(Qarnell Hnitteraitg Cibratg Stifata, ^eta fork JK.Y\o*v>J.V«oUlS DS 843.S45"'" ""'""""' "■'*""' ''^'*Miiiii'mniirilStiii""''*'''*'<'"9s and world 3 1924 023 ^gf'VoS || Cornell University J Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924023497708 Japan : Her Vast Undertakings and World Expansion A Series of Articles by LOUIS SEIBOLD Staff Correspondent of The New York Herald, who made a Study of Conditions in the Far East Reprinted From The New York Herald Copyright The New York Herald 1921 •/• ! Y lis' Arrangement of the Articles First Article Japan's Growth and Position. Second Article Japan in China and" Shantung. ' ^ Third Article Development op Japan's Navy. Fourth Article- Japan's General Staff and Army. ■> Fifth Article Effects of Anti-Japanese Demonstrations. , Sixth Article Japan's Interest in United States Plans. Seventh Article Business Conditions in Japan. Eighth Article The Labor Situation. I ^ Ninth Article Japan and the "Open Door." Tenth Article Japan in the Pacific. Eleventh Article The Anglo-Japanese Alliance. Twelfth Article - Japan's War Balance Sheet. Thirteenth Article Japan's Side of the Case. Fourteenth Article Japan and the Washington Conference. Fifteenth Article Japan and the Armament Question, Sixteenth Article What Japan has done in Korea. Seventeenth Article Korean Antipathy of Japan. Eighteenth Article.- Japan and the Foreigner. Nineteenth Article The Emperor and Crown Prince. Twentieth Article Japanese Women — and the Geisha. Twenty-first Article ..The Picture Side of Japan. Twenty-second Article Intimate Sketches of Japanese Life. Foreword The articles included in this volume were written by Mr. Louis Seibold at Tokyo, Yokahoma and other places in Japan and at Seoul, Korea, in August and September, 1921. Mr. Seibold was commissioned by The New York Herald to personally investigate and study conditions in Japan and on the Asiatic Mainland with a view of placing before the American people a comprehensive narrative regarding Far Eastern matters. Mr. Seibold was instructed to write a pen picture of the Japan of 1921, to secure and present all of the'facts and figures relating to her domestic and Asiatic problems, her ambition for a larger place in the affairs of the world, for economic expansion and the methods adopted by the Japanese government in accomplishing these purposes. Mr. Seibold also made a study of the more intimate features of Japanese life which are embraced in a series of sketches in this volume. The purpose of The New York Herald in sending Mr. Seibold to the Far East was to inform the people of the United States on Far Eastern conditions existing on the eve of the Conference on the Limitation of Armaments and for the discussion of Pacific and Far Eastern affairs which assembled in Washington on November 12 on the invitation of the President of the United States. This Conference was attended by delegates from the United States, the British Empire, the Republic of France, the Kingdom of Italy, the Kingdom of The Netherlands, the Kingdom of Belgium, the Republic of Portugal, the Empire of Japan and the Northern Republic of China, the capitol of which is at Pekin. The Conference resulted in the negotiation and signing of treaties providing for the limitation of naval armaments, a naval building holiday of ten years, the status quo of fortifications in the Pacific ocean, an agreement between the United States, Great Britain, France and Japan to respect each others "insular dominions and possessions'' in the region of the Pacific and a nine-power treaty pledging the participants in the Conference to lend a helping hand to China, to make the "Open Door" a reality and abolish the "Spheres of Influence" which had favored foreign countries at the expense of China. The accompanying articles were published in The New York Herald beginning on September 26, 1921, and continued for some weeks. They appeared simultaneously in a large number of newspapers in all parts of the United States, in European countries, in Japan and China, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South America. The articles were reproduced in a phamphlet which was widely circulated throughout the world, with the complements of The New York Herald. Japan's Growth and Position To-day [From the New York Herald of September 26.] ToKio, Sept. 8.— The most fasc'nat- ing romance of the Far East possesses few of the sentimental, poetical, pic- turesque or highly spiced features that appeal to popular imagination in the Western World. It is more correctly reflected in the amazing growth of the Imperial Empire of Japan, which, within seventy years, has developed into one of the five most important Powers on the globe. And what is more astounding than any other phase of Japan's progress toward political, military and economic supremacy is the tremendous advances the empire has made during the last eighteen years. To-day it is at once the last stand of reactionary imperial- ism in the world and the most dis- turbing influence in international politics. It is the one nation, in fact, whose outstanding industry is mili- tarism. Hemmed in by the narrowing cir- cle of Tjniversal revolt against mili- tarism. Japan, to avoid destruction of her power in the Far East and in the Pacific Ocean, is manifestly preparing to resist every form of pressure that may be employed to deprive her of the substantial benefits of her diplomacy, her military prestige, her political in- triguing with the Governments of her less capable neighbors and her unre- lenting struggle for economic expan- sion prosecuted without regard for the rights of less aggressive peoples. This does not mean that Japan seeks war with any Power, for she still hopes that the subtle processes of diplomacy will avoid such a calamity. But it does mean that Japan, deter- mined to hold on to what she has won ?i'ith the gun and the sword, knows hat she will either have to fight against any curtailment of her am- bitions and her necessities or siabmit to conditions that will reduce her to the status of a second rate Power. Every move made by the Mikado's Government in approaching the arm- ament conference advocated by Presi- dent Harding is viewed by the poli- tical and diplomatic observers of other countries as indicating grim deter- mination to oppose vigorously any at- tempt to take from her the tremen- dous advantages she has won in her struggle to provide her people with an opportunity to exist under more fa- yorable conditions than are now possi- We, as also to perpetuate her control n Asia, and in the Pacific. The attitude of the Japanese Gov- ernment toward the armament con- ference is viewed by foreign observers here at Tokio as of less Importance than its obvious purpose to prevent the reformation of the world's stand- ards from going any further. A great many of the leading men of the em- pire, as well as some of the most in- fluential journals, have come out squarely in favor of cooperating in the move for an agreement to limit arma- ments. The military party, however, which is in control, has not up to date been influenced by the growing senti- ment in favor of disarmament or by the outspoken advocacy of it by the leaders of the trade unions, which adopted resolutions urging the Gov- ernment to assent to the American suggestion. The Tokio Government is running true to form by approaching the proj- ect with the utmost caution, though there is scarcely any doubt but that it will be compelled to play the game, unless the disarmament movement assumes a wider scope. In this event competent authorities tnel fully Jastl- fled in predicting the insistence by Japan that Great Britain and France (with which Governments she has no quarrels but rather complete sym- pathies) shall be compelled to sur- render the great advantages they have enjoyed in India, China and the Pa- cific if the Japanese are compelled by universal sentiment to abandon the role of dictator In the Far East. It is quite certain that not only the Government but the people of Japan as well will resist any demand that Japan withdraw from the territory she occupies without legal right or the consent of the defenceless populations terrorized by her militaristic policies. To Hold Her Conanests. The Japanese believe that they have won the right to hold on to what they have won. Pride of achievement Is Justification enough in the Japanese mind for the adoption of any pro- gramme to prevent political or eco- nomic humiliation. They review their extraordinary career to prove it. Never an inventive people, the Japanese, who once proudly described themselves as the "Yankees of the Orient," but which appellation has since been disdainfully discarded — have sought through the world and adopted to their own uses every fea- ture of civilized progress the value of which has been established by other nations. These she has employed with be- wildering success, due to the intelli- gence, the willingness to learn and the energies of her people, to whom the desire for education and self-im- provement has become a passion al- most as intense as their devotion to the ancient religious teachings that closely approximate fanaticism. These she has applied with untiring energy at times, through the processes of force, to gratify ambitions of stag- gering magnitude. She has trained her children in the formulas of mod- ern education and has sent her youn? men to study the effective methods that have built up other nations and fit themselves to instruct their less fortunate brothers at home. Every modern device that Japan could not invent she has mastered, and in some respects improved upon. From Germany she borrowed the art of making an army, from England tne skill with which to build her navy, from the United States the best meth- ods for developing her industries and from all of them essential features of her Government, which is wholly im- perialistic, modified by certain features of democracy. Sabstttntlon of Force. Always a warlike people, the Japan- ese have substituted for the more peaceful devices of the great modern governments the force of her military power to acquire territory upon which to live while yet holding entire alle- giance to the Emperor, who is held to be the agent of the Deity, and al- ways ready to make every form of sacrifice to prove it. In doing so the Japanese have ig- nored the national aspirations of her more peaceful neighbors, also strug- gling for the right to live but without the persistence and energy of the Jap- anese themselves. In fighting their way upward the Japanese have tram- pled the rights of these people under the feet of her splendidly organized army or coerced with the modern ar- maments of a thoroughly capable navy, which already ranks third in power and promises ultimately to lead in sea power. The fighting spirit of Japan is seem- ingly as militant to-day as it existed under the savage Shogunates, whom Commodore Perry found engaged in tribal wars in 1854. The Japanese themselves, when in a. more amiable frame of mind toward the United States than they are at present, credit the great American Admiral and diplo- matist with having opened to them the gates of civilization. They date their progress and ascendency from his coming to introduce the benefits of modern methods and devices, in- cluding the uses of electricity, steam and education. Perhaps the most imitative people in all the world, the Japanese, within forty years, have emerged from a state of primitive civilization to one of enlightened progress. But it was not until the end of the last century that her people began to employ the lessons learned since the days of Perry and instanced their ambition to compete with the more experienced and larger nations in the world. The actual modern career of Japan as a Power of the first rank, however, did not actually begin until 1904, just eighteen years ago. It was In that year that the hitherto comparatively obscure Asiatic island empire startled the world by defeating the hitherto urivanquished armies and navies of the Imperial Russian Czar and exact- ed concessions that transformed her overnight into the dominant influence In Asia. In the eighteen years that elapsed between the Japanese-Russian war and the present date, Japan has fur- nished an exhibition of political, dip- lomatic, military, territorial and eco- nomic advancement unparalleled in the history of nations. She has be- come a world Power in every sense of the word and at the present time is the most turbulent and disturbing among them. Through the employment of meth- ods patently modelled on the Prussian system of the HohenzoUerns, she is universally regarded as being the most potential menace to world peace on the globe. Her system of diplomacy, of international intrigue, espionage, of vigilant aggressiveness, of unex- ampled pride almost approaching ar- rogance, has persistently been used to coerce her less warlike neighbors and her unquestioned courage has com- manded respect from nations of great- er numbers and superior resources. Up to the war with Russia, the ter- ritory actually controlled by Japan was only about 100,000 square miles greater than those encompassed with- in the borders of the State of Texas. Within this entirely insufficient do- main a population of 40.000,000-odd people were compelled to flght for an existence under the most depressing conditions. The demand for expan- sion became not only necessary as a matter of military prestige but of ab- solute economic necessity. Frnlts of Chinese War. The Mikado's Government, con- fronted with this most serious of all human problems, began to reach out to find room in which to grow. A one- sided war asiainst huge, illiterate, peaceful, sluggish and unambitious China added the valuable island of Formosa to Japanese territory and gave her the comparatively unimpor- tant Parry group of i.slands, which has since been transformed into a highly developed naval base. The easy victory over China encour- aged Japan to seek further conquest on the Asiatic mainland. Sporadic conflicts between her advance guard of intriguants in Manchuria and the covetous Russians brought about the war which resulted in the humiliation of the great Slav nation and contrib- uted the greatest surprise in the his- tory of modern warfare. While her navies were seeking out and destroying the inadequately equipped and illy manned units of the Russian war fleet, Japan thrust her splendidly organized and managed ar- mies into the mainland of Asia and Invaded and passed through Corea, Manchuria and Mongolia in pretty much the same manner as the forces of the Imperial German Kaiser made a towpath of Belgium. When Japan emerged the victor in the war with Russia she had im- pressed her iron grip on the defence- less northern provinces of China, and by resort to several forms of diplo- matic subterfuge has since retained practical control of all of them. The great world war added not only to the territory of Japan but en- couraged the expansion of her politi- cal, military and economic power over all of northern China and into Siberia, which she has systematically set about reducing to subserviency by the same process she employed in her earlier victories. Barsainlns at Farla. By skilful bargaining and alert and subtle diplomacy she compelled the Paris Peace Conference to grant her mandatory authority over some of the most important islands in the Pacific fringing the equator. Mandatory au- thority in the Far East practically amounts to absolute control. Thus it will be seen that from a flountry controlling but four parcels of valuable real estate in 1903 Japan has added nine others to its holdings since that date and scattered over a wide range of territory from the Arc- tic Circle to the Equator and has more than quadrupled the extent of her original area in mileage. This does not include the vast stretches of waters now practically 3 dominatea by Japan in the Pacific, the China Sea, the Sea of Japan and the Sea of Olcotch. The exact ex- tent of this sea mileage over which the Japanese navies exercise domin- ion would be difficult to estimate, but it probably aggregates more than 1,000,000. In the matter of copulation over which Japan has extended her grip in the regions legitimately acquired or illegally annexed to all Intents and purposes, the Mikado's Government can boast of almost as many people as live in the United States, whereas in 1903 a census of the Japanese Em- dore Roosevelt, who is credited with having practically dictated the terms upon which peace between Japan and Russia was negotiated. The Japanese critics of Mr. Roose- velt assert that his opposition was mainly responsible for depriving Ja- pan of the full fruits of her victory over the Czar's inefficient military establishment. At any rate, Japan has never manifested the admiration for the splendid qualities which en- deared the aggressive American President to the people of our coun- try. But Japan has made the best of Some idea of the extent to which Japan has expanded territorialy since the war with Russia is shown by the following table : AREA. 1903. Japan proper 264,000 sq. ml. Formosa 20,000 sq. ml. Parry group 5,000 sq. ml. Corea Shantung Mongolia Saghallen Siberia Ladrone Islands Caroline Islands Marshall Islands Yap Island Totals 359,000 sq. ml. POPULATION. 1921. 1903. 1921. 264,000 sq. ml. 39,000,000 55,000,000 20,000 sq. ml. 3,000,000 4,000,000 5,000 sq. ml. 5,000 7,000 70,000 sq. mi. 15,000,000 17,000.000 30,000 sq. ml. 4,000,000 363,610 sq. ml. 12,000,000 16,000 sq. ml. 300,000 300,000 sq. ml. 6,000,000 4,000 sq. ml. 15,000 6,000 sq. ml. 60,000 12,000 sq. ml. 80,000 100 sq. ml. 1,000 1.090.710 sq. ml. 57,005,000 98,463.000 pire would probably have disclosed less than one-half of the population of the North American Republic. Japan's First Census. The first satisfactory census of Japan was undertaken only a few months ago and is not considered to have been complete for reasons incident to a new experiment. The censors undertook to enumerate the population of Japan proper, Corea. Formosa and Siberia to show the distribution of the Jap- anese population or native peoples who have come under the control of the Mikado's Government. The total of these four widely separated sec- tions of the Japanese Empire was 78,261,000, living in an area about one-tenth that of the United States. Statistics obtained from Japanese sources further emphasize the as- tounding growth of the empire of Japan since it defeated the Rus- sian armies and navies eighteen years ago. . Some of the Japanese politicians have always contended that their country would .have wrest- ed even greater concessions from de- moralized Russia if it had not been for the intervention of the late Theo- the bargain she drove at Portsmouth by making up for the omissions there under later and more favorable con- ditions. She lias expanded her trade in the Pacific to keep apace with its dominance of Asiatic territory until she now practically controls through the operations of a very well organized merchant marine most of the export and Import trade of the China Sea and has extended it to take those of the Malay Archipelago. She is con- ceded to have developed her control over trade with North China regions into practical monopolies and is now reaching into Siberia. Grofytli of Japanese Trade. The growth of Japanese trade in- terests is pretty clearly revealed by official statistics. In 1913 Japan had but six shipyards of limited tonnage capacity. She now has fifty-seven capa- ble of building cargo carriers equal to any turned out in England, Ger- many, France or the United States. The capital invested in her shipyards in 1913 was $12,775,000, and in 1920 it was $108,525,000. The number of workmen employed in shipyards in 1913 was 26,000, and in 1920 it was 140,000. The tonnage turned out In the former year waa 835,000. Last year it was 3,100,000. A merger of all the provincial ship- yards under Government auspices is now projected, with a. capital oC $250,- 000,000, and the annual product of the merger is expected to approximate 2,500,000 tons. The development of railway sys- tems of Japan furnishes another ex- ample of the tremendous growth of the Sunflower Kingdom. In 1903 the railways, all of which are owned and operated by the Government, ex- tended over about 5,200' miles of terri- tory in Japan proper. The total is now approximately 10,000 miles, in addition to which the Government operates 1,800 miles huilt by the Ger- mans in Shantung and 1,200 miles which it has built in Manchuria un- der a "concession" from the Chinese Government. It also operates several hundred miles of Chinese roads in Mongolia and a few hundred in Si- beria. It has built a compact system of several hundred miles in Formosa and is building a hydro-electric plant on that island for power purposes. Back of all this impressive progress made by the Mikado's people during the last eighteen years is the ever- present military influence, because each feature is organized on the ba- sis of prospective utility for both of- fensive and defensive purposes. Japan in China and in Shantung IFrom the New York Herald of September 27.] Yokohama, Sept. 9. — It is quite pos- sible that the Government of Japan does not wholly deserve the censure directed against it for the disorg-anized and turbulent conditions existing in physically helpless and financially bankrupt China. Perhaps, as some of her leading statesmen assert, Japan has been made the scapegoat for a great many of the acts which have attended the exploitation of the 400,- 000,000 Orientals who populate a ter- ritory only one-quarter larger in area than the United States. There can be little question that Japan, which is a mere territorial pocket borough in comparison, and with only about one-fifth the popula- tion of China, is universally regarded as the chief contributor to the demor- alization of the ancient sluggish and helpless confederation of warring groups that is now a republic in name but still strongly monarchical and re- actionary in thought and habit. The most ardent of Chinese parti- sans admit that that country is a mere baby in the hands of the deter- mined, adroit and resourceful military government of the Mikado. They fur- ther agree that if China is to be saved from disintegration it will be through the help of disinterested outside agen- cies and not because of the friendly pretensions of Japan, which are helo to cloak her real designs for both political and economic domination over China. Diplomats, political leaders and the promoters of vast business interests of worldwide importance rightly or unjustly regard Japan as an avari- cious and not a friendly neighbor of impotent and undeveloped China. So do the Chinese themselves, in whom there is developing a hatred for the Mikado's people strangely at variance with the characteristic benevolence of that race. Keen observers at Tokio, Pokin, Seoul, Mukden, Canton, Shang- hai and Hongkong, to say nothing of the well informed officials in European chancelleries, regard the General Staff of the Japanese army, which dominates all other agencies of the Mikado's Government, as the strong- est single infiuence in China. They know that back of all diplomatic ven- tures affecting China is the clear cut, definite and decisive authority of the Japanese General Staff. Evidence that leaves but little doubt in the impar- tial mind has repeatedly been pro- duced to show that by threats of a punitive character, through the in- sidously conducted propaganda of its wonderful system of espionage and through the debauchery of mercena- ries holding high official positions in the Chinese Government (or Govern- ments) the Japanese military staff has coerced the helpless peoples of ' China time and again. One of the easiest achievements of the Japanese General Staff Is in start- ing revolutions in China for the very obvious purpose of preventing the harmonizing of factional differences and the ultimate consolidation of all elements in a centralized Government. Japanese intrigue at Pekin has pro- voked the fall of more than one Cab- inet; Japanese money is credited with having brought about the betrayal of the Chinese people by their own pub- lic servants; Japanese Influence has been the dominant factor in pro- voking wr.r between the predatory Tuchuns, or military governors, of most of the provinces. China has only recently been treated with an example in this respect. Tuchuns of some of the provinces, 6 who were openly charged with having been provided with money and muni- tions by Japan, have made war among themselves, not that they held any particular grievance against one an- other but because military conflicts of an opera bouffe order provide the easiest way in which to exploit and pluck the helpless peoples of the coun- try, which is an empire in some sec- tions and a republic in others. Two of the Mandarins, who were recognized respectively as Tuchuns of the rival Pekin Government of Hsu and of the Canton Government of Sun Tat-sen, recently threw up their jobs and retired with vast fortunes. One of them took away with him $25,000,000 in an airship which the British Government had loaned to the Pekin Government for training pur- poses. Fevr Mandarins Reslat. To be a Tuchun in China these days carries opportunities to "squeeze," which in the vernacular of New York was once described as "gi'aft," not to be overlooked. Very few of the great Mandarins who exercise the functions and personal prerogatives of Tuchuns have possessed sufficient moral integ- rity to resist the temptation to make "easy money." In the promotion of these ventures Japan, credited with ambitions for supreme sovereignty in the Far East, has contributed a large share. By setting one Tuchun against the other she has not only divided the Chinese people as a whole and split them up into warring groups but has extended the sphere of her military Influence by involving the latter in disputes like those that have toi-n Russia asunder. By withdrawing her consent to the financial consortium, promoted by the United States and Great Britain, Japan has prevented the organization of fabulously rich China on a solid business basis. This she did by asserting her "special rights" over the control of railways In Manchuria promoted by Japanese capital. Every move made by friendly na- tions remote from China to stabilize conditions in that misgoverned coun- try has been balked by the Mikado's Government, at least that is the be- lief which prevails generally through- out the worl.d. The most recent development in this line to add to the long roll of similar achievements is Shantung, though it is not the only one by any means. It is most important, merely because the situation there calls for the exercise of the simplest form of diplomacy and international Integrity. ,Tapan is credited with wanting to hold on to one of the richest regions of China which Germany wrung from that country in settlement of a fake claim. Japan Called to Task. Japan seized upon the opportunity provided by the war between the Cen- tr£il Powers of Europe and the Allied and Associated Governments to win by military conquest the territory which Germany had illegally seized. Japan proceeded immediately not only to take over all the German prop- erties but moved at once to confiscate them to her own use. When the rest of the world recognized the justice of the claim of China to Shantung it called the attention of Japan to her manifest duty. The Mikado's Government expressed its willingness to return to China that which belonged to it. This was more than two years ago. Up to date Japan has not returned Shantung to China. She has offered to negotiate with China the conditions under which it will be returned. China, presumably on the advice of capable international counsellers. has replied that there is nothing to negotiate. She has merely insisted that Japan withdraw her mili- tary forces and her administrative agents and her subjects who are ex- ploiting to their own advantage the resources of Shantung. The fact that the Pekin Govern- ment has not ventured upon more de- cisive steps to compel Japan to keep her word and perform her solemn duty has given rise to the suspicion that the Japanese General Staff and its agents are putting the screws on offi- cials of the Chinese Government whose function it is to move in the matter. In the meantime Japan is making the most of the advantage afforded her for Japanning Shantung and laying the foundation for supreme economic control. Some of the most influential business concerns in Japan have taken over valuable properties in Tsingtau, and are establishing branches of Jap- anese houses for securing the best part of the trade in the Shantung peninsula. Opening Tip Sbantnng. During a recent visit I met on the trains and steamers the emissaries of Japanese houses who admitted that they were engaged in "opening up" Shantung. .Japan interests even now control and operate the railroads, mines and other rich concessions de- veloped by Germany. One of the Jap- anese business men who was return- ing from Tsingtau frankly predicted that within two years "Shantung will be more Japanese than Chinese." He added the Information that it would require several years of adjudication to restore to the original owners the control of some of the most valuable properties in the peninsula which are now held by Japanese. Other impartial authorities with whom I have talked say that universal public sentiment may eventually com- pel Japan to return Shantung to China. But they are quite confident that if she does so China will get little more than an empty title and find that most of the things worth having In Shantung have, by the devious proc- esses of diplomacy and military power in the exercise of which Japan is cred- ited with being adept, been wrung from the rightful owners under one pretext or another. Inquiry at Tokio regarding the sta- tus of the Shantung province is in- variably met with vague and evasive replies. These, in substance, are that it is up to China and not Japan, be- cause Japan is ready to negotiate for the return of the Shantung peninsula and China will not agree to do so. The one definite idea to which China has persistently clung is that there is nothing to negotiate. The record confirms the contention of China rather than that of Japan. The Jap- anese Government assured President Wilson that it did not desire political control over Shantung, but was merely ambitious to "assist in its economic development." There is substantial proof to justify the state- ment that she is proceeding with the economic development of Shantung by compelling the Chinese to sell Jap- anese, through financial interests, the mining and commercial properties, and in some instances these agents, favored by the military authorities, have seized properties without paying for them. Chief Stamtillngr Block. The chief stumbling block in the way of Japan's ambition to secure economic control in Shantung and other parts of China was the attitude of the U. S. Government in advising China not to assent to Group V. in the 21 Points agreement, forced from China by Japan as the price of the latter government's participation in the World Wax- President Wilson, at the behest of Great Britain and other countries, as sented under protest to the acceptance by China of all of the other groups in the twenty-one points agreement, with the exception of group V., which would have given Japan the right to use her military power to promote her eco- nomic ambitions, and, to a very large extent, a, very great influence in shap- ing the political policies of China. The objection of the Washington Government to the group V. clause in the China-Japan agreement was most disconcerting to the Mikado's Govern- ment and has undoubtedly exercised a distinct influence over the relations between the two governments. Japa- nese statesmen have, in fact, declared the attitude of the United States to have been an "international imperti- nence." The belief strongly exists at Pekin and, to some extent, at Tokio that Japan, realizing the instability of her position in Shantung, is preparing to volunteer some "window dressing" in advance of the Washington arma- ment conference. It is expected by competent authorities at both the Chi- nese and Japanese capitals that Japan will comply with the Chinese demand tor the surrender of Shantung, with the maximum of objectionable condi- tions. The fact is that Japan has already paved the way for making it as hard for China as possible by sending a peremptory request to the Pekin Gov- ernment for the payment of approxi- mately $180,000,000, loaned at various times for railroad development. China, which is burdened with a huge pile of debts aggregating $30,000,000,000, wiil probably not be able to repay the 8 Japanese loans, mucli less the stag- gering bill which the Mikado's Gov- ernment will undoubtedly send in for administering affairs In the Shan- tung peninsula. ~ Clrcamstances of the Loana. The loans which Japan insists China must pay forthwith were arranged be- tween the two Governments under cir- cumstances that suggested little credit to either. The Chinese officials who solicited and received the Japanese money have been frequently charged with having extracted a large amount of "squeeze" for their services. Also Japan extorted her percentage of "squeeze" in the way of interests and bonuses. In 1917 Japan loaned to China 6,500,- 000 yen for thirty years at oVi per cent, on the properties of the Kirin- Changohun Railway. It obtained the bonds for 91.50. On January 1, 1918, the Chinese Government borrowed from the Mitsui Bussan Kaisha two loans aggregating 3,000,000 yen at 8 per cent, on a basis of 98, partly se- cured by shares in the Kailan mining administration. Five other loans were made in the same month, one for 10,000,000 yen made by the Yokahama Specie Bank to the Pekln Government at 7 per cent., secured by the salt revenues; another of 2,000,000 yen by a Japanese syndicate to Tanho-Min, the rebel Governor of Hunan, at 7 per cent, and at 94, secured by iron minea at Tai Tingshan and the antimony mines at Shuikoushan; two loans ag- gregating 2,000,000 yen, made to Fu- kien and Chi-li provinces, secured by provincial railroad bonds; 14,000,000 yen at 95, with interest at 7 per cent, and a bonus of 5 per cent., made to the central Government, security not specified; 25,000,000 yen by the Bank of Japan to the Bank of Communica- tions at 7% per cent., secured by treas- ury bonds. In February, 1918, a Japanese syn- dicate loaned to the Shipping Kai- Chengtaitung Railway 2,600,000 yen at 7 per cent., secured by revenues of the road. In April of the same year a Japanese syndicate loaned to the Chinese telegraph administration 20,- 000,000 yen at 9 per cent., secured by properties not already placed. In June of the same year a Japanese syndicate loaned the Kirin-Huaining Railway 20,000,000 yen, secured by the road's property. lUay Seek Mortgase on Shantung. If China is not able to repay these loans Japan will probably insist upon having some sort of a mortgage on Shantung, for the administration of which during the last few years she is expected to send in a fancy bill or make the terms as oppressive as pos- sible. However, China will probably get back Shantung, but when she does it is extremely likely that Shantung will be more Japanese than Chinese as far as trade conditions are concerned. The elements in China that have little confidence in either the Pekin or Can- ton Governments, which they view as mere "rump" enterprises, are looking to the Washington conference to put an end to the intrigues of Japan as well as the operations of the preda- tory Tuchuns, who war upon any form of centralized government and also among themselves. The recent rebellion of the Peking Government against the Canton Gov- ernment was directly credited to the influence of Japan It^ Wu Ting Fang. He openly charged that Japan was supplying arms and ammunition to the Hsu government at Peking. Prominent Chinese business men with whom I have talked openly as- serted that the obstruction and delay in adopting the consortium plan sub- scribed to by Great Britain, France, the United States and Japan was di- rectly due to Japanese diplomacy. Negotiations looking to the assistance of China by banking groups of the four countries was begun back In 1915 and very rapid progress was made toward the accomplishment of the scheme until August two years ago,, when the Japanese Government dis- organized the machinery set up by declaring that it should not relate to nor affect the "special rights and in- terests possessed by Japan In South Manchuria and in eastern Mongolia." The United States and Great Britain vigorously protested against this ex- emption of so-called "special rights and interests of Japan" on the ground that it would destroy the entire pur- pose of the consortium enterprise. The United States expressed "its grave disappointment that the formula proffered by the Japanese Government is in terms so exceedingly ambiguous and in character so Irrevocable that It might be held to indicate the con- tinued desire on the part of the Jap- anese Government to exclude the American, British and French banking groups from participation in the de- velopment, for the benefit of China, of important parts of that Republic." Brltisb Note Almost Identical, The British note was almost identi- cal with that of the American Govern- ment. Japan stubbornly clung to its position that the consortium should have no control in territory where her "special interests" were recognized as existing. T. W. Lament, on behalf of the American group, spent two months in Tokyo last year reasoning with the Japanese Government. In order to secure the acceptance of the consortium plan and the cooperation of that country in promoting it. Great Britain, France and the United States were compelled to assent to the ex- emption of the South Manchurian Railroad, the Kirin-Hueining, the Changchiatun-Taonanfu, the Chang- chun-Taonanfu, the Kaiyuan-Kirin, the Kirin-Changchun, Shiminfu-Muk- den, and the Ssupingkai-Changchiatun railroads, as being "outside the scope of the joint activities of the consor- tium." The Japanese consent was mainly won through the tact and patience of Mr. Lament, who on more than one occasion was compelled to talk pretty plain to the Japanese bankers, if I am correctly iniformed. It is very evident to impartial observers at Tokyo that any steps to make effec- tive the consortium project will have to be provided by the United States, England and France, and that" the attitude of Japan is still censorial and suspiciously critical. Chinese authorities make no bones in charging that the Japanese Gov- ernment has deliberately misrepre- sented the attitude of the United States in interpreting the Ishii-Lan- sing agreement. The Japanese Gov- ernment holds that this agreement recognizes that Japan has "special in- terests" in China by reason of pro- pinquity. Chinese leaders who are not susceptible to the intrigues of either the Peking or Canton Govern- ment declare that the Japanese changed the word "interests" to "ad- vantages" in publishing the text in Chinese, so it was made to appear that the United States recognized the right of Japan to enjoy "superior advan- tages" over other nations In China. The note of Secretary of State Hughes to the Chinese Minister at Washington relative to the Federal Telegraph Company's contract for wireless stations in China was very discouraging to the Mikado's Govern- ment and encouraging to the Chinese, because it proved that the United States did not recognize the right of Japan to any "superior advantages" in the Far East. Outbreaks In Siberia. Chinese citizens who are not sus- ceptible to the influence of the sordid officials of either the Peking or the Canton Governments expect to place before the Washington conference positive proof that Japan has been chiefly instrumental in promoting the sporadic outbreaks of lawless banoh in Manchuria and Mongolia for the purpose of discouraging the Far East- ern Republic, which is attempting to organize a solid Government in Siberia. Tuchuns in some of the northern provinces who have assembled hordes of mercenaries in Mongolia and Man- churia are alleged to have been actu- ally employed by the Japanese Gov- ernment to assist in promoting the ambitions of the Japanese General Staff to compel the leaders of the Far Eastern Republic to submit to the dic- tates of the Japanese military forces. That part of China which views the officials of its dual central Govern- ment with almost as much suspicion as they do the Japanese is resorting to several forms of reprisal against both. A general boycott of Japanese made goods has been progressing in the south China provinces for nearly a year, and is said to be starting in the northern region. Chinese mer- chants have refused to ship their goods in Japanese bottoms. During one of the farce comedy bat- tles between two warring Tuchuns early in August the troops of both fired on a Japanese passenger and freight ship in the Tangtsze-Kiang River. The belligerent armies, how- ever, have so far respected the rights of the foreign missions and, in one or two Instances, have provided guards to protect them from stray shots when 10 the warring "armies" were fighting in the vicinity. The Japanese are credited with (or blamed for) encouraging the revival of opium smoking among the Chinese in the northern provinces despite the (ban- ning of it by the Chinese Govern- ments. The practice is said to be as- suming the proportions of ancient days, and "bootlegging" has not only come to be a recognized institution but Is, In fact, licensed and taxed by some of the predatory Tuchuns, who openly express contempt for the au- thority of both the Pekin and Canton Governments. Illicit Opinm Traffic. Chinese leaders who deplore the re- vival of opium smoking do not hesi- tate to charge that the Japanese are encouraging the cultivation of the poppy and the manufacture of opium in Corea, Manchuria and Mongolia. Most of the "bootlegging" is said to be done by the Coreans and women among the tribes of Russian regions contiguous to China. Some of the Tuchuns are said to be supporting their armies from the proceeds of the tax on the illicit opium traffic. The stability of the Pekin and Can- ton Governments has been seriously jeopardized by two factors that have cropped up unexpectedly in both the north and south regions. The Pekin Government has been (verbally) as- sailed by a new combination of man- darins controlled by Chang Tso-L.in, who resigned his job as Inspector- General of Manchuria, "subjugator of Mongolia" and one of the chief de- pendencies of the Pekin Government. Chanir Tso-l-iln is said to have be- come so rich through the application of the "squeeze" (graft) that he was ambitious to establish a central Gov- ernment of his own. He is credited with having raised, a large army by spending part of his "squeeze" for the ultimate purpose of setting up an Independent kingdom consisting of Manchuria and Mongolia, which would constitute an equal menace to China, Russia and Japan. The Pekin Gov- ernment claims to control the prov- inces of Chlhll, Hupeh, Kiangfu, An- hui, KIngsl, Shensl, Shansi, Kansu, Shangtung and Honan. The fact of the matter Is tl-at the Tuchuns of these provinces are altogether inde- pendent of Pekin and are aligned to it only for reasons of expediency and personal profit. President Hsu, who heads the Pekin Government, has made satisfactory bargains with them contingent upon putting the Kuomlng (Cantonese) Government of Sun Yat Sen out of business. Canton GoTernment. The real power behind the Canton Government is Gen. Chun-Ling, who is described as a man of progressive ambitions. The Canton Government is administered by a Cabinet, in which there are several men who were edu- cated In the United States and Europe. Dr. Sun's Government counts on the support of Kwantung, Kwangsi, Tu- nan, Kweishow, Szechuan and Hunan. There Is a fourth group of provinces in the southern region which Is play- ing pretty much the same game as the Manchurlan and Mongolian combina- tion organized by the powerful Chang Tso-Lin. This is composed of Checking and Fukien. Of course as far as Ori- ental politics Is concerned, one guess is as good as another. The opinion which appears to be the most gener- ally accepted, however, is that eventu- ally the Sun Yat Sen Government will provide the foundation for any central Government that may be formed. Fairly reasonable estimates place the number of men under arms in China at 1,500,000. These are split up into so-called small armies, organized by the Tuchuns and super Tuchuns. Probably not one-fifth of the entire number of the Chinese warriors are equipped with the modern implements of warfare, fome of them, in fact, are armed with clubs and ancient fowling pieces. The Tuchuns, en- gaged in feathering their own nests, are continually demanding money from the so-called Pekin and Canton Governments with which to purchase Improved equipment. A few of the Tuchuns are charged with having used funds raised to re- lieve the condition of victims of the rice famine of last year for military purposes. One Tuchun recently ap- pealed to the Pekin Government for funds to buy fishing rods and bait for his soldiers so that they might partly support themselves when not fighting. In a recent Hupeh-Hunan battle (?) some of the Hupehite soldiers carried umbrellas Into the skirmish. 