ajornell llttit»pr0Ug IClbrarg Jtliata, Hew iwH ■titftte miatocital liihrara THE GIFT OF PRESIDENT WHITE MAINTAINED BY THE UNIVERSITY IN ACCORD- ANCE WITH THE PROVISIONS OF THE GIFT CORNELL UNIVERSITY LniRART 3 1 52 772 Cornell University Library The original of tinis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924082152772 MY RECOLLECTIONS. LONDON : KOnSON AND SOK, RREAT KOUTHERN PUIHTING WORKS, TANCRAS ROAI), N.W. RECOLLECTIOIS ,£,' \\^ - MASSIMO D'AZEGLIO. EmnsMt)i, bat^ |totes anb- an Inlrobattiffn, COUNT MAPFEI. IN TWO YOLUMES. VOL. I. LONDON: CHAPMAN AND HALL, 193 PICCADILLY. 1868. CONTENTS OF VOLUME I. Introduction page xiii CHAPTER I. Ignorance of family traditions — Wise reply of my father — Anti- pathy to the family name — Opportunity of learning its history — Originally from Brittany — The Brenier Capels — they re- move to Dauphiny — one of them settles at Savigliano — An- other version of Monsignor deUa Chiesa — Queen Joan invests the house of Taparelli with the fief of Genola — Purchase of Lagnasco — Brenier, a man-at-arms, acknowledges us (six- teenth century) — My grandfather the Count of Lagnasco — his portrait — Eccentric reputation of the family — Eemedy for court deceptions used by my grandfather — his death — Cesare my father — Cristina my mother — Doubt whether I ought to write about her — Portrait of my father— his birth and enlist- ment — Garrison life — Manners of the superiors of that date — his early life — he enters the king's household — Society at that period — Aristocracy — its faults; its merits — Conse- quences — Conversion — State of opinion — The cause of his change — Reflections page 15 CHAPTER II. Bad health — ^Anxiety of the doctor for our race — AUianoe with the House of Morozzo — Scrupulous sincerity of my father — Establishment of the family — Number of children — Decay of the cwoalieri serventi system — Joke on matrimonial unions «. la mode — Ulnesa of my father — he leaves the court — Iso- lation of Piedmont — Outbreak of war— My father aide-de- camp to the commander-in-chief — My shameful ignorance — Anecdote — Piedmontese proverb — He is made prisoner — Gal- vi CONTENTS OF VOL. I. lantry of a young drummer— A new Pylades— tis origin- lie contrives to be taken with my father— Tliey are Bent to Montbrison— are obliged to ask alms— Generosity of a peasant girl— Death of Robespierre- Improved condition— Horrible reaction— His wife and famUy believe my father dead— his will— he refuses his release on condition of not bearing arms against the Kepublio— The French government acknowledges this act of loyalty— Eeflections— Return of my father— Re- turn of Pylades — his death — Pylades and Alexander the Great i'*?* 35 CHAPTER ni. Italian disasters—My brother Enrico—My birth— Domestic life of my father— Poverty of the Piedmontese nobles— Error of our rulers— Habits of my family— Distress at the public calami- ties—Beginning of the century — Endeavours of my father to make himself useful— He settles at Florence with his family — J^i*— Is Florence a place of exile ? — My father hates the foreign yoke — Exiles at Florence .... page 59 CHAPTER rV. My apotheosis — Vittorio Alfieri and Fabre — I am persecuted by two girls — Anecdotes — Alfieri's bolt — The Marchioness Prie — End of my acquaintance with Countess d' Albany and Fabre — A catastrophe — My father's occupations — A sonnet addressed to Alfieri — Alfieri and Metastasio — Sonnet by the former in the Piedmontese dialect — he reads Alceste and Myrrlia to my parents — Last days of Alfieri — He takes the sacraments — Clementina Prifi-Iucontri — Last Ulness of Alfieri — his death. page 78 CHAPTER T. DetaOs of education — Matilda and I — Bad health of our mother — Theory of my parents on primary education — They did not flatter us — "We were taught endurance — Children's rights — Liberty consists in obedience — Respectful criticism — Anec- dotes — It snows on the soup — Balateo — Reform of Italian conversation — On my knees to Chacolin — Accustomed to pain CONTENTS OF VOL. I. Vll — I break my arm — Warnings — How I used to be awoke — Abate Lena — Serpent-hunting — Unmerited ovation — Woods at night — Meritorious action — I possess a carriage — A generous gift — La Rochefoucauld and the Gospel — Mock Christian civilisation page gz CHAPTER VL Instruction and education — A new department of state — The porter of the Scolopi Fathers my first tutor — Napoleonic tyranny — Compulsory return — Letter from the King — My father gives in his temporary adhesion to the French Go- vernment — Return of the family to Turin — T7nexpected sur- prise — I am raised to the dignity of cavaliere — My grand- mother and her castle — My great-grandmother Da Camino — Ancestress of one hundred and seven individuals — Don An- dreis, the second priest — he bothers me too much — Another bore of a priest — Things go from had to worse — The black Virgin of Oropa — St. Ignatius and spiritual exercises — Ano- ther priest — I am guilty of a sonnet . . . page 1 1 1 CHAPTER Vn. Religious instruction — Reflections on its place in education — I do not argue with Atheists — The teacher should educate honest men — Extra-dogmatic reasons to induce the pupil to be so — Faults of the religious instruction I received — Importance of the sense of respect — Examples of the Romans — Third ele- ment in a good education — Jesuit-teaching — History — I be- come a day-scholar at college — Shameful examination — Good sentiment — A stolen prize — My character is being spoilt — I enter the University — I begin to write — Excursions — I am taken for a highwayman — Gymnastics . . page 130 CHAPTER VIIL My Jesuit — our friendship — Jesuits' life — ^What my brother was — his habits — Black and Red Jesuits — Jesuits and Englishmen — Napoleon gives him a nomination to St. Cyr — Napoleon and Dr. Jenner — Roberto becomes auditor to the Council of State — Vlll CONTENTS OF VOL. I. Prospero is liberated— Matilde— her death — our grief— Giorgio Bidone— his affectionate advice — Political life of my Father — Persecution of Pius VII. — My Father's solicitude for im- prisoned Priests — their merits — First tidings of the disaster of Moscow — Joy of everybody except those who lost their appointments — The debacle — The folly of mankind — Belief to the wounded page 146 CHAPTEE IX. Fall of Napoleon — Germans and French — A hint to France — Love for the detested German — Civic guard — Emancipation and farewell to Don Andreis — I become a sportsman — A few words to my priest — My first excommunication — it does not last long — Pious fraud and^ie credendum — Entrance of Vic- tor Emanuel I. — The royal family going about — My father Minister ad interim at Borne — Arrival in Bome — State of Europe and Bome — Blunders of the restoration — Napoleonico- Jesuitic despotism — "We settle in Bome — Our acquaintances — Art and literature page 16% CHAPTEB X. We explore ancient and modern Bome — Viscontl — Malvotti — Be- ginning of a bad period — Man is to be judged by his sincerity, and not by his flag — I acquire a taste for Painting — My first Master — I take to Music again — VioUcemhalo — Music is a mys- tery — Dreams on Music — Similitude between the human mind and body — Diplomacy — Murat — ^I am made a Cornet — My Brother joins the Jesuits — Wish to make me a " Monsignore" — My impressions of Bome — Fleuve du tendre — Canon Spaziani — Donna Teresa Bracucoi — Monsignor Brancadoro — Boccaccio and John Huss page 187 CHAPTEE XI. The helmet is secured — Eeaction — Curious recomposition of the army — My father a bad courtier — Courtiers, and true danger for princes — End of Don Andreis — I definitively join the regi- ment — Injustice of my promotion — Well-founded humility — CONTENTS OF VOL. I. IX I learn my drill conscientiously — Follies of our masters — My love of justice — My dislike of aristocracy, and absurd ideas on democracy — I become corrupted, and live with rowdies-r- Quarrel with a brother-officer — My father is informed of it — His visit — ^Advice to young men .... page 206 CHAPTER Xn. Derangement of health — Eetum of Napoleon from Elba — Coun- sels of Bidone — Eeflections on 'the charms of a currycomb — By Bidone's advice I quit the active service, and enter the provincial militia — Defeat and expulsion of masks from the Carignano Theatre — My triumphal entry into Turin — I go to Milan, and there sell my ancestors — A warning to young men against running into debt — The choice of Hercules — Bidone's maxims — his quotations — Glory and popularity are more highly paid than they deserve — At seventeen I was pining for glory — " Learn art, say I ; then lay it by" — Complete conver- sion — Gossip of my companions on the subject — I am declared a downright lunatic page 223 CHAPTER Xni. An act of pride — Training for sacrifice — My diligence — I fall ill from over-exertion — I have an organic complaint — Mania for going to Rome — Lassitude of my mother, and her patience in suffering — Abate Natali — My mode of life — My occupa- tions — Poetical sins — ^^neas an odious hero — Other preqepts of Bidone — Yestri the actor, and my vocation for the stage — My rage for Alfieri — Alfieri has discovered Italy — What I would now say to Alfieri — My mother a subtle literary critic. page 242 CHAPTER XIV. Journey to Naples — The friends I met there — The Carbonari — Greeting to Cardinal Amat and Count della Margherita— Our travelling-chaise passes over my body — ^Visit of my father — he sees my works — M. de Blacas — Miss Knight — English friends and my shame — Miss Knight and one's native country — The Emperor of Austria at Rome — General yearning for X CONTENTS OF VOL. I. peace in Europe — I catch the malaria fever — My master Mar- tin Verstappen — his character — his school — We were pupils • and servants as in the fifteenth century — Our impertinence to the master — My mind slowly ripens — Period of moral distress — Dreams of the future — Method of study I proposed to my- self—Flights of fancy— Modified political ideas — Cardinal Consalvi — Love appears upon the scene . . page 263 CHAPTER XV. First love — How many sorts of love there are — DiflSoulty of understanding them, and still more of naming them, except one — Love in the literature of the reign of Louis Philippe — Little love-making in the world — Silence on my love-adven- tures — Love is the father of lies — Theory of fidelity — Sad end of every love-adventure — Least bad way of getting out of it fairly — Conclusion f avoiu-able to women — It is useless to preach abstinence page 290 CHAPTER XVL Return from Rome to Turin — Francis IV. of Modena — Excur- sion to Venice — State of Turinese society in the year 1820 — I have always avoided secret societies ; and the advantages I have derived from so doing — Remarks upon the political events of 1821 in Piedmont — MUitary revolutions are the worst of all — Passive resistance to bad governments generally preferable to violence — Examples taken from the Lombardo- Venetians — Conclusion of this subject — Summer of 1820, and Count Benevello — Tribute to this worthy nobleman — DiflSoulty of living in peace in the society of Turin at that time — I per- sist in my intention of leaving the army, and going back to Rome to continue my artistic studies — My parents consent after much hesitation — Criticisms and gossip of the town — Dialogue giving an idea of high Turinese society in 1820. page 307 CHAPTER XVIL Plutarch and the Marchioness of Crescentino agree in their opi- nion about the cultivators of art — I should have done better CONTENTS OF VOL. I. XI to learn science and the art of government rather than paint- ing — Democracy of reprisals, and democracy fairly understood — Examples — Comparisons between a financier, a general, an administrator, a painter, a dancer, and a singer — It is right that professions whose object is to please should be better paid, but unfair that they should be more esteemed than use- ful ones — The worship of certain arts is a sign of decline — My parents consent to my return to Rome — At Genoa I meet Albert Lamarmora and Cesare Balbo — I embark for Leghorn, and arrive at Borne via Florence — I adapt my mode of life to my financial resources — My horror of debt — Lessons on his- tory and literature, by Signer Garello, before sunrise — The Bospigliosi riding-school — Academy for the nude kept by Antonio — I work in real earnest to escape from my pecuniary difficulties — Curious expedients to which I am driven by ne- cessity — Excursion to Castel Sant' Ella to visit Verstappen. :paffe 345 CHAPTER XVIII. I start for Castel Sant' Elia with Verstappen's brother-in-law — A night at Nepi in the inn of Veleno — Adventure — Description of that part of the Roman Campagna — Castel Sant' Elia and its owner. Count Panimolli — Michele Paeetti and I arrive at Castel Sant' Elia, and hasten to visit Verstappen — ^We lodge in an old house ransacked at the time of the Republic — We extemporise the best sleeping accommodation we can for our- selves and Michele's ass — The kitchen department — Studies from nature, and the abatino ^aij attendant — Remarks on art, and especially on landscape-painting — Academies of fine arts and encouragement societies — Life of Verstappen at Castel Sant' Elia — I study the new society which surrounds me, and find that I'Twmme est le mimepaHout — I am discovered to be Marquis Massimo d'AzegUo page 369 INTRODUCTION.