ASM HIP''' LIBRARY ^-^f^Ex MEMOEx\XDUM 2 "X ins I'KOGRESS OF THE MADRAS PRESlDEiNCY DURING THE LAST FOKTY YEARS OF BRITISH ADMINISTEATJON. BY DEWAN BAHADUR S. SRINIVASA RAGHAVAIYaNGAR, B.A. MADR-AS: PRINTED BY THE SUPERINTENDENT, GOYERNMENT PRESS 1892. THE GIFT OF AvUu 27 xl^l^ I. "^BiwimiiliHiiiif °' ""■"^-*^^ 3 1924 023 195 344""' Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924023195344 MEMOBANDUM ON THE PROGRESS OF THE MADRAS PRESIDENCY DUEING THE LAST FOETY YEAES OF BEITISH ADMINISTRATION. BT DBWAN BAHADUR S. gRINIVASA RAGHAVAIYANGAR, B.A. Iiispeetor-Qeneral of Registration, Madras. MADRAS: PRINTED BY THE SUPERINTENDENT, GOVERNMENT PRESS. 1892. PEEFACE. In July 1890, Lord Connemara entrusted to me the task of examining whether the economic condition of the Madras Presidency has, on the whole, improved or deteriorated during the last 40 or 50 years of British administration and of writing a memorandum on the subject. I was given to understand that the conclusions arrived at should be based not only on information officially on record but also on the results of independent inquiries. To ascertain whether any and what improve- ment has taken place in the condition of the masses of the population, it was, of course, necessary that an idea should be formed as to their condition in the past, and, for this purpose, I had to collect and read up a great mass of old reports. This took up a deal of time, and I was able to write only the preliminary portion of this memorandum before the end of 1890. The departure of Lord Connemara to England and pressure of other official work led to the preparation of this memorandum being laid aside for some time, and I was able to resume the work only in the latter half of 1891. Since then I have been more or less engaged on it, but as the work has had to be carried on in addition to my other official duties, it has not been possible to finish it earlier. The interval, however, has been utilized for collecting information on such matters as prices of commodities, wages of labour, &c., in order that it might be used for testing information obtained from official sources. The Government has permitted me to add another section to this memorandum containing suggestions as to certain special measures to be adopted for the amelioration of the agricultural classes in connection with land settlements, agricultural banks, agricultural and industrial education, &c., and to revise the statistics given in the appendices to the memorandum with reference to the results of the last census. This will be done as soon as the results of the census become available, which will be very shortly, and the memorandum will then be issued in a complete form. 2. I have endeavoured to make the statistics given in the memorandum as accurate as possible, but I can scarcely hope that I have fully succeeded. The information given as regards the state of things in former centuries, though derived from sources which are the best available, is admittedly imperfect, but this does not invalidate in any way the general conclusions arrived at. 3. The subject being many-sided, it is, of course, not possible in a first attempt to do more than break ground as regards the various questions dealt with. I have, therefore, printed as appendices to the memorandum such official and other papers as throw light on the questions discussed, for purposes of easy reference in subsequent inquiries. This accounts also for the large quantity of statistical information and the large number of quotations given in the earher portions of my memorandum. Much of this information is new to the generation that is growing up, though not new to the generation that is passing aivay. IV PREFACE. 4. In conclusion, I wish to point out that the subject dealt with is the improve- ment in the material condition of the Presidency, and though there are other points of view from which the question of national well-being has to be considered^ improvement in the material condition is the foundation on which improvement in other respects should be built up. I venture to think that if the question be impartially considered, there can be no two opinions as to the very great advance made by the country during the last 40 years. Madras, S. S. nth April 1892. CONTENTS. Paha. Page INTEODUOTOEY EEMAEKS 1 1 Section I.— THE STATE OE THE COUNTEY AND THE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE IN EOEMEE CENTUEIE8 .. .. 2-11 1-11 1. Scantiness of information as to condition of tlie people in former centuries , . 2. Pandya, Chola and Vijianagar Dynasties . . , . . . . , 3. Frequency of wars and backward state of the country 4. Famines and epidemics very destructive in former times 5. The land-tax collected by Native sovereigns, heavy and oppressive 6. The character of the revenue administration under the Vijianagar sovereigns . . . . . . . . . . . . 7. The enormous revenue of former rulers . . . , . . , , 8. The devices resorted to with a view to increase revenue 9. Temples, palaces, &c., erected by means of forced labour 10. Tavernier's account of the state of the country and the condition of ths people in the latter half of the seventeenth century , , . , . , 11 9-1 1 2 1 3 1 4 2 5 2-5 6 5,6 7 6 8 7,8 9 8 10 8,9 Section II.— THE CONDITION OF THE PRESIDENCY AT THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH OENTUEY WHEN MOST OF THE PE0VINCE8 OF SOUTHEEN INDIA WEEE AC- QUIEED BY THE BEITISH 12- 1. State of the districts and the condition of the population 2. Insecurity of property, obstructions to trade, uncertainty in the value of the currency and heavy taxation . . . . . . . , 3. Poverty of the agricultural classes 14 11-13 12 11, 12 13 12, 13 14 13 Section III.— THE CONDITION OF THE AGEICULTUEAL CLASSES UNDEE BEITISH ADMINISTEATION DUEING THE FIEST HALF OF THE PEESENT CENTUEY . . .. 15-18 14-20 1. Early land settlements and the condition of the country during the first 30 years of the century 2. Agricultural depression from 1834 to 1854 and its causes 3. The condition of the ryots as disclosed in the reports of the Collectors of the several districts 4. The measures taken to ameliorate the condition of the ryots and the state of communications . , , . , . . , . . . , 15 14, 15 16 15, 16 17 16-18 18 18-20 Section IV.— NAEEATIVE OF THE PEINCIPAL FACTS BEAEING ON THE CONDITION OF THE AGEICULTUEAL CLASSES FEOVI THE MIDDLE OF THE PEESENT CENTUEY TO THE PEESENT TIME 19-21 20-21 1. The cessation of the period of agricultural depression and the com- mencement of a period of prosperity and internal reforms 2. The re-action 3. Famine of 1876-78 19 20-22 20 22, 23 21 23, 24 APPENDICES. VI CONTENT,?. Para. Page Sectiok v.— statistics SHOWING THE IMPEOVEMENT IN THE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE SINCE 1850 .. .. 22-67 24-105 1 . Introductory . . . , . . . . . . . . • • • • • • 22 24 2. Increase of population . . . . . . . . . . • • • > 23 24-26 3. Increase in the acreage of cultivation . . . , . . . • • . 24 26, 27 4. Alleged decrease of rainfall . . . . . . . . . . • • 25 27-29 5. Alleged deterioration of the soil by over-cropping .. .. .. 26 29-31 6. Prices _ 27 31-33 7. Effect of the improvement of communications on prices . . . . 28 33-35 8. Trade — its dimensions . , . . . . . . . . . ■ • • 29 35-37 9. The advantages of trade .... . . . . . . . . . • 30 37, 38 10. The progress of trade in the principal articles of export .. _. . 31 38-40 1 1 . The progress of trade in imported articles and the low cost at ■which they aie now obtained .. .. .. .. .. .. •• 32 40-42 12. How far the rapid expansion of foreign trade is "«»/ore«i" .. .. 33 42,43 13. Balance of trade 34 43-46 14. Effect of private remittances to England .. .. .. .. 35 47-49 15. The effect of remittances to England on the rates of exchange .. 36 49,50 16. Imports of gold and silver into India . . . . . . . . . . 37 50, 51 17. European exploitation .. .. ,. .. .. .. .. 38 51, 52 18. Decadence of old it) digenous industries .. .. .. .. .. 39 52-54 19. The decay of hand-loom weavers, a necessary stage in the industrial development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 54, 55 20. The decline in the manufacture of iron .. .. .. ' .. .. 41 65,56 21. The shipping industry .. .. ., .. .. .. .. 42 56 22. The development of factory industries . . . . . . . . . . 43 56, 57 23. Taxation .. .. 44 57 24. Land Eevenue — Tax ox Rent? .. .. .. .. .. .. 45 57,58 25. Growth of land revenue and provincial rates , . . . . . . . 46 58-60 26. Pressure of the land tax and selling prices of land . , . . . . 47 60-62 27. Relation between Government assessment and rental , . . . . . 48 62 28. Eatio of Government assessment to gross produce . . . . . , 49 62, 63 29. The income-tax ...... 30. Salt revenue . . . . ; . 31. Excise on spirits and drugs 32. Customs revenue 33. Stamps , 34 Registration fees 35. Incidence of taxation .... 36. Improvement or the reverse in the standard of living and the general condition of the different classes of the population . . , . 57 74 37. The land-ownirig classps .. ,. .. .. .. .. .. 58 74-77 38. Wages of agricultural labourers .. .. .. .. .. .. 59 77-83 3y. LabourPrs other tt an agricultural . . .. .. .. .. .. 60 83,84 40. In what direr'tions the labouring classes have improved .'. .. 61 84-86 41. Propertied classes other thaw land-holdei s, mercantile and professional classes . . 62 86-89 42. Artizans 63 89, 90 43. The standard of living 64 90-95 44. Pressure of population , . , , , . . . . . , . . 65 93-96 45. Does a large propoitionof the population live on insufficient food in ordinary seasons ? . , . , , . . . . . . . , . 66 96, 97 46. Comparison of the economic condition of India with that of European countries 67 98-103 50 63, 64 51 64-67 52 67-69 53 69-71 54 71, 72 55 72, 73 56 73, 74 Section I.— THE STATE OF THE COUNTRY AND THE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE IN FORM KB CENTURIES .... i-^xi A. — Sketch of the Dynasties of Southern India extracted from " Lists of Antiquities, Madras," by Mr. R. Sewell, M.C.S. . . . . . . i-iii B. — Orissa under Hindu and Biitish Administrations, Hunter's Orissa . . i i— yiii C. — Extract from the Article on " India" in " Hunter's Gazetteer of India" showing the revenues of the Moghul Emperors at various periods . . viii, ix P. — Extract from the Journal of the Archoeological Survey of India, Vol. IV, copies of inscriptions showing the taxes levied bj' Sovereigns of the Chola Dynasty in the eleventh century . , , . , , . , x, xi CONTENTS. Section n.— THE CONDITION OF THE PEESIDENCY AT THE END OE THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY WHEN MOST OF THE PEOVINCES OF SOUTHERN INDIA WERE ACQUIRED BY THE BRITISH A. — Extracts from official reports sho'wiiig the condition of the several dis- tricts at the time they came under British Administration B. — A list of Moturpha taxes, levied in the village of Singdnallnr, in the Coimbatore district, taken from the records kept by the kamam of the village . . . . . . . . . , Vll Pagh 3U1-X1X Section III.— THE CONDITION OF THE AGRICULTURAL CLASSES UNDER BRITISH ADMINISTRATION DURING THE FIRST HALF OF THE PRESENT CENTURY A. — Extract from the " Indian Economist " : Land Revenue — payment in kind or in money B. — Description of the Madras ryot in 1853 by Mr. Bourdillon . . . . xx-xxiv xx-xxii xxii-xxiv Sbotion IV.— narrative OF THE PRINCIPAL FACTS BEARING ON THE CONDITION OF THE AGRICULTURAL CLASSES PROM THE MIDDLE OF THE PRESENT CENTURY TO THE PRESENT TIME xxv-1 A. — Statement showing the permanent reductions made in different branches of revenue in all the districts during 15 years from 1841 . . xxv-xxx B. — Extracts from Dr. Buchanan's " Journey from Madras through Mysore, Canara and Malabar in 1800," showing the rates of wages of labour prevailed in different places visited by him . . . . xxx-xxxvii C. — Abstract of the Proceedings of the Board of Revenue, dated 25th November 1819, on the subject of agricultural slavery . . . . xxxvii, xxxviii D.— Extracts from the Report of the Commissioners for the investigation of alleged cases of torture in the Madras Presidency, 1855 ,. ,, xxxix-xlii E.— The Madras Ryot by Mr. R. A. Dalyell in 1866 xlii, xliii F. — Results of the enquiries made by the Board of Revenue on the condition of the labouring classes in 1872 xliv-l Section V.— STATISTICS SHOWING THE IMPROVEMENT IN THE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE SINCE 1850 A. — Population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (a) Statement showing the population of the Madras Presidency in 1871, 1881 and 1891 ..••.. (J) Statement showing the civil condition of the population of the Madras Presidency as compared with that of England and Wales as per census of 1881 .. .. .. ,, .. .. (c) Statement showing the birth and death-rates in different countries per miUe of the population . . (rf) Statement showing the expectation of life and the number of survivors at different ages . . . . . . . , . . . . (») Statement showing the proportion of population of various countries grouped according to ages . . . . . . B. — Statement showing the area of land under cultivation at different periods . . . . • . . . . . • . . • . . 0. — Prices • (a) Table showing the prices of second sort rice at different periods . . (b) Do. do. of cholum . . . . . . (e) Do. do. of ragi . . . . . . . . (d) Do. do. of cumbu . . (e) Statement showing the number of padies of paddy sold for a rupee at Pdlghat for a number of years compiled from the ac- counts preserved in the family of a rich landlord in Malabar . . (/) Statement showing the prices of certain articles of food in 1853 as compared with their cm-rent prices in Palghat . • . . . . li-cxlii li, m U lii lii lii liii, liv Iv-lix Iv Iv Ivi Ivi Ivii Ivii Till CONTENTS. (^) Statement showing the prices of different articles of foodj &c., at Sllur (a large village 7 miles from Coimbatore), compiled from the village accounts preserved by an old karnam or village accountant in the Coimbatore district (h) Statement showing the prices of food-grains at certain stations in the Coimbatore district obtained from certain old cadjan accounts kept by merchants and landholders (»■) Statement showing the prices of articles of food, &c., in 1890 as compared with those about 1800 in the village of Singdnallur 5 miles from Coimbatore, compiled from the accounts preserved by the karnam or accountant of the village . . . . _ . . (j) Statement showing the Mahanam prices of paddy per Tanjore kalam for a series of years in the Tanjore district p.— Trade ,, ., •• . •• (a) Foreign trade — value of exports and imports for quinquennial periods since 1838 .. .. .. .. .. .• (J) Statement showing the growth of sea-borne trade in relation to the revenue derived from customs duties therefrom and of the quantity of salt sold and exported with the rates of sale per maund of 80 lb. in relation to the receipts derived therefrom in the Madras Presidency since 1800 . . . . , , (c) Statement showing the quantity and value of the principal articlps of trade exported from, and imported into, the Madras Presir dency by sea for a series of years (d) Statement showing the traffic by rail and by canal of the Madras Presidency with other British Provinces, French Territory, Native States, and the chief seaport towns in 1889-90 . . (e) Statement showing the average prices in Madras of the staple commodities of trade (/) Statement showing the value of certain articles of export and im- port deduced from the declared values of the articles entered in the sea-borne trade returns of the Madras Presidency . . (ff) Statement showing the net imports of gold and silver into India for a series of years . . . . . . (A) Statement showing the number of factories in the Madras Presi- dency in 1889-90 ., ,. ,. E. — Taxation . , , . . . . . (a) Statement showing the growth of revenue or taxation from 1800-01 in the Madras Presidency .. .. .. ., (J) Statement showing the various kinds of Local and Municipal taxation from the year 1853-54 in the Madras Presidency (c) Statement showing the growth of the land reyenue and extension of the occupied area of land fully assessed in the Madras Presi- dency . , , , , . . . . . . , . . . . (rf) St^tem^nt showing the value of land in certain districts of the Madras Presidency . . (e) Table showing the ratio of Government assessment to the gross produce of lands , . , . . . . . . , (/) Remarks on the alleged increase jn the price of salt due to the salt excise system . . (g) Remarks on the abkdri administration of the Madras Presidency. (h) Statement showing the number of offences reported an^ the number of civil suits instituted in 1850 and 1890 ' . . . . (i) Statement showing the incidence of taxation in the Madras Presi- dency '. '. (j) Statement showing the expenditure of the Madras Presidency in 1889-90 as compared with that in 1849-50 .. .'.' .. F. — Statistics relating to the improyemept or the reyerse in the standard of Hying of the different classes of the population (a) Comparative table sjiowing the number of persons (males) engaged in the several occupations in 1871 and 1881 in the Madras Presi- dency (b) Statement showing the varieties of tenure held direct from Govern- ment during the official year 1889-90 .. ,. ., («) Statement showing the number of transfers of reyenue estates in 1889-90 (^) Statement showing the classification of incomes assessed under the Income-tax Act in the Madras Presidency during 1890-91 (?) Statement showing the amount of Government stock (public debt) held by .Eluropeans and Natives in 1834, 1850 and 1888 through- out India ... . . . , . . (f) Statement showing the transactions of the Presidency, District and Post Office Savings Banks in India (ff) Statement showing the number and value of money orders issued .. Page Iviii Iviii lix lix Ix-lxxi Ix Ixi-lxv Ixvi, livii Ixviii Ixix Ixx Ixxi Ixxi Ixxii-cxi Ixxii-lxxix Ixxx, Ixxxi Ixxxii-lxxxiv Ixxxv-lxxxvii Ixxxviii-xcii xciii-xeviii xcviii-cviii cix ex ex, cxj. pxi-cxlii cxi, cxii cxiii cxiii pxiy-cxvii cxviii cxviii cxviii CONTENTS, (A) Comparative statement of the rates of value of labour in the several districts of the Madras Presidency for certain years com- piled from schedules of rates in force in the Public Works Department . , { * ) Statement showing the pressure of population on land in the several districts of the Madras Presidency . , (J) Statement showing the total acreage, classification of areas, irrigated crops, current fallows and the number of live-stock, carts, ploughs and boats in the Madra,s Presidency during the year 1889-90 . . (k) Extracts from Dr. Maclean's Manual of Administration on the economic condition of the labouring classes (l) Opinions of certain gentlemen on the present economic condition of the people as compared with their past condition (m) Tables showing the income, expenditure, sc9,le of diet, &c., in dif- ferent countries . . . . . . • • • t • . • • iX Page cxix, cxx cxxi cxxii cxxiii-cxxv cxxv-cxxxvii cxxxviii-cxlii MEMOEANDUM. In this memorandum I propose to examine whether the economic condition of the Madras Presidency, and especially of the agricultural classes, has improved or deterio- rated during the last 40 years of British administration, and whether, if there has heen improvement, it is proceeding on right lines. Section I. — The state of the country and the condition of the people informer centuries. 2. It is generally admitted that the last century, which immediately preceded the establishment of British power in Southern Scantiness of information as to condition of the people J-nAin trroo o -r.n^;,^^ ^f <^v^>^„»l,^ „« J „* in former centuries. India, was a period ot anarchy and of suffering to the masses of the population ; but it would be interesting to learn what was the condition of the people in the preceding centuries under native rulers. Information on the subject is, however, exceedingly scanty, the very names of some of the dynasties which bore sway in Southern India having been forgotten ^ ; and it is only recently by a laborious study of ancient inscriptions, Indian archaeologists have been endeavouring to construct a South Indian history. The results of their researches, so far as they have gone, have been summarized by Mr. E. Sewell, M.C.S., in his " Lists of Antiquities of the Madras Presidency," and I have ventured to extract Mr. Sewell's remarks in an appendix to this memorandum. It will be seen from this, that from the earliest historical times Southern India was divided into a number of small kingdoms, which, like the kingdoms of the Heptarchy, were continually at war with one another ; that each dynasty aspired for universal dominion and asserted it as opportunities offered ; that the pressure of immigration of tribes from Northern India added to the distracted state of the country caused by internecine wars ; and that from the 14th century, when the Muhammadans pushed their arms to Southern India and founded Muharamadan kingdoms in the Northern Deccan, to the beginning of the 19th century, the country seldom enjoyed peace. 3. Among the various dynasties which have successively ruled in Southern „ , ^^ . :,„... . ^. India, the times of the Pandiyans in the Pandya, Chola and Vinanagar dynasties. -m-i im- n t , • . o.-i Madura and Tinnevelly districts, of the Cholas in the Tanjore district and of the Vijianagar kings in the Southern Deccan, live in tradition as a sort of " golden age." That the Pandiyans were a powerful dynasty, and that their country under Budhist at first, and subsequently under Brahrainic, influences, attained to a very considerable degree of civilization, and kept up commercial intercourse with the Greeks and Bomans, seem certain. They were also great patrons of the Tamil literature, and it was during their time that the famous "sangham" or college of poets was established, and the greatest Tamil poems were composed. The Cholas, who rose to great power in the 11th, 12th and 13th centuries and held sway over nearly the whole of Southern India, were the builders of most of the great temples that exist in such numbers in the Tanjore district, and of the anient across the Cauvery. They excavated several channels for irrigation, which are known by their names — Virasholanar, Vikramanar, Kirtimanar, Mudikondanar — and established agricultural colonies and Brahmin agi-aharams for the spread of Aryan civilization. The powerful Vijianagar dynasty stemmed the tide of Muhammadan conquest for two centuries, i.e., 15th and 16th, until it was overwhelmed by a confeder- ation of the Muhammadan sovereigns of the Deccan, and its magnificent capital was sacked and utterly destroyed. All these dynasties rendered important services to South Indian civilization, and, as during their times some of the greatest religious teachers and scholars and dialecticians — Sankaracharya, Eamanujaeharya and Vidia- ranya — lived and flourished, it is no wonder that the people of Southern India recall the memory of those times with pleasure and pride. ' The Pallava dynasty appears to have been a powerful one and ruled over all the East Coast districts from the Kistna to the Coleroon and to have had its capital at Conjeeveram. Even the name of the dynasty has gone completely out of the memory of the people of the country over whom it ruled. 4. Every dynasty, however, when it attained to supreme power, drew to itself all ^ ^ , ^ ,,,,,. ^ the wealth of the surrounding provinces Frequency of wars and backward .tate of the country. ^^^ ^^^^^^ .^^ ^^p.^^^ ^.^j^ magnificent buildings, but the conquered provinces were generally oppressed. One of the Pandiyan kings in an inscription boasts, among hisf other exploits, of having set Tanjore and Uraiyur (the Chola capitals) on fire ; demolished the houses, high walls, storied houses and palaces ; made the tears of the wives of refractory kings flow like a river ; caused the sites of the buildings to be ploughed with asses and sown with cowries ; driven the -Chola from his dominions into a barren place and taken away his crown of gold and given it to a poet, who sang in praise of him, &c. One of the Chola kings in the same manner, in his turn, humbled the Pandiyans and assumed the title of Madurantaka (death of the Madura city). Allowing for great exaggeration, the language of the inscriptions shows that even the best days of the ancient dynasties' were those of wars and violence, that the ambition of every king was to humble the pride of his neighbours and to spoil their territories, and that these exhausting wars must ha^e entailed on the people an immense amount of misery, which, of course, was borne with patience and resignation, as they had no experience of a happier condition. Large portions of the country were also covered with jungle or inhabited by tribes hardly reclaimed from savagery. From a letter of a Jesuit missionary, written in the beginning of the 18th century, it appears that on the Tinnevelly coast, which is now a fully culti- vated and densely populated tract, " a large jungle had for some time past been infested by tigers to such a degree that after sunset no inhabitant of any village situated in its neighbourhood dared to move outside his door. Watch was kept in Qvery village at night and large fires were lighted for the purpose of scaring the monsters away. Even in the daytime travelling was not quite safe, and numbers of people had disappeared who had, without doubt, been seized and devoured in lonely places." The country lying on the outskirts of Trichinopoly town appears to have been covered with jungle and infested by robbers in the middle of the 16th century* The same was the case in the Coimbatore district also. Marauders were so numerous that a traveller by night was almost certain to fall into their hands. Wild beasts were so common that one missionary lost thirty of his acquaintances by their ravages^ within 6 months. Both in the Pandiya and Chola countries large tracts were, and still are, inhabited by Kallers, whom Father Martin, who lived in the 18th century in th.e vicinity of Kaller country, described as more barbarous than any savages in axvy part of the globe. His assertion is corroborated by Ward and Connor's survey account, which states that "a horrible custom exists among the females of the Colleries. When a quarrel or dissension arises between them, the insulted woman brings her child to the house of the aggressor and kills it at her door to a venge herself, although her Vengeance is attended with the most cruel barbarity. She immediately thereafter proceeds to a neighbouring village with all her goods, &o. In this attempt she is opposed by her neighbours, which gives rise to clamour and outrage. The complaint is then carried to the head Ombalakar, who lays it before the elders of the village and solicits their interference to terminate the quarrel. In the course of this investigation, if the husband finds that sufficient evidence has been brought against his wife that she had given cause for provocation and aggression, then he proceeds unobserved by the assembly to his house and brings one of his children, and in the presence of the witnesses, kills his child at the door of the woman who had first killed her child at his ; by this mode of procedure he considers that he has saved himself much trouble and expense, which would otherwise have devolved on him. The circumstance is soon brought to the notice of the tribunal, which proclaims that the offence committed is .sufficiently avenged. But should this voluntary retribution of revenge not be executed, by the convicted person, the tribunal is prorogued to a limited time — fifteen days generally. Before the expiration of that period one of the children of the convicted person must be killed ; at the same time he is to bear all expenses for providing food, &c.-, for assembly during three days. Such is their inhuman barbarity in avenging outrage, which proves the innate cruelty and the unrestrained barbarity of their manners and morals." 5. There cannot be the slightest doubt that famines and epidemics were far more p ■ ^A .■r.;A^;.. ^ A I ^- ■ t A.- frequent and destructive in former cen- FamineB and epidemics very destructive in former times. i • ,, 1,1. tunes than at present. Allusions to 8 terrible famines occur in ancient Hindu writings. The Eamayana mentions a severe and prolonged drought which occurred in Northern India. According to the Orissa legends severe famines occurred between the years 1107 and 1143 A.D. The memory of a terrible 12 years' famine^ " Dvadasavarsha Panjam " lives in tradition in Southern India. Mr. Duflf in his history of the Mahrattas states that " in 1396 the dreadful fartiine distinguished from all others by the name Durga Devee commenced in Maha- rashtra. It lasted, according to Hindu legends, for 12 years. At the end of that time the. periodical rains returned ; but whole districts were entirely depopulated and a very scanty revenue was obtained from the territory between the Goddvari and the Kistna for upwards of 30 years afterwards. The hill forts and strong places pre- viously conquered by the Muhammadans had fallen into the hands of Poligars and robbers, and the returning cultivators were driven from their villages." In the works of the Hindu astronomer Varaha Mihira, there are passages tending to show that the connection between sun spots and droughts was known at the time, and this knowledge must have been the result of observations made during long periods of time. The Muhammadan historian Ferishta records two famines as having occurred in the 1 5th century. He states that, in 1423 A.l)., no rain falling, a grievous famine was experi- enced throughout the Deccan, and multitudes of cattle died on the parched plains for want of water. The king (Ahmed I of the Bahmini dynasty), in consequence, increased the pay of his troops and opened public stores of grain for the use of the poor. The next year also, there being no rain, the people became seditious, complain- ing that the present reign was unlucky and the conduct of the prince displeasing to God. The king felt this bitterly, repaired to the mosque and prayed to God for rain. Eain came and the people were satisfied and the king was thenceforward surnamed the " saint." In- 1474 A.D., there occurred a famine still more terrible. The follow- ing account is given of it by Ferishta : — " "When the royal standard reached the city of Bijapore, Mahomed Shah (Bahmini dynasty), at the request of Khajwa Mahomed Khan, halted to repose his fatigues, and the minister endeavoured to soothe his grief for the death of his mother. Admiring the situation of Bijapore, the king would wil'^- lingly have remained there during the rainy season, but so severe a drought prevailed throughout the Deccan that the wells dried up, and the king, contrary to his inclina- tion, moved with his army to Ahmedabad Beder. No rain fell during the next year either, and the towns in consequence became almost depopulated. Many of the inhabitants died of famine and numbers emigrated for food to Malwa, Jajnagger and Guzerat. In Telingana, Maharashtra and throughout the Bahmini, no grain was sown for two years ; and, in the third, when the Almighty showered his mercy on the earth, scarcely any farmers remained in the country to cultivate the lands." In 1570 a great famine appears from the records of the Portuguese Mission to have raged on the Tinnevelly coast. Father Henriques, a Portuguese missionary, established famine relief houses, in some of which 50 persons were daily fed. The records of the Madura Jesuit Mission contain accounts of some famines which occurred in the 17th and 18th centuries. In 1648 there was a famine in the Coimbatore district when a great part of the population died or deserted the country. In 1659 the Muhammadans of Golconda invaded the southern countries. " The cruel devastation of the country round Trichinopoly and in the direction of Vallam led to a local famine, which within a short time compelled the population to emigrate in a body, some to the Marava country and some to the Madura country, and some to Satyamangalam ; and then the Muhammadans themselves were reduced to great extremities. Their horses died from want of forage, their camp-followers ran away and thousands of them died of actual starvation. So numerous were their deaths that it was impossible to bury their corpses, which were accordingly left in great heaps in the open fields. The effluvium arising from their decomposition, combined with the iU-health resulting fi-om want of 'The story is as follows :— There was a terrible 12 years' famine in the land, the " nine " planets who rule the destinies of men having decreed that the hximan race should be destroyed. At the close of the 12th year, the " planets " went on a tour of inspection to see if the work of destruction was complete. All was desolation, but there was one green spot at a distance. They repaired to the place to see what it was. There, a ryot, who was a great astrologer, had, by his art, foreseen that a great famine was coming and had taken precautions against it. In years of abundance he sa;ved the grain (ragi; and built up the wails of his house with this grain mixed with mud and planted prickly-pear round his gardens and fields. When the drought came the man fed his goats with prickly-pear, which flourishes even during times of drought, and boiled the grain scraped from the walls of his house with the milk yielded by the goats and ate the boiled ragi and thus lived ; for there was not a drop of water to be had anywhere. When the man saw the " planets," he knew who they were and offered to feed them too. They accepted his hospitality and after a full meal lay down to sleep in crooked and inauspicious positions. When ttiey were fast asleep the ryot put them all in aQspicions positions and thug the famine came to an'end and the world began once more to prosper. proper food rapidly engendered a pestilence, which carried off large numbers." • The safferings of the people during the years 1659 to 1662 appear to have been terrible. The privations undergone by the Christians are described by the Jesuit missionaries as having been heart-rending ; upwards of 10,000 of them died of want and starvation. Tanjore appears to have suffered even more than Madura, and almost the entire Christian population of that kingdom was driven out of It either by the fear of Muhammadans or by the pangs of hunger. The Hindus also persecuted the Christians for having offended the local deities and brought drought and famine on the land by their impiety, in the same manner as Christians in European countries appear to have persecuted the Jews in the middle ages, whenever famines and plagues occurred. In 1677 the Madura country was invaded by the Mysoreans. An extraordinary fall of rain on the Western Ghauts inundated the country and swept away the low-lying villages with their entire population. This was followed by famine and pestilence, and it is stated thatmany of the half-starved wretches, who survived these calamities, took to brigandag^i and overran the kingdom unchecked. From 1709, for nearly 12 years, the Marava country, Ramnad and Shivaganga, suffered from terrible droughts alternating with floods, and large numbers of the inhabitants emigrated to Tanjore and Madura. The droughts appear to have been entirely due to the capriciousness of the seasons, as irrigation works in the Marava country were in those days in an excellent condition. Father Martin wrote in 1713: ' " Nowhere have more precautions been taken than in Marava not to let a drop of water escape and to collect all the water formed by the rains in brooks and torrents. Here there is to be seen a pretty large river called Vaigaiyaru. After crossing a part of Madura, it enters Marava, and when its bed is full, which ordinarily happens a whole month every year, ij^ is as large as the Seine. Yet, by means of canals dug by our Indians far away from their tanks, this river is so drained on all sides that it loses itself entirely and does not reach its mouth till it has spent several weeks in filling the reservoirs towards which it is diverted. The most common tanks have banks haK a league long ; there are others which are a league and more in length. I have seen three more than three leagues in length. One of these tanks furnishes enough water to irrigate fields of more than 60 plantations. As rice (or paddy) must have its stem in water until it has acquired perfect maturity, after the first reaping, when there is still water in the tanks, they manure the lands and commence sowing again, for all times of the year are adapted to the growing of paddy, provided there is no deficiency of water." That prices of agricultural produce were subject to the most violent fluctuations on account of want of outlet for produce in years of abundance is evident from the following extract from the Jesuit missionary's letter : — " It is owing to the abundance of water, which the ryots caused to flow from their tanks into the fields, that they are able to grow a prodigious quantity of rice. When the rain is abundant, the price of rice and other provisions is lowl They get eight markals * or large measures of unhusked rice for one fanam, which suffice to nourish a man for more than 15 days. But as soon as the rain fails, the deamess is so great that I have seen the price of one of these measures of rice rise to 8 fanams (eighteen sous)." This shows that in years of scarcity the price rose to 64 times of what it was in ordinary times ! In 1733, there was a scarcity in the Chingleput district, which is stated to have been caused more by the neglect of irrigation works under the rule of the Nawabs of Arcot than by the failure of the seasons. The price of paddy rose to 40 pagodas per garce, while the ordinary price was 25 pagodas per garce. Twenty years before 1783, it is stated that 25 pagodas per garce would have been reckoned as famine price. In 1780 occurred Hyder's desolating invasion of the Carnatic followed by the grievous famine, the horrors of which were described by Biirke in one of his well- known orations. From 1789 to 1792, a terrible famine raged in the Northern Circars. The famine does not appear to have extended to the north of Ganjam, and at Puri the people lived in the midst of plenty. In the Ichdpur and Chicacole countries, however, the people died in thousands. The country was plunged in a state of misery and desolation ' These and other quotations from the records of the Madura Jesuit Mission are translations of extracts in French given in Mr. Nelson's Madura Manual. They contaia the most authentic information as to the condition of the Madura district in the 17th century and I have therefore given them at length in this memorandum. * Mr. Nelson takes the price quoted as equivalent to 96 Ih. for 2Jrf. Father Martin says that 8 markals will suffice to nourish a man for more than 15 days. If yre take the quantity of rice required by a person at 3 lb. per diem the auan tity required for 15 days would be 45 lb. Even if this reduced quantity were worth 2Jrf., the price would 'have been 480 lb, per rupee or i^th of the price at the present time ; in other words the purchasing value of the rupee would have ^eei> in the beginning of the 18tb century 12 times what it is now, ' truly deplorable. Whole tracts were depopulated, and, when the famine came to an end, people were not forthcoming to cultivate the lands.. The reports of the Collector of Eajahmundry in the beginning of the century show that many villages in the fertile delta of the Goddvari had become depopulated and great difficulty was felt in arrang- ing for the cultivation of lands. Epidemics also were very frequent and destructive. Small-pox was very virulent, so much so that, on the Western Coast, till within recent times, on the first appearance of the epidemic in villages, the villagers used to desert them, leaving the sufferers to shift for themselves as best they could or die. So recently as the beginning of this century a fever of a very malignant type decimated the populations of Maduraj Tinnevelly and Coimbatore districts. A committee was appointed by Government to inquire into the causes of the epidemic, and it reported that the primary cause was the highly insalubrious condition of the atmosphere result- ing from the continued and extraordinary deviations from the regular course of the seasons aod the miasmata arising from the marshy grounds and from the thick jungles on the bill sides and from salt marshes on the sea coast. 'J"he committee added that there were not wanting also predisposing causes in the debilitated condition of the population owing to insufficient diet, exposure to cold and damp, and fear and anxiety. The wretched ryots were only too well prepared to imbibe the poison by their poor condition and careless habits of life, and this was conclusively shown by the fact that, on one occasion, while the ryots were dying by thousands, soldiers, convicts and others scarcely suffered at all. 6. There is also ample evidence to show that the land tax taken, not only by the Muhammadan but also by the Hindu The land tax collected ty Native sovereigns heavy and sovereigns, Was fullv OnC-half the grOSS oppressive. -. ir i ■ n • i proQuce. Menu's proportion of one-sixth (which in the case of unirrigated lands must have operated as a heavy tax on industry and not on rent, for rent, owing to the abundance of cultivable lands and the sparseness of population, could not have come into existence) must, if it ever was observed in practice, have for several centuries been exceeded, and half the gross produce come to be recognized as the legal rate. Dr. Burnell, in his South Indian Palaeography, has stated "that the land tax (for such it originally was in South India, not rent) should amount to half the produce, has long been quoted as an instance of rapacity of Muhammadan and English Governments, from the illustrious B. Neiburh's early letters down to modern public discussions, by people ignorant of Indian history. But it has nothing to do with either. The inscriptions at Tan j ore show that the indigenous Chola kings of the 11th century took about half the produce, and F. W. Ellis long ago asserted, on other grounds, that the tax was always more than the sixth or fourth permitted by the Sanskrit lawyers. A consideration of royal grants would also conclusively show (as Sanslo-it lawyers asserted) that the Government never had any right to the land." In the Northern Circars also the native dynasties, long before the Muhammadan conquest, appear to have taken half the gross produce as the land tax, and this rule was in force in several zemindaries and principalities which had never or only for a short time been under Muhammadan domination — the Eamnad zemindari for instance. The only instance in which the rule laid down by the Shastras was adopted in rating lands for the revenue was in South Canara, and in this case the Shastraic rule was resorted to with a view to enhance the land tax which had till then been levied. In South Canara, cultivation has to be carried on under more difficult conditions than elsewhere. The country is extremely rocky and uneven and owing to excessive rainfall, cattle are scarce and cannot be employed at all seasons of the year. The ground has to be levelled at great expense to make it fit for cultivation, and this operation has to be continually repeated, as, owing to heavy rainfall and mountain torrents, the land is constantly cut up into deep gullies. Recla- mation of land could, under these circumstances, have been possible only if the land tax had been extremely moderate, and accordingly the original land tax appears to have been fixed at fth of the gross produce till about A.D. 1252, when the country was conquered by a Pandiyan prince. He ruled that the ^th share should be delivered in rice and not in unhusked paddy, and thus increased the tax by about 1 per cent. When the country became a dependency of Vijianagar, the king Hari Har Eoy fixed the land-tax at ^th of gross produce, i.e., ^th the king's share proper, and -rVth the share allotted by the Shastras for the support of temples and Brahmins, thus enhancing the tax by 50 per cent. From information extracted by Dr. Buchanan from certain old accounts in the possession of a shanbogue at Gokuma and given in his "Journey 6 through Mysore, Malabar and Canara in 1800," it appears, however, that in certain parts of North Canara, according to a valuation of Krishna Raya, the king of Vijia- nagar, while the tax on rice lands was jth of the gross produce, that on cocoanut plantations was quite half the gross produce. 7. The following extracts from the records of the Madura Jesuit Mission give the particulars connected with the land reve- ViSLtaTsot'refgns" "''""'' administration under the ^^^ administration of the Madura couutry under the rule of the viceroys of the Vijianagar kings in the 17th century : — " The King or Grand Nayakar of Madura has but a few domains which depend immediately ou him, that is to say, which form his property (for, in this country, the great are sole proprietors, and the people are only tenants or farmers) ; all the other lands are the domains of a multitude of petty princes, or tributary lords ; these latter have each in his own domains the full administration of the police and of justice, if justice there is at all ; they levy contributions which comprise at least the half of the produce'of the lands ; of this they make three parts, the first of which is reserved as tribute to the Grand Nayakar ; the second is employed in supporting troops, which the lord is bound to furnish him with in case of war ; the third belongs to the lord. The Grand Nayakars of Madura, like those of Tanjore and Gingee, are themselves tributaries of Vijianagar, to whom they pay, or ought to pay, each one an annual tribute of from 6 to 10 millions of francs. But they are not punctual in this payment ; often they delay, and even sometimes refuse insolently ; then Vijianagar arrives or sends one of his generals at the head of a hundred thousand men to enforce payment of all arrears, with interest, and in such cases, which are frequent, it is the poor people who are to expiate the fault of their princes ; the whole country is devastated and the population is either pillaged or massacred." The revenue administra- tion of the Mahratta chief, Ekoji, a half-brothcF of Sivaji, in Tanjore, appears from a letter of a Jesuit missionary in 1683 to have been, if possible, even more oppressive. The missionary states: "Tanjore is in the possession of Ekoji with the exception of a few provinces which have been seized by the Marava. Here is a short sketch of the administration of this country. Ekoji appropriates four-fifths of the produce. This is not all. Instead of accepting these four -fifths in kind, he insists that they should be paid in money ; and as he takes care to fix the price himself much beyond that which the proprietor can realize, the result is that the sale of the entire produce does not suffice to pay the entire contribution. The cultivators then remain under the weight of a heavy debt ; and often they are obliged to prove their inability to pay by submitting to the most barbarous tortures. It would be difficult for you to conceive such an oppression, and yet I must add that this tyranny is more frightful and revolt- ing in the kingdom of Gingee. For the rest this is all I can say, for I cannot find words to express all that is horrible in it." Even the rule. of Tirumal Tfaick, who may be fitly called the " magnificent," was oppressive. Tirumal Naick was partial to Christianity and treated the Jesuit mis- sionaries with marked kindness ; and he was even suspected of having embraced Christianity secretly. And yet this is the account given by Father Froenza in a letter, dated Trichinopoly 1659 : " Tirumal Nayakkan was not spared to enjoy the victory ; he was called upon to render an account to God of the evils which his treacherous policy had drawn on his people and on the neighbouring kingdoms. He died at the age of 75 years after a reign of 30 years. We cannot but acknowledge that he possessed great qualities ; but he tarnished their glory towards the end of his life by vices and follies which nothing could justify. His reign was illustrious by works of truly royal mag- nificence, among them being the pagoda of Madura, and, above all, the royal palace, whose colossal proportions and gigantic strength recall to memory the ancient monu- ments of Thebes. He loved and protected the Christian religion, the excellence of which he recognized, but never had the courage to accept the consequence of this conviction. The greatest obstacle to his conversion arose from his two hundred wives, the most distinguished of whom were burnt over his funeral pile according to the barbarous custom of these nations." The Government of Coimbatore under the Naiks* of Satya- mangalam appears to have been no better. " Vide Coimbatore District Manual, pp. 89 and 90. There were also some kins;s and queens whose names are revered to this day. The wisdom of Kistna Deva Raya in ooimcil and his prowess in war form the theme of many a legend in the Telugu country. Of Queen Rudramma, of the Warangnl dynasty, who governed the kingdom as regent during the minority of her grandson (A. D. 1257-1295), Marco Polo writes as follows : — " This kingdom was under the rule of a kiag, and since his death forty years ago it has been under his queen, a lady of much distinction, who for the great love she bore him never would marry another husband, and I can assure you that during all that space of 40 years 8. The above long extracts show not only what the real character of the „, ,,1 administration of the Nayak dynasty. The enormous revenue of former rulera. i , • • i •-i' iT who adorned their capitals witn suco magnificent buildings, was, but also the enormous revenue which former Hindu rulers derived from land. According to the statements contained in the letters of the Jesuit missionaries, the three viceroy alties of Madura, Tan j ore and Gingee were each bound to pay a tribute, varying between 6 and 10 millions of francs or between £240,000 and £400,000 sterling to the Vijianagar sovereign, and if the Madura province, which was the most extensive of the three, paid the higher sum, it is clear that the revenue taken from the ryots of that province must have been at least three times that sum or £1,200,000. In fact, most of the lands comprised within the Madura province were in the hands of Poligars, who, it is stated, paid only one-third of the revenue of their polliems, and out of this one-third, the viceroys had to pay the tribute after defraying their own expenses. The Madura province comprised the present districts, Madura, Tinnevelly, Trichinopoly and a portion of the Salem district. The land revenue of these districts aggregates now 87^ lakhs of rupees only, and when it is remembered that in the 16th and i7th centuries much of the country now under cultivation was covered with jungle and that the purchasing power of the precious metals was several times higher than it is at present, an idea may be formed of the large share of the gross produce which the Government of those days appropriated as revenue. It seems probable, as, indeed, the records of the Jesuit Mission state, that the tribute was seldom regularly paid, but was exacted by the Vijianagar king by force of arms whenever he was able to do so, but the large amount of tribute fixed shows that practically the only limit to the exactions which could be made from the ryots was their ability to pay. The amount of revenue taken by the sovereigns of Madura and Tanjore countries would be hardly credible, were it not for the fact that there is ample evidence to show that in other parts of the peninsula the revenue taken by other sovereigns was equally great, if not greater. In Orissa, it appears that in the 12th century theGangetic dynasty had a land revenue of about £450,000, or a little less than three times the revenue derived by the British Government from the same province, while the purchasing power of the rupee was then 8 times of what it is now.* The land revenue of the whole of British India is 23 millions of tens of rupees. In the time of the Emperor Akbar, the land revenue of the territories subject to his rule, which did not extend south of the Vindhya mountains, was 1 6^ millions in 1594 and 17| millions in 1605. In Jehangir's time the land tax continued at 17^ millions. In the earlier years of Aurangzebe's reign (1665) the land revenue was 24 millions. It rose to 34^ millions in 1670 and to 38| millions in 1697. In the last year of Aurangzebe's reign (1707) the revenue fell to 30 millions. It is stated that in the official statement of the revenues of the empire presented to the Afgan invader, Ahmed Shah Abdali,' when he entered Delhi in 1761, the land revenue of the empire was entered as 34^ millions. The significance of the above figures will be rightly estimated when it is remembered that between the years 1593 and 1605 the she had administered her realm as well as her husband did, or better, and as she was a lover of justice, of equity and of peace, she was more beloved by those of her Mngdonr. than ever was lady or lord of theirs before." Of Queen Regent Man- gammal (A.D. 1889-17041 Bishop Caldwell in his History of Tinnevelly states: — "She eschewed wars and cultivated the arts of peace, and all through Tinnevelly, as well as in Madura and the adjacent districts, she achieved a reputation which survives to the present day as the greatest maker of roads, planter of avenues, digger of wells and builder of choultries the royal houses of Madura ever produced. It has become customaiy to attribute to her every avenue foimd anywhere in the country. 1 have found, for instance, that all the avenues in the neighbourhood of CourtaUum are attributed to Mangammal. Having done so much, she is supposed to have done all." * I have given in the Appendix extracts from Hunter's Orissa as regards the revenue derived by the Gangetie kings in the l'2th century and the purchasing power of silver in those days. ' The revenues of the Moghul emperors appear to have been carefully investigated by Mr. Edward Thomas in his book, entitled " The Revenue Eesouroes of the Moghul Empire." The particulars available as regards the revenue of the several provinces during the time of the Moghuls have been extracted from the article on "India" in Hunter's (J^azetteer and printed in the Appendix. The figures quoted, appear indeed fabulous. Take, for instance, the land revenue of Orissa £450,000 — which, allowing for the depreciation in the value of the precious metals, would at the present day be equivalent to £3,600,000. The present area of cultivation in Orissa is 2J millions of acres. If the whole area had been under cultivation in the 12th century, the land tax per acre would be £1-9-0 ; if only half, which is more likely, it woiild bo £2-18-0. The tax would represent a much larger proportion of the gross produce than one-half. This seems likely ; in the beginning of the present century the tax represented nearly fths of the gross produce and the cultivators were left only the barest means of subsistence and often not even that, a portion of the so- called land tax being met out of the earnings from dairy produce and domestic industries, such as weaving. Much of the revenue consisted of payments in kind, and the Government sold the grain at monopoly rates. The revenue shown in the accounts also were, to a great extent nominal and much of it probably remained unrealized, because it was impos- sible to realize it. The fact, however, of the demand being fixed so high as to absorb nearly the whole of the gross produce shows that the Government took all that it could. Even the principle laid down by the Umperor Akbar, who was immeasur- ably in advance of his time, for regulating land assessment will not, according to modem standards, be accepted as liberal. He said ■ — " There shall, be left for every man who cultivates his lands as much as he requires for his own support till the n !xt crop be reaped, and that of his fanjily and for seed. This much shall be left to him ; what remains is the land tax and shall go to the public treasury." price of wheat averaged between 186 to 224 lbs. per rupee and barley 275^ lbs. per rupee, i.e., Ibe price of wheat and barley in the end of the 16th century was between one-sixth and one-seventh of what it is at present. 9. The Hindu Shastras consigned the king, who exacted more than one-sixth or one-fourth of the produce, to infamy in The deyioes resorted to with a view to increase revenue. ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ tormCntS of hell in the next, but the Muhammadan law had no such scruples. The Hedaia states : " Tlie learned in the law allege that the utmost extent of tribute is one-half of the actual product, nor is it allowable to exact more ; but the taking of a half is no more than strict justice and is not tyrannical, because, as it is lawful to take the whole of the person and property of infidels and distribute them among the Mussalmans, it follows that taking half their incomes is lawful a fortiori.''^ The hint given as to the lawfulness of taking the whole of the property of the infidels is of course not likely to be lost on the ever necessitous Muhammadan sovereigns. The Emperor Akbar abolished many vexatious taxes and fixed the land tax at about one- third of the gross produce, but his successors re-imposed all the abolished taxes. The devices resorted to for enhancing taxation were innumerable. In the provinces of Agra and Delhi the money assessment had been fixed by Todar Mull at so much per beigah of 3,600 square ells (each ell between 38| to 4 1 inches) or nearly an acre ; the tax was enhanced by the simple expedient ' of reducing the beigah to one-third of its original dimensions. 10. It is the enormous revenue which former rulers derived from land, coupled with unlimited command of forced labour, Temples, palaces, &c., erected by means of forced labour. ^^^^ enabled them tO exeCUte the Stupen- dous works, whether palaces, temples, anicuts or tanks, which strike us with astonishment. The celebrated temple at Tanjore built by the Cholas in the 11th century is stated to have taken 12 years to complete. The architect, who designed the building and supervised its execution, was one Soma Varman of Conjeeveram. A village, called Sdrapallam (literally the hollow at the base of the sca£Eolding), 4 miles from Tanjore, is believed to be the place where the scaffolding, over which the block of granite, estimated to weigh 80 tons, was carried to the top of the tower, 200 feet high, rested. After visiting the Sun temple at Kunarak in Orissa, Abul Fazl, the famous minister of Akbar, is stated to have written as follows : " Near to Jagganath is the temple of the Sun, in the erection of which was expended the whole revenue of Orissa for 12 years. No one can behold this immense building without being struck with amazement." Dr. Hunter, in his " Orissa," mentions that the eastern entrance of the temple was till lately surmounted by a chlorite slab elaborately carved, and that its beauty tempted some English antiquarians to attempt to remove it to the Museum at Calcutta. A grant of public money was obtained for the purpose, but it sufficed only to drag the massive block a couple of 100 yards, where it now lies quite apart from the temple and as far as ever from the shore. Dr. Hunter states that the builders of the 12th century had excavated it in the quarries of the hill states and X5arried it by a land 8 Fi(!. per mensem, though, says Tavernier, they were men who thoroughly understood their work. The wages being so small the men did not mani- fest any scruple about concealing a stone found, when they could, which they did by putting it in their mouths, as they had little or no clothing on their bodies. Tavernier gives the following account of the peasantry and of the common soldiers : " One hundred of our European soldiers would scarcely have any difficulty in vanquishing 1,000 of these Indian soldiers ; but it is truCj on the other hand, that they would have much difficulty in accustoming themselves to so abstemious a life as theirs. For the horse- man, as well as the infantry, supports himself with a little flour kneaded with a little water and black sugar, of which he makes balls, and in the evening they make kichri, which consists of rice cooked with dholl in water with a little salt. When eating it, they dip their fingers in melted butter. Such is the ordinary food of both soldiers and the poor people. To which it should be added that the heat would kill our soldiers, who would be unable to remain in the heat of the sun as these Indians do. I should say, en passant, that the peasants have for their sole garment a scrap of cloth tied round their loins, and that they are reduced to groat poverty because, if the Governors become aware that they possess any property, they seize it straightway by right or by force. You may see in India whole provinces like deserts, from whence the peasants have fled on account of the oppressions of the Governors. "Under cover of the fact that they are themselves Muhammadans, they persecute the poor idolaters to the utmost, and if any of the latter become Muhammadans, it is in order not to work, any more ; they become soldiers or fakirs, who are people who make profession of having renounced the world and live upon alms, but in feality they are great rascals. 11 It is estimated that there are 800,000 Mahamraadan fakirs aod 1,200,000 among the idolators." Taveraier was a devout French Protestant Christian, and he adds : " Although these idolators are in the depths of blindness to a knowledge of the true God, that does not prevent them from living morally well ; Avhen married, they are rarely unfaithful to their wives, and adultery is very rare among them." Section II. — The condition of the Presidency at the end of the 19ith century when most of the provinces of Southern India were acquired by the British. 12, In the appendix will be found extracts from official reports describing in some detail the state of the country at the commencement of the present century when most of the provinces of Southern India came under British occupation. In the earlier centuries, although the country had suffered from frequent wars, it had, with some intervals of anarchy, the advantage of a more or less settled government. In the listh century, however, the ccmpletest anarchy prevailed and the condition of the people was miserable in the extreme. In the beginning of the century, the Moghul General Zulflkar Khan, who had command of the Payen Ghat or the countiy between the Kistna and the Coleroon rivers, was engaged in incessant and destructive wars for 1 9 years till the death of the Emperor Aurangzebe, " The express statement," says Colonel Wilks, "of 19 actions fought and three thousand coss ((>,()(I0 miles) marched by this officer in the course of six months only may afford some faint idea of the wretchedness in which the unfortunate inhabitants were involved during that period, and these miseries of war, in the ordinary course of human calamity, were necessarily followed by a long and destructive famine and pestilence, "Within this period Zulfikar Khan appears to have made three different expeditions to the south of the Cauvery, levying heavy contri- butions on Tanjore and Trichinopoly," Soon after the Moghul conquest the Moghul power rapidly declined under the assaults made on it by the Mahrattas. When the emperor appointed a jaghirdar over a tract of country, the Mahrattas appointed another, and both of them fleeced the cultivators who often had no alternative left but to leave off cultivating and become plunderers iu their turn. Shortly after followed the wars consequent on disputed succession to the soubah of the Deccan and the nawabship of the Carnatic and the struggle for supremacy between the English and the French. In the language of the " Fifth Report," when the Northern Circars were handed over by the Nizam to the English in 176tJ, " the whole system of internal management had become disorganized. Not only the forms but even the remembrance of civil authority seemed to be wholly lost," The Chingleput district had almost entirely been depopulated by the wars with Hyder, so much so that " hardly any other signs were left in many parts of the country of its having been inhabited by human beiTigs than the bones of the bodies that had been massacred or the naked walls of the houses, choultries and temples which had been burnt."'" The terrible memories of " Hyder kaldbam," or the ravages of Hyder's cavalry, still live in stories current among the common people at the present day. Tanjore, which was in the possession of the Nawab of Arcot in the years 177 1 and 1775, was almost ruined by " his inhuman exactions ;" and, according to Rev. Schwartz, the famous Luthern missionary and an eye-witness, the people would have preferred Hyder's invasion to the Nawab's occu- pation. In the second year, the Nawab extorted from the landholders no less than 81 lakhs of rupees which is nearly double the present land revenue of the district. It will have been seen from the extracts from the letters of the Jesuit missionaries already given that Ekojee took 80 per cent, of the gross produce as revenue, leaving only 20 per cent, to the mirasidars. On the accession of Pratap Singh to the musnud the mirasidars' varam appears to have been 30 per cent, of the pisanam and 45 per cent, of the kar crop, and the rate for the pisanam crop Was raised by him and his succes- sors till it amounted to 40 per cent, in the time of Amir Singh. How little the rights oi^ the mirasidars were, owing to misgovernment, understood at the time will be seen froni the fact that the English commissioners, who reported on the resources of the country on the deposition of Amir Singh and the installation of Surfojee under British auspices, characterized the settlement made by Amir Singh, fixing the Government share of the produce at 60 per cent, and the mirasidars' varam at 40 per cent., as a " profligate remission," In the zemindar and poligar countries the only limit to the •" Even in the Tanjore delta a large part of the population must hive died of famine. In 1781, the year before Hyder's invasions the outturn of crop in the Tanjore delU was 11,909,085 kalamsof paddy. In 1781-82 the outturn was 1,808,808 kalams, and in 1782-83 only 1,563,122 kalams. The outturn gradually rose again to 10,416,746 kalanu in 1796-97. 12 exactions to which the ryots were subjected was their ability to pay ; the customary share of the produce belonging to Government was nominally half, but additional taxes were levied on various pretexts, reducing the share enjoyed by the ryots to ^ or ^. Where there were no zemindars, renters were employed especially by Mahomedan Gov- ernments to collect the revenue and these renters mercilessly fleeced the people. Mr. Wallace, the Collector of Trichinopoly, writing iu 1.802, has given an account of the revenue administration of the district under the Nawab. The GovernmeDt tax on wet lands was received in grain and the whole of the grain produced was a strict Government monopoly, so strict, indeed, that, if one ryot lent to another a smaU quantity of grain for consumption, he was severdy fined. The ryots were compelled to pay in grain even the taxes on swarnadayam ^ literally money -rented) or garden lands which were ordinarily payable in money. The grain was taken from the mirasidars at 7 or 8 fanams per kalam and sold back from the Government granaries at 9 or 10 fanams per kalam. When Mr. Wallace settled the Government revenue he had to base his settlement on the prices of grain in the adjoining district of Tan j ore, as the natural prices of giain in the Trichinopoly district itself could not be ascertained on account of the Government monopoly of grain which had long been subsisting there. Of all the portions of the Presidency the most prosperous were perhaps Malabar and South Canara, which, owing to their isolated position, had not suffered from frequent and destructive wars like other provinces. Both these districts were, however, ruined by the exactions of Hyder and Tippoo, and more, especially, by the attempt of the latter to convert all the inhabitants to Islamism. Most of the landholders in Malabar fled to Travancore and Tippoo carried away nearly 60,000 Christians of South Canara into captivity to Mysore. Colonel Mimro (afterwards Sir Thomas Munro), one of the first Collectors of Canara, wrote : " Canara has completely fallen from its state of prosperity. The evils which have been continually accumulating upon it, since it became a province of Mysore, have destroyed a great part of its former population and rendered its remaining inhabitants as poor as those of neighbouring countries. Its lands, which are now saleable, are reduced to a very small portion and lie chiefly between the Kundapur and Chandragiri rivers and within 5 or 6 miles of the sea. It is not to be supposed, however, that the whole of this tract can be sold, but only that saleable lands are scattered throughout every part of it, thinner in some places and thicker in others, particularly in the Mangalore district. There is scarcely any saleable land, even on the sea coast, any where to the northward of Kundapur, or any where inland from one end of Canara to the other, excepting on the banks of the Mangalore and some other great rivers. It is reckoned that the popula- tion of the country has been diminished one-third within the last 40 years and there can be little doubt that its property has suffered much greater reduction. Garisappa, Ankola and Kundapur, formerly flourishing places, contain now only a few beggarly inhabitants. Honawar, once the second town in trade after Mangalore, has not. a single house ; and Mangalore itself is greatly decayed." 13. Dr. Buchanan, who travelled from the East to the West Coast in 1800, mentions that the country was infested by gangs of marauders to such an extent that " the smallest village of 5 or 6 houses is fortified. The defence of such a village consists of a round stone wall, perhaps 40 feet in diameter and 6 feet high. On the top of this is a parapet of mud with a door-way in it, to which the only access is by a ladder. In case of a plundering party coming near the village, the people ascend this tower with their families and most valuable effects and having drawn up the ladder defend themselves with stones, which even the women throw with great force and dexterity. Larger villages have square forts, with round towers at the angles. In those still larger or in towns, the defences are more numerous and the fort serves as a citadel; while the village or pettah is surrounded by a weaker defence of mud. The inhabitants consider fortifications as necessary to their existence and are at the expense of building and the risk of defending them. The country indeed, for a long series of years has been in a constant state of warfare and the poor inhabitants have suffered too much from all parties, to trust in any." The internal trade was greatly restricted by the number of choukies or custom-houses existing in the country and the absence of a recognized currency. Every petty poligar levied customs duty on goods passing through his estate. In the Salem district there were no less than 25 choukies on 206 miles of road or one for every 8 miles. Colonel Beade, Collector of Salem, in 1797, calculates that the customs duties alone levied on goods sent from Salem to the coast, a distance of 150 miles, added 40 per cent, to the cost price of articles exclusive of the cost of carriage, and the result was that it did not pay to send most 13 ?n*]^-#*^*^^^^^ ^^ demand to tte coast. In Salem and the Ceded districts no less than 4U difierent descriptions of coins were current, and, as most of them were not multi- ples or sub-multiples of each other, the shroffs were enabled to cheat poor people right and left. Tippoo Sultan used to change the value of the coins in a very arbitrary manner. When he was about to pay his troops the nominal value of every coin was raised very high and kept at that level for a few days, and during this period, the soldiery were allowed to pay off their debts at the high valuation. Under the desig- nation moturpha, taxes " were levied on all artisans and laborers, and these bore hardest on the poorest classes. There were no courts of justice,, the settlement of disputes being left entirely to the villagers themselves and the heads of castes and clans. Even in the province of Tanjot-e, where, owing to its comparative prosperity, it might have been supposed that the necessity for regular courts of justice would have been felt, a court was estab- lished by the Rajah of Tanjore only during the close of the last century at the sug- gestion of Eev. Schwartz. Colonel Reade states: "When the district (Salem) was ceded to the Company the Chetties of certain castes, exercising judicial authority over their clients, were in the practice of levying taxes on the Pullers, a caste of husbandmen, on the five castes of artisans, viz., goldsmiths, blacksmiths, carpenters, braziers, and stone-cutters, and on washermen, barbers, Pariahs, Chucklers and others. The Chetties likewise exacted fines for murder, theft, adultery, breach of marriage contract, also for killing brahmani kites, monkeys, snakes, &c. The Government, in consideration of these privileges, had imposed a tax on the Chetties ; but, conceiving that I and my assistants might administer justice with greater impartiality than the Chetties, their judicial powers were annulled and with them the tax on castes." 14. The early reports teem with evidence of the extreme poverty of the vast majority of the agricultural classes. Dr. Buchanan states that " the peasantry here as in almost every part of India are miserably poor. One great cause indeed of the poverty of the farmers and the consequent poverty of crops in many parts of India is the custom of forcing land on people who have no means of cultivating it." Grant in his Survey of the Northern Ciroars, writes in 1784 that the peasantry, " in order to carry on the common practices x)f husbandry in places where the culture is simple and the meanest as in the Circars, find it expedient, at the different seasons, to borrow money at high interest in proportion to the risk incurred by the lender, and never under two per cent." Sir Thomas Munro, writing in 1797, says " many of the ryots are so poor that it is always doubtful whether next year they will be in the rank of cultivators or laborers and few of them so rich as not to be liable to be forced by one or two bad seasons to throw up a considerable part of their farms. Many of the middling class of ryots often fail from the most trifling accidents. The loss of a bullock, or of a member of the family who worked in the fields, or confinement to bed by a fit of sickness frequently disable them from paying their usual rent during the ensuing year." The realization of Government revenue by means of torture was one of the recognized insti- tutions of the country and the practice indeed continued, though in a mitigated form down to 1805. Mr. Forbes, writing in that year, states that "the ryot wiU often appear in the cutcherry with his full liabilities in his possession, tied up in small suras about his person, to be doled out rupee by rupee according to the urgency of the demand and will sometimes return to his village, having left a balance undischarged, not because he could not pay it, but because he was not forced to do so." The above quotation will serve to show how abject and demoralized was the condition of the agricultural classes in those days. " No less than thirty-five taxes of Coimhatore district were aholished hy Major McLeod. These were — (1) tax on potters, (2) Nama and Vibhuti khancha or taxes on wearing the Namam and sacred ash marks, (3) fees at weekly markets, (4) tax on dye stufis, (6) on ghee, (6) on tobacco, (7) on heaps of grain, (8) on chunam, (9) on vatyans, (10) on nirgantis, (11) on pack-bullock keepers, (12) on dancing girls, (13) on labour itaistries, (14) on women committing adultery, (15) rents of lotus leaves, (16) on gardens in backyards and pluitations in river banks, (17) on cattle grazing in paddy fields, (18) on young palmyra nuts, (19) on tamarinds, (20) on*balapam (pot stone or soap stone), (21)' on betel nuts, (22) tax on the measurement of grain on the sharing system, (23) on offerings at Mahadeveswara malai, (24) levies for charity, (25) taxes on mamoties (hoes\ (26) on village fees to vUlage artisans, (27) on the sale of cattle, (28) on cattle stalls, (29) on water lifts, (30) on fishing, (31) on looms, (32) contributions levied by amuldars from ryots whenever there was any deficiency in the amount agreed to be paid by the latter to Government, (33) contributions levied for the expenses of the Tahsildar, i34) payment ol one fanam by each ryot with his first instalment of assessment and (36) plough tax {vide Coimhatore Pistrict Manual). Vide also Appendix for a list of the taxes levied and the rates at which they were assessed. 4 14, Section III. — The Condition of the Agricultural Classes under British Administration during the first half of the present century. 