11 The Development of Japan's Navy iFrom the New York Herald of September 28.] ToKio, Sept. 10. — Regardless of the possible decision of the Great Powers to "take a vacation" in the building of battleships, Japan does not propose to be caught napping by any of her com- petitors. The "Eight-Eight" pro- gramme decided upon by the Mikado's Government several years ago is to be carried out joist as if the statesmen of the world had never given a thought to the limitation of arma- ments as the most progressive step toward the establishment of world peace. The largest item in the annual bud- get of the Japanese Empire for sev- eral years has been for army and navy purposes. The budget of 1921-22 calls for 1,562,000,000 yen, or the equivalent of $800,000,000 in American money. Of this amount 549,000,000 yen are set aside for the navy, representing a total of 32 per cent, of the total ex- penditures of the Government. The army estimates call for 263,00,000 yen, making a total for the navy and army of 762,000,000 yen, or 49 per' cent, of the entire budget. This is larger than was the German budget in 1914, which provided a total ot 31 per cent, of budget appropria- tions for both navy and army, or 1 per cent, less than the present Jap- anese appropriation for the navy alone. The provision for the Ameri- can navy is 7 per cent, and that of England 6.7 per cent, of the total, with a greater purchasing power in favor of the yen. Another striking feature of the Jap- anese naval budget is that 55 per cent, of the appropriations for that branch of the service is to be expended on new construction and represents 17.5 per cent, of all the taxese paid by the people. The Japanese figures for new construction are 272,000,000 yen; that of the United States, 180,000,000 yen, with Great Britain's provision 126,- 000,000 yen. It will thus be seen that Japan is spending one-half as much again In building new warships ae the United States and twice as much as that called for in the building pro- gramme of Great Britain. The Japanese naval programme for the next two years has already 'been fully mapped out in accordance with the systematic policy established by the Government twelve -years ago. The Japanese navy for the next dozen years at least will be projected on a higher plane of efficiency than that of any other Government in the world for the control of waters over which the Japanese Government proposes to exercise supreme domination. There is a great deal more mystery — at least much less publicity — sur- rounding the actual naval plans of the Mikado's Government than Is true of any other country In the world. Knowledge of these plans is restricted to the leaders of the Government it- self. Beyond the bureaucrats, who guard the plans of the naval estab- lishment from inquisitive eyes, little or no information is permitted to And its way into the newspapers or fur- nish the subject for controversy in public discussion among the people. The thoroughly disciplined Japanese people limit their interest in the mat- ter to expressing confidence in the ability of the Government to provide adequate offensive and defensive measures and pride In the past accom- plishments of their fighting ships. The technical men of the Japanese naval establishment are much more con- cerned over the plans of the United States than regarding those of any other country in the world. Diplomats and business men are quite certain 12 that every step taken by the Japanese Government regarding Its navy is predicated upon the belief of tlie offi- cials of the Mikado's Government that the greatest menace to the plans for expansion lies to the east over the Pacific. Consequently the utmost vigilance is manifested by the Japanese eyes to search for every detail that will prob- ably be Ignored by the American citi- zens regarding the naval plans of their own country. Budget EJanlvalent to $660,000,000 Japanese politicians and navaJ of- ficials still continue to harp upon the disparity between the naval appro- priations made to cover the next two years' construction by the United States and their own country. They instance the fact that the United States has provided more than $400,- 000,000 to increase the efficiency of its naval establishment, while Japan has limited its naval budget to 500,000,000 yen, normally equivalent to $250,- 000,000. They fail, however, to point out the fact that 500,000,000 yen will provide the equivalent of $650,000,000 in material and labor, particularly the latter, because a Japanese workman engaged in the making of fighting ships receives only about one-third as much as the American artisan sim- ilarly employod, while Japanese officers and sailormen receive only about one- fourth as much as officers and men employed in the American navy. The Japanese experts figure that the comparative product of the United States and Japan in the way of new capital fighting ships in the next twu years will add ten vessels with a ton- nage of 300.100 to the American navy and nine ships, with a tonnage of 267,520 to the Japanese navy. This compilation does not include capital ships mounting guns of less than 13.5- inch calibre. The view obtains among Japanese experts that the difference in this feature of the new programmes is nominal rather than actual, because of the larger responsibilities confront- ing the American navy. Japan's field of activities, barring, of course, actual war, is far less am- bitious than that of either the British or the American navy. The whole Japanese structure is built upon the theory of defence— the "protection of Japanese interests in the Far East," as one of the leading journals of Tokio described it a few days ago. Hence, the Japanese naval scheme compre- hends the guarding of interests in the Par East already established by it rather than upon aggressions of a for- eign character. Still, Japan Is mani- festly determined to hold its place in the forefront of the five leading naval powers of the world. Its naval experts have studied the prospective situation from every angle. A Two FoTver Bfflctency. Their conclusions warrant the be- lief that the Mikado's Government must have : 1. A sufficient number of capi- tal ships to match the most am- bitious undertakings of Great Brit- ain and the United States in the matter of efficiency, if not in num- bers. 2. That the "protection" of Jap- anese interests in the Far East can be adequately provided by a suf- ficient number of fast battle cruisers, torpedo boats and an air force, leaving the capital ships available for major service. Japanese naval authorities, presum- ably realizing the difficulties of keeping entirely secret their plans for building fighting craft of a capital type, do not appear to have encountered very much trouble in hiding their programme covering scout cruisers, torpedo boats, submarines and the air branch of the navy, from alien eyes. Frank admis- sion is made by the Japanese naval authorities that the new programme, already initiated and to be completed in 1928, contemplates the provision of eight battleships and eight battle cruisers, making sixteen of the types identified in England as "post-Jutland ships." Each one of the new Japanese capital craft is expected to involve an expenditure of a, minimum of $15,000,- 000 American money. Some idea of the ambitious plans of the Japanese naval establishment is provided by the design which has been adopted for the construction of the capital ships. None of the vessels con- templated by Great Britain or the United States can be compared to the two distinct Japanese types which have been decided on. These are the Kaga, undei- progress of construction 13 at the Kawasaki's yard at Kobe, and the Tosa, at the yard of the Mitsubishi, at NagasaM. Until very recently these new fight- ing monsters were thought to be of the type of the Nagato, which is one of the world's most powerful warships Recent developments, however, have brought to light the fact that the Kaga and Tosa wUl be at least 7,000 tons larger and have a minimum of 27 per cent, greater gun power. The only fighting ships in the American navy that can be compa.-ed to the Kaga and Tosa are those of the Colorado class now under construction. The Colorado type are 620 feet long, with a normal displacement of 32,600 tons, capable of making twenty-one knots and equipped with a main battery of eight 16 inch .45 calibre guns, firing a shell weigh- ing 2,098 pounds. The Kaga and Tosa types will bo 700 feet long, with a normal displace- ment of 41,000 tons, capable of making twenty-three knots and equipped with a main battery of ten 16 inch .45 cali- bre guns, firing a projectile weighing 2,460 pounds. The weight of a broad- side from the Colorado will be 16,784 pounds, as against 24,600 pounds for the Kaga and Tosa type. against the defects disclosed at the battle of Jutland, which is universally held to have provided the best com- parative test for capital fighting craft in the history of naval warfare. Of the star ships in the American and Japanese navies at the present time the U. S. S. Maryland and His Im- perial Majesty's Nagato hold first honors. Both are destined to play an important part in future manoeuvring in the Pacific. The Maryland is the most powerful ship yet constructed in the States and Is soon to go into commission. She will be the first ship of the United States Navy to carry 16-inch guns. The Nagato, which is already In com- mission, is equipped with guns of this calibre and is considered by experts throughout the world as having a shade of the'better over her American rival in the matter of speed and arma- ment. The Maryland is one of the four smaller vessels provided by the 1916 building programme, carrying eight 16-inch and fourteen 5-inch guns, while the Nagato carries eight 16-inch and twenty 5-inch guns. Compari- sona between the two reveal the fol- lowing essential points of difference: Guns, Guns. Torpedo Length. Tonnage. Speed. M. B. S. B. Tubes. Nagato 660 ft. 33,800 tons 23.5 knots 8 16-inch 10 5-lnoh 8 Maryland 600 ft 33,590 tons 21.0 knots 8 16-lnch 14 5-inch 2 According to the best information obtainable, the new Japanese fighting capital ships will be equipped with de- vices that will render them almost im- pervious to attacks from the air. Five turrets containing two guns each, mounted on the centre line of the Jap- anese ships, will provide placements for the main batteries. The secondary batteries will consist of twenty 5.5- inch 50-calibre guns, with an anti-air- craft battery of four 50-calibre 3-inch guns on high-angle mounts. The tor- pedo battery will include four decks and four submerged 21-inch torpedo tubes, while the latest American types will have only two 21-inch torpedo tubes submerged. The Kaga and Tosa types will be turbine, with bunker ca- pacity for crossing the Pacific three times without refueling. TXa.sa.to and Maryland Compared. In the construction of these ships the Japanese experts have provided The superiority of the Nagato is shown by these figures, which may be accepted as official. Japanese critics of the American Navy laconically com- ment that while we are heralding the superiority of battle cruisers of the Lexington type Japan "is quietly going ahead with its modest programme." constructing eight battle cruisers equally powerful and armed with 16-inch weapons, if not 18-inch. The fact is pretty clearly established that Japan has successfully experimented in building 18-inch guns, and it is be- lieved these will be installed upon ships to match our South Dakota type. It is a singular circumstance that discussion among Japanese Govern- ment officials regarding disarmament plans invariably brings up a compari- son between Japan and the United States and leaves England, France and Italy entirely out of the reckon- ing. Japanese officials and writers with 14 whom I have talked in Tokio assert, however, that ili making these com- parisons there is "no thought that there will ever be trouble between the two countries," and that the compari- sons are merely cited to show the wonderful progress made in naval con- struction by the Japanese Govern- ment. Ambition as to Vapltal Sblps. The Japanese comparisons are made on the assumption that the United States will "take a vacation" in naval construction upon the completion of the 1916 building programme. The fol- lowing table obtained from Japanese sources shows the extent of the Japa- nese ambition in the matter of capital ships, dates of completion, of course, being estiroated: STJPERDREADNOUGHTS. Vessel. Laid down. Commissioned. Tonnage. Nagato.. Aug. 1917 May 1920 33,800 Mutsu.. June 1918 June 1921 33,800 Kaga... . June 1920 1923 40,000 Tosa... . Feb. 1920 1922 (about) 40,000 Owarl. 1922 1925 Kll 1923 1925 .... No. 7 . 1924 1927 .... No. 8 . 1925 1927 BATTIiE CRUISERS. Vessel. Laid down. Commissioned Tonnage, Amagl. Dec. 1920 1923 44,000 Akagl.. Dec. 1920 1923 44.000 Talcao.. 1922 1923 Atago.. 1922 1925 No. 5 . 1923 1926 No. fi . 1924 1926 No. 7 . 1925 1928 No. 8 . 1926 1928 The Nagato and Mutsu are present units of the Japanese navy. Each Is larger than any ship the United States navy will have until the first of the South Dakota class are commissioned, probably in 1923. The Japanese ex- perts claim that In 1928 many of the United States dreadnoughts in com- mission will have passed "the eight year mark" and will have to be rele- gated to the second line. A recent table published by the Jiji Shimpo is valuable as forming the basis of com- parison of the "first line fleet" of the United States and Japan. The figures compare the two fleets as they are at present and as they will be at the end of 1923 upon the completion of the American 1916 programme, and at the end of 1927, when it is assumed the "eight-eight" programme of Japan will have been accomplished. In the matter, of capital ships the Japanese flgures quoted show that the United States has 10 and Japan 9, that in 1923 the United States will have 25 and Japan 9, that In 1927 the United States will have 18 and Japan 16. Llsbt Crnlsers and Destroyers. Of light cruisers the United States had none in 1921. while Japan has two already in commission and four ap- proaching completion; in 1923 the United States will have 10 and Japan 13, and in 1927 the United States will have 10 and Japan 23. Of destroyers the United States has 258 in 1921 and Japan 38, in 1923 the United States will have 305 and Japan 74; but the Japanese experts figure that 185 of the United States destroy- ers will be obsolete in 1927, when their flgures show the United States will have 120 and Japan 73. No figures are available regarding the number of submarines that Japan has now actually in commission or that it contemplates building before 1927. The Japanese figures, however, give the United States 24 at present, 63 in 1923 and 60 in Japan. The flg- ures for America are misleading, for the reason that the Japanese estimates are based upon the assumption that most of the present American sub- marines will be obsolete by 1925. In making their estimates for future comparisons the Japanese disregard the American fleet of battleships al- ready in commission, with the excep- tion of the California and Tennessee. They figure that these two vessels will not have become obsolete and sent to the second line by 1927. A comparison between the units of the battleships of the two countries matches them up in this way: BATTLESHIPS. UNITED STATES. JAPAN. California. Nagato. Tennessee. Mutsu. Maryland. Kaga. Colorado. Tosa. Washington. Owarl. West Virginia. Kil. South Dakota. No. 7. North Carolina. No. 8. Montana. 8 battleships. Massachusetts. Iowa. Indiana. 12 battleships. Discarding the Tennessee and Cali- fornia, both fleets will consist of 16- inch gun ships, but some of Japan's will probably carry 18-inch guns. A comparison between the battle cruiser 15 fleets of the two countries shows their relative strength to be: UNITED STATES. JAPAN. Constellation. Akagi. Constitution. Ama&I. Lexington. Atago. Ranger. Takao. Saratoga. No. 5. United States. No. 6. No. 7. No. 8. United States six battle cruisers. Tapan eight battle cruisers. The eight Japanese battle cruisers will be equal in power to the six which the United States will have, and sur- passing them with 18-inch guns and the most recently constructed, thus giving Japan an undoubted advan- tage. The "eight-eight" plan of the Jap- anese navy was devised before the 1916 programme of the United States, and that leads to the question "for what purpose is Japan building this great fleet?" It is certainly not for the war with Germany, as the Japa- nese programme could not be com- pleted in time to be of any use in that war. As interpreted in official circles at Tokio, the naval programme of the Mikado's Government was adopted as a matter of permanent policy and des- tined to place it at the top of nations and in position to dictate in the Pa- cific if it became necessary. The whole Japanese naval pro- gramme has been, as said, predicated on the theory that the life of a fight- ing ship is limited to eight years. The United States Navy to-day holds a de- cided naval advantage over the Japa- nese and, unless the American 1916 . programme is abandoned, will con- tinue to hold it until 1928. But after that, the American advantage will not be materially increased, but will rather be decreased, even though the second rate ships are included in the first line. In any event, Japan's "eight- eight" programme will at least match our navy, ship for ship, and in the final stage of the building programme will outmatch them. The Japanese experts are confident that the United States will "take a va- cation" with the completion of the 1916 building programme. The pres- ent Japanese plan does not contem- plate any "vacation." The "eight- eight" programme is the irreducible Japanese programme, and there is ap- parently no thought in the mind of the Japanese naval officials of curtail- ing it in response to the movement set in motion by President Harding. Great Britain has not a ship in its entire navy which can compare to the Japanese battleships Nagato and Mutsu, or the United States ship Maryland, with the possible exception of the Hood, which is a battle cruiser and not in the same class with the Japanese battleships named. The largest gun in the British navy is the 15-inch, the Royal Sovereign class carrying eight 15-inch guns of 42 calibre. These 15-inch guns are ho more powerful than the high powered 14-inch of 50 calibre, which have a wider range and a greater power of penetration. The calibre of the Japanese guns will have a considerable bearing upon the equality of their ships with those of the United States Navy. The Nagato and Mutsu are equipped with 16-inch 45 calibre guns, the same as American ships of the Maryland type. Vastly Greater Gun Povrer. The Japanese battle cruisers Amagi and Akagi will carry twelve 16-inch guns and the Atago and the Takao eight IS-inch guns, according to very definite information. This will give the Amagi and Akagi four more such weapons than will be carried by any of the six battle cruisers now under construction in the United States, which will carry eight only. And if Japan intends to place 18-inch guns on the Atago and Takao there is every reason to believe that she will place them upon other battleships to be built by her. This will give her a gun power vastly superior to that of the American ships under construction, the figures giving the Japanese ships a total broadside of 358,656 pounds, fired from eighty-four 16-inch and sixty-four 18-inch weapons, as against 311,296 pounds fired by the sixteen American vessels of the 1916 pro- gramme fromi 152 16-inch guns. Details as to material, design and technical information regarding the construction of Japanese naval ves- sels are difficult to obtain, while in- formation and even drawings of Ameri- can naval ships are released far in ad- vance. The Japanese Government of- ficials are extremely reticent in giving out information regarding any fea- tures of the naval programme. This is notably true of the submarine fleet, which constitute an excellent means of coast defence for the island empire. Naval experts throughout the world agree that the Japanese are not as efficient in the use of submarines and aircraft as people of other nations, though one branch of the Mikado's navy is conducting an intensive study into the methods in other countries in both branches of the service. There appears to be some justification for the criticism of Japanese facility in mastering the construction and opera- tion of both submarines and aircraft. A few months ago one hundred Eng- lish instructors were retained to coach the personnel of the Japanese air forces in both construction and man- ipulation of seaplanes. Japanese fliers have not attained the perfection reached in other countries. This prob- ably explains the popularity of Siameso fliers, who have been brought to Japan and offered inducements of a material character to enlist in the flying ser- vice of the Mikado's Government. It is understood that there are more than two hundred Siamese engaged in this service. 17 Japan's General Staff and Army [From the New York Herald of September 29.] ToKio, Sept. 11. — The naval pro- gramme of Japan is no more ambi- tious than that which is provided for the development of the army. The fact is that the Mikado, the Genro, composed of the "Elder Statesmen" and politicians, who still cling to the archaic forme of feudalism, place greater dependence on their land forces as a means of national defence than they do on their navy, of which they are greatly proud. The reason for this is that sea pow- er still remains largely an experi- ment the value of which has not been fully determined. For several centu- ries, however, the tribal chieftains, the warring Shoguns and the leaders of the many clans counted on their war- riors to defend not only their per- sonal interests but their trade with the world. In this respect Japan has not changed a great deal. The Mikado himself depends largely on his army, and the army dictates the policies of Japan, both foreign and domestic. To niy mind the most interesting building at the Japanese capital is the modest stone edifice, more typically German than Japanese in architec- ture, which shelters the General Staff of the Japanese army — an-d Govern- ment. And not the least interesting man in the Empire, in my way of thinking, is Field Marshal Uyehara, the chief of the General Staff, because in the last analysis it is this seasoned warrior and politician who really con- trols the military destinies of the land of the sunflower and chrysanthemum. It is the General Staff and not the Minister of War that ultimately for- mulates the decisions of the Cabinet and dictates the phrases of the im- perial edicts. This fact has been pretty clearly es- tablished during the agitation over the Japanese policy in Siberia. Premier Hara and other leading men in the Government, including Gen. Tanaka, until recently Minister of War, as well as a large number of the leading poli- ticians and business men of the em- pire have favored the unconditional withdrawal of the Japanese military forces (estimated at 40,000, though there is no definite information on the subject) in Siberia. The veto of this plan, which has been advocated by the people of a great many countries in the world, notably the United States, was not provided by the Emperor himself but by the General Staff of the Japanese army, which is conceded to exercise a larger degree of influence over the titular ruler of nearly 100,000,000 willing and unwilling subjects than any of the other agencies of his Government. It is the General Staff that formu- lates and executes the military policies of the Japanese Government in China, in Corea, in Manchuria, in northern Saghalien and in Siberia. It Is the General Staff that really directs the various forms of propaganda, military, economic and political, that result In sporadic revolutions and tear the dis organized Government of China to pieces. It is the Japanese General Staff that applies the screws to the people in Siberia, East Mongolia, Manchuria, Corea and Shantung to compel them to grant to the Mikado's Government "concessions" which virtually carry complete control. Predictions of the overthrow of the power of the mili- tary party in Japan have been as fre- quent as prophecies regarding the re- tirement of William Jennings Bryan from politics in America. Some day It probably will be over- thrown by the rising tide of democ- 18 racy, which Is showing remarkable and unexpected growth among vari- ous elements of the population, now clamoring for disarmament and the adoption of more progressive, peaceful policies than have characterized the history of the Sunflower Kingdom for several centuries. The military party may be over- thrown in Japan as a result of the seething unrest among the people, burdened with taxes to support an army and navy out of all proportion to the population and their legitimate ambition for growth and expansion. But the closest students of conditions and events that are not disclosed to the casual eye agree that the time is not yet and that the collapse of mili- tary control will go hand in hand with the renunciation of imperialism, which is the only form of government the Japanese know anything about. The General Staff and its ever pres- ent war policies will take care of any effort to dispel the illusion of the peo- ple that the Emperor himself is de- scended direct from the Deity, and to question his authority or motives is the apotheosis of sacrilege. It is from this situation, which involves a curi- ous mixture of religion and patriotism difficult for the Occidental mind to comprehend, that the General Staff derives Its power. It constantly flaunts the slogan that no sacrifice is too big for a son or daughter of Nip- pon to make for the Emperor, over whom, as said, the military party ex- ercises complete and almost exclusive control. So it Is that the final au- thority over the policies of Japan Is practically vested in the military party, which means the General Staff. The ambitions of the diplomats and of the civil officials of the Government are always subject to the vise or veto of the technical board of control in the army. Its attitude toward these branches of the Government, which are coordinate only in theory, is thus described to me by one of the most progressive of Japanese leaders, who is hopeful for less reactionary condi- tions than now prevail: "The power of the General Stafit cannot be overestimated. The only su- perior authority It recognizes is the Genro, which is composed of the 'Elder Statesmen' of the empire, tra- ditionally reactionary. The General Staff of Japan is quite as powerful aa was the General Staff that induced the German Kaiser to make war upon the rest of the world. The Japanese Gen- eral Staff controls the mental proc- esses of the Emperor to an even greater extent than was true in Germany in 19i4. It, in turn, controls the Cabinet. The Minister of War, instead of being the master of the General Staff, is its servant. It says to him, 'You provide us with the recruits, war material and supplies, and we will decide what to do with all of these things. It is not for you to say.' "That is precisely what the Gen- eral Staff, with the consent of the Em- peror, told Premier Hara's Cabinet a few weeks ago when the wisdom of deferring to universal sentiment re- garding the military activities of the Government in Shantung and Siberia was broached. In other words, the General Staff told the Government to mind its own business, which it did not consider to be of a military char- acter." It may appear unreasonable to the Western mind to assert the power of the General Staff to dictate the condi- tions under which the civil Govern- ment Itself shall go about its business. It Is the fact, however, that it is equally within the province of the General Staff to bring about the fail of any administration that defies its am- bitions. Under the Japanese law only a military man of superior rank is eligible for the post of Secretary of War, and a naval man of relatively equal rank for Minister of the Navy. All of the other members of the Cabinet may be selected from any walk of life, but those of the army and navy are kept within professional hands, and no other officials of the Government enjoy such intimate per- sonal relations with the Emperor as the officers of the two armed branches of the Government who are assigned to intimate attendance upon his Im- perial Highness. I am assured on their competent authority (because the Mi- kado is not so accessible as an Ameri- can President, or even English King) that even when Premier Takashi Hara and Count Tasuya Uchlda, Minister of Foreign Affairs confers with his High- ness It is generally In the presence of the General Staff, who, as said, takes orders only from the Genro. 19 Pretty nearly every well informed man in Japan knows that it is within the power of the General Staff t» bring about the fall of a Cabinet. The process is admirably simple. The General Staff directs the Minister of War to resign, ^he Premier, who is limited as to choice in the selection of a successor, tenders the vacant port- folio to one of the half dozen Mar- shals, Generals or Lieutenant-Gen- erals of the army. He is met with polite refusals and is finally compelled to admit his Inability to complete his Cabinet. Such an admission in Japan is tantamount to withdrawal from public life, and some other Premier more susceptible to the dictation of the Genro and the General Staff is put In his place. There can be no question but that the Japanese army has been and is maintained at a high degree of efH- ciency. It is probably the best dis- ciplined and equipped army in the world. It recognizes but one author- ity, the General Staff, which is com- posed of the keenest observers of military developments throughout the world. Even now the technical men in the General Staff are working out a plan to bring about a thorough re- modelling of the army, based upon the lessons learned in the world war. The extent of these plans is most care- fully guarded. Even the numerical strength of the land forces is shrouded in more or less mystery. The peace strength is given as 272,731, of whom 16,045 are officers, 28,369 non-commissioned oiH- cers and 228,317 privates. These fig- ures, however, are believed to be In- complete in that they do not Include the units attached to Colonial and other Government undertakings in Shantung, Corea, Manchuria, Siberia and Saghalien. The most definite es- timate of the total "peace strength" of the Japanese army is around 400,- 000, with a sufficient number of re- serves available for war services within a few months approximating 1,500,000, and with a, further reserve susceptible of preparation within eight months of 1,500,000 additional. Of the regular establishment, there are in round numbers 40,000 troops in Korea, 25,000 in Siberia, 10,000 in Manchuria, 5,000 in north Saghalien, 8,000 in Shantung and 5,000 In For- mosa, besides those scattered around distant islands owned by Japan and in those mandated to it under the author- ity of the Versailles treaty. IVevr Defence Frogrramme. The new "national defence" pro- gramme authorized by the Diet (House of Representatives) in 1918 granted authority to the army to make a thor- ough revision in its organization. Among other things it directed the creation of two new divisions, each approximating 12,000 men. The im- portant change decided on was to re- organize the divisions on the three regiment basis and to abolish the brigade. As a result of this change an army corps now consists of two divisions, totalling six regiments. Excluding the guards division, the Japanese army within a year will have twenty-four divisions, which reorganized on the three regiment basis, will form thirty- two divisions, or sixteen army corps. Provision is also made for mountain and field batteries, each of three units and four guns, and the expansion of cavalry, commissariat, engineering, communications, automobile and an aviation corps, which, it is predicted, will surpass those in both numbers and equipment contemplated by Great Britain and the United States. The General Staff is credited with even more ambitious plans for the ar- tillery branch of the service than are provided by the budget for the pres- ent year, which represents 17 per cent, of the total appropriations of 1,600,- 000,000 yen, or about $800,000,000. Among these features, which are known to the military observers of other Governments stationed at Tokio, is to provide 1,000,000 bayonets (men) ' in the artillery branch. The division of the Japanese army is generally composed of two divisions of infantry and one regiment each of cavalry and artillery, one battalion ol engineers and one of service of sup- plies. A regiment of Infantry consists of four battalions of 600 men each and a regiment of cavalry of three or four squadrons of 100 sabres each. A regi- ment of field artillery consists of six batteries, each of four guns, while a battalion of engineers consists of three companies, each with 300 men, and a battalion of service of supplies of 300 meni 20 Under the present plan of reorgani- zation provision Is made tor expand- ing the military arsenals, in accord- ance with the German scheme of .dis- tributing these bases pretty generally throughout the empire. It is worthy of note that the arsenal plan contem- plates the establishment of one at Souel, in Corea, over which Japan, In theory, maintains only a civil form of government. It is also significant that the new army scheme contem- plates the expansion of national arma- ments "to guard our interests in Man- churia and China," it is explained. Education in the army begins as early In Japan as it did in Russia and Germany before the war. Liocal mili- tary preparatory schools are main- tained In the leading centres, and pro- vide the lowest grades in the school of education for officers. The central military preparatory school at Tokio receives the graduates from the local schools, they are then passed on to the cadet school also at Tokio, and finally to the Staff College for the finlshine,- touches. The military education of the Japa- nese really begins at the root, he- cause the curriculums In the kinder- gartens embrace physical training and the achievements of military heroes are kept constantly before the minds of the pupils. Graduates from the public schools are permitted to volun- teer for one year's service, after which they are enrolled in the reserve ser- vice, with the rank of non-commis- sioned oiBcers. The volunteers are re- quired to pay their own barrack ex- penses and must serve three months each for two years before they are en- rolled in the territorial army. Compulsory military service was first established in Japan in 1873, only twenty years after Commodore Perry had revealed to the Japanese the won- ders of civilization. The original plan is still adhered to. It requires that all able bodied Japanese males be- tween 20 and 40 years must respond lo the first call to arms. Actual ser- vice is divided into active service, re- serve service and depot service, be- ginning at 20 years and extending foi 17 years and 4 months. The only exemption allowed in the service Is to sons of a parent more than 50 years old, who is Judged In- competent to support himself. Post- ponement of the period of service is also made in favor of lads studying at schools, the curriculums of which embrace military training. All boys above 20 years are subject to con- scription, but the period of service may be postponed until they have reached the age of 25, if they are studying at school of a quasi-military character. Men who have passed the age of 30 are enrolled in the terri- torial army list. Lads liable to conscription roughly number 600,000 a year, to which there are annually added 100,000 students whose service has been postponed for educational reasons. Some idea of the completeness of military education in Japan is provided by the fact that in 1908 the ratio of illiteracy among re- cruits and volunteers was 5.8 per cent, and only 2 per cent, in 1919. The Japanese Government treats Its soldiers pretty well, though it does not overpay them. Officers and men are permitted to assist the business of their familes when military conditions are favorable. With, the steady In- crease in the cost of living the Gov- ernment recently has made monthly allowances to non-commissioned of- ficers and privates, the privates re- ceiving 2 yen 34 sen (about $1.06) more than his pay, which is little enough in view of the fact that his pay is less than $6 a month in Ameri- can money. Provision for the maintenance of troops Includes one quart of rice and clothing and a very small money al- lowance in addition, which approxi- mates about 7 cents a day. He is al- lowed 16 sen for clothing and an al- lowance from 17 to 24 yen a year is made for each foot soldier, or about $17; for the cavalry from 31 to 37 yen, for the artillery 30 to 36 yen, for the engineering branch 28 to 34, for commissariats 29 to 35 yen. For camp utensils and barrack ne- cessities tliere are twenty-six grades of allowances, ranging from 4.64 to 6.76 yen for privates and from 1.06 to 1.38 yen for officers. Generous pro- vision is made, however, for horses, which are mainly secured from Mon- golia and Manchuria, and are sturdy little animals, capable of standing al- most as great hardship as the men that ride them. 21 I witnessed a cavalry manoeuvre In the vicinity of Kobe a short time ago and was greatly impressed with the seasoned appearance of both men and horses. Some of the horses appeared to have been brought from America, as they averaged five hands higher than the smallish animals that mani- festly came from the Asiatic mainland. The men, all of whom were between 19 and 30, seemed to be finely drawn by adequate training and discipline. Without exception they were robust, sinewy and lacked the beefiness of the British and German fighting men, pre- sumably due to a spare but muscle making diet. In their manoeuvres both men and horses reflected the perfection of training, and, while they did not pre- sent the orderly spic and span ap- pearance of our own troops, they seemed to be in first rate shape for any service, no matter how arduous. The discipline in the Japanese army is perhaps the most rigid in the world, and I am informed by competent au- thorities that it adheres strictly to the standards that once existed in the German military establishment. The officers exercise the fullest control over their men and maintain no re- lations with them other than those called for by regulations. In the eyes of the private soldier the officers represent a superior class, which is sharply and scrupulously de- fined in personal relations. As was the case in the Gern\an army, the men are taught that obeaience to the com- mands of their superiors Is the chief requisite for an efficient soldier, and infractions of even the minor rules are summarily punished. It is early Impressed upon them that sacrifice in the service of the Mikado is the su- preme consideration that their officers are representatives of his Imperial Majesty and that their orders must be obeyed regardless of consequences to individuals. But the private soldier Is not expected to exercise any judg- ment or to substitute individual in- itiative for the arbitrary rules relating to his conduct and applied by the offi- cers. It is his place to obey these rules, even though circumstances might Justify the application of his own de- vices. This rule is never departed from, no matter what the conse- quences. It was rigorously enforced during periods of the Russian-Jap- anese war, when, on rare occasions, the morale of the demoralized Russian army was sufficiently restored to mow down the hordes of Japanese troops marching unflinchingly up to the mouths of the cannon of the opposing armies to die with a "Banzai!" for their Emperor. 