* Eather more than twelve months ago, the Mar- chioness Eicci, only daughter of the illustrious Mas- simo d'Azeglio, whose death Italy had mourned a year previously, published the Memoirs of her father, in compHance with a wish expressed by himself in his last days, although they did not comprise the whole period contemplated in his original design, which the premature close of his existence prevented him from completing. In so doing the Marchioness Eicci not only ful- filled a duty in thorough harmony with her most sacred feelings, but she felt that this publication would, if possible, still farther increase the respect and veneration the Italian people already entertained for so great a patriot. * 1. Vltalie de 1847 b, 1865 ; Correspondanoe Politique de Massimo d'Azeglio, aveo une Introduction par M. Eugene Eendu. 1 Tol. Paris, 1866. 2. Les Preewsews Italiens, par M. Charles de Mazade ; Revue des Deua> Mondes, 15 fivrier 1867. 3. Com- memoraxione di Massimo d'Azeglio; discorso del Commendatore Masaari. Bari, 1866. i. Nata Biografica del MarcTiese Ricoi. Firenze, 1867; &o. VOL. I. h XIV INTKODUCTION. Shrinking from herself attempting the eulogy of her own father, she could not refrain, as she stated in a short preface, from expressing her belief (which was perfectly well founded) that no biography could be better calculated to illustrate the peculiarities of her father's genius and moral character. From the hum- blest descriptions, she said, from the greatest eccen- tricities of comical incidents, he often rises with incredible suddenness and ease to philosophical and political considerations of the loftiest nature ; nor is it a rare occurrence for him to enter quite unex- pectedly into historical discussions with true dog- matic erudition, hinting at every step useful advice, wonderfully appropriate to our present day. This was her hope, concluded the Marchioness; and the success of the book confirmed the judgment of filial love, in foreseeing that this last work of her father would be welcomed by the Italians, even when his authoritative voice pointed out their faults and the effects they have yet to produce ; and that the pages his dying hand last penned would be deemed a worthy conclusion to the constant labour of a Kfe which had been devoted mind and soul to the glory and well-being of his country. Her expectations were fully realised; for these i2e- collectiotis afforded a curious contrast to the sad lack of pleasant readable literature presented by the Italy INTKQDUCTION. XV of our days; thanks to tlie mania of modern authors, who, as D'Azeglio says in the preface of his Auto- biography, fancy themselves obhged to change their language "when they write, for a stilted, affected style, under pretext of a misconceived idea of elegance. An able English critic wrote last year: "Massimo d'Azeglio was completely free from this defect. Like all the D'Azeglios (for, as he himself tell us, it was common to the race), he was ' a character,' a man of whims, and oddities, and hobbies, and crotchets, and consequently the last person in the world to remain bound in any conventional thraldom, whether social or Kterary. This character of individuality, which impressed its stamp on his whole life, is charmingly revealed in every sentence of the Memoirs which he has left behind him ; so that, more than any of his previous writings, their mingled homehness and wit and wisdom justify the epithet which I once before ventured to give him when I described him as the ' Giusti of Italian prose.' " This criticism is singularly to the point, showing how even foreigners appreciated the Memoirs of our famous patriot; and on reading them it at once struck me that a translation would be welcome to the English public. A few days after this had occurred to me. Marquis d'Azeglio received a letter from Florence, in which both the family and the Italian editor, aware XVI INTEODUCTION. how much interest Italian politics excite in England, evinced a wish that the Recollections should be trans- lated in London, where many had personally known their author. But who was to do it ? Italians were not wanting in England possessing such perfect mastery of the English language as to be fully competent for the task. Several English writers, too, are in existence with every qualification for translating the Italian work, although it is written in so familiar a style as to make the real meaning of more than one pass- age quite puzzling to a foreigner. Yet nobody seemed inclined to undertake the work; and an answer in this sense was on the point of being despatched to Florence. I felt immensely disap- pointed. Was the best work written in Italy for many a year to remain unknown in England, where the high qualities, the honourable straightforwardness of the author's character were better appreciated than anywhere else, while his friends were most anxious that the reverse should be the case ? Eather than let a refusal be sent off, shall I try it myself? thought I. Here arose a number of objections : Shall I have the capacity ? shaU I have the time ? and a thousand reasons too numerous to dwell upon, and not always of a nature to reassure me about my prospect of suc- cess in[|such a hazardous enterprise. StiU the idea IKTRODUCTION, Xvi haunted me, and gained ground by degrees; till at last it got the upper hand, and I began my work. Alas ! I know not how far its result would have satisfied B'Azeglio, for I am conscious that I am now presenting to the reader the book of a great man translated by — a very small one ! Whatever the ver- dict of the pubHc may be, I hope that at least the motives which were my incentive to make the at- tempt will not be forgotten. But I had yet another reason, which was of great weight with me. I must here make a confession. The description of old sturdy Piedmont, of the spirit, manners, and tradi- tions of a society amidst which I grew up; the fact that I was, or am yet, acquainted with the greater part of the persons mentioned in D'Azeglio's Recol- lections, nay more, am connected with many of them by the closer ties of blood, ojGfered a double attraction, that I was unable to resist : so, once having set to work, I went on. We say in Italian, " Peccato con- fessato e mezzo perdonato;" and having thus confessed myself with all sincerity, I hope I shall not be denied the benefit of indulgence. In many parts of the Recollections I have thought it necessary to add explanatory notes, to avoid confu- sion or misinterpretation. In some cases likewise, where the author adverts to facts that may be known to foreigners, although only in a summary way, I XVIU IKTEODUCTION. have ventured to suggest tlie circumstances, some- times very peculiar, which gave rise to these allusions, hoping my additions vi^ould not be unacceptable to the general public. But to those readers -whose foreign Imowledge is, on the contrary, so complete as to render such an amount of precaution superfluous, I will say, as Massimo d'AzegHo himself very often does in the course of these pages, when a passage occurs which he deems uninteresting — skip it. Hav- ing thus eased my conscience on this score, I will merely add, that all the French and Latin sentences contained in this translation are copied verbatim from the original. Massimo d'Azeglio began these Memoirs within two or three years of his death, hoping, as he says, to bequeath to the rising Italian generation a book that might inculcate the precepts his long experience and patriotism suggested as the best means of secur- ing the good of the nation. But he did not Hve to complete his work, and it was brought to an un- timely end just as he was commencing the narrative of the most important part of his political career. It is impossible not to regret this deeply in the interest of history and politics. Yet was it a good or an evil that these Memoirs should end so abruptly? It is difficult to answer this question. Though we are deprived of a very interesting portion of INTRODUCTION. XIX the author's hfe, it is, perhaps, as well that simo d'AzegHo did not begin" to write his Recollec- tions at an earlier stage, and was thus prevented from touching contemporary history; it being in- deed difHcult for anyone to pronounce an impartial judgment on the men amongst whom he has lived and the events of his own time. For it is im- possible to take an active share in politics without being more or less jarred by the conduct and opinions of others. The divergence of ideas that divided D'Azeglio from Cavour, and many other Italian statesmen, often made him unjust to them, and caused him to regard his country, and the phases (unfortu- nately not always of a satisfactory character) through which a young nation must pass in the early stages of its political regeneration, with a kind of over- strained fastidiousness. God knows what excellent intentions, how much genuine feeKng, were concealed xmder his occasionally rough warnings and advice, which, had he recorded the second and most conspicuous part of his political life, would perhaps have taken the shape of a diatribe against many men of the day, with little or no profit to the country, nay to its detriment. We are compensated for the loss of an interesting account of the busy years of Italian revolution by a charmingly dispassionate chat about days long past, SX INTEODtrCTION. little known, yet curious for the student and the ob- ■server to dwell upon. "We have eloquent pages, fall of philosophical as well as social observation, poli- tical reminiscences, anecdotes, reflections on art and education; while the sketches of national character, under its various aspects during the counter-revo- lutionary period, are picturesque in no common degree. The author undoubtedly represented one of the most striking individualities of his time, and spent a life equally full of romantic adventures and prac- tical activity, in uninterrupted service to his country. A painter and novelist, he returned in mature years to his early profession as a soldier in defence of his native land. He was also at once poKtical writer, statesman, and diplomatist; and amid such wonder- fully varied pursuits he never swerved from the one chief aim of his life — the liberation of Italy. Most people know how the Italian revolution was accomplished, but few, if any, are aware how it was prepared. This book will fill up the blank ; and though it barely comprises the preparations for the great movement of the year 1848, it exactly goes over the field where most instruction can be gleaned about the foundations on which the actual social life of Italy is based. To render this work more attractive to the reader. INTEODUCTION. Xxi I propose to give a short summary of D'Azeglio's political career from the time these Recollections were cut short by death; for it embraces the most important period of the Italian revolution, and will greatly faci^tate the understanding of the author's remarks and allusions. His reminiscences stop abruptly in 1846, just in- cluding the publication of the pamphlet he wrote in that year, Gli Ultimi Casa di Romagna, and which created a profound sensation throughout the country. D'Azeglio was then recently returned from a tour in the pontifical provinces and chiefly in Eomagna, made at the request of the Liberal party, who had intrusted him with the delicate mission - of first inquiring whether the country was ripe for a movement or not, and then preaching concord and faith to each individual, while he forcibly pointed out the reckless blunders and wickedness of secret societies. The rash revolutionary outbreak of Eomagna in 1845, which, as usual, only ended in bloodshed, and gave the priestly government a pretext for a fresh display of cruelty, furnished a text for the above little book published under his own name in the beginning of 1846. To sign it was a singular act of courage at that time, and resulted in his ba- nishment from Tuscany (the pamplilet was printed XXll INTRODUCTION. at Leghorn), and from the Austrian dominions in the Peninsula. In a few days the volume was conveyed by hand from one end of Italy to the other. It roused the enthusiasm of the Itahans, and, while urging them, with practical good sense, to abandon the imprudent and always futile attempts of the advanced party, and to follow instead a more regular policy in broad daylight, it encouraged them to persevere all the more in the wise course pointed out by Gioberti and Balbo. Not long after, the Holy See became vacant by the death of Gregory XVI., and on the 16th of June 1846 Pius IX. was elected Pope. After a month's reign, the new pontiff promulgated a general amnesty. The effect of this measure was wonderful, and took everyone by surprise. It was the confirmation of the national principle, a sanc- tion granted by God's representative on earth to the liberal aspirations of the country, that thus fell from the Vatican. Gratitude and hope gave an im- mense political significance to that decree. Liberty of the press and other changes soon followed, making all Italy reecho with the name of Pius IX. D'Azeglio then shared the general illusion that these reforms might become a pledge of perpetual concord between the Eomans and the ecclesiastical INTEODTJCTION. Xxiii sovereignty. Like Gioberti, Balbo, and many of their contemporaries, he believed (I lay stress on this fact, for it is a very important one, explaining the subsequent attitude of some of the politicians of that period) that liberated Italy must assume the shape of a confederation of free states with its centre at Eome, and the Pope for its president. It now seems a dream to recal the popular song then chanted in the streets of every Italian town : " Evviva Piemonte, Sioilia, e Tosoana, La Lega Italiana Pio Nono ha Ee 1" The antithesis with our days is strong, but who dreamt of united Italy at that early stage ? Some few ; but when did they think the vision would be realised? That is another question. A great transformation had still to