1908. 
 
Copyright, 1896, 
 
 BY 
 
 j. B. LippiNcoTT Company 
 
 /ao'ysSB 
 
 Eleotrotyped and Printed by J. B. Lippinoott Company^ Philadelphia, U.S A. 
 
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION 
 
 The exhaustion of the first edition of this work within 
 such a short time, and the numerous and sometimes lively 
 criticisms which have been brought to my attention, seem 
 to show that Pennsylvanians are, after all, more interested 
 in their history than was generally supposed. They are, 
 at least, not entirely indifferent. 
 
 A new chapter has been added called " Results," 
 dealing in a general way with some of the consequences 
 which have flowed from the miscellaneous character of 
 the population and the tendency of some of the elements 
 to form little colonies of their own. I have also taken 
 this opportunity to go over the whole work and make 
 any corrections or changes which the various criticisms 
 I have received have suggested. 
 
 Since the first edition was published, another volume, 
 entitled " Pennsylvania : Colony and Commonwealth," 
 has been printed, and is now ready to be given to the 
 
 public. 
 
 Philadelphia, November, 1896. 
 
PREFACE 
 
 Most of the English Colonies in America were founded 
 by people of pure Anglo-Saxon stock, and each colony- 
 had usually a religion of its own, with comparatively 
 little intermixture of other faiths. Virginia and the New 
 England colonies were particularly pure in their people 
 and religion, and the history of each of them is the 
 simple story of a people of one language, nation, and 
 religion, thoroughly homogeneous, and always acting as 
 a unit. But Pennsylvania was altogether different, and 
 no other colony had such a mixture of languages, 
 nationalities, and religions. Dutch, Swedes, English, 
 Germans, Scotch-Irish, Welsh ; Quakers, Presbyterians, 
 Episcopalians, Lutherans, Reformed, Mennonites, Tunk- 
 ers, and Moravians, all had a share in creating it. 
 
 Many of these divisions led a more or less distinct life 
 of their own in colonial times, some of them wishing to 
 found a colony for themselves within the province ; and 
 they all acted and reacted on each other, changed sides 
 in poHtics, and produced movements and counter-cur- 
 rents which make the history of the State extremely 
 varied and interesting, and at the same time rather 
 difficult to trace. 
 
 The present volume deals with each of these divisions 
 in detail, describes their motives and characteristics, and 
 shows, with more or less completeness, the part each 
 
 '/ I iii 
 
Preface 
 
 played in making the State. It is an analysis of our 
 original population, and without this analysis it is impos- 
 sible to have an intelligent understanding of our history. 
 We must break up our people into their original elements 
 before we can know who and what they were, and how 
 they worked together. This analysis once mastered, 
 much that is obscure in the politics and history of the 
 State becomes very plain. 
 
 Most of the sects that founded our commonwealth 
 were conspicuous for their freedom from the Middle 
 Age dogmas, and their extreme advancement in the 
 line of the Reformation ; and the Quakers were the 
 most advanced of them all. The people of the other 
 colonies belonged usually to more conservative forms 
 of religion, were less liberal in their opinions, and, in 
 some instances, as in New England, indulged in the 
 conservatism of religious persecution. The effect of 
 this liberalism on the growth of Pennsylvania, in the 
 system of laws, the early development of science, medi- 
 cine, the mechanic arts, and manufacturing, is fully 
 treated in a separate chapter. 
 
 It has also been found necessary to describe with some 
 detail three important controversies, carried on for many 
 years, which are part of the making of the State, because 
 they threatened to affect very seriously our boundaries 
 and size. The Connecticut claim, as it was called, was 
 a claim by the Colony of Connecticut to the whole 
 northern half of Pennsylvania. The dispute lasted nearly 
 fifty years, and at times assumed the proportions of 
 actual warfare and bloodshed. Connecticut was at first, 
 and indeed for a long time, successful in asserting her 
 title. She settled a portion of the disputed territory. 
 
Preface 
 
 and thus added to our population another incongruous 
 element, which lived separate from the rest of the com- 
 monwealth and still maintains its own traditions and 
 pride of history. 
 
 The controversies with Maryland and Virginia about 
 our southern and western boundaries added no new 
 element to our population, but they were quite serious. 
 The dispute with Maryland lasted over seventy years, 
 and several times resulted in bloodshed. If the Lords 
 Baltimore had been successful in maintaining their 
 claim, the Maryland line would have passed just north 
 of Philadelphia, and that city would have no longer 
 belonged to Pennsylvania. If the Virginia claim had 
 been successful, the western boundary of our State would 
 have been east of Pittsburg. 
 
 If the Connecticut, Maryland, and Virginia contro- 
 versies had all gone against us, we should have been 
 reduced to an insignificant strip of land containing 
 neither Philadelphia nor Pittsburg. The successful resist- 
 ance to these attacks, which aimed to strip us of the 
 positions and land that have made us the second State 
 of the Union, is certainly as much a part of our making 
 as the characteristics of our original population. 
 
 In order to reveal the Pennsylvanians as they lived and 
 moved in provincial days, it has been necessary to handle 
 with some detail and considerable frankness the numer- 
 ous religious opinions which for nearly a hundred years 
 were seething and conflicting, especially among the 
 Germans. To have omitted these details, or to have 
 ignored their sharp differences and peculiarities, would 
 have been to conceal the true life of the people. 
 
 Religious opinion had a strange intensity in those 
 
Preface 
 
 times. I do not mean that men are now less religious. 
 On the contrary, I think, in the best sense of the word, 
 they are more so, and that there is more pure faith in 
 God and love for man than there ever was, except among 
 the Christians of the first century. But in the seven- 
 teenth and eighteenth centuries men were just coming 
 through the Reformation, were just learning to think for 
 themselves, and they were full of controversial religion 
 and religious aggressiveness. Religion then controlled 
 a man's political opinions and his whole conduct in un- 
 religious matters in a way which no one now living has 
 seen. 
 
 It is impossible to describe this condition of affairs in 
 Pennsylvania without discussing numerous phases of 
 thought which were very dear and holy to good men 
 long since dead, and are still dear to the living. I am 
 compelled to be fair ; to be critical, and yet not blindly 
 critical. But I cannot, of course, see and feel in every 
 faith as its followers see and feel. I am writing history, 
 not advocacy, and to give the condition of all the divi- 
 sions necessarily involves a certain coldness and impar- 
 tiality to each, which, without this explanation, might 
 appear to arise from religious indifference or scepticism. 
 
 An exhaustive citation of authorities would be unsuited 
 to the scope and intention of the book; but I have 
 thought it well to call attention to some of the more 
 important, so far as they seemed likely to be of interest 
 or use to the general reader. In some of the chapters 
 the principal authorities are mentioned in the text, and 
 in others a foot-note at the end contains them. 
 
 Philadelphia, April, 1896. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAGB 
 
 The Dutch, the Swedes, and the Duke of York 7 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 The Origin of the Quakers 33 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 Quaker Traits 41 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 The Germans 70 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 The Moravians 134 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 The Scotch-Irish and the Presbyterians 156 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 The Church of England Men 187 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 The Welsh 202 
 
 TO 
 
Contents 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 aENT OF Science a 
 Arts 209 
 
 PAGB 
 
 The Early Development of Science and the Mechanic 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 The Connecticut Invasion 237 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 The Boundary Disputes with Maryland and Virginia . . 318 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 Results 355 
 
 via 
 
THE 
 
 MAKING OF PENNSYLVANIA 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE DUTCH, THE SWEDES, AND THE DUKE OF YORK. 
 
 It is the custom to consider the history of Pennsyl- 
 vania as beginning with the early settlements on Dela- 
 ware Bay, for the reason that some of these ancient 
 people extended their habitations for a few miles within 
 the present limits of our State, and also because any title 
 the Dutch had to the land on the river included part of 
 our present territory. 
 
 The early settlers were first of all the Dutch, who, 
 beginning in the year 1623, occupied the shores of the 
 Delaware for fifteen years. After them came the Swedes, 
 who held the country for seventeen years. The Dutch 
 reconquered the country and held it for nine years, when 
 the English took it and, under the Duke of York, held 
 it until the arrival of Penn and the Quakers in 1682. 
 
 The Dutch were the first Europeans who attempted 
 to occupy Pennsylvania. Any right they may have had 
 to it, as well as their right to New York, was acquired by 
 the discoveries of Henry Hudson, who was an English- 
 man in their employ. Hudson belonged to a family of 
 
 7 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 explorers. They were all interested in the Muscovy 
 Company, an organization founded in 1555 and devoted 
 to discovering a path for commerce to China by going 
 around either the northern extremity of Europe or the 
 northern extremity of America. Hudson made several 
 voyages for this purpose under the direction of the Eng- 
 lish nation before he entered the service of the Dutch. 
 
 Very little is known about him. He appears to have 
 had a house in London, and rather a large family. He 
 was one of those Enghshmen, as numerous three hun- 
 dred years ago as now, who are willing to sacrifice every- 
 thing and endure everything for the sake of saihng 
 unknown seas and exploring unknown lands. He was 
 a rough, intelligent, daring navigator. Many of the 
 observations of latitude which he took are almost as ac- 
 curate as those of modern times, and he penetrated far 
 towards the pole. He was by no means overscrupulous 
 in deaUng with inferior races. When he landed at Port- 
 land, Maine, he had no hesitation in driving the Indians 
 from their village and robbing them of their property. 
 " We took the spoyle of them," his log-book says in its 
 sturdy English, " as they would have done of us." 
 
 The way in which he happened to discover the Dela- 
 ware was somewhat curious. The Dutch had employed 
 him to try once more to discover the route to China by 
 going to the northeast around the northern end of 
 Europe. He attempted it, but was driven back by the 
 ice. If he had followed his instructions, he would have 
 returned home ; for he had no authority to attempt any- 
 thing except to find the northeast passage. But just 
 before he left Holland, he had received a letter from Cap- 
 tain John Smith, of Virginia, also a great explorer, telling 
 
The Dutch and the Swedes 
 
 him that there was a passage through the land a httle 
 way north of Virginia, which probably led to the Pacific 
 Ocean. 
 
 Smith had evidently been told by the Indians of Del- 
 aware Bay, and, not having explored it, supposed it 
 might be the passage long sought by every one. Hud- 
 son decided to disregard his instructions from Holland 
 and follow out the suggestion of Smith. He bore away 
 for the coast of America, and made the land somewhere 
 near Portland, Maine, where he robbed the Indians. He 
 explored the coast of New England, getting as far south 
 as Cape Cod. Then he stood out to sea, and went far 
 southward to Virginia, so as to begin his work from the 
 starting-point Smith had mentioned. He made the mouth 
 of Chesapeake Bay, and speaks of it in his log-book as 
 the place of the English settlements. He saw Cape 
 Charles at the mouth of the bay, and described it very 
 accurately, calling it Dry Cape. He then began to work 
 carefully northward along the shore, looking into every 
 inlet and bay, passing by Chincoteague, and describing 
 the general appearance of the coast as we know it to-day. 
 It is rather remarkable that he escaped the dangerous 
 shoals. His vessel was a small one, called the Halve- 
 Maan, or Half-Moon, of about eighty tons' burden, with 
 from fifteen to twenty Dutch and English sailors. She 
 was probably about the size of one of our ordinary two- 
 masted coasting schooners, but square-rigged, low in the 
 bows and high-turreted astern. 
 
 His arrival at Cape Henlopen and Delaware Bay is 
 announced in his log-book by the statement that the 
 land suddenly turned to the west and northwest. He 
 could see Cape May on the opposite side of the bay, and 
 
 9 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 he took its latitude, varying only three minutes from the 
 most accurate observations of modern times. He had 
 not proceeded far, however, when he became entangled 
 in those shoals which still extend up and down the very 
 middle of the bay. Indeed, he got aground before he 
 was fairly within the bay, and apparently upon that shoal 
 which is now known to extend southward from Cape 
 Henlopen and is called the Hen and Chickens. 
 
 Large vessels now usually pass outside of this shoal. 
 But Hudson, without the local knowledge of the modern 
 coaster, attempted to go inside of it, and was caught on 
 it at some point close to the cape. This is evident from 
 an entry which the mate, Robert Juet, made in the log- 
 book. " On a sudden," he says, " we came into three 
 fathoms ; then we bore up, and had but lo feet water, 
 and joined to the point." But the tide was rising, and 
 they were soon off; and the mate says, "As soon as we 
 were over, we had 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12 and 13 fathoms;" 
 which shows that they had passed into the deep water, 
 now marked on the sailing charts as directly north of the 
 shoal and in front of the cape. They turned into the 
 bay and passed close to the spot where the Breakwater 
 now is, and where the fleets of merchant vessels seek 
 shelter from storms. 
 
 But soon they were again in trouble. "The bay," 
 Juet says, " we found shoal, and had sight of beaches 
 and dry sand." Probably they encountered shoals near 
 what are now known as the Shears, close to the cape, 
 and also perhaps Brown's shoal and the Brandywine, 
 which lie near the main channel. The navigation of 
 these waters is now regulated by an elaborate system 
 of buoys and colored range lights. But Hudson and 
 
 10 
 
The Dutch and the Swedes 
 
 his mate, surrounded by what seemed to be endless sand 
 and forests, were utterly bewildered ; and they described 
 their difficulties in language so natural and sailor-like, 
 that we feel as if we must have known those two burly 
 Englishmen, now nearly three hundred years in their 
 graves. 
 
 If Hudson had remained another day in the bay and 
 exercised a little more patience he might have found the 
 main channel and worked his way up it. But he and 
 Juet were thoroughly disgusted. It was the 28th of 
 August, 1609. "A hot day," Juet says; and those who 
 have summered at Cape May can readily believe him. 
 They entered the bay at noon and remained in it scarcely 
 six hours. About five in the afternoon they sailed out, 
 and at seven in the evening were safely anchored in the 
 ocean far from the troublesome shoals. Judging by the 
 currents and the bars and sand, they concluded that a 
 great river poured into the bay. If it was the northwest 
 passage it was too shallow to become a very convenient 
 highway for commerce. The much-perplexed Juet 
 entered in the log-book, — " He that will thoroughly 
 discover this great bay must have a small pinnace that 
 will draw but four or five foot water to sound before 
 him." 
 
 So they sailed away again up the coast of New Jersey, 
 sounding and observing until the land again trended to 
 the west and northwest, and they entered the harbor of 
 New York. There were no shoals, and they sailed far 
 up the river until satisfied that it was not the course to 
 China. 
 
 Hudson never really reached the Delaware River, and 
 was only a few miles within the capes of the bay. But 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 he had done enough to give his employers a vague claim 
 to all the adjacent country. Six hours of tacking and 
 hauling and sailors' oaths and ten lines of Juet's hand- 
 writing in the log-book were enough to give the Dutch 
 an empire of thousands of square miles of territory 
 which may fairly be said to have included a large part of 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 The year after Hudson discovered the Delaware he 
 started again for China by the northwest. He entered 
 and explored Hudson's Bay, which still bears his name. 
 But his crew, Juet among them, mutinied, turned him 
 and his son adrift in a boat, and his adventurous career 
 was closed. Juet soon died of famine, and his body fol- 
 lowed that of his master into the sea. 
 
 The Delaware was named from Lord Delaware, who 
 visited the mouth of the bay a year after Hudson, and 
 eight years later made another voyage to the same place, 
 where he met his death. Like Hudson, he was troubled 
 by the sand bars, and reported the bay unnavigable. 
 
 Other visitors have given other names. The old maps 
 are very curious. Each of the three nations, Dutch, 
 Swede, and English, that contended for the possession 
 had their own charts and renamed all important points. 
 The Indians called it Pontaxat and Mariskiton. The 
 Swedes called it New Swedeland stream. On some 
 maps it appears as Arasapha ; on others as New Port, 
 May, and Godyn's Bay. The Dutch called it Nassau, 
 Prince Hindrick, and sometimes Charles River. But 
 they usually spoke of it as the Zuydt, or South River, as 
 they called the Hudson the North. 
 
 The first person who conquered the shoals and really 
 explored the river was a Dutchman, Captain Hendrick- 
 
The Dutch and the Swedes 
 
 son. In the year 1616 he penetrated as far as the 
 Schuylkill, just below the present site of Philadelphia. 
 He had a small yacht, the " Onrust," or " Restless," 
 only forty-five feet long, which had been built at New 
 York after the loss of his larger ship. In using this 
 boat he may have been influenced by Juet's warning 
 that it would require a vessel of light draft to explore 
 thoroughly that great bay. 
 
 The first settlement of the Dutch on South River was 
 about the year 1623, shortly after the founding of Mas- 
 sachusetts. The expedition was conducted by Cornelius 
 Mey, who gave his last name to one of the capes of the 
 Delaware and his first name to the other. His last 
 name, with the spelling altered, has stayed where he 
 placed it. But Cape Cornelius is now known as Cape 
 Henlopen. William Penn attempted to rename it after 
 that man in whom he unwisely placed confidence, James 
 II., but fortunately without effect. 
 
 The Dutch settlement was called Fort Nassau, and 
 was at Gloucester Point, on the Jersey side of the river, 
 almost opposite the present site of Philadelphia, and now 
 famous for its shad parties. It was under the control of 
 the Dutch West India Company, a powerful organiza- 
 tion of Holland traders who managed for their nation 
 the colonization in America. 
 
 They gave the land to patroons, who held it on a 
 feudal tenure, as in New York. But it does not appear 
 that any of these grants extended to Pennsylvania. Of 
 the two that were made one was of the land round Cape 
 Henlopen and the other of land around Cape May. In 
 fact, the Dutch preferred to stay down the bay. They 
 found Fort Nassau too high up and in 1650 abandoned it 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 for Fort Casimir, which, under English rule, became 
 New Castle, now in the State of Delaware. They were 
 traders rather than settlers. Their principal object was 
 the collection of furs, and their actual occupation barely 
 reached Pennsylvania. 
 
 One of their establishments, called Zwanendal, or Val- 
 ley of the Swans, was, in all probability, near the present 
 site of Lewes at Cape Henlopen. It was soon destroyed. 
 They had set up the arms of Holland painted on a piece 
 of tin. An Indian took it down to make a tobacco-pipe, 
 and for this insult to a great nation was killed. His 
 tribe made short work of the Dutchmen. 
 
 The undisturbed possession of the Dutch lasted only 
 fifteen years, or until 1638, when the Swedes appeared. 
 Before the Swedes came the Dutch had penetrated into 
 Pennsylvania to the extent of purchasing from the 
 Indians the valley of the Schuylkill, where they built a 
 fort called Beversrede. The trade in beaver-skins at this 
 point they described as enormous and much more 
 valuable than the whale fishery which they had estab- 
 lished at Cape Henlopen. 
 
 It was also about this time that a company of twelve 
 or thirteen adventurers from Connecticut, under the lead 
 of a certain George Holmes, attempted to establish them- 
 selves on the Delaware and drive out the Dutch. They 
 had the temerity to attack Fort Nassau, but were easily 
 made prisoners and sent to New York. Some years 
 afterwards, or about 1640, other attempts were made by 
 Connecticut and two settlements effected, one at Salem, 
 New Jersey, and the other on the Schuylkill in Pennsyl- 
 vania. They claimed the land as English territory and 
 part of Virginia. They bought out the Indian title, and 
 
 H 
 
The Dutch and the Swedes 
 
 to account for their ease in purchasing it related a likely 
 story. A Pei^uot Indian from New England was in the 
 country and told the Pennsylvania Indians that these 
 Connecticut men were persons of such honest and 
 exemplary lives that, although they had killed many of 
 his tribe and driven him from his home, yet they ought 
 to be given whatever they wanted. 
 
 This was the beginning of that spirit of enterprise on 
 the part of the people of Connecticut which had for its 
 object the acquisition of the territory of Pennsylvania. 
 All through the time of the Swedes and Dutch we read 
 of meetings being held in New England, especially at 
 New Haven, church meetings as well as political meet- 
 ings, for the purpose of sending expeditions to the Dela- 
 ware. Scarcely a year passed without negotiations and 
 letters and demands for the land. In 1665 they had so 
 far perfected their plans that they thought their Dela- 
 ware plantations might become larger than the home 
 colony in Connecticut. In that event they had arranged 
 that the governor should be part of the time in Connec- 
 ticut and part of the time on the Delaware, and if the 
 new plantation should grow still larger that he should 
 reside altogether on the Delaware. 
 
 They expected much relief in tax rates as well as 
 profit from the enterprise; and the old documents are 
 very amusing in the way in which they mingle these 
 economic considerations with religious zeal. Connecti- 
 cut, we are assured, wanted the Delaware for " the for- 
 warding of the Gospel and the good of posterity therein 
 that they may live under the wings of Christ." * Their 
 
 * Hazard's Annals, 174. 
 15 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 admiration for the beauty and fertility of our State never 
 abated until they had claimed and partly settled the 
 northern half of it, which brought on a long contention 
 lasting until after the Revolution. Their early attempts 
 on the Delaware were, however, easily disposed of by 
 the Dutch and Swedes. 
 
 Sweden was not much given to colonization, and it is 
 not likely that her people would have appeared on the 
 Delaware had it not been for peculiar circumstances. 
 She had for some years been living under the guidance 
 of Gustavus Adolphus, her greatest ruler. He had led 
 her to take the unaccustomed part of conqueror, and, in- 
 spired by his genius and enthusiasm, she had waged war 
 with no little success against Russia, Poland, and Aus- 
 tria. Gustavus was an ardent Protestant; and he had 
 joined his forces to those of Germany in the thirty years' 
 war against the Catholic reaction, when his career was 
 cut short by death. Conquests and success had given 
 to both him and his people new ideas which extended 
 out beyond the rocks and fiords of their native land. 
 When, therefore, William Usselinex, a renegade Hol- 
 lander, suggested the formation of a Swedish West India 
 Company for colonization, Gustavus eagerly accepted 
 his plans and afterwards spoke of the enterprise as the 
 brightest jewel of his kingdom. 
 
 He never lived to carry out the plans which the ex- 
 perience of Usselinex in the Dutch West India Company 
 had prepared for him. But, after his death, under the 
 reign of Christina, her Prime Minister, Oxenstjerna, sent 
 the first settlers to the Delaware. They arrived in two 
 vessels, the Key of Kalmar and the Griffen, all under 
 command of Peter Minuit, another renegade Dutchman, 
 
 i6 
 
The Dutch and the Swedes 
 
 conspicuous in the early history of New York. They 
 settled near the present site of Wilmington, Delaware, 
 calling the place Christina, after their queen, who became 
 remarkable in the annals of royalty for having resigned 
 a throne of which she professed to have become tired. 
 
 The Swedes, once established, proved themselves better 
 colonists than the Dutch. They bought from the In- 
 dians some land above Cape May on the Jersey side of 
 the river. But their principal purchase was on the other 
 bank, and has been described as extending from Cape 
 Henlopen to what was afterwards known as the Falls of 
 the Delaware, opposite the present site of Trenton, where 
 the river becomes shoal and rapid. A careful investiga- 
 tion, however, shows this purchase to have been of much 
 smaller extent. It began at Bombay Hook, some dis- 
 tance above Henlopen, and ended at the Schuylkill. 
 Their intention was to take the land not actually occu- 
 pied by the Dutch ; and so they bought the land which 
 lay between the two Dutch settlements on the west bank, 
 the one at Henlopen and the other on the Schuylkill. 
 They confined themselves almost exclusively to this 
 tract, declaring that it belonged to them, and calling it 
 New Sweden. 
 
 They of course had not even the shadow of a title to 
 {t. It has been saidthat Oxenstjerna professed to have 
 secured from Charles I. a document surrendering to 
 Sweden any rights the English might have to the lands 
 on the Delaware. But such a document has never been 
 found. The Swedes were flushed with the recent con- 
 quests and glory of their nation, and were inclined to 
 bear themselves like Romans and take what they wanted. 
 The Dutch protested ; declared that the land was theirs 
 2 17 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 by discovery, possession, and, in addition to that, had 
 been sealed to them by the blood of their slain. They 
 called on the Swedes to prove their right ; and the 
 Swedes haughtily replied by telling the Dutch to go 
 and live within the borders of New Jersey, where they 
 would be unmolested and allowed to worship God as 
 they pleased.* 
 
 In 1650 the Dutch, finding Fort Nassau was too high 
 up the river, abandoned it, and established another on 
 the present site of New Castle, calling it Fort Casimir. 
 This was in the midst of the Swedes' tract, and the in- 
 tention evidently was to cut in half their settlements. 
 Four years afterwards the Swedes captured this fort on 
 Trinity Sunday, and called it, in honor of that day, Tre- 
 falldigheet. Afterwards, when the Dutch retook it, they 
 called it New Amstel, and under the subsequent English 
 rule it became New Castle. 
 
 The Swedes had pretty much complete control of the 
 west shore. They spread up into Pennsylvania, founding 
 the town of Upland, afterwards called Chester by Wil- 
 liam Penn. Their most northern settlements reached to 
 the present limits of Philadelphia. At Tinicum, now a 
 few miles below the city, Printz, their governor, built a 
 fort of hemlock logs, a commodious mansion house, and 
 
 * The Dutcli had no more right to the country than the Swedes. The 
 English claimed it by right of the discoveries of John and Sebastian 
 Cabot, who had visited several points on the North American Continent 
 before Hudson reached the Delaware. In 1889 the question came before 
 the Superior Court of the city of New York in a case involving the rights 
 of certain owners of land on the Bowery, and was decided in favor of 
 the English title, in a very learned opinion by Judge Truax. Mortimer vs. 
 N. Y. Elevated R. R., 6 N. Y. Supplement, 898. 
 
 18 
 
The Dutch and the Swedes 
 
 planted an orchard. He also built a pleasure house, 
 whatever that may have been. Tinicum was a curious 
 sort of island formed in the bank of the river by Darby 
 Creek separating into two branches and making a half 
 circle as it flowed into the Delaware. The fort was called 
 New Gottenburg, and the private establishment was long 
 known as Printz's Hall. 
 
 Printz was a jolly good fellow ; and is described by 
 De Vries, one of the Dutch patroons, as weighing four 
 hundred pounds and taking three drinks at every meal. 
 It may be added, in mitigation of this statement, that 
 Printz was at that time at Fort Elsingborg, lower down 
 the Delaware, where he had fired at De Vries' ship until 
 she surrendered. 
 
 Seriously considered, Printz was a man of education 
 and ability. He had been deprived of his rank of lieu- 
 tenant-colonel for surrendering the German town of 
 Chemnitz, but was afterwards restored, and lived to be 
 a general. His government on the Delaware was vigor- 
 ous. He kept both the Dutch and the New Englanders 
 at bay, and managed to live like a gendeman. He 
 added to his amusements a small yacht, which, after he 
 had gone, lay for many years rotting on the shore, a 
 sort of landmark and object of interest to the people. 
 He was certainly the first yachtsman of the Delaware, 
 and probably the first American yachtsman. Tinicum 
 still retains the sporting tendencies which he established. 
 Its little inn has long been the resort of duck and rail 
 shooters ; and two of the principal yacht clubs of the 
 city have erected on it their houses and wharves close 
 to the site of Printz's fort and mansion. 
 
 Fort Elsingborg, from which Printz had fired on De 
 
 19 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 Vries' ship, was the only stronghold the Swedes at- 
 tempted to occupy on the Jersey side. It was situated 
 on a point of land which still bears its name near the 
 present town of Salem. There was considerable style 
 kept up in all these little forts, whether held by Dutch 
 or Swedes. Vessels of the enemy were regularly fired 
 upon and brought to anchor. The smallest sloop was 
 expected to lower her ensign or show some mark of 
 respect in passing a fort. If she failed in this duty, and 
 a shot had to be fired to improve her manners, she might 
 expect to be asked to pay for the powder and ball that 
 had been used. Distinguished persons were suitably 
 entertained, and if poverty or circumstances prevented 
 such entertainment ample apologies were made. Beek- 
 man, one of the Dutch governors, writes in the year 1663 
 to Stuyvesant, his superior at New York, saying that 
 Lord Baltimore from Maryland was about to visit 
 Altona, as Fort Christina, near Wilmington, was then 
 called, but that there was not a single draught of French 
 wine with which to treat that nobleman. " Send some," 
 says the worthy Beekman, " and charge it to me." 
 
 It is a matter of some surprise how these little wooden 
 forts or block-houses were able to control the navigation 
 of the river. The waters were wide both in river and 
 bay, and the forts were usually at the widest places, and 
 in some instances with the main channel on the opposite 
 side. Any one who now stands on the site of one of 
 these ancient strongholds and looks out over the wide 
 expanse naturally concludes that a ship which kept close 
 to the further shore and paid no attention to the fort 
 would have been perfectly safe. But the cannon that 
 were used may have been of better range and accuracy 
 
The Dutch and the Swedes 
 
 than has been generally supposed, or the moral effect of 
 a shot or two and the consciousness that pursuit in open 
 boats was possible may have been enough to bring a 
 prudent captain to anchor. 
 
 The Swedes were more within the boundaries of 
 Pennsylvania than the Dutch had been. But their prin- 
 cipal places of abode were within the State of Delaware. 
 Their numbers increased and they drove the Dutch 
 almost entirely out of the fur trade. The first year of 
 their arrival they exported thirty thousand skins, a num- 
 ber which is significant of the immense supply of beaver 
 as well as of the value of the trade to the Dutch. 
 
 The- importance of the trade became widely known 
 and aroused the keen commercial sense of the Puritan 
 colony in Massachusetts. Always thorough in their 
 methods, whether of trade, religion, or literature, they 
 resolved to strike at the source of the fur supply, which 
 was supposed to be in the neighborhood of a great lake 
 called Lyconia, to which the Delaware would lead them. 
 They sent an expedition up the river, hoping to cut off 
 the beaver from both Dutch and Swedes. But the httle 
 forts and their watchful garrisons stopped the Yankee 
 vessel, and she retOrned to Boston. 
 
 The key to the beaver traffic on the Delaware was 
 apparently the possession of the Schuylkill. The reason 
 of this seems to have been that the Indians found it 
 more convenient to meet the white man on the west 
 bank of that stream. The places where they met appear 
 to have been at the highland now occupied by Gray's 
 Ferry Bridge and Bartram's Garden. This was the 
 first natural landing place after passing the low ground 
 and marshes near the river's mouth. Probably the woods 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 were of a large growth free from underbrush, and afforded 
 a convenient meeting place. Probably, also, the trails 
 converged to that point. For nearly two hundred 
 years afterwards Gray's Ferry was the natural highway 
 from Philadelphia to the west and south. 
 
 Both Swedes and Dutch struggled for the control of 
 this spot. The Dutch built forts and houses and the 
 Swedes tore them down. The Swedes also tried to fore- 
 stall the Dutch by establishing stations some miles in 
 the interior to collect the furs at lower prices before 
 they reached the river. The Dutch are said to have 
 retaliated by furnishing the Indians with guns and am- 
 munition, in the hope that they would be used for the 
 benefit of Holland. 
 
 The Swedes were more than traders — they were 
 thrifty and industrious cultivators of the soil, and had 
 flourishing farms along the river. They brought with 
 them their cattle, which grazed the meadows and 
 marshes and roamed through the woods. These herds 
 were very numerous when the Quakers arrived, and 
 probably most of the common cattle of Eastern Penn- 
 sylvania are descended from them. The woods at that 
 time were quite free from underbrush and afforded a 
 short nutritious kind of grass. It was easy to ride on 
 horseback almost anywhere among the trees. But the 
 second growth, which came after cutting or burning the 
 primeval forest, brought on the underbrush and destroyed 
 the woodland pasturage. 
 
 The Swedes never attempted to clear the land of trees. 
 They took the country as they found it ; occupied the 
 meadows and open lands along the river, diked them, 
 cut the grass, ploughed and sowed, and made no attempt 
 
The Dutch and the Swedes 
 
 to penetrate the interior. But as soon as the Englishman 
 came he attacked the forests with his axe; and that 
 simple instrument with a rifle is the natural coat-of-arms 
 in America for all of British blood. In nothing is the 
 difference in nationality so distinctly shown. The 
 Dutchman builds trading-posts and lies in his ship off 
 shore to collect the furs. The gentle Swede settles 
 on the soft, rich meadow lands, and his cattle wax fat 
 and his barns are full of hay. The Frenchman enters 
 the forest, sympathizes with its inhabitants, and turns 
 half savage to please them. All alike bow before the 
 wilderness and accept it as a fact. But the Englishman 
 destroys it. There is even something significant in the 
 way his old charters gave the land straight across Amer- 
 ica from sea to sea. He grasped at the continent from 
 the beginning, and but for him the oak and the pine 
 would have triumphed and the prairies still be in pos- 
 session of the Indian and the buffalo. 
 
 Nevertheless, the Swede seems to have lived a very 
 happy and prosperous life on his meadows and marshes. 
 He was surrounded by an abundance of game and fish 
 and the products of his own thrifty agriculture, of which 
 we can now scarcely conceive. The old accounts of 
 game and birds along the Delaware read like fairy tales. 
 The first settlers saw the meadows covered with huge 
 flocks of white cranes which rose in clouds when a boat 
 approached the shore. The finest varieties of fish could 
 be almost taken with the hand. Ducks and wild geese 
 covered the water, and outrageous stories were told of 
 the number that could be killed at a single shot. The 
 wild swans, now driven far to the south and soon likely 
 to become extinct, were abundant, floating on the water 
 
 23 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 like drifted snow. On shore the Indians brought in 
 fat bucks every day, which they sold for a few pipes 
 of tobacco or a measure or two of powder. Turkeys, 
 grouse, and varieties of song-birds which will never be 
 seen again were in the woods and fields. Wild pigeons 
 often filled the air like bees, and there was a famous 
 roosting-place for them in the southern part of Philadel- 
 phia, which is said to have given the Indian name, 
 Moyamensing, to that part of the city. 
 
 The Delaware Indians always claimed Pennsylvania 
 as their special hunting-ground, and they had every 
 reason to love it. The river and the country near Phila- 
 delphia seem to have been particularly favorable to wild 
 animal Ufa. All through the colonial period and for 
 many years after the Revolution the game of Pennsyl- 
 vania afforded an important and abundant supply of 
 food and contributed not a little to the prosperity of 
 the province. It might still be a source of profit as well 
 as of pleasure if means had been taken to preserve it. 
 Even as late as the beginning of the Civil War there 
 were still within twenty miles of Philadelphia great 
 quantities of small game, which have now totally dis- 
 appeared, and even the varieties of birds which are not 
 considered game have been largely exterminated. 
 
 The Swedes planted peaches and fruit-trees of all kinds, 
 had flourishing gardens, and grew rich selling the prod- 
 ucts when the Quakers arrived. They made wine, beer, 
 or brandy out of sassafras, persimmons, corn, and appar- 
 ently anything that could be made to ferment ; and they 
 imported Madeira. Acrelius, their historian, gives a 
 long list of their drinks, and tells us that they always 
 indulged in four meals a day. 
 
 24 
 
The Dutch and the Swedes 
 
 Their rule, however, lasted only seventeen years. The 
 Dutch, seeing them become of more and more impor- 
 tance, obtained assistance from Holland, overset their 
 authority, and were again in the year 1655 in possession 
 of the Delaware. Before they conquered the Swedes 
 they appear to have bought from the Indians the present 
 site of Philadelphia, and to have set up on it, according 
 to their custom, the arms of Holland, which were 
 promptly removed by the Swedes. 
 
 This second control by the Dutch lasted nine years. 
 It was a rather barren conquest ; for the Swedes contin- 
 ued to occupy the land, and there were comparatively 
 few Dutch settlers. The whole population, Dutch and 
 Swede, living at this time along the river and bay is said 
 to have been only about three hundred and sixty-eight 
 souls. 
 
 Under the Swedes the form of government, so far as it 
 is known, appears to have been a very simple one. Pretty 
 much everything was in the hands of the governor. 
 Under the Dutch it was more elaborate. The West 
 India Company had become indebted to the city of Am- 
 sterdam in a considerable sum for the expenses of the 
 conquest and other matters, and the city was accordingly 
 given an interest and control in the colony. Officers 
 with strange titles ruled the shores of our river, which 
 now seems as if it could never have been anything but 
 Enghsh. There was the schout, who was a combination 
 of sheriff and prosecuting attorney. There were sche- 
 pens, who were inferior judges, something hke our mag- 
 istrates. Finally, there were the vice-director and his 
 council, who regulated everybody and told them what 
 to do with their goats and pigs. 
 
 25 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 When the Dutch were ousted by the English in 1664, 
 both the Dutch and the Swedish dominion were ended 
 forever, and those nations no longer figure in the history 
 of our State. The Dutch have left behind them a few 
 names, like Henlopen, Schuylkill, and Boomties Hoeck, 
 now called Bombay Hook. Schuylkill meant Hidden 
 creek, a name given because the mouth of the stream 
 could not easily be seen from the river. The Indian 
 name for it was Manaiung, now applied, in the form 
 Manayunk, to a suburb near the Wissahickon. The 
 Swedes, although excellent pioneers and settlers, left 
 very few names of places. Some of the descendants of 
 both nations are still with us. The Swedes are said to 
 have been quite numerous for a long time after the Eng- 
 lish conquest. Sixty years after the arrival of Penn and 
 the Quakers, there are said to have been nearly a thousand 
 persons on the river speaking the Swedish language. 
 
 This English conquest of the Dutch in 1664 included 
 also the conquest of the same nation in New York, 
 which with New Jersey and a large part of New Eng- 
 land was immediately given to the Duke of York, 
 brother of Charles H., by a deed which afterwards 
 figured in our history. It was claimed that the deed 
 included Pennsylvania and Delaware. But how it could 
 have reached so far is difficult to understand. After 
 granting large and vaguely described tracts of land in 
 eastern New England, the deed goes on to say, "All 
 the land from the west side of the Connecticut River to 
 the east side of Delaware Bay." By both common sense 
 and law, as ordinarily understood, this could not pos- 
 sibly have given the duke a jurisdiction west of the 
 Delaware. The way in which the grant was made to 
 
 26 
 
The Dutch and the Swedes 
 
 cross the river is best described in the language of those 
 who maintained it. William Penn relied partially on this 
 deed for his title to what is now the State of Delaware. 
 In his lawsuit with Lord Baltimore about the Maryland 
 boundary, his counsel frankly admitted that their claim 
 through this deed was not a strong one. " But," they 
 said, " it was a very large and extensive grant of sev- 
 eral very large tracts and territories in America, and 
 passed, as we say, all lands appertaining to those exten- 
 sive tracts." 
 
 The better opinion is that it "passed, as we say," 
 nothing whatever west of the Delaware. Neither Penn 
 nor the duke placed much, if any, reliance on it for their 
 title to either Delaware or Pennsylvania. When Penn, 
 after obtaining his charter for Pennsylvania, decided to 
 buy Delaware as an additional piece of territory, he 
 bought it, it is true, from the duke, but not until the 
 duke had obtained a special grant of it from the Crown, 
 which shows very conclusively that both parties con- 
 sidered the old deed of 1664 worthless so far as con- 
 cerned any land west of the Delaware. 
 
 When Penn got his charter for Pennsylvania, he took 
 a release from the duke of any rights he might have in 
 that territory. But this was evidently a measure of 
 abundant precaution to guard against any claims of the 
 duke by reason of his occupancy. It can hardly be 
 called a recognition of the validity of the old deed of 
 1664 as to land within the present limits of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Any occupancy the duke had had of Pennsylvania 
 was very slight. The Swedes, Dutch, and English, over 
 whom he ruled, were nearly all within the present limits 
 
 of Delaware. New Castle, the head- quarters of his col- 
 
 27 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 ony, was a Delaware town. Some of the settlers were 
 scattered north of Delaware along the river as far up as 
 the present site of Philadelphia. But they were com- 
 paratively few. 
 
 In 1673 the Dutch reconquered both New York and 
 Pennsylvania, and held them for a few months. But the 
 treaty of peace sent them back again to the English, the 
 great colonizers and the race of destiny for America. 
 
 But little need be said of the remainder of this English 
 occupation under the Duke of York. The principal 
 public event was the trial of the Long Finn, a Scandina- 
 vian, professing to be of noble descent, who went about 
 the country attempting to stir up the people to rebellion. 
 He was sentenced to be whipped, branded in the face 
 with the letter R, and sold as a servant in the Barbadoes. 
 New Amstel, called by the Dutch Fort Casimir, was re- 
 named New Castle, and became the head-quarters of the 
 country. While under the duke, the people on the river 
 and bay were considered as an appendix to New York, 
 and were called the Delaware colony and sometimes the 
 New Castle colony. 
 
 There were a few Swedes settled within what is now 
 the southern part of Philadelphia. They farmed the rich 
 meadow lands, some of which, until recently, were used 
 for market gardens, and lie in what is called the Neck. 
 In the year 1675 they established a church at a place 
 they called Wiccaco, now near the corner of Christian 
 and Front Streets. The building now long known as 
 the Old Swedes' Church is still standing, and is one of 
 the familiar antiquities of the city. The Swedes built 
 churches of this kind wherever they had an important 
 settlement. The one at Wilmington can be seen from 
 
 28 
 
The Duke of York 
 
 the railroad passing through the town, and, Hke the 
 others, is of a quaint and interesting type of architecture. 
 
 Under the rule of the Duke of York many English 
 emigrants came to the river, increasing the population to 
 two or three thousand at the time of the arrival of Penn. 
 There is a curious story told of one of the ships called 
 the Shield, which was bringing some people to Bur- 
 lington in the year 1678. In beating up the river against 
 the wind, she sailed on one of her tacks close up to the 
 present site of Philadelphia near Walnut or Chestnut 
 Street, where the bank was steep and high and the water 
 deep close to the shore. In turning to go about on 
 the other tack, her rigging touched the branches of an 
 overhanging tree, and the people on board remarked 
 that it was a good place to build a city. It seems hardly 
 possible that the trees should have overhung so far as to 
 touch the rigging of a ship. But the remark may have 
 been made by those people and at that very spot. It 
 was the natural place for a great city, and the best loca- 
 tion that could be found on the river. 
 
 Those familiar with the shores of the Delaware know 
 that there are comparatively few spots within a hundred 
 miles of the capes where high land of any great extent 
 comes down to the water's edge with depth sufficient for 
 large ships. The banks are usually marshes or low 
 meadows. The land at Philadelphia was not only high, 
 comparatively level, and of sufficient extent, with unu- 
 sual depth of water in front of it, but its position in the 
 angle between the Delaware and the Schuylkill was by 
 no means unimportant for military purposes. Penn al- 
 ways had an eye for such things, and, though a Quaker, 
 could never forget the soldier days of his youth. 
 
 29 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 Ages before Philadelphia became the metropolis of 
 America it had been the metropolis of the Indians. 
 They came to that high land between the rivers to light 
 their council-fires and settle their treaties and politics 
 with the six nations of New York. A glance at the 
 map shows its convenience for them. The Delaware 
 and its bay were natural highways for a long distance 
 north and south. The Chesapeake and its tributaries 
 were near at hand. They could come down the Sus- 
 quehanna to the mouth of the Swatara below Harris- 
 burg, and follow up that stream, whose head-waters 
 would bring them close to the Schuylkill. Trails 
 branched out into the woods in all directions from the 
 site of Philadelphia, and Germantown Avenue follows 
 the line of one of them. It was in recognition of this 
 immemorial meeting place that Penn was supposed to 
 have reserved a small plot of land on the east side of 
 Second Street near Walnut to which the Indians could 
 continue to resort and build their council-fires. But this 
 story of Penn's sentiment for the red men, though at one 
 time widely circulated and generally believed, seems to 
 be without foundation. 
 
 As finally made up under the duke the settlements on 
 the Delaware consisted, first of all, of the people at Cape 
 Henlopen, the name of whose abode was changed from 
 Swansdale to Whorekill and afterwards to the modern 
 Lewes. Whorekill was probably a corruption of Hoorn 
 Kill, from the town of Hoorn in Holland. Next in 
 passing up the bay was St. Jones, not far from Dover, 
 and then came Wilmington, New Castle, and Upland, 
 the last a small place within the modern limits of Penn- 
 sylvania. There were courts of law in all these little 
 
 3° 
 
The Duke of York 
 
 hamlets. The life of the people turned principally 
 towards the bay and the river, and the attempts to pene- 
 trate inland were few. New Castle was the seat of gov- 
 ernment, and the important point in the opinion of the 
 outside world. Penn fixed upon it as the place from 
 which to calculate the boundaries of Pennsylvania, and 
 it appears to have been the one point of which the exact 
 location was well known in England. 
 
 The duke had a set of laws prepared for the govern- 
 ment of all his domains. New York as well as the settle- 
 ments on the Delaware. They were very elaborate, and 
 show considerable ingenuity in the draughtsman. Every- 
 thing was provided for, — branding of cattle, fees of con- 
 stable, viewers of pipe-staves, killing of wolves, and cut- 
 ting of underbrush. They were made up from the laws 
 of the other English colonies, with improvements. They 
 are sometimes quoted in a way likely to mislead. They 
 were not passed by the people of the country, and are 
 not typical of the state of thought and feeling either 
 in Pennsylvania or in Delaware. They are merely the 
 work of some theorizer in England, and should never be 
 relied on to show the condition of the people who lived 
 under them. They were not enforced on the Delaware 
 until 1675, only seven years before the arrival of Penn. 
 Previous to that the English had allowed the people to 
 be governed by the mixture of Swedish and Dutch laws 
 which had long prevailed. The intention of the English 
 was to gradually change these Dutch laws and substitute 
 the laws of the duke. When the' duke's laws were 
 adopted they were declared not to apply in matters 
 relating to courts, county rates, and militia, which were 
 left as before. 
 
 31 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 So far as Pennsylvania was concerned, there was little 
 for the duke's laws to act upon, save rocks and trees. 
 They are utterly inconsistent with the real laws of Penn- 
 sylvania enacted by Penn and the Quakers. They made 
 the town the unit of division, after the manner of the 
 New England system, from which they were largely 
 copied. Penn made the county the unit of division. 
 Afterwards the township and borough were added, and 
 the Pennsylvania system became a combination of town 
 and county government unknown in other communities. 
 The duke's laws provided, among other things, for nine 
 offences to be punished with death, among which were 
 heresy, perjury, kidnapping, and smiting of parents. The 
 Quaker laws established religious liberty, and made only 
 murder punishable with death. The duke's laws also 
 provided for an elaborate system of recruiting and dis- 
 ciplining the militia. The Quakers refused to have a 
 militia, and none was adopted until shortly before the 
 Revolution. 
 
 The Swedes, the Dutch, and the English under the 
 duke made no important settlement, so far as Pennsyl- 
 vania was concerned, and did nothing which materially 
 affected after events. Their peculiar laws and customs 
 soon became completely obsolete; they and their de- 
 scendants were absorbed in the rest of the population ; 
 and there is no institution in Pennsylvania that can be 
 traced to their influence. They were not in the line of 
 the real beginning and progress of our Commonwealth. 
 That Commonwealth was created by the Quakers, and 
 to them must be given our more serious attention.* 
 
 * Hazard's Annals; Proud's Pennsylvania; Acrelius' New Sweden; 
 The Duke of Yorke's Book of Laws ; Sprinchorn's New Sweden. 
 
 32 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 ORIGIN OF THE QUAKERS. 
 
 In histories of Pennsylvania the religious traits of her 
 founders have usually been omitted entirely or disposed 
 of in short notes in an appendix. Instead of that we 
 should follow the order which actually occurred in which 
 those traits formed the beginning and the foundation. 
 The men who founded Pennsylvania, like those who 
 founded most of the other colonies, were intensely relig- 
 ious ; they came here because of religion ; and they lived 
 in a time when religious doctrines were the great and 
 absorbing questions and were discussed with an inten- 
 sity we can hardly realize. For several centuries before 
 Pennsylvania was founded the people of Europe had 
 been fighting, burning, and imprisoning each other about 
 religion. 
 
 The sects of that time were distinct from one another. 
 There was but little of that general resemblance which 
 we now see. They were kept separate by persecution 
 and their fierce contentions. Most of them could be 
 recognized at once by their dress and manner. They 
 gave to each colony they founded in America a marked 
 individuality, which is now to a great extent lost. The 
 citizens of our different States no longer reveal their 
 origin at a glance. Their distinguishing characteristics 
 become evident only on close observation. The man 
 from Massachusetts associates easily with the Virginian, 
 3 33 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 and we might have to look more than once before wc 
 could tell one from the other. But in colonial times we 
 could have distinguished them in an instant, and in very 
 early colonial times they would not have been congenial 
 to each other. The solemn Puritan would have been 
 shocked and the fox-hunting Virginian would have been 
 bored. 
 
 The Pennsylvania Quaker was of still another type 
 Formal and stiff Hke the Puritan, he had, however, none 
 of the Puritan sternness and severity. He believed m 
 religious liberty, while the Puritan denied it. Bound 
 down by rules of conduct as strict and narrow as any 
 that the Puritan invented, he was, nevertheless, most 
 liberal in his opinions and far ahead of the Puritan in 
 philanthropy and all the most advanced ideas of the 
 modern world. The Puritan was opposed to high living 
 and the pleasures of the table, but was devoted to 
 learning and literature. The Quaker, on the other 
 hand, despised learning, poetry, music, and the fine arts 
 as vicious amusements ; but he seems to have had no 
 rule or custom which prohibited very good living and a 
 very liberal hospitality. During the early days of the 
 Revolution, when the members of the Continental Con- 
 gress were in Philadelphia, they were entertained in 
 Quaker famiUes in a way that astonished them, especially 
 those from New England. 
 
 In order to see how the movement of the Reformation 
 finally resulted in the Quakers and the Pennsylvania 
 Dutch, we must rid our minds of the notion, which is so 
 prevalent, that the Reformation was the work of one or 
 two men, and that it occurred within a short space of 
 time. It was really a reactionary drift or tendency, not 
 
 34 
 
Origin of the Quakers 
 
 an organized movement, and it is impossible to assign 
 dates to it. No one knows exactly when it began, nor 
 has it yet ceased its action. Nothing could be more 
 absurd than to suppose that Luther was its author. He 
 was simply a leader among the Germans, as Calvin was 
 among the French and Swiss, and, being a picturesque, 
 vehement character, he has attracted to himself more 
 attention than the others. About the year 1400, almost 
 a hundred years before Luther was born, John Huss had 
 preached the need of a reformation in Bohemia, and 
 gathered quite a following; and half a century before 
 that Wycliffe had preached it in England. The period 
 of the Roman Empire is gone, and the Middle Age is 
 gone ; but we are hardly yet out of the period of the 
 Reformation. We are still acted upon by its influences, 
 and they will, in all probability, be with us for many 
 years to come. 
 
 The Reformation, regarded as a period of evolution, 
 may be looked at from many points of view. We may 
 consider its development of morals, its development of 
 the arts and conveniences of Ufe, or its development of 
 free government and republicanism; but the thread 
 which we must briefly follow down to the Quakers is a 
 purely religious one, namely, the development and decline 
 of dogmatism. 
 
 It is hardly necessary to give the well-known details 
 of the growth of dogmas in the Christian Church during 
 the Middle Ages. From the fourth century the devel- 
 opment went steadily on, and the ecclesiastics, with in- 
 creasing power and increasing ingenuity, wove mesh by 
 mesh a net-work over the human mind. In the fourth 
 century the Bishop of Rome began to claim chief au- 
 
 35 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 thority and show signs of developing into what is now 
 the Pope. But infallibility was not claimed for him 
 until the eleventh century, and not finally asserted until 
 within our own time in the middle of the nineteenth. 
 Mariolatry, or the worship of the Virgin, began about 
 the year 400 and steadily increased. Image worship, 
 which for many hundred years had been regarded as 
 a heresy, began to be allowed in the seventh century, 
 and after that developed to great excesses. Up to the 
 twelfth century there were only two sacraments. After 
 that there were seven. And so the dogmas increased, 
 and miracles multiplied, and relics of saints appeared 
 from every quarter, and all these things must be accepted 
 and believed, until about the twelfth century there was a 
 climax or congestion. The founding of the Inquisition 
 in 1 248 marks the time when the system had reached its 
 height, for the Inquisition was absolutely necessary to 
 hold the mass together and prevent reaction. 
 
 But the mass had become so great that it soon began 
 to crumble of its own weight. The revival of the ancient 
 learning of Greece and Rome and the invention of the 
 printing-press assisted the inevitable day, and, as the 
 people of Europe one by one began to realize their con- 
 dition, the reaction was terrible. Men whose minds had 
 for generations been in submission to authority, men 
 who had for generations been accustomed to but the 
 one idea of dogma, dogma, infallible dogma, and who 
 had never dared to think for themselves, were shaken 
 loose from their hold. They were free, and went about 
 seeking rest. There was great wandering, disagreement, 
 and searching of heart ; and that was the Reformation. 
 
 The first point to observe in this reaction, the point 
 
 36 
 
Origin of the Quakers 
 
 which concerns us in the history of Pennsylvania, is 
 that men revolted against dogma by slow degrees. Wyc- 
 liffe, the first great leader of the Reformation, could 
 rid himself of only one dogma. He rejected transubstan- 
 tiation and kept pretty much all the rest. John Huss, 
 the next great leader, attacked at first only the fraudu- 
 lent miracles of the ecclesiastics. Luther, who appeared 
 a hundred years after Huss, was equally conservative. 
 His famous ninety-five propositions were aimed only at 
 the sale of indulgences, which at that time was carried 
 to great excess. 
 
 Leaving the leaders, and taking up the various sects 
 as they appear one after the other, we find the same slow 
 movement. But there is this fact to be observed : the 
 small and badly organized sects were always more pro- 
 gressive than the larger and stronger ones. Three or 
 four hundred years ago there was a large number of 
 these small sects, playing an important part in history, 
 and now forgotten. Familists, Seekers, Ranters, Pie- 
 tists, Antinomians, Anti-Scripturists, Enthusiasts, Soul 
 Sleepers, Levellers, Adamites, Traskites, and Anabap- 
 tists are some of the names which were very familiar to 
 the men of those days and now have to be looked for in 
 dictionaries. 
 
 The great and strongly organized divisions of Chris- 
 tendom were comparatively conservative. The Church 
 of England reformed itself from within, without changing 
 its historic character ; others which became prominent in 
 the Reformation — the Lutherans, the Presbyterians, and 
 the Independents — gave up some dogmas, but clung to 
 others with great determination. They advanced care- 
 fully, and only a few steps, into liberty. Composed 
 
 37 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 largely of the middle and upper classes, they shrank 
 from the unsettling effects of radicalism, the disturbance 
 to law and order and the rights of property. It was dis- 
 covered early in the Reformation that property rights 
 were closely entangled with the old religious thought. 
 Luther saw this very clearly, and after the horrors of 
 the peasants' war in Germany he became more conserva- 
 tive than ever. 
 
 But the numerous small sects were composed of men 
 of the lower classes, who had nothing to lose by a 
 change, and were unprejudiced by education. Many of 
 them disposed of the whole dogmatic system with one 
 stroke of their minds and relied entirely on their own 
 thought and feeling; and reliance on individual con- 
 science and judgment was the test of advancement in 
 the Reformation. Some of these advanced within a year 
 to a position which the great conservative denominations 
 have only lately reached. They were the explorers and 
 scouts, and, Hke all such adventurers, were far in front 
 of the main army, and too few to be much respected 
 by the enemy. 
 
 The main principles of pretty much all of them in- 
 cluded the abrogation of the Old Testament, a denial 
 of the necessity of forms, ceremonies, sacraments, and 
 church government, and a reliance on contemplation 
 and individual feeling and experience as the final au- 
 thority in religion. These ideas nourished and supported 
 for many years the Familists, Antinomians, Anabaptists, 
 and others ; and when these weak and badly-organized 
 sects disappeared, the same ideas went to make up the 
 stronger and more intelligent and practical Quakers. 
 
 Many of the early Baptists, both in England and Ger- 
 
 3S 
 
Origin of tlie Quakers 
 
 many, were very much like the Quakers. They were 
 opposed to a hireling ministry; they held that the 
 church should be composed of equals; that the ordi- 
 nances of the Old Testament were abolished ; that the 
 pagan names for months and days were unchristian, and 
 they allowed women to preach. In fact, all these small 
 and radical sects which we have mentioned, Familists, 
 Antinomians, Seekers, Anabaptists, and others, were 
 finally in England swallowed up in two large ones, the 
 Baptists and the Quakers. In Germany they were ab- 
 sorbed by the Mennonites, Tunkers, and other people, 
 many of whom came to Pennsylvania. 
 
 The Familistic and Antinomian sects could not last 
 long. They were rather vague in their principles and 
 almost entirely without organization. They maintained 
 an uncertain existence for some years, until the feeling 
 and motives which had caused their growth were satis- 
 fied in sects which were of a better class in life, retained 
 just enough conservatism to steady them, and were able 
 to have a more practical and enduring form of govern- 
 ment. 
 
 The Baptists paid a little compliment to the past by 
 accepting a few of the old dogmas in a modified form, 
 and some of them were believers in predestination and 
 election. They preceded the Quakers by only a few 
 years. The other great divisions of the Reformation, 
 the Congregationalists, Presbyterians, Lutherans, and 
 others, all took their rise at a comparatively early period. 
 But the Quakers showed no sign of any distinctive or- 
 ganization until about a hundred years afterwards ; and 
 the year 1650 is a convenient time from which to date 
 
 their beginning. 
 
 39 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 They went far beyond the Baptists : rejected baptism 
 altogether, and denied the necessity of any sacraments. 
 The Reformation movement gradually led up step by 
 step to the Quakers, who represented the extremest 
 ideas of aversion to dogma ; and they might be described 
 as the high-water mark of the reaction. It would have 
 been difficult to go farther. In fact, like many other 
 radicals, the Quakers went so far that, as we shall see 
 later on, they were compelled to take a few backward 
 steps. 
 
 40 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 QUAKER TRAITS. 
 
 The doctrines of the Quakers were very peculiar and 
 interesting. But we should make a great mistake if we 
 described their doctrines and allowed that to stand as a 
 picture of the people. The same might be said of other 
 religions. It would be unfair to judge of the Roman 
 Catholics of to-day by supposing that they still believed 
 the literal statement of the doctrine of persecution which 
 their Church adopted six hundred years ago. If we 
 should read Jonathan Edwards' descriptions of the 
 doctrines of Calvinism without having ever seen a 
 Calvinist, we might suppose him to be a very different 
 person from what he really is. If in the same way we 
 should read of Quaker doctrine, we might expect to find 
 the people an abstract essence of spirituality without 
 enough of human nature left to stir the dust. Fortu- 
 nately for the world, men do not always live up close to 
 their creeds. 
 
 Excellent books have been written about the Quakers. 
 Clarkson's Portraiture and Janney's History of them are 
 both very complete in their way. But they describe the 
 theoretical Quaker. The actual one was somewhat dif- 
 ferent, and was a product of the doctrines mollified, some- 
 times in a very unexpected way, by human passions. 
 
 This mollifying was very apparent in the Pennsylvania 
 Quakers. In most countries they were a very retired 
 
 41 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 sect. In England they were made up chiefly from the 
 rural population. They were opposed to war, official 
 oaths, and politics, and had no difficulty in living up to 
 these notions. But in Pennsylvania they were the gov- 
 erning body, responsible for the political management of 
 the country. Instead of avoiding politics, as too exciting 
 for religious contemplation, they were compelled to take 
 a very active part in them. They attempted to conduct 
 their government without oaths, but were not entirely 
 successful. They also attempted to conduct it without 
 war or force, and in that they utterly failed. Their ablest 
 men, like Logan and Dickinson, openly favored defen- 
 sive war, and Dickinson carried a musket as a common 
 soldier and was also a colonel in the Revolution. 
 
 Hundreds of others, when the temptation was strong 
 upon them, enlisted in the army. Still larger numbers 
 invented excuses to their consciences for indirectly sup- 
 porting, by votes of supplies, or otherwise, the warlike 
 measures which became absolutely necessary. When 
 struck or insulted, they could not help retaliating, al- 
 though they might afterwards write a letter to the meet- 
 ing saying that they were sorry, or that they had in- 
 tended only to lay their hands gently on their adversary. 
 When they became magistrates, or sheriffs, or off.cials, 
 they arrested and punished wrong-doers, although such 
 action necessarily involved the use of force and violence. 
 For two hundred years the world has been full of hu- 
 morous stories to show how the Quaker remained human 
 in spite of his doctrines. The Quaker who tossed a 
 pirate overboard, saying, " Friend, thee has no business 
 here,'' and the other one who cut the rope by which the 
 intruder was climbing aboard, saying, " Friend, thee may 
 
 42 
 
Quaker Traits 
 
 have that," are fair samples of many others. A large 
 part of the history of Pennsylvania is made up of at- 
 tempts to coax or drive the Quakers into war, and their 
 partial success. 
 
 The possession of power, the consciousness of hav- 
 ing conducted a wonderfully successful colony, and the 
 growth of wealth gave to them, in the height of their 
 ascendency, about the time of the Revolution, a strong 
 tincture of worldly honor and pride which their doctrines 
 seemed to scorn. Judging by what we can read of them 
 at this time, many of them were not without a certain 
 amount of haughtiness and arrogance. They were by 
 no means slow or retiring ; on the contrary, they played 
 a very active, earnest, and prominent part in all affairs of 
 life, political, commercial, and social. 
 
 All these characteristics have of course now disap- 
 peared, and it is difficult to realize that they ever ex- 
 isted. The real Quaker, as he lived and moved in 
 Pennsylvania, appears from time to time with more or 
 less distinctness as we read the history of the State. But 
 still it is necessary to have a clear idea of his theories, of 
 what he might have been if he had lived his doctrines 
 logically. 
 
 The fundamental principle of the Quakers was what 
 they called the universal light, or the inward light. It 
 was a feeling, they said, given to every man born into 
 the world, and was sufficient to guide him to all relig- 
 ious truth and save his soul. It was not to be con- 
 founded with conscience, which was an original faculty 
 of human nature, and existed in perfection in Adam and 
 Eve before the fall. The inner light had been given by 
 the Founder of Christianity, and, instead of being identical 
 
 43 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 with conscience, its purpose was to enlighten conscience. 
 It came to every individual on earth, heathen as well as 
 Christian. The only limitation was that the heathen had 
 the light but shghtly, not so thoroughly as those races 
 and nations called Christian. 
 
 The Quaker method of cultivating the inward light 
 was by silence and meditation. They believed that by 
 sitting still and fixing their thoughts on God they 
 brought themselves into relation with Him. This still- 
 ness constitutes a large part of their worship. They 
 sit silent in their meeting-houses ; not a word, or 
 prayer, or sermon is heard until the spirit moves some 
 one to speak ; and it is not at all uncommon for these 
 meetings to be held in perfect silence from beginning 
 to end. 
 
 The belief that silent contemplation can develop rela- 
 tionship with God is very old, and is usually known in 
 history by the name quietism. It has always formed a 
 conspicuous part of the religions of India and China, and 
 has prevailed to a greater or less extent among Chris- 
 tians. Extreme quietism, the quietism cultivated in the 
 East, consists in a complete resignation of oneself into 
 passiveness, into a state of mental inactivity without 
 thought, reflection, hope, or wish ; a state in which all 
 external objects and ambitions are lost to sight, and the 
 person withdraws into his inmost self By this means, 
 it is said, the soul is gradually brought into the divine 
 presence until an actual union is effected, and man be- 
 comes absorbed in the infinite. It is easy to see that 
 meditation of this kind, if continually practised, will 
 gradually weaken the intellect, and quietism may become 
 mental sleep and religion a mere dream. 
 
 44 
 
Quaker Traits 
 
 Although many sects of Christianity have had more 
 or less mysticism or quietism, there have probably never 
 been any Christians who indulged in extreme quietism. 
 The most pronounced Christian mystics have never 
 maintained that we should give up all mental activity. 
 But it is important to notice that as men advance in 
 quietism they lose all hold on dogmas and sacraments. 
 There undoubtedly have been Christian mystics who 
 professed and tried to hold orthodox dogmas ; but they 
 regarded the dogmas as experiences to be realized rather 
 than propositions to be believed. Quietism demands 
 abstraction from all externals, and when the quietist 
 state of mind is once attained dogmas and sacraments 
 become useless. 
 
 The movement of thought which produced the Quakers 
 in England about the year 1650 sent a wave of quietism 
 all over Europe. It showed itself in the Church of 
 Rome in 1675, when Molinos, the Quietist, led the 
 movement with such success that the Pope became a 
 convert, and the spread of it had to be stopped by the 
 inquisition. 
 
 MoHnos was a Spanish priest, who, after gaining some 
 distinction in his own country, came to Rome to advance 
 his ideas. He taught that men should seek God first by 
 meditation, in which the doubts that troubled the soul 
 were struggled with and subdued one by one. The 
 second stage was contemplation, in which the soul ceased 
 to struggle, no longer reasoned or reflected, but contem- 
 plated God in silence and repose. By this inaction the 
 soul annihilated itself, returned to its beginning, which is 
 the divine essence, and lost itself in God. This method, 
 which he called the interior way, was, he said, the true 
 
 45 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 growth of the soul by which it rose far beyond the need 
 of all sacraments and ceremonies. He taught the people 
 to go straight to God without the aid of priests, confes- 
 sionals, beads, or images. 
 
 The formal statement of his doctrine can be found in 
 his book ; but his personal and practical application of it 
 must have been much more effective. All who came in 
 contact with him were trained in the art of contemplation 
 and quietude, and were delighted with it. Their numbers 
 and zeal prove his skill as a spiritual director. Like the 
 Quakers, he believed in serenity, was opposed to all ex- 
 citements, festivals, anniversaries, or anything that inter- 
 fered with tranquillity, and he also resembled them in 
 holding that by the interior way human nature could 
 become perfect. Like the Quakers, he attempted to 
 vitalize religion by returning to the first principles of 
 consciousness. He attempted to develop the pure spirit 
 by pure meditation. 
 
 The shattered condition of the Roman Church in the 
 times of the Reformation is nowhere more clearly shown 
 than in his success. His book, " The Spiritual Guide," 
 was translated into several languages, and within six 
 years passed through twenty editions. He was on the 
 point of being made a cardinal, and it was heresy to differ 
 from him. In Naples alone he was reported to have had 
 twenty thousand converts. Multitudes flocked to him, or 
 sought his advice by letter. It looked as if the Roman 
 Church was about to turn Quaker. 
 
 His system kept spreading and increasing in power 
 for nearly twenty years, and none but the Jesuits saw 
 the danger of it. The idea, it is true, was not a new one. 
 St. Bonaventura, St. Theresa, John of the Cross, and 
 
 46 
 
Quaker Traits 
 
 many others had not only written books on quietism, 
 which had been approved by authority, but they had 
 openly practised the doctrine, and had been commended 
 for it. They practised it, however, in obedience to the 
 ordinary rules of the Church, and they continued to pro- 
 fess their belief in the ordinary dogmas. The Church 
 was willing to allow them an enthusiasm or a singular- 
 ity, provided they would form themselves into an order 
 and yield implicit obedience. 
 
 But Molinos and his followers were altogether outside 
 of any rule or obedience. They held that every man's 
 religion was contained within himself, and that quietism 
 was the universal path to God. They carried their belief 
 to its logical conclusion, and made no pretence of hold- 
 ing dogmas utterly inconsistent with it. They were not 
 establishing an order with a discipline applicable only to 
 those who should join it, but they were establishing a 
 system to embrace all mankind. If their efforts had con- 
 tinued a few years longer the Church of the Middle 
 Ages would have disappeared from the face of the earth, 
 and Molinos would have been a greater man than either 
 Luther or Calvin. 
 
 But the Jesuits, whose order had been founded for 
 the express purpose of counteracting the effects of the 
 Reformation, were untiring in their labors, and finally 
 turned the tide. When it became evident that the 
 people everywhere were becoming indifferent to masses, 
 relics, rosaries, confessionals, and the other means by 
 which the Church maintained her dominion, the Jesuits 
 had an unanswerable argument. The inquisition was 
 turned upon the heresy. Two hundred of the leaders, 
 including Molinos, were instantly imprisoned, and such 
 
 47 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 a reign of terror created that quietism was never heard 
 of again in the Roman Church.* 
 
 Thus the Quaker movement came to naught in Italy 
 and Spain. But it flourished abundantly in England, 
 had considerable success in Germany, and spread to a 
 slight extent in France, where there are still a few 
 Quakers. It hardly suited the French temperament, or 
 indeed the temperament of any people that had Latin 
 blood in their veins. But it was natural enough to the 
 German, and most natural of all to the serious-minded 
 Englishman. 
 
 The Quaker, having made up his mind that every man 
 could be saved and the religious life developed by sitting 
 still and listening for the voice of God in the soul, had, 
 necessarily, no use for any of the ordinary doctrines of 
 his age. His extreme development of the principle of 
 private judgment excluded them all. Other sects had 
 played with that principle, or only half accepted it. But 
 the Quaker took it to heart. The feeling that man 
 must look within himself to discover his relations to 
 the Deity, the feeling which inspired the heresies of the 
 Antinomians and the Familists, and the philosophy of 
 Descartes, reached its utmost religious expansion in the 
 Quakers. 
 
 Most of the sects had retained two sacraments, bap- 
 tism and the communion. But the Quaker felt that he 
 had passed beyond the need of such aids and he rejected 
 them altogether. The doctrine of exclusive salvation, 
 which still lingered among Protestants, was swept out of 
 existence in the Quaker's mind without the least hesi- 
 
 * Bigelow's Molinos the Quietist. 
 
Quaker Traits 
 
 tation. He believed in the universal light which had 
 come not only to every Christian heart, but to the heart 
 of every heathen, and all would be saved who followed 
 it. Belief in the universal light necessarily excluded 
 predestination and election, and accordingly the Quakers 
 were entirely outside the pale of Calvinism and became 
 advocates of free will. 
 
 They succeeded in ridding themselves of every one of 
 the ancient dogmas except, perhaps, the inspiration of 
 Scripture. The Trinity they explained in a way of their 
 own, which would not have been accepted by any 
 other church of that age, Protestant or Catholic. They 
 held that, although the three persons were mentioned in 
 the Scriptures and declared to be one, yet the compli- 
 cated doctrine of the Trinity as stated in the Athanasian 
 creed was never heard of until three hundred years after 
 Christ. They preferred, they said, the statement of 
 Scripture to the statement of the schoolmen. They ac- 
 cepted the simple account in the New Testament, that 
 the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost were one. But they 
 rejected the scholastic doctrine that the three were each 
 separate and distinct persons and substances, and yet 
 also one. It was useless, they said, to inquire whether 
 each one of the three, considered by itself, was a separate 
 substance, or a separate manifestation, or a separate op- 
 eration. Such idle metaphysics tended not to righteous- 
 ness and were unknown to the primitive Christians. 
 
 On the doctrine of the atonement they were somewhat 
 at sea. There were in reality two schools among them, 
 and this is the point where they gradually took some 
 backward steps. The first school were inclined to carry 
 the doctrine of the inner light very far, and hold that the 
 
 4 49 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 appearance of Christ on the earth was solely to confer 
 his spirit, that is, the inner light, on all men ; that it was 
 his spirit that would save mankind, and not the shedding 
 of his blood, or any mere act or event in his life ; that he 
 came to save men by giving them a spiritual principle 
 which would change their hearts ; that the idea of it 
 being necessary, in order to save mankind, that Christ 
 should be sacrificed and tortured, was a mere material 
 and vulgar notion unworthy of belief and inconsistent 
 with any sense of justice on the part of God. 
 
 This first school had their counterpart among some 
 of the Germans and were very liberal. The other school 
 were inclined to accept the doctrine of the atone- 
 ment as usually stated, and held that the sacrifice and 
 death were in themselves means of salvation, and no 
 mere manifestations and proofs of the gift of the inward 
 light. 
 
 During the first hundred and fifty years of Quakerism, 
 the first, or liberal, school were quite numerous. The 
 first occasion when the two parties had a direct and 
 open dispute was in Pennsylvania in 1691. At that time 
 George Keith, a prominent preacher among the Quakers, 
 maintained that the sect was wrong in worshipping only 
 the light and spirit of Christ within ; they must worship 
 also the man who was crucified at Jerusalem and was 
 now in heaven as Mediator. The Quakers replied that 
 they accepted not the man Christ in heaven as a 
 mediator. The only Christ they worshipped was the 
 spiritual Christ in each heart. His sufferings and death 
 as man were simply incidents of his earthly life, and not 
 fit subjects for worship. In other words, Keith attempted 
 to give Quakerism a body and get rid of some of the 
 
 50 
 
Quaker Traits 
 
 vague spirituality. As he expressively put it, " the 
 candle should have a candle-stick." 
 
 He gathered quite a number of followers in Penn- 
 sylvania and New Jersey. They separated from the 
 sect and set up meeting-houses of their own, calling 
 themselves Christian Friends, and were called by others 
 Keithian Quakers. But their leader soon deserted them 
 and joined the Church of England, after which they were 
 gradually dispersed : some returned to the sect, but the 
 majority were divided among the Baptists and the Church 
 of England. 
 