22 Effects of Anti- Japanese Demonstrations IFrom the New York Herald of September 30.] ToKio. Sept. 12. — Hostile demonstra- tions against the Japanese which break out sporadically in the Pacific coast States do more to encourage talk of war between the United States and Japan than the controversy over military and economic treaties. The Japanese are a very proud and sen- sitive people. Class distinctions exist among them, but these are not predi- cated on racial differences. The Jap- anese believes that he is as good as the white man. The fact is that in some respects he considers himself much better than most white men and points to the amazing development of his country and its growth in power to prove it. He cannot, or will not, understand why there should be any prejudice or discrimination among the "Nordic" people (Caucasians) against the peo- ple of his race. So, every time the people of Cali- fornia, Oregon and Nevada, and those of British Columbia, manifest their dislike for the Japanese who have come to live among them, there Is a great deal of excitement throughout Nippon. Agitators, inspired by political am- bition, immediately seize upon the un- friendly American demonstrations to arouse the supersensitive emotions of Japanese workmen and urge them to undertake steps in reprisal, which, freely translated from Japanese tc the American vernacular, means war. The average citizen of Nippon, whether he qualifies for the franchise by raising the 30 yen ($15) tax which he must pay to vote at popular elec- tions, or is only qualified to shoulder a gun, exhibits the deepest resentment against the attempts of the "Nordic" people to keep him out of their several countries. Very frequently, the form 23 he adopts to register his chagrin is directed against his own Government — that is, against the leaders of the dominant political party, of which Premier Hara is the present head. The Japanese, who regard their Mi- kado — though he is never designated by that title — as the direct agent of the Buddhist and Shinto Deities, never blame him for anything. But they are very prone to remind in the most vig- orous terms the political leaders of the .Government that it is up to them to see that the Japanese get a "square deal" abroad as well as at home. Some of the most serious riots staged by the easily inflamed populace at Tokio, Yokohama, Kobe, Nagasaki, Shimono- seki and other large centres in the sland empire have grown out of the unfriendly acts directed against the Japanese in the western part of the United States, in British Columbia, in Australia and New Zealand and one or two of the South American Re- publics. By a "square deal" the Japanese la- borer or farmer, who is compelled to elbow his neighbor out of the way In his struggle for existence, means the right to emigrate in uinrestricted num- bers from Nippon and take up hia residence In any part of the world with all the privileges now accorded the nationals of other countries, with the exception of the Chinese. The success of his Government !n opening up China, Manchuria, Mon- golia and Siberia has convinced him that other countries may be similarly "opened up" by the application of the aggressive means employed in bring- ing about such eminently satisfactory results in the regions fringing the littoral of the Asiatic mainland. Glowing reports sent back by Japa- nese who have succeeded In "pene- trating" the Americas and other parts of the world have made the Japanese who are compelled to eke out a bare existence at home ambitious to try his luck in the new lands of promise. He cannot, or will not, understand, for instance, why the Japanese should be admitted to the British Isles without restriction, but are barred from Can- ada, Australia and New Zealand, ■ which, from his viewpoint, are mere dependencies of the British Empire. It is equally perplexing to him, when Japanese labor is in such great demand in California, to be told that he must not go there. Constant agi- tation by the promoters of rival politi- cal ventures in his own country have focussed his resentful eye upon the United States as the chief offender against his imperial diginity and inter- national privileges. He simply will not admit that any country is justified in denying him the privilege of penetra- tion or the right to own and cultivato land on an equal footing with the emi- grants from Great Britain, Russia, Germa.ny, Italy and the Balkan States. Attitude Toward Cblneae. He is equally resentful of the policy of the United States and other coun- tries in placing him on the same plane with the Chinese, who are, in his eyes, an inferior people. The attitude of the Japanese toward the Chinese is not dissimilar to that which characterizes the demeanor of the white population of some of the Southern States toward the negro. The Japanese Is quite cer- tain that he Is vastly superior In in- tellectual attainments, in culture, in the mastery of the arts and in eco- nomic efficiency to the negro of North America. Therefore, he reasons that the preju- dice exhibited toward him by the white populations of the Americas and the British colonies Is blind, unreasonable and brutal. There Is no discounting the feeling of the Japanese on this point, and If any of the potential ele- ments that seem to point to war be- tween the United States and Japan should really bring about a conflict the underlying cause of it would be the racial issue, so far as the average citi- zen of Nippon is concerned. Contributing to his determination to assert these rights regardless of consequences are very many consider- ations difficult for the Anglo-American mind to grasp. Something suggestive of the fanaticism of the religious zealot, pride of race. Insufferable con- ditions of populace congestion and an insatiable ambition to take his place on the same plane with the progres- sive white peoples of the world, pro- vides reasons satisfactory to him to justify his determination to fight for what he considers his rights. The fact that he is barred out and denied the privileges extended to na- tionals of less proficiency In industry and agriculture fires a flame of re- sentment in his soul. He believes Tt the duty of the leaders of his Govern- ment — always barring the Emperor — to compel the United States and the British colonies to open wide their doors and give him a chance to prove his value as a citizen. Roused by Recent EJxpnlslon. No recent development in the "prob- lem of the Pacific" has ever caused more excitement among the Japanese than the recent driving out of 700 Japs from the fruit section around Turlock, Cal. The leading newspapers of Tokio, Osaka, Kobe and Nagasaki seized upon the incident to demand that the Mikado's Government Im- mediately insist upon an apology from the United States and an Indemnity for the damage done to the feelings of the former subjects of the Mikado by the citizens of California. Every man, woman and child In Japan know.s a great deal more about California than he does about the United States. There are many rea- sons for this. The most Important Is that relatives or friends who went to the United States before the exclusion act have waxed both prosperous and content in the Golden Gate State. The next reason Is that most of the abuses visited upon the Japanese liv- ing in the United States have oc- curred In California. Fed by agitators, the Japanese at home have been led to believe that unfriendly demonstra- tions against their countrymen have been provoked by envy and jealousy among the white people of the Pacific coast States. Consequently, it Is not at all sur- prising that California is anathema to the average Japanese, and when he talks of war against the United States he really means California. The last United States census showed that 24 there were approximately 125,000 Jap- anese in tlie United States, of whom nearly 100,000 are scattered over Cali- fornia, Oregon and Washington. Get Frosperons In IT. S. Reports brought iback by Japanese citizens visiting the home of their an- cestors or their own birthplace tend to show that the Japanese are becom- ing very prosperous in the United States, which, of course, means thu Pacific coast. According to some of the reports published in the Japanese newspapers many of the hotels of Seattle, Portland, San Francisco, Los Angeles and other Pacific coast cen- tres, as well as restaurants, are either owned by Japanese or controlled through white dummies. The effect of these reports has been to give the Japanese an exaggerated idea of the prosperity which has come to their people who have taken resi- dence in America. Any suggestion that the Japanese remaining at home bo denied the right to emigrate to the United States, or any other part of the world for that matter, naturally pro- vokes deep and bitter resentment. The decision of California to prevent the Japanese from owning land in that State in the future is merely consid- ered another reason for immediate ac- tion by the Japanese Government to insist upon a settlement of the long dispute over the racial problem. The fact that the Japanese law does not permit a foreigner to own land in the Mikado's domain is entirely Ig- nored by the Japanese themselves. In Japan, foreigners as individuals are not allowed to own any land, but "ju- dicial persons" (presumably domestic corporations) enjoy this right even though they Include no Japanese mem- bers or residents. Foreigners are per- mitted as individuals to lease land for a term of fifty years on an equal foot- ing with natives and to also hold "the right of superficies" for limited periods. In addition to these rights, foreigners in Japan are given the right of lease in perpetuity, which was established in the days when an exterritoriality was exacted of foreign nations. Samples of Viefvpoint. The Japanese at home admits of no inconsistency iin the fact that 26,988 acres are owned by Japanese individ- uals in California and that not a sin- gle individual foreigner is permitted to own a foot of land in Japan. He con- cedes no ajiomaly in the fact that 47,781 acres In California are owned by American corporations controlled by Japanese capital, and that very few, if any, foreigners — certainly no Americans — are represented in cor- porations owning land in Japan. The Japanese at home refuses to see that it makes any difference be- cause unskilled foreign laborers are not permitted to reside in territory dominated by the Japanese in Man- churia, Shantung and other Chinese provinces in which the Mikado's Gov- ernment has obtained concessions. In the opinion of the Japanese stay-at-homes the policy adopted by the American Government in Hawaii is "much more honorable" than that which it permits the State of Califor- nia to apply. Statistics printed by the Tokio newspapers recently show that there are more than 120,000 Japanese in the Hawaiian Islands, many thou- F.ands of whom own land there. The unrestricted admission to date of Japanese into the Hawaiian Islands has largely been due to the difficulty of obtaining native labor capable of manning the sugar plantations. There are believed to be about one-half as many Chinese as Japanese in the islands. Both are industrious and pros- perous and rear large families. More than 50 per cent, of the popu- lation of Cahu, on which Honolulu is situated, is Japanese. During the twenty years' career of Hawaii as a Territory of the United States the birth rate among the Japanese has ex- ceeded the rate among Hawaiians. The increase among the Japanese has alarmed some of the white citizens of Hawaii, and there have been one or two hostile demonstrations against them, all of which has been duly com- municated to the Japanese stay-at- homes and has contributed to the rap- idly mounting degree of resentment against the United States. Dominion Restrictions. The Japanese, who regard the Brit- ish people as their friends, have re- cently begun to turn the vials of their wrath against Canada and Aus- tralia. The Canadian Government re- cently adopted the policy of limiting Japanese immigration to 300 persons a year. The Government of the British 9K Columbia province has even gone fur- ther and denied admission to Japanese holding passports sanctioned by the Dominion Government. Several of the most Important newspapers in British Columbia have printed sensational stories to prove that the Japanese are becoming quite as offensive in that . part of the country as they are held to be in California. The recent declaration of Premier Hughes of Australia that the people of his country are in thorough sympathy with the California view of the Japa- nese immigration problem and that "Australia is a white man's country" caused a wave of anger to sweep over Japan that the Government had dif- ficulty in heading off. There is little question but that the British Ambas- sador to Tokio has had his hands full in trying to mollify the Japanese re- garding the declaration of Premier Hughes. That the leaders of the Japanese Government regard the immigration problem as a, potential torch which may light the fires of war any time is admitted by some of the most dis- tinguished men ir the country. The pressure from the people on the Gov- ernment to compel a clear cut under- standing between the United States and Japan regarding the future treat- ment of Japanese is admitted to be very strong. The "Koseikai party," which is in control of the Governm.ent, is said to realize the necessity for aggressive action to prevent the growth of anti- white sentiment throughout Japan. The utmost secrecy is observed, how- ever, by the Japanese leaders regard- ing their plans for bringing about an improvement in the international sit- uation that will be satisfactory to the Japanese, if such a thing is possible. Peace Delegation Blamed. The political opponents of the party in power have not hesitated to assert that the Japanese delegation to the Paris peace conference committed a grevious blunder in not peremptorily demanding a satisfactory settlement of the racial equality issue. The charge is made in such Japanese newspapers as are permitted to reflect criticism of the Government — and only a few are accorded this privilege to a guarded extent — that the representatives ol Japan at Paris should have surren- dered the claim of their country to Shantung and fought out the race is- sue, which was abandoned to win the control of coveted Chinese territory. There does not appear to be any question that the racial equality is- sue will be pressed before the League of Nations by the representatives of .Tapan. Scant hope is expressed bj' the Japanese leaders of securing any favorable expression from the United States regarding the claims of Japan in this respect. The fact is that while the leading statesmen of the Mikado's empire volubly protest their friendship for the United States and predict an amicable solution of the problems of the Pacific confronting both Govern- ments, the dominant sentiment in Japan does not sustain this confi- dence. Wide currency is given all state- ments and comments made by the most prominent men of the empire, who continue to discuss with engag- ing intelligence the most important problem that holds the attention of the Japanese people of every rank. None of these statesmen Is accorded a more respectful audience than is the Mar- quis Okuma, former Premier. In a recent address the Marquis, who is one of the most respected of tlxe "Elder Statesmen," predicted that a way would be found to solve the immigra- tion problem. "The one great principle under- lying the great American Consti- tution," said the Marquis, "is Christian justice and that Chris- tian morality which shows itself plainly and distinctly throughout the length and breath of its ex- istence. When we reflect upon the fact that it was also justice and humanity that Inspired us when we helped build up this empire, we found a uniting link in the fundamental doctrines upon which the national structures of both na- tions are constructed, notwith- standing the outward differences of politics between a republic and an empire. "The assassination of li-kamon, the great statesman who estab- lished the open door policy, pre- cipitated a political change in Japan and ultimately brought 26 about the restoration of the Im- perial power, which means the uni- fication of the politically dismem- bered Japan under one strong cen- tral power in the Imperial Gov- ernment. We owe this wholesome change solely to the stimulant given by America from the out- side, had it not been for which we might have continued to live under the feudal system for another hun- dred years. "The maintenance of world peace is the one real principle under- lying in the United States, and I cannot believe that that great country will ever countenance the ill treatment of the people of Japan or those of any other country." Vlsconnt Kaneko's Opinion. A somewhat different form is adopted by the "Viscount Kanelio, who con- tended that the Japanese who emi- grated to the United States are de- monstrating their capacity for patriotic citizenship equal to that of any other type of emigrants. "Ask any American If he means to kick us out because he doesn't like our race," said the Viscount in a recent address, "and they will not acknowledge it very readily. Ask the Americans what it is they dis- like about us, what harm the Japa- nese have ever done to his inter- ests, and you are vaguely informed that the Japanese constitute a menace because they are yellow. That any argument founded upon a racial prejudice is absurd and unjust admits of no doubt. "The Japanese cannot help being yellow. When we learn of the progress our brethren are making abroad we are bound to feel a, genuine joy in our hearts. We cannot command them to be less industrious, to stand on ceremony, and to be a little more idle just to please the Americans. Neverthe- less, we have showed ourselves ready to respect American wishes by preventing the exodus of our emigrants and subscribing to the 'gentlemen's agreement.' "Thus we have accepted any and every condition it pleased Ameri- cans to demand of us. But, not- withstanding all these concessions, the Americans still propose to deal a finishing strolce on the Japanese residents of California by impos- ing a seriously exacting condition on the rights of the Japanese by appealing to the referendum. Driven to this frightful situation we cannot afford to wink at it, however pro-American we may be. The Japanese will be henceforth deprived of not only the rights granted them by the treaties but also of the rights acquired in a legitimate way by private indi- viduals. "The Japanese will have to go back to the old contract labor days, find employment with American capitalists, and earn a living by drawing days' wages. Consequent- ly, they will not invest their sav- ings in America, but will send them to Japan. Can you imagine any- thing more inconsistent? To-day over the California immigration problem the American and Japa- nese views are diametrically op- posed to each other. Left to the natural course of things, the anti- Japanese propaganda would spread to the neighboring States. Conse- quently we should try to come to a- fundamental understanding with the Americans and try to solve the problem for all time." Views of an Bdncator. Another contribution to the dis- cussion of the immigration problem which was widely circulated through- out Japan was contributed by Dr. K. Horie, professor of. the Keio Univer- sity. Dr. Horie, whose views command great respect throughout Nippon, fa- vors a frank discussion of the Jap- anese immigration problem by the people of both countries. "If the Americans insist upon discriminating against the Japanese on account of racial differences," said the doctor in a recent lecture, "there will be no other help than to wait until the Americans get rid of such a prejudice; but I do not believe that the hatred of the Americans for Japanese can be strong enough to drive Americans to attempt the radical destruction of the economic foundations of the Japanese Empire. "I for one do not hesitate to at- 27 tribute the main cause to the American prejudice to economic considerations. Look at the his- tory of the Chinese exclusion act. The Chinese were the first Oriental emigrants to America, and the American owes to the Chinese credit for the speedy completion of the railroad net along the Pacific coast. When the Chinese coolies completed the railroad and sought other occupations Americans placed a check against them by Federal as well as State legislation. "It may appsar very cowardly and unreasonable on the part of the Americans to be always ready to agitate against any race from whom they may expect competition, but in this respect they are acting on firm convictions. Justification of the agitation against the Chinese coolies applies to the case of the Japanese now. There cannot be any difference between the two. "The Japanese are credited with draining the wealth of the United States instead of increasing it; be- sides, their cheaper mode of living enables them to be content with lower wages than the Americans demand, thus causing serious dis- advantage to the American labor unions. There is also a much talked of non-assimilability. To none of these criticisms we can certainly answer with sufficient self-confi- dence. "Do the Americans expect the Japanese to become permanent set- tlers without granting them the chance of becoming American citi- zens? Should the Americans ex- pect Japanese youths to stay in a country which prohibits marriages between Americans and Japanese? Do the Americans expect easy as- similation from the Japanese, to whom they . close the avenues of education? "For all of these undesirable features of the situation the Jap- anese Government cannot evade part of the responsibility. They have neglected to establish a defi- nite policy regarding immigration problems. They have not thought of improving local conditions at home. They have indorsed their negligence 'by demanding special conditions for labor. In this way they have not only caused antip- athy to grow against our labor ele- ment but allowed the conflagration to spread to the land ownership problem, which has nothing what- ever to do with the immigration problem. "Whatever solution may Ije arrived at through diplomatic channels, I afraid it will not be very much more than a short makeshift of expediency. Whatever may be the other circumstances that are ac- tually responsible in arousing en- mity against the Japanese, there is no room for doubt that the labor problem is one of the most im- portant causes and that the Gov- ernment must assume the respon- sibility for having neglected the labor feature of the controversy and thus given occasion to the complications abroad." Japan's Interest in United States in the Pacific [From the New York Herald of October 1.] ToKio, Sept. 13. — No details of the plans of the United States for protect- ing its interests in the Pacific are per- mitted to escape the vigilantly intelli- gent eye of the Mikado's Government. The best trained students of military affairs and observers thoroughly coached in the subtle and elusive methods of the most efficient secret police in the world have noted with meticulous exactness every step taken by the United States to prepare for any eventuality that may develop from the sensitive conditions that pre- vail on the Asiatic mainland, in Japan or in the waters surrounding the isl- ands fringing' the equator and domi- nated by the national influences of Great Britain, the United States, Japan, France, the Netherlands, Aus- tralia and New Zealand. There is a very well defined convic- tion here at the Japanese capital that the archives of the Foreign Office and the Navy and War departments — par- ticularly the former — contain complete and accurate information regarding the actual and potential military plans of the United States. There is the further impression that every move, publicly announced or carefully guard- ed, made by the United States, Great Britain and France has been minutely analyzed and compared to relative Japanese features in order to disclose to the Mikado's advisers the strong and weak spots in his imperial mili- tary machine. In this respect Japan enjoys, to some extent, the same advantage that favors the United States in the At- lantic. This is due to the similarity of ocean topography in that, with the exception of Hawaii and the Panama Canal, most of the islands in the Pa- cific fringe the territory directly con- trolled or administered by Japan, just as the Atlantic islands are distributed almost within the shadow of the North American continent. Military experts of other nations stationed at Tokio express the opinion that the Japanese Government has not been slow in appreciating whatever advantage may accrue from this simi- larity of territory. These observers, whose information is much more con- clusive than is possible for the casual observer, assert that the Japanese Government has proceeded to equip the Island of Nippon and its island es- tablishments In pretty much the same manner as the United States fortified the Panama Canal, Porto Rico, the newly acquired Virgin Islands and Culebra in the Atlantic. The greatest importance Is apparently attached by the Japanese naval authorities to the plans of the United States for adding to the fortification of the Panama Canal and of Hawaii and the Philip- pines, to say nothing of provision which Japan believes has been made for increasing the defensive power of the islands of Guam, Yap and the Baker group. Coincident with the announcement by the American naval establishment that it proposed to transfer its major sea forces from the Atlantic to the Pacific, the Tokio experts were in- formed that the American Govern- ment had definitely adopted plans for expanding the fortifications on the island of Oahu, the principal unit of the Hawaiian group, upon which Hon- olulu is situated. The Japanese naval authorities have accepted as wholly accurate the re- ports that Oahu is to become the chief base of operations for the American 29 believe It, but are credited with hav- ing developed their own plans to In- crease to the maximum extent the navy in the Pacific. They not only military possibilities of the Parry group and the Ladrones, which occupy rela- tively the same position to the Asiatic mainland as the Hawaiian Islands do to the western coast of the United States. U. S. Policy In Faclflc. If anything were needed to Justify the suspicion of the Ja{)anese people that the United States proposed to ex- ercise a larger influence in the prob- lems of the Pacific growing out of the illegal confiscation of Asiatic territory by Japan, the complications resulting from the dispute over race equality and the limitation of armaments in Far Eastern regions, would be pro- vided by the determination of the American Government to concentrate a real fleet of capital fighting ships, with all necessary auxiliaries, in Asiatic waters. The statement made by President Harding and Secretary of the Navy Denby that the United States proposed to increase its naval representation in the Pacific caused most of the Japa- nese politicians to "sit up." They con- strued the statements of the Ameri- can oflicials and the plan to assemble Its most formidable fighting sea craft as wholly inimical to the Imperialistic expansion of Japanese plans in Asia and the Pacific. .Recording to Informa- tion that appears to be absolutely re- liable the Japanese Government im- mediately moved to prepare itself for any contingencies that might develop from the situation thus provoked. The Tokio newspapers have followed the development of the American plans in the Pacific with the closest atten- tion, and the guarded comments which they are permitted to make regarding them completely synchronize with the view of the technical experts. The despatching of the most important of the American naval fleet to Asiatic and Pacific waters means just one thing to the Japanese official mind. It carries with it the warning that the United States proposes to adopt the most practical and effective means for backing up Its determination to put an end to the exploitation of de- fenceless peoples wiho are incapable of asserting their own national rights and who have been made the catspaws and victims of the militaristic policies of the dominant Asiatic country. No IllaBlonii Kntertalned. There are no Illusions entertained by the leaders of the Mikado's Govern- ment regarding the inevitable results that must follow the systematic and persistent energy of the United States In this respect and which will, if suc- cessful, prove disastrous to the inter- ests of Japan for maintaining its su- premacy in A«id and the Pacific. Consequently, the Mikado's Govern- ment is unquestionably preparing it- self for such eventualities as might result from the natural differences of viewpoint Between the imperial and militarist Japan and a democracy like the United States. The Japanese Gov- ernment was prepared for some such move as that made by President Har- ding to bring about a universal agree- ment on armaments. The Mikado's advisers, keen stu- dents of such proposals, were at first inclined to view the project as a quix- otic bit of American altruism. They regarded it as an interesting, though ephemeral, phase of popular revulsion against war that would soon die out as had similar proposals which are always brought forward after every military conflict of major importance. Japan is willing to play the disarma- ment game and found a certain meas- ure of advantage making for economic improvement in the American pro- posal. But Japan was swept off her feet by the tremendous movement that grew out of the armament project in favor of an entire readjustment of political conditions In the Pacific which would take from her control dominance over weaker peoples and throw her back on her own already overcrowded Island home to engage In an economic war that would be a losing one from the start. The failure of the Mikado's Govern- ment to discredit the Monroe Doctrine by effecting alliances with Mexico and other Latin American republics was keenly disappointing to the manipula- tors of that project. It was hoped that by making agreements based upon military and economic considerations Japan might be able to build up a ma- SO chine in the American republics that would nullify the value and potential effectiveness of the Panama Canal tc the United States. Value of Fanamn Canal. With the exception of Chile and Par- aguay, Japan has been able to nego- tiate only the most ordinary trade agreements with the South American republics, and her technical advisers have practically given up hope of im- pairing the value of the Panama Canal to the Government that controls, op- erates and is preparing to increase both its offensive and defensive power. Thrown back on her own resources in the western Pacific and Asiatic mainland, for which she is obviously determined to flght, the Mikado's Gov- ernment is credited with having pro- jected the most practical scheme of resisting American aggressions in the line of readjustment of political condi- tions in this section of the world. Con- sequently "no details of the definite and orderly processes contemplated by the United States in this direction are per- mitted to escape the eye of the highly capable Japanese statesmen and tech- nical experts. The magnitude of the plan adopted by the American Government to in- crease the fortification facilities of territory controlled by it In the Pacific and the concentration of its most im- portant sea craft In contiguous waters provoked the greatest consternation at the Japanese capital ' and still re- mains the most interesting topic for Government discussion, although more than four months have elapsed sines the ajinouncement of the American plan. It is quite probable that Tokio is fully advised of every move already) made toward carrying out the Ameri- can plan of strategy in the Pacific and that it understands clearly the meaning of it, its relation to the rela- tive features of the Japanese pro- gramme, and the results that might reasonably be expected to follow, a conflict between the two countries. The Japanese navy has always been kept at a very high degree of effi- ciency and the successes won by it unmistakably establish the intelli- gence with which it has been directed. There Is little question but that It would give a very good account of it- self, even though It were defeated In battle. Comparative Naval Merita. Comparisons made in another article in this series would furnish a clearer light on the relative merits of the American and Japanese navies were it not for the fact that available in- formation regarding the latter is not nearly so complete or conclusive as that regarding the naval forces of the United States. The obvious reason of course is that the Japanese policy does not encour- age the same degree of publicity as is adopted by the American Government But the most reliable figures obtain- able tend to establish one thing be- yond peradventure of doubt. This is that the Mikado's Government is not losing any time in trying at least to keep apace with the most ambitious plan of the United States. The Japanese army is already the largest in the world and informatloii obtainable regarding the future plans for it do not indicate any impending decrease to meet the popular demand for disarmament in other parts of the world. The Mikado's Government maintains a standing army of 600,000 of the best trained fighters in the world. They are distributed through- out Shantung, Manchuria, Mongolia and Siberia, with, of course, the largest unit kept at home. Military experts of other countries who have kept a close eye upon the operations of the Jap- anese army in the Far East concede its supremacy in the matter of equip- ment and availability for immediate use over the land forces of any other country. It is splendidly oflScered and the various branches of it are admitted to have been .'systematically kept up to a very high degree of efficiency. An adequate system of transports is also maintained, so that if the Mikado's Government decides to move to the fortifications of the islands naturally acquired by it, or turned over under mandate of the League of Nations, a very formidable land force could be diverted to such service. Impartial military experts are con- fident, however, that the principal use that would be made of the Japanese 31 land forces would be In resisting tlie foreign invasion o'f territory on tlie Asiatic mainland, particularly in Shan- tung, Corea and Manchuria. The ade- quate fortification of it has unques- tionably been anticipated. A call to arms from Nippon would not only make inrmiedlately available a stand- ing army of 600,000 but. within a few weeks the leserves that would bring it up to a war footing of 1,500,000, with auxiliary reserves that it is estimated would produce an army of 3,000,000 within a period of ten months. 32 Business Conditions in Japan IFrom the New York Werald of Octoter 3.] ToKio, Sept. 15. — Caught in the back- wash of the great world war, busi- ness conditions in Japan have added to the perplexities of the Government confronted with the problem of find ing room and occupations for the teeming millions that overcrowd the empire proper. No better proof of the depression that exists in all lines of trade can be furnished than to quote the export and Import figures for the first six months of the present year ended July 31. During the same pe- riod last year Japan exported goods valued at 536,110.618 yen as against 289,594,431 yen for the current period, showing a decrease of 246,156,187 yen. The imports slumped from 494,132,195 yen to 315,353,290 yen, a decrease of 178,778,905 yen, or a total deprecia- tion in both of 424,935,192 yen. A par- tial revival in both exports and im- ports in August followed a pronounced slump in July, but the figures are still far behind those of a year ago. If any additional proof of the col- lapse of trade conditions in the Mi- kado's empire is needed it is pretty clearly Indicated by the fact that few salesmen from foreign firms are com- ing to Japan and that the homeward bound ships are booked to carrying capacity. Further evidence of the falling off of Japanese trade relations with other countries is established by the great surplus of labor over cur- rent demands. One authority on labor conditions told me a few days ago that "there are five men for every job in the industrial field, with the de- mand constantly falling." Japan, less than most of the other countries directly involved in the war between the Allied Governments and the Central Powers, was not prepared for the reaction that set in about a year ago. During the conflict the Jap- anese economic market had enjoyed an unparalleled boom, which produced a great many war millionaires but did not carry the same benefits that were assured to labor in the more active belligerent countries. The chief reason for this was that the Government itself was the most conspicuous profiteer. The more im- portant productive agencies of a war character were not only under the control of the Government but were operated by it. The most notable in- stance of this was the Governraent monopoly of munitions, for which the inefiicient Russian Government pro- vided most of the money and a very large percentage of the raw material. The Mikado's Government made enormous profits out of munition making and also in transporting and marketing its own products and those of otlier countries in ships which have since furnished the basis for a mer- chant marine that is quite adequate lo give vigorous commercial battle for the trade of the Pacific, and perhaps the world. But the Japanese Gov- ernment did not share the enormous profits made by it with the labor that produced it, an omission that is chiefly responsible for the widespread unrest that prevails throughout the empire and has recently disturbed its states- men a good deal more than they care to admit. Japan first became aware of the de- flation that had already set in in other parts of the world about a year ago. Two developments were respon- sible for the awakening. One was the wartime substitution of machinery for hand labor in the cotton, silk and other mills. The other was the stead- ily diminishing volume of foreign or- 33 ders for these products and an over- supply of bottoms in which to carry its trade. Collapse of Silk Market. The first jolt received by Japan vraii in the collapse of the silk market ten months ago. Before the war raw siDc was selling in the Yokohama, Tokio and Nagasaki markets around ?6 a pound. During the third year of the war it arose to $18 a pound and hung around there until the decline set in a few months after the armistice. Raw silk is now around $6 again, with an oversupply on hand and no new orders to keep them running at more than one-third of the time. Silk, Is selected because it is one of the chief items in the foreign tra4e of the Mikado's Empire. The history of it is the history of every other com- modity which Japan is contributing to commerce. With the falling off of im- ports, war prices, which had soared in the imperial island quite as much as anywhere else, hung on and brought great distress to the people. Another feature that contributes to the business depression existing throughout the empire is reflected in the tea market. The demand for Japanese teas, which have always had a high place among tea drinkers in Great Britain and the United States, has not only fallen off during the last two years but the price has slumped on an average of 20 per cent, on all grades. In 1918 41,876,000 pounds of Japa- nese tea were sent to the United States. Last year it was 27,915,609 pounds.. The cause most generally attributed to the slump in the tea trade is the surplus on hand in for- eign countries. Foreign tea exporters now in Japan view the situation apathetically and do not look for any improvement for two or three years. Inflation of Credita. When Japan was faced with the new and unfavorable conditions, for which it was not fully prepared, there was a natural deflation of credits and advance in the rates of interest. The business interests immediately began to demand the deflation of the volume of currency as a means of checking the upward tendency of prices, and the Government assented to this plan. The money markets responded to this strain and were soon in distress, due to the disclosure of unsound busines"3 methods in financing the ambitions of profiteers, who were quite as numer- ous and probably more audacious than in the Occidental countries. The failure of several Important banks and business concerns precipi- tated a panic, one of the victims being the Seventy-fourth Bank of Yoko- hama, which had become involved in the efforts at profiteering of a group of war speculators. Hundreds of failures of trading houses, the closing of workshops, and suicide of men who had been ruined in gambling in war industries came In rapid succession, and Induced the Government to sus- pend the share, rice, silk, cotton and other exchanges, for many weeks. Capitalists who had made tre- mendous profits and business men caught with heavy surpluses of goods were not the only victims. The farm- ers, who are not organized as they are In the United States, suffered perhaps more than persons engaged in indus- trial lines. The banks began to call loans and refused to extend credit on collateral that, under ordinary condi- tions, would be regarded as gilt edged. The Bank of Japan, which is con- trolled by the Government,', finally ex- tended credit to the extent of 300,- 000,000 yen, and the business world set about adapting itself to the processes of readjustment. Most Disturbing Feature. Business conditions are still very sansitive throughout the empire, but the majority of financiers and leading manufacturers with whom 1 have talked since coming to Japan agree that the worst' is over. The most dis- turbing feature of it is the surprising attitude of labor, which was deprived of enjoying any of the benefits of war profiteering. Some of the leaders in the Japanese business world are conceded to have made tremendous profits through the favor of the Government or because of their extensive interests with foreign countries. Most of the money made by this group, who have built palaces for themselves and imported expen- sive motor cars, was through the flo- tation of compajnies engaged in pro- ducing war material and supplies. The companies engaged in these lines of 84 business had a combined capital of 313,000,000 yen In 1915. Five years later 10,263 joint stock and partner- ship concerns were operated on a capi- tal of 1,152,886,000 yen. In 1914 there were 17,062 factories, employing 853,- 964 hands. In 1918 23,361, employing 1,409,196 hands. Present estimates place the number of factories in oper- ation at 1,300 and number of em- ployees at 750,000. It is practically impossible to secure reliable data regarding the extent of the fortunes made by some of the con- cerns engaged in profiteering, but, ac- cording to popular belief, more than 10,000 men whose rating was confined to modest figures in 1914 entered the millionaire class. Because of the far from satisfactory enforcement of the Income tax laws and the natural ten- dency of the beneficiaries to hide their winnings accurate information on this point is practically unobtainable. The exchanges are open again, but the volume of sales and aggregate values show little if any difference between transactions reflected in the daily operations on the New York and Lon- don Stock exchanges and on the Paris Bourse. Rice In Gamblers' Hands. Rice, the chief staple of food in the Mikado's empire and which until two years ago was protected by a prohibi- tive Import tax, showed the greatest increase in price. The handling of the commodity has come into th» hands of gamblers just as did the con- trol of food products in other coun- tries. The increase in the price of rice, which was more than the earn- ings of the laboring classes could meet, finally resulted in several riots. In which the Government was com- pelled to employ the military. The Mikado donated 3,000,000 yen to buy rice in foreign markets, from which the Government removed the tax. The rice gamblers made a stub- born effort to keep up the price, but were finally compelled to surrender. But ever at that the price of rice to- day is nearly 30 per cent, higher than it wias under pre-war conditions. Be- fore 1913 Japan, despite her own de- mand, exported a good deal of rice. At the present time she is Importing rice from China and other jVslatic countries, but the selling price to the 85 people has shown little if any in- crease because of the introduction of the foreign product. The Tokio stock market furnishes further evidence of the post-war de- fiation, just as was the case m the United States and other countries. "Peace stock" was largely bought after the armistice and there was ac- tually a boom in sugar, steel, cotton and other shares. Last September a movement that was generally hailed as a genuine boom set in. The securi- ties of the steamship companies, the chemicals, fertilizers, leather, public utilities, private railways, oil, mining and iron and steel companies whose par value is 50 more than doubled in book value, and in the case of the Kanegafuchi Cotton Spinning Com- pany rose to 454. The hoom in the stock market con- tinued for less than two months and then came a slump from which it has not yet recovered. A few of the more substantial securities have held some of the advantages gained during the September boom, tout the majority of them have established new low records. One of the business enter- prises which had developed tremen- dously and has held up since the war is the warehouse in which surplus stocks of rice, cotton, silk and other commodities are stored. There are seventy-five large warehouses in Tokio, Tokahama, Osaka, Kobe, Na- goya, Kyoto, Moji-Shimonoseki, the aggregate total storage of which is 700 times greater than the available capacity ten years ago. Prices of Farm Frodncts. According to figures furnished by the Bank of Japan the average price on 100 farm products in 1914 was 125.75 yen per koku (or five bushels), as against 285.50 yen, the highest in their history. That which is true of agricultural products applies to indus- trial articles. The chief imports of Japan, such Sd kerosene, manufactured iron products, lead, rails, automohiles and parts, ma- chinery, raw cotton, flax, hemp, wool, coal and oil cake approximated in value the same average rate of in- crease as the domestic articles. Despite the slump in business con- ditions Japanese credit has not suf- fered as much as that in other coun- tries. This fact is established by the Blowly mounting volume of new busi- ness in special lines and is further in- stanced by the fact that the Japanese yen holds its own in the exchange market. During the last two or three months agents of German dye, drug and chemical companies have begun to appear in the field to give battle to the salesmen of American concerns, who won a substantial percentage of that class of trade from Germany dur- ing the war. Apparently the Japanese hold no resentment against German business men seeking to regain the valuable market lost to them through the mad- ness of their Kaiser. The American agents, however, have succeeded up to date in holding on to a good part of the dye business, which was built up under the auspices of the Chemical Foundation, employing the embargo and licensing system that makes Ger- man competition almost impossible. The Japanese Government followed the example of the United States in aspiring to independence of German chemical and dye control, which en- joyed a monopoly before the war. It appropriated $3,000,000 to encourage the study of elementary chemistry and assist in building up the dye in- dustry at home. The experiment, however, has not proved a. success, presumably due to the lack of creative ability. The dye trade with Japan is an important trade item. It is most ex- tensively used in dyeing the cotton prints, which all classes of people wear, and to some extent, the silks which it sends to foreign markets, though most of that trade is more profitably carried on in the countries to which the silk is sent. The Japa- nese cotton and silk manufacturers use on an average of $10,000,000 worth of dyestuffs a year. The railroads of Japan, which, with few exceptions, are under direct Gov- ernment control and operation, reflect the general depression noted in the producing and distributing agencies. More than one-half of the 48,000 freight cars engaged in transporting goods In Japan properl are laid up on side tracks, though all of the 7,300 passenger cars and 2,933 locomotives are in operation. The Government has invested in these railroads 1,277,505,- 543 yen and private capital, to the extent of 39,200,000 has financed rail- ways devoted to feeding the Govern- ment lines. All of the institutions in the five groups into which the banking sys- tem of Japan is divided also refiect the slump in business. The first and most important of these groups em- braces the Bank of Japan, under the control of the Government, and the savings banks. The second group In- cludes institutions like the Yokohama Specie Bank, the chief function of which is to provide exchange facilities to exporters and importers. The next group is the Nippon Kogyo Ginko (Industrial Bank of Japan), which devotes itself chiefly to financ- ing and the importation of foreign capital. The next group includes loan and discount banks and the last colo- nial banking. There are also 28,647 licensed pawnbrokers. Altogether there are 2,088 banks of recognized standing in the country, with 4,181 branches, with 898,048,000 yen capital, with reserves approximating 385,193,- 000 yen and deposits aggregating 8,136,375,000 yen. There are 24 savings banks in Tokio, 16 in Osaka, 7 in Yokohama and 4 in Kobe. There are in addition deposits in postal savings and ordinary savings banks aggregating 350,000,000 yen. The clearing house system of the em- pire showed a volume of 76,404,000 yen last year, a decrease of 14,000,000 yen from the previous period. The amount of coins and paper money in circula- tion is 2,086,602,000 yen. The actual amount of gold coins in circulation is 59,654,932 yen and of silver 148,000,000 yen. The statements of all of the banks for the current period show a marked depreciation in both depo-sits and loans, which exhibit is accepted as an accurate barometer of business. Japan is one of the few countries in the world into which gold flowed dur- ing the war. At the end of 1914 the Government Bank of Japan held 200,- 000,000 yen in gold metal, while the domestic supply totaled 130,000.000 yen. The war increased the holdings in foreign gold to 1,600,000,000 yen and the domestic supply to about 800,000,- 000 yen. The domestic gains repre- sented were almost entirely due to Im- ports. As the balance of trade is on the Import side of the ledger, however, gold accumulations will necessarily be decreased. 