take place, a new generation to grow up, bold and energetic — that of the sons of revolution. As soon as Pius IX. had granted these reforms, D'Azeglio felt it a duty to hasten to Rome, where his popular voice powerfully supported the national cause; and his principal object being war to the foreigner, he greatly contributed to the increase of military preparations. In August 1847, the Austrian troops, contrary to all existing stipulations, wantonly invaded Ferrara, XXIV INTRODUCTION. and D'Azeglio flew to Pesaro, in order to be near the pontifical camp of observation established in Romagna. There he struck a fresh chord, and instead of preaching moderation as on his previous journey, he advocated resolution and firmness. His advice vs^as not throvrn away, and a legal protest of the Roman legate caused the Austrians to withdraw. The failure of this usurpation afforded further proof to the Italians how wise D'Azeglio's words were, and also of the necessity of practically following them without loss of time. He spent the whole of the exciting year 1847 in Rome ; as the signal for the new movement had come from thence, he considered it of the utmost importance to watch the public spirit on the spot, believing the rest of Italy would be obliged to adhere to the liberal policy of the Pope. Indeed, his noble mind entertained the delusive hope that Pius IX. would accomplish a complete trans- formation in the Papacy ; and so great was his trust in the man who had spontaneously inaugu- rated a novel era for his people, that he deemed him worthy of the moral leadership of Italy ; not without conditions, of course. " Si Pie IX veut,"* he wrote in his poHtical correspondence, pubhshed by * All the passages extracted from this correspondence are quoted in the original French. nSTTEODUCTION. XXV M. Eendu, " s'il consent a ^tre ce que I'opinion fait de lui, la papaute est definitivement la force dirige- ante . . . S'il s'j refuse, je ne sais pas ce qui arrivera. ... La Providence n'offre pas deux fois une occasion telle que eelle-ci." How truly this prediction has been verified ! A Papacy transforming itself into an element of progress and civilisation — a Papacy ceasing to be a system of gross abuses and priestly tyranny — might have been the salvation of Italy. As it turned out, it caused the social and religious revolution under which she is stiU writhing. It was in this year that Massimo d'Azeglio wrote an admirable series of pamphlets under the title of Frofframma per la Formaeiane di utH Opinione nazio- nale, in which his. genius entirely disclosed itself, and the essential character of the Italian revival was boldly sketched out. In the mean while the first months of 1848 changed the face of things, giving an impulse to the hopes that had been raised, and which now only wanted an opportunity to burst forth openly. D'Azeglio waited in Rome, like a sentinel at his post, ready to give a timely warning to the impa- tient, or to counteract the anti-national intrigues of which the eternal city has always been the active centre. Quite early in the year he issued another most interesting publication, ILutti di Lombardia ; a XXVI INTKODUCTION. heart-stirring narrative of the martyrdom of Lom- bardy and Venetia under Austrian tyranny, almost equivalent to a popular declaration of war. ■ At length the revolutionary blast of 1848 began its work. The outbreak at Paris in February gave a signal soon followed by a great part of Europe, and its first consequence was the rising of Milan against the Austrians, who fled after five days' desperate fighting, during which the citizens set the noblest example of valour and resolution. The state of Piedmont was indescribable. The desire to rush to the rescue of the Milanese was universal ; Charles Albert cast the die, and entered Lombardy. As soon as the startling news reached Rome, D'Azeglio redoubled his exertions with one single aim, that of swelling the ranks of the combatants against the foreigner; and his eloquent voice and influential pen urged the Romans to enlist under the tricolour Italian flag, unfurled for the first time by Charles Albert on crossing the Ticino. One night at a political club, where a recently promulgated electoral law was exciting a hot debate, " Gentlemen," he cried, " this is no time to discuss the greater or less liberality of a franchise ; we may consider it afterwards. Let us now go and fight for our independence." INTKODUCTION. XXVU The Eoman Liberals regarded him as their leader ; the Pope himself was not quite opposed to him ; and his advice was attended to. Instantly all discussion ceased; a subscription for money and weapons was commenced, men were enrolled, and a little army hastily drawn together under the command of Gene- ral Griovanni Durando. D'Azeglio had been the soul of the expedition, and after setting it in motion by his influence, he was the first personally to give the ex- ample, and received the appointment of staff-adjutant to the commander-in-chief, whose handful of soldiers marched into Yenetia ; whilst Charles Albert, after several brilliant engagements, arrived on the Mincio. At this date D'Azeglio wrote several letters, pub- lished in his above-mentioned correspondence. In them he develops the poHcy of the day, and ex- pounds his views on the situation. Writing from Monte Belluno on the 5th of May, he says, "Pie IX et Charles Albert peuvent seuls sauver I'ltalie, non pas des stranieri, mais des Italiens, qui.seraient le plus k craindre, a peine le danger pass6." Always the same delusion — faith in the Pope ! I must not, however, leave the reader under the impression this declaration might create. Politics in D'Azeglio were but the emanation of his noble cha- racter, with which they became identified. Of course, the idea of a Pontifi" who had solemnly implored the XXviil INTRODUCTION. blessing of Heaven on his country in the memorable words, "Benedite, oh sommo Iddio, V Italia,'''' was enough to stir the generous mind of D'AzegKo. Conceiving, as he did, that Providence was now offering the Pa- pacy an opportunity for becoming Italy's chief strength, on condition that some wise reforms separated the temporal from the spiritual power, how could he re- main indifferent to the beautiful ideal of an Italian re- ligious and political supremacy, founded on the true principles of liberty? It was indeed a grand idea, and one that made many a heart believe God had at last selected the fair peninsula, for centuries so cruelly battered by adverse fortune, as the abode of spi- ritual and civil harmony and concord. Alas, how rudely facts dispelled this phantasmagoria ! Yet many an ardent Liberal indulged in the same dream as D'Azeglio ; and to prove that his apparent severity towards the Italians was not inspired by diminished faith in their cause, but must only be atti'ibuted to over-anxiety, I will here adduce the end of the same letter I have just quoted. The patriot as well as the artist is revealed in this passage, hastily written under a tent, and dated from the camp of that curious anomaly, the pontifical army of 1848, composed half of regulars, half of volunteers, with enthusiastic priests preaching the national crusade, at the head of which the Holy Father stood foremost, though ESTEODUOTION. Xxix already against his will. Strange contrast ; but how- well this extract depicts the time ! " Tin de nos jeunes gens eut le poignet coupe. Je voulais le consoler; il me repondit, en me mon- trant sa main droite : Resta questa. Le sommeU a ete long, mais le reveil est complet et puissant, je vous assure. Notre armee marche avec un carroccio* Ne vous moquez pas de moi; c'est uu peti moyen kgQ ! J'ai pense que I'armee pontificale devait avoir un service r6gulier, et j'ai fait arranger un autel sur un chariot; rien n'y manque, y compris le m^t qui porte les couleurs de I'Bglise, avec Viva Pio Nono! d'un c6te, et de 1' autre Dio lo vuole! Aujourd'hui, jour de la fete du pape, nous avons dit la messe en plein air, toute I'armee rangee sur quatre lignes, par un temps magnifique, et avec une multi- tude de paysans des environs. Notre aum6nier, qui est un carme, a fait un petit discours de eirconstance ; et tout cet ensemble, je vous assure, etait d'un grand effet. Aussi I'enthousiasme etait k son comble. " Je fiis bien touche aussi I'autre jom* par une scene d'un genre different. Nous etions sur la route de Belluno ; nous reeontrames une maison isolee pres d'un groupe d'arbres. En nous approchant, nous aper^umes une vingtaine de petites fiUettes toutes agenouillees sous les arbres, les mains jointes et * See note at p. 359, vol. ii. VOL. I. C XXX INTEODUCTION. priant pour nous; pres de Ik, un vieux paysan et quelques autres individus : il n'y eut pas un cri, pas une voix qui se fit entendre, pas une remarque. Nous pass^mes en silence. Apres quelques minutes, me retournant pour voir si je les apercevais encore, je vis plus d'une vieille moustache qui s'essuyait les yeux. C'est bien simple en apparence ; mais, dans notre position, vous ne sam-iez croire quel eiFet cela nous fit. " Maintenant nous attendons la division Ferrari, et puis nous passerons la Piave et ensuite le Taglia- mento, et, Dieu aidant, nous rejetterons I'ennemi au del^ de I'lsonzo. " Notre armee a vraiment 1' aspect d'une croisade. Outre la ligne qui est tres-bien, nous avons une armee de volontaires et de paysans, avec costumes de fantaisie : lances, fourclies, et toutes sortes d'in- struments dont on a fait des armes. De plus, des pretres, des moines qui, au reste, pom-raient bien ne pas porter tous ces pistolets et ces poignards ; mais le moyen de le leur faire comprendre ? Enfin, tout ceci ne manque pas de couleur locale." The small pontifical army had done httle in the interval. Placed in a difScult position, their chiefs were obliged to hold a very extensive line, while long marches backwards and forwards ex- hausted the soldiers. Attacked at last at Vicenza INTEOUUCTION. XXxi by Radetzki with 45,000 men and 110 pieces of artillery, tlie 10,000 combatants of Durando, with their 25 cannons, capitulated to the overwhelming Austi-ian forces after a more than honourable de- fence. Thrice they successfully repelled the attack of the enemy in an open town ; but finally they were worsted (June 1848), and D'Azeglio fell, dangerously wounded, in the thickest of the fight. As he was being carried away from the action to the ambulance he exclaimed, " My God, I did believe in the future of Italy, but I dared not hope to be so fortunate as to draw my sword on the field of battle for its independence !" In recognition of their stout resistance, the Italians obtained the right of leaving the place with the honours of war. But, alas, in other quarters too fortune frowned upon Italy. The princes by their bad faith, and the people by their rashness, played into each other's hands; reactionists fostered anarchy in the expectation of reaping its inheritance ; factions ran high, paving the way to foreign intervention ; and it was in vain that one sovereign and his faithful army, though shamefully abandoned, fought for Italy with a valour worthy of a better fate, till Charles Albert was obliged to conclude an armistice with the Austrians. D'Aze- glio, however, remained unshaken in his hopes. He repaired to Tuscany, and at the Villa Almanzi, in the XXXll INTEODUCTION. neighbourhood of Florence, where he had gone for medical advice, he resumed his pen, and now began to censure the prevailing excesses of the Liberals with the same firmness he before displayed against the absolute governments. His writings called forth the bitterest retorts from those to whom they were addres- sed ; but he heeded not, and undauntedly continued in spite of personal threats. He had never flattered king, and he disdained to cringe before a mob. The position of Tuscany was most critical. It had become the hotbed of demagogy. In the hour of peril the reigning Grand Duke, Leopold, summoned D'Aze- glio, and requested him to form a cabinet. But he put no trust in the weak prince; and having inquired on what guarantees he could rely to quell the discon- tent, the Grand Dulse, instead of answering, piteonsly paced to and fro, without getting over his miserable irresolution. This combination having failed, despair threw the government into quite other hands, and the new administration was installed under the ultra-de- mocratic auspices of Guei'azzi and Montanelli. Sin- gular determination of a sovereign as cowardly in the face of danger as he was bold when backed by a foreign army ! Yet he was withal the best specimen to be found among the worthless Austro-Bourbon princes by whom Italy was graced. D'Azeglio's indignation at the Tuscan agitators then reached its climax, and he INTKODUCTION. Xxxiii pom-ed forth his feelings in the pamphlet entitled Timori e Speranze ; a passionate invective against the class of demagogues who were killing Kberty all over Europe. " If we are not brought back to despotism," said D'Azeglio, "it is not the fault of the Republicans; for (let us be just) they are doing all they can to revive the happy days of Divine Right." As far back as the month of April Charles Albert had offered him a seat in the Sardinian upper cham- ber ; but, preferring to be a deputy, he refused the honour, and was returned to parliament by the town of Strambino. In January 1849 he addressed to his constituents one of his usual pamphlets, which may be considered his best production of the kind. He did not, however, do full justice to Grioberti, who, in the midst of the party spirit, infuriated passions, and confusion of ideas reigning in Piedmont, had the courage to accept the direction of public