 For more than a hundred years after this event there 
 was no schism or open controversy. But, meanwhile, 
 the party which Keith had represented was growing in 
 numbers, slowly in America, more rapidly in England. 
 By the year 1827 the large majority of Quakers had 
 adopted the opinions which Keith and a small minority 
 had been disowned for holding in 1691. 
 
 The change was gradual, and might have gone on for 
 many years without attracting much notice. But the 
 majority, or Orthodox Quakers, as they called them- 
 selves, insisted on a complete triumph, and in 1827 forced 
 a separation, which seems likely to be permanent. The 
 Hicksites, as the minority were called, were driven out 
 of the sect for maintaining the very opinions which, in 
 1691, the Keithian Quakers were driven out for not 
 maintaining. 
 
 Since the Hicksite separation there has been another 
 spHt among the Quakers, which has created the Wilbur- 
 ites, who have taken ground midway between the Hicks- 
 ites and the Orthodox. The Wilburites hold that Hicks 
 went too far in his rationalistic treatment of the Bible, in 
 
 51 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 regarding the story of the fall and the personality of the 
 devil as mere allegories. They also hold that he exag- 
 gerated the doctrine of Christ within. On the other 
 hand, they believe that the Orthodox have exaggerated 
 the doctrine of the atonement and made too much of 
 Christ's mere death and suffering, to the exclusion of his 
 spirit. They of course claim to be the original Quakers. 
 
 The substance of the faith of the early Quakers was 
 that they liked to believe that Christ was divine without 
 being obliged to state his divinity in the form of a meta- 
 physical subtlety. They liked to believe that he came 
 to save the world, but in a spiritual sense, and not by 
 means of death and physical suffering. This general 
 spiritual idea of his divinity has now spread to every 
 division of Christendom, and is the most sincere form of 
 belief on the subject held in modern times. Millions of 
 men and women who announce themselves as Trinita- 
 rians mean only that they believe in a general way in the 
 divinity of Christ. Few of them care for the doctrine of 
 the Trinity as taught in the Middle Ages, and few of them 
 could even state it. 
 
 The inspiration and authority of the Scriptures were 
 accepted by the Quakers, and this was the only point 
 where they were at one with the great sects of the Ref- 
 ormation. But they added to this belief a new doctrine, 
 which again took them far away from all other Protes- 
 tants. They held that by means of the inner light new 
 revelations could at any time be made to individuals, and 
 as a matter of fact were often made ; that these revela- 
 tions of the spirit were equal in authority with the Script- 
 ures, were from the same source, and would therefore 
 never contradict the Holy Writings. The Scriptures, 
 
 52 
 
Quaker Traits 
 
 they said, were merely the utterances of the spirit, not 
 the spirit itself. This behef in the doctrine of immediate 
 and continued revelations, since the time of the Script- 
 ures, somewhat resembled the Roman Cathohc belief in 
 the continuance of miracles since the time of the apostles, 
 and was, perhaps, one reason why the Quakers were con- 
 stantly charged with having a tendency towards papacy. 
 
 The doctrine of immediate revelations was the heresy 
 for which Mrs. Hutchinson, the Antinomian, was ban- 
 ished by the General Court of Massachusetts. The 
 Quakers absorbed pretty much all the Antinomians. 
 They also held that heresy so dear to the Familists, as 
 well as to the Antinomians, that the Old Testament was 
 entirely abrogated and the New Dispensation alone in 
 force. 
 
 We can, perhaps, realize more fully what a complete 
 reversal of religious thought the Quaker movement rep- 
 resents when we consider that they were perfectionists. 
 They believed that by contemplation and quietude a 
 man could in this life reach a state in which he was free 
 from sin. In this they contradicted not only all the 
 other sects of the Reformation, but the whole tone of 
 ecclesiastical thought for more than a thousand years. 
 No doctrine of the Church had been more generally 
 taught and believed than that which held that every 
 human being remained miserable and wicked to the end 
 of his days, and that perfection was possible only to God. 
 When we find a great religious movement spreading 
 over all Europe and holding out the possibility of human 
 perfection, it is easy to see that the Middle Ages are past. 
 
 Having freed themselves from so much dogma, and 
 especially from the dogma of exclusive salvation, the 
 
 S3 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 minds of the Quakers were back again in the normal 
 human state, and they became strong believers in liberty 
 of conscience. It was not a matter of expediency with 
 them, but a principle about which there could not be the 
 slightest doubt, and which they scarcely ever violated. 
 
 It is impossible to withhold admiration from them. 
 They have the honor of being one of the few divisions 
 of Christendom against which the charges of inhuman 
 cruelty and selfish love of power cannot be brought. 
 
 Among the Quakers first appeared those ideas of 
 philanthropy which may now be called the prevailing 
 religion of the modern world. Long before Beccaria 
 thought of writing his book on the misery of prisons, 
 the Quakers had carried into effect in Pennsylvania the 
 reforms which he is supposed to have originated. They 
 introduced the idea that a prison should be a reformatory 
 as well as a place of punishment — an abode of discipline 
 and cleanliness, instead of a source of dirt, pestilence, and 
 disorder. 
 
 As early as 1727 they began to agitate for the abolition 
 of slavery, and many years before that date they had had 
 the subject under discussion. Their fundamental prin- 
 ciple, that all religious development must arise from a 
 natural and direct relation between the individual soul and 
 God, has had an enormous influence on modem thought, 
 has stimulated morality, enlarged liberty, checked big- 
 otry and despotism, and affected indirectly every other 
 church and sect. 
 
 Fox is often spoken of as the founder of the Quaker 
 sect, but that is hardly a correct description of him. 
 He found the movement already in existence, and was 
 himself aroused and inspired by it. Quakerism origi- 
 
 54 
 
Quaker Traits 
 
 nated in natural causes far beyond the influence of any 
 one man. But Fox undoubtedly organized the move- 
 ment and forged it into shape. He was not a man of 
 learning and intelligence, like his successors William 
 Penn and Robert Barclay. But he was deep-hearted, 
 full of religious fervor, and carried away and out of him- 
 self by the feeling of the times — qualities, perhaps, better 
 suited to his purpose than mere logical or intellectual 
 power. 
 
 He caught up the ideas around him, expressed them in 
 vigorous speech, and made them respected by his heroic 
 suffering. He was eminently fitted for the task. Tall 
 of stature, with a piercing eye, commanding presence, 
 and perfect courage, wild, fanatical, and superstitious, he 
 fulfilled the idea of a prophet. He went up and down 
 England preaching everywhere, and even visited America. 
 He was continually getting into prison, and, his suffer- 
 ings becoming as conspicuous as his earnestness, he 
 was soon the rallying-point for the Quakers, and formed 
 them into a sect. He slept so often in the woods, in 
 barns, or in the cell of a prison, that he wore a suit of 
 leather clothes, and Carlyle has quaintly remarked that 
 it was an important day in the history of the world when 
 George Fox decided to make himself a pair of leather 
 breeches. 
 
 The outlandish doings of the Quakers, the bottle- 
 breaking, and the giving warning of doom in the streets, 
 were confined to the early days of the movement. They 
 suffered severely for these irregularities, which gave the 
 government an excuse for arresting them. But they 
 were driven to irregularities by the laws which prevented 
 their holding regular meetings. As the sect organized it 
 
 55 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 grew more regular in behavior ; it spread to the more 
 orderly middle classes, and became the sedate, sober 
 body which we know in our own time. Thus we find 
 the Quakers who came to Pennsylvania were a very 
 different set of people from those who thirty years before 
 went to Massachusetts and Rhode Island. They were 
 less extravagant in their behavior, and possessed more 
 wealth and better education. 
 
 The method of enforcing the Quaker faith, as finally 
 established, consisted of a severe discipline in morals and 
 manners, and most of it was reasoned out on the prin- 
 ciples of quietism. They prohibited every act of life, 
 every amusement, and every occupation which interfered 
 with tranquillity of mind, which tended to disturb the 
 repose and meditation which were necessary to the devel- 
 opment of the inward light. Not only cards and games 
 of chance were forbidden, but all games of skill, all kinds 
 of hunting and field sports, which, they said, aroused 
 too much excitement in the mind. Balls and the theatre 
 were equally dangerous. A man came home from such 
 entertainments with his imagination heated and unfit for 
 quietude. Novels and all works of fiction and poetry 
 had the same effect and were condemned. They were 
 particularly opposed to music. They not only banished 
 it from their religious meetings, but refused to have their 
 children taught it. 
 
 So far did the Quakers carry the idea of quietism that 
 even the raising of the voice beyond ordinary limits was 
 discouraged as tending to disturb the mind. For the 
 same reason they tried to adopt plain clothes, and have 
 them of the same fashion from year to year and from 
 century to century. The sermons — or, rather, the testi- 
 
Quaker Traits 
 
 monies in their meetings, for they hated the word ser- 
 mon — showed no variety or range of knowledge, and 
 were delivered in a peculiar monotonous tone. Com- 
 placency and serenity, evenness and monotony, were the 
 great regulations of their lives. They opposed all kinds 
 of speculation, and all hazardous or daring enterprises. 
 
 Two of their principles have always attracted great 
 attention, — their objection to taking an oath and their 
 objection to taking part in war. There was nothing new 
 in these ideas. Plato, Epictetus, and other spiritually- 
 minded philosophers had been opposed to oaths, for the 
 same reason as the Quakers. They held them to be 
 useless ceremonies, because men were bound to tell the 
 truth at all times and under all circumstances, and the 
 Quakers added to this argument several passages of 
 Scripture. 
 
 The objection to war had been a very common opinion 
 among the primitive Christians, as well as among some 
 of the old sects. Ambrose, Origen, Chrysostom, Cyril, 
 and many other saints and fathers had declared that to 
 fight, or go to battle, or join an army was contrary to the 
 express commands of Christ. The idea became a very 
 definite principle with the Quakers, but they utterly 
 failed in living up to it. 
 
 Part of their discipline was the duty of each member 
 to watch the others and report their failings. Having 
 no dogmas or ceremonies to occupy their attention, their 
 whole energy was given to the correction of manners, and 
 the most minute details of manners. Every family was 
 carefully guarded and inquired into. A Quaker who 
 married one of another faith was immediately dismissed 
 from the society, and the reason given for this severe 
 
 57 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 rule, which greatly depleted their numbers, was, that it 
 was impossible to discipline the family of a mixed mar- 
 riage. Failure to live up to Quaker habits and manners 
 was supposed to be always followed by dismissal. The 
 Quakers carried to a great extreme that idea so prevalent 
 in the Reformation, that a church should consist only of 
 the pure and perfect. 
 
 Their form of government began with the meeting or 
 congregation, which consisted of the people of a neigh- 
 borhood. From this delegates were sent to the monthly 
 meeting, which was composed of the representatives 
 from the congregations of a certain district, usually part 
 of a county. From the monthly meeting delegates went 
 to the quarterly meeting, which included a still larger 
 district, and from these quarterly meetings delegates 
 went to the yearly meeting, which represented the whole 
 country. This system, which reminds us somewhat of 
 the Presbyterian form of government, seems to have had 
 for its object the minute investigation of the morals of 
 the whole Quaker community. By an arrangement of 
 written questions and answers between these different 
 representative bodies, the condition of the people was 
 passed in review every year. 
 
 A remarkable part of these Quaker assemblies was 
 that they had no presiding officer, and that a question 
 was never put to vote. The clerk, or secretary, watched 
 the discussion and framed a resolution which seemed to 
 him to be the sense of the meeting. If he failed to judge 
 aright, the debate went on and the resolution was re- 
 framed by the clerk, and this process was kept up until 
 debate ceased and the sense of the meeting had been 
 ascertained. 
 
 58 
 
Quaker Traits 
 
 One characteristic of the Quakers, which distinguished 
 them in a marked degree from nearly all the other sects 
 of the Reformation, was their indifference to politics. 
 They avoided political discussions, as too exciting and 
 disturbing, and the subject was generally a forbidden one 
 in Quaker families. 
 
 Their objection was also grounded on their dislike 
 of war and of oaths. They saw that governments were 
 founded on force, and could be maintained only by 
 armies, and that it was impossible to hold office in the 
 governments of that time without taking an oath. They, 
 therefore, except in Pennsylvania, their own colony, took 
 no part in public life, and had no desire to do so. 
 They lived quietly by themselves, and made it a rule 
 to mix as little as possible with what they called the 
 world. Since the time of the primitive Christians there 
 never had been such apostles of gentleness. They were 
 a striking contrast to the Puritans, every one of whom 
 was a restless politician, whose religion included a theory 
 of civil government which he felt it his duty to enforce. 
 
 That the result of the Quaker belief and discipline was 
 remarkable purity of morals and innocence of life it is 
 impossible to deny, and so evident has this been to all 
 the world that the most cynical critics have seldom ques- 
 tioned it. But in their efforts to attain this result they 
 lost sight of many qualities which are not only consistent 
 with an upright life, but necessary to its perfection. 
 
 One of their foundation principles was that religious 
 experience and growth were guided by the inward light, 
 and in no way dependent on intellectual ability or knowl- 
 edge. Fox, an unlettered man, was at great pains to 
 show this, and it might have been expected from him. 
 
 59 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 But Barclay, a very learned and accomplished man, and 
 the greatest theologian the Quakers have produced, was 
 at equal pains to show it, and has taken up several pages 
 of his book in proving the uselessness of Latin, Greek, 
 mathematics, and natural philosophy. This was also 
 very different from the Puritans, who made their religion 
 an affair of the most hard-headed reasoning, who were 
 always hungry for knowledge and never tired of argu- 
 ment. 
 
 It was strange that the Quakers, after having freed 
 themselves almost entirely from dogma, should get into 
 a state of mind that despised high learning. Their belief 
 has been aptly described as a distorted rationalism. Not 
 that they encouraged absolute ignorance and illiteracy, 
 for they always had schools, and made a point that every 
 child should be taught, and they were particularly care- 
 ful in giving instruction to the poor. But their idea of 
 education stopped at these schools. Reading, writing, 
 and arithmetic were enough. For the higher walks of 
 education, for scholarship, and extended knowledge they 
 not only had no desire, but they distinctly disapproved 
 of them. 
 
 In modern times they have greatly changed in this 
 respect, and the Philadelphia Quakers have made most 
 successful efforts in the direction of higher education, as 
 their colleges, Bryn Mawr, Haverford, and Swarthmore, 
 abundantly prove. They have interested themselves in 
 the education of women, and also in women's rights, 
 which is the natural outgrowth of the liberty always al- 
 lowed by them to women in pre^hing and in the con- 
 duct of church affairs. But in 1789 John Dickinson had 
 great difficulty in getting them to accept money to estab- 
 
 60 
 
Quaker Traits 
 
 lish a high-class boarding-school, for most of them at 
 that time doubted the value of anything beyond mere 
 rudiments. 
 
 The contemplative, peaceful Quaker was in many re- 
 spects no match for the argumentative, fighting Puritan. 
 And yet there were circumstances in which the Quaker 
 would have the advantage. There are two kinds of 
 strength, — the strength of an astute mind and an aggres- 
 sive spirit, and the strength of a martyr's nature, gentle- 
 ness, perseverance, and resignation. When, thirty years 
 before the settlement of Pennsylvania, the Quakers at- 
 tempted to introduce their rehgion into Massachusetts, 
 their method was triumphant in the face of both Puritan 
 argument and Puritan cruelty. 
 
 It is easy to see a great deal in the regulations of the 
 Quakers that seems narrow, behttling, or impolitic. The 
 rule which dismisses every member who marries out 
 of meeting seems suicidal, and has undoubtedly depleted 
 their numbers. Many of their other customs seem also 
 calculated to drive away able, spirited men and retain 
 only the dull and commonplace. Yet it is astonishing 
 how many remarkable men have been Quakers, and it 
 is also curious to observe that most of them became 
 remarkable by disregarding some of the most important 
 regulations of the sect. 
 
 John Bright, who so long held such an eminent po- 
 sition in English politics, was, however, unusually con- 
 sistent for so distinguished a Quaker. But most of the 
 others have seemed to grow great by breaking the rules. 
 William Penn was a man of this sort. He had not been 
 bred a Quaker, and he indulged in politics, handsome 
 dress, and appointed military governors over his colony, 
 
 6i 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 to an extent that might have brought dismissal to a 
 man of less ascendency of character. 
 
 It is rather curious that the most eminent Quakers 
 should have excelled in the fields of politics, war, art, 
 and poetry, which were all under the ban of their doc- 
 trine. They have produced abler men in these lines than 
 in philanthropy, which was their special province. Their 
 contemplativeness and spirituality may be the cause of 
 the poets. As for war, it was said, in Philadelphia dur- 
 ing the Revolution, that the young Quakers who en- 
 listed learned the manual of arms quicker than any 
 others. It is certainly rather remarkable that Pennsyl- 
 vania, a Quaker colony, should have produced so many 
 distinguished generals and sent such a large proportion 
 of troops to every war. One of the best painters of his 
 time, Benjamin West, two of our best poets, Whittier and 
 Bayard Taylor, and two of the ablest generals of the 
 Revolution, Greene and Mifflin, were Quakers. 
 
 Whittier was born and bred in Massachusetts, of a 
 Quaker family which was converted from Puritanism 
 towards the close of the seventeenth century, when the 
 Quakers invaded Boston. Benjamin West was a Penn- 
 sylvanian. He had a natural genius for art, which, 
 unless it came by direct inspiration from heaven, must 
 have been by reaction from extreme Quaker doctrine, 
 for there was nothing in his surroundings to develop it. 
 He could not even get brushes. But so strong were his 
 instincts that, when a boy, as the story goes, he manu- 
 factured brushes out of the tail of the family cat, and 
 made paint from the red and yellow earths given him by 
 the Indians. 
 
 Pennsylvania in colonial days was an impossible place 
 62 
 
Quaker Traits 
 
 for such a man. He went to study in Italy, and finally 
 settled in England, where he became one of the founders 
 of the Royal Academy, and was afterwards its president, 
 succeeding Sir Joshua Reynolds. His pictures were 
 mostly of the classical and historical type. Many of 
 them, such as the Death of Wolfe, the Prodigal Son, 
 Hector and Andromache, are still copied, and his place 
 in art is a permanent one. 
 
 General Greene, of the Revolution, drove the British 
 from the South, and in ability was second only to Wash- 
 ington. Unlike West and Whittier, he dropped his sect 
 entirely when he joined the army. Mifflin was a Penn- 
 sylvanian born and bred, and a very distinguished sol- 
 dier. He commanded the best-disciplined brigade in 
 the Continental army, was governor of the State, and 
 had a long and successful career in politics. 
 
 There were also two other very prominent Quakers in 
 colonial Pennsylvania, James Logan and John Dickinson. 
 Logan was a rare instance of a Scotch-Irishman turned 
 Quaker. He had a strong character, combined with 
 scholarly and cultivated tastes. In his early life, being 
 deeply tinged with religious thought, he acquired an 
 undue contempt for money and material things. But 
 afterwards, becoming more balanced, he devoted himself 
 to the commercial ventures in which Philadelphia gave 
 so many opportunities, and acquired a fortune. 
 
 He was a lover of books, and founded the Loganian 
 Library, which became part of the Philadelphia Library 
 founded by Franklin. Like many of his fellow-colo- 
 nists, he dabbled in scientific pursuits, and encouraged 
 such pursuits in others. His quiet tastes and dehcacy 
 of feeling were undoubtedly of Quaker origin. 
 
 63 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 But the Scotch-Irishman in him would not down. He 
 beheved in war, and advocated it openly and boldly in 
 the teeth of the protests of his sect, and yet was never 
 cut off from meeting. He was secretary of the province, 
 and represented the interests of the proprietors pretty 
 much all his Hfe. It was a stormy career for him. He 
 was continually attacked by the popular party, and at 
 one time had to endure an impeachment trial. He was 
 always supremely indifferent to attacks and abuse, a trait 
 which by some was attributed to strength of mind, and 
 by others, to haughty arrogance. He was surly and 
 morose at times in his old age, which was also a charac- 
 teristic of Dickinson. Not a few of the Quakers, in the 
 height of their power, were affected with some of the 
 severe quahties which come of pride and success. 
 
 Dickinson was a lawyer, the author of the famous 
 Farmer's Letters which had so much influence in the 
 early part of the movement for independence. Like 
 Logan, he believed in war, was colonel of a regiment, 
 and fought at the battle of the Brandywine. He had a 
 long career in Pennsylvania poHtics, as well as in national 
 politics, and he largely controlled the destinies of the 
 continent up to the Declaration of Independence. But 
 he belonged to the conservative party, believed the Dec- 
 laration to be premature, and his reputation has suffered. 
 
 All these men — Penn, Bright, West, Whittier, Greene, 
 Mifflin, Logan, and Dickinson — were excellent citizens, 
 of exemplary lives and valuable influence. They seem 
 to have combined what was best in their faith with what 
 was best in the world, and to have escaped what was 
 narrow in both. 
 
 Bayard Taylor was also partly of Quaker origin, and 
 
 64 
 
Quaker Traits 
 
 has left some interesting accounts of his struggles with 
 the limitations of the sect in his Pennsylvania home. His 
 ancestors were both Quaker and German, and, though 
 his family had been dismissed from the society for the 
 unpardonable offence of marrying out of meeting, his 
 mother had had a great fondness for the Quaker belief, 
 and taught it to her children. 
 
 Taylor grew up under Quaker influences, not only in 
 his own home, but among his neighbors at Kennett 
 Square. He always retained an affection for these as- 
 sociations, and even in mature years his letters were often 
 written in the thee and thou language. But he reacted 
 strongly from the narrowness of his surroundings. The 
 story is told of his boyhood, that, having listened for a 
 long time to interminable doctrine on the evils of oaths, 
 both judicial and profane, he went out into a field, and, 
 having delivered himself of all the swearing he could 
 remember or invent, came back with his mind reheved. 
 He sought delight in endless travel. His best poems were 
 oriental, and the scenes he loved best were in the East, 
 probably because its light, and passion, and color were 
 the furthest remove he could find from the negations at 
 Kennett Square. A large part of his Home Pastorals is 
 an expression of the struggle between affection for his 
 old home and revolt from its repression. 
 
 " Right and left are the homes of the slow, conservative farmers, 
 Loyal people and true, but, now that the battles are over. 
 Zealous for temperance, peace, and the right of suffrage for women, 
 Orderly, moral, are they — at least in the sense of suppression ; 
 Given to preaching of rules, inflexible outlines of duty ; 
 Seeing the sternness of life, but, alas ! overlooking its graces. 
 
 5 65 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 Nay, but let me be just, nor speak with the alien language 
 
 Born of my blood ; for, cradled among them, I know them and love them. 
 
 Was it my fault if a strain of the distant and dead generations 
 
 Rose in my being renewed, and made me other than these are ?" 
 
 West and' Whittier always remained Quakers, and 
 apparently suffered little or no sense of repression. But 
 if the Quakers had anything to do with making Taylor 
 a poet, it must have been by process of reaction. The 
 process was quite effective, however, for it is impossible 
 to read his life and works without seeing that his whole 
 nature was thoroughly poetic. His prose was poetry, 
 and his travels attained their large popularity princi- 
 pally because they were written from the point of view 
 of a poet. 
 
 The Quakers have played a great part in the world, 
 and the decline and drying up of their sect in the 
 present century is much to be deplored. Various causes 
 have been given for it. In Pennsylvania the decay was 
 hastened by certain political changes which drove them 
 from power at the time of the Revolution. 
 
 But the general decline among them in all countries 
 has usually been attributed to some of their peculiar 
 rules of discipline, and also to the increase of wealth, 
 which has, perhaps, been the strongest cause of all. 
 They have been so thrifty, and such careful men of 
 business, that k most of them made fortunes. Now, it is 
 impossible for a Quaker to obey the discipline of his 
 meeting and at the same time spend a large income, unless 
 he gives it all away in charity. He is allowed nothing 
 else to spend it on. The consequence has been, that as 
 Quaker families grew rich the sons and daughters were 
 continually tempted to expand, at first in the direction 
 
 66 
 
Quaker Traits 
 
 of innocent little articles of clothes or innocent little 
 amusements. But one thing led to another until, with 
 increasing wealth and increasing knowledge of the world, 
 the family suddenly found itself outside of meeting and 
 gradually joined the Episcopalians. 
 
 The Quakers held their own in Pennsylvania for some 
 years after the Revolution. But in the last sixty years 
 they seem to have been disappearing. Whole districts 
 of Philadelphia which were once entirely populated by 
 them now contain scarcely any. Instead of being the 
 strongest sect in Philadelphia and the adjoining counties, 
 they are now in many respects the weakest. 
 
 Their disappearance from public life and influence after 
 the Revolution changed the character of the city, and 
 not for the better. It is only within the last twenty years 
 that it has begun to recover from the effects of the retire- 
 ment of the people who created its early reputation. It 
 is now rapidly coming under new influences, and its 
 future will be built on lines somewhat different from 
 those of its past. 
 
 It will be a long time, however, before all the results 
 of the Quaker dominion disappear. Their numbers may 
 be fewer, but their influence is still potent, and many 
 of their ideas have been unconsciously adopted by the 
 people of other religions, among whom they have been 
 living so closely for two hundred years. ' It is not easy 
 to tell their exact condition and numbers. So many of 
 them have given up the distinctive dress, and they are 
 so retiring in their habits, that their existence is not very 
 clearly marked. If we count only those who are plain 
 Quakers of the old type, their numbers would be few. 
 But if we add those who are part Episcopalian and part 
 
 67 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 Quaker, and those who may be called liberal Quakers, 
 the Quaker influence still remains rather large in some 
 respects. 
 
 It is sometimes said that the Quakers as a sect will 
 soon be extinct, but this assertion is not supported by 
 any definite facts or statistics. In the West they are said 
 to be increasing, and apparently because they are willing 
 to adopt more modern methods of worship. It is diffi- 
 cult to discover their numbers, and some of the estimates 
 are mere guesses. Some authorities give the number of 
 them in England, about the year 1700, at one hundred 
 thousand. Other authorities put it at fifty or sixty 
 thousand. At that time the population of Great Britain 
 was about five or six million. Since then they have 
 diminished rapidly, and in 1800 are said to have num- 
 bered only twenty thousand, and now only fifteen thou- 
 sand. 
 
 In America they have had better success, and, counting 
 all the divisions — Orthodox, Hicksites, and Wilburites — 
 are now estimated at about one hundred and fifty thou- 
 sand. This is probably too high. But if it is anywhere 
 near the truth, it shows that in this country they have 
 about held their own for the last hundred years, without 
 either much gain or much loss. If the number one 
 hundred and fifty thousand is correct, it would show a 
 sHght gain. 
 
 But when we consider the enormous growth of America 
 in population, and the great increase in the numbers of 
 other sects, it is easy to see that the Quakers have lost 
 relatively and have made no real progress. In a country 
 which has often doubled its population in thirty years, 
 and where sects often double their numbers, to stand 
 
 68 
 
Quaker Traits 
 
 still is to lose. It will, however, be a long time before 
 they are extinct, or anywhere near that condition, and it 
 is safe to say that the man has not yet been born who 
 will live to see the last of them.* 
 
 * Janney's History of the Quakers ; Clarkson's Portraiture ; Gumey's 
 Observations; Barclay's Apology; Works of Penn; Marsh's Life of Fox; 
 Turner's Quakers. 
 
 69 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE GERMANS. 
 
 The Quakers were obliged to share Pennsylvania with 
 a large number of Germans, who constituted that impor- 
 tant body of the population still known as the Pennsyl- 
 vania Dutch. This was the first appearance of Germans 
 on the American continent. The struggle for the pos- 
 session of the New World, which began soon after the 
 first voyage of Columbus, had been confined to the 
 Spanish, Portuguese, French, Dutch, Swedes, and English. 
 The Germans, distracted by their own political divisions, 
 took no part in the contest, and seemed to have no desire 
 for colonization. They finally appeared in Pennsylvania 
 half a century after most of the English colonies had 
 been established, but they came as immigrants under 
 the protection of the English nation, at first by the en- 
 couragement and persuasion of the Quakers, and after- 
 wards by the encouragement of the British government. 
 
 The Gernian element has been variously estimated as 
 composing from one-third to one-half the population of 
 Pennsylvania, and has unquestionably had a great in- 
 fluence on the development of our State. Whether that 
 influence has been beneficial or injurious to our progress 
 and highest interests is a question still debated among 
 Pennsylvanians, and not likely to be settled in a way 
 that will satisfy every one. 
 
 Some are of the opinion that where the Germans have 
 
 70 
 
The Germans 
 
 freely mixed and intermarried with the other elements 
 of the population an excellent stock of people has been 
 produced, but that unfortunately this intermixture has 
 been of comparatively small extent. The great majority 
 of the Germans have lived together in masses, with little 
 or no intermarriage with other elements, and this isola- 
 tion, combined with their slowness, their opposition to 
 the public school system, and their retaining their lan- 
 guage and customs, has checked the advancement of the 
 State, which should be the first, instead of the second, in 
 the Union. Others, however, have seen, in their thrift, 
 steadiness, and love of liberty, the source not only of all 
 that is great in the State, but of a large part of the great- 
 ness of the nation. 
 
 They are usually described as consisting of two main 
 divisions, the sects and the church people. The sects 
 arrived first, some of them as soon as the Quakers, and 
 were made up of the Mennonites, Tunkers, Schwenk- 
 felders, and others. The church people who came in 
 a little later belonged to the two regular churches of 
 Germany, the Reformed and the Lutheran. 
 
 The religious belief of the sects was the result of the 
 same general causes which had produced the Quakers. 
 The most prominent of them, and the first to arrive in 
 the colony, were the Mennonites, or Mennists, a sect 
 whose origin has been disputed. According to their 
 own account they were the descendants of the Waldenses, 
 those ancient heretics who had existed from time imme- 
 morial, who denied infant baptism and were guilty of 
 many more supposed errors which afterwards cropped out 
 in the Reformation. Others, however, have described 
 the Mennonites as the descendants of the Anabaptists, 
 
 7" 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 who committed such violence and excess in the begin- 
 ning of the sixteenth century. 
 
 The Mennonites undoubtedly held beliefs which were 
 common to both the Waldenses and the Anabaptists. 
 As they had none of the Anabaptist love of riot and 
 disorder, it was said that they were the Anabaptists 
 quieted and reformed. Very lilcely many people who 
 had been among the old Anabaptists finally found them- 
 selves with the Mennonites, and probably some who 
 were]Waldenses, or whose ancestors had been Waldenses, 
 were also with them. But the general cause of their ex- 
 istence was the same which created the Quakers, namely, 
 the reaction against dogma, and probably most of them 
 were recruited from the Roman Catholics and the Lu- 
 therans. 
 
 Their leader, Menno Simons, by whose name they 
 were called, had been a Roman priest, and he first or- 
 ganized them about the year 1540. They resembled 
 the Quakers in almost every respect, except that they 
 had less quietism. They believed in the inward light, 
 and that since the coming of Christ it had reached every 
 man in the world, heathen as well as Christian. They 
 were opposed to war and to oaths, and would take no 
 part in government. They were opposed to a hireling 
 ministry, premeditated sermons, and high education, and 
 also to infant baptism. Ideas of this sort were floating 
 about Europe all through the period of the Reformation, 
 and every now and then some strong, earnest man was 
 inspired by them and built up a sect. Thus Menno 
 Simons made the Mennonites, and a hundred years 
 afterwards George Fox, from the same ideas, made the 
 Quakers. 
 
 73 
 
The Germans 
 
 The Mennonites held very much the same opinions 
 as the early Quakers on the doctrine of the Trinity, 
 but they went not so far as the Quakers in abolishing 
 sacraments. They retained baptism, applying it only 
 to adults, and they retained the sacrament of the com- 
 munion. They added another sacrament of their own, 
 which consisted in washing each other's feet, and this 
 they held was commanded by the Scriptures even more 
 positively than the communion. 
 
 They were not quite so far advanced in the Reforma- 
 tion movement as the Quakers, for the reason that they 
 were a hundred years older. But the two sects were so 
 nearly alike that they always fraternized, preached in 
 each other's meetings, and the Mennonites were often 
 called German Quakers. In one respect they seem to 
 have been somewhat in advance of the Quakers. They 
 were the first people in Pennsylvania and the first people 
 in America to suggest the abolition of negro slavery. 
 In 1688 some of them who were living in Germantown 
 sent a petition to that effect to the Quakers, who after- 
 wards adopted the idea and became famous for the ad- 
 vocacy of it. The petition is full of quaint and curious 
 expressions, especially one paragraph. 
 
 " If once these slaves (wch they say are so wicked and stubborn men) 
 should joint themselves, fight for their freedom and handel their masters 
 & mastrisses, as they did handel them before; vifill these masters and 
 mastrisses tacke the sword at hand & warr against these poor slaves, licke 
 we are able to believe, some will not refuse to doe ? Or have these negers 
 not as much right to fight for their freedom, as you have to keep them 
 slaves?" 
 
 The signers of this petition, who certainly deserve re- 
 membrance, were Gerret Hendricks, Derick Op de Graff, 
 
 73 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 Francis Daniel Pastorius, Abraham Op den Graef, all 
 Germans or Hollanders. They are often spoken of as 
 Quakers. Whittier treats them as such in his Pennsyl- 
 vania Pilgrim, and possibly they were as much Quaker 
 as Mennonite. IVIany of the German Mennonites, espe- 
 cially those who adopted English ways, became Quakers, 
 and several prominent Quaker families in Philadelphia 
 and other parts of the State are of German descent. 
 
 Throughout the greater part of the seventeenth cen- 
 tury, before Pennsylvania was founded, the Mennonites 
 and other German sects were fiercely persecuted by both 
 Protestant and Catholic. In Germany they were hunted 
 down by the Catholics, Lutherans, and Reformed, and 
 in Switzerland by the Calvinists. They were constantly 
 on the move from place to place, hiding in the mountains 
 or the depths of the cities, or escaping to Holland, 
 England, or America. Having refused to become the 
 church militant, as was aptly said of them, they became 
 the church migratory. 
 
 Long before William Penn received his charter, Gus- 
 tavus Adolphus of Sweden is said to have invited the 
 Mennonites to seek an asylum on the Delaware. His 
 call seems to have been but little heeded, except by 
 a small company of about twenty-five, who settled at 
 Whorekill, on Delaware Bay, in 1662, where they were 
 scattered and destroyed by the English two years after- 
 wards, when the country was taken from the Dutch. 
 The leader of the colony and his wife escaped, and after 
 many years' wanderings in the wilderness came to Ger- 
 mantown, where they were cared for and given a home 
 for the rest of their lives. 
 
 The important Mennonite immigation began to arrive 
 
 74 
 
The Germans 
 
 about the same time as the Quakers in 1682 or 1683, 
 and was directly encouraged by William Penn. They 
 went out to the beginning of the high land between the 
 Delaware and the Schuylkill, about six miles north of 
 Philadelphia, and founded Germantown, now a suburb 
 of the city. 
 
 The most prominent man among them, and their 
 leader, was Francis Daniel Pastorius, a school-master, 
 who taught at Germantown, and also among the Quakers 
 in Philadelphia. Like others of his nation, he had a 
 prodigious capacity for absorbing all sorts of knowledge, 
 was master of seven or eight languages, and well read in 
 science and philosophy. At the age of twenty-two he 
 is said to have disputed in public in several of these lan- 
 guages on science and law. He familiarized himself 
 with questions of international importance, studied juris- 
 prudence at Strasburg, Basle, and Jena, and was for a 
 time a law lecturer at Frankfort. 
 
 But the absorption of all this knowledge was not 
 enough for his German enthusiasm. He sought other 
 scenes and amusements, and in company with a friend 
 wandered for two years all over Europe, " feasting and 
 dancing," as he tells us. Perhaps in the course of these 
 journeyings he may have been seen, as we sometimes 
 now see young Germans, roaming through Switzerland, 
 staff in hand, knapsack on back, and pipe in mouth. 
 
 He was an enthusiast, ready for anything, and, as 
 might have been expected, he was soon caught in one 
 of the innumerable rehgious movements of his country. 
 While lecturing on law at Frankfort he came under the 
 mystic teachings of Spener, the leader of the pietists. 
 The young and beautiful Eleanora Von Merlau was also 
 
 75 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 of that faith, and added the mysticism of womanhood to 
 the mysticism of religion. Such influences have sub- 
 dued stronger men than the feasting, dancing young 
 German, and the rest of his life was more serious. He 
 came to America out of enthusiasm and sympathy for his 
 fellow-countrymen, well content to begin life in a log- 
 hut, to teach the children, and fill his garden with bees 
 and flowers. This aspect of his character has been beau- 
 tifully described by Whittier. 
 
 " So, with his mystic neighbors settling down, 
 The homespun frock beside the scholar's gown, 
 Pastorius to the manners of the town 
 
 "Added the freedom of the woods, and sought 
 The bookless wisdom by experience taught, 
 And learned to love his new-found home, while not 
 
 " Forgetful of the old ; the seasons went 
 Their rounds ; and somewhat to his spirit lent 
 Of their own calm and measureless content." 
 
 Eleanora Von Merlau, her husband, Johann Wilhelm 
 Petersen, and several other learned people, interested in 
 the pietist movement in Germany, intended to settle in 
 Pennsylvania. They formed a company called the Frank- 
 fort Company, and bought from William Penn twenty- 
 five thousand acres of land, which included the present 
 site of Germantown. They sent out Pastorius, as their 
 attorney and agent, with a selected company of weavers 
 and farmers, intending soon to follow him. They never 
 came, however, which was a great disappointment to 
 him, and after managing the affairs of the company 
 for seventeen years, he gave it up in disgust. It fell 
 into bad hands, and was soon involved in troublesome 
 
 litigation. 
 
 76 
 
The Germans 
 
 Pastorius continued to live his quiet life in German- 
 town, and was probably a very pleasant and genial sort 
 of man, although some of his pupils have given him 
 the reputation of being somewhat addicted to the rod. 
 Many pretty and homely traditions are connected with 
 his life. When he first arrived in Philadelphia, and before 
 he estabhshed himself in Germantown, he lived for a 
 time, like many of the Quakers, in a sort of half hut, 
 half cave, on the steep bank of the Delaware, probably 
 near the present Chestnut Street Wharf Over the door 
 of this abode he placed a motto, " Parva domus, sed 
 amica bonis, procul este profani," which gave Penn much 
 amusement when he first visited the colony. 
 
 In Germantown, however, he built himself a sub- 
 stantial stone house. He wrote punning Latin verses, 
 one or two books of little importance that were published, 
 and an unpublished manuscript of a thousand pages, full 
 of philosophy and fancy, bees and flowers, and composed 
 in the seven languages of which he was the master. 
 He was a bailiff of Germantown, and represented it for 
 two years in the Assembly. He had the good sense to 
 recommend his children to study English, a piece of 
 advice which his countrymen were not in the habit of 
 giving. Whittier has pictured him in his garden musing 
 over the rejection of the petition for the abolition of 
 slavery. 
 
 " He ceased, and, bound in spirit with the bound, 
 With folded arms and eyes that sought the ground. 
 Walked musingly his little garden round. 
 
 " About him, beaded with the falling dew, 
 Rare plants of power and herbs of healing grew, 
 Such as Van Helmont and Agrippa knew. 
 77 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 " For, by the lore of Gorlitz' gentle sage, 
 With the mild mystics of his dreamy age, 
 He read the herbal signs of nature's page. 
 
 " As once he heard in sweet Von Merlau's bowers, 
 Fair as herself, in boyhood's happy hours, 
 The pious Spener read his creed in flowers." 
 
 Some of the Germans who came with the Mennonites 
 were called Pietists. Pietism was the name for a school 
 of religious thought established by Spener, which pre- 
 vailed more or less among the Lutherans, the Reformed, 
 and pretty much all the religious divisions of Germany. 
 It is difficult to describe, because it assumed so many 
 forms. In the main it was part of the reaction against 
 dogma. Its adherents were opposed to all rigid systems 
 of theology, and devoted themselves to moral perfection. 
 At times it was mystic. In some of its forms it cor- 
 responded to what is known among us as evangelical 
 Christianity, and it also seems to have contained some- 
 thing of the idea, carried to an extreme by the English 
 Methodists, that religion must consist exclusively of an 
 individual experience of each soul. 
 
 The Pietists are sometimes described as an offshoot 
 from the Lutherans, and in this sense they may be said 
 to have been composed of those who carried pietism to an 
 extreme and separated from the regular Lutheran body, 
 leaving in it a party who were moderate Pietists. Appar- 
 ently, only a few who were distinctly known as Pietists 
 came to Pennsylvania, but pietism in some form or other 
 prevailed among most of the sects and church people. 
 
 The Tunkers, who were somewhat pietistic, came in 
 large numbers, and are said to have been recruited very 
 largely from the Reformed Church of Germany. They 
 
 78 
 
The Germans 
 
 were somewhat like the Mennonites, but were peculiar 
 in dress and manners. The word Tunker means a dipper, 
 a baptizer by immersion. In Pennsylvania it has become 
 corrupted into Dunker, Dunkard, and also into Tumpler, 
 or Dumpier, referring to the motions of the baptized 
 in the water. Like the Mennonites, they have the com- 
 munion and the additional sacrament of washing each 
 other's feet. They were very mystical, and have never 
 made a statement of their doctrine, saying that the New 
 Testament was enough. Many of them made a point of 
 wearing long beards, coarse clothes, and walking with a 
 solemn pace. Like the other German sects, they refused 
 to take oaths or bear arms. 
 
 They first appeared in Germany at Schwartzenau, in 
 1708, and were driven by persecution to Crefeld and 
 Holland. Between the years 1719 and 1729 the whole 
 sect came over to America, most of them settling in 
 Pennsylvania. Some of their leaders, like the leaders of 
 the Mennonites, were men of education and intelligence. 
 They grew and prospered as a religious body, and in 
 1850 are said to have numbered, in the United States, 
 over two hundred thousand, with a thousand ministers. 
 
 Some of them separated and became the German 
 Seventh-Day Baptists. This schism was accomplished 
 by Conrad Beissel, a Pietist, who came to Pennsylvania 
 in 1720. He preached to the Tunkers, and seems to 
 have thought that they would be improved by a celibate 
 and monastic life, and by observing the last, instead of 
 the first, day of the week as the Sabbath. He adopted 
 the life of a hermit, and in 1732 suddenly disappeared. 
 He was soon found, however, still living as a hermit on 
 the banks of Cocalico Creek, in Lancaster County, where 
 
 79 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 he had a small farm and composed hymns. The Tunkers 
 began to resort to him, and in a little while he had a 
 monastic community of about three hundred strange, 
 mystical, German souls, and afterwards one or two branch 
 societies were established in other parts of Pennsylvania. 
 
 His settlement soon became known as the Monastery 
 of Ephrata, and some of its curious buildings are still 
 standing. There was a house for the brothers, a house 
 for the sisters, a flour mill, paper mill, fulling mill, flax 
 and oil press, a printing establishment, and a book 
 bindery. Altogether they published about forty books, 
 among them the Mennonite Martyr Book, some school 
 books, and other volumes of a religious kind. Their 
 books have been much admired for the excellence of the 
 paper and printing, and they are valued by collectors. 
 The sisters employed themselves in the ornamental 
 writing of texts, and in copying hundreds of volumes 
 of music, to which the monastery was deeply devoted. 
 They had a school which is said to have achieved some 
 reputation and attracted pupils from Philadelphia and 
 Baltimore. The large room of this school and other 
 parts of the monastery were used as a hospital for some 
 of the Continental soldiers after the battle of the Brandy- 
 wine. 
 
 In modern times attempts have been made to ignore 
 the extraordinary eccentricities of these people, as well 
 as of the other German sects, and modernize them. But 
 the farther we go back to the contemporary accounts 
 of them the more we discover of their strange habits. 
 Gordon, who wrote previous to 1829, and had ample 
 opportunity for obtaining his information from original 
 sources, is a very safe authority. 
 
 80 
 
The Germans 
 
 " They lived on vegetables solely, and slept on wooden benches, with 
 blocks of wood for pillows, and attended worship four times in the twenty- 
 four hours. This life macerated their bodies, and rendered their com- 
 plexions pale and bloodless. Their dress consisted of a shirt, trowsers, 
 and waistcoat, with a long white gown and cowl, of woollen in winter 
 and linen in summer. The dress of the women differed from that of the 
 men in petticoats only ; with the cowls of their gowns they covered their 
 faces when going into public. When walking they all used a solemn, 
 steady pace, keeping straight forward, with their eyes fixed to the ground, 
 not turning to give an answer when asked a question. On their occasional 
 visits to their friends at Germantown, forty or fifty, thus strangely accou- 
 tred, with sandals on their feet, were seen following each other in Indian 
 file. . . . 
 
 " Their sensual affections, driven from their natural channel, were poured 
 forth on this mystic union with the Redeemer. By the unmarried of both 
 sexes he was considered as an object of more than spiritual love : he was 
 the bride of one, and the bridegroom of the other ; in their songs and 
 hymns, as in those of the Moravians, he was sometimes addressed in the 
 strong and frequently not most delicate language of passion." (Gordon's 
 Penna. 575, 576.) 
 
 We have also the authority of Endress, who was 
 himself a German, and studied the Ephrata people from 
 personal observation. 
 
 " Some of their writers of spiritual songs possessed well-regulated 
 minds and a portion of poetic spirit. The mysticism of these created an 
 imaginary world, instead of that which they had abandoned, where they 
 permitted their affections to roam unchecked. The figure or image dearest 
 to passion was enthroned in their hearts ; that was their God, their Lord, 
 their Redeemer. But the effusions of others were a jargon of inconsistent 
 connections : turtle doves and Iambs in conjugal union ; cultivated fields, 
 on which were sown pearls, and wine, and music ; burning hearts united 
 in keeping silence and singing at the same time songs of joy." (Haz- 
 ard's Register, vol. v., 334.) 
 
 The society at Ephrata does not seem to have begun 
 to decay until after the Revolution, and even far down 
 into the present century schools and an academy were 
 6 81 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 still in existence. A Sunday-school is said to have been 
 established at Ephrata in 1740, nearly half a century 
 before anything of the sort was begun in England. 
 
 In colonial times they were regarded as a curious 
 community of Protestant monks and nuns. Travellers 
 often made the long journey from Philadelphia to see 
 them, and from one of these visitors we have an inter- 
 esting description : 
 
 " The performers sat with their heads inclined, their countenances 
 solemn and dejected, their faces pale and emaciated from their manner 
 of living, their clothing exceeding white and quite picturesque, and their 
 music such as thrilled to the very soul. I almost began to think myself 
 in the world of spirits, and that the objects before me were ethereal." 
 
 The desire for hermit life was by no means uncommon 
 among those brooding, introspective Germans who came 
 to Pennsylvania. Many of them retired to caves or soli- 
 tary huts in the woods, and occasionally one is still to 
 be found in remote parts of the State. In colonial times, 
 and even in the early part of the present century, there 
 seem to have been always a few of them in the neigh- 
 borhood of Philadelphia. In the old records they are 
 sometimes spoken of as Ridge Hermits, probably because 
 many of them were settled at a place called the Ridge, 
 near Germantown. 
 
 There was a whole sect devoted to this hermit life, and 
 called the " Society of the Woman of the Wilderness," 
 which arrived as early as 1694. They were probably 
 the least numerous religious body that came from Ger- 
 many, and they were apparently an order of Pietists. 
 They settled among the dark, romantic ravines of the 
 Wissahickon, now within the limits of Fairmount Park. 
 After a time most of them returned to the world. But 
 
 82 
 
The Germans 
 
 Kelpius, Seelig, Mathias, and a few others persevered 
 to the end, and Whittier, in his Pennsylvania Pilgrim, 
 has a short verse for Kelpius : 
 
 " Or painful Kelpius from his hermit den, 
 By Wissahickon, maddest of good men. 
 Dreamed o'er the Chiliast dreams of Petersen." 
 
 This Society of the Woman of the Wilderness is said 
 to have been composed almost entirely of students, 
 vv^hose peculiar opinions had driven them from the Ger- 
 man universities. Their learning, we are assured, was 
 prodigious. Kelpius is said to have known Hebrew, 
 Greek, and Latin, and to have been able to write English 
 with remarkable purity. They believed in the near 
 approach of the Millennium, when the woman mentioned 
 in the Book of Revelation should come up from the 
 wilderness leaning on the arm of her beloved, and deliver 
 the Church. They are said to have devoted themselves 
 to the education of the poor. But at the same time 
 they practised magic and astrology, and also ordinary 
 fortune-telling. 
 
 These very learned Germans have been somewhat 
 enlarged upon in recent years, and there has been a ten- 
 dency to make extraordinary claims of merit for them. 
 It has even been suggested that their wonderful knowl- 
 edge and the sufferings they endured in the crowded 
 immigrant ships entitled them to greater consideration 
 than the Pilgrim Fathers and other English colonists. 
 As has happened with almost every State and element 
 of population in the Union, it has been at times hinted 
 that perhaps these dreamers were the real creators of 
 America, and that the peculiar features of our govern- 
 ment and civilization must be traced to them. 
 
 83 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 When the prodigies are investigated, however, and the 
 character and extent of their knowledge disclosed by 
 contemporaneous evidence, we find that the learning of 
 these astrologers was not of the effective kind. Men 
 like Seelig, Kelpius, and others were crammed full of 
 all sorts of book-learning, with but little genius or ability 
 in its use. The wonderful capacity of the German for 
 absorbing information often produces queer characters, 
 and Mr. Charles G. Leland, from his long familiarity 
 with the German-American, has some apt remarks on 
 this subject : 
 
 " America abounds with Germans who, having received in their youth 
 a ' classical education,' have passed through varied adventures, and often 
 present the most startling paradoxes of thought and personal appearance. 
 I have seen a man bearing a keg, a porter, who could speak Latin 
 fluently. I have been in a beer-shop kept by a man who was distinguished 
 in the Frankfort Parliament. I have found a graduate of the University 
 of Munich in a negro-minstrel troupe." (Leland's Hans Breitmann's 
 Ballads, edition 1884, p. 5.) 
 
 The Tunkers, as they arrived, joined the Mennonites 
 in Germantown, and the two sects built up what must 
 have been a very pretty village, which straggled for 
 several miles on both sides of a wide road, which is now 
 the Main Street of Germantown. Peach-trees, bending 
 under the weight of fruit, flourished along both sides of 
 the road. The houses were of peculiar architecture, 
 built usually of stone in the most substantial manner, 
 with curious roofs and pent-eaves. Some of the houses 
 were two stories high ; others had only one story and 
 an attic, with their gable ends towards the road. Behind 
 them extended large gardens full of strange plants, 
 many of them growing for the first time in American 
 
 84 
 
The Germans 
 
 soil. Some of these houses and the remains of some of 
 the gardens are still to be found, together with a few 
 descendants of the Mennonites. 
 
 They appear to have been a rather well-to-do people, 
 of a much higher class than the immigrants that fol- 
 lowed them. Pastorius and his learned friehds had 
 collected them in Germany, obtained from Penn the 
 grant of land on which they settled, and it was natural 
 that a rather better sort of people should attach them- 
 selves to leaders of such high character. 
 
 The village was at first unnamed, and called the 
 German Town, which after a while was spelled as it now 
 is. It was the first German settlement on American soil, 
 and was incorporated in 169 1 with a good array of 
 Germans and Dutchmen for officers : 
 
 " Francis Daniel Pastorius, bailiff; Jacob Telner, Dirck Op den Graeff, 
 and Thones Kunders, burgesses ; Abraham Op den Graeff, Jacob Isaacs 
 Van Bebber, Johannes Kassel, Heivert Papen, Hermann Bom, and Dirck 
 Van Kolk, committeemen." 
 
 These worthy burghers Whittier has described as 
 associating in easy, friendly familiarity with Pastorius, 
 discussing the strange mysteries of their religion, and 
 leading hves of gentle simplicity among their gardens 
 and farms: 
 
 " Or talking of old home scenes Op de Graaf 
 Teased the low back-log with his shodden staff. 
 Till the red embers broke into a laugh." 
 
 Citizenship under such pious rulers was not to be con- 
 sidered a trifle, and immigrants were obliged to pay one 
 pound sterling for the privilege. That there might be no 
 mistake in their knowledge of the laws, the people were 
 
 8S 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 to be called together on the 19th of January in every 
 year, and the laws and ordinances read aloud to them. 
 The learned Pastorius contrived a seal for their little 
 town, and, as most of them were weavers and had come 
 from a country of vineyards, he made it consist of a 
 clover-leaf on which were a vine, a stalk of flax, and a 
 weaver's spool, with the words " Vinum, Linum, Tex- 
 trinum." 
 
 It was difficult, however, to get these good people to 
 carry on a government even under such an ingenious 
 seal, and they finally lost their charter by failure to 
 elect officers under it. Like the Quakers, they were, in 
 theory, opposed to politics and all kinds of force, even 
 the force of a sheriff in serving a writ or making an 
 arrest. They were at first unwilling to proceed to force 
 even against thieves and trespassers ; and until, like the 
 Quakers, they had had a full taste of the sweets of 
 power, resignations and refusals of office were some- 
 what more numerous than they are now in German- 
 town. 
 
 There was a curious character among them named 
 Anthony Klincken who might very well have been men- 
 tioned in Whittier's Pennsylvania Pilgrim. He seems to 
 have been well-to-do, like many of the others, and de- 
 voted himself almost entirely to hunting, for which the 
 surrounding wilderness afforded abundant opportunity. 
 But the best place for duck shooting, he always said. 
 Was the little spatterdock pond close to Philadelphia, 
 where Fourth and Market Streets now intersect. He 
 usually took his gun with him when he went to Phila- 
 delphia in autumn and winter, and seldom failed to be 
 rewarded at the pond. He imported a German yager 
 
 86 
 
The Germans 
 
 to assist him in his expeditions, and his home was always 
 full of game carefully labelled with the date when it was 
 killed. 
 
 The German village was a pleasant resort for the 
 Philadelphians in summer, and they fled to it in great 
 numbers after the Revolution during the epidemics of 
 yellow fever. It was unlike Philadelphia, and remained 
 thoroughly German until the beginning of the present 
 century. It has continued to be a summer resort down 
 into our own time ; and many are still alive who remem- 
 ber the last of its old German characteristics, which 
 have now pretty much all disappeared. 
 
 The Tunkers and the Mennonites established schools, 
 a printing-press, and a newspaper conducted by 
 Christopher Sauer, a Tunker elder. The old German- 
 town Academy, which still exists, was founded in part 
 by their efforts. For fully a century Germantown was 
 the head-quarters of the Pennsylvania Dutch and the 
 German-Americans. Sauer's newspaper had a wide 
 circulation among all the Germans from New York 
 to Georgia, and for a time Sauer also published a maga- 
 zine, probably the first one that appeared in America. 
 
 Like the little colony at Ephrata, the Germantown 
 people sent out their books, almanacs, tracts, and maga- 
 zines, all in German, and all devoted to holding together 
 the Germans as a distinct race and keeping up their 
 language, traditions, and customs. Sauer published the 
 first German Bible that was printed in this country. He 
 manufactured his type, paper, and ink, and bound his 
 own books. He also sold medicines and practised as a 
 doctor. 
 
 Like Franklin, he greatly increased his influence by 
 
 87 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 an excellent almanac he sent out every year, and in 
 that day almanacs had more influence with the masses 
 than newspapers. He was the sort of character and 
 possessed the sort of homely knowledge and skill that 
 carried great weight among the sects, and Muhlenberg, 
 who was the leader of the Lutherans, often complained 
 of his power. His son, of the same name, continued 
 his business, inherited a large part of his influence, 
 and added two hundred books to the list of his father's 
 publications. 
 
 Sauer had a quarrel with Beissel, the head of the 
 Ephrata community, which is somewhat characteristic. 
 In 1739, when Beissel had no printing-press, he got 
 Sauer to print for him a book called " Weyrauchs 
 Hiigel," containing seven hundred and ninety-two pages 
 of hymns. It was the first book printed by Sauer, and 
 the first book printed in German type in America. It 
 was dedicated, after the mystic manner of the Ephrata 
 people, " To all solitary turtle-doves cooing in the 
 wilderness as a spiritual harp — playing in the many tunes 
 of divine visitation," and the thirty-seventh verse of the 
 four hundredth hymn has been translated by Judge 
 Pennypacker : 
 
 " Look, look, look, 
 
 Look upon the man ; 
 
 He is exalted by God ; 
 
 He is our Lord and Christ." 
 
 One of Sauer's printers told his master that in this 
 verse Beissel intended to represent himself as a second 
 Christ. Sauer immediately wrote to Beissel asking him 
 if it was true, and Beissel in reply not improperly told 
 him that he was a fool. Whereupon Sauer published a 
 
The Germans 
 
 pamphlet against Beissel, in which he charged, among 
 other things, that his name contained the number six 
 hundred and sixty-six of the beast of the Apocalypse ; 
 that he had received something from all the planets, 
 — " from Mars his strength, from Venus his influence 
 over women, and from Mercury his comedian tricks." 
 By this mystic, astrologic quarrel Sauer lost for the 
 future all the printing of the Ephrata community. The 
 indignant Beissel set up a press of his own, and the only 
 wonder is that the quarrel did not result in a new sect. 
 
 Many of the early Mennonites were from Holland, or 
 from the parts of Germany adjacent to Holland, where 
 the Dutch language was spoken. These could have 
 been properly called Dutch; but the term Dutch 
 gradually came to be applied to the whole German 
 population, probably for the reason that their own 
 name for themselves was Deutsch. In some parts of 
 the United States, especially in Virginia, the country 
 people, it is said, still use the word Dutch to describe 
 anything that is foreign ; and this use of the word is 
 no doubt a survival from colonial times, when the only 
 foreigners with whom the English colonists were at all 
 familiar were Germans, calling themselves Deutsch. 
 
 Besides Holland many of the Pennsylvania Dutch 
 came from the German side of Switzerland. But the 
 great mass of them came from Germany proper, — from 
 Alsace, Suabia, Saxony, and almost every principality 
 and dukedom of that distracted empire, and most of 
 them from those parts of it called the Palatinate. They 
 were often spoken of as Palatines, and in the passenger 
 lists of the emigrant ships were always described by 
 that name down to the year 1740. 
 
 89 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 The Lower and the Upper Palatinate were old fiefs or 
 divisions of the German Empire which appeared upon 
 the map of Europe for more than a hundred years. The 
 word appears to be related to our English word palace. 
 The master of the palace or royal household was often 
 given the jurisdiction of cases which the king had a 
 right to decide ; and whenever the king wished to please 
 a baron, or the holder of an important fief, he gave him 
 the same jurisdiction as his own master of the palace 
 and called him a count palatine. The word was often 
 used to describe a petty prince in any country ; and we 
 find the Episcopalians in Pennsylvania complaining, at 
 one time, that William Penn boasted that he was the 
 Palatine of Pennsylvania. 
 
 The Lower Palatinate lay upon the Rhine near the 
 provinces of Alsace and Lorraine, and contained the 
 ancient towns of Heidelberg and Mannheim. The upper 
 Palatinate lay towards the southeast on the Danube, and 
 its most important town was Amberg. Most of the 
 Germans who came to Pennsylvania appear to have been 
 from the Lower Palatinate on the Rhine, which suffered 
 most from the persecution and invasion of the French. 
 
 The divided condition of Germany, split up into pala- 
 tinates, provinces, and fiefs, from which it has been 
 rescued by Bismarck and Von Moltke in our own time, 
 was a grand opportunity to the French and Louis XIV. 
 At the close of the seventeenth century, when the Quakers 
 founded Pennsylvania, Louis laid claim to this fief or 
 that province as suited him, invaded them with fire and 
 sword, and offered them the choice of Romanism or 
 persecution. The Palatinate was at different times ruled 
 by a Lutheran, a Reformed-Church man, and a Catholic, 
 
 90 
 
The Germans 
 
 and at each change the people had to conform or suffer. 
 It was such troubles as these, long continued in Germany 
 and Switzerland, that encouraged the sects as well as the 
 Lutherans to come to Pennsylvania. 
 
 The movement of the sects was started by WiUiam 
 Penn and the Quakers. Penn was half a Dutchman, 
 his mother having been a native of Holland ; and he 
 made several preaching expeditions to that country, and 
 also to Germany, where he found these people were 
 almost in complete agreement with him. George Fox, 
 the founder of the Quakers, had also been twice in 
 Germany ; and a large part of the Mennonite immigra- 
 tion was not only encouraged by the society of Quakers, 
 but directly assisted by them with money. 
 
 For the first twenty years, from 1682 to 1702, the 
 German immigration was comparatively slight; and 
 Rupp says that in that time only about two hundred 
 families arrived, who settled for the most part in Ger- 
 mantown. As others arrived they passed out into the 
 country beyond, and left Philadelphia and its environs 
 in undisturbed possession of the Quakers. 
 
 In 1702 some of the Germantown Mennonites had 
 begun to move out to Skippack, in Montgomery County. 
 One of them, Matthias Van Bebber, a Hollander of some 
 wealth, had bought six thousand acres of land in that 
 neighborhood, and gave a hundred of it for a meeting- 
 house. He was one of the immigrants whose families 
 finally left Pennsylvania and went to the Bohemia Manor, 
 near the Elk River, on the eastern shore of Maryland, a 
 place much resorted to in colonial times, and almost as 
 productive of well-known names as the Mayflower of old 
 china. The Van Bebbers spread through Maryland and 
 
 91 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 Virginia and became prominent in all walks of life. One 
 of them became a famous Indian fighter on the frontier, 
 and a place called Van Bebber's Rock on the Kanawha 
 River marks the scene of one of his exploits. 
 
 Some others of the Pennsylvania Dutch also dis- 
 persed themselves towards the South. Most of those 
 that went in this direction passed out by way of Car- 
 lisle and Gettysburg into the Shenandoah Valley, which 
 they followed into Virginia, where their descendants are 
 to be found to this day. It was to a Lutheran congre- 
 gation of ^these people that General Muhlenberg was 
 preaching at the outbreak of the Revolution when he 
 decided to become a soldier. But many of those who 
 went to the Shenandoah Valley were of the sects, and 
 would take no part in war. Much difficulty was experi- 
 enced with them in the Revolution, and again almost a 
 hundred years afterwards in the Civil War. 
 
 The sects seem to have had no great desire to remain 
 in Philadelphia, although it was ruled by their friends 
 the Quakers. A few of the Lutheran and Reformed 
 established themselves there, and Franklin tells us that 
 signs in the streets were often in both German and 
 English, and sometimes in German alone. The sects, 
 with their strong love of country Hfe, and the greater 
 part of the Lutherans and Reformed, pressed far out 
 into what was then the wilderness, and left the country 
 for many miles round Philadelphia, except at German- 
 town, almost entirely free from their influence. 
 
 They filled the Lehigh and Schuylkill Valleys and 
 occupied a wide segment of a circle beginning at Easton, 
 on the Delaware, passing westward towards the Susque- 
 hanna, through the towns of Allentown, Reading, Leb- 
 
 92 
 
The Germans 
 
 anon, and Lancaster, and thence down to the Cumberland 
 Valley, on the Maryland border, where they had a natural 
 outlet to Virginia and the South. The tier of counties 
 north of this circle and along the borders of New York was 
 comparatively free from them, and was taken by the 
 settlers from Connecticut. In modern times, although 
 the Germans have come no closer to Philadelphia, they 
 have permeated, in greater or less degree, almost every 
 other part of the State, — have even in some places dis- 
 placed the Scotch-Irish, and passed westward across the 
 Susquehanna. 
 
 The last important sect to arrive was the Schwenk- 
 felders. About seventy families came a few years after 
 the Tunkers, and arrived at Philadelphia in the ship " St. 
 Andrew," September 22, 1734, a day they still celebrate 
 with religious service and sermons, calling it Gedachtniss 
 Tag. Other migrations of smaller numbers followed, 
 and it has been said that no representatives of the sect 
 were left in Europe. 
 
 They had been terribly persecuted by both Catholic 
 and Protestant in Silesia, reduced to poverty, and had 
 been sent to Pennsylvania by the benevolence of some 
 merchants in Amsterdam. They were a rather old 
 sect. Their founder, Kaspar Schwenkfeld, was born in 
 1490, and they grew up in the times when John Huss 
 was preaching the earliest doctrines of the Reformation. 
 But they went far beyond Huss, adopted the views after- 
 wards held by the Quakers, were opposed to war, oaths, 
 and all the ancient sacraments. 
 
 Before they came to Pennsylvania they had been 
 hunted from place to place for two hundred years, and 
 so strong had the habit of concealment and hiding 
 
 93 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 grown upon them, that for fifty years after they settled 
 in Montgomery County they never had a church or 
 meeting-house, but congregated for worship in each 
 other's dwellings, as in the old days of persecution. 
 They settled in a body on the head-waters of the Perkio- 
 men, where they can still be found, the only Schwenk- 
 felders in the world, with many of the peculiarities of 
 dress and custom which they brought from Europe 
 nearly two hundred years ago. They are said to have 
 been more generally well educated than any of the other 
 German sects, and were much devoted to transcribing in 
 beautiful writing the various volumes of their religious 
 books, which are now highly prized as curiosities. 
 
 There were numerous other sects, which it is hardly 
 necessary to describe. The Separatists were peculiar in 
 holding that all church government and organization 
 was wrong ; but they appear to have had no objection 
 to their own existence. Then there were the Amish, the 
 United Brethren, and the smaller sects of Labadists, New 
 Born, New Mooners, Zion's Brueder, Ronsdorfer, Inspired, 
 Quietists, Gichtehans, Depellians, Mountain Men, and in 
 modern times the River Brethren, Brinser Brethren, and 
 two or three divisions of the Mennonites, each em- 
 phasizing some peculiar phase of German mysticism 
 which was deemed important. 
 
 In Lancaster County alone, the number of sects has at 
 different times been estimated at from twenty-two to 
 over thirty. But such lists, which have often been pre- 
 pared out of curiosity, are not supposed to be complete, 
 and it would now be, probably, utterly impossible to 
 give a list of all the religious divisions that have existed 
 among the Pennsylvania Germans. The German mind, 
 
 94 
 
The Germans 
 
 at that time, was in a ferment, and threw off sects almost 
 every day. Their own writers describe them as countless 
 and bewildering. Many of them existed only for a few 
 years and disappeared, and new ones were formed. 
 Large numbers of the people were of no religion at all. 
 "Atheists, Deists, and Naturalists," says Muhlenberg, 
 " are to be met with everywhere ; in short, there is no 
 sect in the world that has not followers here." 
 
 They had been accustomed to a very strict paternal 
 government in Germany ; everything had been done for 
 them ; and when they found themselves free in the forests 
 of Pennsylvania they were more disordered than ever. 
 There was an advantage in this, however ; for the feeling 
 among them in favor of establishing a distinct German 
 State within the English colonies was rather strong, and 
 their great numbers might have given force to the idea 
 if it had not been for their disunion and divisions. 
 
 Some of those who came in with the sects, and with 
 the Lutherans and Reformed, were Roman Catholics, 
 and it was the general behef at that time that there were 
 more Romanists among the German settlers than among 
 the English. In the French and Indian wars they were 
 strongly suspected, even by some of the Germans, of being 
 in league with the French in Canada. They could not 
 at best have been very numerous, for all the Cathohcs 
 in the province in colonial times are supposed to have 
 been not over two thousand. Most of the English 
 Catholics were congregated in Philadelphia at the mission 
 of St. Joseph, on Fourth Street. 
 
 A considerable number of Frenchmen came in with 
 the Germans. Most of them were probably Huguenots, 
 and among them we find such names as De Turck, 
 
 95 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 Bertolet, and De la Plaine. Their descendants are still 
 to be found in the counties of Lancaster and Mont- 
 gomery. Some of them were Catholics, and among 
 these we find Le Tort and two brothers named Besalion, 
 Indian traders, who were always suspected of tampering 
 with the Indians in the interest of the French in Canada. 
 
 The Mennonites, and other sects that arrived up to 
 the year 1702, were in many respects of a better class 
 than the German immigrants that followed them for 
 the next sixty or seventy years. They were possessed 
 of more property, were less uncouth, and of much better 
 education and intelligence than the great mass of peas- 
 antry which came afterwards. It would be a great mistake 
 to judge of the whole German immigration by what we 
 read of the gentle Schwenkfelders, the peaceful and 
 peculiar Tunker or Mennonite, or the men of education 
 or prominence who accompanied them. 
 
 Many of the Lutheran and Reformed were very rough, 
 as Schlatter and Muhlenberg discovered to their sorrow. 
 Even among those who were fleeing from cruel perse- 
 cution, and deserved the sympathy and assistance of 
 every enlightened man, there appear to have been large 
 numbers whose appearance was not at all unlikely to 
 arouse prejudice among English colonists. They had 
 come from mountain fastnesses or from obscure country 
 districts, where they had been hiding ; they had suffered 
 hardships in reaching the sea, and still greater hardships 
 on the two months' voyage. Their dress was peculiar; 
 many of them were staring and strange like wild animals, 
 carried weapons, and spoke an unintelligible dialect ; 
 they wore huge wooden shoes; and the men who settled 
 in Lancaster were described as wearing long red caps, 
 
 96 
 
The Germans 
 
 and the women without either hats or caps, tying a 
 string over their heads to keep the hair from their faces. 
 
 In fact, this German migration was largely composed 
 of peasants, many of them very much like the peasants 
 whom we have seen in our own time landing from the 
 emigrant ships at New York. They were the first of 
 that class to reach American soil, and were utterly unlike 
 the English yeomanry that settled Virginia, New Eng- 
 land, and most of the other colonies. 
 
 The reason for the change of character in the German 
 immigrants after 1702 seems to have been the adoption 
 of a new policy by Queen Anne, who ascended the 
 throne in that year. Anne and her ministry seem to 
 have been impressed with the idea that it would 
 strengthen the British Empire to keep the English 
 more at home on their island and fill up the colonies 
 with Germans, or any unfortunate and cheap people 
 from the Continent, provided they were Protestants and 
 hostile to France and Spain. 
 
 To this end efforts were made to collect all the 
 discontented Germans, oppressed by war, poverty, 
 persecution, and a disunited and broken country, and 
 transport them to the colonies. In this attempt the 
 Quakers as a sect do not seem to have taken much 
 part. Their attention was confined chiefly to encour- 
 aging the peace sects who were in sympathy with them- 
 selves, and they cared nothing about the Lutherans and 
 Reformed or the masses of the rough German peasantry. 
 
 The British government circulated books and papers 
 
 in the Palatinate and other provinces to encourage 
 
 emigration. The books had a picture of the queen, 
 
 and a title-page in gold letters, and were long known 
 
 7 97 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 among the poor people whom they were intended to 
 influence as the Golden Books. They produced a great 
 effect, and there was soon what has been called a land- 
 slide of humanity in the German population. During 
 the two years 1708 and 1709 over thirty thousand of 
 them crossed over to England. 
 
 The Golden Books and the devastation of war and 
 persecution had been assisted by a very severe winter, 
 in which birds and animals were frozen in the fields 
 and men fell dead on the roads. For a time the govern- 
 ment had more success with its new plan than it 
 desired, for these people were utterly destitute, and 
 created no little alarm and considerable riot among the 
 lower classes. They were sheltered in tents on the 
 commons and fields near London, and ihe process 
 of transporting them to Pennsylvania, New York, and 
 the Carolinas was begun. 
 
 Several thousand, including most of those who were 
 Roman Catholics, were picked out and sent back to 
 Germany. About three thousand were sent to Ireland. 
 They settled in a part of Limerick County, where, 
 it is said, their descendants are still to be found retaining 
 many of their old customs and, to some extent, their 
 language. The rest were sent to America, and nearly 
 everybody who had a land scheme, or a colony on 
 their hands, took a few of them as a cheap way of 
 developing values. The famous John Law got several 
 thousand for his project in Louisiana, and might have 
 obtained many more if he had not allowed his first cargo 
 to perish in the marshes of Mobile. 
 
 After the greater part of these unfortunates had been 
 disposed ofj the policy of importing other Germans 
 
 98 
 
The Germans 
 
 to the colonies was continued in a more regular and 
 systematic manner, and seems to have found favor with 
 English statesmen for the next seventy years. Burke, 
 in his "Account of the European Settlements of 
 America," speaks of it approvingly, but with the 
 qualification that the imported should be compelled to 
 learn the English language and customs. 
 
 For many years large numbers continued to go to 
 England to be shipped. But as time went on it became 
 more and more the habit to transport them direct from 
 their own country. The vessels that carried them from 
 Germany usually touched at an English port to be 
 cleared and have their cargo justified under the authority 
 of the British government. A regular emigrant trade 
 sprang up, and vessels were chartered to proceed to 
 Rotterdam and load Palatines for Pennsylvania just as 
 they were chartered for cargoes of rum, molasses, or 
 negroes. The owners and captains were not altogether 
 unlike the typical slavers, and the Palatine voyage to 
 America was not far removed from the horrors of the 
 middle passage. 
 