15. Th.e bulk of tlie territories under the Government of Madras, with the excep- tion of the Northern Circars, the Chingle- ^S^^:t^^'^Z'::tif'^^'''' °' *'^ ^°""*^ P^lt jaghir, and a few trading settlements, were acquired by the English between the years 1792 and 1803. At the conclusion of the first war with Tippoo in 1792, the districts of Salem, Dindigul and Malabar were acquired. The second Mysore war in 1799 added Canara and Coimbatore. In 1800 the whole territory south of the Kistna and Tungabhadra rivers, comprising the districts of Cuddapah, Bellary and Anantapur and portions of Kumool, were ceded by the Nizam. In 1799 the Eajah of Tanjore resigned his sovereign rights over that province to the English and in 1801 the Na;wab of the Carnatic made over to them the districts of Nellore, North Arcot, South Aicot, Trichinopoly, Madura and Tinnevelly. .The British power may thus be said to have been fully established in this Presidency in the beginning of the century, the only territorial changes that have since occurred being the annexation of Kurnool Proper in 1838, the transfer of North Canara to the Bombay Presidency in 1862, and the addition of Bhadrdchalam and Eekapalle taluks transferred from the Central Provinces to the Goddvari district in 1874. Previous to the reforms in the Civil Service introduced by Lord Cornwallis, there was little to choose between English administration and that of the Native Princes so far as the agricultural classes were concerned. English writers and factors, who were paid £10 and £20 per annum and were allowed liberty to carry on private trade, found themselves suddenly transformed into governors of provinces and were not slow to make the most of their opportunities. Within a short time, how- ever, after Lord Cornwallis' reforms, the administration had wonderfully improved and a succession of great administrators-, among whom may be mentioned Eeade, Munro, Graham, Hurdis, Wallace, Hodgson, Thackeray, came to the front. Their first measures were directed towards the pacification of the country and the suppression of the power of the poligars, who, with large bands of armed followers, plundered tbe country, committing the greatest excesses ; theare were in the Ceded districts alone 80 poligars, who had under their command 3O,O0O armed peons. Thp poligars in the Madura and Tinnevelly districts especially fought, desperately for their independence, but were finally reduced to submission. Next followed settlements of land revenue, in the introduction of which many grievous mistakes were committed. The resources of tho country had been brought to the last stage of exhaustion by the previous mis- government, wars and famines, and, before there was time to ascertain the true revenue capabilities of the several districts, orders were received from Bengal for the immediate introduction of the permanent settlement with zemindars if such were in existence and for creating zemindars where they did not exist. The Governor-General declared that he was determined to dismiss every o&oer who neglected or delayed to carry out these orders. The districts of Chingleput, Salem and Dindigul were divided into a number of mittahs and sold to the highest bidders. Most of the purchasers, after pillaging the ryots, failed in the course of a year or two and the whole settlement collapsed. The system of village leases was next tried, but with the same result. In the Ceded dis- tricts especially, where, in supersession of the ryotwar system introduced by Colonel, afterwards Sir Thomas, Munro, village leases were introduced, the results were disas- trous. It was expected that the villagers as a body would agree to the leases, but, as the assessment was high, the leases were taken up by mere speculators, the renters were ruined, the ryots impoverished, and the villages returned to Government. In the Eayadrug taluk alone Sir Thomas Munro states "nearly half the ryots had emigrated, most of the headmen were reduced to povel-ty, and many of them had been sent to jail. The substantial ryots, whose stock supported the agriculture of the villages, were gone." The fact was that the old assessments, which were con- tinued in their entirety or with only slight reductions in the first years of British administration, were excessive. Under the loose systems of revenue administration which had prevailed under Native Governments, although the full demand was occa- sionally realized, the ryot had a great many opportunities of cheating the Government of its dues with the connivance of the revenue agents. Under the more regular system introduced by the British, however, opportunities for evasion and peculation were less lyequent. Sir Thomas Munro calculated that out of Es. 100, the value of the gross 15 • Mr. G. E. Rnssel, the Collector of Maaulipatam, writing in 1819, estimates the profit of the average ryot in the zemindari villages in the Kistna delta at even less, calculations are as follows for wet lands : — His Value of gross produce Government assessment Durbar charges and other taxes. ua. 80 27 A. P. 3 Expenses of cultivation Ryot's profit BS. 160 107 42 10 6 produce, the Government assessment was represented by Es. 45-12-0 and the expenses of cultivation by Es. 40, leaving a profit to the ryot of only Es. 14-4-0.* The profit was liable to be turned into loss not only in bad seasons, which were by no means infrequent, but also in good seasons when the prices of produce feU. He was of opinion that to encourage cultivation of land and give saleable value, the Govern- ment demand should be limited to one- third of the gross produce, and strongly urged on Government, in 1807, the desir- ability of reducing assessment on wet and dry lands by 25 and on garden lands by 33j per cent. The Government, while acquiescing in the justice of the recom- mendation, was unable to sanction it in consequence of orders received from Eng- land for the remittance of an additional sum of a million sterling annually, accom- •panied by a threat from the Court of Directors, that unless this were done they would take the question of reducing the establishments in their own hands. When Sir Thomas Munro became Governor of Madras in 1822, he sanctioned the proposals made by himself for the reduction of assessment in the Ceded districts and granted alleviations La other districts also. These measures, though they averted the further decline of the country, had, owing to adverse circumstances, little effect in improving the condition of the ryots. Within 24 years there were no less than four famines, viz., those of 1799, of 1804-7, of 1811-12 A ryot's family, oonsisting of five persons, will cost for grain alone Rs. 33. Mr. Russel adds: "The plough itself affords little towards his support, and were it not that it gives him a valuable right of pasture for his cattle and ground for his pumpkins he could not subsist. A single she-buffalo will yield him Re. 8 per annum in ghee alone, and the profit he derives from this source added to the labour of his women enable him to procure the necessaries of life, but even these aids will not always afford him the means of subsistfence, and for 2 or 3 months in the year the fruit from his pumphin garden, mixed up with his buttermilk or a very small proportion of meat, is the daily diet of his family . " Dr. Maeleane in his " Manual of Administration " states of the ryots of Nellore: "Historically it is said that the farmers devoted themselves to cattle-breeding in despair of obtaining remunerative prices from agriculture." + Captain (afterwards Colionel) Walter Campbell, who was an eye-witness, describes the horrors of the famine at Masulipatam in the centre of the Kistna delta. He states : " The description in ' the siege of Corinth ' of dogs gnaw- ing human skulls is mild as compared with the scenes of horror we are daily forced to witness in our morning and evening rides. . . . It is dreadful to see what revolting food human beings may be driven to partake of. Dead dogs and horses are greedily devoured by these starving wretches ; and the other day an unfortunate don- key having strayed from the fort, they fell upon him like a pack of wolves, tore him limb from limb and devoured him on the spot." Agricultural depression between 1834 to 1854 and its causes. and of 1824. Nine years later in 1833-34 occurred the famine known as the Guntiir famine, which, though confined to a small area, was more destructive in its effects than that of 1876-78. The mortality and suffering f caused by it were terrible. In the Guntiir portion of the Kistna district from one-third to half of the whole population perished. 16. From 1834 down to 1854 there was no fainine of a severe type, though the country suffered from a series of unfavor- able seasons. There was a severe agri- cultural depression on account of the low prices which then ruled of agricultural produce. This was due to causes which were in operation throughout India and were not merely confined to this Presidency. Owing to the slow development of export trade and the remittance of considerable amount of specie to England, the currency of the country had become quite insufficient for its requirements, under the altered conditions brought about by English rule, viz., the development of internal traffic consequent on a quarter of. a century of peace and the substitution of cash payments for payments in kind both in the receipt of taxes and the disbursements of Government. On this subject Mr. Pedder writes : " India does not produce the precious metals and can obtain her currency only in exchange for exports. Before the introduction of British rule there was compara- tively little trade ; much of what trade there was was carried on by barter, and a considerable portion of the receipts and disbursements of Government was in kind, not in cash. Hence, if the circulating medium was limited in quantity, its ' duty,' that isj the number and amount of the transactions in which it had to be exchanged for goods or labour, was still more limited and prices were high. After the general introduction of British rule, a heavier * duty ' was thi-own upon the circulating 16 medium by tlie extension of trade, by the greater demands of the revenue for cash (especially of the land revenue, assessments in kind being converted into assessments in coin), by the system of the British Government of paying its army and its officers in money. The circulating medium could not expand to the extent demanded by this altered state of things ; importation of bullion was not sufficient to make up the amount annually withdrawn from circulation by waste, by being hoarded or by being converted into ornaments ; or at any rate was not sufficient to increase the currency in proportion to the greater * duty ' thrown on it, while at the same time, with peace and a settled government, there was a * Firfs statement of Moral and Material Progress of India crpnf AirfPTiainn of pnlfivaHnn an(\ fonsp- for 1882-83,. Vol. I, page 201. For a more detailed ex- great eXteUSLOn 01 CUlClVailOU ana COnse planation of the causes of the fall of prices between 1830 QUeut increase of production. HcnCO jlnal"ir5ltrinted^tLt£TndL!^^^^^^ priccs Steadily fell."* This period was one of acute suffering to the agricultural classes and the revenues declined greatly in several districts. 17. In the reports of the Collectors on the state of the several districts during this period, and those of the Commissioners appointed to enquire into the causes of the decline of the revenues in the several parts of the Presidency, we have full information regarding the condition of the ryots in those days. I shall here mention the prin- cipal facts gathered from these reports as regards typical districts. Notwithstanding the large remissions sanctioned by Sir Thomas Munro in the assessment of the Ceded districts, we find the Collector of Cuddapah, Mr. Dalzell, writing to the Board in 1828 as follows : " The present system of revenue management is clearly favorable to the more substantial class of ryots in a degree beyond that of our predecessors (Hyder and Tippoo)^ but it is to be feared that the case is different with the poorer cultivators. . . . Our system, it is true, admits of the entire remission of rent when cultivation is prevented or crops are actually destroyed by want of water, but it does not allow much for deficient crops. . . . The ryots are more in the hands of merchants than perhaps you are prepared to hear. . . . The peasantry are too poor to more than keep up their cultivation with Takavi when they have me* with no extraordinary losses. When they have met with such losses from the death of cattle or other cause, it is impossible to repair them ^without assistance from Takavi." By 1854, however, the condition of the ryots in this district had considerably improved. The orders of the Court of Direc- tors allowing to the ryots the full benefits of the improvements to land carried out by them at their own expense had led to the construction of substantial wells and the increase of the produce of lands irrigated by them. The cultivation of indigo had increased and the poorer ryots had been assisted by advances by European firms and thus freed from the clutches of usurious money-lenders. Sir Thomas Munro estimated the value of indigo exported in 1805 from the Ceded districts at Es. 4,37,500. The exports in 1851 from the Cuddapah district alone were valued at Es. 13,75,182, notwithstanding the fact that the price of indigo had decreased considerably since 1805. The cultivation of sugarcane had also considerably increased, the exports of jaggery in 1851 amount- ing to 1 1 lakhs of maunds. The trade of the district was, however, much hampered by want of roads. The Collector writes in 1852 : " At present the journey to Madras is dreaded by the ryots, and they object to allow their cattle to be employed in convey- ing indigo and other produce to the Presidency where it js required for shipment to Europe. The small number of carts and the heavy rate for carriage together with the small quantity that can be placed on the loaded cart on. account of the badness of the road act as a prohibition to the export of the various kinds of oil-seeds, &c., which would find a ready market in the ports of the sea coast. In the neighbourhood of the Presidency I am informed that 50 or 55 maunds (^f 251b.) is the usual cart-load, whilst here, with good bullocks, under 40 can only b^ placed in a cart. The hire per gow of 10 miles in the south is 8 annas, whUst here iiot less than 10 annas is accepted and they demand often 1 rupee. The hire from Cuddapah to Madras has of late been as high as 20 and 24 rupees which raises the hire of cart per gow to the exorbitant sum of about Es. 1-8-0, nearly tripling the current rate in the south." In the Bellary district on the other hand, the ryots had made no progress. The incidence of the land revenue assessments, notwithstanding Sir Thomas Munro's reductions, continued, owing to the heavy fall in the prices of produce, oppressive, while this district enjoyed no special advantages like Cuddapah in regard to good subsoil water-supply, and extension of indigo cultivation. Mr. Mellor, the Collector, reported in 1845: "The universal 17 complaint and the request of the ryots is to be allowed to reduce their farms, a convinc- ing proof that cultivation is not profitable. Land has never been saleable. Byots, formerly substantial and capable of laying out their capital on the lands and liquidating their Circar demand, reserving their produce until ttiey could meet a favorable price, are now sunk in debt, bearing heavy interest, entirely subject to their creditors ; and were it not for the aid of the Collector through his revenue subordinates, one-half, or at least one-third of the highly assessed lands would ere this have been thrown up. Husbandry is not carried on efficiently, and consequently the land seldom returns what it ought and is capable of. The number of puttah holders has increased, but they are a poor class who seek a maintenance only in husbandry with less spirit, and by no means to be compared with the substantial farmers who have fallen into difficulties and disappeared from the rent roll of the district. With regard to food and raiment the majority of them are poorly clad and ill-fed, and it is impossible to arrive at any other conclusion than that poverty is the cause. It is no new doctrine ; Sir Thomas Munro declared that the ryots of the Ceded districts were the poorest of the Company's subjects." Writing in 1851, or six years later, Mr. Pelly gives the following account of the Bellary ryots : "I find that out of the whole body of farmers only 17 per cent, are, in what may be termed, to be good circumstances, substantial ryots who have capital enabling them to discharge their kists without recourse to the money-lender. About 49 per cent, are obliged to borrow money by mortgaging their crops and stock and 34 per cent, are obliged to sell their crops as soon as reaped and even their stock to pay their kists." Rajahraundry, «.e., the present Goddvari district, which may now be said to be the garden of the Madras Presidency, appears, from the report of Sir Henry Mont- gomery in 1 844, to have been on the verge of ruin. Of the ten years between 1 831-1 840, 1881 and 1832 were famine years, in 1835, 1836 and 1837 the season is described as " unfavorable," and in 1838, 1839 and 1840 as "calamitous." The population which in 1830 had been 695,016 had decreased in 1840 to 533,836. The closing of the Government weaving factories in consequence of the abrogation of the Company's trading privileges in 1833 had thrown large numbers of weavers out of employment, and money to the extent of 7 lakhs of rupees on an average per annum, which was in circulation in connection with the maintenance of the factories, was withdrawn The value of exports of piece-goods had decreased from Es. 9,74,076 to Es. 1,59,312. Notwithstanding a series of bad harvests, prices of grain contiauously declined owing to the competition of cheap rice from Arrakan. Of the condition of the ryots under the zemindars Sir Henry Montgomery writes : " The system of management was formed on the sole principle of extracting from the ryots the utmost possible amount of present revenue. In adverse seasons all that could be taken of the ryots was claimed on the part of the zemindar whose demand purposely exceeded the means of the ryots in ordinary seasons. In years of abundant produce, the deficiency of bad seasons was made good, so that in either case the ryot was left but the barest means of subsistence. . . . The Visabadi kist, which remained the standard beriz, was itself immoderately heavy, exceeding the possible means of ordinary collections and not likely to be equalled in extraordinarily favorable times, by the over-rated value of the gross produce which itself was also over-estimated. It served, however, for a never-failing pretext for the demand of balances, or against those who, by industry or any fortuitous circumstances, procured the means of answering it in part, and was with this view continued." He, however, adds : " Though a grievous and oppressive dependence of the ryot characterized the management of zemindars and proprietors, yet the pressing wants of the ryots were in some degree seasoanbly supplied. Culti- vation was compulsory and maintained by seasonable advances, and though the ryot was left little more than what was absolutely necessary for his maintenance, some care was taken against the discouragement of agriculture by his distress." Sir Henry Montgomery recommended the construction of the Goddvari anient, and from 1 844 the condition of the district rapidly progressed ; from that year the seasons began to improve ; French ships flocked to Cocanada for cargoes of grain, and the large expenditure on public works afforded labour to thousands of the working classes. Sir Walter Elliot's report on Guntur shows that the terrible famine of 1833 had utterly prostrated the district, and the epidemic which broke out in the following year and prevailed to such an extent that " a man in perfect health was hardly to be seen anywhere," rendered the recovery of the country impossible for a long series of years even under the most favorable circumstances. In Nellore, the ryots had become 5 18 impoverished by the- low prices of grain which ruled. Indigo cultivation was. tolerably remunerative, but sugarcane cultivation had entirely ceased, owing to its inability to compete with jaggery imported from the Ceded districts. The total cropped area of the district had, however, risen from 244,319 acres in J 801 to 389,802 acres in 1850. Garden lands had entirely ceased to be cultivated owing to the increased pressure of the assessment consequent on the fall in the prices of grain. As regards North Arcot, the Collector, Mr. Bourdillon, reported : " The ryots are in worse condition than they were at the beginning of the century. However this may be, their present condition is indubitably bad and must be improved. The great body of them are certainly poor ; their food is deficient in quantity as well as coarse ; their clothing is scanty and poor, and their dwellings extremely mean ; all this combined with gross ignorance." The unequal pressure of the assessment had the effect of throwing all lands of the better qualities. out of cultivation. The Collector of South Arcot, however, writing in 1840, gave a somewhat more favorable account of the ryots in his district. The population in 20 years had increased from 455,020 to 591,667, and cultivating ryots from 60,000 to 90,000. The price of labour had increased by 25 per cent. In the use of spring carriages, fine cloths, the style of houses, furniture and ornaments, there were indications of improvement. Agriculture was, however, in a backward condition owing to heavy and unequal assessment and two- thirds of the cultivable lands were waste. Tanjore did not suffer to the same extent as other districts from agricultural depression owing to the improvement of irrigation works and increased production, the extension of communications and the growth of an export trade in grain with Madras and Ceylon. As regards the Coimbatore district, the Collector writing in 1840 remarks that of the last ten seasons nine had been bad ones, and that the land revenue had fallen in consequence. There was not much variation in the value of the trade in piece-goods. The. trade in coarse piece- goods exported to Bombay had improved, but that in fine goods had been annihilated by English manufactures. Prices of agricultural produce had risen owing to a succes- sion of bad seasons. The wages of labour had also risen. *' In India " the Collector remarks " greater income does not lead to improvement in the style of living, but increase of expenditure on marriages and religious ceremonies and in feeding poor relations." Bandies were coming into use ; 30 years before they were not used by merchants. Money was said to be more easily procurable than before ; the rate of interest on loans was from 12 to 18 per cent., while formerly the rates were from 24 to 30 per cent, on the security of jewels or landed property. In Malabar the population had increased from 465,594 in 1802 to 1,165,489 in 1837. The value of exports of cotton goods, which were manufactured in Coimbatore, Salem, Madura and Tinnevelly districts increased from Ks. 4,363 in 1804 to Rs. 22,81,000 in 1837. The price of labour had not increased with the increase of cultivation. This result was due to the increase of population and cheapness of grain. The improved state of communications — • roads and navigation, and the introduction, though on a small scale, of pack bullocks and carts reduced the cost of carriage of goods to 50 per cent, of what it was 20 or 30 years before. The Collector remarks that cheap prices increased the consumption of luxuries and ameliorated the condition of the lower orders. Taking the Presidency as a whole, however, there can be no doubt that between 1830 and 1850, and more especially between 1835 and 1845, the condition of the agricultural classes was wretched. For detailed particulars regarding the income and the style of living of the different classes of ryots, reference may be made to the account of Mr. Bourdillon printed as appendix to this memorandum. 18. The principal measures adopted by Government during this period for the development of the country and the ame- The measures taken to ameliorate the condition of ryots lirvvQ+irwn r.-P +1i/^ ««-r.-qi+^^„ „* aU • i and the state of communications. lioratiou ot the couditiou of the agricul- tural classes were (1) the abolition of the sayer duties and of the duties on interportal trade ; (2) the abolition of the tobacco monopoly in South Canara and Malabar and of a large number of petty and vexatious imposts ; (3) the relinquishment of the right claimed by former Governments to tax improvements to lands carried out solely at the expense of the land-holders ; and (4) the construction of the Cauvery, the Goddvari and the Kistna anicuts. Sir Charles Trevelyan's famous report on the sayer or inland transit duties in 1834 contains a graphic account of the frightful oppressions suffered by the people and the demoralisation caused by the levy of these duties. "If we were to encourage swamps," says Sir 19 Charles Trevelyan, " or accumulate mountains between the different districts of the country, we could not paralyse their industry so effectually as by this scheme of finance." These duties were abolished in the Madras Presidency in 1844 or ten years after the issue of Sir Charles Trevelyan's report. In the report of the Public "Works Commission in 1852, we have an account of the state of communications and of the measures taken to improve them. At the time when most of the districts were acquired by the British, says this report, " there was not one complete road through- out the whole Presidency on which it would have been possible to employ wheeled carriages ; their use was therefore very limited, and the distant traffic of the country had nowhere the advantage of them. Trucks were used by those who collected stone for the dams and the tank embankments, and in some localities the harvest was brought in by carts upon wheels either formed of solid pieces of timber or cut from a single block of stone. These carts were drawn by several pairs of bullocks and carried nearly a ton, but they were never used for distant journeys. Even the main streets of the largest towns were not practicable for wheels, and when the most wealthy used light carriages, they rarely left the precincts of their villages. The only ' made roads,' if they deserve the name, were the mountain passes which in the later wars were opened for the passage of artillery, but they had generally been destroyed by the monsoon rains before the country came into the possession of the Company. The only proof of the attention to the great roads was to be seen in the fine avenues of trees, which in some districts measured several hundred miles in length ; but as the road- ways beneath them never had been properly formed or drained, and bridges had not been built or care taken to keep the pathway practicable, they were roads no longer ; but in most cases from being worn down by former traffic and washed by the rains of the monsoon, they had become the drain of the country that they passed and were so much more rugged than the land on either side that their only use was as a guide to travellers who took a course as nearly parallel as the ground permitted." Prior to 1823, the English Government also had paid little or no attention to the improvement of communications, and its efforts in that direction up to the date of the report of the Public Works Commission had been feeble and intermittent. The Commissioners state that " in 1846 there were 3,110 miles of road called made road, but a large part of even this small extent was totally unbridged and totally unmade, consisting of tracks over a firm soil not considered to need making for the light traffic then using them ; " that, with the exception of the districts of Salem, Madura, Tanjore and South Canara, the roads in the other districts were practically impassable during the rainy season ; and that in most parts " the tracks by which the carts travel had never been made or improved, but are such as the carts are able to strike out for themselves, winding their way as best they can through the natural obstacles of the country, which are in some parts greater, in others less ; in some parts rocks and hills, in others swamps and muddy streams, in others rice flats and irrigation channels." " Through, or round, or over these various difficulties " add the Commissioners " the carts find their way as they can, changing their line from time to time at particular points, as the old tracks there become impracticable and gradually deviating more and ' more from a straight line. On such roads the carts can only carry one-third of the load that they could on a good road and travel one-half the distance in a day, and there are many days in a year in which 'they cannot travel at all, and all perishable goods, sugar, cotton and even grain are much exposed to damage." In illustration of their remarks, the Commissioners give the following particulars extracted from the accounts of a. Madras merchant regarding the great saving effected in the cost of carriage of goods from Madras to Walla jahnugger — a great centre of trade in those days — by the gradual improvement of the road between the two towns : — In 1823 the hire of a cart from Wallajahnugger to Madras — a distance of 70 miles — carrying 37| maundsor 900 lbs. was Rs. 7- 0-0 or Rs. 17-6-9 per ton. do. Rs. 6-10-0 or Rs. 16-5-4 do. Rs. 5- 0-0 or Rs. 12-7-1 carrying 1,000 lbs. was Rs. 4- 8-0 or Rs. 10-1-3 do. Rs. 4- 0-0 or Rs. 8-15-4 carrying 1,600 lbs. was Re. 3-10-0 or Rs. 5- 1-2 The Commissioners, among whom were Mr. Bourdillon and Sir Arthur Cotton, earnestly drew the attention of Government to the extent to which the trade of the country was being hampered by the want of communications, and urged that much In 1835 do. do. In 1837 do. do. In 1844 do. do. In 1847 do. do. In 1851 do. do. 20 greater and more strenuous efforts should be made for their improvement than had been done in the past. Another important question to which the Commissioners drew attention was the system of corv4e or impressment of labour for public works. Their inquiries showed that there was no district in which labour was not obtained more or less by compulsion. " Little coercion is actually used," say the Commissioners, " but it is known that it will be used if required, and indeed the work people themselves from long custom consider themselves under a sort of obligation to work for Govern- ment on the established terms, but where the remuneration is inadequate, they work unwillingly and slowly." The Commissioners then recount the various ways in which the labourers were cheated of the wages due to them ; 1st, the rate allowed was too low as in Madura where it was fixed at one-third of the rate paid by private persons ; 2ndly, the device of short measurement was adopted and the work done was under- valued ; 3rdly, artificers, bricklayers in particular, were often required to leave their towns, where they could get constant work, to go to a distant part of the taluk, to be separated from their friends and to submit to privations ; 4thly, there was great delay in payment ; and 5thly, much of the wages entered in the accounts as having been paid was never really received by the labourers who submitted to various deductions, which had become customary, in favour of officers employed on or about the work and in the disbursement of the money. Section IV. — Narrative of the principal facts hearing on the condition of the Agricul- tural classes from the middle of the present century to the present time. .19. There was a famine in 1854, but it was restricted in its effects to the district The cessation of the period of agricultural depression «* Biliary and WaS UOt of long duration ; and the commencement of a period of prosperity and internal the chlcf loSSCS WCrC in Cattle, four-fifths '^*°™'- of which are stated to have died. The agricultural depression from which the country was suffering came to an end about this time, and a period of great prosperity for. the agricultural classes commenced. For this there were several causes. The discovery of gold mines in Australia and Cali- fornia had increased the demand for Indian commodities in European eounti'ies whose stocks of gold had been enlarged, and this movement was accelerated by tie Crimean war which stimulated exports of jute and oil-seeds and by the cotton famine in England caused by the American war, which increased the demand for Indian cotton enormously. The merchandise exported from India, which amounted to only 13|^ millions sterling in 1840-41, rose to 68 millions in 1864-65. The result was a great infiux of silver into India which she was able to obtain on advantageous terms in exchange for her commo- dities, as the cheap new gold had, to a considerable extent, taken the place of silver in European countries and made the latter metal available for export to this country. Further, about this time loans on a large scale were raised in England for the construc- tion of public works. For railways alone, 90 millions were raised, and it is calculated that more than half this sum was remitted to India for payment of wages to men employed on the works. The influx of all this money enabled India to replenish her insufficient currency and the prices of Indian produce rose to nearly three times of what they were in the years immediately preceding 1850. This period was also remarkable for the great reforms carried out in the internal administration of the country, which gave a great impetus to the extension of cultivation and trade. The land assessments were reduced wherever they were found to be heavy, and notably in Bellary, North Arcot, South Arcot, Trichinopoly and Kurnool. The effects of these reductions under the stimulus of high prices were almost immediately felt on the acreage under cultiva- tion and the amount of revenue. In South Arcot seven lakhs of rupees, amounting to nearly one-third of the revenue on cultivated lands, and 8| lakhs on waste lands were remitted in 1854. The area under cultivation the very next year rose from 632,180 to 810,707 acres. The Collector reported in 1857 that " the demand for fresh land since the reduction of assessment, and especially where the reduction was most liberal, had been very great ; that the relief had given a decided impetus to industry ; that the condition of the people had been indisputably improved, as was evident from the substantial housfes they were building in every direction and by the independent manner in which they deported themselves ; and that labour was in great demand and emigration to Bourbon had ceased." The Collector of Kurnool in the same year stated that since the reduction of assessment, cultivable lands had become every year more 21 difficult to obtain, that the revenue came in readily, and that wells, topes of trees and indigo vats were increasing in number. Similar reports in regard to the favorable turn in the circumstances 'of the ryots were received from other Collectors also. The Collector of Goddvari reported in 1859, " it is very gratifying to me to be able to bear testimony to the rapid increase of prosperity among the people of this district. This has been perhaps more especially apparent during the last two years and is accounted for in various ways— by the great demand for labour, by the great increase in the rate of wages and in the prices of all commodities and in the general appearance of the people. The high prices of all kinds of agricultural produce during the last few years may have aided in obtaining this result ; but that the main cause lay in the work at Dowlaishweram no one can, I think, for a moment doubt." In the Coimbatore district the relinquishment by Government of the right to tax improvements to land effected by the ryots had led to a great extension of cultivation. Mr. E. B. Thomas, who per- haps had done more to develop the resources of this district than any other Collector, wrote in 1856, "a great many new wells continue to be dag in punjah fields, and some of the old deserted and exhausted wells are being opened, and fences restored ; and garden crops are again appearing on fields long waste, some 30 or 40 years. A great proof of the practical value and policy of the garden remissions is exhibited in lands (fit for new wells or with old wells in themj becoming more saleable, and discus- sions now arising on old dormant claims to lands long since waste." Again in 1857 he said, " the district only wants rain. With a moderate assessment and most of the oppressive taxes relieved, the moturpha alone remaining, improvement and investments of capital now encouraged, the district holds up through this ihe fourth successive bad year of short rain. During the last 4 years, 18 inches of rain in the 12 months have been the maximum ; this year there were only 10 inches and the land is parched, the crops scanty, wells nearly dry and cattle dying for want of grass and water in large numbers ; but with good prices, great industry and much energy among the culti- vating class, the rental, notwithstanding,- keeps up and is collected without oppression or any balances to speak of." The testimony afforded by the reports of the Collectors in other districts in regard to the improvement in the condition of the agricultural classes which had set in about this time is equally emphatic. The ryots were granted complete freedom in the matter of taking up lands or relinquishing them. Numerous petty and vexatious imposts, grouped under the general head of moturpha, were abo- lished. The titles to inams or favorably assessed lands were placed on a secure basis. The Settlement Department was organized with the professed object of alleviating the heavy burdens on land and of removing inequalities in the assessments. Ihe revenue remitted between the years 1844 to 1860 in consequence of the above measures amounted to 68 * lakhs of rupees. As a • A detailed statement showing the revenue remitted is conSCquence of the recommendations of printed m the appendix. tT i_ i • -vir i /-. • • i j the Public Works Commission already referred to, greater attention was paid to the maintenance of irrigation works and the construction of roads, railways and canals. The system of impressment of labour for Government works and the payment of discretionary wages was abolished. A new Police force was organized, which, whatever its shortcomings when judged by a high standard of efficiency, is inconiparably superior to the unspeakably corrupt Police which it superseded ; and the magistracy were relieved of police duties. . In conse- quence of the revelations of the Torture Commissioners, who submitted their report in 1855, the employment of illegal pressure t See extracts from the report given in the appendix. ^^^ cOercion,t whether iu the Collection of Government revenue or detection of crime, was prohibited under stringent penalties. The revenue and magistel-ial establishments were revised, the taluk and village ac- counts were simplified, and a scheme of examinations for qualifying for public service was brought into force in view to securing tbe services of a more honest and capable class of officers than were available under the old regime. All these reforms, it will be seen, were in the direction of freeing the ryots from official dependence and trammels, while at the same time affording them every facility by the improvement of communications to take the produce to the best markets. Owing to the operation of the economic causes and the administrative improvements abt)ve referred to, both cultivation and trade increased enormously and the agricultural and trading classes enjoyed great prosperity. The ryots in the single district of liellary made 1^ million sterling by the sale of cotton in the 3 years of the American war. There was a 6 22 material improvement in the condition of non-agricultural labourers also, as, owing to the construction of several railways and other public works, the demand for labour was great and continuous, and the rise in wages kept pace with the rise in the price of food-grains, the old system of impressment of labour at discretionary, wages having, as already stated, been swept away. The Board of Eevenue, Madras, instituted care- ful inquiries in 18(53 regarding the rates of wages prevailing in the several districts in their relation to the prices of food-grains. The results were as follows. Agri- cultural labourers continued to be paid generally in kind and, therefore, the increase in the price of food did not materially afEect their condition. Payment in mone,^ was very rare, and, where it obtained, the rates of hire had more than doubled. Grain wages also had in some instances risen, though not in the same ratio as the payment in money. In consequence of the greater demand for labour, the condition of the agricultural labourers had not deteriorated, but on the contrary had generally improved ; and this was no less the case with other classes of labourers, whose wages had fully kept pace with the enhanced price of food, being in some cases doubled and trebled. A carpenter who would have received 4 annas before the rise of prices would not take less than 6 or 8 annas, while the hire of the common cooly had risen from 2 or 3 annas to 4 annas a day. The Board considered that this state of things was a satisfactory indication of the generally improved circumstances of the people. The only class which suffered by the high prices was the lower Government officials who, notwithstanding the recent enhancement of their salaries, were in no case better, and generally in' a Considerably worse position than before. Mr. Dalyell, writing in 1866, estimated that the ryot was in twice as good a position as he was in 1854. His remarks on the condition of the general mass -of the population have been extracted in the appendix. 20. There was a drougbt again in 1865 and 1866 all along the East Coast of the Presidency to the north of Madras and ^ ^^^ ^° ' extending as far inland as the Mysore plateau, the area affected being about 43,000 square miles and the population 6 millions. The effects of the famine were most severely felt in the Ganjam district on account of its comparatively isolated position ; in the Ceded districts, however, in which the ryots had made large gains owing to the high price of cotton which ruled during the years of the American war, the famine was comparatively mild. The period of high prices continued till about 1870 when there was a sudden reaction. The loans for public works, which caused the influx of silver into India, ceased, and remittances of large sums to England for the payment of Home charges and the interest on loans already contracted became necessary, and on account of these and other causes prices fell heavily. There was considerable uneasiness caused also by tbe continual increase of taxation, which, though lighter than it was before 1850, was still severely felt, as the increase synchronized with a period of falling prices. The fact was tbat the inflated prices of the years of the cotton famine had led to extravagance and when the reaction came, the ryots were unable to adapt themselves to the altered conditions. In the Bombay Presidency especially, the agricultural classes, finding that their lands had acquired value, borrowed largely on them from Marwadi soukars, and the repeal of the usury laws and the enforcement by the Civil Courts of extortionate contracts without considering whether the terms agreed to were equit- able, had led to distress and riots. In the Madras Presidency, however, the agri- cultural classes who were not in the hands of soukars to the same extent did not suffer similarly, but that they felt considerably upset even in the comparatively prosperous district of Tanjore will be evident from the following remarks of the Collector of that district extracted from a report written by him in ]871. He remarks " so long as prices ruled at between double and treble the commutation rate, and pro tanto reduced the Government demand to between one-third and one-half of what it used to be, the Tanjore mirasidar could well afford to pay his kists in advance and at the same time indulge in the luxuries of litigation as well as in a high style of living. A deficiency in the outturn of his harvest was then a matter of comparative indifference to him. Now, however, a marked decline in prices h.as considerably altered this state of things. Not even the wealthier landed proprietors escaped the process of distraint under Act II of 1864 this year, and it is a fact that in April and May, the months of heavy kists, jewels of no small value came into the money market for loans which were obtained on 12 and, in several instances, as much as 23 24 per cent, interest. I, of course, do not mean to say that the Government demand does not, on the whole, how leave a liberal margin of profit to the mirasidars ; for, as market prices still average 70 per cent, over the settlement commutation rate, they must be able to gain so much more beyond the melwaram share as originally fixed ; but this estimate of profits holds good only as regards the well irrigated delta taluks. There are parts of the district, especially those situated at the remote ends of irrigation channels, where irrigation is from its nature precarious, and the present system of con- servancy under the direction of a highly centralized, but in point of strength utterly inadequate, professional agency is necessarily inefiicieat. In such parts there can be no question that the recent prices of agricultural produce have alone enabled the landholders to punctually discharge the Government dues." The decline in prices, however, benefited the landless classes whose wages had risen during the years of high *A'„«..-A„ abstract of the reports at CoUectors and PnoeS, but did Uot decline whcU the prioeS other officers in regard to the condition of agricultural fell. Inquiries * WCrC instituted at thlS classes in 1872 is given in the appendix. j.-^^^ ^y ^^^ Government of India regarding the pressure of taxation. The Board of Revenue reported " there can be no doubt that there is a feeling of uneasiness and perplexity abroad among the tax-payers which is strong enough to warrant grave anxiety. This feeling is the result not so much of the nature or weight of the taxes as of the rapid changes in the law which have been taking place of late years. "When a tax is new it is bitterly felt, but as the people get more and more used to it, their dissatisfaction wears away. The great bulk of the population being engaged in agriculture, the cultivation statistics, which are recorded with great minuteness, would show if the burden of taxation were too great, but there is no evidence that this is the case. Gu the other hand, any considerable fall in the prices of produce would make the burden unbearable, and it may safely be said that the load cannot be increased or even shifted without danger." The Madras Govern- ment expressed a similar opinion. It remarked " with the exception of the income- tax, in condemning which there is a very general consensus of opinion, comparatively little soreness seems to be felt in the country at any existing Imperial taxation. The stamp duties perplex the people and probably would produce more with less an- noyance, were the schedules framed on some more easily intelligible principle. The system irritates, but the tax cannot be called burdensome on the masses. The rise in prices of late years has indirectly tended to alleviate the burdens on the land, whether for local or Imperial purposes, while the concurrent improvement in wages has prevented the increase in prices from telling hardly on the lower classes. The salt- tax has probably in this Presidency been raised to the highest point at which it will not injuriously affect consumption. The gi-eater facilities for carriage afEorded by the" extension of railways has, doubtless, tended and must continue to reduce the tax to the inland consumer, but consumption is nevertheless not increasing proportionately with the increase of wealth and population. The tax, however, being an indirect one, is not likely to be the subject of complaint unless enhanced to a prohibitive rate, but it is deserving of serious consideration whether it is not now so high as to be a financial mistake in this Presidency. The other Imperial taxes, except the income-tax, do not seem to call for remark ; but as regards this latter tax, the opinions collected are almost universally condemnatory of it, not so much as being in its present form felt as a heavy burden, but as being unequal in incidence and incapable of fair adjustment, as calculated to demoralize those who assess and those who pay, as aggravating the burden of municipal taxation, as maintaining a feeling of distrust as to the financial policy of Government. .... The experiment of local taxation is of much more recent introduction and the time has not yet arrived for forming a just judgment as to its merits. It cannot be doubted that the pressure of this taxation is more severely felt, and it must be confessed that the house-tax, as a method of providing funds for elementary education beyond the limits of munici- palities, is at present regarded with strong dislike by the great majority of rate-payers. The application of the tax up to the present time has been comparatively limited and its extension will be gradual and cautious." 21. Before the country had time to recover from the shock caused by the sudden fall in prices below the inflated level they Fa^ii-e of 1876-78. ^^^ attained in the sixties, by the new and unfamiliar forms of taxation and by the succession of laws issuing out of the 24 legislature, it was visited by the famine of 1876-78, the most terrible in point of magnitude, intensity and duration, that was known for upwards of a century. This calamity was the result of a drought extending over three successive years and affect- ing a ttact of country containing 200,000 square miles and a population of 36 millions, and no country which is purely agricultural can, of course, expect to make head against a disaster on such a scale. The area which suflered in the Madras Presidency alone was 74,000 square miles containing a population of 16 millions. Notwithstand- ing the gigantic efforts made by the Government, three-quarter million of persons on an average having been relieved daily for a period of 22 months, and the cost of the famine including revenue remitted amounting to 8 millions sterling, the loss of the population was nearly 4 millions. The progress of the agricultural classes in the affected districts and of the landless classes in other parts of the Presidency received a severe check, from the effects of which, however, they have since recovered with astonishing rapidity, as is evident from the increase in population, acreage of cultiva- tion and land revenue, and from the self-reliant manner in which it has, during the last two years, borne itself against the partial drought which has prevailed in several districts. Section V. — Statistics showing the improvement in the condition of the people since 1850. 22. In the previous paragraphs, I have endeavoured to show in a general manner by the evidence of official reports and other publications, what was the condi- tion of the agricultural classes both before and after the establishment of British power in this Presidency. I -will now more particularly examine what progress has been made during the last 40 years under the following heads, viz., {a) population, (b) acreage of cultivation^ (c) prices of produce, {d) improvement in the processes of production and in communications, (e) foreign and domestic trade, (/) taxation, and {g) the standard of living of the different classes of the population. I shall first mention what strike me as note-worthy facts in connection with the heads above enumerated, and then point out the bearing they have on the economic condition of the population. Detailed statistics bearing on these matters are given in the appendix. 23. A fairly correct census was taken in 1871 and. the population of the , * , ,• Presidency was found to be 31A millions. Increase of population. „. , ''.^_ c. • s i nn n f,,^^ .-, Owing to the famine of 1876-78 the popu- lation decreased in 1881 to 30^ millions. The loss of population was specially heavy in the districts of Kurnool, Bellary and Anantapur, 8alem and Cuddapah, the per- centage of loss ranging between 17 and 26. 1 he census taken in the current year shows that during the last decade the population has increased by no less than 4i millions or 15-6 per cent. The rates of increase in the districts which had suffered severely from the last famine are specially remarkable. These high rates are no doubt mainly due to the fact that the famine killed off disproportionately large numbers of the juvenile and aged population, leaving among the survivors a larger proportion than usual of adults of the productive ages. The rapid recovery of the population of a country after great calamities seems to be a well attested fact and has- often been noticed. Mr. Thorold Rogers in his " Six Centuries of Work and Wages " observes : " We learn from contemporary accounts that rapid growth of population followed on the destruction of the Black Death (in England in the 13th century). It is said that after this event double and triple births were frequent, that marriages were singularly fertile, and that in a short time the void made by the pestilence was no longer visible. The repressive^ check of a high standard of living was removed by the ease with which the survivors could obtain that standard and accumulate from a considerable margin beyond it I make no doubt that the population speedily righted itself, as it has done on many other occasions, when a sudden or abnormal destruction of human life has occurred in a people and the people has a recuperative power." For a consideration of the question as to what conclusions bearing on the economic condition of the people, the increase in the population during the kst decade leads to, we must await the publication of the detailed results of the census. It seems, however, to be pretty clear that the normal rate of 25 increase, viz., '8 per cent, per annum, given in the census report of this Presidency for 1881, is much below the mark. Mr. Hardy, in the chapter on the rate of increase of population contributed by him to the report on, the census of British India taken in 1881, has calculated the rate of increase for the whole of the Madras Presidency to be •6 per cent, and for the tracts not afflicted by famine, '8 per cent. Between 1856 and 1871, the population had increased at the rate of 1*2 per cent. That this rate must have been higher than the rate which" had obtained previously when the country suffered from severe agricultural depression is evident from the fact that the proportion of the population under 20 years of age, that is, born subsequent to 1851, to the total population censused in 187 1 , was found to be as high as 52| per cent., while, according to the life table, the proportion must have been somethmg like 45 per cent. . The increase of population during the last decade has been at the rate of 1*44 per cent, and during the last 35 years, '84 per cent, not merely in the non-famine tracts but throughout the whole Presidency. So severe a famine as that of 1876-77 is not likely to occur except once in a century and it would probably be nearer the mark to assume the normal increase of population under present conditions to be not much less than 1 per cent., even making allowance for mortality from drought and scarcities, such as those that usually occur. At this rate the population will double itself in 70 years. This high rate of increase, M'hile showing that the means of subsistence at the present day are more plentiful than in times past, shows at the same time that the pressure of population is likely to become more severe in the future than in the past, especially when it is considered how universal is the custom of early marriages and how difficult it is to introduce salutary changes in this custom. Dr. Farr has pointed out that undue increase or decrease of population in England is capable of being remedied by regulating the number of marriages. He says : " at present (in England) one-fifth of the women who attain the age of 24-3 years never marry ; if one-half of the women who attained that age never married, and if illegitimate births did not increase, the births would ultimately not exceed the deaths, and the population would remain stationary. But the same end would be almost as effectually, and less harshly, attained though four-fifths of the women who arrived at the mean age continued to marry, if instead of beginning to marry at 18, none married under 23 and the mean age of marriage were raised to 30 years ; for the interval from generation to generation would be thus extended, the children to a marriage diminished and the number of women at 30 would be reduced by the loss of the younger lives " (see Farr's Vital Statistics). He adds that under the pressure of circumstances, the population in England, to a considerable extent, regulates itself in the manner above pointed out to prevent any impairment of the standard of living and frequently with a view to bring about a rise in that, standard. Such a process of adjustment is of course much more difficult of application in India where the marriage customs are less flexible. In England the average age of marriage for women is about 25 years, and only 18 per cent, of women of ages between 15 and 25 are married and -2 per cent, are widowed. Further, of the women who reach 25 years of age, 20 per cent, never marry. In this Presidency nearly 80 per cent, of women •The Hindu SaBtras recommend marriages between men between thc.ageS of 15 and 26 are married of 32 yeais t)£ age and girls oi 10 years, or men of 24 i i, - widnwprl nnd a Pftn years and girls of 8. There is an inscription at Verinji- ""IQ / per Ceni. 3X6 WlQOWea, aUQ a COU- puram, North Aroot district, dated during the reign of siderablc proportion of the widoWS are Verapratapa Devaraja Maharajah of Vijianaggur, A.D. JpV,„™p^ y,„ +1,^ PUStriTTia nf +liP PniintTTT 1419, which shows that the practice of paying money to Ueoarrea DJ me CUSlOmS 01 lUC COUntry parents of girls to induce thorn to give them in marriage from rc-marriage. I havc been informed was widelv prevalent in former times. The inscription states j.-i j. en Af\ • • -in the reign of the illustrious Verapratapa Devaraja that 50 Or CVCU 40 years agO men married Maharajah, the great men of all branches of sacred studies of much later f generally * after 30 Vears) the Kingdom drew up in the presence of Gopinatha arka , . J^° -lm "^ pushkarani, a document containing an agreement regarding tnaU tney QO nOW, wnUe WOmOU Were the sacred law. According to this if the Brahmins of married as early as at present, even among this Kingdom of Padaividu, viz., Kannadigas, Tamiras, ,,, ■,,•',, *^ •/ . ° Teiugufl, iialas, &c., of all Gotras, Sutras and Sakas con- tne iiigner classcs, tne rcason being povcrty dude a marriage, they shall from this day forward do it by i +g difflcultv of DrOCUrinS' suffipiPTif Kanyadanam. Those who do not adopt Kanyadanam, i.e., ^^*^ !-"» Uimouity OI procuring SUmCieUt both those who give away a girl after having received monoy tO pay tO the parents 01 girls and gold, and those who conclude a marriage aftOT having TnirpTinsiTicr thftiT ponspnt tn t>iP marviaira liven gold, shall be Uabie to punishment oy the King and pnrcuasmg tnoir conseni to tue mariiage. shall be excluded from the community ot the Brahmins." This, COmbmcd With the Systcm of enforced £St°focirmZ^^^^^ widowhood, had the effect of putting a check on the inordinate increase of popu- lation by abridging the duration of married life. The great disparity in the ages of 7 26 the married couple which is said to influence the sex of the offspring, possibly accounts also for the scarcity of girls * In England the nurater of persons under 21 years of ^Jj^Jgh, if Current belief is tO be Credited, age who contract marriages appears to have increased as "■"■i^^'i) '■^ i^niij^iii/ lu^-iiv^^ ^ -rv • i i ■ shown below:— existed in former times, During later y:^r4ho°marrJ years, howover, it became quite the per 1,000. fashion among the well-to-do to marry M^'^w^e^ their sons while still very young, though 1850-62 7 6 24-3 jn yiew of the preiudicial effect which 1860-62 9-5 29-6 , • "^ i_ ii. j 1870-72 11-8 341 very early marriages have on tne educa- The increase of early marriages is stated to be entirely tioU Of boyS, a slight change f Or the du3 to the prosperous condition of the lower classes, the \^q^^q^ j^^s recently bocome perceptible.* middle classes, unlike those in. India, preferring to post- w»^in.i^* ""o iv.vyv-i*uj j^ • j.U pone marriage on aecoujit of the continual increaee in the In India aS m England, increase in tne Si^'^tCra'ma'ri^^^^^^^ meaus of subsistence leads to increase in mum till he is 40 or 60 years old; and the expense of the number of marriages among the lower ;^f ^Thl arlisaf ItTs wr^'^much tt '2T aTh^ classes. In England, this tendency is, to ever does, unless he rises to a responsible post, but he gome extent, Counteracted bv the example does not earn much before he is 21 ; his children are likely . ., ■ 1 ji i u „ i „ ~.„„ to be a considerable expense to him till about the age of 16; of the middle ClaSSCS Wno postpone mar- unleas they are sent to a factory where they may pay their riages in Order that the standard of living way at a very early age ; and lastly the labourer earns " t , • . t t j • iV. nearly full wages at 18, while his children begin to pay may not deteriorate. In India, On tne their expenses very early. In consequence, the average age contrary, with the claSSCS corresponding •of marriage is highest among the middle classes, it is low vyv^ii..i.*i j , ,, *v u«.^ j^ o among the artisans and still lower among the unskilled tO middle-ClaSSeS in England, early mar- labourers." It will have been inferred from my remarks _:„„„ „f „:_1a ia a Tplis-lOUS obliffatioU. that looking at the question purely from the point of view "age 01 giriS IS a reilglOUS OUUgdllUU, of preventing undue increase of population, the evils of and their example in thlS rCSpect IS the b°yX's^teri^ r/or^fd^JlSoVrd : reia^tl^fof reverse of beneficial. These considerations the restrictions on widow marriage necessitates relaxation will bring homC tO OUr minds the f Uti- of the system of early marriages by postponing marriages ,., » .i , j.- iv . j. u ~ ^ of girls for some years after the period at which by present llty of the CXpCCtatlOU that great CliaDgeS opinion they are recognized as marriageable. This of can bc PTOduCCd in the Condition of the course is no objection to widow re-marriage reform but -ji • ii ■ j £ j.- x.' 1. only shows why the progress of the reform is so slow. maSSCS, Wllhm the pcriOdS 01 time WniCtl There are various adjustments in other directions necessary insufficient f Or effectiuff a trausf Orma- before the reform is likely to be generally accepted. «,»<^ .j»» « . i i 1 ■, 1 mi tion m deep-rooted national habits, and will enable us to estimate rightly the value of the advance made under such difficulties. 24. We have next to c6nsid.er whether the increase in agricultural production has kept pace with the increase of popu- Increase in the acreage of cultivation. ^ j^^.^^_ According to the Calculations already referred to, the population in 1856 must have amounted to 26^ millions, and as there was a famine in 1854, the population in 1852 may be taken at about this figure.' Between 1852 and 1891 the population has increased from 264- to 34^ millions or by 30 per cent. Statistics of acreage of cultivation are not available for zemindaris and inam villages, and therefore it is not possible to calculate the increase in production with any very great accuracy. Nevertheless an analysis of the statistics of acreage available in regard to ryotwar lands serves to show roughly that the increase in the cultivated area, making allowance for the increased productiveness of irrigated as compared with unirrigated lands, is quite on a par with it if it does not exceed the increase in population. Excluding South Canara and Malabar, for which districts, owing to the absence of a survey, statis- tics of acreage are not available, the ryotwar cultivation was in 1852, 12*2 million acres, of which 9*5 million acres were unirrigated, 2-3 million acres were irrigated from Government sources of irrigation and '4 million of acres irrigated by private sources, but were taxed at specially high rates on account of the valuable crops grown. These areas require a double correction to be applied to them, first, because they include portions of fields left waste which were charged for, though not ctJtivated, and which are excluded from cultivation statistics for later years, and secondly, because the areas given in the old surveys have been found, by the recent surveys, to be somewhat below the truth. On this account, on a rough calculation, it is found that | million of acres has to be added to the acreage of 1852, to admit of its being compared with the acreage of more recent years in districts which have been surveyed. In 1890 the area of cultivated lands classed as dry, i.e., not irrigated by Government sources of irrigation, was 13-64 millions of acres, of which 12-64 millions were unirrigated and 1 million was irrigated by wells constructed by the ryots at their own expense and 3-44 millions of acres of lands irrigated by Government sources. The increase in the area of cultiva- 27 tion 18 thus — (I) 25 per cent, in unirrigated lands, (2) 41 per cent, in lands irrigated by Govomment sources of irrigation, and (3) 140 per cent, in lands irrigated by private wells. Nearly the whole of the increase under the second head arqpunting to upwards of a million of acres is due to the extension of cultivation in tracts commanded by the great anicut systems — Goddvari, Kistna, Cauvery, Penner, PAlar and Tdmbra- parni — which secure an almost unfailing supply of water, and every acre of irrigated lands in these tracts produces, on an average, not less than four times as much as they would do if they were unirrigated. Moreover the increase of production due to the great irrigation systems cannot be measured merely by the increase in the acreage of cultivation, as the increase of produce, consequent on an assured supply to lands which before the anicuts were constructed were dependent on a precarious supply of water, and on additional supply of water for a second crop to lands cultivated formerly with a single crop, amounting in all to about 1^ millions of acres, must be taken into account. Similarly, the million of acres irrigated by private wells produce as much at least a 4 millions of acres of unirrigated lands. Making allowance for these considerations and taking into account the increase in the cultivated area under such articles as cotton indigo, ground-nut, coft'ee, sugarcane, tea and cinchona, it seems to me that the percentage of increase in production cannot be less than 3 or 4 times the increase in population. There are no means of making an exact calculation ; all that can be stated is that the increased production is very considerable. The area under cotton, which in 1852 was a little less than a million of acres, has increased to more than If millions of acres. The area under indigo has increased from about 200,000 acres to more than 500,000 acres or by 150 per cent. ; ground-nut which in former years was cultivated to a small extent to meet local demands has now become a very remunerative commer- cial crop. It is chiefly cultivated in the South Arcot district where the acreage under it has risen from about 6,700 acres in 1852 to 190,000 acres in 1889-90. The area under sugarcane has risen from 38,400 to 70,000 acres. Though the acreage under this crop may appear small, the crop itself is very valuable, the value of the outturn per acre being more than 20 times the outturn on dry lands. The area under coffee and tea is 55,000 and 5,000 acres respectively. These crops are of course extremely valuable. 25. In this connection there are two prevalent notions which deserve some notice. , .,„ These are (1) that the rainfall has sensibly Alleged decrease 01 rainfall. ,. •■•i_ji>ij. i/ni^i ,,i ■ diminished oi late years, and (2) that the fertility of the soil, under the improvident and non-restorative systems of native cultivation, has deteriorated.^'' Both these notions have been shown, by scientific men who have given close attention to the subject, to be unfounded to a great extent. The prevalence of these impressions is suJB'ciently accounted for by the habit of old people in all countries of asserting that '■^ in the days of their youth the fields were greener and the sun warmer '.' (or as we should say in India " less intense "). We have statistics of the rainfall for some stations for the last 80 years, and they do not show that there has been any appreciable diminution in the quantity of annual rainfall during this period. The complaint of deficient rainfall is also, it must be remembered, not a new one. The following passages extracted from Buchanan's "Journey" in 1800 show that people complained in much the same way then, that they do now. " Tarheri (Coimbatore district). The peoplie say that since the death of Hyder {i.e., since 1782 or for 18 years) they have had one year with a proper fall of rain. Tliis year there has been abundance, but it came too late by two months." " Darapuram. Owing to the want of rain and of stock the farmers are not able to cultivate all that they rent, &c." '' Pryapaitana, Grishmaritu (summer season) contains the two months includ- ing the summer solstice. It is said that formerly during this period the weather used to be constantly clouded, with a regular unremitting drizzling rain ; but for the last half a century such seasons have occurred only once in 4 or 5 years ; and in the intervening ones, although the cloudy weather continues, the constant rain has ceased. •' A third impression which is prevalent, though not confined to this country, is that men in past times were giants in stature had more robust health and lived longer than their degenerate descendants do now. In England it was currently heUeved that the knights of the middle ages were men of great stature, until it was shown that the armour worn hy them was too small to fit the present race of men in the upper classes of society. In European countries, the average duration of life has increased owing to diminution in infant mortality. It may be that the diminution of risks to life has had the effect of prolonging to adult age frail lives which under the old condittons would have had no chance of surviving to that age, but as the conditions favorable to the life of frail iijfants are also conditions which diminish the risks to which fairly healthy persons are subject, their general effect on the whole population cannot be other than beneficial.. These remarks, in so far as the present conditions difier from the past, are equally applicable to this country. 28 and in its place heavy showers have come at intervals of 3 or 4 days, and these are succeeded by some thunder. Varshaeitu (rainy season). Formerly the rains used to.bq incessant and heavy ; of late years they have not been so copious oftener than once in 4 or 5 years ; still they are almost always sufficient to produce a good crop of grass and dry grains, and one crop of rice. Pryapattana has therefore been termed the chosen city of the natives of Karnata who suffer from scarcity of rain." . . .. '■'■ Haltoray . Change of climate. The natives say that formerly the rains were so copious that by means of small tanks a great part of the country could be cultivated with rice. These tanks were only sufficient to contain 8 or 10 days water,, and to supply the fields ■when such short intervals of fair weather occurred. For 40 years past, however, a change having taken- place in the climate, no rice has been cultivated except by means of large reservoirs." Buchanan adds *' the truth of this allegation is confirmed by the number of small tanks, the ruins of which are now visible ; and by the plots of ground levelled for rice which are near these tanks and which are now quite waste." Possibly this was the result of the clearance of forests which are stated to have some eifect in regulating and conserving local falls of rain but no influence in modifying the general features of climate. Dr. Brandis, who might be expected to claim for forests all the merit they pould justly lay claim to, states: " There is no proof that forests modify the climate to any great extent. The great features of climate depend on cosmic causes, which are independent of local circumstances. Large extent of forests or large areas of irrigated lands may, however, have some effect in increasing the rainfall at certain seasons, and there is no doubt that in the vicinity of dense forests and on irrigated lands, the air near the ground is generally moister during the dry season and the dew heavier." In the Goddvari district, where forests had been extensively cleared in recent times, Mr. Henry Forbes, the Sub-Collector, reported in 1848 that the forest had receded, but that he thought it open to question whether the diminution in the streams which came from the hills was not in the time which the stream took to exhaust itself, instead of in the. body of water passing down to its bed ; whether the rain was not said to be less in quantity only because, falling on the hills and no longer restrained by the trunks and roots of trees and allowed no time to percolate through the soil and fissures of rocks and to supply the reservoirs of springs, it poured down in torrents and left the water-courses dry as soon as the rains had ceased to fall. Moreover, the want of communications during the rainy season, and the difficulty in cross- ing unbridged rivers, and the liability of the country to inundations in past times were all calculated to produce an exaggerated impression regarding the quantity of rainfall. The accounts of famines in past centuries given in the previous portion of this memo- randum will show that large portions of Southern India were liable to severe and prolonged droughts quite as much in past times as at present. Mr. Graham writing in 1797, «.e., nearly a century ago, says of Salem : " A person who had not experi- enced the contrary would be led to suppose that the Baramahal possessed peculiar advantages of situation, and that, lying, between Mysore and the Garnatie, the soil would experience the best effects from a participation of both monsoons. We know, however, that the rains are extremely .precarious, and that when they do fall, they are either partial and scanty, or if plentiful, that the season has passed ;• and the only purpose they serve, as at' present, is from their violence to destroy half the tanks in the country. How often has the farmer, deceived by a passing shower, imprudently committed his seed to the ground, and how often have his hopes of a return been blasted by a succeeding drought, equally fatal to his crop as to his cattle ! How frequently have we observed whole fields of grain apparently vigorous, and rapidly- advancing to perfection, destroyed in one night by devouring insects, and the seemingly full-eared cumboo, whicli one would pronounce in a few days fit for reaping, exhibit- ing when rubbed between the hands nothing but a useless powder, the consequence of its premature formation ! " I have examined the accounts given in the old reports ** regarding the character of the agricultural season each year from the beginning of the century, and I find that there is no reason to believe either that the rainfall has diminished or that unfavorable seasons are more frequent now than in the past. There were then as prolonged and frequent droughts as now. If the drought was of short '? Surgeon -General Edward Balfour, after Instituting careful enquiries iii 1849, came to the conclusion that " it may be confidently stated that in India within the present century, the rainfall has not diminished, nor has the quantity annually falling now become more uncertain, but that man partly ignorant and wholly reckless, has denuded the soil of its trees and shrubs and bared the surface to the sun's rays, thus depriving the country of it? conservative agents and making the extremes of floods and droughts of more frequent occurr'eiice and HiOre severe,'' ■ 2d duration and affected small portions of country, the people managed to get on ; if, however, by a combination of circumstances the drought continued over two or three years and afPected simultaneously large portions of the country, the result was famine. The denudation of forests appears, however, to have affected the supply of subsoil water in the vicinity of hills and led to the drying up of streams fed by springs. Dr. Brandis remarks that " in the Coimbatore district the Noyel river, the main channel of which rises in the Bolampatti valley, probably has less water now in the dry season than it had 30 years ago. In the Palladam taluk the old anicuts now remaining unused attest this." The importance of forests in subserving the needs of agriculture cannot of course be over-estimated, but there is, on the whole, no reason to suppose that their clearance has diminished the rainfall " to such an extent as mate- rially to affect the yield of lands. The disappearance of forests has of course improved the public health, for many tracts of country, in the Madura district for instance, now perfectly healthy were, 60 or 70 years ago, notoriously feverish. 