business, endeavouring by his genius to raise a barrier against anarchy, and to restore the tottering fortunes of the country ; a blot the more to be regretted, as at the beginning of the year, before appointing Grioberti his minister, Charles Albert had offered the post to D'Azeglio himself, who declined the burden, because, on the one hand, he did not believe that renewed hostilities with Austria could have any chance of XXXIV ENTEODUCTION. success, and, on the other, he had not the heart to sign a treaty of peace in such sad circumstances, both domestic and foreign. Depressed in spirits, and embittered by the down- fall of the national prospects, he went to La Spezia, on account of his still open wound. In the short disastrous period of political factions that elapsed between the armistice of August 1848 and the catastrophe of Novara, if D'Azeglio had a gleam of hope, it was when Gioberti conceived the idea of an armed inter- vention in Tuscany and Romagna. This design originated in a desire to make the Piedmontese army the guardian of order and re- stored constitutional liberties ; and it pleased D'Aze- glio so much, that he not only modified his severe judgment on Gioberti, and hastened to apprise him from La Spezia of his unconditional adhesion and approval, but he even tried to foUow General Lamarmora's division, which was manceuvring in the neighboui'hood of Sarzana, till his bad health forced him again to renounce active exertion. Be- sides, the illusive hopes fostered by this grand scheme were soon dispelled ; Gioberti was ousted from power by the democratic ministry, doomed to the unenvi- able fame of having precipitated the Piedmontese army into the disaster of No vara. That fatal day drew nigh. D'Azeglio foresaw WTJIODUCTION. XXXV its issue ; but when the die was cast for -war, he re- frained from all recrimination. The royal army did its duty, and fought so stoutly against dispropor- tionate odds as to make Eadetzki himself acknow- ledge that without the superior forces at his com- mand he should have lost the day. Shortly after the catastrophe, D'Azeglio wrote to M. E. Eendu : '■ La Spezia, 3 avril 1849. " Mon eher ami, vous le savez, a cette heure, tout est fini. Je 1' avals pr^vu, — et il ne faUait pas etre sorcier pour cela, — ^lorsque je refdsai la presi- dence du conseil, ne voulant ni jeter le pays dans le desastre qui le frappe maintenant, ni signer une paix qu'une suite funeste d'erreurs et de fautes avait rendue inevitable. Je crois vous I'avoir ecrit dans le temps. " Vous pouvez imaginer comme j'ai le coeur serre. Avoir travaille toute sa vie dans une seule pensee, sans esperer jamais qu'une occasion se present&t ; la voir arriver, surpassant toute prevoyance raisonnable; et puis sentir tout cet edifice s'^crouler dans un jour ! Apres de pareUs coups on ne garde que les appar- ences de la vie. L'ame et le cceur sont morts. Je ne verrai plus ma pauvre chere patrie delivree du joug. Que la volenti de Dieu soit faite ! " Je n'ai pas la force de vous expliquer quel mal- heureux r61e ont joue dans notre catastrophe I'ignor- XXXVl INTKODUCTION. anee, les mauvaises passions, les rages de parti. Je vous •raconterai cela un jour. Pour le moment, je desire seulement qu'on sache, — puisque tout est perdu, — qu'au moins I'armee s'est bien battue. Nous n'avons plus que notre honneur. Dans notre cnam- bre,— formee par Valerie* et la jeune Italie de tout ce qu'il J avait de mediocre et de vulgaire dans le pays, — un M. L a prononce des paroles inconcevables. Ce n'etait guere mauvais vouloir, je pense, mais pure betise. E donnait a entendre que I'ennemi etait inferieur en nombre, et n'avait que trente-cinq raille hommes ! Voici ce que m'ecrit mon frere de Turin : ' Abereromby lia detto e ripetuto die Radetzki stesso trattenendosi con lui gli aveva dichiarato, che senza la forte maggioranza del nu- mero, e di nuovi battaglioni che faceva avanzare a rinfrancar 1' azione, la giornata, per lui, era perduta : quel diavoli di Piemontesi, diceva, sono sempre gli stessi, e malgrado il minor numero loro e la stanchezza deUe marce fatte, bo temuto piu d' una volta di dovermi ritirare.'f Deux generaux de divi- * A Piedmontese lawyer, then a radical leader in the elective house. t " This is what my brother writes me from Turin : ' Aber- eromby' (Sir Ralph, the then British minister at Turin) ' has said and repeated that Eadetzki himself declared to him, that with- out the great advantage of numbers, and of fresh battalions which he brought forward to sustain the action, he should have lost the day. Those devils of Piedmontese, quoth he, are always INTEODUCTION. XXXVU sion sont morts : le Marquis Passalacqua et M. Per- rone, celui qui servait en France, et y a epouse la niece de M. de La Fayette. Un autre est blesse, le general Bes. Dans tous les regiments un grand nombre d'ofEciers tues ou blesses. Dans un seul de bersaglieri, sur trente officiers, vingt-cinq manque- rent a I'appel le soir. L'artillerie a fait des pertes enormes. Un des fils de Cesare Balbo, Ferdinand, tui brave jeune homme de dix-buit ans, lieutenant dans la batterie ou son frere Prosper etait capitaine, a eu la tete emportee par un boulet. Ce pauvre Balbo, qui ne vit que pour ses enfants, supporte cependant ce malbeur avec une grande fermete. — II parait que le general Eamorino est un traitre. II a d^sobei au general en chef, et fait manquer son plan. On I'a arrete a Arona, comme il se sauvait en Suisse, et on I'a conduit a Turin garrotte. H est sous conseil de guerre.* " Je suis a la Spezia, tachant de me retablir ; mais ma blessure est toujours ouverte, et je crains que j'en aurai encore pour longtemps. Elle m'a epargne d'etre temoin de cet afireux desastre. J'at- tends ma fille qui est au convent, a Florence, et dont the same ; and notwithstanding their inferior numbers, and the fatigue of the marches they had undergone, I more than once feared I should be obliged to retire.' " * He was convicted, as may be remembered, and shot. XXXVlll lOTEODUCTION. la sante reclame des soins assidus. Je vais m y consacrer. Cela m'aidera, j'espere, pen a peu, a accepter. Je ne vois plus rien a faire ponr le mo- ment. H faut rouler jusqu'au fond de I'abime pour voir ou Ton s'arrete, et pour se reconnaitre. Alors nous recommeneerons ! mais ce n'est pas moi qui cueillerai le fruit. Souvenons-nous que I'amour de la patrie est sacrifice, et non jouissance. . " Veuillez, je vous prie, communiquer a M. Dou- bet * ce qu'il y a d'essentiel dans cette lettre ; je suis siir qu'il partage notre affliction. Et surtout, taehez que tout le monde sache que nous etions cinquante mille hommes, comme avoue Eadetzki dans son bulletin, et qu'il nous a attaques avec quatre-vingt mille, et que nous nous sommes bien battus. — Adieu, mon cher ami : nous sommes accables, mais point decourages ; c'est un long travail a refaire, voili, tout. Vous qui avez plaide notre cause avec tant de cceur et de talent, aidez-nous a retablir les faits, et a preserver le seul bien qui nous reste — I'honneur." This letter depicts D'Azeglio. The sentence, il nous reste I'honneur ! expresses his noble spirit : nous * A very distinguished Frenclimaii, who spent several winters in Italy for his health, and thus btoame acquainted with Massimo d'Azeglio. M. Doubet returned to Italy with an official mission in 1853 and 1854 ; and to bim D'Azeglio wrote several of the letters contained in his political correspondence. INTEODTICTION. XXXIX recommencerom ! is the thoiight of the patriot of un- diminished faith. The bitter cup, however, had to be drained to the dregs, and all Italy atoned for the short space of lawless anarchy by half a score of years of cruel wanton reaction. Sad years of expiation those were ! years of exile, sacrifice, and hopeless yearnings under the triumphant oppression of the most atrocious tyranny. Amid the general squalor one bright spot remained. Piedmont had survived the wreck of so many hopes and righteous expectations. Through the darkness, the clouds that overcast the horizon on all sides, the star of Italy might still be seen shining over Turin as a rallying-point for the future, in spite of the violence of the storm. At the foot of the moun- tains among the stout guardians of the Alps there were men preordained by Providence religiously to keep up the national aspirations by offering a safe asylum to the shattered rights of a whole people, and a hospitable retreat to the wandering brethx'en driven from their hearths by the blind fury of ruth- less despots. For the weal of Italy at that supreme moment, God gave Piedmont a youthful prince, who had already won his spm's on the field of battle, and a statesman whose name alone guaran- teed the honour and dignity of the country. xl INTRODUCTION. Having vainly sought victory or death on the fatal plain of Novara, Charles Albert, with a mag- nanimous disregard of self, and only anxious for the future of Italy, resigned his crown to his eldest son, and retired to the far-distant shores of Portugal to die a voluntary exile. The new king, after signing the armistice dic- tated by hard necessity, went to Turin to take his oath of fidelity to the constitution. That was a grand and memorable hour for the Italians. On the morrow of an immense disaster, amidst treachery, anarchical passions, with reaction defiantly raising its head everywhere, Victor Eman- uel, firmly grasping in his hand the national flag, steeped in gore, torn by Austrian bullets, but re- spected and honoured by the very enemy, solemnly swore to maintain the liberties granted by his father. Here began one of the most conspicuous epochs of D'Azeglio's life. He had been a principal ui- strument in preparing the great Itahan upheaval, and now it was again his lot to save the popular cause from the dangers which menaced it on every side, and guide it into the path which, though under another illustrious chief, was to lead to its ultimate triumph. Two ways lay open before the youthful monarch : he might either renounce all idea of future grandeur, INTKODUCTION. xll and attend to the consolidation of the constitution within the narrow boundaries of Piedmont, or stake his fate on that of Italy, and proclaim the principle of nationality. True this latter course was full of dangers and uncertainty. But Victor Emanuel sprang from too generous a race to hesitate, and selected, as every- . one knows, the more difficult line — the one that was to confer so much glory both on his royal house and country, by the loyal observance of constitutional in- stitutions, and the transformation of Piedmont into a palladium of Italian liberties, the only remnant of the great revolution saved from the ruin of No- vara, but which preserved the seeds that were, ten years later, to ripen into the entire emancipation of the Peninsula. The politician to whose lot it fell to share the perils of the situation, and to advise Victor Emanuel at that eventful instant, was Massimo d'Azeglio. A new ministry had been hastily composed under M. de Launay, a native of Savoy, an honest con- servative, who had neither the power of enforcing respect to the constitution, nor that of dispelling the generally -prevailing mistrust. Under such -auspices, the administration could be but a short- lived one ; and the future king of Italy summoned D'Azeglio, not only to form a cabinet, but absolutely to save the country. Perhaps the young monarch, xlii INTEODUCTION. in those agitated and gloomy days, did not guess that the man he was thus placing at the head of his government was destined to lay the foundation of his future rise. With remarkable precision of thought M. de Mazade says, in his Primrseurs Italiens : "A roi galant homme galant homme ministre, c'est Ihis- toire de cette heure delicate et decisive. Par son passe, par son caractere, par un liberalisme aussi ferme que modere, par le patriotisme qui avait fait sa popularite et qu'on le savait homme a ne point abdiquer, par cette blessure m^me dont il souffrait encore, D'Azeglio 6tait une garantie poiu' tous." It was a great sacrifice for D'Azeglio to become minister at that conjuncture, when the public spirit was still cast down by recent misfortune, amid con- tending passions, with an Austrian garrison holding the citadel of Alessandria. Three months before, he had declined Charles Albert's offer to form a cabinet. After Novara, he obeyed the orders of the new king, fully appreciating the extent of the sacrifice, yet decided to accomplish his ungratefiil task with an iron will. The first thing required was to negotiate as honour- able a peace with Austria as circumstances permitted, in spite of the extreme parties, which stigm.atised any compromise with the foreigner as treason ; and INTRODUCTION. xllii this, be it remembered, whilst the Austrians were in possession of a considerable part of the eomitry, threatening nothing less than an alteration of the frontier. Everything conspired against us. Among foreign powers, some regarded us with inactive sym- pathy, some with doubtful compassion, and everyone would have decHned to lend us the smallest assist- ance. Internal affairs were in utter disorder; and notwithstanding this dark horizon, it was voted better to transform Turin into a new Saguntum than come to terms with Austria ! In aU Italy there was then no more perfect type of honour and honesty, both in private and pubKc life, than Massimo d'Azeglio. Liberal without os- tentation, and loyal beyond all suspicion, he cer- tainly was one of the men who loved Italy most intensely and disinterestedly; but the native sin- cerity of his character abhoi'red secret societies, con- spiracies, and accordingly rabid demagogy, their