 The small snows and brigs carried from fifty to a 
 hundred people; other vessels between two and three 
 hundred, and the large ships between five and six hun- 
 dred. In one year as many as twelve thousand arrived. 
 By the year 1717 the traffic had so much increased that 
 Governor Keith became uneasy, and called the attention 
 of the Provincial Council to the great numbers of Ger- 
 mans, ignorant of the language and laws, that were 
 flocking into the province, and dispersing daily through- 
 out the country without giving any account of themselves 
 or their intentions. They had no license from Great 
 
 99 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 Britain, and made no application for any to the Colony, 
 which was a dangerous practice, and might let in enemies 
 as well as friends. 
 
 The Council took some heed of the governor's warn- 
 ings, and ordered all captains who had lately imported 
 such people to appear and give an account of them. It 
 was also ordered that the foreigners recently landed 
 should take an oath of allegiance, and that hereafter no 
 inward-bound vessel should be given an entry until her 
 master had given a list of his passengers. 
 
 Apparently, these regulations were not enforced at all, 
 or were not well enforced until 1727, when they were made 
 more elaborate, and after that there seems to have been 
 a systematic regulation. The captains turned in lists, 
 and the immigrants were all sworn or affirmed on a long 
 oath of allegiance. This change was brought about by 
 Governor Gordon, who, like Keith, called the attention 
 of the Council to the possible danger from such immi- 
 grants, who, he said, were settling the country as a dis- 
 tinct people. The minutes of the Council also show the 
 same distrust: 
 
 " The Board taking the same into their serious Consideration, observe, 
 that as these People pretended at first that they fly hither on the Score of 
 their religious Liberties, and come under the Protection of His Majesty, 
 it is requisite in the first Place they should take the Oath of Allegiance, or 
 some equivalent to it to His Majesty, and promise Fidelity to the Pro- 
 prietor & obedience to our established Constitution ; And therefore, until 
 some proper Remedy can be had from Home, to prevent the Importation 
 of such Numbers of Strangers into this or others of His Majesties Colonies 
 it is ordered" &c. (3 Colonial Records, 282.) 
 
 The lists furnished by the captains usually contained 
 the names of all the male passengers above the age of 
 sixteen years. Marks are said to have been made oppo- 
 
The Germans 
 
 site those who had died or were sick ; but there is some 
 evidence that this precaution was often neglected, which 
 gave the shipping-agents and sailors an opportunity to 
 plunder the dead. 
 
 Other lists were made on shore of those who took the 
 oath of allegiance. These also contained only the names 
 of males above the age of sixteen, and they are pecu- 
 liarly interesting, because they are the autograph signa- 
 tures of the immigrants who could write. Those who 
 could not write had their names written for them by a 
 clerk. All these lists were preserved in the Secretary's 
 office ; but in recent years they have been much muti- 
 lated, and many of them stolen. It was by copying the 
 autograph lists and commenting on them that Rupp 
 made up his valuable book, " Thirty Thousand Names of 
 German Emigrants." As we turn its pages and read the 
 entries of the vessels and other details, we seem to be 
 brought nearer to this old German immigration, and 
 realize more fully its meaning : 
 
 "Oct. I, 1754, Ship Phoenix, John Spurrier, Captain, from Rotterdam, 
 last from Cowes. — Inhabitants from Franconia, the Palatinate, and Zwei- 
 bruclien, — seventeen Roman Catholics, twenty-five Mennonites. — 554 
 passengers." 
 
 The condition in which the immigrants reached Phila- 
 delphia was shocking. The ships were floating hospitals 
 and pest-houses, filled with small-pox and all the other 
 diseases of crowding and dirt, which gathered frightful 
 intensity from the voyage of two or three months. One 
 ship reached the coast, after a voyage of six months, 
 with the surviving passengers living on rats and vermin. 
 Vessels often lost on the passage one-third of their 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 human freight, and one ship is said to have arrived after 
 having lost two hundred and fifty. 
 
 Sauer said that in one year two thousand of the Ger- 
 mans had died in crossing the Atlantic, and this estimate 
 does not seem to be excessive. The Palatine ship that 
 was wrecked on Block Island in 1738, and celebrated in 
 Whittier's verse, is said to have started out with four 
 hundred passengers, who at the time of the wreck were 
 reduced by a malignant fever and flux to one hundred 
 and five, and of this remnant ten died a few days after 
 they were taken ashore. 
 
 The delays in the voyage were numerous. Before 
 reaching the ship the people had to pass through thirty 
 or forty custom-houses on the Rhine, at each of which 
 they were delayed often several days, so that this Rhine 
 journey usually consumed five or six weeks, and com- 
 pletely exhausted their slender stock of money and 
 provisions. Other delays of five or six weeks occurred 
 at the seaports, and the poor immigrants, starving and 
 desperate, sold themselves as redemptioners to the cap- 
 tains and shipping-agents. Mittelberger, in his " Journey 
 to Pennsylvania in 1750," has described what they suf- 
 fered on the voyage. 
 
 " In Rotterdam and Amsterdam they begin to pack the people in like 
 herring, and since the ships insist on carrying not less than four, five, or 
 six hundred souls, besides enormous cargoes of household utensils, chests, 
 water-casks, and provisions, many are obliged to occupy berths scarcely 
 tvifo feet wide by six long. . . . 
 
 " It is not, however, till the ship has raised its anchor for the last time 
 and started on its eight, nine, ten, eleven, or twelve weeks' sail for Phila- 
 delphia that the greatest misery is experienced. Then there are heart- 
 rending scenes ! The filth and stench of the vessels no pen could de- 
 scribe, while the diverse diseases, sea-sickness in every form, headaches, 
 
 102 
 
The Germans 
 
 biliousness, constipation, dysentery, scarlet-fever, scrofula, cancers, etc., 
 caused by the miserable salt food and the vile drinking water are truly 
 deplorable, not to speak of the deaths which occur on every side. 
 
 " In addition to all this, one invariably meets with an actual scarcity of 
 every kind of provisions, with hunger, thirst, frost, severe heat, an ugly 
 wet vessel, murmurings, complaints, anxiety, loathsome contagious dis- 
 eases, and other innumerable varieties of tribulations, such as lice in such 
 numbers that they can literally be taken in quantities from the bodies of 
 the passengers, especially of the sick. Forlorn, though, as the situation is, 
 the climax is not yet reached. That comes when, for the space of two or 
 three days, all on board, the sick and dying as well as those in health, are 
 tossed mercilessly to and fro, and rolled about on top of one another, the 
 storm-tossed vessel seeming each moment as if in the next it would be 
 engulfed by the angry, roaring waves. . . . 
 
 " Even those who escape sickness sometimes grow so bitterly impatient 
 and cruel that they curse themselves and the day of their birth, and then 
 in wild despair commence to kill those around them. Want and wicked- 
 ness go hand and hand, and lead to trickery and deception of every kind. 
 One blames another for having induced him to undertake the voyage. 
 Husbands reproach their wives, wives their husbands, children their 
 parents, parents their children, and friends their friends, while all de- 
 nounce the cruel Newlanders whose trade it is to steal human beings. 
 
 " Many heave deep drawn sighs, and exclaim, mournfully, ' O God ! 
 O God ! if I only had a piece of good bread or one drop of fresh water !' 
 or cry out in the anguish of their souls, ' Oh, if I were only at home and 
 lying in my pig-sty !' The wailings and lamentations continue day and 
 night, and, as one body after another is committed to a watery grave, 
 those who induced their unfortunate companions to leave their old home 
 in search of a new are driven to the verge of despair. 
 
 " The sufferings of the poor women who are pregnant can scarcely be 
 imagined. They rarely live through the voyage, and many a mother with 
 her tiny babe is thrown into the water almost ere life is extinct. During 
 a severe storm on our vessel one poor creature who, owing to the trying 
 circumstances, was unable to give birth to her child, was shoved through 
 an opening in the ship and allowed to drop into the water, because it was 
 not convenient to attend to her. . . . 
 
 " It is little wonder that so many of the passengers are seized with 
 sickness and disease, for, in addition to all their other hardships and mis- 
 eries, they have cooked food only three times a week, and this (it is always 
 of a decidedly inferior quality, and served in very small quantities) is so 
 
 103 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 filthy that the very sight of it is loathsome. Moreover, the drinking water 
 is so black, thick, and full of virorms that it makes one shudder to look at 
 it, and even those suffering the tortures of thirst frequently find it almost 
 impossible to swallow it." 
 
 The Quakers were obliged to provide for the immi- 
 grants and prepare hospitals to receive them, and the 
 physicians who made Philadelphia famous as a centre of 
 medical education gained some of their first experience 
 in this way. The ships as they arrived were held at 
 arm's-length as long as possible, detained below the city 
 under inspection, and when allowed to come up abreast 
 of the town, compelled to anchor in the middle of the 
 stream and discharge the Palatines in boats. These 
 long detentions often caused much suffering, and on 
 at least one occasion brought on disputes between the 
 governor and the Assembly ; each charging the other 
 with unnecessary delay. 
 
 The numbers arriving seem to have varied considerably 
 at different times. But on the whole it was a systematic 
 and, for many years, an almost continuous movement of 
 immigration, with many of the characteristics to which 
 we have become accustomed in the similar system of our 
 own time, which has reached such huge proportions. 
 The greater part of it was of the assisted sort, and the 
 assistance and encouragement came in great measure 
 from the shipping-agents, who were interested in the 
 freight. 
 
 In the recent investigations of Congress it has been 
 
 discovered that the principal part of modern immigration 
 
 is induced by the steamship lines, who have thousands 
 
 of agents scattered all over Europe, who paint the glories 
 
 of America, persuade the peasant, and are paid a com- 
 
 104 
 
The Germans 
 
 mission on the number of tickets they sell. In the 
 German immigration to Pennsylvania there was a similar 
 system, and a class of men sprang up usually called 
 newlanders, and sometimes soul-sellers, who are much 
 complained of by Rupp, Seidensticker, and other German 
 historians. They passed to and fro and scattered them- 
 selves over Germany, working up the traffic and man- 
 aging the people by every trick and device that suggested 
 itself They had no hesitation in getting men drunk, or 
 getting them to sign papers they had not read, if they 
 could accomplish their purpose, and their profits were in 
 proportion to the number they deluded. 
 
 The early immigration of Mennonites and Tunkers 
 that settled Germantown does not appear to have been 
 assisted in this way, and it is probable that a large pro- 
 portion of the sects came independently of any regular 
 system of ship-owners. But, as a general rule, from the 
 year 1705 to the Revolution most of the German immi- 
 grants were uprooted from their native soil at first by 
 the Golden Books of Queen Anne, and after that by 
 the systematic encouragement of men who enjoyed the 
 profits of transporting them. 
 
 Mann, in his " Life of Muhlenberg," says that the 
 shipping-agents had discovered that the Germans mi- 
 grated more easily if they knew that one of their clergy 
 was to go in the ship, and the agents were on the alert to 
 persuade such men, or men who would pass as such, to 
 take passage. This may, perhaps, partially account for 
 the charlatan preachers who gave Muhlenberg so much 
 trouble, and also for the large number of schoolmasters 
 who were often half preacher. 
 
 Besides their legitimate profit in passage money, the 
 
 los 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 shipping people enjoyed the proceeds of selling many of 
 the immigrants as redemptioners, and the poor creatures 
 were also regularly plundered of their clothes and goods. 
 Their money was taken from them, their sea-chests rifled, 
 and those possessed of means compelled to pay the pas- 
 sage of the poorer ones. Although attempts were made 
 by the provincial government to regulate the traffic, 
 they were usually directed to preventing the spread of 
 dangerous diseases on shore, and to limiting the numbers 
 that could be carried on a single ship. The plundering 
 and ill-treatment seem to have continued down to the 
 Revolution, for in 1 774, Lewis Weiss sent a memorial to 
 the provincial council describing the evils as still in full 
 force.* 
 
 Rupp has described very explicitly the method of 
 selling the redemptioners : 
 
 " The usual terms of sale depended somewhat on the age, strength, and 
 tealth of the persons sold. Boys and girls usually had to serve from five 
 to ten years till they attained the age of twenty-one. Many parents were 
 necessitated, as they had been wont at home to do with their cattle, sell 
 their own children. The children had to assume the passage, both their 
 •own and that of their parents, in order that the latter might be released 
 from the ship. Children under five years of age could not be sold. 
 They were disposed of gratuitously to such persons as offered to raise 
 them, and let them go free when they attained the age of twenty-one." 
 (Rupp's Note to Rush's Manners of the Pennsylvania Germans, 8.) 
 
 This redemption system, which seems now like a 
 species of white slavery, was not considered a very 
 serious evil, even by people who at that time disap- 
 proved of negro slavery. There is no trace of any 
 stigma or disgrace attaching to a redemptioner. Re- 
 
 * 4 Penna. Archives, 473. 
 106 
 
The Germans 
 
 spectable families, well thought of by their neighbors, 
 have descended from such people; and Germans of 
 means are said to have voluntarily sold themselves to 
 contract labor of this sort for the sake of more quickly 
 becoming familiar with the methods of the new country. 
 
 The way in which this assisted immigration was dis- 
 tributed among the colonies was very significant. It is 
 probable that the British government wished it dis- 
 tributed among all of them, but, as a matter of fact, a 
 small part of it went to the Carolinas and Georgia, 
 some to New York, and the principal part to Pennsyl- 
 vania. Americans at that time were by no means all 
 convinced of the benefit of encouraging alien immigra- 
 tion. It was the general feeling to expect immigrants 
 only from Great Britain, and they were spoken of 
 usually as new-comers, while those of other nationalities 
 were called foreigners, and had to be naturalized. 
 
 The New England colonies received no immigration 
 of any importance, even from England, after 1640, 
 became very homogeneous, and had a strong dislike for 
 outside influence. The Germans not only received no 
 encouragement from that quarter, but would, in all 
 probability, not have been permitted to land there. 
 Virginia was thoroughly English and Episcopalian, 
 and, while not so exclusive as New England, showed 
 little or no inclination to encourage foreigners. 
 
 New York, having been originally settled by the 
 Dutch and conquered by the EngHsh, was already a 
 somewhat mixed community, and held out some induce- 
 ments for the Germans. Many of them went there. 
 But the attractions of Pennsylvania were stronger. That 
 province was already very mixed in its population, had 
 
 107 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 never been homogeneous, had very liberal laws, and 
 had given out that it was ready to receive all sorts and 
 conditions of men. The Germans were more kindly 
 treated there than in the other colonies, and this soon 
 became known in the Fatherland. In New York they 
 were by no means well received, and one flagrant 
 instance of injustice turned the tide more strongly than 
 ever towards Pennsylvania. 
 
 Among the Germans who were the first to respond 
 to the Golden Books of Queen Anne, and were protected 
 in tents on Blackmoor, near London, were about four 
 thousand who were shipped in ten vessels for New 
 York. Some Mohawk chiefs, then on an embassy 
 to England, are said to have suggested their shipment 
 and offered a tract of land west of the Hudson. The 
 voyage consumed six months, and seventeen hundred 
 of them died at sea. They appear to have been under 
 an agreement to manufacture tar and raise hemp for the 
 government naval stores to pay for their passage. They 
 were delivered to Governor Hunter, who quartered 
 them on Governor's Island, in New York harbor, took 
 care of the women and sick, apprenticed the numerous 
 orphans among the people of the province, and took the 
 able-bodied up the Hudson to work out their contract 
 on Livingston Manor. 
 
 The German description of this transaction makes it 
 consist of fraud, perfidy, and extortion, from beginning 
 to end, and even after due allowance made for all exag- 
 gerations, there remains a strong suspicion of a private 
 enterprise on the part of the governor and his friends, 
 who found themselves in control of some cheap and 
 ignorant labor. As the Germans tell the story, they 
 
 io8 
 
The Germans 
 
 were obliged to remain in a state of helpless slavery for 
 three or four years, when, having had some communica- 
 tion with the Indians, most of them broke away and 
 entered on the lands promised them in the Schoharie 
 Valley. 
 
 The governor and his friends allowed them to settle 
 and plant their crops, and when they seemed to be some- 
 what advanced in prosperity they were informed that 
 they had no title to the land and must pay for it. The 
 price demanded seemed to them exorbitant. Some sub- 
 mitted and remained. Others scattered themselves over 
 the country. 
 
 In 1723, Keith, the governor of Pennsylvania, being 
 at Albany and hearing of their condition, intimated that 
 there was room for them in his province. Thirty-three 
 families of them united, cut a road through the woods 
 to the head-waters of the Susquehanna, and floated their 
 goods down it until they came to the mouth of the 
 Swatara. Following up this stream, they established 
 themselves in the wide, fertile valley of the Tulpehocken, 
 west of Reading and south of the Blue Mountains, 
 where their descendants are still living. The long years 
 of suffering they endured before they found this retreat 
 were well known in Germany, and their countrymen who 
 were compelled by the course of immigrant vessels to 
 land at New York usually crossed the Jerseys and en- 
 tered Pennsylvania. 
 
 All classes and sects of the Germans became farmers, 
 and in that occupation, Dr. Rush assures us, they excelled 
 the Scotch-Irish, and all the other settlers in the province. 
 They took better care of their cattle, had better fences, 
 and often built their barns and stables before they built 
 
 109 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 their houses. They were good judges of land, always 
 selected the best, and were very fond of the limestone 
 districts. They never avoided a tract because it had on 
 it great forest trees which would require unusual labor 
 to remove, for they knew that a heavy growth of timber 
 showed the richness of the soil. They were also shrewd 
 enough to buy land which had already been cultivated 
 by unskilful settlers, and were often known to grow rich 
 on farms where their predecessors had starved. In this 
 way they drove out many of the English, and in North- 
 ampton County and the Cumberland Valley displaced 
 some of the hardy Scotch-Irish. 
 
 Their economy was extraordinary. The other colonists 
 usually destroyed the forests by girdling the trees, and 
 after they had fallen to the ground, burnt them. But to 
 the Germans this seemed a wicked waste and they seldom 
 resorted to it, but cut down each individual tree, and 
 preserved every stick of it as though it were gold. 
 
 The other colonists built their houses with a chimney 
 at each end and with two huge open fireplaces, in which 
 in winter they threw mighty logs and sat round them, 
 their faces burning hot and their backs cold. The 
 Germans had only one chimney, which saved expense in 
 building, and they heated their houses with stoves which 
 burned comparatively little wood, and saved the time and 
 labor of cutting it. Their use of stoves is said to have 
 given their houses an even temperature, which enabled 
 their women to work at various useful occupations in 
 the long winter evenings, which were passed by the 
 wives and daughters of the other settlers in idleness, 
 with benumbed fingers, shifting places round their 
 romantic and wasteful fires. 
 
The Germans 
 
 Most of the Germans hated debt, and were, as a rule 
 very punctual in their engagements. They worked their 
 farms with their sons, daughters, and wives, and had very 
 few slaves. They developed a fine breed of heavy 
 draught horses called Conestogas, from a stream near 
 Lancaster where they were first bred. The same name, 
 Conestoga, was applied to their wagons, strong and solid 
 as a fortification, and covered with a great canvas roof 
 like the prairie schooners of later times. Until far down 
 into the present century these wagons were one of the 
 most typical scenes on all the highways of eastern Penn- 
 sylvania, as, filled with chickens, turkeys, and all kinds 
 of the best country produce, they rolled slowly towards 
 the towns. 
 
 It is to be feared that many of the Germans too often 
 followed that rule, of selling everything, giving what was 
 left to the pigs, and what the pigs would not eat taking 
 for themselves, by which, it is said, a farmer is sure to 
 grow rich. Both in colonial times and after they have 
 probably often injured themselves with too much economy. 
 Dr. Rush mentions the opinion, as prevailing in his time, 
 that they abstained so much from animal food as to lose 
 their vigor early in life. 
 
 The church people, as they are called, the Reformed 
 and the Lutherans, did not begin to arrive in great 
 numbers much before 1725. The sects, especially at 
 first, usually came in united, organized bodies. But the 
 Reformed and Lutherans were, for the most part, dis- 
 connected and irregular in their migration, and had to 
 be afterwards organized with much difficulty by Schlatter 
 and Muhlenberg. At first the sects far outnumbered 
 the church people ; but long before the Revolution the 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 two divisions were about equal. After that the church 
 people increased rapidly, and are now a great deal the 
 more numerous. 
 
 The Reformed and the Lutheran Churches of Europe, 
 if not founded by the teachings of Zwinglius and Luther, 
 respectively, may be said to have had those men for 
 their earliest representatives. The Reformed has had 
 various names in the countries where it has prevailed, as 
 the Dutch Reformed in Holland, the German Reformed 
 in Germany, and now with us the Reformed Church in 
 the United States. In Switzerland, Calvin became its 
 most striking leader, and some of its most characteristic 
 doctrines have been called by his name. In England 
 and America these doctrines and the general principles 
 of the Reformed Churches have usually prevailed among 
 the Presbyterians and Congregationalists. 
 
 The members of the Reformed Church of Germany 
 are sometimes spoken of as German Calvinists, and in 
 old books of Pennsylvania history are often called simply 
 Calvinists. They also appear to have been sometimes 
 spoken of as Presbyterians, a name which, in colonial 
 times, was often applied to the New England Congrega- 
 tionalists. These terms are, of course, all misleading, 
 and we shall confine ourselves to the word Reformed, 
 which always identifies them. 
 
 The Reformed in Germany were not very much given 
 to the doctrines distinctively known as Calvinism, and 
 those of them who came to this country were still less 
 inclined to such principles. They differed from the 
 Lutherans in being, perhaps, more metaphysical or specu- 
 lative, and more severe in their forms of worship. The 
 Lutherans permitted images, altars, tapers, private con- 
 
The Germans 
 
 fessional, and had a belief which somewhat resembled 
 the doctrine of the real presence. All these were rejected 
 by the Reformed. The Lutherans were closely con- 
 nected with the state in Germany, while the Reformed 
 were always independent of it. 
 
 About four hundred of the Reformed came to Penn- 
 sylvania in 1727, under the lead of the Rev. George 
 Michael Weiss, and settled along the Skippack. Others 
 followed, and in 1747 the Rev. Michael Schlatter organ- 
 ized all the Reformed in Pennsylvania as part of the 
 synod of Holland, under which they remained until 1793, 
 when they became an independent American church. 
 
 The Lutherans, who began to arrive soon after, be- 
 came much more numerous, and in time were double 
 the numbers of the Reformed. Their leader, Muhlen- 
 berg, was a man of great executive ability, and a natural 
 organizer. Schlatter seems to have been less efficient in 
 this respect, and was continually involving himself in 
 difficulties. 
 
 Muhlenberg, who became the leader of the Lutherans 
 not only in Pennsylvania, but in all the other colonies, 
 belonged to the Pietist party in his church, the party 
 which was called radical, and which seems to have been 
 more fervid, more given to philanthropy and the allevia- 
 tion of suffering, and more apt to rely on feelings and 
 excitement than the conservatives, who had become per- 
 functory in their devotion to dogmas. There was also 
 among the Pietist party a tinge of that subjectiveness 
 and quietism which had created the Mennonites and the 
 Quakers. But, at the same time, they considered them- 
 selves as still holding to the ancient landmarks of the 
 
 Lutherans. 
 
 8 113 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 They had many affinities with the Episcopalians, who 
 at that time looked upon them as likely to become a 
 church in communion with themselves, if not actual con- 
 verts. Muhlenberg was invited to preach in Episcopal 
 churches, and was a trustee of the Church of England 
 Society for the relief of the widows and children of its 
 clergy. When his son Peter was called to a Lutheran 
 congregation in Virginia, where under the law he could 
 have no standing unless he was a clergyman of the 
 Church of England, he, without the slightest hesitation, 
 went to England and was ordained. He had no intention 
 of giving up his convictions as a Lutheran, and the 
 Lutheran Synod saw nothing objectionable in his course.* 
 
 When Muhlenberg arrived among the Pennsylvania 
 Germans, in 1742, he found he had to deal with a very 
 rough, suspicious, and disorderly people. The Mora- 
 vians were cutting into them and claimed them all. 
 Many of them were falling under the influence of the 
 sects and Christopher Sauer. Vagabond preachers and 
 frauds of all kinds were wandering among them, extort- 
 ing money at the communion-table, and turning them 
 into a disorganized rabble at the mercy of every new 
 eccentricity that the learned and mystic German mind 
 could invent. A large part of Muhlenberg's life was 
 spent in fighting off these creatures, many of whom were 
 mere scamps and adventurers. 
 
 " At the present time old and young self-appointed pastors, offended 
 keepers of inns and groceries, silversmiths and beerhouse fiddlers, 
 dancing-masters, entire companies of recently-arrived Nethinim (i Chron. 
 ix. 2), and the insane rabble of Sichem (Sirach i. 28), gather together, 
 throw dust into the air, and raise, with their cursing and blaspheming, 
 
 * Mann's Life of Muhlenberg, 390, 427. 
 114 
 
The Germans 
 
 such a confusion that the town-clerk himself might be perplexed (Acts 
 xix. 23-40). The sum and substance amounts to this : we are called 
 Halle Pietists, Moravian rogues, impostors, thieves of collection-moneys, 
 etc., etc. The German newspapers supplement the deficiencies of this 
 fermentation. The civil authorities in this free latitude cannot take any 
 steps in our behalf unless there should be gross acts of violence and 
 personal injury ; lawj'ers look upon us with contempt, since we have no 
 money to engage their services." (Mann's Life of Muhlenberg, 299.) 
 
 When Muhlenberg arrived he found five congrega- 
 tions of Lutherans in the province, but three of them 
 had been won over to the Moravians, who at that time 
 believed themselves a part of the Lutheran Church. He 
 had to content himself at first with the two that remained, 
 New Hanover and New Providence. Out of these he 
 rapidly built up a strong following, and soon overcame 
 the efforts of the Moravians. 
 
 He was by far the ablest and most liberal-minded man 
 of all the German immigrants. We hear no stories of 
 his prodigious learning or many languages. He had 
 had a university education at Gottingen which, instead 
 of overwhelming his faculties, had broadened and enlight- 
 ened his native shrewdness and strengthened his high 
 character and integrity. Yet among his own country- 
 men in Pennsylvania he was almost to his dying day 
 the victim of all sorts of petty, dirty tales. His morals 
 were attacked. He was accused of stealing, turning 
 papist, drawing double pay, collecting contributions from 
 his parishioners and at the same time receiving a secret 
 salary from Germany. That he rose superior to all these 
 difficulties, which overwhelmed Schlatter, and out of 
 them succeeded in organizing a powerful church, not 
 only in Pennsylvania, but all over the Union, is one of 
 the many proofs of his strong character. 
 
 "5 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 In colonial times it may be said that there were three 
 leaders of opinion among the Germans, — Sauer, with his 
 newspaper for the sects, Schlatter for the Reformed, and 
 Muhlenberg for the Lutherans. Of these, Sauer was in 
 some respects the most powerful, and his influence 
 among his own people was more complete. He con- 
 trolled, through his journal, not only the sects, but many 
 who properly belonged to Schlatter and Muhlenberg. 
 
 Sauer's adherents always voted and sympathized with 
 the Quakers, were averse to war, and in the Revolution 
 were sometimes in danger of being roughly handled by 
 both patriots and Tories. When that contest closed in 
 favor of the Americans, some of them refused to live 
 under a government founded on force, and moved to 
 Canada. 
 
 The followers of Schlatter and Muhlenberg were 
 always quite friendly with each other. Many of them 
 took part in the Revolution, and Muhlenberg's son, 
 Peter, who had gone to Virginia, became a famous gen- 
 eral. But the mass of the Germans, whether of the sects 
 or of the church people, were always regarded with 
 more or less suspicion by the English, both in the 
 French and Indian War and in the Revolution. Muh- 
 lenberg complains with much bitterness of the way in 
 which the militia jeered at him and called him a Hessian. 
 
 Both Schlatter and Muhlenberg, however, were firm 
 believers in the supremacy of the English race in 
 America, and in the importance of all the Germans 
 learning English and becoming Americanized as soon as 
 possible. Muhlenberg taught English, and was careful 
 to have his sons educated in it before they were sent to 
 Germany to study for the ministry. Schlatter, after 
 
 ii6 
 
The Germans 
 
 being several years in the province, was so convinced 
 of the illiterate and disordered state of his countrymen 
 that he made a special report to Holland and Germany. 
 His report was translated in England and attracted much 
 attention. He received money from Germany and Hol- 
 land, six young ministers to assist him, and the interest 
 on a fund of twelve thousand pounds. Prominent people 
 in England became convinced of the great importance 
 of teaching the Germans English. Funds were raised, 
 and under the leadership of Provost Smith, Franklin, 
 Chief-Justice Allen, and others, a system of English 
 schools for the Germans was instituted in 1755. 
 
 Schlatter was made the general supervisor of these 
 schools, and Muhlenberg gave them his hearty encour- 
 agement and active support. At the height of their 
 success they contained about seven hundred and fifty 
 pupils, and they may be said to have been successful for 
 seven or eight years. But the strenuous opposition of 
 Sauer and the confusions of the French and Indian Wars 
 destroyed them. A somewhat similar attempt was con- 
 tinued for a long time at the college of Philadelphia by 
 having a special German department, and it was hoped 
 that it would accomplish great things among the Ger- 
 mans, but its success was very trifling. 
 
 The mass of the Germans, especially the sects, were 
 determined from the beginning to keep their own lan- 
 guage, literature, and customs, and create a little Germany 
 in the midst of Pennsylvania. In this they have been 
 largely successful. In colonial times the services in 
 their churches were conducted in German, and the 
 majority of the people were unable to speak English. 
 German is still the language of most of their churches, 
 
 117 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 and great numbers of the people whose ancestors have 
 been in the country more than a hundred and fifty years 
 cannot yet speak English. 
 
 The German they speak has degenerated into a patois 
 called Pennsylvania Dutch, and is described as a dialect 
 of South Germany with an infusion of English. This 
 strange form of speech is still the spoken language of a 
 large part of the population of Pennsylvania. Many 
 speak it fluently and speak English with difficulty, and 
 the English spoken is generally a sad mixture, of which 
 the best that can be said is, that like the Irish brogue it 
 often affords much amusement. In the towns of Lan- 
 caster, Lebanon, York, Reading, Allentown, Easton, and 
 Harrisburg, Pennsylvania Dutch is constantly heard, and 
 in some of these towns there are comparatively few people 
 who speak English exclusively. 
 
 In clinging to their customs many of the Germans 
 have been equally successful, and it has been said that 
 in some parts of Pennsylvania there is more of the old 
 Germany of two hundred years ago than in the German 
 Empire itself. Many of them still refuse to vote or take 
 any part in government. Some of them still love to 
 have their religious books bound in old-fashioned, deeply- 
 stamped white vellum with great brass clasps. They 
 could hardly believe a religion that came out of any 
 other sort of book. 
 
 Their maxims and traditions are most conservative, 
 and of high rank among them is that one which 
 instructs a son not to attempt to improve on the ways 
 of his father. The sects continue to administer their 
 sacrament of feet-washing, and their religious services 
 often last all day. One division of them, the Amish, 
 
 iiS 
 
The Germans 
 
 distinguish themselves from the others by fastening 
 their clothes with hooks and eyes, instead of buttons. 
 They still use a hymn-book that was written three 
 hundred years ago, and still sing of Felix Mantz, 
 who was drowned at Zurich in 1526, and of Sattler, 
 who had his tongue torn out the next year. 
 
 The persecution in the Reformation was more relent- 
 less on the continent than in the British Islands, and 
 these German sects were visited with fire and torture, 
 compared with which the sufferings of Puritan and 
 Quaker count for almost nothing. Under the rule 
 of Philip II. of Spain six thousand are said to have been 
 put to death, and the final persecution of 1659 almost 
 extinguished some of the heresies. There are many 
 families among the Pennsylvania sects that can trace 
 themselves back to an ancestor burned at the stake. 
 
 They have always had, and still retain, a strong 
 prejudice against education. In colonial times the 
 men are said to have been usually able to read and 
 write, and the women to read, but not to write. The 
 autograph immigrant lists in which they signed the 
 oath of allegiance seem to show, however, that a large 
 number of the men could not write. Many of the names 
 are written by a clerk. In these lists printed in Rupp's 
 book the names of those who could not write are 
 marked with a star, and any one can easily see by 
 turning over the pages that in many of the lists more 
 than one-half are illiterate. 
 
 In early times in Pennsylvania it was quite common 
 for their churches to have schools of a very low grade 
 connected with them; and a large number of school- 
 masters are reported to have come over in the immi- 
 
 119 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 grant ships. Some of them gave up teaching and took 
 to preaching, and many of them are admitted to have 
 been worthless scamps. Schlatter and Muhlenberg 
 describe the ignorance and illiteracy of their people 
 in very strong language. There were certainly a few 
 schools among them here and there, but the best of 
 them were usually very inferior. 
 
 Christopher Dock, one of their school-masters on the 
 Skippack, has been in recent years unearthed from 
 his long obscurity, and the pretty story of his humble 
 but earnest life told by the Hon. Samuel W. Penny- 
 packer. He was famous for his skill, and Sauer, who 
 had something of the enterprise of modern journalists, 
 finally persuaded him to write out for publication his 
 rules and methods of instruction. It is impossible to 
 read the homely, simple language of the essay without 
 loving the good master who was so devoted to the 
 children and so ingenious in his way of teaching. 
 
 "HOW I RECEIVE THE CHILDREN IN SCHOOL. 
 
 " It is done in the following manner. The child is first welcomed by 
 the other scholars, who extend their hands to it. It is then asked by me 
 whether it will learn industriously and be obedient. If it promises me 
 this, I explain to it how it must behave, and if it can say the A, B, C's in 
 order, one after the other, and also by way of proof can point out with 
 the forefinger all the designated letters, it is put into the A-b Abs. When 
 it gets this far its father must give it a penny, and its mother must cook 
 for it two eggs, because of its industry ; and a similar reward is due to it 
 when it goes further into words, and so forth." (Pennypacker's His- 
 torical and Biographical Sketches, loo.) 
 
 He had little presents for them of his own besides the 
 eggs the parents were to boil. He drew birds and pic- 
 tures for them, was much more sparing of the rod than 
 
The Germans 
 
 was usually the custom in those times, and he had the 
 plan of getting the children to teach each other. But 
 he had a rough, unruly set to deal with ; his instruction 
 was confined to the simplest sort of spelling, reading, 
 and arithmetic, with much instruction in the Bible, which 
 was an important text-book in those times among the 
 English as well as the Germans. His efforts had to be 
 directed more to conduct than to mental training; and 
 he seems to have had his hands full in keeping some of 
 his young charges from swearing and stealing. He 
 drew up elaborate rules, which were evidently intended 
 for the children of a very rough peasantry, who had to 
 be prevented from living like wild animals and throwing 
 the bones they had gnawed under the table. 
 
 Sauer's son wrote some very sensible generalizing on 
 education, which reads well, and to which no one can 
 take exception. Rupp assures us that the numerous 
 school-masters among the German immigrants were in 
 the habit of reading a book on education, entitled " Ge- 
 danken, Vorschlage und Wiinsche zur Verbesserung der 
 Offentlichen Erziehung als Materiahen zur Padagogick, 
 herausgegeben von Friederich Gabriel Resewitz," which 
 was in four huge volumes, and must certainly have 
 exhausted the subject. 
 
 Like the Quakers, these people had many new ideas 
 in their heads which were to simplify many problems, 
 war and government, as well as education. But none of 
 them were very practical, and none of their efforts can 
 for one moment be compared to the vigorous intellectual 
 training given in the colonial schools of the Presbyteri- 
 ans, which produced such good results. 
 
 The Germans, unfortunately, stand in the history of 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 Pennsylvania as the enemies of all attempts at good edu- 
 cation. There was great difficulty in introducing the 
 public school system among them, and in some cases it 
 was resisted by indignation meetings and litigation. 
 Many of them professed to consider it tyranny, and at- 
 tempted to pose as martyrs by refusing to pay the school- 
 tax, and allowing their property to be taken by the 
 sheriff. The Tunkers, although on their first arrival 
 they made some efforts in behalf of schools, afterwards 
 degenerated so far as to boast that there were scarcely 
 any educated men among them, and at one time they 
 would not admit such persons to their society. Many 
 of them were inclined to destroy all books that were not 
 religious. 
 
 An exception must be made, however, in favor of 
 some of the Reformed and Lutherans. Their leaders, 
 Schlatter and Muhlenberg, never resisted education. On 
 the contrary, they deeply regretted its absence, and made 
 every effort to have it. But they were thwarted in 
 colonial times by their own people. After the Revolu- 
 tion the Reformed and Lutherans combined in establish- 
 ing Franklin College at Lancaster, in 1787, under the 
 notion, unfortunately very prevalent at that time in 
 Pennsylvania, that different religious bodies could go 
 into partnership in a college. 
 
 The plan failed, of course, and the college was closed 
 in 1821. About eighteen years afterwards it was revived 
 into a respectable academy, and in 1850, the Reformed 
 having bought out the Lutheran interest in it, they 
 united it with a college of their own called Marshall, 
 which they had established at Carlisle in 1825. The 
 combination, now known as Franklin and Marshall, at 
 
The Germans 
 
 Lancaster, is prosperous and hopeful, and shows the 
 conservatism which has always marked the Reformed, by- 
 adhering to the old-fashioned course of classics and phi- 
 losophy. The Reformed have also Albright Institute, at 
 Myerstown, and Ursinus at CoUegeville. The Lutherans 
 have Thiel at Greenville, Muhlenberg at Allentown, Penn- 
 sylvania at Gettysburg, and Susquehanna at Selin's Grove. 
 
 The sects, however, remain unchanged, although the 
 Quakers, who once held almost the same opinions about 
 higher education, have in recent years branched out 
 into three flourishing institutions, Haverford, Swarth- 
 more, and Bryn Mawr. 
 
 Wickersham, in his " History of Education in Pennsyl- 
 vania, " while he laments the persistent hostility of the 
 German population to education, insists that on their 
 arrival as immigrants they were not so much opposed to 
 it, and on the whole would have compared favorably in 
 this respect with English immigrants of the same class. 
 Their rapid degeneration was due, he thinks, in great 
 part to their refusal to learn English, which isolated 
 them and cut them off from the social, political, and com- 
 mercial currents of the time. 
 
 Their habit of sequestering themselves on farms, and 
 their division into numerous sects, each one too poor to 
 have good educational means of its own, and too much at 
 variance with the others to unite with them in a general 
 system, tended to intensify the narrowness and isolation 
 of their language. They were unaccustomed to local 
 self-government, had not the Englishman's instinct for 
 acting as an organized community, and were used to 
 having education provided for them by a higher au- 
 thority. Christopher Dock seems to have some such 
 
 123 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 idea as this in his mind when he says, " It was before 
 Icnown to me that school-teaching in this country was 
 far different from in Germany, since there the school 
 stands upon such pillars that the common people cannot 
 well overthrow it." * 
 
 The reasons that the Germans themselves have given 
 for their opposition are, that in their experience, in the 
 old world, learning was always connected with the 
 states and churches that persecuted them ; some of the 
 most learned men had been their bitterest enemies, and 
 had led the worst and cruelest attacks on their lives and 
 liberty. Colleges were closely connected in their minds 
 with theological schools, and theology was an evil. 
 That occasional individuals, like St. Paul, might combine 
 learning with Christianity was possible. But St. Paul, 
 before his conversion, had used his knowledge for nothing 
 but persecution, and such men were at best uncertain 
 lights. 
 
 Many of them said, bluntly, that schooling made boys 
 lazy and gave them a dislike for farming. They also 
 feared that high learning, which with many of them 
 began at grammar and geography, would destroy some 
 of the peculiarities of their religion. Some of them, true 
 to their suspicious instincts, saw in the schools nothing 
 but a conspiracy of lazy people to get salaried positions 
 for themselves out of the hard-earned savings of the 
 honest farmer and mechanic. 
 
 It is impossible to form any exact estimate of the 
 numbers of the Germans. All calculations of the Penn- 
 sylvania population in colonial times are but little better 
 
 * Pennypacker, Historical and Biographical Sketches, 98 ; Wicker- 
 sham, History of Education in Pennsylvania, 123. 
 
 124 
 
The Germans 
 
 than guesses. Some insist that up to the Revolution 
 fully half the people of the province were German. One 
 estimate places their numbers for 1730 at thirty thousand. 
 Governor Gordon's estimate of the whole population for 
 the same year was forty-nine thousand, which gives the 
 Germans considerably more than half Seventeen years 
 later another governor gives them three-fifths out of a 
 total of two hundred thousand. Other estimates give 
 them ninety thousand in 1750 out of a total of two hun- 
 dred and seventy thousand, and one hundred and forty- 
 four thousand six hundred and sixty in 1790 out of a 
 total of four hundred and thirty-four thousand three 
 hundred and seventy-five. In recent years it has gen- 
 erally been believed that about one-third of the people 
 of the State are German, or of German descent. Frank- 
 lin's rule of thumb, by which he always estimated the 
 colonial population of the province as one-third Quaker, 
 one-third German, and the remaining third miscellaneous, 
 was probably not very far wrong. 
 
 As the Germans kept arriving in increasing numbers, 
 not a little hostility was felt towards them by the Eng- 
 lish. It was feared that they might come in such swarms 
 as to change the character of the colony, and it was 
 several times suggested that they be permanently dis- 
 franchised. The governors of the province, though 
 compelled at times to regulate their admission, were, on 
 the whole, in favor of them, for the proprietors could 
 have no strong objection to such numerous purchasers 
 of land who usually paid for what they took, and seldom 
 attempted, like the Scotch-Irish, to exercise squatter 
 sovereignty. 
 
 The opposition to them, such as it was, usually came 
 
 125 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 from the assembly or from men like Franklin and James 
 Logan. Franklin was always very outspoken in his 
 dislike, called them " Palatine boors, the most stupid of 
 their race," and believed that their refusal to adopt the 
 English language and customs was a serious injury to 
 the province. Sometimes he said they would take no 
 interest in politics, and at other times sweep everything 
 before them. He busied himself to make application to 
 the British government to prevent their coming, but 
 nothing was accomplished except the imposition of a 
 small head-tax. He joined in every plan for their edu- 
 cation, and at one time went so far as to add a set of 
 German types to his printing establishment in the hope 
 of publishing a German newspaper and German books 
 in the English interest. 
 
 One of their most earnest advocates and friends was 
 the eccentric Dr. Rush. His first argument was that if 
 they continued to cling to their language it would be the 
 channel through which the knowledge and discoveries 
 of the wisest nations in Europe would be brought to 
 America, and his second, that the more they learned 
 their own language the more they would become ac- 
 quainted with English. Both assertions have been 
 abundantly contradicted by experience. 
 
 It is not to be supposed that the Pennsylvania Germans 
 were in any sense disloyal to America. In colonial times, 
 when the French occupied the present site of Pittsburg 
 and threatened to press on to the Susquehanna, the 
 Germans were seriously suspected, but apparently with- 
 out much foundation. In modern times their feeling and 
 position are beyond question. They readily joined the 
 Native American movement of 1850, and usually show 
 
 126 
 
The Germans 
 
 considerable contempt for the modern German immi- 
 grant who is forever talking of the fatherland. 
 
 As they are American at heart, it is all the more reason 
 why they should become American altogether, and give 
 up the mere sentimental devotion to the language and 
 ways of a country which they deserted two hundred 
 years ago because they could not endure it. They have 
 more to gain by helping to make Pennsylvania a homo- 
 geneous united commonwealth, than by clinging to the 
 mere shell and appearance of a system and nationality 
 in which they long since ceased to believe. We can 
 easily forego the great amusement of hearing negroes, 
 in some of our counties, speaking Pennsylvania Dutch, 
 and we can also forego the unpleasant spectacle of white 
 men speaking debased and barbarous German-English. 
 The attempt to maintain two languages in the same 
 community inevitably ends in injuring both and render- 
 ing them useless for the best purposes of literature. 
 
 By refusing to adopt English ways the Germans injure 
 themselves more than they injure the State. They often 
 bring upon themselves unnecessary poverty, ignorance, 
 and suffering, and exclusion from advancement and 
 pleasures. The Huguenots, who were more easily assim- 
 ilated than any race that has ever come to us, losing all 
 their foreign characteristics in the first generation, have 
 reaped their reward, and can, it is said, trace their blood 
 in more prominent and important men, in proportion to 
 their numbers, than any other element of the population 
 except the English. 
 
 The modern German immigrants often stand out against 
 assimilation in the same way as their brethren in Penn- 
 sylvania. Where they are well scattered among the 
 
 127 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 native population their efforts usually fail. But where 
 they get together in bodies, as in Pennsylvania, and 
 as recently in some of the Western States, they are able 
 to accomplish a large part of their purpose ; and some 
 of them have been visionary enough to suppose that 
 they could in time make German the language of the 
 United States. 
 
 The consequence of these attempts has been that, 
 as shown by statistics, the Germans in America, in 
 proportion to their numbers, have produced fewer 
 remarkable and prominent men than any other division 
 of the people. The race is not in itself deficient. But 
 when it isolates itself in an American community it 
 is cut off from the best development of that community, 
 and also from its old associations in Europe, and 
 inevitably deteriorates. 
 
 In Pennsylvania the Germans themselves have at 
 times been conscious that they have not done all that 
 was to be expected from their numbers, and their 
 writers and orators have made excuses for them, and 
 sometimes complained that justice had not been done 
 them. But in attempting to offset criticisms by enlarg- 
 ing on the services the Germans have rendered America 
 they often go too far and claim too much. As with all 
 other foreign elements of the population, the hint is, 
 of course, thrown out that in some mysterious way they 
 were the real creators of the United States. Rupp, 
 in his notes to Rush's " Germans in Pennsylvania," goes 
 so far as to say, " It was to the German farmers America 
 owed her independence." 
 
 As a separate, distinct nationality living among us 
 the Germans have accomplished comparatively little, 
 
 128 
 
The Germans 
 
 and they have only themselves to blame for not mingling 
 more with the rest of the people. There has been, it is 
 true, a good deal of assimilation accomplished, especially 
 in parts of the State where the Germans were few 
 and well scattered among the rest of the people. Most 
 of the families that settled in Philadelphia and German- 
 town have been long ago absorbed, and in other places 
 a steady, though very slow, process of amalgamation 
 can be noticed. 
 
 Many of the names gradually became anglicized. 
 Bossert becomes Buzzard; Fluck becomes Fluke; Op den 
 Graeff, Updegraff; Conderts, Conrad; Scherker, Yerkes ; 
 Tissen, Tyson ; and Schmidt, plain, honest Smith. In 
 some places the curious phenomenon is seen of a large 
 family, part of whom retain their name in the old German, 
 while the rest are gradually anglicizing it, to the great 
 confusion of the sheriff's jury-list and the tax-assessor. 
 
 But in the counties where the Germans have always 
 lived in masses there is comparatively little change; 
 and, judging by the trifle that has been accomplished 
 in a hundred and fifty years, complete absorption and 
 a homogeneous population are still five hundred, if not 
 a thousand, years away. The public school system, 
 from which something was expected, has thus far 
 accomplished but little. In fact, nothing will be of any 
 avail except such a breaking up as will produce a great 
 deal of intermarriage. It has long been a common and 
 careless boast with us that we could quickly absorb any 
 foreign element. So we can, and so can any nation 
 when the foreign element is well scattered ; but where it 
 congests in masses we are as slow with it and perhaps 
 slower than other people. 
 
 9 "9 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 Those of the Pennsylvania Germans who had the good 
 sense to drop Germanisms and Americanize themselves, 
 and especially those who are the result of intermarriage 
 with English or Scotch-Irish stock, are as good as the 
 best. Conrad Weiser was among the Germans who fled 
 to the Tulpehocken Valley from the injustice they were 
 suffering in New York. His name is now almost for- 
 gotten ; but during the period of the French and Indian 
 Wars it is to be found on almost every page of the 
 " Colonial Records.'' He was the proprietary inter- 
 preter, Indian agent, and negotiator of treaties, and as 
 such played a most important part. Like Muhlenberg 
 and every other German who has become prominent, 
 he adopted America without qualification, and was one 
 of the trustees of the society for establishing English 
 schools among the Germans. 
 
 Muhlenberg's family is a striking instance. A thorough 
 believer in the English, he was careful to have his chil- 
 dren taught their ways. They were put in charge of an 
 English woman for that purpose, and were well repaid for 
 it. Peter Muhlenberg became one of the distinguished 
 generals of the Revolution. Frederick was the first 
 speaker of the National House of Representatives, and 
 had a long and honorable political career. His grand- 
 son, the Rev. Dr. Henry Augustus Muhlenberg, became a 
 clergyman of wide influence and distinction in the Epis- 
 copal Church. Not only has the family had these well- 
 known members, but in its numerous branches through- 
 out the Union is often found in positions of prominence 
 and importance. 
 
 Throughout the State and in Philadelphia, numerous 
 instances can be found of Germans who, having been 
 
 130 
 
The Germans 
 
 willing to emerge from the nationality of the country 
 they had deserted, have become distinguished in the 
 paths of science, business, or politics. They have fur- 
 nished governors for the State, professors for colleges, 
 and German families have become well known in social 
 or fashionable life. Dr. Gross, one of our most dis- 
 tinguished physicians, and Dr. Leidy, a very distin- 
 guished man of science, were of the Germans. Seven 
 of our governors have been of the same stock, — Snyder, 
 Hiester, Shulze, Wolf, Ritner, Shunk, and Hartranft. 
 It was under Governor Wolf's administration, and with 
 his assistance, that the public school system was adopted 
 throughout the State, although most of his countrymen 
 were opposed to it, and a memorial gate-way at Easton 
 commemorates him as the father of the public schools. 
 
 Rittenhouse, the first American astronomer, and one 
 of the famous astronomers of the world, was brought 
 up among the old Mennonites, near Germantown, and 
 was half Hollander and half Welsh. Dr. Caspar Wistar, 
 who upheld the fame of Philadelphia for remarkable 
 physicians during the beginning of the present century, 
 was half German and half English, and, in fact, the Wistar 
 and Wister families, very well known and of much 
 eminence in Philadelphia, are an interesting instance of 
 what may be the result of blending the German and 
 English stocks. 
 
 There were also two very remarkable Pennsylvanians 
 who, although the Germans do not appear to have 
 claimed them, had, nevertheless, some of the blood in 
 their veins. Jeremiah Black, in some respects the ablest 
 man Pennsylvania has produced since the Revolution, 
 traced his lineage partly from the Scotch-Irish and partly 
 
 131 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 from the Germans. Bayard Taylor, the only man of any 
 real literary genius born on our soil, was half Quaker 
 and half German. 
 
 The Camerons, so long in possession of political con- 
 trol in the State, were also partly Scotch-Irish and partly 
 German. In fact, wherever the Germans have emerged 
 from their isolation, either by intermarriage with the 
 English or by adopting English ways, they have been the 
 gainers by it, and have still been able to retain any sen- 
 timents for their origin that were valuable. The Muh- 
 lenbergs, though completely Americanized, have always 
 been noted for their affection for the past; and Governor 
 Wolf found that he could love his ancestors and at the 
 same time favor public education. 
 
 But to most of our Germans greatness still means 
 to have a great farm. They cling to the land and to 
 country life more persistently than even the Scotch- 
 Irish, and it has been said that fully eighty per cent, of 
 them are farmers. Scattered all through the State, and 
 in the majority in many counties, they have stamped the 
 country population, and, perhaps, the typical Pennsyl- 
 vanian, if such a person is possible in so mixed a com- 
 munity, with many of their characteristics. Their heavi- 
 ness, however, has its advantages. They are generally 
 a most thrifty, conservative people, always husbanding 
 their resources, qualities which, if the State ever becomes 
 homogeneous and they are amalgamated with the rest 
 of the people, may produce very great results. 
 
 Their farms are often found to have descended from 
 father to son for more than a hundred years, in many 
 cases untouched by a mortgage, and they are among the 
 most skilful and successful farmers in the world. Albert 
 
 132 
 
The Germans 
 
 Gallatin once said of them, " In Pennsylvania the Ger- 
 mans are the most ignorant, but the best political econo- 
 mists. They give any price for the best land, and hold 
 it all." 
 
 Travellers on the Pennsylvania Railroad are often sur- 
 prised, as they pass through Lancaster County, at the 
 enormous size and peculiar construction of the barns. 
 New Englanders, coming from a rocky soil, where all 
 the crops that are ever gathered can be stored in an or- 
 dinary stable, are always very much amused, and think 
 it a foolish waste of money for a farmer to build a barn 
 fifteen times as large as his house. They are not aware 
 that they are passing through one of the garden spots 
 of earth, and if they knew the nature of our German 
 they would have no fears of his spending a dollar or 
 enclosing a square foot of space that was not absolutely 
 necessary for the housing of his enormous crops.* 
 
 * Cassell's History of the Mennonites ; Rush's Germans in Pennsyl- 
 vania (with Rupp's notes) ; Pennypacker's Historical and Biographical 
 Sketches ; Rupp's Thirty Thousand Names of German Immigrants ; 
 Mann's Life of Muhlenberg ; H. A. Muhlenberg's Life of General Peter 
 Muhlenberg; Ayres's Life of W. A. Muhlenberg; Harbaugh's Life of 
 Schlatter ; Harbaugh's Fathers of the Reformed Church ; C. Z. Weiser's 
 Life of Conrad Weiser ; Wickersham's History of Education in Pennsyl- 
 vania; Haldeman's Pennsylvania Dutch; Martin's Mennonites; Penn- 
 sylvania Dutch and other Essays ; Mittelberger's Journey to Pennsylvania ; 
 L. T. Reichel's Early Moravians ; Rosengarteti's Pennsylvania Dutch, 
 Nation, vol. ix., 583; Pennypacker's Colonial Reports; Sachse's Ger- 
 man Pietists of Pennsylvania; Heydrick's Genealogical Record of the 
 Schwenkfelders. 
 
 133 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE MORAVIANS. 
 
 The Moravians deserve mention separate from the 
 other Germans ; for, although they belonged to the 
 pietist movement, their origin was different, and they 
 were also in other respects very unlike the rest of their 
 countrymen. 
 
 Their sect was originally not German at all. Their 
 proper title was Unitas Fratrum; and they arose in 
 Bohemia, and the neighboring province of Moravia, 
 about the beginning of the fifteenth century, more than 
 a hundred years before the Mennonites were heard of, 
 and two hundred years before the advent of the 
 Quakers. They were the result of that early outburst 
 of the Reformation inspired by the preaching of John 
 Huss. They studied the Bible and held the doctrine, 
 which characterized so many of the early reformers, 
 that the efficiency of a sacrament depended on the 
 righteousness of the officiating priest. 
 
 At first they were inclined to be very fanatical. They 
 could not allow themselves to take an oath, go to war, 
 fill any civil office, or even carry on a mercantile busi- 
 ness which involved the sale of anything but the bare 
 necessities of life. They held the seven sacraments of 
 the Roman Church and many of the usual doctrines, 
 but explained them in a Protestant way, which took 
 
 134 
 
The Moravians 
 
 them entirely outside of Romanism; and they also 
 preached that awful heresy, liberty of conscience. 
 
 As time went on they broadened themselves, and 
 when the movement under Luther came they had three 
 or four hundred churches and about two hundred 
 thousand members. At that time they became more 
 like the other Reformed churches on the continent and 
 dropped five of their sacraments. They grew with the 
 growth of Protestantism in Bohemia ; and so well did 
 Protestantism prosper there that in 1620, out of three 
 million inhabitants, there were only about two hundred 
 and fifty thousand Roman Catholics. 
 
 But the Roman Catholics of that time still retained 
 some of the old mediaeval courage of their convictions. 
 They lived their dogmas logically and were not obliged 
 to fritter away their meaning to suit a modern liberalism. 
 Within two years they completely wiped out of exist- 
 ence the whole of that luxuriant growth of Protestantism 
 in Bohemia. They had learned some lessons in the 
 Reformation and were careful to make as few martyrs 
 as possible, so that only twenty-seven of the leaders 
 were put to death. The rest of the procedure was a 
 model of thoroughness and success. 
 
 Every Protestant church was confiscated and either 
 levelled with the ground or turned into a Catholic 
 church. Every Protestant clergyman was banished. 
 The property of all prominent Protestants was confis- 
 cated. Commissions were sent roving through the 
 country banishing all the common people who would 
 not recant. Laws were passed by which none but 
 Catholics could be citizens, none but Catholics could 
 marry, and all Protestant inmates of hospitals were 
 
 13s 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 expelled unless they recanted. Every Protestant book 
 and every book in the Bohemian language that could 
 be found was destroyed, and one Jesuit attained great 
 honor because with his own hands he had burned sixty 
 thousand volumes. When Bohemia got through with 
 this conversion and the thirty years' war that followed, 
 her population of three millions was reduced to eight 
 hundred thousand. 
 
 What was left of the Unitas Fratrum scattered itself 
 in Poland, Hungary, Transylvania, Prussia, and Silesia, 
 grew weaker and weaker, and finally seemed to have 
 nothing left but the succession of its bishops. It would 
 soon have disappeared forever had it not been revived in 
 1722 by Count Zinzendorf, a remarkable young German 
 nobleman, who adopted religion as the occupation of 
 his life. About three hundred people who had main- 
 tained the old faith in secret in Moravia migrated to the 
 count's estate in Saxony, and from these the sect was 
 renewed. 
 
 The three hundred emigrants were of the Slavonic 
 race; for Moravianism had up to that time been exclu- 
 sively a Slavonic religion. But the aftergrowth was all 
 German. Zinzendorf was a German Lutheran of the 
 pietist type, and the Moravians became engrafted on the 
 pietist movement. Henceforth they were a German sect, 
 and soon began to adopt ideas and feelings which would 
 have astonished their Slavic originators. The old race 
 knew them no more, and the change was rather curious. 
 There are many instances in history of a race changing 
 its religion, but comparatively few of a religion changing 
 its race. 
 
 Like every other German sect, they of course took 
 136 
 
The Moravians 
 
 their own view of pietism, and to say that they were 
 Pietists is a very vague description of them. Muhlen- 
 berg's followers among the Lutherans were also Pietists, 
 and yet very different from the Moravians, and by no 
 means friendly with them. Indeed, the Moravians stood 
 more aloof from the rest of the German population in 
 Pennsylvania than any of the other German sects. 
 
 They had the general pietistic principle of revolt from 
 formal and systematic theology. They adopted the feet- 
 washing ceremony, or sacrament, of the other sects, and 
 had somewhat of the same leaning towards communal 
 life which appeared among the Tunkers. They were 
 opposed to all kinds of warfare, and took no interest in 
 pohtics and government, and they had a system for 
 watching each other's conduct and administering disci- 
 pline in families very much like that of the Quakers. 
 
 They were at one period of their history overwhelmed 
 by a flood of emotionalism, and used expressions which 
 were extravagant and almost unintelligible in German, 
 and seem still worse when translated into English. 
 They dwelt upon the sufferings of Christ, his wounds, 
 and the scenes of his passion, in a way which seemed 
 fanciful and childish even to people from the continent 
 of Europe, and to English and Americans irreverent and 
 shocking. They made an extraordinary use of the 
 highly figurative language of love in the Song of Solo- 
 mon, and appeared to be attempting to realize the Saviour 
 by an effort of the imagination, falling in love with his 
 image as one falls in love with an earthly sweetheart. 
 In this they resembled some of the other pietist Ger- 
 mans. 
 
 They had the same devoted love for music as the 
 
 137 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 Ephrata people, and took the same delight in composing 
 hundreds and hundreds of hymns, some of which when 
 translated into English seem very extraordinary. In 
 fact, they had a very large measure of those mystic 
 German feelings in religion which are so strange and 
 fantastic that they can hardly be understood by people 
 of English stock. 
 
 Although they had a decided tendency towards com- 
 munal life, they were not believers in celibacy, like the 
 Germans at Ephrata. On the contrary, they exalted 
 marriage into a very sacred duty. All souls, they held, 
 were in their essence feminine, and the male was simply 
 a temporary office created for the probationary period of 
 this world. But although his existence was ephemeral, 
 his duties were none the less clear and positive. As 
 Christ was the true spouse of every woman, so her hus- 
 band was his representative and the saviour of his wife 
 in this world. 
 
 They regulated their marriages very strictly, and the 
 church often took the part of match-maker, helped the 
 man to choose his wife, and communicated his proposal 
 to her. In this, as in many of their other deliberations, 
 they often resorted to casting lots. Indeed, the lot was 
 relied upon by them for their most important decisions, 
 and by it missions were established and ministers ap- 
 pointed. Like the Quakers, they have never made any 
 rules about divorce, and yet to this day, it is said, divorce 
 is practically unknown among them. 
 
 They seem to have been more inchned than the other 
 German sects to develop liturgies, and they had one 
 which has attracted some attention, and is known as the 
 Litany of the Wounds. They have now a regular 
 
 138 
 
The Moravians 
 
 liturgy which is printed with their hymn-book, and 
 together with their hymns has a strong resemblance to 
 the services of the Church of England. They were 
 indeed a curious blending of qualities of their own and 
 qualities which resembled those of the Quakers, Men- 
 nonites, Tunkers, and various other forms of pietism. 
 
 They showed comparatively little of that strong ten- 
 dency of the other Germans to cling to their language 
 and customs. They readily adopted English, and in 
 colonial times were always on closer and more congenial 
 terms with the English than with their own countrymen ; 
 and their modern ritual and customs have always proved 
 attractive to people of English religion. 
 
 A few years of American life had a great effect in 
 changing their emotionalism ; and, it is said, they have 
 been afflicted with its worst forms only once in this 
 country while under the rule of Bishop Cammerhof. 
 They have long since frankly repudiated all such ex- 
 citements, and, in the preface to a recent edition of 
 their hymn-book, describe them as belonging to a time 
 of sentimental fanaticism. They now more nearly re- 
 semble the original church in Moravia, which, before it 
 was destroyed by the Romish persecution, was Episcopal 
 and not unhke the Church of England. Indeed, the 
 Church of England has long since recognized the suc- 
 cession of the Moravian bishops as apostolic, and the 
 two churches are in communion with each other. 
 
 The Moravians date the beginning of their renewal 
 when they became a German sect, from the 17th of June, 
 
 1 72 1, when the first tree was cut down for them on 
 Count Zinzendorf's estate, but the date usually given is 
 
 1722. It was the era of sect-making, and they increased 
 
 139 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 rapidly, spread all over Germany, the United Provinces, 
 Great Britain, and sent missionaries to Greenland and 
 the West Indies. In 1749, less than thirty years after 
 their renewal, they are said to have numbered at least 
 thirty thousand members, with over a thousand mission- 
 aries. 
 
 They began to come to America in 1734, and settled 
 in Georgia on some land which had been offered to the 
 Schwenkfelders who preferred to come to Pennsylvania. 
 The Moravians might possibly have continued in Georgia, 
 if they had not been obliged by the government, con- 
 trary to their religious scruples, to take up arms against 
 the Spaniards. 
 
 The first of them began to appear in Pennsylvania 
 about 1739, and they settled on a tract of land near 
 Nazareth, a few miles north of the Lehigh River. This 
 land belonged to Whitefield, the famous preacher, who 
 was also interested in Georgia. He had named the place 
 Nazareth, and had intended to establish a negro school 
 there. It was within one of the Penn manors which has 
 often attracted attention, because it was held by one of 
 those curious old English tenures which required the 
 delivery every year of a red rose. This manor had also 
 attached to it the privilege of Court Baron, and was 
 capable of being developed into a little principality. 
 The Moravians selected it for this reason, as their inten- 
 tion was at first to live by themselves and have a colony 
 of their Jown. They, however, never made use of the 
 privilege of Court Baron, and their exclusiveness in 
 government was confined to their communal system. 
 
 The remaining Moravians soon arrived from Georgia, 
 and, the Indians becoming troublesome, the whole body 
 
 140 
 
The Moravians 
 
 moved a few miles south to the banks of the Lehigh, 
 and in 1741 founded Bethlehem, where they have re- 
 mained ever since. They spread out to Philadelphia 
 and other parts of the State, but their head-quarters were 
 always at Bethlehem, and Bethlehem is still the metrop- 
 olis of their church in America. 
 
 It was there they established their communal system. 
 Personal property was not surrendered, but the church 
 owned all the land, and received into its treasury the 
 results of the combined labor of the community, giving to 
 each member in return the necessities of life, instruction 
 for his children, and protection in sickness and old age. 
 
 They provided houses in which the bachelors lived 
 together, other houses for the single women, and others 
 for the widows. Some of these houses can still be seen 
 in Bethlehem, and are of curious and interesting archi- 
 tecture. So independent and self-sustaining were they 
 that they owned one or two ships, with captains of their 
 own faith, in which their immigrants were brought over 
 in ease and comfort, and avoided the dirt, crowding, and 
 disease which destroyed so many of the other Germans. 
 
 About thirty trades were carried on for the benefit of 
 the church. There were button-mills, grist-mills, saw- 
 mills, tanneries, potteries, linen weaving, stocking weav- 
 ing, rope-making, bakeries, butcheries, and even chimney- 
 sweeping and shoe-cleaning. Some of the products of 
 their industry became well known for their excellence, 
 and were sent to Philadelphia in considerable quantities. 
 The profits being all concentrated in the community 
 and not dissipated among individuals. The Economy, as 
 they called their communal establishment, became very 
 prosperous and successful. 
 
 141 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 Their intention was not merely to separate themselves 
 from the world and afford retreats where men could 
 hold undisturbed communion with God, but to make 
 of themselves more efficient missionaries. One of their 
 principal objects at first was the conversion of the Indians. 
 The number of missionaries among them was always 
 very large in proportion to the laity, and those who came 
 to Bethlehem seem to have been unusually earnest. 
 Communism seemed to them an economical way of 
 uniting their efforts so as to enable the greatest number 
 to give time and energy to the conversion of the heathen. 
 
 The story of their Indian missions is a long one, and 
 would fill a volume in itself They were among the first 
 who carefully studied Indian customs ; they formed suc- 
 cessful communities among the savages near Bethlehem, 
 and also as far west as Ohio. But the coming on of the 
 French and Indian Wars destroyed the fruits of all their 
 efforts, as it destroyed all that Penn and the Quakers 
 had done. The flourishing Indian community of the 
 Moravians in Ohio became suspected of being in league 
 with the hostile tribes, and was destroyed by the white 
 settlers at the close of the Revolution. 
 
 In 1762, at the time of the Indian wars, the commu- 
 nism at Bethlehem was largely abandoned. The church 
 retained as its property only a few farms, trades, and 
 the old Sun Inn. But it still controlled the land, and 
 would sell it to none but Moravians until 1844. At that 
 date the town was thrown open to strangers, and soon 
 began to develop those enormous industries in the manu- 
 facture of iron, which have now made it one of the richest 
 and most prosperous towns in the State. 
 
 In December, 1741, when the settlement at Bethlehem 
 142 
 
The Moravians 
 
 was begun, Count Zinzendorf appeared in Pennsylvania, 
 and remained for a little over a year. He spent much 
 of his time at Philadelphia and Germantown, and also 
 visited nearly every other part of the colony. He made 
 several excursions among the Indians, and was the first 
 white man to penetrate the Wyoming Valley. His 
 daughter accompanied him on these rather daring expe- 
 ditions, and he has left us in his journal an interesting 
 account of their wanderings and dangers. 
 
 He seems to have aroused much enthusiasm among 
 the Moravians ; but other people were by no means 
 favorably impressed with him. The English thought 
 him disagreeable and eccentric. Muhlenberg complained 
 very bitterly of his attempts to convert Lutherans, and 
 accused him of resorting to artifice and trickery unbe- 
 coming a man of religion. 
 
 He was certainly a very extraordinary character, full 
 of the strangest sort of German emotionalism, and diffi- 
 cult to understand. His own disciples have admitted 
 that he was governed more by his heart than by his head. 
 He decided everything rapidly and on the spur of the 
 moment, and was constantly changing his mind. He 
 seemed to be giving utterance to every thought, vague, 
 subtle, or eccentric, that occurred to him, and often re- 
 sorted to several languages to express himself. He had, 
 however, unquestioned force of character, and a com- 
 manding influence over his followers. 
 
 The appearance of his face in the best portrait that 
 has come down to us is certainly most striking and 
 powerful. He had boundless energy and industry, and 
 was indifferent to hardships and fatigue. He bustled 
 about in the towns and forests of Pennsylvania in a way 
 
 143 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 that was astonishing, and few men then living could have 
 covered so much ground, seen so many people, white 
 and red, and expressed so many extravagant notions in 
 the same amount of time. 
 
 One of the objects he seems to have had most at 
 heart, was to organize the whole German population of 
 all sects and classes into a sort of league of religions 
 which he called the Church of God in the Spirit. He 
 seems to have considered himself in a certain sense a 
 religious statesman. He had taken up religion as a 
 great general subject of infinite importance, and cer- 
 tainly the one which at that time was strongly attracting 
 the attention of the German people. 
 
 By birth and associations he was a Lutheran, deeply 
 convinced of the benefits of the pietist movement. When 
 the remnant of the Moravians appeared he had taken 
 them under his care, settled them on his estate, and 
 become one of their bishops, not because he was a 
 Moravian more than anything else, but because he be- 
 lieved they were one of the sects that were travelling 
 upon the right path. He always proclaimed that he 
 had not ceased to be a Lutheran by becoming a Mora- 
 vian. 
 
 He came to Pennsylvania because the Germans there 
 had been represented to him as in a state of great dis- 
 order, split up into innumerable divisions, without leaders 
 and yet willing to be led, and anxious to be organized 
 into some form of evangelical religion. He was bitterly 
 disappointed when he found that each sect was as hard 
 set in its prejudices as a Presbyterian or a Catholic ; that 
 instead of a soft mass of enthusiastic German sentiment, 
 waiting for a great man to mould it, there were a score 
 
 144 
 
The Moravians 
 
 or more of hard crystallized divisions, more distinct than 
 in their native land, and suspicious of every one but 
 themselves. 
 
 Before coming to Pennsylvania he announced that he 
 had laid aside for the present his ofifice of bishop among 
 the Moravians, and wished to be known simply as a 
 Lutheran clergyman. When he arrived in the province 
 he called a meeting of the governor and prominent cit- 
 izens in Philadelphia, and in their presence, and asking 
 them to be witnesses, he laid aside his title as count. He 
 was going into battle, he said, and was ready and willing 
 to be attacked and hit, but wished to avoid having his 
 family name dragged about in the conflict. He tried to 
 give himself various other names, — Dominie de Thiirstein, 
 Friend Lewis, Brother Ludwig, and Ordinary. But his 
 formal resignation of a title was a failure, caused much 
 amusement among the EngHsh, and his original name 
 always clung to him. 
 
 Thus prepared and assisted by Antes and other 
 Germans, he began to call together delegates from the 
 sects. The first synod was held in Germantown, January 
 7, 1742, and representatives appeared from the Re- 
 formed, Lutherans, Mennonites, Tunkers, Hermits, and 
 a few others. The object was to establish a league, or 
 spiritual union, in which all would agree in essential 
 points, and yet each remain true to his own denomina- 
 tion. It was to be a Christian Union on almost exactly 
 the same plan that has been much talked of and recom- 
 mended in our own time. 
 
 The difficulty was to agree on what were essentials 
 
 and to avoid having the essentials adopted consist too 
 
 exclusively of the essentials of one of the parties to the 
 10 145 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 contract. The Separatists were the hardest to deal 
 with, for they held it to be sinful for believers to have 
 close fellowship. The strenuous advocacy of any idea 
 was, they thought, an uncharitable reflection on those 
 who differed from it. Zinzendorf's spiritual union, as 
 an attempt to make a sect which should not be a sect, 
 seemed to be in their line, and yet they were afraid of 
 it, and ended by calling Zinzendorf the beast of the 
 Revelation, and persuaded Sauer to use his newspaper 
 against him. 
 
 The Tunkers and their offshoot, the Ephrata people, 
 were also in the synod, and could not be restrained 
 from occasionally taking a turn at each other. Zinzen- 
 dorf was greatly grieved, but was himself very little 
 better than the rest. He finally announced in one of 
 the synods that Lutheranism was the true principle, and 
 that Lutheranism would gradually absorb the Reformed 
 and also all the other sects, including the Moravians, 
 and that would be the true church. 
 
 This ideal of union among the Protestant divisions of 
 Germany remained long in his mind, and was afterwards 
 attempted by others, sometimes with a little success. 
 The union, however, when analyzed, meant that the 
 Moravians were to be the centre of the unity ; that 
 all other denominations were to recognize them as 
 the connecting link, and after that be allowed to retain 
 their own peculiarities ; certainly a noble position for 
 Unitas Fratrum. In other words, Zinzendorf's concep- 
 tion of Christian unity was about the same that has been 
 entertained in our own and every other time. 
 
 The synods he established for the purpose in Penn- 
 sylvania continued to meet every few weeks and lasted 
 
 146 
 
The Moravians 
 
 for about five years after he returned to Europe. But 
 the sects one after another withdrew, and finally they 
 became synods of the Moravian Church alone, to which 
 Zinzendorf, in spite of his protests, really belonged. 
 