36 The Labor Situation in Japan [.From the New York Herald of Octo'ber 4.] ToKio, Sept. 16. — The anomalous feature in the labor situation in Japan is that the toilers of the empire are de- manding after the world war that they he given benefits or reforms which were obtained by the workmen in al- most every country in the world dur- ing the conflict. They were per- mitted to share in a small waj the tremendous profits made by the Japanese Government and several thousand capitalists and speculators, who accumulated fortunes beyond the ordinary range of Oriental avarice by making, selling and transporting war supplies to the other belligerent na- tions combined against Germany. Labor was held down to a slight in- crease to the wages that had always been paid. There was little revision of these wage standards upward. The only difference that it made to the .Japanese toiler was that the extensive interests through which the profiteers won fortunes provided occupation for more workers. The daily rate of pay for laborers, already far below that of other countries, was not changed commensurately to provide them with means for meeting the steadily mount- ing cost of living, which in some in- stances approximated 300 per cent, above normal. Consequently, the unusual spectacle of wage workers demanding, with the passing of abnormal conditions, higher wages, the right to organize in trade unions and other reforms designed to Improve their condition would be re- garded as most unusual in any coun- try. The fact that such a, movement has not only been launched in Japan, but has scored one or two important victories, and seems to be growing in popular favor, has created a good deal 37 of alarm among the leaders of the im- perialistic Japanese Government and the military party in control of it. It has further encouraged the toiler and agriculturist to predict the coming of a "new dawn" throughout the em- pire which the oppressive military in- fluence will not be able to stop and that will ultimately bring about the establishment of a democracy. Wheth- er this prediction will be realized is a matter of conjecture among the many hundreds of citizens of all classes, who are vigorously discussing the poten- tialities of the situation from every angle. About the only important fact defi- nitely established to date is that the Government, for various reasons not clearly understood, has seen fit to keep its hands off and permit the protago- nists in both camps to fight it out, contenting itself with providing mili- tary protection to see that private property not involved in the dispute is protected. 'Not the least surprising feature of the movement is that a strike of shipyard workers at Kobe continued for more than a month, thereby breaking all previous records, because the ordinary duration of a Japanese strike has been about ten days. Another feature scarcely less re- markable is that the toilers of the country, who have not been organized on anything approaching the substan- tial lines accomplished in other coun- tries, precipitated the present situation in the midst of a financial and indus- trial depression unparalleled in the history of the empire. They made little or no effort to secure a higher scale of wages during the war, while the profi- teers were getting rich. The Japanese employer class, con- fronted with the problem of cutting down their forces instead of increas- ing them, probably had no conception of the conditions which seethed be- neath the surface and which were primarily provoked by the inadequacy of existing wages to cover the cost of living. The employer classes made little at- tempt to initiate a permanent read- justment of the relations between capital and labor to conform to the prevailing trend in other parts of the world. The Government paid little or no attention to the demands of the underpaid workers for reductions in the price of the necessaries of life. It probably did not regard the sporadic protests that came from these humble sources with anything more than a passing phase of natural emotionalism. If this conclusion actually existed in the official mind it was rudely dis- pelled early in July by an outbreak in the shipyards of the Mitsubishi Com- pany at Kobe, the Osaka Iron Works, the Uchida Shipbuilding Company and the Kawasaki Dockyards, also at Kobe, involving In the aggregate something like 30,000 employees. The strike of these workers was preceded by a labor demonstration unique in labor annals in the Far East. More than 30,000 workers par- ticipated in it. Each participant car- ried a paper hand flag, Bolshevist in- fluences were discouraged and the pro- cession as described by impartial ob- servers was most orderly,, which in it- self is an unusual phase of labor dem- onstrations in this part of the world. A few years ago such a demonstra- tion as that staged at Kobe would have been prohibited by the Govern- ment. The local police or military would have arrested the leaders, thrown them into jail and disbanded the paraders. None of these things occurred in the Kobe demonstration. Accepting the traditional view that the lack of organization and sources of help' from sympathizers would soon discourage and end the strike, the people generally were not prepared for the events that followed. Toward the end of June 800 workers in the "Mitsubishi Company, which is controlled by a combination of finan- cial, Interests relatively as powerful as the firm of J. P. Morgan in the United States, presented demands for an eight-hour day, the recognition of labor unions and a bonus system. They specified four months' pay and 30 yen upon dismissal and a promise of 2 yen wage increase per year. The bonus system upon dismissal has been the one concession made to labor within the last twenty years. An official of the Mitsubishi Company Informed the committee which waited on him that "the present is not an opportune time for presenting such demands." Instead of being discour- aged the men set about forming a union and affiliated with the Tuaikai (Brotherly Love Association), which Is organized along the lines of the American Federation of Labor. Up to the time of the shipyards strike the Yuaikai had not, amounted to much. Its chief activities were generally confined to sending frater- nal delegates to international labor gatherings and inviting their coopera- tion in popularizing trades unions in the Imperial Japanese Empire. It probably had less than 10,000 members at the time of the Kobe strike. Since the inauguration of that event the membership of the Yuaikai, ac- cording to Bunji Suzuki, well known to labor leaders in the United States, has grown tremendously in mem- bership and influence. The ship- yards company, believing it would be an easy matter to effect a compro- mise, offered a plan which had always proved effective in settling strikes. They proposed a small increase in pay, but rejected the proposal to recognize the unions or agree to collective bar- gaining. To the surprise of the employer classes and the people of Japan gen- erally, the strikers, except in one in- stance, rejected the offer. The Uchida Company met the demand of the strik- ers by deciding to dissolve the con- cern. It. offered each worker a retirer ment allowance of 100 yen, in accord- ance with prevailing custom. When this was rejected the company turned the funds, totalling 37,000 yen, over to charity. Following the inauguration of the strike at Kobe the Government sent a limited military force to preserve or- der. So well organized were the men, however, that, barring two minor col- lisions, in which one man was killed and a dozen were injured, the military had little to do. 88 The men refrained from actual vio- lence, refused to listen to Bolshevist agitators, rejected proposed forms of syndicalism, discountenanced the re- sort to sabotage, and provided an ex- ample of peaceful resistance unusual among so temperamental a peoDle as the Japanese, whose emotions are easily aroused. They even rejected the plan of staying on in the shoijs but doing no work. In the meantime the Yuaikai as- sumed direction of the strike, solicited and obtained large sums of money from sympathizers throughout the country, and counselled peaceful meth- ods. Most of the credit for this un- paralleled condition of affairs is given to Toyhiko Kagara, who seems to possess unusual skill as an organizer. When he found that the strikerd were not organized and were almost entirely without a reserve fund he selected lieutenants from among the men capa- ble of controlling them and issued an appeal for help to labor sympathizers throughout the country. The results of both undertakings were gratifying to the toilers and disturbing to the employer class. Early in August the Mitsubishi Company, through Mr. Takeda, its president, suggested a plan of compro- mise which would have adjusted wage differences, but made no provision far the recognition of the union and com- pletely rejected the suggestion of col- lective bargaining. The strikers who voted on this proposal appeared to b». less concerned over the offer of a per- manent wage scale, approximately a 10 per cent, increase, than regardlig the other features of their programmfi Instead of accepting it, the execu- tive committee of the Kawasaki dock- yard strikers retorted with a resolu- tion insisting upon the dismissal of foremen who had remained at work. Under the passive protection of the military, strike breakers were intro- duced in the plants affected, but even this move failed to goad the workers into committing violent acts of repri- sal. Unlike it, previous policy of cop- ing with strikes, the Government ap- peared to proceed with caution by not throwing the full force of its power on the side of the employer classes and against the laborers. The works of the concerns affected were no more than adequately protected and there was no attempt made to coerce the strikers into surrendering. An innovation with an Oriental slant temporarily ended the Kobe strike in the middle of August, but by no means stabilized the labor problem. The labor leaders ordered the men to return to work without conditions of any kind. They refused to accept the terms offered by the employers and, in fact, rejected attractive concessions regarding wages which the latter of- fered. The sole explanation given for this unexpected move was that "the fight is one of principle, in which wages are not the most important part. We will return to work and defer the adjust- ment of the dispute until some future time. The men need to work to sup- port their families, but they have not and will not surrender their rights and when conditions become more stabilized, the whole labor problem of Japan will be approached under more favorable conditions." The employers are greatly puzzled over the decision of the labor leaders to call off the strike and attribute it to the determination of the employ- ing classes to organize all labor of the country along the lines followed in Great Britain and the United States. The uncertainties of the labor sit- uation, coupled with the rising tide of democratic spirit throughout the coun- try, are exercising a good deal more Influence in Government circles than the leading officials care to admit. This was pretty clearly established at the end of August by the action of the Minister of Home (Interior) Affairs In urging the Cabinet to approve the plan for establishing a, Labor Depart- ment with power to arbitrate in labor disputes and to further provide Gov- ernment employment agencies, the adoption of a workmen's compensation and insurance law. A bill making these concessions to labor will prob- ably be introduced at the next session of the Diet and have the support of the Government. Some of the labor leaders with whom I have talked assert that the troops sent by the Government to sup- plement the local police agencies in- dicated complete sympathy with the strikers. Leading men of the empire also reflected rather surprising sym- pathy with the cause of the strikers. Among these was Viscount Takahashi Minister of Finance. The fact that an important official of the Government conceded a certain 89 degree of right in their fight did a great deal to encourage and hold the strikers together. Viscount Takahashi suggested that the employers might with benefit adopt the profit sharing scheme and a more adequate system of promotion for efficiency. Comment- ing upon the Kobe incident, the Vis- count said: "My study of labor conditions throughout the world has taught me that the working people in Great Britain are remarkable for their dis- cipline and orderliness, while the capi- talist class in the United States is so well organized and firmly established that there is a distinct difference be- tween capital and labor. During my stay in the United States I witnessed a strike and could clearly distinguish that there is a gap between capital and labor in that country. "It is the common practice among the capitalists in the United States to lock out their men and women. Hence labor disputes have an exceptionally deep meaning in the life of America. On the contrary, I cannot perceive in Japan any established system of capi- talism in the strict sense of the term. The only amicable solution of labor lisputes in this country at present lies in the just and impartial enforcement of profit sharing plans. "Most of the new enterprises pro- moted take the form of joint stock companies, which as a rule are organ- ized cooperatively by shareholders, managers and laborers. The just and wise distribution of profits among these three factors of Japanese enter- prise would solve all pending labor dis- putes. Now is the time for both capi- talists and workers of Japan to co- operate in the promotion of their in- terests. The price of commodities in this country has been booming with- out limit and has already far sur- passed the quotations of other coun- tries. "Unrest among the people is affect- ing the thinking of the general public. The most effective way of settling this unrest is to bring about a reduction of the high prices of necessaries by cut- ting the cost of production. On this point the Japanese capitalists have made a grave mistake. They have re- tained a surplus of labor and been compelled to charge excessive prices for their products." The opinion of the Minister of Finance, while comforting the leaders In the present trade union movement, is not fully shared by them. They are naturally Inclined to regard the Kobe demonstration as the preliminary of a countrywide movement anaong the industrial and agricultural workers to bring about a rediiction in the cost of government as well as iri the cost of living. It is a significant fact that both these elements in the productive life of Japan are unanimously in favor of the disarmament programme which is to be considered at Washington. At the same time they have convinced themselves that the Kobe strike is merely the preliminary of a universal movement among the toilers of all grades for the amelioration of existing conditions. Some of them even predict that, un- less the Government lends its support to the movement, the influence of the Mikado and his Ministry will ultimately be destroyed through the growth of democratic sentiment, which, up to date, has been held in check. Even the newspapers that express the full- est sympathy with the project stop at the suggestion of some of the leaders in it that the movement toward a re- public is gaining headway. They recite frequent instances where similar projects have been summarily put down by military power, which up to date has not been exerted. Suzuki, the labor leader, is one of those who believes that the Kobe strike is merely the beginning of a new era in Ja- pan. He regards the disarmament conference as an important factor in it. He has already urged upon the Government to include a representa- tive of labor in the Japanese delega- tion to the Washington conference. The suggestion that he do so came from Samuel Gompers. Discussing the labor movement In Japan with me the other day Mr. Suzuni said: "A strike such as that at Kobe would have been put down in ten days by the Government a few years ago. I believe the Government was wise in not attempting to put this one down in the same way, because such an act might have Invited a more serious con- flict between the workers and the em- ployer class. I believe that the strike will result in the organizing of both industrial and agricultural workers, 40 The former will naturally lead the way because the agriculturalists lack the facilities for accomplishing cohe- sion that are enjoyed by industrialists. "Primarily, the Kobe strike was a protest against the injustice of the way in which Japanese labor has been treated by the employer class. The Japanese worker was not permitted to share in the fruits of the war. His wages, pathetically small as compared with those paid to the artisans of other countries, remained stationary. In the meantime the cost of living compelled him to exist on improper and inadequate food and to live under the most distressing conditions. In the second place, the Kobe strike was very Important because it will eventu- ally result in better relations between labor and capital, compelled by the former. A great many of the leading men in this country have indicated their sympathy with it." While the Kobe strike was the most important that has occurred in Japan in many years, it Is not the only one inspired by the same general cause — inadequate pay and excessive living expenses. Since January 1 there have been sixty-three strikes, each affect- ing more than 2,000 men, the largest number of strikers In any one trade being 16,000 previous to the Kobe out- break. At the end of 1919 the number of workers employed In the factories of Japan totalled 1,720,000. On the first of January last unofficial estimates placed the number at 1,140,000. De- spite the decrease in the number of workers, plus 600,000 unemployed for various causes, there is little or no mendicancy In the streets of Toklo, Yokohama, Kobe and Nagasaki, pre- sumably because the law forbids It, but there is certainly a great deal of poverty. A visit to the poorer quarters of Yokohama, Toklo and Kobe convinced me of this fact. The cost of living, which lies back of the recent labor disputes and is re- sponsible for nearly all of the unrest noted throughout the country, has steadily mounted during the last three years and has kept pace with the busi- ness depression. A statement showing how the cost of living has increased since 1914 was issued in August by the Government. It was as follows: 1914. 1920. Ten. Yen. Kent, monthly 13.64 20.93 Rice, monthly 11.46 B0.17 Other foods, monthly 16.09 48.47 Fuel, monthly 5.51 16.74 Clothes, monthly 16.10 57.54 Car fares, monthly 2.46 3.94 Sundry Items, monthly 4.82 11.20 Rice, which constitutes the chief feature of food upon which the la- boring classes live, now retails at 8 per pound, in 1914 it was sold for 3 per pound. Clothing, which Is a very simple matter in Japan, has Increased about 150 per cent. Dried fish, which three years ago sold for 4 cents a pound Is now 10. The daily wages paid to laborers of the coolie class and the workers in the shops and offices In the cities is woefully small as compared with those paid to men engaged in the same oc- cupations in the United States. Steel workers, iron workers and car- penters receive a maximum of $1.50 a day, cobblers 51.25, hatters $1, ma- sons $1.80, harness makers $1.50, cab- inet makers $1.50, tinsmiths $1.15, blacksmiths $1.25, building laborers ?1.10, day laborers $1. In the United States the workeru employed in any one of these lines receive a minimum of $5 per day. Japanese farm laborers are paid a maximum of $1.50 a day. The most efficient Japanese servants get $10 a month with board. The jinriksha men are among the best paid in the classi- fied labor groups. They make from $1 to $3 3' day. 41 Japan and "The Open Door [From the New York Herald of October 5.] ToKio, Sept. 17. — Japanese statesmen and politicians were not entirely un- prepared for the move made by Presi- dent Harding of the United States to put an end to the fiction of "The Open Door" in the Par East and make it a reality. Jhe stand taken by Secre- tary of State Hughes regarding the Lansing-Ishil agreement created al- most as much consternation and em- barrassment among leaders of the Japanese Government as did the sug- gestion of the American President that all of the leading nations of the world gather around the council table and approach in a serious mood the prob- lem of armaments and the settlement of the bitter political and economic fight which Japan has fomented on the Asiatic mainland with scant interfer- ence from Occidental nations. The fascinating history of Japanese diplomacy up to the receipt here at Tokio of the declaration by Mr. Hughes is one that reflected great credit upon both Japanese diplomatic skill and psychological understanding of the in- fluences that insured the friendship of Great Britain and other European . Governments. In all its manceuvring to secure economic and political con- trol in the FUr East Japan has pro- ceeded on the theory that the Euro- pean support which it had earned by protecting various European national interests in the Pacific would be suffi- ciently potential to prevent the United States Government from seriously in- terfering with its plan of Far Eastern dominance. The statement of Mr. Hughes tha the present United States Government would not be bound by the previous policy of tolerance regarding the Japa- nese ambitions, therefore, created tha greatest consternation ' among leaders of the Japanese Government and pre- pared them for the move for' the con- ference on limiting armament, which, if carried out, will force Japan to limit her activities to the island which con- stitutes her only legitimate sphere of influence or defy the United States and such nations as may coincide with its doctrines. The Hughes declaration is, there- fore, the most important immediate issue confronting Japan, because it is recognized as a firm declaration of policy that will be persisted in by the United States, whether the armament conference succeeds or goes the way of its predecessors and Is lost in a flood of controversy, without definite or con- clusive results. Japanese statesmen who appear to have correctly interpreted the new policy of the Harding Administration fully appreciate the fact that, if the United States insists upon the ob- servance of it, it win strike at the very root of Asiatic complications re- sulting from Japanese dictation, res- cue China, Manchuria, Mongolia and Siberia from Japanese control and re- strict the ambitious aggressions of Japan to its own country. More than one of the elder states- men has pored over and directed his full power of analysis to this phase of Secretary Hughes's declaration: "The Government of the United States has never associated itself with any arrangement which sought to establish any special rights or privileges in China which would abridge the rights of the subjects or citizens of other friend- ly States, and I am happy to as- sure you that it is the purpose of this Government neither to par- 42 ttcipate nor to acquiesce In any ar- rangement which mlglit purport to establish In favor of foreign in- terests any superiority of rights with respect to commercial or economic development in desig- nated regions of the territory of China, or which might seek to create any such monopoly or pref- erence as would exclude other na- tionals from undertaking any legitimate trade or industry, or from participating with the Chi- nese Government In any category of public enterprise." Interpretation at Toklo. While this statement was sapiently interpreted here at Toklo as a direct intimation that the United States did not view with favor a renewal of the British-Japanese alliance; it was also appraised as the first determined step made by any of the "Western nations to prevent the further exploitation of not only China, but other defenceless Asiatic countries which had yielded to the superior militarj, political and economic skill in Japan. Japanese statesmen were, and etil are. Inclined to couple the Hughes declaration and the decision of the United States Government to transfer its major naval forces from the At- lantic to the Pacific. I have very good reason to justify the statement that the renunciation by Mr. Hughes of the Lansing-Ishli agreement, which Japan forced on the Wilson Administration during the war, created a good deal more anger and resentment among high Japanese officials than even Pres- ident Harding's initiative in suggest- ing the conference on armaments and, inferentially, a frank discussion of Far Eastern problems in which Japan is vitally, interested. This resentment has been communi- cated through the newspapers and other agencies of publicity and propa- ganda to the people of Japan and has been adroitly used to arouse the na- tional spirit of patriotism, in which undertaking the Japanese Government has been markedly successful. The Japanese leaders themselves publicly expressed only the most profound friendship for the United States, but their assertions are characterized with a flavor of dislngenuousness. Among the people of the country, whose men- tal processes are more literal and less subtle, the Impression has been cre- ated that the United States is deter- mined, for reasons closely approximat- ing trade rivalries and envy, to break the spirit of Japan and to check its further growth and the realization of the national ambition to control the mainland of Asia. Course of Japanese Dlplomaey. Up to the present time the very able diplomats of Japan, who readily and understandingly employ the most ef- fective methods of achieving their pur- pose, have had little to fear from in- terference from the United States or the more important of the European nations, some of which have, in fact, shared in profitable partnerships in exploiting illiterate, inexperienced and reactionary Asia. A study of the treaties between the United States and Japan justifies the award of the major honors to the Mi- kado's Government. The first and most important of the agreements ne- gotiated in the last twenty years is the one designated as the "Gentlemen's Agreement," which grew out of the first organized protest of the people of the Pacific coast against the unre- stricted and indiscriminate immigra- tion of Japanese subjects. That agree- ment provided, in effect, that Japan should restrict the emigration of the laboring class, and there Is no ques- tion but that she madr an honest at- tempt to do so. The weak spot in the agreement was the invasion of the United States by the "Picture Bride'' class of immi- grants, which device was employed by both Japan and China to introduce nonien of the two races into the United States for both moral and im- moral purposes. Japan voluntarily put an end to this practice. The next important agreement ne- gotiated between the United States and Japan was that effected by Blihu Root, Secretary of State, and Baron Kogoro Takahira, the Japanese Ambassador to Washington. This agreement, which established the doctrine that subse- quently became known as the "Open Door Policy," was seized upon by Japan and Great Britain to extend their respective "sphere of influence" in Asia. It contained these under- standings: 43 1. It is the wish of the two Gov- ernments (Japan and the United States) to encourage the free and peaceful development of their commerce on the Pacific. 2. The policy of Iboth Govern- ments, uninfluenced by any ag- gressive tendencies, is directed to the maintenance of the existing status quo in the region above mentioned and to the defence of the principle of equal opportunity for commerce and industry in China. 3. They are accordingly firmly resolved, reciprocally, to respect the territorial possessions belong- ing to each other in the said re- gion. 4. They are also determined to preserve a common interest of all Powers in China by supporting by all pacific means at their disposal the independence and integrity of China and the principle of equal opportunity for commerce and in- dustry of all nations in that em- pire. 5. Should any event occur threatening the status quo as above described or the principle of equal opportunity as above de- fined, it remains for the two Gov- ernments to communicate with each other in order to arrive at an understanding as to what meas- ures . they may consider it useful to take. Wartime Bargrainlngr. The Lansing-Ishii agreement, which closed the door opened by the Root- Takahira agreement, was proposed at the psychological minute when Japan was bargaining with the Governments at war on Germany for her support When the agreement was negotiated the attention of the world generally was directed away from and not toward Japan. There was little dis- cussion of either its positions or its purposes at the time it was put through. In fact, the full force of it was not appreciated until after the termination of the European conflict. No better illustration of the consum- mate skill of Japanese diplomats has ever been provided than the reasons set forth in justification of the agree- ment. The chief reason advanced for the agreement was as follows: "In order to silence mischievous reports that have from time to time been circulated it is believed by us that a public announcement once more of the desires and in- tentions shared by our Govern- ment in regard to China is ad- visable." A study of conditions that existed at the time the agreement was signed fails to show that there had been any unusual "mischievous reports" other than the sporadic protests of the peo- ple of the Pacific coast against the economic activities of Japanese sub- jects who had bought land and in- vaded fields of competitive commercial venture with the white residents of the Pacific coast States. When the leaders of the Japanese Government were advised that Viscount Ishii had succeeded in securing the acceptance of this agreement by Mr. Lansing on the part of the United States they made no attempt to conceal their com- plete satisfaction over this very sig- nificant and advantageous provision: "The Governments of the United States and Japan recognize that territorial propinquity creates special relations between coun- tries and, consequently, the Gov- ernment of the United States rec- ognizes that Japan has special in- terests in China, particularly in the part to which her possessions are contiguous." Modification In Clanse. The clause that followed was re- garded at Washington at the time the agreement was signed as modifying Japan's "special interest," in China, but it was not so interpreted at Tokio, nor has it ever been. The so-called "modification" was thus set forth: "The territorial sovereignty of China, nevertheless, remains un- impaired and the Government of the United States has every con- fidence in the repeated assurances of the Imperial Japanese Govern- ment that while geographical position gives Japan such special Interests, they have no desire to discriminate against the trade of other nations or to disregard the commercial rights heretofore granted by China in treaties with 44 other Powers. . . . The Gov- ernments of the United States and Japan deny that they have any purpose to Infringe in any way the independence or terri- torial integrity of China and they declare furthermore that they will always adhere to the principle of the so-called 'open door' or equal opportunity for commerce and industry in China. . . . Moreover, they each declare that they are opposed to the acquisi- tion by any Government of any special rights or privileges that would affect the independence or territorial integrity of China or that they would deny to the sub- jects or citizens of any country the full enjoyment of equal op- portunity in the commerce and industry of China." In Japanese official circles the dec- larations set forth in the Lansing- Ishii agreement are asserted to be a mere reaffirmation of the Root- Takahira "open door" agreement. Leaders among the Chinese people, the Manchurians, the Mongolians, and more recently the Siberians, do not hesitate to characterize the Lanslng- lehii agreement as a complete aban- donment of the "open door" policy. The positive declaration by the Har- ding Administration, through Secre- tary of State Hughes, that the United States Government will not recognize any superiority of Japanese rights in China has done more, I am informed, to encourage the Asiatic peoples who have suffered through the exploitation of their country by Japan than any event in twenty years. American busi- ness men engaged in trade in Japan further inform me that it has increased the resentment of Japan toward the United States to a greater degree than any international incident affecting Asia since Japan launched her ambi- tious efforts to control Asiatic affairs. Some of these men tell me that their own business interests have suffered as a result of the chagrin and conster- nation created by the aeclaration of the American Secretary of State. They Inform me that some of their cus- tomers have recently expressed un- friendly sentiments regarding the United States, having been led to be- lieve by Government agencies that the United States is trying to win the trade of Asia away from Japan. There are seven other treaties be- tween Japan and the United States, but all of them follow the usual line in guaranteeing respect for the respective fights of commerce and navigation, the protection of trademarks and copy- rights in China, extradition urivileaes and immigration restrictions. 45 Japan's New Advantages in the Pacific IFrom the New York Herald of October 6.] ' ToKio, Sept. IS.