natural offspring, which were then trying hard to gain the upper hand. He was not therefore the man who, at such moment, with right on his side, would give way to street demonstrations or radical speeches. While a bhnd and infatuated throng spread ominous reports of treason, D'Azeglio was steadily carrying on the long and laborious negotia- tions with Austria. The pretensions of the victorious xliv INTRODUCTION. Imperialists were great on this score; but he had given the most stringent- instructions to the Pied- montese representatives to refuse any clause re- pugnant to the strictest sense of honour; and the little kingdom, although invaded by the enemy, with neither money nor an army, yet found strength to rally, under the leadership of D'Azeglio, and exact that the Austrians should recross the frontier. At last, on the 6th of August 1849, the treaty was definitively signed ; but, to give it effect, the sanction of parliament was of course required. I have described the unsettled state of affairs at that unfortunate period, and the Chamber reflected the temper of the country by unwisely refusing its rati- fication. D'Azeglio had the courage to oppose his own liberal instincts : still, he did not swerve an instant from the path his conscience dictated, and twice he dissolved parliament, the same deputies be- ing twice returned, as only radical electors appeared at the poll ; the ratification of the treaty of peace thus continued to be refused. The last time the Chamber of Deputies was dismissed, the King issued a manifesto, countersigned by Massimo d'Azeglio as prime minister, known as the proclamation of Mon- calieri, after the royal castle from which it was dated. That proclamation has now assumed the importance of an historical fact. It ought not to be viewed INTRODUCTION. xlv in the reactionary light in which it appeared at the moment, not as many at present consider it — as an act of pure royal prerogative. It could hardly be called a coup d'dtat; butD'Azeglio brought the King prominently forward, and put into his mouth strong words, throwing all future responsibility on the country if it persisted in refusing its assistance to the government. The purport of that proclamation was special, positive, and straightforward; betraying a firm re- solve to save the monarchy and the nation at all cost. The people understood, and the future of 'Italy was secured ; but the obstacles D'Azeglio's will overcame at that period were such as might have daunted and discouraged the most energetic and resolute statesman. On this occasion he gave proofs of extraordinary intrepidity and patriotism, aU the more sublime for its being calmly accomplished without the applause of the public, nay, against the popular current, and also but too much against his own dearest wishes. The new house voted the treaty, and the ministry was then in a position to submit to parliament all its schemes for the financial and administrative re- organisation of the kingdom. D'Azeglio had a most arduous enterprise before him. Every branch of the service required a complete reconstruction: the ex- VOL. I. d xlvi mTKODUCTION. hausted exchequer wanted funds for tlie first neces-. sities of the state ; the army had to be entirely re- modelled ; pubhc order reestablished after the period of revolution and war, from which the country had just emerged ; and lastly it was indispensable to show Europe that the only part of Italy which had survived the wreck was seriously bent on profiting by the lesson, and making preparations to meet the emergencies the future had in store. Thus, whilst in the rest of the Italian peninsula, and in Europe, reaction reigned triumphant, the little sub-alpine state, under the guidance of a great man, healed its wounds, expended large sums in re- fox'ming its army and finances, developed its liberties, and became, more than the refuge, the real home of all Italians banished from their own. In every department Massimo d'Azeglio was pre- paring the ground upon which others were destined to reap so rich a harvest. Our struggle with Eome and the clerical party also began at this time. Among the first laws pre- sented to Parliament was the bill for the aboHtion of the ecclesiastical jurisdiction in civil matters (Feb- ruary 25th, 1850) ; and D'Azeglio never failed strenuously to defend the rights of the crown and of the civil power against the clerical party in the Chambers and at Eome itself. This was the first miKODUOTiON. xlvii act of open opposition to the Papal Court ; an act brought about only by its obstinacy, as since 1847 the negotiations with the Holy See on the subject of the ecclesiastical tribunals had been pursued withr- out any result ; then the constitution of 1848, abro- gating aU civil distinctions, intervened; but Eome remained deaf to all representations — nay more, she answered, as if in derision, by a counter-proposal, according to which even increased privileges would have been extorted from the civil authority. This is another instance of D'Azeglio's chivalry. With such a document in his hands, the Prime Minister could have shown by material evidence the fiitiKty of attempting to treat any farther, as Rome would admit no basis for an understanding that was not an utter impossibility. He, however, declined to do so. This counter-proposal concealed such clerical blindness and tenacity, such priestly hatred, and its pubHcation would have so deeply wounded the reli- gious feelings of the country, that D'Azeglio, though legally authorised to produce it^ preferred remaining silent, and facing the odium of such an important measure alone. But when, a few years later. Cardinal Antonelli pubHcly intimated, in 1855 — I forget in what docu- ment — that, among other things. Piedmont had been guilty of breaking faith and grossly violating the xlviii mTEODUCTION. Concordat since the example first given under' D'Azeglio's administration, he could restrain himself no longer, and retorted by one of those fine satirical pamphlets, to which the public was now well accus- tomed; yet this one was specially remarkable for the novel imaee of the two consciences he attributed to His Eminence the Papal Secretary of State and the members of the Roman Curia. With all the energy of truth, he dexterously re- minded the Cardinal that by living in certain atmo- spheres every sense of honour becomes extinct, and an artificial conscience takes the place of the natural one implanted by God in the heart of every man, and which for the Cln-istian is the only criterion of what is just and honest. As we see, it was D'Azeglio who initiated the religious conflict too, the vast proportions of which later almost frightened him who had given the first impulse. Every branch of the public service was thus undergoing the complete reform indispensably re- quisite after the adoption of an entirely new policy. The provident premier placed Lamarmora, that ex- cellent organizer, at the head of the war-office, to reconstruct the army that was to form the nucleus of the future Itahan forces; and he has also the credit of having been the first to offer Cavour a INTEODUCTION. xHx share in the government. Already, at that early moment, Oavonr attracted public attention by the prominent position he had earned both in Parlia- ment and in the press. When D'Azeglio proposed to admit Cavour into the cabinet, the King smilingly warned him that he was introducing an element likely by degrees to absorb the whole administration. D'Azeglio was not one to stop at this selfish consider- ation when he deemed the interest of the state to be concerned, and he cheerfully welcomed a colleague who was but too truly destined to realise the royal prediction. D'Azeglio understood it at once, and jokingly said to a friend, " With this little man at my side, I am like Louis Philippe — I reign, but do not govern." Between the two statesmen there existed a pro- found disparity of opinions, and their characters like- wise offered no less an antithesis. They were both aristocrats, attracted towards democracy — ^the one by instinct, the other by reason. In the former, a high sense of honour, love of jus- tice, and hatred for violence, tempered the natural instinct ; in the latter, reasoning stifled the influences of caste and tradition, and, his goal once marked out, hardened his resolve to attain it at any risk. The first differences between them arose in Par- liament. The immediate cause was the law on the 1 INTEODTJCTION. press, in May 1852. Without consultiDg the premier, Cavour assumed an attitude in the Elective Chamber which engaged the government in a new political line. The young minister, thereby boldly breaking with the right, upon which the cabinet had hitherto leaned, and accomphshing the famous coalition with the left, headed by Eattazzi, performed the extremely dexterous manoeuvre designated in the an- nals of Piedmontese parliamentary life by the name of connuhio. The addition of this audacious proof of the iU-dis- guised independent spirit of Cavour to the internal divisions that had already caused a split in the cabi- net made the cup overflow, and D'Azeglio resigned office, thinking he coidd not retain it with dignity. The King made due amends to D'Azeglio by in- trusting him with the formation of a new administra- tion : in this he succeeded, excluding his stirring colleague. The change, however, hardly offered a solution, and the government was undoubtedly weak- ened by the loss or tlie animosity of a man now possessing great authority in Parliament. D'Azeglio felt it, and having assumed power — not out of ambi- tion, but because he deemed it a necessity — pi'oved over-ready to rehnquish it, in October of the same year (1852), as soon as he found a worthy successor. A desertion of his post before that he would always mTRODTJCTION-. li have looked on as a base action. Now, on the cout trary, this determination appeared a duty, and he con- sidered the opportunity most propitious for retiu'ning to a cakner life and his former favourite pursuits. The truth also was, that poor D'Azeglio was tired. His badly-healed wound continued to cause him great suifering, which was not foreign to the sort of moral lassitude that began to pervade him. He had become prime minister when straightforwardness of character was the indispensable quaUty in the man hoMing the destinies of the state in his hands. The position of affairs was now quite different. D'Azeglio did not possess the ardent activity of ambition which can alone cope with a stormy parhament; nor had he any love for the complicated policy, for the bold and subtle expedients suited to the intricate situation of the day, indispensable for steering the fragile bark of Piedmontese hopes safely through the reefs and dangerous breakers interposed between her and the harbour to which she was bound. D'Azeglio was ' aware of all this, and he had the greatness of soul to acknowledge it to his friend in his correspondence — " Outre que je ne suis pas devore d' ambition, je n'en puis plus physiquement, et Ics affaires eussent fini par en soufirir. J'ai a me reprocher, je vous le dis franchement, de ne pas avoir mis assez d'activite dans les demieres affaires de Eome. On a fait quelques lii INTRODUCTION. sottises, qu'une action plus minutleuse de ma part aurait sans doute prevenues." His rival was, on the contrary, ambition and energy incarnate. He had the passion for affairs, his genius pervaded the whole cabinet. Even when serving under the ex-premier, he was the soul of the administration ; his wonderful mind adapted it- self to all its branches. Equally preeminent at the Board of Public Works, at the Ministry of Marine, and as Finance and Foreign Minister, Cavour was the man to avail himself of everything for the sake of the plan he dared to conceive ; nor was he stopped by the consideration of any danger whatever; and in the eight years that his administration lasted, with one short interval, with singular skiU. and practical spirit he fostered all combinations at home and abroad which could advance the solution of his one great idea, and eventually crown it with success. Meanwhile the very different D'Azeglio de- scended from his elevated rank and quietly withdrew into private life. He chanced in those days to stop at a small town near Genoa; the innkeeper asked his name and profession, and he answered : " Massimo d'Azeglio, negoziante di carta sporca" (soiled-paper dealer) ; while all Italy laiew with what ink he was wont to soil paper ! He refused all the honours and distinctions the King offered him in ackuowledg- INTRODUCTION. ]iii ment of his services, on the ground that being poor, and. obliged to earn a Kvelihood by his brush, so humble a position did not allow him to accept the highest dignities the countiy could bestow ; and, like Cincinnatus, he repaired to his modest laborious life. Passionately fond of horses, as the reader will see by his Memoirs, on leaving office he sold all those he possessed, jestingly saying, " Once more I return to the infantry !" The only thing he did not include in this general refusal was his nomination to the Upper House of ParKament, as, .owing to his wound, his health no longer allowed him to share the excite- ment of the Elective Chamber. It had been a strange sight to behold on the ministerial bench this artist, who had wandered over the whole of Italy with his traps on his back, rest- ing sometimes in a wood, sometimes or( a moun- tain; one day mixing with his equals in aU the splendours of a Roman palace, -the next perhaps enjoying a chat with a brigand-band in some dark almost primeval forest, where he was bent on snatch- ing from nature her secret