 At the same time that he was managing the synods 
 of the Church of God in the Spirit he was organizing the 
 Lutherans and Reformed as his own people. With the 
 Reformed he had comparatively little success. But the 
 Lutherans flocked to him. They had then no regular 
 head or leader in Pennsylvania, and the count easily 
 persuaded them. He was made pastor of their church 
 in Philadelphia, and several other congregations recog- 
 nized him as the superintendent of the churches of the 
 colony, with power to appoint ministers. 
 
 Whether he could finally have turned them all into 
 Moravians is difficult to say, for he had been at work 
 among them only about a year, when Muhlenberg 
 appeared and soon put a stop to his course. It has 
 been supposed by some that information of his suc- 
 cess had reached Germany, and was one of the chief 
 reasons why Muhlenberg was sent. Muhlenberg's 
 .authority as a Lutheran clergyman seems to have been 
 more regular than the count's. At any rate, the people 
 more readily recognized him, and though at first he 
 had. only a minority as followers, he soon acquired 
 control of pretty much the whole body. Zinzendorf's 
 Lutheranism he regarded with contempt, as a mere 
 cover to advance the Moravians, and Muhlenberg's 
 writings are not the place to look for praise of the 
 count. 
 
 The count, however, had secured a few recruits. The 
 Moravian Church in Philadelphia appears to have been 
 
 147 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 made up principally of Lutherans and English converts, 
 and in several other places in the province the Church 
 of God in the Spirit seems to have proved itself a valu- 
 able ally. For many years afterwards the Moravians 
 continued to keep a watchful eye on the Lutherans and 
 Reformed, and encouraged any tendency among them 
 that seemed to lean in the right direction. A catechism 
 was written for those who inclined to Moravian doctrine. 
 The Moravian Church had also an officer who was called 
 Vice-Inspector of the Lutheran Church in America, and 
 he is said to have ordained a Lutheran pastor-elect at 
 Tulpehocken. Moravian missionaries continued for 
 some years to organize congregations among both the 
 German and the Swedish Lutherans and also to some 
 extent among the Reformed. 
 
 The explanation of this apparently loose state of affairs 
 is, that the German pietist movement had not at that 
 time crystallized. Most of the Lutherans in Pennsyl- 
 vania were pietists of one form or another, and the Mo- 
 ravians were also pietists, and most of them had been 
 born Lutherans. It was disputed whether the Moravians 
 were in the Augsburg Confession with the Lutherans, 
 and in Germany it had been decided that they were. 
 The Moravians were really a pietist party in the Lutheran 
 Church, and the real dispute between Zinzendorf and 
 Muhlenberg was whether the Pennsylvania Lutherans 
 should take the Moravian form of pietism or adopt 
 Muhlenberg's Halle pietism. In the end Muhlenberg 
 prevailed, and the Moravians separated and became a 
 distinct division. 
 
 When Zinzendorf arrived in Pennsylvania, in Decem- 
 ber, 1 74 1, the Moravians were a mere handful, who had 
 
The Moravians 
 
 just built a log-house at Bethlehem. He visited them 
 there, but for the first six months or so his efforts were 
 chiefly devoted to the conversion of the Lutherans and 
 Reformed. Having done what he could for these, he 
 turned his attention to his own proper people and the 
 Indians, who sufficiently occupied his time during the 
 remainder of his visit. 
 
 His presence caused much excitement and contro- 
 versy, and produced a long list of pamphlets and polem- 
 ical literature. The Quakers were not opposed to him, 
 and the Episcopalians had no very serious objection. 
 His worst opponents were the Presbyterians, and some 
 of the German sects like the Separatists. To the Presby- 
 terians of that time Moravianism seemed either ridiculous 
 or loathsome. They had no hesitation in saying so, and 
 Zinzendorf, in his turn, seldom hesitated to say what he 
 thought of Calvinism. He accordingly found himself 
 accused of drunkenness, his daughter, who was with him, 
 described as a child he had kidnapped, and his followers 
 as " locusts from the bottomless pit." 
 
 But he returned to Europe, and the land had rest. 
 His life and work, in spite of all his peculiarities, were 
 an important episode in the history of the Moravians. 
 He restored and renewed them when they were about 
 to perish, and there are few things in history more 
 romantic than this young nobleman expanding under 
 the religious movement of his time, filled with broad 
 ideas of unifying the disordered sects of his country, 
 adopting a persecuted and helpless sect of another 
 country which he believed was in the right, and sacri- 
 ficing all his estate and fortune to help it. The story is 
 still more complete when we know that within recent 
 
 149 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 years the Moravians have paid back to the count's 
 family every cent he expended for their benefit, with 
 interest to date. 
 
 After the count returned to Europe the Moravians 
 settled down at Bethlehem, increased in numbers, and 
 began to develop what became a very beautiful and quiet 
 life. We read of no stories of dirt and disorder, which 
 the colonists so often charged against the other Germans. 
 On the contrary, the Moravians were more like the 
 Schwenkfelders and the early Mennonites, who settled 
 Germantown under Pastorius, — orderly, neat, neither 
 poor nor rich, self-respecting, respecting others, and 
 liked by everybody. They were far removed from the 
 rabble, nominally Lutherans and Reformed, which Muh- 
 lenberg and Schlatter complained of, and still farther 
 removed from that nondescript mass of ignorant peas- 
 antry which had been picked up in Germany by the 
 newlanders and shipping-agents and exported to Penn- 
 sylvania for what it would bring. 
 
 Bethlehem became a garden. Like the Mennonites 
 at Germantown, the Moravians were very fond of fruit- 
 trees, and planted them everywhere. The streets were 
 lined with them, and far down into the present century 
 the stranger passing through the town could help him- 
 self and enjoy a great variety. They became famous for 
 their inns, and added to the already high reputation of 
 the colonial tavern in Pennsylvania. The Nazareth, the 
 Rose, and the Crown were outside of Bethlehem, but 
 well known, and each has had its history, and the Mora- 
 vian historians have spared no pains to celebrate their 
 merits. The best one of all, however, was the Sun, 
 which was within the town, and familiar for nearly a 
 
 ISO 
 
The Moravians 
 
 hundred years to all the people of the country from 
 Massachusetts to the Carolinas. 
 
 The reason for this was, that the principal line of 
 travel between Boston and the Southern colonies passed 
 through Bethlehem. Travellers from the South usually 
 came to Philadelphia, thence to Bethlehem, thence 
 through what were called the Minisink settlements in 
 northeastern Pennsylvania to Kingston, on the Hudson, 
 which was crossed, and a straight road followed to 
 Boston or any other part of New England. There was 
 another line of travel from the South which went to New 
 York City through New Jersey, and was convenient for 
 any one going to that place. But those going to Massa- 
 chusetts usually followed the Bethlehem and Kingston 
 route. 
 
 It is doubtful if we shall ever again in this country see 
 any of the old-fashioned comforts that were enjoyed in 
 that inn. It had private suites of apartments, most of 
 them consisting of a sitting-room with two bedchambers, 
 with a special servant. An Englishman who was there 
 at the time of the Revolution describes how he was 
 received, led at once to his private apartment, the key 
 given him, the special servant assigned to him, and he 
 felt at once as if he were in his own home. 
 
 At different times the inn has entertained beneath its 
 roof nearly all the signers of the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence, most of the members of the Continental Con- 
 gress, and all the Presidents of the United States down 
 to Lincoln. That the wines were remarkable, and that 
 the inn had its own brand of Madeira, goes without 
 saying. The early Moravians lived largely on game 
 and cultivated a great variety of vegetables. Deer and 
 
 151 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 grouse were very abundant on the barrens in the Manor 
 of the Red Rose. It was long a favorite sporting-ground 
 for Philadelphians, and the resort of colonial governors. 
 The wayfarers at the inn lived on all these dehcacies in 
 the greatest abundance, together with the famous fruit, 
 trout, shad, and wild strawberries. Foreigners who 
 stopped there invariably declared that the inn was fully 
 equal to the best in Europe. It was owned and managed 
 by the Moravian Church as part of its communal system. 
 Let us hope that other religions may arise that will keep 
 such inns. 
 
 One of the chief amusements of the travellers was to 
 stroll out from the inn and visit the establishments of the 
 Moravians, the widows' house, the brothers' and sisters' 
 houses, and the schools. Every one was not only pleased, 
 but strongly attracted ; and many wished to intrust the 
 education of their children to these simple, well-ordered 
 souls. Such visitors have continued to be numerous 
 down into our own time, and the church has been often 
 obliged to appoint a special person whose business it 
 was to show such people the town. 
 
 In colonial days, and long afterwards, distinguished 
 men of the country and distinguished foreigners were 
 constantly appearing. Some of them travelled by stage, 
 but most of them were in their own carriages or on 
 horseback. Hotel registers, in which the guest signs his 
 name and says nothing about himself, were not used 
 then, but a much more interesting book was kept by the 
 clerk who entered descriptive memoranda. In some of 
 these books at the Virginia Springs there are curious 
 records of the old plantation life, when whole families 
 were in the habit of invading the springs, bringing their 
 
 152 
 
The Moravians 
 
 coach- and saddle-horses and slaves, and one book is 
 said to have the significant entry, " The Hamptons, 32 
 horses." The entries at the Sun were somewhat similar. 
 
 " 1801 June 20. A gent. & lady in a chair. 
 
 " July 4- A gent, in the stage. One glass of punch. 
 
 " July 12. A lady dressed in black. 
 
 " " 15. A company of French gentlemen with a servant. 
 
 Four suppers, four breakfasts, four dinners. 5 bottles 
 porter, 2 bowls punch, I pint Lisbon. 
 " Nov. 28. General Lee, 6 horses, and 4 servants. Five dinners, 
 
 I bottle Madeira, 5 quarts beer, 5"^ pints brandy. 
 1802 Sept. 18. The President of Cambridge University." 
 
 During the Revolution, troops were constantly pass- 
 ing and repassing through Bethlehem. It was inland 
 and out of the way of the British, who usually confined 
 their movements to the lines of travel through New 
 Jersey. After the battle of the Brandywine was fought, 
 September ii, 1777, Washington was uncertain whether 
 Howe would be content with taking Philadelphia, or 
 would follow up his success by pursuing the Continental 
 army. Bethlehem was selected as a place secluded and 
 easily fortified, to which the army could retreat and 
 make a stand. The stores and ammunition were sent 
 there, and seven hundred wagons with their horses and 
 attendants encamped opposite the town where South 
 Bethlehem now stands. The houses of the brothers and 
 sisters were taken for a hospital. Lafayette, wounded 
 in the battle, was sent there, and spent several weeks, 
 by no means unpleasantly, recovering, and reading 
 many books. Congress also made it their refuge, and 
 the town was several times the head-quarters for the 
 Continental hospital. 
 
 IS3 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 In all the accounts of this occupation the respect with 
 which Congress and the officers of the army treated the 
 Moravians, and the care that was taken not to inflict too 
 heavy burdens upon them, are quite remarkable. The 
 Moravians were opposed to war, but, like the Quakers, 
 they often made exceptions. They had no objection, of 
 course, to caring for the sick and wounded. On the 
 contrary, they were glad to do it. Their women pre- 
 pared a beautiful silk flag, which they presented to 
 Pulaski's regiment, an event celebrated in a poem by 
 Longfellow. In their deahngs with the Indians they 
 had not hesitated to carry arms for protection, and in 
 the Revolution they declared their principles in such a 
 way that while they were placed in the position of non- 
 combatants, they were, at the same time, shown to be 
 favorable to the American cause. 
 
 From the time of the Revolution until after the Civil 
 War Bethlehem was a summer watering-place for Phila- 
 delphians, and also for people from New York, who not 
 only found the climate agreeable, but were interested 
 in the ways of the Moravians, their buildings, their an- 
 tiquities, and their history. 
 
 Soon after the Revolution the school for girls at 
 Bethlehem began to receive pupils of every creed from 
 all parts of the Middle and Southern States. The Mo- 
 ravians had always been remarkable for their success in 
 a certain kind of elementary education. One of their 
 bishops, Comenius, in the beginning of the eighteenth 
 century, wrote books on education, which contained 
 suggestions a hundred years in advance of his time, and 
 which have only lately been put into practical use. 
 These principles, as well as those enforced at Bethlehem, 
 
 154 
 
The Moravians 
 
 were of a kind intended to affect conduct, rather than to 
 accomplish a very high intellectual training. But so far 
 as they went they were very successful, and among the 
 five or six thousand alumni of the school can be found 
 the names of prominent people from almost every part 
 of the Union, together with the names of daughters of 
 Continental officers and others, who became familiar 
 with the peace and rest of Bethlehem in the Revolution.* 
 
 * De Schweinitz's Unitas Fratrum ; L. T. Reichel's Early Moravians ; 
 W. C. Reichel's Memorials of the Moravian Church, Moravian Seminary, 
 Essays, etc. ; Henry's Moravian Sketches; Martin's Moravian Church; 
 Ritter's Moravian Church in Philadelphia; Memoirs of the Moravian 
 Historical Society. 
 
 15S 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE SCOTCH-IRISH AND THE PRESBYTERIANS. 
 
 Besides being the chief seat of the Quakers and the 
 Germans in colonial times, Pennsylvania was also the 
 home of the Presbyterians, — the place where their first 
 American Presbytery was established in 1705, and the 
 first place on the continent where they became numerous 
 and powerful. There were two divisions of them. The 
 Eastern Presbyterians lived mostly in the eastern part 
 of the province, and, while largely Scotch-Irish, had 
 many English among them. The Western Presbyterians 
 were almost exclusively Scotch-Irish, always sought the 
 frontier, and advanced with it westward. In religion 
 there was but little difference between the two divisions, 
 but in character and temperament the Western Scotch- 
 Irish were more excitable and violent. 
 
 It would be hard to conceive of a greater contrast in 
 thought and feeling than was presented in these Presby- 
 terians living in the same community with the Quakers. 
 The eagle and the dove, the lamb and the lion, suggest 
 themselves at once as proper similes. But, curiously 
 enough, in this instance the dove was in power, and all 
 through the colonial period kept the eagle in control. 
 The dove was not inclined to be at all tyrannical to 
 her enemy, but at the same time her love of peace was 
 very exasperating to the men who were passionately 
 fond of war. 
 
 156 
 
The Scotch-Irish and the Presbyterians 
 
 The feelings of dislike or hatred on one side and con- 
 tempt on the other usually spent themselves, when 
 occasion arose, in abusive language and pamphlet 
 warfare. The Scotch-Irish in one instance, however, 
 seem to have had the full intention of attacking the 
 Quakers for protecting the Indians, and they marched 
 with arms in their hands to Germantown. The Quakers 
 were ready for them, and had no hesitation in arming 
 themselves and fortifying Philadelphia, for the chance of 
 a shot at a Scotch-Irish Presbyterian was too much for 
 their scruples of religion. 
 
 In the minds of the Quakers the Presbyterians in 
 Pennsylvania were a part of the Massachusetts Puritans 
 who had whipped Quakers at the cart's tail and put four 
 of them to death, and they were human enough to want 
 to square that account. But besides this very strong 
 cause for dislike, and the continual attacks of the 
 Presbyterians on their peace policy with the Indians, the 
 Quakers saw in the religion of their opponents all that 
 was contrary and shocking to their own. The Presby- 
 terians had been one of the conservative sects of the 
 Reformation, and were far behind the Quakers in 
 advanced ideas. They were a part of the great Calvin- 
 ist or Reformed movement which during the sixteenth 
 century spread over a large part of Europe. In England 
 people who inclined to this mode of thought were called 
 Puritans while they remained a party within the Church 
 of England. When separated from it some of them 
 became known as Presbyterians and others as Indepen- 
 dents and Congregationalists. 
 
 The Calvinists differed radically from the Quakers in 
 being by no means ready to get rid of dogmas. It 
 
 157 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 is true they rejected a great deal of the Middle Age 
 methods, the Pope and his temporal power, image 
 worship, ceremonies, ritual, tradition, modern miracles ; 
 and they gave their laity a share in church government, 
 and confined their worship to hard-headed, logical 
 preaching. Yet to the one or two dogmas which they 
 retained they clung with a persistency which made them 
 the most dogmatic of all the divisions of Protestants. 
 They could not give up, and some of them cannot yet 
 give up, the central idea of the old system, — the doctrine 
 of exclusive salvation. They simply transferred it from 
 the Roman Church to themselves. 
 
 They also took one of the dogmas of the old belief 
 and carried it to new conclusions. It had always been 
 held in the Middle Ages, that by the fall of Adam the 
 whole human race had become corrupt, and every 
 individual of it would be consigned to eternal fire unless 
 he were saved by baptism and faith in the creeds of the 
 Church. This taint from Adam was called original sin. 
 The Calvinists went a step farther and said that not only 
 were the descendants of Adam naturally corrupt, but 
 they were completely and utterly so, and that it was 
 impossible for them, .unless elected and saved by grace, 
 to escape the tortures of hell. Thus original sin became 
 total depravity. 
 
 The development went on. God, it was said, being 
 omnipotent and all-wise, had from the foundation of the 
 world foreseen and foreordained the fall of Adam and 
 the subsequent corruption and damnation of all his 
 descendants, and had arranged the fate of every indi- 
 vidual beyond the power of change. This was predesti- 
 nation. And then was added the next step, the doctrine 
 
 158 
 
The Scotch-Irish and the Presbyterians 
 
 of election, which held that out of this rotten and lost 
 mass of humanity some were by God elected or foreor- 
 dained at the foundation of the world to be saved, and 
 the rest were foreordained to be damned; that those 
 chosen to be damned would be damned in spite of good 
 deeds, and those chosen to be saved would be saved in 
 spite of evil deeds. Such, it was maintained, was the 
 pleasure and will of God. 
 
 But if our fate in the future life, as well as all our actions 
 in this, are foreordained beyond the possibility of change, 
 what is the use of prayers, and strivings, and good deeds ? 
 And the answer usually given was, that the prayers, and 
 strivings, and good deeds were also foreordained, and 
 therefore, must be performed. The arguments in favor 
 of predestination are of great force until they reach the 
 question of moral responsibility, when they become 
 extremely subtle. They are, however, a valuable mental 
 discipline to those who indulge in them, and, indeed, 
 the whole Calvinistic theology was well calculated to 
 develop keenness of mind. 
 
 It was also, in the doctrine of election, productive of a 
 severe and cruel tone of thought ; for, in order to have 
 the whole theory consistent, the Creator was made to 
 appear vindictive and furious. God, as the Calvinists 
 described him, was a monarch who, for the gratification 
 of his pleasure and absolute sovereignty, had foreor- 
 dained a large part of mankind to torture. He delighted 
 not only in the eternal punishment of sinners, but also 
 in the eternal burning of innocent children who had died 
 unbaptized. 
 
 These Puritans, who fled from kings and professed 
 to have a holy horror of arbitrary government, ascribed 
 
 159 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 to the God whom they worshipped quaHties which 
 made him more arbitrary, tyrannical, and absurd than 
 any earthly monarch that ever reigned. Jonathan Ed- 
 wards, whose whole life was passed in benevolence, de- 
 lighted, nevertheless, in describing the fierceness and 
 the relentless cruelty of God. He loved to depict his 
 Maker as trampling on the sinners, and " staining all his 
 garments with their blood." He had gradually wrought 
 his mind into such a state that he believed that he loved 
 a God of this sort, and declared he would willingly be 
 damned to gratify his rage. 
 
 It is the fashion now to ridicule these old Calvinistic 
 doctrines, and the sects that once held them are softening 
 them down and adopting changed beliefs. But they had 
 their advantages. They made men hard and stern, it is 
 true, but they also made men strong. There was no 
 dreamy spiritualism about them. No one could be a 
 saint in that religion, no one could say that he had 
 achieved any excellence until he had convinced himself 
 that he was willing to go to hell for the sake of those 
 who should be saved, and for the glory of God. 
 
 Whatever may be our opinion of the divine origin of 
 such doctrine, it was certainly a powerful means of disci- 
 pline. It created self-contained, steadfast, aggressive na- 
 tures, who remained of that character long after they had 
 lost faith in the belief which created it. Such people have 
 formed and still form a large and important part of the 
 English-speaking race, and have had a vast influence on 
 the destinies of America. The thought and enterprise of 
 New England have been built up entirely by Congrega- 
 tionalists, well on to one-half of the social fabric of Penn- 
 sylvania has been built up by Presbyterians, and there is 
 
 1 60 
 
The Scotch-Irish and the Presbyterians 
 
 scarcely a State in the Union where the influence of 
 Calvinism has not been powerfully felt. 
 
 But the Quaker could not persuade himself to look at 
 it in this light. To his spiritual mind such belief was 
 horrible and disgusting, and when he saw some of the 
 results of it, the whipping and hanging of his own sect in 
 Massachusetts, the Salem witchcraft, not to mention the 
 banishment of Roger WiUiams and Mrs. Anne Hutch- 
 inson, together with other cruelties, his dislike and dis- 
 approval were turned into a violent feeling for which he 
 scarcely had a name in his gentle vocabulary. He must 
 have often, in his secret heart, regretted that he had founded 
 his colony on the broad principles of religious liberty. 
 It was bad enough to see the Episcopalian and the ordi- 
 nary English Presbyterian enter under the protection 
 of that beneficent law; but when the Scotch-Irishman 
 came, with his violence and contempt, and his belief that 
 the Old Testament was still in force and commanded the 
 destruction of the heathen Indians, the patience of the 
 Quaker was sorely tried. 
 
 The Scotch-Irish were Scotch and English people who 
 had gone to Ireland to take up the estates of Irish rebels 
 confiscated under Queen Elizabeth and James I. This 
 same James, who was King of Scotland as James VI., 
 encouraged his Presbyterian subjects to emigrate to 
 Ireland and occupy the confiscated lands. The migra- 
 tion was numerous, and began in the early part of the 
 seventeenth century, about seventy-five years before the 
 founding of Pennsylvania. Towards the middle of the 
 same century the confiscation of Irish lands by Crom- 
 well increased the emigration to still greater proportions, 
 
 and after this many Englishmen joined the movement. 
 II i6i 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 These people, English and Scotch, who occupied 
 Ireland in this way have usually been known in England 
 as Ulstermen, and with us as Scotch-Irish, and are, of 
 course, totally different in character as well as in religion 
 from the native Irish. Even those who came to Ireland 
 from Scotland were not Celtic Scotch but people of Eng- 
 lish stock who had been living for many generations in 
 Scotland, so that neither the name .Ulstermen nor the 
 name Scotch-Irish is at all descriptive of them. 
 
 They became famous in history for their heroic defence 
 of Londonderry against James II. They were more 
 thrifty and intelligent than the native Irish. They took 
 the land on long leases, and began to make it blossoni 
 like a garden. They were, however, soon put to a severe 
 test by the persecutions of Charles I., who, after coming 
 to the English throne in 1625, attempted to force the 
 Scotch people in both Scotland and Ireland to conform to 
 the Church of England. At the same time the native Irish 
 rose to expel the Scotch, and succeeded in killing a few 
 thousand. So between their two persecutors these settlers, 
 already sturdy from their race and religion, were not with- 
 out the additional discipline of suffering and martyrdom. 
 
 Many of them emigrated to America, especially when 
 the long leases on which they held the Irish land began 
 to expire. The movement began about the year 1700 
 and continued for forty or fifty years. Some of them 
 went to Maryland and a great many went to Virginia, 
 where they still constitute a distinct element in the 
 population. In Virginia, as elsewhere, most of them 
 sought the frontier. In fact, in colonial times, they 
 could be found on the whole American frontier from 
 New Hampshire to Georgia. 
 
 162 
 
The Scotch-Irish and the Presbyterians 
 
 They did not, [however, all seek the frontier, as has 
 been sometimes supposed. Many of them, especially in 
 Pennsylvania, remained in the East. In modern times 
 many of them have settled in the southwestern section 
 of Philadelphia, which is now largely populated by them. 
 But city life has a very quieting effect on their tempera- 
 ment. They flourish better in the country, and best of 
 all on the frontier. Their most striking and peculiar 
 qualities seem to have been developed by contact with 
 the wilderness, and the frontier Ulsterman has become 
 so conspicuous that his less demonstrative, though prob- 
 ably equally efficient, brother has been thrown into the 
 shade. 
 
 They wanted the land as their own, and would have 
 no neighbors but their own people. When the Ger- 
 mans began to move into some of their settlements in 
 Pennsylvania, it was found difficult for the two nation- 
 alities to live together, and the proprietors asked the 
 Scoth-Irish to move farther west, a suggestion which 
 they always eagerly accepted. They were delighted 
 when, in 1768, the land west of the Alleghanies was 
 opened for settlement, and they immediately began to 
 throng through the mountain passes to reach it. 
 
 The larger part of the Scotch-Irish migration to 
 America appears to have come to Pennsylvania attracted 
 probably by the fame of the colony for religious liberty 
 and fertile soil. They scattered themselves to some ex- 
 tent all over the State, and members of the race can now 
 be found in almost every part of it. A large number of 
 them went up on the Lehigh. Some of the first arrivals 
 went into Bucks County and Lancaster County. They 
 also occupied Octorara Creek, Pequea, Donegal, and 
 
 163 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 Paxton. But the greater part congregated in what is 
 now known as the Cumberland Valley. This valley- 
 was, in colonial times, known as the Kittochtinney, 
 afterwards changed into Kittatinney, and now Cumber- 
 land. It includes that triangular shaped country in the 
 southern central portion of the State, with the Susque- 
 hanna on one side, the Tuscarora Mountains on the 
 other, and the Maryland boundary on the south. It is 
 the same country which the Union and Confederate 
 armies trampled over in manoeuvring for the battle of 
 Gettysburg, and contains the flourishing towns of Cham- 
 bersburg, Gettysburg, Carlisle, and York. 
 
 Fighting had become part of the religion of the 
 Scotch-Irish, as peace was part of the religion of the 
 Quakers, and they used the rifle to settle difficulties 
 with the Indians which the Quakers settled by a treaty. 
 Rough, independent, and vigorous, they sometimes car- 
 ried these qualities to excess, and became connected 
 with a great deal of the disorder which marked the his- 
 tory of the colony. They were the instigators of the 
 Whiskey Rebellion, which Washington put down soon 
 after the Revolution, and in the records of the colonial 
 period we usually find them described as uncivilized and 
 cruel. In his " Introductory Memoir to the Journal of 
 Braddock's Expedition," Sargent has a passage which, 
 although the Scotch-Irish have objected to it, is a very 
 fair description of them at that time : 
 
 " They were a hardy, brave, hot-headed race, excitable in temper, un- 
 restrainable in passion, invincible in prejudice. Their hand opened as 
 impetuously to a friend as it clinched against an enemy. They loathed 
 the Pope as sincerely as they venerated Calvin or Knox, and they did not 
 particularly respect the Quakers. If often rude and lawless, it was partly 
 
 164 
 
The Scotch-Irish and the Presbyterians 
 
 the fault of their position. They hated the Indian while they despised 
 him, and it does not seem, in their dealings with this race, as though 
 there were any sentiments of honor or magnanimity in their bosoms that 
 could hold way against the furious tide of passionate, blind resentment. 
 Impatient of restraint, rebellious against everything that in their eyes 
 bore the semblance of injustice, we find these men readiest among the 
 ready on the battle-fields of the Revolution. If they had faults, a lack of 
 patriotism or of courage was not among the number." 
 
 There is no doubt that the Scotch-Irish were rough, 
 but roughness is not always a serious vice, and there are 
 various degrees of it. They had had the lands of the 
 Irish rebels given to them ; they had entered on them 
 with a strong hand, and they had grown accustomed to 
 maintaining themselves among a hostile population from 
 whom they expected but little consideration. They 
 were not much addicted to politeness, or to asking leave 
 for what they took, and they entered Pennsylvania in a 
 manner that was rather irritating to the proprietors. 
 Large numbers of them marched to the " York Barrens," 
 in what was then Lancaster County near the Maryland 
 boundary line, without first offering to buy the land 
 from William Penn. When spoken to on the subject, 
 they replied that Penn had solicited colonists and they 
 had come accordingly. A more serious offence was 
 their settling without purchase on the lands of the 
 Indians, an intrusion which is generally believed to have 
 caused several massacres. 
 
 In 1743 the proprietors began to eject them from the 
 unpurchased lands, and as a preliminary proceeding 
 ordered a careful survey to be made. The surveyors 
 and their assistants were resisted, their instruments 
 broken, and they were compelled to retire. The Scotch- 
 Irishmen insisted that the land was theirs, because they 
 
 1 6s 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 had expended time and labor in its improvement. But 
 when legal proceedings were begun, they submitted, 
 accepted leases, and in the end many of them purchased 
 the land ; and this submission has been considered by 
 some of their descendants as an act of remarkable 
 graciousness. 
 
 Shortly after the French and Indian Wars they dis- 
 covered that some traders were crossing the Alleghany 
 Mountains with a supply of goods for the Indians, con- 
 sisting largely of lead, hatchets, knives, and gunpowder, 
 although there was a law of the colony, passed only a 
 few years before, which strictly prohibited any one from 
 furnishing the savages with weapons or military stores. 
 A party of Scotch-Irish pursued the traders and begged 
 them to desist. They refused, and another party followed 
 them, shot the horses, and burned the goods. The 
 traders appealed to Lieutenant Grant, a royal officer in 
 command at Fort Loudon, who promptly arrested a 
 number of people in the country who had been in no 
 way concerned in the affair. Immediately three hundred 
 armed rangers appeared before the fort, and Grant had 
 to surrender his prisoners. He kept some of their guns, 
 however, and shortly afterwards, on going into the coun- 
 try, he was seized by the inhabitants and held till he gave 
 up the guns. 
 
 On another occasion a Gernlan, Frederick Stump, 
 together with his German servant, barbarously murdered 
 ten Indians, four men, three women, and three children. 
 There was no doubt of his guilt, and he was arrested 
 and confined. But a warrant was issued from Philadel- 
 phia commanding him to be brought to that city to 
 answer for his crimes. Immediately the spirit of the 
 
 166 
 
The Scotch-Irish and the Presbyterians 
 
 Scotch-Irish arose. Murdering Indians was not a very- 
 serious offence in their minds, and in this attempt to 
 remove Stump they saw an attack on their civil rights. 
 If the guihy could be taken to Philadelphia for trial, so 
 could the innocent, and liberty would be in jeopardy. 
 Seventy of them went to the jail, released Stump and his 
 servant, took them to a place of safety, whence they fled 
 to Virginia, and could never again be found. 
 
 They could take care of themselves, these Scotch- 
 Irish. They became impatient and rebellious at the 
 first suggestion of injustice, and raised their rifles at the 
 slightest provocation. But their culminating offence, the 
 offence for which their most ardent admirers can find 
 but slight excuse, was what was known at the time of its 
 occurrence as the Western Insurrection, afterwards called 
 the Whiskey Rebellion. It occurred about ten years 
 after the Revolution, and was an organized and deliber- 
 ate attempt to overthrow the laws of the United States, 
 persisted in for a period of three years. 
 
 But though entirely unjustifiable, there was one 
 characteristic of it for which the Scotch-Irish deserve 
 credit. Though very fond of tarring and feathering 
 their opponents, they did not take a single human life. 
 They lost some of their own number, — the two or three 
 killed in the attacks on the revenue-inspector's house, 
 and the two killed by the army on its march to Carlisle. 
 But they showed no desire to avenge themselves for 
 their losses, and when their enemies fell into their hands 
 they allowed them to escape. Indeed, although they 
 had no respect whatever for the life of an Indian, they 
 had great regard for the life of a white man. This may 
 seem like rather doubtful and negative praise; but it 
 
 167 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 appears in better light when we consider the frightful 
 disregard of human life that has been shown in modern 
 times in Pennsylvania. To relate the history of all the 
 rioting and disorder that have troubled our Common- 
 wealth would be a long task and not a very pleasant 
 one. But it is some satisfaction to know that most 
 of the worst outrages have been committed by for- 
 eigners. 
 
 A few years after the Civil War our mining regions 
 were infested by an organized association of murderers 
 known as Molly Maguires. These men were not 
 Scotch-Irish Presbyterians, but native Irish Catholics of 
 the lowest type. They had not the excuse of oppres- 
 sion; they had no laws to complain of; no government 
 was interfering with them. They simply indulged them- 
 selves in gratuitous murder from spite, prejudice, and 
 often from no cause at all, except that their society had 
 issued an order that a mining boss or some other person 
 should be killed. Everybody knows that these wretches 
 terrorized whole counties for years. The government 
 of the State was absolutely helpless before them, and 
 they might be flourishing to this day if it had not been 
 for the courage and intelligence of President Gowen, of 
 the Reading Railroad, whose triumph over a lawlessness 
 which should have been impossible in Pennsylvania and 
 in the nineteenth century is still too fresh in our recol' 
 lections to be related here. 
 
 The Molly Maguires are gone, but large sections of 
 the State are still troubled by swarms of Hungarians, 
 Poles, and Italians, imported for their cheap labor and 
 their ability to submit to degradation and dirt. Their 
 tempers are uncontrollable, and their hands instantly 
 
 168 
 
The Scotch-Irish and the Presbyterians 
 
 follow their tempers to a knife or a revolver. If the 
 report from those counties can be trusted, homicide has 
 become so common that the people have long since 
 ceased to wonder at it. 
 
 It is hardly necessary to refer to the numerous riots 
 in Philadelphia between 1835 and 1850, or to the Pitts- 
 burg strike and riot of 1877, or the Homestead affair of 
 1892, in all of which many lives were lost and a vast 
 amount of property destroyed, and in almost any one of 
 which more hves were lost and more property destroyed 
 than the Scotch-Irish are responsible for in the whole 
 course of their history. Our civilization of the last 
 hundred years has accomplished wonderful things in 
 science and material wealth. But so far as keeping the 
 peace and preventing bloodshed and murder are con- 
 cerned we cannot boast. And when we consider some 
 elements of the population we have among us, we would 
 gladly enough bring back again the genial Scotch- 
 Irishman in the worst form of his primitive roughness. 
 
 The best description we have of the colonial Scotch- 
 Irish is by the Rev. Dr. Joseph Doddridge, who began 
 life as a Methodist minister, but afterwards became a 
 clergyman of the Church of England. He studied medi- 
 cine under Dr. Rush in Philadelphia, and maintained him- 
 self on the frontier by the practice of it, while at the same 
 time he was preaching. He travelled over Western 
 Pennsylvania, Western Virginia, and Ohio for many 
 years after the Revolution, and laid in those regions the 
 foundations of the Episcopal Church. No man was 
 more generally and more intelligently familiar with 
 frontier life, not only from having seen it, but from 
 having lived it. As a boy he had worked in the 
 
 169 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 clearing and taken his place at the port-hole of a 
 stockade to fight the Indians. 
 
 He was born on the east side of the AUeghanies, but 
 removed when very young to the west side, and lived 
 along the Monongahela River. That part of the country 
 was settled about the year 1772, and a large part of the 
 early settlers came from northern Maryland and northern 
 Virginia. Many of them came in over Braddock's trail, 
 which, before entering Pennsylvania, passed through 
 northern Maryland. Many of them were English stock. 
 Some were Scotch-Irish. Large numbers of the Scotch- 
 Irish east of the Pennsylvania mountains joined them, so 
 that the community was Scotch-Irish in tone, and it was 
 altogether Presbyterian. 
 
 The country, when they arrived in it, was heavily 
 timbered, damp, and cold, and Doddridge assures us 
 that in his own lifetime he witnessed decided changes of 
 climate caused by the removal of the forests. The sum- 
 mers were at first short and cool, frost lasted until May, 
 the winter began early, and the snows were deeper than 
 any that were Afterwards experienced. 
 
 Game was abundant. Herds of buffalo and elk wan- 
 dered through the woods. There were enormous migra- 
 tions of squirrels. Sometimes they became so numerous 
 as to threaten the destruction of the crops. Then, as if 
 by common consent, they would begin to move, swim- 
 ming the rivers in countless numbers, and becoming 
 sickly and poor, with large worms attached to their 
 skins. Wolves were also numerous, but so shy that 
 they were seldom shot. Suddenly they began to dis- 
 appear, and the cause was discovered to be the spread 
 of hydrophobia among them. Doddridge attended as 
 
 170 
 
The Scotch-Irish and the Presbyterians 
 
 physician several men who were bitten by rabid wolves 
 and died in great agony. Rattlesnakes and copperheads 
 were almost as much dreaded as the Indians. It was no 
 uncommon thing to kill six in one day while cutting a 
 field of grain. They lived in dens among the rocks, 
 several hundred together, and the neighbors would often 
 join in an attack on these places. One of the dens was 
 found in an old Indian burying-place, the skeletons of 
 hundreds of snakes that had died in past years mingled 
 with the skeletons of the Indians. 
 
 The settlers found numerous remains of a former popu- 
 lation, — stone hatchets, earthenware, huge fortifications, 
 and sepulchral mounds. Arrow-heads were so plentiful 
 all over the country that they could be picked up almost 
 anywhere, and showed that the former population had 
 been numerous. For many years they were used as 
 flints for guns, and were preferred to the imported ones. 
 
 The settlers dressed in what was called a hunting- 
 shirt, a garment something like a frock-coat reaching 
 half-way down the thighs and belted round the waist. 
 The bosom was made large, and lapped over a foot or 
 more, so as to be used as a sort of knapsack for carrying 
 provisions. There was a cape on the shoulders, which 
 was usually fringed. The belt carried a hatchet, scalping- 
 knife, and bullet-pouch. Moccasins were worn instead 
 of shoes. Some of the men dressed their legs, like the 
 Indians, in a breech clout, which left the thighs and 
 hips entirely bare, and in this costume they often went 
 to church. 
 
 Their wedding ceremonies were characteristic, and 
 show the state of their civilization. These frolics were 
 the delight of old and young, and were the only gather- 
 
 171 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 ings at which there was not the labor of reaping, log- 
 rolling, building a cabin, or planning some scout or 
 campaign. 
 
 The wedding company assembled at the house of the 
 groom's father prepared to march, so as to reach the 
 house of the bride by noon. They were dressed without 
 the aid of a store or tailor within hundreds of miles, and 
 their horses were also unaided by either blacksmiths or 
 saddlers. Any buckles, rings, or buttons among them 
 were relics of old times, family pieces from grandparents. 
 
 As they marched in double file along the narrow 
 trail they were apt to be ambuscaded by surprise parties, 
 who sprang out and fired to alarm the horses. As the 
 cavalcade neared the bride's house, two of the young 
 men usually started on a race to bring back the whiskey- 
 bottle, which was standing ready for them. The victor 
 seized it, and returned to pass it about among the com- 
 pany. The feast was beef, pork, venison, and bear's 
 meat, and if table-knives were scarce the scalping-knives 
 were drawn from the belt and used. Immediately after 
 dinner the dancing commenced, and was kept up till the 
 next morning. As soon as one became tired another 
 stepped in to fill his place. Whoever stole off to get 
 some sleep was hunted up, dragged out on the floor, and 
 the fiddler ordered to play " hang on till to-morrow 
 morning." 
 
 At nine o'clock some of the young women stole off 
 the bride and put her to bed. Then some young men 
 seized the groom, and, says Doddridge, "placed him 
 snug by the side of his bride." 
 
 The dancing continued. If seats were scarce, every 
 man was expected to offer his lap to a girl, and the offer 
 
 172 
 
The Scotch-Irish and the Presbyterians 
 
 was never refused. Later in the night, refreshments 
 were sent to the bride and groom, together with Black 
 Betty, as the whiskey-bottle was called, and they were 
 compelled to eat whether they were ready or not. 
 
 The feasting and dancing continued at other houses 
 after leaving the house of the bride, and were often 
 kept up for several days. The thirsty one called aloud, 
 " Where is Black Betty ? I want to kiss her sweet lips." 
 And when the bottle was brought he said, " Health to 
 the groom, not forgetting myself, and here's to the bride, 
 thumping luck, and big children." In that natural state 
 of society children and many of them were much de- 
 sired. The Indians were hostile and numerous, and 
 their depredations increasing. Children became soldiers 
 and the sinews of war, and the family that had their 
 quiver full of them were not afraid to meet their ene- 
 mies in the gate. 
 
 Among such people a word was quickly followed by 
 a blow, and quarrels and fighting were frequent. But in 
 these encounters no weapons were used. They settled 
 all their difficulties with their fists ; and a man who was 
 clearly no match for his antagonist was allowed to em- 
 ploy a friend to fight for him. There was no assassina- 
 tion, none of that murderous shooting at sight which has 
 been so common on the frontiers of modern times. They 
 had, however, one disgusting practice called gouging. 
 This consisted in holding an adversary down and forcing 
 his eye out with a thumb or finger. The atrocity was 
 introduced from Virginia, where it was by no means un- 
 common. Although Doddridge mentions it as occur- 
 ring in Western Pennsylvania, it is believed to have been 
 rare, and to have been unknown east of the mountains. 
 
 173 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 The laws passed by the colonial legislature, sitting in 
 Philadelphia, of course applied to the frontier. But the 
 distance made it difficult to administer them, and in most 
 cases impossible. The people became a law unto them- 
 selves, had their own customs, and administered their 
 own punishments, which usually consisted of a flogging, 
 administered with hickory sticks by the person aggrieved 
 or by the neighbors who knew about the offence. Such 
 discipHne was called a " laced jacket," was sometimes 
 made severer than usual by counting nineteen strokes as 
 a dozen, and was very apt to be followed by a sentence 
 of exile. Whipping was also resorted to as a torture to 
 force confessions of guilt. 
 
 Besides that relic of the Middle Ages, the people 
 showed their nearness to the old civilization of Europe 
 by their songs and tales. Lore-telling was popular, and 
 Jack the Giant-Killer and romances of knight-errantry 
 favorite stories. Their songs were mostly ballads of 
 Robin Hood. They enjoyed themselves through their 
 hospitality, which was boundless, and their friendships, 
 which were ardent. They were fond of sports, running, 
 wrestling, and jumping, and when they had enough 
 ammunition they shot at marks. They had that same 
 skill in shooting a squirrel through the eyes which 
 afterwards was so often heard of among the Kentuckians, 
 and their rifles at short ranges within a hundred yards 
 were fully as accurate as modern weapons. 
 
 After the year 1755 all these people, men, women, and 
 children, lived in a continual state of war with the In- 
 dians. There were few boys so young that they could 
 not fire a rifle through a port-hole, and few women who 
 could not cut bullet patches and carry water. Dod- 
 
The Scotch-Irish and the Presbyterians 
 
 dridge describes the preparations he witnessed for the 
 defence of a fort, in which the women worked as hard 
 as the men, showed no signs of alarm, and enjoyed the 
 excitement. 
 
 Until about the year 1755 the frontiers, owing to the 
 pacific policy of the Quakers, enjoyed peace. But from 
 about the middle of the eighteenth century, when the 
 French began to tamper with the Indians, war set in and 
 continued with short intermissions for forty years. It 
 lasted, in fact, until the famous campaign of Wayne 
 some years after the Revolution. Wayne moved the 
 scene of conflict farther westward, and relieved forever 
 afterwards the frontier of Pennsylvania. So accustomed 
 did the people become to a life of continual bush- 
 whacking that Doddridge says they accepted it as the 
 natural state of man, and never hoped to be free from it. 
 
 The cruelty and brutality of their warfare are almost 
 beyond belief Both sides scalped each other and both 
 sides killed prisoners ; the white man reserving to him- 
 self the merit of never torturing prisoners, and seldom 
 killing women. 
 
 The settlers' only season of respite was during the 
 winter, when the snow and cold prevented the Indians 
 from campaigning, and forced them back into the fast- 
 nesses of Ohio to cower over the fires in their wigwams. 
 The balmy air of spring and the sunshine of summer 
 brought no pleasure to the border population. The 
 melting of the snow was a sign of terror; they knew 
 their enemy would soon be upon them, and the people 
 of each district all retired to their fort, where they lived 
 huddled together in great discomfort until November. 
 From the fort the men went out almost every day in 
 
 I7S 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 armed parties to cultivate their farms. Their arms were 
 stacked in the middle of the field, and sentries stationed 
 in the woods. 
 
 The coming of frost and snow was hailed with delight. 
 Each family retired to its home. But often in Novem- 
 ber, after the winter had apparently set in, there came 
 those mild, smoky days, which we all know so well. 
 This was a fresh alarm. Some families went back to the 
 fort, and only the boldest remained at home. Hence, 
 says Doddridge, arose the expression " Indian Summer," 
 a phrase which is now of pleasant association, but which 
 in its origin could make the most light-hearted frontiers- 
 man grave. 
 
 At the end of January, or the beginning of February, 
 there was apt to be a thaw of some days, or a week or 
 two. Such weather was called " paw-wawing days," be- 
 cause it was then the Indians were supposed to hold 
 councils to plan the spring campaign, and if this weather 
 continued long enough they would start on a foray. As 
 one melting day would succeed another, the women in 
 the cabins would grow restless, and the men would 
 cease from all labor and watch the woods. 
 
 It was a wild life and a rough one, but it had its com- 
 pensations. The people were hardy, vigorous, and full 
 of strong animal enjoyment. They were masters of 
 their own destinies. No one was unsexed and degraded ; 
 there were no sweating-systems ; no mill work ; no man 
 devoted his whole life to making pin-heads. Every one 
 was a Jack-of-all-trades, his own blacksmith, his own 
 carpenter, his own cooper, his own gunsmith, and his 
 wife his own weaver of linsey cloth. Jacks-of-all-trades 
 are not the most effective means of organizing a rapid 
 
 176 
 
The Scotch-Irish and the Presbyterians 
 
 material civilization, but they often bring great happi- 
 ness to the individual Jack. 
 
 Nor wras it altogether a monotonous life. The con- 
 tinual excitement of forty years of war, the rapid devel- 
 opment of the frontier, the growth of new settlements, 
 the varied exertion required, left little room for sameness. 
 Men grew old early from the privations and hardships. 
 But they never complained that life seemed dull. And the 
 Quakers in Philadelphia would probably have added that 
 life must have been exciting enough to people who were 
 continually engaged in so much mischief and disorder. 
 
 The Whiskey Rebellion closed the disorderly period 
 of Scotch-Irish history. In the hundred years that have 
 since intervened they have lost that crudeness of spirit 
 which produced such unruly outbursts. They are no 
 longer isolated. They no longer have to contend with 
 the violence of the Indian on one side of them, and the 
 placidity of the Quaker on the other. They are no 
 longer hunters and rangers, and the rifle has disappeared 
 from its resting-place across the chimney. Railroads 
 and the levelling tendencies of modern times have pol- 
 ished the rough oak, and the grit and strength remain. 
 
 With all their faults they have been a great people, 
 and have had a great and valuable influence in the 
 development of Pennsylvania. Some of the most agree- 
 able, genial, and accomplished of our citizens are to be 
 found among them. In colonial times they were re- 
 pressed by the Quakers, and displayed themselves only 
 in opposition to the existing order of things. The 
 Revolution was their great opportunity. They entered 
 it heart and soul, and it has been said that there was not 
 a single Tory among them. 
 " 177 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 So great was their success at that time that they 
 completely turned the tables on the Quakers and the 
 Episcopalians and got possession not only of the State, 
 but of Philadelphia, which may be said to have been 
 ruled by their influence all through the Revolution. 
 While fresh in the possession of this power and elated 
 with victory, they committed not a few excesses, the 
 worst of which was the destruction of the charter of the 
 old college of Philadelphia and the confiscation of its 
 property. Their absolute rule in Philadelphia ceased 
 after the Revolution, though their influence remained 
 large. In the State they are still a very important 
 element, and it has been said that no man can have 
 a long career in Pennsylvania politics without their 
 support. 
 
 Their excesses in modern times are confined for the 
 most part to somewhat fulsome eulogies of their own 
 merits in the past ; and if we can believe what their 
 orators say we must conclude that all that was best 
 in the United States waited for the Scotch-Irish to 
 create it. 
 
 It is very true, however, that some remarkable men in 
 our history were of Scotch-Irish origin, or had some of 
 the blood in their veins. Grant, Jackson, Buchanan, 
 Monroe, Greeley, Blaine, and others are among the num- 
 ber. Grant and Jackson were both of them typical 
 Scotch-Irish characters. The race always shines in war, 
 and usually shows certain distinctive traits. They care 
 but little for manoeuvring, and never hope to conquer 
 merely by holding strategic positions. Their objective 
 point is always the army of the enemy; to get at that 
 and annihilate it, or be themselves annihilated, they con- 
 
 17S 
 
The Scotch-Irish and the Presbyterians 
 
 sider the main object of war. This, it will be remem- 
 bered, was one of Grant's most striking characteristics, 
 as it was of Jackson, and also of General Stark, of the 
 Revolution, who was also a Scotch-Irishman. 
 
 General Wayne has been usually classed as a Scotch- 
 Irishman, and he undoubtedly had many of their 
 characteristics. He was descended from one of the 
 English families that migrated to Ireland, and in religion 
 he belonged to the Church of England. There were 
 many of these English families in Ireland ; and it has 
 been said that fully half the Ulstermen were from Eng- 
 land and belonged to the Established Church. In tem- 
 perament and character they differed but little from the 
 Scotch-Irish Presbyterians ; for the Scotch who migrated 
 to Ireland were not Celtic Scotch, but of the same races 
 as the English. 
 
 General Arthur St. Clair, like Wayne, a distinguished 
 Pennsylvania soldier, and James Wilson, the constitu- 
 tional lawyer and judge, have also sometimes been called 
 Scotch-Irishmen ; but they were both Scotchmen whose 
 families had never lived in Ireland. 
 
 In Pennsylvania, among the famous Scotch-Irish 
 governors are Curtin, Geary, Johnston, Pollock, and 
 Pattison. But the most interesting and characteristic 
 men they have produced are the three great chief 
 justices, McKean, Gibson, and Black. McKean was 
 born in Chester County, in the eastern part of the 
 State, and, though of Scotch-Irish descent, he was not 
 of the frontier class. He had that same ferocious 
 aggressiveness and indomitable, emphatic temper that 
 characterized General Jackson. He was chief justice 
 of the State for twenty- two years, from 1777 to 1799, and 
 
 179 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 he was afterwards governor. He made a deep impres- 
 sion on the conduct of affairs both State and national 
 from the outbreak of the Revolution almost up to the 
 War of 1812, and the story of his life bristles with 
 anecdotes which show the Scotch-Irish strain. 
 
 While presiding in court at Harrisburg a mob outside 
 disturbed him, and he ordered the sheriff to disperse 
 them. 
 
 " I cannot do it," replied the frightened sheriff". 
 
 " Then why do you not summon your posse ?" roared 
 the judge. 
 
 " I have summoned them, but they are ineffectual." 
 
 " Then, sir, why do you not summon me ?" 
 
 " I do summon you," said the trembling officer. 
 
 Instantly the chief justice rushed out in his scarlet 
 robes, seized a couple of rioters by the throat, and the 
 rest retired. 
 
 On another occasion a man in the court-room made 
 an offensive remark intended for his ears. He appeared 
 not to hear it. But presently adjourning the court, he 
 stepped off the bench and striding up to the fellow said, 
 " Sir, on that bench up there I am the chief justice of Penn- 
 sylvania, and unable to take notice of merely personal 
 impudence, but on this floor I'll have you know that 
 I'm Thomas McKean, and ready to break your neck 
 or give you any other satisfaction of the sort you 
 please." 
 
 When governor he appointed, as chief justice, William 
 Tilghman, who afterwards became one of the ablest and 
 best known of Pennsylvania judges. But the appoint- 
 ment was very much disliked, and some representatives 
 
 of the Democratic party waited on the governor to 
 
 180 
 
The Scotch-Irish and the Presbyterians 
 
 object. The governor, with a profound bow and mock 
 courtesy, asked what the great Democracy desired. 
 
 "The appointment of a man," they said, "more in 
 accordance with our wishes." 
 
 " Indeed," said McKean ; " inform your constituents 
 that I bow with submission to the will of the great De- 
 mocracy of Philadelphia, but, by God ! William Tilgh- 
 man shall be chief justice of Pennsylvania." 
 
 Chief-Justice Gibson belonged to the frontier Scotch- 
 Irish, and was born and bred in the Cumberland region. 
 He had a grandfather six feet and eight inches in height, 
 and he himself was over six feet. He was brought up 
 in the mountains on deer-hunting and wrestling, and 
 had the usual excitable temperament, which in his case 
 showed itself in vigorous and incisive language. Win- 
 throp Sargent said of the Scotch-Irish that they always 
 clothed themselves with curses as with a garment. Cer- 
 tainly most of the anecdotes of them which have come 
 down to us contain profanity, and Gibson's life adds a 
 few more. One of the best-known stories about him 
 describes an application which was made to him while 
 judge, to compel a Roman Catholic priest, by a writ of 
 mandamus, to admit a woman to the privilege of the 
 Eucharist. " You had better," he said, " take out a God- 
 damn-us." 
 
 But this love of vivid language, when harnessed and 
 controlled in the written opinions of a court, produced 
 some wonderful results, and gave the Supreme Court of 
 Pennsylvania a high and world-wide authority. The 
 opinions and decisions of Chief-Justice McKean were 
 much admired by Lord Mansfield, and laid the founda- 
 tion for the greatness of the court. Gibson's opinions 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 were greatly admired in England, and at least one of his 
 sentences passed into a legal maxim. 
 
 Very often the only difference between a very distin- 
 guished judge and an undistinguished one lies in the 
 power of expression. The great judge expounds the 
 law and states it in language either so clear or so beau- 
 tiful that it becomes valuable to his profession and to 
 mankind. The inferior judge may decide the same case 
 in the same way, or other cases with equal justice, but, 
 for want of the divine art, he remains unknown. Black 
 said of Gibson that he had one faculty of a great poet, 
 that of expressing a thought in language which could 
 never after be paraphrased. 
 
 Black himself was a continuation of Gibson, and 
 showed the same characteristics. But he was a more 
 distinguished man, and of wider activities. Besides his 
 remarkable career as chief justice, he was an orator, 
 an advocate in the most important cases of his time 
 before the highest tribunals of the country, and to some 
 extent a statesman. He practised law only as it can be 
 practised by the great. He had no office except in his 
 hat. He kept no papers and no accounts. He argued 
 causes when people insisted upon having him, and he 
 usually tried to avoid them, preferring the fields and 
 orchards of his farm. It is to be regretted that his 
 opportunities in politics were not greater. But his 
 ability was so striking, his opinions so pronounced, that 
 he utterly failed to fill some of the requirements of a 
 politician. 
 
 He was an epitome of Scotch-Irish qualities, and had 
 all their homely fondness for domestic life and nature. 
 When at home on his farm, drinking in the fresh delights 
 
The Scotch-Irish and the Presbyterians 
 
 of spring or the sombre tones of autumn, he would refuse 
 to open his letters for weeks, fearing a call to Wash- 
 ington to argue some important cause. He had his 
 race's intense courage of conviction and fierce love of 
 independence which led him to champion without fee or 
 reward any cause where he thought civil liberty was in 
 jeopardy. His earnest warnings against the encroach- 
 ments of corporate power and his efforts to purify 
 politics and check the tide of legislative corruption will 
 long be remembered in this commonwealth. 
 
 He also had the Scotch-Irish aptness in the use of 
 language, and went beyond Gibson in this respect. 
 Speaking of a rather notorious railroad promoter, he 
 said of him, " If he would take an oath that he was a 
 liar I might believe him." Who but a Scotch-Irishman 
 would have tied such a knot of words ? He had a quaint 
 ancestor who always carried a heavy cane, for the pur- 
 pose, as he never failed to announce, of punishing those 
 who Hed in their conversation. 
 
 Of all the sects and nationalities that have affected the 
 destinies of Pennsylvania, the Scotch-Irish alone furnish 
 pithy anecdotes that can be quoted. The colorlessness 
 and diffusiveness of the Quakers and Germans are a 
 barren field for anything pointed. 
 
 Black's judicial opinions are, for power of expression, 
 among the most remarkable in the English language, 
 and may be found interesting to the laity as well as to 
 lawyers. Perhaps the most typical specimen of his 
 judicial style is a quotation from an opinion in which he 
 dissented from the rest of the court. 
 
 " The judgment now about to be given is one of ' death's doings.' No 
 one can doubt that if Judge Gibson and Judge Coulter had lived, the 
 
 183 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 plaintiff could not have been thus deprived of his property. ... It is 
 a melancholy reflection that the property of a citizen should be held by 
 a tenure so frail. But ' new lords, new laws' is the order of the day. 
 Hereafter, if any man be offered a title which the Supreme Court has 
 decided to be good, let him not buy it if the judges who made the decision 
 are dead ; if they are living, let him get an insurance on their lives, for 
 ye know not what a day or an hour may bring forth. 
 
 " The majority of this Court changes once every nine years, without 
 counting the chances of death and resignation. If each new set of judges 
 shall consider themselves at liberty to overthrow the doctrines of their 
 predecessors, our system of jurisprudence (if system it can be called) 
 would be the most fickle, uncertain, and vicious that the civilized world 
 ever saw. A French Constitution, or a South American Republic, or a 
 Mexican administration would be an immortal thing in comparison to the 
 short-lived principles of Pennsylvania law." (2 Phila. Rep. 417.) 
 
 Many examples of his eloquence might be given, es- 
 pecially passages from his open letter to President Gar- 
 field, which for power of statement and stinging sarcasm 
 has seldom been equalled. There is a passage from a 
 speech he made in a famous Kentucky case which shows 
 the quieter side of his oratory. 
 
 " It is not from the exercise of despotic power, nor yet from the head- 
 long passions of a raging people that we learn our duty to one another. 
 When the Prophet Elijah stood on the mountain side to look for some token 
 of the divine will, he did not see it in the tempest, or the earthquake, or 
 the fire, but he heard it in the ' still small voice' which reached his [ears 
 after those had passed by. We have had the storm of political debate, 
 we have felt the earthquake shock of civil war, we have seen the fire of 
 religious persecution. They are passed and gone ; and now, if we do 
 not hearken to the still small voice which speaks to our consciences in 
 the articulate words of the Constitution from the graves of our fathers, 
 then we are without a guide, without God, and without hope in the 
 world." 
 
 The Presbyterians of Pennsylvania, whether Scotch- 
 Irish or English, always showed a stronger leaning to- 
 
 184 
 
The Scotch-Irish and the Presbyterians 
 
 wards the best sort of education than either the Quakers 
 or the Germans. Their surroundings and circumstances 
 often seriously interfered with them ; but even on the 
 frontier they made efforts to have good schools, and 
 Doddridge speaks of two institutions which they founded 
 in the wilderness on the extreme verge of civilization, 
 one an academy at Cannonsburg, which afterwards be- 
 came Jefferson College, and the other Washington Col- 
 lege, in the county and town of the same name. 
 
 The Eastern Presbyterians were equally enthusiastic 
 in the pursuit of knowledge. Primary schools were not 
 enough for them, and, except the Church of England, 
 they were the only religious division in Pennsylvania 
 which in colonial times was willing to encourage higher 
 education. One of them, William Tennent, a Presby- 
 terian minister, established on the Neshaminy, in Bucks 
 County, in 1726, a school, which became known far and 
 wide as the " Log College." Such were the vigor of 
 this man's instruction, and the inspiration of his character, 
 that some of his pupils established similar schools, and 
 the name Log College, whether applied to a man or to 
 an institution, became in Pennsylvania a synonyme for 
 excellence in mental training and some little culture. 
 From these log-college men can be traced several excel- 
 lent academies, Dickinson College, at Carlisle, also the 
 important university at Princeton, in New Jersey, and the 
 lesser lights, Hampden-Sidney, in Virginia, and Wash- 
 ington and Jefferson, in Pennsylvania. 
 
 Dickinson College, from its foundation, in 1783, until 
 1833, when it was turned over to the Methodists, had a 
 hard struggle for existence. The trustees were continu- 
 ally quarrelling among themselves and with the faculty, 
 
 18S 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 At two different times the college was closed for sev- 
 eral years, and yet among its little company of alumni 
 are to be found President Buchanan and Chief-Justice 
 Taney, Justice Grier, of the Supreme Court of the United 
 States, two district judges, Chief-Justice Gibson, and 
 three associate judges of the State Supreme Court, five 
 United States senators, ten members of the House of 
 Representatives, about twenty-three presidents of other 
 colleges, seventy professors in other colleges, Bishops 
 McCoskry and Cummins, of the Protestant Episcopal 
 Church, two Postmaster-Generals, Professor Baird, of 
 the Smithsonian Institution, and Governor McClelland, 
 of Michigan, who was at one time Secretary of the In- 
 terior. Governor Curtin, of Pennsylvania, was a gradu- 
 ate of the Law School, as was also one of the governors 
 of Minnesota. 
 
 The statistics of Washington and Jefferson University 
 are equally remarkable. Besides sending an unusually 
 large number of learned men into prominent positions in 
 the Presbyterian ministry, it has produced sixty-four 
 presidents of colleges, ninety-five judges, twenty of whom 
 were on the Supreme Bench of their respective States, 
 over sixty members of Congress, ten senators, ten gov- 
 ernors, and five cabinet officers.* 
 
 * Morrison's Among the Scotch-Irish ; Proceedings of the Scotch- 
 Irish Society in America ; Chambers's Tribute to the Scotch-Irish ; Dodd- 
 ridge's Settlement and Indian Wars of West Virginia and Pennsylvania ; 
 Fourth Annual Meeting of Pennsylvania Scotch-Irish Society. 
 
 i86 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND MEN. 
 
 William Penn's principles were very liberal, but all 
 the circumstances of the founding of his colony indicated 
 that its government would be largely controlled by the 
 Quakers. They were the most earnest advocates of 
 religious liberty that had ever appeared in England ; but 
 their sincerity had never been put to the final test. The 
 men of those times were very familiar with sects which 
 preached religious liberty when they were persecuted 
 and practised quite the reverse the moment they got 
 their hands on political power. The officers of the 
 Crown were bound to protect the established religion, 
 and accordingly we find a clause in the charter to the 
 effect that whenever twenty persons should petition for a 
 Church of England parish it could be established. The 
 National Church, which was a part of the British gov- 
 ernment that created the charter, was thus protected 
 from any attempt to nip it in the bud, if it should show 
 signs of life in the province; but Presbyterians and 
 other dissenters were left to take their chances with the 
 Quakers. 
 
 Penn, in one of his letters to James Logan, seems to 
 imply that the English Church attempted to get more 
 protection for herself than the clause which was finally 
 inserted in the charter. " The Bishop of London," he 
 savs, " at the passing of my patent did what he could to 
 
 187 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 get savings for the Church, but was opposed by the Earl 
 of Radnor." If the bishop tried for anything jnore 
 than the provision finally adopted, it w^as unnecessary, 
 for the clause as inserted proved to be amply sufficient. 
 
 The Episcopalians, after some years, attained to a very 
 strong position in the province, and when the proprietors 
 joined the Church of England, members of that Church 
 were soon in control of the executive portion of the gov- 
 ernment. But at first they were few in numbers, and 
 there was no attempt to present a petition for a parish 
 until 1695, thirteen years after the founding of the colony. 
 Christ Church was estabhshed in that year, and a build- 
 ing erected with a bell hung in the crotch of a tree. The 
 brick building so interesting for its architecture, and 
 which still stands on Second Street, was begun in 1727, 
 and finally completed with its steeple in 1755. It was 
 the sole rallying-point of the Churchmen for more than 
 fifty years, or until the founding of the college which 
 gave them an additional stronghold. Intrenched in these 
 two institutions and under the leadership of the provost 
 of the college, Dr. Smith, they became an element of 
 great political importance. 
 
 As soon as the petition for a parish was presented 
 in 1695, the Quaker magistrates arrested the attor- 
 ney who drew it and several of the principal signers. 
 This persecution, and the imprisonment of William 
 Bradford for publishing Keith's pamphlet, are the only 
 instances in which the Quakers violated their extreme 
 principles of rehgious liberty. For the sake of the truth 
 of history these instances must be mentioned. But 
 when we consider that the Quakers controlled the gov- 
 ernment of Pennsylvania for nearly a hundred years, 
 
The Church of England 
 
 allowed and encouraged people of all sorts of creeds 
 to come to them, these two outbursts of irritation count 
 for very little. We should indeed rather welcome and 
 rejoice in them. Tlie conventional books of history, 
 from which most of us get our ideas, always represent 
 the Quakers as utterly stupid in their perfection. Any- 
 thing that shows them to have been human is a valuable 
 discovery, and, like the one or two instances in which 
 Washington lost his temper and swore, should be care- 
 fully preserved. 
 
 Such exhibitions of human feeling on the part of the 
 Quakers were not calculated, however, to soften the 
 hearts of the Churchmen, and there was considerable ill 
 temper between the two faiths. They stood apart in 
 political matters, never acted in concert and often in 
 violent opposition. The letters and documents of the 
 Churchmen during the first forty or fifty years are full of 
 the most virulent abuse of the Quakers and their " many 
 notorious, wicked, and damnable principles," as they 
 called them. 
 
 On the other hand, the Quakers never appear to have 
 expressed themselves so violently. They disapproved 
 of the Churchmen ; but they preferred them to the Pres- 
 byterians, for whom they had a most intense dislike. In 
 fact, it has been said that many of the Quakers were 
 willing to encourage the Church of England, and even 
 favored an English bishop, as an offset to Presbyterianism, 
 which they feared would overrun their colony. 
 
 Who were the first Churchmen and when they came 
 is unknown. Doubtless some of them arrived soon 
 after the first Quakers who came over in the "Wel- 
 come" with William Penn. A school-master named 
 
 189 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 Arrowsmith seems to have been their first clergyman, 
 and he sometimes obtained the assistance of the Rev. 
 Richard Sewell from Maryland. The Rev. Thomas 
 Clayton was, however, the first regular incumbent, and 
 began his labors in 1698, three years after Christ 
 Church was built. The Quakers called him " the min- 
 ister of the doctrine of devils ;" but still he had great 
 success in converting them. He was followed by the 
 Rev. Evan Evans, who met with even greater success. 
 The readiness with which the Quakers joined the 
 Church of England in Pennsylvania was contemporane- 
 ous with the founding of the colony, and has continued 
 down to the present day. 
 
 The relations of the church with the Swedes were 
 very friendly. The Swedes were Lutherans, and their 
 clergy often exchanged pulpits with Episcopal clergy- 
 men, and on at least one occasion took charge of 
 an Episcopal church in the absence of its rector. 
 Gradually the Swedes were all merged in the Church of 
 England, and for a long time it was expected that the 
 German Lutherans would follow them. The beautiful 
 old Swedish churches. Trinity at Wilmington, and 
 Gloria Dei at Wicaco in Philadelphia, besides several 
 others, became the property of the Episcopalians, in 
 whose hands they still remain. 
 
 In the early days, under Arrowsmith, Clayton, and 
 Evans, the Churchmen developed rapidly, not only in the 
 city, but in the country districts. In a few years, how- 
 ever, this rapid development in the country ceased, and 
 many of the missionary stations fell into decay, and 
 after that the advance in the country was comparatively 
 slow. The cause of this is somewhat obscure, but may 
 
 190 
 
The Church of England Men 
 
 have been the decision some of the clergy reached 
 to dispense with vestries. But the churches in the city 
 always flourished, and in colonial times the city was the 
 chief stronghold of the Episcopalians, as the counties 
 were of the Presbyterians. 
 
 The Churchmen were much increased by the Keithian 
 controversy, which within a few years sent five hundred 
 Quaker souls into Episcopacy. The Church grew 
 steadily all through the colonial period, gaining not only 
 by immigration, but by the recruits it received from the 
 Quakers and the Swedes. 
 
 The rapidity and ease with which the Quakers joined 
 it in preference to all other divisions of Christendom 
 were quite remarkable, and have always been somewhat 
 of a surprise to historians. The explanation, however, 
 is easy if the fundamental principles of the two religions 
 are kept in mind. The Church of England has never 
 been a very dogmatic body, has never been much 
 devoted to systems or theologies, and has always given 
 ample room for the development of individual opinion. 
 In colonial times, and up to the middle of the present 
 century, it was in the low-church stage, especially in 
 Pennsylvania, and in some respects more free from 
 dogma than now. In fact, it was sometimes very close 
 to what is now known as old-fashioned unitarianism. 
 It satisfied the Quaker instinct for religious liberty 
 and faith without formula. It had the additional advan- 
 tage of allowing him to dress and spend money as 
 he pleased, and contained a large measure of the delicate 
 spirituality which characterized his own religion. 
 
 The Churchmen for a long time felt themselves in 
 a very uneasy position, outnumbered in a dissenting 
 
 191 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 community; and they appear to have been not alto- 
 gether satisfied with religious equality. Some of them 
 would have preferred to see their faith established by 
 law and their clergymen given the dignity and position 
 which they had in England and Virginia. They had 
 been accustomed in England to snub Quakers and 
 Presbyterians, and now they found themselves in a 
 colony where to snub a man for his religion was a 
 penal offence. They felt this to be such a deprivation 
 of ancient privileges that they called it persecution, and 
 sent long complaints to the home government. 
 
 The truth of the matter was, that the Quakers had 
 turned the tables and were snubbing the Churchmen. 
 They believed themselves the makers of Pennsylvania, 
 and their religion the established one, and they treated 
 the Churchmen as dissenters. 
 
 " The Holy principles of our religion teach us not to resent such affronts, 
 but it grieves us at this time that all Church of England men should be 
 stigmatized with the grim and horrid title of treacherous and perfidious 
 fellows, dissenters, and schismaticks from the established Religion, which 
 is Quakerism, Intruders and Invaders in the Province, and, above all, 
 that our Proprietor and Governor is resolved, and will be, aut Ccesar, aui 
 nullus." (Perry's Collections, American Church in Pennsylvania, 4.) 
 
 George Ross, a clergyman at Chester, writes, in 17 12, 
 that the Quakers are a " haughty tribe," and nowhere 
 " more rampant " than in his parish. Penn was certainly 
 a good deal of a Csesar in his way. He intended him- 
 self to be the first in control, with the Quakers second, 
 and other religions freely tolerated, but in a subordinate 
 capacity. He considered it fair, and in accordance with 
 his plans, to let the Churchmen hold a few of the offices 
 within his gift, but not many, and their aggressiveness 
 
 192 
 
The Church of England Men 
 
 was very offensive to him. " They misrepresent all we 
 doe," he says, "and would make us dissenters in our 
 own country." He complained that they took advantage 
 of his principle of toleration. " Their present minister," 
 he says, " brought over printed books and broad sheets 
 in great quantities to be pasted up in their Houses ; is 
 this submission to Government ?" 
 
 The Churchmen professed to regard the Quaker con- 
 trol of the province as a great evil, not only to them- 
 selves, but to the British empire. The Quaker objection 
 to war prevented the establishment of a militia. The 
 colony was in a defenceless condition, and might at any 
 time fall into the hands of his majesty's enemies. They 
 were careful not to lose this cause of complaint, and 
 when it was proposed to organize a militia they voted 
 against it. Not only was the province unprotected, they 
 said, by the stupid Quaker government, but even civil 
 justice could not be administered. The Quaker laws 
 required no oaths ; a simple affirmation was the only form 
 used in judicial proceedings and in accepting public 
 office, and a man might be tried for his life by a judge, 
 jury, and witnesses not one of whom had been sworn. 
 
 Their remedy for this state of affairs was to have the 
 colony taken away from the Quakers and turned into a 
 royal province, under the direct government of the king, 
 and doubtless many of them foresaw in such a change a 
 chance to have their church established by law. When 
 the Jerseys, which were largely Quaker, became a royal 
 province in 1702, the Pennsylvania Churchmen regarded 
 it as a precedent in their favor and had great hopes of 
 success. When Lord Cornbury, the first royal governor 
 of Jersey, came out, they entertained him in Philadelphia, 
 13 193 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 presented him with an address of welcome, and urged 
 him to use his influence to obtain a royal government 
 for Pennsylvania. In the same way they tried to obtain 
 the assistance of Governor Nicholson, of Virginia, and 
 left no stone unturned in their endeavors. 
 
 It was characteristic of the constant changes that were 
 taking place in the position of parties in Pennsylvania 
 that some years afterwards the Churchmen held just the 
 opposite of these opinions, and became very much op- 
 posed to direct royal jurisdiction. When the sons of 
 Penn, who were proprietors of the province, became 
 Episcopalians, the Quakers deserted the proprietary in- 
 terest, and the Churchmen joined it. In other words, 
 the two parties exchanged sides. In the year 1764 it 
 was the Quakers who were attempting to turn the col- 
 ony into a royal province, and the Churchmen who were 
 opposing it. 
 
 In the early days, when the Churchmen favored a 
 royal government, they were led by Colonel Quarry, at 
 one time governor of South Carolina, whose name is 
 still to be seen engraved on the communion set which 
 he gave to Christ Church. He represented the Crown 
 in the province, and was Judge of the Court of Admi- 
 ralty, which had been established to adjudicate maritime 
 causes, enforce the navigation laws, prevent direct trade 
 with foreign countries, and, in general, look after the 
 royal interests. He considered it part of his duty to 
 send complaints of all kinds to the Board of Trade in 
 England, and report irreverent and disloyal speeches. 
 He was a great nuisance to Penn, who was almost will- 
 ing to give up the province for the sake of getting rid of 
 him. 
 