^It was by no hap- hazard stroke of luck that Japan won a strategic advantage at the Paris peace conference and before the League of Nations when it secured the control over some of the most impor- tant islands in the Pacific. No accom- plishment of Marquis Sainjo and his fellow delegates from Nippon to Paris pleased the Japanese Government and people quite as much as the manner in which they raised the empty ery of "race equality" to cloak the real aspi- rations of Japan for control over the former German island possessions that, in certain emergencies, might prove of inestimable value as naval bases. The claim for "race equality" brought forward at just the right moment — to be abandoned at an equally propitious period — is now generally recognized by diplomats throughout the world as a rare stroke of subtle intrigue. Cap- able observers at Tokio who are in posi- tion to reflect the state of the Japanese official mind are quite convinced that Japan knew in advance that her plans for recognition of her nationals by other countries would be denied. They are also rather confirmed in their opinion that by playing the game as she did Japan secured what she wanted at Paris and Geneva — the al- lotment of islands under direct award or by mandate whose strategic value in the event of foreign complications which might eventuate in war she had fully prospected in advance. Circumstantial evidence originating in unofficial channels and tending to confirm the reports that Japan has al- ready set about fortifying Bonin Isl- and (a Japanese possession) is per- mitted to go by default. Evasive re- 46 plies only are forthcoming in response to inquiries regarding the prospective Japanese policy regarding the islands which she controlled in advance of the Paris peace treaty or which were given to her by the Versailles treaty or un- der mandate by the League of Nations. Fortification of mand^-tes . is forbidden by the Versailles treaty. No direct information regarding either her plans or actual undertak- ings in the line of fortifying the highly important Island bases which are now under her control is to be obtained. One very good reason for this is that Japan allows no aliens without spe- cial permits to land on any of the new islands which, her critics say, she will use in precisely the same manner as she has Asiatic territory over which she now ejtercises fairly complete eco- nomic and partial political control. Bonin Island is not by any means the most important upon which Japan might depend for offensive and de- , fensive uses in the event of war with any Power that might seek to question her policies of expansion in the Pa- cific. The island has been Japanese territory since 1861. It might prove of tremendous strategic importance under certain contingencies. Fairly direct information Is at hand to show that the Japanese Government has already spent more than $600,000 in fortifying Bonin Island as the result of a careful survey conducted under the direction of the Japanese Navy Department. Much significance Is attached to the activities of the Japanese naval forces on Bonin Island by the fact that it is only ten hours' steaming distance from Guam, the American naval base. Re- ports which diplomats representing other cotintries at Tokio view with interest are, in effect, that the pre- liminary plans for fortifying the Mar- shall and Caroline Islands, which are under the mandate of Japan, have been completed, but that no work has actually been inaugurated in the di- rection of transforming those islands into effective naval bases. The ad- ministration of these islands has been turned over to the Navy Department, notwithstanding the introduction of civil administration on the Marshall and Caroline Islands. The plans of Japan regarding the islands which she occupied before the Qerman war and which have since come under her control form a lively sub- ject of discussion among not only for- eign diplomats but business men rep- resenting the interests of countries dealing with the Mikado's Government and people. Military Valne ot Islands, Discussion among leaders of the Jap- anese Government concerning the pos- sible military value of the islands which the Mikado's Government now controls in the Pacific is naturally interpreted to indicate insurance in case of war, although it is not accounted for by any legitimate apprehension of attacks from forieign quarters. Government leaders at Pekin, Melbourne and Auck- land, who maintain a vigilant eye upon all things Ja()anese, presume to read the manoeuvers of Japan as indicating a belief that such preparations will be justified in the future, though versions emanating from this quarter are very naturally scoffed at in government circles here at Tokio. A comparison of the distribution of the islands in the Pacific which might be called upon to play important parts in a war involving the future of Asia shows that Japan occupies a very for- midable position. Of the thirty-two islands scattered between the Japanese coast and Australia that could be used to great advantage by the nations con- trolling them, Japan exercises more or less complete dominion over six, not counting over a hundred little islands around Japan itself. The number of islands thus con- trolled by Japan is not so important as the location of them. All of them are situated north of the equator and dot the waters wiChin a radius of 2,000 miles of the sea. The Japanese isl- ands given under mandate are the Carolines with 56,000 population, the Marshall with 15,000, the Ladrone (thief) with 5,000 and the Island of Yap with 10,000. The combined ter- ritory of these islands is not far from 10,000 square miles. In addition to these Japan controls the Pelew, the Ogasawara and the Parry groups, the combined area of which is probably 5,- 000 square miles. Brltlsb Possessions. The largest real estate holdings of any nation in the Pacific belong to the British Government, which controls the Fiji, the Phcenix, the Gilbert, the Pleasant and eight small islands in the region of Australia and, jointly with the French, the New Hebrides. The United States, by direct acqui- sition, controls Hawaii, the Philippines, Wake, Guam, Marcus and the Baker groups, extending over a stretch of the Pacific north of the equator, with Baker Island on the fringe of it. Under League of Nations mandates Australia controls New Ireland and New Britain, formerly identified as the Bismark group, and Madang. New Zealand exercises mandatory privileges over New Guinea and Ger- man Samoa, the United States main- taining its previously acquired base at Pago Pago. Through previous ac- quisition the French control New Cale- donia and Loyalty Islands and the Dutch the Island of Timor. In this distribution of Pacific Island territory the Japanese find themselves advan- tageously placed almost directly in the line between the Philippines and the Hawaiian Islands, over which the United States exercises direct control. The distance from San Francisco to Hawaii is 2,100 miles, while Guam is separated by 3,337 miles from the United States territory in the Pacific, with the Philippines 1,500 miles dis- tant to the west from Guam. Guam is located directly east of the Philip- pines and southwest from Honolulu. North of Guam is the Marianas group and 200 miles away to the northwest are the Ogasawara, both of which are controlled by Japan, and provide con- venient stepping stones (or prospec- tive naval bases) between Japan and Guam. South of Guam, and almost on a line with the Panama Canal, are the Caroline Islands. East of these are the Marshall Islands. There are a great many islands in each of these groups 47 and most of them are so advanta- geously distributed that they would provide the Mikado's Government with unusually favorable facilities for naval operations and can be thoroughly forti- fied at comparatively small cost. The strategic value or the Island of Tap is fully appreciated by Japan and the impression exists here at Tokio that she intends to assert her right under the authority of the Versailles treaty, despite the hostile attitude of the United States, which, on two oc- casions, has emphasized its objection to Japanese control over the vitally important cable station located on that island. Japanese officials believe the objections presented by Secretaries Colby and Hughes to the award of the cable from Yap to Shanghai will be withdrawn or ignored by the Leagut of Nations. It is admitted that there is no justification for this belief but is quite certain that Japan will offer every resistence in her power if a move is made to deprive her of what she considers her legal international rights in the matter. For the time being Tokio is disposed to set the mat- ter aside in accordance with her tra- ditional formula in treating protests of the sort that the United States has presented in the Yap controversy. It is not at all probable that she will overlook any opportunity to fasten her grip on not only the cable com- munications centring on the little nerve centre in the Pacific, but on the po- tential value of Yap as a prospective naval base. While Yap is important only be- cause it hooks up the submarine tele- graphs between Shainghai, Tokio, San Francisco, Borneo, Australia and the Straits Settlements its desirability is ever in the minds of the diplomats and statesmen of half the countries of the world. When first discovered by a Spanish navigator in the sixteenth century the island was called "Guap." For two centuries it remained under the control of the Spanish, though the population was largely made up of Malays, bearing a close resemblance to some of the types in the lesser Philippines. Germany was the first of the larger nations to appreciate the geographical value of Yap, which the Spanish had not thought worth looking after. In 1884 a German gunboat raised the flag of the Kaiser on the islaind. The Spanish Government voiced a vigorous protest, and the Pope, who acted as arbitrator, decided in favor of the Spanish. After the Spanish-American war the Spanish Government sold the Carolines, together with the Pelew and Ladrone Islands, to Germany for about $4,000,000, and took over 'Yap, which was then a part of the Caroline group. Germany and the United States both realized the importance of Yap and Guam, 360 miles away, as cable bases. .An American cable runs from San Francisco to Honolulu, Guam, Manila and Shanghai, while from Guam there is another cable, the southern part of which is American and the northern part Japanese, which goes to Yoko- liama. The German Government, through the agency of the German Netherlands Company, laid cables di- rect to Shanghai from Yap to Minado, in the Dutch East Indies, and from Yap to Guam. The Yap-Guam cable was of great service to Americans before the great world war, as it gave them an outlet by direct route to China. On the out- break of the war with Germany the Japanese naval forces seized the La- drone, Pelew and Caroline Islands, in- cluding Yap. The Paris peace con- ference subsequently awarded the control of the Yap cable station to Japan. Yap has an additional value in the eyes of the Japanese, because of its proximity to the Carolines, the Mari- ana and the Parry Islands, which have come under the control of the Mikado's Government. With a cable providing direct communication with Japan, with China, with Australia, the Straits Settlements and the United States at hand, the Japanese naval forces would enjoy a decided advan- tage over other nations, particularly in the event of war. The advantage that the control of the Yap cables carry will not be over- looked or surrendered until everj' diplomatic and political device has been exhausted. Inquiry as to the nianner in which the Mikado's Gov- ernment will finally seek to set aside the protest of the United States illicit.? only vague and unsatisfactory replies, flavored with urbane assurances of the utmost respect ,for the wishes of the United states and courteous ap- preciation of its motives. 48 The Anglo -Japanese Alliance [.From the New York Herald of October 7.] ToKio, Sept. 19. — Far from consider- ing protests advanced by the United States and all of the British overseas dominions against the renewal of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, first nego- tiated nineteen years ago, as of para- mount importance, government offi- cials, politicians, publicists and the newspapers are inclined to view the ferment over it with something ap- proaching a tempest in a teapot. They do not appear to be at all resentful against the attitude of the. "United States. Rather they seem to extract considerable humor from the fact that their powerful British ally is unable to control her unruly children in Can-. ada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa. It is against these vigorous colonial opponents of the perpetuation of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance that the thinking men in the Mikado's realm are most greatly incensed. As the spokesmen for Australia, South Africa, Canada and New Zea- land have each come forward to utter a word of admonition to the parent British Government, the Japanese statesmen have lifted their eyes in something approaching amazement at the failure of the London Government to chastise the insubordinate colonies. There is no question but that Japan greatly desires the renewal of the pact with Great Britain, originally nego- tiated in 1902, amended in 1905 and finally revised in 1911. The Japanese view of the matter is that it is reallj of no concern to any nation in the world except Great Britain and Japan. Therefore it was with great surprise that the Mikadois Government was first advised five months ago that the proposed renewal of the treaty for a year was not favorably regarded in the United States. Even the informal protest which was communicated to the Mikado's Govern- ment by the Harding administration was not regarded as involving any serious consequences calculated to pre- vent the British and Japanese Govern- ments from doing as they pleased in the matter. The fact is that it was not until the Premiers of Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Gen. Jan Smuts, as the spokesman for the South African Confederation, indorsed the protest of the United States that the Elder Statesmen of Japan, who com- pose the Imperial Privy Council and dictate its diplomacy, awakened to the gravity of the situation. The protests of the United States and the indorsement of its position by the British colonial governments did not affect the Japanese attitude in the slightest degree. It proceeded on the assumption that Great Britain would be able to cajole or coerce its rebellious colonies in pretty much the same manner as Japan would adopt in dealing with a similar situation. The Japanese leaders have ever been ready to go through with their part of the treaty with Great Britain and are just as ready to-day as they were five months ago. They are merely wait- ing upon Great Britain to find a way out of the. embarrassment imposed by the wholly sincere and sympathetic concurrence of view between the at- titude of the United States and that of the British colonies. Every one of the leading statesmen of Japan is quite convinced that the British Government will find a way out of the difficulties "that confront It at present, a«d they are very confl- 49 dent that when this has been accom- plished the alliance between the Brit- ish and Japanese Governments will be perpetuated. Regarding the character of the ob- jections presented indirectly by the United States and the British colonies, Japanese statesmen are inclined to ap- praise them as political and diplomatic molehills. Viscount Tadashiro Inouye, a member of the Japanese House of Peers, and director general of the South Manchurian Railway and min- ing "conceisions" which Japan wrung from the people of Manchuria, con- fessed his inability to find a justifi- cation for criticism of the proposed re- newal of the Anglo-Japanese pact. Menace In Alliance Denied. "The agreement has been in opera- tion for nineteen years," said the Vis- count, "and in all of that time there has not been a single objection to it up to the present time. I think if you will study it you will find that it is constructed along the usual lines and does not confer upon either Japan or England any special rights that would menace the interests of any other country. Most certainly it does not accord Japan any wider privileges than are justified by reason of its responsi- bilities that make for the security of conditions in the Far East. Great Britain .has quite as much at stake as Japan and it is inconceivable that either Great Britain or Japan would desire to affront any nation, and par- ticularly the United States or the peo- ple of the British Colonies." This is the opinion that prevails among the Japanese Government offi- cials and the leaders of the two rival political parties. A scrutiny of the treaty of alliance, which both the Japanese and British Governments de- sire to renew, does not, however, just- ify the interpretation placed upon it by the Japanese experts. The fact is that both the preamble of the treaty and the binding clauses point inevi- tably to the perpetuation of the special privileges which Japan and Great Britain, in a, major sense, and France In a lesser degree, have enjoyed in the Far East over possible competitors. The preamble and three most import- ant clauses of the Treaty of Alliance are as follows: "The Government of Ja()an and the Government of Great Britain, having in view the important changes which have taken place in the situation since the conclu- sion of the Anglo-Japanese agree- ment of August 12, 1905, and be- lieving that the revision of that agreement responding to such changes would contribute to gen- eral stability and repose, have agreed upon the following stipu- lations to replace the agreement above mentioned, such stipula- tions having the same object as the said agreement, nandely: "A. The consolidation and maintenance of general peace in the region of eastern Asia and India. "B. The preservation of the common interests . of all of the powers in China by insuring the independence and integrity of the Chinese Empire and the principle of equal opportunities for com- merce and industry of all nations in China. "C. The maintenance of the territorial rights of the high con- tracting parties in the region of eastern Asia and India and the defence of those interests in those regions." "Joker" Under Attack. It is a significant fact that criti- cisms of this pact which Great Britain and Japan now both desire to peipet- uate are chiefly directed at the 'joker" contained in clause C. The view pre- vailing at Washington and among the leaders of the Canadian, New Zealand Australian and South African British colonies is that the purpose of the agreement is to continue the grip of Japan on Shantung, Manchuria, Mon- golia and, prospectively, Siberia, and that of Great Britain on India and of France on Indo-China. It Is of in- cidental interest, by the way, that the greatest confidence prevails at Tokio that the French Government with Im- portant interests in the Far East, has reflected only casual oppo'ii'-'.on to the perpetuation of the Anglo-Japanese treaty. France is regarded by the Japanese as a close and consistent friend, who has never Intrudsd any obstacles in the way of the amb'tinus plans of expansion of Japti on the Asiatic mainland. I talked with one of the political leaders of Japan a day or two ago/ who 50 asserted that the Anglo-Japanese agreement was not nearly so import- ant to his country as it is to Great Britain. The outstanding feature of every statement made by Japanese Government officials is that the con- tinuation of the Anglo-Japanese Al- liance would not, or at least should not, cause the slightest concern to the Government of the United States. It is contended, in fact, that the last revision of the document spe- cially provided for safeguarding the interests of the nations whioh were not a party to the deal. Viscount Kato, former Ambassador to England, has assumed responsibility for the In- sertion of a clause in the Anglo-Jap- anese treaty which would remove the risk of England becoming involved in any dispute between the United States and Japan. Clause Fonp Kxplalned. Clause Four of the treaty, to which the Japanese diplomats refer, provides that if either party conclude a treaty of arbitration with a third power, it is agreed that nothing in the treaty shall Impose an obligation to go to war with the power with which such an arbitra- tion treaty is in force. Officials of the Japanese Foreign Office assert that during the Taft Administration Japan was approached by the United States with the sugges- tion that a treaty similar to that ef- fected between Great Britain and Japan should be agreed upon between Japan and the United States. Nothing ever came of the suggestion, accord- ing to Japanese officials, because the United States did not seek any special privileges in the Far East, whereas England was confronted with even greater responsibilities than Japan her- self. Viscount Kato, in reflecting the atti- tude of other Japanese officials toward the Anglo-Japanese treaty, declared that neither Japan nor Great Britain had any specific object in view in ad- vocating the renewal of the Alliance. He expressed the opinion, however, that its renewal would be "an act of prudence on the nart of both nations." If the consensu. Japan's Statesmen Present Her Side of the Case IFrom the New York Herald of October 10.] ToKio, Sept. 23. — Ever since Presi- dent Harding proposed a conference of the leading nations of the world on the limitation of armaments Jap- anese officials, politicians, publicists and students have thought and talked of little else. Personal observation and interviews with the most prominent of these men in various parts of the empire have convinced me that senti- ment regarding the "Washington con- ference is by no means united. Fol- lowing their traditional policy, the officials of the Government have not taken the public into their confidence regarding the reasons which threaten to precipitate a national crisis in Jap- anese affairs or indicated their plans for meeting It. It was with a view of securing opin- ions of real value regarding the most important phases of the matter that I sought first hand information from men whose official positions and bus- iness experience qualify them to speak authoritatively. From the Prime Minister of the Government, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Minister of the Navy I invited an expression of views re- garding the attitude of Japan toward limitation of armament, the pros- pective discussion of Far Eastern mat- ters and other problems in the Pacific. From leading bankers, business men who have achieved wide prominence and from recognized students of both national and international affairs I obtained interviews which, combined with statements from official sources, provide a fairly comprehensive analy- sis of the situation as viewed from many angles. In order to insure complete accu- racy of quotation I prepared and submitted a number of questions to officials of the Government and men of recognized influence in politics, diplomacy and business circles. The questions submitted to His Excellency Count Tasuya Uchida, Imperial Min- ister of Foreign Affairs, were as fol- lows: 1. To what do you attribute the misunderstanding on the part of the people of the United States regarding the motives of Japan in matters of international concern in the Pacific? 2. Do you think that it has been caused in part by statements made by Japanese statesmen and published throughout the world, notably, the fol- lowing credited to the Marquis Saionji on his return from the Paris peace conference : "Japan has become a general object of mistrust and misunderstanding; a fact not only injurious to Japan, but very unfortunate to the foreign na- tions whose policy in the Far Bast Is influenced thereby." 3. Do you believe there is any Jus- tification for the published criticisms in Toklo, London, New Tork and Paris that the diplomatic processes of Japan are lacking in definiteness and clarity of expression and sincerity of purpose? 4. Do you think there is any justi- fication for the criticisms of the policy of Japan in Shantung and Siberia, such as is frequently reflected in the comments of the newspapers of Tokio, New York and other centres? 5. Do you regard any act on the part of the United States connected with the problems of the Pacific as hostile to or menacing the interests of Japan? To these questions Count Uchida made the following written reply: 1. I sincerely regret that there should 57 be any misunderstanding among the people of the United States regarding the policy and motives of Japan. There may be various reasons for such mis- conception, but in my opinion the most important of them all is lack of accu- rate knowledge regarding our policy and motives. If these are correctly understood by the public, the misun- derstandings will be completely swept away. There seem to be not a few news- papers, magazines and books abroad which contain or disseminate inaccu- rate or entirely false Information and observations concerning Japan. In some cases, these misstatements may be due to lack of correct knowledge regarding Japan; in other cases they may be set down to a malicious inter- pretation of Japan's actions ascribable to prejudice, and in still other cases a deliberate attempt to attack and slan- der Japan with some special objects may be responsible. But whatever the motives, this much Is clear that when misinformation of this sort is published, it is difficult for the general public to see whether It is correct, and in most cases people take it as true. Even the discerning will be eventually misled, when they are habitually regaled with misinforma- tion. 2. I do not definitely remember whether Prince Faionji has made such a statement as you quote. But even granting that the Prince or any other statesman for that matter has said that "Japan has become a general ob- ject of misunderstanding," this should be taken merely as a warning to the Japanese against the fact of their country being misunderstood by the world. Surely it cannot be regarded as a cause of misunderstandings re- garding this country. 3. The cardinal principle of Japanla diplomacy is, while promoting the se- curity and happiness of the Japanese people, to make as great a contribu- tion as lies in her power toward the establishment of the world's peace and justice and toward the furtherance of the wellbeing of mankind. If the pub- lic understand this fundamental policy of Japan, they will be able to see in true perspective her policy toward in- dividual problems. It may be added that Japan's acceptance of President Harding's invitation to take part in the Washington conference is actuated by the spirit of that basic principle. 4. Regarding the Shantung and Siberian questions, I greatly regret that there should be found reports which reflect misunderstandings re- garding Japan's real intentions or which are even designed to cause such misunderstandings. There can be no doubt that Japan's attitude toward the so-called Shantung ques- tion is most just and generous. .' orae of the rights and interests which have been acquired from Germany under the Versailles Treaty are to be turned over to China, and as to some others Japan wishes to negotiate with China in order to agree upon the manner of disposing of them. This intention has been more than once communicated to China, but she does not entertain the offer. Responsibility on Cblna. As a matter of fact, there are no few intelligent Chinese who believe in the justice and wisdom of settling the question by direct negotiation with Japan. Only they lack courage to act upon their conviction, because of the ill advised popular opposition, which is mainly the product of the unfortu- nate factional strife. This is why the question remains unsettled. It may be said, therefore, that the responsi- bility for the delay in the solution of the problem rests entirely with Chin^ As to Siberia, it is Japan's earnest hope that the political situation there will become stabilized at the earliest passible moment, and that the Japa- nese together with all other foreign- ers will thus be enabled to engage in peaceful economic activities. Shortly after the evacuation of American troops last year the greater portion of Japanese troops also were withdrawn from Siberia. But the con- tinued existence of marked danger to the lives and property of the numer- ous Japanese residents in Vladivostok and neighborhood and the unmiti- gated menace of the Bolsheviks and brigands to Japanese territory con- tiguous to Siberia have so far necessi- tated the maintenance of the remain- ing Japanese troops in the neighbor- hood of Vladivostok. But it is the fixed policy of the Japanese Govern- ment to withdraw all the troops from the region immediately the political situation in Par Eastern Siberia be- 58 comes stabilized and those dangers and menace cease to exist. Perhaps it is still fresh in the memory of Americans that about 700 Japanese, Including, besides the Japa- nese Consul and his family, women, children and aged people, were merci- lessly slaughtered at Nikolaievsk, Saghalien, last year, a cruel and in- human massacre unparalleled in his- tory. At that time Japan desired to obtain a proper redress for the out- rage and assurances for the futurp, but th«re was no authority with which to negotiate for the purpose. Japan has accordingly been com- pelled to follow precedent in interna- tional law in occupying a few points in the province until a legitimate Gov- ernment might be established in Rus- sia. This procedure is due to the duty of the Government to protect the sub- jects of its own country and to keep the prestige of the State intact, and is of course a different thing from the maintenance of troops in Vladivostok and-district; ■ 5. It is unthinkable that the United iStates, a country whose traditional policy is one of justice, humanity and peace, and which has friendly rela- tions with Japan, should assume a hostile attitude toward her vital in- terests. If the Government and peo- ple of the United States fully under- stand Japan's legitimate interests and her ardent aspirations for the world's peace, especially for the peace, of the Pacific and the Far East, and if with similar aspirations the United States sincerely, exchange views with Japan, I believe that the Pacific . and Far Eastern problems will be solved In a manner compatible with the interests and honor of both countries. - Qnestions Sabmltted to Kato. The questions addressed by me to his Excellency Admiral Baron Kato, Imperial Minister of the Navr, were a.s follows: 1. In view of the fact that the im- perial empire of Japan is at peace with the -other nations of the world, do you believe that the policy of the Japanese Government in setting aside 31 per cent, of its budget appropria- tions for the support of the navy is advisable? 2. Would the abandonment of the "Eight-Eight"' construction plan, de- cided on by your department, expose the imperial empire to the possible danger of an attack from the navies of all the nations? 3. Would you care to say whether the reports that under the direction of the imperial Japanese navy, certain Japanese possessions in the Pacific (notably the Bonin Islands) and terri- tory mandated to Japan have been actually fortified (or are to be) are justified by the facts? 4. Do you regard the assignment by the United States Government of its most important sea units as involving any menace to Japanese interests in Asiatic or Pacific waters? 5. Do you favor the negotiation of agreements between the most impor- tant sea powers of the world, as sug- gested by President Harding of the United States Government, and to what extent should it be carried out? Secretary Kato's Response. The replies made by the Secretary of the Imperial navy were as follows: 1. The Ja{)anese Government and people yield to none in wishing peace. Obviously, however, all countries, ir- respective of their national resources, must first and foremost see to their self-preservation. Lacking the means of self-protection, a country must exist at the mercy of other countries, and such existence would be precarious in- deed. Japan prides herself on a history of over two thousand five hundred years of perfect independence and her people are conscious of the great responsi- bility which that precious heritage lays upon their shoulders. The ■ Imperial navy, while by no means preparing against any particu- lar country, cannot lose sight of its paramount duty of protecting the na- tion against possible foreign aggres- sion. That is the sole motive and aim of the naval policy of Japan. That our naval appropriation for the cur- rent year had to amount to the high figure of 500,000,000 yen is much to be regretted, but it was necessitated by the requirements of national security. 2. As stated above, the Imperial navy has no imaginary enemy in view and its function is purely defensive. But for the purposes of efficient de- fence due regard must always be had to the naval strength which other 59 Powers are able to send to the Far East. From that standpoint It would be clearly imprudent for the Japanese navy to alter its eight-eight pro- gramme of construction without re- gard to other navies. 3. ■portiflcations on the Bonin Islands are now in course of construction, but they are not under the jurisdiction of the navy, but that of the army. No fortifications have been erected or are under contemplation on the islands assigned to Japan under the system. It Is prohibited by the Versailles Treaty to fortify these islands. 4. The despatch by the United States of a powerful fleet to the Pacific is not a matter for Jajian to pass any criticism upon. 5. It goes without saying that Japan would welcome a naval agreement among the naval Powers. The Japa- nese navy will adopt a most fair and just attitude at the Washington con- ference and will not spare its heartiest cooperation in order to help attain the lofty aim the President has in view. Statement by the Fremlep. Takashi Hara, the Premier of the Japanese Government and the head of the Selyu-kai party, which has been In power since September, 1918, ex- pressed the desire to make a statement for The New York Herald without re- plying directly to questions. His state- ment is as follows: "In regard to the Pacific convention and the armament limitation the time is not yet mature enough to warrant publication of the Government plan be- yond what has already been published. You may, however, emphasize the fact that the Japanese Government is de- termined to attend the proposed con- ference with all sincerity because they bow to the conviction that the realiza- tion of armament limitation is really a broad step toward the promotion of the peace and welfare of the world. The maintenance of peace in the Far East has been the constant aim of the Japanese nation. It is true that Japan has sometimes laid herself open to misunderstandings in the estima- tion of foreign Powers in regard to her policy toward the Far East, but since the establishment of the present min- istry the country's attitude has been conspicuously peaceful." Viscount Taka-kira Kato, one of the leaders of the Kensei-kai party, which 60 is opposed to the Hara administration, as well as one of the most influential men in Japan, replied to questions submitted to him with extreme frank- ness. Viscount Kato, who did not hes- itate to express his disapproval of the policy of the Government, was Minis- ter of Foreign Affairs in the Saionji Cabinet and as such negotiated the treaty with China, which has been de- scribed as the "twenty-one points holdup." "No weakness must be shown at the Washington conference by the repre- sentatives of Japan," he said, "if the respect of the world is to be held." Asked as to what he attributed for- eign criticism of policies Viscount Kato replied that to some extent it was due to hostile propaganda dictated by Jealousy and envy or trade ambi- tions, the misapplied influence of mis- sionaries and the timidity of Japanese politicians (obviously the Hara minis- try) who had not made any effort to correct the erroneous impressions re- garding Japanese ambitions. Viscount Kato displayed considera- ble asperity in denouncing the protest of the Chinese Government against the "twenty-one points agreement," all of which it had signed with the excep- tion of group 5, on the advice of the United States Government, because that commitment would have given Japan political as well as economic control over China. "There is no such thing as the twenty-one points," said Viscount Kato, "and if the critics will take the trouble to read the treaty which the Chinese Governmeiit signed at Pekin on May 25, 1915, they will Immediately perceive their error." Replying to questions addressed to him, Junnosuke Inouye, the governor of the Imperial Bans of Japan, ex- pressed the opinion that despite "nat- ural controversies over political and diplomatic affairs which are not of concern to the ordinary citizen, the business relations between the United States and Japan are constantly ex- panding and bringing the two nations closer." Baron Slilbnsafva's Views. Baron Ei-ich Shibusawa is almost as well known in the United States as he is in his own country. At 82 he is sturdy, vigorous, one of the pioneers in modern business methods and an ardent friend of the United States. When I asked him what influences had contributed to the impairment of relations between the United States and Japan, he said: "Well, I think the policy of Japan toward China had a good deal to do with it. Perhaps because Japan has not made her position exactly clear, possibly because her critics do not want to understand it. There are two groups in Japan which hold opposite views regarding China; one favors the attitude of Big Brother; the other is what you Western people might call an aggressive group desirous of ex- ploiting instead of developing China. I believe there are more people in the first group than in the second. "China has stood still while Japan has learned from Europe and America, and all of her tendencies are pro- gressive. The Chinese have been led by bad advisers to despise and envy us. Certain elements in China have resorted to calumnies against Japan designed to create suspicion about every Japanese proposal. "There is no question that the im- migration question in California has caused friction between the United States and Japan. The early emi- grants from Japan to the United States did not go there because they wanted to go but were invited by the Ameri- cans. It was perfectly natural that the Japanese then began tto emigi'ate to the United States In large numbers until they aroused the resentment of the trades union leaders and politi- cians. That resentment has been both senseless and unreasonable, and has caused our people to keenly resent, because for sixty years America was our good friend. I hope that out of the Washington conference there will come some mutual confidence and re- spect which dishonest politicians and newspapers will not be able to de- stroy." Admiral Baron Uriu, who was a fel- low student of Secretary of War Weeks at Annapolis, and who returned in August from a reunion of his class, was extremely optimistic when I talked to him about the Washington confer- ence. "Such conferences bring leaders of nations together," he said, "arid give them an opportunity for getting ac- quainted and of acquiring first hand knowledge of each other's ideals and aspirations. I believe every thought- ful man in the world appreciates the fact that there Is not a single nation that does not desire permanent peace. I do not believe that the Washington gathering will bring disappointment to the people of any country, but that, on the other hand, it will sweep aside some of the misunderstandings and solve nearly if not all of the problems that now disturb the world." General Horiuchi is one of the Japanese publicists who believes that England was responsible for suggest- ing the Washington disarmament proj- ect. "It is easy to see," he said, "that England, for various reasons, cannot protest against the expansion policy of the United States. This is the reason why Japan should utilize the forth- coming disarmament conference to expose the plot of America and to re- move the danger of American domina- tion from the earth.' Japan Is bound by her duty to propose limitation of armament because America by her aggressive policy has forfeited the right to do so. It is true that the Americans are always clamoring for justice and peace, but their actions give the lie to their protestations. American policy is based on territorial expansion." Tukio Ozaki, who was Minister of Justice in the Okuma Cabinet, told me that he believed the apprehension of the Japanese people regarding the conference was unfounded. "The people are mistaken to-day as they were at the time Commodore Perry came in 1853 to open up Japan to foreign commerce," he said, "and they will find it out. Some of our peo- ple believe America has come forward with proposals for disarmament purely for selfish aims and suspect her mo- tives. They will awake to learn that America's proposals are sincere and that we are on the eve of a new world era." 61 Japan and the Washington Conference IFrom the New York Herald of October 11.] ToKio, Sept. 24. — An inquisitive re- porter (like myself) seeking in Japan solutions for "the problems of the Pacific" finds three questions inevi- tably popping up in his mind as he quests for information among all classes of the very interesting people upon whom the attention of the world is now directly focused. The first is: "Why should Japanese diplomats, statesmen, politicians, dem- agogues and publicists anticipate with such pronounced - apprehension the conference called at Washington to discuss the limitations or armaments and Par Eastern matters?" The second: "Has the Imperial Jap- anese Government offended the moral sense of the world by the methods it has employed to gain economic, po- litical and military supremacy in the Far East? If not, why should it volunteer explanation, assert justifi- cation and devise means of defence?" The third: "If Japan does not an- ticipate unacceptable consequences to herself of the Washington conference, why should she actively set about preparing to defend the 'special privi- leges' she claims in the Par East and the Pacific in defiance of the universal sentiment that inspired the suggestion of President Harding?" The facts developed show: That Japan is suspicious of the mo- tives that prompted the United States in suggesting the conference. That Japan is resentful of the "med- dling" of the United States in the "special privileges" she claims in the Par East and in the Pacific, but does not deem it wise frankly to proclaim her opposition. That despite her professed peaceful purposes Japan is actively, though secretly, preparing to "protect her rights" in the Par East, and that she will be ready for a "defensive war" in 1924. The fundamental cause of the fail- ure of Japanese leaders to reconcile themselves to the possible eventual- ities of the Washington conference Is their obstinate refusal to be convinced that no ulterior or selfish motives lie back of the American proposal for an impartial review and unselfish read- justment of world affairs as the best guarantees for enduring peace. The final decision as to what shall be the future policy of Japan practically rests in the hands of ten men, who to rll intents and purposes constitute the controlling influence of the empire. These are *the Emperor, the Crown Prince, Prince Fushima, Prince Yama- gata. Marquis Saionji, Baron Makino, Marquis Matsukata, Viscount Chinda, ■'=>remier Hara, Admiral Baron Kata, Secretary of the Imperial Navy. All of these men, with the exception of the Crown Prince and Viscount Chinda, represent the most reactionary ele- ments in Japan. The progressive attitude of the Crown Prince, who seems to have ab- sorbed many progressive ideas during his European odyssey, is unquestion- ably very disturbing to the old clan leaders, who regard with disfavor any departure from the established tradi- tions. It is to the Crown Prince that the younger element, who style them- selves Democrats and Progressives and Liberals, look for guidance in their ambitions, which contemplate the dis- carding of the old influences that make for militarism and the perpetua- tion of imperialistic doctrines. But the Crown Prince is still a callow youth and extremely susceptible to the 62 influences of family, which the old timers seek by subtle and Insidious processes to perpetuate. > The officials in the Kasi!tmml-Go- Sake (Foreign Office), on whose rhoulders will fall the task of nego- tiating at Washington- a bargain ac- ceptable to the people of the empire, have not up to date fully recovered Irom the ■ distressing state of mental ferment into which they worked them- selves over Mr. Harding's suggestion, or found a solution for the perplexi- ties provoked by it. In the absence of i)cnl to America. The Japanese rulers of Corea re- gard the so-called "Provisional Govem- ment" as a, good deal of a joke. Tha Coreans look upon it as a very serious undertaking that will ultimately pro- vide the foundation for a republic. Some of the leaders of the Corean movement have told me that they intend to direct the attention of the delegates to the Pacific' conference at Washington to the merits of their cause and to urge the application of the Wilson policy of self-determina- tion to save them from the permanent clutches of Japan. A number of th3 leading "Democrats" of Corea, headed by Hueh Hueng-Wo Cynn, are now in America, with Washington as their objective. A great mystery that has always puzzled the Japanese rulers of Corea is the financing of the "democratic movement" among the Coreans. Tha Japanese spies and military, who grip the country with a firm hand, have very good reason to know that the Corean "Provisional Government" la; well supplied with money and othei means for conducting an elaborata propaganda. I was informed by one of the most ardent of the Corean "Democrats" last night that, with few exceptions, there is none so humble or impoverished among the illiterate and impractical citizens of the Hermit Kingdom who does not contribute his Some of the stories told me by tha Corean patriots at Seoul (called Keijo by the Japanese), Taikyu, the seat of the Government of north Keijo, and Jinsen justified the belief that the se- cret police system of Russia was not any more complete and vigilant than that maintained by Japan in Corea, So complete is this espionage that the leaders in the "democratic movement" are compelled to exercise the greatest caution in commenting upon the Japa- nese administration of their country. Every Corean seems to know, or at