wonders of light and shade, and another day a popular leader in a town of Eomagna ; often the object of an ovation, and not unfrequently too slipping through the fingers of the sbirri ! Indeed, this most simple and unsophisticated man had a curious way of being prime minister, no liv INTEODUCTION. doubt very much at variance with that of all past and future potentates. The following anecdote is an in- stance of the extent to which he carried his contempt for everything in any way tainted with baseness. Shortly after his assumption of power, the Maz- zinian party put the government to many serious trials. The famous agitator, with an activity and zeal worthy of a better cause, either by cavils or pretexts was incessantly inciting the people against the authorities, thus preventing the work of recon- struction undertaken by the king and government in order to re-establish that tranquilhty of which the kingdom of Sardinia was then so sadly in want. One day when the street-demonstrations raged most, and the danger of great disorders became im- minent, D'Azeglio received a mysterious warning from London : he looked at it, and being anonymous, he crushed it in his hand and carelessly tln'ew it into the fire. Not long after, another communi- cation arrived from the same source ; but this time it was not anonymous. Its author trusted, he said, to D'Azeglio's honesty. The prime minister treated the second warning hke the first, and, to satisfy fuUy the confidence of the wiiter, consigned this epistle also to the flames. At last came a third letter, no longer from Lon- don, but dated Turin. The mysterious proposal was INTRODUCTION. Iv I. as follows. First of aU, Mazzini was represented as the principal author of the pi'evailing agitation. Thence the necessity for the government to get him out of the way. He (the writer) had the means of safely putting the great conspirator into the hands of the police, with every guarantee that no inter- national troubles would be caused by the arrest ; and should any resistance be offered, he then pledged his word that in such an emergency more decisive and energetic means would be resorted to : the latter were not clearly explained, though their atrocious meaning was obvious. All this for a certain sum. " And this man is an Itahan !" at last burst out D'AzegKo. " And he beUeves me capable of spend- ing the pubKc money on such heinous schemes ! Upon my soul, I am rather tempted to send Mazzini some money, that he may himself carry out the whole ope- ration in an inverse sense !" The mysterious adviser was not to be found any- where. Perhaps he saw from what quarter the wind blew, and decamped. But this gentlemardike bonJiomie in state affairs did not prevent his attaching a very stern point of honour to his ofEcial functions. A French envoy then accredited at Turin, who was eagerly hunting-down a poor devil of a political refugee, once wrote to D'Azegho an official com- Ivi mTEODUCTION. munication on this subject, in which he almost openly asserted it was enough to be a scoundrel to insure the protection of his excellency the prime minister and that of the Piedmontese government. D'Azeglio, for reply, sent him his seconds, of whom General Lamarmora was one ; and the insolent note was withdrawn by the irate diplomatist. This unambitious premier, broken in health and rather hlasd, put a stop to all the evils of poor dilapi- dated Piedmont by the courageous step embodied in the proclamation of Moncalieri, which was to achieve its cure; and under his liberal and provident rule the kingdom of Sardinia, restored to vigour, sprang up again, and became the kingdom of Italy. One proof of this is that Cavour had not been two years at the head of affairs when the improved condi- tion of the country already allowed him to devise the participation in the Crimean war, and his consequent admission to the exciting discussions on the Italian question at an European Congress. No animosity existed between the chief of the past administration and the fortunate rival who led the succeeding one ; so much so, that the elder statesman frequently sus- tained the younger in parliament, and especially so on the occasion of the Piedmontese adhesion to the alliance against the Russian empu'e. This was one of those flashes of Cavom''s genius rNTEODUCTION. Ivii neither understood nor appreciated when first an- nounced; and even among the ministers it gave rise to such objections, that a crisis seemed to be on the point of threatening the very existence of the cabinet. Massimo d'Azegho at the beginning was also among the opponents ; but his quick intellect soon led him to seize the true meaning of the wonderful stroke of skill by which the small Piedmontese monarchy was brought so conspicuously forward beside the great Western powers ; and with his usual sincerity he at once withdrew his early disapproval, and publicly declared his readiness to support the scheme with his influence. As soon as Cavour heard of this he hastened to D'Azeglio's house, not only to express his gratitude warmly, but even generously to offer his illustrious predecessor the presidency of a new administration, in which he would be glad to accept a department, and lend him his best cooperation. The veteran statesman met his junior's disinterested proposal as it deserved, and refused, promising strenuously to defend his poKcy by every means in his power. He did not fail to do so; and his authoritative voice, both in and out of parliament, was of the greatest assistance to Cavour; a noble example of self-denial and patriotism too seldom witnessed between rival political leaders, and very illustrative of the qualities Iviii INTEODUCTION. of the men who had the rare fortune to accomplish the greatest national reconstruction known in modern history ! Count Cavour thus remained in office; and the Piedmontese soldiers went to the Crimea to win for their country the privilege of being the champion of Italian rights and hopes before the most solemn European assembly. The rivalry of the two leading men, instead of fostering the private interests of either, turned to the sole benefit of Italy; and when at the end of the war, in the autumn of 1855, Victor Emanuel went to Paris and London, accompanied by Count Cavour and D'Azeglio, the former had so high a respect for the latter's character, that he said to everybody, " The presence of Massimo d'Azeglio at the king's side wiU show Europe that we are not infected by the besetting sin of revolution." At this period already the Emperor Napoleon asked Cavour, "Que pent on faire pour VltalieV and the task of answering that important question was intrusted to D'AzegHo, who willingly accepted it. He accordingly wrote a memorandum on the grievances of the Italian nation, which I have been enabled to peruse. Its contents enumerated with great lucidity the wants of the country at the period when it was written; but after all we have since INTEODUCTION. ^ lix achieved, it now almost elicits a smile to think of our humble demands in 1856, by many deemed over- exacting, and of our successes within the lapse of four years. However this may be, it paved the way for the language Count Cavour was about to hold at the Congress of Paris, that precursor of the Italo-Napo- leonic policy which was to unfold itself to astonished Europe in 1859. D'Azeglio was even on the point of being him- self sent to the Congress as the king's first plenipo- tentiary; but at the last moment some disagreement having arisen between him and Cavour, he insisted on the appointment of the latter. And here again his modesty was for the good of Italy. Not that their wishes diverged substantially as to the end to be attained, nor that one was more liberal than the other ; but his patriotic anxiety itself prevented D'Azeglio from lending his approbation to the daring and perilous designs of the bold statesman, which in his eyes were too dangerous and imprudent to be at- tempted. Quite an abyss divided him fi:om Cavour. The one belonged to the past, the other to the new gene- ration. The one had prepared the movement, while the other carried it into execution. I reaUy think there are men to whom Providence confides a special mission ; and once accomplished, their power ceases. Ix INTRODUCTION. D'Azeglio was born in another age. In company with a few generous minds, he had dreamt of a glorious future for his native land. His artistic rambles had made every inch of the Italian penin- sula as famihar to him as the wants and aspirations of its inhabitants. The state of Europe, and of Italy herself at that time, rendered it quite impos- sible to foresee that its regeneration and fusion into one nation would take place almost immediately, and in the Avonderful way by which it was brought to pass. D'Azeglio, like many of his contemporaries, cer- tainly desired the xmity of Italy with all his heart and soul ; but accustomed, for the greater part of his life, to look for its realisation in a bright far-distant future — a future equally dazzling and remote from the actual wretched condition of the country — he deserves no little credit for having divined the destinies of Italy, and worked for their accomplish- ment with unshaken and persevering faith, during the epoch of darkness and corruption, between the ScyUa of tyranny and the Charybdis of secret socie- ties ; and what wonder if D'AzegKo's poetic and over-scrupulous mind soon found itself outstripped — as is always the case, alas ! — by revolution ? In Italian we have a singularly applicable proverb, a cose niiove uomini nuovi — for new things new men. INTRODUCTION. Ixl Never was there an adage truer than this. Massimo d'Azeglio did the work at a period in which Cavour would have signally failed. But when the prepara- tion and instruction of the public spirit had ceased to be the sole object, and the time was come for utilising the elements at hand, good or bad, Cavour appeared in his turn, and finding the way already paved by his illustrious predecessor, his comprehen- sive genius took in the new situation of affairs at a glance, and with extraordinary boldness he embraced a pohcy from which D'Azeglio himself instinctively shrank. A cose nuave uomini nuovi. Cavour cer- tainly did not possess, Kke D'Azeglio, the peculiar qualities requisite for acquiring the ascendancy and influence over the masses of central Italy destined to play so important a part throughout the Italian movement. But in spite of the coldness elicited occasionally by differences between the two great men, D'Azeglio magnanimously forgot his repug- nances in the day of trial, and finally bowed be- fore the bold young Piedmontese leader. His gener- ous nature would not suffer him to remain inactive in the hour of danger, when the fight for inde- pendence was resumed, and his own cherished pro- gramme, for which he had himself striven so long, was at last to be carried out. He had not entirely approved Cavour's theories ; but when, in 1859, he VOL. I. e Ixii rNTEODTJCTION. saw the future of Italy identified with the success of his rival's plans, he hastened to write to him : "Hencefortli I discuss no longer; I accept your policy, and acquiesce in it. The time has arrived for making it triumph, and uniting all our eiforts to insure its victory." And he thus concluded : "Here I am, enlisted among the Cavourini! I know not what I shall be able to do; but I am waiting for orders." His offer was at once accepted, and he was sent to Eome to negotiate an understanding with the Roman liberals, while fulfilling the ostensible mission of investing the Prince of Wales with the highest order in the gift of the House of Savoy. He next went to Paris and London as special envoy ; for great eagerness to prevent the war was displayed in every quarter. His object was to establish an acceptable basis for a congress which should decide the Austro- Italian difficulty, and, especially, to persuade the English Tory cabiuet, then in office, of the concilia- tory dispositions evinced by the Sardinian govern- ment. The crisis was of extreme importance ; and I myself heard Count Oavour afterwards say that, though his unflinching faith in the destinies of Piedmont had never abandoned him before, on that one occasion his heart sank with despair ; for the reader may recollect that a proposal was made for a INTRODUCTION. Ixiii general disarmament; and had it been accepted, the patient labour of so many years, the scheme so won- derfully prepared at Plombi^res, would all have fallen to the ground, as no Congress would ever have se- cured to Italy results equal to those of the campaign of 1859. Everybody knows how these negotiations failed by Austria suddenly altering the terras of the offer, thus clearly showing herself bent on war. At last it broke out ; and Romagna having revolted from the Holy See, D'Azeglio was despatched to Bologna. After the campaign he became governor of Milan, and remained so till the spring of 1860. In May of that year Europe was startled by Gari- baldi's expedition to Sicily, and by the mysterious and intricate concourse of circumstances which preceded and followed it. To borrow the expressions of his biographer, the Marquis Eicci : " D'Azeglio could no longer reconcile himself to a policy he considered not quite honest, and so resigned office. The sudden annexation of the Neapolitan provinces, too, did not greatly please him ; he thought it premature, a work of violence, a focus of discord, a source of weakness, and seriously meditated upon the remedies to be applied to a state of things to which he objected so much." After his resignation he again became strongly Ixiv INTEOD0CTION. opposed to Cavour, and