 194 
 
The Church of England Men 
 
 Under the leadership of Quarry the Churchmen made, 
 in 1703, what they considered a very clever move. 
 They obtained an order from Queen Anne, which, while 
 it allowed Quakers to affirm, compelled all others to 
 take oath. The Quakers had as much objection to ad- 
 ministering an oath as to taking one, and, armed with 
 this order, Colonel Quarry was in a fair way to compel 
 the resignation of every Quaker who held public office. 
 Some resigned, others remained in office and adminis- 
 tered oaths, and both received an indignant rebuke from 
 Penn, who said that they should simply have disobeyed 
 the order. It was an unfortunate affair for the Quakers. 
 Such orders were probably unconstitutional, and in the 
 end could not have been enforced ; but they pointed out 
 a method of annoyance which, though never entirely 
 successful, was several times attempted. 
 
 Soon after the death of Penn, when his sons had be- 
 come Episcopalians, there seems to have been a feeling 
 that the deputy-governor was head of the Church in 
 Pennsylvania, as the king was head of it in England. 
 One or two governors certainly gave themselves airs of 
 this sort. But the idea was never very fully carried 
 out, and probably for the reason that the Churchmen 
 saw that if the governor's authority in this direction 
 was much developed, his interference might at times 
 become very inconvenient. 
 
 In " Perry's Collections" there is a curious letter writ- 
 ten in 1727 by one of the clergy, William Becket, to the 
 Bishop of London, in which he suggests a very ingenious 
 plan for the advancement of the Church. The title to 
 the three lower counties, as Delaware was then called, 
 was, he said, in dispute. Penn claimed it, and also Lord 
 
 19s 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 Baltimore. The probability was that neither of them 
 owned it, and it belonged to the king. Why not, then, 
 give it to the Church as a manor ? There were said to 
 be two hundred thousand acres of cleared and improved 
 land in it, and the rents from this would easily support 
 an American bishop, missionaries, and many other 
 things which the Society for the Propagation of the 
 Gospel might judge expedient. 
 
 The desire for a colonial bishop was always present 
 with the Churchmen, and always more or less under 
 agitation, but never accomplished. In the Middle and 
 Southern colonies, the opposition to it among the dis- 
 senters was not very serious. But in New England it 
 was regarded with horror, and on the outbreak of the 
 Revolution one of the strongest arguments which the 
 Puritan ministers urged upon their people was, that 
 unless they achieved their independence there would be 
 an American Episcopate, with another Laud at its head, 
 who would hang them up by the thumbs every morning, 
 put their legs in Spanish boots, with all the other tortures 
 of the inquisition. 
 
 But after all, the bishop might not have been such a 
 serious evil as was supposed ; and if Delaware had been 
 
 given him as his see and manor, he could have lived in 
 
 a most princely state from the rents of its fertile farms, 
 become a most striking and remarkable character, and 
 added an exciting interest, not only to the annals of 
 Delaware but to the history of all the colonies. 
 
 The pettiness of conduct which marked the early his- 
 tory of the Pennsylvania Churchmen passed away. By 
 the year 1750 they had adopted broader views, were no 
 longer peevish in their treatment of the Quakers, had 
 
 196 
 
The Church of England Men 
 
 learned to accept religious equality as a blessing, and 
 soon after gained an abler leader than Colonel Quarry. 
 The rest of their history in colonial times is the history 
 of an institution and a man. The institution was the 
 College of Philadelphia, and the man was the Rev. Dr. 
 William Smith, its provost or president. 
 
 It would be out of place to enlarge much further on 
 their position. They were not isolated like the Scotch- 
 Irish, Germans, Moravians, or Connecticut people, who 
 led a more or less distinct life of their own, and appeared 
 only at intervals in the general history of the colony. 
 The Churchmen, on the contrary, were largely the makers 
 of that history. Most of them lived in Philadelphia or 
 its immediate vicinity, the seat of government and the 
 scene of all political conflicts. They were the head and 
 front of the proprietary party and the bitter opponents 
 of the Quakers and Benjamin Franklin. 
 
 Their clergy were not very numerous in Pennsylvania. 
 Up to the time of the Revolution there were never more 
 than eight or ten of them, and four of these were in 
 Philadelphia. They had three churches in the city, — 
 first, Christ Church, and afterwards two offshoots from 
 it, St. Peter's and St. Paul's. St. Peter's, founded in 1761, 
 was a sort of colony of Christ Church, and the two were 
 long known as the United Churches of Christ Church 
 and St. Peter's. St. James, a colony of St. Peter's, was 
 added to the Union in 1 809. St. Paul's, established in 
 1 760, though also an offshoot of Christ Church, was the 
 result of a disagreement, and was never in the Union. 
 Outside of the city they had Trinity, at Oxford, nine 
 miles to the north, and St. David's, about eighteen miles 
 to the west, at Radnor, and St. Thomas, at White Marsh. 
 
 197 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 The buildings of Trinity and St. David's, dated respec- 
 tively from 171 1 and 1714, still stand, and are among the 
 most interesting relics in the country of the old colonial 
 architecture. They also had congregations at Chester, 
 Bristol, Perkiomen, Pequea, Lancaster, Huntington, and 
 other places. The eight or ten clergymen had to supply 
 all these in turn, and one man often had charge of three 
 or four congregations. 
 
 Far out on the frontier, among the Scotch-Irish and 
 Germans, they had a mission in charge of the Rev. 
 Thomas Barton, a courageous, devoted man, who, with 
 the Presbyterian ministers, was ready at any time either 
 to preach and pray or to lead his congregation to war 
 against the Indians. He was a firm believer in the im- 
 portance of establishing the English control of the con- 
 tinent as against the French. He was close to Brad- 
 dock's defeat and Fort Pitt, and familiar with every 
 movement of the enemy. It seems to have delighted 
 him when his congregation appeared at service with 
 their muskets, and he reported the event to England 
 with evident satisfaction. His situation at first was 
 nominally at Carlisle, but he appears to have ranged the 
 whole country and even penetrated into the interior of 
 New York. His descendants formed for a long time a 
 well-known family in Philadelphia. 
 
 In a certain sense all the clergy in Pennsylvania were 
 missionaries. They were sent out by the Society for 
 the Propagation of the Gospel, which paid them their 
 salaries, and they were supposed to be under the 
 jurisdiction of the bishop of London. 
 
 The number of the laity is not known, and any 
 
 attempt to state it would be a mere guess. They 
 
 108 
 
The Church of England Men 
 
 formed a part of that third which Frankhn described as 
 the miscellaneous fraction of the population. They 
 were most numerous in Philadelphia, where they shared 
 the control with the Quakers. As in all the Middle and 
 Southern colonies, they naturally assumed to them- 
 selves the leadership in society, and it was readily 
 accorded them. When the proprietors became of their 
 faith they had the additional advantage of being part of 
 the government, and the offices within the proprietary 
 control were usually distributed among them. 
 
 An interesting essay might be written on the different 
 ways in which little aristocracies were developed in the 
 different colonies. In Virginia and in Massachusetts, 
 where the population was homogeneous in race and 
 religion, where there was no proprietary government, 
 and where the people had enjoyed at times a large 
 measure of independence, the better and more intelli- 
 gent classes gradually became small aristocracies in 
 what seems to have been a very natural way. Their 
 roots went down among a united people, who gave 
 them support and much respect. 
 
 In Pennsylvania, however, there was a very curious 
 condition of affairs, and the aristocratic class was divided 
 among the Quakers and the Churchmen. The Quakers, 
 as the creators of the province, were entitled to the first 
 place, and many of them took the position. Religious 
 scruples about dress and amusements, of course, held 
 back many of them from such a life, and they formed a 
 distinct society of their own, with a great deal of good 
 living and enjoyment, and their own rules about dress. 
 Those who entered the fashionable life of the Episco- 
 palians were very apt to join that faith. In the govern- 
 
 199 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 ment of the colony the Quakers controlled the assembly, 
 and the Churchmen controlled the executive offices in 
 the gift of the proprietors ; social life was divided up in 
 very much the same way between the two religious 
 bodies ; and they have always formed two distinct socie- 
 ties in Philadelphia. 
 
 The men who formed the Church of England aristoc- 
 racy, as it may be called, had many fine traits. The 
 Chews, Provost Smith, Richard Peters, Judge Peters, 
 Robert Morris, the Binghams, the Willings, the Hamil- 
 tons, William Moore, of Moore Hall, and others were 
 all accomplished, talented men, full of public spirit and 
 enterprise, who, so far as they were allowed to shape the 
 community, did it wisely and well, and would have been 
 men of note in any city of that age. We might add to 
 them Chief-Justice Allen, who, though a Presbyterian, 
 always acted with them, and was one of the leaders of 
 the proprietary party, and very lavish of his wealth in 
 every public improvement. John Dickinson, a Quaker, 
 was also of the proprietary party, and, like Allen and 
 the others, of unquestioned high character and ability. 
 
 Unfortunately, these men depended for part of their 
 position upon the proprietary interest, or were believed 
 to depend upon it, which, so far as results were con- 
 cerned, was the same thing. The proprietorship was 
 not popular, and the rest of their hold, the Church 
 of England, was equally unpopular, and the Quakers 
 were against them. They had the misfortune to live 
 in a very mixed commonwealth, where any position they 
 had must be given them by a mere faction. They had 
 no broad roots extending all through the community 
 like the aristocracies in Virginia and Massachusetts, and 
 
The Church of England Men 
 
 when the Revolution came they went to pieces and 
 disappeared. In Virginia and Massachusetts, on the 
 contrary, the colonial aristocracies went through the 
 Revolution without harm, played a large and important 
 part in it, and afterwards flourished more abundantly 
 than ever, and produced the greatest statesmen in the 
 Union. 
 
 In a previous chapter we called attention to the 
 striking individualism of the Scotch-Irish, and men- 
 tioned their three great chief justices, McKean, Gibson, 
 and Black. It may be well, therefore, by way of con- 
 trast, to speak of another great chief justice, William 
 Tilghman, who was not the product of Scotch-Irish and 
 Calvinistic influences, but was bred among Church 
 of England people in Maryland and afterwards in Penn- 
 sylvania. He was the very opposite of McKean, Gibson, 
 and Black. He had none of that excitable aggressive- 
 ness, no instinct for impressing everything with his 
 individuality. He was colorless, retiring, modest. He 
 had no vividness, originality, or picturesqueness, either 
 in language or manner. Like Washington, Hamilton, 
 and Jefferson, who were also bred as Churchmen, his 
 style, though showing ability in conception, was rather 
 dry and uninteresting. Yet his judicial opinions are 
 generally regarded as equally sound, consistent, and 
 valuable as the work of either McKean, Gibson, or 
 Black.* 
 
 * Perry's Collections, American Church in Pennsylvania; White's 
 Memoirs of the P. E. Church ; H. W. Smith's Life of Provost Smith ; 
 Perry's History of the American Episcopal Church ; Dorr's History of 
 Christ Church ; Records of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel ; 
 Wickersham's History of Education in Pennsylvania. 
 
 20 1 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE WELSH. 
 
 For the first fifteen or twenty years after the founding 
 of Pennsylvania, in 1682, the Welsh were the most 
 numerous class of immigrants, and they have left many 
 traces of themselves for many miles round Philadelphia 
 in the names of places. Their migration, however, soon 
 ceased, and after 1700, with the incoming of English, 
 Germans, and Scotch-Irish, they became comparatively 
 few in numbers, and of less importance and influence. 
 But still they were a distinct element, and increased for 
 a time the incongruous and mixed character of the 
 colony's population. 
 
 Most of the Welsh that came were Quakers, with a 
 sprinkling of Baptists and Churchmen. They spoke their 
 own language, and scarcely any of them had mastered 
 English. When William Penn preached among them at 
 Haverford, in 170 1, very few could understand him. 
 
 As descendants of the ancient Britons, who had been 
 driven into a corner of England by the Saxon and Norman 
 invaders, they felt that they were still a separate people, 
 and, hke the Germans, they hoped to have a country of 
 their own in Pennsylvania. For the first half-century of 
 the colony's existence it afforded the rather unusual spec- 
 tacle of an English province in which the three languages, 
 German, Welsh, and Swedish, were spoken by quite a 
 large portion of the people. During that time, when the 
 
The Welsh 
 
 Germans were upbraided for not learning English, they 
 always asked why no complaint was made of the Swedes 
 or Welsh. But the Welsh, like the Swedes, were soon 
 absorbed, and their language disappeared. 
 
 They had, however, been assisted in retaining their 
 language and customs by an agreement they made 
 with Penn before they emigrated. He had promised 
 them a tract of forty thousand acres, where they could 
 have a little government of their own, and live by them- 
 selves. When they began to arrive, in 1682, the tract 
 was surveyed for them west of the Schuylkill, and it in- 
 cluded that beautiful stretch of country which has now 
 become very familiar to Philadelphians for its suburban 
 homes along the Une of the Pennsylvania Railroad. 
 
 There was something peculiarly suitable in giving the 
 Welsh this tract, for it more nearly resembled their 
 own country than any other land that could be found 
 near Philadelphia. That it was given for this reason 
 does not appear, but it is not at all unlikely that the 
 woodsman's instinct of the first Welsh explorers led 
 them to follow that ridge of high land, which is the 
 water-shed between the western side of the Schuylkill 
 and the Delaware. This ridge, which is more or less of 
 a table-land, several miles wide, rises steadily from the 
 west bank of the Schuylkill for about twenty-five miles 
 until the summit is reached, near Paoli, about six hun- 
 dred feet above the level of Philadelphia. As we ad- 
 vance along it westward the country becomes more and 
 more diversified, more rolling and hilly, with longer 
 vistas, and the climate cooler and dryer. On the north- 
 ern side very extensive views are obtained over what we 
 now call the Chester Valley, and the descent into it be- 
 
 203 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 comes steeper and steeper as we approach Paoli. The 
 Welsh called it Duffrin Mawr, or the Great Valley. 
 
 They insisted that their forty thousand acres con- 
 stituted a barony, or county palatine, and it was known 
 as the Welsh Barony until modern times changed it to 
 Welsh Tract. It was a manor with the right of Court 
 Baron, like the one occupied by the Moravians on the 
 Lehigh, and if circumstances had been favorable it could 
 easily have been developed into a sort of palatinate. It 
 was certainly a magnificent domain of hill and dale cov- 
 ered with enormous oaks, sycamores, and poplars, which 
 the greatest earl or duke might have envied. The red- 
 haired, freckle-faced Owens and Winns were well con- 
 tent with it. They enjoyed most heartily the game and 
 sport it afforded, and their descendants still hunt the fox 
 there as of old. Most of them had some means, and 
 were of the gentleman-farmer class. In fact, the few 
 glimpses we have of them in the old records imply an 
 amount of enjoyment and expenditure for dress and en- 
 tertainment unusual on a provincial frontier. 
 
 They might have made a most interesting place of 
 their barony if they had been allowed to go on in the 
 course they had chosen. They undertook to rule it in 
 their own way, and had none of the usual county and 
 township officers. Their Quaker meetings exercised 
 civil authority, and this curious system prevailed for 
 eight or nine years. In 1690 the three townships within 
 the tract, Merion, Haverford, and Radnor, were organized 
 in the usual way, and the jurisdiction of the Quaker 
 meetings was abolished. 
 
 As time went on and immigration increased, the Welsh 
 
 spread out into other townships, — Newtown, Goshen, and 
 
 204 
 
The Welsh 
 
 Uwchlan. Some of them spread out into Montgomery 
 County, north of the city, where places Hke Gwynedd 
 and Penllyn still stand as their memorials. 
 
 Their tendency to cling together and retain their lan- 
 guage was largely overcome in 1685, when Merion was 
 separated from Haverford and Radnor, and made a town- 
 ship of Philadelphia County. Up to that time they had 
 been a controlling influence in Chester County. But 
 the change placed them in the minority in both counties 
 and hastened their assimilation. They resisted the 
 change very strenuously, and for a time refused to pay 
 taxes. 
 
 They were also much annoyed by having the barony 
 thrown open to settlement for people who were not 
 Welsh. This was done because they refused to pay 
 Penn quit-rents on the whole forty thousand acres. They 
 contended that they should pay rent only on the land 
 they used or cultivated ; but as the returns from this 
 were small, Penn insisted on rent from the whole barony, 
 and, when it was refused, destroyed the autonomy of 
 their little empire. It was just as well, perhaps, for the 
 Welsh ; the direct descendants of the ancient Britons 
 were English in sympathy, and it was useless to keep 
 up a distinction which had long since ceased to be any- 
 thing more than a barren sentiment. 
 
 Most of their names are now Anglicized. Ap Hum- 
 phrey has become Pumphrey ; Ap Howell, Powell ; and 
 Ap Hugh, Pugh. Such names as Roberts, Owen, and 
 Thomas remain as they were, and there are still town- 
 ships called Tredyffrin, Eastcaln, and Uwchlan. The 
 Pennsylvania Railroad has also helped to preserve the 
 remembrance of these ancient Britons in the names of 
 
 20S 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 its stations Merion, Wynnewood, Haverford, Bryn Mawr, 
 Radnor, St. David's, and Berwyn. Some of these names 
 are very old in Wales, and go back to the twelfth and 
 thirteenth centuries. Merion, the name of an old British 
 prince, Meyreon or Meiriawn, appears often in Wales 
 in the form Meiron, Merioneth, and Merionethshire. 
 Montgomery County was also named from the Welsh. 
 
 The patron saint of the Welsh was St. David, and this 
 name was given to the little Episcopal Church which has 
 now survived nearly two hundred years in one of the 
 most charming and secluded valleys of Radnor. The 
 touching, simple beauty of its architecture and surround- 
 ings inspired one of the poems of Longfellow, but he 
 hardly did the subject justice. The great overshadowing 
 oaks, the deep impression of the past, the quaint graves 
 of the old colonists, with William Moore and General 
 Wayne resting in their midst, seem to have been unable 
 to arouse the great poet to his best. Several of his 
 verses are querulous and belittle the subject, and only 
 one verse, where he touches on the impression of rest 
 and seclusion, is of any merit. 
 
 Members of the Welsh element in our population can 
 still be found in prominent positions in many of our in- 
 dustrial enterprises ; but they have produced few very 
 remarkable men. In the early days of the colony, how- 
 ever, previous to 1700, all the physicians in the province 
 appear to have been Welshmen. Thomas Lloyd, several 
 times deputy governor under Penn, was a Welshman, 
 and so was David Lloyd, the leader of the popular party 
 in the assembly, and afterwards chief justice. In the 
 Revolution and more recent times, the Welsh names of 
 Cadwalader and Meredith have been of much distinction. 
 
 206 
 
The Welsh 
 
 It was through this Welsh barony, and following 
 close to the highest points of the ridge, that the great 
 western highway of colonial times, now long known as 
 the Lancaster turnpike, took its way. Begun by the 
 footsteps of the first wandering Welshman, for a time a 
 trail in the woods, then a rough road leading to clearings, 
 then a better road, improved here and there with logs, 
 and afterwards with cobble-stones, always pointing west- 
 ward to the Pacific, it grew and grew until it reached the 
 Susquehanna, crossed it and wound through the Alle- 
 ghanies to Fort Pitt, its terminus for many years. Though 
 not always on the same line as the present Lancaster 
 turnpike, it followed the same general route, and it 
 always was, and still is, one of the highways to the 
 boundless West. When the Pennsylvania Railroad was 
 built, the engineers found they could make but little im- 
 provement on the Welshman's skill, and they laid their 
 tracks along the summit of the ridge, close beside the 
 turnpike, and perpetuated the old colonial line of western 
 travel, which has now become one of the throbbing 
 arteries of civilization. 
 
 In colonial days its throbs were less hurried and 
 nervous, but equally full of life, and perhaps more pic- 
 turesque. A class of hardy humorous characters grew 
 up who were the teamsters and wagoners to Fort Pitt, 
 and afterwards to Pittsburg. Horses were bred for the 
 service, and the great canvas- covered wagons became a 
 familiar sight on the highway of the barony. 
 
 People who can remember the old days of stage travel 
 in England assure us that it had its compensations and 
 some advantages. The turnpikes and mail routes, always 
 kept in thorough repair, were lively scenes, thronged 
 
 207 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 with coaches and private travelling carriages, with excel- 
 lent inns every few miles. Each inn had its own peculiar 
 characteristics and reputation, and travellers in their own 
 wagons made their day's journey as long or as short as 
 they pleased. The old Lancaster road to the west was 
 somewhat similar. 
 
 Not in such good repair as the roads in England, and 
 wilder and rougher in every way, it still must have often 
 reminded the colonists of highway scenes in their old 
 home. The inns on the eastern end were very numerous. 
 At one time there were sixty-two between Philadelphia 
 and Lancaster, which was an average of one to each mile. 
 They were of all grades, high and low. Pressy Robin- 
 son's, otherwise known as the Blue Ball, seems to have 
 been decidedly low. There were quarrels, and traditions 
 of strange disappearances, which were confirmed in 1877, 
 when some workmen dug up a number of uncofifined 
 human remains from the old orchard. On the other 
 hand, the Paoli Inn, which still survives, was of the 
 highest class, and has entertained beneath its roof some 
 very distinguished men. 
 
 The people living along the old turnpike have always 
 had interesting stories to tell of its scenes. It was not 
 so very long ago that some were alive who remembered 
 the troops marching westward to suppress the Whiskey 
 Rebellion of 179 1. Those who could remember the 
 recruits straggling along the road to join in the War of 
 1 8 12 would now be hard to find. But there are still 
 some who saw the companies from the Alleghanies as 
 they marched to the war with Mexico.* 
 
 * Histories of Chester County and Delaware County ; Glenn's Merion 
 in the Welsh Tract. 
 
 208 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF SCIENCE AND THE MECHANIC 
 
 ARTS. 
 
 The peculiarities of the Pennsylvania population, the 
 freedom from dogma of most of the sects which com- 
 posed it, and their extreme advancement in the line of 
 the Reformation seem to have produced certain results 
 which gave the province a character of its own totally- 
 different from what we find in the other colonies. 
 
 One of the first and most natural results was a consti- 
 tution and laws unusually liberal for that time. The 
 credit of this is due to Penn and the Quakers, for they 
 made the laws, and continued to have a controlling 
 influence in them for nearly a hundred years. Religious 
 liberty was the law of the land in Pennsylvania at a time 
 when in Massachusetts and several other colonies there 
 were statutes punishing heresy with death. Treason and 
 murder were the only crimes punished with death in 
 Pennsylvania at a time when in England there were over 
 two hundred capital offences, the same number in New 
 York, and over twenty in Massachusetts and South 
 Carolina. Prison reform, hospitals, and charitable insti- 
 tutions of all kinds were flourishing in Pennsylvania long 
 before they were regarded as desirable in the other 
 colonies. 
 
 The general tone of the whole province was free. The 
 Quakers were inspired with the latest ideas of liberty, 
 and the large German population, whatever their igno- 
 14 209 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 ranee and faults may have been, were all unquestionably 
 in favor of liberty and free conscience, and lived up to 
 their belief The Episcopalians and Presbyterians, even 
 if they had other inclinations at the beginning, were 
 soon carried along by the others. 
 
 In the other colonies the population belonged to older 
 and more conservative forms of religion, like the Church 
 of England or the Puritans. The New England colonies, 
 though independent and vigorous, were very illiberal, 
 and at the time Pennsylvania was founded had only 
 recently finished persecuting the Quakers, and were just 
 about entering on the witchcraft delusion. In Virginia 
 the Church of England was established by law, and dis- 
 senters were treated with no little severity. 
 
 Philadelphia and Pennsylvania stood out conspicuously 
 as the home of American liberalism, and for a hundred 
 years and more occupied a very important position, and 
 claimed an unusually large share of the attention of the 
 civilized world. They were regarded as the most re- 
 markable and successful instance of liberalism that had 
 yet appeared, and such instances were valuable. The 
 leaders of advanced thought in those, as in all other, 
 times were supposed to be impractical theorizers, and 
 when they could point to an instance of practical success 
 their triumph was great. Men like Voltaire hailed Penn- 
 sylvania with delight, and looked to it as a refuge and 
 an asylum. They called it the home of philosophers ; 
 and when Franklin began to make his discoveries in 
 electricity, they were more convinced than ever. 
 
 Voltaire was always very much attracted by the 
 Quakers. When he was in England he sought them 
 out and investigated their religion, which astonished 
 
Early Development of Science and Arts 
 
 him. If their habit of trembling when they spoke in 
 their meetings and some other customs could be abol- 
 ished, he declared that they were of all men the wor- 
 thiest of respect. " In my life," he said of one of them, 
 " I have never seen a presence more noble nor more 
 engaging." 
 
 Their stiffness and solemnity occasionally troubled 
 him, especially when he dined with Claude Gay, a Phila- 
 delphia Quaker, in Paris. But he never would give up 
 his ideal, and he clung to Pennsylvania and her founders 
 to the last. 
 
 " Their colony is as flourishing as their morals have been pure. Phil- 
 adelphia, or the city of the Brothers, their capital, is one of the most 
 beautiful cities in the universe; and they reckon that in 1740 there were 
 one hundred and eighty thousand men in Pennsylvania. These new 
 citizens are not all primitives or Quakers ; half of them are Germans, 
 Swedes, and people of other countries, who form seventeen religions. 
 The primitives, who govern, regard all those strangers as their brothers." 
 (Parton's Voltaire, vol. i., 470.) 
 
 He compared Pennsylvania with the other colonies, 
 most of which he despised, especially the New England 
 settlements. At one time in his life, when exiled and per- 
 secuted, he thought quite seriously of taking refuge in 
 the Quaker paradise, as Priestley afterwards did, and he 
 never altogether gave up the idea. " It was," he said, 
 " the only province on earth to which peace had fled, 
 banished as she was from every other region." 
 
 " I love the Quakers ; yes, if the sea did not cause me an insupportable 
 sickness, it would be in thy bosom, O Pennsylvania, that I should finish 
 the remainder of my career, if there is any remainder ! Thou art situated 
 at the fortieth degree, in a climate the most mild and favorable ; thy 
 fields are fertile, thy houses commodiously built, thy inhabitants indus- 
 trious, thy manufactures esteemed. Unbroken peace reigns among thy 
 citizens. Crimes are almost unknown, and there has been but a single 
 
 211 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 example of a man banished from the country. He well deserved it ; he 
 was an Anglican priest, who, having turned Quaker, was unworthy to be 
 one. This wretch was doubtless possessed of the devil, for he dared to 
 preach intolerance. George Keith was his name ; I know not where he 
 has gone, but may all the intolerants go with him. 
 
 " So, of the three hundred thousand people who live happily in Penn- 
 sylvania, there are two hundred thousand foreigners. For twelve guineas 
 you can acquire a hundred acres, and within those hundred acres you are 
 a veritable king, for you are free, you are a citizen. You can do no harm 
 to any one, and no one can do harm to you ; you think what you please, 
 and you say it without any one's persecuting you ; the burden of imposts 
 continually doubled, you know not; you have no court to pay; you do 
 not dread the insolence of a consequential subaltern." (Parton's Voltaire, 
 vol. ii., 171.) 
 
 It would be easy to fill several pages with quotations 
 from Kalm and other travellers and writers describing 
 the position then occupied by the province, and its won- 
 derful advancement. It was not merely the fertility of 
 soil and the mildness of climate, but the liberal laws and 
 customs which, in their opinion, had attracted settlers 
 and forced on development. 
 
 At that time the opinion was rapidly gaining ground 
 that liberty of conscience was not only right in itself, but 
 that it had an important effect in encouraging trade and 
 commerce. Even James II. seems to have been con- 
 vinced of this result, and Penn often called attention to 
 it in his writings, and gave Holland as an instance of 
 unusual material prosperity as the result of extending 
 religious liberty. His own province of Pennsylvania 
 soon proved to be another instance. 
 
 Her material development and increase in population 
 were, in colonial times, very rapid, and in this respect 
 she surpassed the other colonies. She was almost the 
 youngest of all, for her founding, in 1681, was more 
 
Early Development of Science and Arts 
 
 than half a century after the beginnings of Virginia and 
 Massachusetts, five years after Bacon's Rebellion in Vir- 
 ginia, and many years after the difficulties of Massachu- 
 setts with Roger Williams, Anne Hutchinson, and the 
 Quakers. In fact, all the other colonies, except Georgia, 
 were firmly established and far advanced on their course 
 before Pennsylvania began. 
 
 But in spite of this late beginning, Pennsylvania, 
 within a few years, outranked most of them, and before 
 the time of the Revolution stood third, coming immedi- 
 ately after those two great and leading commonwealths 
 of the colonial period, Virginia and Massachusetts. In 
 the present century, New York, which was far behind in 
 colonial times, has risen to the first place, and Pennsyl- 
 vania now stands second. 
 
 Being so far advanced in liberal laws and philanthropy, 
 we naturally find Pennsylvania prominent in that other 
 great result of liberty and the Reformation, science and 
 scientific research. In fact, she was the only one of all 
 the colonies where modern science was at all prominent 
 or pursued with anything like ardor and success. 
 
 We do not always reaUze that what is now known 
 as science is only about three hundred years old. It 
 all dates from the Reformation, and from a rather late 
 stage in the Reformation. It is, of course, impossible 
 to fix an exact time for the beginning of such a great 
 movement of thought, which started in numerous and 
 at first imperceptible roots, and grew by steady accre- 
 tion. But the year 1600 is as convenient a date as any, 
 for it was after that year that Galileo, Kepler, Newton, 
 and Harvey made their great discoveries. 
 
 Since then have been discovered all those laws of 
 
 213 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 heat, light, and electricity which nowadays every school- 
 boy must learn. All that is valuable in chemistry, 
 surge'ry, and medicine has since then come into exist- 
 ence. Geology is of still later date; and to the same 
 period since 1600 are to be assigned botany, biology, 
 comparative anatomy, and a host of other subjects too 
 numerous to mention. When we come to the inven- 
 tions which are the fruits of these sciences, the steam- 
 engine, telegraph, telephone, and the wonders of 
 mechanical and civil engineering, they are all within the 
 present century, and many of them within the memory 
 of persons now living. 
 
 About the year 1730 a climax seems to have been 
 reached in the progress of science. There was a sudden 
 outburst of scientific investigation all over Europe, which 
 has continued unabated and even stronger than ever 
 down to our own day. It was at that time that the 
 rakish, witty, verse-making, play-writing Voltaire sud- 
 denly, at the age of forty-one, turned himself into a man 
 of science, and for four years spent laborious days 
 among drugs, test-tubes, and filters. But when this 
 spirit of inquiry, which was expanding France and 
 England, crossed the Atlantic for new fields of conquest 
 it could effect an entrance at first into only one colony, 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 It is interesting to speculate on what would have been 
 the probable effect on Franklin's mind if, instead of 
 migrating to Pennsylvania at the age of seventeen, he 
 had remained in Boston, where he was born. It is not 
 likely that he would have become a man of science at 
 all, and the discovery that lightning and thunder and 
 the aurora borealis were forms of electricity would have 
 
 214 
 
Early Development of Science and Arts 
 
 been connected with some other name. We have a 
 complete history of these seventeen years which he 
 spent in Boston, and there is nothing to show that at 
 that time he had any inclination or taste for science, or 
 that there was anything in his surroundings which would 
 draw him in that direction. 
 
 During those years from 1706 to 1723, Boston and 
 Massachusetts were still thoroughly theological, and 
 continued so, though with less and less intensity, until 
 after the Revolution. The theology was of the objective, 
 dogmatic type, in which facts must yield to principles. 
 It is true that during Franklin's boyhood there was a 
 small coterie of Deists in the colony who gradually 
 developed the unitarianism which in the next century 
 became the prevailing form of Massachusetts religion. 
 Franklin, though a boy, belonged to this set, and it was 
 by them that his religious opinions were formed. But 
 they were few in numbers and seldom dared to express 
 themselves openly. 
 
 Franklin is described by his biographers as always at 
 war with the prevailing tone of thought he found in 
 Boston. If he had remained in Massachusetts he might 
 have helped to force an earlier development of unitarian- 
 ism. But he would never have become a man of science, 
 for his whole energy would have been absorbed in merely 
 clearing the ground for the admission of the scientific 
 method, freedom of thought. In Pennsylvania he found 
 the ground already cleared for him, and in all his numer- 
 ous writings there is not a sentence in which he com- 
 plains of any lack of liberty in his adopted colony. On 
 the contrary it suited him perfectly, and he flourished 
 
 in it. 
 
 21S 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 In Pennsylvania, in colonial times, the men who be- 
 came conspicuous in the most advanced science of the 
 age, who made original investigations in it and gained a 
 world-wide reputation, were numerous and quite distin- 
 guished. First among them, of course, was FrankUn, 
 who, in 1752, made the wonderful discovery that the 
 thunder and lightning of the summer storms and the 
 aurora of the winter were manifestations of the same 
 mysterious fluid which shows itself when glass or am- 
 ber is rubbed with silk. He proved this by a series of 
 ingenious and dangerous experiments which were re- 
 peated all over Europe, and would alone have made him 
 immortal. 
 
 He was thoroughly possessed of the new spirit and 
 method. His mind was free, and his whole life was 
 passed in original research. He could not live or move 
 without making some sort of investigation. He arranged 
 his house with a set of lightning-rods, connected with 
 bells in such a way that the bells would ring whenever 
 the air was unusually charged with electricity, or a 
 thunder-storm passed over, often to the great alarm of 
 his wife. 
 
 He invented the lightning-rod. He discovered the 
 phenomenon of positive and negative electricity. He 
 explained for the first time the action of the Leyden jar. 
 He studied storms and their causes, the wind, rain, 
 atmosphere, water-spouts, and whirlwinds. By careful 
 observations he established the fact that the northeast 
 storms of the Atlantic coast usually move against the 
 wind, and he was the first to call attention to other 
 similar phenomena which are now familiar to every one. 
 
 There is scarcely a single one of the modern sciences 
 216 
 
Early Development of Science and Arts 
 
 the elements of which were not more or less developed 
 by him. He was the first man who wrote in English on 
 the modern science of political economy, and he sug- 
 gested some of the principles which are now elementary 
 in it. It was a chance sentence of his that aroused 
 Malthus to develop his peculiar theory of population, 
 and when that theory was attacked some of its oppo- 
 nents thought that the surest way to weaken it was to 
 strike at the original source, and prove not that Malthus, 
 but that Franklin was wrong. 
 
 The unrestrained condition of thought in Pennsylvania 
 affected a large part of the community, and aroused 
 other men besides Franklin. He had three intimate 
 friends, Ebenezer Kinnersley, Thomas Hopkinson, and 
 Philip Syng, who experimented in electricity, sometimes 
 in company with the great master, and sometimes by 
 themselves. Indeed, Franklin was at one time accused 
 of having stolen some of his discoveries from Kinnersley. 
 They undoubtedly gave him much assistance, and made 
 many small discoveries, no one of them very important 
 in itself But science is largely made up of an aggre- 
 gation of trifles. Thus, Hopkinson revealed the power 
 of points to throw off electricity as well as to receive it, 
 and Syng invented a new electrical machine. But the 
 important thing to notice about these men was, that they 
 were entirely devoted to original research and discovery, 
 and cared for past knowledge only as it contributed to 
 progress. 
 
 The man who ranked next to Franklin in Pennsylvania 
 
 science was David Rittenhouse. On his father's side he 
 
 traced his ancestry to Holland, but his mother was a 
 
 Welshwoman. He was a mathematical genius, invented 
 
 217 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 the metallic thermometer, developed the construction of 
 the compensation pendulum, and made valuable experi- 
 ments on the compressibility of water. 
 
 But the most prominent act of his life was the part he 
 took in observing the transit of Venus in 1769. Up to 
 that time this interesting phenomenon of such rare oc- 
 currence, and so important to astronomers, had never 
 been carefully observed, and accuracy in it had become 
 more necessary than ever, because, as had been pointed 
 out, it would afford the best data for calculating the 
 dimensions of the solar system. Elaborate preparations 
 were made in Europe; and the various governments 
 dispatched astronomers to Hudson's Bay, Otaheite, Cal- 
 ifornia, and Pekin. 
 
 At the suggestion of Rittenhouse, Pennsylvania alone 
 of all the American colonies decided to take observa- 
 tions of her own ; and it is another striking instance of 
 the wide spread of the scientific spirit in the colony that 
 the whole community were interested in the under- 
 taking. 
 
 The Legislature, the public institutions, and even the 
 economical proprietor, Thomas Penn, supplied funds and 
 apparatus, and the preparations were in charge of the 
 Philosophical Society of Philadelphia, the only organiza- 
 tion of its kind in the colonies. Three points of obser- 
 vation were selected, — Cape Henlopen, Philadelphia, and 
 Norriton, the home of Rittenhouse ; and apparatus was 
 obtained for all three. When the reports were sent in, 
 not only from the three Pennsylvania observations, but 
 also from the others in different parts of the world, the 
 practical skill of Rittenhouse as an observer became so 
 apparent, that he at once achieved a world-wide reputa- 
 
 218 
 
Early Development of Science and Arts 
 
 tion. He had constructed with his own hands all the 
 apparatus he used at Norriton, and, not content with 
 that, had, immediately after the emergence of the planet, 
 made the first correct determination of a solar parallax. 
 
 He excelled in every undertaking which required the 
 practical application of astronomy. His orrery was an 
 advance on all others, and instead of giving only the 
 apparent movements of the planets, as had formerly 
 been done, it gave their real movements. This achieve- 
 ment added greatly to his fame abroad. His first orrery 
 was bought by Princeton College, and he had to build a 
 second to be bought by the University of Pennsylvania. 
 The Legislature of Pennsylvania then voted him three 
 hundred pounds as a testimony to his mathematical 
 genius, and also appropriated four hundred pounds to 
 buy from him an orrery of double the dimensions of 
 the other two. 
 
 Another Pennsylvanian who gained a world-wide repu- 
 tation in science was John Bartram. He was the first 
 botanist who described the plants of the new world, and 
 in this pursuit he explored the whole country from 
 Lake Ontario to Florida. Botany at that time had 
 received an immense impulse and had been turned into 
 a modern science by the classification of plants invented 
 by Linnaeus. His classification extended beyond the 
 sphere of botany, and he advanced the whole subject of 
 biology by showing for the first time the true principles 
 for defining genera and species. Linnaeus and Bartram 
 were almost exact contemporaries, being born within six 
 years of each other, and dying, Linnasus in 1778 and 
 Bartram in 1777. 
 
 On the banks of the Schuylkill, within the present 
 
 219 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 limits of Philadelphia, Bartram established the first 
 botanic garden in America, and the remains of it are 
 still to be seen. He was appointed by the crown 
 American botanist to the king, with a small pension, and 
 Linnaeus pronounced him the greatest natural botanist 
 in the world. 
 
 Bartram's botanic garden was laid out on part of hia 
 farm at Gray's Ferry, where the highway from PhiladeU 
 phia to the south and west passed over a floating bridge 
 on the Schuylkill. The garden is now preserved as one 
 of the city parks, but is in an unpleasant neighborhood, 
 surrounded by gas-works and factories. In Bartram's 
 time, however, and long afterwards it was an attractive 
 spot and one of the favorite drives from the city. Trav- 
 ellers to and from the Southern States always passed 
 that way. Washington and the other great Virginians 
 often crossed that floating bridge, and were frequently 
 guests at Bartram's house. 
 
 For many years his house was the resort of all the 
 distinguished foreigners who came to Philadelphia ; and 
 they usually went away charmed with their Quaker 
 host's intelligence, learning, and simplicity. Franklin, 
 Rittenhouse, Wilson, Rush, Shippen, and all the early 
 distinguished physicians of Philadelphia were his friends. 
 The " Washington Room" in the house is still pointed 
 out. There is still in the garden an enormous cypress, 
 which he brought home from one of his trips to^the 
 southern swamps ; also a cider-mill and a horse-trough, 
 both hewn out of solid rock, and near by can still 
 be seen the head-stone which marks the grave of a 
 favorite slave, whom he is said to have buried with his 
 own hands. 
 
Early Development of Science and Arts 
 
 Thomas Godfrey was a mathematical genius who 
 might have been almost the equal of Rittenhouse if 
 it had not been for his habits of intemperance and his 
 early death in his forty-fifth year. Besides showing 
 great brilliancy in unimportant matters, he succeeded in 
 making a permanent improvement in the quadrant, for 
 which the Royal Society gave him two hundred pounds' 
 worth of furniture, — a form of reward which, it was 
 hoped, might not be consumed in drink. 
 
 There were, of course, other men in the colony who 
 were much interested in science, without becoming 
 world-wide in their reputation, like Bartram, Rittenhouse, 
 and Franklin. For example. Dr. Benjamin S. Barton, 
 after practising medicine with great success for many 
 years, was appointed in 1789 to the professorship of 
 botany and natural history in Philadelphia College, now 
 the University of Pennsylvania. This was the first pro- 
 fessorship and he was the first professor of these subjects 
 in America. He wrote a number of books, which are 
 said to have laid the foundations of the American school 
 of natural history. Among his works are the first 
 American book on elementary botany and the first 
 American book on materia medica. His nephew became 
 a distinguished surgeon, and lengthened the long list of 
 Philadelphia's famous physicians. 
 
 Alexander Wilson, the first American ornithologist, 
 should be mentioned in this connection. He was born 
 in Scotland in 1766, and came to Pennsylvania when he 
 was twenty-eight years old. He cannot be claimed as 
 altogether a Pennsylvanian, but it is noteworthy, that, 
 although he showed some taste for natural history while 
 in Scotland, he never did any serious work in it until he 
 
 321 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 had lived for some time in this commonwealth, and con- 
 versed with Bartram, who turned his attention towards 
 birds. 
 
 Wilson started on his first expedition into the woods 
 in 1804, and from that time the volumes of his work 
 began to appear. He was the first man to describe, from 
 actual scientific observation, the birds of North America. 
 Books have since appeared which perhaps excelled his in 
 the engraved plates, although even in this respect Wil- 
 son's drawing was admirable. But no writer on the same 
 subject has excelled him in power of description, and to 
 this day he remains a classic. 
 
 Audubon, the other distinguished American naturalist 
 of that time, was also closely connected with Pennsyl- 
 vania. He was born in Louisiana in 1780, but came to 
 live in Pennsylvania with his parents when he was 
 eighteen, having previously spent a couple of years in 
 Paris, where he learned to draw under David. 
 
 Pennsylvania had the same effect on Thomas Nuttall 
 as upon Wilson. Nuttall was a journeyman printer, 
 born in England, who came to Philadelphia in 1808, 
 when he was about twenty-two. He was brought in 
 contact with Professor Barton, who persuaded him to 
 study the trees of North America, and he very soon be- 
 gan travelling over the continent, and penetrated to the 
 Pacific Ocean, a great feat at that time. 
 
 He returned by sea from the coast of California on the 
 same ship in which young Richard Henry Dana, of 
 Boston, was a common sailor. He is described in Dana's 
 " Two Years Before the Mast," from the point of view 
 of a Jack-tar who had a supreme contempt for the seedy 
 and sea-sick professor. But Nuttall survived it. He was 
 
Early Development of Science and Arts 
 
 at one time curator of the botanic gardens at Harvard, 
 and his three volumes of " North American Sylva," to- 
 gether with his other books, are still standard authorities. 
 
 It is, perhaps, a significant fact that Joseph Priestley, 
 a very distinguished man of science, who discovered 
 oxygen, furnished the means of discovering several other 
 gases, and who is often spoken of by his eulogists as 
 the creator of modern chemistry, sought Pennsylvania as 
 a refuge. He was so outspoken in his views, he carried 
 the deductions of science so far in advance of his time, 
 and he was so radical in politics that he was persecuted 
 in England, and on one occasion the mob destroyed his 
 house, library, and manuscripts. He fled to Pennsyl- 
 vania in 1794, and spent the remainder of his days at 
 Northumberland, at the forks of the Susquehanna. 
 
 The favorable conditions which existed in Pennsyl- 
 vania for the growth of science are further shown by 
 the rapidity with which the study of medicine was de- 
 veloped there. The great discoveries in medicine and 
 surgery, as in every other science, have been made since 
 the Reformation, and are the result of the new mode of 
 reasoning which it introduced. What was known before 
 that period is mere nothing to what has been discovered 
 since. 
 
 By the beginning of the eighteenth century, the ad- 
 vancement in this most useful of occupations was con- 
 siderable, and among the colonies in America, Pennsyl- 
 vania was the first to be affected by it. The first Amer- 
 ican book on a medical subject was a little volume by 
 Dr. Thomas Cadwallader, treating of the iliac passion, 
 and written and published in Philadelphia in 1740. The 
 first American hospital was established in Philadelphia 
 
 223 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 in 175 1, by the efforts of Dr. Bond. The first separate 
 dispensary was also founded there in 1786, and there 
 had previously been one connected with the hospital. 
 
 To the same city is also due the honor of the first 
 medical school and the first systematic teaching of medi- 
 cine. The medical department of the University of 
 Pennsylvania was started in 1765. But a regular course 
 of medical lectures had been delivered since 1762. 
 
 All this was in advance of any of the other colonies. 
 New York followed closely after with a medical school 
 attached to King's College in 1767. But it was sus- 
 pended by the Revolution, and not started again until 
 1792. It was not by any means successful until 181 3, 
 when, several other medical schools springing up, it was 
 united to the College of Physicians and Surgeons, which 
 has now become famous. 
 
 Boston had no medical school until 1783, no dis- 
 pensary until 1796, and no general hospital till 181 1. 
 New York started a hospital in 1773, but before the 
 building was entirely completed it was burnt, and, the 
 Revolution intervening, it was not rebuilt till 1791. 
 
 Boston, however, must be given the credit of intro- 
 ducing inoculation for the small-pox as early as 1721. 
 But it was introduced by the ministers, headed by Cot- 
 ton Mather. There was only one regular graduate in 
 medicine at that time in Massachusetts, Dr. William 
 Douglass, and he opposed it. 
 
 Dr. Rush, Philadelphia's first great physician, has 
 been frequently called the Father of American Medicine. 
 He was a curious man, very much devoted to the prac- 
 tice and teaching of his profession, and yet at the same 
 time taking considerable part in politics. He signed the 
 
 224 
 
Early Development of Science and Arts 
 
 Declaration of Independence, and was a member of the 
 cabal which attempted to deprive Washington of the 
 command and put Gates in his place. He was positive 
 in his opinions, reckless and violent in stating them, and 
 got into some fierce medical controversies, especially on 
 the subject of the yellow fever. Most opposite opinions 
 of him have been expressed. His admirers describe him 
 as " a brilliant star in the galaxy of American worthies,'' 
 and associate his fame with Howard, Sydenham, and 
 Washington. Others, who happened to dislike his 
 theories, describe him as a writer of " utter nonsense and 
 unqualified absurdity," of " unintelligible and preposter- 
 ous assertions." 
 
 But his reputation went far beyond his own State and 
 country, and his fame in Europe was by no means 
 trifling. Since his time Philadelphia has never been 
 without one or more physicians of national and European 
 reputation. The line begins with Rush, Morgan, and 
 Shippen, and comes down unbroken through Wistar, 
 Jackson, and Barton, to Mitchell, Gross, Agnew, and 
 others of our own time. All through the colonial pe- 
 riod, and down to the middle of the present century, 
 Philadelphia was the centre of medical education in this 
 country, and still retains a large part of this pre-eminence. 
 
 The first scientific society in America was founded at 
 Philadelphia, and called the American Philosophical 
 Society. It still exists, and retains its valuable library, 
 manuscripts, and rare collections. It was organized at 
 the suggestion of Franklin in 1744, but was rather un- 
 successful for some years, until, in 1769, it was joined by 
 the famous Junto, another society of very much the same 
 character, also founded by Franklin. He was for a long 
 15 22s 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 time the president of the Philosophical Society, and was 
 succeeded by Rittenhouse. Thomas Jefferson and other 
 prominent persons throughout the colonies were mem- 
 bers, and during the colonial period it was the only 
 society of its kind in the country, and held a very prom- 
 inent position. 
 
 Philadelphia is still the home of learned societies. 
 The Academy of Natural Sciences, founded there in 
 1 8 12, is the oldest as well as the most complete institu- 
 tion of its kind in America. The most prominent names 
 in American science are on its rolls. It has the largest 
 collection of shells in the world, and until within a few 
 years had the largest collection of birds. Its library 
 is also unrivalled. 
 
 It has been built up by the individual efforts and do- 
 nations of Philadelphians, and by the natural interest in 
 science which has always existed in the city. Until 
 within the last few years it had received no assistance 
 from the State. Taken as a whole it is equalled only by 
 institutions in Europe which have received frequent aid 
 from the government. 
 
 It has taken active part in several important Arctic 
 expeditions, among them that led by Dr. Kane in 1852 
 and the one led by Dr. Hayes in i860. Both Kane and 
 Hayes were Philadelphians and members of the academy. 
 
 When we examine carefully into the early history of 
 this institution, which grew so rapidly to such large pro- 
 portions, we find that it was not founded by professional 
 and distinguished men of science, nor by men of wealth 
 who were seeking to perpetuate their names, but by plain, 
 ordinary persons who represented the average ability 
 and feeling of the city. 
 
 226 
 
Early Development of Science and Arts 
 
 The founders were John Speakman, an apothecary, 
 and Jacob Gilliams, a dentist. They were young men 
 who had a taste for natural history as amateurs. They 
 were joined by others, also apparently average men. At 
 their first meeting they decided that the "operations 
 of nature demanded unprejudiced attention and severe 
 scrutiny;" that sectarians had always been "prone to 
 oppose the promulgation of any newly discovered fact 
 which seemed to militate against their dogmas ;" there- 
 fore they excluded from their debates all discussion of 
 religion or even reference to it. They also put politics 
 under the same ban. 
 
 They began in a small room over a milliner's shop, on 
 Second Street, where they placed their first few speci- 
 mens and books. Other young men have often begun 
 similar collections, but their seed was not sown in such 
 fertile soil. The score or so of rocks and bottles of the 
 young dentist and the young apothecary drew their vig- 
 orous life and rapid growth not so much from their first 
 owners as from the fruitful, scientific feeling of the city in 
 which they were placed. 
 
 The Franklin Institute, devoted to the promotion of 
 the mechanic arts, and established in 1824, is another 
 Philadelphia society of wide reputation. It is interesting 
 as marking a turning-point in the advancement of science. 
 
 Some writers place the beginning of modern science 
 since the year 1800, and they are right, so far as concerns 
 the practical application of science to the mechanic arts 
 and to useful inventions like the steam-engine and tele- 
 graph. Science began by being theoretical. The theo- 
 rists had to clear the ground, discover the elementary 
 
 laws of matter, and start the habit of observing nature 
 
 227 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 as she actually existed, and not as the theologians sup- 
 posed she ought to exist. But by the beginning of the 
 present century the work of the theorists was so thor- 
 oughly done that the applications of science to every- 
 day affairs became very numerous. A new class of in- 
 stitutions sprang up for the purpose of giving instruction 
 and information to the men engaged in such employ- 
 ments. The polytechnic schools and the schools of 
 mines in France and Switzerland were among the first 
 of these. But the want was felt everywhere, and it is 
 noteworthy that during the years 1823 and 1824, when 
 the Franklin Institute was being founded in Philadelphia, 
 the first mechanics' institute was being founded in 
 England. 
 
 During the colonial period, and for some time after- 
 wards, Pennsylvania, like the rest of the scientific world, 
 had been engaged in discovering the elementary laws 
 and in developing the preliminary theories, and in this 
 she led all the other colonies. When the theories were 
 absorbed into practical applications, and modern science 
 in the full sense of the word began, Pennsylvania was 
 again at the head, and established the first Amerjcan 
 institution for diffusing a knowledge of the new spirit of 
 the age among mechanics and manufacturers. 
 
 The Franklin Institute, in its early days, conducted 
 some important investigations in water-motors, the 
 causes of the explosion of steam-boilers, and the strength 
 of materials, subjects which are now fully developed and 
 commonplace enough, but at that time comparatively 
 new and untried. The institute also, from time to time, 
 gave a large number of medals and premiums to encour- 
 age investigators and inventors. These are still given 
 
 22S 
 
Early Development of Science and Arts 
 
 in the same careful manner, are eagerly sought for, and 
 when obtained, carry respect for their holder all over the 
 world. 
 
 The journal of the institute, published every year 
 since its foundation, is an authority and a source of 
 quotation wherever modern science is taught. Descrip- 
 tions of the first twenty-nine hundred patents issued by 
 the United States government are to be found only 
 within its covers, and from its first volume to its last it 
 is generally regarded as an almost complete history of 
 the growth of applied science. 
 
 Under the auspices of the Franklin was reared 
 Thomas U. Walter, the architect of the capitol at Wash- 
 ington, who began life as a bricklayer ; also Alexander 
 Dallas Bache, a combination of two well-known Phila- 
 delphia names, who was finally appointed superintendent 
 of the United States Coast Survey, and to whose skill 
 and training are due the accuracy and comprehensive- 
 ness of that work which has challenged so much admi- 
 ration. 
 
 In 1833, when an attempt was made to introduce gas- 
 lighting in Philadelphia, many of the principal citizens, 
 amounting in all to several hundred, remonstrated and 
 petitioned the city councils not to adopt it. This action 
 has often been cited as showing the slow and unpro- 
 gressive spirit of Philadelphians. But a careful examina- 
 tion of the circumstances reveals an altogether different 
 meaning. 
 
 The remonstrance was largely inspired by gentlemen 
 connected with the Franklin Institute, who knew as 
 mechanical experts that the proposed method of intro- 
 ducing gas was incomplete and dangerous. In fact, 
 
 229 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 it would now be considered as an intolerable nuisance. 
 The result of the remonstrance was that Mr. Samuel V. 
 Merrick, a prominent member of the Franklin, was sent 
 to Europe to collect information and plans of all the 
 best improvements. He obtained access to all the gas- 
 works in England and on the continent, and was al- 
 lowed to inspect and draw plans on condition that 
 he would not reveal any of their secrets to rivals in the 
 same community. He returned with a complete and 
 practical knowledge of the best methods then known, 
 and they were combined for the first time in America in 
 the Philadelphia Gas- Works. 
 
 Many of the former opponents of gas-lighting united in 
 recommending the new plan, which was copied all over the 
 Union, and works previously in operation were remod- 
 elled. Not only did the rest of the country come to 
 Philadelphia for instruction, but her combination of the 
 best methods was returned to Europe, and had an im- 
 portant influence in improving the mechanism of the es- 
 tabhshments from which it had been originally obtained. 
 
 Another instance of early success in mechanical appli- 
 cations may also be mentioned. The pumping-works at 
 Fairmount, by which the water of the Schuylkill is raised 
 to the reservoirs, were erected in 1819, were unsurpassed 
 at that time in their class of mechanism, and remained 
 without a rival until almost up to the time of the Civil 
 War. 
 
 In 1824, when the Franklin Institute started, manu- 
 facturing was well under way in Philadelphia, and the 
 city had already become remarkable for its industries. 
 There had previously been a manufacturing society 
 which gave premiums as early as 1789, and the Phila- 
 
 230 
 
Early Development of Science and Arts 
 
 delphia Premium Society had been established in i8oi. 
 There was also a periodical called " The American Mu- 
 seum," issued by Mathew Carey, and devoted to the 
 encouragement of mechanics. Manufacturing is now 
 the most characteristic feature and the controlling ele- 
 ment in all Pennsylvanian civilization ; and this assertion 
 maybe regarded as the fundamental proposition, without 
 which it is impossible to understand the modern condi- 
 tion of the State, and especially the modern condition of 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 If we look further into the history of the matter, we 
 find that in colonial times manufacturing was positively 
 prohibited by the British government in all her colonies, 
 but that in spite of this command Pennsylvania always 
 had a strong tendency towards such industries, and leaned 
 against the barriers as much as she dared. The colonial 
 governors were required to act as spies in this respect, 
 and there are a number of their letters extant reporting 
 to England that very few attempts were made at manu- 
 facturing, and those /ew hardly worth the trouble of 
 suppressing. 
 
 Investigation, however, shows that there was probably 
 more manufacturing than the governors had any idea of, 
 or else they were willing to wink at it. The vicious 
 tendency of the colony in this direction usually showed 
 itself in the making of hats, carpets, glass-ware, linen 
 goods, also in ship-building, and in utilizing the great 
 natural wealth of the mountains to produce pig iron. 
 Nearly all these industries are still in existence, and have 
 had a steady development and success. 
 
 It is needless to say that iron-making is still one of 
 the great sources of our wealth. Hat-making is also 
 
 231 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 still a large industry, having had a continuous existence 
 in the State for nearly two hundred years. 
 
 Another industry which was firmly established in 
 colonial times, and still flourishes, is paper-making. 
 Some of the early Germans who settled on the banks of 
 the Wissahickon, now within the limits of Fairmount 
 Park, established the first American paper-mills. Wagons 
 loaded with rags were until recently seen, as they were 
 seen for a hundred and fifty years, following the roads 
 which wind through those romantic ravines. 
 
 Some of these same Pennsylvania Dutch who settled 
 Germantown established the knitting-mills of that place, 
 which have become famous for their product the world 
 over. The industry has now spread to the city, and 
 become of still greater importance. Like the industries 
 of iron, paper, and hats, it seems to be rooted in the soil. 
 
 The British government appears to have had no 
 objection to the ship-building, nor to the manufacture 
 of pig iron, provided it stopped at that stage, and was 
 not turned into steel or into articles or implements. An 
 act of Parliament expressly forbade any rolling- or slitting- 
 mills, or any establishment for the production of steel. 
 But it was in vain for any government to try to keep 
 Pennsylvanians from their natural vocations. At the 
 time of the Revolution, Philadelphia seems to have been 
 full of mechanics, who made steel, nails, screws, gimlets, 
 firearms, saws, and all kinds of machinery. 
 
 The natural instinct for manufacturing was still more 
 clearly shown when the Revolution removed the barriers, 
 and all these industries, and others in addition, sprang 
 at once into a flourishing condition. The Pennsyl- 
 vanians became manufacturers and protectionists at one 
 
 232 
 
Early Development of Science and Arts 
 
 bound. The National Constitution had hardly been 
 passed when, in 1789, they petitioned Congress to lay 
 such duties on imported goods as would give a pref- 
 erence to the mechanics of Pennsylvania. 
 
 John Mellish, an English writer, the author of " Travels 
 in the United States of America in the Years 1806-7 ^"d 
 1809— II," seems to have been very much impressed with 
 his discovery that Philadelphia was a great manufacturing 
 centre. He gives the credit to the steady habits of the 
 Quakers. 
 
 Dr. Mease's "Picture of Philadelphia in 181 1" is also 
 of some interest. He describes the city as at that time 
 the largest on the continent, with a population of one 
 hundred and eleven thousand two hundred, as against 
 ninety-two thousand three hundred, the population of 
 Manhattan Island. He describes large establishments 
 for edge-tools, tin-ware, silver-plate, oil-cloths, earthen- 
 ware, brewing, drugs, ship-building, shot, paints, spinning 
 machinery, hosiery, leather, especially morocco, carriages, 
 hats, type-founding, firearms, all kinds of iron-ware, 
 fifteen rope-walks, and ten sugar refineries. Nearly all 
 of these will be recognized at once as industries which 
 still continue, some of them having reached great impor- 
 tance. 
 
 But, without going into further details, a glance at the 
 statistics shows that in 1850 the value of Philadelphia's 
 annual manufacturing product was sixty-three million 
 dollars. Following down the column, we see it rolling 
 up every year until it now reaches the enormous figure 
 of over five hundred miUion dollars, of which two hun- 
 dred million dollars represents textile fabrics alone. 
 
 The remarkable part of this industry is that it is very 
 233 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 much diversified. The coal and iron industries of the 
 State are natural products of the soil, and it would be 
 expected in the ordinary course of things that they 
 should be great. But the other industries are all what 
 might be called artificial. They are not the natural pro- 
 ducts of the soil, but the products of energy, enterprise, 
 scientific skill, and sound judgment in affairs. 
 
 When we come to look into their diversification we 
 find that in Philadelphia alone the industries are divided 
 into over five hundred different classes, conducted in 
 over twelve thousand different establishments. The 
 number of people directly employed is two hundred and 
 fifty thousand, about one-fifth of the whole population. 
 
 When we add to all this the manufacturing done 
 throughout the State, the petroleum, glass, iron, and steel, 
 we begin to realize the controlling characteristic before 
 which everything else, except the railroads, must bend, 
 and before which everything else, except the railroads, 
 is insignificant. 
 
 It would be long to tell of the many and various in- 
 stances in which Pennsylvania has excelled in the me- 
 chanic arts. Nearly all the great and peculiar mechanical 
 structures of the country have been made in our State ; 
 the great iron light-houses, the greatest steam-vessels 
 and war-ships ; in fact it has been said that there is no 
 mechanic contrivance or device of modern times which 
 cannot be built within the boundaries of Pennsylvania. 
 
 The State was among the earliest in railroad enter- 
 prise. The Baldwin Locomotive- Works began with the 
 first development of railroads in the United States about 
 1829, and have kept even pace with that development 
 ever since, inventing, improving, and perfecting, uphold- 
 
 234 
 
Early Development of Science and Arts 
 
 ing a high standard, and advancing and improving 
 every department of the art. Philadelphia was among 
 the earliest places to experiment with the steam-engine, 
 and the first successfiil American engines were made 
 there. Beginning at a time when to build a single 
 locomotive that would draw a train in wet weather and 
 on a slippery track was considered a great feat, the 
 Baldwin establishment has now become the greatest 
 locomotive-works in the world, and receives orders 
 from Canada, South America, Austria, Russia, and, 
 indeed, every country where such machines are used. 
 
 In building and managing railroads Pennsylvania has 
 again shown the ascendency of her mechanic skill. By 
 the year 1858 she had more than one hundred and 
 thirty million dollars invested in these enterprises, and 
 in 1878 over five hundred and ninety million dollars. 
 The Pennsylvania Railroad has long been regarded as a 
 model for the whole country. The smoothness of its 
 road-bed, the alignment of the tracks, the convenience 
 of its equipment, and the completeness of its organization 
 have given rise to the expression " Pennsylvania Rail- 
 road standard," as a test of merit. It has become a 
 school of railroading, and apprenticeships in its depart- 
 ments are eagerly sought. 
 
 In ship-building Philadelphia was long pre-eminent, 
 especially in colonial times and for many years after. It 
 was a Philadelphia ship, the " Rebecca Sims," that 
 in 1807 made the passage from the capes of the Dela- 
 ware to Liverpool in fourteen days, a speed which has 
 never since been equalled by a sailing vessel. When 
 the American navy was formed after the adoption of the 
 Constitution, the first navy-yard was placed at Philadel- 
 
 23s 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 phia and the first war-ships were built there. In the 
 re-establishment of our navy, which is still in progress, 
 most of the ships have been built in Pennsylvania, either 
 at Roach's yard at Chester, or at Cramp's in Philadel- 
 phia, and all the guns and armor-plate have been made 
 at Bethlehem or at Pittsburgh. 
 
 In spite of the large manufacturing population in 
 Philadelphia, there is no tenement-house system, no 
 unwholesome crowding, and none of the suffering and 
 misery often seen in towns of one-tenth its size ; the 
 large tracts of level land in the city allow of indefinite 
 expansion, and the workmen live in small houses 
 instead of tenement flats. 
 
 Our State is undoubtedly overwhelmingly manu- 
 facturing, " saturated with 'JndustriaHsm," — the result of 
 tendencies that have been working for two hundred 
 years. It has led our people to become distinguished as 
 organizers of men and of industries, as the Massachu- 
 setts people are distinguished as organizers of thought 
 and its expression. This is very strikingly shown in the 
 long list of remarkable military men that we have 
 produced, — a list unequalled in any other State. 
 
 In the Revolution we had Armstrong, Wayne, Muh- 
 lenberg, and Mifflin, all of them remarkable in their 
 way. In the Civil War we had the very great names 
 of Meade, McClellan, Hancock, Reynolds, Meigs, and 
 Heintzelman; the lesser names of Hartranft, Gregg, 
 Humphreys, Gibbon, and Parke ; among the admirals, 
 Porter and Dahlgren ; and before the Civil War, Com- 
 modore Stewart. 
 
 236 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE CONNECTICUT INVASION. 
 
 The Connecticut people were not a very numerous 
 part of the population of Pennsylvania until about the 
 time of the Revolution, but they made up for this lack 
 of numbers by their activity and the largeness of their 
 demands. Like the other divisions, they wanted to live 
 by themselves. They claimed the northern half of the 
 province as their own, and maintained their possession 
 of a part of it by force of arms. 
 
 If any one will look at a map of the United States and 
 carry out the northern and southern boundaries of Con- 
 necticut to the westward, he will see that they slice off 
 nearly the whole of the upper half of Pennsylvania. The 
 northern line of Connecticut will correspond very closely 
 with the northern line of Pennsylvania, passing, in fact, 
 only about a mile or so to the north of it, and the extreme 
 southern limit of Connecticut, if carried westward, will 
 pass a short distance above the forks of the Susque- 
 hanna.* 
 
 The two little colonies of New Haven and Connecticut, 
 the latter being situated at Hartford, were amalgamated 
 into one commonwealth under a charter granted by 
 Charles H. in 1662. At the time of their first settlement 
 they had no definite legal title to the land they occupied, 
 
 * Cee map (frontispiece). 
 237 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 and they had no charter giving them the right of civil 
 government. The Connecticut Colony at Hartford was 
 an offshoot from Massachusetts. The New Haven 
 people had come direct from England. They were all 
 Puritans of the sturdiest stock, aggressive, enterprising, 
 and independent. They occupied the land by squatter 
 sovereignty, and with about the same feeling that inspired 
 their fellow-Calvinists, the Scotch-Irish, who planted 
 themselves on the Pennsylvania frontier. It seemed like 
 a pleasant place ; they wanted it. They were the saints, 
 and the saints, as we all know, shall inherit the earth. 
 
 The Connecticut Colony at Hartford soon purchased 
 a title to their land from Lord Say and Seal, and others, 
 who had received a grant from the Plymouth Council, 
 who were the grantees of the king. But this grant gave 
 the Connecticut Colony merely an ownership of the land, 
 and conferred no powers of civil government. The New 
 Haven Colony remained without title until amalgamated 
 with Connecticut. 
 
 The two colonies began their existence almost entirely 
 independent of Great Britain. Their connection with 
 the mother country was nominal. Even after they were 
 chartered in 1662 they were allowed to elect their own 
 governors, and had pretty much all the essentials of 
 independence. 
 
 Having originally acquired their land simply by taking 
 it, and having enjoyed so much independence in their 
 civil government, they naturally grew up with rather 
 liberal views as to their right to any additional territory 
 that pleased their fancy. They were never altogether 
 satisfied with their narrow limits in New England. Large 
 families have been fashionable among them^ and they 
 
 238 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 have always overflowed their borders. There is no 
 State in the Union that has colonized so many other 
 communities. They have built up a large part of New 
 York, pretty much the whole of Vermont, the famous 
 Western Reserve in Ohio, and innumerable towns in the 
 Great Valley of the Mississippi. We have already dis- 
 cussed their attempts to effect a settlement on the Dela- 
 ware in the time of the Swedes and Dutch. We must 
 now consider their more serious and determined devo- 
 tion to that region. 
 
 The charter under which New Haven and Connecticut 
 united themselves after the year 1662 gave them for 
 an eastern boundary Narragansett Bay and the same 
 northern and southern boundaries as at present, namely, 
 the Massachusetts line on the north and Long Island 
 Sound on the south. But, hke many of the charters of 
 that time, it extended their dominion westward to the 
 Pacific Ocean, or, as it was then called, the South Sea. 
 
 There was a proviso in the charter saying that there 
 should be excepted from this grant any portions of 
 territory "then possessed or inhabited by any other 
 Christian prince or state." Such forms of expression 
 were usually inserted in colonial charters. But they 
 were hardly necessary, because they merely stated a 
 general rule of law which prevailed, whether the charter 
 recognized it or not. The New Netherlands, or New 
 York, long occupied by the Dutch, came within this 
 exception, and, when the Connecticut charter was 
 granted, lay directly in the path of its westward course 
 of empire. But having skipped New York, that empire 
 began again, and passed cheerfully westward, cutting 
 out large portions of the present commonwealths of 
 
 239 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Nebraska, 
 Wyoming, Utah, Nevada, and California. 
 
 This was all well enough for many years, and Con- 
 necticut held an undisputed dominion over millions of 
 acres of forests and prairie, and millions of buffalo and 
 elk. But in 1681, Charles II., who had given Connecticut 
 her charter nineteen years before, gave another charter 
 to William Penn which overlapped Connecticut's western 
 domain where it passed through Pennsylvania. Con- 
 necticut maintained that she was first in time, and there- 
 fore first in right, and that this second grant, so far as it 
 covered her territory, was void. 
 
 The question was submitted in 1761 by the Penn 
 family to Lord Camden, then plain Charles Pratt, a 
 barrister and attorney-general to the Crown. He decided 
 against Connecticut. Soon afterwards four other dis- 
 tinguished barristers — Thurlow, Wedderburn, Jackson, 
 and Dunning — were asked by Connecticut to give their 
 opinion, and they decided against Pennsylvania. The 
 lawyers had in each instance given what their clients 
 wanted, and each side had a learned opinion in its favor. 
 
 In America a final decision was reached in 1782, by a 
 committee of Congress which had full power not merely 
 to give an opinion, but to definitely settle the question. 
 This tribunal decided in favor of Pennsylvania. Pre- 
 viously to that decision, Connecticut had always insisted 
 on what she believed to be her rights, and maintained 
 them against Pennsylvania by force. 
 
 About the middle of the eighteenth century her people 
 began to cast longing eyes out on their western way 
 beyond New York. Exploring parties were sent ; and 
 in the year 1750 some tired Puritans climbed the last 
 
 240 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 summits of the Blue Ridge, and looked down into the 
 Valley of Wyoming. They never forgot that scene. 
 Nor will our race ever look upon such a scene again. 
 
 The valley was about twenty-one miles long, and three 
 miles wide. The broad, rippling Susquehanna wound 
 through it, now burying itself in groves of sycamores, 
 and again flashing into the sunlight in wide expanses. 
 There were woodland and meadow, level plains and roll- 
 ing plains, and the remains of ancient fortifications of 
 a vanished race. Mountain-ranges bounded every side. 
 The river entered the valley from the north, through a 
 gap called the Lackawannock, and went out at the 
 southern end through the Nanticoke Gap. Both of these 
 gaps were just wide enough to admit the waters, and in 
 some places had perpendicular walls on either side cov- 
 ered with laurel and pine. The valley had evidently 
 been a deep lake which had gradually drained itself by 
 - erosion at its outlet, leaving a level fertile floor shut in 
 and secluded by the hills ; and this floor, as was after- 
 wards discovered, was underlaid by a bed of anthracite 
 coal. 
 
 The Delaware Indians held the eastern side and the 
 Shawanese the western side, with the river between 
 them. At the foot of the valley were the Nanticokes. 
 Game was abundant. The quail whistled in the meadows, 
 the grouse drummed in the woods, and the wild ducks 
 nested along the river. The deer and elk wandered at 
 will from the plains to the mountains. The streams 
 that poured down ravines to join the river were full of 
 trout, and in the spring large schools of shad came up 
 the Susquehanna. Wild grapes and plums grew in the 
 woods, and here and there on the plains the Indians had 
 
 l6 241 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 cultivated tracts of corn. It was an ideal spot, the 
 natural home of the hunter and the poet, a combination 
 of peace, beauty, abundance, and wild life such as is 
 seldom found. 
 
 The delight with which the men gazed from the moun- 
 tain-side, while the smoke from the Indian wigwams rose 
 into the still air, was quickened when they descended 
 and explored the plains. Only one white man had been 
 there before them, Count Zinzendorf, the Moravian mis- 
 sionary. They returned to Connecticut, and with kin- 
 dling eye and excited gesture described this paradise 
 they had found among the western hills. They were 
 laughed at as romancers. But the thrifty ones who 
 laughed were careful to send others to spy out the land. 
 The reports were confirmed, and from that time parties 
 from Connecticut visited the valley every season. 
 
 Wyoming entered deep into the Connecticut heart, 
 and the Yankee lovers were ready to measure their de- 
 votion with their lives. The solemn men of " the land 
 of steady habits" became unrestrained enthusiasts. Their 
 speech became eloquent and sometimes extravagant. 
 When Eliphalet Dyer was once urging the assembly 
 to more strenuous exertions in behalf of their western 
 settlement, an unsympathetic wit handed about an im- 
 promptu verse : 
 
 " Canaan of old, as we are told, 
 Where it did rain down manna, 
 Wa'n't half so good for heavenly food, 
 As Dyer makes Susquehanna." 
 