26. If then, there is no sufficient evidence in regard to any diminution in the ^^^^„^A A^i-^r^^ *■ *«. •, u • annual rainfall, there is still less evidence Alleged detenoration of the soil by over-cropping. , , i i i i -i i to show that there has been any sensible deterioration in the productive capacity of lands. The arguments based on a com- parison of the rates of average outturn per acre for the several grains given in the ; Ayeen Akbari with the outturns assumed at the present day, will not bear examination. According to the Ayeen Akbari tables, the average outturn per acre in the middle of the 16th century was for rice (apparently unhusked) 1,338 lb., for wheat 1,155 lb., for cotton unpicked 670 lb. The averages in these tables have been arrived at with refer- ence to the rates for good, bad and middling lands, but without any attempt being made to find out under which of these classes the area predominated. Moreover, with the immense increase in the acreage of cultivation especially of inferior soils, the average outturn must necessarily decrease, while to establish a deterioration it must be shown that lands under cultivation in former times yield less now than they did before. In the case of wheat, especially, irrigation makes a great difference, the yield of irrigated wheat being from 50 to 300 per cent, in excess of the outturn of unirrigated wheat. The dominions of the Emperor Akbar did not extend to the south of the Vyndia Mountains, and the Ayeen Akbari rates cannot therefore be applied to South India. If the rate for rice, 1,338 lb., given in these tables refer to unhusked rice, the Madras settle- ment average (1,621 lb.) is considerably higher. Cotton is frequently sown as a mixed crop, and it is difficult to calculate its average outturn. There is nothing, however, to show that its outturn has diminished. In a recent report on the cultivation of cotton in the Tinnev(slly district submitted to the Madras Agricultural Department by the Agricultural Inspector, Prauatartihara Aiyar, it is stated, " cotton soils of the best quality sell for Es. 1,000 a sanghili (3-64 acres) ; ordinary soils for Es. 500, while inferior soils sell below Es. 200. In fertile soils and under good treatment 1,000 lb. seed cotton per acre is no unusual outturn ; an ordinary good yield of cotton may be taken to vary from 750 lb. to 900 lb. of seed cotton, while 500 lb, may be taken as a fair average of yield taking all soils into consideration. These figures have been arrived at from the statements of different classes of ryots and include the first and second courses of pickings. It is assumed by dealers that 6 pedis (of about 328 lb. each) of seed cotton are required to produce oOO lb. of lint, and therefore the average outturn of an acre is 125 lb. of lint. In the United States, the average outturn of cotton is about 567 lb. seed cotton or 189 lb. lint per acre." In *' 1862 the average outturn of Tinnevelly cotton was reported to be 300 lb. of seed cotton or 75 lb. of lint. The Agricultural Inspector adds " that the outturn in Tinnevelly is somewhat greater than '* Mr. Mackenzie in the Kistna District Manual remarke : " It would no doulst be interesting to find any indication of change of climate, for it is supposed that in former centuries, hefore the forests were cleared, there was a much heavier rainfall. Hiouen Tsang's description of Dhanakacheka with trees and gushing fountains supports this idea, but we have seen that even in the 13th century there were quairels about pasture land, bitter enough to cause war, and we shall see in the following chapter that the Mahomedan historians described the famines in A.D. 1423 and 1174 in language that might have applied to the Guntiir famine of 1832. We cannot say therefore that there ishistorical evidence that the climate has become worse." " Mr. Nicholson in his valuable " Preliminary Note " printed in the Report of the Madras Agricultural Committee remarks : " Forty years ago the yield of cotton in bcllary, Cuddapah, Coimbatore and Tinnevelly was 90, 50, 60 and 80 lb. per acre respectively (Collector's reports in Wheeler's Hand-book) while the present average even on good black cotton soil in those districts is not above 62^ lb. per acre." The statement appended to Wheeler's Hand-book, howev^r, shows that the outturn of clenn cotton per acre was estimated at only 46, 50, 27 and 76 lb. respectively. The average outturn is not less now. Sir Thomas Munro in 1806 estimated the average outturn in the Ceded districts at less than 20 lb. per sere. Mr. ^undaU, Commercial Resident in the Ceded districts, writing in 1819, states that the native produce of cotton is not more than 30 lb. (clean cotton) per acre, 8 30 formerly is admitted by the ryots, and unless this were a well known fact they would make no such admission. The explanation may be found in the fact that the system of adding all kinds of earthy matter to the manure heaps, by which the quantity is not only largely increased but is also better decomposed, is only a recent practice. Moreover all soils are now kept much cleaner than before owing to closer and better tillage." The allegation regarding the diminished outturn of lands is based to a great extent upon the a priori reasoning that when the ingredients forming plant food abstracted from the soil by continuous cropping are not restored to it by artificial manuring, it must necess^ily deteriorate. Eecent enquiries made into agricultural practices in this country by scientific agricultural experts have, however, resulted in showing that the injurious effects attributed to native methods of agriculture are grossly exaggerated. Professor Wallace in his "India in 1888 " emphatically denies that the fertility of the soil is being exhausted by native practices. He quotes from the report of Mr. Chisholm, the Settlement-officer of Bilsapur, the following remarks as to how the outturn is affected by the continuous cropping of irrigated lands. " When fresh soil is broken up for rice cultivation, the ground can never be got into proper order during the first year, and the yield is less than in the old fields. In the second year the outturn rises about one- eighth above that of the old fields and increases gradually year by year until the fiith, when it reaches 50 per cent, above the old jfields. It then commences to decline, and in about another five years has subsided to the level of the old fields, and at that level it remains unchanged for ever. Many fields for instance are believed to have been continuously cultivated for 150 years'^ and more, and yet they are in no way inferior to land reclaimed from the jungle but 1 5 years ago." Professor Wallace goes on to remark that 5 lb. of nitrogen is required for an acre combined by electric action. Thunderstorms being common during the -south-west monsoon months, India^ has a natural advantage over the British and American wheat growers, whose supply of nitrogen is, in a great measure^ drawn from vegetable accumulations in a virgin soil, which is, in consequence of a system of close cropping, becoming exhausted. More recently, Dr. Voelcker has expressed an opinion to a similar effect. He states : " the possibility of soil exhaustion going on (in India) can only be determined by a careful study of what is removed from the land, and how far this is replaced by the forces of nature arid by the artificial nourishment of manuring. 1 have mentioned the deficiency of nitrogen which 1 observed in the case of several Indian soils, but it is worthy of note too, how very large a proportion of the crops annually grown, also of the trees and shrubs and even of the weeds are leguminous in character, and may thus, if recent investigations be correct, possibly derive their nitrogen from the atmosphere. " Dr. Voelcker has given high praise to the native methods of cultivation which he considers are excel- lent, the problem of improving native agriculture being a more difficult one than the problem of improving English agriculture. The " garden " cultivation, i.e., cultivation with the aid of wells, presents, in his opinion, " some of the most splendid features of careful and high class cultivation that one can possibly see in any part of the world." "Garden" cultivation has, as already remarked, greatly increased in this Presidency. To take one district, Coimbatore. The number of irrigation wells in good order, which were 22,000 in number in 1801, increased to 28,719 in 1821, to 31,507 in 1852, to 58,385 in 1882, and to 60,283 in 1888-89." This means on about 15 per cent, of the area under cultivation, the outturn was quadrupled or even quintupled. It was on account of the existence of these wells that Coimbatore, though one of the driest districts in the Presidency, suffered so little from the famine of 1876-78 ; since the famine, cultivation by means of wells has been extending in other districts also. Dr. Brandis, who travelled through the several districts of the Presi- dency in 1880, writes in his .report on Forest management, " I was much gratified to 1* In an inscription [vide Appendix) recording a grant to a Jain temple at Negapatam by Kulottnngachola (A.D. 1084J the produce of certain villages which can now he identified is given. Comparing the present outturn vpith the rates given in the inscription, it is found that on the whole the produce has increased and not diminished. There is a popular impression in the Godavari district that the construction of aniouts aud locks has diminished the quantity of silt depo- sited on lands under irrigation. I have also heard a story — apocryphal, no doubt, but still sigi.ificant. It appears that an astute Tanjore Mirassidar paid a handsome bribe to the subordioate ofBcers of the Public Works Department, to bo allowed to breach the bank of a river when in full flood and that, though he got no produce from his lands the first year, he made a great profit in subsequent years. This, of course, is a very dangerous way of manuring lands. The inundations of tlie Nile fertilize the lauds subject to them, but they often do as much harm as good. / y I examined the accounts of 10 villages in the Coimbatore taluk and found that the number of wells had increased fiom 208 in 1860 to 315 in 1890. SI Bee in Bellary, Salera and other districts the large number of new wells made 'since the famine, and old wells deepened ; and it seemed to me that the people fully recognize the value of wells for irrigation. Many of the wells in the dry inland districts are large and beautifully built, 30 feet square and 25 feet deep or more, and such wells cost from Rs. 500 to Rs. 1,000." The Board's report on the Revenue Settlement of the Presidency for the year ending 30th June 1890 shows that 8,176 wells were excavated in that year by Government ryots at a cost of Es. 2,63,677 ; and of- this number, three-fourths were in Salem, Coimbatore and Chingleput. The same report shows that in seven districts, from which alone returns had been received, the number of wells in use for supplementing irrigation from Government works was no less than 48,220, showing beyond doubt that the policy recently adopted by Government of doing away with the last remnant of restrictive regulations calculated to impede the extension of well irrigation used for the purpose of supplementing the deficiency of irrigation from Government works and saving the Government as well as the ryots from loss, was an eminently wise one. I am informed that large numbers of wells have been excavated in the Chingleput, North Arcot, Coimbatore, Madura and Tinnevelly districts during the last two years with the aid of loans obtained under the very favorable rules which have been framed for the purpose. In the single taluk of Ponndri, which is liable mOre or less to drought, it appears that no less than 900 substantial wells have been excavated during the last six months. This is an immense boon to that taluk which will henceforth, to a great extent, be protected from the effects of partial droughts. The increase of produce under the great irrigation systems has already been noticed. Of late years considerable atten- tion has been paid to the repair of minor irrigation works also, and when the project for the restoration of tanks througliout the Presidency at a cost of 26 lakhs of rupees, which is now under execution is completed, there is no doubt that the effi- ciency of the tanks and the produce of the lands under them will be greatly increased. . As regards dry or unirrigated lands, it is true that there is now less fallowing than formerly, though the practice of leaving lands fallow prevails even now to a much greater extent than is generally supposed. Thus out of 1 7 millions of unirrigated lands held by Government ryots no less than 3 millions were left fallow in 1890. In the Goddvari district one-half, and in the Tinnevelly district one-third of the ryots' holdings is left fallow annually. There is, besides, a large area of lands on the margin of cultivation which are taken up for cultivation or reliuquished by the ryots as it suits them. Cultivation under a system of fallows is of course poor and slovenly cultivation, and with the increase of population and the decrease in the area of waste, must necessarily be displaced by cultivation under improved methods. My enquiries tend to show that under the stress of necessity and the additional incentives to individual exertion pro- moted by the breakup of the joint family system, greater care is now bestowed on culti- vation of lands in the Tanjore district than in times past ; and this is to some extent the case in other districts also. If any marked results have not been obtained in this direction, it is not because the ryots are so very unintelligent that they could not be induced to adopt. improved methods of cultivation, but because the pressure of popu- lation has not enhanced the prices of agricultural produce to such an exteat as to make intensive cultivation " necessary or profitable. 27. Prices of commodities appear to have varied enormously in different parts of the country in previous centuries owing "'^'' to the difficulty of communication and general insecurity ; they were comparatively high in such districts as Malabar and South Canara which exported spices much in demand in Europe, receiving va. return gold and silver. In the districts in the interior, prices were exceedingly low. We find, for 18 The English example is very instructive. The average price of wheat in the beginning of the 15th century was only 6s. a quarter and in particular years it went down as low as Is. id. Between 1459 and 1560, the average price rose to 9s. id. in conseciuence mainly of the debasement of the currency. From 1561 to 1601 the average price was 47s. 6rf. In the 1 7th and 18th centuries prices were at the same level. In the first half of the present century the average price was 60s. The greatest improvements in agriculture were effected in the 17th and 18th centuries and the first half of the 19th century ._ The price, however, has since under the stress of foreign competition gone down as low as 30s. a quarter. The consequence is that high cultivation does not pay in England. " The soil is weakly farmed, undermanned, and understocked, partly because capital has dwindled, partly because farmers are compelled to realize something, even if the sales are premature. Land is going back ; it is falling out of condition, if not out of cultivation, and farmers are too poor, too weak and dispirited to restore or maintain it. Its produce per acre is diminishing and the number of sheep has decreased by more than two millions since 1875. High farming at present prices appears waste of money ; agriculture cannot hold its own by intension against extension. The progress of centuries seems thrown away ; the instrument becomes useless just when it is perfected and able to double the existing produce." — Frothero'a Pioneers »nd_Progf)ss of English Farmiiig. S2 instaiice, that the commutation rate adopted by Hurry Hur Koy, the Vijianagar Sovereign, for the settlement of land revenue in Canara in the middle of the l4th century was 3 kattis for 1 ghetti pagoda, or 30 seers of 80 tolas of rice per rupee, while the present price is 15 seers per rupee. Buchanan states that in the loth centiiry the price adopted for fixing the tax on cocoanut plantations was 6 pagodas or 24 rupees per 1,00^ cocoanuts. The price is not much higher at present. In the Eamnad country, on the ether hand, it will be seen from the letter of the Jesuit Missionary already quoted that in 1713, 8 markals of excellent husked rice could be purchased for 1 fanam, and Mr. Kelson, the compiler of the Madura District Manual, says that the rate is equivalent to 90 lbs. for 2^d., or 512 seers of 80 tolas for 1 rupee, which is nearly one-twenty-third of the present price. In the Chingleput district, it appears that in 1733 paddy was sold at 25 pagodas per garce, which is about one-h^lf of the present price. Twenty years previously, however, it would seem that this would have been reckoned a famine price. The price of paddy in the last quarter of the last century in the Ganjam district appears to have averaged 8d. per cwt., or 1 68 seers of 80 tolas per rupee or about one-sixth of the present price. Comparatively high prices appear to have ruled at this time in the Southern districts owing to the devastating wars and famines from which they suffered. Since the beginning of the century we have continuous records of the prices of food-grains. The old prices are, strictly speaking, not comparable with recent prices on account of the variety of the measures in terms of which the prices were quoted in the old days, and the uncertainty as to their contents, but they nevertheless give a fairly correct general idea of the changes that have occurred. In the appendix I have given tables showing the average prices of the four principal food-grains for quinquennial periods, leaving out of account famine years. From these tables it will be seen that prices were at their lowest for some years before 1850, in consequence of the insufficiency of the currency to meet the requirements of the country. Representing the average prices of the food-grains in the five years ending 1853 by 100, the average prices at the quinquennial periods referred to will be indicated by the numbers shown in the subjoined table : — Grains. Average for pive years ending 1813. 1823. 1832. 1853. 1865. 1874. 1888. Paddy Cholum Bagi Cumbu 128 135 133 123 129 134 141 141 137 117 118 114 110 100 100 100 100 264 227 233 227 216 182 180 185 234 18» 192. 200 All four grains . . 138 115 100 238 197 204 • As the figures given in the table represent averages of prices differing widely and relating to large tracts of country, they must he taken as indicating the direction of the movement of prices and not as a strict meaHure of their rise or fall. I have endeavoured to obtain information regarding the course of prices from the accounts kept by landholders and merchants. The results which are given in the appendix are confirmatory of the inferences deiiv able from the table given here. The above table clearly brings out the following conclusions. First, from about 1 828 to 1853, or for a period of nearly 25 years, the prices rapidly declined till they reached a level which was one-fourth* less than the prices in the early years of the century on which the land settlements were based. The result was the acute agricultural depression already described and the collapse of the settle- ments ; secondly/, prices rose rapidly after 1853 till they reached their culmination in the five years ending 1865, when they were two-and-a-half times what they were prior to 1853 and twice as high as in the early years of the century. The causes of this sudden rise have already been mentioned ; they may be briefly recapitulated as follows. The gold discoveries of America and Australia in 1848 led to a large influx of gold into Europe, raising prices and creating a demand for Indian productions. The substitution of gold for silver in the currencies of the principal European countries cheapened the latter metal and made it available for export to India. The Crimean War at the same time led to the development of the trade of India in jute and oil- seeds. The Indian Mutiny necessitated large remittances in silver for expendi- ture in India, and the construction of public works, especially railways, had the same effect. The American War and the consequent Cotton famine in England developed an 33 enormous trade in the somewhat hitherto despised Indian cotton. The net imports into India of gold and silver which in the decade ending 1849 was 21 millions rose succes- sively to 70 millions in the decade ending 1859, and to 159 millions in the decade ending 1869. Thirdly, after 1870, prices fell by about 20 per cent, from the level they had attained in 1865, but were nevei'theless nearly twice as high as in 1853, and 50 per cent, higher than in the earlier years of the century. The re-action was brought about of course by the cessation of the causes which had led to the influx into India of the precious metals in the previous decade. The cotton famine in England ended with the American war and the United States resumed their position as the chief sup- pliers of cotton to England, and the loans for the construction of public works in India ceased. India, instead of receiving large sums of money, had to remit large sums in payment of interest on the obligations already contracted and to meet the increased charges incurred in England as a consequence of the amalgamation of Indian Army with that in England. The net imports of gold and silver amounted in the five years ending 1874 only to 15 and 18 millions against 29 and 50 millions respectively in the previous five years. Fourthly, leaving out of account the last two years of drought, the average prices of the previous five years show a slight increase as compared with those in the five years ending 1874, i.e., the years immediately preceding the great famine of 1876-78. 28. The great benefits* conferred on the country by the improvement of nom- „„ , „,^ . , . . ,. . munications are too obvious to need de- BHect 01 the improvement of communications on prices. .-ii -i /• -ht .11 » tailed consideration. Nevertheless a few facts gleaned from the old reports will here be given to enable us to realize what im- mense advance there has been in this direction. Owing to the absence of roads, pack bullocks and coolies were the only means of conveyance 60 or 70 years ago, and the cost of transport of bulky articles for long distances was consequently prohibitive. Buchanan, writing in 1800, ptates that the wage of a cooly in the Coimbatore district for carrying a man's load 10 miles was 2 gopali fanams or 6 annas 4 pies. The pacification of the country led to a revival of trade and the increase in the means of conveyance, and we accordingly find that the rate was reduced to 2 annas 6 pies in 1804 and to 2 annas in 1839. The hire of a bullock carrying, say, 200 lb. 10 miles was 5 annas in 1809 and 4 annas in 1839. The Collector of Coimbatore writing in the latter year gives the following as the cost of carriage for 100 miles of 1 ton of goods by men, pack bullocks and carts — by coolies Es. 21-14-0; by pack bullocks Es. 10-15-0; by bandies Es. 8-12-0. The figures show, as might be expected, that carriage by coolies even in those days was the most expensive of all modes of convey- ance. In Nellore the cost of carrying 1 putti of grain (742 Madras measures) was 1 star pagoda and 5 fanams or Es. 4 for every 8 miles in 1805. Carts were not used in the district then or for a long time afterwards. The Collector writing in 1847 men- tions as a novelty that he had for the first time used carts during his tours. The cost of carriage of grain by means of pack bullocks for a distance of 8 miles amounted to one-third of the value of the grain which could not therefore be profitably transported to places distant even 24 miles, unless the price at the place of import was more than double that at the place of production. Piece-goods manufactured at Nellore were carried all the way to Madras — a distance of 110 miles — on the heads of coolies. Wdlajdh was a great emporium of trade and consequently the cost of carriage to that station was lower than in other places. Buchanan mentions that in 1800 the hire of a bullock- load of 8 maunds or 200 lb. from Bangalore to Wdlajdh — a distance of 145 miles — was Rs. 1-4-0 or Es. 1-8-0 per ton per mile according to the nature of the goods carried, and these rates, allowing for the fall in the purchasing power of the rupee, would be equivalent to Es. 2 or Rs. 2-8-0 at the present day. In the case of grain the cost of carriage thus exceeded the value of the grain. The result was violent fluctuations in one direction or the other in prices according as the harvests were good or deficient, and it often happened that, while in one tract of country people were in the midst of plenty, in an adjoining tract not far distant the inhabitants were suffering the direst distress. When the terrible famine of 1833 was raging in Guntur, there was plenty of grain in Malabar and South Canara where it was being sold at ordinary prices. The report of the Cotton Committee of 1848 mentions that when grain was selling at from 65. to 85. a quarter at Kandeish, the price at Poena was from 645. to 70s. a quarter. Mr. Nicholson in his Manual of the Coimbatore district has so well described the revolution in trade effected by the improvement of communications in 9 3-i that district that his remarks may be usefully quoted here. Ho states : "From various reports it is known that in 1800 there were practically no roads, but merely tracks ; there was not a cart in the district, and what traffic existed was earned on by pack bullocks, and by ponies and by basket boats on the Cauvery. The result was not only that all imported commodities were dear, but export trade was insignificant, and only in valuable articles such as ghee, spices and so forth. Grain could not be moved, so that prices depended on local scarcity or abundance, with the result that substantial ryots were no worse off in bad years than in good, for storage was a necessity, so that deficient crops were supplemented from the surplus of good years, which then fetched very high prices ; while in good years, especially if consecutive, the markets were glutted, prices fell heavily, and the ryots who were compelled to sell in order to meet the Government and other demands were ruined by their own superabundance. This reproach remained for manj' years, so that average prices between 1849-63 were lower than at any previous time^ while in times of famine, as in 182i and 1837, the difference in prices between famine and non-famine districts was very serious. There are now (1887) in the district above 1,500 miles of metalled or gravelled roads in good order, besides numerous cross roads and village lanes and 147 miles of railway — Madras and South Indian. The result of this improvement is an immense internal traffic between the various trade centres, such as weekly markets and towns, and a considerable import and export trade in which thousands of carts take part with railways. Every village has several and every town hundreds of carts which are extensively built in many places. The value of the rail-borne traffic has not been ascertained, but one or two facts may be noted — (1) that in the late famine grain was poured by thousands of tons, while the price of rice at the height of famine differed from that at Tanjore, whence it was supplied by only about 3 lb. per rupee; (2) that private trade has been so stimulated by the railway that at the least hint of scarcity in any other district or province grain is at once moved, e.y., in Ihe early months of 1884, scarcity seemed imminent in Northern India, and the Coimbatore Eailway Stations were crammed with grain en route northwards ; (3j that trades such as the considerable tanning industry, coffee growing, &c., have been begotten by the railway, which carries the produce cheaply to the coast; (4) that upon the making of the railway, prices, to the great advantage of the ryot, speedily doubled owing to export facilities ; with this great rise in grain prices, land prices also rose, so that land, especially near the railways, is now worth from 6 to 1 times its value when the Madras Eailway was made ; (5) that the production of valuable crops has been greatly stimulated, tobacco, whifih has long been grown largely owing to the West Coast demand, being excepted. It is to be noted that railways cannot yet compete with carts for local traffic of say 30 miles' run, owing to the rates at which ryots can afford to hire out 'their parts during the non-cultivation season," Mr. Nicholson's observations which have reference to the Coimbatore district are equally applicable to the other parts of the Presidency. We have already seen that at the beginning of the century roads were practically non-existent, and that in 1852 there were only 3,000 miles of roads hardly deserving the name. There are now 25,000 miles of road in the Presidency piaintained by the Local Fund Boards in fair order, 2,000 miles of railway, and 1,500 miles of canals. As pointed out by Mr. Nicholson, the number of carts has enor- mously increased coincidentally with increase in the mileage of railways. In the Presidency as a whole there were only 90,000 carts in 1850 ; in 1877-78 there were 2,84,000 and there are now 43(5,000 or nearly 5 times as many as in 1850. There was not a single cart in South Canara in 1838 ; there are now 3,000 carts. In Salem a tax on carts at the rate of 1 rupee was levied in 183(5 and the number of carts in the district was ascertained to be 1,189, The number had increased to 3,296 in 1847 and the number in use at present js 12,400.^^ The hire of a cart which was As. 14 in 1838 was reduced to As, 8 in 1847, while the load of a cart which was no more than 300 lb. at the former had increased to 1,000 lb. at the latter date. The rate in force in 1838 was thus 6 times the rate in 1847. In the latter year the purchasing power of money was 2^ times at least as high as it is now, and consequently As. 8 then would be equivalent to Bs. 1-4-0 now. The ordinary rate of hire for a cart is 1 rupee per diem at present, and as a cart-load is about 1,000 lb. and the distance " The argument which is Botnetiines put forward that railways by superseding cajts have rendered the breeding pf cattle for draught unnecessary and prejudicially affected agriculture, is, it will be spen fro^l the albove remarks to a. erreat extent unfounded. ' great extent unfounded 36 hauled every day 15 miles on an average, this rate is equivalent to about As. 2-8 per ton per mile, while the cost of carriage by railway is about 8 pies per ton per mile or a little more than one- fourth of the cost of carriage by carts. The cost of carriage in boats on the canals is about half of that on railways. Confining our attention to the main railways and canals in this Presidency, the quantity of goods and the number of passengers carried in 1888-89 were for Madras Eailway — passengers 8,003,205 over an average distance of 39*1 miles and goods 1,088,774 tons over an average distance of 105 miles ; for South Indian Eailway — passengers 7,212,299 over an average distance of 35*12 miles and goods 1,349,433 tons over an average distance of 46-9 miles. In the Goddvari, Kistna and Buckingham canals, the number of passengers carried was 480,000 and the ton-mileage of goods 36 millions. Leaving out of consideration the passenger traffic, the saving in the cost of carriage of goods alone caused by the substitution of carriage by railways and canals for conveyance by carts may roughly be estimated at 27 millions of rupeeg every year ; that is nearly one- half the entire land revenue of the Presidency, If the saving in time, and the diminished risk of loss ^ by robbery and of damage by exposure to the weather be taken into account, the real saving in cost will be found to be very much greater. Of course, under the old conditions it would have been impossible to carry anything like the quantity of goods now sent from place to place, or in other words, the im- mense trade that now exists would not have been possible but for the extension of communications. It is a well known fact that silver has fallen considerably in value since 1873, and, under ordinary circumstances, we should have expected that prices of the principal commodities in India would have risen in the same proportion. The" cheapening of the cost of carriage has, however, been so great as to neutralize almost wholly the rise in prices, and the consequence is that the prices of food grains during recent years are slightly, if at all, in excess of the prices in 1873. 29. The statistics available as regards sea-borne trade of the several provinces included in this Presidency for the last Trade. Its dimensions. , • t. i i. ' . i p century are, as might be expected, frag- mentary and imperfect. In the " Political Survey of the Northern Circars " written by Mr. Grant and printed as appendix to " Fifth Eeport," and in Buchanan's *' Journey" in 1800, we have scattered accounts of both sea-borne and inland trade which was carried on " on a very small scale. According to Grant the value of the sea-borne and inland trade of the Northern Circars amounted only to 76 lakhs of 2" Even aa regards passengers, the risks in travelling by railways are incomparably smaller than the risks of travelling by other conveyances, notwithstanding the terrible railway accidents that occasionally occur. The number of passengers carried by the Sladras and South Indian Kailways in 1889-90 was upwards of 16^ millions, while the number of persons killed was 32. In England the number of persons killed by railway accidents during the years 1882 to 1885 was 1 in 60 millions of passengers. Mr. Henry Ward in his article on "Locomotion and Transport" in the jubilee volume entitled "The Eeign of Queen Victoria" says: "From a comparison between the number of accidents and the average train mileage, it may be deduced that a man in order to secure his de^th must begin to travel as soon as he is bom and move day and night at the rate of 20 miles an hour for 466 years. Even to make the risks from railway travel- ling equal to those from general causes, he must puraue the practice for 9 years. Very few have time even to get injured hy Iha railway." 2' We must be on our guard against accepting too literally the exaggerated accounts given of the trade of India by ancient writers. The want of communications, aa we have already seen, made it impossible for any extensive trade being carried on in bulky articles in general dem.ind among the people. The chief articles of export were cotton muslins of ths finest texture and printed cloths, silk and spices and latterly coarse cloths and indigo. India received the value of the exports in gold and silver, as all neoessnries of life were produced in the country, the imports being small quantities of tin, lead, glass, amber, steel for arms and frankincense from Arabia. In these circumstances, the trade of India, in former times, though large perhaps as compared with the trade of other countries, must have been of small proportions when j udged by mod«rn standards, and was carried on intermittently ; for, other countries could not afford to be seuding precious metals continually to India, and as the rise of prices in India under such circumstances must have extinguished the trade, un- less tht-re was a large demand for the productions of Europe in India. The articles in demand in Europe were such as only the richest classes forming an insignificant portion of the population could purchase. For instance, spices were much esteemed in Europe, the Indian trade being there known as the spice trade. The price of such articles as pepper, carda- moms, &o., was as high as lis. a lb. in the 14th century, that is more than ten times the price in India, taking the nominal values, while the purchasing power of money was between 8 and 12 times of what it is at present. The difference between the prices of articles in India and in Europe was reduced after the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope, but still it was very considerable. For instance, the price of pepper which was 8«. a lb was reduced to Is. Sd. a lb. In 1621 Mr. Munn, one of the Directors of the East India Company, estimated the quantity of Indian articles imported and their prices at the places of export and import as follows : — Price in India. Price in England per lb. per lb. 2.50,000 lb. of popper 2|rf. Is. 8d. 150,000 „ of cloves 9<*. 6s. Od. 150,000 „ of nutmegs ..,,....,. i^. 2s. 6rf. 50,000 „ of mace 8way of the introduction of improved methods of manufacture of sugar on an extensive scale were the following : — " (a) The cultivation of sugar-cane is limited hy the supply not only of water for irrigation, but also of manure. (4) As cultivation in India is confined to small farms or holdings, each cultivator who is ahle to grow the crop at aU can only find manure enough for a small area, generally less than half an acre, of sugar-cane. The plots of sugar-cane are, there- fore, greatly scattered even in a canal irrigated tract, (c) A central factory has accordingly to bring in its supplies of cane in small quantities over varying distances, in many cases the distance being great, (d) The carriage of canes over a long distance, even in a climate like that of the Mauritius, is detrimental to the juice for the pijrposes of sugar-making. It is much more so in India, where the canes ripen at the season when the atmosphere is driest, and suffer, therefore, the maximum of injury, (e) The Mauritius system of growing large canes at intervals is not adapted to the greater part of India, where in order to prevent the ingress of dry air into the fields, small canes have to be grown in close contact. (/) The amount of cane which can be grown, limited as it is by the supply of water and manure, bajrely suffices for the wants of the Indian population. _ It seems to be at present as profitable to pioduce coaise sugar for their use as highly refined sugar for export. There is, therefore, no sufficient inducement to capital to embark on the more difficult and expensive system." Mr. Tucker in his report on the inland trade of India, for 1 888-89, adds ' ' a further obstacle to sugar refining in India exists in the high differential rate, which the conditions of the Indian excise system require to be placed on spirits made OS the European method as compared with that levied on spirits manufactured by the indigenous process. The sugar refiner in India is thus placed at a disadvantage in respect to the utiliisation of his molasses in the form of spirits." In this Presidency, however, the so-called country liquor is mostly made from molasses according to European methods of distillation, and the other difficulties in regard to the cuUivfitioii of sugar-cane will not be difficult to overcome if the Igounty system in European countries be abolished, 41 lakhs ; salt '28 lakhs ; apparel 28 lakhs ; kerosine and other oils 20 lakhs ; spices and areca-nuts 19 lakhs; gunny bags 17 lakhs; stationery 14 lakhs; provisions 14 lakhs; drugs and medicines 9 lakhs; woollen goods 8 lakhs; sugar 5 lakhs; raw silk 12 lakhs ; books 3 lakhs ; other minor commodities 9 lakhs. Some of the articles, such as machinery and mill- work, could not of course have been pro- cured except by means of foreign trade. In the case of other articles, the cost, that is, not merely nominal prices but real values, allowing for change in the purchasing power of money, has been enormously reduced. For instance, the money price of cotton goods, it will be seen from the statement given in the appendix, is now about frds of the price in 1850, and as the purchasing power of money estimated in terms of food-grains is now only % of what it was in 1850, it is clear that a ryot on the coast has now to give in exchange for cloth a little more than one-fourth of the quantity of grain he gave in 1850 and a ryot in the interior even less. The same proportion holds good as regards the exchangeable value of metals and other imported goods more or less. The fall in the value of imported goods has been specially great sinCQ 1873, owing to economies effected (1) in the cost of production in European countries by the adoption of labour-saving processes in the manufacture of commodities, and (2) in the cost of carriage by the opening of the Suez Canal and improvements in o Q. T Di _« ■ . << o I,- i. « a • 1 TIT li >i the construction of steamers. There are. See Sir Lyon Playlair'a " Subjects of Social Welfare." yjv^xxu.^ ^v^u^^^^jl v^* uvvyuvuv/xo. ...uv/i.v> ui<7, says Sir Lyon Playfair, in explanation of the causes which have brought about a temporary depression of particular trades in England, two immediate causes of depression in all machine-using countries. The first is the changes produced by science in the economy of distribution. By the opening of the Suez Canal, the old route round the Cape of Good Hope has been superseded by the shorter and more economical route through the Suez Canal. The time occupied during the voyage — from six to eight months for sailing vessels — has been shortened to thirty days. By the substitution of iron steamers carrying the commerce of the Western Hemisphere through the Suez Canal, a tonnage estimated at two millions was practically destroyed and vast arrangements in commercial industry were displaced. In the old system of long voyages, large store-houses of goods had to be provided for the shipping interest, not only in foreign ports but also in England, which became the centre of banking, ware-housing and exchange. All this was altered by electricity. The discoveries and appliances in the science of electricity — the telegraph, telephone and electric lighting — have created new labour, but have at the same time displaced a great amount of labour. In the United Kingdom upwards of 42,000 persons are employed on work depending on electricity, while probably throughout the world more than 300,000 persons win their subsistence by the recent applications of this science. The amount of labour which it has displaced cannot be calculated. The whole method of effecting exchanges has been altered, because communication with other countries is now immediate, the consumer and the producer in opposite parts of the globe making their bargains in a single hour without the intervention of mercantile agencies or the large ware-house system, which former methods of commerce required. The Suez Canal and improved telegraphy made great demands for quick and economical distribution of material. Numerous steamers were built between 1S70 — 73 for this purpose, but so rapid were the improvements that they were all displaced two years afterwards (1875-76) and sold at half their cost. Iron has been largely substituted by steel, both on land and sea, Bessemer's invention having destroyed wealth ; but like the phoenix new wealth has arisen from its ashes. A ship which in 1883 cost £24,000 can now be built for £14,000. The economy of fuel has been very great. Shortly before the opening of the Suez Canal, the best steamers crossing the Atlantic expended 200 tons of coal to carry an amount of cargo which can now be driven across for 35 tons. The application of compound engine to steamers has also produced an enormous economy of fuel. In 1850, the fine steamer Persia carried over a cargo at an expendi- ture of 14,500 lb. of coal to a ton ; a modern steamer does the same work for 300 or 400 lb. The effect of this economy on haulage by land and transit by sea is immense. In an experiment lately made on the London and North- Western Railway, a compound locomotive dragged a ton of goods for 1 mile by the combustion of 2 ounces of coal. In ocean navigation there is a much larger economy. A cube of coal which passes through a ring of the size of a shilling will drive a ton of cargo two miles in our mosfe improved steamers. The cost of transit of a ton of wheat from Calcutta to England was 71s. 3rf. in 1881 and 275. in 1885. The haulage of a thousand miles from 11 Hd. M. 78. 6d. 50«. lbs. id. 45«. ^\d. 7s. 6d. 42 Ghioago to New York bfings a whole year's supply of food for one man at a cost of a single day's wage, A ton is hauled for less than a farthing per mile. The fall in the prices of ocean transit from New York to Liverpool has been as follows : — 1880. 1886. Grain per bushel ... .. ... ••• Flour per ton .. ... ... ... Cheese ... ... ... ... ... .•• ..• Cotton per lb. .. ... Bacon and lard per ion India, it is needless to say, has immensely benefited by these improvements. In 1850, freight from Calcutta to England was sometimes as high as £5 a ton for wheat. In 1879 it had fallen to 22«. Qd. for transport vid the Cape and to £1-10-0 vid the Suez Canal. In 1S49 Colonel Sykes calculated that a ton of wheat costing 61*. in India could not be landed in England at a less cost than 161s. or in other words, freight was 164 per cent, of the first cost of wheat at the Indian port. Mr. T. Comber, one of the witnesses examined by the English Eoyal Commission on the value of the precious metals, put in a statement which showed that the cost of carriage of wheat from Jubbulpore to Bombay was reduced from 9s. 8d. per quarter in 1873 to 4s. lid. in 1887 by the development of railways in India, and the sea freight from Bombay to the United Kingdom was reduced from 13s. to 4s. 6d., the total saving in the cost of carriage from India to England being thus 1 3s. 3d. From the evidence of Mr. Waterfield, the Financial Secretary of the India Office, it appears that the saving in the cost of carriage of wheat exported from Calcutta to England was about the same. He stated that in June 1881 and June 1886 the prices of Cawnpore wheat at Calcutta were at the same level, viz., 2*9 rupees per maund of 80 lb. The cost of Indian wheat in London in 1881 was 42s. a quarter and 31s. 6c?. in 1886, showing a difference of 10s. 6d. or 25 per cent. In 1881 the rate of freight from India to London was 60s. per ton, and 30s. in 1886, a difference of 30s. per ton or 6s. 6d. per quarter. Be- tween 1879 and 1886 the charge for the transport of grain by the railway from Cawnpore to Calcutta was reduced to the extent of about 2s. a quarter which was equivalent to a saving to the producer in the cost of production of the same amount. There was a further reduction of about 6d. a quarter in the price of gunny bags, the total saving to the producer being thus 9s. The freights for rice exported from Eangoon to England have been reduced from 72s. 6d. per ton in la73 to 32s. 6d. per ton in 1891 ; and coal freights from England to Bombay from 22s. 6d. to 12s. 6d. per ton in the case of steamers and from 24s. to 16s. in the case of sailing vessels. The Indian producer has thus doubly benefited, i.e., by the higher value realised by him for his productions and the lower value paid by him for the imported commodities which he obtains at far less cost measured not merely by money values ^^ but by actual sacrifice of time and labour than would have been incurred if he had produced them himself. 33. It has, however, been represented by a certain class of persons, both in India and England, that the rapid expansion of "fXrced."*^' '"^''^ expansion of foreign trade is foreign trade in India which the. last 40 years have witnessed, far from being a blessing is a matter for the gravest anxiety, that much of it, instead of being brought about by the development of the resources of the country in directions which will conduce to its prosperity, is really " enforced " or in other words is the outcome of the necessity which its political relations with England imposes "on it for finding the wherewithal to meet the remittances to be made to England, in payment of services of a non-commercial character rendered by Englishmen temporarily resident here ; that — . ■ — ' * : ■■ ■ ^- ■ ^' It is hardly necessary to say that in comparing prices at different periods, the purchasing power of money in those periods should he taken into account. For all rough calculations, the purchasing power of money in this Presidency may, I think, he measured hy the average prices of food grains given in paragraph 27 of this memorandum, as the hulk of tlie income of the country is expended on food, the secondary wants of the population heing very few. As already stated, these prices can be relied on only as showing the general direction of the movement as regards purchasing power and not as accurately defining its amount. An increase in prices, when caused by the increased production of the precious metals throughout the world, would not mean an increase of wealth or of exchange value, nor would decrease of prices due to diminution in the coat of production owing to the adoption of labour-saving prof-esses in the manufacture of commodities mean diminution of wealth. On the contrary, in the latter case the decrease of prices would really mean increased power of production. The demonetization of certain kinds of precious metals, e.^., silver, in favour of other metals, e.g., gold, would, by decreasing the demand for the former and increasing the demand for the Jatter, deprecial e the first and give increased value to the second. The demand for precious metals again for currency purposes is affected by the extension of the use of instruments of credit. It would be impossible to assign correct values to aU these factors and their relative values can be inferred only from general considerations. This accounts for the divergence of vi«WB among the members of the Boyal Commission on the value of the precious metals. 43 tlie trade is to a great extent monopolized by foreigners, who have ousted the natives of the soil from their legitimate fields of enterprise ; that the destruction of indi- genous manufactures has had the effect of inpoverishing the artisan classes and driving them to crowd on agriculture, which, owing to the caprieiousness of the seasons is a precarious industry ; and that the result is that the population as a whole is growing poorer and poorer every day, and losing in stamina. It is, therefore, necessary to examine whether there is any truth in these serious statements ; to what extent the evils complained of are real, and how far they are temporary and incidental to a period of transition from a lower to a higher stage of industrial development, and whether they are not outweighed by unquestionable benefits enjoyed by the general population. In considering the above questions, the trade of India must be dealt with as a whole. 34. The question of the international indebtedness of India is one of great com- ,^ , plexity, and a full consideration of it in its Balance of trade. '^ . "' ' , .,, . various phases will require more space than can be afforded in this memorandum, I will therefore content myself with men- tioning its most salient features without entering into the minutiae of the subject. It is a well known fact that the value of the exports of India habitually exceeds the value of the imports, the excess being due mainly to remittances which India has to make to England, not with a view to redress balances accruing in the ordinary operations of commerce, but on account of (1) payment of interest due on loans contracted by the Government of India for the ordinary purposes of Government and for the construction of reproductive works, and (2) payment for services of q. political and non-commercial character rendered by England to India. The payments made under these heads amount to 14| millions sterling, equivalent at the rate of exchange prevailing during the last few years to about 2 1 crores of rupees. Besides these, there are the remit- tances on account of private capital invested in commercial and industrial undertak- iui^s by Europeans temporarily resident in India, as also of savings out of income made by them in India in the various professions. The amount of these latter remittances is not ascertainable, there being no data for making even a rough estimate. All these payments are made in commodities and not in money, according to a well known law applicableto international trade, the operation of which may be briefly explained as follows. The passage of money from one country to another lessens the stock of money material in the remitting and increases the stock in the receiving country, the result being that prices are depressed in the former, and elevated in the latter country owing to the diminution and augmentation, respectively, of the volume of the currency. By this double effect, a great divergence of prices of com- modities and of labour in the two countries is established, and it becomes profitable for the receiving country to receive the value of the remittances in goods instead of in money. The disadvantage of this state of things to the remitting country consists in its bavins: to exchange its productions on less advantageous terms than it would have done, if it had no payments of a non-commercial character to make. The exact measure of this disadvantage may be seen from the following hypothetical case. Suppose a country has a currency of 200 millions sterling and that the amount is just sufficient for its requirements. If this country has to make an annual payment of a non-commercial character to another country to the extent of 20 millions sterling, the abstraction of so much money-material depresses prices and the country has to give in exchange for the commodities of other countries a larger quantity of its products than it would otherwise have had to do. If the currency be replenished with a view to establish the old scale of prices, the sum of 20 millions would have to be procured by giving in exchange for it commodities at the lowered prices, or in other words by giving a larger quantity of goods than would have had to be given at the old scaile of prices. Thus, for instance, if prices were depressed one-tenth, one-ninth more of commodities would have had to -be given in return. In determining, therefore, whether the payments in question amount to a " drain of the resources of the remitting country " or whether they are really a " necessary outlay " incurred for securing a large net profit, the amount of such payments together with the increased cost at which the quantity of money to be replaced has to be procured — the two together constituting the maximum sacrifice incurred— will have to be taken into account. Having regard to these considerations, the following analysis will show the effect of the several items of remittances to England grouped under the general designation of " Home charges." 44 (a) The expenditure of 21 millions Ex. under this head comprises, (1) ll| millions on account of interest on the debt owed by the Government of India and payments made to railway companies to make good the guaranteed interest ; (2)5^ millions on account of charges incurred in England for the army ; (3) 2| millions on account of furlough and superannuation allowances of Indian officers ; (4) f million pn account of general administration ; and (5) f million on account of miscellaneous charges including cost of stationery and stores purchased in England for the. Govern- ment of India. (b) The total debt of India amounted at the end of 1889-90 to 201 millions, of which 98 millions was in sterling and 103 millions Ex. in rupees. The whole of the sterling debt and about 75 per cent, of the rupee debt are held by Europeans. Of the total sum of 201 millions, 122 millions have been incurred for the construction of reproductive works — 95 millions for railways and 27 millions for irrigation works — the remaining 79 millions being incurred for the purposes of general administration, principally wars and military defence works. The Government of India has further guaranteed an interest of 5 per cent, on capital amounting to 71 millions invested by certain railway companies in railways in India. (e) The total outlay on railways in India, whether classed as reproductive or not, was up to the end of 1890, 213 millions Ex, The mileage open was 16,277, and 2,272 miles were under construction. The net receipts from railways amounted to about 10^ millions Ex. which is 4*8 per cent, on the capital cost. The loss to Government on this account is about 1*8 millions Rx., and this is chiefly due to fall in the rate of exchange. During the last 10 years there has been rapid progress in railway con- struction, the mileage open having increased from 9,000 to 16,500 or by 88 per cent. Eailways cannot be expect ed to commence* ♦ In 1881, the Government of India laid down that x ^ ntitil rottip timp nftpr thpv TinvP productive public works to be undertaken hy Government '^ V^7 """^ SOmO UmC alter lUey Uave should, if railways, pay their expenses including interest beCU Completed, and, aS already Stated, Z7&^^t^tn%.r"- ^" ^Sation works ^^^^^ -^ ^ ^-^^^^^ ^j ^^^j^ ^^gy^ ^^^ ^^ be completed. Moreover, many of the lines have been undertaken not as paying concerns, but for purposes of military defence and famine protection of backward and inaccessible tracts which trade cannot reach when the bullock power of the country for draught becomes paralyzed during times of severe drought. Notwithstanding these drawbacks, the railways as a whiole mostly pay their way, and they would fully meet their charges and leave a surplus profit to Government but for the loss by exchange. If the traffic improves within the next 5 or 10 years by 25 per cent., which is not an improbable result, the resultiDg gain will be such as will repay the entire cost of construction in the course of 50 years and leave to the country a large revenue unencumbered with any charges on account of interest. . (d) The amount of remittances to England on account of railways is 5^ millions pterling, equivalent to 8 millions Ex. at the average rate of exchange. Kow, there cannot be the slightest doubt that the gain to the country caused by the immense development of traffic greatly outweighs the interest payable on the railway capital, (as well as the disadvantage arising from the slightly enhanced cost at which, on account of remittances to England, the productions of other countries have to be obtained by India. During the last ten years the number of passengers carried by railways in India has increased from 43 to 104 millions ; the number of live stock has increased from three-quarters of a million to nearly a million ; and the quantity of goods carried from 8| to 22 1 million tons. The cost of carriage of this quantity of goods alone is 1 3 millions Ex., and as the cost of transport of goods by railway is about on^-fourth of the cost of transport by ordinary carts, the saving under this head may be calculated at nearly 40 millions, supposing it to be at all possible that there could have been so much merchandize to carry with the old means of conveyance. This great reduction in the cost of transport is an immense gain to the country and benefits all parties, the producers by securing to them a higher value for their commodities and the importers by enabling them to obtain the imported articles on easier terms. In the internal trade, the gain is enjoyed wholly by this country ; and in foreign trade it is shared between this country and the country with which the trade is carried on. Thus, if the exchange value of Indian goods be lowered 2 per cent, on account of remittances ^ England of interest , on railway capital, and the saving in cost of carriage and 45 consequent increase of exchange value of the labour of the Indian producer be enhanced 10 per cent., there is on the whole a net gain of 8 per cent, to the country owing to the investment of foreign capital in railways. The figures taken are purely hypothetical and have been used merely for purposes of illustration, but such as they are, they probably understate and not overstate the gain. (e) Similar considerations apply also to remittances to England necessitated by the outlay on reproductive irrigation works. The capital laid out on the works amounted at the end of 1889-90 to 32^ millions Rx,, and the net revenue from the works was 4 per cent, on the outlay. The irrigation works in the Cauvery, Kistna and Goddvari deltas and in Sindh yield returns of more than 1 per cent. ; and the great canals in Upper India, where they have been completed, yield a return of 4g per cent. There would be no loss whatever on this account, but on the contrary a large gain, were it not for the capital outlay amounting to nine millions on the Orissa, Kurnool and Sone canals which have proved disastrous * failures. The benefit to the country by the construction of irrigation works cannot, however, be measured simply by the revenue realized by Government, inasmuch as the Govern- ment does not take the whole of the net profit due to the provision of irrigation, but only a share of it which is nominally half but really much less. For instance, the capital outlay on the Goddvari and Kistna works up to the end of 1889-90 was 2^ millions Ex. and the irrigation revenue derived from the works 35 lakhs of rupees. During 1876-77, when the Presidency was suffering from a severe famine, the production of rice in the Kistna and Goddvari deltas was valued at upwards of five millions of rupees. Since 1876 the area under irrigation in the Goddvari and Kistna deltas has increased by upwards of 50 per cent., the increase in the past ten years amounting to 250,000 acres or upwards of 29 per cent. Allowing for the decrease in the prices of food-grains now as compared with the prices in 1876, the value of the produce in these deltas due to irrigation works may still be estimated at five millions. Even if only half of this sum be taken as the net gain to the ryots, it will be seen that the share of the profit derived by Government is only one- seventh of the total profit. In the Pun- jab during the four years ending 1885-86, the area under irrigation has increased from If million to 2f million acres or by 57 per cent. It is hardly necessary to point out the value of irrigation works as a means of protection of the country from famine. (f) The remittances, necessitated by the payment of interest on the capital bor- rowed for productive works, are therefore, on the whole, in no way injurious to the country. On the contrary, these works bid fair in the course of a few years to prove highly remunerative. {g) The ordinary debt has not increased during the last 30 years. Before the mutiny, the registered debt amounted to 51^ millions sterling. The mutiny added 38^ millions to the account, and accordingly the total debt stood at 90 millions sterling in 12 • That much money was wasted in useless and un- profitable undertakings, and more would hare been hat for the late Mr. Fawcett's persistent eft'orts amidst much discouragement to enforce economy in Indian adminis- tration, there can be no doubt. The view which he endea- voured to force on the attention of the British public was that India was one of the poorest countries in the world, and administered as it was by perhaps the richest nation, the utmost vigilance was necessary tu keep down expenditure by dispensing with costly luxuiies which a rich country might, but a poor country could nOt afford. The following facts taken from Leslie Stephen's ' Life of Cawcett ' show what great necessity there was for discour- aging undertakings of a speculative character which were likely in the long run to prove disastrous to the finan- ces of India. The Secretory of State had given a guarantee for the Mutlah Bail way which was to con- nect Calcutta with Port Canning. It never paid its working expenses, and the Government was at last forced by the terms of . the contract to buy it for £500,000 or £600,0)90. The port was finally abandoned. The Car- natic Railway had received a guarantee, in regard to which the Indian Government was not consulted, and the result had been that Government had paid £43,.500 to the pro- prietors, whilst the aggregate net profit from the working of the railway was only £2,600. Some three-quarters of i million had been spent on the God&vari navigation works from which there was no return, whilst the anticipated result of opening up a new line of traffic had not been attained. It was thought better to abandon the three- quarters of a million than to spend another quarter in the faint hope of obtaining some better result from a comple- tion of the works. Government had guaranteed interest on £1,000,000 to the Madras Irrigation Company. It had been forced to lend the Company £600,000 to save it from collapse. Though part of it had been repaid, the final result was that £1,372,000 was swallowed up without return. The irrigation caml has since been purchased by Government, &c. Mr. Leslie Stephen remarks that the evidence of official witnesses before the Finance Com- mittee of 1872, and especially the testimony of General Strachey indisputably showed that " the accounts hitherto given (of the irrigation and other works) were unsatisfac- tory and would not show whether a fair profit had "been obtained ; that disastrous bargains had been forced upon the Government by the pressure of interested persons ; that the worst extravagance had occurred when the opinions of Indian officials had been over-ridden by the Home Government." All ihis is, however, ancient history, the Parlimentary Committees of 1872 and 1884 on Indian public works having strictly defined the conditions under which public works, whether irrigation works or rail- ways, should be'undertaken. It most be remembered also that if the history of Public Works Administration of any country for a period of half a century be examined, it would be easy to point out failures even more disas- trous than those of the Indian Government. 46 1860; The debt excluding sums borrowed for reproductive public works or trans- ferred to that head now stands at only 75 millions. The purposes for which the debts were incurred were mainly wars and the strengtheniog of the defences of the Empire owing to the advance of Russia towards the Indian frontier. The ordinary debt is less than two years' net revenue of India, and iio country in the world has a lighter burden of debt. The interest on debt amounts to * The percentage of interest on debt to annual revenue „!,„„+ 4 1 Tnillin-no- TJv f>r 1 npv fpnt ni of some ol the European countries in 1881-82 was as a^OUt 43 millions ±tX Or -l" per Ceni. 01 follows:— the liet revenue of India. If the interest United Kingdom Percentege. ^^ ^.^p-^^^ borrOWOd for reproductive Italy 43 works be taken into account, the ratio Frances '.'. '.'. '.'. '.'. '.'. .'. 40 is 25 per ceut.* The fact that much of Jap?° •' '•'■ 39 the debt of India is held in England Portugal" ','. '.'. v. '.'. !". 36 doubtless makos a difference, but in the circumstances of India this may be really an advantage. The dearth of capital in this country makes it undesirable that any portion of it, that is or is likely to be, employed in industrial undertakings, should be invested in Government securities. Iii so far as the capital that is hoarded is attracted by Government loans and invested in Government securities (as in the case of the Gwalior loan), the result would no doubt be beneficial, but even in that case it is better that such capital should seek investment in industrial undertakings. If loans have to be contracted in foreign markets, it is desirable that Government with its superior credit should contract the loans rather than private individuals who cannot command equally favorable terins. (h) There is one furtier consideration to be borne in mind in connection with the remittances for interest on debt, viz., that the influx of money into the country when the loans were contracted and consequent rise in prices is a set-off against the depression due to remittances on account of interest in subsequent years. (i) As regards the remittances made to England to meet the charges in con- nection with the army, with superannuation and furlough allowances of European officers employed by the Government of India, and with the establishments of the Secretary of State for India and his Council, amounting in all to nine millions Rx, it is not necessary to say much, as they are all charges necessary to secure that peace and that good government which has rendered the increased production and the increased trade which have taken place within the last forty years, possible. That the gain to the country from the increased production and increased trade is far in excess of the charges referred to, there cannot be the slightest doubt. The addi- tional production from the extension of canal irrigation alone amounts to twenty millions Rx. I do not, of course, mean to say that the charges are not capable of being reduced, and that in so far as they are unnecessary or unduly high, persistent efforts should not be made for enforcing economy. Considering the question merely from the point of view of the benefits conferred by foreign trade, apart from the desirability of keeping all governmental expenditure at the lowest point consistent with the efficient discharge of the duties which the circumstances of this country require to be undertaken by Government, and apart also from the higher consider- ations which, render it necessary that the natives of th? country should be entrusted with positions of high trust and responsibility in the Civil and Military services, in a liberal and not grudging spirit, both as a matter of justice and as a means of acceler- ating the advance of the nation in moral and material well-being, I have no hesitation in stating that the sacrifices involved in the payment of the Home charges are re- paid manifold by the benefits secured to the country, and that if a saving of even a couple of millions, which is, perhaps, the utmost that could be expected, be effected in these charges, its effect on the foreign trade would hardly be appreciable.'* ** The question of military defence is one of paramount impdrtaiice, and no one that is not. fully acquainted with the necessities of the case can venture to pronounce an opinion on the charges incurred in connection with it. The unequal, and not quite equitable, distribution of charges incurred in England, has, however, formed the subject of complaint by successive Finance Ministers and by the military authorities in India. The opinions of many high autho- rities might be referred to in support of this statement, but it will suffice here to quote those of Sir John Strachey and of the Indian Army Commission of 1S79, presided over by Sir Ashley Eden, and having among its members such eminent military men as Sir Frederick Robert^ and Sir Peter Lumsden. Sir John Strachey, in his " Finance and Public Works of India," says, " I know how the powers of obstruction and laissez /aire, both in India and in England, are apt to stop attempts at army reform, and to frustrate efforts to diminish the immense military charges now imposed on the country. I am not sanguifte that we shall soon see them very largoly decrease, but that they ought to be decreased, there caii, be no doutt whatever. It is not. only in India that attention to the subject of military expeuditore is required. The 47 35. The private remittances to England comprise savings of Europeans resi- Effect of private remittances to England. <^«^* ^^ ^^^i^ in the scrvice of Govern- ment and m other capacities, the divi- dends on Indian investments due to residents in England, and remittances by banks and merchants made in the course of commercial dealings. As already stated, it is not possible to make even a rough estimate of these remittances. Calculations, based on the recorded values of exports and imports, have been found to yield results which are obviously unreliable, these values not being sufficiently accurate for purposes of calculations of this kind. The total value of imports and exports of India is 185 millions Rx, and it is obvious that even so small an error in the values declared by merchants as 2^ per cent., may vitiate the result to the extent of 5 millions. Theoretically, the relation that should subsist between exports and imports may be stated as follows : — The value of exports, including bullion of a country, on an average of years sufficiently large to eliminate the temporary fluctuations of trade in one direction" or the other, should exactly balance the average value of imports of merchandise and treasure, provided, firsts the country has no share in the carrying trade ; secondly^ that it does not levy any daty on exports of merchandise ; and thirdly that it has not lent or borrowed from other countries, and has no money to remit or receive on account of loans or for other purposes. If the country has a share in the carrying trade, the imports will be in excess by the amount of freight earned. The same consideration applies also to export duty which will increase the imports by an equivalent * The valuation is made under section 30 of the Customs „„„,,„<. *„_ „„ ii,„ ^JL * J„4.„ l„ „„<- AotVIIIof 1878, which is noted below for convenience of amOUUt, tor, aS the export duty IS not reference. included in the customs * house valu- " For the purposes of the (Customs) Act, the real value .• j>iT_ _ij i_j- j shall be deemed to he— ation of the exported merchandise, and, (a) the wholesale cash priceless trade discount, for which aS it mUSt be eventually reCOVftlcd from- goods of the like knd and quality are sold, or are capable .i j> • - • • i_- -l xi. of being sold, at the time and place of importation, or expor- the lOreigU COUntriBS in Wnicn tnC ex- tation,a»the case may be, without any abatement or deduc- ported Commodities are COUSUmed, it tion whatever except (in the case of goods imported) of the '^ ± j. • ii_ • j. amount of duties payable on the importation thereof ; or mUSt, "prO tanto, increase the importS. (*) where such price is not ascertainable, the cost at rp j^^ j f import dutieS doCS not which goods of the like hind and quality could be de^i- " ^■^^J "-^ ivu^/v^m uu^i.^^ viv^o uuu vered at such place, without any abatement or deduction aftect the balance of trade, as they are except as aforesaid." p^j^ ^^ Tccovered from the people of the country which imports the merchandise. The exports or imports of a borrowing country will be in excess or defect, according as the money received, by way of loan, during the period for which the account is taken, exceeds or falls short of the remittances on account of interest du« for previous borrowings or for other purposes. . India has practically little or no share in the carrying trade, the Government of India has never concealed its opinion that in apportioning the charges which have to be shared between the two countries, and when the interests of Indian and English rate-payers have been at stake, India has sometimes received a scant measure of justice. That feeling has been increased by the knowledge learned by the experience of the past that in this matter India is helpless. It is a fact, the gravity of which can hsirdly be exaggerated, that the Indian revenues are liable to have great charges thrown upon them, without the Government of India Imving any power of effectual remons - trance. The extension to India of the numerous measures taken in England to improve the posiiionof officers and soldiers of the army was, no doubt, right and unavoidable, but the fact that heavy additional expenditure has thus been incurred by India gives her a claim to expect that no efforts shall be spared to diminish the charges which are unnecessary, or cf which she bears too large a share." On some of the measures above referred to, the Army Commission remarks as follows ; " The short-service system has increased the cost, and has materially reduced the efficiency of the British troops in India; We cannot resist the feeling that, in the introduction of this system, the interests of the Indian tax -payers were entirely left out of consideration .... We believe that the whole system of staff corps is radically unslsund .... There can be no doubt that it has been the cause of serious financial embarassments .... Its practical working has a discouraging effect on the army and ruinous to the State .... It involves a considerable expenditure for which there is little or no return .... We cannot fail to see that the substitution of local (European) troops for twenty or thirty thousands of Her Majesty's British subjects would cause a saving of from £160,000 to £240, 000, but we feel that any such change would seriously disturb the military system of the parent country and would deprive a great part of the British Army of the valuable training which Indian service now furnishes. We think that the portion of the British Army employed in this country should be organized and administered with due regard to the interests of the people of India, and not for the purpose of supplying defects in the system of Home defence, and, above all, that it should not be made the means of obtaining, at the cost of India, advantages for the Army at Home, which do not directly affect the interests of this country." The advance of Russia towards the Indian frontier renders an augmentation of the means of defence unavoidable ; but this makes it all the more necessary that the army should be organised on the most economical basis, consistent with efficiency. Sir Charles Dilke, who has written in his " Problems of tiieater Britain," apparently with a full knowledge of the difficulties of Indian problems, says, " when we contemplate the increase of the Indian Army in the event of Kussia being allowed to settle herself in Herat, we cannot do so without taking into view the desirability of the creation of a separate army which is indeed forced upon us by financial con. siderations. The present system is too ruinous to India to allow of a sufficient force being kept on foot, and we shall court disaster unless we speedily change it, though already, perhaps, too late to do so with safety. India, with an increased British force, will be drained dry by the money asked of her for a system which is not suited t her needs. When I say a separate army, of course, I do not advocate a return to the old Company's system. But the Home short - service armv and the army in India would be under the same supreme authority of the throne. They would be alike in drill, exercise and discipline, but separate in the existence of the two systems of recruiting, one for not more Ihau three yoai-B for Home service, and one for long service in India and the Colonies." 48 tonnage of British Indian shipping bearing only the proportion of 3 '8 per cent, to the total tonnage of the foreign trade, amounting to 7^ million tons. As regards the duty on exports, the only article that pays duty is rice, the revenue derived from this source being about | million Rx. The duty on opium is an excise duty, and it is included in the values shown in the customs house returns. India has, of course, borrowed, and is borrowing largely, from England for the construction of reproductive works. In the statement of the trade of British India for 5 years ending 1888-89, presented to Parliament, the following account of the balance of trade, based on the statistics of 12 years ending 1888-89, is given : — Rx millions. Exports of merchandise excluding Government transactions ... 965 Do. of treasure ... ... ... ... ... 21 Indian securities enfaced for payment in England ... ... 45 Total ... 1,031 Imports of merchandise excluding Government transactions ... 638 Do. of treasure ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 151 India Council bills ... ... ... -■. ... ... ... 218 Government securities retransferred to India ... ... ... 32 Bills for interest on enfaced paper ... ... ... 10 Total ... 1,049 Balance of Imports ... 18 In the above account, the values of Government exports and imports have been excluded from the values of exports and imports of merchandise shdwn, as the net value of Government imports has been included in the amount of the bills drawn on India by the Secretary of State. Similarly, the loans raised in England on account of India have been excluded, as the amount of the Secretary of State's bills represents the difference between the amount of remittances to be made to England and the proceeds of the loans. The bills drawn by the Bank of England for the payment in England of interest on Indian securities enfaced for that purpose, act in the same way as remittances of bullion and specie from India, while the securities themselves must be treated as imports or exports of bullion, according as they are transferred to England or retransferred to India for value. If, however, such securities are taken over to England by persons holding them, there will be no efiect produced on the balance of trade beyond increasing the exports to the amount of the interest due on the securities ■which will have to be remitted to Government. Out of the sum of 18 millions, which the above account shows as the excess of the imports above exports, about 12 millions will have to be deducted on account of the export duty on rice and the freight earned by the Indian shipping, leaving about 6 millions for 12 years, or half a million per annum, without taking account of remittances on account of private savings and profits of trade of Europeans in India. This shows either that the private capital brought into the country exceeded the amount of the savings and profits above referred to during the 12 years for which the account is made up, or that the declared values of imported and exported merchandise are, as already observed, incorrect. Sir Kichard Temple estimated the private remittances from India above referred to at 1^ millions in lb70. The salaries of Europeans employed in Government service in India aggregated 6^ millions in 1886, and if one-fifth of these salaries is remitted to Eng- land, the remittances under this head will amount to one million. These remittances, of course, stand on the same footing as furlough and superannuation charges, included in the Secretary of State's drawings already referred to. As regards interest or profits on foreign capital invested in industrial undertakings in India, it may be stated that it is almost impossible that the remittances on their account can have any pre- • mu.