least thinks, that he Is being watched, and the Japanese Government makes no effort to destroy the illusion (if such it be) for very obvious and salu- tary reasons. There is, in fact, an element of humor in the frankness with which the Japanese spies, a few of whom are native Coreans — regarded as moral lepers by their fellows — go about their business. One of the drollest tales I have ever listened to was told me by a Corean "Democrat" at Taiku the other night. Freely rendered it went this way: ' "A Corean scum who take Japanese Cash, he come to me and say, 'I got to watch you.' I ^sk him why he got to watch me. H6 say Japanese pay him go with me everywhere, make name of people I talk with, hear what I got say to peoples and peoples got say to me. Then he go and tell Japa- nese and get more Japanese Cash. I tell him no he can't come with me. He say if he don't, he make his grand- mother, who is very old and therefore very wise, tell somethings her honored ancestors say about one my honored ancestors who is dead two hundred years and that I be d.sgrace and my family have much trouble. I no- want my ancestor disgrace and I let he go with me, but I don't talk any Corean about nothing. I spend much time in Temple praying with my ancestors and Corean scum he no get Ja^panese Cash. I spit at him." And the voracious chronicler of the event comprehend- ingly illustrated his contempt by do- ing so. They are a gentle, friendly lot these Coreans, both men and women, and despite their incapacity for the or- ganized processes of government — or their disinclination to adopt them — are intense patriots. While the illite- racy of the country is very great, probably approximating 70 per cent, of the population, estimated at from 17,000,000 to 21,000.000, the more pro- gressive or better class of them are very well educated, with a culture that discountenances the vulgarities with which the Japanese are credited. They are deeply learned In the phi- losophies of the Orient, most devout in their observance of the teachings of Confucius and of Chinese Buddha, yet they absolutely reject the Jap- anese brand, as is shown by the offi- cial Japanese figures which were sent me by Baron Saito, the Japanese Mili- tary Governor-General of Corea, These figures show that there are approximately 366,000 Japanese In Corea who maintain 354 Shinto and Japanese Buddhist temples with a total membership of 168,454. Only 5,953 Coreans worship in the Shinto temples and 17,996 in the Japanese Buddhist temples, while 174,000 Co- reans worship in the Corean Buddhist temple. These figures embrace only the larger centres. Statistics furnished me by the Jap- anese Governor give the total of Co- rean and Japanese converts worship- ping in the Christian churches as 296,487, divided among the Japanese Methodist, Japanese Presbyterian and Japanese Congregationalist and the Pre^yterian Mission, English Church Mission, Salvation Army, T. M. C. A., Roman Catholic Mission, St. Bene- dict's Miscellaneous Society, Methodist South Mission, Methodist North Mis- sion, Russian Orthodox Church, Sev- enth Day Adventists. the Oriental Mis- mite toward the ultimate emancipation of his country. sionary Society and the Latter Day (Mormon) Saints. Corean converts or communicants of the Japanese churches are about as popular with the other natives as a member of the Church of England would be in the south of Ireland. They are regarded as apostates from the ancient faith, and most of them are asserted by Corean leaders to be in the employ of the Japanese Govern- ment. Through an arrangement with the British Bible Society the Amer- ican churches operating in Corea work directly under the former, in re- turn for which the British society rec- ognizes the supremacy of the Amer- ican church committee in the Philip- pines. Activities of aUsBionarlea. There are probably 1,000 Americans conducting missions and trade schooU in Corea under this plan, which is de- clared to be producing excellent re- sults. Some of the missionaries with whom I talked are Inclined to regard the Japanese figures covering the esti- mated number of converts to Chris- tianity as being far below the actual figures. The missionaries who have checked up the matter pretty thoroughly declare that there are nearer 400,000 converts to Western re- ligious sects represented in Corea than 300,000. As a rule they do not make any complaint regarding the attitude of the Japanese Government coward them. Openly it is very friendly, but in pri- vate conversation with representatives of some of the churches whose Identities must be withheld I was in- formed that the Japanese Govern- ment officials, while apparently taking a tolerant view of foreign activities, really maintain a vigilant eye upon their undertakings to prevent "meddl- ing with politics." The Japanese officials are credited by the missionaries with "making a pretence" of conforming to the con- stitution of the empire of Japan, which guarantees the freedom of religious worship. Baron Paito, the Military Governor- General, who several year? ago was Naval Attache to the Japa- nese Embassy at Washington, told me that "the missionaries are very help- ful to us in trying to improve the con- dition of these people." Some of the missionaries, however, expressed the wish that the Governor- General would square his words with deeds. They admit that there is no open hostility to their activities. They even concede recent encouragement in the form of a concession to permit the teaching of the Bible in private schools. The Shinto and Japanese Buddhist creeds are taught in the pub- lic schools operated under the direc- tion of the 'Governor. Some of the Japanese officials admit that "limited control of Christian activities Is necessary" ^pcause "acts of violence directed against the Japanese admin- istration of Corea have been traced to the inspiration of American mission- nries." They cite the last outbreak by Corean "Democrats" (March, 1920) to prove that American missionaries were really at the back of the venture, though ho proof is offered to sustain the charge. This outbreak followed an attempt by a Corean zealot to assas- 79 slnate Governor-General Salto and Dr. Mldzuno, the administrative superin- tendent at the Nan-Dai-Mon (South Gatej railway station at Seoul. As far as the facts developed by the inquiry which led to the execution of the revolutionist disclosed, none of the Christian churches was concerned in the matter. Seoul, of course, is the centre of mis- sionary activities, tyecause It is the headquarters of the Federal Council of Churches. Missions ' have been estab- lished In the provinces of Andong, Charlyung, Chemulpo, Chingau, Choon, Chun, Chulwon, Chungju, Funsanchin, Haiju, Ham, Heung, Holrung, Kangkel, Kongju, Kushang, Kunsan, Kwangju, Kyumasan Mokpo, Pyeng Tang, Song- bo, Songjln, Soonchun, Syenchun, Talku, Tongyeng, Wonsan and Tong- jung. The Salvation Army, which has seventeen branches scattered over Corea, Is very popular with the natives and Is conceded by both the Japanese officials and missionaries identified with orthodox sects to be doing good work. There does not appear to be any more poverty in Corea than there Is in Japan, but there Is unquestionably a great deal more squalor, due to primi- tive teachings and the intense rever- ence for ancient things, no matter how uncomfortable. There are some very wealthy Coreans, but the general run of the people seem to be content with just enough on which to live and through the expenditure of as little effort as possible. They do not look with favor upon the tireless energy of the Japanese and, in fact, have as little to do with them as possible. In Seoul the Coreans patronize only the Coreans, and practically boycott the Japanese trade. The more ener- getic of the Coreans openly compete for the trade of both races and once in a while display great enterprise in doing so. For Instance, two of the eunuchs who lost their jobs at the royal palace when Japan annexed the country have recently opened a garage in Pyeng Tang and are said to be doing quite well. One of the most recent moves made by the Japanese in Corea which is provoking vigorous remonstrance Is to compel the Corean Buddhist priests to "get In touch with the Corean peo- ple." These priests number more than 6,000 and own more than 2,000,000 acres of arable land, from which they derive an annual income of 2,000,000 yen. The Japanese promoters of the new enterprise assert that the priests contribute little to the welfare of the people, lead lives of idleness, drink a good deal and preach sedition to Japan. The Japanese have urged the head abbot of the Kainji Temple at Seoul to urge the priests to reform. They have suggested that he establish an employment bureau and a charity hosi pital and permit the organization of the tenants of the land which the groups of temple priests own through- out the country. It is needless to add that the priests are very much opposed to the Japa- nese plan and are appealing to their followers to vigorously oppose the lat- est evidence of the Japanese to de- stroy the ancient and glorious institu- tions of Corea. 80 Japan in Siberia IFrom the New York Herald of October 15.] Seoul, Corea, Sept. 30. — The military- party of Japan (which, of course, means the all powerful Genro, working through the General Staff) dangles Siberia before the Japanese people al- most as frequently as it exploits the immigration issue. Whenever the volume of opposing sentiment to the Siberian policy of the military party becomes too insistent to ignore, the General Staff, through its thoroughly controlled and intelligently directed propaganda, flaunts the bogey of Bol- shevism. Newspaper and other periodicals published in English, Russian and Jap- anese at Vladivostok, Harben, Chita, Mukden, iSeoul and in Japanese cities print skilfully prepared despatches re- vealing alleged events intended to show that Japan alone provides the only ef- fective safeguard against the spread of Bolshevism throughout the world. Every Japanese military official re- turning to Tokio from Vladivostok and the Manchurian and Mongolian centres says the same thing. . Up to date this policy has prevented any interference with the plans of the Japanese General Staff, though oppo- sition to them in all elements of the population persistently continues. Covert assurances that when Japan has made the world safe against Bol- shevism she will withdraw her military forces from Siberia are vaguely made, though up to early September there had not been any change in the policy which the Mikado's Government put into effect eighteen months ago and has since stubbornly adhered to. Predictions that the turbulent condi- tions existing in Siberia will be cl?.:irfu up before the Washington armament conference were made with great em- phasis by the Government controlled vernacular press (Si Japan, but no act of the General Staff has to date been forthcoming to justify it. On the con- trary. Information from impartial sources rather tends to indicate the steady and persistent tightening oC the Japanese hold in Siberia, oas+ei-a Mongolia and north Manchuria, be- cause the plans of the Mikado's Gov- ernment for permanent economic do- minion over those regions are mani- festly corelated. There is no question in the minds of persons who have followed the com- plex history of Japanese ambitions in Siberia, Manchuria and Mongolia that the economic control of the three im- mensely valuable regions of north- eastern Asia, with Kamchatka and north Saghalien, is the ultima thule of Japanese diplomacy. America's Attitude Igrnored. The attitude of the United States, which has firmly instanced its opposi- tion to the Japanese policy in Siberia, while providing indorsement for the opposition of Japanese leaders de- manding the withdrawal of the Mi- kado's forces in Siberia, seems to have made but little if any impression on the Genro (the "Elder Statesmen"), the Foreign Office and the General Staff. The suggestion has frequently come from one or all of these agencies that the Entente European nations are not in accord on Siberia. The supporters of the plans of the military party in- variably point to France to prove this contention. Official utterance of it was provided by the Soviet Govern- ment of Russia two months ago. Chi- cheran, the JJ'oreign Minister of the Moscow Government, in a note to Great Britain openly charged that 81 France was behind the Japanese scheme for the economic control of Si- beria just as it was behind Poland in the controversy with Germany over Upper Silesia. As far as the Tokio Government has been advised, the French Government paid no attention to the charge made by M. Chicheran. Consequently the impression prevails at the Japanese capital that it was not made without warrant. Whether the pressure of public opinion in Japan and other countries will be strong enough to compel Japan to remove her armies from Siberia was not indicated by the attitude of the Government at the end of August. Influential critics of the Government looked for some sort of a definite an- nouncement that would indicate the purpose of the Mikado's Government to "dress the window" for the Wash- ington conference by calling back its military from Siberia and making good its pledge regarding Shantung under conditions that would still perpetuate her economic grip on both. Sndden Activity In Siberia. It was noted at Tokio that imme- diately after the Washington Govern- ment proposed the armament limita- tion conference events began to move with bewildering rapidity in Siberia. For several months before President Harding issued his invitation to the leading Governments to confer ^n armaments Siberian affairs appeared to have reached a stalemate. Japan's control of all of the agencies of communication did not permit any Information regarding conditions In northeastern Asia to reach the out- side world. Such fragments as came through subterranean channels tended to confirm the charge made by the critics of the Government that the Mikado's military forces were prepar- ing the ground for the profitable en- ergies of propagandists, agents provo- cateur and emissaries of Japanese big business, who had carefully prospected commercial advantages of Siberia, north Manchuria and eastern Mon- golia and were busily engaged in se- curing "concessions" to operate them for a long time to come. I talked to Russians at Seoul re- cently, who told me that "by the time Japan calls off its military forces she win have placed her seal upon pretty nearly everything worth having in Si- beria. The Japanese armies have been used to compel the rightful owners ot profitable businesses in Siberia to sell or lease them to the agents of Japan. The work of the Mikado's army is, therefore, practically complete. I would not be surprised if the signal to withdraw came within a few weeks." Immediately after President Har- ding called the armament conference and indicated that such a gathering might provide an opportunity to dis- cuss Far Eastern affairs generally the Japanese Government directed the at- tention of the world at large to the turbulent conditions existing in Siberia. Her censorship was raised to the ex- tent of lifting the curtain on the activ- ities of rival bands of Bolshevists, mobs of Mongolian and Manchurian bandits who were menacing the sta- bility of the Far Eastern Government, which Russians apparently opposed to the Soviet regime had set up at Chita, and those engaged in trying to pro- mote the establishment of the all-Rus- sian ( Merkulov) Government at Vladi- vostok. If these reports were to be believed (and seasoned observers accepted theih "with a grain of salt") no less than sixteen distinct groups were engaged in warring over the new anti-Bolshe- vist enterprises. The Japanese re- ports were that these groups, organ- ized into so called "armies," were os- tensibly fighting one another, but that most of them were really engaged in trying to spread Bolshevism and un- dermine the new democratic govern- ments. These bands were said to bo made up of Ukranians, released pcliti- cal prisoners sent to Siberia by the Czar's Government. Coreans, Hung- tzes, Jews, Christian Russians, Ta- tars, Buriats and several nomadic tribes of mercenaries holding illegi- ance to no known country or Govern- ment. The frequency with which the re- ports of the alleged atrocities were committed by these bands were per- mitted to reach the outside world through Japanese agencies created a natural suspicion that there Was an- other side to the story. This T nave gathered piecemeal from various sources, making allowance for the par- 82 tisan Influences from which some ol them were obtained. I am of the opinion that not 5 per cent, of the sensational reports of the "battles," "burning of towns," "whole- sale killings," "confiscation of prop- erty," "kidnapping of prosperous men- chants," had the slightest foundation In fact. On the contrary, I believe that most of them were "pure fakes," deslgrned to Impress the world at large with the necessity for maintaining an adequate Japanese military forfe in the regions where the disturbances are alleged to have occurred to' prevent complete demoralization. This opinion was decidedly strength- ened by apparently reliable reports of independent origin which tended to show that the reports of alleged bat- tles were nothing more than raids of bandits and that most of them had been apparently staged by the Jap- anese military forces under the direc- tion of Col. Kurokl, a son of the Jap- anese Field Marshal who won great distinction in the war with Russia. Out of the almost hopeless confusion (also cleverly staged) surrounding conditions in northeast Asia there developed certain very definite impres- sions forced upon observers at Har- bin, Mukden and Seoul, where there are quite a number of Russians con- centrated and awaiting the removal of the embargo established against them to return to their homes. Despite the vigilance of the Jap- anese military authorities and censor- ship these Russians have succeeded in maintaining "a grapevine" communi- cation with Vladivostok, Kamchatka, Primorsk, north Saghalien, Chita, Nikolsk and other Siberian centres over which the Japanese military now exercises dominion. Through these channels have come reports that have established beyond peradventure the responsibility of Japan for most of the disorders that have actually resulted from the unsettled conditions. Japanese Inspired Revolts. Instead of trying to propagate So- vletism (or to resist it) most of the leaders who have figured in some of the "tall stories" regarding alleged revolutions, wholesale killings and de- struction of property have been really revealed as mercenaries engaged In carrying out the plans of Japan — Seminoff, the Russian Mongol; Von Ungern-Sternberg. the Hetaman An- enkov, and several Chinese and Mon- golian bandit chieftains who have fig- ured in the sensational despatches of alleged military operations. Russians with whom I have talked, and who based their statements upon information that appeared reasonably accurate, seek to show that the- so- called "armies" led by these men were nothing more than drunken mobs who were supplied with a limited amount of the implements of modern warfare, a supply of food and a great deal of strong drink, who had been gathered by leaders strongly suspected of being in the pay of the Japanese. Seminoff and Anenkov, who two years ago were hailed as emancipators from Soviet control, were ultimately disclosed as Japanese agents working under the di- rection of the Chief of Staff of the Mikado's Government. It would be a sheer waste of time and of space to describe the various groups which are ostensibly engaged in supporting the genuinely demo- cratic movements in Siberia. The fact is that the Siberian democ- racy set up at Vladivostok has been the real target at which the plans of the Japanese General Staff have been di- rected ever since the United States and other allied nations withdrew their military forces in accordance with the agreement which Japan has Ignored on the ground that she must keep her troops there to save northeastern Asia, Corea, Japan and even China from fall- ing under the control of the Soviet Government at Moscow. South Manchuria is already as good as won and advices from Harbin, in north Manchuria, tend to confirm the belief among Russian refugees waiting to return to their homes that the in- fluence of the Mikado's Government has steadily grown there. The same la believed to ibe true of East Mongolia, where the operations of Chinese and other groups have brought about the existence of perpetual turmoil of an anarchistic character. The Far Eastern Republic enter- prise, which has experienced great difficiilty in keeping afloat, was pro- jected as a buffer state between the Soviet Government and its opponents among' the all-Russlan groups in east- em Siberia, with their base at Vladi- 83 vostok. The Far Eastern Republic is generally described as "mildly Bolshe- vist" and has therefore been exposed to suspicion by the promoters of the Vladivostok Government and the allied nations, from which it has received little help. Merser lilkely In Eaut Russia. Relations between Vladivostok and Chita (the capital of the Far Eastern Republic) have been improving, how- ever, and something approaching a. temporary merger has been accom- plished. Krasnoschefkoff, the Presi- dent of the Far Eastern Republic, is a remarkable man In many respects. He is a product of Russia and early identified himself with the revolution- ary movement. Escaping deportation, he went to America and associated with the I. W. W. in the West. He reformed, however, and became a stu- dent in the University of Chicago, from which he finally received a degree of Bachelor of Laws. Then he came back to east Russia, and when the Kolchak Government collapsed set about creating the Par Eastern Republic, which started in business in January, 1920. His .great- est difficulty was in convincing the Si- berians tbat their salvation would lie in such a project. His Government is framed upon "progressive" lines, with one or two Bolshevist features. Krasnoschefkoff believes that if the Allies had helped him he would have firmly established the new republic. He contends that there is no neces- sity for Japan to keep its military forces in Siberia. He recently declared that the Japanese policy was respon- sible for all of the disorders in that end of the world, and he says if the Mikado will withdraw his soldiers the people of 'Siberia can be united under one Government and order speedily re- stored. Krasnoschefkoff is som.ewhat of a dreamer. He is a great admirer of Nietzsche and Walt Whitman. He has frequently asserted that he is not the tool of the Soviet Government, but realizes that its good will is essential to the success of the Far Eastern Re- public. Advices through Russia and other channels have for months tended to confirm this statement. The Japanese policy is universally regarded through- out Siberia as really intended to pro- 84 vide protection for the ventures of commercial propagandists and conces- sionaires. Japanese military authori- ties in denying this justify their ac- tivities by calling attention to the at- tacks upon the Mikado's soldiers en- gaged in restoring order In January, 1920, when 600 Japanese were killed by the ''Partisan Army," made up of Siberian groups. Records at Washington and Lon- don brought back by the commanders of the Czecho-Slovak troops, which were the last of the allied forces to leave Siberia, show that after the de- parture of the American forces the Japanese military systematically at- tempted to provoke the Russian sup- porters of the new Siberian Govern- ment to resistance. This plan failed, largely because the Russians had been warned in advance of the Japanese purpose and on the day set for the Japanese coup aban- doned their military equipment and re- treated to the old American army base. The Japanese arrested more than one thousand Russians for various alleged offences and kept many of them in prison for long periods. Th2 103^1 supporters of the Vladi- vostok Government, while protesting against the supervision of the Jap- anese military forces, have offered no physical resistance to it. This super- vision practically amounts to a rigid censorship of the Government itself, which is declared to be powerless to prevent the economic encroachment of the Japanese engaged in negotiating long leases and concessions over min- ing, fishing and agricultural ventures. DifHcalt to Do Any Business. Business in Siberia is conducted with great difliculty because there is little, if any, export or import trade and there is no reason to doubt the statement that there is a great deal of suffering among the peacefully in- clined conglomerate populations of Si- beria, north Manchuria and eastern Mongolia, which aggregate from 4,- 000,000 to 12,000,000. The leaders of the democratic ven- tures in Vladivostok have succeeded in communicating to their sympathizers at Harben, Mukden and Seoul their belief that they will be able to cope with the marauding bands backed by the Soviet Government and restore order in northeastern Asia if Japan withdraws Its military forces and takes its hands off economic afifaJrs. That is precisely what Japan had refused to do up to early September. Attempted alliances between the Chita Government and China are ap- parently not regarded by Japan as be- ing-worthy of attention. At least, she made no attempt to head ofE negotia- ations between the KrasnoschekofC Government at Chita nnd the Hsu Government at Pekin. The Pekin Gov- ernment, with several wars raging be- tween predatory Tuchuns on its hands, has not been in position to render military support to anybody. Even if it were, the Japanese would prob- ably welcome the opportunity thus provided to provoke a conflict that would materially advance its inter- ests in Manchuria and Mongolia and win the political as well as economic control of both with scarcely a strug- gle. Japanese political leaders and the vernacular press have not been in as thorough accord over the policy of the Government in Siberia as is usually the case in international mat- ters. Premier Hara has openly in- stanced his disapproval of the plan of keeping a large military force in the country. Baron Gilchl Tanake, who retired from the Ministry of War in May, announced his opposition to the plan of the General Staff to keep the military forces of the Mikado in Si- beria. Viscount Takaaki Kato, the leader of the Kenseikai party, which is opposed to the Hara administration, openly proclaimed his disapproval two months ago. "Japan," he said, "should have with- drawn her troops as soon as the re- lease of the Czecho-Slovak forces was accomplished and for which purpose the allied troops were sent into Si- beria. Failing in this, Japan should have sent a powerful force to sweep the Bolsheviki from eastern Siberia and to aid in the establishment of a strong, anti-Bolshevik government. The Jap- anese army has now no business there. It should be withdrawn immediately and the final adjustment of any dif- ferences left to the League of Nations." This view is also held by Takeshii Inukai, leader of the Kokumin-To, or National Party, who declared that the Siberian policy of the Government "is sowing the seed for future trouble." Despite the opposition of some of the most powerful politicians in Japan, however, the Genro, working through the General Staff, persisted in con- tinuing its Siberian policy up to the time that this article was written. 86 Japan and the Foreigner IFrom the New York flerald of October 17.] Osaka, Japan, Sept. 30. — No people in the world can be more charming or quite as unaffectedly hospitable to foreigners as the subjects of the Mi- kado. The casual visitor from the United States, or any of the European countries, receives the fullest oppor- tunity to study and enjoy the many admirable qualities of the Japanese themselves, visit and feast his eyes upon scenic glories, admire the magni- cent temples and shrines and marvel at the excellence of the arts. In doing so he is not actually ob- structed in any way as long as he displays appreciation, does not meddle in politics of the country and pays his way. He soon learns that a smile goes a long way with the Japanese, who to strangers are rather cautious and inclined to be a trifle austere. But if you ask a foreigner who has. been in the country for months his outstanding impression he will prob- ably reply that it is that the Japanese, while seeming to be frank and cordial, are really suspicious of the stranger and a trifle more inquisitive regarding his movements in the kingdom than i& the case in other countries. If you put the same question to a foreigner who has been in business in Japan for some time he will proceed to warn you that the Japanese are really a dissembling and disingenuous lot, despite their simulation of friendship and good will. He will advise you to put the acid test on everything that you buy in the shops, to lock your trunks and bags and to discount most of the statements made by Japanese. He will appraise the Mikado's sub- jects as being "deceitful," "evasive," "tricky," given to "duplicity," "of ques- tionable business ethics," and at heart really unfriendly to foreigners in gen- eral, and especially Americans. He will warn you agamst entrusting to the mails letters that discuss Jai>a- nese affairs or that contain valuable trade secrets. He will, furthermore, advise you to be "very careful in using the cables," for the reason that both mails and telegrams are likely to find their way into the censor's office be- fore being either forwarded or "lost." This sort of advice, coming from persons who should be in position to know what they are talking about, is certain to make an unfavorable im- pression on the mind of a newcomer, even if his experience has been as pleasant and free from annoyance as my own. It encourages a state of mind that makes for suspicion of a people who are not to be outdone In effusive politeness and acts of genuine courtliness and unaffected hospitality. The average Japanese encountered in Yokohama, Tokio, Kobe, Osaka, Nara, Nikko or In most of the small towns of the Interior is quite as in- dulgent of a stranger as those of any other country In the world. He will try to Interpret your spoken Inquiries and decipher the meaning of the signs with which you invariably accompany them. If he cannot quite make out what you want to know he will call upon the assistance of everybody in -hearing to help out, A PaHBlon lor Bdneatlon. Incidentally, an American or Eng- lishman is likely to meet with greater success In making himself understood than would) a Japanese subject in the United States or England for the very excellent reason that probably ten per cent, of the Mikado's subjects have studied English In fhe schools, in the 86 curriculums of which it fa the most popular foreign language. The passion of the Japanese for edu- cation Is pretty clearly reflected In the schools that compel the study of at 2east one foreign language. Most of the rlckisha men and shopkeepers in the larger towns, the hotel clerks, rail- way guards and porters, clerks and stenographers and telephone operators possess a pretty fair working knowl- edge of English, to say nothing of the students of the higher school branches. All of these people are genuinely polite. Once in a while you run against a dour Japanese who is not, and some of the newspapers in Tokio and Kobe frankly express their dis- gust of Americans and indulge In un- friendly comments. As one or two of these newspapers have a circulation approximating a million copies, and as the Japanese are great readers of newspapers the Influence of some of the journals, which are even more sensational than those in the States, is far reaching and very great. Wild Reports Atmea at U. S. During the discussion of the forth- coming conference on the limitation of armaments at Washington many of the Toklo, Osaka and Kobe news- papers printed the wildest sort of reports and editorial comment un- friendly to the United States. These periodicals warned the Japanese people that the real motive of the United States was to humiliate and isolate Japan; that the American Gov- ernment was envious of the very great progress of the Japanese people; that America was after the trade of the Orient; that It disliked the Japanesf- because they were industrious and frugal and were better workmen than the members of the trades unions who objected to their presence in America; and that flnally America wanted to take from the Japanese their re- ligion and destroy their respect for their Emperor because he is the direct descendant of the gods. Few of the Japanese newspapers, and, in fact, citizens of the country, attempt to conceal their chagrrln and resentment toward the American policy on the race issue. A great many of both do not hesitate to charge that it Is within the power of the American Government to put an end to the "out- rages" Inflicted on Japanese subjects in California. Few of them, however, advocate retaliation of a forcible char- acter. The reason is that all of the newspapers in Japan are pretty closely censored. Every paper has a "jail editor," whose duty it Is to serve a sentence in prison for any Infraction of the rules prescribed by the Govern- ment for the regulation of periodicals. This "jail editor" is usually an ig- norant coolie who receives a few yen a month and probably lives better in jail than he could outside. Once In a while a newspaper is suppressed for a day or two. Sometimes an editor is warned not to publish reference to an event that the Government does not desire communicated to the public. The notice not to publish is generally the first Intimation the editor receives of the incident. Propasanda Is Given Oat. Of late the Government has been going in strong for "bureaus of infor- mation." Reams and reams of "hand outs" are given to the newspaper re- porters who "cover" the Government departments. It is usually propa- ganda, but the vernacular press feels itself obligated to present It without qualification or comment to its readers. Foreign Ambassadors and Ministers proceed with the utmost caution in dealing with the Government. Experi- ence has prepared them for a maxi- mum of evasion and dislngenuousness, because Japanese diplomacy reverts to the subtle processes of twoscore years ago and is decidedly reactionary. The foreign representatives at Tokio, how- ever, concede the utmost politeness on the part of the spokesmen for the Government with whom they are brought in contact. Discussion of the "Washington con- ference by foreign officials and news- papers which reflect their view is generally flavored with the objections raised by the Japanese <3r0vernment to any interference with "accomplished facts" in the Far East — Corea, Shan- tung, Siberia, Tap. Diplomatic ob- servers do not entertain any doubt that the people of the country are behind their Government In this respect. There Is no greater offence In the minds of the Japanese generally than to suggest that Japan be de- prived of those advantages on the Asiatic mainland or in the Pacific 87 which her people sincerely believe are "accomplished facts." The line of differentiation is drawn at the arms limitation project, because about one-half of the newspapers and probably a great majority of the people are in favor of a reduction of arma- ments as a matter of economic ex- pediency, and the impression generally prevailed at Tokio in early September that Japan would coincide with the universal policy which is expected to be decided at Washington, and for the first time fall into line with other' nations. KnoTT Tbey- Are Dlatroaited. One of the surprising features of Japanese psychology is that most of the leading men of the empire and the important merchants know that their countrymen as a whole are disliked The unpopularity of Japanese as im- migrants in the United States, Canada and Australia, and the positive hatred of the Chinese and Coreans for their powerful neighbor have not permitted any doubt of it. The Marquis Saionji, "who Is one of the most poweful of the "Elder States- men" in the Genro, startled his coun- trymen on his return to Tokio from the Paris Peace Conference two years ago by deploring the fact that "Japan had become a general object of distrust and misunderstanding; a fact not only deeply injurious to Japan but very unfortunate to the foreign nations, whose policy in the Far Bast is in- fluenced thereby." The Marquis ex- pressed the opinion that it was "the duty of the nation to Inspire a spirit of confidence and good will among its friends abroad." Baron Ishii, in admitting the ac- curacy of the Saionji statement, at- tributed it to "the seeds of ill will in- sidiously planted by German propa- ganda." The Marquis Okuma ex'- pressed the opinion, however, that the undeniable prejudice developing among Americans was "chiefly due to jealousy of Japan's marvellous progress and in- dustry." He added that the Japanese themselves were to some extent re- sponsible, because they "may have waxed selfish and conceited as the re- sult of their successes." The average Japanese business man, who submerges you in tea and is ostentatiously eager to serve you, does not openly subscribe to any one of these views. On the contrary, he has- tens to assure you that "the Japanese people love the Americans" and re- gret that there should be any misun- derstanding between them. He draws upon a rather impressive knowledge of history to show that the Japanese have always regarded the American people as their mentors in industrial progress, and cites Innumerable in- stances to show that American models have figured more extensively in the growth of the empire than those of any other nation. Attitudes Fall to Harinonlze> The views and experiences of Amer- icans, and to some extent Canadian and British citizens, with the Japanese do not harmonize with the Japanese attitude and assurances, and if one wants to obtain a view that is both comprehensive and unfavorable, he should ask a Chinese or Corean what he thinks of the Japanese. Either or both will exceed in vigor and vitupera- tion the unfavorable opinion of the American or Canadian. In view of the fact that the Chinese and Coreans regard themselves as the victims of Japanese autocracy and militarism, it is quite natural that the nationals of those countries do not find anything in the Japanese character to admire. For very obvious reasons I have attached a good deal more im- portance to the estimates of the Ameri- can business men, and I regret to say that with very few exceptions the opinions regarding Japanese business ethics were not what might perhaps be desired. An American business man who has been dealing with the Japanese for ten or twenty years attempted to size up the situation by saying that "You've got to watch them all the time — in politics, in diplomacy, in business. They are hard bargainers and will take advantage of you at every turn unless you keep your eyes open. As far as the Government is concerned, it has its eyes on you all the time, no mat- ter how friendly the public men of the country may appear to be in their speeches. Japan has the most far- reaching system of espionage of any country in the world. Tou are card- indexed from the moment you step ashore until you leave." I presume that this man and others 88 who provided testimony to the same effect had very good reason to justify pessimism. As far as my personal ex- perience went, I may or may not have been followed by the Japanese sleuths. I know that they didn't rifle my let- ters because I didn't write any. The few cables I sent were of a purely per- sonal character. With the admonition of the more ex- perienced in mind I mentally checked up the incidents connected with my entry, stay and departure. I was Warned in the ship coming from Van- couter to destroy any written matter that might relate to Japanese affairs. I was compelled to fill out a police card telling who I was, my profes- sion, where I was going, how long I was going to stay and where I was going after leaving Japan. Prying Into Visitor's Plan. The immigration official at Yoko- hama seemed to be much more con- cerned as to my profession than in any -other feature of my coming. He wanted to know what paper I was going to write for, what officials I was going to see, what I was going to write. I told him I didn't know and couldn't give him any definite informa- tion about anything, but asked his advice and he gave it to me — and I forgot it. At the Grand Hotel in Yokohama I found another police card to fill out, with an ample blank in which to write out any remarks I desired to make about my profession. At the Imperial Hotel In Toklo, a hotel at Koke, one at Moji in Japan, and in the Chosen Hotel at Seoul there were more cards to fill out. At Moji — Shimoneseki, where I boarded the packet for Fusan, in Corea — a police agent met me and was greatly Interested in my "profession," who I expected to see In Corea, &c. When I reached Fusan the police agent met me there and said he knew I was coming. Like his associate on the Japanese side, he was greatly con- cerned over my profession and wanted to know what I was going to write. The police agent at Seoul provided proof that the telegraph service be- tween Fusan and the Corean capital was in good working order by telling me that he had been advised of my coming. I took the precaution, which 89 every American should do, of calling on the Japanese Foreign Office at Tokio. the Governor- General of Corea, on Mr. Bell, the American Charge d'Affaires at Tokio, and on Mr. Miller, the American Consul at Seoul, to pay my respects. The Japanese officials were most courteous, if politely in- quisitive, and the American repre- sentatives characteristically helpful. During all the weeks , I spent in the Mikado's kingdom I was not mo- lested in the slightest degree. But I could not repress the thought that for a friendly nation the Japanese Govern- ment is unusually solicitous for the personal welfare of the nationals of other countries that visit the Flowery Kingdom. The testimony of Americans en- gaged In business in Japan is of much more value, therefore, than mine, and I have given it above. In order to get the Japanese view- point I appealed to one of the leading business men of Yokohama. He would not admit that "there Is any feeling between the American and Japanese people, certainly not on the part of the Japanese." He expressed the opin- ion that "if there Is any misunder- standing between them it is because foreigners In Japan do not understand our ways and do not make any effort to accommodate themselves to customs of the country." When I asked him to elucidate, he said: "Ninety per cent, of the Americans who come to Japan have no intention of becoming citizens or residing per- manently among us. They are here to make money. When they have made it they return to their own country. Most of them hold themselves aloof. restrict their relations with our peo- ple to business affairs and try to im- pose their business methods on us Instead of accepting ours. A great many Japanese people are, of course, very much displeased at the attitude of the people in America to the Japan- ese who take up their residence in that country. They naturally attribute it to the influence which trade unions wield in American politics. "But I think the feature of the American attitude that most deeply grieves our people is the tendency of the Americans to place us on the same plane as the negro in your Southern states, or the Chinese. However, that- cannot be helped and I do not see any cure for it. As far as the limitation of immigration goes, that, I think, can ibe adjusted by a frank and impartial discussion between the two countries. Only a small percentage of the Japan- ese people desire to live anywhere else, for the same reason that only a small percentage of Americans desire to live outside of their own country. "It is a matter of very great re- gret, of course, to the Japanese peo- ple, who are very proud of their his- tory and progress, that the great American people should be less gen- erous and hospitable to the Japanese people than the Japanese people are to Americans who come to do busi- ness with or visit them. I hope that the Washington conference will at least result in a better understanding between them in this respect." A source of general complaint among foreign business men is that It is prac- tically impossible to do business in Japan without the cooperation of Japanese firms engaged in the same business. Foreigners not only are pre- vented from owning land in the coun- try, but they are not encouraged to Initiate business ventures independent of Japanese Influences, which are held to be very great. Most of the foreign business of any magnitude, I am In- formed, Is conducted through Japanese firms, or at least through Influential combinations that act as the direct representatives of foreign concerns, particularly in the case of Government contracts. This method, of course, is not un- usual In trade circles of other coun- tries; but foreign business men de- clare that it prevails more generally in the Mikado's kingdom than any- where else. It is practically impos- sible, they say, to secure consiaera- tion of a business proposal of any magnitude except through a Japanese intermediary, even in cases where there is no competition. 