 Either from unusual ability to express their feelings or 
 
 from some other cause, these Connecticut settlers suc- 
 
 242 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 ceeded in making the beauty of their retreat known to 
 the whole world. It was the great natural wonder, the 
 Yosemite of that day. It aroused the interest and 
 became the talk of every one in England. It was de- 
 scribed as " one of the happiest spots of human existence, 
 both for the simplicity of its inhabitants and the beauty 
 and fertility of the land." 
 
 As time wore on, and the terrible conflicts with the 
 Indians were added to the charms of nature, imagination 
 became more and more aroused, until Campbell, the 
 English poet, expressed the general feeling of his coun- 
 trymen in Gertrude of Wyoming. This work of genius, 
 in spite of mistakes in detail, has now become as much a 
 part of the region as the rocks and streams. Gertrude 
 is not quite so well-known a character as Evangeline, 
 but she is as thoroughly identified with Wyoming as 
 Evangeline with Acadia : 
 
 " Then, where of Indian hills the daylight takes 
 
 His leave, how might you the flamingo see, 
 Disporting like a meteor on the lakes — 
 
 And playful squirrel on his nut-grown tree ; 
 
 And every sound of life was full of glee. 
 From merry mock-bird's song, or hum of men ; 
 
 While hearkening, fearing naught their revelry, 
 The wild deer arched his neck from glades, and then 
 Unhunted, sought his woods and wilderness again." 
 
 The flamingo and the mocking-bird were far from their 
 native haunts. Campbell, like other Englishmen, was 
 rather mixed in his knowledge of America. But the 
 verse is typical of his merits as well as his defects, and 
 undoubtedly expressed the general feeling of the day as 
 to the peace and beauty of Wyoming. 
 
 243 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 When in another passage he spoke of Gertrude read- 
 ing Shakspeare in the woods, he again strained the 
 reahties. But most of his descriptions are within the 
 possibilities : 
 
 " It seemed as if those scenes sweet influence had 
 
 On Gertrude's soul, and kindness like their own 
 Inspired those eyes affectionate and glad. 
 
 That seemed to love whate'er they looked upon." 
 ******* 
 " Nor, guess I, was that Pennsylvania home. 
 
 With all its picturesque and balmy grace. 
 And fields that were a luxury to roam, 
 
 Lost on the soul that looked from such a face; 
 
 Enthusiast of the woods : When years apace 
 Had bound thy lovely waist with woman's zone. 
 
 The sunrise path, at morn, I see thee trace 
 To hills with high magnolia overgrown. 
 And joy to breathe the groves, romantic and alone." 
 
 The Indian wars were not forgotten, and their dark 
 ferocity forms a contrast to the loveliness of Gertrude : 
 
 •• But this is not a time, he started up. 
 
 And smote his breast with woe-denouncing hand — 
 This is no time to fill the joyous cup; 
 
 The mammoth comes, the foe, the Monster Brand.'. 
 With all his howling, desolating band ; 
 
 These eyes have seen their blade and burning pine 
 Awake at once and silence half your land. 
 
 Red is the cup they drink, but not with wine ; 
 
 Awake and watch to-night, or see no morning shine." 
 
 The poem made its first appearance among the literary 
 circle at Holland House, and was published in 1809. 
 Its success was immediate. A second edition was soon 
 called for. Those were the days of Sir Walter Scott, 
 
 244 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 Chateaubriand, and the romantic school of noveh'sts. 
 Simple human nature in the wilderness was the favorite 
 theme. Campbell, anxious for the fate of his Gertrude, 
 had intrusted her to the care of the generous Sir Walter, 
 who introduced her to the world of fashion. 
 
 Other poets were inspired by Wyoming, and some of 
 them have declared that Campbell failed to do justice to 
 the scenery. Drake, an early American poet, wondered 
 why such beauty had not aroused the native talent : 
 
 " Romantic Wyoming ! could none be found, 
 
 Of all that rove thy Eden groves among, 
 To wake a native harp's untutored sound 
 
 And give thy tale of woe the voice of song? 
 Oh, if description's cold and nerveless tongue 
 
 From stranger harps such hallowed strains could call, 
 How doubly sweet the descant wild had rung 
 
 From one who, lingering round thy ruined wall. 
 
 Had plucked thy mourning flowers and wept thy timeless fall." 
 
 Some years after, in 1823, Halleck, a Connecticut poet, 
 visited Wyoming, and wrote his impressions : 
 
 " I then but dreamed ; thou art before me now 
 
 In life, a vision of the brain no more. 
 I've stood upon the wooded mountain's brow 
 
 That beetles high thy lovely valley o'er. 
 
 And now, where winds thy river's greenest shore. 
 Within a bower of sycamore am laid ; 
 
 And winds, as soft and sweet as ever bore 
 The fragrance of wild flowers through sun and shade, 
 Are singing in the trees whose low boughs press my head. 
 
 " Nature hath made thee lovelier than the power 
 Even of Campbell's pen hath pictured ; he 
 Had woven, had he gazed one sunny hour 
 . Upon thy smiling vale, its scenery 
 
 24s 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 With more of truth, and made each rock and tree 
 
 Known like old friends, and greeted from afar ; 
 And there are tales of sad reality 
 
 In the dark legends of thy border war, 
 
 With woes of deeper tint than his own Gertrude's are." 
 ******* 
 " There's one in the next field — of sweet sixteen — 
 
 Singing and summoning thoughts of beauty bom 
 In heaven — with her jacket of light green. 
 
 Love-darting eyes and tresses like the morn, 
 
 Without a shoe or stocking — hoeing corn. 
 Whether, like Gertrude, she oft wanders there. 
 
 With Shakespeare's volume in her bosom borne, 
 I think is doubtful. Of the poet player 
 The maiden knows no more than Cobbett or Voltaire." 
 
 Native talent has at times been inspired. But these 
 poets to the manner born appear to have been less im- 
 pressed than strangers with the beauty of the scenery. 
 The only part of Wyoming life that aroused their 
 imaginations was the deep-dyed atrocity of the Indians. 
 They lack the polish, the refinement, and the tenderness 
 of Campbell. But in vigor of expression they are 
 by no means deficient, and one specimen will suffice : 
 
 " Kind heaven, assist the trembling muse, 
 While she attempts to tell 
 Of poor Wyoming's overthrow 
 By savage sons of hell." 
 
 For several years after the discovery of Wyoming the 
 Connecticut people visited it in small parties every 
 summer without attempting any settlement. Their 
 object was to get the land from the Indians gradually, 
 and make sure that it was safe for white men. In 1753 
 they formed an association called the Susquehanna 
 Company, made up of about six hundred persons, — 
 
 246 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 some from Rhode Island and Massachusetts, but most 
 of them from Connecticut. One of the first acts of this 
 company was to send a deputation to Albany in 1754 to 
 meet a great council of the Six Nations and purchase 
 from them the land of the Wyoming Valley. 
 
 Pennsylvania sent to the same council John and 
 Richard Penn, Isaac Norris, and Benjamin Franklin to 
 resist the purchase. They were unsuccessful, however, 
 and for the sum of two thousand pounds of the current 
 money of New York the Susquehanna Company ob- 
 tained the land. 
 
 No regular settlement was effected under this pur- 
 chase until 1762, when about two hundred farmers with 
 their families entered the valley. The Indians allowed 
 them to sow and reap their first crop, and then suddenly 
 killed and scalped about twenty of the men and scat- 
 tered the rest with the women and children among the 
 woods and mountains. Some of them returned to New 
 England, and others took refuge in the Moravian towns 
 on the Lehigh. 
 
 For six years after this no settlement was attempted. 
 The Indians, anticipating revenge for the massacre, left 
 the valley, which returned to its primeval beauty 
 unpolluted by either race. 
 
 Meanwhile, the Penn family, proprietors of Pennsyl- 
 vania, were anxious about the purchase at Albany. 
 There was a feeling at that time that the title to land 
 which a charter gave was not complete until the land 
 had been purchased from the Indians. As a matter of 
 strict law this was not so, for the only Indian title ever 
 recognized was a mere title of occupancy, — that is to 
 say, the right of the Indian to hunt game upon the land 
 
 247 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 and build encampments. This sort of title was not con- 
 sidered inconsistent with the ownership of the fee simple 
 by a white man. The so-called title of the Indian was 
 not really a title at all, but a mere lien or incumbrance, 
 which could be discharged or not as the white man and 
 the Indian might agree. 
 
 The Albany purchase was, therefore, not of any great 
 importance, and did not affect the real merits of the 
 question. The final decision of title as between Con- 
 necticut and Pennsylvania was to be determined by the 
 grants or charters from the British crown and not by any 
 grants from Indians. Nevertheless, the Penn family felt 
 bound to protect their title at every point, important or 
 unimportant, Indian or British. 
 
 They had always taken care to secure themselves 
 within their charter limits so far as possible. Some of 
 the land they had purchased outright from the Indians, 
 and on the rest they had bought what were then called 
 pre-emptions and nowadays options. In these pre- 
 emptions they had made a contract with the Indians 
 that the Indians would never sell the lands to any one 
 until they had first given the Penn family a chance 
 to buy them. In 1736 they had bought from the 
 Indians an option on all the territory in Pennsylvania 
 which remained unpurchased, and this, of course, 
 included the land which the Susquehanna Company 
 bought at Albany in 1754. The Penns maintained that 
 under this contract of pre-emption the Indians had 
 no right to sell to the Susquehanna Company, and that 
 the Albany deed and purchase were void. 
 
 It was very difficult to make the Indians understand 
 the binding force of an option. They seldom had much 
 
 248 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 hesitation in selling the same piece of property two 
 or three times over to different persons. The vagueness 
 of the authority lodged with different chiefs gave ample 
 opportunity for some of them to say that they had never 
 consented. Moreover, they had little or no conception 
 of the absolute fee-simple title of the white man. Their 
 only idea of title was a tenancy in common, and when 
 they sold land they supposed that they were merely 
 admitting the purchaser to the privilege of hunting on it 
 along with themselves and any others to whom they had 
 previously sold it. It was a common occurrence in 
 colonial ejectment suits for both sides of the disputed 
 title to show a grant from the same Indians. 
 
 The Albany purchase, by the Susquehanna Company, 
 had been from the Six Nations of New York, who held 
 the Pennsylvania tribes in vassalage. Connecticut had 
 easily accomplished the purchase against the protests 
 of the Pennsylvania representatives, because the Six 
 Nations were displeased with the Penn family, who, in 
 order to make assurance doubly sure, had been in the 
 habit of taking deeds from the local and conquered 
 tribes of Pennsylvania. 
 
 The legal way to have had the Albany purchase de- 
 clared void was by an appeal to England, long and ex- 
 pensive, subject to the contingencies of court favor and 
 change of kings and administrations. William Penn had 
 had enough of that in his boundary dispute with Lord 
 Baltimore. The shorter way was to persuade the Six 
 Nations to admit their mistake and give a new deed to 
 the Penns. 
 
 Some of the chiefs were approached, invited to Phila- 
 delphia, feasted, and flattered. The assistance of Sir 
 
 249 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 William Johnson, who largely controlled the policy of 
 the Six Nations, was obtained, and four of the chiefs 
 went to Hartford and openly disclaimed the sale to the 
 Susquehanna Company. Finally, as a result of all 
 negotiations, the Six Nations, assembled in council at 
 Fort Stanwix in 1768, gave a deed of the disputed land 
 to the Penns. 
 
 Having fortified their Indian title, the Penn family now 
 turned their attention to the much more serious ques- 
 tion, — namely, the charter right of Connecticut to the 
 land on her western way beyond New York. Every 
 advantage was taken and every point attacked. For 
 many years, until the final decision of Congress in 
 1782, the controversy raged, and no theory, argument, 
 or fine-spun inference that the ingenuity of learned 
 lawyers on either side could invent, was left untried. It 
 is impossible in this chapter to go into all these details. 
 The reader who is curious about them must be referred 
 to the voluminous pages of Miner, to Governor Hoyt's 
 able and learned " Brief of a Title in the Seventeen Town- 
 ships," or to the arguments of Provost Smith and Ben- 
 jamin Trumbull. 
 
 Most of the books and essays which have been written 
 on this subject uphold the Connecticut title. It is an- 
 other instance of the way in which Pennsylvania has 
 allowed her history to be written by her opponents. 
 Of all the volumes and pamphlets which constitute the 
 material for a history of Wyoming, there is only the 
 single essay by Provost Smith devoted to maintaining 
 the Pennsylvania title. 
 
 The writers are usually either natives of Connecticut 
 or natives of Wyoming, whose right to their homes and 
 
 250 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 property is in some way related to the Connecticut 
 claim. Miner, the author of the most important book, 
 was a native of Connecticut, who moved to Wyoming 
 and became a member of Congress. Although he was 
 not a trained lawyer, his argument is the most astute 
 and shrewd that has come down to us ; and is so inter- 
 mingled with romance and misfortune that the ordinary 
 reader is easily captured. Hoyt's work was written 
 when its author was Governor of Pennsylvania ; and he 
 frankly gives his reasons for maintaining the Connecti- 
 cut side. His home was in Wilkesbarre on a lot " cer- 
 tified" from the Connecticut title; and for his final 
 resting-place he had another lot in the green cemetery 
 at Forty Fort. " You will," he said, " be the more in- 
 dulgent in my taking such views of the case as will 
 enable me to believe these claims to be founded as well 
 on strict law as on sound equity and in good morals." 
 
 Some of the points made on the Pennsylvania side 
 are dismissed by the intelligent mind at a glance. These 
 we must dispose of, so as to bring the question to its 
 last analysis, and see the real strength of Pennsylvania's 
 position. 
 
 For example, when it was said that the Connecticut 
 charter ought not to be so construed as to extend to the 
 Pacific, or to include the land in question, because of the 
 immensity of the territory that would be embraced, it 
 does not require a legal mind to detect the absurdity. 
 The question at issue was what a formal legal document 
 actually was, and what title its words imported ; hot 
 what it might have been or ought to have been. 
 
 So also as to the argument that the grant all the way 
 to the Pacific was the result of ignorance and a mistake ; 
 
 251 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 geography at that time being Httle understood, and 
 Charles 11. not aware that the distance from Hartford 
 to the Pacific was three thousand miles. 
 
 It is true that in the early stages of American ex- 
 ploration, the distance was not known, and there is a 
 curious argument in an old book to the effect that as the 
 distance from the Atlantic to the Alleghanies was about 
 three hundred miles, so the distance from these moun- 
 tains to the Pacific was probably about the same. But 
 after Sir Francis Drake had circumnavigated the globe 
 in 1589 and explored the coast of California, there were 
 no more mistakes. When the Plymouth council re- 
 signed their grant in 1635, they describe what was then 
 called New England as extending " from sea to sea, 
 being near about three thousand miles in length." This 
 was long before the time of Charles II. He knew per- 
 fectly well what he was doing so far as the Pacific Ocean 
 was concerned. Others had done the same. The Massa- 
 chusetts charter and several others extended " from sea 
 to sea ;" and this was done for the express purpose of 
 laying claim to as much land as possible, so as to 
 strengthen the position of England in her contests with 
 Spain and France. 
 
 There is also another of the Pennsylvania arguments 
 which deserves some consideration, not because of its 
 merit, but because it was often quoted, and a great 
 lawyer, afterwards Lord Camden, partly relied on it in 
 the opinion he wrote for the Penn family. 
 
 There was always a boundary line dispute between the 
 Connecticut colonies and the Dutch in New York, and 
 for a long time no permanent decision could be reached. 
 Soon after 1662, when New Haven and Connecticut were 
 
 252 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 consolidated, and the exact size of their territory was 
 fixed by their charter, the Dutch were conquered by the 
 EngHsh and driven out of New York. Immediately 
 after this, on the 12th day of March, 1664, Charles II. 
 gave all the Dutch territory to his brother, the Duke of 
 York, afterwards James II. With characteristic prodi- 
 gality and recklessness, he included in the gift to his 
 brother all the territory between the Connecticut and 
 Delaware Rivers, which of course covered a large part 
 of the land he had given to Connecticut only two years 
 before. 
 
 The exact boundary line between Connecticut and 
 New York was thus made still more difficult to settle. 
 Charles, however, sent over royal commissioners with 
 full power to adjust the absurdity he had deliberately 
 created. They met the agents of Connecticut, transacted 
 their business rapidly, and decided that Long Island 
 should belong to New York, and that the Connecticut 
 line should begin at the mouth of Mamaroneck Creek 
 where it falls into the Sound, and extend northwestward 
 to the line of Massachusetts. This restored the lost 
 territory to Connecticut, and was very near to the boun- 
 dary as it now stands. But the important words of the 
 decision in the eyes of the Penn family were those that 
 said that this line should be " the western bounds of the 
 said colony of Connecticut." 
 
 Soon after, New York again fell into the hands of the 
 Dutch, and remained with them until 1674, when a 
 treaty of peace restored it to the British Crown. A new 
 charter was issued to the Duke of York, containing pre- 
 cisely the same boundaries as before, and taking away 
 precisely the same amount of territory from Connecticut. 
 
 253 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 The old dispute was renewed, and was finally settled by 
 agreement, without the aid of royal commissioners, 
 between Connecticut and New York. This agreement 
 fixed the line where it now is, not far from the royal 
 commissioners' line, which started from the mouth of the 
 Mamaroneck. 
 
 The Penns argued that Connecticut having agreed to 
 both of these boundary settlements, and both boundaries 
 being described as the western bounds of the colony of 
 Connecticut, she was ever afterwards precluded from 
 laying claim to any land to the westward, for she had 
 expressly, and by her own words and admissions, relin- 
 quished all such rights. Lord Camden supported them 
 in this, and said " the settlement of the new boundary 
 under the king's commission in 1664, and, what is still 
 stronger, the new line marked out by agreement between 
 the province and New York, has now conclusively pre- 
 cluded Connecticut from advancing one foot beyond 
 those limits." And he goes on to argue that these 
 admissions on the part of Connecticut took place before 
 Penn's charter was given, and therefore released the 
 land west of New York from the Connecticut claim, and 
 laid it open to be included in the Penn charter. 
 
 But so far as technical law is concerned, his lordship 
 is now generally believed to have been wrong. The 
 royal commission boundary and the agreement boundary 
 were adjustments of a dispute between Connecticut and 
 New York, not between Connecticut and Pennsylvania. 
 The land west of New York was not mentioned, and at 
 the time of the royal commission was not supposed to 
 be in dispute. The question of the western lands was 
 not raised in either case. The royal commissioners were 
 
 254 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 not given authority to decide that question, nor were 
 the representatives of Connecticut who arranged the 
 agreement boundary given authority to decide it. In 
 fact, neither the commissioners nor the representatives 
 knew of such a question. It did not exist at that time, 
 and had never been thought of or mentioned. There is 
 no principle of law more firmly settled than that a tri- 
 bunal is strictly bound by the authority given to it, and 
 can decide only the cases that are brought before it. 
 Another principle is also equally well settled, that an 
 agent cannot exceed his authority, and that all acts in 
 excess of his authority are void, and the agents of Con- 
 necticut certainly had no authority to agree to anything 
 about the western lands which were within the charter 
 limits beyond New York. 
 
 The argument on the Connecticut side is a very 
 simple one, and consists principally of the statement that 
 the king, having given the land in question to Connecti- 
 cut, could not, eighteen years afterwards, take it away 
 from her and give it to Pennsylvania. This brings us to 
 the important point of the controversy. What was the 
 rule of law governing grants of the Crown in the time of 
 Charles II., and were such grants governed by the same 
 law which applies to grants and conveyances between 
 private individuals ? 
 
 If the grant by the king to Connecticut is to be treated 
 as if it were an ordinary conveyance of land between 
 individuals, then unquestionably the Connecticut title to 
 the upper half of Pennsylvania was perfect. A man who 
 has sold and conveyed a piece of land to a certain person 
 cannot afterwards sell the same land and the same title 
 to another. This was the position Connecticut always 
 
 255 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 assumed. She relied on the ordinary rules of law, 
 which were familiar to every one who had ever bought 
 or sold real estate. 
 
 But did these rules apply to grants by the British Crown 
 in the time of Charles II. ? And would they apply even 
 now to similar grants by the British Parliament, which 
 has succeeded to the power once held by the king ? We 
 are in this country so accustomed to a government of lim- 
 ited powers, whose acts are controlled by technical rules 
 like the acts of a private individual, that we are apt to 
 forget that the English Constitution is, and always has 
 been, a very different one from ours. In England the 
 whole power of the nation is lodged in Parliament, which 
 is omnipotent, does what it pleases, guided only by cer- 
 tain customs changing from time to time, and called the 
 English Constitution. 
 
 In the time of Charles II. the Crown had many rights 
 which have now been given over to Parliament, among 
 others the right to create corporations and grant away 
 the public domain. This right the king exercised ab- 
 solutely, just as Parliament now exercises it absolutely. 
 Parliament could now grant away a tract of the public do- 
 main to an individual or corporation, and some years after 
 take back part of it and grant it to some other individual 
 or corporation. Such action might be unjust or unfair 
 or bad policy ; but Parliament, being omnipotent and 
 representing the whole authority of the English people, 
 would have the right to do it. The act, so far as law is 
 concerned, would be perfectly legal, and the courts 
 would have to uphold it. 
 
 Charles II., in his time, had this absolute legal right, 
 and he constantly exercised it and abused it. We have 
 
 256 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 already seen him giving a large tract of land to his 
 brother, the Duke of York, only two years after he had 
 solemnly given it to Connecticut. He did very much 
 the same thing in Virginia, making large grants to 
 favorites, and causing the insurrection in that colony 
 known as Bacon's Rebellion. In fact, so far as con- 
 cerned selling the same piece of land twice to different 
 persons, Charles II. was no better than an Indian. 
 
 But no matter what we may think of his wisdom or 
 foolishness in such things, there is no question about the 
 legality of his acts. They were regarded as legal by the 
 people of that time; and those who were injured by 
 them, instead of appealing to a court to have them de- 
 clared void, appealed to the king himself to change his 
 action and correct the mischief by a fresh grant. 
 
 The Virginians did not complain of the granting away 
 of their land by Charles II. as illegal, but as cruel and 
 unjust. They did not appeal to courts to have the 
 grants declared void, but they sent commissioners to 
 England to buy off the noblemen to whom the grants 
 had been given, or to persuade the king to revoke the 
 grants. We have already seen how Charles II. corrected 
 the injury done to Connecticut by his grant to the Duke 
 of York. He appointed commissioners to meet the agents 
 of Connecticut and settle the question. To those com- 
 missioners he delegated a part of his sovereign authority 
 to correct or affirm what he had done ; and they restored 
 to Connecticut the land which the king had unfairly and 
 unjustly, but not illegally, given to the duke. 
 
 The Susquehanna Company, when it found that Penn- 
 sylvania resisted its encroachments in the Wyoming 
 Valley, acted on the same principle, and petitioned the 
 
 17 257 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 Connecticut legislature for leave to apply to the Crown 
 for a fresh grant of Wyoming, which would erect it into 
 a separate colony, and wipe out the title of Pennsylvania. 
 
 The case of North Carolina is another instance. 
 Charles I. had given it in 1629 to his attorney-general, 
 Sir Robert Heath. Thirty-four years afterwards, in 1663, 
 his son, Charles II., gave it to the Earl of Clarendon, the 
 Duke of Albemarle, and others. Claimants under the 
 old Heath grant started up ; the matter was brought, not 
 before the courts, but before the king in council, who 
 simply declared the Heath grant void, reaffirmed his last 
 grant, and the question was settled. 
 
 The right of the king in granting land was just the 
 reverse of the right of a private individual. In the case 
 of a private individual, it is the first grant which is valid 
 and all the subsequent grants are void. The first grant 
 exhausts the whole title of the giver. But with the king 
 it was the last grant which was valid, and all the pre- 
 ceding grants void. The title of the king, as sovereign 
 of the land, was never exhausted. 
 
 This accounts for the great confusion and overlapping 
 of nearly all the colonial grants and charters. The last 
 grant was always the valid one, and in the race for new 
 territory by individuals and colonies this last grant was 
 eagerly sought. The grants were used to correct the 
 situation and give the best advantage up to date. Every 
 future difficulty or want was to be remedied by a new 
 grant. If we consider the history of the American 
 colonies as a whole up to the time of the Revolution, we 
 shall find that the grants to individuals and communities 
 were rearranged and reapportioned over and over again 
 to meet new emergencies. If we are guided by the 
 
 258 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 principle that all of these grants were invalid except the 
 first, the situation will be ridiculous, and there will 
 be scarcely a single valid title to land east of the AUe- 
 ghanies. 
 
 The system of having the last grant valid was the 
 lesser evil, but it was bad enough. It gave the colonists 
 endless trouble and formed the basis of one of their 
 complaints in the Declaration of Independence. They 
 wanted something more orderly and regular. But bad 
 as this system was, it was perfectly legal, and troubled 
 the colonists all the more because it was legal. It was 
 the abuse of a legal power. 
 
 That it was the rule acted upon in preparing the 
 charter for Pennsylvania is very evident. It has some- 
 times been supposed that the overlapping on Connecticut 
 was an accidental mistake, the result of defective maps 
 and ignorance of geography. But this supposition is 
 quickly disposed of by a glance at the maps that Penn 
 and the officers of the Crown must have used. 
 
 The great authorities for American geography were 
 the two maps of Captain John Smith, one of New Eng- 
 land and the other of Virginia. Vessels were sailed 
 by them, and all other maps of America were either 
 copies or compilations of them. Considering that Smith 
 made them by his own unaided observations with 
 inferior instruments and without a trained corps of 
 assistants, they are remarkably accurate. The degrees 
 of latitude are in some instances very close to their 
 present locations, and the worst cases of error are only a 
 few miles out of the way. Any one looking at these 
 two maps with the charters of Pennsylvania and Connec- 
 ticut before him would see at once that the two colonies 
 
 259 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 overlapped; so the Crown and the Crown officers must 
 have known that Pennsylvania would cut off the westward 
 course of Connecticut. 
 
 But there was another authority in existence which 
 shows this still more clearly. Ogilby's "America" was 
 published in 167 1. It was a complete description of the 
 whole continent, and was so well and carefully written 
 that it can still be read with the greatest interest and its 
 accuracy recognized. It is full of maps and fine old 
 engravings. One of the maps includes the territory now 
 covered by New England, New York, Pennsylvania, and 
 Maryland, and is evidently made up from Smith's two 
 maps of New England and Virginia, with new places 
 added. Any one who will take the trouble to get down 
 this old volume and look at this map will see at once 
 that no one at that time could possibly have been 
 unaware that Pennsylvania would overlap Connecticut. 
 For here is one of the maps which, in all probability, the 
 eyes of Penn and Charles II. and their legal advisers 
 gazed upon, and there is the end of the forty-second 
 degree, the northern boundary of Pennsylvania, as they 
 had fixed it, passing through New England above the 
 colonies of New Haven and Connecticut. 
 
 But there is still better evidence than this. Royal 
 charters passed through the hands of several Crown offi- 
 cers, who criticised them before they were signed, and 
 the Pennsylvania charter was very carefully considered, 
 to see whether it conflicted with the Duke of York, the 
 Maryland, and other grants. The attorney-general at that 
 time was Sir William Jones, and he reported that " The 
 tract of land desired by Mr. Penn seems to be undisposed 
 of by his majesty, except the imaginary lines of New 
 
 260 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 England patents, which are bounded westerly by the 
 main ocean, should give them a real though impracti- 
 cal right to all those vast territories." 
 
 The attorney-general rightly used the words New 
 England patents in the plural. For looking at the maps 
 of that time, it would seem as if the Pennsylvania grant 
 would cut into Massachusetts as well as into Connecti- 
 cut. As a matter of fact, when measured by the most 
 accurate instruments of modern times, the northern 
 boundary of Pennsylvania fell short by only two or three 
 miles of cutting into Massachusetts. 
 
 This statement by the attorney-general, the highest 
 law officer of the Crown, may be fairly taken as showing 
 the general opinion as to these royal grants. He de- 
 scribes the westward lines of the New England colonies 
 as imaginary and impractical. What does he mean by 
 that ? Evidently that those lines were extended west- 
 ward for a purpose proper enough at the time. That 
 purpose was to claim as much land as possible for the 
 king of England as against his rivals, France and Spain. 
 But, clearly, the attorney-general thinks that there can 
 be no objection to cutting off those lines for the practi- 
 cal purpose of settling a new colony. Connecticut or 
 Massachusetts may have a " real right" westward, he 
 says, but it is an " impractical" one. The king can again 
 grant away that part of the land. 
 
 If he had thought that those westward lines gave an 
 absolute right, and that the king could not grant away 
 for the second time the land covered by them, he would 
 have said so and stopped the grant. But he did not stop 
 it. He merely called the attention of the privy council 
 to the situation, and the grant was freely passed with the 
 
 261 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 consent of the king, the lords commissioners of trade, 
 who were a sort of committee of the privy council, and 
 all the Crown officers. 
 
 The meetings which the lords commissioners of trade 
 held to consider the question are described in full at the 
 beginning of the first volume of the " Votes of the Penn- 
 sylvania Assembly." No one can read that account 
 without being struck by two things. First, the care that 
 was taken, the numerous adjournments, considerations, 
 and reconsiderations. Secondly, that in all their discus- 
 sions the lords commissioners do not seem to have the 
 slightest doubt as to the legal right of the king to make 
 the grant without regard to whose territory it would 
 overlap. That question is not even raised. The sole 
 question seems to be a mere matter of policy as to the 
 wisdom of making the grant, and for that purpose they 
 consulted with the neighboring owners, the Duke of 
 York and Lord Baltimore. As to the wisdom of over- 
 lapping Connecticut, the attorney-general disposed of 
 that by saying that her claim westward was " imaginary 
 and impractical." 
 
 Among the lords commissioners of trade were some of 
 the greatest lawyers of the age. To Lord Chief Justice 
 North was assigned the duty of drawing the boundaries 
 of Pennsylvania and reporting on them. He saw noth- 
 ing improper in them, nor did any one else for the next 
 seventy years. Connecticut herself did not object in 
 that time. Not a word was heard from her until the 
 middle of the next century, when she had taken a fancy 
 to the fertile and romantic Wyoming. 
 
 The common-sense view of the situation was the same 
 as the law. Connecticut should have abandoned her 
 
 262 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 claim which she supposed was her right. There was no 
 need and no convenience in jumping over New York 
 and New Jersey and exercising jurisdiction on an isolated 
 patch of another colony. If she wanted to settle some 
 of her superabundant population on that spot, they could 
 have lived as happily and prosperously under the laws 
 of Pennsylvania as under the laws of Connecticut. It 
 was wrong that, for the mere glory of acquisition and 
 ownership, and in the teeth of the law, she should 
 force upon a sister colony a civil war of thirty years, and 
 cause loss of life, loss of property, and untold suffering. 
 She knew that her western lines were what Sir William 
 Jones aptly called them, imaginary and impractical, and 
 she should have acquiesced in the lawful grant to Wil- 
 liam Penn of land which she could not conveniendy 
 govern. 
 
 But it suited her to take a different view of the situa- 
 tion, and as soon as she saw that the Penns had suc- 
 ceeded in getting the Indians to disclaim the Albany 
 deed and give a new one in its place, she knew that 
 Wyoming must be taken by force, and she prepared to 
 do it. 
 
 In February, 1769, the Susquehanna Company sent 
 forty men into the valley, to be followed shortly by two 
 hundred more. They were given land and two hundred 
 pounds, Connecticut currency, to provide themselves 
 with farming tools and weapons, on condition that they 
 would stay in the valley and defend it against Pennsyl- 
 vania. They built a block-house called, from their 
 numbers, Forty Fort, and the site of it is still preserved. 
 Their leader was Colonel Zebulon Butler, who had 
 served in the French and Indian wars, and at the taking 
 
 263 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 of Havana in 1762. He was a brave, skilful, partisan 
 commander, accustomed to the wilderness, and of a 
 manner and address that won the instant devotion of 
 frontiersmen. 
 
 When the forty reached the valley, clothed in the 
 stillness of death and its shroud of winter snow, they 
 were surprised to find that the proprietors of Pennsyl- 
 vania had forestalled them. In fact, the Penns had 
 adopted very much the same tactics as Connecticut. 
 They had leased a hundred acres of the valley for seven 
 years to Charles Stuart, Amos Ogden, and John Jen- 
 nings, on condition that they would establish an Indian 
 trading house there and defend against all intruders. 
 This was the beginning of what are known as the Pen- 
 namite Wars. 
 
 Of the three men entrusted by the Penns with the 
 defence of Wyoming, Amos Ogden was chief and captain. 
 He was an Indian trader from New Jersey, and proved 
 himself a most accomplished warrior of the woods. 
 Miner, one of the historians of Wyoming, assures us 
 that he was also a valiant trencherman, who, after each 
 one of his various triumphs, retired to Philadelphia, 
 where he enjoyed the banquets and festivities awarded 
 him by the followers of the Penns. Charles Stuart was 
 a surveyor, and John Jennings was the sheriff of North- 
 ampton County, within which district Wyoming lay, if 
 it was a part of Pennsylvania. 
 
 All the military proceedings were conducted in the 
 name of the sheriff. All the attempts to drive the Con- 
 necticut people out of Wyoming were put forth as the 
 action of a sheriff's posse to keep the peace, and eject 
 intruders and trespassers from private land. As time 
 
 264 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 passed on and new sheriffs succeeded to the office held 
 by Jennings, the Pennamite Wars were put under the 
 charge of each successive sheriff 
 
 It must be borne in mind, in order to understand the 
 Wyoming situation, that this charming valley was not the 
 property of Pennsylvania, or of the people of Pennsyl- 
 vania, or of the civil authority of the province as repre- 
 sented in the general assembly, but of the sons of William 
 Penn, who owned all the land of the province, and of 
 whom the inhabitants were merely the tenants paying 
 quit-rents. The dispute was really between Connecticut 
 and the Penn heirs. The people of Pennsylvania had 
 little interest in it, and took no part except as they were 
 hired or persuaded to assist the proprietary family. The 
 governor of the province was the deputy and appointee 
 of the Penns, and directed the movements of the sheriff 
 and his military agent. Captain Ogden. 
 
 Ogden had with him only ten men that could bear 
 arms. He fortified himself as best he could in the block- 
 house and huts which had survived the Indian attack of 
 1763, and stood about a mile above the present town 
 of Wilkesbarre. When the forty Connecticut people 
 arrived they besieged him and prevented his men from 
 shooting deer for food and cutting wood for their fires. 
 Being outnumbered and surrounded, Ogden suggested a 
 discussion, and the invaders, thinking they could easily 
 convince him of the justice of their claim, sent three of 
 their principal men to the block-house to argue. They 
 were instantly arrested by Sheriff Jennings, and carried 
 to jail at Easton, quietly followed by the remaining 
 thirty-seven of the forty. On arriving at Easton, the 
 three who had been arrested were almost immediately 
 
 265 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 released on bail, joined the thirty-seven, and the forty all 
 returned to Wyoming. 
 
 Jennings immediately summoned the posse of North- 
 ampton County, marched after them, surrounded their 
 quarters in the valley, and this time captured and arrested 
 them all. They were all taken to the jail at Easton, 
 whereupon, as before, they were immediately released on 
 bail, and, with true Yankee persistence, returned to their 
 paradise. Within three months they had been twice 
 taken all the way to Easton on the Delaware, a distance 
 of sixty miles. Going and returning they had walked 
 through the snow in those two excursions about two 
 hundred and forty miles. And yet they still thought 
 Wyoming the loveliest spot on earth, and had a quiet 
 intention of remaining there. 
 
 As spring opened, additional settlers from Connecticut 
 arrived, and by the middle of May their numbers were 
 increased to two hundred and seventy. They secured 
 themselves in a new block-house, which they called Fort 
 Durkee. In this position they were found by Ogden 
 and Jennings, who, with a fresh posse, entered the valley 
 during the last days of May. The Connecticut position 
 was too strong to be attacked. Jennings marched his 
 forces back again, and reported to the governor that it 
 was impossible to raise a sufficient posse in Northampton 
 County to oust the enemy. 
 
 This difficulty of raising a sufficient force and the 
 ease with which bail was obtained seem to show that 
 the Pennsylvania people were not much interested in 
 assisting the proprietors to recover the valley. 
 
 Meanwhile, settlers were pouring into Wyoming, and 
 the Susquehanna Company, to gain time, sent Eliphalet 
 
 266 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 Dyer and Jedediah Elderkin, goodly Puritan names, 
 to negotiate with the Penns. They were received with 
 much courtesy by Benjamin Chew, who promptly re- 
 jected all their suggestions, and Ogden was ordered 
 to prepare a force to protect the valley. 
 
 By September he had collected two hundred armed 
 men. They took with them an iron four-pound cannon, 
 which figured conspicuously in the subsequent history 
 of Wyoming, becoming a sort of heirloom, and passing 
 with the valley to its different possessors. Jennings took 
 command of the main body. Ogden preceded him with 
 fifty men, arrived suddenly in the valley, and by a 
 skilful movement captured Captain Durkee, at that time 
 in charge of the Connecticut force. He was sent in 
 irons to Philadelphia, and as soon as Jennings arrived 
 the enemy surrendered. Three or four of the leaders 
 were detained as prisoners ; seventeen of the people were 
 allowed to remain to harvest the crops, and the rest 
 were started on their way back to Connecticut. 
 
 As soon as they had gone all property was destroyed 
 and the cattle driven off to the Delaware. The seventeen 
 who had been allowed to remain, having nothing to eat, 
 were obliged to follow their companions. Not a life was 
 lost, not a drop of blood was shed. Ogden and Jennings 
 were victorious, and the valley belonged to the Penns. 
 
 Ogden, leaving behind him a garrison of ten men, 
 returned to Philadelphia, and all difficulties were sup- 
 posed to be ended. But he had scarcely entered upon 
 that course of festivity of which Miner accuses him, 
 when he was told that his garrison had been surprised 
 and expelled. This time the trouble was caused by 
 Pennsylvanians. About forty settlers from Lancaster 
 
 267 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 County, under the lead of Captain Lazarus Stewart, 
 having associated with themselves ten Connecticut 
 people, had been given a township by the Susquehanna 
 Company, and inspired by this they had marched to the 
 valley and compelled Ogden's garrison to surrender. 
 Fort Durkee was theirs and also the little four-pounder. 
 Captain Durkee himself, though sent to Philadelphia in 
 irons, was at large and back among his people. 
 
 Ogden again undertook to restore Wyoming. He 
 could usually outwit the enemy, but he never equalled 
 them in numbers, and he lacked their persistence and 
 steadiness. Perhaps it would be more correct to say 
 that the influences behind him, being merely the efforts 
 of a private family, lacked the strength of purpose which 
 marked the movements of Connecticut. On this occa- 
 sion he led his men to the old fort he had formerly 
 occupied a mile above the present site of Wilkesbarre, 
 and kept very quiet, affecting timidity and caution. 
 
 He was soon rewarded, for after Stewart and his party 
 had restored Wyoming to the Susquehanna Company, 
 the Connecticut settlers again poured into their beloved 
 land. A party of them marched straight up to Ogden's 
 fort, believing it to be their own, were received with the 
 most profuse affection, and then arrested. 
 
 Meanwhile, Durkee and the others had decided to 
 attack Ogden while he seemed to be weak and waiting 
 for reinforcements. They marched out with the Con- 
 necticut flag flying, stepping to the time of fife and 
 drum, and evidently intended to enjoy themselves with a 
 glorious victory. They were performing a movement to 
 which Ogden appeared to have no great objection, for 
 
 no sooner were they drawn up in martial array before his 
 
 268 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 fort than he rushed out with all his men and seized 
 them. A short struggle followed, in which the Connec- 
 ticut people lost one man killed and several wounded. 
 
 The enemy now decided to surround Ogden's fort, 
 keeping at a respectful distance, and starve him out. 
 They had no desire for any more close encounters. 
 They had the little four-pounder, which they mounted 
 so that the river was between it and Ogden. Day after 
 day it woke the echoes of the forest with its tiny roar. 
 But Ogden seemed to be unaware that they were firing 
 at him, and the little piece of ordnance was removed to 
 the other side of the river, so as to be nearer, and Durkee's 
 forces gradually approached the fort by throwing up 
 breastworks. They got so near that they set fire to 
 Ogden's store-house and burnt all his supplies. 
 
 Matters were, indeed, becoming serious for him. He 
 sent a runner to Philadelphia to urge on the governor 
 the importance of sending reinforcements. The governor 
 at that time was one of the Penn family, and it has been 
 suggested that his failure to send troops was caused by 
 the first movements of the Revolution, which had then 
 begun, and his desire to avoid taking any decided 
 and prominent action in favor of his family. But it 
 is more probable that the old cause was at work. He 
 found it difficult to persuade or hire men for an expedi- 
 tion which they knew was to enforce nothing but a 
 private land claim. He, however, wrote to General 
 Gage, who commanded the British forces then in the 
 country, asking him to put down the lawless invasion 
 from Connecticut. 
 
 Gage's reply shows how a disinterested person re- 
 garded the situation. He declined to interfere, saying, 
 
 269 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 " The affair in question seems to be a dispute concerning- 
 property, in which I cannot but think it would be highly 
 improper for the king's troops to interfere." He prob- 
 ably meant that it was a dispute between the Penn family 
 and the Susquehanna Company about the private owner- 
 ship of land, — a matter to be settled by the king in 
 council, and not a fit subject for the action of an army. 
 
 Ogden had to surrender. He retired from the valley, 
 and as soon as he was gone the Connecticut commander 
 destroyed all property left behind and levelled the fort 
 to the ground. Wyoming was at peace for five months. 
 New settlers came in; Zebulon Butler returned; the 
 surveyors were busy assigning lots and farms ; and we 
 are assured that the people that spring enjoyed with 
 a quickened zest the shad which swarmed up the 
 Susquehanna. 
 
 But at least one more effort must be made, and again 
 Captain Ogden was sent. With his usual skill he took a 
 path on which he would be least expected, and on the night 
 of the 2 1st of September, 1770, encamped within the 
 valley, kindling no fire and giving no alarm. The next 
 morning, the settlers being scattered on their farms and 
 meadows, Ogden divided his one hundred and forty men 
 into parties of ten, and directed them to go to each farm- 
 house and capture all the men. Within a few hours he 
 had in his possession a large part of the population, 
 which he sent to the jail at Easton. The rest fled to 
 Fort Durkee, and Ogden himself returned to his camp 
 of the preceding evening. 
 
 The people in Fort Durkee, not knowing either the 
 numbers or the position of Ogden, decided to send four 
 men to a small Connecticut settlement on the Delaware, 
 
 270 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 called Coshutank, for assistance. They directed them 
 to go by the road least likely to be watched. But this, 
 of course, was the very road on which Ogden was 
 bivouacked. The four men walked straight into his 
 camp, and before they could recover from their surprise 
 they had confessed the demoralized condition of their 
 people in Fort Durkee. 
 
 Ogden instantly summoned his men, started for the 
 fort, and so sudden was his onset that the first intimation 
 the garrison had of his coming was when the leader of 
 the advance leaped in among them. The struggle was 
 fierce but short. Several of the Connecticut men were 
 killed and several wounded. The rest were taken 
 prisoners and sent to jail. As usual, all property was 
 destroyed, and for 'the fourth time the Connecticut 
 settlement was wiped off the map of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Ogden and Governor Penn drew long breaths and felt 
 persuaded that there was no race of men on the continent 
 who would again return into a snowy wilderness after 
 such defeats. But they made the mistake of leaving 
 a garrison of only twenty men. Within three months, 
 in the middle of December, the garrison was awakened 
 one morning to find Captain Lazarus Stewart at the door 
 with his followers. The usual eviction followed. 
 
 A warrant was now out for that troublesome Pennsyl- 
 vanian, the abettor of Connecticut trespassers, Captain 
 Stewart, and a large bounty was offered for his capture. 
 Need we add that the dismal round began again, and 
 that Ogden again left the pleasures of the city for the 
 warfare of the woods ? 
 
 Within a month after the expulsion of his garrison 
 he was in the valley with a hundred men. He went 
 
 271 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 to work openly and built a fort within less than four 
 hundred yards of Fort Durkee, calling it Wyoming. 
 After several times demanding the surrender of the 
 Connecticut people, he attacked them on the 20th of 
 January, 1771, but was repulsed with the loss of his 
 brother killed and three men wounded. Stewart, how- 
 ever, was unwilling to risk another attack, and during 
 the night escaped with most of his followers to the 
 mountains. The few that remained were captured next 
 morning and sent to jail as usual. This made the fifth 
 destruction of the Connecticut settlement. 
 
 Ogden had now apparently decided to remain in 
 Wyoming, and he spent the next two months in strength- 
 ening his position. But in April the Connecticut people 
 came upon him, one hundred and fifty strong, and began 
 a regular siege, throwing up approaches and redoubts. 
 Heretofore their leaders had been men of rather inferior 
 military skill, but now they were again under the com- 
 mand of Zebulon Butler, a soldier of experience, and in 
 every way a match for Ogden. 
 
 So closely did Butler draw his lines, that not a single 
 runner could escape to Philadelphia to call for aid. 
 Ogden decided to attempt it himself Taking off his 
 clothes, and tying them in a bundle, with his hat on 
 top, he 'stepped into the river at midnight, and, towing 
 the bundle by a string, swam on his back, with only his 
 face exposed. The current, and his own efforts, carried 
 him rapidly down stream. If he had been dealing with 
 less skilful riflemen he might have been in danger of 
 receiving a random shot in the head. But he was 
 perfectly safe. Every ball from the Connecticut sentinels 
 passed into his hat or clothes. When beyond danger 
 
 272 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 he landed, put on his drenched and riddled garments, 
 walked rapidly to dry them, and accomplished the dis- 
 tance of one hundred and twenty miles to Philadelphia 
 in three days. 
 
 Great efforts were made in the city to send assistance. 
 A certain Captain Dick was started forward, with men 
 and provisions. Other reinforcements were to follow. 
 Whether Ogden or Dick was in the chief command does 
 not clearly appear. But as the party fell into an ambus- 
 cade as soon as they had entered the valley, losing nine 
 of their men and nearly all their provisions, they were 
 evidently not led by Ogden. 
 
 Butler, knowing that reinforcements were coming 
 from Philadelphia, pressed his siege closer than ever. 
 Fighting began, a life was lost, and several men were 
 wounded. About the middle of August, Ogden and 
 Dick surrendered, and were allowed to march out of 
 Wyoming with the honors of war. As Dick signed the 
 articles of capitulation, Ogden had apparently been 
 superseded. 
 
 Thus the first Pennamite War came to an end in 1771. 
 The Penns were defeated and driven out, and for four 
 years they made no attempt to retake their property. 
 
 About a month or two after the surrender of Dick and 
 Ogden, a correspondence was opened with Governor 
 Trumbull, of Connecticut. He denied that the govern- 
 ment of Connecticut had taken any part in the violent 
 proceedings at Wyoming, and he declared that the Gen- 
 eral Assembly would never countenance any hostile 
 measures. The question, he seemed to say, was alto- 
 gether an affair of the Susquehanna Company. 
 
 This was the shrewd position Connecticut had assumed 
 18 273 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 from the beginning. Governor Trumbull, in the course 
 of the correspondence, admitted, however, that the land 
 in Wyoming which the company was attempting to 
 occupy was in his opinion within the limits of the Con- 
 necticut charter. His government had assented to the 
 formation of the company, and to the purchase from the 
 Indians of the land, and yet that government refused to 
 restrain and refused to be responsible for the acts of a 
 company which it had created, and which was acting 
 upon land claimed to be within the charter limits. 
 
 In their official capacity, the members of the Con- 
 necticut government professed to be entirely innocent 
 of everything connected with the Susquehanna Company, 
 yet it was well known that as private individuals they 
 were interested in the company as shareholders, and 
 were pushing its fortunes to the utmost. When they 
 were accused as a company, they threw the responsibility 
 on the government, and when they were accused as a gov- 
 ernment, they threw the responsibility on the company. 
 
 But when a year or so had elapsed without any at- 
 tempt on the part of the Penns to regain their property, 
 the Connecticut government took deliberate and formal 
 possession. The Pennsylvania Valley became a New 
 England town. It was called Westmoreland, and con- 
 stituted part of Litchfield County, Connecticut, and the 
 Susquehanna Company drew up a form of government 
 for it, very republican and liberal in its principles. Rep- 
 resentatives to the Connecticut Legislature were elected, 
 and attended its sessions at Hartford, and the inhabitants 
 of the valley felt so secure that they instructed their 
 representatives to demand forty thousand dollars dam- 
 ages from Pennsylvania. 
 
 274 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 It may be asked why did the Penns give up so easily ? 
 Pennsylvania was a more populous and richer colony 
 than Connecticut, and in any real contest between the 
 two the result could not have been doubtful. A perma- 
 nent garrison of five hundred men in the valley would 
 have put its ownership beyond question. The answer 
 is that, if the contest had been with the people of Penn- 
 sylvania, Connecticut and the Susquehanna Company 
 would have had to seek other pastures for the excess of 
 their population. But the people of Pennsylvania felt 
 that they were in no sense the owners of Wyoming. It 
 belonged to the Penns, who were holding it, like their 
 other lands, for speculation, intending, finally, to sell part 
 of it, and retain the rest for a rise in value from the im- 
 provements on the parts sold. 
 
 The Penns could never raise a sufficient force to hold 
 the valley. Even if they had raised such a force they 
 could not have afforded to maintain it. They would 
 have had to pay for it out of their own pockets or draw 
 the money from the public treasury. The pay of five 
 hundred men for a single year would have been a serious 
 drain on their private exchequer, and they would have 
 found it difficult to persuade the Quaker assembly to 
 vote any considerable sum of money from the public 
 treasury for such a purpose. 
 
 It was sometimes a little difficult to get the Quakers to 
 vote money even for the defence of the frontier against the 
 Indians. Many of them fancied themselves to be opposed 
 to all war, fighting, and force, and, though they managed 
 to strain their consciences when the Indian massacres 
 became numerous, they would not be likely to strain 
 them merely to assist the proprietors in growing rich. 
 
 27S 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 Ogden, after his successes, always retired from the 
 valley, leaving only a small garrison, which shows very 
 clearly that the Penns felt the necessity of economy, 
 and that they could use only a small portion of the pub- 
 lic money for their private ends. They were seldom 
 able to raise for Ogden more than one hundred and fifty 
 men, and it sometimes required three or four months to 
 collect that number. 
 
 They were fully convinced of their inability to main- 
 tain the contest. They dared not make it a party 
 question in Pennsylvania, for it would have been over- 
 whelmingly voted down and defeated. A large number 
 of the people sympathized with Connecticut, and stood 
 ready to assist her, and some, like those who went with 
 Captain Stewart, actually did assist her. 
 
 The Penns being entirely excluded from the valley, 
 the Yankee settlers poured in, and soon began to over- 
 flow the mountain bounds. Some of them established a 
 settlement at Muncy, outside of the natural stronghold, 
 and outside the town of Westmoreland, as laid out by 
 the Connecticut government. This gave the Penns an 
 opportunity, and we are compelled to describe the Sec- 
 ond Pennamite War. 
 
 An Irishman named Plunkett, of doubtful reputation, 
 led the expedition, which in September, 177S, destroyed 
 and scattered the outlying post at Muncy, killing one 
 man and wounding several. Plunkett marched his pris- 
 oners into Sunbury with much pomp, and believed 
 himself to be the man of destiny who should restore 
 Wyoming to the Penns. 
 
 His spirit was infectious and caught the Pennsylvania 
 government. They furnished him with seven hundred 
 
 276 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 men, a train of boats, and a field-piece. Previous to his 
 setting out, rumors of his expedition reached Connecti- 
 cut and also the Continental Congress. The congress 
 passed resolutions requesting Pennsylvania to refrain, 
 urging the importance in such trying times of a perfect 
 union of all the colonies. But the remonstrance was 
 useless, and the expedition started. 
 
 It is somewhat surprising to find Plunkett setting out 
 on this campaign with seven hundred men, when the 
 utmost efforts in former times could scarcely raise a 
 hundred and fifty. But the condition of things had 
 changed. In 1771, just before the close of the first 
 Pennamite War, the Penns began to sell the land in the 
 valley which they had divided up into two manors called 
 Stoke and Sunbury. Lists of the purchasers have been 
 preserved, and there appear to have been fifty-three of 
 them, twenty-seven for Sunbury and twenty-six for 
 Stoke, receiving tracts varying from seventy-nine to two 
 hundred and fifty acres each. By the time of Plunkett's 
 expedition, in 1775, many of these purchasers had divided 
 up their land and sold it to others, so that there was a 
 considerable body of persons who were financially inter- 
 ested in the Pennsylvania title of Wyoming. These 
 people increased in numbers as time went on, and under 
 the name of Pennsylvania claimants caused the compli- 
 cations which followed the decree at Trenton in 1782. 
 They doubtless made a strong interest for Plunkett, and 
 partially account for the number of his men. 
 
 A subscription list has also been found signed by such 
 people as Francis, Shippen, Tilghman, Allen, Haines, 
 Morris, Meredith, Biddle, all prominent Pennsylvania 
 names. The amount of money given in this list to the 
 
 277 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 Plunkett expedition is about five hundred pounds, and 
 there may have been other subscription papers. From 
 the one preserved, it appears that there was a committee 
 and treasurer appointed to receive funds. 
 
 All this indicates a new interest in Wyoming. The 
 date of the subscription paper is October 9, 1775, several 
 months after the battles of Lexington and Bunker Hill. 
 Pennsylvania had been trying for some time to get rid 
 of the Penn family and put herself under the king ; and 
 now it seemed to all hopeful hearts that she might escape 
 from proprietors, king, parliament, and all. In that 
 event, Wyoming would belong to the people and not to 
 a private family. There was good reason for being 
 interested in her fortunes, and Plunkett's enlistments 
 were increased. 
 
 If such a force could have been raised six years earlier 
 the possession of the Penns would have been secure. 
 But now even this large force was not enough to insure 
 success. The population of Wyoming had increased ; 
 Zebulon Butler was in command, and Plunkett was not 
 Ogden. The seven hundred of the invading force were, 
 it is true, about double the number of fighting men in 
 the valley. But Butler selected a strong position on the 
 side of a steep bluff where Harvey's Creek joins the 
 Susquehanna. He threw out a small force as an ambus- 
 cade, and Plunkett, of course, marched straight to the 
 place where he was wanted. 
 
 Two fruitless attacks on two successive days were 
 made on Butler's position, and lives were lost on both 
 sides. After the second attack, Plunkett ingloriously 
 retired ; and this was the last fighting for the possession 
 of Wyoming by Pennsylvania. Connecticut had won 
 
 278 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 by conquest what she considered her right, and her people 
 now settled down to reap the benefit. 
 
 At this time the population of Wyoming was about 
 six thousand. In spite of the excitements of the Revo- 
 lution and the absence of many of the able-bodied men 
 in the Continental army, the valley for three years en- 
 joyed considerable prosperity and repose. The Ger- 
 trudes, Alberts, and Waldegraves increased and luxu- 
 riated in the seclusion of their retreat, and they might 
 have continued in this enjoyment had it not been for a 
 new terror from the north. 
 
 The State of New York was at that time occupied by 
 the Six Nations of Indians. They held all the land 
 beginning at the head-waters of the Mohawk, passing 
 round by the head-waters of the Delaware and Susque- 
 hanna, through the lesser lakes Cayuga and Seneca and 
 westward to the Genesee River. It was a beautiful 
 fertile region, and a natural empire of wealth and power. 
 Within this territory they were rapidly building up a 
 civilization, and advancing in all the arts of life. They 
 had numerous towns, many of them consisting of from 
 twenty to sixty wooden houses, and one of them, Gene- 
 see, had one hundred and twenty-eight houses. They 
 painted their dwellings after the manner of white men, 
 and had graveyards with monuments made of planks. 
 They had numerous orchards of peach-trees and other 
 fruit, and cultivated the land, raising large crops of 
 corn. 
 
 They had formerly dominated all the other tribes 
 southward to the Carolinas and westward to Lake 
 Superior. The Indians of Pennsylvania were at one 
 time their vassals, and obeyed their slightest command. 
 
 279 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 Their position at the head-waters of the Delaware and 
 Susquehanna gave them a great advantage. They could 
 launch their canoes on the swift currents of those rivers, 
 and descend with great rapidity into Pennsylvania and 
 the South. At the time of the Revolution, they were 
 believed to be able to muster about five thousand fighting 
 men. 
 
 Their politics were controlled by the famous Sir 
 William Johnson, who was an Irishman of birth and 
 education. The refusal of his family to allow a marriage 
 with the woman of his choice brought him to New York 
 to take charge of the landed estates of a relative. From 
 this experience he acquired an intimate knowledge of the 
 Six Nations, and gradually assunied an influence over 
 them. He was soon appointed the official agent of the 
 British government for Indian affairs, a position which 
 for many years he filled with the greatest ability, and 
 prevented the Six Nations from joining Pontiac's con- 
 spiracy. 
 
 He lived in the style of an English baron, in a large 
 mansion house, which was conducted with profuse hos- 
 pitality. After the death of his wife he had several 
 women for companions at different times, the last of 
 whom was a very pretty Indian girl, Molly Brant, the 
 sister of the famous Joseph Brant. Several respectable 
 families in Upper Canada are supposed to boast of their 
 descent from this union, and remind us, except for the 
 illegitimacy, of the Virginia families that claim descent 
 from Pocahontas. At the time of the Revolution, Sir 
 William's power had passed to his nephew, Guy John- 
 son, who had married one of his daughters. 
 
 Whether the Americans or the English should have 
 280 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 the alliance of the Six Nations was simply a question of 
 price. If the savages had had the wisdom to remain 
 neutral, as some of their chiefs counselled, they might 
 still be living by their lakes and rivers, an interesting and 
 instructive example of the advancement of a race. .The 
 work of Sir William Johnson and the progress they 
 had made in civilization would not have been lost, and the 
 solution of our present Indian problem would, perhaps, 
 be easier. But England was rich and unscrupulous. 
 She bid high in presents, and the Indians were doomed. 
 
 The Americans, be it said to their honor, made no 
 attempt to buy these Indians. They tried to keep them 
 neutral, but they would not and could not accept them 
 as allies. The whole feeling and tone in all the colonies 
 were against such an alliance. They had suffered too 
 much from the Indian. They knew him too well, and 
 they would not accept the assistance of his murderous 
 and cruel skill. 
 
 During the first three years of the Revolution, the 
 Six Nations were assisting the British to hold the region 
 in the neighborhood of Lake Champlain. But after the 
 defeat of Burgoyne at Saratoga, they were no longer 
 needed for that duty. They had all along regarded 
 Wyoming and the other settlements to the south of them 
 as ripe plums which they could take at any time, and 
 they now prepared for it. They were accompanied by a 
 large body of Tories under the command of Colonel 
 John Butler, commonly called Indian Butler, to dis- 
 tinguish him from his cousin, Zebulon Butler. The 
 Indian contingent was led by Brant, the Mohawk sachem. 
 
 Brant probably had some white blood in his veins, 
 although this slight on his purity is earnestly denied by 
 
 281 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 one of his biographers. He had been educated at the 
 Rev. Dr. Wheelock's school, in New Hampshire, which 
 afterwards became Dartmouth College, and could write 
 a letter in passable English. After the Revolution he 
 became very popular in Canada, where there is a monu- 
 ment to his memory, and towards the end of his life he 
 became religious, translated some of the Scriptures into 
 Mohawk, and visited England to raise money for a 
 church. His admirers have given him the high honor 
 of never killing women and children with his own hands, 
 and taking but little pleasure in the torture of prisoners. 
 
 The place selected for the first onset was Cherry 
 Valley, New York, and so sweeping, fierce, and cruel 
 was this attack that, for some days after, the cocks 
 could be heard crowing from the tops of trees and the 
 dogs howling in the distant woods. Men, women, and 
 children were indiscriminately slaughtered, and the set- 
 tlement wiped out of existence. 
 
 Mrs. Writer, as she was dragged away by her captors, 
 saw an Indian draw his knife across the throat of a girl, 
 and while she was in her death agony cut off her nose, 
 ears, and breasts, and gash her cheeks. When the party 
 encamped for the evening, a large belt of scalps was 
 brought to Mrs. Writer, and an Indian, with uphfted 
 tomahawk, compelled her to dress them. She had to 
 open them out with her hands and spread them to dry. 
 Many of them, she could see, were those of her friends, 
 and presently she recognized the scalp of her mother. 
 
 Brant and Butler could have descended upon Wyo- 
 ming with great rapidity by putting their forces in canoes. 
 The rushing waters of the Susquehanna would have 
 swept them into the valley in a few hours. But they 
 
 2S2 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 were in no hurry. They used their boats only part of 
 the way. They started from Tioga Point and landed 
 at the mouth of Bowman's Creek, about twenty miles 
 above the valley. From there they marched down with 
 a deliberation which was intended to show confidence 
 and contempt. 
 
 The men able to bear arms at that time in Wyoming 
 are described on the monument erected to their memory 
 as " the undisciplined, the youthful, and the aged." The 
 rest were in the ranks of the Continental army. Every 
 effort had been made to bring them home. The con- 
 templated attack of the Indians was well known, and 
 both officers and men earnestly pleaded to be allowed to 
 return and protect their families. They had been en- 
 listed on the understanding that they should serve on 
 the frontier, near the valley, and they had been taken 
 away to the sea-board in the dark hours of the contest 
 when Washington was defeated and compelled to retreat 
 through the Jerseys. As message after message reached 
 them of the preparations of the savages, and the murders 
 north of the valley, they broke through all restraint. 
 The officers resigned, and about twenty-five of the men 
 deserted. Those who remained were finally allowed to 
 march to Wyoming, but too late. 
 
 The enemy quietly entered the upper end of the valley, 
 and took their time in destroying the few forts and people 
 they found there. It never seems to have occurred to 
 these poor scattered settlers to escape. They went about 
 their usual vocations, and when the overwhelming force 
 of the enemy came upon them, fought with fury and des- 
 peration. In one instance seven men and a boy were 
 suddenly surprised. The boy threw himself into the 
 
 283 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 river, where he lay with his face just above the surface, 
 and listened to the fierce struggle of his companions 
 and their dying groans. 
 
 Zebulon Butler had returned from the Continental 
 army and found himself in command of about three 
 hundred men, among whom were grandfathers with their 
 grandsons. The opposing force of the enemy num- 
 bered between four and five hundred of British troops 
 and Tories, together with about seven hundred Indians. 
 
 It would probably have been better policy for the three 
 hundred Americans to have remained in Forty Fort and 
 waited developments. The Wyoming men remaining in 
 the Continental army were known to be coming, and 
 other reinforcements were on the way. Everybody that 
 could send assistance was sending it. The situation 
 could not be worse and might grow better, and the 
 chances within the fort were better than outside of it. 
 Such was the counsel of Zebulon Butler and some of 
 the older officers, but they were overruled by the 
 majority. The Indians, the majority said, had been in 
 the valley three days, were acting leisurely and gradually 
 destroying it piecemeal. By the time they had decided 
 to take Forty Fort, the garrison in it, unable to endure 
 the strain of the danger, would have disbanded, each 
 man intent upon carrying off his own wife and children. 
 
 The British and Indians, with sarcastic politeness, had 
 sent a message inviting the fort to surrender, and the 
 fort had replied after the manner of frontiersmen. Its 
 inmates had actually decided that the only possible hope 
 of saving the valley was for the three hundred old men 
 and boys to march out at once, meet the twelve hundred 
 British and Indians, and fight them. So forth they went 
 
 284 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 at noon on the third day of July, 1778, passing out from 
 the friendly shadow of the fort, with the odds more than 
 three to one against them, and knowing it. 
 
 Such reckless, desperate courage is seldom seen, and, 
 like the charge of the Light Brigade at Balaklava, is not 
 soon forgotten. The old men and boys arranged them- 
 selves by companies with military precision. Officers 
 went ahead and marked off the ground for them, be- 
 tween a high bank and a swamp. It was a mistake to 
 select the ground so far beyond all chance of retreat to 
 the fort, and it was a mistake to rest the left wing on a 
 swamp, the favorite fighting-ground of the Indian. There 
 was but httle of the skill of Zebulon Butler shown in 
 the preparations. He had been overruled. 
 
 Still he did his best for the people. He told them 
 that if they would only stand the first shock, the Indians 
 would give way. Under his inspiring instruction they 
 advanced a step every time they fired, and they actually 
 forced back part of the British line, and more than held 
 their own for half an hour. But it was useless. Their 
 advance brought them in among the enemy who slipped 
 round on their flank and occupied the swamp. The 
 Indians and Tories kept close under cover, knowing their 
 prey was secure. When the flanking movement was 
 complete, Butler attempted to turn some of his men so 
 as to face it, but they mistook the order for permission 
 to retreat. Instantly the Indians rushed in with the 
 war-whoop, and all was over. 
 
 The massacre began. Every captain that led a com- 
 pany had been shot at the head of his men. Some of 
 the Indian marksmen had singled out officers and broken 
 the thigh-bone so as to reserve the victim for torture. 
 
 285 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 The rest of the three hundred were pursued, toma- 
 hawked, speared, and butchered as they ran. Some 
 took to the water, — that last resort of hunted deer and 
 hunted ranger. They were shot while swimming, or 
 brought to the shore by promises of quarter and in- 
 stantly killed. A prisoner was thrown on the burning 
 logs of a fort and held down with pitchforks. Sixteen 
 more of the others were arranged round a stone, and 
 Queen Esther, a squaw of political prominence, passed 
 around the circle singing a war-song and dashing 
 out their brains. When night came on the savages 
 built fires, and, stripping the remaining prisoners naked, 
 chased them back and forth through the flames with 
 their spears until they fell exhausted and were con- 
 sumed. Only two of all the prisoners taken escaped 
 torture and death. 
 
 All that night and the next day there was a general 
 rush to get out of the valley. Most of those who 
 fled were women and children. Every road and trail 
 was crowded. In one company there were a hundred 
 women and children and only one man. They were 
 flying in terror and with no provisions. Children were 
 prematurely born, and when they died had to be left to 
 the wolves, or their dead bodies carried in exhausted 
 arms. The aged soon sank by the roadside, and many 
 of the strongest were overcome. Many perished in 
 a great swamp lying to the eastward of Wyoming, and 
 still known as the Shades of Death. 
 
 The remnant of the three hundred, together with 
 thirty or forty soldiers who had returned from the Con- 
 tinental army, remained in the valley, determined to 
 hold it to the last. They assembled at Forty Fort 
 
 286 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 and tried to rally the fast-dispersing population. The 
 Indians and British were still picking up fort after fort. 
 Troops of squaws followed them, smeared with blood 
 and brains, and carrying strings of scalps, which they 
 would smell and cry " Yankee blood." 
 
 Negotiations were begun for a surrender. In the 
 course of this Indian Butler insisted that the Continental 
 soldiers should be given up as prisoners. Knowing 
 what they might expect from the Indians, their friends 
 gave them the hint, and they all left the valley. The 
 articles of capitulation, in other respects, were fair 
 and honorable. The fort and its stores were to be 
 surrendered; the inhabitants allowed to occupy their 
 farms in peace, and Indian Butler promised that the 
 savages should be restrained from bloodshed and pillage. 
 But he had little control over them. 
 
 As soon as the formalities were finished they started 
 on their usual course, breaking open houses and taking 
 everything they wanted. He finally persuaded most of 
 them to withdraw, and his army returned northward. 
 The squaws brought up the rear riding on stolen horses, 
 with scalps stretched on hoops bound round their 
 waists ; their bodies covered with dresses worn one over 
 the other, and their heads adorned in the same way with 
 bonnets. 
 
 The Indians who remained went through the valley 
 from one end to the other, burnt every house and barn, 
 and shot and scalped every human being that did not 
 escape to the woods. For the sixth time within a period 
 of fifteen years Wyoming was completely annihilated. 
 
 And yet within two months the settlers began to re- 
 turn. They hoped to harvest what was left of their 
 
 287 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 grain, and build anew their fortunes. They obtained 
 the protection of some troops, and built forts. But the 
 Indians, though no longer an army, were still prowling 
 in scattered bands through the woods, and for months 
 and even years continued to pick off stragglers and 
 make sudden descents upon the farms. They would lie 
 for weeks in the bushes, living on berries and roots, 
 creeping and watching for their victims. They would 
 imitate the call of wild turkeys to entice the hunter to 
 his death. The horrors and atrocities that continued for 
 years are almost beyond belief, and in their sum total 
 equal all that was done in the massacre and fight of 
 
 July 3- 
 
 That event, now known in history as the Battle of 
 Wyoming, has been given here in its subdued coloring, 
 the result of the careful researches of Miner. Even then 
 it is bad enough. But at the time of its occurrence 
 newspaper accounts were circulated in Europe which 
 greatly exaggerated the worst details. Zebulon Butler 
 and his men were said to have been invited out to a parley, 
 enticed on and on by a white flag, which always moved 
 as they approached, until they were surrounded and 
 destroyed. The terms of the surrender were falsified. 
 Indian Butler, when asked what terms he would grant, 
 was said to have replied " the hatchet.'' He is charged 
 with dressing and painting his white men like Indians, 
 shutting up the garrison in the fort and burning them 
 alive; also with shutting the women and children in 
 their houses and burning them alive, cutting out the 
 tongues of cattle and leaving them to perish, together 
 with other enormities. 
 
 All this was taken from an account sent from Pough- 
 288 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 keepsie to various newspapers a short time after the 
 massacre, made up from the statements of frightened 
 women and excited men. It was accepted as the truth 
 for many years, copied into the histories of the Revolu- 
 tion by Ramsay, Gordon, and Botta, and used by Chief- 
 Justice Marshall in his " Life of Washington." But the 
 investigations of Miner during the first half of the present 
 century, his thorough examination of every eye-witness 
 that could be found, revealed the true situation, and re- 
 duced the tale to its proper proportions. 
 
 Campbell, in his poem of Gertrude, so far as he con- 
 fined himself to actuahties at all, seems to have been in- 
 fluenced by the Poughkeepsie story. He represents the 
 women, children, and men retreating to a fort, or tower, 
 as he calls it, which is attacked, and Gertrude and her 
 father fall bleeding on each other's bodies before the eyes 
 of the lover, Waldegrave. 
 
 The story of the battle was valuable in its day, but not 
 because of its exaggeration, for the true story would 
 have been equally valuable. It drew the sympathy of all 
 Europe to the side of the Americans. It weakened the 
 Tory party in England, and encouraged those who, like 
 Burke and Lord Chatham, sympathized with the colonies. 
 It gave an impulse to eloquence and a sting to sarcasm. 
 There was but little moral support for that administra- 
 tion which, as one of those orators expressed it, " had 
 associated with the arms of England the tomahawk and 
 scalping-knife of the savage." 
 
 It was the most disastrous victory the British ever 
 
 won in America. It can be truthfully said that of all 
 
 the Americans who fell in the Revolution, none died 
 
 more effectively for their country than the " undisci- 
 
 19 289 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 plined, the youthful, and the aged" who perished in the 
 Battle of Wyoming. 
 
 But whatever moral support may have been gained, it 
 was not enough to satisfy Washington and other public 
 men. The Six Nations would come again. They were 
 the worst part of the British army. It was decided to 
 tear out, root and branch, the whole system of Indian 
 alliance in New York, and destroy forever that budding 
 civilization which a great nation was turning from its 
 purpose. The man selected for the task was General 
 Sullivan, who had been born in Maine of Irish parentage, 
 and afterwards became a citizen of New Hampshire. He 
 was of the dashing type, well adapted for a cutting-out 
 expedition, with the faults, that often go with that char- 
 acter, of a hasty temper and a reckless tongue. 
 
 His army assembled at Wyoming, and on the 31st 
 day of July, 1779, set out for the north, over three 
 thousand strong. From the time of his arrival at 
 Wyoming the Indians and British played all round him, 
 cutting off stragglers and killing isolated settlers and 
 hunters. Brant attacked the Minisink settlement in 
 Orange County, New York, and also the Connecticut 
 settlement at Lackawaxen. The rangers who went to 
 relieve these places were led on and on, by the apparent 
 retreat of the Indians, until they were ambuscaded, and 
 more than a hundred of them killed. Brant boasted 
 that he returned from these expeditions with double as 
 many scalps and prisoners as he had warriors. 
 
 All this was to distract the attention of Sullivan and 
 turn him aside from his main object. But he gave no 
 heed to such attempts, and sent out no side expeditions, 
 either for relief or revenge. He marched straight up the 
 
 290 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 Susquehanna, aiming for the very heart of the Indian 
 empire. The savages and Tories mustered about two 
 thousand men under the command of Butler, Brant, and 
 the Johnsons, and made a final stand on the Tioga River 
 below Newtown. 
 
 The battle was short and decisive, and Sullivan passed 
 on among the beautiful lakes Seneca, Cayuga, and 
 Canandaigua, and reached the Genesee River, in the 
 northwestern part of the State, where the level valley, 
 extending for twenty miles, with scarcely a tree, and all 
 under Indian cultivation, astonished the eyes of his 
 soldiers. We can form some idea of the extent of this 
 Indian civilization when we find that Sullivan reported 
 that he had destroyed forty towns, and that his army of 
 nearly four thousand men had been occupied for a month 
 in this work of destruction. Some towns were left 
 untouched for lack of time. Apple and peach orchards 
 were girdled, and corn and vegetables were burnt. An 
 entry in the Journal of Colonel Adam Hubley shows the 
 method. 
 