-ihe aooumniation of capital in England is so judicial cfEcct ou India. For, if the undcr- great that interest is continually falling, and by competi- takings are SUCCCSSful, the increased tion the profits on investments are reduced. This means „ <■_ ^ T . • i i p that the profits must be very much less than the annual COntmUOUS * employment provided for expenditure in industrial undertakings carried on with laboUT in the COUntrV mUSt CXCecd greatlv foreign capital in India. . i j.i_ -ii , „ " in value the remittances on account of interest and profits, while the influx of the capital itself alters the balance of trade for the time in favour of India. If, on the other hand, the undertakings are 49 unsuccessful, there will be no remittances to make, while the capital brought into the country in so far as it has been employed in the payment of labour will have been " a gain. 36. One further effect of the drawingsof the Secretary of State requires to be noticed, viz., its influence on the rate exohang*"* °^ ^^^^^^'^'^^ *" ^ngiaad on the rates of ^^ exchange as between gold and silver. So long as the Latin Union kept up the legal relation between the value of gold and silver, the oscillations in the rates of exchange, caused by the international trade balances, were confined within the limits of the cost of traosport of silver to France for the purpose of being coined ; but when the Latin Convention was broken up, and silver was demonetized in Europe, the limits referred to were done away with. The Indian Council bills compete with silver as a mode of remittance, and in so far as they displace silver they lower its value, and there is no longer any means of preventing the rate of exchange falling below a fixed level as was the case when the Latin Union was in force. There is no means of estimating to what extent the increase in the Secretary of State's drawings in recent years has contributed to the fall in the rate of exchange, but that it does exercise considerable influence there seems to be little reason to doubt. But, at the same time, it must be remembered that the portion of the Home charges and private remittances which represents investments of capital may, and in fact does, increase the exports of merchandisp, so as, pro tanto, to create a balance of trade in favour of India. Sir David Barbour, in his minute, appended to the Report of the Commissioners on the Value of the Precious Metals, puts this matter in a clear light. He says : — " A considerable amount of imports (such as railway plant and machinery) really represents the investment of English capital in India, is not paid for at the tmie, and, consequently, has no effect on the exchange of the year. Of course, all investments of foreign capital affect the exchange in subsequent years, when profits or interest come to be remitted from India ; but such investments are generally made in industries connected with intornational trade, and, so far as they increase Indian exports, they counteract the tendency to a fall in the exchange owing to the remittance of profits. It is quite possible, and even probable, that an investment of foreign capital in India might so increase the exports as to favorably influence the exchange. For example, if one million sterling is invested in jute mills, and such investment increases the exports of India by £200,000 yearly, while only necessitating a remittance of £50,000 yearly on account of the profit, the international account has been altered in India's favour to the extent of £150,000, and the tendency is to raise and not lower the rate of exchange. The investment of foreign capital in tea gardens in India is a case in point. The whole of the exports of tea from India alone is much more than sufficient to cover the remittance of profits and pay for such articles of import as are required in the manufacture of tea. The international equation has, therefore, been altered to the advantage of India and not to her disadvantage." As regards the general effect of the remittances to England on the trade of India, Sir David Barbour observes : " It is commonly said that if one country has a payment to make to another, the country which has the payment to make trades at a disadvantage. The theory, as a t heory, is unassailable. But in practice there are many more import- ant factors, which influence international trade, and, if the payment has been made on account of capital judiciously invested, the net effect of the whole transaction may be to improve the relative position of the country which has the payment to make. 2' Mr. Dadhaboy Nowrojee, of nombay, who was exanjiaed before the Royiil Commission on the Value of the PreciouH Mettls, presented an account of the balance of trade in which he claimed credit, on behalf of India, for 10 percent, on the value of exported merchandise, for freight, commissioij and insurance charges, and for another 10 per cent, for the profits of trade. His contention was, ' ' From the very commencement of ploughing — ^for ploughing, seed, reaping, cart or railway carriage, — to the port of shipment, carriage across the seas, all charges on both sides, commission, insurance and profits, ».«., for all labour and materials for all these purposes payment has to be made from the exported produce itself. Every one of these items takes its share out of that produce. Putting it another way, every item is paid out of the value or proceeds of the produce. If the produce does not realize suflcieut proceeds to pay for aU the above items, the exporter has to pay the deficit from his own pocket besides getting no profit." When it was pointed out to Mr. Nowrojee that India could not fairly claim credit for freight, insurance, &o., not earned by her, in respect of goods purchased by English merchants at the Indian ports and carried to England by them at their own expense and risk, and sold by them to English consumers at prices sufficient to cover these additional charges, he was willing to give up the claim as regards freight and insurance, but not as regards the profits of trade. If his contention were correct, it would follow that India wonldlbe entitled to the profits of retail trade in England and also to the profits of English cotton manufactures, because Indian cotton is turned into cloti. There is no doubt but that Mr. Nowrojee did good service in 1872, in callingthe attention of the Parliamentary Committee on Indian Finance pointedly to the disadvantage resulting to India from the constant increase in Home remittances, at a time when there was a considerable risk of Government wasting borrowed money on so-called reproductive works ; and the position he took up was unassailable and reaffirmed by the Parliamentary Committees, on Public Works in 1879 and 1884. Mr. Nowrojee, however, has since made very exaggerated statements regarding tha evil efEects of these remittances. 13 "Payments, for which no direct commercial equivalent is received, are made in an increasing amount to England every year by foreign countries, and consequently the relative position of England in the international trade must be improving, and England should be receiving an increasing quantity of foreign produce in exchange for her exports. Yet, the facts since 1873 do not bear out this contention. If we take the price of a certain quantity of English exports in 1873 at £100, and the price of a certain quantity of English imports at the same figure, the prices of the same quantities now will be £62 and £69, respectively, according to Mr. Giffen's figures. We thus see that if a certain quantity of English exports exchf nged for a certain quantity of imports in 1873, the same quantity of exports would in 1886 have failed to exchange for the same quantity of imports in the proportion of 62 to 69. In other words, goods for goods, England was making a worse bargain internationally in 1880 than 1873 by 11 per cent. " It is true, that, in 1873 England was exchanging her exports for foreign products on specially favorable terms, but the figures just given show that the question of relative indebtedness of different nations is a comparatively minor factor in deter- mining the conditions of international trade. " There are no figures of equal authority which can be used in determining on what terms India is now trading with other countries as compared with former times, hut all the enquiries I have ^^ made point in the same direction, viz., that a certain quantity of Indian produce laid down at Calcutta or Bombay will, at the present time, exchange for a larger quantity of imported goods than it would have done in 1870 or 1873. The theory that India is hampered in her foreign trade by the drawings of the India Council appears, therefore, to be without foundation. That India would be wealthier if these drawings ceased, while India retained the advantages which have brought about the drawings, may certainly be admitted. That India would now be importing more goods of all kinds, including silver, if the causes which have led to the drawings of the India Council had never come into operation, is not merely unproved but is absolutely opposed to the facts so far as they can be ascertained." I have ventured to italicize the last portion of the quotation as it contains the gist of the argument. 37. Another proof of the fact that India has not been impoverished but enriched by foreign trade is found in the large imports Imports of gold and s.l.er mto India. ^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^.^^^^ ^.^^^ -^g^Q_ ^j^^ ^^^^^ of gold imported into India from Europe and not re-exported from 1665 to 1835, a period of 270 years, has been estimated at 112 millions sterling. Mr. Claremont Daniell in his Industrial Competition of Asia conjectures that of this amount about 50 millions was probably taken over to China and other places. Including the gold obtained from China, Burma and other Asiatic sources, the total gold in India in 1885 is estimated at 140 millions. Since 1835 and up to the end of 1890-91, the net imports of gold have amounted to upwards of 140 millions, and nearly the whole of this amount has been imported since 1850. As gold is not used for purposes of currency in India, the imports have been made for the purpose of manufacture into ornaments or hoarding. The total annual production of gold at present is estimated at 20 millions sterling, of which one-fourth is sent to India. The total net imports of silver into India since 1850 amount to 302 millions Ex. The value of silver coins in circulation in British India has been estimated at 304 millions Ex or Es. 15 per head of the population, excluding the coins sent out of British India. If India had chosen to take the imports in commodities instead of in gold and silver, it would not show that she was deriving no advantage ; on the contrary, it would doubtless be a great boon to the country if 28 I have assumed in other portions of this memorandum that the prices of food-grains are now 2J times of what they were in 1850, or in other words, the purchasing power of silver, as measured by the quantity of food-grains silver would purchase, has fallen 60 per cent. The fall would have been greater but for the cheapening of the cost of transport and consequent lowering of prices of commodities at the principal markets. If the reduction in prices, due to saving in the cost of transport, be taken at 25 per cent., the fall in the purchasing power of silver in India would be really 70 per cent. In England, prices of conmaodlties measured in gold rose during 1850 to 1873, when they were 20 per cent, higher than they were before the Australian and Calif ornian gold discoveries. Since then they have liUen to about the level of 1850. One sovereign, however, was equivalent in 1850 to Bs. 10 ; now 1 sovereign is equivalent to Ks. 16. S^ince 1850, the purchasing power of silver in England has therefore fallen by one-third or 33J per cent. Taking account of the saving in the cost of production and transport which may be assumed to be 30 per cent., silver has really fallen in value in England 53^ per cent, as against 70 per cent, in India, that is, silver has fallen in value in India in a higher ratio than in England, or in other words, the advantage derived by England in the trade of India by abundance of money and consequent hifjher scale of prices, is diminishing notwithstanding the so-called ' ' tribute,' ' as foreign trade has enabled India to replenish her insufficient currency. Thus taking the higher efficiency of production in England as compared with India since 1850 into account, the silver value of a unit of productive power in India as compared with silver value of a unit of power in England has risen in the ratio of 30 to 46f or as 9 to 14. These calculations are very rough and some ol the figures taken are hypothetical. They merely serve to illustrate the principle.. 51 the value that is locked up in ornaments and coinage were turned into capital useful for industrial undertakings ; but the large quantity of imports of gold and silver, amounting to a considerable proportion of the total production of the precious metals, unquestionably shows that India is not losing but gaining by international trade. 38. The complaint that European exploitation has had the effect of driving out na- ■e .„ , .^ .. tives from their legitimate fields of industrial Enrof ean exploitation. ^ .. ^ ^ oi-nri -i-.- enterprise is not true oi the Madras Fresi- dency, nor is it true of other parts of India to any great extent. The chief undertakings in which Europeans are engaged are the cultivation of coffee, tea and cinchona, and gold- mining, and these are all fields which were previously unoccupied, and which would not be occupied if it were not for the importation of European capital and enterprise. We have already seen that indigo manufacture in which Europeans once took part has now, to a great extent, passed into the hands of the natives of the country. Coffee cultivation has not been remunerative of late years, and it has also, to a considerable extent, passed into native hands. The natives who can work the estates cheaply have a great advantage over Europeans, and with daily increasing knowledge and experience they will doubtless take an increasing share in enterprises of this kind. The natives are also beginning to take a larger share in mercantile transactions connected with articles of export and import trade, the opening of the Suez Canal and the increase in the direct trade of India with the principal countries of Continental Europe having taken away from what of the character of monopoly which long established European houses of agency may have once possessed. Mr. Slagg in his article on Cotton Industry contributed to the Jubilee Volume, entitled the lieiffn of Queen Victoria, gives the following account of the changes that have taken place in this respect as regards the cotton trade. He states : "In many cases the cotton spinner and manufacturer of India deals directly with the cotton producer on the one hand, and the merchant shipper on the other, and in nearly all cases the old charges for brokerage and agency have experienced a considerable reduction. Fifty years ago the commission charged for selling goods in India, including guarantee of sales and discount on remittances, amounted to from 8^ to 5 per cent., to which was added about 2i per cent, for sundry charges, landing, storing and godown rent. These are now reduced to a total of about 4 per cent., though the downward tendency of the latter charges was checked by the Indian mutiny. The charges for packing and shipment have also been dimi- nished by 1 1 or 2 per cent., while the opening of the Suez Canal and the consequent development and competition in steam transit have produced a marvellous economy of cost and time on the old system of shipment. Mr. Goschen has observed that the carriage of a ton of goods from Manchester to Bombay, including the railway to Liverpool, the Suez Canal dues and the freight, is now little more than the price of a second class ticket from London to Manchester. The shortening of the voyage by the substitution of steamers for sailing vessels and the adoption of the Suez Canal route instead of the old route round the Cape of Good Hope has reduced the time taken in the delivery of goods, which is equivalent to a diminution of about 2^ per cent., if the additional rent and insurance under the old system, added to the loss of interest, be taken into consideration. The increase of telegraphic communication, and to some extent the use of the telephone, have tended to desti'oy the old custom of keeping large stocks of goods stored in the warehouses of Manchester or in the ' godowns ' in India, and sales are often made in Calcutta or Bombay of goods which have yet to be manufactured or even bleached or dyed in Lancashire. The 'Banians' or native dealers now send to England a considerable number of direct orders, and several of the principal ' Banians ' have their own agents or representatives in Manchester who ship direct to their orders." In the Madras town, I am informed that with the aid of the facilities afforded by the Bank of Madras and other banks for obtaining loans, native merchants with small means are in increasing numbers carrying on a trade in articles of foreign merchandise. In Cocanada, which is daily rising in importance as a commercial centre, the competition of the native merchants has led to the closing of several European firms. The direct trade of India with the countries of Continejital Europe has made it more difiicult for English merchants to combine to keep natives out of mercantile pursuits in which the latter may not have hitherto had a share. For instance until April 1885, with a view to keep Indian cotton manufactures out of the China market, the freight to Chiaa was kept by a combination of English steamer companies at the prohibitive rate of Ks. 15 a ton, and repeated efforts on the part of 52 the Bombay mill owners failed to effect a reduction lower than Ks. 12, The Italian line of steamers then' stepped in and accepted freight at Es. 8 and the consequence has been that the English companies themselves have since reduced the rate to Ks. 5. - 39. There is, however, very considerable truth in the complaint that foreign „ J , ,j . J. . J , . trade has affected preiudicially the old Decadence of old indigenous indlistnes. o , • • i , • i. ii j. manutacturmg industries , of the country and impoverished the classes engaged in them. The spinning and weaving trades, especially, have suffered severely from foreign competition, and the former as a separate profession is rapidly disappearing, what remains of it being confined to the spinniag of fine thread for cloths of superior texture and extreme tenuity such as could not be produced by machinery, and of coarse thread for the coarse thick cloths woven for the use of the lower classes of the agricultural population. The demand for very costly cloths of superior texture worn by men of the higher classes has considerably fallen, not so much owing to Manchester competition as to the change of fashion, English broad cloth having, to a considerable extent, superseded them as articles of dress. On the other hand, there has been considerable extension of demand for female colored cloths made with imported fine yam, such as Kornadu cloths for instance, and in particular centres of industry such as Kornadu, Kuttalam and other places, the posi- tion of the weavers has really improved. Large sections of the agricultural population still use coarse cloths made of country yam, which if somewhat dearer than machine- made cloths, are preferred to the latter, as being more durable and warmer. The coarse thread is spun by the agriculturists themselves and given to weavers who weave them into cloth on being paid about one rupee or its equivalent in grain for each cloth. These cloths are extensively in use in the Ceded districts, Kumool, Coim- biatore and Salem, where the cold in the winter months is severer than in other parts of the Presidency. The amount of weaving done in the country has not probably diminished sensibly of late years, but the profits of the weavers, both on account of Manchester competition and the additional pressure on the weaving industry due to the collapse of the spinning industry j have undoubtedly been much reduced.* The Madras Board of Eevenue, who instituted * See Appendix for a note on the condition of weavers ■ ■ •__• .-i _j-i.' i ix. in the Madia town. enquTTies luto the condition of the weavmg industry in 1871 and again in 1890, have reported to the same effect. In 1871, the number of looms at work was nearly 280,000 or nearly 42 per cent, higher than the number at work between 1856-57 and 1860-61, as ascertained for the purpose of assessing the old moturpha tax. The returns for the earlier years, however, were imperfect and not fully to be relied on, and the Board estimated the real increase at between 20 and 25 per cent, and attributed the advance to the abolition of the vexatious and inquisitorial moturpha tax. The total quantity of twist worked up into cloth was estimated at 31^ miUion lb., of which 1 1^ millions were imported and 20 millions spun in the country. In 1889 the number of looms at work was ascertained to be 300,000 exhibiting an increase since 1871 of 7 per cent., while the increase in the population is 14 per cent. The quantity of twist worked up into cloth was estimated at 34^ millions — an increase of a Kttle less than 10 per cent. — of which 19 millions were imported, 1 million was manufactured in the Indian mills and 14^ millions were hand-made. Since 1871, the outturn of hand-made yarn has, therefore, diminished by 22^ per cent. For the whole of India the total production of cotton was estimated in 1869 at 7*1 miUion cwt., of which 5 millions were exported and 2*1 miUion cwt. consumed in India — \ million by the Indian mills and 1-8 million by the hand-looms. In 1888-89, the total production was estimated at 9^ million cwts., of which &i millions were exported to foreign countries, 8 millions were consumed by the Indian mills and 1 million by the hand-looms in India. This shows that hand-spun yam is being rapidly superseded by yarn made in the Indian mills, and that what the hereditary spinning classes have to fear now is not the competition of Manchester, but that of the Indian miUs. The extension of the cotton miU industry in India during the last 15 years has been truly re* markable. In 1870 the number of cotton mills in Bombay was only 12 with 319,394 spindles and 4,199 looms. The number of persons employed was 8,199 and the quantity of cotton worked up 220,000 cwts. The industry then was by no means in a thriving condition, and of the paid up capital, 1 i million Ex, the then value at the market quotations of the shares was only f million Ex, showing a loss of more than ialf a million. The return for capital invested was 4 per cent., while the Govemtnent stock at 4 per cent, was selling at 8 discount. In the other Provinces there were a few mills which, however, did not do any real business. Now there are 124 mills in the whole of India with 3,274,196 spindles and 23,142 looms. The number of persons employed is 112,000, and the quantity of cotton worked up 3^ million cwts. The capital invested in these mills is estimated at about 12 millions Ex, a very considerable portion of which is native capital. The exports of cotton goods from India chiefly to China, Japan, and the East Coast of Africa which amounted to 1-3 million Ex, have increased to 8-5 million Ex. The requirements of India as regards cotton cloth have been estimated at 3,200 million yards, of which about 2,000 millions are imported and the remainder made in the country. About 600 million yards were in 1890-91 exported from India to foreign countries. There is every prospect of the products of Indian mills not only taking entire possession, at no distant date, of the markets in China, Japan and East Africa, but also of driving out the Manchester cloths of all but the finest kinds from India. A majority of the Committee appointed by the Manchester Chamber of Commerce to enquire into the causes of the rapid development of the mill industry in India, has recently reported after full investigation that the main cause, which has favored the increase of mills and enabled them to a great extent to supply China and Japan with yarns formerly shipped from Lancashire, is their geographical position which places them in close proximity to the cotton fields on the one hand and the con- suming countries on the other. The net advantage to the Indian spinner from these circumstances over his competitor in England, after allowing for the extra outlay on machinery, and consequent enhanced interest and depreciation, as well as greater expenditure on such items as imported coal, stores, &c., was estimated by the committee as equal to at least ^d. per lb. on the portion that is shipped to China and Japan, and ■{^d. to |rf. per lb. on what is consumed in * See Well's Mecent Economic Channel. Mr. Wells India * itself. The import trade in English remarks: "Other circumstances, such as cheaper labour and . j -u j j.t_ i j. c xi. t j- ing herself from chronic sluggishness and beginning to not beCU lOr the Competition 01 the Indian participateintheworld's progress; and under EngUshaus- :ii„ flip frnrip in nippp crnnHs in 1 SQfl-Ql pices, and largely with English capital, is, for the first time, millS, lUC iraae in piCCe gOOaS lU lOyU-yi extensively utilizing her geographical position and her ghould haVC bccn at Icast 10 per CCUt. cheap and abundant labour in connection with labour- i„_„-_ fUoTi if -nma o-n/I +V,r,f f« +Vn'a saving machinery." Mr. T. Comber who was examined larger tJian it WaS, and tUat tO thlS by the Royal Commission on the value of the Precious extent at any rate the cloth WOVCU iu metals presented the following statement showing the .i y j- •^^ J> at. oomparative cost of manufacturing 1 lb. of 20's yam the Indian miiis, or trom yam spuu there, in Bombay and England, and of its transport to China, |^^g witMu 5 VearS taken the plaCC of im- the rate of exchange being taken at is. 6d. per rupee :— i. j i ii, • „ i i„ rru i. i. j! English Indian portcd cloths lu our markcts. Ihe extent of spinner. spinner. ^]jg divorsiou, is, howcvcr, probably greater. Cotton u lb 5-69 6-0 In othcr kinds of cotton goods, there has ^TnTJSinrr* ^'f^"'"*' °° "?! « -64 ^®®^ * moderate increase, these being mainly Coals ., .. .. ■■ 05 16 of descriptions which are not woven in India stored '.'. '.. .. .'. ^-as -46 either from locally spun or imported yams, Sundries -40 ^s but thcsc kiuds are relatively of trifling T99 Tao dimensions. It would seem in fact that the Packing and caniage to Bombay. oo ^. time is uot Very far distant when the imports Delivered at Bombay . . . . 8 45 7 50 of the coarser and medium cottons which Packing and carriage to China . . ^70 ^ form the bulk of the trade wUl gradually Delivered in China . . 8 65 7 76 disappear, and that the trade will be limited Advantage in favour of the Indian ^^ ^^ ^^ gj^gj. qualities and therefore of small ^™ '^'^^ — dimensions." This condition of things has, de—rir'n&s": bS: the iX^^i^er irra ^tm as might be uaturaHy expected excited the greater advantage in wages and cost of transport both of greatest alarm among the Manchester manu- ^^^.oTCt^indfalre^rnil^duirircienl^^^ facturers, and in_ proof of it Mr. O'Conor the English operatives, but as the rate of wages is much quoteS the following paSSageS from a letter of Jr.- i?e:teSa^.?h\t;btt:nir?ra^^n^^^ the Commercial correspondent in London of Indian hand has become more effective than formerly, and the TimeS of India: " Several Specimens of auto^tkS'mTch whicTfo™2iy had to be^done^by dhootics manufactured in -India were laid on hand, is now done by machine and this greatly diminishes the table for inspection at the meeting of the superior skiu of the Lancashire hand. ^^^ Bkckbum Chamber of Commerce on Wednesday. Mr. Alexander HarrisoU; who presided, said that during the last ten years 14 54 it has been the general opinion in Lancashire that it is impossible for mill-owners in India to make dhooties from 40's or the 50's yarns, but here before their eyes were remarkably good specimens of dhooties made from 40's twist and 50's Egyptian weft. l\lr. Harrison added that in his mind there never had been any insuperable difficulty that would prevent Indian manufacturers from producing tine counts, and he owned the opinion that in India in time they will grow their own cotton and weave these fine counts. The manufacturers of Lancashire should carefully watch the doings of the Indian manufacturers, or they will find not only that the coarse yam trade has gone, but that the medium trade will go also. And he urged that it is time for Lancashire '.nanufacturers to consider their situation and to take means to fortify themselves against encroachments on their interest." "What the means referred to are intended to be, whether they are the pressure brought to bear on the Indian Government to enact stringent factory * laws not suited * In this connection the following passage from a ^q ^Y^q conditions of labour in this COUntrV, speech of the President of the BUckhum Chamher of , -n-i.- j. aT-ji- xi. Commerce will be read with some amusement. He said : Or ICSS Illegitimate methods, liaS not been "They (the I^ncashire manufacturers) felt not one jot of stated ; but whatever they may be, it is opposition as heing hostile to Indian industry; but tney . j.i j. i i i j.i j. i-/. • i did protest against any industry being fostered upon the ueVOUtly tO DC noped that UO artificial lives of little children and women, upon the blood and obstacles will be placed in the way of the smews of the men who had to work in the mill stoves and , o . , , o ■' . , dust-hoiesofthecotton jenny workshops of India." development 01 the uasccnt lactoiy indus- tries in India, which may enable Indian manufacturers to regain much of the ground they have lost under the stress of Manchester competition. 40. It is clear, however, that the hereditary spinning and weaving castes have nothing to hope for in the future, even if ind^str^Tevlp^^fn^" ""'"^' '' '^"""'^ ''"'' " India should manufacture aU the clothing required for the use of her own population as well as to meet the demands of foreign markets. The deterioration of these classes has now been going on for over a hundred years. Mr. White (one of the members of Council of the Governor of Madras) writing, in 1793, states that the mortaKty occasioned by the famine that had occurred just then fell heaviest on the weaving and spinning classes. They were in the best of times a poverty-stricken class. The fluctuations in the weaving trade of India are very instructive. Cotton manufactures before the seventeenth, century were practically unknown in England, and woollen manufacture was the great national industry, so much so, that cotton cloths were designated " linens " and raw cotton was believed to be a kind of " wool." In 1621, Mr. Munn, one of the Directors of the East India Company, estimated the annual importation at 50,000 pieces of cotton cloth, the average "cost of each piece on board in India being 7s. and the 'selling price in England 20s. The importation in 1674-75 had increased to the value of £160,000. The silk and wool weavers became alarmed for their trade and serious riots took place in various parts of England, and in conse- quence the further introduction of Indian goods into England was interdicted in 1700. In 1721, another statute was enacted, enforcing the prohibition by a penalty of £5 for each offence on the part of the wearer of Indian goods and a penalty of £20 on the seller of such goods. The exports of cotton goods to England were thus much restricted.- In 1767 and 1769 Hargreaves' and Axkwright's inventions — spinning' jenny and spinning frame — came into use, and England began to manufacture cotton cloth on an extensive scale. India's export trade was then confined to supplying some of the Asiatic countries, and soon after, England took possession of these markets. This dealt the first blow to the weaving classes in India, the effect of which was enhanced by the breaking up of the trading establishments of the East India Company when its trading privileges were abolished in 1813 and 1833. The rapid development of machinery and manufactures and the cheapness with which cotton cloths were produced in England led to India being flooded with Manchester goods to the further injury pf the weaving classes here. Now the tide has turned, aad the development of factories in India bids fair to enable her to manufacture the goods required for her own population, even more cheaply than England, and to compete with England in foreign markets. This means that India, by means of the advantages conferred by foreign trade, has been enabled to organize her productive powers on the most economical basis ; but as every factory hand will displace 30 weavers and spinners, it is clear that the deterioration of these classes will be even more rapid than in the past. Spinning as a bye industry may.be carried on by agriculturists to provide themselves 55 with, the coarse but durable cloths which mills do not turn out, and the weaving of superior cloths for women will doubtless still exist ; but on the whole the trade of the hand-loom weavers will have shrunk to small dimensions. The suffeiings of the weavers are great and such as to excite commiseration, but these sufferings are no more than have always been caused to protected classes whenever labour-saving machinery has been brought into use. In England, for iostance, the sufferings of weavers were even more iatense than those of the corresponding classes in India, owing to the simultaneous introduction of machinery both in manufactures and agriculture „ „.,,,„.,„. ,„, , and the consequent economisins' of labour in Mis. CieigatouB Social Historv of Snglana. i j-i t j- ^^ i •, i -i ■ ii. both directions.* A writer describing the condition of the weavers in the early years of the present century states : " The most miserable class of artizans were the hand-loom weavers, who long continued to carry on their trade at home. The use of power looms was slowly adopted ; and even after they were generally introduced, the hand-loofii weaver could not change his mode of life, but continued to practise his craft at home. He could only earn miserable wages. He lived an isolated, degraded life, and it was the hand-loom weavers who were the foremost in the destruction of machinery and the burning of mills. The Luddites, authors of most destructive riots, which began at Nottingham were, for the most part, hand-loom weavers. As prices rose and distress became more general, these men more and more looked upon the machinery as the cause of all their woes, and joined eagerly in their destruction." In India the abundance of waste lands and the possibility of a portion of the weaving population finding work in the cultivation of lands is some mitigation, however inadequate, of their unfortunate position. 41. Another industry which has suffered from foreign competition is the manu- ^ „ , , . facture of iron. India contains an abund- The decline in the manufacture of iron. , i j • i x- i ant supply oi iron ores and native works for iron smelting were not very long ago scattered all over the Peninsula and Indian steel was famous. Dr. Buchanan has described minutely the processes employed by native manufacturers for smelting iron in the districts of ' Salem, Coimbatore, Malabar and South Canara. The charcoal used was very great in comparison with the results obtained. In Salem, it is stated that iron ore containing 72 per cent, of metal, yields only 15 per cent, of bar iron. The clearance of forests and the consequent rise in the price of charcoal have nearly extinguished this industry ; and iron smelters in many regions are the hardest worked, but the poorest among the population. The iron (which is of very good quality and superior to the imported article) is sold ^t a high price ; nevertheless the amount of iron produced bears but a miserable proportion to the labour, time and material expended. The class that has suffered is, however, numerically u siriall one, while the benefit to the general population by the fall in the price of imported iron and by the prevention of the indiscriminate felling of forests for charcoal burning has been very great. The extent of the benefit may be estimated from the following figures : During the past 18 years, the imports of iron into India have been doubled both in quantity and value, while those of steel have increased more than 15 times in quantity, but less than 4 times in value, thus showing that the value of imported steel is only about one-fourth of what it was before. The imports of hardware and cutlery have increased more than twice, while those of railway and rolling stock have increased more than 5 times. The imports of machinery have increased from about 5 lakhs in 1850-51, to nearly 2^ crores in 1888-89, thus showing an immense advance in the steam-power of the country. There are also indications that this country will ere long be able to manufacture iron on a larger scale than hitherto by the adoption of improved processes. The discovery of coal in various parts of the country and the methods invented for its economical use afford promise of a great future for the iron industry. Fifty years ago the Madras Government spent considerable sums of money in subsidizing the Porto Novo Company in the hope of creating and developing an iron manufacturing industry according to European processes. The scheme failed owing to the difiiculty of obtaining charcoal. Eecently, however, it appears that near Pondicheny, not far from Porto Novo, extensive beds of coal, 10,000 acres in extent, capable of producing 250 million tons have been discovered ; whether this will lead to an iron manufacturing industry being re-established in those parts it is difficult to say, but considering the startling rapidity with which methods for developing and utilizing natural resources are being discovered by science at the 56 present day, it is not too much, to hope that the rich iron ores of Southern India will not long remain unutilized. 42. The shipping trade of India has suffered also. Mr. O'Conor in the Trade Eeport of India for 1890-91 wi-ites:— The shipping industry. ., ^^^ ^^^.^^ ^^^^^ employed in the foreign trade do not increase. They represent less than 2|- per cent, of the total tonnage. Except for intercourse with the Straits and the Malayan Archipelago, Ceylon, the Maldives and the Coast from Karachi to Muscat, these craft will eventually disappear from th(B foreign carrying trade." This is not a result to be much regretted, as the employment of these small craft of burden averaging 50 tons each is not compatible with the enormous growth of the foreign trade of India, and as further it is the use of steam vessels for carriage that has developed the trade with China in Indian cotton manufactures. The small craft, however, wiU continue to be used in the carriage of the cheapest and bulkiest articles between the smaller ports which steamers do not enter. 43. Against the disadvantage to the indigenous industries above referred to, have to „, , , . ^ . , . J . . be set off the new industries which foreign The dovelnpment of factory industries. , ■, ■, j ■, rm • t . • trade has created. The new industries which have sprung up in the Madras Presidency have already been noticed. Taking India as a whole, three important new industries may be mentioned, viz., jute, tea and coal. The export of jute in 1828 was 364 cwts, valued at 62 Ex. In 1860-51 the value of the exports of raw jute amounted to 197,071 Ex. aijd of manufactured jute to Ex 215,978. In 1890-91 the values were 7'6 millions Ex and 2 5 millions Ex, respec- tively. Jute cultivation is entirely carried on by the natives of the country, wil£out any extraneous help. Baboo Hem Chunder Eerr in his report on the jute cultivation in Bengal writes : " It is usual with some to descant on the apathy, ignorance and want of enterprise of the people of this country, and of the ryots in particular, but the figures here given prove beyond the shadow of a cavU, that they are, notwithstanding their alleged or real defects, sufficiently long-headed thoroughly to linderstand their interest and capable of creating and extending in five and forty years a trade to the value of nearly 4y million sterling (now 10 million Ex) without any aid from without. That they are capable, likewise, of sustaining this trade and extending it if requii-ed and made worth their while, no one will, I feel certain, venture to question. As long as the trade is profitable, they will do all that is needed, but strong common sense and long-headedness wiU not accept theories for facts, nor adopt new methods or systems, because they are new, or because they are told to adopt them. The new methods and systems must be' proved to be real improvements calculated for certain, to add to their profits, or they wUl have none of them." Tea on the other hand, is an industry created entirely by English enterprise and capital. The value of the exports amounts now to 5^ million Ex. Indian and Ceylon teas have been rapidly driving the China tea out of the English market as will be seen from the following figures. In 1864 the imports into England were : China 85-80 and Indian 2-80 ; total 88-60 million lb. The imports in 1890 were: China 7374, Indian 101-77, and Ceylon 42-49 ; total 218 million lb. It is stated that the tea from India produces a stronger liquid than that of China, that is a small quantity of the former is equal for purposes of consumption to a larger quantity of the latter ; and as a high import duty, amounting to nearly 2 o per cent, of the value is levied in England on all teas irrespective of their quality, the Indian tea is benefited. The duty which was 6d. per lb. has also been reduced to 4fi?. The establishment of collieries in India has been effected in recent years, the out put of coal in 1889 amounting to 2 million tons and the value -69 million Ex. The average value per ton of Indian coal is 3'4 rupees while that of imported coal is 22- 1 rupees, while in point of heating power the latter has an advantage of not more than one-half. As railway communications further develop, India might be expected to use her own coal for manufacturing purposes. In India there were at the end of 1889-90, 114 cotton-miUs and 27 jute miUs worked by steam, 315 cotton and jute presses, 51 rice mills, 60 saw mills, 21 breweries, 2 wooUen mills, 6 silk mills, 3 soap factories, 6 large tanneries, 48 iron and brass foundries, 14 large sugar factories, 23 coffee works, 66 cutch and lac factories, 61 oil mills, 4 I flour mills, 24 ice factories, 23 pottery and tile factories, 15 bone-crushing factories and 34 tobacco and cigar factories, besides a large number of indigo and tea factories worked on indigo and tea planta- tions. The establishment of these factories affords cogent proof of the fact that India 57 is emancipating herself, as Mr. Wells put it, from har chronic sluggishness and entering on a new era of industrial improvement. 44. Taxation. — The growth of taxation in this Presidency has next to be considered. The principal sources of revenue are (1) the land tax and provincial rates ; (2) the income-tax; (3) the salt duties; (4) the excise on spirits and drugs; (5) the customs duties ; (6) the stamp duties ; and (7) fees for the registration of documents. It will be convenient to take each of these sources of revenue and examine to what extent they affect the economic condition of the several classes of the population. 45. Among these sources of revenue, the land revenue is, of course, by far the ^ ^ „ ^ , most important. . There has been much Land revenue. Tax or rent r -,. . '^ , i.i ,t ,i discussion as to whether the ryot has a right in the soil and whether the payments made by him fall under the category of tax or of rent. In the opinion of the Famine Commissioners, 1880, the land revenue is a source of income which in India must be distinguished from taxation properly so called, as by immemorial and unquestioned prescription, the Government is entitled to receive from the occupier of the land whatever it requires of the surplus profit left after defraying the expenses of cultivation ; and consequently land revenue may with more propriety be regarded as a rent paid by a tenant, often a highly favored tenant, to the paramount owner, than as a tax paid by the owner to the State. This extreme view of the rights of the State, which was dissented from by the Madras member of the Famine Commission, is in consonance neither with the conclusions of the best authorities, nor with the practice of the English administrators in this Presidency ; and indeed as regards the latter, Madras has been more fortunate than many other parts of India. Sir Thomas Munro, who is generally believed to have denied that the ryot had any right in the soil he cultivated, says : " The ryot of India unites in his own person the characters of laborer, farmer, and landlord ; he receives the wages of the laborer, the profit of the farmer on his stock, and a small surplus from 1 to 20 per cent, on the gross produce as rent, but on an average not more than 5 or 6 per cent." Again in another place, he remarks : " The Collector looks upon the ryot as a mere tenant, and hence he infers that the occupation of land in India may be regulated as in England. ' But the station of the ryot is not so low as is made by his plan. The ryot is certainly not like the landlord in England, but neither is he like the English tenant. If the name of land- lord belongs to any person in India, it is to the ryot. He divides with Government all the rights of the land. Whatever is not reserved by Government belongs to him. He is not a tenant at will, or for a term of years. He is not removable because another offers more." The fact is, that the relationship between the ryot and Government, or between the ryot and the Zemindar who is the assignee of the rights of Government', is not that of landlord and tenant, but that of partnership.*^ Professor Marshall puts this matter in a clear light. He says : **In early times, and in backward countries, even in our own age, all rights to '' James Mill in writing to a son who was reading in the East India Company's College at Haileybnry explained this very olearly : He said, " Do not allow yourself to be taken in, as many people are, by an ambiguity in the word 'proper*!/.' Englishmen in general incline to think that where property is not entire, especially in the land, there i^ no property. But property may be as perfectly property, when it inclndes only a part, as when it inclndes the whole. There is no doubt that the ryot has a property in the soil, thoogh it is a limited property. There is no donbt that the Government has a property in the soil — that also limited — the one limited by the other. It is therefore a case of joint property. Hence the controversies." As regards the proprietary rights of the ryots in the soil they cultivate, the following authorities may be referred to : — Bhaskarappa v. The Collector of North Canara, XII Qombay High Court Beports appendix ; the judgment of the Madras High Court in the Attapadi valley case ; the judgment of the Madras High Couit in A.S. No. 82 of 1883 ; Sir Charles Turner's minute on the Bill relating to Malabar Land tenures ; and G.O., dated 21st September 1882, No. 1008, Kevenue. The last paper is most important as <30ntaining the declarations of Government on the subject of ryot's rights after fcU inquiry. The conclusions stated by (Uowernment are — (1) that the State cannot, without violating the rule and practice dating from time immemorial, assert in this Presidency an exclusive right to minerals in unoccupied lands, but that it is folly entitled to a share in such products as in any other produce of the land ; (2) that subject to the payment of a stated proportion of the produce to meet the necessities of the administration, the proprietary right of the ryot in the soil of his holding is absolute and complete ; (3) that he is able to mortgage, sell, devise or otherwise alienate the land ; (4) that, on these principles, property has been ehanjpng hands from time immemorial, and for the Crovemment to put forward a claim now, which has never been asserted and which does not rest in law, practice or precedent, would undoubtedly raise a feeling (rf distrust and discontent which would take long to allay j (5) that it would be straining the State's privileges to attach the condition of reco^ition of any exclusive right to minerals on the terms on which lands may be newly occupied, although in the interests of the general public, it may in particular instances be justifiable to do so, in view to the development of ascertained minei^ resources i and (6) that as regards the vast bulk of the land occupied or likely to be occupied for cultivation, such reservation would be absolutely objectless and would only have the effect of creating nidespread distrust in the minds of the people. 15 58 property depend on general understandings rather than on precise laws and docu- ments. In so far as these understandings can be reduced to definite terms and expressed in the language of modern business, they are generally to the following effect: — The ownership of land is vested, not in an individual, but in a firm of which one member or group, of members is the sleeping partner, while another member or group of members (it may be a whole family) is the working partner. The sleeping partner is sometimes the ruler of the State, sometimes he is an indivi- dual who inherits what was once the duty of collecting payments due to this ruler from the cultivators of a certain part of the soil, but what, in the course of silent time, has become a right of ownership, more or less definite, more or less absolute. If, as is generally the case, he retains the duty of making certain payments to the ruler of the State, the partnership may be regarded as containing three members, of whoru two are sleeping . partners. The sleeping partner, or one of them, is generally called the proprietor, or landholder or landlord, or even landowner. But this is an incorrect way of speaking, if he is restrained by law, or by custom which has the force of law, from turning the cultivator out of his holding, either by an arbitrary enhancement of the payments exacted from him or by any other means. In that case, the property in the land vests, not in him alone, but in the whole of the firm, of which he is only a sleeping partner ; the payment made by the working partner is not rent at all, but is that fixed sum, or that part of the gross proceeds as the case may be, which the constitution of the firm binds him to pay ; and in so far as custom or law, which regulates these payments, is fixed and unalterable,, the theory of rent has but little direct application." It is the fashion to say that it matters little by what name the payment made by the ryot to Government is called, i.e.,. whether it is designated revenue or rent, but, in practice, the point of view from which the question is regarded involves most important consequences. " To the modern statesman," says Lord Salisbury in reference to this question, "there- fined distinctions of the economical school are a solid living reality, from which he can as little separate his thoughts as from his mother tongue. To us it may seem indifferent whether we call a payment revenue or rent, so we get the money ; but it is not indifferent by what name we call it within his hearing. If we say that it is rent, he will hold the Government in strictness entitled to all that remains- after wages and profits have been paid, and he will do what he can to hasten the advent of the day when the State shall no longer be kept by any weak com- promises from the enjoyment of its undoubted rights. If we persuade him that it is revenue, he will note the vast disproportion of its incidence as compared to that of other taxes, and his efforts will tend to remedy the inequality and to lay upon other classes and interests a more equitable share of the public burden. I prefer the latter tendency to the former. So far as it is possible to change the Indian fiscal system, it is desirable that the cultivator should pay a smaller pro- portion of the whole national charge. It is not in itself a thrifty policy to draw the mass of revenue from the rural districts where capital is scarce, sparing the towns where it is often redundant and runs to waste in luxury. The injury is exagge- rated in the ease of India, where so much of the revenue is exported without a direct equivalent." The above views of Lord Salisbury, which seem to me to be perfectly sound, I shall have occasion to refer to again when I have to consider the effect of land settlements. When the relation between the ryot and the Government is regarded as one of partner ship, it results that the payment made by the former to the latter is neither rent nor tax but a share of the profits. As the Government, which is the " sleeping partner " according to Professor Marshall's phraseology, has, however, power to assess the profits and determine the portion to be paid to it as its share, the public interests require that the assessment should be made with as much scrupulosity as in the case of a tax to prevent the share of the profits of the " KorJcing partner " or the private owner, being unduly abridged and the in- centives to increased production being weakened ; and this object is best attained by regarding the Government assessment of land as being more in the natjire of a tax than a rent, 46. The subjoined statement shows the GrowthofiandreTenue. average land revenue for decennial periods since the beginning of the century : — • 59 Millions Bz. Average of 10 years ending 1809-10 3-74 Do. . 1819-20 3-74 Do. 1829-30 3-68 Do. 1889-40 316 Do. 1849-50 3-40 Do. 1859-60 365 Do. 1869-70 416 Do. 1879-80 4-38 Do. 1889-90 4-81 The figures in the first three decades include the proceeds of the moturpha taxes and of the revenue from the tobacco monopoly. Kurnool having been annexed to British territory in 1838, the revenue of that district is not included in the figures of the years previous to 1838. North Canara, on the other hand, was transferred to Bombay in 1862, and the revenue of this district is included in the figures given for the previous years. Making allowances for these circumstances, it will be seen that during the first 20 years of the century the revenue was nearly 3f millions Rx, when lands were rack-rented, that it then began to decline and fell to 3*1 6 millions in the decade ending 1839-40 owing to the severe agricultural depres- sion which then prevailed, that it took another 20 years to rise to the level at which it was at the beginning of the century, and that since 1859-60 it has been rapidly rising, the increase amounting to 1*16 million or 31 '8 per cent. The rise in the revenue may be due to (1) the extension of the area under cultivation, (2) the extension of the area under irrigation, and (3) the increase in the rates of assessment imposed by the settlement department with reference to the increase in the prices of agricultural produce ; and the following remarks will show to what extent the increase is due to each of the above causes. The land revenue consists of two portions, one practically permanent and not liable to enhancement, and the other fluctuating. The first head comprises the peshcush on permanently-settled estates, and the quit-rents on inam villages and on inam lands found interspersed with ryotwar lands in ryotwar villages. The per- manently-settled estates or zemindaris cover an area of 43,000 square miles or nearly one-third of the whole area of the Presidency. The area under cultivation in the zemindaris was estimated in 1880 at about 5^ millions of acres, or a little more than one-fourth of ryotwar holdings, and the acreage at present'is probably somewhat more. The inam areas aggregate nearly 8 million acres, of which the portion actually culti- vated may be taken at 6 millions. The land revenue derived from permanently- settled estates is about 50^ lakhs of rupees, from inam villages 6^ lakhs, and from minor inams 21-^ lakhs, making a total of 78^ lakhs. The revenue payable to Government on these lands is fixed, except that where unirrigated lands are irrigated by water derived from Government works newly constructed, a water-rate is levied. The water-rate thus levied fluctuates from year to year and may ordinarily be taken at 7^ lakhs of rupees. For the purposes of the assessment of the Local Fund land cess, the rental of zemindari estates has been ascertained to be 161 lakhs of rupees ; of inam villages to be 41| lakhs- of rupees ; and of minor inams to be 96 lakhs of rupees. The land revenue therefore bears the proportion of one-third, one-- sixth and one-fifth, respectively, to the rental of zemindaris, inam villages and minor inams. As regards the inam lands which were held on uncertain tenure, by far the- greatest portion of them has been confirmed to the holders in perpetuity with full right of alienation on condition of their paying a light quit-rent. Inam lands held on condition of rendering service to the State have also, in most dktricts, been enfranchised, that is to say, freed from the condition of service and rendered heritable and transferable property on payment of a quit-rent amounting to five- eighths of the regulated assessment. The only additional tax laid on both zemin- dari and inam lands is the local land cess at 6^ per cent, of the assessment for local improvements, which they in common with ryotwar lands are Hable to pay. The zemindars are charged with only a portion of the eess at the rate of 3^ per cent, on the difi^erenoe between the assessment paid to them by the ryots and the^ peshcush paid by the former to Government, while the ryots pay at the rate of 3^ per cent, on the assessment paid to the zemindars. The zemindari ryots thus, pay the cess at only half the rates at which the Government ryots are assessed m. 60 consideration of the fact of the land assessment levied by zemindars being much heavier than those of ryotwar landg. The amount of the cess is 12^ lakhs of rupees, while the prices of produce, and, as a consequence, the annual money value of the lands have risen by 150 per cent; since 1850. The ryotwar land revenue, which was 300 lakhs in 1852-53, increased to 376 lakhs in 1872-73 and to 400 lakhs in 1889-90. As already observed, prior to 1850, the land revenue, owing to the agricultural depression and the low prices of the food-grains, pressed with extreme severity on the agricultural classes ; and under the liberal policy which was inaugurated about this time, extensive reductions were made in the land assessments, the remissions granted between 1850 and 1858 amounting to 28 lakhs of rupees. Between 1858 and 1872-73 further remissions of taxation were made to the extent of 24g lakhs in districts not brought under the new settlement as shown below ; the abolition of the olungu system in Tanjore and Tinnevelly districts, 7 lakhs ; the reduction of assessment on unirrigated lands in South Arcot and Guntur, Rs. 95,000 ; the reduction of assessment of garden lands, 7^ lakhs ; the abolition of the puUary tax in Nellore, Rs. 97,000 ; the reduc- tion of assessment of manavari lands in Chingleput, Rs. 15,000; and the abolition of the tobacco monopoly, 8 lakhs of rupees. On the other hand, the increase of assessment due to the new settlement, not taking into account the local cesses, was, up to 1872-73, 5^ lakhs, and from that year up to the end of 1889-90, 7 lakhs, making a total of 12|^ lakhs. On the whole, therefore, the net amount of land taxation remitted since 1850 is 40 lakhs. This shows that the increase in the ryotwar land revenue is entirely due to the extension of irrigation and extension of cultivation and not in any degree to the increase of taxation. Out of 100 lakhs of rupees, by which the ryotwar revenue demand in 1889-90 exceeds the demand in 1852-53; more than 40 lakhs are due to irrigation provided by irrigation works constructed by Government and classed as productive; irrigation works con- structed since 1850, but not classed as productive, have also brought in a con- siderable revenue; "the amount of which is not ascertainable ; and there is the revenue due to the increase in the acreage of holdings, which has risen from less than 13 to 21 millions of acres, or by about 60 per cent. As compared with . „ , „, . , , .,..,,, 1852-53, the rate per acre of unirrigated . Note.-£l .s take,, as eqn.valent to 10 rupees. ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^^ . ^s. 7^^. tO 2«. 0|d. and of irrigated land from 13s., Id. to 10s. and of land of both descriptions from 5s. to 3s. Hd. The provincial rates, which aflFect ryotwar lands in rural tracts, are (1) the local fund land cess, (2) the village service cess, and (3) the irrigation cess. The last is a voluntary cess of trifling amount paid in a few places to keep up an estab- lishment for the conservancy of, and distribution of water in, irrigation channels and may be left out of the calculation. Land cess is levied for the mainte- nance of roads, bridges,, hospitals and other services administered by the Local Fund Boards. The village service cess is utilised for the maintenance of the village establishments and supersedes in part at least the merahs and grain fees, Avhich, according to the custom of the country, the ryots were bound to pay for the maintenance of village servants. The two cesses on ryotwar lands amount to 62j lakhs of rupees. The whole amount is not a new charge, as the value of the old merahs customarily paid before the village-cess was introduced and which are now no longer paid must be deducted. The increase of taxation on ryotwar land, taking both land revenue proper and provincial rates together, cannot be more than 10 lakhs of rupees, if even so much. Practically, therefore, the incidence of the land. taxes remains the same now as it was in 1850 in nominal money value, while owing to the fall in the purchasing power of money, 2J rupees now being equivalent to 1 rupee before, a ryot has to sell only two-fifths of the crop he would have had to sell formerly to discharge the Government dues. 47. The considerations referred to above clearly show that the pressure of ..,,,, , ,,. ■. . , , the land tax is very much less at present Pressnre of the land tax and selling prices of land. , . • ,i ^,-,l./^ " "<^"i« than it was m the year 1850, even after making allowance for the fact that the area of land actually cultivated was in excess of the recorded area in former years. That the tax is in itself moderate is shown by the high price obtained for much of the land under cultivation. I have collected 61 and given in the appendix such statistics as could be obtained as regards the values of lands in a few districts from the records of the Registration department. In 1830, land had little or no valae throughout the greater portion of the Presi- dency with the exception of the districts of Tanjore, Malabar, South Canara and the river-irrigated portions of Madura and Tinnevelly. In the rich deltas of the Kistna and the Goddvari, transfers of land by sale appear to have been almost unknown till about 1850. In 1853 Sir Walter Elliott, the Commissioner of the Northern Circars, reported that in the Kistna district, land was generally unsaleable, and that, in the only instances which had come to his notice, the area sold was 15 acres of dry and 56^ acres of wet land, the price obtained being Rs. 203. Again the same officer reported in 1854 that the only case of sale of assessed lands occurred in Guntoor, where 10 acres of dry and 2 acres of wet land yielding a gross outturn of Rs. 55, and bearing an assessment of Rs. 34 fetched a price of Rs. 78. In the dry districts, such as the Ceded Districts, &c., the only lands that had any saleable value were inam lands, and lands irrigated by private wells or on which cocoanut and areca plantations had been formed, almost the entire value in these cases being due to ;the capital and labour laid out by the ryots in improving the lands. In the Tanjore district the statistics given in the appendix show that the value of the lands in most places has risen to not less than ten times of what it was ia the early years of the century. In the deltas of the Kistna and the GQdd,vari, lands which were unsaleable have, during the last 30 years, acquired a high value, though in the former district there are still large tracts where, owing to the sparseness of the population, the value has not risen to anything like the height it has attained in Tanjore. As regards the rise in the value of lands in the Coimbatore district, Mr. Nicholson remarks " that (1) whereas up to 1850, or at least in 1839, only about one-eighth of the dry land, three-fourths of the gardens, and one-fourth of the wet land was saleable, in 1884 the bulk of the dry land has a price ranging from As. 4 to Rs. 50 per acre; aU gardens are saleable, and are worth from Rs. 50 to 100 per acre, inclusive of the well, while the wet land is wholly saleable at an average of from Rs. 250 to Rs. 300 ; (2) that a very large proportion of the lands bears a rental of one-half of the gross produce, whereas in 1839 a smaller propor- tion bore a rental of one-half the net produce, i.e., after deducting cultivation expenses ; (3) that interest has decreased, mortgages on landed property being now freely accepted at 9 per cent., whereas in 1839 interest on such transactions was from 12 to 18 per cent, and higher; (4) that trading capital now turns to laud as an investment, and is willing to accept from it a return of 6 per cent., whereas in 1839 it was declared that trading capital did not invest in land ; (5) that wells have increased from about 22,000 to about 55,000 in actual use, representing capital permanently sunk since 1800 of at least 100 lakhs, besides that sunk in wells not now in use ; (6) that thousands of acres have been turned from dry into wet ; (7) that the cultivation of very valuable products, such as sugarcane, turmeric, cocoanuts, plantains, &c., has largely increased ; and (8) that in the recent unpre- cedented famine, (1877-78), it was not the ryot class who suffered severely, save only those who depended solely on dry land." All these beneficial results have been produced by the removal of the special tax on garden cultivation in a district which is known to be one of the driest in the Presidency, and in which out of 62 years beginning with 1803 and ending with 1865 the season in 9 had been described as bad, in 40 as unfavourable, and only in 11 as favourable and in 2 as " bumper." Mr. Nicholson estimates the average value of wet land at Rs. 255 per acre, of dry land at Rs. 19 per acre, and of garden land at Rs. 46 per acre. The poorest lands on the margin of cultivation have of course little or no value, and, allowing for this, he puts the average value of dry land at Rs. 12 per acre. The total capitalized value of the lands under occupation he estimates at 630 lakhs of rupees. In the densely populated districts, such as Tanjore, lands rapidly rose in value when the prices of food grains ruled high between 1860 and 1870 ; since then the rise in the values has not been quite so great. In other districts, however, which have been opened up by extension of communications, the rise in land values during recent years has been very great. The increase in the value of land of course is to some extent due to the fact of its being a " safe " investment. In the 16 62 Tanjore district, for instance, persons investing money in land do not expect to get a greater return than 4 or 5 per cent. ; and in South Canara the return is stated to be as low as S^ per cent. Nevertheless the rise in the price of land is a sure indication of the abundance of circulating capital and of the moderation of the land tax. 48. The proportion which the land assessment bears to the rent value of the „ , ,. ^ , „ ^ ^ , lands is even a- better guage of the Relation between Crorernment assessment aba rental. r.i i ii iiij pressure of the land tax than land prices. Statistics showing this proportion for all the disti-icts of the Presidency are not easily procurable. I have, however, obtained the required particulars for one district, viz., Coimbatore, from leases registered in 1889, and the results are given in the appendix. The number of leases examined was 966, of which ()9] related to dry, lands, 8,112 acres in extent, 40 to garden lands of 429 acres, and 236 to wet lands of 810 acres. In the case of dry lands, the rent was 4"1 times the Government assess- ment, for garden it was 6' 4 times and for wet 5-2 times. Of the extent of land leased out, only in a small proportion of cases are written engagements exchanged and of such written engagements only a small proportion is registered. Moreover it is only the better classes of lands that are leased out. Nevertheless, the figures above given show that the lands have not been over-assessed. In the case of dry lands leased out, the average assessment comes to 1 rupee, while the average dry assessment of the district is 14 annas 10 pies. The wet lands leased out do not seem to be of exceptionally gdod quality, for whije their average assessment comes to lis. 6-3-4, the average wet rate for the district is Rs. 7-7-0. The following statement shows that in a considerable number of cases the rental exceeds even ten times the assessment : — Description of lands. Dry. Grarden. Wet. Kumber of oases in which the rent stipulated to be paid is less than twice the Government assessment . . . 107 1 1 Do. do. do. between 3 and 2 ... 128 . It 9 Do. do. do do. 4 and 3 ... 85 1 16 Do. do. do. do. 5 and 4 ... 95 9 78 Do. do. do. do. 6 and 5 ... 58 3 53 Do. do. do. do. 7 and 6 ... 48 6 26 Do. do. do. do. 8 and 7 ... 39 2 29 Do. do. do. do. Sand 8 ... 26 1 9 Do. do. do. do. 10 and 9 ... 16 3 3 -Do. do. do. do. 15 and 10 ... 60 11 5 Do. do. do. over 15 ... Total ... 29 3 6 691 40 235 Note. — In all these cases the lessor pays the Government assessment ont of the rent stipulated. 49. The proportion of Government assessment to the gross produce was esti- ,. ,„ , ^ ^ , mated by the Famine Commission at 6-3 Batio of Government assessment to gross produce. ]: , i ■ ,^ i „ , per cent., taking the value of the gross outturn at 50 crores of rupees, and the land revenue at 3" 16 crores. They have excluded from land revenue 1"37 crores as being water charge and not forming part of land tax proper. Including this amount, the proportion is 9*2 per cent. In these calculations, however, the outturn of favourably assessed inam lauds and of zemindari lands, which now pay to Government a smaller revenue than ryotwar lands, has been included. Taking the ryotwar lands- alone, the average rate of assessment for wet lands is Rs. 5 per acre and for dry lands 1 rupee per acre, and these rates are between one-fourth and one-fifth and one-fourth and one-sixth res- pectively of the gross outturn according to settlement calculations after deducting from the average outturn 1 6f per cent, in the case of wet and 25 per cent, in the case of dry lands as allowance for vicissitudes of season. The average outturn of lands is, however, extremely difficult to calculate on account of the wide variety of soils and of seasons, the produce even in a small cycle of years varying from almost nothing to a bumper crop; but though, as I shall have hereafter occasion to 63 show, I do not believe that the values assigned by the settlement department to the various faotors which enter into the calculations from which the Government assessment is deduced are even approximately correct, there is no reason to sup- pose that the proportion of the assessment of ryotwar lands to the gross produce is higher than those above given. In the ^ case of lands in the poorer dry districts it is very much less. 50. The hicome-tax. — The revenue derived from this source amounts to 18^ lakhs , . , . LAKHS, of rupees. The portion of the tax relating U. ax on aalaries and pensions ... 6i , . -i • , i ■ • ,i Tax on Companies | to trades IS uot a new One, but IS the reprc- Tax on interest on Government securities. i Sentative of the old moturpha, SOme aCCOUUt Tax on profits or trades, &c. ... ... ... Hi p i ■ i i i t i • -n- . ot which has already been given. U npopu- i8i lar as the income-tax is, it is nothing so unbearable as the old all-embracing moturpha, which, in an ably drawn up petition, presented by the Madras Native Association to the Committee of the House of Commons, appointed to enquire into Indian affairs in 1853, is described as "a tax on trades and occupations ; embracing weavers, carpenters, all workers in metals, all salesmen, whether possessing shops, which are also taxed separately, or vending by tbe roadside, &c., &c., some paying impost on their tools, others for permission to sell, extending to the most trifliug articles of trade, and the cheapest tools the mechanic can employ ; the cost of which is frequently exceeded six times over by the moturpha, under which the use of them is permitted." The tax, according to Mr. Dykes, the Collector of Salem, who was examined by the Select Committee, varied in each district and in every village, and its assessment was, in the highest degree, arbitrary. The mode of assessment was often as follows : A man's father had paid the tax and the son was generally assessed at the same amount. If the latter was considered to be an energetic man and was believed to drive a better trade, the matter was reported to the CoUectoi- the next time he visited that part of the district. If the trader was a man of any sense, I use Mr. Dykes' words, he bought off the village authorities and did not get his assessment raised, the extent of his dealings not being reported. Sir Thomas Munro mentions that in the Bellary district, the tax amounted to between 15 and 20 per cent, of the income in some taluks and little or nothing in others, the reason for indulgent treatment in the latter cases being that the merchants were obliged to furnish at a low rate whatever articles were required for the public service, to take the Sirkar share of the crops, damaged stores, &c., at 10 per cent, above the market rate, and to pay " occasional " contributions. Sir Thomas Munro proposed to impose a uniform tax of 15 per cent, throughout the district. In one village in the Coimbatore district barbers, carpenters and blacksmiths paid Rs. 2-5-8 each ; pariah labourers paid As. 14-2 and chucklers paid each Rs. 2-5-8. The Public Works Commissioners of 1852 give some interesting statistics regarding the oppressive character of this tax. They state, " In connection with the important object of increasing the class of consumers not directly concerned with the growth of food, we cannot but observe that the "moturpha or tax on tradesmen and artizans appears singularly objectionable. In a country where the classes engaged in trade, manu- factures and the useful arts are extremely few in number compared with those occupied in agriculture, the disfavour of the former branches of industry is increased by a special impost levied on those employed in them. It amounts in all to £116,000 and this trifling sum is collected from no fevrer than 994,224 individuals being only H R. or 2s. 4ri. from each contributor." The Commissioners go on to ^ Of coarse the small proportion of the assessment to the gross produce does not necessarily show that the assessment is light as there is a vast quantity of poor lands in arid tracts, which are on the margin of cnltiration. The only use of these calculations is to show that the land revenue now taken by the British Government does not exceed much, if at all, the one-sixth share prescribed by Menu, the Hindu law giver, and which I suppose must have had reference to unirrigated lands and not to lands for which irrigation is provided by expensive irrigation-works constructed and maintained by Government. The statements of Sir Thomas Munro and Mr. Russell referred to in a previous part of this memorandum show that the ryots in former days paid between 45 and 60 percent, of the crop to Government, and that the Government share was further enhanced by the unduly high money valuation put on the crop. The ryots, on the other hand, cheated the Governineat by holding more lands than they paid for, and further the large area of inam lands enabled the better classes of ryots to exist. It was a case of perpetual struggle between the Government officers and the ryots, the former by means of forced cultivation and torture trying to extort ihe re- venue which was impossible of realization except occasionally and in a spasmodic way, and the latter by practising all manner of deception and by concealment of property trying to evade payaient of Government dues. Even Sir Thomas Munro, whose one object was to give saleable' value to lands, and encourage enterprise in the ryots, found it necessary to prohibit th^ cultivation of inam lands to the neglect of lands which paid the fall assessment. 64 remark "a large part of the .moturpha ig paid by the weavers and forms an addition to the difficulties with which they have to contend in competing with the English manufacturer. In this case too, the tax is more than usually inquisitorial, as the amount varies with the number of looms employed by each payer ; houses are frequently entered in order to discover concealed looms, as the Indian loom is easily dismantled and put away." The grossly unequal incidence of the tax in the several districts will be seen from the subjoined table. The number of payees of income- tax in the districts referred to and the incidence per head are added for the pur- poses of comparison : — Names of districts. Number of Payees of Moturpha Tax. Amount paid. Rate per head of Payee. Number of Payees of Income Tax, Part IV. Amount paid. KS. A. p. RS. 2 111 2,819 71,746 1 14 2,889 60,446 1 1 101 973 18,742 4 10 1,620 28,338 9 4J 1,077 24,033 8 9J 2,015 48,078 Bate per head of Payees. Tanjore ... Bellary ... Triohinopoly KOTDOOI Canara ... Malabar 232,321 145,300 5,834 12,104 28,301 211,152 43,313 2,73,576 6,525 55,992 16,567 1,15,742 B8. A. P. 25 7 3 20 14 9 19 4 2 17 7 11 23 5 23 13 9 The number of payees of the income-tax throughout the Presidency in 1890-91 was 56,809 and the average assessment, Rs. 28-10-6 per head. Besides the income-tax, a tax on arts, trades and professions is levied in Municipal towns ; the amount collected in 1889-90 was Rs. 1,80,557, and the number of payees 48,932, and the average payment Rs. 4-1-9 per head. The exemption of incomes below Rs. 500 from assessment has minimized much of the inquisition and oppression inci- dental to the levy of a tax of this kind, and if the state of the finances permit, the limit of exemption may be extended to Rs. 1,000. If this were done, the revenue from this tax would be reduced by a fourth. This is the only tax paid by the trading classes who are bound to contribute their fair share to the public burdens, and it is therefore quite sound in principle. There is no difficulty in assessing official salaries and professional incomes, and as regards trade profits, the exemp- tion of incomes below Rs. 500 secures to a great extent from oppression the classes least able to protect themselves. The people are becoming accustomed to the tax, and, though the revenue derived is small, it is collected without much additional cost, and if, as I believe it will, the country makes a rapid advance in industrial development, this source of revenue might in course of time, be expected to become important. It must, therefore, be once for all recognized as permanently incorporated into the system of taxation of the Empire and not be periodically threatened with extinction. 