withdrew entirely into pri- vate life. He spent in the country all the time he was not obliged to devote to his duties as Director of the Royal Picture- GaUery of Turin, a post to which he had been lately appointed; and he sought alleviation to the disillusions and causes for alarm his anxiety discerned in the state of Italy, at the favourite villa on the Lago Maggiore, which he had built for himself a few years before, in a charming spot between Oannero and Oggebbio. His very ap- pearance was a living image of the weariness of his mind, after the many trials he had gone thi'ough. That pale, noble countenance yet lingers among us, with its soft and expressive look; his exquisite com-tesy and simple manners, and the very sadness that seemed to pervade his whole being during the last few years of his life, still survive in our hearts as proofs of the immense solicitude he incessantly evinced for the welfare and prospects of his beloved country. In that quiet retreat, where he loved to pass a great part of the year, surrounded by a few intimates, he painted, and sometimes wrote. He took particular delight in writing memoirs of some of his departed friends. While so doing he was, however, perfectly impartial, and even here he did not forget his wonted franlaaess. With the fixed idea of re- generating the national character constantly before XNTEODUOTION. Ixv Hm, he saw in the homage paid to the virtues of eminent men a means of rousing his contempo- raries. It was thus that he wrote the life of that noble type of a gentleman and soldier, General Giacinto Collegno, and those of some few other old comrades, with whom Massimo d'Azeglio was always fond of associating himself, as having been among the first to dream of the freedom of Italy. He sketched, too, several notices of Italian man- ners and customs, with the artistic charm peculiar to him, whether he wrote or painted. He also treated other and graver subjects. He published, for in- stance, a little volume in French — a language in which, as the reader may have seen by the letters I have quoted, he was a thorough proficient — with the object of proving how the beneficent influence of Christianity and civilisation ought to modify the political aspect of the world, and that departing from the conventional laws established by the peace of Westphalia, the rights of modem peoples should now rest on the principle of nationality. This publication, called ^^ La Politique et le Droit chrStien au point device de la question Italienne,^'' was chiefly written with the view of strengthening the Emperor Napoleon in his resolution of non-intervention,* and bafiling the de- * Would someone were able to persuade his Imperial Majesty to revert to this wise and undoubtedly more wholesome policy I Ixvi mTEODUCTION. vices and the obstacles by wliich the sophistry of diplomacy opposed the unification of northern and central Italy, which was but the beginning of the union of its hitherto scattered provinces. This short essay, begun perhaps with modest in- tentions, acquired in the heat of argument such power of logic, that it became a serious and weighty philo- sophical work, commanding the attention of every thinker, as do indeed all the philosophical writings with which the solitude of the little villa on the banks of Lago Maggiore inspired its owner. But whatever D'Azeglio may have thought of the conduct of his countrymen, he did not admit that any foreign nation had a right to interfere in our affairs. "The day," he said, "that the events of 1860 shall be put in jeopardy by foreign violence, 1 would be the first to shed my blood in their de- fence." The moment was now approaching when the ever- lasting and all-absorbing question of the Papacy was destined more than ever to engross the public mind, and naturally D'Azeglio could not remain an indif- ferent spectator. He had not considered the early annexation of the Eoman provinces as in any way illegitimate, or ex- ceeding the rights of the Italians. But as a declared enemy of brute force, and everything resembling vie- INTEODUCTION. Ixvii lence, his noble and elevated character recoiled from the strong measures subsequently adopted, the incar- ceration of the bishops, and other acts to which the government was impelled by the fatal necessity of events. Recent facts have brought this vexed Roman question so prominently forward, as to make it my duty to enter fully into aU its particulars, examining the views of a great patriot hke Massimo d'Azeglio, inasmuch as many people, with an evident intention of thwarting Italiaii aspirations, have of late laid much stress on the attitude of D'Azeglio as friendly to the Holy See, taking advantage of his retirement from office, and of his disapprobation of Cavour's conduct, to assert D'AzegHo's dislike of taking Rome from the head of the Church, and implying a change in his mind favourable to the Roman Curia. Let the truth, therefore, be spoken at once, and sweep away the misconceptions so clamorously bruited abroad for any but a charitable purpose. The political correspondence of his latter years offers us ample materials for a refutation. His ideas on the Roman question are well known; his great point of divergence from Cavour's policy certainly was, that he did not think Rome calculated to be the political capital of Italy. Moreover, personal respect and regard for the present Pope, who had Ixviii INTKODUCTION. formerly originated the Italian movement, — an epoch, he could not efface from his memory, — and lastly, the influence exercised over him by the reminiscences of his youth, and the political school which devised to fr'ee Italy from foreign dominion, and constitute her a sort of national confederacy, only contemplating its unity at some distant date, had never debated whether Eome should be its capital or not, altogether made him pronoimce himself exphcitly on this head whenever he had an opportunity. But with reference to the temporal dominion of the Pope, and the whole of that strange edifice still surviving in the middle of Italy as a stumbling-block in the path of her modem progress, he was equally explicit. The reader will find several instances of this in the course of these Memoirs. But D'Azeglio freely expresses his thoughts on this subject in his above- mentioned pohtical correspondence, from which I extract the following significant passages, some of them quoted by a part of the ItaHan press at the time of his death. The first alludes to the respecta- bility of the advisers of the Pope, and draws a parallel between the attitude of the Liberals in 1847, hailing him as the originator of Italian liberties, while by the clerical party he was considered as the scourge of the Church : " Je vous ai cite dej^, je crois, le mot de I'anoien INTKODUCTIOIT. Ixix general des jesuites en 1847: 'Le pape actuel est le fleau de I'Eglise ; il n'y a d'autre remede que la ■cloche du Capitole.' Celle qui somie a la mort des papes. Pie IX est \q fliau de I'Eglise! Oui, c'6tait la leur pensee quand nous I'exaltions, nous; quand nous le benissions, ils le maudissaient au fond du coeur. Eh bien! ils ont vaincu ces gens-M; ils ont vaincu lors de TEncyclique du 29 avril, et au mo- ment de la restauration de 1849 ; ils ont vaincu quand ils ont mis sous leurs pieds, grace au 'paHi catJiolique de France, la Constitution donnee par Pie IX ; ils ont vaincu quand ils ont retabli toutes les oppressions et toutes les chaines theocratiques. " Eux qui faisaient des voeux pour le triomphe de I'Autriche a Solferino, ils finiront toujours par vaincre tant qu'Us auront un doigt dans le gouverne- ment, et quand les populations se leveront pour les chasser, ils trouveront toujours moyen, — et ils seront de bonne foi en agissant ainsi, — eux, coupables, de dormer leur ehatiment pour une persecution ; eux, oppresseurs, de se poser en victimes; et d'ameuter centre un malheureux peuple, qui se debat sous leurs etouffements, le monde cathoKque tout entier, en criant au sacrilege !" On the system that has so long been dominant in Eome hear his words again : " Le pouvoir temporel associe avec le spirituel IxX INTRODUCTION. perd necessairement dans ce melange le sentiment de ses limites comme eelui de son but propre. Un gouvernement theocratique est avant tout un pro-' selytisme servi par les lois, par les magistrats, par les sbires, c'est-a-dire le pire de tous les prose- lytismes. Sous un gouvernement ou il n'y a de droits que pour ceux qui professent una religion donnee; ou, dans le sein meme de la societe des fideles, il existe un certain ordre, et dans cette Her archie et dans cet ordre un grand nombre d' ex- emptions, d'immunites, de privileges, on ne pent pas parler d'egalite devant la loi." In the next passage with v^hat lucidity does he explain the reasons of the pontifical non possicmus, and the utter impossibihty of obtaining a reform ! " Quand on parle de reformes dans les Etats de I'EgHse, on oublie trop facilement que I'Eglise a une legislation qui se nomme le droit canon; que le pape, meme comme souverain temporel, n'est pas un homme, mais une institution, une tradition vi- vante, immuable, comme le passe. Le pape separe du droit canon qui a fixe cette tradition, ne serait plus que le pecheur de Galilee ; I'abrogation du droit canon serait le protestantisme dans la con- stitution de I'EgKse : lorsqu'on demande au pape d'abolir d'un trait de plume les constitutions de ses predecesseurs, peut-on esperer qu'il cede? On INTEODUCTION. Ixxi abdique pour ne pas eeder; on ne cede pas pour abdiquer." As may be readily gathered from the preceding extracts, if D'Azeglio opposed the idea of Rome as the capital of Italy, his opinion of the pontifical government was far from flattering, and the friends of the temporal power had very little cause to re- joice in it; for his verdict on the conditions of the patrimony of St. Peter and its inhabitants was plain and outspoken enough. " Qu'on ne vienne pas dire qu'il s'agit ici d'utilite capitale, d'interets spirituels. Eien ne justifie la vio- lation d'un droit formel et precis. Qui vole fait mal, quand meme il n'aurait pas d'autre motif que de faire une donation a I'Eghse. Qui assassine fait mal, quand meme il n'aurait pas d'autre but que de deKvrer I'Eglise d'un ennemi dangereux. Qui viole le droit qu'ont trois millions de creatures hu- maines a ^tre gouvernees selon la raison ; qui tue une nation ayant droit de vivre, fait mal, quand bien meme il serait persuade que le domaine tem- porel est utile k I'Eglise. Et nous ne faisons pas a I'Eglise de Jesus-Christ I'injure de croire que, pour prosperer, elle ait besoin de victimes humaines." In another place, treating of the difficulty foreign Catholics have in understanding the wants of Italy, he writes as follows : Ixxii INTEODUCTION. " Le pape des Italiens n'est pas le pape du reste de la catholicite. — L'ltalie est la minorite, soit. Mais puisque c'est de l'ltalie qu'on veut s'occuper, il faut I'accepter telle qu'elle est, telle que I'ont faite ses antecedents Mstoriques, poHtiques, sociaux, religieux, etc. etc. " Pour I'etranger, le souverain disparait sous la majeste du pontife, du vicaire de Jesus-Christ, du chef de la communion chretienne la plus logique, la plus ancienne, la plus fortement organisee ; pour le reste du monde, Pie IX est le pape de I'amnistie et du pardon; il est Tinitiateur des reformes et de la regeneration de l'ltalie. Pour les Italiens, par con- tre, le souverain cache le pontife. Bien plus que le vicaire de Jesus-Christ, ils voient en lui le vicaire de VJEmpire, I'obstacle permanent contre lequel se sont brises les efforts des generations pour conquerir I'in- dependance et la liberty. lis ont sous les jeux la Curia Romana; comment voulez-vous qu'ils pren- nent le change ? Comment voulez-vous qu'ils parta- gent au meme degre la veneration dont I'entourent les catholiques de I'etranger ? " Le gouvernement romain, qu'a-t-il fait des trois millions de Chretiens que la Providence lui avait donnes? Apres quatre on cinq si^cles d'experience ou en sont-ils ? Ils sont les moins rehgieux, les plus sceptiques des ehretiens, et ce gouvernement ne se INTRODUCTION. Ixxiii soutient (eas unique dans le monde) que par la pre- sence de deux armees etrang^res. Et il s'est trouve un Chretien, un catholique convaincu qui a pu dire aux sujets du papa : ' Votre esclavage est indispens- able a la foi catholique !' Croit-on que dans I'esprit des Italiens cet argument puisse augmenter beaucoup leur attachement a la foi de leurs peres? Ou pour le moins, ne seraient-ils pas en droit de demander si les mots : ' Oneratis homines oneribus qua3 portare non possunt, vos autem ne quidem digito tangitis sarcinas !' ne sont plus dans I'Evangile?" We simply beg to ask what answer the temporal authority could oppose to these irrefutable arguments ? The possibility of a compromise between the Italian kingdom and the Papacy had already been hinted at by D'Azeglio; and an important event was now about to modify the relations between Italy and Rome. Since 1861 the national yearnings for Rome were his chief pre-occupation, and preyed painfully upon his mind. In March of that year he pub- lished his well-known pamphlet on the subject, entitled Questioni Urgenti; in which he once more proposed his favourite solution of the Roman ques- tion in even clearer language than he ever used before: "Nominal sovereignty of the Pope, with all the necessary guarantees for his spiritual inde- Ixxiv INTKODTJCTION. pendence ; munieipal government ; the participation of the Eomans in the rights of the Italians to be as great as possible ; the political capital elsewhere." Again, in a remarkable letter addressed to Eugene