 " Wednesday, September lyh. — This morning the whole army, excepting 
 a covering party, were engaged in destroying the com, beans, potatoes, 
 and other vegetables, which were in quantity immense, and in goodness 
 unequalled by any I ever yet saw. Agreeable to a moderate calculation, 
 there was not less than two hundred acres, the whole of which was pulled 
 and piled up in large heaps, mixed with dry wood, taken from the houses, 
 and consumed to ashes.'' 
 
 Eleven years afterwards, Big Tree, a Seneca Indian, 
 and member of a delegation to the United States Govern- 
 ment, was in Philadelphia. " Father," he said, addressing 
 Washington, " when your army entered the country of 
 the Six Nations, we called you the town-destroyer. To 
 
 291 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 this day, when your name is heard, our women look 
 behind and turn pale, and our children cling closer to 
 the necks of their mothers." 
 
 Such was the end of the Six Nations and their alliance 
 with the British. Individual depredations still continued, 
 and for many years scalping parties crept through the 
 woods about Wyoming. But their organization as a 
 nation was destroyed, their empire gone. The following 
 winter most of them were quartered on the Niagara River 
 near Buffalo, where they had to subsist on salt meat, fur- 
 nished by the British, and were decimated by the scurvy. 
 They soon dwindled to that remnant which we now see, 
 in summer time, selling baskets at Saratoga and Richfield 
 Springs. 
 
 No sooner was the Revolution ended than Pennsyl- 
 vania appealed to the Continental Congress to settle her 
 dispute with Connecticut. The question was growing 
 in importance. The land was no longer the private 
 property of a family to be held for speculation. It was 
 part of the State, belonged to the people, and the rapidly 
 growing population were anxious to enter it and reap 
 the advantage of its fertility. 
 
 During the contest with England, Pennsylvania had 
 refrained from pushing the matter, and in fact had been 
 specially requested by Congress to refrain, as there were 
 already contests enough. But within fifteen days after 
 Lord Cornwallis's surrender at Yorktown, a petition was 
 presented to Congress asking that the case be heard 
 under that clause of the Articles of Confederation which 
 provided for the settlement of disputed boundaries. By 
 August of the following year, 1782, the two States had 
 mutually agreed on the persons who should constitute a 
 
 292 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 court, and this Court of Commissioners opened its ses- 
 sions November 12, at Trenton, New Jersey. William 
 Bradford, Joseph Reed, James Wilson, and Jonathan D. 
 Sergeant appeared as counsel for Pennsylvania, and 
 Eliphalet Dyer, William S. Johnson, and Jesse Root 
 appeared for Connecticut. 
 
 The trial and argument lasted forty-one days, and 
 must have completely exhausted the subject. But un- 
 fortunately only short notes of the arguments of counsel 
 have come down to us, and the court abstained from 
 giving the reasons for their decision, which was short 
 and carefully worded. 
 
 " The Cause has been well argued by the learned Counsel on both 
 sides. 
 
 " The Court are now to pronounce their sentence or judgment. 
 
 " We are unanimously of opinion that Connecticut has no right to the 
 lands in controversy. 
 
 " We are also unanimously of opinion that the jurisdiction and pre- 
 emption of all the territory lying within the Charter of Pennsylvania, and 
 now claimed by the State of Connecticut, do of right belong to the State 
 
 of Pennsylvania. 
 
 " Wm. Whipple. 
 " Welcome Arnold. 
 " Dan'l Brearly. 
 " Cyrus Griffin. 
 " Wm. C. Houston. 
 "Trenton, 30th Dec, 1782." 
 
 The decree of the commissioners was quietly acqui- 
 esced in by Connecticut. It was the first instance in 
 which a serious conflict between two States had been 
 settled by the powers given to the Union under the 
 Articles of Confederation. The Union had dealt suc- 
 cessfully with outside enemies in the Revolution ; but it 
 was a question whether it would be strong enough to 
 
 293 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 settle internal disputes. The Trenton decision was an 
 important step in nationality. 
 
 Why the reasons for such an important decision should 
 be withheld the commissioners never vouchsafed to ex- 
 plain. When they first met they adopted a resolution 
 that, no matter what their decision should be, they would 
 never disclose its reasons ; and neither the prying curi- 
 osity of that generation nor the subsequent investiga- 
 tions of learned antiquarians have been able to unveil 
 the mystery. 
 
 Probably they were influenced by the thought that 
 this was the first decision under the Continental Union 
 of a serious dispute between two independent States. If 
 their decision should be accepted and quietly acquiesced 
 in, a great step in uniting the country would have been 
 gained. But if the decision should be attacked, criti- 
 cised, or resisted, any substantial Union of the States 
 might forever after be impossible. It was a case that 
 would test the real intentions of the people. It was an 
 American question, more than a question of either 
 Pennsylvania or Connecticut. It was important, there- 
 fore, that whatever was done should be done thoroughly, 
 surely, and with as little chance as possible for attack. 
 They may have heard of Lord Mansfield's advice to the 
 unlearned men who were going out to be judges in 
 India. " Decide the cases," said his Lordship, " by your 
 common sense, and if you never give your reasons it 
 will be hard to prove that you have made a mistake." 
 
 If we had full reports of the arguments of counsel it 
 might be possible to supply some of these reasons which 
 the court declined to give. But we have only the short 
 headings which some of the lawyers made in preparing 
 
 294 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 for their speeches, and a letter or two describing in a 
 general way what was said. The headings are very in- 
 adequate material from which to reconstruct arguments. 
 Wilson's speech occupied four days ; but his headings 
 are all contained in a little over a page of print. 
 
 Judging by the material we have, it would seem that 
 the Connecticut counsel treated the question as one of 
 mere title to land as between private individuals, and 
 took advantage of every small technicality and every 
 cause of delay. They professed to have lost their great 
 Indian deed. They declared they had looked every- 
 where for it in vain, and were chaffed by the Pennsyl- 
 vania counsel, who asked them if they had looked in 
 their breeches' pockets. 
 
 They produced it quickly enough, however, when 
 ordered to produce it by the court. They acted all 
 through the case after the manner of men who knew 
 that the decision would be against them, and were 
 determined to make a good appearance by fighting 
 every point. 
 
 The Pennsylvania counsel took broader ground. 
 Some of Wilson's notes point to the argument already 
 made, which had formerly been urged by Provost 
 Smith, that the king as sovereign of all the land had the 
 legal right to alter old grants, and his last grant was 
 binding. One of the notes says, " What was the inten- 
 tion of the parties when the sale or jurisdiction was 
 granted ?" Another says, " The power of explaining 
 the old charters in America according to equity and 
 intention was vested in the Crown, now in the United 
 States." Many of his notes refer to the subject of 
 " intention," and he apparently dwelt long on that point. 
 
 295 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 Some of Sergeant's notes are to the same effect. He 
 reminds the court that the Susquehanna Company, at 
 the suggestion of the Connecticut Assembly, had appHed 
 to the Crown for a new grant of Wyoming. This showed 
 that they believed the Pennsylvania title valid, and 
 wanted to correct it by a fresh grant. He also calls 
 attention to the point that, although the king had made 
 the famous Plymouth grant, he afterwards granted to 
 others some of the lands comprised in it. 
 
 Wilson and Sergeant were both well-known men. 
 Wilson a few years after took a prominent part in the 
 convention which framed the National Constitution. 
 Sergeant had been a member of the Continental Con- 
 gress, attorney-general of the State, and was the father 
 of John Sergeant, one of the famous leaders of the 
 Philadelphia bar. 
 
 Hoyt, in his " Brief of a Title," suggests that one 
 of the arguments made by the Pennsylvania counsel 
 must have carried great weight. It was in evidence 
 that from the time of her charter in 1662 up to the 
 middle of the next century, a period of almost a hun- 
 dred years, Connecticut had made no attempt to take 
 possession of or settle her western land. It, therefore, 
 became derelict, abandoned, and opened to the next 
 actual settlers who should enter it under any authority 
 from the Crown. As a matter of fact, the Penns had 
 built some huts at Wyoming a short time before Con- 
 necticut effected any actual settlement, and thus made 
 their right secure. 
 
 Several of Wilson's notes refer to the argument from 
 policy and convenience, and doubtless this point was 
 fully elaborated. It was evidently for the best interests 
 
 296 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 of the country at large that the Pennsylvania title 
 should prevail. There was nothing to be gained by 
 having a State split up into fragments, with other States 
 intervening between the fragments. There was no ad- 
 vantage in Connecticut having a piece of jurisdiction in 
 New England, another piece in Pennsylvania, and per- 
 haps a third in Ohio. Why should there be a Connec- 
 ticut No. I, and a Connecticut No. 2 ? 
 
 If Connecticut were allowed to do this, other States 
 must be allowed to do it. Massachusetts claimed seven 
 millions of acres in the western part of New York, 
 because her charter, like that of Connecticut, reached 
 from sea to sea. Virginia also had similar western pos- 
 sessions. It would be better for the peace and stability 
 of the new Union for each State to be centralized and 
 compact. Connecticut in New England was large 
 enough. But if she attempted to enlarge herself by 
 taking half of Pennsylvania, she would cut down Penn- 
 sylvania to an insignificant commonwealth, and not 
 materially benefit herself, for the branch would be too 
 far from the parent stem to be a source of power. These 
 western claims of New England States were a continuous 
 cause of civil war. The Massachusetts claim in New 
 York had already, like the claim of Connecticut in Penn- 
 sylvania, brought about a great loss of property, and led 
 to cruelty and bloodshed. If all these claims were cut 
 off. New England would lose no real advantage, and 
 trouble would cease. 
 
 These were the views of the political leaders of the 
 time, and all the disputes about outlying western lands 
 were settled on that basis. The lands outlying within 
 the bounds claimed by another State were given to the 
 
 297 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 State within which they lay. The far western lands, 
 beyond the bounds claimed by any State, were surren- 
 dered to the United States as a common fund for the 
 benefit of all. Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, 
 Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia accepted thi? 
 rule, and in the end gave up their outlying territory 
 to the general government. It was the obviously wise 
 policy. 
 
 So wise was it, and so thoroughly in accord were the 
 public men of the time, that it has been supposed that 
 there was a secret understanding between Congress and 
 the members of the Trenton Court that the Pennsylvania 
 title should be quietly allowed to prevail, and that Con- 
 necticut should receive a grant farther west to quiet her 
 people. Connecticut did receive from Congress such a 
 grant, and held for a time that part of Ohio still known 
 as the Western Reserve. But that there was a conspiracy 
 or agreement of this kind is a mere supposition, unsup- 
 ported by a single fact. 
 
 The fair Wyoming was turned over to her Pennsyl- 
 vania lovers, and everybody felt that the new union was 
 valuable for other things than war. It might have been 
 supposed that troubles would cease. But, unfortunately, 
 the Trenton decision settled only the question of political 
 jurisdiction. That was the only question before the 
 court, and the only point on which they were willing to 
 hear testimony and argument. The right of the Con- 
 necticut settlers to retain their lots and farms, after the 
 question of political jurisdiction had been passed upon, 
 was left undecided. 
 
 The Articles of Confederation provided a method for 
 settling this private right of soil by a tribunal separate 
 
 298 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 from that which decided the political boundaries. After 
 they had entered their decree at Trenton the commis- 
 sioners had addressed a letter to the chief executive of 
 Pennsylvania, urging that, for the sake of peace and 
 order, the Connecticut settlers be left undisturbed on 
 their lands until their title could be tried in the way pro- 
 vided. This letter was kept secret by the Pennsylvania 
 government for many years, and for reasons which will 
 become clearer as we advance. 
 
 As to the right of these settlers to continue to own 
 their farms, there has never been but one opinion among 
 the honest and intelligent. They had entered under 
 color of title. They had been led by all the circum- 
 stances of the situation to believe their title good. It 
 had been given to them by a recognized and orderly 
 government. They had cultivated the land, improved 
 it, and, with a heroism almost unequalled in history, 
 defended the northern border of Pennsylvania against 
 the British and the Indians. The transfer of the valley 
 from Connecticut to Pennsylvania should have been 
 merely a change of political government, allowing private 
 titles to stand as they were found. The Pennsylvania 
 claimants, who had been induced to buy paper titles from 
 the Penns, but who had never occupied or improved the 
 land, should have been reimbursed for their loss from the 
 public treasury. 
 
 The precedents governing the case were numerous. 
 There had already been boundary disputes between 
 Rhode Island and Connecticut, between Massachusetts 
 and Connecticut, between Massachusetts and New 
 Hampshire, and between New York and Connecticut. 
 In all of these the private right to the soil had remained 
 
 299 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 unaltered by the change of political jurisdiction. Penn- 
 sylvania herself had already had two famous boundary 
 disputes, one with Maryland and another with Virginia, 
 and in both of these the same rule had been followed. 
 
 The only instance in which an attempt had been made 
 to disregard the rule was in the contest between New 
 York and New Hampshire. The land in dispute was 
 that known as the " New Hampshire Grants," afterwards 
 the State of Vermont. This territory had been settled 
 under New Hampshire titles, which New York attempted 
 to abrogate in favor of the titles she had subsequently 
 granted to her own citizens. The consequence was a 
 long, petty civil war in which the gallant Vermonters 
 were successful, expelled the invaders, and New York 
 finally acquiesced in the rule which she found herself 
 unable to break. All this was perfectly familiar to the 
 men of that time. It was an age of boundary disputes, 
 and it is scarcely too much to say that every man in the 
 country capable of doing a day's work was well informed 
 as to what was right and just in such matters. 
 
 But, as already shown, a class of people had grown 
 up in Pennsylvania who loved Wyoming, but not for 
 her beauty and romance. These were the persons who 
 had obtained title to the land through the sales made by 
 the Penn family in 1771. As time went on, and the 
 original tracts were divided and subdivided by sales and 
 inheritance, these people became more and more numer- 
 ous until they were a power in the community, and ac- 
 quired the doubtful honor of forming our first legislative 
 lobby. Upon their heads rests a large part of the re- 
 sponsibility for the subsequent vacillating and disgrace- 
 ful conduct of the government. How easily wrong 
 
 300 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 begets wrong, and misfortune breeds misfortune ! Every 
 new tribulation of Wyoming is more complicated than 
 the last, and now we have a Third Pennamite War. 
 
 The full details of the struggle would fill the remaining 
 pages of this volume, and the legal problems involved 
 are more intricate than those of the charters. Penn- 
 sylvania never offered to submit the question of private 
 ownership to the tribunal provided in the Articles of 
 Confederation. Such a tribunal would have, in all prob- 
 ability, decided in favor of the Connecticut settlers. The 
 settlers made repeated efforts to have it appointed, and 
 in 1784 the Continental Congress actually passed a bill 
 to that effect. But the strong remonstrance of the Penn- 
 sylvania Legislature and the efforts of the Pennsylvania 
 members in Congress compelled its repeal. Pennsyl- 
 vania was determined to work out the problem in her 
 own way, through her own courts and legislature. 
 
 The first action taken by the assembly was to appoint 
 commissioners to inquire of the matter, and, meantime, 
 all legal proceedings against the settlers were stayed. 
 The commissioners set out for Wyoming, and were 
 under the control of the land-jobbers. They coolly in- 
 formed the settlers that they could remain on half their 
 land under a lease for one year. At the end of that 
 time they must surrender all. The widows of the men 
 slain by the savages were to have a further indulgence 
 of an additional year, but only on half their land. 
 
 That these proposals should be refused, and refused 
 with indignation, was to be expected. But when the 
 commissioners returned, the land-jobbing legislature 
 justified all their doings and sent them back with two 
 companies of soldiers to carry out their plans. 
 
 301 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 The commissioners had previously remodelled the 
 government of Wyoming, dividing it into two Pennsyl- 
 vania townships, and electing justices of the peace. 
 Under the lead of a certain Alexander Patterson, a 
 Scotch-Irishman, who was now in charge of proceedings, 
 the name of Wilkesbarre was changed to Londonderry. 
 Zebulon Butler was arrested and imprisoned on the 
 charge of high treason. He had protested against the 
 disorders of Patterson's soldiery. Old and respectable 
 citizens were seized, thrown into loathsome jails, 
 starved, and insulted. Land-owners were ejected, their 
 cattle driven off, their barns burnt, and the Pennsylvania 
 claimants put in possession. 
 
 A slight show of resistance gave Patterson the oppor- 
 tunity he wanted, and with a Httle bloodshed he anni- 
 hilated the settlement. The plundered and homeless 
 Yankees once more sought the paths to the eastward, — 
 those paths so often trod by the faint and failing. They 
 passed again through the Shades of Death, and the 
 scenes of the Indian massacre were repeated. The 
 women and children hunted through the swamps and 
 mountains had but little to choose between their former 
 and their present pursuers, the Indian Brant and the 
 white man Patterson. 
 
 This Patterson had been in the employ of the proprie- 
 tors all through the Pennamite wars, a service of which 
 he was very proud. Some of the men under him were 
 also veterans of the same campaigns. They had culti- 
 vated a fierce hatred for the Connecticut settlers, which 
 they expressed in violent language. Patterson's official 
 communications to the government denounce the settlers 
 as banditti, perjurers, ruffians, and .a despicable herd. 
 
 302 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 He gave prominence to the story that at the time of the 
 massacre the three hundred defenders of the valley were 
 drunk. 
 
 A flood which swept down the Susquehanna and 
 obliterated landmarks greatly assisted his designs. He 
 resurveyed the country on Pennsylvania lines and 
 boasted that he had restored to what he called his 
 " constituents" the " chief part of all the lands." Again 
 Wyoming was wiped off the map, and for the seventh 
 time. 
 
 The indignation of the better element in Pennsylvania 
 was aroused. The troops were recalled and a sheriff 
 sent to restore order. Messengers were sent after the 
 dispersed settlers. They needed only a slight excuse, 
 and many of them began to return. Under the pretence 
 of a flag of truce and permission to revisit their property 
 in Wilkesbarre, Patterson captured several of them, 
 whom he tied up and whipped with iron ramrods. But 
 the others kept returning in still greater numbers, and 
 under the leadership of John Franklin swept up and 
 down both sides of the river, dispossessing every Penn- 
 sylvanian. They drove them with Patterson into a fort, 
 where a sharp fight took place, with loss on both sides. 
 
 Some magistrates were sent in obedience to the better 
 feeling in the State to open negotiations and quiet both 
 parties. An attempt was made to persuade both sides 
 to surrender. The Connecticut party were willing, but 
 as Patterson and his men refused, the Yankees were 
 allowed to keep their arms. Meanwhile, Colonel Arm- 
 strong, another Scotch-Irishman, was marching to the 
 assistance of the situation with four hundred militia. 
 
 He was supposed to be sent for the purpose of dis- 
 303 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 arming everybody and compelling peace, but in reality 
 he was in the service of the jobbers. He was that same 
 Armstrong who in the Revolution wrote the "Newburg 
 Letters," which almost brought on a mutiny in Wash- 
 ington's army on the Hudson. He was undoubtedly a 
 man of talents, very skilful with his pen, and afterwards 
 achieved political prominence as a senator, Secretary of 
 War, and Minister to France. He was the son of a much 
 better man, General Armstrong, famous in the Revo- 
 lution and in the Indian fight at Kittanning in the French 
 Wars. 
 
 An irregular company, under a mulatto named Logan, 
 also appears to have marched at this time, taking the 
 " rebel route " by way of Easton, that route over which 
 prisoners had passed and repassed so many times. A 
 popular ditty of the day throws some light on the affair, 
 and doubtless represented the feeling of many people. 
 
 " The twentieth of September, 
 We marched the rebel route, 
 From Easton to Wyoming, 
 To drive the Yankees out. 
 The wary dogs and savage beasts 
 Would rather steal than show their faco 
 
 " We halted all at Romig's, 
 Our forces to review ; 
 Our chief commander Logan 
 Encouraged thus his crew, — 
 ' Brave lads,' he cried, • who steals the most. 
 He shall obtain the highest post.' " 
 
 Armstrong pledged to the settlers his faith as a soldier, 
 and his honor as a gentleman, that if they would sur- 
 render, the Patterson party should also be disarmed, but 
 
 304 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 as soon as their weapons were stacked he had them all 
 seized as prisoners. Not a gun was taken from Patterson. 
 The jobbers were again in power, with their feet on the 
 settler's neck. The prisoners were coupled, two and 
 two, in irons, and marched, some to Sunbury and the 
 rest to Easton. 
 
 This disgraceful business was denounced by a large 
 part of the people of the State, as well as by the Council 
 of Censors, a body existing at that time for the purpose 
 of keeping inviolate the Constitution. John Dickinson, 
 President of the State, opposed it with all his power, but 
 he was unsupported by the Supreme Executive Council, 
 of which he was the head, and by the majority of the 
 legislature. Armstrong and Patterson still went on 
 with their work, and were upheld and encouraged in it 
 by the government. 
 
 But they could raise no militia. Armstrong himself 
 confessed that he was everywhere met with the objection 
 " that it was a quarrel of a set of land-jobbers." With 
 less than a hundred men he attempted to attack the fast- 
 rallying Yankees. His prisoners had nearly all escaped. 
 Some were released on bail, and the rest had knocked 
 down their keepers and fled. Desultory fighting, siege 
 and counter-siege, and the sharp-shooting of hunters 
 followed for several months. Seven or eight lives were 
 lost, wounds given, and prisoners taken. Each party 
 seemed to hold its own. But in the end Patterson and 
 Armstrong were recalled. 
 
 A new difficulty was rapidly appearing. As there 
 
 seemed to be no hope of justice from Pennsylvania, New 
 
 England and a large part of New York began to take 
 
 sides with Wyoming. The idea, so often suggested, of 
 
 ao 305 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 making the valley a new State of the Union, began to 
 take definite shape. John Franklin urged it with vehe- 
 mence upon Connecticut, Massachusetts, and the Susque- 
 hanna Company. Some of the ablest men in Pennsylvania 
 believed that he would succeed. They feared that, unless 
 the insane course of Pennsylvania was checked, there 
 would either be a new State, or a civil war, involving 
 the New England with the Middle States, which would 
 wreck the Confederation, and destroy every hope of a 
 permanent union. 
 
 Fortunately, Pennsylvania saw her folly, and began to 
 retract. She passed acts to restore the settlers to pos- 
 session, to pardon all past offences, and she repealed the 
 acts remodelling the government of Wyoming. Other 
 acts were passed organizing the country, and giving the 
 settlers representation in council and assembly. 
 
 It was none too soon, for all the time the Susquehanna 
 Company was working at its project of a new State. 
 Some of the most prominent men in New England had 
 been engaged as commissioners with power to determine 
 when an independent government should be established. 
 The services of Ethan Allen were obtained. He was 
 fresh from his creation of the new State of Vermont and 
 his triumph over New York, and he was stimulated by a 
 gift from the Susquehanna Company of a few thousand 
 acres of land. He appeared at Wyoming in his regi- 
 mentals, followed by " Green Mountain boys," and " half- 
 share men," as the new subscribers to the Susquehanna 
 Company were called. 
 
 Luckily the old settlers did not altogether sympathize 
 with this project. They were perfectly willing to live 
 under the Pennsylvania constitution, provided their land 
 
 306 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 was secure. Still the pressure to join the new State 
 movement was strong, and it might have succeeded had 
 it not been for the exertions of Timothy Pickering, sec- 
 onded by that brave and judicious soul, Zebulon Butler. 
 
 Pickering appeared representing Pennsylvania and the 
 sober, second thought of her decent people. He had at 
 one time been quartermaster-general of the Continental 
 army. He was a native of Massachusetts, and had been 
 selected for that reason, as likely to have influence with 
 men of New England origin. In after years he became 
 very prominent in national politics as an extreme Feder- 
 alist, was Secretary of War, Secretary of State, and a 
 member of the Senate. 
 
 He was an altogether different man from Patterson. 
 With patience and discretion, and no ulterior purpose, 
 he labored for the just settlement of the unfortunate prob- 
 lem. He bought land on the Connecticut title, identified 
 himself with the people, went up and down among them 
 for a month, and by the most strenuous exertions turned 
 the tide, but only on the express condition that the 
 possession of their land should be confirmed. 
 
 And now began the legal war. The legislature 
 passed an act which became familiar to a whole genera- 
 tion as "The Confirming Act of 1787." On its face it 
 appeared somewhat fair and likely to succeed. Every 
 Connecticut claimant, who was an actual settler and 
 owner of land before the Trenton Decree, had his title 
 confirmed. The Pennsylvania claimants were disposed 
 of by giving each of them other lands of equal value in 
 the unseated territory of the State. 
 
 The chief defect in this act was that it was largely 
 unconstitutional. It provided for taking away the prop- 
 
 307 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 erty of the Pennsylvania claimants and indemnifying 
 them with other land. But when private property is taken 
 by the government the indemnification must be in money. 
 Again, the act provided that the amount of other land to 
 be given as indemnification should be determined by the 
 board of property. That was unconstitutional, because 
 the amount of indemnification in such cases can be deter- 
 mined in only one of three ways, — by agreement of the 
 parties, by agreement of persons specially appointed by 
 them for the purpose, or by the verdict of a j ury. 
 
 In one respect, however, the act was perfectly valid. 
 A large part of the land in dispute was now owned by 
 the State. This had happened in two ways. The part 
 of the land which the Penns had not sold had, of course, 
 after the Revolution, become the property of the State. 
 Some of the land sold by the Penns had not been paid for, 
 and this also had come into the possession of the State. 
 
 As to the surrender of this State land to the Connecti- 
 cut claimants, the act was, of course, perfectly constitu- 
 tional. No Pennsylvania citizen was being deprived of 
 his property. The State had a right to do what she 
 pleased with her own, and the act was a contract which 
 could not afterwards be rescinded without violating that 
 clause of the Constitution of the United States which 
 says that no State shall pass an act impairing the obli- 
 gation of a contract. As regards this State land, the 
 opinion of the best lawyers has always been that the 
 confirming act of 1787 gave it out and out to the claim- 
 ants beyond any power of revocation. 
 
 That the land-jobbing section of the legislature knew 
 that they were passing an act largely unconstitutional, 
 and did so purposely, is not at all unlikely. Other dififi- 
 
 308 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 culties which interfered with its execution crept out from 
 time to time, disclosing the secret purpose of its framers. 
 
 The act required the Connecticut people to present 
 their claims within eight months, and required the com- 
 missioners who were to examine those claims to meet 
 within two months. Of course, these provisions were not 
 compHed with, and could not in the nature of things be 
 accurately complied with. In the confusion of the last 
 ten years, title papers had been scattered or lost, and the 
 means of communication were slow. The commissioners 
 who were appointed kept resigning, and the two months 
 soon passed. The land-jobbers took advantage of this, 
 and said the act had not been complied with. It was 
 a failure, as a large part of the legislature intended that 
 it should be, and they now had a good excuse for re- 
 pealing it. 
 
 But, nevertheless, the actual effect of this insincere 
 legislation was valuable. It had on its face so much 
 appearance of justice that it stopped the new State move- 
 ment at the time of its most rapid growth. Just before 
 its passage, Oliver Wolcott, one of the New England 
 commissioners, had drawn up a constitution for the new 
 State. William Judd, of Connecticut, was to be gover- 
 nor, and John Franklin lieutenant-governor. Prepara- 
 tions had been made, so soon as the decisive moment 
 should arrive, to pour an enormous New England popu- 
 lation into the valley, and every new settler was to be 
 given two hundred acres of land. 
 
 The passage of the act brought on a crisis. The 
 Wyoming settlers met in a mass meeting. Should they 
 accept or reject the act ? Franklin still clung to the new 
 State movement and was pitted against Pickering. The 
 
 309 
 
Tlic Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 speeches were earnest, but the intense feeling was re- 
 strained, until one of the majority aimed a blow at 
 Franklin while he was speaking. Instantly the wild 
 passions of the frontiersmen broke forth. Each party 
 rushed to the nearest wood, cut sticks, and turned on 
 each other with savage blows. 
 
 The contest deserves mention for other reasons than 
 the mere fact of its occurrence. It is another instance 
 of the honorable way in which the rough type of colo- 
 nial Americans fought among themselves. They all 
 possessed firearms, were trained to their daily use, and 
 had no hesitation in using them on enemies in lawful 
 warfare. But in their private quarrels they invariably 
 laid aside both the rifle and the knife, and took the 
 Saxon method of fists and sticks. They had no love 
 for murder, and they had none of that modern instinct 
 of shooting and killing for every petty difficulty which 
 for the last sixty years has disgraced our American civil- 
 ization. 
 
 On this particular occasion, when their fight was over, 
 they settled down to business and passed a vote. They 
 were warned that Pennsylvania had always dealt treach- 
 erously and would repeal the act. The prophecy was 
 true. But, nevertheless, these sturdy men voted for 
 acceptance. Of all their remarkable qualities, their 
 courage, their persistence, their fairness, and their intelli- 
 gence, nothing is more remarkable than their patient, 
 abiding faith that justice would be done them in the 
 end, and that that justice would come from Pennsylvania. 
 
 Most of the settlers having voted against the new 
 State movement, John Franklin was arrested on the 
 charge of high treason, and his project troubled the 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 people no more. A step had been gained, and an im- 
 portant one. In spite of the repeal of the act, the better 
 element of the State argued that it had had effects which 
 could not be done away. 
 
 Perhaps this feeling was nowhere so well expressed as 
 in the dissenting votes of William Rawle and William 
 Lewis, members of the legislature from Philadelphia. 
 They were then comparatively young men. Rawle was 
 thirty-one and Lewis forty. But they were both rapidly 
 rising to that position in which, with Sergeant, Ingersoll, 
 Binney, and others, they made the name of the Philadel- 
 phia bar a synonyme for ability and integrity throughout 
 the whole Union. Their dissenting votes are strong 
 with the flavor of the old school; that unmistakable 
 touch of the gentleman and the scholar which so long 
 distinguished the Philadelphia lawyers. 
 
 Lewis's statement is longer than Rawle's, and forms 
 almost a complete history of the subject. He rather 
 deHcately insinuates the suspicion that the former legis- 
 lature passed the confirming law merely to stop the new 
 State movement, and with the full intention, when that 
 object was accomplished, of repealing the law and pro- 
 ceeding with the land-jobbing projects. Both he and 
 Rawle argue that the confirming law while in force con- 
 veyed to the Connecticut settlers vested rights which 
 could not be revoked. But beyond all matters of mere 
 technicality the confirming law was an act' of justice, 
 a solemn pledge of the public faith and honor, to be 
 regarded in the light of a covenant, and a treaty which 
 could never be broken without disgrace. 
 
 Nevertheless, on the ist of April, 1790, the repeal was 
 passed by the overwhelming vote of forty-two to four- 
 
 3" 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 teen. The preamble declared the confirming law to 
 have been unjust and oppressive, because it deprived 
 Pennsylvania citizens of their land without their consent, 
 which deprivation was unconstitutional, and that it had 
 been passed hastily and without proper information. 
 The repealers then proceeded to reverse all judgments 
 which had been obtained by default against Connecticut 
 claimants, and provided that new suits might be begun. 
 This seemed to recognize to a certain extent the justness 
 of the Connecticut position. It cleared the'ground and 
 left everything to be begun again anew. 
 
 The effect of the repeal was to turn the whole matter 
 over to the civil courts to be settled by ordinary law- 
 suits. But the Connecticut settlers continued to occupy 
 the land and were undisturbed. Within the next eight 
 years, although many suits of ejectment were begun, 
 only one was tried : so true was the argument of Rawle 
 and Lewis that the confirming act had done its work in 
 spite of the repeal. 
 
 The case which was tried was the famous one of Van 
 Horn vs. Dorrance, brought in the United States Circuit 
 Court. On one side or the other were nearly all the 
 leaders of the Philadelphia bar. Jared Ingersoll, Ser- 
 geant, and Tilghman were for the plaintiff, who was 
 a Pennsylvania claimant. Rawle, Lewis, and Thomas 
 were for the Connecticut defendant. Charters, Indian 
 deeds, and everything relating to the subject were put 
 in evidence, and witnesses described every step in the 
 sad history of Wyoming. When these failed the works 
 of historians were added. Such a case, involving his- 
 tory, romance, adventure, and constitutional law, had 
 seldom, if ever, been tried. 
 
 312 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 The Connecticut defendant attempted to protect his 
 title first by the Connecticut charter, and second by the 
 confirming act. As to the Connecticut charter, the 
 judge decided that it did not cover Wyoming. Unfor- 
 tunately, he followed the example of the court at Trenton 
 and refrained from giving his reasons. He was justified 
 in silently following the higher authority of the Trenton 
 commissioners, but it would have been more interesting 
 if he had given us an argument. As to the confirming 
 act, he held it to be unconstitutional and void, and on 
 this point he gave his reasons in a very clear and con- 
 vincing manner. The title of the Connecticut defendant 
 failing on both points, a verdict was rendered against 
 him, and apparently he had lost his land. 
 
 But the learned judge might have spared his breath. 
 The case was appealed to the Supreme Court of the 
 United States, where it slept the sleep of the dead, and 
 was never heard from again. The decision had no more 
 effect than if it had never been rendered. The justice of 
 Wyoming's cause had been so wrought into the sense of 
 the community that her rights were beyond the reach of 
 legislatures, courts, and land-jobbers. The settlers con- 
 tinued on that land, which was theirs by devotion, cour- 
 age, blood, and right, and in 1799 that astute and re- 
 markable body, which called itself the General Assembly 
 of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, passed what 
 became known as the " Compromise Act." 
 
 This act was rendered necessary by the position of 
 the Pennsylvania claimants. They were entirely out in 
 the cold. They were not getting the land they wanted 
 by suits at law, and all legislation giving them compen- 
 sation had been repealed. By the new compromise act 
 
 3«3 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 all claimants, both of Pennsylvania and of Connecticut, 
 were required to give up their titles to the common- 
 wealth ; that being done, the Pennsylvanians were to be 
 paid for theirs in money, and the Connecticut claimants, 
 who were actual settlers and owners before the decree at 
 Trenton, were to have their land given back to them by 
 the State, but they were required to make a small pay- 
 ment, ranging from two dollars an acre for the best land 
 down to eight and a third cents for the worst. 
 
 The Connecticut settlers, with the events of the last 
 ten years fresh in their minds, were at first a little slow 
 about giving up their titles to the State ; but finally, with 
 that confidence they always showed, they came forward 
 in large numbers and released. The Pennsylvania specu- 
 lators would not release at all, and another act had to be 
 passed in i802, which allowed the commissioners to give 
 title to the releasing Yankees without regard to whether 
 there was a release from the land-jobbers or not. The 
 jobbers were told that they might go before a jury and 
 prove their right to compensation against the State, but 
 that their right to sue the Connecticut claimant was 
 gone. After ten years of dishonor a gleam of justice had 
 at last penetrated the legislative mind. 
 
 The impulse once given, that mind moved on. In 
 1807 an act was passed by which Connecticut claimants 
 were not obliged to have been occupiers before the decree 
 of Trenton, and Pennsylvania claimants could release 
 and be paid in money if they had acquired title any 
 time before the confirming act of 1787. Thus, after a 
 shameful waste of life, property, and money, the legisla- 
 ture was compelled to do what it could have done just 
 as well fifteen years before. 
 
 314 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 Seventeen hundred and forty-five certificates were 
 issued to the Connecticut settlers. The land included 
 was about three hundred thousand acres, pretty much 
 the whole of the seventeen townships, and the troubles 
 of Wyoming were ended forever. 
 
 What shall be said of such a history ? If ever there 
 was a quarrel unnecessary, wasteful, and foolish, it was 
 this dispute about Wyoming. Yet no part of Penn- 
 sylvania history has attracted more attention. No part 
 of Pennsylvania history has been so thoroughly investi- 
 gated and so carefully written. Besides the elaborate 
 and learned works of Miner and Hoyt, there are histories 
 by Chapman, Peck, Stone, HoUister, and others, together 
 with pamphlets and documents innumerable. Many of 
 these histories have passed through several editions, and 
 some of the most inferior have had large sales. During 
 the first half of the present century there was great in- 
 terest in the subject both here and in England, but since 
 the Civil War, and the more rapid development of recent 
 years, other topics have occupied the public mind, and 
 Wyoming has been forgotten. 
 
 This interest of the outside world was purely an 
 interest in romance and heroism, for there was nothing 
 else in the story. For fifty years, so far as material 
 development was concerned, Wyoming was a failure. 
 It was the paradise of the hunter, the adventurer, and 
 the poet, but the despair of the thrifty colonist. 
 
 If Wyoming had been peaceful from the beginning, if 
 the strong, keen, enthusiastic New Englanders had been 
 willing to settle it under Pennsylvania laws, and had not 
 fought for what did not belong to them, they could have 
 developed the valley at their ease, and we might have 
 
 31S 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 something very different to record. We might have had 
 remarkable men appearing from the valley, — statesmen, 
 men of literature, more vigorous, striking, and original 
 than even the Scotch-Irish. 
 
 But between the successive annihilations of their settle- 
 ments these unfortunate people were scarcely given time 
 to draw their breath, still less to become great. They 
 were not firmly established until about the year 1810. 
 Soon after that began the influx of foreign emigrants 
 from every nation of Europe, and the original elements 
 of the population were overwhelmed. 
 
 The discovery of the enormous coal deposits of the 
 valley, bringing wealth at last to the struggling settler, 
 made the inpouring of the foreigner more mixed and 
 numerous than ever. Irish, Germans, Swedes, Poles, 
 Hungarians, and Italians now fill and have for years filled 
 the haunts of Gertrude and Waldegrave, and made them 
 the seat of the most mixed and various population in 
 mixed and various Pennsylvania. All chance of a 
 homogeneous development was destroyed, and destroyed 
 for hundreds of years to come. The lonely hills are 
 stripped naked of their forests, the ravines and cascades 
 are dry, the trout, the deer, the elk are gone, and the 
 diligent miner has transformed the earth beyond all 
 recognition of the heroes of old. 
 
 One characteristic, however, those heroes succeeded 
 in impressing on the land. That was the New England 
 school system. One of their first acts, amid their pov- 
 erty and misfortunes, was to make provision for public 
 schools. All through their ancient records we find en- 
 tries to maintain this institution, without which the New- 
 Englander is not of New England. When, in the second 
 
 316 
 
The Connecticut Invasion 
 
 quarter of the present century, the State adopted that 
 system, it was simply extending to the whole common- 
 wealth what had been in force in the valley for nearly a 
 hundred years. 
 
 But, after all, there may be something in this record 
 of misfortune which cannot be weighed in the scales of 
 science and exactness. There is a moral grandeur about 
 the men of Wyoming, a fearless directness of purpose, a 
 sublime confidence in justice, which is perhaps more 
 valuable to humanity than any material development. 
 Let us hope so. Let us hope that something besides 
 cruelty, devastation, and wrong resulted from that mis- 
 taken persistence of Connecticut, — a persistence which 
 attempted to grasp a western empire which the lawful 
 decrees of the British Crown had given to another com- 
 monwealth. 
 
 31? 
 
CHAPTER XL 
 
 THE BOUNDARY DISPUTES WITH MARYLAND AND VIR- 
 GINIA. 
 
 There were three points of boundary dispute with 
 Maryland : one in relation to the lines between Maryland 
 and the present State of Delaware, which had been given 
 to Penn by the Duke of York, and was a part of Penn- 
 sylvania, sometimes known as The Territories or The 
 Three Lower Counties ; another in relation to the north- 
 ern boundary of Delaware on Pennsylvania, that curious 
 half-circle as now marked on the map ; and a third about 
 the line which this circle was supposed to cut, and which 
 would start westward from the circle, and form the 
 boundary between Maryland and Pennsylvania, now long 
 known in history as Mason and Dixon's line. 
 
 The dispute with Virginia followed immediately after 
 the settlement of the difficulties with Maryland, and 
 concerned the extension of Mason and Dixon's Hne 
 beyond Maryland. Virginia claimed about fifty-four 
 miles of the western end of Pennsylvania, which in- 
 cluded the present site of Pittsburg. 
 
 The controversies with Maryland clung to Pennsyl- 
 vania all through the colonial period. They began at 
 the founding of the colony in 1682, and were not finally 
 settled until 1774, just before the Revolution. The con- 
 tentions on either side were far reaching and vital, and 
 the claim of each colony threatened the existence of the 
 
 .?i8 
 
Boundary Disputes with Maryland and Virginia 
 
 other. If Lord Baltimore's line had been accepted, it 
 would have passed just north of Philadelphia, and 
 brought that city within the limits of Maryland. On 
 the other hand, if Penn had been allowed the boundary 
 given in his charter, the southern line of Pennsylvania 
 would have passed just north of Washington ; Baltimore 
 would have been a Pennsylvania town, and Maryland 
 would have been reduced to a few insignificant counties 
 on the Chesapeake. 
 
 Our boundaries have now long since been settled, and 
 we have long been accustomed to think of our State as 
 an empire in extent. But few of us know of the diffi- 
 culties that were encountered and the persistence that 
 was required to create this broad domain. There was a 
 time when it seemed as if our limits would be very narrow 
 ones, and that other provinces would succeed in dismem- 
 bering us. All through the colonial period we were 
 troubled with boundary disputes on the north, west, and 
 south, which, if they had not been successfully resisted, 
 would have left us a very small patch of territory. 
 
 Connecticut claimed the northern half of the State, 
 Maryland a long tract on the south as high up as Phila- 
 delphia, and Virginia the western end almost to the 
 Alleghanies, and what was left was merely a narrow 
 strip in the middle of our present State, about seventy 
 miles wide and two hundred and forty long, containing 
 neither Philadelphia nor Pittsburg.* 
 
 Maryland was a much older colony than Pennsylvania. 
 Cecil Calvert, the second Lord Baltimore, received his 
 grant of it in 1632, thirty-nine years before the date of 
 
 * See map. 
 3'9 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 Penn's charter of 1681. At the time of Baltimore's 
 grant, Virginia had been settled and also Massachusetts, 
 and the geography in the neighborhood of those two 
 places was tolerably well known and marked out on 
 Captain John Smith's two maps, the authorities alike 
 for navigators and kings. But the coast and country 
 between New England and Virginia was unexplored. 
 Smith had known of Delaware Bay only by hearsay 
 from the Indians, and it does not appear on either of his 
 maps. His map of New England gives only the coast 
 line of Maine and Massachusetts, and stops at Cape Cod, 
 and his map of Virginia is really only a map of Chesa- 
 peake Bay and its tributaries. 
 
 It is true the Dutch had been going to the Delaware 
 ever since 1623, and at the time of Baltimore's grant, in 
 1632, the existence of the Delaware was well known. 
 But there were no surveys or maps of the part of it 
 where Pennsylvania now is ; no one in England seems to 
 have been familiar with any of its prominent landmarks, 
 and there were no reliable observations of latitude to 
 supply their place. 
 
 We must be careful to bear in mind the exact meaning 
 of latitude. Degrees of latitude are the measures of 
 distance north and south of the equator. A single 
 degree is a band about sixty-nine and a half miles wide, 
 extending around the earth parallel to the equator ; and 
 when provinces are bounded by these degrees it is 
 important to know whether the beginning or the end of 
 the degree is meant. The figures marking the degrees 
 on maps are always placed at the end of the degree, and 
 a degree always begins immediately after these figures 
 where the preceding one ends. Thus, if it should be 
 
 320 
 
Boundary Disputes with Maryland and Virginia 
 
 said that Maryland's northern boundary was the fortieth 
 degree of north latitude the description would be very 
 vague, for the beginning of that degree is near Washing- 
 ton, and the end of it passes through the northern part 
 of Philadelphia. 
 
 Lord Baltimore intended to have his colony just 
 north of Virginia, and its boundary on Virginia was 
 easy to determine, for that part of the country had been 
 surveyed by the valiant and boastful little Captain 
 Smith, who, when he entered on his map the places he 
 had actually visited, was often fairly accurate. 
 
 Lord Baltimore took for his principal landmark a 
 place called Watkin's Point, which was a cape on the 
 east side of Chesapeake Bay, directly opposite the 
 mouth of the Potomac. Thence his line went eastward 
 across the peninsula to the occcin; and so far he was 
 safe enough and knew what he was doing. But having 
 reached the ocean, he turned his line northward along 
 the coast and began to enter the unknown. He had 
 heard there was a bay called Delaware Bay somewhere 
 up there, and he had Smith's map before him, which 
 showed the end of the fortieth degree crossing the 
 country about seven miles north of the head of Chesa- 
 peake Bay, while to the northward and eastward were 
 the pretty pictures and flourishes with which the old 
 geographers always decorated their ignorance. 
 
 He thought that the southern boundary of New Eng- 
 land was the end of this fortieth degree as marked 
 on Smith's map ; and he had some reason for this belief, 
 for the New England charter described the territory 
 it granted as " All that part of America lying in breadth 
 from forty degrees to forty-eight degrees north lati- 
 
 21 32« 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 tude." It was not altogether unreasonable to suppose 
 that this meant from the end of the fortieth degree 
 to^the beginning of the forty-eighth, although the words 
 do not expressly say so. 
 
 The Penn family always contended that it meant from 
 the beginning of the fortieth, because New Jersey was at 
 that time included in New England, and the southern 
 extremity of New Jersey was close to the beginning of 
 the fortieth. The words of the New England charter 
 were vague, and either meaning could be plausibly 
 drawn from fhem. 
 
 Baltimore took them as meaning from the end of the 
 fortieth, and we can hardly blame him. He accordingly 
 said in his charter that his province should run north- 
 ward along the ocean " unto that part of Delaware Bay 
 on the north which lieth under the fortieth degree 
 of northern latitude from the equinoctial where New 
 England ends." 
 
 But although he doubtless intended his province to 
 reach to the end of the fortieth degree, he did not 
 succeed very well in expressing that intention, and it 
 has been much disputed what the words " under the 
 fortieth degree" mean. Do they mean all the way to 
 the completion of the fortieth degree, or only to the 
 beginning of it at the end of the thirty-ninth ? The 
 description in the charter says " unto that part of Dela- 
 ware Bay which lieth under the fortieth degree," and 
 the natural meaning of this is that the bounds were to 
 extend north until they subjoined that part of Delaware 
 Bay which lay under — that is, was within, or was covered 
 by — the fortieth degree, and this would make the end of 
 the thirty-ninth degree the boundary. 
 
 322 
 
Boundary Disputes with Maryland and Virginia 
 
 The land within the fortieth degree was not granted ; 
 the grant extended only up to the land which lay within 
 the fortieth. If the grant had extended to the comple- 
 tion of the fortieth it would have been coterminous with 
 the fortieth, and not up to that part which lay under it. 
 
 This construction harmonizes with the other conten- 
 tion of the Penns, that New England extended to the 
 beginning of the fortieth, and gave them a very strong 
 argument for their position that Maryland's northern 
 boundary was the beginning of the fortieth degree, now 
 just a little north of the present District of Columbia. 
 
 But, although the language of Baltimore's own charter 
 supports this view, it is difficult to suppose that he really 
 intended his northern line to be so far south. He used 
 very inaccurate and careless language in his charter, and 
 in point of law was bound by his mistakes, but no one 
 can look at Smith's map without being convinced that 
 Baltimore intended his northern boundary to be the end 
 of the fortieth degree, which, on that map, passed about 
 seven miles north of the head of the Chesapeake. 
 
 On Smith's map the end of the thirty-eighth degree 
 passes close by Watkin's Point and along the Maryland 
 southern boundary. If, therefore, Baltimore gave himself 
 two degrees northward, to the end of the fortieth, he 
 would have a province of reasonable size. But if he only 
 went north one degree, to the end of the thirty-ninth, he 
 would have, as any one can see by looking at Smith's 
 map, or any other map, a mere patch about sixty miles 
 wide. 
 
 Moreover, the end of the thirty-ninth would be incon- 
 sistent with his other boundaries ; for after saying that 
 he is to go north to the part of Delaware Bay lying under 
 
 323 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 the fortieth, his charter goes on and describes the north- 
 ern boundary as extending westward " in a right line by 
 the degree aforesaid unto the true meridian of the first 
 fountains of the Potomac," the farther bank of which was 
 to be followed down to its mouth, and thence a straight 
 line drawn across the Chesapeake to Watkin's Point, the 
 place of beginning. Now, on Smith's map the end of 
 the fortieth degree reaches westward to the head-waters, 
 or first fountains, of the Potomac, but the end of the 
 thirty-ninth does not touch the first fountains at all, and 
 crosses the river about half-way between its mouth and 
 its source before reaching the meridian of the fountains. 
 
 Lord Baltimore intended to define his boundaries so 
 as to include within his province the present State of 
 Delaware as well as Maryland. He used the limited 
 knowledge at his command, not as carefully as he might, 
 but was doubtless well satisfied with his ocean shore and 
 bay, and never dreamed that he was creating a serious 
 controversy. He died in April, 1632, before his charter 
 had passed the seals, and it was given to his son, Cecil 
 Calvert, the second Lord Baltimore, in the following 
 June. 
 
 Year afler year passed away while the settlers enjoyed 
 the canvas-backs and terrapin of the Chesapeake. Cecil 
 Calvert never visited the colony, and governed it entirely 
 by deputies. The settlements were confined to the 
 neighborhood of Baltimore and the shores of the bay, 
 and there was little occasion to test the northern and 
 eastern boundaries. The Dutch and Swedes, however, 
 were known to be settling in that direction, but more 
 than twenty-five years passed before any attempt was 
 made to dispute their possession. Finally, in 1659, the 
 
 324 
 
Boundary Disputes with Maryland and Virginia 
 
 governor of Maryland sent Colonel Utie to New Amstel, 
 on the Delaware, to demand that the Dutch leave the 
 country or submit themselves to Lord Baltimore. The 
 colonel not only made demands, but went from house to 
 house to induce the people to revolt. 
 
 The Dutch seem to have been very little disturbed by 
 this demonstration, but they sent a delegation to Mary- 
 land to see if the difficulty could be settled. Their 
 delegates declared that they could not understand why 
 Baltimore, who had not colonists enough to settle the 
 shores of the Chesapeake, should want to encroach on 
 Holland's possession of the Delaware, and they asked to 
 see the Maryland charter. 
 
 They had scarcely read ten lines of it before they saw 
 one of its weakest points, for the opening paragraph 
 declared it to be the intention of the Crown to give Lord 
 Baltimore such lands as had not yet been cultivated and 
 planted. Similar phrases were in nearly all the English 
 colonial charters, the more usual one being, such lands 
 as " are not actually possessed by any Christian prince 
 or people," and this was done in recognition of the law 
 universally accepted at that time by all the colonizing 
 nations of Europe. The Dutch had been in possession 
 of the shores of Delaware Bay for ten years before Lord 
 Baltimore's charter was issued, and his boundaries in 
 that direction were evidently defective. The sensible 
 Dutchmen proposed a compromise, and offered to help 
 survey a line which would divide the peninsula between 
 Chesapeake and Delaware Bays equally between the two 
 parties, and, curiously enough, this was the arrangement 
 which, after eighty years of wrangling, was finally agreed 
 upon. 
 
 32s 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 Four or five more years passed, and in 1664 the Dutch 
 were conquered by the English, and the Delaware region 
 passed into the hands of the Duke of York, who, though 
 without legal title to it, governed it as an appendage to 
 New York. Now was the time for Baltimore to protest 
 and say that he owned all the way to Delaware Bay. 
 But he said nothing and allowed the duke to maintain 
 against him an adverse possession of seventeen years. 
 Moreover, this Delaware country, having been conquered 
 from an enemy, belonged in strictness to the king, which 
 still further weakened the Maryland title. 
 
 And now came the year 1681, and the charter to 
 William Penn, which soon disclosed both of the weak 
 points of Maryland, the careless description of her north- 
 ern boundary as under the fortieth degree, and her un- 
 founded claim to what is now the State of Delaware. 
 
 Penn wanted Delaware, as we now call it, because it 
 .stretched all the way along the west side of the river 
 and bay, down to Cape Henlopen, and gave him a long 
 water frontage and complete control of navigation to 
 his colony. As it was outside of the limits of the Penn- 
 sylvania charter, he took a conveyance of it from the 
 Duke of York to cover any claims that nobleman might 
 have by reason of his possession, and the duke war- 
 ranted his title, and agreed to obtain and convey to Penn 
 a more perfect title within seven years. Afterwards, 
 when the king had conveyed to the duke a good title, 
 the duke gave the letters patent of it to Penn as se- 
 curity, and some years later, when he became James 
 II., was about to make a final and perfect conveyance 
 to Penn, when he was driven from the throne. His 
 acts, however, as was afterwards decided by Lord 
 
 326 
 
Boundary Disputes with Maryland and Virginia 
 
 Hardwicke, had given Penn a complete equitable title ; 
 and so Penn, having both Delaware and Pennsylvania, 
 obtained with them all of their boundary disputes with 
 Maryland. 
 
 When the privy council were debating the boundaries 
 that should be given to the grant in Penn's charter, 
 formal notice was sent to all persons likely to be affected 
 by the grant, and among others to Lord Baltimore. His 
 agent replied to the notice by requesting that Penn's 
 southern boundary be limited by lines drawn east and 
 west through the Susquehanna Fort. 
 
 This fort was somewhere on the river of the same 
 name, but no one has ever been able to fix the exact 
 place. The Indians often built small stockaded forts, 
 and there may have been several of them called Susque- 
 hanna. Baltimore doubtless thought that the one he 
 intended was at the end of the fortieth degree ; and in 
 after years the Penns maintained that the true Susque- 
 hanna Fort was at the mouth of the Octorara, some miles 
 within the present limits of Maryland. In 1681, William 
 Penn seems to have had some knowledge about the 
 position of this fort, and readily agreed with Lord Balti- 
 more that it should mark his southern boundary. 
 
 But Lord Chief-Justice North, who had special charge 
 of the boundary questions involved in the charter, 
 ignored this agreement, and gave Pennsylvania's south- 
 ern boundary as the beginning of the fortieth degree. 
 He evidently understood the words, "unto that part 
 of Delaware Bay which lieth under the fortieth de- 
 gree," in the Maryland charter, to mean the beginning 
 of that degree and not its end. He could see no 
 reason why the boundaries in the two charters should 
 
 327 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 not be coincident. He said it was not necessary to 
 follow the agreement which Penn and Baltimore had 
 made, because the notice to Baltimore to appear had 
 been merely formal, which was another way of saying 
 that the privy council and the Crown could make 
 the grant as they pleased without regard to anybody's 
 wishes or agreements. 
 
 When we look at the maps which Lord Chief-Justice 
 North must have used, Smith's map, and the other maps 
 which at that time were collected in Ogilby's "Amer- 
 ica," it is hard, at first, to see how he could have delib- 
 erately carried the southern boundary of Pennsylvania 
 down to the neighborhood of Washington and deprived 
 Lord Baltimore of the greater part of his province. 
 
 The maps in Ogilby's " America" have the degrees of 
 latitude marked in the same places as on Smith's map. 
 The end of the fortieth is about seven miles north of the 
 head of Chesapeake, and its beginning is far down the 
 bay, and the end of the thirty-eighth is close to Wat- 
 kin's Point and the mouth of the Potomac. If his lord- 
 ship was relying at all on these degrees, he must have 
 seen at a glance that he was cutting down Maryland to 
 almost nothing. 
 
 But there is every reason to suppose that he was not 
 relying at all on those degrees, for it seems to have been 
 the general opinion at that time that all those degrees 
 were too far south. We have a letter written to the 
 privy council by John Werden, agent of the Duke 
 of York, in which he says that he and the duke were of 
 opinion that the beginning of the fortieth degree was 
 about twenty or thirty miles north of New Castle, and 
 also another letter from him in which he says that 
 
 328 
 
Boundary Disputes with Maryland and Virginia 
 
 he had been talking on the subject to William Penn, 
 who thought that the fortieth began about twelve miles 
 north of New Castle. 
 
 Lord North was evidently of the same opinion as 
 Penn, for he described the southern boundary of Penn- 
 sylvania as a circle twelve miles distant from New Castle 
 as a centre, and drawn northward and westward until it 
 touched the beginning of the fortieth degree, which 
 it was to follow westward. He never supposed that he 
 was putting Pennsylvania far down in the middle of 
 Baltimore's province ; but, on the contrary, he thought 
 he was placing the line very near where Lord Baltimore 
 and Penn wanted it, and probably not very far from the 
 Susquehanna Fort. His confidence that a radius of 
 twelve miles from New Castle would touch the begin- 
 ning of the fortieth shows that he was not in the least 
 relying on the degrees as marked on Smith's map. 
 
 Baltimore was apparently much better informed on 
 these matters than either Penn or the privy council, 
 but he did not see fit at that time to disclose his knowl- 
 edge. The Maryland government, it seems, had in 1669 
 ordered an observation to be taken of the latitude of 
 New Castle, and the report made to them showed that 
 town to be in 39° 30', which would place the end of the 
 fortieth degree many miles to the north and the begin- 
 ning far beyond the reach of a radius of twelve miles. 
 
 There was also in existence at that time a map pub- 
 lished about 1670 by Augustine Herman, a Maryland 
 land speculator, and owner of the famous Bohemia 
 Manor, and on this map the end of the fortieth degree 
 is shown not far from its present location, a long distance 
 north of the head of the Chesapeake, with its beginning 
 
 329 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 much more than twelve miles from New Castle, and the 
 end of it crosses the Susquehanna at a place marked as 
 the Susquehanna Fort. This map, however, was more 
 or less of a private one, and neither it, nor the fact that 
 an observation had been taken by the Maryland govern- 
 ment, appears to have been known to Penn or the privy 
 council. 
 
 North, Werden, Penn, and the others, in the absence 
 of better knowledge, simply assumed that the degrees on 
 the maps they had were all too far south. Instead of 
 dealing with such matters with the accuracy necessary 
 in mathematics, they made a wild guess. But the 
 degrees were much nearer right than they supposed. 
 The end of the fortieth was, it is true, some thirty miles 
 too far south, but the beginning of that degree as marked 
 on Smith's map was very near its present location, and 
 the beginning of the thirty-ninth close to Watkin's Point 
 was wrong by not much more than ten miles. 
 
 The explanation of this is, that when Smith made his 
 map he may have fixed the position of the beginning 
 and end of the thirty-ninth by actual observation, but 
 never took an observation for the end of the fortieth, 
 and, when he drew his map, simply guessed at its po- 
 sition. 
 
 Penn, having obtained his charter, decided to do what 
 should have been done long before. He sent his deputy, 
 Markham, to the Delaware to take an observation of the 
 latitude, and he was also to meet Lord Baltimore, or his 
 agents, and settle the boundaries. 
 
 There was a meeting at Upland, now Chester, on the 
 Delaware, about twenty miles above New Castle; the 
 observation was taken, and the absurd mistake in latitude 
 
 33° 
 
Boundary Disputes with Maryland and Virginia 
 
 revealed. Lord Baltimore, finding what he already 
 knew by the observation of his government some years 
 before, that the end of the fortieth degree was many 
 miles north of its position on Smith's map, renewed his 
 old claim that his province extended to the fortieth 
 degree complete. 
 
 This claim was, of course, a serious inroad upon Penn's 
 land, for it carried Maryland up above the present posi- 
 tion of Philadelphia. Nevertheless, Penn had a very 
 strong case against his opponent, for his charter gave the 
 southern limit of Pennsylvania, in plain words, as on the 
 beginning of the fortieth degree, which would cut out of 
 Baltimore's province even more than Baltimore was 
 attempting to cut out of Penn's, and, in fact, would pretty 
 much destroy it. Penn's grant was a later grant of the 
 Crown's, and, so far as it overlapped Baltimore's, would 
 be taken to have annulled it. 
 
 But Penn, though in a stronger position, was willing 
 to compromise, and all he wanted was to have the line 
 placed where it was supposed to be when his charter 
 was granted. An unfortunate mistake in latitude had 
 been made which had thrown everything into confusion. 
 Penn's boundaries on Delaware were rendered ridicu- 
 lous ; for the circle of twelve miles radius from New 
 Castle could not possibly touch the beginning of the 
 fortieth degree, which, instead of being within twelve 
 miles of New Castle, was forty miles to the south of it. 
 
 The proper course, in such circumstances, was for 
 neither party to obstruct the peaceful settlement of the 
 country by pushing the extravagant claims which seemed 
 to be justified by the strict letter of their patents. Penn 
 did even better than this. He offered to buy from Balti- 
 
 331 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 more enough land to give Pennsylvania a harbor at the 
 head of Chesapeake, and he also, in an interview with 
 Baltimore, at West River, suggested another compromise, 
 which was still more favorable to the Maryland pro- 
 prietor, and the fairest compromise that could possibly 
 be made. 
 
 It might, Penn said, be supposed that the king, in 
 granting Lord Baltimore's charter, had intended to give 
 him two degrees of latitude from Watkin's Point, and 
 this would be what he would get if he went to the end 
 of the fortieth degree, as marked on Smith's map. De- 
 grees of latitude, at the time of the grant in Baltimore's 
 charter, were supposed to be sixty miles wide, and had 
 only recently been made sixty-nine and one-half. Balti- 
 more, therefore, should have two of the old degrees, or 
 one hundred and twenty miles north of Watkin's Point, 
 and this would place his northern line about seven miles 
 north of the head of Chesapeake, where the first Lord 
 Baltimore evidently intended it should be. 
 
 But all compromises were refused by Baltimore. He 
 fancied he saw great acquisitions of territory ; he was 
 determined on having Maryland, Delaware, and a large 
 piece of Pennsylvania ; he urged the vague and absurd 
 descriptions in his charter to the utmost, and on him is 
 the responsibility for the eighty years of wasted time 
 and money, the enmity and bitterness, and the strife 
 and bloodshed among the settlers near the disputed 
 line. 
 
 Agreement being impossible, Baltimore and Penn re- 
 sorted to the privy council, the usual tribunal for set- 
 tling disputed land grants in the colonies. It was the 
 privy council that always considered the advisability of 
 
 332 
 
Boundary Disputes with Maryland and Virginia 
 
 a grant in the first instance, and reported to the king 
 whether or not it should be made, and if the grant was 
 afterwards discovered to [be inaccurate or in any way- 
 wrong, it was supposed that the privy council would ad- 
 vise the king to correct it. 
 
 But this privy council was a very unsatisfactory sort 
 of tribunal for settHng such questions. It was not 
 obhged to act at all unless it chose, and in matters which 
 came before it, often told the applicants to settle their 
 difficulties among themselves or resort to the ordinary 
 course of law. 
 
 The application to the privy council appears to have 
 been made by Baltimore, who wished to stop a further 
 assurance of Penn's title to Delaware, which the Duke 
 of York was preparing to make by getting a more com- 
 plete and accurate conveyance from the king. The case 
 was argued before the council by Baltimore, Penn, and 
 their lawyers at great length, and on many different 
 occasions for more than two years. The council finally 
 decided that Baltimore's charter did not give him a title 
 to Delaware, because at the time of granting the charter 
 that region had been in the possession of the Dutch, 
 and they ordered the two proprietors to divide Dela- 
 ware equally between them by a north and south line 
 midway between the Chesapeake and the Delaware. 
 This was the same settlement that had been suggested 
 in the beginning by the Dutch delegates, and it was a 
 very fair way of establishing the western boundary of 
 Delaware. 
 
 The deeds of the Duke of York left that boundary un- 
 certain, and simply conveyed in a general way the land 
 from twelve miles north of New Castle on the north, to 
 
 333 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 Cape Henlopen on the south, with the Delaware River 
 and Bay for an eastern boundary, and no mention of 
 any western boundary. It was rather difficult to say 
 what the western boundary was, for the Dutch had never 
 established one, but had simply occupied the western 
 shores of the Delaware, and, therefore, it seemed reason- 
 able to divide the peninsula equally. 
 
 The decision of the council was confined to the bound- 
 ary between Delaware and Maryland, and nothing was 
 said about the disputed boundary of the fortieth degree 
 between Maryland and Pennsylvania. But Delaware 
 was the first and most important subject of controversy, 
 for Penn considered it very essential as controlling the 
 navigation to Pennsylvania, and Baltimore wanted it for 
 the same reason. 
 
 It was impossible, of course, to divide Delaware, for 
 the two proprietors would not agree. When William 
 III. came to the throne after the Revolution of 1688, he 
 deprived Penn of both Delaware and Pennsylvania for a 
 few months, for fear they might fall into the hands of 
 France or Spain, and when he restored them he described 
 Penn as proprietor of " New Castle and the territories 
 depending thereon," which was in accordance with the 
 decision of the council, and, of course, favorable to Penn, 
 but could not be regarded as marking out the exact 
 western boundary line, which the council had ordered 
 and which Baltimore refused to accept. 
 
 For twenty-three years after the decision of the coun- 
 cil. Lord Baltimore allowed Penn to occupy, plant, im- 
 prove, and settle Delaware, without attempting to interrupt 
 him, and then in 1708 had the temerity to offer a petition 
 to Queen Anne, saying that the previous order in council 
 
 334 
 
Boundary Disputes with Maryland and Virginia 
 
 had been surreptitiously obtained and should be re- 
 voked. 
 
 The queen dismissed his petition in a few days ; but, 
 nothing daunted, he offered again the same petition in 
 the following year. Her majesty, by an order in council, 
 directed that a day be fixed when all parties should be 
 heard, and accordingly, on the 23d of June, 1709, Balti- 
 more and Penn again appeared before the privy council, 
 and the whole question was gone into anew, with the 
 result that the petition was dismissed, the old order of 
 council, directing Delaware to be equally divided, ratified 
 and confirmed, and directed to be put in execution with- 
 out delay. 
 
 The order was never obeyed by Baltimore. He dis- 
 regarded it as he had disregarded the first order, and 
 made no effort to mark out the western boundary of 
 Delaware. But Penn was never again disturbed in his 
 possession of the country below New Castle, and he 
 and his heirs always regarded this last decision of the 
 privy council as, in effect, securing them in the enjoyment 
 of the full limits of their grant from the Duke of York. 
 
 The boundary on the beginning of the fortieth degree 
 between Pennsylvania and Maryland still remained un- 
 settled. Year after year passed away ; the people on the 
 border, uncertain of their position, refused to pay taxes 
 to either government; the sheriffs of adjoining counties 
 carried on a warfare of petty annoyance, and rough, law- 
 less men appeared, who willingly made the disputes 
 between the provinces an excuse for fighting. One of 
 the most notable of these was Tom Cresap, a mixture of 
 Indian trader and hunter, called by the Indians, in return 
 for his liberal hospitality, the Big Spoon. He was a 
 
 335 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 most sincere and unselfish supporter of the Baltimores, 
 and was thoroughly convinced that their land went all 
 the way up to the end of the fortieth degree. When ar- 
 rested for one of his murders and taken to Philadelphia, 
 he coolly called it a pretty Maryland town. 
 
 In the midst of these disturbances, in 171 8, Penn died, 
 leaving the question as unsettled as it was in 1682. 
 Cecil Calvert, the second Lord Baltimore, who had 
 received the grant of Maryland in 1632, was long since 
 dead, having died, in fact, before the Pennsylvania charter 
 was granted. His son was also dead and also his grand- 
 son, who had petitioned Queen Anne in 1708. Charles 
 Calvert, the fifth Lord Baltimore, was now proprietor of 
 Maryland, and the first of the family to show a glimmer- 
 ing of reason. 
 
 He went to Penn's widow, now the proprietress of 
 Pennsylvania, and admitted that he had no color or 
 pretence of title to Delaware, and with surprising good 
 sense suggested that no more land should be granted 
 near either of the disputed borders by either govern- 
 ment for eighteen months, within which time he hoped 
 all difficulties could be settled. An agreement to ab- 
 stain from granting land was accordingly signed in 
 February, 1723 ; the eighteen months wore away, and 
 also several years, and yet the agreement was faithfully 
 observed by Hannah Penn, and after her death by her 
 children. Baltimore seems also to have observed it, 
 although the Penns charged that he made a number of 
 vague, general grants of land without specifying any 
 particular locality, in the hope, as they said, that the 
 persons to whom the grants were made would take up 
 land in the disputed territory. 
 
 336 
 
Boundary Disputes with Maryland and Virginia 
 
 The death of Hannah Penn in 1726 and the youth of 
 her children delayed the marking of the boundaries, and 
 Baltimore now assumed the part of a much-injured 
 person, and in 1731 petitioned the Crown to compel the 
 proprietors of Pennsylvania to join with him in settling 
 the boundaries. At the same time he applied to John 
 and Thomas Penn to hold meetings with him and draw 
 up an agreement of settlement. He seemed to be altor 
 gether consumed with zeal for agreement, and he pro- 
 posed the terms of it, all of which were accepted and the 
 articles signed May 10, 1732. 
 
 So far as Delaware was concerned, the settlement was 
 the same that the Dutch delegates had suggested to his 
 ancestor seventy years before, and the same that the 
 privy council had twice ordered to be carried into effect. 
 The line for the southern boundary of Pennsylvania was 
 about seven miles north of the head of Chesapeake, and 
 the same which Penn in his interview with Baltimore at 
 West River had offered by way of compromise when he 
 said that he was willing Maryland should have two of 
 the old degrees, or one hundred and twenty miles north- 
 ward from Watkin's Point. There is no question that 
 by this agreement Baltimore was getting all that ever 
 belonged to him, all that the first Lord Baltimore pos- 
 sessed, and all that impartial judges had decided to be 
 justly due. 
 
 His lordship prepared a map to be annexed to the 
 agreement, and on it he marked the boundaries he 
 wished established. The map was entirely his own 
 suggestion. He said he had procured it from his agents 
 in Maryland, and the Penns accepted it as correct. 
 
 There was some controversy at the time, and much 
 32 337 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 more afterwards, about the true position of Cape Henlo- 
 pen. There were two capes which at different times 
 were known by that name. The cape now called Hen- 
 lopen, directly at the mouth of Delaware Bay, was in 
 early times called Cornelius, and the name Henlopen, 
 or Hinlopen, was given to a point of land twenty miles 
 to the south, sometimes called the False Cape. It was 
 not a cape at all, but merely a slight rounding of the 
 beach and a boldness of outline on shore, which when 
 seen from the sea became, by a common optical delusion, 
 a long tongue of land stretching out into the ocean. 
 
 This phenomenon is quite frequent on that part of the 
 coast, a very small change in the contour of the shore 
 often becoming greatly exaggerated, and these places are 
 usually known among sailors as false capes, or points 
 no-point. There is an instance of them on the coast of 
 Virginia, just below Cape Henry, and it is still called the 
 False Cape. 
 
 When the early Dutch navigators approached the 
 mouth of the Delaware, coming, as they usually did, from 
 the south, the lower cape always deceived them, and the 
 name which they gave it, Heenloopeen, or Hinlopen, is 
 said to mean the disappearing cape. Most of their maps, 
 and also the English maps, display it as very much 
 extended into the ocean, making, together with the real 
 cape farther north, a sort of double cape at the southern 
 corner of the bay. The real cape at the entrance of the 
 bay became gradually called by its present name, Hen- 
 lopen, either by transfer of the name of the false cape, or, 
 as some have contended, from the corruption of another 
 Dutch word, Inloopen, which meant the entering cape. 
 
 Penn had always insisted that the title he got from the 
 338 
 
Boundary Disputes with Maryland and Virginia 
 
 Duke of York placed the southern boundary of Delaware 
 at the false cape now known as Fenwick's Island. Lord 
 Baltimore's agreement and map admitted this claim, and 
 Delaware was divided between the two proprietors by- 
 drawing a line directly west from the false cape across 
 the peninsula to the Chesapeake. From the middle of 
 this line another line was drawn directly north, tangent to 
 a circle of twelve miles radius drawn round New Castle. 
 This settled the boundaries of Delaware : on the north 
 the circle; on the east, Delaware river, bay, and the 
 ocean ; on the south, the line drawn west from the false 
 cape ; and on the west, the line drawn north from the 
 middle of the false cape line. 
 
 The boundaries of Pennsylvania and Maryland were 
 settled by continuing the line drawn from the middle of 
 the false cape line until it reached a parallel of latitude 
 which was fifteen miles south of a parallel passing along 
 South Street, which was then the most southerly portion 
 of Philadelphia, and the parallel thus reached, drawn 
 westward, was to be the southern limit of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Nothing could have been more fair and satisfactory 
 than this agreement, for it placed the boundaries where 
 common sense and justice demanded, and where the 
 Dutch delegates, the privy council. King James II., 
 William Penn, and everybody, except the Baltimores, 
 had always said they ought to be. 
 
 As Baltimore had offered the agreement, and all his 
 suggestions for its provisions had been accepted by the 
 Penns, there was every reason to suppose that he would 
 be the one most ready to fulfil it. Each side appointed 
 commissioners, who were to meet and mark the lines, and 
 they were given eighteen months to complete the work, 
 
 339 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 namely, to December 25, 1733. John Penn sailed for 
 Pennsylvania, and Lord Baltimore for Maryland, to 
 superintend the final settlement. 
 