51. The Government salt monopoly in this Presidency was created in 1805. „ ,^ „ Previously under native Governments the Salt Revenue. e j. j? ii t> ■, . manutacture or salt was farmed out in some places, but on no defined system, and in other places various persons had been allowed the privilege of manufacture without any payment. In the Northern Circars-it was the policy of the Muhammadan Government to limit the manufacture of salt to its own havelly or home farm lands, and to prohibit the making of salt in Zemindaris. At Nowpada in 1787 the price of salt was Rs. 40 per garce of 120 maunds (1 maund=82flb.). The price of salt inland was four and often eight times the price on the coast with reference to the distance from the coast. Before the Government monopoly came into force, the price of salt at Calicut in 1800 was, according to Buchanan, 4 annas a maund. In Mangalore, Bombay salt was sold for less than 4 annas and Goa salt less than 3 annas ^ maund. At Taikulam &5 • Note. — The Government monopoly of salt fixed from time to time has been as follows ; — (near Bangalore) the price of earth salt was 10 annas 8 pies per maund, and of Madras sea salt 2 rupees or three times as much. After the creation of the Government monopoly the price at the Government factories was * fixed at 9^ annas at first, and it has been continually enhanced till it amounts now to 2 rupees 11 annas. Till 1882, the manufacture of salt except on Government account was prohibited. Between 1882 and 1886, the system of manufacture and sale of salt by private individuals on payment of an excise duty was substituted for the Gov- ernment monopoly system throughout the Presidency, with the exception of half a dozen places where the old system is still maintained. The growth of the salt revenue since the beginning of the century will be seen from the figures given below : — From 1805 to Nov. 1809 Do. Nov. 1809 to 1820 Do. 1820 to Jtiue 1823 Do. June 1828 to 3l8t March 1844 Do. April 1844 to July 1859 Do. August 1859 to Aprill 861 ... Do April 1861 to June 1861 Do. June 1861 to 1865-66 Do. 1865-66 to Oct. 1869 Do. Oct. 1869 to Dec. 1877 Do. Dec. 1877 to March 1882 ... Do. March 1882 to January 1888 Do. January 1888 to date Per mannd. BS. A. p. 9 4 14 9 4 14 1 1 2 1 6 1 8 1 11 2 2 11 2 3 2 11 Average of ten years ending 1809-10 Do Do. Do. Do. Do. Do. Do. Do do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. For the year 1889-90 1819-20 1829-30 1839-40 1849-50 1859-60 1869-70 1879-80 1889-90 Quantity Millions Ex. exported and sold • Millions lb. •13 360 ■33 321 ■36 442 •38 401 •44 408 •52 476 •98 565 1-33 626 1-49 537 176 578 Since 1820, the consumption of salt cannot be said to have increased as much as might be expected from the increase of population, the suppression of illicit manufacture and smuggling and the development of communications, though, of course, owing to the area supplied with Madras salt, which competes with that of Bombay, having under the ordinary conditions of trade changed from time to time, the figures above given for different years will have to be corrected to admit of their being compared with one another. The development of railways and the fall in the purchasing power of money have also doubtless made the tax less burden- some in proportion to the increase in the money rates of duty than it would other- wise have been in the inland districts. Thus in 1814, when the monopoly price of salt at the coast was 14 annas a maund, Madras sea salt was sold in Bellaiy at Rs. 2-8-0 per maund ; and in 1850 when the Government price was Rs. 1-0-0, the price in Bellary was a little less than Rs. 2-8-0. The prices in Cuddapah, Kurnool, Ooimbatore and Salem districts in 1862, 1873 and 1883 when the monopoly prices at the factories were Rs. 1-8-0, Rs. 2-0-0, and Rs. 2-3-0, compare as follows: — Seers of 80 tolas per rupee. 1862. Cuddapah Bellary Kurnool Ooimbatore. Salem 16-61 12-54 1500 14-04 18-86 1873. 18^2 17^11 165 15-95 1561 1883. 16-6 155 14-2 14-5 160 There can, however, be little doubt that the salt tax presses with severity on the poorer classes, especially on the sea coast, where the duty has been enhanced in recent years, and large preventive establishments have at the same time been employed to put down illicit manufacture and smuggling. There has been much discussion as regards the soundness of the policy of taxing a necessary of life like salt. The Duke of Argyle, the Secretary of State for India, said in 1869 : " On all grounds of general principle, salt is a perfectly legitimate subject of taxation. 17 66 It is impossible to reach the masses of the people by direct taxes ; if they are to contribute at all to the expenditure of the State, it must be through taxes levied upon some articles of universal consumption. If such taxes are fairly adjusted, a large revenue can thus be raised, not only with less consciousness on the part of the people, but with less real hardship on them than in any other way whatever. There is no other article in India answering this description upon which any tax is levied. It appears to be the only one which at present in that country can occupy the place which is held in our own fiscal system by the great articles of consump- tion from which a large part of the imperial revenue is derived. I am of opinion that the salt tax in India must continue to be regarded as a legitimate important branch of the public revenue. It is the duty, however, of the Government to see that such taxes are not so heavy as to bear unjustly on the poor by amounting to a large percentage on their necessary expenditure." That the poorer classes should contribute their quota to the revenue of the country may be fully admitted, but the Salt tax is about the worst means which can be employed to draw contribu- tions from them, and nothing but the direst necessity can justify in a country like India, resort to taxation of this kind. The tax, taking the consumption per head in this Presidency at 16 lb. per head per annum, amounts to from 2^ to 5 per cent, of the income of a poor family, which is barely sufficient in many oases for subsistence. The diet of the poorer classes is such that they have to use a much larger quantity of salt than the richer classes who use considerable quantities of sugar and of vegetables containing salt. It has been calculated that the quantity of salt required by a labouring man in this Presidency is double the quantity required by a labouring man in Northern India, part of whose diet consists of wheat ; and the equalization of the salt duties throughout India has really had the effect of enhancing the duty on salt to persons who require salt to a large extent and of diminishing it to persons who require salt to a much smaller extent. The greatest objection to the salt tax is, however, the large establishments at heavy cost that it is necessary to maintain to protect the revenue. The strength of the Police force employed throughout the Presidency for the prevention and detection of crime against life and property is^ 22,668 and the cost 36^ lakhs of rupees ; while the force employed for the protection of the salt and abkdri revenues, that is for the purpose of preventing people from doing what but for these taxes would be innocent and even meritorious is 8,606, the cost being 13j lakhs of rupees. This multiplication of Government establishments of a semi-police character with none of the responsibilities of the regular police force is to my mind a serious evil. The tendency ^ of the Salt Department, as indeed of all departments, is naturally enough to strengthen its own hands, irrespective of other considerations, for the purpose of protecting with theoretic completeness the revenue which it is charged with the duty of collecting, and it is, therefore, a matter for particular satisfaction that the Government of Madras in 1889, when the salt law was revised, resisted the attempt persistently made by this department to have it declared by law that any earth in which salt might enter in ever so small quantities was to be regarded as contraband " salt," and any dealing with such earth including mere collection, as " illicit manufacture," even in places where there is likely to be no appreciable danger to the revenue. A further objection to the salt tax is, that it has rendered the suppression of the manufacture of earth salt in various places a necessity, thus preventing the utilization of natural resources, and has interfered with the develop- ment of saltpetre industry and the manufacture of glass, salt being the chief material in alkali, and alkali in glass. In the Ceded Districts and Kurnool alone, manu- facture of earth salt amounting to 5 lakhs of maunds or nearly 6 per cent, of the entire salt production in the country was suppressed. The salt manufactured 29 Note.— The Salt Department has of late years constantly reoommended a reversion to the old monopoly system of manufacture and sale on behalf of Government and this view has been urged strongly in the Administration Jleport of the department for 1890-91. The chief grounds for the view are, that the sKght enhancement in the price of salt to the consumer in reoent years is the result of the excise system, that if Government sold the salt to th? public they could control the price so as to reduce it to a lower level than that at which it is now, and that it is possible for Government to regulate production with reference to the varying conditions of trade without the help of natural prices to guide itself by. In a note appended to this memorandum, I have endeavoured to show that these expecta- tions are entirely illusory and that it would be a grave error for the Government to undertake the responsibility of regulating production without any adequate means of discharging it and without leaving it to private trade to adjust supplies to demand. The evils of concentrating all power in the hands of a Government department oonstitute also an important oocsideratiou which ought not to be overlooked. 67 Was perfectly wholesome and considerable quantities of it used to be given to cattle. This practice has now entirely ceased. The effect of the tax on public health^ is very prejudicial, and it seems to me to be a matter for serious consideration whether this tax should be maintained at its present high level, when so much attention is now being devoted to the improvement of the sanitation of the country and the health of the population. I would therefore venture respectfully to suggest that the gradual reduction and eventual abolition of this tax should be pressed on the attention of the Government of India, a tax on the consumption of tobacco being if necessary imposed as a substitute. A tax on tobacco managed under a system like that in force in France will be liable to none of the objections urged against the tax on salt. The plant can grow only on particular soils and requires careful cultivation ; and it will not therefore be necessary to employ as costly pre- ventive establishments for the protection of a tax on tobacco as it is in the case of salt which is formed spontaneously in many places on the coast. Any quantity of excellent tobacco might be grown on the lunkas or islands in the Godd,vari and Kistna rivers which are at the disposal of Government and leased out annually for cultivation. Tobacco is not a bulky article like salt, does not waste in being carried inland or cost much for carriage. According to one estimate the value of the tobacco produced and consumed in the country is 6 millions Rx. and according to another it is 2| millions. Taking the lower figure, a tax amounting to 300 per cent.^^ on the cost price of the tobacco consumed will yield the revenue now derived from salt. Tobacco is not a necessary of life, at all events to such an extent as salt, and a large proportion of the tax will be contributed by the poorest classes, who it is considered should be called upon to bear their share of the public burdens. 52. The receipts from this source consist of the revenue derived from (1 ) „ . ... , , country spirits ; (2) toddy Or fermented Excise on spirits and drugs. , V . ^ , n\ • • t i. palm juice ; (3) spirits and fermented liquors imported or made in the country according to the European methods ; and (4) opium. The abkdri or revenue derived from intoxicating liquors is an ancient one in this Presidency. Tavernier mentions that the King of Golgonda derived a very large revenue from the consumption of toddy (fermented palm juice), notwith- standing that the use of liquors was strictly forbidden by the Muhammadan religion. Among the Hindus, drinking appears to have been general among the lower classes of the population and especially the aboriginal tribes from the earliest times. In a letter, written in 1683, by Father John DeBritto, of the Madura Jesuit Mission, to the General of the Society at Rome, he states : " The King of Marava encamped with his army, offered the wonted sacrifice to the mother of the gods and did not fail, according to his custom, to satisfy his devotion heartily with the liquor of the palm, which he styled piously the milk of the goddess. It must be observed that the Maravars do not think themselves bound to keep the law which so sternly forbids the nobler castes the use of intoxicating liquor. So they have taken care to dignify in name this liquor which the other castes call the devil's drink (petannir)." Tippu Sultan endeavoured to carry out the injunctions of the Muhammadan religion by issuing an order to the effect that all the palm trees within his dominions should be cut down. The order was obeyed only in the neighbourhood of his capital. '" In England in the first quarter of the century a duty of £30 per ton (equal to £1 a maund) was levied on salt and the consumption per head was only 16 lb. The prije of salt was then £32 per ton. No duty is now levied and the price is 12s. per ton. The consumption per head is 72 lb., of Which it is calculated that 40 lb. are consumed for cook- ing and condiment, the rest being used for chemicals, manure, &c. Mr. Mulhall states that reduced death-rate and higher efficiency of workmen are results of the greater consumption of salt. As regards the Indian salt tax, it must be remembered that the poorer classes who purchase salt required for consumption for a pie or two every day, really pay for the article twice as much (if not more) as the rich who purchase in much larger quantities.* The, follow- ing remarks of the Dnke of Argyle must also be borne in mind. He said " I observe that several of those officers whose opinions on this question have been given in the papers before me, found that opinion upon what they have heard, in the way of complaint among the native population ; but this is a very unsafe ground of judgment ; it is one of the great advantages of indirect taxation that it is so mixed np with the other elements of price that it is paid without observation by the consumers. Even at home, where the people are so much more generally educated, and more accustomed to political reasoning, the heavy indirect taxes formerly levied upon the great articles of consumption were seldom complained of by the poor ; they were not themselves conscious how severely they were affected by those taxes, and how much more of the articles they would consume if the duties were lower. But while ihia peculiarity of indirect taxation makes it a most convenient instrument of finance, it throws additional responsibility upon all Governments which resort to it to bring the most enlightened consideration to bear upon the adjustment rjf taxes, which may really be very heavy and unjust, without the fact being perceived or understood by those on whom they fall." " In France the cost price of 1 lb. of tobacco appears to be 6(f. and the tax levied is 44d. or more than 700 pej- cent. of the cost price. 68 No special measures had been taken by the English Government until about 1870 to check the consumption of liquors beyond farming out places of sale. Since then the liquor traffic has been brought under regulation and consumption checked by the gradual enhancement of duty levied both on liquors manufactured in the country and imported from abroad. A detailed account of the various measures adopted for this purpose and of the success which has attended them is given in a note printed as appendix to this memorandum and it is unnecessary to repeat here what is there fully stated. The facts and statistics given in the note will show beyond doubt that the allegations, sometimes made, to the effect that drunkenness is spread- ing both among the higher and the lower classes, and that the Governmeiit is directly interested in extending the consumption and not in contracting it, are entirely untrue, so far at all events as this Presidency is concerned. As a matter of fact, the quantity of country liquor now consumed is about the same as it was in 1875 as shown by the returns of liquor which has paid excise duty, while the population has increased by 15 per cent. The real diminution in consumption is very much more than this, for there was no special preventive agency employed prior to 1884 to check illicit consumption which was then very prevalent. In Malabar, for instance, which is full of palm groves, the consumption of liquor was formerly practically unregulated. The stringent measures adopted in recent years for concentrating distillation of liquors in a few central places and for limiting sales to licensed places have increased the price of liquor and reduced the consumption so much that the complaint is now often made tha,t the poorer classes suffer hardship in being deprived of toddy which, though an intoxicant, is believed, to some extent, to be a substitute for food. The number of licensed places for the sale of liquors, which had to be kept at a high level at the outset with a view to take away the induce* raents for illicit traffic, has since been enormously reduced. All these measures were inaugurajted long before even the existence of Mr. Caine was known in this Presidency, though the credit certainly belongs to him of not allowing the Govern- ment to relax its efforts in this direction. That the consumption of liquor can be regulated by increasing or diminishing the duty levied thereon is shown by the fact that it increases in prosperous years and diminishes in years of scarcity. The impression that drunkenness is spreading among the higher classes is also, to a great extent, unfounded. It is true that among the educated classes there is now less religious scruple than formerly in taking liquor under medical advice, when there is absolute necessity for doing so, but drunkenness is not considered among these classes less disgraceful than formerly, and the number of persons addicted to drinking is exceedingly small and has shown no tendency to increase in recent years. The returns of imported liquors show that the imports of spirits and wines have greatly fallen off during the last fifteen or twenty years. The imports of beer have, on the other hand, very considerably increased. Beer, however, is drunk by Europeans and Eurasians and by the lower classes of natives on the Nllgiri hills, where it is superseding country spirit, the price of which has very much risen on account of the heavy duty levied on it. The duty on imported and country-made beer in proportion to its alcholic strength is much lighter than that on spirits or even toddy, and it is very desirable that it • The excise duty on beer in England is 6s. Sd. ahnuM] hfi * rai'^Pi^ Mr Cair^P, wnnlrl finri B, barrel or a little over 2d. a gallon. The excise and SaOUlU Oe raiSeO,^ IVir. Uaiue WOUltt find import dnty on beer in India is 1 anna a gallon. Beer USeful OCCUpation in inducing the HoUSe contains about 8 per cent, alcohol, and, if it were taxed at f Cnmmnn's. tn pnntjPTif tn an c^nhanno the same rate as spirit, viz., Bs. 6 per gallon of proof spirit, ^^ V^OmmOUS tO COnsent tO an eunance- the duty would be nearly 1 rupee. A duty of 4 annas to mCUt of the import duty On beer, and tf:j7l:iiT:^^^:1^:iJ^e^: °"'" *'^ '"^^ tJie enhancement of the excise duty will follow as a matter of course. The* sale of opium was, till 1880, unregulated chiefly because it was not generally consumed except for medicinal purposes in the greater portion of the Presidency. Its use, however, was all along pretty general in the hill tracts of the four northern districts and on the Nllgiris, the drug being considered as a prophylactic against malarial fever. The poppy plant used to be cultivated, to a small extent, in the hill tracts, but the cultivation has been prohibited since 1880. As now a duty is levied on transport and retail sale of opium in addition to the excise duty, the price of the drug has been considerably enhanced and its consumption has been much restricted. The total quantity consumed throughout the Presidency is only 77,000 lb., of which 68,000 lb. forms the consumption of the four northern 69 districts. Of the total number of shops licensed, viz., 1,050, no less than 716 are situated within these districts. The total revenue from the excise on spirits and drugs since the beginning of the century has been as follows : — Average of ten years ending 1809-10 Do. do. 1819-20 Do. do. 1829-30 Do. do. 1839-40 Do. do. 1849-50 Do. do. 1859-60 Do. do. 18e9-70 Do. do. 1879-80 Do. do. 1S39-90 In 1890-91 • • • • • ••• In Million Kx. -06 -12 -15 -17 -22 ■25 -42 -59 -83 1-14 It will be seen that the revenue has risen enormously especially during the last decade, the causes for the increase being, as already explained, not any exten- sion of consumption but the enhancement of taxation. The excise on intoxicating liquors and drugs, from an economical point of view, is a very desirable form of taxation, for whereas all taxes are objectionable, because they restrict production and consumption, the objection does not apply to this tax, the restriction of con- sumption being the very object aimed at in regulating the traffic and the revenue derived being obtained, as it were, incidentally and not being in itself the object. .„, ^ , , • ^i,. T. -^ r . . To some extent,* the increase in the * The total revenue in this Presidenoy from excise is 1'2 million Ex. and the total expenditure on drinking may be taken at about twice that sum or 2'4 million Bx. In England the expenditure on drink is enormous, being estimated at 180 millions sterling. The consump- tion per head is "96 gallon of spirit, "36 gallon of wines and 2680 gallon of beer. In this Presidency the con- sumption per head may be roughly estimated as follows : Spirit "044 gallon ; wines '0001 gallon ; toddy '25 gallon ; beer '025 gallon. In the estimate given above imported liquors are assumed to have been consumed within the Presidenoy, whereas large quantities of them are exported to Native States. revenue is an index to the improved means, though not the improved educa- tion, of the working classes, from which, it is almost entirely drawn. It seems to me, therefore, that it is right and proper that this revenue should be entirely at the disposal of the local Government in view to its being devoted to the amelioration of the moral and intellectual condition of the classes to whose ignorance and improvidence it owes its existence. Under present arrangements, three-fourths of the revenue is taken by the Government of India for imperial purposes and this, I venture to submit, is not as it should be. 53. The fluctuations in the Customs revenue of the Presidency since the beginning of the century have been as follows : — Bx. millions. -33 49 58 44 25 14 24 29 15 18 The decline in the revenue of the later years as compared with the revenue of the earlier years of the century is the result of the policy of freeing trade and industries from all obstacles calculated to impede their natural growth and of leaving them to their unfettered development, which, under the impulse of the free trade principles adopted in England has been maintained in this country during the last 40 years. The abolition of the Sayer or inland transit duties which had given rise to frightful abuses and had weighed upon the springs of industry like a dead weight has already been referred to. In 1844, the year in which the Sayer duties were abolished, the trade between ports within British India was declared free, the revenue relinquished on both accounts being 36 lakhs of rupees. The tariff as regards foreign trade was at the same time remodelled, but the old principle of differential and discriminating duties in regard to articles imported from and 18 Customs revenue. Average of ten years ending 1809-10 Do. do. 1819-20 Do. do. 1829-30 Do. do. 1839-40 Do. do. 1849-50 Do. do. 1859-60 Do. do. 1869-70 Do. do. 1879-80 Do. do. 1889-90 In 1889-90 ■ •• 70 exported to Britisli territories and similar articles exported to and imported from other countries, as well as in regard to merchandise carried in British and i^oreign ships was still maintained. Thus the rate on metals, wrought and unwrought, the produce of the United Kingdom, or any British possession, if brought in British ships, paid a duty of 3 per cent., and if brought in ships of other countries paid 6 per cent. Metals, the produce of foreign countries, if brought in British ships, paid 6 per cent., and if brought in ships of other countries paid 12 per cent. On cotton goods manufactured in the United Kingdom or any British possession the duty was 3^ per cent, if brought in British ships and double that rate if brought in foreign ships. Similar discriminating duties were imposed on articles of export merchandise also. Cotton shipped to Europe, the United States of America and any British possession in America paid no duty, if the article was taken in British ships, and 9 annas a maund if taken in foreign ships. The export duty on cotton taken to other countries in foreign ships was Rs. 1-2-0 a maund. These injurious restrictions, the relics of the old Colonial system, which must have prevented the development of a trade between India and foreign countries, were done away with in 1858-59, but as the necessities of Govern- ment on account of the Indian mutiny and the consequent increase of public expenditure were very great, the Customs duties were generally raised to from 5 to 20 per cent. Since 1860, the reforms of the tariff, with some notable exceptions, have consisted in the reduction and eventual abolition of the duties on most articles of merchandize. The only articles on which an import duty is now levied are: (1) arms and ammunition and military stores, (2) liquors, (3) salt, and (4) petroleum ; and the export list of dutiable articles consists of (1) paddy and rice, and (2) opium. The import duty on arms and ammunition is necessitated by political, and that on liquor by moral, considerations, the object in both cases being to prevent and not to promote their unrestricted use. The import duty on salt is necessitated by the excise duty on the same commodity, and I have already given my reasons for considering this tax to be in the highest degree objectionable on several grounds. The import duty on petroleum, which is " the light of the poor," is also open to objection, but the tax is a light one, and its collection does not involve any special hardship, or additional machinery, as owing to the explosive nature of the article, its import and storage can, under any circumstances, be allowed only subject to special restrictions imposed for ensuring public safety. Among the dutiable articles of export tariff the duty on opium is, of course, unobjectionable, at all events from the point of view of the anti-opium society whose object is to restrict the consumption of Indian opium in China. Sir Evelyn Baring in his financial statement for 1882-83 made the following remarks in connection with the economic objections to the Government monopoly of the drug and the moral aspects of the traffic in it. He said : " The economic objections to the manner in which the opium revenue is raised, whetlier in Bengal or Bombay, may be admitted to be considerable. In the former case, the Government itself engages in private trade — a course which is open to obvious objections. In the second case, a heavy export duty is imposed. In both cases the course adopted interferes with, and restricts the free production of, and the trade in, opium. It cannot be doubted that it would be profitable to any trader to pay for crude opium a much higher sum than is now paid by Government to cultivators of Bengal. If, there- fore, supposing such a thing to be possible, no restriction were placed on the cultivation of the poppy, and if at the same time the export duty were taken off, it is certain that an immense stimulus would be given to the production of opium, and that China would be flooded with the Indian drug. Thus in direct proportion to the removal of the economic objections, the moral objections would be intensified in degree. So long, therefore, as the plea of the anti-opium society is confined to the contention that the Indian Government should cease its direct connection with the opium trade, it maybe said, with perfect truth, that their policy is based purely on theory. Not only can it effect no practical good, but it almost certainly would do a great deal of harm. It would increase the consumption of opium in China. It would, by cheapening the price of the Indian drug, cause the poorer classes of the population who now smoke native opium, to substitute Indian opium in its place. It would, moreover, encourage the use of opium amongst the native popula- tioji of India, some of whom, notably the Sikhs, are already addicted to the practice ; 71 and it would result in a diminution of the food supply of India, by reason of the cultivation of the poppy over land on which cereals are now grown. If, therefore, the policy is not merely to be theoretical, but is to be productive of some practical good, it muse aim not only at the disconnection of the Indian Government with the manufacture and sale of opium, but at the total suppression of the cultivation of the poppy." To us in Madras where the cultivation of the poppy^ is entirely prohi- bited, the interest in the opium question arises from the fact that the abolition of the export duty on the drug and the relaxation of the restrictions placed on its transport will have the eflfect of flooding Southern India with a noxious article and of creat- ing a taste for it among its population, which is not now addicted to the practice of consuming opium. Further the relinquishment of the large revenue derived from the opium duty would also render the imposition of additional objectionable taxation necessary, while what is wanted is that the salt duty should be either removed or reduced. The export duty on rice violates every principle, and is most injurious in practice. It used to be defended on the ground that India enjoyed a monopoly of the production of rice, but this argument, as has been repeatedly pointed out by Mr. O'Oonor in his trade reviews, is not, and was never, fairly sustainable. Indian rice is used for (1) distillation, (2) for starch, and (3) for food, and in these various uses rice has to compete with several other products, and India with several other countries. The countries that enter into competition with India are Siam, Cochin- China, Japan, Java, Northern Italy, and the productions which enter into competi- tion with rice, are maize, barley, rye, potatoes, Mohwa flower, and even wheat and sugar, many kinds of which are being sold in the English market as cheaply as rice, and even more cheaply. The rice used for food has to compete with European rice (that of "Lombardy in particular) and with the rice of the Asiatic countries as well as with Madagascar rice and the rice produced in the Southern States of the Union. Mr. O'Oonor points out that whereas 20 years ago we did a large business with China, that trade has almost ceased to exist, Cochin-China as well as Siam having driven our rice out of the market. The export duty on rice, 3 annas a maund, which amounts to 7 per cent, on the value, is a heavy one, and its retention in the tariff, while duties far less injurious in their effects have been abohshed, gives occasion for valid complaint.^^ 64. The growth of the stamp revenue will be seen from the following figures : — stamps. Average of 10 vears ending 1819-20 Do' 1829-30 Do. 1839-40 Do. 1849-50 Do. 1859-60 Do. 1869-70 Do. 1879-80 Do. 1889-90 In 1889-90 Rx. millions. ., -04 ■06 •04 •04 •06 •29 •47 •58 •65 This revenue has developed rapidly since 1859 when the Code of Civil Pro- cedure was passed, and the system of levying court fees by means of stamps on '* The objections to the export duty on rire were very forcibly stated by the Honourable Mr. Steel in the Legislative Council of India in 1885. He said : " I must protest in the strongiest terms against any budget which does not redress this crying evil of our financial system. I refer to the export duty onrice. "to my mind it seems incon- ceivable that such an objectionable impost should be preserved in any civilized country. An export duty on raw produce and that produce the food of the people ! With all our study of economics, can we do no better than this ? It is Rs hurtful in practice as vicious in principle. Who would dream of an export duty on wheat ? In principle there is no difference. Let ns consider its effect. An export duty of 10s. per ton is equal to a tax of 5 to 10 per cent, upon its value. It absolutely shuts out the grain from important consumption for distilling and sizing purposes. It reduces the foreign consumption of rice for food when it comes into competition with other articles of food. It thus limits the production of the principal agricultural product of Bengal and Burma at the cost of the agricultural and labouring classes. By checking the production of rice, it diminishes the reserves to which we must look in case of scarcity and famine. 1 look upon this rice-tax as the very worst possible source of revenue which could be devised, and cannot approve of any budget which does not get rid of it even at the risk of fresh taxation. I have been informed that of the abundant harvest of 1882, much rice was actually allowed to rot on the ground, because not worth the cost of saving, which but for this duty might have been saved and shipped." Sir Evelyn Baring when examined before the Royal Commission on the value of the precious metals, admitted that it was a fair criticism that the export duty on rice should have gone first, that is, before the cotton duties, because the abolition of the export duties would have been extremely beneficial to India, more especially in view of the difficulty regarding the rate of exchange. He added : " I look upon this as the most important fiscal reform in India, and I always immensely regret that while I was in India, I was not able to crown the free trade edifice by abolishing the export duties." 72 civil suits instituted, was introduced. Of tlie sum of 65 lakhs of rupees, wliich is tbe revenue now derived from stamps, 40 lakhs are obtained from judicial stamps and 25 lakhs from general stamps. The institution fee levied on civil suits is 7^ per cent, on the value of the property in litigation when it does not exceed Es. 1,000, and the rate is reduced for higher values, the maximum fee being limited to Rs. 3,000. On criminal complaints a fee of 8 annas is levied. Apart from the abstract question of the propriety of taxing justice, there is little to com- plain of in regard to the stamp duties on judicial proceedings. The growth of tbe revenue is entirely due to the increase in litigation consequent on the general pro- gress of the country and the great increase in value of moveable and immoveable property, more especially the latter. The number of civil suits instituted in 1850 was 81,392, the value of the property involved being 55 lakhs. In 1889 the number of suits had increased to 255,006 and the value of the property to 375 lakhs of rupees. The average value of a suit, which in 1850 was Rs. 70, is now Rs. 146. Recently the Government of India had the question of the extent to which the expenditure on the maintenance of Civil Courts was recouped by the stamp duties paid by the litigants, investigated. The result as regards the Madras Presidency was that the receipts were found to be very slightly in excess of the expenditure. If the scheme which appears to be under the contemplation of Government for further improving the position and status of the District Munsifs and Sub-Judges be carried out, there will be no profit to Government, but on the other hand a slight loss. The court fees levied on suits doubtless bear hard on the poorer litigants to some extent ; but the remedy for this, however, is not the abolition of the fees, but the provision of popular and inexpensive tribunals for the settlement of petty litigation. The duties levied under the general stamp law are not very onerous as the rate for transfers of laud * on sales and * In France tlie valae of immoveable property mortffaSfeS which form the bulk of the which changes hands by transfer is estimated at 80 mil- , ?• • jj. t_'ijj.- lions sterling and that which changes hands by suoces- transactions an regard tOWniCn dUtieS sion 60 milUoiis sterling. The duties charged on both haVC tO be paid is Oulv OUC PCr CCUt. amount to 8 millions or 5'7 per cent, on the value of mi •■ f l^ i i y • t the property. ihe provisious 01 the Stamp law, which are based mainly on those of the coitc- sponding English Act, are not intelligible in many respects, and this obscurity and the stringency of the provisions made for ensuring compliance with the require- ments of the law, sometimes work considerable hardship to ignorant and unlettered peasants who cannot afford to obtain competent legal advice when they have documents to execute. Much of this hardship has, however, been since removed, by the orders issued by Government making it obligatory on officers of the Regis- tration department to advise persons consulting them as to the stamp duty payable on documents. At present tbe opinion of the Registration officer is not conclusive and does not relieve the person who has acted upon it from responsibility for insufficient stamping. An alteration of the law relieving from responsibility persons whose documents have been accepted as sufficiently stamped and acted on for registration purposes by an officer of the Registration department will remove all room for complaint. I do not believe that the revenue will be in the least affected by this change of procedure, as the proceedings of the subordinate officers of the Registration department are being very closely scrutinized by the District Regis- trars in this respect and any laxity observed is promptly taken notice of. 55. The system of registration and authentication of documents is one of _ . , ^. , recent introduction and the fees collected Eegistration fees. , , ,,-,,-,., are, to a great extent, devoted to the maintenance of tbe establishments required for tbe purpose. Tbe present revenue is about 11 lakhs of rupees, of which about 8 lakhs of rupees are annually expended. Further improvements in contemplation will reduce the surplus, out of which have to be met the pensionary liabilities as regards the officers employed in the depart- ment. The registration fee amounts to -63 per cent, of the value of the transaction in the case of sales and '60 per cent, in the case of mortgages and is tberefore very moderate. On transactions of small values, viz., those not exceeding Rs. 100 in value, the fee is comparatively high, but the minimum fee cannot well be fixed lower than 8 annas the present limit, having regard to the cost of stationery and tlie cliarges incurred for transcribing the documents in the registers. In this Presidency tte convenience of the general public has been consulted by the estab- lishment of registration ofiBces in largo numbers ; and the time has arrived for making the registration of all documents relating to immoveable property, even where the value is less than Rs. 100, compulsory. Under the present law, docu- ments of this kind, except sales and gifts, are not required to be registered, but it is provided that unregistered transactions as regards such properties, even if prior in point of time, are to have no effect as against registered transactions. This leaves a considerable loop hole for fraud. If this is remedied, the registration system will be capable of considerable development in directions which will admit of a complete record of transactions connected with landed properties being main- tained in a readily accessible form. 56. In the appendix will be found a statement showing the incidence of the inoiden f Ta af taxcs levied in 1852-53, 1872-73, and 1889-90 per head of the population. In 1852-53, the incidence was Rs. 1-14-6, in 1872-73 Rs. 2-10-8, and in 1889-90 Rs. 2-14-3 per head, or, in other words, the rate of incidence has increased since 1852 by 35 per cent., while the purchasing power of money has fallen by 60 per cent. There can be no doubt also that of the taxes collected more is' spent in promoting the public safety, hpalth and convenience and education in this Presidency than formerly as will be seen from the following figures: — Expenditure on irrigation works 45'7 lakhs of rupees in 1889-90 against 9'7 lakhs in l»49-50; buildings and roads not including railways 58 lakhs against 7"2 lakhs; judicial establishments 41 'B lakhs against 23'6 lakhs; police 39'8 lakhs against 9*8 lakhs; education 22 9 lakhs against 1"1 lakh; medical relief 33'3 lakhs against 1*2 lakhs ; and the postal service 13-9 lakhs against 4'3 lakhs. The development of the resources of the country by the construction and main- tenance of irrigation works, canals, railways and roads has already been noticed. In 1852-53 there were three public schools with an attendance of 448 pupils ; in 1889-90, there were 16,226 public institutions with 517,055 pupils and 4,286 private institutions with 83,496 pupils. In 1850 there were 130 post oflBces controlled by 30 postmasters ; at the close of 1889-90'^ there were 1,691 imperial post offices, 1,412 letter boxes, 985 postmen, and 893 village postmen, besides 68 district post offices and 748 village postmen. The telegraph offices have of course been all established since 1850. The number of letters posted in 1853-^54 was 3"66 millions and newspapers 0*29 millions ; in 1889-90 the numbers were 48 and 3"8 millions respectively. I have no exact statistics as regards the number of hospitals and dispensaries in 1850; these institutions were maintained only at the head- quarter stations of the several districts and the rural tracts had not the advantage 33 The following extracts from the petition presented by the Madras Native Association to Parliament in 1852 complaining of the inaufSoiouoy and unsatisfactory character of the postal arrangements at that time will be read with interest : — " That your petitioners will now advert to some other subjects requiring redress, supb as the Post Office, which, besides being very tardily and slovenly conducted, acts, by the exorbitance of its charges, like a dead weight upon commeiroial correspondence and the circulation of knowledge ; and which weight would be considerably lightened, were the conveyance of official papers, which form three-fourths of the mail conveyed by tappal, placed to the expense of the Government : this would make the Post Office revenue four times the amount now credited, and of course would permit of a corresponding reduction in the cost for carriage ; a letter or package which now is taxed at is. might then reach its destination for the cost of 3d. ; and still the returns of the department would more than cover the expenditure, even without an increase of correspondence, which, however, would certainly take place to a considerable extent, as a consequence of a diminution in the rates of postage. " That a necessary auxiliary to the increase of corrpspondence is a thorough reform in the management of the Post ' Office departments, beginning at the capital, and extending to the most remote boundaries of the Presidency, which, although containing an area of upwards of; 140,000 square miles, has no more than 130 post offices, controlled by 30 Postmasters, a number totally inadequate to the. wants of the public, to meet which efficiently your petitioners suggest that there should be at least one or more offices in every taluk, according to its size, so that no inhabited part of the country should be more than 10 miles from a post office. At present, the arrangements for distributing the letters among the native population, even at the stations where, the offices are sitnated, are most defective and imper- fect ; the agents employed are of an inferior description, who frequently retain the delivery for days, till the parties to whom the letters are addressed submit to some unauthorized demand ; while, as regards places at a distance from the post stations, the evil is much greater; enormous delay, extending not unfrequently to weeks, is incurred and a heavy charge besides ; while after all, the delivery of letters is uncertain, and wrong parties are sometimes permitted to obtain their possession. " That these combined circumstances, the paucity of offices and their inefficient supervision, the delays, exactions and uncertainties, cause the post office to be greatly less trusted, than it would otherwise be by the Native pnb'.ic, who, in very many instances, have established dawk transit at their own expense, thereby depriving the State of a part of its income, to an extent necessarily unknown, but as necessarily of no trivia] importance ; and your petitioners, therefore, request that there may be a thorough reform in this departmnnt, reaching to the whole of its branches ; and that every paper or package passing through it shall be made subject to the same uniform rate of charge." 19 74 , of tliem. In 1889 tliere were 393 institutions, in which 2^ millions of persons were treated, the daily average attendance being 17,000. 57. Improvement or the reverse in the standard of Uoing and the general condi- tion of the different classes of the population. — For the purposes of this enquiry, the general population may roughly be divided into four main divisions ; viz., I, the agricultural classes, comprising landowners, tenants and agricultural labourers ; IJ, labourers not connected with land ; III, the professional, mercantile and other classes owning capital other than land; IV, the artizan classes and small traders. The divisions here referred to have been very roughly made, and, in some instances, they overlap one another. A landlord is often a money-lender or trader, and an artiZan frequently owns a piece of land ; and a peasant proprietor ekes out his small income from land by non-agricultural labour, e.ff., by spinning or working on the roads during the non-agricultural season. The prosperity or the reverse of large sections of the population must also re-act on the condition of other classes, for instance, traders prosper when the agricultural classes thrive and so on. Nevertheless, there is a convenience in considering the condition of different sections of the population separately, and the main divisions above given are sufficiently accurate for the purpose in view. For the most recent information regarding the number of persons falling under each of the main divisions, we must wait till the detailed tables connected with the census taken in 1891 are published. I have given in the appendix a table extracted from the census report of 1881, showing the number of persons engaged in the several occupations in 1881 as compared with the number in 1871, but, owing to the dissimilar methods adopted in classifying occupations at the two censuses, the results shown cannot be fully relied on. 58. There is a pretty general impression that in this Presidency land is held „^ , ^ . , in small properties by pauper ryots. The land-owning classes. ^r • . .i • .-i- x, . . . .i Ihere is truth in this, but not to the extent that is often supposed. Out of the 90 millions of acres forming the area of this Presidency, 27^ millions, or between one-third and one-fourth, are held by 849 zemindars ; 15 of these zemindars hold 6f million acres, or nearly half a million each, paying to Government a peishcush of 2 lakhs of rupees on an average ; 128 zemindars hold 9^ millions of acres and pay to Government an average peishcush of 18,100 rupees; and 706 zemindars and mittadars hold 2|- million acres and pay a peishcush which averages 1,300 rupees. The peishcush of the zemindaris was fixed at two-thirds of the rental in the ease of ancient estates, and 90 per cent, of the rental in the case of estates newly created at the time of the permanent settlement. A few large estates, which were held as military jaghirs, pay a quit-rent. The rental of all these estates amounts to 161 lakhs of rupees, while the peishcush amounts to 50 lakhs, or, in other words, the rental is now more than three times the peishcush, and the zemindars have consequently enormously benefited. Between 1830 and 1850, owing to the low prices of grain which prevailed, several zemin- dars in the Kistna and Goddvari districts were unable to meet their engagements with Government and their estates were consequently sequestered, sold by auction and purchased by Government and incorporated with ryotwar lands. But for this circumstance, nearly the whole of the rich delta of the Goddvari and Kistna would, at this day, have consisted of zemindari lands. The estates, which escaped this process, yield a very large revenue to their owners, who, with some exceptions, squander it in litigation and dissipation, and the benefits, which, it was expected, would accrue from the permanent settlement, have not so far been realized. Edu- cation, however, has been forcing its way latterly even among zemindiars, and it may be hoped that they will, within another generation, utilize their wealth and resources in improving the condition of their tenantry and in aiding the general progress of the country. The next class of land owners are the inamdars who number 438,659 and hold between them 8*2 millions of acres or 19 acres each on an average. Out of this area, a little more than 3 millions of acres are comprised in entire inam villages and the remainder consists of petty holdings originally held on service tenure in ryotwar villages and recently enfranchised. ■ The position of the latter does not differ materially from that of the ryotwari puttadars, The holders of whole inam 15 villages, who generally belong to the religious and non-cultivating classes, are in an impoverished condition, their property having got sub-divided into minute portions. The revenue paid by these estates amounts to 16 per cent, of the rental. Origi- nally inam properties vrere not transferable by sale and were liable to be resumed by Government on failure of direct heirs of the holders. All these properties, with a few insignificant exceptions, have, as already observed, been freed from these restrictions and declared heritable and transferable property, subject to the pay- ment of a light quit-rent imposed by way of compensation to the State for the reversionary right relinquished by it. The third-class of land owners are those numbering 550, who have redeemed the laud-tax by making a lump payment to Government. These properties consist of parcels of land forming house-sites or gardens attached to house-sites. The fourth-class consists of purchasers of waste lands in hill tracts for the formation of plantations. The area held under this tenure is small, and the land- tax imposed is not liable to enhancement. The fifth and by far the most numerous class comprises the ryotwar puttadirs or peasant propriecors. The total number of estates on this tenure is 2,850,000 and the number of owners including shareholders is 4,600,000. The total area of ryotwar villages is 59-:3 million acres, from which 31 million acres must be deducted on account of unculturable waste and lands held on inam tenure and lying interspersed with ryotwar holdings, leaving 28'3 millions which, at present, are considered fit for cultivation. Of this area 21'2 million acres, paying a revenue to Government including cesses of a little more than Rs, 2 per acre, are comprised within ryotwar holdings, the re- mainder being unoccupied. The marginally noted statement ^* shows the distribution of the ryot- war puttadars into several grades, with reference to the amount of tax paid by them. The revenue statistics of this presidency do not show the distribution accord- inof to the areas, but the revenue paid is a better index to the status of a ryot than the area of holding, and the area can be roughly deduced from the revenue, by assuming that each acre pays Rs. 2 as land-tax. If settlement calculations can be relied on, one acre of ordinary dry land, which is assessed at Es. 1-12-0,* gives an outturn of Rs. 16-10-8 taking good and bad seasons together, and 8 acres of such land would give Rs. 133. Deducting Rs. 14, the Gov- ernment tax, which is a little more than 10 per cent, of the SM r-S ew o (3 Qi >* *^ h J5 Class. ^ ID 01^ ntage nue reve 60 P. « Sol S?2 o a a o h a a p. p^ PL, d. a day and the reaper 3d. a day, with meat and drink so that in 22 weeks of continu- ous work, the ordinary artisan would 6arn as much as the bailiff did in a year. No sufficient data as regards regularity of employment in those days are available. The common servant in husbandry was paid 20s. 8d. and his wife 14s. per annum besides their food, according to the highest statutable rate in the fifteenth century, so that their united earnings would provide a little more than half the usual allowance for an adult's food, and out of this sum they had to feed their family, pay for fuel, rent and clothing. Even if they could eke out a living in the common waste, says Dr. Cunningham, it is most unlikely that they had a larger free income than the agricultural labourer at the present day ; we could not institute an accurate comparison unless we knew not only the prices of the articles they used, but also the quality of the goods they were able to procure. It is not easy to obtain such information in the present day and we cannot hope to get sufficient data for judging certainly about the distant past. So far as regularity of employment and short hours are a test of the well-being of the workman, the fifteenth century day labourer was badly off; his summer hours lasted from five in the morning till half- past seven at night with breaks which amounted to two or two and a-half hours- in all. The conditions of the banking business in the fourteenth century were such that banking operations were very circumscribed. The most striking difference between their times and ours is the entire absence of commercial credits ; there 103 were no bank-notes or cheques, or other instruments of credit except a few foreign bills. Dealing for credit was little developed and dealing in credit was unknown. The sufferings of the people have probably never been as severe in this country as is described above in consequence of a less inclement climate and a more fruitful soil, but the wonderful improvement which has taken place in England during the last three centuries might well inspire the hope that similar improvement here is not unattainable, SECTION I.— THE STATE OF THE COUNTRY AND THE CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE IN FOEMEE CENTUEIES. (A.) — Sketch of the Dynasties of Southern India extracted from " Lists of Antiquities, Madras" by Mr. R. Sewell, M.C.8. In the earliest days of which we have any knowledge as to the sovereignties ruling the Continent of India, it appears that the great Maurya dynasty held the north, while the south was divided amongst the Pandiyans of Madura, who governed the extreme south, the Cholas, who held the country to their north and east, and the Cheras (Keralas), who ruled over the tracts to their north and west. This was in the fourth century B.C. I say " it appears " because, although we are certain of the Mauryas (probably B.C. 325 — 188) and the Pandiyans as existent in the time of Megasthenes (B.C. 302), we have only the fact of the Cholas and Keralas (or Cheras) being mentioned in the inscriptions of Asoka (B.C. 250) to verify their existence at that still earlier period. But tradition mentions no earlier kingdoms than those of Pandiya, Chola and Chera in the south of India, and always speaks of them as contemporary. As we are certain of the Pandiyan, therefore, in B.C. 302, we may safely place the Cholas and Cheras as far back as- that date. The Keralas appear to have occupied the whole Western Coast under the gbats, and it is probable that the Eastern Coast was also inhabited almost throughout its entire length ; but there is no evidence of any kingdom having been in existence throughout the Dakhan, and it is qtute possible that almost the whole of its entire area was waste (the Dandakaranya) or inhabited only by a few half -wild tribes under their own chiefs, such as those so often mentioned in the Pur anas. It is necessary for students of history to remember that very large areas now cultivated and populated were absolutely waste — mere barren tracts of rock, forest, and wild plains — till comparatively modern times, and this seems especially to have been the case with the Dakhan country. It must not be forgotten, however, that the earliest Buddhist legends speak of the Kingdom of Kalinga as then in existence. At some period subsequent to that of Asoka, the Pallavas appear to have grown into import- ance on the Eastern Coast, and they gradually increased in power tUl they constituted them- selves a grefit kingdom, with extensive foreign trade, and proved a source of danger to the Cholas and their other neighbours. They appear to have held the entire Eastern Coast from Conjeeveram to the borders of Orissa. At present there is no evidence as to when they arose from obscurity into the dignity of a kingdom, but they seem to have been one of the principal southern powers when the first Chalukyas immigrated from Northern India about the fifth century A.D. To the Mauryas in the north succeeded the Sanga dynasty (B.C. 188 — 76) and this was followed by the short Kanva dynasty (B.C. 76 — 31). The last of these kings being murdered, the Andhra or Andhrabritya dynasty succeeded, and ruled from B.C. 31 to A.D. 436. They were Buddhists, and it was by them that the magnificent marble stupa at Amaravati was erected. About this period, i.e., the fifth century A.D., began to grow into importance the Chalukyan sovereignty of the Western Dakhan, and it is in connection with the early Chalukyas that we hear of the Nalas (probably a Western Coast tribe), the Mauryas (possibly descendants of the earlier Mauryas) who inhabited part of the Konkana, the Sendrakas, Matangas (apparently a barbarous tribe, perhaps aboriginal), the Katachchuris, the GTangas of Maisur, and the Alupas or Aluvas, a tribe or dynasty apparently living to the south or south-west of the present Bombay Presidency. Early Chalukyan grants mention a number of other tribes, such as the Latas (of Latadesa in the north of Bombay), Malavas (of Malwa), Gurjaras (of Guzerat), &c. The Chalukyas divided into two branches in the beginning of the seventh century, an eastern branch conquering the Pallava kings of the Vengi country, or tract between the Krishna and Godavari rivers, and settling in that locality which they governed till A.D. 1023, the western remaining in their original home in the Western Dakhan. The Chinese pilgrim Hiwen Thsang, who visited India A.D. 629 to 645, gives a graphic account of the state of the country in his time. The Kadambas now began to grow into importance, and they fought with and defeated the Pallavas of Kanchi and were perpetually at feud with the Chalukyas and their other neighbours. Their territory was in the south-west Dakhan and north Maisur. About the same period we find the Eashtrakfltas giving great trouble to the Chalukyas. It is as yet imcertain whether these Eashtrakutas were " an Aryan Kshatriya, i.e., Rajput, race which immigrated into the Dakhan from the north like the Chalukyas or a Dravidiyan family which was received into the Aryan community after the conquest of the Dakhan" (Dr. Buhler). The wars with the Eashtrakutas seem to have resulted in the complete downfall for two centuries (A.D. 757-58 to 973-74) of the Western Chalukyas and the consequent accretion of great power to the Eashtrakutas. The latter do not appear, however, to have attempted any conquests in the south. They were completely overthrown by the Western Chalukyas in A.D. 973-74, when the latter 27 u once more rose to great eminence. The overthrow of the Rashtrakiitas, too, enabled the Ratta MdhdmandtiMsvaras to assert themselves, and their dynasty lasted till about K.Q. 1253. About the same period we find the Silaharas and Sindas rising into importance, and,^like the Eattas, establishing independent dynasties which lasted for several centuries. The Silaharas were overthrown by the Tadavas of Devagixi about A.D. 1220, and the Sindas ceased to be heard of about A.D. 1182-83. Little is known of the history of Southern India for two or three centuries immediately preceding the sudden rise of the Oholas to great power, which took place in the middle of the eleventh century. At the beginning of that century the Eastern Ohalukyas held all the country along the Eastern Coast from the borders of Orissa as far south as the borders of thePalkva country. The Pallava kingdom was a powerful one, possessing the coast from its junction with the Ohalukyas down to the northern border of the Chola territories, i.e., just south" of Kanchi. The Oholas remained within their own borders and the Pandiyans in theirs, while the Kongu kings, who governed (apparently) the old Ohera country east of the Malayalam tracts along the coast, although they were stiU independent and powerful, were beginning to feel the effect of the attacks of the little kingdom of the Hoysala Ballalas, then rising into power and destined to subvert many of the surrounding monarchies. In A.D. 1023, by an intermarriage between the two dynasties, the Chola sovereign acquired possession of the whole of the Eastern Chalukyan dominions. This was followed, apparently at the beginning of the reign of his successor, Eajendra Kulottunga Chola (1064 — 1113), by the complete subversion of the Pallavas by the Oholas, and the annexation to the latter kingdom of their possessions. Eajendra also conquered the Pandiyans, and established a short dynasty of " Chola-Pandiyan " kings at Madura. A little later the Hoysala Ballalas entirely overthrew the Kongu kings and seized their territories, so that the whole of the south of India passed at that time tlSough a period of great political disturbance, which resulted in the Oholas obtaining almost universal sovereignty for a short period, checked, however, by the power of the Hoysala Ballalas above the ghats in Maisur. This latter power was increased in importance by its conquest of the Kadambas and Kalachuris to its immediate north about the beginning of the thirteenth century, and by the downfall of the great Western Chalukyan dynasty about A.D. 1184, which was caused partly by its wars with the Kadambas and partly by the rise of the Ballalas. A little later the Oholas lost their northern possessions, which were seized by the Ganapatis of Orangal. We now find ourselves in the thirteenth century, the three great southeru powers being the Cholas and Pandiyans — both seemingly losing strength — and the Hoysala Ballalas, rapidly growing in power. What might have occurred it is needless to enquire, though imagination readily depicts the impetuous Ballalas sweeping down from the ghats and succeeding in sub- verting the ancient dynasties of the plains ; but a new power now appears on the scene, which was destined to acquire universal dominion in course of time —the power of the Musalmdns. Delhi had been captured by the Grhazni GhSrians in 1 193, and a dynasty established there which lasted till A.D. 1288. The Khiljis succeeded (1288—1321), and Alati-d-din Khilji des- patched the first Muhammadan expedition into the Dakhan in A.D. 1306. Four years later the Musalmdn armies under Malik Kafur swept like a torrent over the peninsula. Devagiri and Orangal were both reduced to subjection, the capital of the Hoysala Ballalas was taken and sacked, aad the kingdoms both of the Oholas and Pandiyans were overthrown. Anarchy followed over the whole south — Musalmdn Governors, representatives of the old royal families, and local chiefs being apparently engaged for years in violent internecine struggles for supremacy. The Ballalas disappeared from the scene, and the kingdoms of Devagiri and Orangal were subverted. A slight check was given to the spread of the Muhammadan arms when a confederation of Hindu chiefs, led by the gallant young Gaiiapati Eaja, withstood and defeated a large Muhammadan army ; and the aspect of affairs was altered by the revolt of the Dakhani Musalmdns against their sovereign in A.D. 1347, which resulted in the establishment of the Bahmani kingdom of the Dakhan. But the whole of Southern India was convulsed by this sudden aggression of the Muhammadans, and all the old kingdoms fell to pieces. This period, then, about the year A.D. 1310, is to be noted as the second great landmark in South Indian history, the first being about the period 1023 — 1070, when the Cholas became almost supreme over the south. While the Bahmani rebels were consolidating their kingdom in the Dakhan, another great power was being formed south of the Krishna. This was the kingdom of Vijayanagar. Estab- lished on the ruins of the Hoysala Ballalas and the other Hindu sovereignties, it speedily rose to a height of power such as no southern kingdom had yet aspired to, and it held the Muham- madans in check for two centuries. From 1336 till 1664 A.D. we have merely to consider, roughly speaking, two great powers — that of the Musalmdns north of the Krishna and that of Vijayanagar to the south. The Bahmani kingdom fell to pieces at the close of the fifteenth century, being succeeded by five separate kingdoms founded by rival Musalmdn leaders. Their jealousies aided the "Vijayanagar sovereigns in their acquisition of power. In 1487 N-arasimha of Vijayanagar completely subverted the Pandiyan country, Chola having fallen long before, and by the close of the fifteenth century the power of Vijayanagar was acknowledged as paramoupt through th« Ul entire peninsula. Small principalities existed, such as that of Maisur, the Reddi chieftainship of Kondavidu south of the Krishna (which lasted from 1328 till 1427), and the always independent principality of Travancore, but Vijayanagar was supreme. At the beginning of the sixteenth century Krishnadeva Raya of Vijayanagar further extended the power of his house by the reduction of refractory chiefs far and wide, till his dynasty arose in his day to its greatest height of glory. In 1564 _ (the third landmark) all this collapsed. The Mubammadan sovereigns of tha Dakhan combined, and in one grand effort swept over Vijayanagar, sacked the capital, put to death the powerful chief who had ruled over the destinies of the empire, and -for ever crushed out all semblance of independent Hindu power from the south of India. Even the very family that governed Vijayanagar divided, so that it becomes almost impossible to trace their history, and for a second time the whole of the peninsula was thrown into confusion. Naturally the minor chiefs seized this opportunity for throwing off all fealty to their sovereign, and throughout the peninsula arose a large number of petty Poligars and small chieftains, whose quarrels and wars and struggles for supremacy kept the whole country in confusion for two and a half centuries. The only chiefs that attained to real power were the Madura Nayakkas, formerly Viceroys of Vijayanagar, who speedily became independent and reduced to subjection almost the whole of the old Pandiyan kingdom, their compatriots, the Nayakkas of Tanjore, holding sway over Gholadesa. The Rajahs of Maisur, too, became inde- pendent, and established a kingdom, though not a very powerful one. Over all this distracted country the Muhammadans gradually pressed downwards, securing the dominion of the countries south of the Tungabadra, and eastwards to the sea, and encroach- ing southwards till they had reached the southern confines of the Telugu country, by the middle of the seventeenth century, and by the beginning of the eighteenth were in power far south. The Mahrattas had established themselves in Tanjore in 1074 and remained there till the English supremacy. In 1736 the Musalm^ns obtained possession of Madura. The English, settled at Madras since 1639, now began to acquire more and more territory and power, and in the course of the century had conquered almost the whole of the south of India, the defeat of the Maisur Musalmdns under Tipu Sultan in 1799 finally laying the peninsula at their feet. (B.) — Orissa under Hindu and British Administrations. Practically, the revenue-paying parts of Orissa under the Gangetic dynasty stretched from the Hugli to the Chilka, and from the sea to the Tributary States ; a compact territorial entity of twenty -four thousand square miles. The province continues the same size to this day, having lost three thousand square miles on the north, towards the HugH, and gained about an equal extent on the west, towards Central India. In the twelfth century, when the Gangetic Line obtained the kingdom, it yielded a revenue of £406,250 '^^ a year. Besides the doubtful southern strip, they added 12,000 square miles of unproductive hill territory ; and when in the sixteenth century they sunk beneath the MusalmAns, the revenue remained about £435,000. An early Muham- madan Geographer of the sixteenth century gives the income of the parts of Orissa already subjugated by the MusalmAn arms at £368,333 '" ; and the official survey made by Akbar's Minister, Circ, 1580, gives the entire revenue of the province, including the tribute from the Hill States, at £435,319 '^*. As the Muhammadans more firmly established their power, they gradually increased the taxation, and in the seventeenth century a detailed list of the Orissa fiscal divisions shovvs a revenue of £537,495 ^^^. However the revenues might be deranged from year to year by tumult or rebellion, the nominal demand remained the same in the Imperial account books; and the Pere Thieffenthaler, amid the Mahratta anarchy of the eighteenth century, was still informed that the province yielded £570,750 '^''. The revenue under the Gangetic line (1132 — 1532 A.D.), its last independent dynasty, may therefore be set down at £435,000 a year from the twenty-four thousand square miles of Orissa Proper. The southern strip had long ceased to yield any income to the Orissa kings. The present province, comprising an equal area, yields to the British Government, in round numbers, £450,000 "^. But while the actual revenue remains about the same, its purchasing power S26 1,500,000 Mirhaa of gold. See note 309, p. 316. That ia to say at the close of the Sivaite Dynasty. The area was only 11,000 square miles; but of the territory since added to it to make up the present province, ahout 12,000 square miles are Hill States paying a tribute of only about £6,000 a year. The few hundred square miles added on the north in Balasor are more productive, and the total revenue of the province may now be put down at £450,000. 32' Sicca Kb. 3,400,000, or Company's Es. 3,683,333. Baft Iklim, a Persian MS., apud Professor Blochmann. S8S 160,733,237 dims, which, at the official rates of conversion under Akbar, eqnal Sicca Es. 4,018,330, or Com- pany's Es. 4,363,191. Prinsep's Tables ; Thomas' Pathdn Kings ; As. Ees. XV. 829 Sicca Es. 4,961,497, or Company's Es. 5,374,965, under Shih Jah&n, 1627— 1658 ; As. Ees. XV. 213. "o Selon Manouchi, As. Ees. XV. 212. This sum may possibly have included outstanding arrears. Mr. Stirling, ■without stating any grounds, conjectures that it included also the revenue of the Northern Circars ; but such a conjecture is opposed to the historicaJ facts of the time, and to the recorded statistics about the Orissa revenue. "' The area is 23,907 square miles, but it has lost the fertile tracts towards the Hugli and received in place of it an addition to its hill territory. In 1 870 the total revenue was £464,861, but this included the extraordinary income-tax. £45£)j0OQ is a fair average in round numljera. IV lias completely altered. Under the native dynasty, it sufficed to maintain a gorgeous court, a, vast army, innumerable trains of priests, and to defray the magnificent public works of the Gangetio kings. Under the English it barely pays the cost of administering the province. The charges for collecting the revenue and protecting person and property amount to £33^,696 ; the interest on one of the local public works, the Orissa canals, comes to £65,000 a year ^'"^ ; a single native regiment at Guttack costs £17,000 ; and a petty balance of £28,000 is all that remains over after paying the merely local charges of holding the IProvince. Orissa contributes scarcely anything to the general expense of Government. It does not pay its share of interest on the public debt ; it contributes nothing to the cost of defending the Empire ; and hardly does more than support the charges of the local administration. Under the native dynasty, the same revenue sufficed to support an administration infinitely more minute, and, as regards its higher officials, infinitely higher paid. None of the English governing body in Orissa ever hopes to make a fortune ; under the Hindu princes. Government employ was synonymous with assured opulence. Sixteen great ministers regulated the kingdom, with seventy-two deputies, and thirty-six separate departments of State. Under the English, the revenue of Orissa with" diffi- culty maintains seven hundred sepoys ; under the Hindu princes it supported, besides a peasant .militia of 300,000 men, a regular army of 50,000 foot, 10,000 horse, and 2,500 elephants. About a vast militia being attached to the soil there can be no doubt ; and if Hindu chroniclers have magnified the number of the regular troops, we know from the Musalm4n annalistsj that the Orissa king could at a moment's warning take the field with 18,000 horse and foot. But the public works of the Hindu dynasty attest the magnitude of their resources in a way that admits of no dispute. Thirty or forty thousand pounds were not considered extravagant for an ordinary temple. The accumulations of one monarch ^'^ are stated at £1,296,750 ^^* and from this he set apart £406,250 ^'' for the holy edifice of Jaganndth. A similar magni- ficence surrounded the private life of the Orissa kings. Their five royal residences {Kataks) still live in popular tradition ; and although the story of the prince ^'^ who died j ust as he had married his sixty-thousandth wife is doubtless a fable, yet it is a fable that could only be told of a great and luxurious court. How came it that the same amount of revenue which made the Orissa kings so rich, now leaves the English Governors of the province so poor? I have already shown that the great influx of silver which European trade poured into India, so decreased the value of that metal that it sank from trrth the value of gold in the twelfth century, to -jV^h or ^V^h six hundred years later. But even this decrease would not explain the affluence of the Hindu rulers of Orissa as compared with the poverty of the English. It is when we consider the value of silver as expressed, not in gold, but in food, that the explanation becomes clear. Nothing like a regular record of prices under the Gangetic dynasty (1132 — 1532) exists. But fortunately the maximum prices of food during the great famines which in almost each generation decimated Orissa, have come down to us, with the proportion which those prices bore to the ordinary rates. In the famine at the beginning of the fourteenth century, unhusked paddy rose to sixty times its average rate, and sold from six shillings and eightpence to nine shillings per hundredweight '''. In the next century, under King KapUendra (1452 — 1479 A.D.), paddy rose to 62^ times the ordinary price, and fetched from 6s. l\{d. to 9s. llrf. per hundred- weight ''^. Stirling, one of our first Commissioners in Orissa, obtained an ancient paper showing the exact rates under the Gangetic dynasty. According to it, unhusked paddy sold from just under a penny to 1 J of a penny per hundredweight *'', husked rice at 2|rf. to M. per hundredweight '*", and cotton at from 2s, l^d. to 3s. Q^d. per hundredweight '*'. 33' \\ millions sterling had already been spent on 3 1st March 1871. ^'^ RSji Anang Bhim Deo. 3" 4,788,000 Mfirhas of gold. '" 1,500,000 M&rhas of gold. Pvmishottama Chandriki, As. Res. XV. 316 Purushottama, in the Solar List of Kings, described on a previous page. '2' The following calculation, the first of the kind in Lower Bengal history, is submitted with diffidence to Indian statisticians. While I believe that the data here collected are absolutely correct, it will be seen that several elements of uncertainty exist. In the famine at the beginning of the fourteenth century, paddy rose to 120 kahans per bharan. The Orissa bharan will be found fully explained in my Stat. Aco. of Puri, App. 1, p. 16. The paddy bharan cpntains nominally about 9J, but practically 9 cwt. A kfehan is 1,280 cowries, and 4 k&hans or 6,120 cowries, were taken as the official rate of exchange per rupee when we first obtained Orissa (in 1803). Afterwards this rate was complained of, on the ground that a rupee cost 6 or 7 k&hans instead of 4 ; and this formed one of the alleged causes of the Khurdha rebellion in 1817. (Mr. Commissioner Ewer's Report to Chief Secretary to Government, dated Cuttaok, 13th May 1818, para. 95, O.R.). At present the rate is 3,584 cowries to the rupee, the great difference being due to the fall in the value of silver which has rapidly gone on since we obtained Orissa ; and so far as I can judge the rate officially fixed in 1804 of 5,120 cowries per rupee was considerably under the actual rate of exchange. 120 k&hans per bharan of 9 cwt. would be 6». id. per cwt. at the rate of 4 kUians or 6,120 cowries per rupee, thus : 120 k&bans = 30 rupees or 60 shillings ; and if 60 shillings buy 9 cwt., the price of 1 cwt. will be 6«. M. On the other hand, if we take the lower or present rate of exchange at 3,684 cowries per rupee, 120 k&hans per bharan will equal 9*. 6(?. per cwt. If we take the exchange at the alleged old rate of 6 kfthans or 7,680 cowries to the rupee, which I believe to be nearer the truth, the piioe would be reduced to 4«. &d. per cwt. But in this and the following calculations I have taken the rates of exchange which would give the highest possible prices in the fourteenth century, so as to avoid the risk of overstating the rise in prices since then. 338 125 kdhans per bharan of 9 cwt., i.e., 6s. \l^d. at 4 kfihans or 5,120 cowries per rupee ; and 9i. lid. at the lower rate of exchange of 3,584 cowries per rupee. 