90 The Emperor and Crown Prince IFrom the New York Herald, of October 18.] TOKIO, Oct. 1.— The turmoil that tears the heartstrings, thwarts the ambitions and disturbs the peace of Western kings, queens, princes and presidents touches the Mikado of Japan not at all. As far as material influences are concerned, his life is as tranquil, isolated and even as seden- tary and austere as that of a monk in a cloister. Politicians, diplomats, capi- tal and labor and rival groups of crit- ics war over, through and about him without affecting his peace of mind in the slightest degree. To the people of Japan, with the exception of a handful of favored ones, Yoshihito, the 122d Emperor of Japan, is known only through the great office that he holds He is the only man in Japan who is never personally at- tacked, whose opinions are never dis- puted, whose edicts are final and whose right to rule is conceded by every element in the population. The Japanese believe that Yoshihito inherits his power from a divine source and that he Is the medium through which his illustrious ances- tors express themselves. He Is at once the divine and temporal head of Japan. He is the object of worship (M£.,tsuri) rather than of respect. He traces his descent in a direct line that dates from 500 years before the be- ginning of the Christian era. Japanese Tlevr of fijmperor. To the Japanese their Emperor is "The God of Heaven," the living in- carnation of Ama-Terasu, the Sun Goddess, with whom all things Japa- nese began. Prom the vague web of mjrth and old wives' tales, combined with the worship of religion and an- cestry, the people have fabricated a garment with which to invest their ruler, whose power is more sentimen- tal than material, but whose hold upon the affections of the people is almost superlatively unreal. To a Western monarch or executive, harassed by the Intricacies of popular government, the job of Emperor of Japan must appear to be too good to be true. He is not compelled to fight for party nomination. He is never a target in election contests. No one ever questions his motives or says un- kind things about him. He does not have to defend his policies, indulge in acrimonious controversy with his critics, parry fusillades of questions from Inquisitive reporters, make turgid speeches at dinners, become involved in disputes over patronage, or permit a horde of prying trippers to overrun his house and grounds, or try to live within his wages. On coming to Japan my first am- bition was to interview the Emperor. I was blandly, though politely, ad- vised oflicially to "forget it." My next ambition was to find some one who had ever talked with the Emperor. I met quite a number of men who have seen him at long range, but, aside from the heads of the Government of the very first rank (who are discreetly evasive) I have yet to meet one. The Japanese people are apparently content to worship their Emperor without any personal knowledge of him. On the few occasions that he has ventured abroad into the city from his imposing palace, surrounded by a wide moat and grim, gray walls, his person has been protected from prying eyes. His state carriage was always surrounded by the military and In the streets through which he passed lines of soldiers and police. A citizen was 91 prohibited from even looking directly at the nation's ruler, huddled deep in the seat. Mikado in Motor Car. The people in the street were com- manded to bow — "prostrate" would be the better word — with their arms hung from their sides and never dare to raise an eye to the Emperor's person. The only departure from this arbi- trary rule was when the Emperor left his palace in July in Tokio for his palace in charming Mikko. His de- parture was not announced, and he actually used a motor car instead of the splendid court equippage in going to the railway station. But the great- est sensation created by any circum- stance surrounding this unprecedented concession to modern usage was that the streets were not lined with the military or police and that no attempt was made to prevent an adoring eye from focusing on the. figures of the Emperor and Empress. I tried to secure a description of the Japanese ruler from a man who saw him on that occasion. The clearest one I could obtain was that "he is a small, spare man, and looks sick." The gen- eral impression is that the Emperor is, in fact, a sick, man. He has never been robust, and I am reliably informed that his ailment is not entirely of a physical character, but that he is "sick in mind" as well. This fact does not appear to make the slightest difference to the Japa- nese. He is their Emperor; he is the Son of Heaven; he is descended from the Sun Goddess. That's about all they seem to care anything about They never trouble themselves to find out how the country is administered by their Emperor, what minds for- mulate the policies of state, through what agencies decisions are reached. All of these things are considered to be a matter of personal concern to the Emperor himself. The politicians (who never bring the Emperor into their disputes, by the way) know pretty well that the Privy Council, of which Prince Tamagata is the head, wields the greatest influence with Toshihito, and that in the last analysis ir is the Genro, composed of Elder Statesmen, that decides. They further know that in the elaborate' entourage of the Emperor are favorites of the royal family and trusted retainers of the Elder States- men composing the Qenro, that can be depended upon to protect the in- terests of (1) the Emperor, (2) the Genro and (3) the empire. Dntlea of tbe Emperor. Under the organization of the Gov- ernment the duties of the Emperor of Japan are few and simple. They are: 1. The right to convoke, open, close or prorogue the Imperial Diet and dis- solve the House of Representatives. 2. The right to issue emergency or- dinances when the Imperial Diet is not in session. 3. The right to put into operation measures for maintaining peace and order. 4. The right to assume supreme com- mand of the army and navy and to direct the organization of the armed service. 5. The right to declare war, make peace, conclude treaties and proclaim a state of siege. Beyond these duties, the Emperor of Japan does not figure in the adminis- tration of the Government. That la left to the very nicely balanced groups of bureaucrats, who take their orders from the Genro, or from other mem- bers of the imperial family. On but two occasions during the year does the Emperor appear in public. This is at the chrysanthemum festival, held in the palace enclosure during the au- tumn, and again at a service at the imperial shrine. A select number of distinguished guests are invited to both, but they rarely approach very near the person of the Emperor. On a few occasions the Emperor has received foreign Ambassadors, when the ceremonies were strictly formal and did not invite personal conversa- tion. Most of the other functions that devolve upon the sovereign are per- formed by proxy. Hence it was that when the Emperor's birthday was cele- brated, in August last, the members of his court represented him. Inci- dentally, the Japanese court is noted for its rigid conformity to royal eti- quette, and, next to that of Austria, has always been celebrated for its complete observance of ceremonials. So deep and apparently sincere is the reverence held for the Emperor that no Japanese will ever make ref- 92 erence to him without removing his hat than the Emperor, Is the fourth daugh> or making humble obeisance. A short time ago two teachers in the Shiro primary school in Nagano prefecture were dismissed because they had been caught drinking sake in the same room with the picture of the Emperor and Empress. The incident Is Important as revealing the attitude of the peo- ple toward their ruler. The politicians, who are quite as acrimonious as those of other countries, are always careful to refrain from bringing the Emperor into their disputes. He is considered to be as much above politics as he is above the ordinary citizen of the em- pire. Imperial Maintenance. Considering the amount of service actually performed by him, the Japa- nese Emperor is pretty well paid. The last budget provides 4,500,000 yen ($2,250,000) for his maintenance dur- ing the current year. In view of the fact that the expenses of most of the twenty-seven palaces scattered throughout the empire are also fur- nished by the state and that the per- sonal fortune of the Emperor is very great, he probably doesn't have to worry about ways and means. The royal family is known to own 5,425,000 acres of dwelling lands, for- ests, farms and plains, 60,660 shares in the Bank of Japan, 60,400 in the Tokahama Specie Bank, 10,000 in the Industrial Bank of Japan, 2,522 in the Formosan Bank and 80,555 shares in the Nippon Tusan Kaisha (Japanese Steamship Company). The royal fam- ily also owns stock in many other profitable enterprises, including the Imperial Hotel, whose paying guest I am at present. Under the Japanese law land and other property belonging to the Em- peror are divided into personal and hereditary property. The property of the other members of the imperial house is subject to tax levy when it produces revenue. This does not ap- ply, however, to the estates belonging to the Grand Empress Dowager, Em- press Dowager, Empress, heir ap- parent, his consort, eldest son, and that son's consort, and other unmar- ried imperial members who have not attained their majority. The Empress of Japan, who was born in 1884 and is five years younger ter of the late Prince Pujo, a noble of the first rank. It is of incidental in- terest that there are but five royal families in Japan from whom an Em- peror may select a wife, and in view of the strained relations between the Nippon Government and its Chinese and other Asiatic neighbors, there Is not much chance of this number ex- panding, under present conditions at least. Crovrn Prince of Japan. The hope of the empire Is centred upon Hirohito, the Crown Prince, whose adoption of democratic methods has struck a popular appeal. Hirohito has just passed his twentieth birthday. Up to the time that he went abroad, hp was almost as much a mystery to the people of Japan as his illustrious sire. He has one advantage in that, while not physically robust, he enjoys much better health than his father and Is said to manifest a keen interest in public matters and progressive princi- ples. The Emperor has three other sons, Tasuhito, Atsu-No-Miya, who is 19 years old; Nobuhito, Takamatsu-No- Miya, who is 15 years old, and Taka- hito, Sumi-No-Miya, who is 5 years old. There are no daughters in the imperial family. The Emperor has five sisters, all of whom are married to princes. Some of the ancient customs of the Empire were shattered when the Crown Prince of Japan returned from his tour of Europe early in September. It appears that the prospective ruler of the Japanese people was very much Impressed by the democratic recep- tions given him in London and Paris. At any rate, he cabled home an an- nouncement that he would not object to a popular reception. After much deliberating among the royal and fa- vored families, it was decided to grant the request of the Prince. I was in a small town on the Japa- nese Sea when the imperial announce- ment was made that the lid would be taken off when the Crown Prince came back, that the populace would actually bo permitted to gaze upon his august figure and "Banzai" its head off. The announcement caused a sensation, be- cause none like it had ever been made before. Interpreting the royal com- 93 mission as a command, the citizens at Tokohama and Toklo proceeded to make the most elaborate preparations for the rojal home coming:. At Yokohama, where the youthful Crown Prince landed amid the thunder of guns and the whirring of aircraft, and at Toklo, where he finally pulled up, the greeting extended to him would have been regarded as mildly democratic in western countries, but it was viewed as almost Bolshevistic by the reactionary element, who jeal- ously guard the old traditions. The old timers attempted to limit the popular greeting to the Prince to the truly Oriental formula. They were strong enough with the police to send out word the night before the arrival of His Imperial Majesty that expressions of joy on the part of the people would be restricted to the "£'eikeirel." This meant that the peo- ple would only be permitted to line the streets with their arms hanging abjectly at their sides and with bowed head as royalty passed by. The only concession announced by the police was that the populace might steal a glance at the August Presence, but should not under any circumstances take a square look at him. For once — the only time In history — the police lost. The Prince had been advised of the police order and im- mediately vetoed it, with the result that his royal subjects not only "seikeiried," but wave their hats, um- brellas and kimonos. Further than this, they chorused their greeting of "Kotaishi Denka Banzai" (Welcome home Your Imperial Highness). Also they actually committed lese majeste by laughing at the cops, which in the old days would have landed an offender in jail. At Toklo probably half a million of the population got out their plug hats, their most ornamental kimonos, their derbies, their frock coats, eighty-seven varieties of straw hats and helmets, to roar a genuine welcome to the Crown Prince. The dignitaries were, of course, correctly garbed In toppers and frock coat and were in all other respects In perfect form, even to gloves and spats. The women natur- ally stuck to the only garb counte- nanced for their sex, but they dis- played their most brilliant obis and ornamental coifs. The police and cavalry which com- manded the cross streets looked upon the audacity of the crowds in helpless displeasure, but did not attempt to still a single voice or draw a' sabre upon celebrants who for the first time were permitted to welcome an Im- perial Prince without a police permit As a whole, the demonstration was much like that given a .popular hero in the United States. The Incapacitated Emperor did not come from Nikko, but the first thing the Crown Prince did after greeting his brothers, sisters and great men of the empire was to leave Tokio to tell his parents all about the wonders of his Western odyssey. His next duty was to visit the Imperial ' hrine at Ise to give thanks to his Shinto Gods for his safe return. For more than a week celebrations in honor of the event were held throughout the empire. During that week even the rickshaw men displayed a disinclination to work. The fact that they had been permitted to "put one over" on the police and soldiers and give vent to a good, lusty cheer for their Prince was an event not to be lightly dismissed by an ordinary holiday, so they devoted a full week to it. 94 The Women of Japan — and the Geisha [From the New y'ork Herald of October 16.] Yokohama, Sept. 28. — Almost one- half of the population of Japan proper is female. It is also the most picturesque portion, because neither in costume, customs, thought nor desire has the Japanese female of the species surren- dered to Western influences. The "vulgar anachronisms" which Japanese philosophers and scholars assert is changing the standards of the empire and destroying the respect for the glories of ancient forms has but little affected the Japanese woman. A few of the younger set, educated abroad, go in for the higher education, wrist watches, cocktail drinking and covertly practise the newest steps in dancing; but by and large the Japanese woman of 1921 looks and acts pretty . much the same as did her honored ancestor of 2,000 years ago. For that reason she is, as said, the most interest- ing half of the population of the empire. She has certainly more than contrib- uted her part to the propagation of the race, because she has few if any inter- ests outside of the bearing and rearing of children. One explanation for the great increase in the population of Japan, which approximates a net annual gain of 800,000 to fight for survival in their overcrowded island home, dates back to the Russo-Japanese war. That conflict exacted a heavy toll of the Miiado's soldiers before the armies of the hitherto invulnerable Czar had been defeated. Japanese leaders, voicing their alarm with the divine authority of the Emperor, united in warning the people against the evils of race suicide. [t * * The statistics prove that the warning was not unheeded. The latest available figures show that of the 57,000,000 of population living on the islands in the main Japanese group there are 28,625,617 males and 28, 112, 090 females, the divi- sion of the sexes therefore being almost equal. Of the population 37,530,709 are married, unions being encouraged at an early age, with a recent tendency toward more mature matches. It is not unusual to see a boy of 17 and a girl two years younger parents of one and sometimes two children. Marriage is easy in Japan, being generally ar- ranged by professional matchmakers among the lower classes, and very frequently the participants do not even take the trouble to make official record of the fact. Family influences usually dictate unions, after the French custom. Once married, however, the matches usually stick, and domestic discord is the exception rather than the rule. A national custom that is giving way before other Occidental innovations is the legal adoption of the husband by the wife's family, particularly if she pos- sesses property. For several hundred years a husband was not only adopted by the family of the wife but he was compelled to take her name by the ordinary processes of adoption prevail- ing in other countries. A very interesting incident, of this sort recently came before one of the courts. The wife of a professor named Goto, con- nected with the faculty of the Tokio Im- perial University, sought the assistance of the law to compel him to support her- self and child. Mrs. Goto testified that the professor was legally adopted by her family in accordance with the ancient custom while he was still a poor student in the high school of Kanagawa. After he had signed the adoption con- tract they were married and he finished his studies at the expense of the family of the wife and started on the road to pros- perity and fame. A few years ago Prof. Goto, who was charged by the wife with 95 having surrendered to Western in- fluences, became involved in a quarrel with his mother-in-law, whose name he bore. He thereupon left his wife and child, but under the Japanese law was compelled to use the name of the wife's family. When the professor was summoned to court he offered no defence against the charges made by his wife and mother-in- law, but he offered to pay 4,000 yen ($2,000) in four annual instalments to his wife if she would consent to the can- cellation of the contract, permit him to use his own name and get a divorce. The offer was not accepted. * * * Divorces are not nearly so numerous in the Mikado's kingdom as they are in more enlightened (?) America, England and France, though the causes for which separations may be obtained are much the same. In 1918 there were 58,112 divorces, or a trifle more than one-tenth of 1 per cent. Infidelity is rarely one of the charges lodged against the wife and figures infrequently in applications in which the husband is defendant for a very singular reason. This is that a wife is not privileged to allege infidelity against her husband unless the husband of the other woman prosecutes his wife and her paramour. The husband may maintain a mistress (and many do), but the wife is debarred from securing divorce on that ground. In the view of the law of Japan a child is given preference over the wife in in- heriting the property of husband and father, but she may become heir to bequeathed property. A boy always has precedence over a girl, even if the former be the illegitimate son of the father of both, which is by no means of rare occurrence. The Text Books of Ethics for the Higher Girls' School issued by the De- partment of Education of Japan pro- vides a fairly comprehensive view of the legal status of the wife. It is written that "a wife should aspire to become a good wife, and next a wise mother. * * * It is the everyday duty of the wife to welcome her husband with a gentle look and a kind word when he returns home in the evening fatigued with the day's task. At times she may help in the husband's work." The marriage contract (negotiated by mutual consent or civil process) does not contain the words "love, honor and obey." On this point, however, the Japanese Book of Ethics says: "Obedience to the husband is expected of the wife as a matter of course. In case he should bring disgrace on the (wife's) family he should be remon- strated with with candor and gentle words. Jealously and angry words should be avoided." In the Japanese family the mother-in- law of the wife is practically the "boss" of the domestic establishment, for it is written thus in the Book of Ethics: * * * "Her husband's parents become her own. Absence of harmony is often witnessed between husbands' mothers and the daughter-in-law and is usually traceable to the latter's disobedience. The mother-in-law may become too con- servative in thought to go on smoothly with the new daughter-in-law trained in new ideas, but patience and sincerity on the latter's part will insure harmony." There is no restriction on the privil- eges of a wife to help her husband in his work. The fact is that more than half the female population of Japan are laborers, not only in the home and in industrial establishments, but they share on equal terms the arduous field labor in the muck of the rice paddies under the broiling sun. Although some improve- ment in conditions has been made during the last ten years, the latest figures available regarding woman labor are those tabulated for 1917, which classified 1,000,000 women as domestic servants, . 8,500,000 engaged in agricultural opera- tions, 1,250,000 employed in factories, 1,200,000 in commercial houses and transportation companies and 350,000 in Government offices. More women than men actually cul- tivate the agricultural area of the country. Of these 3,500,000 are en- gaged in the silk worm industry and 500,000 in the growing of tea. The fishing industry accounts for about 200,000. Eighty per cent of these women are married and contribute to the maintenance of the household in addi- tion to caring for it. In the towns they take along their babies when helping the head of the house pull heavily laden drays, baby being hitched to mother's back pappoose fashion and sleeping peacefully in the heat and glare of the sun and during the jogging of mother's weary footsteps. A husband usually takes the wages of the wife, particularly in the rural districts. The wages of women workers is about two-thirds of that paid to men. Domestic female servants (who are 96 usually very good) receive small wages, the best being paid 15 yen (about $7.50) a month, with food. In the country they get as low as $2 a month and the coarsest kind of food. During recent years the introduction of Western customs has opened the way for the employment of women in com- mercial houses and shops, but all Japan- ese women help in the shops on an equal footing with the employees of the husband who owns the business. She, of course, receives no pay. The shop girls receive an average of 30 yen (or $15) a month, though a few get as high as 50 yen. Some of the bus companies of Tokio and other cities employ women conductors, who get about as much as shop girls in the way of wages. There are about 10,000 women em- ployed as school teachers in the country, most of them in the kindergartens and private schools. There are .5,000 danc- ing teachers in Tokio alone. There are probably 200,000 geisha girls (enter- tainers and dancers) in the country and probably as many women waitresses. The social evil, which is licensed and regulated and confined to the segragated Yoshiwaras, is represented by 200,000 more Japanese girls, between the ages of 16 and 25. Slowly but surely the Western progress is driving this privil- eged class into the background, and the greatest liberties enjoyed by it is in the seaports like Yokohama, Osake, Kobe, Nagasaki and Shimonoseki. It has been noted by statisticians that there has been a "very large increase in the women engaged in "sanitation" during the last few years — doctors, dentists, midwives, trained nurses, and the like. The number of women en- gaged in religious vocations probably aggregates 30,000 — 10,000 Buddhist nuns, 10,000 Shinto nuns, 7,000 attend- ants at shrines and temples, and prob- ably 3,000 nuns and other female attend- ants of various sects, including the Christian. Very little progress has been made up to date toward the adoption of equal suffrage. A bill introduced, in the Diet two years ago was abandoned. Re- cently the advocates of equal suffrage have seized upon the unprecedented visit of the Crown Prince to European countries to seek the support of the members of the national legislature for a movement looking to the extension of suffrage to men (which is regulated by tax qualifications) and to include women. Very few women have taken part in this movement, the recognized leaders being limited to Mrs. Atiko Yosana, a f)oetess; Mrs. Hiratsuka, an editor, and Mrs. Kikue, whose husband was in prison for inciting a riot. The women generally of Japan, while seeking educa- tion, do not go in for "new movements," and particularly equal suffrage. They are not encouraged to do so by the men, and, as Japan is essentially a " man's country," the women actually have little opportunity to express their views and desires. Foreigners in Japan are usually im- pressed with the fact that the wives of even the well to do and educated Japan- ese do not. figure in social entertain- ments to which they are invited. The wife does not make her appearance until the guests are about to depart, when she is summoned by the husband to make humble obeisance and express (through the husband) the honor that has been conferred upon her humble establishment. There are, of course, exceptions to this precedent, which is one of the most ancient traditions of Japan, but these are not frequent. + * * When the wife goes abroad in a rick- shaw a black gauze shield covers the front of it, but when she walks abroad she does not attempt to conceal her face or hide her bare feet and ankles, though her kimono is full length. When a Japanese lady wears a short skirt it is very much shorter than those pre- scribed in Paris and New York, and even do though she may show her knee the men not consider it an event worth discussing. In the country districts and those that fringe the great inland sea that divides Japan into the picturesque islands the women follow the example of the men and wear as few clothes as possible. When they want to go swimming they merely step out of their kimonos and do not always wear the scantiest of one piece bathing suits. Compelled by congested conditions to live on terms of intimacy there is no false modesty assumed by either sex, none of the prudery that is to be noted in the more advanced (?) peoples. Comfort is the great consideration of the Japanese, and sex differences come in for no more attention than the other commonplace features of life. Of course everybody wears clothes in Japan (more or less), but in the hot weather the amount and quality are reduced to a common sense view of the necessities, 97 Everybody is supposed to wear shoes in Japan, and, everybody does; but they are not the sort of shoes that are worn in the Western world — just one piece sandals, mounted on rlogs, low in dry weather and elevaled to three inches for rainy or muddy wear. It is sur- prising how rapidly the women can clatter along with their short, mincing steps in any kind of weather and keep their feet in the sandals, which are secured by two thongs that bisect the foot between the big toe and the rest of the toes — hence the "cloven foot" of Japan. In rainy weather some of them wear ""rubbers," which cover the toes but pro- vide absolutely no protection to the rest of the foot and ankle. The chief orna- ment in the dress of the Japanese woman is the Obi. This would be described as a "bustle" in the vernacular of the West. It is a very elaborate and ornate affair, a foot high and sometimes two feet wide. It is composed of the finest silk and is most resplendent in coloring and text- ure — cherry, pink, blue, brown, and gold dominating. * * * The Japanese woman usually spends more for the Obi of her costume than she does for all the rest of it put together. It takes the place of the "peekaboo" shirt waist or "summer furs." Every woman in Japan wears an Obi, even when she is working in the fields. It comes in handy as a cradle for the baby, with the addition of a thong or strip of ribbon run under the baby's arm and around the neck of the mother. I saw a woman in the streets of a small town bordering on the Sea of Japan a few days ago who was helping her hus- band by shoving a heavy laden cart and crooning to junior who was sprawl- • ing in his nest between the Obi and the kimono of his mother. When a Japanese mother wants to nurse her baby she just nurses it, no matter where she is or what anybody thinks about it, and up to date I have not seen a single bottle baby in the whole of the Mikado's empire. * * ¥ The average Japanese baby is a joy. The glory of Solomon is reflected in the costumes picked out for him, or her, the combinations usually running to vivid blues, cardinal, gold, pink, cerise, and purple. A little Japanese girl of three looks like nothing so much as an elabo- rately dressed doll. It is a noteworthy fact that the small land select circle of "new women'' of I Japan have never made any attempt to j reform the national dress of the empire, if there is any such thing. I have yet to see a grown Japanese girl dressed in the modes of the Western world. I asked a Japanese lady if there was a corset shop in Japan. She said that she had heard there was one in Kobe and another in Yokohama, but that both were patron- ized by Europeans and Americans. But she hastened to assure me that there were no end of hairdressing estab- lishments — coiffouires pour les dames. It is quite easy to believe this, because even the women that work in the rice paddies display carefully arranged coifs that always seem to be in order, sleek and well oiled. * * * I think that the traffic in face powder must be very good in Japan, particularly in the cities, where the faces of most of the young girls and women evidence the use of the powder puff, the eyebrow pencil and, I am informed, the lipstick. But I have yet to see a Japanese damsel reach into the ample pocket sleeve of her kimono and dig up either of those devices of civilization and make use of them in public. Smoking is considered a matter of individual preference among Japanese women, but is generally confined to the elders. Most of them smoke the long stemmed, brass bowl pipes which hold a little pinch of so-called tobacco. The only young women I have seen smoking even these pipes are the geisha girls called in to entertain the guests at some of the native dinners. Very few of the women smoke cigarettes, bul when they feel like it they do it anywhere and at any time. They may drink cocktails — and probably do indulge in sake — but I cannot recall having seen any of them do so. The only women I have seen wearing hats in Japan were foreigners, and the native' women did not appear to be particularly interested in ^ven the most fetching. * + + The Mikado's kingdom boasts of several women who have achieved dis- tinction in business and the arts, though none of these is classed as a "new woman," nor do they take part in political controversies or manifest any interest over unlimited suffrage. The richest woman in Japan is Mme. Suzuki. She is the only female subject of the Mikado to be honored with a decoration; for her help in building up the foreign 98 trade of the empire. Mme. Suzuki, who lives at Kobe, is now approaching 70. Twenty-five years ago she in- herited a small sugar business and built up one of the most profitable export enterprises in the country. She per- sonally directs her various interests and her fortune is estimated at about 150,000,000 yen, or $75,000,000. + * * Another Japanese woman who has achieved great distinction in business is Mme. Nakamura, who is an unusually attractive woman, 35 years old. She in- herited a small steel business from her husband and has built it up so that it brings her an income of $200,000 a year. She recently adopted a son of one of the old Samurai with great ceremony. Mme. Ume Tsuda, who has become one of the leading educators of Japan, was graduated from Bryn Mawr. She is taking a leading part in urging reforms for women, but is not an advocate of equal suffrage. * * * Japan boasts of a woman editor who is also a prosperous publisher of various journals. She is Mme. Moto Hani. She was the first woman to be put in charge of a "woman's page" in Japan. Three of the publications that she issues are called "Friend of Women," "Friend of Study" and "Friend of the Child." Although Mme. Hani wears Japanese dress, her two children wear the garb of the West. Her husband is the business manager of her publishing business. Mme. Makino is a manufacturer of brass at Yokohama and makes $10,000 a month out of it. Another woman who has built up a profitable business is Mme. Chiyo, who conducts a prosperous wine and liquor business, which was established 300 years ago and came to her through her deceased husband. She is 57 years old and recently declared that she had "no use for the new woman." She is reputed to be worth $5,000,000. * * * The Geisha girl is to Japan what the chorus girl is to Broadway. She con- soles the tired business man of the Mikado's kingdom for the cares that infest the day by her artifices, her ingenuous physical appeal and skill at entertaining. The Geisha, who is debarred by ancient tradition from theatrical productions (the "girls' parts" Ijeing generally personated by men), holds forth in the tea houses and resorts that in the Western world might occa- sionally come under the ban of the police. Yet there is a vast difference, even if subtle distinction, between the Geisha and the "lights of love," whose ancient profession is still highly honored in the Orient, though less ostentatiously than in earlier days: Yet, innocent as is the Geisha in plying her harmless occupation, her hold on the Japanese mind is giving way before the ruthless application of Western stand- ards. In other words, reform is trying to place the Geisha on its blacklist along with her less fortunate sister, whose profession is more hazardous. Still the Geisha has lots of defenders against the threatened Occidental sacrilege that would deprive her beautiful country of one of its most picturesque features. Up to date the controversy regarding her social and moral status has been con- fined to verbal and written demands that she be removed from the other splendors of Japanese scenery. But in these decadent days, when reform is rampant throughout the world, the tide of public sentiment is inevitably setting in against the perpetuation of her clan. The Geisha is an entertainer, pure and simple. Her chief attraction is her youth. She must also be merry, good looking (according to Japanese stand- ards), kittenishly friendly, insipid and never mercenary, in which respect she differs radically from the Broadway chorus girl — according to experts. She must always be ready to drink with you, smoke a thimbleful of bad tobacco in a long stemmed brass bowl pipe, make fun of your Western awkwardness in wield- ing chopsticks and sing and dance (after a fashion) to beguile the weary hours and chase the furrows from the brow of the T. B. M. who is not ready to go homo. * * * ' The singing of a ( ieisha is something to marvel at, because it doesn't suggest harmony; her dancing is mere posturing that is supposed to illustrate the poetry of motion and gra<('. An Oriental might get a thrill out of it, hut to the Western eye it is much less exciting than thfe hula-hula of the Hawaiian, the wriggle of the bayarderes of India, the abdomi- nal gyrations of the Nautch girls of the Near East, and certainly lacks the acro- batic intimacies of the shimmy dancers. Still the Japanese Geisha girl is an artist of no mean order. She is compelled to provide a maximum of entertainment with the mininmm of talent and risk to her ancestral dignity or offence to her 99 pronounced sense of honor. The Geisha is an institution in Japan. She is licensed by the Government and is prac- tically owned by the keepers of the Geisha houses, just as much as a baseball player in the States is owned by the big leagues. There are probably 200,000 Geishas in Japan, about one-third of the number of ladies who follow the more unconven- tional profession that places them with- out the social pale. There are a dozen or more Geishas in Tokio and Yoko- hama who are quite as celebrated as the famous actors in the Kabuki Theater in Tokio, where Nakamura Utayemon, at 60 years, plays the part of young women, and his son, Fukusuke, supports him in a female role; or in Osaka, where Ganjiro holds the stellar histrionic honors. * * * The Geisha is in a class by herself. She is usually slender, is wonderfully garbed in a resplendent kimono of lilac, cherry, gold and purple, and sports a most wonderful Obi. Her hair is dressed in a high coif, upheld by jade supports, ornate pins and combs, and is almost treakily oily and redolent with attar of rose, myrrh and musk. The Geisha always looks exceptionally clean; her small, bright face has been scrubbed and lightly filmed with rice powder. Her eyebrows are meticulously curved and her lashes pomaded, her lips delicately dyed an inviting cherry — to the T. B. M. of Japan. Of course she carries a little five-inch fan, which is more of an ornament than anything else. The Geisha is taught to wear a per- petual smile. That is, in fact, the first lesson she learns. She sits next to you on the floor and (if you are a foreign "jin") proceeds to make herself agree- able — through an interpreter. She laughs merrily at your stockinged feet, your cautious investigation of the food, lakes a birdlike sip out of your tiny cup of sake, explains in pantomine how to tackle the various dishes, and finally to the accompaniment of the native sami- san, flute and drum sings and dances for you. Then if you are a wise man you pay the bill and go away, the bill including a substantial lip for " Geisha San." =1- * + The Geisha is seen at her best when she has concluded her mincing little dance and comes to sit on her heels at the little lacquered table at which' you have eaten many dinners in one, a resplendent little figure in lilac, cherry and purple. It does not take long to find out that she is as susceptible to the charms of the matinee idol and movie hero as the aver- age American girl in her teens. Her descriptions of the fascinating qualities of both (through an interpreter of course) are characteristically "gushing." At a dinner at the Maple Club in Tokio one night a winsome little Geisha gave me a message for Mr. Eddie Polo, a film star of whom I had never heard. When I told her so she seemed to doubt the statement of the interpreter that 1 was an American. The most celebrated Geisha resorts are in Yokohama, Kobe and Osaka. There are two or three such establishments in each of these towns which are designed for the special entertainment of for- eigners and which providethe best there is in Japanese architecture, rugs, tapes- tries, art — and girls. * * * The Geisha is one of the most honored of Japanese institutions. In the days of the Shoguns she was a woman of educa- tion, with many accomplishments, and highly valued in an unconventional social way. Two or three Geishas even found their way to the throne. It is, indeed, said that Jingo, the first woman Emperor of Japan (200 A. D.), was a Geisha. The success of some of these early stars in the Geisha world attracted many of the young women of Japan to the calling from all classes of the people, and, according to Japanese students, lowered the standards. The Geisha girl today is recruited from all classes of the popula- tion and is not as carefully trained as were her sisters in the olden days. + + + A census of the Geishas recently taken in Osaka provides some Nery interesting details regarding the personnel and pro- fession. The largest number of Geisha houses at Osaka, which has a popula- tion of more than 1,200,000, is in the Soyemon-Cho. The largest segregated district in Japan is also in Osaka. In the Geisha houses there are 5,200 girls, who are regularly apprenticed to or employed by the keepers of the houses. Of the Geishas 56 are graduates from the girls' higher schools, 2,916 from the higher elementary schools and 2,249 were trained in the elementary primary schools only. It wiU thus be seen, that the standard of education of the Geisha 100 is somewhat higher than is required of shop girls and stenographers. * + * There is no minimum age for Geishas. Of the number investigated, 713 entered the profession as "maiko" (apprentice geishas) before they were 10; 1,562 under 14 and 2,198 between 14 and 18. At 2.5 a geisha moves out to some other pro- fession. A few of the girls in the Osaka resorts were singers, dancers, movie actresses and waitresses. One of the most popular girls at the Osaka Geisha resort is the illegitimate daughter of a Count. Now it is a singu- lar thing about the geisha profession that while few descend the moral scale it is not unusual for representatives of the less honored profession to reform and become geishas. Their early training is regarded as adding to their stock of charms. The census of the Osaka Geisha brought to light very many interesting details. Some of the girls said they "wanted to wear good clothes" that they couldn't get at home, "ride in automobiles," have "good things to eat," "get a chance to marry a rich man ' — which shows that feminine hu- man nature in the Soyemon-Cho at Osaka is not radically different from human nature in the Roaring Forties of New York City. + * 1): As near as Western intelligence can make out. the Geisha girl's income is ilexible. Sometimes the owner of the geisha house pays her a fixed sum for entertaining the guests; by another method the Geisha pays her own ex- penses and gives up part of her fees; by still another the keeper of the house and the Geishas share expenses and profits. Half a century ago a clever Geisha earned from sixty to seventy yen a night. Competition has brought the earnings down considerably and twenty yen ($10) is now considered a fair return for an entertainer. When a girl leaves her home and becomes a Geisha she must register with the police. She is usually compelled to borrow money from the owner of the geisha house to buy her outfit. The police must be informed of that, too, and the Geisha is not permitted to share in the fees until the full amount has been paid. This is to prevent her parents or guardians from sharing the proceeds of her activities. The keeper of the Geisha house prac- tically owns the girl until she has paid off the debts contracted for her ward- robe, which must, of course, be of the finest quality. The census of the Osaka Geishas showed that the 5,000 girls employed in such establishments owed the Geisha house keepers an average of 2,000 yen each, or a total of 10,000,000 yen. Between 1916 and last year 3,000 Geisha girls in Osaka were married, 1,165 moved away, 317 became wait- resses, 5,382 disappeared and about 50 descended the social scale. The Geishas who married were only released after their husbands-to-be had paid their debts to the Geisha house keepers, who, assured of police protec- tion, are very exacting. Once in a while a moral wave sweeps over Japan and threatens to exterminate the Geisha and her more unfortunate sister. But the Geisha is of ancient origin, and Nippon, jealous of its traditions, stays the profane hand of reform. 