 But Baltimore had proposed the agreement in one of 
 the lucid intervals which had been rare in his family, 
 and the papers were scarcely signed before he repented 
 of it. He soon began to take advantage of every trivial 
 circumstance for delay, and it was said that he was 
 largely influenced in this course by the persuasions of 
 the seven commissioners he had appointed to mark the 
 lines, and by others interested in land grants. 
 
 The seven commissioners, and many other people in 
 Maryland, held those general warrants, granting large 
 tracts of land, without specifying exactly where they 
 were to be situated. So long as the boundary lines 
 were unsettled, such people could take up their land in 
 the disputed regions in Delaware and Pennsylvania, and, 
 after the boundaries were settled, hold the land as having 
 been granted to them by a regularly organized govern- 
 ment under the British Crown, even if they found them- 
 selves within the limits of Pennsylvania. It was a cheap 
 and convenient method of acquiring some of the fertile 
 tracts which lay outside of Maryland. 
 
 Certain it is, that those seven Maryland commissioners, 
 who had been appointed by Baltimore to assist in mark- 
 ing the boundaries, were most delinquent in not marking 
 them, and in absolutely preventing their being marked. 
 The history of their ingenious devices for delay would 
 fill many pages ; and they had to be very ingenious, for 
 the agreement provided that whichever side should be 
 in default and prevent the execution of the agreement 
 should forfeit five thousand pounds. 
 
 340 
 
Boundary Disputes with Maryland and Virginia 
 
 The holders of the land-warrants, it is said, had urged 
 on Baltimore to simply break the agreement, and they 
 would subscribe among themselves the five thousand 
 pounds. But this was unnecessary, for the commissioners 
 were fully equal to the occasion. 
 
 They began their meetings with the Pennsylvania com- 
 missioners October 6, 1732, and the first thing they did 
 was to object to the validity of the commission held by 
 the Pennsylvanians, because certain legatees of forty thou- 
 sand acres of land under William Penn's will had not 
 signed it. They refused to have minutes taken of the joint 
 meetings, and refused to have clerks appointed. They 
 suffered a great deal from ill health. They called for 
 the production of original documents which they hoped 
 were in England and would take months to procure. 
 They insisted that they had no power to fix upon the 
 exact spot for the centre of the circle round New Castle, 
 and that the circle of twelve miles round that town 
 meant a circle of twelve miles circumference, and not 
 twelve miles radius. They appointed meetings at a little 
 village called Joppa, seventy miles from New Castle, and 
 without accommodations for men or horses. Sometimes 
 they suggested meetings at Cape Henlopen, and when 
 they had no other excuse they would retire to their 
 lodgings, play at games, or refuse to be seen. In this 
 way they wore out the eighteen months, and the 25th 
 of December, 1733, came without an inch of boundary 
 being marked. 
 
 Having thus broken the agreement, as he thought, 
 Lord Baltimore, in the following summer, presented a 
 petition to the Crown, claiming the whole of Delaware, 
 and asking to be put in possession of it, although his 
 
 341 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 ■name was still signed to an agreement giving the whole 
 of that country to the Penns. He gave no notice of this 
 petition to the Penns, two of whom were in America, and 
 the one in England a mere boy just come of age. Bal- 
 timore seems to have had on this occasion the deliberate 
 intention of forcing his petition to a conclusion in the 
 absence of his opponents and without their knowledge. 
 
 But the end of his chicane was now in sight. The 
 Penns heard of the petition in time to resist it, and the 
 committee of the privy council, to whom it was referred, 
 ordered the disputants to proceed at law under the 
 articles of agreement, and this revealed Baltimore's 
 mistake. 
 
 The lawyers of the Penn family, in the suit which 
 followed, always complained, with much bitterness, of 
 the way in which Baltimore had forced the agreement on 
 the sons of William Penn, then young men lately come 
 of age, and with little or no knowledge of the intricate 
 boundary disputes ; how he had insisted on all of his 
 own points, and rejected all of theirs, and how the agree- 
 ment was, in the end, entirely of his own making, with 
 not a single request of the young men granted, and with 
 a map attached which he had himself prepared. 
 
 If, however, Baltimore had intended to overreach the 
 Penns, he succeeded only in overreaching himself, and 
 he had unconsciously made a trap for his own catching. 
 He made a great mistake in signing that agreement, and 
 it is difficult now to see why he signed it. Without that 
 agreement he had to deal only with the privy council, 
 which was not a court of law, not obliged to decide any 
 question definitely, and careless about enforcing the few 
 recommendations it made. But the agreement took the 
 
 342 
 
Boundary Disputes with Maryland and Virginia 
 
 case away from the privy council and brought it before 
 the chancellor in a court of equity. The agreement was 
 simply an ordinary legal contract which belonged to the 
 courts, and with which the privy council had nothing 
 to do. The courts of England at that time could not 
 decide between conflicting royal grants in the colonies, 
 but they could enforce a contract which related to those 
 grants. 
 
 The Penns were now in a very strong position. They 
 had their agreement, and the privy council had advised 
 them to enforce it; and, accordingly, in 1735 they filed 
 a bill in equity to compel specific performance. The bill 
 was a long and complete history of the whole dispute. 
 The answer was equally long, and both were perfect 
 specimens of that skilled equity draughtsmanship which 
 delighted the lawyers of that time. These two docu- 
 ments, with the proofs and exhibits, now fill seven hun- 
 dred and ninety closely printed pages in the sixteenth 
 volume of the " Pennsylvania Archives," and to any one 
 who is at all familiar with the main points of the con- 
 troversy are as interesting and exciting as a novel. 
 
 The defence which Baltimore's solicitors prepared for 
 him in such rich old legal English was, however, ab- 
 surdly weak. Beyond the astute attempt to throw doubt 
 and uncertainty on everything said by the Penns, it con- 
 sisted of only three points. 
 
 The Dutch and Swedes, he said, were mere itinerant 
 traders, and so few in numbers that they could hardly 
 be said to have occupied any part of Delaware before 
 the grant of the Maryland charter in 1632. The agree- 
 ment of 1732, not having been executed by December 
 25, 1733, had expired and could not be enforced. Even 
 
 343 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 if it had not expired, it should not be enforced against 
 Baltimore, because he had been led into it by a mistake. 
 The young Penns had deceived him, and he had mis- 
 taken his rights and foolishly consented to part with 
 his property. The map upon which he had relied and 
 had attached to the agreement was a fraud. It hid 
 been imposed on him by the Penns, who had secretly 
 had it prepared and sent to Maryland, so that it would 
 get into the hands of his agents. In this way the false 
 cape had been forced upon him, and he had consented 
 to it as the beginning of the southern Hne of Delaware, 
 when in truth that line should have been farther north 
 at the real cape. He entirely failed, of course, to estab- 
 lish any of these extraordinary propositions, and the 
 court found no difficulty in deciding against him. 
 
 He was, however, very successful in gaining time, and 
 every delay that could be invented to check the progress 
 of the proceedings was used. He saved himself much 
 time by his privilege of Parliament, and by having the 
 bill referred to a master for scandal and impertinence, 
 so that more than two years had passed before he filed 
 his answer. The taking of testimony in America also 
 caused great delay, and while the suit was in progress 
 the troubles among the people on the border grew worse 
 and worse. 
 
 In the hope of checking them, a royal order was issued 
 in 1738, commanding the proprietors to mark a tem- 
 porary line, which should be accepted as the boundary 
 until the question was permanently settled. The order 
 unfortunately had an effect just the reverse of what was 
 expected. The sheriffs of the border counties seemed to 
 think that they had now full authority for acting against 
 
 344 
 
Boundary Disputes with Maryland and Virginia 
 
 intruders, and they raided each other's territory to make 
 arrests. There was also a long squabble with the Mary- 
 land commissioners about marking the temporary line, 
 which was at last marked by the Pennsylvania commis- 
 sioners alone. 
 
 The case on the articles of agreement was not finally 
 argued and disposed of until 1750, fifteen years after it 
 had been begun. It was an important occasion, attract- 
 ing much interest, and the speeches of counsel occupied 
 five days. The decision was rendered by Lord Hard- 
 wicke, one of the greatest equity lawyers of England, 
 and the case has become a leading authority for the well- 
 established doctrine that a court of equity deals directly 
 with the individual, although the subject matter of the 
 controversy may be outside of its jurisdiction. His 
 lordship had some severe comments for the conduct of 
 Baltimore, and ordered the agreement to be enforced 
 without further delay or quibbling. 
 
 One might suppose that this was the end, but it was 
 not, and a quarter of a century elapsed before the 
 boundary question could be put at rest. Baltimore 
 could still raise difficulties, and he found an excellent 
 point for himself in the circle round New Castle, the 
 radius of which he said must be measured on the ground 
 up and down the hills, instead of in a horizontal air line. 
 
 Another application had to be made to the court 
 to convince him of his error. But, true to his family 
 traditions, he soon had another objection. The western 
 side of Delaware was by the agreement to begin at the 
 middle of the line drawn from the false cape to the 
 Chesapeake, and he insisted that the middle of this line 
 was half-way between the false cape and the first creek 
 
 345 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 that was reached flowing into the Chesapeake. This 
 would have reduced Delaware to very narrow Hmits, and 
 still another application had to be made to the court to 
 convince him that the line crossing the peninsula must 
 reach from the false cape to the shore of the bay. He 
 died about this time, and his successor, Frederick, Lord 
 Baltimore, raised the objection that the suits had abated, 
 and declined to be bound by any of the acts of his 
 predecessor or by any decrees made against him. 
 
 In this way ten years were frittered away until 1760, 
 when a new agreement was made with the new Lord 
 Frederick, ratifying with slight changes the old one of 
 1732. Preparations were immediately made to mark the 
 lines, and the Pennsylvania commissioners appointed 
 were the governor, James Hamilton, Richard Peters, 
 Rev. Dr. Ewing, William Allen, William Coleman, 
 Thomas Willing, Benjamin Chew, and Edward Shippen, 
 Jr., an excellent selection, and an assurance of good 
 faith and skill. Three years were spent by the sur- 
 veyors employed by the commissioners in marking 
 the lines of Delaware. The circle round New Castle 
 was drawn by Rittenhouse, and added much to his 
 reputation. 
 
 But the work seemed too slow to satisfy the proprie- 
 tors, and in 1763, Mason and Dixon, two well-krjown 
 English astronomers, were sent out to revise what had 
 already been done and complete it. They resurveyed 
 the circle and the tangent drawn to it for Delaware's 
 western boundary, but were unable to make it vary by 
 a single inch from the lines of Rittenhouse and the 
 ■others. 
 
 They then set about the more difficult task of mark- 
 346 
 
Boundary Disputes with Maryland and Virginia 
 
 ing the long line to the west for the boundary between 
 Pennsylvania and Maryland. Four years were spent on 
 it, as they proceeded step by step, cutting a vista twenty- 
 four feet wide among the trees, in the middle of which 
 they marked the exact line. At every fifth mile a stone 
 was set up marked on the side towards Pennsylvania 
 with the arms of the Penns, and on the side towards 
 Maryland with the arms of Baltimore. The intermediate 
 miles were marked with stones having P. on one side and 
 M. on the other. 
 
 As they proceeded, the Indians became more and 
 more suspicious. They could not understand the object 
 of an exploring expedition that spent every clear night 
 gazing at the stars through big guns, and they soon 
 stopped its advance. The Penns used their influence 
 with the chiefs of the Six Nations, and the work began 
 again. The western extremity of Maryland was reached 
 and passed, and the astronomers were encamped on the 
 banks of the Monongahela. Here the Indians again 
 interposed, and many of the servants and workmen 
 of the expedition deserted. But the delight of running 
 an astronomical line through primeval forests raised 
 Mason and Dixon above all fears, and they pressed 
 on to the Warrior Branch of the great Catawba Indian 
 trail. 
 
 The patience of the Indians was now exhausted, and 
 they were determined that this star-gazing folly should 
 penetrate not another step into the sacred West. Mason 
 and Dixon were obliged to return, and the Warrior trail 
 remained the terminus of their line for many years. On 
 their way back to Philadelphia they often amused them- 
 selves by climbing to the summits of the mountains, 
 
 347 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 from which they could see the vista of their line stretch- 
 ing for many miles to the horizon, and they noticed, 
 with great pleasure, that it seemed to have the true 
 curve of a line of latitude encircling the round earth. 
 
 It was really a great achievement, and a new thing in 
 the science of that day. The two unpretending and 
 skilful men had made themselves immortal. Their line 
 was what we call an imaginary one. There was no 
 river, or mountain chain, or natural feature to mark it ; 
 and to this day the farmer that lives upon it cannot tell, 
 from anything he sees in nature, whether he is ploughing 
 in Maryland or Pennsylvania. But this line, fixed after 
 nearly a hundred years of conflict, is more unalterable 
 than if nature had made it. It grew more and more unal- 
 terable with every year after it was made, and it was soon 
 discovered that it was more than the boundary between 
 two States : it was the boundary between the conflicting 
 ideas of the continent, between the North and the South. 
 
 A civilization peculiar in itself formed on one side of 
 it, and another civilization peculiar in itself formed on 
 the other. It almost seems, as we look back at its his- 
 tory, as if there must have been some instinctive feelings 
 guiding the long struggle for its position, and inspiring 
 the determined, violent, and sometimes extraordinary 
 contentions which never rested until the exact point of 
 difference was found. 
 
 The feelings of the rough border population that lived 
 along its course were, however, slow to be satisfied. 
 Astronomy was not enough to determine the limits of 
 their civic pride. They had grown accustomed to the 
 temporary line, which was a quarter of a mile above the 
 true one, and they became as much excited over that 
 
 348 
 
Boundary Disputes with Maryland and Virginia 
 
 narrow strip as they had been when they hoped to pene- 
 trate miles into Pennsylvania. 
 
 The government of Pennsylvania was determined to 
 push its jurisdiction home. Preparations were made to 
 assert authority within that quarter of a mile, and quiet 
 the disturbances, and to this end a proclamation was 
 issued in 1774, which has generally been considered the 
 final act which ended the controversy forever. But the 
 Baltimores had one shot left, and, though a feeble one, 
 they fired it. Frederick Calvert had died, and his heir 
 was under age. An application was made to the king 
 to stop the proclamation, because the guardians could 
 not assent to it during the minority of the heir. It was 
 the last hopeless effort of eighty years of opposition. 
 
 The boundary on Maryland being settled, another 
 question arose as to our boundary on the lands claimed 
 by Virginia, which lay west of Maryland. The charter 
 of Pennsylvania extended the province westward from 
 the Delaware through five degrees of longitude, or about 
 two hundred and sixty-seven miles. The circle round 
 Delaware, and Mason and Dixon's line on Maryland, 
 consumed all of this distance, except about fifty-four 
 miles, which ran through the region which Virginia said 
 was hers. In fact, she claimed upward into Pennsyl- 
 vania above the present site of Pittsburg. 
 
 By her original charter, Virginia's northern boundary 
 was supposed to be at the end of the fortieth degree, 
 which was as far north as Philadelphia. The dissolution 
 of this charter, in 1624, instead of narrowing, apparently 
 increased her limits, and in becoming a royal province 
 without any definite boundaries, she considered herself 
 as a keeper or trustee for the king of all contiguous ter- 
 
 349 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 ritory not lawfully granted to any other colony. The 
 Maryland grant was taken out of her domain, and she 
 acquiesced in it. But west of Maryland she insisted that 
 her ownership extended for an indefinite distance north- 
 ward and westward, and she had made it good by occu- 
 pation as far as Pittsburg. This was certainly a broad 
 claim of title, and the only remnant of it now is that curi- 
 ous narrow strip of land, called the Pan-Handle, which 
 extends northward between Pennsylvania and Ohio for 
 some distance above the end of the fortieth degree. 
 
 The Indian trade at Fort Pitt had always been an ob- 
 ject of Virginia's desire. The situation of that place at 
 the point where the Alleghany and the Monongahela 
 unite to form the Ohio was an evident strategic position, 
 and the natural seat of empire. It had the command of 
 three valleys stretching north, south, and west, and the 
 nation or the colony that held it would be given a great 
 advantage. In 1752 the governor of Virginia announced 
 his intention of erecting a fort there, and the governor of 
 Pennsylvania, equally well aware of the place's impor- 
 tance, told him he was willing he should erect a fort to 
 stop the French, their common enemy, but he must re- 
 member that the land belonged to Pennsylvania. 
 
 The French were also fully alive to the importance of 
 the locality, and before Virginia had well established 
 herself they took possession of it. The expedition 
 against them under command of young Colonel Wash- 
 ington and his surrender at Fort Necessity are familiar 
 history. The French called the place Du Quesne, and 
 held it till 1758. It was abandoned by the English in 
 1771, and in 1773 Virginia again took possession of it, 
 calling it Fort Dunmore, after her governor. 
 
 35° 
 
Boundary Disputes with Maryland and Virginia 
 
 Virginia now deliberately formulated her claim, and 
 said that her right to the country was secured by her 
 charter and by exploration and settlement not only, but 
 that when the French conquered that part of the country, 
 and afterwards the British government conquered it from 
 the French, all rights that the Penns may have had under 
 their charter were extinguished. Under this belief many 
 Virginians began to enter and settle the region in 1773, 
 just as the disputes with Maryland were drawing to a 
 close. Both Pennsylvania and Virginia attempted to 
 divide the country into counties and govern it. The 
 conflict of jurisdiction brought on fierce disputes among 
 the frontiersmen, who were nearly all hot-headed Scotch- 
 Irishmen, and the two colonies attempted to negotiate a 
 settlement. 
 
 The Penns maintained that, instead of Virginia running 
 up into Pennsylvania at this point, the true boundaries 
 would take Pennsylvania down into Virginia for a dis- 
 tance of about fifty miles. The Pennsylvania charter 
 made the beginning of the fortieth degree the southern 
 boundary of Pennsylvania, and although, in the case of 
 Maryland, this boundary had been changed by com- 
 promise and brought farther north until it was nearer to 
 the end of the fortieth degree than to the beginning of it, 
 yet, Maryland being passed in marking the line westward, 
 the line immediately went south again to its charter 
 limit, at the beginning of the degree. 
 
 To this Virginia replied that the western extent of 
 Pennsylvania was to be measured from the Delaware 
 five degrees of longitude, not on the southern, but on the 
 northern boundary, which was the end of the forty- 
 second degree, and from the end of this a meridian line 
 
 351 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 was to be drawn south for the western boundary, which, 
 the Pennsylvanians were assured, would pass at least 
 fifty miles east of Pittsburg. The Delaware was at that 
 time supposed to trend so far east at the northern boun- 
 dary of Pennsylvania that five degrees of longitude meas- 
 ured westward from that point would easily save Pitts- 
 burg for Virginia. 
 
 The claims of each side were so violent and far-reach- 
 ing that no settlement could be made. The Penns, 
 however, suggested one of those sensible and moderate 
 compromises at which they were so skilful, and with 
 which, in the end, they usually won. They offered to 
 extend Mason and Dixon's line westward to the Monon- 
 gahela, and follow that river to the Ohio as a temporary 
 line. But as this cut off Pittsburg from Virginia, it was 
 rejected. 
 
 In this condition of affairs the Revolution came on, 
 and nothing could be accomplished for four or five years. 
 Both governments attempted to maintain jurisdiction in 
 the disputed territory, and Virginia offered temporary 
 lines which were always refused. 
 
 But in 1779 a joint commission peaceably settled the 
 question and agreed on the boundaries as they now are. 
 Mason and Dixon's line was extended westward from 
 the Delaware through five degrees of longitude, and for 
 the western boundary a meridian was drawn from the 
 western extremity of Mason and Dixon's line to the 
 northern limit of the State. The credit of this very wise 
 and fair settlement of a difficulty, which seems to have 
 given much uneasiness to the public men of that time, 
 is said to have been due to David Rittenhouse, one of 
 the commissioners, whose good sense and moderation 
 
 352 
 
Boundary Disputes with Maryland and Virginia 
 
 in boundary disputes had now succeeded to the skill the 
 Penns had so long exhibited. This agreement was 
 finally ratified in 1780, but, as in the other boundary 
 disputes, the disorders and quarreling among the border 
 population continued for some time, and caused serious 
 difficulties. 
 
 In 1784 the lines were surveyed and the western ter- 
 minus of Mason and Dixon's line, exactly five degrees 
 of longitude from the Delaware, was definitely fixed, a 
 delicate piece of astronomical work, never before at- 
 tempted in any country, and in which David Ritten- 
 house distinguished himself 
 
 This was the end of all serious difficulty with our 
 boundaries. The eastern boundary on the Delaware 
 was never questioned. The northern boundary, de- 
 scribed in the charter as the beginning of the forty-third 
 degree, was easily agreed upon with New York, and 
 marked out by Rittenhouse in the years 1785-87. The 
 break in the west end of this northern border, which 
 gives us a long frontage on Lake Erie, was accomplished 
 by purchase. Our charter borders just barely enabled 
 us to touch Lake Erie without giving a suitable harbor 
 on it. The Erie triangle, as it is called, belonged to New 
 York and Massachusetts, was ceded by them to the 
 United States, and bought from the United States by 
 Pennsylvania in 1792 for one hundred and fifty-one thou- 
 sand six hundred and forty dollars. 
 
 It should enable us to draw the great traffic of the 
 lakes through Pennsylvania to tide-water at Philadelphia, 
 but unfortunate circumstances have prevented this result. 
 It was a purchase, however, that would have pleased 
 Penn and harmonized with his plan of buying enough 
 •« 353 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 land from Lord Baltimore to give a good harbor on the 
 Chesapeake. With a harbor on Lake Erie and a canal 
 connecting it with the Delaware and the Chesapeake, it 
 would certainly be our own fault if we were not a great 
 commercial as well as a great manufacturing State. 
 
 When we consider all these boundary disputes, includ- 
 ing the lone with Connecticut, the long years through 
 which they extended, the violence and bitterness with 
 which they were maintained against us, the largeness of 
 their demands, cutting us down from greatness to little- 
 ness, and depriving us of our two important cities and 
 points of advantage, it is hard to restrain a feeling, not 
 merely of satisfaction at our success in resisting these 
 attacks, but of gratitude for the skill and persistence of 
 the Penns who accomplished this result. 
 
 For nearly a century they followed every doubling 
 and turning of the enemy with perfect good temper, per- 
 fect fairness, and inexhaustible patience. They never 
 resorted to violence and they never retaliated for injuries. 
 They were always ready to compromise, and yet they 
 were always dignified. They secured the ablest and 
 most astute counsellors, and their arguments were always 
 well prepared and fortified, but always reasonable and 
 never strained the truth or justice. The dignity, the 
 peace, and the honor of the commonwealth, during those 
 eighty years of contest, could hardly have been in better 
 hands. 
 
 354 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 RESULTS. 
 
 It was fortunate for the interests of peace and quiet 
 that the incongruous elements of population, which have 
 been described in the preceding pages, had plenty of 
 room, and spread themselves out far and wide in the 
 forests of Pennsylvania. If they had been forced to 
 live close together, it would, perhaps, be more to the 
 interest of the historian, for he would have some savage 
 contests to describe. The passive determination of the 
 Quaker and the fiery aggressiveness of the Scotch-Irish, 
 if confined in close quarters, might have been that irre- 
 sistible force meeting an immovable object from which 
 so much may be expected. 
 
 But we need not follow out the speculation, for the 
 fact is that they spread out. The Scotch-Irish got as 
 far away from the others as possible. The Connecticut 
 people, in the fastness of their valley, held aloof from 
 all association and intercourse with the rest of the 
 province. The Germans congregated by themselves in 
 the fertile valleys of the Schuylkill and the Lehigh, and 
 the Welsh were at first isolated on their barony. Only 
 two of the elements were brought in close contact, — the 
 Quakers and Episcopalians who occupied Philadelphia; 
 and the bitterness of their quarrels shows what might 
 have been the result if there had been less room for the 
 others. 
 
 While the province was geographically divided in this 
 
 355 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 manner, with the Quakers and Episcopalians in Phila- 
 delphia, and each of the other elements in a little section 
 by itself, the political power came in time to be divided 
 between two of the elements in a most curious way, the 
 like of which has seldom been seen in history. At first 
 the Quakers held all the political power, and ruled the 
 province in their own way. But after the death of Wil- 
 liam Pcnn, as his sons gradually left the Quaker faith 
 and became members of the Church of England, these 
 sons gave as much of the political power as they could 
 to the Episcopalians. Under the charter they had a 
 right to appoint the executive officers of the govern- 
 ment, the deputy governor, the judges, and other offi- 
 cials, and these positions were all turned over to Epis- 
 copalians. But the Quakers had the legislature, and 
 retained control of it down to the time of the Revolu- 
 tion. 
 
 Philadelphia, as well as the province, was accordingly 
 ruled by two classes, — the Quakers and the Episcopa- 
 lians ; and it would be difficult to say which was the more 
 important and which did more for the city. The Quakers 
 were, of course, the more numerous, and had a strong 
 social life of their own which held aloof from the equally 
 strong social life of the Episcopalians. As time went on 
 there came to be two sources of respectability, two tests 
 for entrance into good society ; in fact, there were two 
 " societies ;" or, perhaps, it would be more accurate to 
 say that there was one society with two very distinct 
 branches ; and this state of affairs still in a measure exists. 
 
 The isolation of the Scotch-Irish led to serious results 
 which are also acting in almost full force. They occupied 
 the western frontier and kept moving westward with it 
 
 356 
 
Results 
 
 until the western half of the commonwealth came under 
 their influence, as it still is. In colonial times they lived 
 very much to themselves, with customs of their own, and 
 felt more and more that they were a separate commu- 
 nity. When the French and Indian Wars came on in 
 1755, large numbers of them were massacred, and the 
 contempt which they had for the Quaker government 
 at Philadelphia ripened into a bitter hatred, for they be- 
 lieved that the Quakers could have protected them. At 
 the close of Pontiac's conspiracy, they marched to attack 
 the Quakers and revolutionize the government, and were 
 deterred only by the preparations for their reception 
 which they found had been made at Philadelphia. 
 
 At the outbreak of the Revolution they joined with 
 others of the patriot party in completely overthrowing 
 the Quaker power, and, together with the other Pres- 
 byterians, they may be said to have controlled the State 
 during the whole of the Revolutionary period. Their 
 feelings of self-confidence and independence were now 
 fully developed; and when the National government 
 was formed under the Constitution, and Congress laid 
 a tax on whiskey, they broke out in open rebellion, 
 which was finally suppressed by Washington at the 
 head of an army. At this time they hoped to separate 
 from Pennsylvania and form themselves into a new State. 
 
 This brief summary of their history reveals the origin 
 and cause of that strong feeling of jealousy for Phila- 
 delphia which has always been shown by the rest of the 
 State. The city has been regarded by the country not 
 as a metropolis to be proud of, but as a distinct com- 
 munity to be disHked and suspected, a condition of 
 things which has often seemed strange and inexplicable 
 
 357 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 to those who were not familiar with the history of the 
 State. 
 
 The only important element in the country districts 
 which in colonial times was inclined to be in sympathy 
 with the city was that part of the German population 
 which was composed of what were called the sects. 
 These sects, as already shown, were of almost the same 
 religious belief as the Quakers, and the Quakers had 
 encouraged them to come to the province. They always 
 voted on the Quaker side, and kept the Quakers in con- 
 trol of the Legislature down to the Revolution. Many 
 of the Lutherans and Reformed — the church people, as 
 they were called — appear to have been more or less in- 
 clined to vote with the Quakers, but as a class the 
 Quakers had not the control over them that they had 
 over the sects. As the church people Increased more 
 rapidly in numbers than the sects, the Quaker power 
 was slowly undermined. 
 
 Although the sharpness of all these old colonial divi- 
 sions and contests has worn off, the original feelings 
 and the results and habits still exist and . seem likely to 
 continue descending from father to son for many genera- 
 tions. The people of the western half of the State, with 
 Pittsburg for their capital, feel that they are a separate 
 division, almost a separate State, and sometimes speak 
 of themselves as Western Pennsylvanians. The people 
 of the northern half of the State, which was permeated 
 by the Connecticut influence, have much the same sort 
 of feeling, and they also had at one time the thought of 
 creating a new State. We are really three States in one. 
 In addition to this, the Germans still retain their feeling 
 of isolation, and believe themselves to be the typical 
 
 3S8 
 
Results 
 
 Pennsylvanians ; the Quakers have very much the same 
 feeling ; so have the Scotch-Irish, and there is a trace 
 of it among some of the Episcopalians. The only ele- 
 ments that seem to have been completely absorbed are 
 the Swedes and the Welsh. 
 
 A State so constituted necessarily lacks the civic pride 
 and united action which have given commonwealths of 
 Inferior situation and resources, like Massachusetts, such 
 an ascendency in the Union. Massachusetts, with a pop- 
 ulation homogeneous from the beginning in race, thought, 
 and religion, and with no feeling for dismemberment, has 
 built up out of her rocks and barrenness a name and fame 
 which communities with greater resources but less unity 
 can only envy. 
 
 The results of our lack of unity might be traced in 
 many channels. If we were more united and homo- 
 geneous, we might be the first instead of the second 
 State in the Union ; and those who are familiar with our 
 vast resources of iron, petroleum, coal and lumber, tem- 
 perate climate, fertile soil, railroad and water facilities, 
 and the skill of our people in the mechanic arts and 
 manufacturing, often wonder why we are not. 
 
 Our State once contained the metropolis of the coun- 
 try ; the most important events in the Revolution and in 
 the framing of the Constitution happened within our 
 borders ; and these, with our own conflicts, were of the 
 sort that bring into prominence strong characters and 
 high intellect. There has been no lack of good ability 
 among our people. Bright and able men have appeared 
 at all times, and from pretty much all the cliques into 
 which we are dissipated. But almost every one of them 
 has been neglected and forgotten, or his reputation de- 
 
 359 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 liberately attacked and ruined. It is really extraordinary 
 the vindictiveness with which the Pennsylvanians have 
 assailed any one of their own people who has shown 
 striking or supreme ability. 
 
 Mediocrity they can endure well enough, and the 
 mediocrity that can sink its individuality far out of 
 sight and balance among the divisions is the best of 
 all. But distinct opinions are fatal. The man who 
 holds them may be mildly supported by his own small 
 division, but he is sure to have all the others against 
 him. 
 
 The Abbe Correa, who was Portugese Minister to the 
 United States and a well-known wit in Philadelphia at 
 the beginning of the present century, used to say that 
 the Pennsylvanians reminded him of the little boys in 
 the streets. When they saw a comrade getting a ride 
 at the back of a wagon they always called out to the 
 driver, " Cut behind !" Other States were proud when 
 one of their citizens achieved distinction or secured an 
 appointment from the government. They supported his 
 fame as part of their own good name, and when he was 
 dead carefully guarded his reputation. 
 
 Our tendency in this respect has been commented on 
 by others. Horace Binney thus described it as affecting 
 Philadelphia : 
 
 " She does not take and she never has taken satisfaction in habitually 
 honoring her distinguished men as her men, as men of her own family. 
 It is the city that is referred to as distinguished, perhaps, from the rest of 
 the State. She has never done it in the face of the world as Qiarleston 
 has done it, as Richmond has done it, as Baltimore has done it, as New 
 York has done it, or did it in former times, and as Boston has done it 
 and would do it forever. She is more indifferent to her own sons than 
 she is to strangers." 
 
 360 
 
Results 
 
 In his essay on Chief Justice Gibson, Judge Porter 
 described it for the State : 
 
 " For many years a disposition has prevailed in Pennsylvania to over- 
 throw rather than to sustain men of distinguished ability. It has long 
 been the subject of remark at home and abroad, that it seems only neces- 
 sary for a man of more than ordinary capacity to appear in the politics of 
 that State to be struck at by every other politician, great and small. . . . 
 If the same feeling had prevailed in Virginia and South Carolina, Massa- 
 chusetts and Kentucky, where then had been the great lights of our 
 firmament?" 
 
 The most effective injury the Pennsylvanians inflict on 
 their distinguished men is neglect after they are dead. 
 While living they fight their own battles, and usually 
 have ability enough to hold their own in some degree. 
 But dead, the cold indifference, though slow, is sure. 
 No biographies of them appear ; nothing is said ; until 
 as years roll by a generation appears that can sincerely 
 ask, Who was he ? 
 
 Sometimes a public man of supreme distinction and 
 importance, like Dickinson, is commented on outside of 
 the State, his character attacked, silly stories invented to 
 his injury, and his reputation torn to shreds. The Penn- 
 sylvanians say not a word, make no defence, until the 
 destruction is complete, when they accept it all. " We 
 were mistaken in him," they say; "he was a nobody, 
 after all." 
 
 It might be supposed that within the last hundred 
 years, while we were becoming a State of such wealth 
 and power, some Pennsylvanian would have been found 
 with an interest in history extending far enough beyond 
 genealogies to enable him to write a good life of William 
 Penn. But the founder of the State has not been so for- 
 
 361 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 tunate. The best life of Penn was written by Samuel 
 Janney, who was a Virginian and never lived in Penn- 
 sylvania. The other biographies of value are those by 
 Clarkson, Dixon, and Stoughton, all English. There is 
 also a French life, by Marsillac. The life in Sparks's 
 "American Biographies" was written by Dr. Ellis, of 
 Massachusetts. There are a few essays and pamphlets 
 by Pennsylvanians, Hke those by Howard Jenkins and J. 
 Francis Fisher, but no regular biography. 
 
 The founder has, however, several times narrowly 
 escaped having a complete biography by a Pennsyl- 
 vanian. Mrs. Mary Hughes began a biography in 
 England, which she finished in 1828 after she had 
 emigrated to Philadelphia. She became famous for an 
 academy she kept for young ladies, and for a work in 
 ten volumes called " Aunt Mary's Library for Boys and 
 Girls." In 1882, Robert Burdette, of the Burlington 
 Hawkeye, wrote a comic life of Penn. Burdette was 
 born at Greensborough, Pennsylvania, but migrated 
 when a child to the West and lived in Illinois and 
 Iowa. In 1888, William J. Buck, a thorough Pennsyl- 
 vanian, wrote an account of Penn, but confined himself 
 to describing minutely the two short visits which the 
 founder paid to the province. At this rate it is possible 
 that in the course of another one hundred and fifty years 
 a complete biography written by a native of the State 
 may appear. 
 
 Even if Penn was neglected, it might be supposed that 
 Franklin, most of whose life was spent in Colonial public 
 office, who was connected with every important interest 
 in Pennsylvania, and whose world-wide fame rivals that 
 of Washington, would arouse some interest and pride 
 
 362 
 
Results 
 
 among our people. But he has fared even worse than 
 Penn. He is admired and studied in other States and 
 everywhere in the world except in Pennsylvania. The 
 two largest and best editions of his works, Sparks's and 
 Bigelow's, come one from Boston and the other from 
 New York. As his writings were translated into Latin, 
 Italian, French, and German, so all nations have written 
 biographies of him ; and there are about fifty in exist- 
 ence. The best, those by Parton and Bigelow, are by 
 New Yorkers, and the rest are from every corner of the 
 earth except that which knew him best.. 
 
 Like Penn, he has had a narrow escape. In 1887, Mr. 
 McMaster, a New Yorker at that time living in Phila- 
 delphia, where he was a professor in the University of 
 Pennsylvania, wrote an excellent sketch of the literary 
 side of his career for a serial called " American Men of 
 Letters," undertaken by a Boston pubhshing house. 
 Boston has, indeed, always treated him as one of her 
 sons, and in her public library has an alcove devoted 
 entirely to the collection of books which relate to 
 him. 
 
 Penn had the advantage of belonging to a sect which, 
 although not much given to enthusiasm for any one, was 
 at least bound not to attack him. The main facts and 
 the school-book story of his life are generally known ; 
 and, with all his faults, he is unquestionably admired by 
 the people. But Franklin comes in for positive dislike, 
 and there is no place where all the evil and mistakes of 
 his life are so well remembered and so freely spoken of 
 as in Philadelphia. There is a chapter on him in Scharf 
 and Westcott's " History of Philadelphia," in which, 
 amidst faint praise and abuse, he is called an old granny, 
 
 363 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 a man of no genius, whose most conspicuous excellence 
 was a certain luminous mediocrity. 
 
 We raised no monuments to him and had no statue 
 until within a few years, when a statue of him was 
 erected on the Campus of the University of Pennsyl- 
 vania. But it was a gift from Chicago, and was con- 
 structed of such inferior material that it has now been 
 removed and stored away under cover. 
 
 We had no statue of Penn until recently, when the 
 one on the tower of the City Hall in Philadelphia was 
 procured ; and this is one of the rare instances in which 
 Pennsylvanians have been willing, of their own accord, 
 to erect a statue to one of their great men. They will 
 sometimes have statues of comparatively insignificant 
 persons ; they will gladly give their money for statues 
 of foreigners, and will fill a city park with images of 
 Joan of Arc or other irrelevant personages ; but about 
 their own they care little and know little. 
 
 There is no character that shows the Pennsylvanian 
 feeling so well as Bayard Taylor. He was a thorough 
 son of the soil. His German and Quaker ancestors had 
 been Pennsylvanians for many generations. He always 
 felt that he belonged to the State. He tried to identify 
 himself with it as much as he could and as much as it 
 would let him. He built himself a home in his native 
 valley, and tried his best to live there. He wrote novels 
 and ballads to describe its scenes. But his difficulty was 
 not merely that he was forced to say that there was a 
 " tyranny of public sentiment" there which was against 
 him. His real difficulties were still larger. The whole 
 State rejected him. Its chief city, Philadelphia, would 
 have nothing to do with him. It seemed extraordinary 
 
 364 
 
Results 
 
 that, after the State had produced its first great poet and 
 its first really gifted man of letters, of whom any common- 
 wealth might be proud, the State and the city should 
 unite in kicking him out of doors. 
 
 Fortunately for these children who are so summarily 
 ejected, they are usually of sufficient ability to be valued 
 by other communities. Taylor was of a loyal and honor- 
 able nature. He felt that he belonged to his old home, 
 and was always trying to get back. But, undesired and 
 unappreciated by his native State, he sought for sympathy 
 abroad. Germany honored him, and he received more 
 encouragement and regard in a few years on the Rhine 
 than he received in his whole life on the Delaware. New 
 York adopted him as her son. When he was appointed 
 minister to Berlin, Pennsylvania and Philadelphia were 
 silent ; but New York gave him a banquet. When his 
 dead body was brought home from Germany, New York 
 received him, and he lay in state, with a guard of honor, 
 in her City Hall. When he was carried to Kennett Square 
 to be buried, his native State was again silent, and seemed 
 to be unaware that she was receiving him into her soil. 
 
 Robert Morris and John Dickinson are also notable 
 instances. Morris stood high in national councils during 
 the Revolution, and his services have always been fully 
 appreciated by the country at large. But at the very 
 time he held this exalted position in the Continental 
 Congress he was so unpopular among the mass of the 
 people in his own State that, together with Wilson and 
 Mifflin, he was threatened with mob violence. Since his 
 death his reputation has been utterly neglected by Penn- 
 sylvanians, and they scarcely realize that he once lived 
 among them. 
 
 36s 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 Both he and Dickinson were left out of Sparks's 
 "American Biographies," although the series contains 
 such persons as Ezra Stiles, doubtless a very good man 
 and a valuable president of Yale College, but not of 
 national importance. No Pennsylvanian has ever under- 
 taken to investigate Morris's career, collect his letters 
 and writings, and prepare a life of him. The work had 
 to be done finally, within recent years, by Professor 
 William G. Sumner, of Connecticut. 
 
 Dickinson not only had a very distinguished career in 
 Pennsylvania politics, but up to the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence he was the chief controller of the Revolution- 
 ary movement. Every public document of national 
 importance in that movement down to June, 1776, was 
 draughted by him, and his character shows a devotion 
 to principle and a moral courage unexcelled by any of 
 the great men of that time. But in the furious conflicts 
 of factions in Pennsylvania he was so set upon that he 
 was driven into exile, and had to live in Delaware until 
 the storm had passed by. During this exile he served 
 as a common soldier in the ranks of the Continental 
 army. 
 
 He returned to Pennsylvania, was restored to power, 
 and became Governor of the State. But once in his 
 grave, his name and fame were carefully ignored, and 
 soon almost forgotten, until in 1891, almost a century 
 after his death. Dr. Stille wrote an exhaustive and inter- 
 esting life of him, to be added to an edition of his works. 
 He is almost the only one of our distinguished men who 
 has had a Pennsylvanian for a biographer. 
 
 If the biography had appeared seventy years earlier, 
 Dickinson's name would have remained in the conspicu- 
 
 366 
 
Results 
 
 ous place he occupied while living. But after seventy 
 or eighty years of neglect it is almost impossible to re- 
 store an historical character and reproduce the position 
 which was once a living force. The people's estimate 
 of him has been formed too long; valuable papers and 
 letters are lost ; and the most important material of all, 
 the personal anecdotes, which can be collected only from 
 the lips of the living, are utterly beyond recall. 
 
 Massachusetts sets the highest example in this re- 
 spect. Not even a minor character is allowed to die 
 without being followed within two or three years by 
 biographies so keenly written that every salient point is 
 driven home into the minds of the whole nation. The 
 man's personality is continued while everything is fresh. 
 His picture is drawn for the future before the color has 
 left his face. The encouragement and hero-worship 
 which developed him to greatness in life preserve him, 
 with Egyptian fidelity, in death. 
 
 General Wayne, who was certainly one of the remark- 
 able soldiers of the Revolution, slumbered for a century 
 in his grave before any one thought it worth while to 
 write his life. The same hand that had resurrected 
 Dickinson performed the task, and the same Philadel- 
 phia publishers issued the book. When the book was 
 read, people were surprised to find that, instead of having 
 appeared at long intervals and in only a few incidents, 
 the dashing Pennsylvania soldier had had a career, a 
 continuous and steady life of public service. 
 
 But there is no one to resurrect Mifflin, Armstrong, 
 Clymer, Thomson, and others who were conspicuous 
 before the whole continent in their day and are now 
 utterly forgotten. Mifflin was in some respects more 
 
 367 
 
The Making of Pennsylvania 
 
 prominent than Wayne. He commanded the best disci- 
 plined brigade in the Continental Army, and had a long 
 service in the Continental Congress, as Governor of Penn- 
 sylvania, and as a member of the Legislature and of 
 the Constitutional conventions. 
 
 Dr. Benjamin Rush, who achieved the remarkable dis- 
 tinction of being the leading physician of his day and one 
 of the leading statesmen, has also suffered from neglect. 
 His life remains unwritten, and his numerous pamphlets 
 and letters, some of them of unusual interest, have never 
 been collected. He was a man of the most vigorous 
 power of expression, and this, combined with the eccen- 
 tricity and the violent contests of his life, has saved him 
 from complete oblivion. These same qualities would 
 add great interest to a biography, which might be made 
 one of the best that has ever been written of a Pennsyl- 
 vanian, for it would include the whole Revolutionary 
 struggle, and a rather new aspect of it. 
 
 Albert Gallatin chose Pennsylvania as his adopted 
 State, lived there most of his life, and was given his 
 political prominence and importance by the votes of our 
 citizens. There are comparatively few people, however, 
 who even know that he ever had anything to do with 
 Pennsylvania, and of his two biographers one is from 
 Boston and the other from New York. 
 
 What is to become of Thaddeus Stevens, so con- 
 spicuous as a member of Congress in the times of the 
 Civil War ? He has been dead nearly thirty years, and, 
 although his will is said to have provided for a biog- 
 raphy, none appears. 
 
 James Buchanan made this same provision in his will ; 
 for he well knew the fate Pennsylvania prepares for all 
 
 368 
 
Results 
 
 her distinguished sons. But although the money, and 
 a good roun.d sum too, was provided, many years passed 
 away while vain attempts were being made to persuade 
 some Pennsylvanian to write the book ; and in the end 
 it was written in New York. 
 
 Was there ever a Commonwealth that produced so 
 many eminent characters and was so indifferent to them ? 
 What diiiference does it make which sect or clique was 
 the principal creator ? Why should we still debate the 
 question who is the typical Pennsylvanian ? One orator 
 maintains that the true Pennsylvanian is the German. 
 Some object to the east, others to the west. Some are 
 for Philadelphia ; others for the State outside Philadel- 
 phia ; still others point to the State and insist that it is 
 the work of the Scotch-Irish. The Welshman says he 
 is the cause, and that William Penn was a Welshman. 
 The Quaker, as usual, is silent and makes no claims. 
 
 Note. — Since this chapter was first printed, some of the deficiencies 
 mentioned in it have been supplied. By the generosity and puWic spirit of 
 Mr. Justus Strawbridge, a suitable bronze statue of Franklin has been placed 
 on Chestnut Street in front of the Post-Ofiice. A life of Franklin, called 
 ** The True Benjamin Franklin," has been written by a Pennsylvanian, and 
 also a life of William Penn with a similar title. 
 
 369 
 
INDEX 
 
 Adolphus, Gustavus, greatest ruler 
 
 of Sweden, i6. 
 Amish, sect of the Germans, ii8. 
 Anne, Queen, encourages Germans 
 
 to migrate to Pennsylvania, 
 
 97- 
 Golden Books of, 97. 
 order as to oaths, 195. 
 Antinomians absorbed by the Qua- 
 kers, 38, 39, 53. 
 Armstrong, Colonel, acts for Penn- 
 sylvania claimants, 303. 
 deceives the settlers of Wyo- 
 ming, 305. 
 his character, 304. 
 Atonement, doctrine of, as held by 
 
 the Quakers, 49. 
 Audubon, John James, his connec- 
 tion with Pennsylvania, 222. 
 
 Baltimore, Lord, boundaries for his 
 colony, 321, 324. 
 
 breaks his agreement with Penn's 
 sons, 340, 341. 
 
 claims above Philadelphia, 331. 
 
 delays the suit in chancery, 344. 
 
 Dutch see weakness in his char- 
 ter, 325. 
 
 his agreement with Mrs, Penn, 
 
 336- 
 his agreement with Penn's sons, 
 
 337- 
 his charter, 319. 
 overreaches himself, 342. 
 petition of, dismissed, 333. 
 
 Baltimore, Lord, petitions Queen 
 Anne, 334. 
 responsible for boundary dispute, 
 
 332- 
 sends agent to Dutch on the 
 
 Delaware, 325. 
 unfortunate language of his 
 
 charter, 322. 
 well informed on geography of 
 
 Pennsylvania, 329. 
 Barton, Benjamin S., first professor 
 
 of botany in America, 221. 
 Barton, Rev. Thomas, missionary of 
 
 Church of England, 198. 
 Bartram, John, reputation as a bot- 
 anist, 219, 
 Beaver trade, greatness of, on the 
 
 Delaware, 14, 121. 
 Becket, William, suggests plan for 
 
 advancement of the church, 
 
 195- 
 Beekman, Dutch governor, 20. 
 Beissel creates a division among the 
 Tunkers, 79. 
 
 quarrels with Sauer, 89. 
 Bethlehem, a garden under the Mo- 
 ravians, 150. 
 
 in the line of travel, 151. 
 
 in the Revolution, 153, 155. 
 
 school for girls at, 154. 
 
 travellers at, 152, 153. 
 
 watering-place, 154. 
 Beversrede, trade at, 14. 
 Bishop, Delaware as his manor, 196. 
 
 desire for one in the colonies, 196. 
 
 371 
 
Index 
 
 Black, Chief-Justice, as a Scotch- 
 Irishman, 182. 
 
 Boundary disputes familiar to colo- 
 nists, 299, 
 
 Brant, Joseph, 282. 
 
 Burlce, Edmund, approves of send- 
 ing Germans to America, 99. 
 sympathizes with colonists, 289. 
 
 Butler, Indian, 281. 
 
 Butler, Zebulon, leader of Connecti- 
 cut people, 263. 
 
 Camden, Lord, his argument on 
 Connecticut title to Wyoming, 
 
 254- 
 Campbell, the poet, his " Gertrude 
 
 of Wyoming," 243, 289. 
 Casimir, Fort, 14. 
 Charter of Pennsylvania, discussion 
 
 of boundaries in, 259. 
 Christ Church founded, 188. 
 Churchmen, the, aristocracy of, 199. 
 control the executive offices, 200. 
 feeling between, and the Quakers, 
 
 189, 193- 
 
 join proprietary party, 194. 
 
 learn to accept religious equality, 
 197. 
 
 mostly in Philadelphia, 197. 
 
 not satisfied with religious equal- 
 ity, 192. 
 
 numbers of, 198. 
 
 persecuted by Quakers, 188. 
 
 strong position of, 188, 190. 
 
 who were the first, 189. 
 
 wish the Quakers to be deprived 
 of Pennsylvania, 193. 
 Church of England, cause of the de- 
 cline of, 190, 191. 
 
 churches of, in Pennsylvania, 
 197, 198. 
 
 clergy of, all missionaries, 198. 
 
 Quakers join, 191. 
 
 Church of England, relations of, with 
 
 Swedes, 190. 
 Compromise Act of 1799, the, 313. 
 
 accepted by Wyoming settlers, 
 314- 
 Confirming Act, the, checks new 
 State movement, 309. 
 
 effect of repeal of, 312. 
 
 tailure of 309. 
 
 good effects of, 311. 
 
 passed by legislature, 307. 
 
 repeal of 311. 
 
 unconstitutional, 308. 
 Connecticut, an independent colony, 
 238. 
 
 attempts to possess the Dela- 
 ware, 14, 15. 
 
 boundary of, on New York, 252. 
 
 charter of 239. 
 
 claims part of Pennsylvania, 237. 
 
 legal opinions as to rights of 
 240. 
 
 liberal views of, as to land, 238. 
 
 overflowed her borders, 239. 
 
 overlapped by Pennsylvania, 240. 
 
 people of, arrested in Wyoming' 
 265. 
 
 people of, continue to visit Wy- 
 oming, 246, 
 
 people of, return to Wyoming' 
 266. 
 
 position of, in controversy with 
 the Penns, 273, 274. 
 
 settlers of, in Wyoming, 297. 
 
 settlers' right to their lands, 299. 
 
 takes formal possession of Wy- 
 oming, 274. 
 
 title of, discussed, 251. 
 
 title of, upheld by most writers, 
 250. 
 
 unreasonableness of claim, 297. 
 Cornbury , Lord, entertained in Phila- 
 delphia by Churchmen, 193. 
 
 372 
 
Index 
 
 Cresap, Tom, supports Lord Balti- 
 more, 335. 
 
 Crimes, capital, in Pennsylvania, 209. 
 
 Crown, British, law of land-grants by, 
 256, 258. 
 
 Delaware, boundaries of, 337, 339, 
 
 345, 346- 
 Delaware River, discovery of, 7, 8. 
 explored by Henry Hudson, 12. 
 game on, 23. 
 names of, 12. 
 settlements on, 30. 
 De Vries, his ship fired upon, ig. 
 Dick, Captain, attempts to restore 
 
 Wyoming, 273. 
 Dickinson College, 185. 
 Dock, Christopher, a German school- 
 master, 120. 
 Doddridge, Rev. Joseph, description 
 
 of the Scotch-Irish, 169. 
 
 Dogmas, growth of, in Christian 
 
 church, 35. 
 
 Quakers, a reaction from, 40. 
 
 Dorrance, case of, against Van Horn, 
 
 312. 
 Drake, the poet, writes of Wyoming, 
 
 245- 
 Dutch, their form of government on 
 the Delaware, 25. 
 local names of, 26. 
 Pennsylvania, as a language, 
 118. 
 explanation of term, 89. 
 second control of the Delaware, 
 
 25- 
 
 see weakness in Lord Baltimore's 
 
 charter, 325. 
 settle on the Delaware, 7, 13. 
 suggest a compromise with Lord 
 
 Baltimore, 326, 337. 
 Dyer, Eliphalet, his enthusiasm for 
 
 Wyoming, 242. 
 
 Dyer, sent to Pennsylvania, 267. 
 
 Education, prejudice of Germans 
 against, 119-124. 
 
 Edwards, Jonathan, description of 
 God, 160. 
 
 Election, doctrine of, 158, 159. 
 
 Elsingborg, Fort, 19, 20. 
 
 English, arrive on the Delaware, 7. 29. 
 conquer Dutch on the Dela- 
 ware, 26. 
 
 Ephrata, monastery of, 80. 
 
 Episcopalians. See Churchmen. 
 
 Fairmount, pumping-works at, 230. 
 
 False Cape, the, 338, 345. 
 
 Finn, Long, heads a rebellion on the 
 
 Delaware, 28. 
 Forty Fort, 263. 
 
 Fox, George, founder of the Qua- 
 kers, 54. 
 his character, 55. 
 Franklin, Benjamin, effect of Boston 
 on, 214. 
 effect of Pennsylvania on, 215. 
 his discovery of electricity, 216. 
 on population of Pennsylvania, 
 
 I2S- 
 
 Franklin Institute established at 
 Philadelphia, 227. 
 importance of, 228. 
 
 Gage, General, his opinion on the 
 
 Wyoming controversy, 270. 
 Game, great quantities of, on the 
 
 Delaware, 23. 
 Gas, introduction of, in Philadelphia, 
 
 229. 
 Germans, the, absorbed slowly, 129. 
 best when of mixed stock, 130. 
 cling to their language and cus- 
 toms, 117, 118. 
 disease among, loi. 
 distribution of, 107. 
 
 373 
 
Index 
 
 Germans, the, distrust of, Ioo» 125. 
 
 divisions of, 72. 
 
 economy of, no, in. 
 
 education of, 1 19-124. 
 
 effect of, as a separate nation- 
 ality, 128. 
 
 encouraged by Penn and the 
 Qualters, 91. 
 
 English schools for, 117. 
 
 famous ones in Pennsylvania, 
 130, 131. 
 
 French among, 95. 
 
 great numbers of small sects 
 among, 94. 
 
 hatred of debt, in. 
 
 horses of in. 
 
 hospitals for, 104. 
 
 immigration of, to New York, 
 108. 
 to Pennsylvania, 91. 
 
 in Pennsylvania, 70. 
 
 in Virginia, 92, 
 
 injured by not adopting English 
 ways, 127. 
 
 large numbers of, go to Eng- 
 land, 98. 
 
 largely peasants, 97. 
 
 lists of immigrants of, loi. 
 
 Lutherans among, 96. 
 
 names of anglicized, 129. 
 
 not colonizers, 70. 
 
 not disloyal, 126. 
 
 numbers of, 70, 124. 
 
 origin of the sects of, 71. 
 
 persecution of, 119. 
 
 Reformed among, 96. 
 
 regarded with suspicion, 116. 
 
 regulation of traffic in, 100. 
 
 Roman Cathohcs among, 95. 
 
 roughness of, 96. 
 
 sects of, in Revolution, 116. 
 
 stoves of, no. 
 
 traffic in, 99, 104, 106. 
 
 Germans, the, usually farmers, 109, 
 132. 
 vastness of the immigration, 99. 
 voyage of, to America, 102. 
 whether a benefit to Pennsyl- 
 vania, 70. 
 Germantown, as established by the 
 
 Germans, 85. 
 " Gertrude of Wyoming," Camp- 
 bell's poem of, 243. 
 first appearance of, 244. 
 death of, 289. 
 Gibson, Chief-Justice, as a. Scotch- 
 Irishman, 181. 
 Godfrey, Thomas, reputation as a 
 
 mathematician, 221. 
 Golden Books, bring Germans to 
 England, 98. 
 of Queen Anne, 97. 
 
 Halleck, the poet, writes of Wyoming, 
 
 24S- 
 
 Hardwicke, Lord, decides in favor 
 of Penn family, 345. 
 
 Herman, Augustine, his map, 329. 
 
 Hermits, 82. 
 
 Hicks creates a division among the 
 Quakers, 51. 
 
 Hollanders, some among the Ger- 
 mans, 89, 91. 
 
 Hopkinson, Thomas, assists Frank- 
 lin in experiments, 217. 
 
 Hoyt, suggests reason for decision 
 of court at Trenton, 296. 
 
 Hudson, Henry, 7. 
 
 discovers the Delaware, 8, 10. 
 explores the Delaware, 12. 
 
 Indians. See Six Nations. 
 
 in Wyoming Valley, 241. 
 
 their title to land, 247, 249. 
 Indian Summer, origin of term, 176. 
 Inns of Moravians, 150. 
 
 374 
 
Index 
 
 Inspiration of Scriptures, Quaker 
 doctrine of, 52. 
 
 Johnson, Sir William, controls Six 
 Nations of New York, 280. 
 
 Jones, Sir William, attorney-general, 
 260. 
 report of, on boundaries of Penn- 
 sylvania, 260. 
 
 Keith, George, controversy with the 
 Quakers, 50. 
 
 Kelpius, learning of, 83. 
 
 Kinnersley, Ebenezer, assists Frank- 
 lin in experiments, 217. 
 
 Lafayette at Bethlehem, 153. 
 Lancaster Turnpike, inns on, 208* 
 
 through Welsh Barony, 207. 
 Latitude, degrees of, meaning of, 320. 
 Laws of Pennsylvania very liberal, 
 
 209, 
 Liberty of conscience, Quaker belief 
 
 in, 54- 
 Light, inward, doctrine of, 43. 
 Locomotive-Works, the Baldv/in, im- 
 portance of, 234. 
 Log College, the, 185. 
 Lutherans, the, affinities with the 
 Episcopalians, 114. 
 arrival of, in Pennsylvania, in. 
 disorders among, 114. 
 in Revolution, 116, 
 not opposed to education, 122. 
 their belief, 112. 
 
 McKean, Chief- Justice, as a Scotch- 
 Irishman, 179. 
 
 Manufacturing, history of, in Penn- 
 sylvania, 231, 233, 236, 
 in Philadelphia, 230. 
 
 Markham, takes latitude of New 
 Castle, 330. 
 
 Maryland, boundaries of, 321, 337, 
 
 339- 
 boundaries of, finally marked 
 
 346. 
 boundary disputes with, 318, 
 319- 
 Mason and Dixon, line of, 347, 348. 
 Massachusetts attempts to cut off 
 beaver trade on the Delaware, 
 21. 
 Medicine, early study of, in Pennsyl- 
 vania, 223. 
 school of in Pennsylvania, 224. 
 Mennonites arrive in Pennsylvania, 
 74. loS- 
 doctrines of, 71. 
 origin of, 71. 
 persecution of, 74. 
 protest against slavery, 73. 
 Mey, Cornelius, conducts expedition 
 to the Delaware, 13. 
 gives his name to the capes, 13. 
 Military men in Pennsylvania, 236. 
 Mittelberger, description of German 
 voyage to America, 102. 
 journey to Pennsylvania, 102. 
 Molinos, the Quietist, 45. 
 Molly Maguires in Pennsylvania, 
 
 168. 
 Moravians, the, as missionaries, 142. 
 as pietists, 137, 
 cast lots, 138. 
 ceremonies and liturgies of, 
 
 137. 138- 
 come to America, 140. 
 communion with Church of 
 
 England, 139. 
 communism of, 141. 
 emotionalism of, 137, 139. 
 history of 134. 
 inns of, 150. 
 marriages of 138. 
 objection to war, 154. 
 
 375 
 
Index 
 
 Moravians, originally not Germans, 
 134, 136. 
 persecution of, 135. 
 renewal of, 139. 
 respect for, 154. 
 r settle on the Lehigh, 140. 
 
 unlike other Germans, 134, 150. 
 Muhlenberg called a Hessian, 116. 
 charges against, 115, 
 difficulties with Lutherans, 114. 
 
 with Moravians, 115. 
 leader of the Lutherans, 113. 
 son of, ordained in Church of 
 England, 114. 
 
 Nassau, Fort, settled by the Dutch, 13. 
 
 Natural Sciences, Academy of, 
 
 founded at Philadelphia, 226." 
 
 New Castle, called Fort Casimer and 
 
 NewAmstel by the Dutch, 18, 
 
 28. 
 
 circle round, 345. 
 
 named Trefalldigheet by the 
 
 Swedes, 18. 
 seat of government on the Dela- 
 ware, 31. 
 New Hampshire grants, 300. 
 Newlanders, their tricks, 105. 
 North, Lord Chief-Justice, did not 
 rely on Smith's maps, 328, 330. 
 draws boundaries of Pennsyl- 
 vania, 262. 
 ignores Penn's agreement with 
 Lord Baltimore, 327, 329. 
 Nuttall, Thomas, his connection with 
 Pennsylvania, 222. 
 
 Ogden, Amos, again tries to restore 
 Wyoming, 268. 
 arrests Connecticut people, 265. 
 besieged by Connecticut people, 
 265. 
 by Butler, 272. 
 captain of the Pennamites, 264. 
 
 Ogden, Amos, captures Durkee, 
 
 267. 
 destroys Wyoming settlement, 
 
 267. 
 surprises settlers at Wyoming, 
 
 270. 
 surrounded in his fort, 269. 
 swims down the Susquehanna, 
 
 272. 
 Ogilby's " America," maps in, 260, 
 
 328. 
 
 Palatines, meaning of term, 90. 
 Paper-making established at Ger- 
 
 mantown, 232. 
 Pastorius, character and life, 75, 
 
 founder of Germantown, 76, 77. 
 great learning of, 75, 
 leader of Mennonites, 75. 
 Patterson, Alexander, acts for Penn- 
 sylvania claimants, 302. 
 his troops recalled, 303. 
 Penn family, enforce agreement with 
 Lord Baltimore, 343, 345. 
 forestall Connecticut people, 264. 
 options from Indians, 248. 
 owners of Wyoming, 265. 
 reasons for failure to hold Wy- 
 oming, 275. 
 skill in boundary disputes, 354. 
 Penn, William, claims part of Mary- 
 land, 331. 
 his charter boundaries, 327. 
 proposes compromise with Lord 
 
 Baltimore, 332. 
 secures Delaware, 335. 
 wanted Delaware, 326. 
 Pennsylvania, advancement in sci- 
 ence, 213. 
 checks new State movement, 306. 
 claimants, Armstrong Acts for, 
 302. 
 defeat of, 313, 314. 
 
 376 
 
Index 
 
 Pennsylvania claimants, denounced 
 by the people, 305. 
 Patterson Acts for, 302. 
 send commissioners to Wy- 
 oming, 301. 
 home of American liberalism, 
 
 210. 
 not interested in helping Penn 
 
 family, 266. 
 rapid development of, 212. 
 Perfectionists, Quakers were, 53. 
 Philadelphia, home of American lib- 
 eralism, 210. 
 meeting-place of the Indians, 30. 
 site for a great city, 29. 
 Swedes reach present site of, 
 
 28. 
 Swedish church in, 28. 
 Philanthropy, Quakers the earliest 
 
 philanthropists, 54. 
 Philosophical Society, American, 
 
 founded at Philadelphia, 225. 
 Physicians, famous ones in Pennsyl- 
 vania, 325. 
 Pickering, Timothy, checks new 
 
 State movement, 307. 
 Pietism, looseness of views on, 148. 
 Pietists come to Germantown, 78. 
 
 Muhlenberg one of them, 113. 
 Plunkett attempts to restore Wyo- 
 ming, 276. 
 defeat of, 278. 
 reasons for support of, 277. 
 Population of Pennsylvania, 125. 
 
 on Delaware, 25. 
 Poughkeepsie account of battle of 
 
 Wyoming, 288, 289. 
 Presbyterians, the, contrast to the 
 Quakers, 156, 161. 
 devotion of, to education, 185. 
 Pennsylvania the home of, 156. 
 religion of, 157. 
 severity of belief, 159, i5o. 
 
 Priestley, Joseph, his connection with 
 
 Pennsylvania, 223. 
 Printz, establishment at Tinnicum, 
 18, 19. 
 Swedish governor, 18. 
 Privy council orders division of Del- 
 aware, 333. 
 Penn and Lord Baltimore appeal 
 to, 333- 
 
 Quakers, the, aversion of, to dog- 
 mas, 40. 
 
 compared with Puritans, 34. 
 
 condemn amusements, 56. 
 
 decline of, 66, 68. 
 
 discipline of, 56. 
 
 disgusted with Presbyterianism, 
 161. 
 
 doctrines of, 41-69. 
 
 form of government, 58. 
 
 good living of, 34. 
 
 hate the Scotch-Irish, 157. 
 
 human passions of, 42. 
 
 imprisoned, 55. 
 
 likely to control Pennsylvania, 
 187. 
 
 numbers of, 68. 
 
 object to learning, 60. 
 
 object to oaths and war, 57, 59. 
 
 origin of, 33-40. 
 
 remarkable men among, 61. 
 
 substance of their faith, 52. 
 
 traits of, 41-69. 
 
 wealth of, 43. 
 
 went beyond the Baptists, 40. 
 
 Quarry, Colonel, attempts to drive 
 
 Quakers from office, 195. 
 
 judge of the Admiralty, 194. 
 
 leader of the Churchmen, 194. 
 Quietism among the Quakers, 44. 
 
 in Italy, 45. 
 
 Railroads in Pennsylvania, 235. 
 
 377 
 
Index 
 
 Redemptioners, io6. 
 
 Reformation affected Pennsylvania, 
 
 34- 
 great divisions of, conservative, 
 
 37- 
 movement of, 35, 37. 
 Reformed, the, arrival of, in Pennsyl- 
 vania, III. 
 in the Revolution, 116. 
 not opposed to education, 122. 
 their belief, 112. 
 Religious liberty in Pennsylvania, 
 209. 
 Quakers hold, 54. 
 Revelations, immediate, Quaker doc- 
 trine of, 53. 
 Rioting in Pennsylvania, 168. 
 Rittenhouse, David, next to Franklin 
 in science, 217. 
 observes transit of Venus, 218. 
 Rupp, " Thirty Thousand Names of 
 
 German Emigrants," loi. 
 Rush, Dr., as a physician, 224. 
 
 great friend of the Germans, 
 
 126. 
 his description of the Germans, 
 109, III. 
 
 Sacraments, Quakers reject, 48. 
 Sauer, Christopher, his son on edu- 
 cation, 121. 
 leader of the Tunkers and other 
 
 sects, 87, 116. 
 quarrel with Beissel, 88. 
 Schlatter, Rev. Michael, organizes 
 Reformed in Pennsylvania, 
 
 113- 
 report on education, 117. 
 Schwenkfelders in Pennsylvania, 93, 
 
 94. 
 Science, advancement of, in Penn- 
 sylvania, 213. 
 beginning of, 213. 
 
 Scotch-Irish, the, attack traders, 16& 
 attracted by Pennsylvania, 163. 
 brutality of their warfare, 175. 
 dislike for the Quakers, 157. 
 excesses in Philadelphia, 178. 
 hated the Indians, 164. 
 in Cumberland Valley, 164. 
 influence in the State, 178. 
 in Philadelphia, 163. 
 in the Revolution, 177. 
 in the Whiskey Rebellion, 167. 
 life and manners of, 171, 176. 
 lived by themselves, 174. 
 origin of, 161. 
 quarrels of, 173. 
 quieter since Whiskey Rebellion, 
 
 177. 
 regard for human life, 167, 173. 
 remarkable men among, 178. 
 resist land surveyors, 165. 
 roughness of, 165. 
 Sargent's description of, 164. 
 sought the frontier, 156, 162. 
 their warfare with the Indians^ 
 
 174- 
 Sects, distinct from each other, 33. 
 Familists, etc., 37. 
 small ones in Reformation, 37 
 
 38. 
 their belief, 39. 
 Sergeant, argument of, at Trenton, 
 
 296. 
 Ship-building in Pennsylvania, 235. 
 Six Nations, advantages of their po- 
 sition in New York, 279. 
 bids for their alliance, 281. 
 cruelties of, at Wyoming, 286. 
 decide to take Wyoming, 281. 
 descend on Wyoming, 283. 
 destroyed by (general Sullivan, 
 
 290. 
 disclaim sale to Susquehanna 
 Company, 250. 
 
 378 
 
Index 
 
 Six Nations, displeased with Penn 
 
 family, 249. 
 massacres of, in Cherry Valley, 
 
 282. 
 sell Wyoming to Susquehanna 
 
 Company, 249. 
 Slavery, Mennonites oppose, 73. 
 
 Quakers oppose, 54. 
 Smith, Captain John, his maps, 259, 
 
 320, 323, 328, 330. 
 Soldiers, distinguished, in Pennsyl- 
 vania, 236. 
 Soul-sellers. See Newlanders. 
 Spirit, the. Church of God in, Zinzen- 
 
 dorf establishes, 145. 
 St. David's Church established, 197. 
 
 used by the Welsh, 206. 
 St. James Church established, 197. 
 St. Paul's Church established, 197. 
 St. Peter's Church established, 197. 
 St. Thomas's Church established, 
 
 197. 
 State, movement to make a State of 
 
 Wyoming, 306. 
 Stewart, Captain Lazarus, takes 
 
 sides with Connecticut, 268, 
 
 271. 
 Stump, Frederick, murders Indians, 
 
 166. 
 Sun Inn, fame of, 151, 152. 
 Susquehanna Company, attempts to 
 
 settle Wyoming, 263. 
 attempts to make a State of Wy- 
 oming, 306. 
 formed, 246. 
 
 sends deputation to Albany, 247. 
 Susquehanna Fort, position of, 327, 
 
 33°- 
 Swedes become colonizers, 16. 
 
 contests with Dutch on the Del- 
 aware, 22. 
 
 first appear on the Delaware, 14, 
 16. 
 
 Swedes, prosperity of, on the Dela- 
 ware, 22, 23, 24. 
 purchase land, 17. 
 reach to Pennsylvania, 18, 21. 
 rule of, 7, 25. 
 title to land, 17, 18. 
 Syng, Philip, assists Franklin in ex- 
 periments, 217. 
 
 Taylor, Bayard, of Quaker origin, 
 64. 
 struggles with Quakerism, 63. 
 Tilghman, Chief-Justice, a Church- 
 man, 201. 
 Title of Connecticut to Wyoming 
 Valley, 254-263, 293. 
 private title to soil in Wyoming, 
 299. 
 Trenton, decree at, 293, 294-298. 
 Trinity Church established, 197. 
 Trinity, doctrine of, as held by the 
 
 Quakers, 49. 
 Tunkers come to Pennsylvania, 79, 
 84. 
 in Germantown, 84. 
 origin of, 78. 
 
 Upland, founded by Swedes, 18. 
 named Chester by Penn, 18. 
 Usselinex, William, suggests coloni- 
 zation to the Swedes, 16. 
 
 Van Horn, case of Dorrance against, 
 312. 
 
 Venus, transit of, observed in Penn- 
 sylvania, 218. 
 
 Virginia, boundary dispute with, 
 
 349-353- 
 Voltaire, admiration for Pennsyl- 
 vania, 210, 211. 
 
 Washington and Jefferson Univer- 
 sity, 186. 
 
 379 
 
Index 
 
 Weiss, Rev. George Michael, leads 
 Reformed to Pennsylvania, 
 
 US- 
 Welsh, the, agreement with Penn, 
 203. 
 
 as an element in the population, 
 206. 
 
 at first the most numerous im- 
 migrants, 202. 
 
 exclusiveness broken up, 205. 
 
 most of them Quakers, 202. 
 
 names of, 205. 
 
 patron saint of, 206. 
 
 possessed of means, 204. 
 
 their system of government, 204. 
 
 tract, a barony, 204. 
 situation of, 203, 
 Wilburites, division of the Quakers, 
 
 SI- 
 William III. describes Delaware as 
 
 belonging to Penn, 334. 
 Wilmington settled by the Swedes, 
 
 17- 
 
 Wilson, Alexander, first American 
 ornithologist, 221. 
 
 Wilson, James, argument of, at Tren- 
 ton, 295. 
 
 Woman of the Wilderness, Society 
 of, 82. 
 
 Wounds, litany of, 138. 
 
 Wyoming, Valley of, arouses interest 
 in England, 243. 
 battle of, 284, 288. 
 discovery of, by Connecticut, 
 241. 
 
 Wyoming, Valley of, discovery of 
 
 coal in, 316. 
 first massacre in, 247. 
 first settlement in, 247. 
 histories of, 315. 
 moral grandeur of men of, 317. 
 movement to make a new State 
 
 in, 306. 
 New England school system in, 
 
 316. 
 not the property of people of 
 
 Pennsylvania, 265. 
 population of, 279. 
 settlers of, fight fairly, 310. 
 
 vote against new State move- 
 ment, 316. 
 
 York, Duke of, deed to, of New 
 England, 26. 
 
 deed did not include Pennsyl- 
 vania, 27. 
 
 laws of, 31. 
 
 occupies Pennsylvania, 7, 27, 28. 
 
 takes Dutch territory, 253. 
 
 Zinzendorf, Count, arrives in Penn- 
 sylvania, 143. 
 
 as a Lutheran, 144. 
 
 character of, 143. 
 
 controversies of, 149. 
 
 converts Lutherans and Re- 
 formed, 147. 
 
 resigns his title, 145. 
 
 restores the Moravians, 136. 
 
 romantic life of, 149. 
 Zwanendal, settlement of, 14, 
 
 THE END. 
 
 380 
 
I I 
 
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