339 Two k&hans per bharan of 9 cwt., i.e., just under a penny, at 6 t&hans per rupee ; l^d. at 4 kihans ; and If of a penny at 3,584 cowries per rupee. 3^° Ten cowries per Cuttaok seer of 105 tolas. _ . _ 3'> One^a« and 10 gandas per seer. If, as seems possible, the rate in ancient times was at six or seven instead of 4 k&hans to the rupee, these prices would be a full third less ; and the depreciation in the value of sUver would be about one-twelfth instead of one-eighth of its former purchasing power. From the above calculations we cannot take the price of paddy under the Gangetic line (1132 — 1532 A.D.) at above l^d. per hundredweight. It was probably less. Paddy now costs on the field in Orissa a shilling per hundredweight, or at least eight-times its ancient price. An almost equal depreciation in the value of silver has gone on in other parts of India, Thus, in Upper Hindustan, under Ald-ud-din (1303 — 1315 A.D.), the officially fixed rate of barley was a little under sixpence per hundredweight ^*^, and of peas fourpence half-penny a hundred- weight **'. In the latter part of the century, under Firoz Shdh (1351 — 1388 A.D.), the price of barley remained exactly the same, viz., sixpence per hundredweight ^- But no sooner did the tide of European trade set in, than the value of silver fell, and at the time of Akbar (1556 — 1605 A.D.) the price of barley rose to 9^d. per hundredweight '*^ The price of barley in the same localities is now on an average, about three shillings and sixpence per hundredweight retail, or seven times what it was throughout the fourteenth century. We may therefore fairly assume that, as estimated in the staple food of the country, the value of silver in Orissa has fallen to |th of its purchasing power. Wages were regulated then, as now, by the] price of rice, and in fact were mostly paid in grain. The Gangetic dynasty of Orissa (1132 — 1532 A.D.), with a revenue nominally the same as our own'**, were therefore, as regards the home products of the country, and their ability to keep up armies and pompous retinues, eight times richer than we are. The reason clearly appears why a revenue which now barely defrays the charge of collection and the cost of protecting person and property, vsdth one or two absolutely necessary public works, formerly supported a great standing army, a wealthy hierarchy of priests and ministers of State, and a magnificent royal court. As the native dynasty had practically eight times more revenue to spend than we have, so they practically took eight times more from the people. That is to say, their revenue represented eight times the quantity of the staple food of the province which our own revenue represents. The truth is, that a whole series of intermediate rights has grown up between the ruling power and the soil. I shall show in the next volume how the native kings of Orissa enjoyed the undivided ownership of the land. Instead of a long line of part-proprietors stretching from the Crown to the cultivator, as at present, and each with a separate degree of interest in the soil, the plenum dominium was firmly bound up and centred in the hands of the Prince. The growth of these intermediate rights forms the most conspicuous phenomenon in the history of Orissa under its foreign conquerors. For centuries, under the Musalmdns and Marhattas, the unhappy province knew no Government but that of the sword ; yet the very roughness of the public administration allowed private rights to spring up unperceived, and to harden into permanent charges upon the soil — charges which its native Princes would never have tolerated. Thus from long anarchy and misery a fair growth of rights has' blossomed forth, and the magnificence which the Hindu Princes of Orissa concentrated upon themselves, is now distributed in the form of moderate prosperity among a long-descending chain of proprietors, each with his own set of rights in the land. * » • • • It is to such miscellaneous imposts as the stamp revenue and salt tax that the British Government of India has to look for the means of carrying on the administration. The native dynasties trusted almost entirely to the land revenue. They managed to raise an annual income variously stated at from £406,250 to £570,750, or say £450,000 a year, between the twelfth and the eighteenth centuries. This almost exactly corresponds, in figures, to the total revenue which, by a great machinery of miscellaneous imposts, we now collect from the province. In actual purchasing power, it amounted to seven times our present revenue, and supported the magnificence of a Hindu Court, with a standing army, an opulent hierarchy, and a costly civil list. Under British rule, the Orissa revenue barely suffices for the charges of the local admin- istration. Had we dealt with the land as the Native rulers did, and considered it the inalienable property of the- State, the land-tax might possibly still have sufficed. But under our more liberal policy of developing private rights in the soil, at the expense of the public burdens upon it, the land-tax has become wholly inadequate to the cost of Government. In 1829-30, the land revenue of Orissa amounted to £158,965. In 1836-37, the Government leased out the province for thirty years ; and in 1867 the Legislature renewed that settlement for another period of thirty years. It now amounts to £168,286, and no further increase can be hoped for till the end of the century. Meanwhile, the bare cost of Local Government amounts to £422,000 a year ; and before the end of the century it will in all probability exceed half a million. Before the 3« Pour yitofo per man. The jital was ^ of the silver Tank&of 175 grains; or say ^ of the present rupee, or a farthing and a half. Thewian of that period containei 38-8 Ihs. avoirdupois. As barley cost 4 jitals or six farthings per 28-8 lbs., the price was a little under six pence per cwt. For a full discuBsion of these weights, see Mr. Thomas* Path&n Kings of Delhi, p. 161, ed. 1871. 3" Three jltals per man. s" Four jitals per man. Sis 8 d&ms per man. The d&m was officially reckoned at -,^0 ot a rupee; the tnan then contained 55-467 lbs. 346 The' revenue under the Gangetic line may in round numbers be set down at £435,000, and under the English at £450 000 a year. With regard to the present price of paddy, the people consider eighfcaimas a cheap rate for a Cuttack man, containing 107 lbs. avoirdupois ; or as nearly as may be, a shilling a hundredweight. This is the rate on the field ; and as will be seen in my Statistical Accounts (Appendices I, II, and IV), the retail price varies in different localities. In Pnri district I found that an ordinary rate in good seasons was 210 lbs. for two shillings. In Balasor town the price has varied from 240 lbs. per rupee in 1850, to 140 in 1870. These are the prices of the common sort of unhusked paddy, the staple food of the people. 28 VI expiry of the present leases, the land-tax will yield lesf than one-third of the merely local expenditure. If, therefore, the province is to pay its way, Government wUl be under a constant necessity of raising additional revenue by means of the miscellaneous imposts which are so distasteful to an Indian people. This difficulty was partly inevitable. No materials have come down showing the precise proportion of the produce of the soil which the anoieit Orissa Dynasties took. _ Many conflict- ing traditions exist on the subject, and doubtless the proportion varied in different parts of the country. The rich delta of Orissa could afford to pay a larger share to the Prince than less productive arid tracts ; and, as a matter of fact, the R&j& of Parikud, who still maintains his fiscal independence, takes exactly three-fifths of the crop. He, however, like other Hindu Princes, dealt with the cultivators direct. We, on the other hand, have allowed a whole series of intermediate holders, each with his own set of rights, to grow up between the State and the actual husbandmen ; and practically not one-tenth of the harvest reaches the public treasury. The following figures will, I think, establish this fact. The three Orissa districts contain 7,723 square miles, or 4,942,720 acres. At least one-half of this, or say two million and a half of acres, are under cultivation. The value of the ordinary crops varies from 10s. to £1 16s. Taking the low average of 15«., the total value of two million and a half of acres would amount to £1,875,000; and a land-tax of ten per cent, would yield £187,500. Now the actual land-tax from all sources amounts to £168,286. WhUe, therefore, a Hindu Prince like the Rdjd of Parikud takes three-fifths as his share of the annual produce of the soil, the British Grovemment obtains not one-tenth of it. This difference is partly due to the liberality of our land settlement, partly to the growth of intermediate holders ; but it is also in a large degree due to the fact that we take our rent in money and not in kind. The rent-roll of an Orissa estate, when offered for sale in the market, is now found, as a rule, to be double its Government land-tax. Of course, extreme instances occur on both sides, but native gentlemen and native officers have alike assured me that this is below rather than above the average. In settling with the landholders in 1837, the Company allowed gross reductions to about one-third of the rent for the charges and risks of collection **'. The extension of cultivation, with the natural rise in rents, has doubled the landholder's profits during the past thirty-three years ; so that, as above stated, the proprietor now generally realizes at least as much again as he pays to Government. The landholder, in his turn, collects from the cultivator as rent from one-half to one-quarter of the actual yield of the land, or say ope- third. Government, therefore, as it only receives at most one-half of the landholder's collec- tions, cannot get more than one-sixth of the net yield of the soil. In reality it receives much less. For it takes its share, not in grain, but in silver, which is constantly depreciating in value. This circumstance further decreases by nearly one-half the share which the State actually obtains, and reduces its one-sixth to one-tenth or one-twelfth of the produce of the land. I have shown, on what 1 believe to be irrefragable evidence, that the purchasing power of silver in India has fallen during the last five hundred years to one -seventh of what it was in the thirteenth century. I propose, very briefly, to prove that this decline, at least in Orissa, is still going on, that it has proceeded at a rapid rate during the present century, and that at the present moment it continues unchecked. The period of anarchy which preceded our accession in Orissa in 1803, has left few memo- rials behind it. But I have brought together, from the archives of the adjoining district of Ganjam, a series of papers which illustrate the state of prices a hundred years ago. My materials commence with the year 1778, and they show the average price of unhusked rice, except in years of famine, to have been about 8d. a hundredweight, and the price of husked rice 1 s. 4^^cl.^^. In Orissa the cost was always about one-third less, and indeed Ganjam imported a large portion of its rice-supply from Puri and Outtack. This would show the price of paddy in Orissa to have been under 6d. a hundredweight ; and when we obtained the province in 1803, 6d. a hundred- weight was considered rather a high price. A shilling per hundredweight is novy reckoned a cheap rate for paddy bought oa the field at harvest time. In 1771 a bullock sold for 10s. which would now cost at least 24s., and a sheep from Is. to Is. 3d. whose present price would be at least 4s. The whole evidence to be derived from the official records shows that the average price of staple commodities towards the end of the last century was less than one-half their present rates. The wages of laborers bore the same proportion, and palanquin-bearers cost 4s. a month who now receive 8s. We have, however, another means of ascertaining the decline in the purchasing power of silver. From time immemorial Orissa, like some other parts of India, has used a local currency of coicries. '*' The theoretical allowance was ten per cent., but the various extra allowances raised it to between thirty and forty per cent, in Orissa — vide Vol. I, p. 53. 348 In X778 the price of paddy in Ganjam varied fiom 7d. to 7| 9,64,711 I J 11,63,469 2,89,112 Sundry small farms and li- censes. Do. Miscellaneous . . Do. Do. Do. Do. Do. Land Revenue . . Land Customs . , Tobacco . , Do. Land Customs. . Stamp Revenue. Do. Land Revenue , , Do. Do. Do. 1,402 3,790 3,275 6,183 7,721 10,989 151 46 2,37,602 98,748 3,69,907_ 63,660 96,250 1,14,761 35 276 6,432 4,596 16,506 156 • • 3,02,672 Land Revenue.. Do. .. 4,454 9,088 Do. Do. 6,780 106 Do. '14,672 XXIX Statement showing the permanent reductions made in different branches of revenue in all the districts during 15 years from 1841 — continued. Districts. Year. Items. Head to which the item belongs. Amount. c 1842-43 Arupoogootah of seeking for jewels, bits of precious metal, &c., dropped on the roads. Moturpha as. 65 1843-44 Land Customs Land Customs. . 88,657 Do Betel farm rented Do. 37,120 Do Tobacco rent Do. 26,336 Do Rent of the duty on cheyroot Do. 2,700 Tinnevelly— <;o«<. < 1853 Frontier export duty on piece-goods, rape seed, &o. , reduced from 5 to 3 per cent. Do. .. 24,656 Do Frontier export duty on coooanut, &c, , reduced from 5 to 3J per cent. Do. 622 1847-48 Frontier export duty on cotton wool exported. Do. 3,996 1860-51 Do. on sundry articles Do. 762 1847-48 Export duty on cotton wool Sea Customs , . 44,596 L Do 1844 to 1849 Do. on sundry articles . , Total .. Duty on piece-goods, &c. Do. 13,882 .... 2,76,291 f Land Customs . . 1,80,164 1853-54 Calacachadam or tax on persons selling tobacco, betel, &o., in the fields during harvest. Moturpha 393 1850 and 1851 Mudurcutty or tax on basket-makers and house tax on Pariah, &c. Do. 1,211 1850 to 1854 Tax on palmyras . , Miscellaneous . . 22,033 Coimbatore . . < 1860 to 1855 Tax on fruit trees Do. 3,901 1851 and 1854 Honey rent, tax on dyeing root, hill-rent Do. 4,378 1854 and 1856 Keduction of assessment at 12 and 15 per cent, on old gardens. Land Bevenue . . 68,067 Do. Reduction of assessment at Jrd of the fixed assessment. Do. 60,643 Do. From gardens classed with first-rate punjah . . Do. 38,969 1856 Board's Proceedings, On uunjah lands over-assessed Total . . Inland duties on goods . . Do. 3,027 .... 3,72,686 f . dated 28th March 1844. Farms of betel and tobacco Land Customs. 1,16,946 17th March 1845 .. Transit duties levied on the Mysore frontier . . Do. 17,010 17th March 1851 .. Tax on oocoanut trees in Putcut lands Land Bevenue.. 1,284 2nd October 1864 . . Tax on other trees in Putcut lands Do. 1,963 By sanction of Gov- Land assessment in the Paiamatti taluk Do. 1,662 ernment, dated the 10th July 1854. Salem , . By sanction of Gov- ernment, dated the 20th December 1866, conveyed in Board's Proceedings, dated 24th January 1866. Assessment on well garden lands in the Tala- ghaut taluk. Do. 18,310 By order of Govern- Tax on scattered trees in unoccupied lands . . Do. 2,965 ment, dated 31st May 1855 (Board's Proceedings, dated 29th October 1855). 1841-42 Total .. Tax levied from blacksmiths, carpenters, .... 1,59,130 Moturpha 460 and weavers. AprU1844 .. Duty levied on frontier trade and the Halut 2,65,664 duty on betel-nut, pepper and cardamoms. Catiara Do Duties sayer levied on exports of betel-nnt, pepper, cardamoms, &c. Sea Customs . . 2,37,541 1852 Government tobacco monopoly Tobacco 2,91,141 323 1854-56 Duty levied on the manufacture of jaggery Moturpha from toddy of palmyra and cocoanut trees. . 1857-58 Tax fixed by herdsmen Total . . Sundry small farms and li- censes. 40 .... 7,85,049 34 ixx Statement showing the permanent reductions made in different branches q/ revenue in all the districts during 15 years from 1841 — bontinued. Districts. Year. Items. Head to which the item belongs. Amount. Malabar Madras 1852-53 1853-54 1854-65 1848-49 1846-47 and 1847-48. 1848-49 and 1849-50, 1851-52 1852-53 1843-44 1846-47 1852 1855 Do. 1844 1853 Jungle produce Do. Do. Addakakally or tax on betel-nut dyers Teyathora or tax on Teeyars .-. Tannan Jemmom or tax levied from dhobies or washermen. Tax on houses below 1 silver fanam or 3 annas and 2 pies. Tobacco monopoly Land custom, except frontier duty . . Frontier duty Total . . Quit-rent on certain holdings Ground rent on lime-hUns License fee on do. Land customs . , Frontier customs . . Total .. Grand Total .. Total for the Presidency . . -^ Grand Total .. Sundry small farms and li- censes. Do. • Do. Moturpha Do. Do. Do. Tobacco Land Customs . Do. Land Eevenue Do. Do. Land Customs Do. Land Eevenue . . Moturpha Sea Customs , . Land Customs . . Sundry farms and licenses. Abolition of tobacco mono- poly- Miscellaneous . . KS. 1,171 803 1,814 321 93 23 6,002 5,66,112 1,02,524 4,699 6,82,462 58 756 72 5,84,963 199 5,86,048 68,32,216 19,42,806 50,951 3,60,872 32,23,365 15,103 10,17,163 2,21,955 68,32,215 (B.) — Extracts from Dr. Buchanan's " Journey from Madras through Mysore, Oanara and Malabar in 1800." Bhavdni, Coimhatore district. — The hinds, or servants hired for the year by the farmers, are here called PudiyaU, and are on the same footing with the Batigas of Karnata. They some- times hind themselves for a number of years, in which case the master advances money for their marriage expenses, and deducts so much from their monthly pay, until he is repaid; Unless tied down by some stipulation of this nature, they may change their service whenever they please. A servant gets from his master a house, and from fifteen to twenty GopdUy fanams or from 5s. to 6s. M. a year, with a monthly allowance of twenty Vullas or Ittttt bushel of grain. Their wives, when they are able to work, have daily wa^es. Day laborers at harvest time, whether men or women, get daily one Bulla and a half (rather more than ^ bushel) of the grain called Cumbu. At weeding the crops, the daily wages are one Bulla of Cumbu, or about ■}■§■ of a bushel. A man working with a hatchet or pickaxe gets one Gopdldy fanam (about M.) a day ; carrying earth in baskets, or the like, he gets f of a Gopdldy fanam, or Zd. ; and porters, for carrying a load eight Urnalivullies, or Malabar hours' journey, get two Gopdldy fanams or nearly Sd. On the houses of the Natives in Goimhatore district. — I went ten Malabar hours' journey to Navaputty ; that is, the nine villages, having formerly been the principal of nine adjacent hamlets. It is a sorry place, containing about 20 houses. The huts of the country, called Chera, are like beehives, and consist of a circular mud wall about three feet high, which is covered with a long conical roof of thatch. Contrary to what might have been expected in a hot climate, but agreeably to the custom of almost all Hindus, one small door is the only outlet for smoke, and the only inlet for air and light. Each family has a hut for sleeping, another for cooking, and a third for a store-house. Wealthy men add more huts to their premises, but seldom attempt at any innovation in the architecture of the country. On the condition of the people (Northern division of Ooimbatore). — The cultivators and peasantry continue exactly in the same dress, and same houses, that they used in Tippoo's XXXI government, and have a prejudice against changes. Major Macleod thinks that their women are beginning to wear more gold and silver oraaments than they formerly did. The merchants and manufacturers are evidently improving in their manner of liviag, are forsaking their pyra- midal or conical huts, and are erecting tiled houses. To enable them to do this, Government, without charging interest, advances money which is repaid by instalments. On the poverty of the yeasuntry {DhiiMpwam, Goimbatore dixtnct). — Mr. Hurdis thinks that the present rents are greatly too high; and no doubt, the peasantry here, as well as in almost every part of India, are miserably poor. I am inclined to think, however, that other causes contribute more to this than the greatness of the rents. Mr. Hurdis says that all the land which is not cultivated is by no means unlet (Tirsi) ; but owing to the want of rain and of stock, the farmers are not able to cultivate the whole of what they rent. This, in my opinion, shows that the iields are by no means over-assessed ; and that the farmers, if they would not grasp at more than they have stock to manage, might be in a much more comfortable situation. One great cause indeed of the poverty of the farmers, and conse- quent poverty of crops in many parts of India, is the custom of forcing land upon people who have no means of cultivating it. Thus all the lands are apparently occupied ; but it is in a manner that is worse than if one-half of them were entirely waste. I believe every intelligent farmer in England will say that one acre fully improved will give more profit than two that are half cultivated. On servantu employed in agriculture {Vhdrdpnram). — The servants employed here in agri- culture are hired in the beginning of the year for twelve months. They may change their service when their term expires if they be not in their master's debt ; but as he generally advances money for their marriages and other ceremonies, they are seldom at liberty to go away. They get twenty hullas of rough rice {paddy) a month with iour f ana inn and one siliga of rough rice yearly, and their master pays their house-rents. The whole is about 31 bushels of rough rice, of which one-half is husk, with two shillings in money, besides the house- rent which will not exceed one or two shillings a year. These servants generally have one wife, who at seed time and harvest works for the master for daily wages. A woman's daily wages are four puddles of grain worth about nine-tenths of a penny. A man gets six puddles of grain. A servant with these wages can once or twice a month procure a little animal food. Milk is too expensive. His common diet consists of some boiled grain, with a little salt and capsicum, and perhaps some pickles. His drink is the water in which the grain was boiled. He has very little clothing, and that little is extremely dirty ; his house is a hovel, and he is commonly overrun with vermin and cutaneous disorders. The women, although not clean, are fully clothed. On servants and price of hhour {Polldchi, Ouimhatore).— There are here two kinds of servants employed by the farmers to cultivate the lands ; they are called pudiynl and pungal. The pudiyals receive yearly 3 podis of grain (29 bushels), worth 48 Vir'-Baya fanams, with ]0 fanams in money, and a house. The 68 fanams are equal to £1 8s. Q^rf. The wife and children of the pudiyal are paid for whatever work they perform. He is hired by the year ; but if he contracts a debt with his master, he cannot quit the service till that be discharged. The pungals go to a rich farmer, and for a share of the crop undertake to cultivate his lands. He advances the cattle, implements, seed, and money or grain that is necessary for the subsistence of the pungals. He also gives each family a house. He takes no share in the labour which is all performed by the pungals, and their wives and children ; but he pays the rent out of his share on the division of the crop, which takes place when that is ripe. If a farmer employs six pungals to cultivate his land, the produce is divided into 15 portions, which are distributed as folloW^ : — To the farmer, or punnadi, for rent, seed, &c. ... 6 To do. do. for profit 1 To do. do. for interest of money advanced ... ... 2 To the pungals or laborers 6 15 portions. Out of their portions the pungals must repay the farmer the money which he has advanced for their subsistence. The farmers prefer employing pudiyals, when they can be procured ; but among the laborers the condition of the pungals is considered as preferable to that of the nudivals Six-fifteenths of the whole produce is indeed a very large allowance for the manual labour bestowed on any land, and as the farmer can afford to give it, the rents must be moderate. Fdlahat Churmars or Slaves.— By far the greater part of the labour in the field is performed bv slaves or 'churmars. ' These are the absolute property of their devarus, or lords, and may be r,^nloved on anv work that their masters please, l^hey are not attached to the soil, but may bT?old or transferred in any manner that the master thinks fit ; only a husband and wife rannot be sold separately, but children may be separated from their parents and brothers cannoi uo ^^^^^^f ^^^ ^j^^^^ ^^^ ^f. different castes, such as Parriar, VuUam, Canacun, Sv •• ••> ••• I 1 ••• ••% *•■ • •• 8 ... H Total annual ... 26 i 5J fanams. ... ... ••• 4 8 rupees. ... ... 2 2 fanams. 2 2 do. Total ... 30 H Es. 9 If fanams. Oamara.— Slavery existed in the district, the number of slaves amounting to 82,000- The right of sale was the master's exclusive privilege, with or without the land. The slaves could also be let on hire. They were fed and clothed by their masters, who also presented them with a small sum of money on their marriages or on occasions of particular ceremonies. The average quantity of food and clothing given was — Food. For a man — 1| Canara seer coarse rice, 2 rupees' weight of salt, a little betel-nut and leaf. For a woman — X 36cr ••« B.. ■«« *■« For a child — f seer The slaves were not cruelly treated. Clothing. 2 pieces of canthy, 6 cubits in some taluks, a cumbly and a roomal. 1 piece of cloth, 7 cubits. 1 piece of cloth, 4 cubits. MaZaftar.— There were slaves in the district numbering 100,000. They were frequently transferred by sale, mortgage or hire. The measure of subsistence . to be given by the pro- prietor was fixed, and he was bound by the prescribed customs of the country to see it served out to the slaves daily. The slaves were in more comfortable circumstances than any of the lower and poorer class of natives. XXXIX (D.) — Exliacls from the Report of the Commissioners for the inrestigation of alkycd cases of Torture in the Madras Presidency, 1855. Many a witness has declared to us that the people would he satisfied if the demands of the Revenue Officers were restricted to the just Government dues ; we entertain no doubt but that the extortion, of what are erroneously termed "Bribes," is universal, and that when payment cannot be obtained by fair means, foid will be resorted to. Then is brought into play all that perfect but silent machinery which combines the forces of Revenue demands and Police authority ; the most ingenious artifices which the subtlety of the native mind can invent are had recourse to ; a ad it seems highly probable to us that it is a common practice with the native officers to give their own illicit demands precedence, when pecuniary means being more plentiful or easUy procurable, the process of extraction is more readily complied with, under hopes and promises of future services, perhaps that of assisting in cheating Government among others, expressly with a view to keep the revenue demand as a corps de reserve to fall back upon, the practice of oppression and violence to extract that, being not so apparent an injustice in the eyes of the people as the application of the same measures for mere private personal purposes.* The descriptions of violence commonly in vogue for revenue and private extortion purposes, which have been spoken to in the course of this inquiry, are as follows :— Keeping a man in the sun ; preventing his going to meals or other calls of nature ; confinement ; preventing cattle from going to pasture by shutting them up in the house ; quartering a peon on the defaulter who is obliged to pay him daily wages ; the use of the kittee ; A.nundal ; squeezing the crossed fingers with the hands ; pinches on the thighs ; slaps ; blows with fist or whip ; running up and down ; twisting the ears ; makiug a man sit on the soles of his feet with brickbats behind his knees ; putting a low caste man on the back ; striking two defaulters' heads against each other, or tying them together by their back hair ; placing in the stocks ; tying the hair of the head to a donkey's or buffalo's tail ; placing a necklace of bones or other degrading or disgusting materials round the neck ; and, occasionally, though very rarely, more severe discipline still. Some stress seems to have been laid upon the existence of " instruments " of torture, and many of the gentlemen who have sent in reports to Government state their belief that the kittee has become obsolete in their districts. That the "Anundal" (in Telugu gingeri) or tying a man down in a bent position by means of his own cloth or a rope of coir or straw passed over his neck and under his toes is generally common at the present day, is beyond dispute ; and we see no reason to doubt that the kittee (in Telugu cheerata) is also in frequent use. It is a very simple machine, consisting merely of two sticks tied together at one end, between which the fingers are placed as in a lemon squeezer ; but in our judgment it is of very little importance whether this particular form of compression be the one in ordinary use or not, for an equal amount of bodily pain must be produced by that which has superseded the kittee, if anywhere it has gone out of vogue, the compelling a man to interlace his fingers, the ends being squeezed by the hands of peons, who occasionally introduce the use of sand to gain a firmer gripe; or making -a man place his hand flat upon the ground and then pressing downward at either end a stick placed horizontally over the back of the sufferer's fingers. Independently of the general testimony to its use deposed to before us by the complainants whom we have personally examined, we find its use believed in by Mr. G. Forbes, and admitted by the Sheristadar, who s«ys — " Kittees are sometimes kept in both taluks and villages ; if they are not forthcoming in places where they are required for use, the village car- penter is immediately ordered to procure the required number of kittees, which order is impli- citly obeyed ; " and in the case of Akki-nary Appana, we find a Tahsildar tried and sentenced to six months' hard labor in irons and a fine of Rs. 200 for having applied this instrument known in Telugu districts by the name of cheerata to the fingers of the complainant so lately as the middle of the last year. It is quite certain that the practice of torture prevails in a much more aggravated degree in Police cases than for realizing the revenue. The modes resorted to in the former appear to be more acute and cruel, though we doubt if anything like an equal number of persons is annually subjected to violence on criminal charges as for default of payment of revenue. » » » * * We have instances of torture being freely practised in every relation of domestic life. Servants are thus treated by their masters and fellow servants; children by their parents and schoolmasters for the most trifling offences ; the very plays of the populace (and the point of a rude people's drama is its satire) excite the laughter of many a rural audience by the exhibition of revenue squeezed out of a defaulter coin by coin through the appliance of familiar " prova- catives " under the superintendence of a caricatured Tahsildar; it seems a "time-honoured" institution, and we cannot be astonished if the practice is still widely prevalent among the ignorant imeducated class of native public servants. • * » • « • Note. — Mr. Forbes, Collector of Tanjore, writes as follows: — "The people of India draw a wide distinction between oppressive acta practised with a personal motive, and those, which, however erroneously, they connect with <> public duty : they will make complaint upon complaint and appeal upon appeal for the redress of a private wrong, when they will at the same time tacitly submit to a greater injury received in a public act : the motive of the one they see to be personal, and attach no personal motive to the other." xl * Among the principal tortures in vogue in Police cases we find the following : twisting a rope tightly round the entire arm or leg so as to impede circulation ; lifting up by the moustache ; suspending by the arms while tied behind the back ; searing with hot iron ; placing scratching insects such as the carpenter beetle, on the navel, scrotum and other sensitive parts ; dipping in ■wells and rivers till the party is half suffocated ; squeezing the testicles ; beating with sticks ; prevention of sleep ; nipping the flesti with pincers ; putting pepper or red chillies in the eyes ; these cruelties occasionally persevered in until death sooner or later ensues. » » ♦ » * In the course of this investigation there is one thing which has impressed us even more painfully than the conviction that torture exists ; it is difficulty of obtaining redress which con- fronts the injured parties. In stating this melancholy fact we are very far from seeking to cast any unfounded imputation upon either the Government or its European officers. We think that the service is entitled to the fullest credit for its disclaimer of all countenance of the cruel practices which prevail in the Revenue as well as in the Police department. We see no reason to doubt that the native officials from the highest to the lowest are well aware of the disposition of their EiUropean superiors ; and although very many of the parties, who have appeared before us in reply to our inquiry why they have not made an earlier complaint, have asked what is the use of appealing to the Collector. We have seen nothing to impress us with the belief that the people at large entertain an idea that their maltreatment is, countenanced or tolerated by the European officers of Government. On the contrary all they seem to desire is that the Europeans in their respective districts should themselves take up and investigate complaints brought before them. The distances which the natives will often travel at great personal loss and inconvenience to make complaints even of a very petty nature to the Collector or Sub- Collector is of itself a proof of the confidence which they place generally in those officers. The abstinence of the native officials from such practices in or near stations where Europeans, be they civilians, surgeons, commissariat or other officers, reside and the prevalence of torture increasing in proportion as the taluk appears less exposed to European scrutiny, are strong arguments in favor of a consciousness on the part of the native officials that they cannot with impunity resort to illegal and personal violence when it admits of easy and speedy substantiation before the European authorities of the district ; and the whole cry of the people which has come up before us is to save them from the cruellies of their fellow natives, not from the effects of unkindness or indifference on the part of the European officers of Government. What then, it may be asked, are the reasons on which we found our opinion that' while the natives have confidence in their European superiors, they do not promptly seek redress at their hands in every instance of abuse of authority ? They are as follows : In the first place the infliction of such descriptions of ill-treatment in the collection of the revenue as we have above specified has, in the course of centuries, come to be looked upon as " Mamool," customary, a thing of course, to be submitted to as an every day unavoidable necessity.* It is generally practised probably only on the lower order of ryots, whose circumstances least permit of their making any complaints on the one hand, whilst their ignorance and timidity render them more Bubmissive on the other ; sucii is the native character that very often those able and ready to pay their dues will not do so unless some degree of force be resorted to. " I brought. 14 rupees from my house," says a ryot, in a deposition referred to by Mr. Lushington, " but only paid 6. I brought the said money to pay, but as no violence was used towards me, I did not do so. Had I been compelled, I would have paid them."* And in all these cases, it is probable that a sense of the justness of the claim operates in their minds against seeking redreps for ill-treatment, which, bat for their own stubborimess, they mi^ht have avoided. The violence ordinarily used is not of such a character as to leave those marks upon the person which might be appealed to in incontestable corrobora<^ion of the truth of the sufferer's story, and we cannot abstain from reiterat- ing our opinion that the great proportion of the acquittals and the lightness of the punishments consequent upon such cases as appear to have been substantiated to the satisfaction of the magistracy, may have had a serious effect in deterring the ryots from bringing forward more numerous complaints. ***** The distances which those who wish to make complaints personally to the Collector have to travel; the fear that their applications by letter if permitted to reach head-quarters tinadul- terated by misinterpretation will be returned with the ordinary endorsement of a reference to the Tahsildars ; the expense and loss of time which a visit to, and more or less prolonged attendance upon, the Collector's office entail ; the utter hopelessness after all is said and done, of the European authorities personally investigating the case, generally speaking ; the persuasion that a reference of the petition to the Tahsildar is likely to end in a nullity ; the immense power wielded by the native servants in the districts and those in the Collector's office, who work together in concert to * Mr. Forties, Collector of Tanj'ore, -writes as follows :— " The ryot will often appear at the cutcherry with his full liahilities in his possession, tied up in small sums about his person, to he doled out, rupee hy rupee, according to the urgency of the demand, and will sometimes return to his village having left a balance undischarged, not because he could not pay it, but simply because he was not forced to do so." xll render all complaints to the superior European officials nugatory ; the probability that if any trial takes place before the Tahsildar the complainant's witnesses will either be bribed and bought off or intimidated, or, if they appear, that their statements will not be believed, or will be garbled, and an unfavourable report upon them returned to the Collector ; above all perhaps, the convic- tion that he who seeks redress at the hands of the European is thenceforth a marked man amongst the native officials ; that his whole future peace and safety are jeopardized by this attempt, and that every means of annoyance and of oppression, even to false accusations of felony, will be brought into play against him, until his own ruin and that of his family are sooner or later consummated ; some or all of these circumstances unite in every case, in more or less forcible combination to render redress not only difficult, but in many instances almost impossi- ble ; at the same time it is to be remarked that the authority of the Tahsildar must be supported by his European superiors against the numerous false charges which are unsparingly preferred by the intriguing ryots. The character of the Native Police has been drawn by more than one writer in the reports furnished to Government. Mr. Mackenzie writes as follows : — " I have no hesitation in stating that the so-oalled Police of the mofuBsil is little better than delusion. It is a terror to well disposed and peaceable people, none whatever to thieves and rogues, and that if it was abolished in toto the saving of expense to Grovernment would be great, and property would be not a whit less secure than it now is." Mr. Saalfelt says': — " The Police establishment has become the bane and pest of society, the terror of th^ community, and the origin of half the misery and discontent that exist among the subjects of Government. Corruption and bribery reign paramount throughout the whole establishment; violence, torture and cruelty are their chief instruments for detecting crime, implicating innocence or extorting money. Kobberies are daily and nightly committed, and not untrequently with their connivance. Certain suspicious characters are taken up and conveyed to some secluded spot far out of the reach of witnesses ; every species of cruelty is exercised upon them ; if guilty, the crime is invariably confessed and stolen property discovered ; but a tempting bribe soon releases them from custody. Should they persist in avowing their innocence, relief from suffering is promised by criminating some wealthy individual, and in the agony of despair he is pointed to as the receiver of stolen goods. In his turn he is compelled to part with his hard earned coin to avert the impending danger. Even the party robbed does not escape the clutch- ing grasp of the heartless peon and duffadar ; he is threatened with being torn from his home, dragged to the cutcherry and detained there for days or weeks to the actual detriment of his trade or livelihood, unless he point out the supposed thieves. The dread of, or aversion to, the cutcherry is so great that the owner would sooner disavow the stolen article and disclaim all knowledge of the property, though his name be found written upon it in broad characters ; while such is the actual state of things, and while the people entertain such a lively horror of the Police, it is not possible to expect a single victim of torture to come forward and arraign his, tormentors ; or to bring the charge home to any one of them after the deed has been perpetrated in some ruined fort or deep'ravine situated miles away from the town or village." • • • • , Mr. J. Mackenzie, merchant of Bimlipatam, gives the following account : — " Since the receipt of your communication, however, I have made it my duty to inquire into the subject as far as my opportunities permitted, and the result of my inquiries leads me to the conclusion that the charge has been greatly exaggerated, and that although the use of torture or coercion in the collection of the revenue cannot be denied, its practice is of very rare occurrence and not at all of the deep and atrocious nature alleged, and I can confidently state, that it is' not had recourse to in order to collect an immoderate kist, or, as some writers in the Athenmum assert to screw out of the ryot, over and above his kist, a further sum for the benefit of the revenue servants. I am convinced that this charge is quite unfounded at least as regards the district of Vizagapatam. It is not in this way that the revenue servants make money. I believe that I can explain when torture is made use of. There is a class of ryots known as Nadars, whom a faulty revenue system has taken out of their proper position and converted into ryots, whereas they were never intended for any other position than that of laborers or servants to Mootabar ryots. Now these Nadars are compelled to undertake the cultivation of lands which the Mootabar ryots axe not disposed to take up. It is unsafe to make them such advances as would give them the means of well cultivating their lands ; they cannot be trusted ; they are not to be made honest or respectable ; their lands are consequently badly cultivated and their crops scanty, and scanty as they are, they generally endeavour to make away with them and to evade the payment of their kist as they really live by what they can pilfer. Now it is in such cases that punishment, or, as it is called torture, is had recourse to. The Tahsildar knows that crop has been made away with and that the ryot has the proceeds concealed on his person, he refuses to pay. What is the Tahsiliar to do ? Sell his property? He has no tangible property. Send him to jail to be well lodged and fed at the expense of Government ? He does neither ; he flogs him or coerces him in some other way, and rupee by rupee, anna by anna, drop out of unexpected places. One such 37 xlii case is noised about, and the example serves for a longtime. This I believe to be the true statement of the torture used in this district. I need not say that it is difficult to prove. The Tahsildar takes good care that no witnesses who are likely to give evidence against him are present. No laws can eradicate it, it has been the practice of the country from time immemorial ; the natives in general think it all right ; the very nature of the people must first be changed." ( K)—The Madras Ryot by Mr. R. A. Dalyell in 1866. During the ten years preceding 1866, the price of all the agricultural produce has nearly doubled, and that consequently the agricultural proprietor was much better off at the beginning of 1866 than he was at the beginning of 1856, and that there was a still greater improvement in his position as compared to what it had been in 1846. As nearly the whole of his outgoings, whether for food or wages, are mere deductions from the gross produce of the land, as his family subsist on the grain raised and wages are paid in the same commodity, his surplus produce has remained nearly the same in quantity during the twenty years, whereas the market value of that surplus has increased threefold, if no allowance be made for the depreciation of the value of the precious metals which has taken place during this period. In order to the better understanding of the extraordinary improvement that has taken place in the position of the agricultural interest, it will be advisable to consider the nature of the tenures on which land is held in the Madras Presidency. As already stated, a very large proportion of the cultivated area is held direct from Grovernment by peasant proprietors termed Government ryots. According to the statistical returns, there were no less than a million and three-quarters of these persons entered in the registers as land-holders, and their holdings are usually infinitessimally small. Only 420 paid 100£ and upwards as Government land-tax, which is supposed to represent half the net produce of the land. Upwards of a million and a half paid less than Rs. .31 or £3-2-0, and of these latter, upwards of a million paid less than Es. 10 or 1£. As has been already shown, the cultivated land held by the registered ryots is about 18 million acres, the average extent of the holdings is therefore 9 acres, but if the million sub-tenants who are entered in the returns as holding under these registered ryots be taken into account, the average size of the holdings will be reduced to 6 acres, supposing, of course, that every registered ryot who sub-lets land retains an equal quantity for his own use. This minute sub-division of the land into small holdings has often been advanced as the great objection to ryotwari system of tenure, but after all it should be remembered that this objec- tion applies equally to the zemindari system, and that, notwithstanding the difference in the value of money, only a few years back there were nearly two millions of small landed pro- prietors in France whose holdings in no case exceeded 5 acres ; that in the present Kingdom of Prussia, out of a population of nine millions dependent on agriculture, there are upwards of two million proprietors of land, and that upwards of a million of these do not possess more than 3 acres ; and that in Ireland, in 1861, there were 39,210 persons holding land less than an acre in extent as proprietors or tenants, 75,141 holding between 1 and 2 acres and 164,000 from 5 to 15 acres. ' ***** Unfortunately the share of Government was generally fixed too high, and the result of this over-assessment, increased as its pressure has been by the fall in the value of produce since the settlement was made, has never allowed the system a fair trial. Various restrictive rules also led to much interference with the ryots, though they were far from being a necessary consequence of the system. These restrictions are now being removed and the reductions recently made, or in progress, and the correct survey, classification and re-assessment of the land now in contemplation, will do away with these disadvantages, and it may be expected that the superiority of a system which encourages industry and enterprise, by being based on individual proprietorship, will be more clearly evinced. * * * :j« :|c The position of every description of landholder, whether ryot, zemindar, or inamdar must have improved very materially during the last 15 years. So far as the first class was' concerned, the fall in prices, which had taken place between the early part of the century, when the money rates of land-tax payable to Government were fixed, and the year 1850, had had such a serious effect upon their resources, that ver^ liberal reductions were then made in the assessment of all the ryotwari lands in those districts where the rates pressed with severity upon the ryots or where they were so high as to keep land out of cultivation altogether. A special department for the re-assessment of all districts on liberal and scientific principles' was also organized. The position of the Government ryot was consequently at once much improved p,nd the steady rise in prices, which has taken place since that period, has, of course still further benepted him, but this latter benefit hg,s a}so been obtained by the holders of land on xliii other tenures, the zemindar and the inamdar, and their respective tenants. It has been already shown that an acre of unirrigated land produces on the average 190 Madras measures, or about 5 cwt. of grain, and that an aero of irri- 1856— B8. gated land produces 370 Madras measures or Value of the produce of 6 acres of dry land ., 50 10 cwt. of rice. The Government ryot, there- to- ^°- °*2 „ of wet „ .. ^ fore,whoheld, say,6acre.sof "dry'Mandand 105 2 acres of " wet/' for which he paid, say, Es. 20 Deduct tax (say) .. 20 per annum to Government as land-tax, obtain- ~~^ ed for the produce Rs. 105 in 1856 and Es. 209 in 1866 as noted in the margin. On the 1866— ES. other hand, the ryot holding the same extent Value of the produce of 6 acres of dry land .. 104 of land under a zemindar or inamdar, after Uo. do. 01 2 ,, 01 wet ,, ,. 105 . . ■, m ,, -, i i • i ji j giving half the produce to his iandlord, 209 obtained in 1856 only Rs. 52-8-0, the price of Deduct tax (say) .. ^ 15 cwt. of dry grain and 10 cwt. of rice in 189 1856, and in 1866 Es. 104-8-0, the price of the same quantity of grain in that year, the zemindar, or inamdar, in this case, taking the balance of advantage obtained by the Government ryot. This improvement in the position of the agriculturist has manifested itself in the very large increase in the area of land under cultivation, for, whereas, even in 1856, there were less than 10 millions of acres held by regis- tered Government ryots, there were upwards of 16 millions of acres so held in 1865. 9|i 4c 4c 4^ 4s The position of the agricultural laborer and, indeed, of all those dependent upon wages had not, at any rate, seriously deteriorated during the 10 years preceding 1866, though the enormous increase, which has taken place in the price of food, must press hardly upon those trades for which the remuneration is fixed, by custom, at a certain rate in money. When reporting on this subject about three years ago, the Board of Revenue, after communicating with the Collectors of districts, stated that, as a rule, all agricultural laborers were still paid in grain, and that these grain wages had not risen materially during late years. As to other classes of laborers who were paid in coin, they observed that their wages had risen consider- ably, and that the increase had then kept full pace with the enhanced price of food. Compared with former rates, the wages were stated to be, in some cases, double of what they formerly were, but the general proportion of increase was 50 per cent., and only in a few cases had the increase been as small as 25 per cent. These conclusions are borne out by the increase which has taken place, during the last 15 years, in the pay of all domestic servants in the families of Europeans in India. The position of that portion of the population whose wealth is derived from mercantile operations has improved, at any rate, in an equal ratio with that of the agriculturist, if we may judge by the progress which has taken place in the trade of the Presidency. The prin- cipal portion of this trade is carried on at the port of Madras, that is, about one-half of the export trade and two-thirds of the import trade. The greater part of the balance of the export trade is from the ports of Cocanada, Negapatam and Tuticorin, on the East Coast, and from Calicut, Cochin, and Mangalore, on the Western Coast. Large exports of cotton take place from Cocanada and Tuticorin, and of grain from Negapatam, whereas the principal articles of export from the western ports are oofEee and oil-seeds. The principal item of import at most of these ports is piece-goods, though grain is also largely imported into the Malabar district. On the whole, then, it is impossible to arrive at any other conclusion than that the mass of the population of the Madras Presidency have considerably progressed in wealth during the 10 years previous to the famine of 1866. The whole of the agricultural interest, which includes certainly three-fourths and perhaps four-fifths of the population, were in twice as good a position at the end of this period as they bad been at its commencement, and a large number of them had made enormous gains during the cotton famine in England, the ryots of the district of Bellary alone having, it is estimated, obtained an increase to their capital of nearly a million and a-half sterling on this account. The mercantile class, or, at any rate, such portions of them as were interested in the over-sea trade, had doubled their business, and the position of the poorest classes had certainly not deteriorated. Further, while private wealth had increased to this extent, taxation had been augmented by less than 25 per cent., so that, certainly, three-fourths of the increased profits obtained by the population were enjoyed tax free. At the commencement of the distress the people were, consequently, in a better position than they had ever occupied in any previous year of famine. xliv (F.) — Results of the enquiries made hy the Board of Revenue as to the condition of the labouring classes in 1872 {Proceedings of the Board of Revenue, dated 11th November 1872, No. 2179). Board of Revenue — Labourers. — The general opinion was that the condition of tue labour- ing classes was rapidly improving. Mr. Brandt and Mr. Stuart took the opposite view, but they evidently referred to farm labourers, the old praedial slaves. Wages paid in grain, like those of farm labourers, continued almost stationary, and the rapid increase in money wages was to a great extent neutralized by as rapid a rise in prices. The labouring classes had, however, fully shared in the general improvement which was visible everywhere, and in many places large public works, increasing trades, and improved facilities for emigration had made their advance more rapid than that of other classes. Honorable V. Ramaiyangar. — The agricultural labourers in Tanjore called " pannials " were a kind of semi-serfs squatting on the estates to which they were attached. Accord- ing to the practice of the district, 40 goolies of dry land out of the holdings of a mirasidar were exempted by Government from assessment and made over to each " pannial " working under him. The mirasidar supplemented this with a grant of 60 goolies, of which he himself paid the assessment. He further granted to each labourer 50 goolies of " nunjah " land free of assessment. The 100 goolies of dry land was calculated to yield 7 kallams* of ragi, besides vegetables and enough of ground-nut to supply him with oil for the use of the family. The 50 goolies of wet land were computed to yield 5 kallams of paddy. His wages for daily work consisted of a Madras measure of grain per diem and this for about nine working months in the year would give him 9 X 30 or 270 measures = 1 15 Tanjore kallams. His calavassam on the threshing floor at the time of harvest gave him about 11 kallams more. The pannial's wife earned, by beating paddy and separating the husk from the grain on the mirasidar's estate, about 6 kallams of grain a year at the rate of 12 measures a month, so that the total earnings of the family in one year were as below i — Yield of dry land „ of wet land Daily wages ... ... ... Calavassam ... ... Earnings of the labourer's family EALLAMS. 7 5 11 11 6 Total ... 40 which at an average price of one rupee a kallam was equal to about Rs. 40 in money. The labourer generally earned something by working as cooly dua-ing three months in the year in which he was not employed in the field, and including this and the presents he got on festival days, the total earnings of the family were Rs. 4 a month. A non-agricultural labourer and his family in the rural parts of the district earned about the same sum at the rate of three annas per diem. The agricultural labourers in other districts did not earn so much as in Tanjore. In some districts, their wages were, on an average, but two Madras measures of grain per diem, or 60 measures a month, equal to 12x60 or 720 measures or 90 marakals per annum. '1 his was ■worth Rs. 30 or Rs. 2^ per month. Taking the whole Presidency, he was of opinion that it would probably not be much wide of the mark to assume the average earnings of unskilled labourers to be about Rs. 3 a month. There was no doubt that the wages of labour had increased since fasli 1268 (1853-54) though not in proportion to prices, the latter having risen by 100 per cent, while the former rose by about 50 per cent. So far the condition of the labouring classes must be held to have improved. Mr. P. Chentsal Row. — The money wages of labourers everywhere nearly doubled, but wages to agriotaltural labourers were paid in grain and continued unaltered. A full grown labourer in Nellore (of which Mr. Chentsal Row >7as a native and a landholder) got from 1^ to 2 tooms t of paddy or one toom of jonna or ragi monthly with a cumbly and a pair of slippers a year. This was all that had been always paid. The condition of the agricultural labourers had not materially or at all improved, excepting in tpwns and villages in the vicinity of the railway. Mr. Wedderburn, Collector of Ooimhaiore. — Wages were good and employment general ; in some places skilled labour, such as, that of the carpenter, the mason, &c., was very high owing to the extension of the railway. • A Tanjore kallam ^ 3 Madras marakalH or 24 measures, each containing 133 tolas of rice. t A toom = 37-1 Madras measures ; its value in the country was ahout Es, If. , xlv There was an increase in money wages ; grain wages were the same as to quantity ; bat more valuable relatively to money. UnskiUed field labour, in The cultivators or field-hands of the irri- ^ '' .^ ° " gated lands working for the landlords 30 years ago. At present, remained in much the same condition ; ryots Per day— kb. a. p. bs. a. p. cultivating their own lands, in other words, Mrh 014 036 ?j iJT.ji.i.1 ■!• f Woman 10 18 Owners of dry land, had, by the sinking of Per month— wells at their own cost, without being charged ^^^ 112 400 for the improvement, as was usual under the old native system, advanced in wealth and comfort. The ryot proprietor and his sons worked their well, tended the cattle, and ploughed the fields; all worked who had not the means to be idle; the females also spun. Next there were the lowest classes in every village who earned their subsistence by cutting grass, weeding fields, &c. ; except in unfavorable seasons when grass failed or cultivation was not carried on, they maintained themselves according to their own standard ; when there was no thought of the morrow and people multiplied without the restraints which better circumstances or higher standards of living entail, there was no likelihood of much advancement. But though emigration agents were beating up for recruits in every village and bazaar, and promised food, clothing and Rs. 5 per mensem, apparently they met with limited success ; 90 in a population of If millions appeared before him as magistrate, to be attested, in the course of 12 months from November 1871 to November 1872. There was neither fear of the sea nor of distant travel and those that went had usually no local tie. Mr. Venkatesiah, Deputy Volledor, Ghinglefut District. — The wages or earnings of the labouring classes were then nearly double cf what they were some fifteen years before, owing partly to the rise in the price of grain and partly to the liberal rates at which they were paid by the Railway Company and the Public Works Department. A common labourer working at the roads got as much as three annas a day, while his wife got an anna and-a-half. Thus a family consisting of a wife and a husband made up about Rs. 80 a year exclusive of non- 'working days ; whereas their annual income in former days had not exceeded half the latter sum. Mr. Chase, Oolledor of Kurnool. — Agricultural labourers were generally paid in grain and as the rates of payments seldom changed, their condition had been stationary and had made no perceptible improvement. The wages of non-agricultural labourers, however, had considerably increased, owing to the operations of the Irrigation Company and the general rise of prices ; but after the completion of these works in 1870 and the fall in prices, especially in that of cotton, the rates of wages had a downward course, and the condition of the labourers at that time was not much better than what it was 15 years before ; and any increase in the rate of wages was nearly counterbalanced by the enhancement of prices, so much so that when coolies were wanted for road work at a time when field work was available, they invariably preferred the latter, which was paid for in grain, to the former, which was paid for in money. Their food and clothing were of the same" kind as what they were before. They ate the same coarse grain and used as condiments the same efiatney composed of hemp-leaves or tamarind fruit. They wore the same coarse clothes and slept on the same rope cots. The women put on no more jewels than they did in former days ; he mentioned this because it was a well known fact that when a native was improved in condition, the first thing he did was to purchase jewels for his wife and children. Mr. Sribaliah, Depvty Collector, South Arcot. — The position of the labouring classes had improved. In the South Arcot district indigo cultivation had increased enormously. Indigo vats were found everywhere. The rate of daily wages to labourers in fields had almost doubled in the past years when there had been a rise in prices. There was a demand for labourers in every direction. A labourer in the field got his wages in kind at the time of harvest and in money at other times. In cash it was two annas and in grain a little more than three Madras measures. Labourers working in the indigo vats obtained three annas a day ; but they were not employed all the year round. He estimated their monthly income at Rs. 3^ or Rs. 42 per annum. There was another class of labourers who worked for monthly wages in kind. Their monthly wages were 27 Madras measures of paddy or ragi, besides one meal every day. They also got about 7 or 8 per cent, of the outturn at the time of harvest called calavassam and also a rupee in cash. If the approximate outturn of a field managed by one servant were 100 kallams, the labourer's income would be — monthly wages=:.324 Madras measures, calavassam=252 Madras measures, and this at a rupee for 30 measures would be Rs. 20 ; adding to this one rupee in cash and also the money value of one meal every day, which at 6 or 8 pies a day amounted to one rupee in the month or 1 2 rupees in the year, the total wages would amount to Rs. 33 and it was more or less this sum that the labourer got from his master every year. This did not include the wages of his wife. Mr. PucMe, Collector of Tinnevelly. — The wages of labour in this district were high. Pour annas a day for men coolies had been the general rate for the previous 10 years. At harvest time everywhere and throughout the year in the northern taluks the rate had been as high as six annas a day, but latterly there was a decrease and during the non-cultivation 38 Eotahs. Marakals. Measnies. 3 4 4 1 10 4 1 xlvi season of 1872 any quantity of labour was procurable at Palamoottah at from three annas to three annas and-a-half per diem. At the oott.on screws at Tuticorin men coolies were receiving four annas a day, and in the coffee estates on the hills the same rates prevailed. The agricul- tural piillars attached to the land received their wages in kind as formerly. The position both of the free labourers and the pullars in this district was remarkably good ; they were better fed and clothed than similar classes in any of the districts south of Madras, and their houses as a rule were superior to and were very different from the squalid huts that were to be found elsewhere. Mr. Brandt, Sub-Collector of Tinnevelly- — The following was the result of his (jxporience and of enquiries made unoflScially among those personally acquainted with the matter, and among some of the labourers and coolies themselves. The hereditary cultivating peasants, pullars as they were there called, who not many jears previously had been absolute slaves and whose condition was but little above slavery, were invariably paid in grain, whether in zemin- daries or lands held by other landowners. The workiug season was about 8 or 9 months in the year, of which some 60 days they were employed in cultivation and some 40 days in harvesting operations ; during the rest of these 8 or 9 months they got some odd work in the way of baling water and so on. The earnings of a pullan and his wife during the working season in the Valliynr division of the Ndnguneri taluk were as follows : — Two measures of rice a day or for 9 months Harvest allowances Gleaning ... ... ... Special allowances called swatantrams or nalla- nashtam (allowances for good or for bad) as m the case of a birth, marriage, maturity of a child or death in the family ... ... , . ... Calculating the kotah at Rs. 6 in money this was Ks- 36 in the year, The expenditure was as follows : — Value of diet and household expenses Drink, without which they would not work Clothing ... ... ... ... ... ... In Shermddevi in the ■ Ambasamudram taluk, a pullan was reckoned to get about a measure and- a-half and his wife a measure a day in the working season or Allowances at peshanam harvest ... ... ... Do. at kar harvest Swatantram ... ... ... ... By other field labour ... Gleaning ... ... Extra jobs ... ... ... ... ... 7 equivalent to Rs. 42 per annum. The expenditure was fully equivalent to the income. For a considerable part of the year these labourers could not take a full meal at all. A cooly or day labourer's wages varied from two annas to three annas four pies per diem and his wife's earnings were taken at from one anna four pies to two annas, according to the nature of the work ; for mere carrying and light jobs the lower rates were given ; for the higher, such work as erecting mud walls, rude building operations and so on, was exacted. The higher rate was that usually paid by the Public Works Department. They were paid sometimes in kind and sometimes in money. Allowing for feast days, days in which religious ceremonies, bathing in oil, &c., were performed, a cooly would not work more than two-thirds of a month and the working season could not be put down at more than 8 months ; the earnings of a cooly and his wife might accordingly be taken at between Rs. 48 and Rs. 60 a-year, according to the nature of their-work, and taking their expenditure as equivalent to 7 kotahs of paddy (or at Rs. 6 a kotah) equivalent to Rs. 42 or at the higher rate as equivalent to Rs. 56 a year, there was a margin of saving which, however, was actually but- seldom put by. There w:aa, however, no doubt that this class was better off than the hereditary farm servants. The shanars or palmyra-climbers simply got a share of the sweet toddy and the jaggery or coarse sugar which they collected, from their employers. One shanan could not extract the produce of more than 30 trees in the working season and from this he got a share and sold such of the jaggery as he did not require for consumption. The working season comprised some 8 months and his earnings could not be more than Rs. 3 or Rs. 3-8-0 per mensem, or in RS. ••• >•• 24 • • ■ • • * 6 . •• ■•< 6 Total ... 86 ;aha . Marakals. Measures. 1 10 3 10 4 7 4 1 3 2 10 4 2 xlvii other words Hs. 24 or Rs. 28 a-year. They had only one meal a day, consisting of rice or other grain, with some toddy or jaggery during the daytime. On the whole, the labouring classes could earn little more and often not enough to keep them in the bare necessaries of life ; where a man and his wife had children not old enough to contribute their small quota of labour, they were still more hardly pressed ; when their children were old enough to labour, their family earnings would be more, while their expenditure was not proportionately increased. There had been no increase in the wages of the hereditary farm labourers nor was their any likelihood of its increase. These people were destitute of any wish, or, at all events, any idea as to how to better themselves ; they had no inclination to emigrate, as many of the cocily class did. If they could live and marry in a condition short of absolute destitution, that was enough for them. In the earnings of day labourers there had been a rise as calculated in money as there had been still more markedly in the remuneration of more skilled labour, such as that of carpenters, goldsmiths, ironsmiths, &c.; but these have not been, in the case of the former at all events, more than commensurate with the diminished purchasing power, of money. In the condition of the farm-labourers there had been one decided improvement, of which they themselves were aware, that their employers could not ill-treat them and overwork them with impunity, and they knew that they could have redress and to whom to apply for it ; and compulsory labour was at an end. But so strong was the feeling of dependence on their employers and so potent the influence of the latter, that in consideration of a small present, cases of serious ill-usage and violence were even then hushed up. They were, moreover, very often in debt to their employers, for grain advanced for some family ceremony or for necessi- ties in times of want ; from this additional enthralment they could hardly ever expect to free themselves. Mr. C. T. Longley, Collector of Salem. — Labour in the Salem district was of two kinds — ordinary and agricultural. The first represented labour employed on tanks, roads and other public works and the second, labour connected with cultivation. Ordinary labour. — Both men, women and children of both sexes (above 7 years of age) were employed on ordinary labour. Their wages were as follow : — Per diem. ANNAS. A man cooly ... ... ..i ... ... ... ... 2 to 4 A woman cooly ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 1 to 2 A boy or girl ... ... ... ... ... 1 to 14 The rates of wages varied according to the demand, but the average might be set down as follows : — Per diem . AS. P. A man cooly ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 2 6 A w'oman cooly ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 1 4 A boy or girl ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 1 The classes chiefly employed on ordinary labour were Vellalns, Pulli»s, Pullans, Pariahs and Reddies. Muhammadans were also employed as labourers, but not extensively. The classes employed on ordinary labour were mostly those that had no lands or craft. But the women and children of the ryots were frequently employed on ordinary labour, when they had no work on their own fields. When agricultural operations were extensively carried on, especially at sowing of the wet crop, labourers for ordinary labour were very scarce owing to wages of agricultural labour being much higher. Agricultural labour. — Agricultural labour may be divided into two kinds, viz,, ordinary and extraordinary. Ordinary agricultural labour. — Every ryot whose holding was larger than he could cultivate with the assistance of members of his own family was obliged to call in the assistance of labourers known as pannials {panniam means cultivation and al, labourer). These pannials were paid in two ways — (1st) by a monthly grain fee varying from 24 to 40 measures of either cholum, cumbu or ragi, besides an annual ready money allowance of Rs. 2 to 5. (2ndly) by a monthly payment in money of Rs. 2| to 4. The first mode of payment was the one universally observed in all purely agricultural villages, i.e., those which had no trade, like the Cauvery villages. Extraordinary agricultural labour. — Extraordinary agricultural labour was chiefly required for irrigated cultivation. The labour consisted of ploughing, sowing, weeding and harvesting. The wages were high. Females as well as children were employed. Men ploughed, made ridges, and levelled fields ; the children trod in leaves for manure, whilst women took out the seedlings from their nursery and transplanted them over the field at a distance of about two inches apart. This was at the commencement of the rice cultivation in September and xlviii October. A month subsequently females only were employed for transplanting and weeding. They were paid from one-and-a-half to two annas in ready cash. At the harvest time the labourers would not receive payment in money, but demanded it in grain. They were paid from 3 to 4 Madras measures per diem, two annas six pies or three annas four pies at the commutation rate. Increase in the number of labourers. — The extension of cultivation and the prosecution of works of pdblic and private enterprise had to a great extent increased the number of labourers. Besides the labouring classes already mentioned, there was a third class, the , purely cooly, who had no lands or other means of livelihood. They had no houses of their own and they generally emigrated to places where they could get housed as well as earn wages. They were employed chiefly on the Shevaroy hills, where they occupied the cooly lines of the ■ {)lanter9 and were paid at the rate of a rupee for 6 days' labour. Condition of the purely cooly class. — The condition of the purely labouring classes had certainly improved during the previous 10 years. They were better clad, wore some ornaments, and sought for more comforts and better living. Their condition, however, depended on the difEfirent castes to which they belonged. For instance, the Vellalan was frugal and saving in .the extreme. Uis hard-working wife knew no finery and was content to wear for the whole yeair one, or at the utmost two blue cloths. The husband lived on the cheapest of dry grains and it was only at high festivals that a platter of rice and a little meat were prepared. On the other hand Pullies and Pullars were the very reverse, especially the latter. They were improvident of the morrow ; " sufficient unto the day " was their motto. They spent their money as fast as they got it. They lived upon rice and meat as often' as they could and delighted in gay clothes and ornaments. Mr. J. F. Price, Sub-Golleetor of Salem. — Artisans were usually paid by , the day, but they Sometimes did piece-work. The exception was the village blacksmith who was paid sometimes in charcoal, but custom in this respect varied and in all large villages this workman was either paid by the job or by the day. Wodders, who did stone and earth work, usually made a contract, and the chief man and his gang united to do the work and divided the sum paid for it among themselves. When they worked for daily hire, their charge was from 4 to 5 annas a day. For ordinary coolies the payment ranged from 3 annas for the best labourer to 9 pies for a small boy of about ten years of age. "Women ordinarily got one anna six pies and young girls 6 pies per diem. The customary arrangement as regards farm labourers was that the master gave from '3 to 4 rupees a year, from 3 to 4| kandagams (130 Madras measures each) of ragi, and if he was a wealthy and liberal man, a couple of coarse cloths at the Pongal. Boys were hiried by the year, and the arrangement was that the master gave them their food, a place (usually the stable) to sleep in, an ordinary handkerchief for the head, a small cloth and a cumbly. When Mr^ Price first joined that district, the regalar rate of hire of farm labourers had been a pagoda for a year, and from one and-a-half to three kandagams of ragi. The terms for boys had not altered, but there was then a tendency to ask for a small money payment, a rupee or so, in addition to food and clothing. The rates for daily coolies, when he first went there, ranged from 2 j annas to 6 pies for males and from one anna to 4 or 6 pies for females. The wages of artisans were on the same scale ; a bricklayer who claimed 12 annas a day only got 9 previously and that was the charge for the best class of workmen. The increase in the price of labour dated from the time of the famine, when the cost of the necessaries of life of every kind was so great that the Government officials had to increase the wages paid by them to labourers. Since then though ragi, for instance, had fallen from Rs. 26 to Ks. 24 per kandagam, which latter was its price at that time, it was impossible to reduce the rates. Coolies could get work almost everywhere, and in order to be able to retain them during the weeding and harvesting seasons, when the ryots paid the Government rates and added to them a measure or a couple of measures of ragi a day, besides food, the Government was obliged to pay the same price all the year round. Mr. Price once tried to reduce the pay of the coolies, and they nearly all struck and brought his road work to a standstill at the most important part of the season. There had been a marked improvement in the condition of both the labouring and artisan classes during the previous 5 years. The famine had given them an opportunity for increasing the rates paid to them, and they had never, though there had been a considerable period of cheapness and plenty, allowed these to retrograde. The labourer then received three annas instead of two annas and-a-half and he paid only Ks. 2^ instead of Rs. 26 a kandagam for ragi, which was his chief article of food. It was manifest, therefore, that if he could have lived oh his two annas and-a-half when ragi was sold at Rs. 26 a kandagam or even Rs/ 12 or 15 at which it had stood for some time, he must have either saved or spent something on extra articles or luxuries when he received 3 annas and spent only Rs. 2| for a kandagam of ragi, which would last for some two months. His personal observation fully bore out this view. The carpenter dressed better than he used to do ; occasionally he wore a laced turban instead of the invariable red cloth handkerchief of former days; was sleek and fat; had often land of his own and was careless in his work. The labourer too was to be seen with a decent cloth instead of a dirty rag round his waist; he occasionally went' away at cropping time to sow his small patch of land and returned to cooly work when there was no cultivation going on- He was independent and would not be beaten down in his wagefi ; and there were fewer beggars or xlix persons who stole from want, than there used to be. Any able-bodied man or woman cooly got work, and the difficulty was not to select coolies from a large number of applicants, but to get them at all. Mr. Macgregor, Collector of Malabar. — Except in the neighbourhood of large towns, wages were paid in kind and averaged two Madras measures of rice for a first-class cooly. The women and children earned proportionately less. The great majority of agricultural labourers were permanently entertained by the landowners, and these were paid a measure and-a-half per diem whether they worked or not. This rate of pay was very little more than enough for a bare subsistence. It admitted of an occasional drink. From a report drawn up by his predecessor in 1863, there was little difference perceptible since then in the rate of wages. There was no marked improvement in the position of the agricultural labourers during the thirteen years he had experience of the district. They were slaves in everything but name and up to no very distant period had invariably been sold with the land. There were abundant opportunities for this class to better themselves by going to work in Wynaad, but compara- tively few availed themselves of this, because they preferred the freedom from anxiety which the protection of a landowner afforded. In the towns there had been a marked increase of the rate of wages, which was four annas. This class was not much better off than it had been previously as the price of food had also increased. Mr. Foster, Collector of Qoddvari. — The ordinary labourers in the Goddvari district got 3 or 4 annas a day ; they were almost entirely paid in money ; before the anient was made, the daily wage of common labourers was one anna and that was sufficient to maintain them. The cultivating labourers were usually kept as private servants by the pattadars and were given food, &c., all the year round and about two putties of grain at the harvest, which, if paddy, would be worth about Rs. 40. Many of these labourers had of late years become pattadars themselves, employing in their turn hired labourers. In the Bellary district the practice of hiring labourers to cultivate was not so common as in the Goddvari district ; th© poorer classes there had small holdings and all the members of the family assisted in cultivat- ing the laud ; but in the delta taluks of this district the landholder and his family seldom took any part in the actual cultivation of the land ; they did not let it out so much as cultivate it by their own private servants maintained all the year round, so that the position of these labourers was much better in Goddvari than in poorer districts j but this was the case in the years preceding 1872, after the anicut was made. In the food the labouring classes ate and in the clothes and jewellery they wore there had been a great improvement since that time. Mr. A. J. Stuart, Sub-Oollector of Rajahmundry . — The ordinary rate of wages obtained by a labourer was 3 annas a day ■ or Rs. 67^ per annum, if he managed to find employment every day, which probably was rarely possible. The price of rice then was an anna a seer in Bajahmundry and 3 annas -wFould have done little more than feed 4 or 5 people. Occasional expenses, such as a shred of clothing for men and a common cloth for women, would have disposed of any balances and there was always the toddy shop at hand if there was any unusual balance. The farm labourer was paid chiefly in grain ; his earnings were less than the above, but more certain, and he had a master to depend upon in case of any unexpected expenses, or for such outlay as was incurred in marriages or funerals ; the earnings might be estimated in the delta at about 2 putties of paddy worth Rs. 50. It was paid in various ways, but amounted on the average to about 2 putties, just sufficient for the support of his family. On the whole, by far the greatest part of the population was poor and had little beyond food, clothing and shelter ; in no country in the world was the taxation so high in proportion to the income of the people it was raised from ; and little or no advance was observable in the condition of the masses and certainly none in that of the labouring classes. Mr. U. E. Sullivan, Oo^/edor o/ 5om<^ -<4rco<.