101 Education a Passion With People [From the New York Herald of October 23] Nara, Sept. 28. — With the Japanese education is a passion. The sturdy rikisha man puts in his time waiting for you by reading one of the public prints or a book; the tired factory hand or shop clerk, tops off his day with reading his favorite daily journal or in taking up the study of the ancient history and past glories of his island empire; the passen- gers on tram cars in the cities and on the trains that traverse the rice fields under the shadow of towering mountains read instead of looking at the scenery; the purveyor of sweetmeats and ice cream cones at the railway stations carries a side line of literature ranging from the vernacular and English dailies to "the best sellers," both Eastern and Western. A visitor to Japan soon forms the im- pression that more of the people can read and write than is the case with almost any other country, not excepting the United States, and that while the daily newspapers are depended on for information the average Japanese keeps close at hand a work on history, art, economics, philosophy, from which he gleans entertainment and instruction. Nor is there any dearth of "funny papers," cartoons drawn by competent artists in an artistic atmosphere. The better educated among the Jap- anese people ar(^ quite as well informed regarding world events and concerning the subjects that entertain the students and cultured peopfe of the world as the most progressive man or woman in London, Berlin, Rome or New York and can converse quite as intelligently about them. * * * I think one of the greatest surprises that a foreigner encounters in Japan is the number of Japanese who speak Eng- lish, some of them with the facility of a native born American or Englishman. Long time foreign residents of the empire tell me that they have yet to go into the humblest hamlet without finding some one who spoke or at least understood English. In cities like Tokio, Yokohama, Kobe, Osaka and other seaports all of the hotel clerks, railway employees, a large per- centage of the shop clerks, porters, street venders and rikisha men understand enough English to provide what you ask for or direct you where you want to go. The chief reason for this is that the Jap- anese Government encourages the study of foreign languages. Its educational system, which pro- vides an elementary course of at least six years, includes the study of English, French and German, one of which must be selectjed Probably 250,000,000 yen is expended for education in Japan every year, the communities and provinces alone con- tributing more than 100,000,000 yen. There are estimated to be 42,300 public and private schools in the empire, with an average attendance of 9,219,492 pupils, or about one-seventh of the population. Of the pupils attending the public schools 4,141,429 are boys and 2,862,074 girls. * * * Japan annually sends to foreign coun- tries for instruction in the higher forms of education about 3,000 students, and provides facilities for an equal number of Chinese. The number of instructors in the public schools is about 25,000. About one-sixth of them are women, who are paid very small salaries, ranging from 19 yen to 40 yen a month — $10 to S20. There are five State universities in Japan, the curricula of which embrace law, pharmacy, literature, engineering, economics, science, agriculture and 1 02 dentology. There are three important technical schools, which provide instruc- tion and training in agricultural, com- merce, dyeing, mining, finance, music and navigation. There is also a woman's English theological institute. The Imperial Academy of Japan, membership to which is eagerly sought, corresponds to the Royal Society of Great Britain. Many substantial dona- tions are made for educational purposes by wealthy Japanese. Two years ago the Emperor gave 10,000,000 yen out of his private fortune for education. The largest library in Japan is the Imperial, which contains 225,183,000 volumes. Physical culture for both men and women is a feature of all the schools of the empire. Instruction is given in judo (jiu-jitsu), fencing, and there is special physical instruction for girls. The leading educators of the country are discussing the advisability of recom- mending that the Government fix the compulsory school term at eight years and that a complete revision of the text- book be made in order to exclude the large number of Chinese ideographs which have crept into the Japanese books. As a matter of fact, more than one-half of the Japanese written char- acters are of Chinese origin. * * * That the Japanese are great readers of newspapers is shown by the fact that some of the daily journals have a larger circulation than newspapers published in the United States. A recent estimate placed the combined circulation of news- papers printed in the vernacular as not far from 13,000,000 a day, which, if true, would indicate that at least 25 per cent of the people read newspapers. The newspaper with the largest clientele is the Osaka Mainithi, which has a cir- culation around 800,000, and which also publishes the Nichi Nichi of Tokio, which has the next largest. Probably the two most influential papers in Japan are the Osaka Asahi and the Tokio Asahi, which it controls. The news- papers which are most popular with the classes are the Nichi Nichi, the Hochi (owned by the Marquis Okuma), and the Yorodzu. The Jiji Shimpo is gen- erally read by politicians and business men. The most radical and anti-American paper in Japan is the Kokumin, with the Niroku and the Seiki next. The Gov- ernment organ is the Chuyo. The Yomouri is the most conservative. Most of these papers are of four and ten pages, and some of the most widely read issue as many as ten editions a day. A few of them illustrated. They sell from 2 to 4 cents a copy. Of the papers, printed in the English language, the Japan Advertiser and the Times, printed at Tokio, and the Chronicle, at Kobe, are the most influ- ential. The circulation is naturally limited. Some of the vernacular and one or two of the English papers spend large sums in cable tolls. The Advertiser presents almost as comprehensive a cable survey of the world every day as The New York Herald, or La Nacion and La Prensa at Buenos Aires, or the London Telegraph. The Kokasai News Agency, which is the most important collector and distributer of news in the Orient, receives the Renter service. * * + It is rather difficult for a Westerner to keep track of or explain the differences between the various religious sects and cults that exist in Japan. The nearest approach to a national religion is Shintoism, which is based upon the worship of the sun, pride of ancestry, respect for age, love of nature and, above all, unalloyed fealty to the Emperor. Shintoism, which is divided into thir- teen sects, is a semi-religion, since it has no founder and dogmas, but recognizes the immortality of the soul. The more mythical the deities the greater the reverence for them by followers of the Shinto faith. There are nearly 120,000 Shinto shrines in Japan, with 16,000 priests. Japanese Buddhism is split up into twenty-two sects. There are more than 70,000 Buddhist temples scattered over the country and nearly 62,000 priests. There are more than thirty branches of Christian churches scattered through- out the Mikado's empire. These sects maintain 7,238 churches and missions exclusive of those devoted solely to educational work. Of the Christian enterprises, 6,201 are Protestant, 690 Roman Catholic and 347 Russian Ortho- dox. Christian churches own 932 church buildings and chapels, valued at $84,000,000. The properties of the Christian churches are taxed, while those of the Shinto and Buddhist sects are exempt. The tota'l Christian constituency, in- cluding women and children, is estimated at 320,000, of which more than 180,000 103 are Prolestants, 90,000 Roman Catholics find about 50,000 Russian Orthodox. The Christian churches maintain 3,150 Sunday schools, with 185,000 scholars. Of the 2,500 foreigners engaged in Christian work in Japan 1,800 are women and 700 men. Resides these there are 4,500 Japanese engaged in propagation of Christian work. Christian sects maintain 530 educa- tional institutions with about 45,000 pupils. There are fifteen Christian hospitals in the empire, including a leper hospital at Kumamoto; seventeen or- phanages, eight rescue homes, four sanitariums and nine nurseries. The attitude of the Japanese Govern- ment toward Christianity is passively in- dulgent. Missionaries agree that no obstacles are thrown in their way and that they are permitted to exercise almost as many privileges as they would be in any of the Western countires as long as they do not meddle with internal politics. The only opposition to Christian undertakings has been in Corea, where some of the outbreaks against Japanese rule have' been attributed to the influ- ence of the missions. In the Corean provinces the ventures of the mission- aries are rather closely scrutinized. * * + The Japanese are very strong for holi- days and festivals. In addition to the fourteen regular national holidays, there are a great many local events that pro- vide excuses for dropping work. The birthdays of Shinto and fiuddhist gods also give the Japanese a chance to in- dulge in a holiday. Sometimes these celebrations are confined to neighbor- hoods and the rest of the country does not take any interest in them. The Hachiman celebration in mid- August was celebrated for three days, during which plays were given by dwarfs in ferocious costumes, who duplicated the great military achievements of the long dead hero. Another great celebra- tion which was participated in by all the Japanese in the most congested quarter of Tokio was the Kanda Nyojin, which was held near the Ruddhist shrine of that name. Fifty thousand people con- tributed .$150,000 to supply decorations, and all the foreigners were invited. The Susuiijin festival of the Nihon- bashi fish merchants was another event celebrated by fishermen everywhere. These festivals, which are encouraged by ' the; Government and Shinto and Ruddhist priests, are vividly costumed and appeal to most appreciative audi- ences among the lower classes, who cling tenaciously to the ancient traditions. One play, acted by dwarfs during the Hachiman fe.stivals, was split up into eleven acts and provided entertainment for twenty-seven hours. :i; * * The Japanese are very fond of th(\ movies. There are more than a thousand picture houses, the most important of which are in Tokio, Yokohama, Kobe, Nagasaki, Osaka and the other large cities. American films, with those portraying Charlie Chaplin, Mary Pick- ford, Doug Fairbanks and the Sennett bathing girls are most popular. The tariff in the Japanese movie houses ranges from 40 cents to $1. An innovation that the Japanese man- agement has provided is an interpreter, who stands in the wings and tries to explain the silent drama. He provides as much fun as some of the comedies and is at times unmercifully guyed by the audience. When you enter a Japanese movie you are supposed to check your shoes or clogs at the door. For foreigners, loose fitting linen slippers are provided. These are drawn over the shoes and technically conform to the practice of removing the shoes. Most of the Japanese movies deal with historical subjects and the acting is some of them is very good. The best paid and most popular movie actress is Miss Kagora, who receives around .$300 a week. The best movie comedy actor is Mr. Hutu. He earns a trifle more. H! * * The Government provides movies in Hibiya Park, adjoining the Imperial palace at Tokio. Here during the summer nights movie studies of nature and animals are shown, as well as pictures illustrating the benefits of sanitation, which attract large crowds. Some of the theatres in the larger towns are beginning to reflect Western influences in the substitution of women in the female roles, which from time immemorial have been essayed by men and the adaptation of American and European plays rendered in the ver- nacular. At the Imperial Theatre in Tokio I enjoyed some very good acting by a stock company headed by Mr. Koshiro Matsumota and Miss Ritsuki Mori, in four plays calling for excep- tional versatility. One was from the French, the second. from the Russian, si third was of Chinese origin and the l64 players strip for action in a jersey and pair of running fourth a native work. All of the plays ," shine ball or a "curve.'' Tennis were well staged and acted. ! players strip for ai ' At a "burlesque" show I applauded trousers, or wear a some "turns" done in Western style, trunks, though I confess to a confused sensation when one of the female performers dressed her "act" with a blond wig, but had little or no makeup to harmonize with it. The audience did not appear to notice the incongruity, but seemed to enjoy the lady's "knockabout" stunt. There is no standard of dress in Japan, except among the women, who cling tenaciously to the picturesque and com- fortable kimono, the high coif and the clattering clog. The male portion of Japan dresses pretty much as it pleases — and undresses, too, for that matter, with complete indifference to the views of foreigners. The business and official element 'affect the frock, cutaway, the Palm Beach, the white duck and the sailor straw hat, while the clerk and coolie holds on to the kimono, the native style of knickerbocker, or the dry bathing suit. If the weather is too warm he throws off everything except the bathing suit and a thin, short, wide-sleeved coat. The school boys and students wear the divided skirt, cut on the Jenness- Miller plan, plus a waist of spotted cotton of variegated hues, with cherry dominating. With these garments he wears a white military cap with a glazed visor, George Harvey spectacles and clogs. When the small children and the babies find the heat uncomfortable they use their kimonos for neckpieces, and nobody yells for the police. + + + The Japanese are very strong for sports. They do not go in for prize fighting, but the wrestling tournaments held in the great amphitheatre in Tokio and other cities in the winter and spring attract audiences of from 10,000 to 30,000. Horse racing is only mildly in- dulged in, because the Government some years ago prohibited betting. Meets are held at Tokio, Yokohama, Kobe and Osaka in the autumn. The Japanese are very expert at tennis and baseball is gaining a hold on the public. There are teams in most of the big towns, but the sport has not been organized as it is in America. Some of the players are very proficient. It is an odd spectacle to see a southpaw, en- veloped in a kimono or wearing the ample divided skirts that the student class affects, winding up to put over a The Japanese are naturally very fond of acquatic sports and produce some remarkable swimmers. A Japanese child learns to swim almost as early as he learns to walk and a bath is even more 'essential than breakfast. Even the coolies repair to the public and private baths, which are maintained in the cities,' or go down to the nearest stream to wash up at the end of their day's work. There are probably no cleaner people in the world in their personal habits than the Japanese. With them, physical cleanliness is next to godliness. Not only are their bodies clean, but the clothes they wear are clean, thereby disputing the declaration of a Western casuist that "the Japanese wash their bodies, the Coreans wash their clothes and the Chinese don't." It is a common sight in the cities to see madam coming from her bath in the evening with her hair streaming down her back and smoking a cigarette or one of the brass bowl pipes, or a husky coolie enveloped in a kimono or short, wide sleeved coat that just covers a breech clout, or swimming trunks that he wears while at work as well as at play. In the winter time the Japanese go in strong for skating and skiing in the mountains. ^ + + The New Yorker who complains about the telephone service of his town would really have something to kick about if he lived in Japan. A telephone call three blocks away is sometimes obtained within twenty minutes from the time that the Mme. Butterfly at the switch- board says " Moshi-Moshi," which is "Hello" in Japanese, until you get your connection. The Government controls the telephone service, as well as every means of communication. It limits the number of phones; or, at least, cannot supply the demand. When you want a telephone put in in Tokio you have to buy it from some man that has it, or who is on the preferred list. It costs about $1,200 to secure a phone, with a rental of about $20 a month. There are about 400,000 phones in the country, with demands for 600,000. In large cities the Government has installed automatic street phones, where a call costs about 3 cents — when you get it. 105 The transportation facilities of Japan are very good. Yoii have a choice between steam railway, bullock carts, electric trains, taxicabs, bicycle, horse cab and jinrikishas in the cities. In the country districts passenger service is restricted to the latter. There are probably 300,000 jinrikishas in the country. The price for being hauled about by a sturdy rikisha man is not much below that charged by New York taxis, because the high cost of living has affected Japan as well as the rest of the world. In pre-war days a rikisha man would tool you about for an hour for a quarter, going at a steady dog trot under the glaring sun four or five miles without a pause. The rikisha men constitute a pictur- esque and interesting phase of Japanese life. They are as hard as nails, con- genial, and very helpful to a stranger, because the majority of those in the cities speak enough English to under- stand you. They strip for action by wearing a minimum of clothing in hot weather. Their footgear is a thick felt combination of .shoes and stockings, bisected between the big toe and the rest of the foot so as to give them a semblance of "cloven foot." Some of them wear trousers and coat and some of them do not wear trousers, but merely swimming trunks. When they think about it they protect their heads from the sun by the native mushroom shaped sun helmets; when they don't they tie linen bandeau around their heads. 106 Intimate Sketches of Japanese Life [From the New York Herald of October 30.] ToKio, Oct. 5. — Westerners who en- counter for the first time the excessive politeness of the Japanese are likely to describe one of the favorable outdoor and indoor sports as "bowing and scrap- ing." No other people in the world indulge in such excessive politeness as the Japanese. When they meet their meeting takes the form of holding their arms straight down abjectly at the sides and almost doubling themselves into the form of a jackknife. One of the extraordinary things about it is they do not crack their heads together. As a matter of fact they only miss doing so by a matter of inches. When they take leave of each other there is no waste of words about it — they just double up three times and turn unceremoniously away. The practice is not confined to any class or caste — the coolie and the ricksha "folk" are quite as punctilious in observing the ancient form as the aristocrat who traces his lineage back a couple of thousand years. At a little town on the Inland Sea I witnessed the going away of a bride and groom. Half a hundred of their relatives came down to the train to see them off. The bride and groom, very solemn of mien, stood in the vestibule of their car for more than five minutes without say- ing a word to their friends outside, or even as much as smiling at them. Nobody dug up an old shoe or handful of rice, and nobody said a word until the train started off, then the bride and groom bowed deeply three times each and their friends on the station plat- form did the same. * * * The well to do Japanese has acquired the gentle art of loafing with great ease. He has fallen into the English habit of "week ending" and of further maintain- ing country places at the seashore or in the mountains. As Japan js entirely surrounded by water and other islands there is no lack of resorts. At some of these wealthy Japanese have built bungalows with modern conveniences, and spend two or three months in them while the cities are sweltering in the deadly heat that grips the lowlands for three months without abate. The most popular resorts are at Kamakura and Enoshimo, on the Pacific side of the main island; at beautiful Nikko, on the slopes of Fuji Mountain; at Hakkone, at Mianosta, all of which are mountain resorts, and at Karuizawa, where the missionaries from all over the Orient gather to spend the heated spell and which to some extent resembles an American camp meeting. * * * The Japanese are pretty well accus- tomed to Westerners by this time, and rarely bestow a second look upon the representatives of those races. But there is one Occidental type that never fails to provoke interest that is some- times embarrassing. This is a woman with blond hair, as a blond, auburn or brown haired Japanese is as rare as the sacred auk. In a little town west of Yokohama a short time ago a very pretty American girl with hair like spun gold held up traffic for ten minutes while the popu- lace gathered around and focused atten- tion upon her hair, on which lightly rested a small sailor hat. The young lady was very much embarrassed until rescued by a guard. She would probably have been much more disconcerted if she could have understood the (;omments of her audience. The consensus of feminine opinion was that her hair had been dyed. The Japanese is a natural squatter. Except when he or she is dining in a hotel or restaurant the most natural 107 posture is to tilt their legs and squat upon their heels, gathering the kimono in one hand so as to prevent it from dragging in the mud or dust. When a Japanese man or woman — or child, for that matter — is waiting for a tramcar, or wants to indulge in a tete-a-tete, he or she just squats down, and can main- tain a position that, would be decidedly uncomfortable to a Westerner. Of course the better grade of Japanese do not squat in the streets, but the "lower classes," young and old, fall naturally into the habit. I have seen some men and women of 70 resting on their heels for a full half hour without a break. Inasmuch as few Japanese ever get fat, it struck me that the squatting habit would be a good one to introduce in America. A foreigner, by the way, is likely to find the chairs of a Japanese house rather inconvenient. Tlity are a couple of inches lower than the Western models, because the Jap- a nese on an average are not much over .5 feet 3 inches for the men and two or three inches shorter as to women. * * * * Of course the cultured Japanese pos- sess as charming and correct table manners as any people in the world, but a foreigner is likely to experience an unpleasant sensation in a mixed gather- ing of Japanese at table. Table eti- quette in the Flowery Kingdom does not discountenance audible manifesta- tions of gustatory pleasure. The old gag that Frank Bush used to spring about going to a banquet to "hear" the guests eat soup was probably inspired by a visit to Japan. It seems to be the theory of the ordinary Japanese that he can best instance his enjoyment of the meal by making as much noise as pos.sible, by smacking his lips, sucking his teeth and belching between courses. Incidentally, toothpicks are used some- what for ornaments, or as plumbing devices, ostentatiously manipulated. Vegetable diets are not always con- ducive to happiness, though the Jap- anese as a rule eat very little meat, particularly those of the Buddhist faith. A statistician has figured out that a diet of vegetables, fish and rice induces a pessimistic view of life and leads many persons to suicide. In proof of his asser- tion he cites the case of ten Buddhists, five of whom were women, who cast themselves into the ocean without any explanation. He thinks that if they had eaten meat they wouldn't have done so. The popular view that the Japanese exist entirely upon rice and fish is some- what erroneous. They are very fond of starchy foods, go in for corn on the cob, squash, potatoes, noodles — which takes the place of the Coney Island "hot dog" — and have a, very sweet tooth, indeed. But fish is always in order. Probably one-tenth of the population in the islands of the Japanese archipelago are engaged in catching, curing and dry- ing fish for the other nine-tenths. The dried fish is cut up into filets and stacked up in the provision shops like kindling wood, the price of it being painted in white on the fish itself. The Japanese like an "American meal" for a change, and the hotels and restaurants in the large cities are favorite places for them to dine out. Fujiyama (Mount Fuji) is one of the few bits of natural scenery that eclipses in splendor the pictures of it. It is one of the most impressive spectacles that ever met the human eye, and there is little wonder that the Japanese star it as their most valued possession. Seen in the early morning, rising above the clouds that obscure two-thirds of its majestic grandeur, it fixes itself indelibly in the mind. Silhouetted against a sky of orange, azure and sepia, its noble crest, crowned with snow even in September, invites adoration until the clouds have drifted upward and hidden it from sight. It is only natural that it should be the most popular shrine in the Far East, to which people of all religious dogmas come to worship. The most eloquent tribute to its beauty is ren- dered in these lines from the pen of a Japanese poet little known: " I turn my face to the lofty Fuji Queenliest queen of the world below, Crowned as with a crown of pure white lilies Flowers of the winter s frost and snow. The stars and the clouds are in her secret. And her beauty shines on the wonder- ing sea. But not on me." * * .< The crest of Fujiyama is the magnet that draws many thousands of ambitious hikers during the "good weather," for the tip of it rises 13,000 feet in the air and is at times not only uncomfortable but unsafe. A journey to the top con- sumes the best part of five hours steady climbing up a passably good footpath and is by no means easy walking. 108 Sometimes storms overtake the hikers and the Government, guides are com- pelled to rescue persons who remain too long at the top. Recently four persons were frozen to death on the top of Fuji, which also provides a favorite theater for suicides. Most of the heart weary are the victims of unrequited love and select Fuji to impress the fickle one with the enormity of his (or her) inhumanity. * * + In travelling about the country you are not compelled to ask guard or fellow passenger the name of a railroad station. It is conspicuously printed in both English and Japanese, supplemented with rather more comprehensive infor- mation than is provided by the railroads of other countries. For instance, each station sign tells you in English "the points of interest" to be reached from there, the names and locution of the famous Buddhist temples and Shinto shrines, the unusual natural attractions in the surrounding mountains, and you can always fmd a Japanese man or woman among the passengers who is ever ready to describe to you the beauties of the land. > + ¥ A good wa y to see the interior of Japan is from a car window as the train flashes through the valleys or follows tfhe con- tour of thfe Inland Sea. The outstand- ing impres.sion one obtains is that life in the smaller communities is divided between working in the fields, fishing in the sea and swimming in the creeks. When working in the fields the Japanese men and women wear a minimum of clothing, the most conspicuous features being a mammoth mushroom hat and a straw mat, which protects their bodies from the blaze of the sun. As they lean over to tenderly care for their precious crops of rice or garden truck they look like nothing so much as giant tortoises to the casual eye. The women appear to do most of the work in the field, some- times with their babies hitched to their backs, said baby either blissfully sleep- ing or vociferously demanding nour- ishment. The tram service in the larger towns like Tokio is supplemented by a motor jitney service. A street car ride costs about .'JJ^ cents. Tokio has an elevated railroad line for the steam cars and elec- tric service to Yokohama, which is 20 miles away. The steam railroad is equipped with modern American engines and a mixture of Continental and American passenger and sleeping cars. Railroad fare, fixed by the Government, approximates about two-thirds of the rates prevailing in the United States. All through passenger trains carry din- ing cars, in which both table d'hote and a la carte service is maintained. But most of the travelling Japanese carry their food supplies with them, put up in little cedar boxes and including the inevitable chop-sticks. In the dining cars knives and forks are provided, and the menus and service are a good deal like those in American or Continental restaurant cars. The tariff is about the the same. A few minutes before meal hours the porters on the trains distribute little strips to passengers, printed in both Japanese and English, and reading, "Dinner is now ready." If you don't care to go into the dining car you can have your meal ser\ ed in your compart- ment. ^I'he motor car is coming into popular favor among prosperous Japanese, but it is almost entirely confined to the cities, and even the Ford is little known in the country districts. There are, however, a great many of the more expensive American cars in Tokio, Yokohama, Osake, Kobe and other large cities. That a motor is a costly luxury is shown by the fact that gasolene (^osts 75 cents a gallon. A good chauffeur can be had, however, for from -5.5 to $10 a week. A motor costs about twice as much in Japan as it does in the Slates, because of freight charges and a duty of 30 per cent. A Ford costs 2,200 yen, or about .$1,100, delivered to a Japanese pur- chaser. The roads of Japan, as a rule, are not suitable for motoring, although the Government has recently entered upon improvement of them. The Jap- anese have made two or three attempts to produce motors, but the results have not been satisfactory. Firgures show that there are roundly 3.5,000 passenger motors in the country and 8,000 trucks. * * ' * Tokio, Yokohama, Osake and Kobe are going in for skyscrapers. Several American firms, including the G. A. Fuller Company of New York, are en- gaged in putting up modern office buildings at the Japanese capital and at Kobe. Buildings are of steel and con- crete, and arc quite as substantial and attractive as those in any American city except in the matter of height. Eight stories is the limit of building in ]()<) Tokio, it being the purpose of the Government to standardize the modern city. The plans for beautifying Tokio call for the ultimate remaking of the central part of the town facing the Marunouchi Kojimachi, where the royal palaces are grouped behind grim, gray walls that hide ihem from sight. Tokio is just getting used to the new style of Western architecture, which is not at all sur- prising in view of the fact that probably 2,100,000 of the 2,800,000 population are packed away in little one or two story houses in narrow streets. * * * Elaborate plans for new hotels, con- structed according to Japanese architec- tural design, are also under way. The New Imperial Hotel, which has been three years in building, is partly owned by the royal family. It is two stories in height, more than 700 feet long and revives the acnient glories of the Sat- suma period, although it is to be replete with modern conveniences. The great business enterprises of Japan, which are virtual monopolies, developed to a remarkable degree during the war. Some of them, like the Mitsui family group, the Mitsubishi, the Kasa- wara, the Koshi, the Mitsukoshi and the Shibusawa, employ many thousands of people. The Mitsubishi enterprise alone probably has an office force of 5,000, which are to be housed in three of the most impressive "skyscrapers" in Tokio. The Mitsukoshi department store in the Ginza is one of the show places of Tokio. A life insurance com- pany building on the same thoroughfare has a roof garden and a restaurant, to which most visitors are taken for a view of the town. The tower is about ten stories above the street. + + * Although everybody in Japan cannot wear a decoration, every man above the coolie, or common laborer, has a crest. A great many of the Japanese take pride in wearing this crest as conspicuously as possible, usually on the haori, or black silk coat. Almost every Japanese who is of social distinction possesses at least one haori with crest. Sometimes a Japanese whose ancestry runs back several hundred years wears five crests at the same time. These are worked out in white embroidery, one at the back of the neck, one on each shoulder and one on the front of each sleeve. The 0-mon, or crests for women, are worn in the same positions as those on the coats of the men. A woman may wear a haori showing a crest in private, but it would be considered a breach of etiquette for her to wear one at a formal function. Men are, however, privileged 1o wear them on the latter occasions. Many families have hereditary crests, and some families have two distnict designs. The imperial family uses two — the si.xteen petalled chrysanthe- mum and the paulownia. It is illegal for any person not a member of the royal family to use these de\ices under any circumstances. * * ¥ Not only the clothing worn by the owners of crests are adorned with the family insignia, but their travelling cases, lunch boxes, sword racks, tea caddies and writing boxes are similarly marked. Members of the old families who have gone into trade have given great offence to some of the aristocrats by putting their crests on the backs of their employees along with an advertise- ment of their business, although the display of the family crest on retainers and servants was discarded along with the feudal system when the empire was restored in 1868. The original conception of the 0-mon was a representation of the sun. Devices intended to indicate different families and even to commemorate historic events were embroidered inside of this disk. Gradually there grew up a system of heraldry, which has survived to some extent. The abolition of feudalism gave each person in the country above the status of coolie a right to wear a crest if he chose, and most of them chose to do so. * * * The police system of Japan pretty closely parallels the military organiza- tion. The policemen in the cities are trained for military purposes, wear a white military uniform (in summer) and carry a sword instead of a "billy" or baton. They are probably the poorest paid policemen in the world, receiving on an average 30 yen a month, or about $15. The Chief of Police of Tokio gets $750 a year. As a rule the force is organized on a very high plane, although a certain amount of "squeeze" (honest graft) goes with the job. While the police establishments are under local control they are really a part of the military machine of the empire. The city police are polite and helpful to strangers and severe in handling native malcontents, as the burden of proof is tin usually upon the offender and not upon if- u ^" ^''"^ years ago the courts, which exercise both civil and criminal jurisdiction, tried 478,932 cases for various offences. Capital punishment (electricity) is rarely inflicted, being im- posed on 'burglars, incendarios, manu- facturers of explosives and murderers. * ■, t Tlie Government maintains a reform school system for offenders under 18 where both moral instruction and general education is provided. There is a sur- prising number of suicides, and not infrequently cases of hara-kari reported by the police, the ancient method of disembowelling being employed by ad- herents of the clans that flourished and wielded great power in the days of the Shoguns. Four cases of hara-kari — all men above 60 — were reported by the police of Tokio during a mid-Augvist week. In every instance the victim observed the form prescribed by ancient tradition, faced a picture of the Emperor, invoked the protection of his Shinto (or Bud- dhist) gods and used two short swords in seeking escape from human misery. * ¥ * Suicide has always been one of the principal indoor sports of Japan. To the Western mind most of the causes that inspire a desire to shuffle off are trivial, but to the Japanese mind they are fundamental. A domestic row, a "blue" day, the ambition to make some- body sorry for your death, serve as an excuse for committing hara-kari, which is messy and painful, or jumping into the water, which is the most popular method. During August there were a great many suicides in the Tokio district. A majority of the suicides were young girls. While Japan is very shy in the matter of mammals, it shelters a multitude of winged things. Not the least penetrating of these is the Japanese mosquito, which, while not as brawny as the Jersey type, insists on being both heard and felt. You can hear a Japanese mosquito coming six or seven feet away. The most effective way of sidetracking him is to light a curlycue or Chinese punk and set it on a tabaret alongside of your bed. When you first try this universal antidote it seems to be more disagree- able than the strike of the mosquito, but after a while you get so used to it that when the room-boy fails to provide it you get up in the middle of the night to insist on having your punk. * * * The popular sport of small boys and girls in the parks of the cities and in the rural districts is chasing butterflies and insects with a fishing pole, the end of which is smeared with a glue like sub- stance upon which the winged quarry lights and is ensnared. Most of the small boys and girls of Japan know of mam- mals only in the picture books. There are no rabbits or pigeons to chase, so they are compelled to chase butterflies. The little Japanese are not as ruthless as juvenile Westerners, because they are taught to be very gentle with all living things. During the month of August they are industriously engaged in snaring insects, for a peculiar festival is held every September with impressive cere- monies intended to teach a moral. This festival is known as "freeing the winged things" and dates back several hundred years. All of the butterflies and insects caught during August are turned loose on the festival day and the jurvenile Japanese impressed with the fact that they must never wantonly imprison beasts or birds. * + * The Japanese are natural born gam- blers. Most of them will bet on any- thing. Yet public gambling is not countenanced. Card games are not popular, and there are neither lotteries nor policy game, and betting on horse racing is illegal. In the sake shops and tea houses the most popular game is "go," which is played somewhat after the manner of checkers or chess, and there is a game that seems to combine some of the features of both fantan and craps. There are some very famous chess players in Japan, and tournaments between them are very popular. * * * Although a blend of Malay and Mon- gol, the Japanese have for centuries striven to keep the original strain clear. They do not encourage marriages between their own people and foreigners, and while many such occur, the national prejudice against them is very strong. Some of the most successful business men in the empire, and certainly the most attractive women, are Eurasians, the results of mating between Japanese and Europeans and Americans. The female species of this fusion of bloods seem to retain the more admirable qualities of both — something of the chic 111 of the Frenchwoman, the poise of the English and the independence of the American. Marriages between the Jap- anese and Chinese are extremely rare, as the two races do not assimilate, despite the fact that there are large colonies of Chinese in all of the large towns. Marriages between Americans and Japanese "turn out as well as could be expected," according to an authority. Most of them are between American men and Japanese women. There are, of course, manv "trial marriages." * ' + + The Japanese merchant makes a heroic attempt to keep abreast of his Western rival by advertising his goods. There is scarcely a town but boasts of at least one sign done in liberal English, while in the larger centers "ads" in that language are frequent. One in Tokio reads: "Ladies are dressed here." Another, in Kobe, informs you that a tailor is " bight class." One at Nagasaki publishes the wares of a "sprenderd bakary," the "1" being silent in Jap- anese. An American sign painter who works up and down the China Sea makes a very good living by correcting inaccuracies due to phonetic influences. 112