— The full and interesting account furnished by Mr. Sullivan regarding the condition of the labouring classes in the South Arcot district is given below : — As regards the present condition of the labouring class, there is not the least doubt that it has materially improved during the last twenty years. It is somewhat difficult to estimate the annual earnings of a labourer, as the majority are not employed on the same work or remunerated in the same manner all the year round. Agricultural labourers may be divided into two classes : those who form the regular farm staff and who are engaged at the rate of one man per plough and the occasional hands who are taken on when required. When the first description of labourers is engaged, it is usual for the employer to make him an advance of money, varying from Rs. 7 to Ks. 35, which is known as the " Motha- kadan " or first loan, which binds him to the service of his master. Neither this loan nor any subsequent advances, which, on the same principle, he may receive from his employer, bear interest nor is repayment of the capital sum demanded unless the labourer elects to quit the service. This class of labourers, although they are attached to the farm under the system above described, are not employed on it all the year round, and during certain months of the year their services are dispensed with, and they are at liberty to take employnient elsewhere, 3? 1 being bound, however, to come back whenever required. Whilst regularly employed, on the farm which is generally from June to November they are paid monthly and in kind, never in money. The following are the ordinary rates : — 45 Madras measures of varagu, 11 „ „ ofragi, or occasionally thirty-four measures of paddy are substituted for the varagu. When taken on again for the harvest, which commences in December, the labourers employed receive as their remuneration 5 per cent, of the grain harvested. TEisl8"caiiBd-cail»vasam,-the iabourers receiving five callams out of every 100 callams got in. The extra hands who are taken on when agricultural operations are in full swing are paid daily wages, either in money or kind or both. If in money, the wage is one anna per diem and two meals of congee ; if in kind two Madras measures of paddy, besides the congee. Going back again to the permanent farm labourer or as he is known in the south the " padial " or " padiaohy," it would not appear at first sight that his lot was a very prosperous one. The value of the grain which he receives as wages from June to November does not exceed, even at present prices, Rs. 2 per mensem. Twenty years ago, however, it did not represent a rupee, so that although he receives now the same quantity as he formerly did, he is certainly better off (for he cannot consume it all) than he was then. But he makes a great haul at the harvest and in addition he occasionally cultivates a small portion of his employer's estate on his own account. He receives, moreover, at the difierent festivals small presents from his employer, and on the occasion of a marriage or other ceremony in his own family a loan to meet the necessary expenses is rarely refused. It is true that this system must more or less tend to prevent the labourer from ever emerging from that position, but this is not universally the case. Instances not unfrequently occur of these men setting up as independent farmers, although whether their condition is thereby ultimately benefited may admit of question. One bad season generally suffices to ruin them, and then they go back contentedly to their old place. I use the expression advisedly, for it is within my own tolerably varied experience that a bond of union exists in India between the landholder and his labourers, which prevents the latter, as a rule, from following the example of their brethren at home in striking for higher wages just at the time when their services are most needed. But the laws of supply and demand are inexoi'able, and though the landholder in India is prudent enough not to create an inconvenient precedent by raising the rate of wages whenever labour is in greater request than usual, he is still sufficiently alive to the requirements of the times by a judicious enhancement of loans and presents during the period of pressure to secure himself against the difficulties which at this moment beset the farmers in England. There is, moreover, in this country a feeling of sympathy between the employer and his men, which is not to be found in European countries, where the latter are regarded as so many machines out of which a certain amount of work is to be got, and that done, the bargain is at end. A mistaken philanthropist might make great capital at a public meeting in England out of the figures which I have given above, but my experience leads me to believe that the " padial " in India, with his comparatively scanty wage, is better off than the farm .labourer at home with his 9s. or 10s. a week. The wages of unskilled labour other than agricultural have advanced about 25 per cent, during the past twenty years, but the price of food has gone up in proportion. It is not, therefore, to this that we must look for the cause of the undoubted amelioration in the condi- tion of this class of the population evinced by their dwelling in better bouses, eating more animal food, and indulging in other luxuries (drinking, I am afraid, amongst the number) to a greater extent than formerly. It is due mainly, I think, to the steady and ever-increasing demand for labour throughout the year, so that the man or woman who is willing to work need never want. This is caused partly by the area of cultivation extending year by year, the development of trade and by public and private works of utility being carried out on a large scale throughout the country. In this respect the expenditure of Local Funds plays no unim- portant part, and those who contribute them are repaid with interest in an indirect manner. In former days, within my own recollection, it was a very difficult matter for the labouring classes to tide over those months of the year during which agricultural operations were at a standstill. Public works were few and far between, and those who wished to obtain employment on them had often to travel and encamp many miles away from their homes to earn sufficient to save them- selves from starvation. Now the work is brought up to their doors, and when the demand for agricultural labour is slack, employment is always to be obtained on imperial or local works. I believe this Presidency to be at present in the most hopeful condition, and no better evidence can, I think, be adduced in support of the position than the undoubted fact that the labouring classes, by whose aid the bulk of the revenue of the State is produced, are in a happy and prosperous condition, although, as before observed, the figures above quoted might provoke an opposite conclusion. li SECTION v.— STATISTICS SHOWING THE IMPEOVEMENT IN THE CONDITION OP THE PEOPLE SINCE 1850. (A,) — Population. (a.)- -Statement showing the population of the Madras Presidency — 300 omitted. '-. Percentage of increase or decrease Percentage of increase or decrease Percentage of increase or decrease Districts. 1871. 1881. 1891. of the popula- tion of 1881 over that of 1871. of the popula- Hon of 1891 over that of 1881. of the popula- tion of 1891 over that of 1871. Ganjam . . 1,520 1,750 1,894 -t- 1510 -- 1509 -t- 8-24 -f 24-58 Vizagapatara 2,159 2,481 2,795 -- 12-64 + 29-46 GodAvari (a) 1,621 1,795 2,081 .- 10-73 -- 16-39 -f 29-38 Kistna . . 1,452 1,548 1,863 -- 6-62 -- 19-67 -- 19-81 -- 27-59 Nellore . . 1,377 1,220 1,462 — 11-37 -- 6-18 Cuddapah 1,351 1,121 1,269 — 17-03 -- 13-19 — 6-09 Bellary ., Anantapur 1 1,663 f 722 ; 604 901 708 1 — 19-77 + 21-26 _ 2-71 Kumool 915 679 817 — 25-79 ■\- 20-48 — 10-69 Madras . . 398 406 450 -- 2-09 -f 10-87 -1- 13-17 Chingleput 938 981 1,137 -- 4-6 -f- 16-89 - - 21-22 North Arcot . 2,015 1,823 2,178 — 9-8 -t- 19 5 -- 8-08 South Arcot 1,756 1,816 2,160 -f 3-36 - - 18-94 - - 23- Tan j ore .. 1,974 2,131 2,227 -1- 7-94 - - 4-63 - - 12-85 Triohinopoly 1,201 1,215 1,377 -f 1-22 + 13-36 - - 14-73 Madura . . 2,267 2,169 2,611 — 4-32 - - 20-38 - - 16-17 Tinnevelly 1,694 1,700 1,918 + 0-34 - - 12-82 - - 13-2 Coimbatore 1,763 1,658 1,999 — 5-99 - - 20-62 - - 13-39 Nilgiris .. , (») 75 91 100 -f 21-33 -^ - 9-63 n - 33-33 Salem . . 1,967 1,593 1,963 — 18-68 T - 23-21 — -22 South Canara , 918 969 1,055 -- 4-48 -i- 5-75 - 10-01 -- 14-93 + 18-65 Malabar , ■ , (c) 2,236 2,365 2,651 n 1- 12-10 1 otal ,. 31,249 30,827 35,606 — 1-35 + 16-6 + 13-94 (a) Inclusive of the population of the BhadrfLchalam and Bekapalle talaks transferred to the Madras Presidency in 1874. {*) Inclusive of the population of the South-East Wynaad transferred from Malabar in 1877. M Exclusive do. do. do. do. to the Nllgiris in 1877. 2^0TES. — 1. The population entered in this statement does not include the population of Sandfir, Banganapallfe and the Pudukota States. 2. Tha percentage of increase of the population in 1891 was small for the Tanjore district. But if the net loss by emigration between the 18th February 1881 and 26th February 1891, amounting to 97,237 persons, be added to the population, the total increase comes to 9-10 per cent. (b.) — Statement showing the civil condition of the population as per census q/1881 — 000 omitted. Madras Presidency. Ages. Males. Females. Single. Married. Widowed. Total. Single. Married. Widowed. Total. 0—14 6,760 102 3 5,866 6,058 652 82 8,742 16-19 1,111 189 5 1,305 299 866 63 1,218 20—24 687 518 15 1,220 77 1,264 145 1,486 26—29 331 871 31 1,233 37 1,106 192 1,335 30—89 191 1,920 102 2,213 46 1,515 606 2,166 40—49 42 1,303 117 1,462 24 697 734 1,465 60—69 . 18 737 118 873 13 268 677 958 60 and upwards 13 636 180 729 10 88 806 904 Total .. 8,153 6,176 571 14,900 5,663 6,456 3,246 16,264 England and Wales. Agps. Males. Females. Single. Married. Widowed. Total. Single. Married. Widowed. Total. 0—14 4,728 4,728 4,740 4,740 16—19 1,262 6 . , 1,268 1,246 32 ,, 1,278 20—24 864 245 2 1,111 809 402 5 1,216 25-34 677 1,218 26 1,821 876 1,344 82 1,972 3,5—44 195 1,171 82 1,418 2.34 1,168 124 1,623 45—64 99 860 74 1,033 136 810 194 1,140 fi.')— 64 60 563 100 723 88 471 262 811 05 and upwards 41 314 180 535 68 213 872 663 Total . . 7,826 4,377 434 12,637 7,897 4,437 999 13,333 lii (c.) — Statement showing the birth and death-rates in different countries per milk of the population. Countries. England and Wales France Germany- Austria , , Hungary Holland Belgium Denmark Sweden , . Italy .. India . . Madras Presidency Birth-rate. 35 35 26- ' 39-8 39-9 42-6 35-4 31-7 31-2 31-2 37-2 50-4 • Death-rate. 21-27 27-1 30-8 88-9 .24-6 22-7 19-7 19-2 29-9 44-5 * Population per square mile. 446 ign 217 158 312 480 127 27 247 185 221 * Estimated by Mr. Hardy— Vide Census Eeport of British India, 1881. (d.) — Table shomng the expectation of life and the number of survivors at different ages out of every 100 persons. Madras Presidency. Whole India. England. Ages. 1^ s So ?! 03 fr 13 .iH si le 1| n s i M 1-3 ■s 4^ ■s IS 1- 1 S o |l s § o 00 years TEARS. 22-35 YEARS. 24-18 NO. 100 NO. 100 YEARS. 23-67 YEARS. 25-58 NO. 100 NO. 100 YEARS. 41-92 YEARS. 45-25 NO. 100 NO. 100 6 34-65 34-32 55 60 3601 35-63 57 62 51-47 53-65 74 76 10 , 32-92 32-39 50 55 34-00 33-42 52 57 48-16 50-32 71 74 15 3010 29-70 47 51 30-99 30-56 49 53 43-94 46-15 70 73 20 27-86 27-77 42 46 28-65 28-44 45 48 39-86 42-10 68 71 25 , 25-74 26-05 38 41 2619 26-50 41 43 3605 38-36 66 69 35 21-36 22-30 30 31 21-38 22-33 33 34 28-88 31-12 61 64 45 16-69 17-90 23 24 16-41 17-56 25 26 22-34 24-21 53 57 55 , 11-88 12-73 16 17 11-52 12-32 17 19 16-09 17-37 43 49 65 „ .. .. 7-50 7-87 8 10 7-20 7-54 9 11 10-79 11-55 30 36 75 4-12 4-23 2 3 3-99 4-08 2 3 6-52 7-04 16 19 85 and upwards 201 203 •1 •2 1-94 1-94 -1 •2 3-78 4-16 3 5 Note. — The life table for the Madras Presidency and the whole of India has been taken from the Census Report of British India, 1881. (e.) — Table showing the proportion of population of various countries grouped according to ages per 1,000. Countries, From to 15 years. Franoe_. . Belgium , Holland S-weden Saxony England Russia . . United States, white population Do. colored (free) Slaves . . Total, India . ■•{ Males . . Females. Madras Presidency ..{^^^13^ 275 302 329 833 342 364 353 377 338 424 402 404 409 411 From 15 to 60 years. 60 years and upwards. 617 610 591 597 584 673 577 579 606 541 569 552 851 544 108 103 80 80 69 73 70 44 56 35 39 44 40 46 JSToi*. — The particulars relating to European, countries- have been taken from Guyot's Social J^cmomy. liii m s o o o ■3 S 3 -13 £ Ms 0-, e « 3 •^ r^.o -S S O ■^ '« g a s 8 I Si rJS Percentage of increase or decrease in 1889-90 over the area cultivated in 1852-53. ^ M CQ r* 00 o to 00 Cq 00 CO -«*< O to 00 CO to rH .- 50 OS OS CO OO CI to OS CO i (D ^ 00 lO Oi o (M Oi — (N <-i ■-" 1 1 1 1 CDCOCOtOT}<-«* 1 i eococoeocococOQOOstot- C4 Tt4 C4 rH CO « ># Percentage of increase or decrease in 1880-81 over the area cultivated in 1870-71. 1 r-rH U5 O OS O — rH c<« eq Mil COrH-rHCOrHiOr-tOCOr-CO (M rH rH -H ^ (N Mil 1 (M 1 «• ^ r- "^ M CO to ** rH rH C4 (N -00 1 ■ 1 to rH to C4 rH 04 -< O ^ -rH rH rH (M (M ■ II II 1 eooooot^i^-ocot^coco ei|«-rHr-COt'-COrH OtOCOO»^OSQOOOCO^OS^ ^^ r^ r-T r^'r^ rn" CO o i r* cq «? CO Tjt t^ to to CO >o CO r- o o P-4 CO OtCC4COiMtOaOCD04 o^rH ■^rosdcor-oooo^ o^ 00 CO CO co' r1 00 1 o 00 QO i CO CO CO to O C« OS rH t^ CO (N lO rH (O CO to -*^r* o^oo^ ooostor-ostooiosT*«(N'* 00>(M-«iO r-^^ QO .rH rH t- O CO Tt* (N « OO eotocooostocDOO cfl t* OS CD to t- C^ O ■* rH ■;*< O ■* C4 '«*« - f ^.^ from 1 from 1870 to 1874. Average (•ears 883- 84 to 1887-88. 1. Granjam ,. ,, 2. Vizagapatam 3. Godivari (Hajahmundry) 4. Kistna (Uasulipatam) Grunttir 6. Nellore 6. Cuddapah 7. Auantapur 8. Bellary 9. Kurnool . , 10. Madras 1 1 . Chingleput . . 12. North Arcot . . 13. South Arcot .. 14. Tanjore 15. Trichinopoly 16. Madura " .. 17. Tinnevelly .. 18. Ooimbatore . . 19. Nilgiris 20. Salem 21. South Cauara 22. Malabar Average for the Presidency Index numbers representing average prices taking the average for the years 1849 to 1853 = 100 .. 43-9 35-6 25-6 21-0 20-5 22-1 22-2 22-B 22 1 22-9 28-9 28-6 26-4 31-4 22-4 "24-1 24-5 43-6 27-2 128 39-5 324 258 23-1 19-4 24-7 19-6 201 26-5 26-4 21-4 25-7 31-3 29-5 27-6 25-7 22-5 ""24-5 26-2 301 260 134 49-1 41-4 34-2 31-3 25-6 28-6 24-1 25-3 26'3 21-9 26-2 31-2 30-3 26' 1 28-4 24-7 "27-2 30-0 36-6 299 117 54-1 46-8 39-7 29-7) 350 30-2 31-6 27-9 32-4 39-8 34-5 38-7 35-3 30-4 281 31-8 35 30-7 31-6 34-9 100 18-3 15-7 16-9 13-6 13-8 10-8 110 111 13-3 13-7 141 14-8 12-8 11-6 11-5 n-2 "ll-4 13-8 12-3 13-2 264 23-9 17-3 200 15-9 17-6 160 15-6 13-7 151 17-6 18-8 18-6 16-9 16-5 14-5 131 14-3 10-2 170 14-7 13-7 161 216 17-2 15 15-4 14-7 15-0 15-3 15-2 13-6 13-3 141 10-2 16- 16-: 16-1 14- lo- 13-4 14-7 11-8 15-7 14 6 141 14-9 234 (b.) — Table showing the prices of cholum in terms of seers of 80 tolas per rupee. Average Average Average Average Average Average Average of 5 years from 1883- 84 to 1887-88. Districts. of 5 years from 1809 of 5 years from 1819 of 6 years from 1828 of 5 years from 1849 of 5 years from 1861 of 5 years from 1870 to 1813. to 1823. to 1832. to 1863. to 1865. to 1874. 1. Ganjam 28-5 301 27-8 2. Vizagapatam 45-5 40-6 56-5 58-7 28-3 30- 1 26-6 3. God&vari (Eajahmundry) .. 4. Kistna (Masulipatam) Guntdr 40-9 37-0 50-2 620 27-8 33-9 26-5 31-6 40-8 25-7 27-4 37-1 ) 33-2 j 38-4 23-1 24-1 22-6 6, Nellore 33-2 351 43-3 49-2 23-5 28-3 24-8 6. Cuddapah 39-5 29-4 42-6 43-7 18-1 27-2 28-9 7. Anantapur . . 8. Bellary 36-1 32-1 511 45>3 18-6 30-2 i 30-8 \ 300 9. Kurnool , , , . , , 47-1 19-4 26-5 28-8 10. Madras 1 1 . Chingleput . . 1 30-9 / 30-5 32-7 35-3 44-6 211 ( 24-1 I 22-6 21-8 22-8 13. North Arcot .. 33-0 31-2 36-9 52-3 21 1 31-3 286 J 3 , South Arcot . . 331 38-4 42-3 49-8 26-6 36-2 31-9 14. Tanjore 15. Trichinopoly.. 30-8 32-7 38-3 48-2 250 28-3 26-7 38-3 37-2 36-8 52-2 22-6 32-7 40-6 J 6. Madura 50-5 51-6 55-1 73-9 21-9 330 32-7 17. Tinnevelly .. • • 51-1 55-6 51-2 181 24-5 250 18. Ooimbatore .. 49-6 40-3 44-5 54-8 19-7 24-8 23-8 19, Nilgiris , , 18-3 20-9 20. Salem 45-8 50-7 51-9 57-7 24-3 33-4 28 7 21. South Canaia . . , , 22. Malabar ■• ■* " • 24-3 Average for the Presidency 38-6 36-6 44-4 61-8 22-8 28-4 27-4 Index numbers representing average prices taking the average for the years 1849 to 1853= 100 .. 135 141 US 100 227 182 189 Ivi ' {c.)—TaUe showing the prices ofragi in terms of seers of BO tolas per rupee. Average Average Average Average Average Average Average of 5 years Districts. of 6 years of 5 years of 5 years of 6 years of 5 years of 5 years from 1809 from 1819 from 1828 from 1849 from 1861 from 1870 1883-84 to to 1813. to 1823. to 1832. to 1853. to 1865. to 1874. 1887-88. 1. tianjam ,. .. ., ,, 48-8 62-6 67-2 75-5, 32-8 35-4 31-8 2. Yizagapaiam ,, .. ,, 49-2 46-0 63-6 71-1 28-8 31-1 28-7 3. Ood&Tari (Bajahmundry) . . 38-4 38-1 54-5 70-6 29-4 35-7 29-9 4. Kistna (Masulipatam) 34-1 36-0 47-0 } 47-5 25-8 29-9 29-7 Guntfir 47-3 32-8 41-7 6. NeUore 33-7 38-5 46-6 51-3 25-7 32-0 29-0 6. Cuddapah 35-2 30-6 43-6 46-3 191 29-9 32-9 7- Anantapur . . , , , , , , 8. Bellary 9. Kumool 45-3 35-4 53-4 60'2 20-3 35-0 33-7 34-4 ,_ ^ ^ 28-7 20 2 27-8 29-3 10. Madras 11. Chingleput 12. North Aroot } 31-5 32-2 301 32-0 41-8 20-1 28-6 27-2 27-3 30-7 34-3 53- 9_ 22-4 341 31-6 13. South Aroot 37-3 39-7 44-2 49-1 25-6 34-7 30-3 14. Tanjore 36-0 43-3 62*0 63-9 27-9 330 29-2 15. Trichinopoly 40-6 39-0 48-7 58-4 24-6 33-5 30-3 16. Madura 45-0 48-3 49-6 65-5 22-5 31-7 30-7 17. Tinnevelly 64-9 50-4 67-5 54-8 191 25-8 270 18. Coimbatore . . 53-4 44-3 50-8 63-6 21-9 311 29-1 19. Nilgiris , , , , . , 21-0 220 20. Salem 50-5 47-1 55-0 62-7 25-4 37-9 31-9 21. South Canara 33-5 36-4 460 49-1 19-5 24-2 20-6 22. Malabar •• •• ■• " • ' 23-4 Average for the Presidency . . 420 39-9 49-3 55-8 24- 311 29-1 Index numbers representing average prices, taking the average for the years 1849 to 1853= 100 .. 133 141 114 100 233 180 192 (d.) — Tcbhle showing the prices of eumhu in terms of seers of 80 tolas per rupee. Districts. Average Average Average Average Average Average Average of 5 years from, 1883-84 to 1887-88. of 5 years of 5 years of 6 years of 5 years of 5 years- of 5 years from 1809 Erom 1819 from 1828 from 1849 from 1861 from 1870 to 1813. to 1823. to 1832. to 1853. ■ to 1865. to 1874. 31-8 31-0 33-6 50-8 44-8 645 73-4 29-7 31-6 30-1 58-1 43-1 61-5 81-7 32-7 37-4 29-2 370 43-3 31-5 31-2 49-9 37-0 44-5 22-8 25-6 23-2 , , , , , . 411 24' 1 27-6 24-2 34-1 28-5 41-5 41-9 17-9 27-5 29-6 38-1 32-2 48-6 41-0 17-4 26-7 f 27-7 ( 25-8 .. .. 411 17-7 240 24-9 1 37-9 f 36-2 I 37-6 \ 39-2 46-3 20-7 f 24-8 \ 24-2 23-4 21-5 32-4 31-8 36-0 60-9 20-8 31-2 27-0 34-7 39-2 419 46-7 24-9 32-7 29-5 37-9 43-2 65-5 58-3 26-1 32-1 26-7 38-8 38-4 45-6 49-2 231 32-2 27-5 47-6 45-0 48-8 62-2 23-1 29-6 28-6 57'2 43-8 48-8 45-6 17-5 21-4 22-8 60'4 41-8 54-1 63-9 22-9 29-0 19-3 27-9 17-8 43-8 49-0 '52-3 '59-3 25-3 35-1 27-7 42-9 38-6 48-3 53-0 23-4 28-6 26-4 123 137 110 100 227 ■ 185 200 1 . Ganjam 2. Vizagapatam.. 3. God&vari (Bajahmundry) 4. Kistna (Masulipatam) Guntdr 5. Nellore 6. Cuddapah 7. AnantapuT , . 8. Bellary 9. Kumool 10. Madras 11. Chingleput .. 12. North Arcot . . 13. South Arcot .. 14. Tanjore 15. Trichinopoly.. 16. Madura 17. Tinnevelly .. 1 8. Coimbatore . . 19. Nilgiris 20. Salem 21. South Canara 22. Malabar Average for the Presidency . . Index numbers representing average prices, taking the average for the years 1849 to 1853 = 100 Ivii (e.) — Statement showing the number of padies of paddy sold for a rupee at Pdlghat for a number of years compiled from the accounts preserved in the family of a rich landlord in Malabar, Number Number Number Tears. of Years. of Years. of padies. padies. padies. IS20 77 1844 59 1868 21 1821 79 1845 67 1869 22 1822 77 1846 59 1870 22 1823 77 1847 58 1871 24 1824 77 1848 59 1872 25 1825 80 1849 63 1873 24 1826 77 1850 61 1874 23 1827 80 1851 60 1875 22 1828 80 1852 57 1876 21 1829 79 1853 55 1877 10 1830 81 1854 32 1878 13 1831 75 1865 25 1879 17 1832 77 1856 31 1880 20 1833 79 1857 30 1881 21 1834 79 1858 29 1882 20 1835 76 1859 22 1883 26 1836 76 1860 22 1837 75 1861 20 1838 65 1862 20 1839 70 1863 21 1840 71 1864 17 1841 70 1866 19 1842 68 1866 16 1890 16 1843 65 1867 21 (f.) — Statement showing the prices of certain articles of food in 1853 as compared iJdith their current prices at Pdlghat (compiled from the household accounts kept by a large landholder in Malabar). Articles. Quantity, Pkice in 1863. 1891. Percentage of increase or decrease. Bice . . Plantain fruits Green plantains Brinjals .. Coooanuts . . Cocoanut>oil GingellyH)il Lamp-oil Sugar-candy Green-gram White pea . . Bed-gram Horse-gram Salt Pepper Mustard . . Saffron Dry chillies Ourd Milk Ghee Betel-leaves Areca-nat . . Tobacco •• 430 paras or 2,866| padies. 20,000 12,005 5,000 1,261 133^ padies. 6J do. 33i do. 12J lb. 2I| padies. 33^ do. 22 do. 2 do. 100 do. 50 lb. 17y padies. 3J do. 40 773i 173^ 10 do. do. do. do. 3,760 bundles. 225 lb. 50 do. BS. A. F. 163 9 2 28 9 16 1 25 39 1 6 6 II 6 4 2 9 1 3 6 1 2 4 1 12 7 1 2 4 1 2 5 10 4 7 13 9 13 9 24 13 9 5 11 5 4 4 7 24 31 11 5 2 2 11 BS. A. P. 430 SO 24 12 8 37 12 70 3 14 16 4 14 3 4 5 3 2 4 18 12 14 3 9 1 4 1 12 33 2 32 8 15 37 8 63 10 NoTB. — One padi is a measure of capacity containing 130 tolas of rice. One para = 6f Macleod seeie contauing 128 tolas of rice each. -t- 180 + + + + + + + + 79 SO 90 50 78 289 + 191 — 28 184 180 + 176 243 329 600 + + + 180 46 103 33 468 260 66 60 358 + + + + + + + + 41 Iviii (g.) — Statement showing- the prices of different articles of food, ^c, at Siilur (a large village 7 miles from Goimbatore} compiled from the village aceaunts preserved by an oid ktcmam or village accountant in the Coimbatore district. Articles. Years. Quantity^. Fries. Articles. Years. . Price. KB. A. F. '&8. A. f. r 1820-21 . 13 Madras mea- 10 Tobacco . . ' 1822-23 . One maund . . ■0 80 sures. 1832-33 . Do. ■080 1832-33 . Do. 11 7 ( 1888-89 . Do. '200 Kice ■ • 1846^7 . Do. 1 1 4 1851-52 . 1853^54 . Do. Do. 11 7 13 DhoU or red- ( 1851-62 . 18f Madras mea- sure's. 10 1854-65 . Do. 1 2 6 gram. | 1888-89 . Do. 2 10 1888-89 . Do. 2 2 8 1820^21 . 13 yallams or 26 1 ( 1834-35 . One maund 14 Madras mea- Jaggery . . 3 1839-40 . Do. 11 sures. 1841-42 . Do. 9 7 1829-30 . Do. 5 4 c 1888-89 . Do. 10 Cholum . , < 1834-35 . 1840-41 . Do. Do. 14 3 6 6 ( 1863-54 . 16 Madras mea- 1 1845-46 . Do. 6 6 Qingelly-seed.. < sures. 1846-47 . Do. 12 3 ( 1888-89 . Do. 2 1855-56 . Do. 13 1888-89 . 1 10 ( 1851-62 . One- small padi. 2 3 1847-48 . 33 Madras mea- 1 « Gringelly-oil ,. { Hagi . . . . j sures. 1 1888-89 . Do. 6 4 1856-57*. 1888-89 . Do. Do. 2 1 2 10 Castor-oil 1851-52 . 1888-89 . One small padi. Do. 2 8 6 8 / 1846-46 . 32 Madras mea- 1 Ilorse-gram . . sures. r 1822-23 . One maund. . . 11 2 1847-48 . Do. 13 6 1834-35 . Do. 6 5 1888-89 . Do. 2 too 8 ( 1843-44 . 16 Madras mea- 10 Cotton . . < 1840-41 . Do. 12 sures. 1852-53 . Do. 10 Bengal-gram , . i 1853-54 . Do. .. 1 5 4 1853-54 . Do. 8 1 1862 Do. 2 14 6 1862-63 . Do. 16 6 L 1888-89 . Do. 2 L 1888-8» . Do. 1 9 7 • (Famine year). (h.) — Statement showing the prices of food-grains at certain stations in the Coimhatore district obtained from certain old cadjan accounts kept by merchants and landholders. Grrains. Quantity, Years. Price. Paddy Karar. One kalani (36 Madras in^asures). Dkdrdpuram, Paddy ,. .. ., Chplunf . . . • I • Kagi .. ,. ., 51 Madras measures 48 Do. 54 Do. Do. Choliuni Bagi Talladatn, One< ppdi (230 Madras measures). One-podi 1830-31, a famine year 1835-36 1890 , Prior to 1840 1888 Prior td 1840 1888 Prior t6 1840 1888 1837-38. .. 1838-39. .. 1839-40. .. 1888-89 ., 1837-38 .. 1888-89' .. BS. A. P. 12 8 2 10 7 10 3 r 10 I 1 12 7 10 2 4 6 6 2 9 e 8 14 6 5^ 14 6 lis (i.) — Statement showing the 'prices of articles of food, Sfc, in 1890 as compared with those about lyOO in the village of. Singdnallur (5 miles from Coimbatore) compiled from the accounts preserved by the Icurnam or accountant of the village. Articles. Pttddy Cholmtt . . CumbU Ragi .. HoTBe-gram Ghee Dry chillies Tobacco . , Cottoti Ging«lly-oil Lamp-oil , , Briss Copper Lead , , Gold Bullocks . . Sheep and goata Quantity. Price in 1800. 1 Sdlagai or 60 measares of Ks. 140 weight. Ba. Do. D&. Do. 1 pad! 12 measures .. 1 bundle, Ks. 200 weight. 1 mauild . . ,; 1 ibeaE^re Uo. 1 seer or Es. 24 weight. Do. Do. &ch ,. .. I Do ! BS. A. F. 1 7 6 1 1 1 1 8 3 2 9 4 4 8 10 4 20"0 to 26 12 to 1 4 Price in 1890. BS. A. P. 6 5 4 8 4 8 5 1 4 2 8 1 6 10 8 13 4 6 6 8 70 "6 to 80 5 to 7 (j.)^- Statement showing the mahanum prices of paddy per Tanjore kalamfor a series of years in the Tanjore District. Years. Price. Years. Price. Years. Price. BS. A. P. BS. A. p. BS. A. p. 1823 13 6 1844 8 4 1865 1 7 9 1824 13 8 1845 11 2 1866 1 8 4 1825 8 7 1846 10 5 1867 1 4 1826 6 11 1847 7 4 1868 1 4 6 1827 6 9 1845 6 2 18B9 1 4 1828 9 8 1849 7 1 1870 12 9 1829 8 1850 7 3 1871 1 6 1830 7 4 1861 7 4 1872 16 1 J831 7 3 1852 7 7 1873 1 3 6 J832 10 1853 12 10 1874 1 1 J833 12 1854 10 6 1876 1 7 1834 8 7 1855 12 10 1876 1 16 11 1836 7 4 1866 10 4 1877 1 12 5 1836 11 9 1857 1 3 1878 1 12 JO 1837 8 6 1858 1 4 8 1879 1 1 6 1838 8 10 1859 12 4 1880 1 7 1839" 8 & 1860 1 1 1881 13 8 1840 6 3 1861 1 1 10 1882 13 3 1841 4 4 1862 13 10 1883 15 3 1842 6 1. 1863 1 3 4 1884 1 6 1843 8 1864 1. 6 1 The mode of calculating the average current selling price for each mahanum is as follows : — Paddy grown in Tanjore consists of two main species — kar, the early crop, and pasanum, the later crop ; the cultivation of kar consti- tutes about one-fifth of the entire wet cultivation of the Tanjore delta and the practice is therefore to make up the general average by takinjt one-fifth of the average price of kar and four-fifths of that of pasanum. The averages are struck from actual sales in villages belonging to each mahanum ; for kar from Ist November to 3l8t January and for pasanum from 1st February to 20th May. The village sales are returned by the kurnam every five days, and from them the Tahsildar compiles a return every 10 days and transmits it to the Collector's office, where the averages are struck. These returns of sales were prescribed with a view to deteimine the village prices for the purpose of fixing the demand under the olungu system imder which the land revenue demand depended on the price of grain every year. After the abolition of the olungu system the returns were continued for the purpose of osculating the value of Melvaram share of the grain dua to the Tanjore Ranees in the villages belonging to them. As the Collector is now no longer Receiver of the Rajah's .estate, the returns appear to have been since discontinued. Ix (D.y-Trdde. (a,)' — Foreign trade : — Value of exports and imports in million sterling. Exports from Imports to Other parts of Indian § Other parts of Indian c Years. Empire. 1. Empire. 1 in n i 1 1 1^ 1 i 1 f 1 it EH Average of five years ending 1838-39 1-1 6-1 41 10-2 11-3 •7 3-3 3-4 6-7 7-4 1843-44 1-3 8-2 , , 4-7 12-9 14-2 •8 6-4 , , 4-3 9-7 10-3 1848-49 1-7 9'7 ,, 8-6 16-3 17 1-1 6-3 ^ , 4-8 11-1 12-2 1853-54 1-8 10-6 ,, 7-6 18-2 20 1-3 7-9 6-7 14-6 18-9 1858-69 2-3 131 , , 10-5 23-6 25-9 2-2 13-2 , , 11-4 24-6 26-8 1863-64 4-3 14-9 * 1-8 23-1 38-9 43-2 3-4 16-1 * -5 21-1 37-6 41 1868-69 .. .. • .. 6-7 19-5 2-2 30-3 82 67-7 4 20-2 1 24-1 48-3 49-3r 1873-74 6-4 24 2-9 24-8 61-4 67-8 4 18-7 1-4 17-2 37-3 41-3. 1878-79 6-8 27 41 25-2 56-3 631 4-1 20-8 2-4 21 44-2 48-3 1883-84 81 33-8 6-5 32 72-3 80-4 4-6 24-1 3-6 29-5 57-2 61-8 1888-89 9-3 35-4 6-3 39-2 80-9 90-2 6-7 25-6 4-8 39-4 69-5 75a ' Average for three years. Total eayports cmd imports in million sterling. Madras Presidency. Other parts of Indian Empire. Total, Years. Bengal. Burma. Bomhay. Total. Indian Empire. Average of five years ending 1838-39 1-8 9-4 7-6 16-9 18-7 1843-44 21 13-6 9 22-6 24-7 1848-49 2-7 16 , , IDS 26-5 29-2 1853-54 31 18-5 ^ , 14-3 32-8 35-9 1858-69 4-5 26-3 21-9 48-2 52-7 1863-64 7-7 31 * 2 44-2 76-8 84-2 1868-69 9-7 39-7 3-2 64-4 97-3 107 1873-74 10-4 42-7 4-3 41-7 88-7 99-1 1878-79 10-9 47-8 6-5 46-2 100-8 111-4 1K83-84 12-7 67-9 10-1 61-8 129-5 142-2 1888-89 16 61 10-8 78-6 180-4 165-4 •'Average for three years. 1x1 to 'S> a> , •■^ 1— 1 -t; o g 1 o 3 w» rH « ■s s -^ < 'tS g" CO V J- '^^H s H ra: < » ^ !^ .5 ^-a Bo-*" > Bco" Sb^ ta CO a - m| "S"^ S ® 2 _ m »« . » 2 "-• -3143 g "en CO bD 03 , . 03 h '^ ^ w'o3 "§•& £ • * o 5 I W 'O CO »« is- «3 C ? ao " si'" ° a "^ 3 •? p 2 s OS S-H rt i s-S'i (5 "i""^ 00 R » Cl o "t> ^ -* CO go r- o CO (M o 3 lO !>. CO to OS CO ■^ GS eo n CO CO R A 5 ^ rt -e « i;^ B CQ o t-^ .-I 60 B a I~ — r^ a « • p, CD ^. ^ n fl ^ ■* 00 ^ » «> S O *a = a SS IM.H « '3 r- q;) O rt *> fl S) ,M o;) ^ S S o m f* g \f S CO 1-- 00 r^ U3 OC a «:• CO t-- ta <-i o o T-t r- t^ o ss (N 00 1-- t- ^ ta t^ CO CO lA ■* o '^ CD CO t-- « 00 tH OC tn «3 r- CN c^ (N 00 CD CO ira oo i-t cc QO •* U3 1-- r- CI CO o 00 r- Ol CO « ^^ -(li Th -"^ '^ CO ■^ «t eo CO la -«** CO CC 1^ P? 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M m o CO CO ■* "^ ■* -^H 00 00 o (N ^* OS i s I i-H ,CqoOrHt*rHOSU3eOeO(Mt^as01-*l>.-^OOtMU30ii01>-Tj*OseO^COrHrHiN»^t* "© gw«)'^(N«(yicqcqMCO«^ rHrHrHMTOrHNrH^cqrHr-IMit-OoicboibioC p;OlTt-C- OS CO «0 00 OS C* __ CO lO -^J* (N rH ^O W3 rH Oi 00 ^- i— CO OS OS XO -M CO 00 r- VO lO t^ OS OS 00 .aSQO_ OSiQUSCOTH lOCOCOCqcp QOC40S.coco6sj^t^«^6«3osoNi ^ cn 1 01 1 ^ i •4* 'TS 'fe^l 5 3 3'^ o rt t3 S 60 -a a*" s.-S I li- es'*- ,Od50i^«'*'7-0»~-30'M»0'COt--(-^t^l;~ .oc-'^t-t-r-c^Nc*w5oar-xO»oco » CO o ^ s p^ ^ CO a ■*^ COCOOOQOi-(^l--CO'*U3-*l>->0-i-H .-loai-tOCOOOOICSOOOCJOQOeQ ti<0'*C*i-HrH(MCOO>00'0«COtOOsaU*^flO'OCO'^ C--"^»Ot*'OC05D'MCO'^CO»Ot>-<©t--(MOOt-OOOSOOS.t^010iCOOCOTt<'«#OiCO"^005.-ICNt— ■«j c^OCflWOOCfl 'MCOC*»COt-i?*oo6io>o6soooc^<^Oi6i(N-^ .asc*J»Oi— •■^ c^ -t^iotNc^i— ii>-osir-eocfl-- ^oe^r-ivoc^osiot^oeo^ftt-cous ^ r-ii-tp-<— l.-«i-Hi--HMi-lC««M-- 01 5 * * ^ (N OS ; i-tOS010>«DQO<0"3 CDCO-^tOOS'^OOt--»--OS-^oO« r-t ■■g s s s •5 « s e g O-rt o l3« .(S«coeoNi-t.-HCoeo«Du3coT^'<*'(OTf««o(ooocor* i-i>-<--coeo'*^vocO'*(0.-Ht-- n 'N (N CO CO cq (N ^1 kO CO ■^ M (N CO CO CO « •>* CO "^ ic to <£) lOl:^r-^o^~t-^-^-^DOlOOO s CO CO CO CO CO «3 OS ^ - OS CO t^ CO CO ^ CO OS OS 50 ■* lCqCO(NMCOC0eO0QCOCOCOCO'^ I • * « * » .00OSt^Q0>-HOS tOi050rHvO(NTf<(NeNOO r^CSCS|Tj-c^\O|>,cOOS^vO00(MO>OS'*i-0001001i-»(NOSOS ^N-<-HC^CO'»i<»0«Dt~-OOaso^C» I I 2 C4 6 z**^-^ CD CO00CO--l00U3CO^'WiOQ0«0ox S ^VHcO'^i-if-Hoa aacvoicot^coco ot— oo CO a •^oaw3«-iTt*.-ie«c^ocoos'^'*'^'**ooo.-(r- a CO •TOOX (M © S ■^ GO ^I>-tDcOI>-«3t*Ci|COiOCOt»ia «--itocooo Q COOOOMf-H^OOOiMOOO i-HT* .1 'e;jod-^9s esjp^pi a 09 « ; c* <-t 04 !5 g 3 ■X . tH «3Tt*?O«00?Ot*tOCOC C4 «'■*'«> oo o -xa ionapisajj SBjpBji 00-*« '*OO^vOI>.»OtOOOOOO*-vO-*b-CN, .-H o MO^ O00000r-<0»-<>*-tco <-< eoo^ f-Hi-ivo •» •sjiod-BaB SBjpB^t OO OC0« O ^r-t ooo o s ... »-t Pj R * >^. . -^t^-*** ouscoeococo^t^t-cfloo <,f •SUM.0^ ?TOd -■ms gqi Smpnioxa Q CO » ^ ' : : • (N Xon9piB9Jj; SBjpBH 5 '''■■'' ::•::: 3 EH * * • • I .^•7^ ., , ^ • ■ 1 1 1 fe 1 -^ 1 S.'S 1 » 111e|.i3|.||:S:^|^|| III Ixix (e.) — Statement showing the average prices in Madras of the staple commodities of trade. Articles. 1844-48. 1849-53. 1854-58. 1859-63. 1864-68. 1869-73. 1874-76. Imports. RS. KS. KS. ES. BS. SB. RS. Bhirtixigs, per piece 6-88 6-15 7-25 7-87 12-16 8-41 608 Grey shirtings, per 8J lb. , , , , 9-56 612 6-36 Mule twist, N o. 40, per bundle . . 2-81 2-64 2-8 3-94 8-74 3-69 3-24 Turkey red, Nos. 40 to 60, per bundle of 12 lb. . , 15-46 13-52 14-5 , , , , . . • • Turkey red, Nos. 40 to 60, per bundle of 101b .. 16-22 21-87 22-26 17-7 15-94 Orange, Nos. 40 to 60, Dcr bundle .. 4-28 , , 6- 6-68 4-9 4-54 Uo. Nos. 30 to 60, do. . , 3-72 3-78 3-52 , , .. Copper sheathing, 16 to 32 oz., per candy 255-3 258-65 321-8 275-7 249-85 212- Copper sheathing, per candy . . , , , , 266-42 J. ion, assorted, per candy 23-69 19-8 30-3 22-14 21-63 23-26 .. l)u. spelter, do 63-43 42-8 7115 67-15 62-4 68-5 •• Exports. Jlides, buffalo, per 100 55-5 42-25 58-75 60- 93-35 133-75 •f Indigo, ordinary, per maund . . , . 32- 39-9 4505 51-7 5075 40- Do. good .. 30-37 45-25 61-5 62-35 63-31 Sugar, per candy . . 49-35 3i- 28-53 27-37 36-9 33-97 27-42 Jjinseed, per candy 13-2 12-87 22-37 19-31 26- 24-3 Eice, per garoe 209- 159-1 246- 304- 360-6 296- 332-6 Remarks. — Taken roughly, it will be seen that the nominal prices of the articles of import in 1874-76 are about the ,Banj.e as in 1850. From Mi'. O'Oonor's report on the trade of India for 1890-91, it appears that the prices of staple imports at Calcutta have fallen since 1873 as shown below, taking the prices in 1873 to be represented by 100. Mule Twist. Grey shirtings, 8}Jb. Copper sheitthing. Iron, flat bolt, &c. ■White, Turkey red. Total. No. 40. No. 40. ^arch 1873 100 100 100 100 100 600 ;June 1874 97 92 106 95 108 498 March 1875 86 92 102 103 93 476 1876 86 90 92 99 79 446 ^January 1877 .. 78 90 85 92 67 412 1878 73. 78 87 86 60 384 1879 76 75 78 80 66 365 1880 81 84 75 83 73 396 1881 82 82 69 81 56 370 1, 1882 78 84 €S 89 71 391 ^, 1883 82 74 64 80 60 350 1, 1884 75 74 62 77 62 350 1885 76 72 68 64 54 3-24 1886 84 67 67 67 60 315 1887 81 62 57 i65 53 318 ^j 1888 79 75 5S SO 61 364 ,, 1839 SI 75 57 98 65 376 ,, 1890 76 74 57 69 79 3S5 1891 74 70 56 71 62 333 Augr.st 1891 76 66 57 75 61 336 Information regarding variations in the Madras prices is not available, hut there is little douht that prices i;^ ^adras have fallen in about the sapiie pr,oportion8 as ,i;a Calcutta,. 44 Ixx 5^ !» e CO '^ 1^ -13 (Sh S 8 ■IS iS IS s o §^ •S* "♦a I 1 1 Hei CO O C4 1 CO «o 1 00 CO M OO ^ 1 00 i « ^ a >M ^ o -2 ^ M 1 s to ^ CO CD 1 t 2 ^ <-H CO 1 H gS 13 g 2 1 L° £ r~05 IM «5 ■* IM t>. CO •-• fr^ CD US CO (M Oi O »0 0> CO CO ^ CO rH ^ « 1:^ lO »0 (N M t; CO CO 1 >4 l-H Tj< -* CO OS OS o o OS o o *« Qoco t-00 03t-cocaefl CO ^ '• '• • • CD ^ --^ 00 TJ i M 1 >^ . -a o .... e-o .... » 44 ■^■^■^ ^ 1 ::::::::::::::::::::: : It "S : : : r '» 3. 1 D 1 4^ 6 o .1 o o o o =n '3 !,« OO ana p » S •T3 CO Cm •s^. J fl W 'qj* Ol t- O r-l GO t^ CO(M^ CD OOScOlMQOCOtM . lO CO-* yit V- ' CO m OS CO ^- oi US CO 0>— 'r* 0> OSOOU30i^CO-*(MCOQOQOQO-*COTjNOCOt^M30SOCDQO »— (. N rJ Ol «3 CO CO Oi OS Oi T*4 ip CO -^ -^ OS OS ■* CO CO CO ■* «s 00 00 00 00 ^ »^ 00 OS OS s s ---- -- I-( l-« ^ ^ •^ C4 •* ^ « T(* « « « ^ W3 10 tH W ^ (N cq W -^ CO 03 CO CO t>-c : : : : : : • • • : '•••■'•'•:'•::::.:::.::::■.: ID :::: :: ■ ■ ■ '■ ::::::::::::::::::::::: & • ; ; ; ; • •;• . •- a tH ( «0 t^CO OS o ^ us U3 US kO (O <0 ^O ?0 t>- 00 Oi O VO W3 «3 lO »0 CO CO 00 CO 00 00 00 (NOO COCO .-1 « CO CO 00 00 ■ ■ . '9 '?'?'7»r'7t-.i>.r-t~.t-.t-i^oo ocoDoo«»»£«S§ SSS S ^ "5 «"» CO 00 00 00 oc oc CO 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 S ^H l~t Ixxi (g.) — Statement showing the net imports of Oold and Silver into India for a series of years {In Million £). Net import 3. Net imports. Years. Years. Gold. Silver. Total. Gold. Silver. Total. 1834-85 .. 1-8 1865-66 6-7 18-7 24-4 1835-36 2-1 1866-67 3-8 7-0 10-8 1836-37 1-8 1867-68 4-6 8-6 10-2 1837-38 2-3 1868-69 6-2 8-6 13-8 1838-39 2'6 1S69-70 6-6 7-3 12-» 1839-40 1-5 1870-71 2-3 0-9 3-2 1840-41 1-4 1871-72 3-6 6-6 10-1 1841-42 1-7 1872-73 2-5 0-7 3-2 1842-43 3-2 1873-74 1-4 2-6 3-9 1843-44 3-8 1874-75 1-9 4-6 6-5 1844-45 3-1 1845-46 1-9 Total .. 93-0 174-6 267-6 1846-47 0'8 1"4 2-2 1847-48 10 _ 0-5 0-5 1875-76 1-6 1-6 31 1848-49 1-4 0-3 1-7 1876-77 0-2 7-2 7-4 1849-aO 11 1-3 2-4 1877-78 0-5 14-7 15-2 1878-79 1879-80 — 0-9 1-8 4-0 7-8 31 9-6 Total ., 34 1880.81 3-6 49 3-9 6-3 7-5 10-2 1850-51 1-2 2-1 3-3 1881-82 1851-52 1-2 2-9 41 1882-83 4-9 7-5 12-4 1852-53 1-2 4-6 5-8 1883-84 6-5 6-4 11-9 1853-64 1-1 2-3 3-4 1884-85 4-7 7-2 11-9 1854-65 0-7 0-7 1886-86 2-8 11-6 14-4 1865-56 2-5 8-2 10-7 1886-87 21 7-2 9-3 1856-57 21 11-1 13-2 1887-88 30 9-2 12-2 1857-5S 2-8 12-2 160 1888 89 2-8 9-3 12-1 1858-59 4-4 7-8 12-2 1889-90 4-6 11-0 15-6 1859-60 4-3 4-2 11-1 6-3 15-4 1860-61 9-5 Total .. 42 113-9 lee-O' 1861-62 6-2 6-8 9-1 12-6 14*3 1862-63 19-4 1890-91 6-6 14-2 19-8. 1863-64 8-9 9-8 12-8 101 21-7 19-9 1864-65 Grand Total from 1850-61 .. 140-6 302-7 443-a (h.) — Statement shoiving tlie number of Factories in the Madras Presidency in 1889-90. u Average dail) 1 43 sl" number of Annual outturn. 1 P4 .g persona em- ployed. Nature of Industry. 4^ •^ § o 1 i II O oo 1" Quantity. Value. 1° |A a || CJ"-' Cotton mills worked by nn. KS. steam , , 8 51,00,500 1,69,128 5,647 •• 1,81,052 owts. of cotton worked up. •• Jute mills 1 ,, 1,548 711 • • 38,266 cwt. of jute. . , Breweries . . 2 , , , , 4,47,404 gallons ., .. Bone crushing factories . . 6 , , , , , , . , 160 tons .. 7,237 CofEee works 23 , , , , 1,429 6,166 * Lb. 18,606,465 . . 9,834,449 Cement works 1 , , ,, 198 233 Cwt. 60,000 1,20,000 Cotton presses and weav- ing establishments (other than mills) , , , . 41 •■ •• 1,120 1,929 Lb. 95,725,531, yards 2,23,850. •• Flour mills 1 , , , , 20 . , ,. 15,000 Ice factories 2 , , , , 34 20 Tons 874 46,359 Indigo factories . . 6 , , , , 27 sso Haunds 153 34,775 Indigo vats 6,393 , , ■ « 863 88,225 „ 47,762 .. 50,88,958 Iron and brass foundries. . 6 , , 349 , , Cwts. 12,051 1,11,819 Mineral and aerated water factories , , 12 , , , , 114 20 80,386 bottles 66,762 Oil mills . . 17 ,. , , 780 Cwts. 90,463 10,10,482 Rice mills . . 1 1,17,500 , , 60 Cwt. 61,865 64,600 Bope works 4 * * " 61 116 Lbs. 1,76,767. 1,200 to 1,600 bales of coir yarn and fibre, and 1,098 rolls of coir matting. 41,000 Bilk filatures Sugar factories 1 6 95,000 •• 60 1,318 746 Lb. 1,920 Cwt. 27,922 21,120 371,258 Outturn of only- two factories. Tanneries . . 7 505 20 Cwt. 13,336 11,65,544 Timber mills 3 . , , , 126 , . 90,700 Tobacco farms and facto- ries •• •• 1,203 454 90,119,992 cigars. 714,110 • AUo 3,932,244 lb. of cinchona, cardamoms, pepper, ginger, 4c., valued at Rs, 6,48,945. NoiB. — This statement cannot be considered complete or strictly accurate. Ixxii , pj . , 6C2 g •-* "■,3 p Ti H 1 i m .i o s s 11^ 'fc^ ■S, S Ss a. a co«ccococQcQnncou3 Oa-'«J* iO"^W3COi-tCMCOt^ c^oi— tocooot^o o^r-'pco--'COi* US' OO" ^ CO" of t^ M* "* 00eDOlC0O3»OC0t^ COt—t^t— C003CCU3 OS o ■^■^'^'^^•^■^^ T*t-«i* osj--cocoo^oco^r-os r-THOSiraffO«c«0'*o«— I ««r-ooi-Hr^ooocoo uscooseOb-osrHOsO-* CO OS t- t^ t* CO CO OS OS iO i-H 'CSO— "t^O»»0>000«CO ^WM(NCOQOi-t»OCDr- •-H 04 C>l d C4 ■cfl cOiO'^Oi'^va CO CO r- ■^ ' kO.-Hi-iOOO-^OTt*T}*CO "^OOOOSOSi-HCOOOi-H Mco'*coeo'«*'eo^Tt-000«3CD«--Ti<— '.-oososQOc&ooao^-I» cococoeocococoeoeoco eOTjicooo^i^o cqt— icico5o»cicjse4 I W5Jt^»OOOsr-OSM USCOOCO^hACOO r-^oeoi>-cooDr-i CO o S- CO COrffCOCOt^OSOCO .-«COCO»©OIW3CO"^ cceococoMCococo -t* OS o o .3 i^osooooosaoas SO«3QOCni-HO.-t« «)fr*oor-Q050t)oi>- cT o" TjT eo" «? J>^ icT 5D t-eO(Mt^C0»O"*CO CO o cTcT .— o CO U3 r^ CO CO CS 0'*osoe«eiNeD COOCOO<-«COi-t(N 'i#'^co<-'c-t— OS eoco CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO M o. o .-< SoTeJ" co"co d si .14 s p qT to cS o— '0 *r -r -r -r 'T t T -r -r '^ OOODDOqDOOQOOOOOOOOO ■d a (> ?< Oi~(C«lCOTt(iO

- QOOS ^OOOOOOQOODCOaO QOOO Lxxiii o o re CO "53 O o CO S .■a -S Bi g -§ 1 C^l Population against the years or date of latest infor- mation. o ' (a) 13,476,923 • 13 o H ■e 1 Including miscellaneous, columns i Oi COOiTH-^OCOr-OS-"^ (M (O^OS I— rH ■* t^ U3 CO rH ca cToi .^^(C^of t^ CO CO ust^t^cocoocoosoaco CO ■* ■^■^■^lO ■fli'-* ^ ua* i-H Od OS '^ cot-r^oOTpt^ot^c^-^i* I:*^eiCO«00(MOCOO tra r* r-* o f-i^ cN co^-*^o^ aa^r^i-Coi «o'o"i-h''-*'^- coxooaos«ocooo«oo C^>-< C G^ ^ ^ rf r-l as Oi ■^ 00 O^O (M t-- t^Ol^CC^OO^O^ U3^ oioooosTTi-Hoo-rcr- —« ■^o «s-*^-*t*os^covra^ '"i* *0 io'»o'«3 «3*»0 «5 m «3 WS" 1-* CO o Excluding miscellaneous, columns 10 and 17. 00 •rc3>'ws'i:N"cO uTiO CO CO OO ^r-Tt-*'O'^«S00«Si0-^C0 oT co" -^^ co" co" to oT CO o" «r t^O. r- f-^ CD CO* u? ■* vo CO ^ -0»0 CO o^o r- uo^co p-i 00^-* o ■<*« vOCD"*eO(Ml^eflTirTjr o" coooscocsxoeot^os o co^t^r^t^co^os eo_»e t- i>- o CI OS co" CO ' t- 1 3 o Total, columns 13 to 16. t— ^ '.'.::::::: I : : 1§ to '«::::::::;: ■ • Local funds, special. •f» ^ ::::::::: : • ■ • : Local funds, general. ;^ *^ ::::::::: : ' ■ 1 "> a CO 1-H ^ ::::::::: ; ■ Official years. g . • ra <-' Oi O O iC •^ 0SI--Clt0O00'*i--'*'O ' 3 CO (M OC <0 CD CO CO O (M CO O OS I^ i-f 00 CO —" to OS fM ■<»< -^ CO.'O 'O o . CO CO r* CO (M --H O (N O Q) O CC (M O 00 O p 00 OS "^P CO !■- (>J CO ^ 1-^ lO rH-HCOQO^tOt^CDI>-»H o .-. »-H ^ W US 00 M^-* -^ CO^ TJ^OO^ iM ^ O CO Oa CO CO CO ■* co'tsTc^ to" 00 eo" eo" CO* co" ■<*^ (s' or CO 00* CO C^O^'rw'o »fs N ■* eo o CD OCOCOOOOStO-^jfCni-^cO OO OS ^ OO eo (O —( ^- o — ■fl" 1— ( CO ^ »f3 »0»CtOtO T)- t- '^^ ncome, icense and ssessed taxes. oto^coe3co- (N OS CO 00 ^ A. CO W CO p-" o r— -^ Tt< IM CO CN^ OSCOtOCOTHDaoO.-tOOO CO

-'- »0 T*. CO i-t CO — « o ■*f OS o >xa «3 CO tococo(oco-<**eoo3osos CO d CO (-H .3 CX) CO CO T*< -^ CO oo^-M^cfs^ob^ Oi O (N tf^ i-" kO CD CO I-- r- lO p>^ CD Tf coor-Ttfcoo^oor-i-H to ca OO OS « US CO o oo -- 0_'^ t^tot-cootn— 'tooac^ o to'cTcs" 00 »c. — . 00 c^ t-H CO O O — ' to Cvl^ 05 CO O — ' OQ "* CO 0=1 '^t-'^0-J*iO»OSOCOCD k'i C- --^00 ■— f-H o^wa^io CO 1-H to_ t-CO^^OS_^ Ch (S^co>ScSoa Co' «3 o" C^f -^fT cT (N ■-< -^-liric o 00 or"-* 00 t^ CO OS co'oo' to CO CO cp CO cp r- r^ 00 00 op p- oopoosoofloosoogot^co OO 90 OO CO ^a.d " ^ \_ y , ■* eo O t^ CS» ^ CO-'t'COCOC^ICOtO— 't— CO >o © O 1-- CO ■n 1 C* oTth t^cros"oo"ci CC r-( c^ OOOOr— t-'^COt— OSTtfrH CO ■^ to CD eo eo^,-, t^^-CD^ to CO T(<^r - cq QO ^ c^C >■ >> -^ -< < a O ■•>•••••• r : : : : ^ "M S2 ■* iS cojr^S OS o ..-.C^lCO^^OCDb-QOosO ^ -M CO ^ 1 CO 00 t^ CO ^^ CO CO CO -vj tH ^-0 to lO wC GC cC CC OC CO 00 CC CC CO cror^oocccooocooocooc 00 OO CO OO r-. — r— r- .-' T-r 1-^ ^ r— rrr- ,_! ^ »-, ,_ ■8 «1 1-1 o (M rt CO cs X X ■« -fl « rf -00 00 «-l < t< CO <5 .i3 ■=♦-< •^.^ OD .xj p- — -K - « § e*-f < -rj h-( o d »^oo g -*^ ""* 5M ^ -^ *!£? g 00 O 'a >^ " M > M 3 .*a M t3 J^ ^ *3 ,J3 to c3 00 CO V rH SH "-• « O ■■Si^ a. ee of) Ixxv a ■ — rT U3 O CO CO o oi M — o d o CO ■* »-4^tO ■^ u3 " -^ ■>jl ^ r^ <^ O O US CO O 0S I^ -H (N CO Qp O^^ 0> OO O CO o CS —' I— < ^ c^ kc CO op en Oi ^* i'^ ^* ^* ^^ *>) r- »f3 00 r- oi 9 OD o o OO OS C! O CO <:q^ -^ i-^ o I ^ ^ C9 *4* ^ r- N CO rH I— «3 CC CO -^ -^ co"■^'"eo'^^»^^ 'O (N -# -O O ■^ — * CO "* o eoi-HirsoiCfl-^-^o»ra»o otMr-^coooco-^o ■^iXdCO-^COCO-^O^^^O t^^cor^osocor-Huao CO c^ cc 'COeO'-t»oo5r-»oico i--^H ■*COWOCOOCSC4CO

U3tJ*C0 1— CO CO WS O 1^ i-H t-H tJ" »0 CQ •«*• OS T^ OS i~( 00 <£> 0) w E: en so .p. e2 r5 "*^ 82 5 >< ^ ."a -si 2 sm TJ 1-^ CO r;- o #-H > > DO ■n ■g 5 i-s s 13 S M rt U s & ^ J-cacof— 00 tO CD CO CO CO ■. »i CO rH CO ^-^^^^^ o •^ •-•cacst-ioot-ooo"t*co eo ^ CO CO -M M »0 CD OS cocotooscotoiocDca^ CO S o <«ti 00 00 CO 00 o CD 000£^l>>£^tOCOOSi-iO 00 1 " ^ r^,-^ Total, excluding miscellane- ous, columns 2 to 9. . rv t-- -* oi (M r-i- OS eooi>-cocooos^'«*-<#i ca 4-^ OS OS O O CD 00 cDcitooocacaoorHoto CO ca CO OS OS CD OS CO CDOtOCOO-* ^O'^OO r- o Cfl O CO b- O J>- o ^ OS »0 CO «3 O OS »o 00C0'*lr-00.-'TH'*OStO CO 00 COOOt-COCOOO'^t^CO TH TH -^ CD 00 -* Tl* l-^ cOf-Hf-icaca-^cDtocoo ca ■* -* -* tH KO W» •^ kccDCOCDcDCDtOcDcDIr- CO t— oocoor^oscoto»-tco o oT -r Ti . NtO->*COCDO>Ti• t" 00 OS CD tO^T-'COCOOQOtOt-O OS cd •l . i-Hcocacacacocacoeo-i* ^ i 4A OS Tt< "* b* -"sH VO OS oscoocaoocoeaeoco to & iO CO OS OS US p-i CO oocai^t--t»cor>-otoco CS OQ ■'J^^t^os^ua os^.-! CO t- CO i^ ca CO t^ to oo^co^r* ^ g ^•S* "^ r^t-Tco fff.-ri^r to «r ocT ca ejT CO co" i>r Qo'-i-C ^ to" t^ 00 O O Ir-O ■^ ca OCDi-tOSeO^H-^OSOCO 00 i * S -* tf3 «3 W3 CD CO kO t^ 00 OS 00 o o^o o ^ ^ OS s ,-1 i-l r-l f-4 rH r«« O ■«*» 00 •«* (M t^ ca oocaQOcaoocooiea.-i»o ^ f. o ■* r* J_, tocor-to-^ooeaf-tcoca OS "5 00 OS O ^ w T*« U3 cacDtocotoi-HtoosTHca o •-^ S m eo^ic^os^'* ■* CO CO '^"^*^'~1.*^^"^'^°° "^ -* •Sf 1 ^ cT^cs'to TlTe-q* CO Ir^co 09 US ^ -^ ty^ to CS ^ CO* ||S ■^ CO CO t* 00 OS \a oeoi>-oos.-tcaoosi>- ca ca CI C4 (N C9 (N ca 00 COCOCO-^JtCO-^TjitOThvO •* CO CO «■ ^Oi Moturpha tax on trades, houses, &c. 1-1 OS CO CD t* N ca o 100,639 The Motur- pha tax was relinqui- shed 1st August 1861m favor of a license tax. OS >o CO 00 00 ■* ca -* -«*< ca 00 CD CO oj M o o © o ^ o ca o ■*" eo CD o" o ■*" CO F-- CD CJ QO to «a OCOi-ICatOtOcOCDOSCO I— 1 6 a S3 CO r-t CO CO CD -^ ca cooscoos-^ocaosooo OS CO CO <^ oo c-a CO CO *^CaO|r-CDtOo Mfr**— '- OS to *-tO Tn0S00OtOTt*C0Q0 CD ^1 CO "■ >■ e^ < <\ •3 •3 fa O »0 CD t, 00 OS O U5 W3 W3 U5 W3 » tH IC3 CO t- 00 0> «5 vO iO *0 W3 ^ , 00 00 00 00 00 00 .-< ca CO Tt^ t« CO r- 00 OS o «5COCOCOCDCDCOCOCDr- o^caco-^tccDt— oocft* COCDCOCDCOCDCOCOCDCO COODOOQOCCCOQOCOOOCO rH i-t >-<< rH 1^ r-t ■■B ^ Ixxvii Ph ^^e a.-9.2 i S»i ■a ■s boo a ~ 5: 03 o a S o (M X : — o o o O 00 '^ s 5! I .I' << § P5 o ?Ss m -so W OS e* 00 »0 CO >o rH I— I io oa ^ eo

- ^ C4 •<}« t« 00 OS crt ^^co «?'(>rw'or ^ CO ■*'«*<•* 00 t* O CO CO ^ U3 O ,-HOSh-CI'^t^t^OOOSi-t u3i-Heo«--«^OC^"VC*kO^- eoo-^coco^oos-^eoos c»"crco"«D"o >-« lo'oo'^o t-T t_OOi-"'-'C1'^OOOScO so't^TtCt- t« r» CO t^r* CO s ^O'NCOOOOkOC^fMCO Qooco — «— cocoeooooi CO OS CO ■* « OS U3,»0 CO ^ r^rCco"^ef CO**© oTr-^-* ■-Htocousr^cooo-^co t« «'*ocou3>-«a»»ot^eo C40scoor->oo»oc4co Os" ■*" of t^ CO (N* »-*" us 00 00 t»I»OS^COCOOCOCOC^ fH rH I— I "*eD^t-*os»0'Mr- ^-i^-^t— t*osO(Nr*os -^ c-i r- CO -^ cc CO O O O O ■* OS i-« r- »c o »o CO I*- CO . ^oococoefcoo" . N CO CO "* "* »0 «3 o CO N r* « CO ■^ -Tjt CD O O -^ t^ CO "* O CO !•* t— OS . ef r-^ef jco'co'ao'eo' • cflc^co'^co^eo rH (M e4 coc0'<*«0'^o^coooeo CO-**tCOC bO m ■**< »o CO r- CO OS vA u^ US U3 lo ua 00 00 QO 00 CO 00 Oi-t'MeO^WSCDt-OOOS cococo^cocococococo OOOOCOOOCOCOODQOOOOO 46 Ixxviii g s § 'C. ^ s r~it^-^^ffi^\ii,~*t--n CO COOObCflOCOSOOiMOr-t (N i-*t^iOCSl-«*<»0^.-CM>* CO OS<-'Q0r-'^(M«C«OW3^ CO t^-^ot-^ttseooor-oco ta ^0S-*O»0 — -^PfNiCH^ iO -S Cd«00SC0(0O««.OQ0Ir- ^eo^o-*(o*Mt^covCios CO CDQ0CO^OiTti-*t-^^O \Q CO 0>U3<-««3'^»0<-'OS^OCD o caNioiMTtfThosoOiOt-- CO COC0CO"*^00OS^-*Oi 00 H t^t^t^t^t^t^naiacoco b- Q0a0CO.COI— COW»IMI--C>*0'?^ 00 «l WCQCOWCCCO«'<^»QO CO tOU9^COC^OS00030SO 1-- iH 1 OS ^ H< OinWOOTH-^OOlN — Is 2S OS -* CO COCO-^r^t^OOOSOS-^CO W3 00 l>- CO Ot*OSW3COOSCO-Ti<^OI~- (N 21 '=*'::::::: :-r^" o co oo" oo" go" CO* ^ oT t-^ oT r-T t-^ ^ OS 00 irai— (cocoi-ioDThooosco «3 «0 CO w^ iOCDCOtOCOCDCOCOCOl'— CO fi 1 (O-^cgcoo^-^oat^ U5 coo-^O'MWD.-ieqoco o ao>ooococoeocQt— i-H o aeos^i>-oscoo)osoco '•ft cocoas^cou3Tricou3 CO eococococooocO'^tOt— CO o g «H , f-i ^ -<*< CO (N .-» O O M •-H eoooo«oos-*r-^»i? ■* '*>#T*-i r- . r- GO CO K^"^J^Tt^■*"*T^lOcocooo OS 'eS 1 ^ C» rH ,_, ^ ,-1 ,_( 1 O coiOi-tosQO— 'soi-J^ceo r-l o^r^coeoooO'-'u^oo 00 fS OQ oo(NOs-eo-asoasoocQco t^ ■*-(**fMOCOOOOOOS^US r- 1 eoco'«^-*-*»OThTt<«s*o ■* US«3U3U3U3»0«3iOeOCD xa 1 i ii O-^OSCOOiOSWCO'CiOO CO CDt^C0COOSr-.CO00^« CO C0^W3^1>-(M(Mt*0>.-i '^ '^ C-0Si-<» O «i oTocT^ COOitO (N" X r* cflcoooooscoioca-^cor^ CO COt^OSOpt-"^COTt<'*«S U3Tjror co" t^ 00 ic ^ CO coooaoso.- CO r^ i~" ce c5 •^ ri -"8 Motur tax trade houses, CO ««:::::::::: I : cocoosost^ppua-^oooo O^COOOOO.-Hl^-cA-.i*00 r- COlMOeot^fM-^'^COcO CO o tHCO^OSOtJ»CO-* c^ Ti- coooofMcq^osr^cqco oT N CiScsi^asioec-^ososcOT*! -30 Jr-coc OO OS ■3 r-< & ■s > o . CCOt*QOOSO i-<(MCO-*tOCOt^OOOsO 1^ tr t- t* t^ t^ 1-- 1- 1- 00 OOOOOOOOOOOOQOOOOOOS Or^(NcO'*»racnweoos cs — {Nco-*»Acot^Q4)-cn |._ 1^ t-. I-- t^ t~. r. L^ i~> 1^ OOOOCCOOQOOOOOQOOOOO QDOOCOOOCCODOOOOOOCG 00000000Q000'XCO'»Q0 rt 00 2 S 1 •a CO 3 OJ S -CO oo M ca t^lCoo O Oi CO cTuS CO OS ^'cOOS«05D"*»0'Mr-tOOO rH i--ico OS C4 ■* ■«t*.-imosi--'-'00»OTt<,-( ^-coo5C5l-(l-l^^_(oo«0 iO OJOCOOSifSC-IIMCONO ■rj OOi-lOSOr-iOOO'M"*QO (M oicoor-wios-^cocD oo O CO »0 CO ■» 0> OS (N^CO *^<^ o co^os « OS^COCSCOOSOOOO CO^ ^'eO(MCO'-'co.~<«X9r^or* o* ni-^-4^\a Tjl" cd" cd" f-T c-i" 50 rlT C5 CO t-TffO-*COCOCO(NQOO "cJ 'oj »^ 00 CO ^-M « CO »0 '^OS^ OS \a vo «? «^«^o ■-;."^«o *1 cs_ a jC i-T x" OO" 00 OD CO CO 00 oo r- 00 co" oo' OtT oo" oT oT oT oT cT oT O 1— (OOi— lOSCOCOC^t— -^ ■* iOCOWSCOiANOSOO^CO CO t— ^COCOCD-*CD— 'com CO Cq,-«cO — I— iO0ticqu^l O CO CO 1"- OS I— '■'^ O — ' cf OS CJ" -d^ i^ oT > o" cT ^ tjT . o" (n" -ti M iC-fcoOco-^c^ir-oc'^ o «3COI>.t— t^r-CDCOCOOS I-- on Oi OS CDosOO^O^O^ o^ 1 Id OOt^i^Ht^dt— C1vO«0 Os NCOt— cococooo»o»oco r* 1 CO -^ CO CI OI »o OS »o c^ i— oor-coO''*-^Oi— coco ?>) OS CO o cfi^o OS oi i"^'=i,'^"= CO •OoOOO^OS^POtSCJSiMCO 00 »o cfTcTo 1-^*0 CO CO r- H rH ^ -M CI ^ CN -N CO C-l O OJ ^ococor^osooososoo 00 I— 1 . S a ^^00COt^«t3OSl-^l~-CO CO r-r^o.-i'^t^cocor^co « > u:>i-~r-- CO ■* OS ■* OO^ ^ cs^t-Tc^i on otTi-- ^-Tr- — os CO c3 o o ca CO '*" CD ^^ oT cT CD n4OCOr-<<-HC0C0 OS ■-iioaious — oosco«o CO Id IH COlN-^f^OSOSOSC^t^OSO co^ '^*^'^^^'^'^'~I.''^ *^ h «H 0} r- **' criertCcrco"cD'"orc3r.-i o" 5 •3 s otT ^ (xT of c^ CO CO — oT o US OS ^ ^vfJCJiOSOOO — ^cot- U3 eacoco»-Tf«OiOsoi,-H'* 1>- s (Mc'C<1C-1CO-*0(MO"<*' ^o 6p=M (N QC t~C^ CO^OS^O ^ O '^ CO CDW3tNvOO'*"**Or-vni CO a S ^ c«D'vo'co"oro'"cD irTi-rorcr ro" aSt^'^o^t^^^ " ^ ^ USOOOsOrHT^OSO^-'CO o »n^— CO.-'CO^:*-**^!- (M r-l^rH(MMCilf-lTf r- *-3 III »o ^ iCcToT^eo ©"^co'dd'cd ^*oCBoaost^co«3Qoc:o CO 00 e^" r-T of os" 00 CO 1-^ w" co" c'T o" ,—i cococoosuioco^o^r- ^ (jq O F^ --« CO CO O OS^ Oi, -;. CO otToo'oo'oo oo't^co*"os o lO^iO >* O (M O^ ^ »0 CD CO oT oT oT os" oT o cT cs" cT ^ o ,-1 rH t-4 •-( '^ •"« s a g OsOcOC o p 00»fflW3000CO(M(N»«»0 o '.jHiOcocoir^^J^OsqOfNi^ I-H . fe oi »0 05 CO CO <-t 1-H CO I>^0^"^ co^ o (N^tN CO CO 00 (N -» en t- CM ■^ eo crcsreD"TH CO t-Tt-To O O ^t^t^cosiirtcot=-o»0'-; i-h" CO" -n" CO 00 OO" «" CO iO~ .-T so* lO* eo^-^^o*C!»oeocco o 1 gi (ft CD OS OS OS O ^"^"^ o ^^ ^ ^- ^- *^, 'I "^^ ^,. "1. "* c^ i r- ^ r-l ^ '"' l-l W u CD © CJ *• Q fi i i OS i 1 "3 g •s © m O ^C^CO'^iOCOt^.OOCSO r- t^ i-^ r-- 1^ 1^ !•- t^ t- 00 O— ''>»CO-J<«retOI--00CS OCQOCCacOCCOCOOCOOOO ^ ^-(MCO-fiCcOI^CCCiO OOOOOOOOOOoOOCXaCOi ^.-lO3CO-*vC«Sl--0CCl OOOOOUQCCOCCOCQOOOQO Qoocooatooocccxacoo 0) 00 (. o Q> ft £2" g-a j2 o<1 5 C CI i-^fc-a^ Ixxx s>> 5~ •« ^ I CO 00 *s 1 i-H \ Fiiinine ] years. Grand total taxation, , columns 1, 8, 12, IS. CO ^«>OlM«O«)wOt-Mi0OeD.-H000lO^00^C500O^ 3ooS0Qa0i01>-C-C0r-^«00eD'*5D— • COCOTH^TtiOOt^b-r^Cft;^C0200«gCNO^«t;0>ljQO } 1 Total, , columns 13 + 14. qij .(3 O ^ ^ ^t^.t^Oi C^lNr^m CO O OS o c» os^t^o orr-ToToTco" cot^oT^o'orso tf o (acq -- ^o « o Taxation of Provincial Munici- palities. ■«*« -'*'*oo CO^«5iMOOO£NCOi-i^O M • ooOOeOOseOOOCNt— Ost^ uToTfN'o'^.^o'^ua'cQ'-^jr Taxation in the city of Madras. 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Statement showing the value of land in certain districts of the Madras Presidency. (1) Statement showing the average value of land per acre in the Tanjore District. Tears. 1823-24 1824-25 1825-26 1826-27 1827-28 1828,29 1829-30 1830-31 1831-32 1832-33 1833-34 1834-'35 1835-36 1836-37 1837-38 1838-39 1839-40 1840-41 1841-42 1842-43 1843-44 1844-45 1862-63 1868-69 1869-70 1870-71 1871-72 1872-73 1873-74 1874-75 1875-76 1876-77 1877-78 Wet lands. BemsLrks. BS. 12 12 15 9 9 25 13 15 16 13 19 18 18 19 23 20 23 27 27 26 24 26 39 151 160 148 138 132 146 126 153 180 172 The values for the years up to 1862-63 have been deduced from the valnea entered in the deeds of sale and mortgage of lands paying revenue to Government, which passed through the Collector's office under the system of mirassi registry, which for- merly prevailed in the district. The Belling prices for the years subsequent to 1862-63 have been deduced from the values given in the deeds of sale registered in the Registration offices. (2) Table showing the selling prices of land in certain tnllages in the Tanjore District per acre. Taluk. Shiy all Do. Do. Do. Do. Kumbak6nam Do. Do. Do.. Tanjore Do. Village. Alakudi Valluvakkudi Kilanganar Keelayur ... Cadavasal ... Taragraharam Kadichambadi Valangiman Tillayambur Perambuliyur Vaithinathampalli 1838-89. 1840. 21 . 25 235 8 20 170 31 38 300 42 62 272 20 21 . 132 433 47 48 38 46 409 12 30 244 11 72 392 108 108 673 42. 129 547 1885-88. Remarks. The selling prices for the years 1838-39 and 840 are the values deduced from the prices for which lands were sold for arrears of revenue. Those for 1885-88 ai-e the averages deduced frc.m the sale deeds registered in Registi'ation offices. (3) Table showing the prices paid in the Tinnevelly District for the same lands at different sales ascertained from registration records. Shermddevi, Ambdsamudram Taiuk. — Survey No. 1343, nunjah acres Q'7i, sold in 1865 for Rs. 330, fetched Rs. 1,102-8-0 in 1890. Shembagiivamapadi, Ndnguneri Taluk. — Survey No. 120 (a) and (c), extent acres 0"64, sold in 1866 for Rs. 116, was resold in 1885 for Rs. 200. Vadakkuvimananallur, Ambdsamudram, Taluk. — Survey No. 634, nunjah acres 0'30, sold in 1868 for Rs. 182, fetched Rs. 275 in 1889. Anuppankulam, Sdtdr Taluk. — Punjah field survey No. 9 (b), acres 3-3, sold in 1872 for Rs. 98, fetched Rs. 290 in 1889. Oopalasamudram, Ambdsamudram Taluk. — Nunjah field No- 286, 8 cents., sold in 1874 for Es. 50, fetched Es. 262-8-0 in 1882. Shenibayavampari, Ndnguneri Taluk. — Survey No. 51 (b) and 112 (c), nunjah acres 1*21, sold in 1875 for Es. 297, fetched Es. 825 in 1889. Anaikulam, Srivilliputur Taluk. — Punjah No. 156 (&), acres 1-95, sold in 1870 for Rs. 50, fetched Rs. 100 in 1879. 48 Ixxxvi (4) Table showing the prices paid in the Goimbatore District for the same lands on the several occasions when they changed hands, ascertained from Registration records. 1. Anuparpallayam. — ll'lS acres of punjali lands (surrey Nos. 2Q, 37 and 38), were sold in 1860 for Rs. 225 ; a portion of tlie lands, i.e., survey No. 37, measuring 5*47 acres, was sold in 1882 for Rs. 500. 2. Kumalapalayam. — Survey Nos. 57, 58 and 59 (extent 6*1 acres) of nunjah lands, were sold in 1848 for Rs. 1,200. They were sold in 1877 and 1880 for Rs. 1,900. 3. Knrichi.— Survey Nos. 370, 452 and 454 (extent acres 8-42 of nunjah lands), sold in 1858 for Rs. 750, were resold in 1887 for Rs. 1,850. 4. Devarayapmam.-r-Survey Nos, 55 and 56, acres 8-62 of punjah lands, sold in 1847 for Rs. 200, were resold in 1876 for Rs. 300. 5. Ramanathapuram.—Bvavey Nos. 138, 143 and iSs, extent 6-97 acres of nunjah lands, were sold in 1855 for Es. 350. A portion of the lands (No. 143) measuring 2-87 acres, was sold in 1876 for Rs. 1,300. 6. FeZZaZitr.— Survey Nos. 225 and 226, extent 9'10 acres of punjah lands, sold in 1849 for Rs. 30-8-0. were resold in 1885 for Rs. 200. 7. San^anttr.— Punjah land, Nos. 248, 249 and 250, sold in 1863 for Rs. 50, fetched Rs. 200 in 1884. 8. Kumaralingam. — Paimash Nos. 30 and 39, extent 2*2 cawnies, were sold in 1847 for Rs. 225. No. 39 alone was resold in 1876 for Rs. 550 and in 1890 for Rs. 900. 9. Avalappampatti. — Paimash No. 37, extent 3-14 vallams of punjah land, sold in 1852 for Rs. 716, fetched in 1881 Rs. 1,000. 10. Kallapuram. — Paimash Nos. 233 and 234, extent cawnies 2-14-2, sold in 1872 for Rs. 500, fetched in 1890 Rs. 1,500. 11. Kallapuram.— P&im&sh. No. 248, sold in 1873 for Rs. 100, fetched in 1890 Rs. 600. 12. Mevadi.— 'P&rtnash. Nos. 186, 116 and 38, sold in 1876 forRs. 600, fetched Rs. 800 in 1890. 13. NunjahthothahuricM. — Field No. 203, wet acres 0*75, was sold in 1876 and 1880 for Rs. 200 and in 1890 for Rs. 250. 14. Nunjahthothahurichi. — Field No. 31, wet acres 1'5, was sold in 1876 for Rs. 375 and Rs - 400 and in 1879 for Rs. 550 and Rs. 450. (5) Statement showing the prices of lands per acre in the Coimhatore District deduced from the statistics relating to applications for transfer of revenue registry (extracted from the Coim- hatore District Manual. Erode taluk. Goimbatore taluk. PoU&ohi taluk. Udamalpet taluk. Tears. Wet. Dry. Garden. Wet. Dry. Wet. Dry. Wet. Dry. BS. BB. BS. KB. BB. BS. BS. RS. BS. 1850-51 23 9 69 ... ... 1855-56 '" 32 .S 31 ... ... 1860-61 111 7 39 ... ... 1865-66 222 14 80 ... ... ■* 1870-71 296 15 130 ... ■86 20 ■'271 23 1873-74 • ■•• ... ... 119 "is 55 32 189 24 1875-76 . ••' 364 16 90 200 13 66 18 276 32 1878-79 • ••■ ... ... 109 11 92 30 633 24 1880-81 • ••• 285 14 77 155 17 163 33 185 28 1882-83 • 369 15 99 136 7 208 33 241 30 Ixxxvii (6) Statement showing the average prices of lands per acre in the several taluks of the Coimhatore District, deduced from the sale deeds registered in the Registration offices from 1878-79 to 1882-83. Talnks and diviBions. Aravakurohi ATan&shi Bhavani Dh&rapnram Erode Kar6r EoUeg&l K&ngyim Hettup&laiyam Falladam Pemndurai PoimcU Satyamangalam. Udamalpet ... Wet. Average for the district RS. 405 117 73 500 366 277 113 100 123 162 50 145 249 294 266 Dry. 15 13 15 11 25 14 37 16 8 23 21 25 19 22 20^ Garden. 69 31 45 34 88 83 "78 55 52 62 65 57 45 (7) Statement showing the prices of land per acre in the Kurnool District, deduced from, the values entered in the sale deeds registered in the Registration offices during the years 1882-86. Taluks and divisions. Kurnool B4niallak(5t Fattikonda .. Pydpali .. Koilkantia .. ... Owk .1 Sirvel >. Nandyal .. ... Atmakdr NandikiStknr ... Kalwa >. ... Markapur Cnmbum .. ... Giddalur .* ... Wet lands. BS. A. p. 47 3 2 55 4 42 14 4 64 2 6 60 2 8 43 9 8 85 1 9 18 15 9 70 14 11 220 2 47 12 6 63 4 49 12 11 All lands. B8. A. F. 10 11 7 11 4 8 6 13 11 12 2 18 11 4 23 14 9 14 2 5 22 8 11 11 10 2 12 13 3 18 15 16 3 23 7 9 21 6 8 16 1 3 (8) Statement showing the sale value of lands per acre in the Anantapur District, deduced from sale deeds registered in the years 1878-79 to 1885-86. Whole district exclusive of Tadpatri Tadpatri taluk Whole district Wet. He. 45 82 47 Garden. 27 61 33 Dry. BS. 6 16 10 Ixxxviii (e.) Table showing the ratio of Qovernment Assessment to gross produce of lands. (1^ Statement showing the average outturn of lands per acre {Class IV) on whieh the assessment was hosed hu the Settlement Department. Sorts. Ist, B.eBt 2iid, Grood 3rd, Ordinary . 4th n Inferior . 5th, Worst Wet 3rd group, Madras Qieasures 840 7?0 600 530 460 Dry Ist ^?oup, Madras measures. 444 380 316 286 246 Bemarks. Varagn and ragi. The cprrmmtation rate for paddy was Es. 105, for varagu Es. 89, for ragi Es. 142. The commutatipn price is taken at 12^ per cent, less than market prices. (2) Statement showing the value of outturn per acre and the commutation rate of each class of land for wet and dry. Value of outturn. One-sixth deduc- tion. Cultivation ex- penses. Remainder. £ate. Wet. 1st 2nd 3rd 4th 5th ES. A. P. ES. A. P. ES. A. P. ES. A. P. ES. A. P. 27 9 4 9 6 11 11 16 6 6 23 10 3 15 9 12- 9 15 5 19 11 3 4 8 8 7 14 6 4 17 6 3 2 14 4 7 8 6 15 11 .18 15 1 6 2 8 3 6 8 6 13 3 Dry. Ist 2nd 3rd 4th 5th 15 8 6 3 14 1 5 8 6 2 5 3 13 3 6 3 4 10 5 4 14 8 2 8 10 14 7 2 11 8 4 10 3 8 11 1 12 9 13 3 2 7 4 4 6 2 15 11 18 8 6 1 2 16 4 2 2 2 7 10 (3) Statement showing the- average yield, the cultivation expenses and the rsni per acre in the United Kingdom and in the Madras Presidency. United Kingdom. Madras Presidency. Wheat. Barley. Dry. Wet. Value of produce Cultivation expenses £ 8. d. 8 17 5 2 2 £ ». d. 7 11 9 4 18 RS. A. P. 8 11 3 3 10 B8. A. P. 25 7 1 9 8 9 Eent • Kates and taxea^ 1 14 9 2 4 1 11 1 2. 3 13 2 5 19 Total ... Ratio of rent to produce Farmer's profit 1 17 1 19-63 117 9 1 13 4 20-48 1 16 9 18 2 "14-87 3 9 11 5 19 20-08 10 12 7 Ixxxix .a. 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Dhaiapuram Aravakuriohi Karur Kodumudi Erode Perundnrai Bavani G opiohettipalay am Satiamang^alam Avanashi Sulur Palladam Kanjayam KoUegal Coimbatore 1 49 xc (5) Tables showing the cost of Cultivation, ^c, for an acre of certain grains in the Sdtdr TaluJe of the Tinnevelly District, as ascertained by the Agricultural Inspector Pranatartihara Aiyar. (a) Gingelly. 3 ploaghings requiring 4 pairs of cattle ... Sowing Seed ... ... ... I ploughing through the crop, 1 pair Reaping, 6 men Threshing for 3 days, 6 men Assessment ... Total ... 6 8 Value of outturn (l^ kotahs or 144 measures at 7 measures a rupee) 20 8 us. 2 A. p. 12 4 8 1 1 5 8 1 Balance ... 14 (b) Gumbu following cumbufor a Sanghili or 3'64 acres. 3 ploughings, 14 pairs of cattle Sowing, 4 pairs Seed (cumbu, mochai, tattampayaru, kalluppayaru, green-grain, castor)... Bullock hoeing, 3 pairs Reaping, 16 men Watching 7 3 2 1 8 2 8 1 Total ... 17 Value of produce — 6 kotahs of cumbu ... ... ... ,,. ... ... 48 1 kotah of pulses, &c. ... 7 4 cart-loads of straw ... 12 Total . Balance on 1 Sanghili . Or on one acre , (c) One Bavghili (3"64 acres) of cumbu after cotton. 67 50 14 Sowing, 4 pairs Seed ...^ Bullock-hoeing, 3 pairs Reaping, 16 men Watching 3 8 I 8 2 8 1 Total ... 8 8 Outturn — ' 4 kotahs of cumbu 32 8 cart-loads of straw ... ... ... ... 9 Total ... 41 Balance on one Sanghili ... 32 8 On one acre ... 9 4 (d) One acre of cholum grown as a fodder crop. Seed, 30 measures 2 Sowings 12 Reaping, 12 men 2 Total ... 4 12 ZCl Outturn — 3 cart-loads at Rs. 4-8-0 each Balance BS. A. P. 13 8 8 12 (e) One acre of cholum grown as a grain crop. 3 ploughings, 4 pairs Sowing ... .. Seed ... Ploughing the crop .. Reaping, 6 men Outturn — Cholum, 2^ kotahs 3 cart-loads of straw Total Total Balance 2 12 6 8 10 4 10 15 9 24 19 6 (f) One Sanghili (3*64 acres) of varagu grown as a mixed crop. 3 ploughings Sowing, 4 pairs Seed— Varagu, 24 measures Red-gram, 2^ measures Castor, 2^ measures Bullock-hoeing, 3 paiys Weeding, 24 women Reaping, 32 men ... Threshing ... Outturn — 20 kotahs of varagu 12 marakals of castor 12 marakals of red-gram... 3 cart-loads of straw 40 bundles of castor plants 40 bundles of red-gram ... Total Total Balance for one Sanghili Balance for one acre 7 3 18 6 6 1 8 2 5 2 8 23 10 90 5 4 9 2 2 112 88 6 25 (g) One acre of Bengal-gram. 2 ploughings, 3 pairs of cattle Sowing, 2 pairs Sower (1) Seed, 7 measures Harvesting, 6 men Threshing Outturn — 36 measures Balance 18 18 3 12 10 4 5 3 15 9 13 XOll (h) One acre of horse-gram. Seed, 6 measures Sowing, 1 pair Harveating, 6 men Threshing, 2 men Outturn — 1 kotah of horse-gram 6 marakals of castor Stemps and pods . . , Total ^i) One acre of Cotton. 3 ploughing requiring 5 pairs Seed ... Manure (^ of the value of 20 cart-loads) Sowing ... ... 8 weedings Watching the crop ... Clearing the plants ... Total .. Outturn of uncleaned cotton 1| pedis (of 328 lb. each) at Rs- 22 a podi 8 cart-loads of plants Total .. Balance or profit .. KS. A. F, 8 12 10 6 2 10 • • • • ( ■ 6 ■ • • • •■ 2 ... 1 Total ... 9 ilance ... 6 6 * * • >•■ 2 8 « ■• ■•• 4 1 8 ... 12 1 8 ... 8 • • ■ t •• 12 7 1 12 8 9 4 33 1 8 34 8 25 4 Note. — The Government assessment of an acre of land as regards (b), (c), (d), (e), (f), (g) and (h) may be taken at- one rupee. XCIU (^i.)— Remarks on the alleged increase in the price of Salt due to the Salt Excise System. The evil features of the monopoly system of salt manufacture are the foUowinrg. 2. Under the monopoly system the Government undertakes a work for which private agency is better fitted. The Government cannot by means of its officers manufacture salt as cheaply as private individuals, under the stimulus of self-interest, can. I do not put this on the laissez faire or any other abstract principle, but on the experienced results of the monopoly system when it was in force. There are certainly cases in which Government can advantage- ously undertake the supply of services to the community, such as for instance the Postal service, the Telegraph and perhaps in this country, even Eailways. These are all cases in which the woj'k to be done is spread over such large tracts of country, and is of such invariable routine character as to make its regulation by general rules issued by a Government department possible and desirable. In these cases, the work done by the officers of the department in different parts of the country is such that the failure or laxity on the part of one of them is liable to immediate detection and exposure by throwing out of gear almost instantaneously the work of those similarly employed in other parts. No one will maintain that salt manufacture is a business of this kind. As in agriculture, so in the manufacture of salt, profit to the manufacturer depends on the minute attention given to details at every stage of the process of production and on the small and individually almost inappreciable saving in cost effected in a hundred ways. 3. It may perhaps be argued that even under the monopoly system the Government employs the ryots to manufacture the salt and recognizes to some extent a right of occupancy in those ryots, who may be supposed to have an interest in making as much salt and as cheaply as possible. This, however, is not the case, and it is exactly in this respect that the monopoly system grievously fails. The quantity to be manufactured by each ryot is fixed at the com- mencement of the manufacturing season by a Government officer, and any outturn in excess of the quantity required by Government must be destroyed. The ryot has thus no certainty as to the quantity of salt he will be allowed to manufacture in coming years, or even as to whether he will be permitted to manufacture at all ; for manufacture must be closed if the stocks in the factory in question and adjoining factories are sufficient. He cannot, therefore, look beyond the immediate present in any of his arrangements for carrying on manufacture and is practi- cally reduced to the position of a labourer paid at a fixed rate on the quantity of salt which the Government chooses to take. The variableness of the seasons renders salt manufacture a somewhat precarious industry ; and the monopoly system makes it still more precarious. 4. The salt, whether good or bad, must be taken by Government when it is not below a certain standard in quality ; and in years in which the outturn, owing to unfavourable season is deficient, any salt that is delivered must be accepted. As the Government pays at the same rate for good and bad salt, the incentive to the production of good salt is weakened. It is to the interest of the Government officer having large stocks of bad salt to force it on the public by withholding the sales of good salt until the former are got rid of. This very frequently happened when the monopoly system was in force throughout the Presidency. It is no doubt true that the portion of the population which cares for good salt is at present a small one, but small as it is, it is increasing. Under the monopoly system there is no chance of the taste of the higher classes of the community for good salt at increased prices finding satisfaction, and the result must be that so long as the system is in force, the demand for good salt will be smothered, unless the Government undertakes to supply salt of different qualities at different costs to suit the tastes of the different classes of consumers. This, it is hardly necessary to say, will be a chimerical undertaking and lead to peculation and waste. That any part of the community should be debarred from getting salt of good quality when it is willing to pay for it is a considerable grievance, and the grievance is all the greater when it is remembered that good salt is really cheap salt too. For instance, A manufactures salt containing 96 per cent, sodium chloride and 4 per cent, impurities, while B turns out salt with 99 per cent, chloride of sodium and 1 per cent, impurities. Under the excise system if each man be allowed to sell the salt at such price as he can get for it, A may realize for his salt 3 annas and B 4^ annas over and above the duty of Rs. 2-8-0 paid to Government. As, however, B's salt contains a little over 3 per cent, more of sodium chloride than A's, the purchaser of A's salt saves in duty more than he loses in cost price, and, on the whole, gets a better article for a lower price. Under the monopoly system both kinds of salt would be sold at exactly the same price, 3 annas per maund ex-duty, and the person wishing to obtain by legal means the better kind of salt might chance to obtain it as a matter of favour, but could not get it for money. 5. The rates of kudivaram, that is, the prices paid by Government for salt delivered to it nnder the monopoly system, are fixed and to a great extent independent of the changes in the rates of wages for labour prevailing in the particular localities. This would not be a great grievance if the ryots were allowed to regulate production each year according to their own calculations as to probable demand, so that they might recoup the losses of one year from the gains of another. It is true that the rates of kudivaram have sometimes been raised, but this is done only after it is demonstrated to the satisfaction of the higher authorities that the ryots could not possibly manufacture and deliver salt at the rates in force. This is not an easy process. Moreover, there is considerable difference between costs of salt of pans situated near the platforms and of those at a great distance, the cost of carriage in the latter case being 50 XCIV tiglier than in the former. The Government oflScers cannot take into account all these differences and increase or decrease the kudivaram in the way in which private manufacturers can. I find from the last annual report of the Salt Department that Messrs. Arbuthnot and Company aud other firms who have entered into contracts with manufacturers in the Chingle- put factories for short periods have agreed to- pay in addition to the fixed kudivaram additional sums varying apparently with reference to the increased cost of manufacture in, or of transport of salt from, particular pans. 6. The selling of salt at a fixed price whether it is good or bad, light or heavy, gives room for the play of individual preferences or partialities and consequent demoralization of the subordinate officers in the factories. An example will make my meaning clear. It is a well known fact that traders prefer to buy light salt as they can make a greater profit out of it than out of heavy salt ; the reason is that people purchase salt by the measure and light salt measures more than heavy salt, the difference * Note. — It appears from the administration report of being sometimes* as much as 20 per cent, the Salt l)ep^tment for 1890-91, that eight factories in rp^g ^^^^ ^f gg^]^ y^ measurement instead of the Bombay Presidency nave made special arrangements . ., , . •'^. , -i j for the production of light salt in order to meet the weighment IS sometimes erroneously ascribed demand for it in this Presidency. to the machinations of traders who seek to earn a profit by deceiving ignorant purchasers and giving them short weight. Traders do, no doubt, sometimes take undue advantage of the ignorance of purchasers, but in this instance it seems to me probable that even if they reformed their ways and attempted to sell by weighment, the purchasers who have long been accustomed to purchase by measurement would imagine that fraud was intended and would not take the salt. However desirable it may be that salt should be retailed by Weight and not by measure, any attempt to bring about this result by coercive measures, rendering penal the sale of salt by measure in the thousands of petty bazaars throughout the Presidency, will be attended with great risk of oppression to the poorer classes of the population whose interests are intended to be safe-guarded ; and the Government cannot undertake legislation of this kind with a light heart. This question is intimately connected with the scheme for the introduction of greater uniformity in the measures and weights in use in this Presidency, which, I believe, is now under the consideration of Government. If it is decided to take action in this direction, the measure will, I presume, be adopted tentatively in the larger towns at first and gradually extended to rural tracts, the duty of enforcing the regulations prescribed being entrusted to popular bodies, such as Municipal Councils and Local Fund Union Panchayats. However this may be, there is the fact that light salt finds greater favour with the trade than heavy salt, and this fact gives the former a higher \a1ue. Under the monopoly system, it was in the power of the subordinate ofllicers of the department to sell the light salt to their friends and benefit them, while heavy salt fell to the lot of others. No doubt the heaps were sold in the order of the numbers assigned to them, but information as to which heaps contained light salt was not easily procurable by all intending purchasers, and it would be nothing strange if particular persons succeeded in getting the light salt to the exclusion of others. It comes then to this, viz., that, whereas under the monopoly system the additional, it may be adventitious, value borne by light salt was appropriated either by accident or by design by certain favored persons among purchasers, under the excise system it is enjoyed by the person who is justly entitled to it, viz., the producer. 7. While the monopoly system on the one hand throws upon Government the serious responsibility of adjusting supplies to demand with reference to the evershifting conditions of trade, it deprives Government of the only means of judging whether and when, such an adjustment is necessary, as it substitutes an artificial for a n-atural price which, under ordinary circumstances, serves as an unerring index pointing to the necessity of increasing or contract- ing supplies. This is an evil of great magnitude, and now that owin^ to the extension of communications and the cheapening of the cost of carriage, almost all parts of the country have been brought into trade relations with one another and rendered sensitive to trade influences, it seems to me to be perfectly idle for a Government department to undertake the duty of regulating salt production. To put the same thing in another way. The salt trade cannot be isolated from trade in other commodities, because salt is generally brought inland as a return load by traders who take grain or other articles to the coast, and a change in the demand for those articles reacts on the demand for salt. In private trade under natural conditions the adjustment of supplies to demand is automatic, that is to say, traders and manufacturers who may know nothing about the causes in the changes in the conditions of supply and demand all over the country of any commodity, set about making arrangements for increasing or diminishing supplies by simply taking as their guide the rise or fall in prices. The Government officers would need to be almost omniscient to perform this function efficiently without the aid afforded by the natural course of prices. . 8. The Government by selling salt produced at different places at a uniform price, without reference to the cost of production or the conditions of demand and supply, bolsters up inferior factories and handicaps the better sources, the result being on the whole increase in the cost of salt and loss to the community. 9. The monopoly system has not the effect of steadying prices, as is commonly believed. On the contrary, though under it salt is sold at a uniform price "when it leaves the factory] xcv outsicle tlie factory the prices are subjected to fluctuations all the more violent, because the factory price is kept down at an artificial level. The result is that the trader benefits at the expense of the producer, except in cases in which both occupations are combined in the same person. The truth of the above observations will be seen from the following example. Take 3 factories A, B and G, at a distance of 20 miles from each other north to south. When there are sufficient stocks in these factories and the facilities of communications are equal, each factory will supply all places within a distance of 10 miles north and south, besides tracts which are at less distance from it than from other factories. If stocks are deficient in A and the demand great, and Government continue selling salt at 3 annas a maund, there is sure to be a run on the factory. When the salt is all sold out, traders from A and the regions supplied by it will have to go to B, and though they may get the salt at 3 annas .a maund, the cost of carriage will have increased. Meanwhile the factory at A having been denuded of salt, the retail prices at that station will have enormously risen. Under the excise system what would happen is this. When the stocks in A are insufficient to meet the demand, the price of salt in A will rise to such an extent as to make it profitable for traders in some of the tracts served by A to go to B for the salt. This will again affect the price in B and then in C and so on all along the line. The result is that no factory will be absolutely denuded of salt, producing panic and violent perturbations in retail prices, but stocks will be conserved as long as practicable, a diversion of trade being effected in various directions. 10. The above remarks, I repeat, are not based merely on theoretic considerations, but on actual experience. The report of the Salt Commission and the annual reports of the adminis- tration of the Salt Department are full of instances of factories having been denuded of salt in the manner pointed out. 11. In view of the grave evils inherent in the monopoly system, we should be justified in giving preference to the excise system, even if it were attended with some increase of price to the consumer ; but has bhere really been an increase of price and over what ? The cost price under the monopoly system has been assumed to be 3 annas for the last 30 years, and this rate has acquired in popular estimation a sort of prescriptive right to be regarded as the normal cost notwithstanding changes in the rate of wages, in the value of money, and in the conditions of trade. Even when the Salt Commission made their calculations, the cost of salt in Madras was found to be more than 3 annas, and salt was sold by Government at the Madras dep8t really at a loss. Assuming, however, for the sake of argument, that 3 annas correctly represented the cost price of salt at the time when the monopoly system was displaced by the excise, it will be seen that no fair comparison can be made between that rate and present excise prices without taking the following considerations into account and making due allowances for them : — 1st.— Since 1881 the sales of salt in consequence of demand from tracts outside the Presidency, chiefly Orissa, and increase of population which amounts to 16"5 per cent., have increased from 56 to 69 1 lakhs of maunds or by 24 per cent., while the number of factories at work was greatly reduced shortly before 1881. The increased produce would to some extent have had to be raised at more than proportionate cost, even if the monopoly system had been continued throughout the Presidency. That this must be the case is clear from statements contained in the administration reports of the Salt Department which go to show that the officers of the department find very great difficulty in procuring labour for working the exten- sions of factories recently sanctioned. 2nd. — The prices of excise salt include three items of charges which the monopoly rate of 3 annas excludes, though these charges fall eventually on the consumers under either system. The items are — (a) The additional price paid to the producer at the factory instead of to the trader on account of the inadequacy of stocks to meet the demand as pointed out in paragraph 9 supra. (6) The additional price paid for light salt (paragraph 6 supra). (c) The additional price paid for good salt (paragraph 4 supra). For example, the price of excise salt at Surld in the Ganjam district was 4 annas 3 pies in 1890-91. The high price was due to the restriction, owing to insufficient stocks, of in- land sales at Ganjam (which by the way is a monopoly factory) and the consequent diversion of trade to Surl4. Salt at Ganjam is sold by Government at a fixed price of 4 annas {not 3 annas), and sales are allowed only on certain days and in restricted quantities to prevent depletion of stocks. The consequence is that traders have to go to Surl4 and get their salt at an enhanced price incurring probably enhanced cost of carriage at the same time. All this enhanced cost is recouped by the traders by enhancing the price of salt to the consumers whether the salt has been obtained from Ganjam or Surld. Nevertheless the factory price of a maund is only 4 annas at Ganjam, while that at Surld is 4 annas 3 pies, and this shows that the factory price of excise salt may be higher than the monopoly rate though really the price paid by the consumer may be less under the former than under the latter system. Examples of cases of salt commanding higher or lower prices according as they are light or heavy abound in the Madras dep8t, where the price of salt varies from 4 to 7 annas. The reason for the preference for light salt has already been explained. In the Madras retail market also salt is sold at different prices with reference to the quaUty of the article. XCVl 12. What after all is the increase of cost of excise salt at present ? The cost is 4 annas for the wtole Presidency as compared with the hypothetical 3 annas under the monopoly system. In the Masulipatam division it is only 2 atinas 8 pies. It seems to me that, making sufficient allowance for the considerations above pointed out, prices are really cheaper now than under the monopoly system. A comparison of retail prices in 1889 with the prices before 1880 shows that retail prices are in most places lower now than under the monopoly system. Moreover^ a difference of one anna per maund of 80 lb. makes no difference in retail prices, as these are quoted at so much per Madras measure of say 4 lb., and the increase of one anna per maund would be equivalent to only an increase of price of a Madras measure by less than one-half of a pie. This fact should be borne in mind in judging of the real effect of a sudden temporary pressure of demand on inadequate stocks and consequent rise of prices, which pressure of demand, be it noted, must happen quite as frequently if not more frequently under the monopoly than under the excise system. 13. It is now unnecessary to advert to the circumstances which led to the enhancement of the price of salt in 1885 and 1886, soon after the introduction of the excise system. The causes of the rise in price were fully investigated by Grovernment in 1888, and though the views of the Salt Department have been at variance with those of G-overnment on this matter, I am not awa,re that a sinjjle argument has been brought forward tending in any way to shake the conclusions arrived at by Government after full enquiry. As regards the measures adopted by G-overnment to remedy the evils that had arisen, there can be but one opinion, viz., that the measures have been eminently successful. Th.e retail price of salt to the consumer has not increased beyond what it was under the monopoly system. On the contrary, if an exact calculation were possible, it would probably be found that prices have gone below what they would be at the present time under the monopoly system. A fairer distribution of profits between the manufacturers and the traders has been brought about and the profits of middle- men have to some extent been cut down. The old argument that capitalists restrict production has been shown to be entirely unfounded, the " dittam" or regulation of the quantity manu- factured being now found to have been fixed with a view to secure the maximum production and not with a view to restrict it. ' Many licensees work their salt pans independently of capitalists and store and sell salt on their own account. There is full competition among the capitalists themselves. This 1 believe is the case even in Madras where the average price is 5 annas 2 pies. Salt at this station always cost more than the monopoly price of 3 annas, and the addi- tional 2 annas and 2 pies includes this excess as well as the extra value of light as well as of good salt as already explained. I do not think tberefore that any material reduction in the price of salt at Madras can be looked for. 14. The monopoly system is sometimes defended on the ground that as the Government levies on salt a duty amounting to nearly 20 times the cost price, it is bound to see that the cost to the consumer is not unduly enbanced. The assumption underlying this statement is that under the monopoly system it is possible for Government to have control over the price of salt. This assumption, as I have above shown, is entirely unfounded. It seems to me that if the salt tax is an evil, it is an aggravation of that evil to levy it under the monopoly system. The G-overnment has, however, with a view to prevent an undue enhancement of price by combinations of traders, accumulated reserve stocks, and these stocks have completely fulfilled their purpose. The necessity for this arrangement arose from the sudden substitution of the excise for the monopoly system which was in existence for over three-quarters of a century, and I believe that in the course of a few years more, their maintenance will be found to be unnecessary. The object is not to drive capitalists out of the salt trade ; what is desired is that there should be sufficient competition among them. There is not likely to be any danger of extensive combinations among the capitalists, such as that which arose at Madras in 1885 and 1886 under very special circumstances. Temporary local combinations may of course occasionally occur, but their effect will be evanescent. The danger now seems to be rather in the direction of Salt Department imposing unnecessary restrictions on the prices charged by salt manufacturers or of bringing the reserve stocks to sale with a view to reduce prices below •wbat they would be under natural conditions when there is full competition, instead of keeping the reserve for use as a heroic remedy on extraordinary occasions, such as, for instance, would justify Government in importing grain to tracts sufiering from distress. Government reserve stocks under the excise system, though objectionable on principle and justifiable only as a temporary expedient to repair mistakes committed in the past, has not practically operated to the prejudice of the excise manufacturers, because the Government has not hitherto interfered with the course of salt trade and has allowed traders a large range of prices to base their cal- culations upon. The loss incurred by Government , by maintaining the stocks is also very trifling when compared with the revenue derived by Government from the salt duty. If, how- ever Government were to enter into dii-ect competition with excise manufacturers, it would simply lead to the extinction of the excise and to the rehabilitation of the monopoly system which is a consummation greatly to be regretted in the interests of the public for the reasons I have already explained. 15. There are three conditions essential for the proper working of the excise system, viz. first, the restrictions imposed on manufacturers should not be greater than are absolutely necessary for the protection of the revenue ; secondly, there should be no obstacles interposed XCVll to the opening of new pans, and additional storage room should be provided on a liberal scale under adequate guarantees in all factories ; thirdly, small traders should receive the same coun- tenance and assistance as large traders from both salt and Railway oflBcials when they want to purchase salt and send them by the railway. I do not know what the policy of the Salt Department in respect of these matters latterly has been, but I have no doubt that, if they are looked at from the point of view of the convenience of the producers as well as of the Salt Department and adequately provided for, the excise system will in the course of a few years be able to stand on its own legs, and to dispense with the artificial support of Government reserve stocks. The completion of the East Coast and other railways now in progress will also materially help to bring about this result. The excise system has uow justified itself and what is wanted for its complete success is a continuity of policy. If this is ensured, there is no reason why Madras should not secure a large share in the Bengal salt trade, driving out Liver- pool salt from thence. The question of substitution of excise for Government monopoly was first mooted by the Cheshire Salt Chamber of Commerce, in the hope that a market might thereby be opened in Madras for their salt, and the prejudice against the excise system is to some extent due to this circumstance. The probability, however, is that Madras salt will eventually drive out English salt from Bengal. Salt is sent from England to Bengal as ballast, but if a trade springs up between Madras and Bengal in Bengal coal, it would be profitable to send Madras salt as a return load. The Government would do well to do all that lies in its power to develop an export trade in Madras salt, and this can be done only under the excise system. If the English salt syndicate persists in artificially raising the price of Euglish salt shipped to Bengal, it would be materially assisting the Madras manu- facturers to compete in the Bengal market. Germany, Aden and Arabia have been sending salt to Bengal during the last 3 or 4 years ; and Madras, which is so much nearer to Bengal than these countries and has so many facilities for the manufacture of good salt, ought, under proper arrangements, to be able to secure to itself the bulk of the Bengal salt trade. Statement No. I. Quantity of salt manufactured and sold and the balance remaining in stock in the East Coa^t factories in each year from 1881-82 to 1890-91. In lakhs of maunds. 1 maund = 82| lb. 1881-82 1882-83 1883-84 1884-85 1886-86 1886-87 1887-88 1888-89 1889-90 1890-91 Years. Manufac- ture. 60-42 66-54 59-83 74-87 57-20 48-40 88-67 89-94 92-42 87-23 Sale. 56-00 62 55 65-35 64-89 67-34 65-91 68-24 70-69 71-58 69-50 Stocks at the end of each year. 75-89 7644 63-28 6708 51-27 28-04 47-03 63-25 80'21 94-20 Statement No. II. Ai>erage factory price of salt per maund. 1885-86. 1886-87. 1887-88. 1888-89. 1889-90. 1890-91. AB. P. AS. p. AS. F. AB. P. AS. p. AB. P. 3 2 3 5-7 6 0-6 6 10-9 4 1 4 3-6 Chatrapui 3 6-6 4 5-6 9 2-6 5 9-8 4 3 3 11-5 Chicacole 3 6-6 4 9-5 4 1109 3 11-2 3 3 2 8 Masulipatam 3 3 9-9 3 3-6 3 6-7 3 7 3 5-3 Nellore 5 4-8 6 8-2 6 3-2 5 41 6 2 5 0-5 Chingleput 3 10-9 7 1-0 6 2-2 4 11-6 4 3 4 6 Negapatam . . Tinuevelly 5 0-9 6 1-0 6 1-7 4 4-3 4 3 3 7 Average .. •• 5 7-3 6 1-1 4 9-8 4 4 4 0-2 V , Tl,fi Bipise svetem was introduced in a smaU number of factories in 1882-1884. In 1885-86 the system waa JVo«e.--The e^P'^^^yf^^f?, 7^' jj^d^as factories. ' The season in 1885-86 and 1886-87 was unfavorable for ealt m^im. t^^t^'^ll^^^^^^-^y^^^^-'^ '^^ as compared ,.ith the ordinary outturn. The result was depletion of stocks and consequent enhancement in the price of salt. 51 XCVIU Statemknt No. III. Retail price of salt in seers of 80 tolas per rupee. 1879. 1880. Ganjam . . . . , , Vizagapatam , . , . God&vari Kistna . . Nellore Cuddapah AnantapuT , , , , . , . , Bellary Kurnool . , . . , , Madras North Arcot , , . . South Arcot . . . . . , Tanjore . . , , Trichinopoly . . Madura Tinnevelly Coimhatore . , . . Salem . . . . South Canara Malabar Average . . 11-85 10-24 12-54 12-91 12-70 13-89 12-95 12-06 13-88 12-12 14-09 12-27 12-20 13-80 13-95 11-78 11-82 11-55 10-55 12-48 11-81 10-58 11-98 12-80 12-60 13-92 12-81 12-53 13-75 12-33 14-28 12-52 12-13 13-64 14-74 12-12 11 94 11-51 12-52 1889. 1890. 12-33 11-69 12-00 13-19 12-34 12-34 1114 11-87 11-36 12-31 11-31 11-58 12-62 12-46 13-47 14-68 11-98 13-43 13 17 11-69 12-35 11-40 11-70 12-01 13-11 12-80 12-20 11-60 11-90 11-50 13-00 11-40 11-60 12-80 12-42 13-48 14-80 12-50 13-28 13-50 11 70 12-44 Note, — From January 1878 to 10th March 1882, the duty on salt was Rs. 2-8-0 a maund, and on the latter date it was reduced to Bs. 2 a maund. The duty was again raised to Es. 2-8-0 in January 1888 and continues at this rate at present. (g.) — Remarks on the Ahhdri Administration of the Madras Presidency. The principles formulated by the Secretary of State for India in regard to abkdri administration and accepted by the House of Commons during the recent debate on this ques- tion are stated in the letter of the Government of India of 16th May last to be as follows: — (1) .Any extension of the habit of drinking among Indian populations is to be dis- couraged. (2) The tax on spirits should be as high as may be possible -without gi-ving rise to illicit methods of making and selling liquor. (3) Subject to the above considerations, a maximum revenue should be raised from a minimum consumption of intoxicating liquors. 2. The discouragement of drinking is thus the primary object aimed at in abkdri arrange- ments. A total prokihition of the consumption of liquors among classes of people addicted to the use of them would, however, cause great hardship and be incapable of enforcement even if desirable. The drinking classes in such a case would almost to a certainty supply themselves with liquor by illicit distillation and smuggling, and get demoralized by law-breaking as well as drinking. The object in view is therefore sought to be attained by subjecting liquors to a high duty, so high as to act as a check on consumption, and yet not so high as to cause an outbreak of illicit distillation or smuggling, which cannot be coped with except by employing preventive establishments at enormous cost. The limit of taxation which satisfies the above conditions is not the same in all places but varies in different places, and even in the same place at different times, according to idiosyncrasies of race, taste and lawless habits, climatic differences, effi- ciency of prevention, facilities for illicit distillation and other circumstances; and the problem of excise administration consists in finding this limit for the difierent parts of the country and adjusting the duty with reference to it. 3. Revenue is not to be the main object in abkdri arrangements, that is to say, it is not to. be developed by lowering the duty and extending consumption of intoxicating liquors, but by enhancing the duty and restricting consumption. Subject to this condition, it is a desirable object to develop the revenue (1) by pushing up taxation to the limit already referred to, (2) by taking care that as little of the realizable revenue as possible is diverted from the coffers of the State and absorbed by middlemen or others to whom privilege of sale, &c., of liquors may be granted. The taxation of liquors has this great advantage over other forms of taxation of commodities in general consumption, viz., that while the latter are objectionable in that and iu so far as they restrict consumption, the former is beneficial for that very reason. 4. The following facts will show that the principles and considerations above adverted to have been steadily kept in view in all abkiri arrangements in this Presidency during the last 15 or 20 years, and that this Government may justly claim to have attained, in spite of diffi- culties met with at the outset, a very considerable measure of success in the application of those principles. 5. The Presidency contains an area of about 140,000 square miles with a population of nearly 31 millions. Of this area about 20,000 square miles, containing a population of nearly a XCIX million, comprise what are called the Agency tracts in the Ganjam, Vizagapatam and Goddvari districts. These tracts are hilly and jungly and inhabited by uncivilized, wild races ; and it is not open to G-overnment to adopt scientific methods of administration in these places. Throughout the Agency tracts, toddy (fermented palm juice) is now left untaxed. During the Rumpa rebellion in 1880, the oppressions of the toddy renters was alleged as one of the reasons for the emeute. In Ganjam, Khonds are allowed to distil spirits for domestic consumption and not for sale. It was at one time thought that Uriya distillers in the Khond country were spreading drunkenness among the Khonds and steadily and surely winning their lands ; and they ( Uriyas) were prohibited from distilling or selling liquor there. Recent reports from the Collector, however, show that the Khonds do not distil liquor themselves, but employ clan- destinely Uriya distillers to manufacture for them and that the prohibition above referred to has given rise to considerable illicit traffic in liquor. The question of allowing Uriyas to distil under proper safeguards and strict control is now under the consideration of the Abkdri department. In Vizagapatam the Abkdri privileges in soice of the tracts are leased out to contractors, and in others kept under amani management, that is to say, the supply and sale of liquor is made under the supervision of Government officers. In the Rumpa country in the Godavari district little or no spirit is consumed. In some of the other Agency villages in this district the privilege of sale of spirit is leased out to contractors ; in others again to the villagers themselves for lump sums. It will not be possible to control the traffic in liquor in the Agency tracts on the principles laid down by the Secretary of State, and these tracts must be put aside so far as the present inquiry is concerned. There is, however, no reason to think that drunkeniiess is on the increase in these regions. 6. Confining our attentionto the portions of the Presidency (comprising an area of nearly 120,000 square miles with a population of about 30 millions) in which it is practicable to regu- late the taxation of liquor on the principles laid down by the Secretary of State, the following very brief account will show the steps taken during the last 20 years for introducing sound methods of abkdri administration. The liquors principally drunk in this Presidency are, 1st, country spirits, 2ndly, imported liquors and liquors manufactured in the country and excised at the customs rate of duty and otherwise dealt with for purposes of taxation in the same manner as imported liquors, and, 3rdly, toddy or fermented palm juice. 7. Country spirits consumed are distilled either from jaggery (crude sugar) or toddy (palm juice). Toddy spirit is in use in the God4vari, Malabar and South Canara districts and in the coast taluks of the Kistna district and the two taluks of the Kurnool district east of the Nallamalai hills, viz., Cumbum and Mdrkdpur. In some of the plain taluks of the Vizaga- . patam district spirit distilled from mowha flowers {Bassia latifoUa) and also spirit distilled from rice are consumed. In the remaining portions, jaggery spirit is drunk. 8. Twenty years ago the systems of abk4ri administration in force were very primitive and the privilege of manufacturing and selling spirits in large areas, usually districts, was leased out to contractors for lump sums, and the spirit was manufactured in stills scattered all over the country according to the rude methods and appliances in use among native distillers. The liquor was sold in sanctioned shops, but practically there was no limit to the number of shops that might be opened. In accordance with the provisions of the Abkdri Act, a mini- mum price was no doubt fixed below which liquor could not be sold, but as the minimum price was fixed without any reference to the alcoholic strength of the liquor sold, it was of no use whatever. In short, there was no attempt made to regulate taxation or to ascertain and control consumption, and contractors were practically allowed to do what they liked in the way of extending consumption. 9. The obvious remedy for this state of things was the substitution for the renting system of an arrangement under which out-stills could be suppressed and manufacture concentrated in large distilleries easily guarded, the revenue being realized by a duty of excise adjusted with reference to alcoholic strength on every gallon of spirit issued therefrom. Before, however, this system of central distilleries, known locally as the " excise system," could be introduced into any particular district, it was necessary to make sure of two conditions, viz., 1st, that when out-stills were suppressed distillers able and willing to construct the necessary buildings and manufacture spirit cheaply on a large scale by using scientific methods and appliances would be forthcoming, and, 2ndly, that the expenses of distribution of liquor from, a central distillery to the outlying parts of districts in which facilities for illicit distillation were great did not so enhance the cost of liquor to the consumers as to drive them to supply themselves with it illicitly. 10. Accordingly, ''the excise system" was first experimentally tried in selected districts between the years 1869—74. The results showed that no difficulty was likely to be experienced in finding distillers, provided that the areas over which they were given the privilege of selling liquor were sufficiently extensive to enable them to do a large business. In 1875-76, the "excise system " was introduced into further portions of the l^residency with certain modifica- tions the chief of which was that the distiller or contractor who was given the monopoly privi- lege of manufacture and s-ale within a district was required to guarantee a minimum revenue from the duty leviable on the spirit issued for consumption, the object in view beingto prevent his making all his profit in the easily manageable portions of his farms, leaving the distant out- lying portions to the illicit distiller and the smuggler. The contractor was charged with the duty of maintaining sufficient esfcablishments to prevent illicit practices and smuggling. He was bound to soil the spirit at certain maximum and minimum prices prescribed by Govern- ment. The minimum limit was intended to prevent the contractor lowering the price to such an extent as to unduly extend consumption, and the maximum limit to prevent his running up the price so high in particular localities as to cause hardship to the drinking classes and drive them to illicit practices in obtaining supplies of liquor. The minimum prices were fixed in such a manner as to leave a reasonable profit to the contractor after paying the duty and defraying the cost of liquor, of distillation, of establishments, of remuneration to vendors, &c., according to an assumed standard, and the maximum prices were fixed somewhat higher so as to leave a margin for the contractor to enable him to adapt prices to the actual circumstances of the difierent parts of his farm. 11. The concentration of distillation and the introduction of the guaranteed revenue system, as the system above described was called, was easy in all districts in which jaggery spirit was consumed, and it was extended in 1875 and 1878 to all the districts of the Presidency excepting those mentioned in pai:agraph 7 as districts in which toddy spirit ig chiefly drunk. In the inland taluks of the Vizagapatam district in which mowha spirit is dnink, the excise system was introduced in 1875, but was withdrawn in 1878 as it did not work well there. 12. The guaranteed revenue system (which is still retained in Bombay) was in force until 1884-85, when the abk^ri arrangements were again completely remodelled with reference to the recommendations of the AbkAri Committee, which was appointed by Government in 1884. It was found that this system had done its work in the way of introducing and familiarizing native distillers with improved methods and appliances in the manufacture of spirit, but was operat- ing prejudicially to sound abk^ri administration in other respects. Its failure was mainly attributable to three causes, viz., first, the large size of the farms generally comprising entire districts, which shut out all but the largest capitalists from the competition for the contracts, and enabled a few rich European firms to combine to keep down the bids for the guaranteed revenue, and to make unduly large profits from the more easily managed portions of the farms, neglecting altogether the outlying parts ; secondly, the realization of the revenue wholly in the shape of a uniform fixed duty throughout the farms without reg-ard to the often widely varying conditions of the tracts comprised within them, and the artificial regulations imposed by Government as regards retail prices of liquor, which, as already observed, were based on hypothetical data as regards cost of liquor and other items liable to considerable fluctuations in different tracts of country and from year to year ; and, thirdly, the entrusting to the contractors the duty of main- taining sufficient establishments for the prevention of illicit distillation, while at the same time no police powers were or could be conceded to these establishments which were not under official control and discipline. The large monopolists had very generally neglected to maintain the establishments they were bound to employ or to provide adequate facilities for the supply of liquor to the more difficult and less accessible portions of their farms ; they had closed large numbers of shops previously existing, and in the remaining shops they had cut down the allow- 9.nce of the retailers to such an extent as to drive them to seek their remuneration in illicit practices, such as giving short measure, dilution, &c. ; and by charging the maximum prices in the populous portions of the farms and spending as little as possible on their management, they had reE|,ped enormous profits, a very considerable portion of which should, under proper 9,rrangements, have come to Government in the shape of taxation. The result was a con- siderable decline in the revenue, while at the same time there was reason to suppose that the real consumption had increased and not decreased. 13. The oly'ect of the reforms initiated in 1884 was to provide a remedy for these evils. To ensure sufficient personal attention being paid by the renters to all parts of the farms and to admit of the smaller capitalists with local knowledge competing for them, the size of the farms had to be reduced j but as it would, at the same time, have been distinctly a retrograde step to allow small renters to establish stills of their own for the supply of tracts served by central distilleries, the expedient was adopted of separating the privileges of manufacture and sale which had hitherto been leased out conjointly. As regards the former, the policy has been to leave the manufacture and supply of spirits to licensed vendors " free " wherever possible, that is to say, to make it cease to be a monopoly and to permit any one, who chooses to embark in the business of distillation, to obtain a license to work a distillery and to sell the liquor manu- feictpred to licensed vendors at prices mutaally agreed upon between them from time to time and not fixed by Government. The existence of sufficient competition between distillers being essential to the success of this scheme, it was experimentally tried at first in a limited number of localities, and being found to answer was extended to all the districts brought under the excise system with the exception of a few special tracts where, owing to the absence of railway communications or other causes, the privilege of manufacture is still, for the present, granted as a monopoly. The principal advantages of the " free supply " system, as it is called' are that jt affords encouragement to distillers to lay out capital in the adoption of the most recent improvements in the methods of manufactm-e, without the fear, so long as they comply with excise regulations, of having the right of distillation taken out of their hands after any definite period, as would be the case, when the privilege is granted as a monopoly ; that by reducing the ppst of liquor^ it increases the margin left for the Goyernment taxation out of the price realizable CI from tLe consumers^ and that it enables licensed vendors to exercise some choice as to the distillers from whom they can purchase their liquor, and thus to adapt the liquor supplied by them to some extent to the tastes of the consumers. The duty of maintaining preven- tive establishments has been undertaken by Government. As the realizable taxation varies, as already pointed out, in different parts of the country, depending as it does on the habits of the people, the price which they can pay and the facility with which illicit liquor can be made with impunity ; in order to obtain the highest duty that it is possible to get in different localities, the taxation was divided into two portions ; the first being the still- head duty payable when the liquor leaves the distilleries and fixed at rates suflB.ciently low to enable the renters of the vend farms to suppress the sale of illicit liquor where necessary, and the second being the lump sums paid for the privilege of sale by the vend-tarmers and determined by public competition. By these arrangements the total taxation leviable in different places is intended to adapt itself to their varying circumstances by a natural process ; and when, by the combined action of the preveUtive establishments maintained by Government and of the renters working in their own interest to displace illicit by licit consumption, unhampered by artificial restrictions as regards maximum and minimum prices, illicit dealings in liquor have been suppressed, it is expected that the way will be clear for equalizing the still- head duty throughout the country and levelling it up to the import ratej in other words, increasing the fixed and decreasing the variable portion of the total taxation. The intention is eventually to dispense altogether with middlemen with monopoly privileges for the sale of liquor also and to make the taxation consist of the still-head duty and shop rents. This plan has been adopted in towns, but as it is not possible to abolish middlemen all at once in rural tract?, the size of the vend farms has been gradually reduced in view to middlemen being finaUy got rid of. 34. Since 1884 very considerable progress has been made in bringing the improved . . excise system into force throughout the Pre- Area in square t, , .. . i •' .. i. • , i t , miles. i'opuiation. sidency ; it was of course introduced at onco Tracts under the excise 111*0 ^^^ districts in which the " guaranteed system 106,000 25,425,000 revenue" system was in force; it was also Tractsin which the excise extended to the Kuruool district with the jrrin^^iucrfr^mTst tT^'^'^SL S' .^'l'^^'^"^, 'f. i^^''^."'' April next 4,000 473,000 taluks in iooo-oo ; to the upland taluks or the Kistna district in 1886 ; to the five Municipal Total ... 110,000 25,898,000 ^^^^^ ^f ^j^^ Malabar district in 1886-87 ; to the inland taluks of the Vizagapatam district and into Mangalore taluk of the South Canara district and into the taluks of Chirakal, Kottayam, Calicut and Palghat of the Malabar district in 1888-89. It is under contemplation to introduce it into Cumbum and Mdrkdpur taluks of the Kurnool district and Gudivdda, Vissanapet and Nlizvid taluks of the Kistna district from next April. Within the next two or three years it will probably be in force in all parte of the Presidency excepting, of course, the Agency tracts. The difiiculty has hitherto been to devise arrangements under whicb the excise system can be worked in districts in which toddy spirit is consumed. In these districts distillation is practised by alpiosfc every toddy-drawer and its suppression requires large preventive establish- ments. Toddy required for distillation is, moreover, expensive to carry long distances and gets spoilt if kept long. The plan introduced into the taluks of the Malabar district at the sugges- tion of Mr. Galton may, however, be considered to have solved the problem. The plan js to establish distilleries in central localities, where palm-trees are abundant, and to permit the distiller to work subsidiary stills in the vicinity, from which weak spirits could be passed by the distillery officer to the central distillery for redistillation. Centralization of distillation of toddy spirit necessitates the employment of strong preventive establishments and it is found ponvenient to work it in connection with the tree-tax system (to be noticed in connection with toddy arrangements) which likewise requires strong establishments to work it. 15. The number of distilleries in the tracts under the excise systepi is 20, of which 17 are VForked under the " free supply " and 3 under the " monopoly supply " system. In all these distilleries spirit is manufactured by the method of continuous '' close distillation." It was at one time feared that Messrs. Parry and Company, who work a large distillery at Nelhkuppam in the South Arpot district in connection with their sugar factory there and manufacture spirit cheaply from molasses, wojild be able under the " free supply " system to establish a practical monopoly and then enhance the price of liquor unduly and thus diminish the margin left out of the retail price for the Government duty. Experience has, however, since shown that there is keen competition among distillers for the custom of licensed vendors in " free supply " areas and that the danger apprehended is not likely to arise. 16 There can be no doubt that since 1883-84 both the duty realized and the price of liquor in excise districts have increased. The average duty for the districts in which the excise Bvstem was in force in 1883-84 was Rs. 3-2-6 per gallon of proof strength. In 1887-88 the dutv realized in the same districts was Ks. 4-8-3 per gallon, ol which Rs. 2-13-10 represented the duty levied at the still-head and Rs. 1-10-5 the incidence per gallon of the rents paid by vend farmers and shopkeepers for the privilege of sale. The highest excise duty leviable under law is Es. 5 per proof gallon, For the current year the stUl-head duty has been 52 Cll enhanced considerably in several districts and therefore a much larger portion of the taxation will be realized in the shape of still-head daty than in 1887-88. 17. To determine the effect of the excise system on consumption of liquor, the circum- etances of the several districts must be separately examined. The following are the facts connected with each district : — Ganjam, exclusive of Agency tracts. — The consumption in 1875-76 was 38,849 proof gallons, in 1883-84 it had increased to 41,836 gallons.- Since then it has been rapidly diminishing ; in 1886-87 it was 24,579 gallons ; 1887-88, 24,170 gallons ; and in 1888-89, 24,044 gallons. The duty per proof gallon which was Rs. 1-15-0 had increased to Rs. 3-11-9 in 1887-88 and to Es. 8-6-4 in 1888-89, yizagapatam, exclusive of Agency tracts. — The consumption in the coast taluks of the dis- trict was 16,905 gallons in 1875-76, '11,227 gallons in 1883-84, 26,479 gallons in 1886-87 and 29,133 gallons in 1887-88. The increase in these taluks in the later years is entirely due to the stoppage of smuggling from the inland taluks where liquor was sold cheaply by the con- tractors under the renting system. Under the old law the transport of spirit in quantities not exceeding one quart was permissible and considerable quantities were thus transported from the rented to the excise taluks with a view to evade the higher duty leviable in the latter. The Abkdri Act of 1886 has enabled Government to put a stop to this practice by prohibiting the transport of liquor in however small quantities from the rented to the excise tract. The excise system having been introduced into the interior taluks also from 1858-89, the consump- tion for the whole district has declined from 68,472 gallons in 1887-88 to 36,323 in 1888-89. The duty realized in 1887-88 and 1888-89 was Rs. 3-1-10 and Es. 5-7-1, respectively, per proof gallon against Rs. 2-10-0 in 1876-76. Goddvari. — No reliable statistics of consumption are available for this district which has not yet been brought under the excise system. In this as in other tracts in which the out-still system is retained the consumption is very large, being 80 proof gallons per 1,000 of the popu- lation, a rate nearly double of that in excise tracts. There is nothing to show that consump- tion has increased since 1875-76. When the arrangements for concentrating distillation of toddy spirit are introduced in this district, there will be an enormous decrease in consumption. Mr. Bliss has been directed to visit the Northern districts and submit proposals for placing the Abkdri administration there on an improved footing, which, it is hoped, will be done at an early date. Klstna. — The excise system was introduced into the upland taluks of this district only in 1886-87 and reliable statistics of consumption for previous years are not available. The con- sumption in 1887-88 was very high, 141 gallons per 1,000 of the population, but it must have been much higher under the out-still system. A reduction in the consumption should be brought about by a gradual enhancement of the still-head duty in this district. Since 1888-89 the duty has been raised from Rs. 1-1-2 to Rs. 1-14-0 per gallon London proof. As the upland taluks of this district are surrounded by tracts in which the renting system is still maintained, it is necessary, in order to prevent smuggling, that the duty should not be fixed very high at the outset, but when the coast taluks are also brought under the excise system, as it is hoped that they will shortly be, the duty can be considerably enhanced. Nellore. — In 1875-76 the consumption was 27,403 proof gallons ; it has been gradually increasing since 1883-84 ; in that year it was 38,859 gallons, in 1886-87, 39,813 gallons, and in 1887-88, 42,106 gallons. In 1888-89, however, it went down to 39,240 gallons. The increase, as compared with the earlier years is due oSpc^puUtl™. *° *^^ suppression of illicit distillation and smuggling, • North Arcot -60 which IS known to have been prevalent chiefly in the Cuddapah -42 zemindari portions, and this is shown by the fact thajt 1^°°^ ; '.II the consumption per head of the population * in this district is much lower than in the adjacent districts. The duty, which was Rs. 2-3-9 per proof gallon in 1875-76, amounted to Rs. 4-9-1 in 1887-88 and to Rs. 4-6-6 in 1888-89. Cuddapah. — The excise system was introduced into this district in 1878. The consumption under renting system in 187o-76.wns reported at 66,848 gallons. In 1878-79, the year after the famine during which this district had suffered very severely and lost more then one-fourth of its population, the consumption Was 41,172 proof gallons. Since then the consumption has been 50,205 gallons in 1883-84, 43,614 in 1886-87, 46,703 in 1887-88 and 47,541 in 1888-89. The duty has risen from Rs. 3-1-2 per gallon in 1878-79 to Rs. 5-1-2 in 1887-88 and Es 4-14-9 in 1888-89. Bellary Cantonment. — In 1875-76, the consumption was 33,460 gallons. In 1883-84 it had increased to 46,164 gallons ; in 1886-87 it fell to 37,531 gallons ; it rose in 1887-88 to 42 685 owing to favorable season and fell again to 38,487 gallons in 1888-89. The duty per gallon has risen from Rs. 3-13-6 in 1875-76 to Rs. 5-8-11 in 1887-88 and Rs. 5-0-1 in 1888-89. The consumption in this town fluctuates with the strength of the garrison. Bellary district, exclusive of the Cantonment, and Anantapur district. — The excise system was introduced into these districts in 1878-79, If the consumption reported under the renting system in 1875-76 can be relied on, it must have been very high — 119,375 proof gallons In cm 1883-84, or 5 years after the famine in which these districts severely suffered, the consumption 7n nn^^^ ^, ^^'^"""^ ' ''^ 1886-87, 48,637 gallons; in 1887-88, 63,179 gallons ; and in 1888-89, 50,990 gallons. The duty realized in 1888-89 amounted to Rs. 4-11-8 per gallon in the Bellary district including the cantonment and to Rs. 4-4-5 in the Anantapur district. Eurnool District.— In the taluks west of Nallamalai hills the excise system was introduced in 1885-86. The consumption has been as follows :— 1885-86, 35,438 gallons ; 1886-87, 41,282 gallons; 1887-88, 38,798 ; and 1888-89, 28,022. The high consumption in 1886-87 appears to have been due to the large numbers of laborers employed on railway works wiich have since been completed. The duty realized in 1888-89 was Rs. 4-14-9 per gallon. Madras Toum. — The consumption of Puttai and Colombo arrack within the Municipal limits in 1875-76 was 114,402 gallons. In 1877-78, when the famine was at its height, the consumption rose to 127,101 gallons owing to the activity of the grain trade. In 1883-84 it was 126,628 gallons. In 1887-88 the consumption rose to 136,673 gallons owing to the strike among toddy-drawers during a portion of the year and consequent increase in the sales of arrack. In 1888-89 consumption fell to 129,802 gallons. Ghingleput District. — The consumption in the Chingleput district was in 1888-89, 57,483 against 57,795 gallons in 1875-76. North Arcot. — The consumption in this district has been as follows : — 90,765 gallons in 1875-76; 76,647 in 1883-84; 91,157 gallons in 1887-88; and 91,323 gallons in 1888-89. The duty realized has risen from Rs. 3-3-3 per gallon, London proof, in 1875-76, to Rs. 5 per gallon in 1888-89. South Arcot. — The consumption in this district has been 50,437 gallons in 1875-76 ; 65,514 gallons in 1883-84; 74,981 gallons in 1886-87; 80,670 gallons in 1887-88; and 95,740 gallons in 1888-89. The rapid increase. in the later years is entirely due to the employment of pre- ventive establishments and other arrangements made with a view to put a stop to the smug- gling of liquor which for several years past was going on from the French territory of Pondicherry into the adjoining taluks of the South Arcot district. In fact the French Government was deriving a,, large revenue from consumption of liquor in British territory. The French and British villages are so interlaced with one another that a large population in the British taluks were drinking French liquor which was sold at much lower prices than the British liquor. Partly owing to a rise m the price of French spirit and partly owing to fall in the price of spirit sold in shops within British territory, the latter spirit is now enabled to compete with the former, and much of the revenue which the French Government was illegitimately making from consumption in British territory now finds its way, as it ought to, into the British treasury. The price* of British liquor consumed is, how- Price Pf>^ ever, higher than the French liquor consumed uuder-proof. before, and there is no reason to think that actual consumption has really incrensed. The • EB. A. p. rate of consumption in the South Arcot district * In French shops ..^ ■■■■■• .•266 (53 gallons per 1,000 of the population) is about In shops on the British side of the fion- >i " ii i • j.i. j- • • ^■ i^ ■ , i. t£gj^ , ... 2 4 the same as that m the adjommg district of North Arcot (50 gallons per 1 ,000 of the popula- tion'), the conditions of which are similar to those of the former. The French Government are getting alarmed at the diminution of the revenue they have been deriving for several years and are thinking of imposing a high duty on country spirits as well as on imported brandies. If they do this, they will be benefiting their revenue and placing a check on the enormous consumption of liquors within their territory — a consumption which is little less than a scandal and has no parallel in any portion of the British territory. Until they see the wisdom of this policy the British frontier taluks must suffer as regards abkdri administration by the proximity of the French territory. Negotiation with the French Government for an assimilation of the systems of abkdri administration in their territory with that in force in British territory was tried before, but it led to no result, as the French Government returned evasive answers, being apparently loath to give up the revenue they were deriving from British consumption. Now that it has been shown to them that they can no longer rely on this revenue, it is to be hoped that they will see that, by working the abkdri administration on sound principles, they can improve the revenue, and, at the same time, promote the interests of sobriety and morality. Tanjore. — The consumption in this district has been as follows :— 1875-76, 36,564 gallons; 1883-84, 33,875 gallons ; 1887-88, 37,045 gallons ; and 1888-89, 39,100 gallons. Much arrack is not drunk in this district, the favorite d^ink of the lower classes being toddy. The rate of consumption of arrack per head of the population is about one-third of that of the adjoining district of South Arcot. The duty realized in 1888-89 was Ks. 3-11-0 per gallon against Es. 2-13-9 in 1875-76. Tfichinopoly.—The consumption has been— 1875-76, 39,092 gallons; 1883-84, 36,314 gallons ; 1887-88, 32,157 gallons; 1888-89, 35,282 gallons. The duty realized has risen from Rs. 2-12-11 in 1875-76 to Rs. 4-3-8 in 1888-89. Madura. — In 1875-76, when the abkdri of this district was managed under the renting system, the consumption of arrack was reported to have been 75,003 gallons. In 1883-84 the consumption under the excise system was 46,742 gallons; in 1887-88, 42,477 gallons; and in CIV 1888-89j 48,225 gallons. The rate of consumption per head of the population is less than thai in the northern districts and there is considerable smuggling and illicit distillation in the zemindari portions. The increase in consumption in 1888-89 appears to be due to large numbers of laborers employed on the works connected with the Periydr project. The duty realized in 1888-89 was Rs. 4-5-1 per gallon. Tinnevelly. — In this district also, the arrack revenue was managed under the renting system in 1875-76, when the consumption of arrack was reported by the renters to have been 73,794 gallons. In 1883-84, the consumption was 36,462 gallons; in 1887-88, 21,718 gallons; and in 1888JB9, 26,506 gallons. The rate of consumption of arrack in this district is the lowest in the Presidency. The duty realized in 1888-89 was Rs. 3-15-4 per gallon. Coimbatore.—The consumption in this district has been as follows :— 1875-76, 59,944 gallons ; 1883-84, 47,594 gallons ; 1887-88, 38,183 gallons ; and 1888-89, 46,148 gallons. The duty realized has risen from Rs. 2-9-10 per gallon in 1875-76 tp Rs. 4-15-5 in 1888-89. Nilgiris. — In this district the consumption of arrack has been as follows : — 1875-76, 23,256 gallons ; 1883-84, 37,217 gallons; 1887-88, 36,212 gallons ; 1888-89, 31,918 gallons. The consumption in 1883-84 was considerably in excess of that in 1875-76, but the * principal Population Population ^o^^^ in the district have been growing of late in 1871. in 1881. years. It is also understood that, as the • Ootaoamund 9,988 12,335 cultivation of poppv, which was carried on to Coonoor 2,498 4,778 i. j. i_ Ji -o ^ i ' ^' some extent by the Badagas, was suppressed when the Opium Act was introduced in 1880, they have taken to drinking liquors. Since 1888-84, however, there has been a decline in the consumption of country spirits. The duty realized has risen from Rs. 3-6-11 per gallon in 1875-76 to Rs. 6.0-8 in 1888-89. Salem. — The consumption in this district has been — 1875-76, 76,187 gallons; 1883-84, 53,000 gallons; 1887-88, 54,171 gallons; 1888-89, 52,236 gallons, The duty has risen from Rs. 3-9-3 per gallon in 1875-76 to Rs. 4-10-1 in 1888-89, Malabar and South Canara. — In Malabar, except in the Wynaad, the excise system waa only recently introduced into some of the taluks. In South Canara the excise system has been introduced only into one taluk. The introduction of the excise systeni by raising the price of liquor has undoubtedly tended to check consumption, but peliable statistics are not available for previous years, 18. From the foregoing it will be seen (i) that the "excise" system has been introduced since 1875-76 into the greater portion of the Presidency as rapidly as" circumstances will permit ; (ii) that the efiFect of the introduction has been to increase the taxation and with it the price of country spirits and to diminish the consumption much below what it was under the old renting system; (iii) that in most of the ''excise" districts the consumption in 1888-89 was very much less than in 1875-76 with the exception of South Arcot and the Nilgiris ; (iv) that in South Arcot the increase is due to the measures taken for enabling liquor in British shops to compete with and displace the cheap liquor sold in French shops ?ind which was chiefly consumed in the taluks on the frontier of the Pondicherry territory, and that it does not indicate any increase in drunkenness ; (v) that the increase in the Nilgiri district is more than accounted for by the increase in the population ; and (vi) that in the Madras town, where it might be expected that consumption would have increased considerably owing to increase of population and other causes, the consumption in 1888-89, as compared with that in 1875-76, shows only a slight increase. As regards the increase in consumption in 1888-89 observable in a few districts, as compared with that in 1883-84, it should be remem- bered (i) that since then most portions of the Presidency have had a succession of very good seasons and the Presidency has rapidly recovered from the effects of the famine of 1876-78 ■ and (ii) that, since 1886, the amendment of the Abkdri law giving poorer to prohibit transport of liquor from Native States, &o., in quantities not exceeding a quart and the preventive establishmepts employed by Government have rendered it possible to displace illicit by licit ponsumption. 19. The above remarks refer to '< cqui^try spirits," by which term is to be understood spirits manufactured in this country and on which the duty levied is below the rate prescribed by the customs tariff for imported liquors and which under present law is Rb. 5 per gallon of London proof strength and in proportion to strength for 'spirits of other strengths. Spirit manu- factured in this country and taxed at the tariff r£|,te is treated in all respects as imported spirit and Sermitted to be sold in thp same shops as the latter. The object is eventually to assimilate the uty on the so-called " country spirit " to that on foreign spirits, that is to say, to abolish the distinction between "country spirit" and "foreign spirit," which is based simply on the rate of duty levied and not on the methods of manufacture. The so-called "country spirit " is in most distilleries manufactured by European process and is really rum and it is taxed at lower rates than the tariff rate, because it is believed that, if the duty were levied at the latter rate considerable inducement would be offered to illicit distillation and smuggling. In the case of the Ma4r£|.s town ^nd the NJlgiri district, it is possible now to raise the duty on country spirit cv to the tariff rate and abolish the distinction between " country " and " foreign " liquors and this question is now under consideration. 20. Foreign liquors. — Liquors classed as " foreign " consist of (i) imported spirits, wines and malt liquors ; (ii) spirit manufactured within the Presidency and excised at the customs tariff rate of Rs. 5 per gallon of proof strength ; and (iii) beer brewed in the country and excised at the tariff rate of one anna per gallon. Formerly licenses for sale of " foreign liquors " used to be granted on payment of fixed fees, but licenses for the sale of liquors, except in hotels and refreshment rooms, are put up to auction and the liquors subjected to a heavier duty than before. There are two breweries on the Nilgiris and the consumption of the beer brewed is stated to be extending among the lower classes of natives at Ootacamund and other places on the hills, where toddy is not available and the price of country spirit is high. 21. Toddy. — The regulation of the taxation of toddy (fermented palm juice) presents great difficulties. The levy of an excise duty is impossible and the only means available for regu- lating the tax on this intoxicant with some reference to consumption is to impose a tax on each palm tree tapped, the rate of tax being.based on an estimate of the average production of the several descriptions of toddy-producing trees. The tree-tax to some extent performs the function of an excise duty and enables Government to form some judgment as to increase or decrease in consumption from the number of trees tapped and to enhance the tax wherever it is found that consumption is increasing. The idea was borrowed from Bombay, but in working it care has been taken here to avoid the mistake which was committed in that Presidency of attempting to levy the duty not only on raw toddy but also on toddy spirit by means of the tree-tax. This necessitated the imposition of the tree-tax at rates so high (Rs. 18 annually per cocoanut tree) that they had the effect of suppressing the consumption of raw toddy altogether find compelling classes of the population accustomed to this beverage to drink spirit. The correct principle for working the tree-tax was stated by Mr. Galton when Abkdri Commissioner in the following terms : " The true principle appears to be that the taxation in the form of a tree-tax should not exceed what the people can afford to pay upon the beverage, and where, as in some parts of Malabar, toddy constitutes an article of diet and is in fact the ordinary morning meal of some of the laboring classes, taxation must be moderate, or such classes would be deprived of their food. Shop rents serve to enhance the tax on toddy used as an intoxicant and when toddy is used for distillation taxation must be supplemented by other means ; if possible by a still-head duty." The tree-tax in the portions of the Presidency in which it has been introduced has been worked strictly on the lines above indicated. The tax imposed, excepting in the town of Madras, amounts to Rs. 3 per cocoanat tree. The tree-tax at this rate is hardly equivalent to a duty of one anna per gallon of fermented toddy which contains sometimes as much as 8 per cent, of alchol. When palm juice is drawn in vessels coated with lime, fermentation is prevented and the toddy thus drawn is used either for food or for the manufacture of crude sugar. This description of toddy is not taxed. In the Madras town the tree-tax is at the rate of Rs. 6 per cocoanut tree. This rate is n(jt an unduly heavy one for the town of Madras, where considerable quantities of toddy are drunk for purposes of intoxication, and it is desirable to check consumption by raising the price of toddy. The tax was originally at the rate of Rs. 3 per tree and subsequently enhanced to Rs. 4-8-0 ; this enhancement did not cause any rise in the price of the beverage, but only reduced the profits of the toddy drawers. It has, therefore, been still further enhanced to Rs. 6 per annum during the current'year in the town of Madras. It is believed that the increase in the duty levied on country spirit and con- sequent enhancement of its price have tended to increase the consunlptipn of toddy and that this tendency requires to be checked to some extent. The tree-tax system, which is the only satisfactory system for taxing toddy on sound principles, is being gradually introduced. It has now worked well in the portions of the Presidency in which it is in force and its extension throughout the whole of the Presidency is only a question of time. It requires considerable establishments for marking the trees on which the tax is to be levied, and as the organization of the establishments entails considerable labour on the Abkai-i department the work has to be done gradually. In the tracts in which the tree-tax system is in force the toddy-shops are sold by auction every year, excepting in the Madras town and the Malabar district, where fixed fees are levied. In South Canara a regular tree-tax system has not been introduced, but the toddy-drawers are granted licenses to tap any number of trees they like on payment of fixed fees • the licenses are not transferable and tapping under them of trees by persons other than those whose names are specified in the license is not permitted. This plan is obviously iiiferior to the tree-tax system, as there is no limit to the number of trees tapped under each license and no reliable estimate can be formed of the quantity of toddy drawn or of the incidence of taxation. The only advantages of this system are that it renders the employment of ex- pensive establishments for marking the trees tapped unnecessary and prepares the way for the introduction of the tree-tax. The fees levied on each license have gradually been enhanced, but they still fall far short of what would be payable if the tree-tax, such as exists in Malabar, were introduced. In other portions of the Presidency the old renting system as regards toddy is still retained, but the size of the toddy farms in like manner with arrack farms has been reduced everywhere in order to ensure the renters effectually coping with illicit tapping and unlicensed sale of toddy. In towns middlemen have been dispensed with and toddy shops are gold by auctjon, 53 CVl ConsTimp- Conatfmp- Pate per head of the Towns. tion in tion in population, 1888-89. 1882-83. 1888-89. QALB. GALS. Nellore 9,044 12,174 •442 Addni 3,659 7,236 •332 Conjeeveram 4,784 8,931 •239 Vellore 7,970 13,746 ■367 Kumbakdnam 4,195 7,770 •155 Madnra 7,466 12,191 •165 Dindignl 2,098 5,660 •399 22. In some of tlie towns, however, the consumption of spirit appears to have increased considerably since 1882-83. A great part of the increase is no doubt accounted for by the increase of urban population in recent years, but the price of liquor in some towns during portions of the year appears to have been lower than in the rural tracts. In the town of Vellore, for instance, prices of spirit of 30° under proof appear to have ranged from Rs. 2-8-0 to Es. 6 during 1888-89. This would appear to indica,te that the shopkeepers are endeavouring to force sales during festi- vals, &c., by lowering prices unduly. When the abkdri arrangements for the next y^r come to be settled, it will be a question for consideration whether the still-head duty on spirit issued for consumption in these towns should not be considerably enhanced with a view to compel the shop-keepers to sell their liquor during all portions of the year at rates which are not unduly low. 23. The number of shops for the sale of liquors licensed in 1887-83 compares with the number in 1875-76 as follows :— Country spirits 22,549 against 20,062; toddy 20,140 against 19,671 ; foreign liquors 931 against 965. The number of licenses to sell arrack in the Malabar district was 4,422 in 1887-88 against 1,119 in 1875-76, and licenses to sell toddy were 4,152 against 1,262. If the figures for Malabar are excluded, it will be seen that the number of arrack shops in the remaining districts show a decrease of 425 and toddy shops show a decrease of 2,812. The peculiar circumstances of Malabar render the maintenance of a large number of shops necessary. The people are not congregated in villages, but have their homesteads in the midst of their farms and palm groves. Palm trees are most abundant, and the distillation of toddy spirit, which is both easy and inexpensive, is universally practised. Illicit distillation carried in a country, where the houses are detachbd and situated each in its own garden, removed from observation, must of course be diflScult of detection in the absence of very strong preventive establishments. Prior to 1884-85 under the renting system unlicensed sales were •s'ery common, the renters contenting themselves with levying a fee from the vendors and leaving them to do what they liked. With a view to suppress this illicit traffic it was necessary that places should be freely licensed and steps taken to enforce the requirements of the law as regards sales in licensed places only. This accounts for the large increase in the number of shops in this district in recent years up to 1887 88. Of late, however, the tree-tax and excise systems have been introduced into portions of the district and large preventive establishments organized to detect and prevent illicit practices. This has made it possible to reduce the number of shops very much, the reduction in 1888-89 amounting to no less than 2,000. The Collector expects that there will be a further decrease of 1,000 shops during the current year. The regulation of the number of shops has perhaps been the most vulnerable part of the abkdri arrangements in this Presidency. Under the renting system and also the guaranteed excise system, which was one of big monopolies, it was necessary that the contrac- tors, who w^re charged with the duty of preventing illicit distillation and smuggling, should be allowed considerable discretion as regards the number of shops to be maintained. During the last few years the Government has, however, employed preventive establishments of its own and the facts as regards illicit consumption in the different parts are being pretty well ascer- tained. It is therefore now possible to regulate the number of shops with reference to the re- quirements of difierent localities and the Commissioner of Salt and Abkdri Revenue has been devoting considerable attention to the subject. He has recently directed that the number of shops, in towns especially, where illicit practices are easy of detection, should be considerably reduced. The Government has insisted on large reductions in the number of shops in the rural tracts also, and before long the number of shops will in all probability be reduced to one-half of what it is now. As in this Presidency, however, toddy and arrack are sold in different shops, the total number of shops maintained must be larger than in provinces where the two kinds of liquor are allowed to be sold in the same shop. 24. The net abkdri revenue of this Presidency since 1878-79 has been as follows : — ■ 1878-79 1879-80 1880-81 1881-82 1882-83 1883-84 1884-85 1885-86 1886-87 1887-88 1888-89 Lakhs of rupees. 66-72 57-31 54-49 58-29 57-84 57-82 68-42 77-21 81-79 88-19 95-13 cvu Since 1883-84 it will be seen that the revenue has increased by 37"31 lakhs or 64 per cent. 25. The facts stated above will, I believe, place it beyond doubt that the abkdri adminis- tration of this Presidency has for several years past been conducted on sound principles. The revenue has doubtless increased considerably, but it has been obtained by pushing up taxation and reducing consumption and not by pushing up consumption. The ascertainment of the limit, to which the taxation in the several parts of the Presidency can be carried, is a tentative process and it would be rash to assert that in no instance has a mistake been committed. On the whole, however, there is no reason to think that consumption is now higher than it was 15 years ago, and there is distinct evidence to show that in most parts of the Presidency it is very much less. The assertion, which one sometimes hears to the contrary, is not the result of a pro- per investigation of the conditions of the past or study of comparative statistics, but of a newly awakened consciousness to the evils of drinking in the abstract. It has been truly remarked : " Those who have lately become conscious of certain facts are apt to suppose that they have lately risen. After a changed state of mind has made us observant of occurrences we were before indifEerent to, there often results the belief that such occurrences are more common than they were." I believe that most of the difficulties connected with abkdri administration have now been surmounted and that very little remains to be done beyond persevering in the policy hitherto pursued. The excise system and the tree-tax system must of course be introduced into the remaining portions of the Presidency as quickly as circumstances wiU permit, and when this has been done, and the shops licensed have been reduced to the smallest number possible, consistently with the requirements of the population to be served, and the duty is enhanced from time to time in places, where the consumption shows a tendency to increase, the Government will have done in the way of reducing consumption all that it is possible for it to do. The con- sumption of liquor by the laboring classes fluctuates with the state of the agricultural season from year to year aud in prosperous times shows a tendency to increase. This tendency can be checked only by the diffusion of elementary education among the lower classes. This being so, it is a question for consideration whether a fixed percentage of the increase of revenue (nearly 38 lakhs within the last 5 years) contributed chiefly by the working classes should not be set apart for advancing elementary education. The Government of India now take 75 per cent, of the revenue derived from excise. 26. There are three classes of persons ■^ho condemn the abkdri arrangements in this Presi- dency. The first comprises philanthropists who, being impressed with the evils which the spread of drunkenness has wrought in England, feel anxious lest a similar state of things should be brought about by Government arrangements in India, more especially as religious prejudices among large classes of the population, which formerly told in favour of sobriety, are gradually wearing away. Their fears, so far as this Presidency is concerned, are not well-founded, and if they knew the facts they would doubtless be ready to admit that Government is working in the same direction as themselves. The second class of persons are the distillers and big monopo- lists who have had their enormous profits reduced by the new arrangements. Their dislike to the new order of things is, of course, very natural. The third class are the toddy-drawers and professional distillers who find their hereditary occupation going out of their hands and who have to seek new means of livelihood. They undoubtedly suffer hardship, but it is temporary, and their interests are opposed to those of the general public. Postscript. The above note was written in November 1889 or just two years ago. I will briefly state below what improvements has since been effected in the abkdri administration : — (1) Excluding the agency tracts, the " excise system " {vide para. 14) is in force in about 110,000 square miles out of the 120,000 square miles comprised within the Presidency. (2) The tree-tax system [vide para. 21) has been further extended and it is in force in 28,000 square miles of country. (d) The average rate of duty per gallon of country spirits, proof strength, which was Rs. 2-13-7 in 1875-76 was Ks. 3-15-9 in 1888-89, Rs. 4-2-1 in 1889-90 and Es. 4-6-1 in 1890-91. (4) The consumption of country spirits has fallen considerably during recent years and as compared with 1875-76 the consumption in 1890-91 was only 5 per cent, more notwithstanding an increase of more than 10 per cent, in the population. Millions of proof gallons. 1875-76 1"27 1888-89 1"38 1889-90 1'43 1890-91 1'33 (5) The number of shops both in the towns and in the rural tracts has been enormously reduced. CVlll 1875-76. 1888-89. 1889-90. 1890-91. Country spirit shops { fit/^the Presidency ' ' Z Z ... ::: 899 14,026 524 12,230 Total ... 20,062 17,532 14,925 12,754 Toddy shops ... 19,761 36,180 21,684 19,415 Grand Total ... 39,823 43,712 36,609 32,169 (6) The taxation per head of the poj)ulatio;i of duty on country spirits and on toddy haa increased as shown below ; — Per head of population. 1875-76 1888-89. 1889-90. 1890-91 Country spirits ,. .., ... „-. ... Toddy ES. A. P. 1 10 oil RS. A. P. 2 2 1 10 BS. A. P. 2 6 2 KS. A. P. 2 7 2 4 (V) The revenue derived from country spirits and toddy has increased. In lakhs of rupees. Country Toddy. 1888-89 1889-90 1890-91 46 54 57 40 44 51 Country spirits and toddy combined. Total. 94 103 109 (8) The consumption of imported liquors, including liquors manufactured in the country on the European method, in 1890-91 compares with that in 1875-76 as shown below : — In thousands of gallons. 1875-76. 1890-91. Imported spirits ... Wines Malt liquor ... ... ■ Country brewed beer Total ... 208 102 196 80 203 61 540 379 586 1,183 The above table shows that the consumption of spirits and wines has decreased, while that of malt liquors has considerably increased. Eegarding the causes of the increase Mr. O'Conor in his trade review for 1889-90, says : ■' Various causes in combination may be assigned for this remarkable augmentation. The character of the beer has changed and many are able to drink the lighter qualities now imported who were unable to drink the heavier beers of former years, There has been a great increase in the classes of European population accustomed to drink beer habitually, — artizans, workers in mills and factories, men employed on railways and in land and coasting steamers and so forth. There has also been created a taste for beer among the Madras coolies who work for high wages in Burmah and return annually to Madras with their earnings. The strength of the British army has been largely augmented and the prices of beer have materially fallen. But it is hardly likely that these causes alone can have brought about such a sudden developmept in consumption, and the most effectual cause may perhaps be sought in competition. The English brewers keenly felt the competition of the German and Austrian brewers, and actively sought to retain a market which seemed to be under-, mined from without by continental and from within by Indian beer." The total population of the Presidency has increased b^ 10 per cent, since 1871 and the European and Eurasian population by 1 1'4 per cent. (9) On the whole, there has been great decrease in consumption by the introduction of the f ' excise system," and the assertion that drunkenness is spreading is entirely wi^Jiouti foundation so f^r ^s t^is Presidency is concerned, CIX (h) 1. — Statement showing the Number of Offences reported in 1850 and 1890. 1850. 1890. 1. OfEences against person — articulars are not available. 54 ex (i.) — Statement showing the incidence of taxation in the Madran Presidency. Heads of revenue. Gross revenue in lakhs of rupees. 1852-53. 1872-73. 1889-90. Incidence per head of the population. 1852-53. 1872-73. 1889-90. Land revenue, including receipts from Forests and Tobacco monopoly Provincial rates, including Municipal taxation ... Salt Excise (including Abk&ri and Opium) .. Customs ... ... ... ,.. .. Assessed taxes (Moturpha) Stamps ... , Begistration Total 375-1 50-4 24-2 121 118 4-8 478-4 475-3 75-1 128-5 61-7 39-4 7-3 42-6 3-3 833-2 519 107-9 175-7 114 181 18-3 65 10-3 1028-3 Bs. A. p. 18 3 3 16 9 9 3 ES. A. P. 18 3 3 10 6 6 3 4 2 1 4 2 2 2 1 14 6 2 10 8 ss. A. P. 17 3 4 10 7 11 5 4 9 9 3 5 -2 14 3 Note (1). — The incidence for 1852-53 has been arrived at by assuming the then population of the Presidency to have been 25,000,000. ( j.) — Statement showing the Expenditure of the Madras Presidency in 1889-90 as compared with that in 1849-50. 000 omitted. Items. 1849-50. Items. 1889-90. 1. Land Kevenue, Sayer, Abk&ri and To- ES. 1. Land Eevenue and Abkiri — ES. bacco — (a) Salaries and allowances to the Members (a) Salaries and allowances to the of the Board of Eevenue and Civil Members of the Board of Eevenue, Officers of Account and Andit 404 officers of account, &o. 237 (6) Charges of collecting the revenue, &c. ... 4,217 (b) Charges of collecting the revenues, &c. 4,110 (c) Eevenue Survey and Settlement 930 (c) Purchase and charges of tobacco 265 (d) Land Eecords and Agriculture 56 (S.) Tanjore sinking funds and interest on (e) Inam Commission ... 14 Tanjore bonds ... 493 (/) Allowances to District and TillageOfficers 3,660 (e) Allowances and assignments payable (9) Assignments and compensations 1,240 out of the revenues in accordance {h) Territorial and political pensions 918 with treaties or other engagements... 5,112 Total ... 11,439 Total ... 1- 10,217 2. Customs 3. Salt— 2. Customs 215 212 3. Salt— (a) Salt purchase and freight 168 (a) Purchase of salt 234 (b) Purchase of salt manufacturer's share ... 115 (b) Purchase of salt manufacturer's share. 333 (c) Establishment, contingencies &c. 1,324 (d) Establishment and coutingeneies 233 («) Compensation 13 Total ... 4. Assessed taxes Total ... 813 1,607 4. Assessed taxes 31 5. Forest ... 5. Forest 1,162 248 6. Stamps 50 6. Stamps ... 1. Registration ..4 ... 7. Begistratiou ... 661 8. Mints 100 8. Mints Note.— The figures for 1849-50 have been taken from Appendix il to the report from the Select Committee on Indian territories in 1852. The figures for 1889-90 are taken from the Financial and Eevenue Accounts for that year. CXI (j.) — Statement sliowing the Expenditure of the Madras P residency in 1889-90 as compared with that in 1849-50. 000 omitted — cont. Items. 1849-50. Items. 1889-90. 9. Intereat on loans and deposits including ES. 9. Interest Kg. 80 the Tanjore Redemption Fund 533 10. Post Office 1,395 10. Post Office 434 11. General administration, including charges 11. General administration 8»7 on account of Local Pnnd and Municipal 12. Residents and Political Agents 141 establishments ... ... 1,356 18. Ecclesiastical establishments 292 12. Political Agents 83 14. Education 113 13. Ecclesiastical establishments 347 15. Courts of Law 2,361 14. Education, including Local Fund and 16. Police 977 Municipal expenditure 2,290 17. Jails 15. Courts of Law 4,128 18. Medical (hospitals, &c.) '124 16. Police (public safety) ... 3,987 19. Scientific and minor departments 30 17. Jails 800 20. Pensions, donations to charitable institu- 18. Medical 3,337 tions, &o. ... ... 1,175 19. Scientific and minor departments 350 21. Marine charges 123 20. Pensions, donations to charitable in- 22. Miscellaneous 220 stitutions, &c. 1,350 23. Military charges including buildings 25,247 21. Marine charges ... S3 24. Public Works — 22. Miscellaneous 2,480 (a) Repairs to tanks, &c. 970 23. Military charges including buildings 34,750 (6) Buildings, roads, &c. 719 24. Public Works — (a) Railways, working expenses and capital expenditnre ... 5,021 (b) Buildings and roads 5,813 (c) Irrigation including capital outlay ... 4,574 (d) Establishments, u3 coo i- o o o o CD CO CO 00 O lOOO oo ooo oo ooooo to O O -Xi O 'X> TJ1 o oo oo ooo o a o O O >o CO O O CO o o « « — « cq m -H >-<«» ^ooo OOO ooo ooo oooooo S5 .a 6 f^COOCOOOOOtNOOOOOOi-tOO oo ■^cooi^-eoooDC^r^ooor-ocoiMt-^oD coim mOOOOOOOoooooooooo oo (N (M (M e» CQ (M ^ o oooooo H2 eo CO I ^ o o < oo cooo oo r-<00 coco r-t^QO coo t-cioo oo ooo oo ooo o o 00 M o o O dCO OC4COtO ^ CO NM eo.-ii-H.-( i~( o oo OOOO o OCCTi4<00000 o ooooooo ■ CO OOO oHO o o ooo CO CO o o O t^ CO ooo O CD O O CO CO (M us CO .-" o o o o o O CO CD CD O CO o o o o o o o p'-^OO coo ■— 'COO OCOO eOOCD ^o ■^-^cD«i5 usco eoto»o lOKSco ■^r^^o i--co ^ooo oo ooo ooo OOO oo CM O O CO O O 00 1-H .W— «COOCO CD t— • d ^-t-« OOc^ oo fhO^^O»-( tH o o oo ooo oo ooooo o Cc] >0 I- ■— I ai 1— ■ -— OiOS-* 00 0OCiT*< oo «? 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