Eendu, dated 28th of January 1863, he reverted tenaciously to this scheme. He advocated, in Na- poleon's own words,* " Une combinaison qui en maintenant le Pape maitre chez-lui, abaisserait les barrieres qui separent aujourd'hui ses etats du reste de I'ltalie." " Toute la question est la," concluded Massimo d'Azeglio. Certainly, if such a compact had been possible, instead of the arrangement, signed on the 15th of September 1864, how many misun- derstandings, how many dangers would have been avoided ! It is not our intention to enter into the merits or defects of the September convention. Its great redeeming feature certainly was the withdrawal of one of the two foreign armies then encamped in Italy. Upon this argument was founded the de- fence of the treaty in both houses of the Italian parliament. It is hard, after recent events, to speak of a diplomatic compromise, the failure of which exposed the very fabric of Italian unity to such great risk. * The Imperial letter of the 20th of May 1862 to M. de Thou- venel, then Minister for Foreign Affairs. INTEODUCTION. Ixxv But it must be said that D'Azeglio, from the outset, was strongly opposed to it ; although up to a certain point it embodied his own ideas. Two things galled him : the transfer of the capital, — for while he had been the first to propose Florence as the seat of go- vernment, he revolted from effecting it at the bidding of a foreign power, which exacted such a weighty- pledge of good faith, instead of simply trusting the word of Italy ; — then the absence of any proviso whatsoever about the rights of the Roman popu- lations; rights they possessed just as much as any other people. He wrote to Eugene Rendu on this head : " Je suis, vous le savez, grand admirateur de I'Empereur, k ce point que je donnerais ma vie pour conserver la sienne ; mais je ne puis comprendre comment dans la convention du 15 Septembre il a passd sous silence le droit des populations Romaines. n a eu son idee ; voyons venir." It is not my province to examine here what the Emperor's idea may have been; it suffices to say that it was at least not one Massimo d'Azeglio, even with his moderation and his hostility to the procla- mation of Rome as the administrative centre of Italy, would have been likely to applaud. At the time of its promulgation, a great many true patriots made the best of the convention; for though the compact contained no clause expressly Ixxvi INTRODUCTION. reserving liberty of action in case unforeseen circum- stances should arise, yet a correspondence exchanged directly after between the French and the Italian cabinets, past events, and the spirit of the age, all combined to suggest a favourable interpretation of this omission. Besides, a great fact, as I said, towered above everything — the cessation of foreign intervention. But this important safeguard, the soul of the whole transaction, was virtually done away with almost from the first by the formation of the Antibes legion, composed of French soldiers wear- ing the pontifical uniform. Then came the mission of General Dumont, who reminded them they still owed allegiance to French military law; and to crown all, the letter of the Minister of "War, Marshal Niel, in which he offi- cially repeated the same statement. Such ambiguous conduct and so much provoca- tion added fuel to the irritation already excited in Italy, and thus hurried on the events of last October, and a second expedition sallied forth from Toulon, followed by the jamais of M. Eouher. Would the high-minded D'Azeglio have approved of all this? or attributed the disaster of Montana solely to the rash imprudence of the Italians ? For, let there be no mistake about the matter, if the great statesman did not deem Cavour's claim on INTEODUCTION. Ixxvii Rome altogether expedient, his ideal solution of the Roman question was one widely differing from the present state of things, of aU the most baneful to the existence of the Pope-king. This is strikingly- developed in these Memou-s. They contain ample proof of how severely he judged the temporal rule of the spiritual chief of our religion, whose mission on earth ought to be one of love and blessing, by the social evils pervading the whole of the Roman states, and the degradation of the lower classes. For example, what can be more expressive than this sen- tence? He was passing through Baccano, a desolate spot of the Roman Campagna, and thus speaks of its wretched inhabitants: "They have sinister and per- verse countenances, like people corrupted by bad government, the mgjaria, the fleecing of passing travellers, and misery; a physical as well as moral rottenness to the very core." Having entered into conversation with one of them who cynically unveUed to him all the tricks he resorted to for extorting money from casual tra- vellers, he exclaims : " His candour was so great that I was really unable to brand him as a scoundrel even in petto ; and I mentally ejaculated a string of imprecations against the government, the clerical system, &c. ; and I was more than ever confirmed in the idea that all criterion of /as and nefas is lost, VOL. I. / Ixxviii INTRODUCTION. extinguished, dead and buried in the happy pontifical dominions." Is this declaration explicit enough? No; D'Aze- glio was not a supporter of the papacy, as many of the clerical party have skilfully though unsuccessfully striven to prove. This point is of so much national importance, under present circumstances especially, as to make me most anxious to prove conclusively that, far from having swerved from the popular policy of the whole country on the Roman difficulty, D'Azeglio, except in a secondary question, was truly Italian in his aspirations. His opposition to Cavour, his resistance to the general outcry for Rome, was chiefly one of form. Indeed, besides the right of the Romans to decide on their destiny advocated in his political correspondence, does ke not say in his Me- moirs, when alluding to the good qualities retained by the Roman populations notwithstanding their pre- sent degradation : " AU these are symptoms of a brave race, with a dare-devil nature, which ought some day to produce good citizens and good soldiers, when it shall be fi'eed from the claws of the Papal government'''' ? Is not this a solemn admission of the fact which some detached portions of his own writ- ings seem to deny ? It must be confessed that on this special topic he singularly indulges the taste for paradox to which his nature was occasionally prone. INTRODUCTION. Ixxix I have before remarked that D'Azegho, although one of the foremost Italian patriots, was born at a time [in which hope was an act of faith, and endur- ance the only means of testifying in its favour. The sudden reaUsation of Italian unity was to the men of his creed a surprise : the politico-religious com- plication deriving from it had never been practically contemplated by them. The new generation, on the contrary, — thanks undoubtedly to the noble sacrifices of their predecessors, — has risen, fused itself into a nation, and imperiously claimed what it thinks its unquestionable rights ; and D'Azeglio, like many of his contemporaries, was in fact dihordi by the march of events; for if it be true that no human force can bring a revolution to pass before it is mature, it is equally tmdeniable that its limits cannot be foreseen, and once set in niotion it becomes impos- sible to arrest its progress, whatever course it may take. It may be retarded, or even stifled for a time ; but what are delays in the history of the struggles of a nation? What social revolution founded on right, honesty, and morality, but has triumphed ulti- mately to its fullest extent ? Let us hope the day is not far distant when Europe, when the Catholic world, will see that the interests of Italy and of the Papacy are iden- tical, and the separation of the temporal from the Ixxx INTKODUCTION, spiritual power will no longer appear dangerous to the Church. "When people — foreigners in particular — speak of the inopportunity of making Eome the capital of Italy irrespectively of the religious question, the answer is very simple. How did Paris become the capital of France, London that of England, and Eome that of the Roman Empire? Because the whole nation regarded it as its own centre of graviiy, and gathered round it spontaneously, tmconsciously, driven, as it were, by a natural instinct. Now, I would ask, what else do the Italians mean by their cry for Eome ? Can anyone of sound mind entertain for an instant the preposterous notion that classic tra- ditions have anything to do with the present craving for the eternal city ? No. Nobody dreams of Eoman eagles, legions, consuls, or the scholastic list of Capi- toline splendours ; but everyone looks upon Eome as the natural metropolis of the country, lying between the two seas and bounded by the Alps, and the sym- bol of the completion of its unity. People scoif at the widespread but erroneous conception that Itahans delight in the mere revival of a political Eome as a sort of child's-play ; and this proves how very little is sometimes known of the true character of the most important questions. Eoman history does not belong to the Italians alone ; it be- INTRODUCTION. Ixxxi longs to the world. The glories of the ancient urbs are now so far from us that, except for tlie archasologi- cal scholar and the schoolboy, it has ceased to have any hold on the modern public mind. But what is, indeed, not so far distant as to be effaced from the recollection of the Italians, is the time when Genoa, Venice, and Pisa were contending for supremacy ; when Naples and Palermo, Turin and Milan were jealously vying with each other, and disunion was the precursor of foreign dominion, the interests of which it invariably fostered. The Italians remember that. May we ask if our adversaries also recoUect the prediction they made, that Italian unity could never last, because of the municipal rivalries of its numerous capitals ? For if not, we might refresh their memory, and make another prediction in our turn; viz. that if Italian unity ever runs a tem- porary risk (I say temporary, having unbounded faith in its final success), it wiU certainly arise from complications brought about, not by internal divisions, but by its very endeavom'S to enforce the natural rights of the nation. " How can a state subsist with a foreign and hostile power established in its very midst? How could France or England subsist, were there a hostile and foreign government encamped in Paris or in London ?" was asked by General Menabrea, in Ixxxii mTEODUCTION. the Italian parliament, on the , morrow after Men- tana. The anomalous character of such a position would not have escaped a politician like Massimo d'Azeglio ; whatever private sympathies for the present Pope he might have retained in memory of his share in initiating the national reforms of 1847. Personal regard for Pius IX. and dislike of rash revolutionary elements did not prevent him from writ- with this remarkable sentence as far back as 1849 : " Quoique je sois modere, retrogrado, etc., je suis au fond et serai toujours du parti qui sauvera I'ltalie. Si les exaltes y parviennent, va pour les exalt^s !" Unfortunately, born, as I said, in other days, he forgot that when a people is once roused, it can- not be stopped at pleasure, and that revolutions too often go through sad phases, generally accompanied by deplorable excesses, produced mostly by the blind stubbornness of the adverse party. Conse- quently, hating violence as he did, he sometimes broke out into bitter criticisms on certain acts of the Itahan government and on the recklessness of the nation, through which pierced the feeling of weari- ness that preyed upon him. " J'ai fait tant et si bien," wrote he not long be- fore his death, " qu'on ne pent plus me souffrir. . . . Je suis au ban de la cour pour abus de sincerite ; au INTEODUCTION. Ixxxiii ban du ' parti cathoHque' pour leso governo papale ; au ban de la maQonnerie comme contraire k ' Rome capitale;' au ban des sectes et des rouges pour leur avoir dit des Veritas trop dures." And again he added : " Si au mUieu de tout cela, j'ai le coeur triste et la parole amere, ne m'en voulez pas. Je suis vieux, et je ne puis plus rien. Je n'ai qu'une chose a faire, et je la fais : je ti-availle sur mon esprit et sur mes affections, pour les faire plier a la vo- lonte de Dieu." Notwithstanding these Htile displays of bitterness, and what I might call the peevishness of his last years, one cannot but feel admiration for the high- hearted man hving for one thought alone, and who to the last moment endiu-ed for Italy an anxiety like that of a loving mother lest her sons should do any- thing wrong, or incur blame for want of warning and advice. Honesty was his first care, honour his device. Hear his words : " I must make a declaration. God in His good- ness planted in my heart a love of justice and a hatred for injustice and deceit Therefore I say frankly that I always hate injustice, no matter who is to profit or may be injured by it. I hate it if it profits my enemies. I hate, it if it profits my friends ; if it profits me. I should still loathe it even if it were profitable to the persons most dear Ixxxiv INTEODUCTION. to me in the world, or if it forwarded the fulfilment of my most ardent yearning to see Italy really re- constituted." Such were the principles of one who never for even a second entertained a base idea, though it were to secure all he most coveted ; one who might rightly be called the modern chevalier sans peur et sans reproche. To him Grod confided the mission of dispelling the notion of Macchiavellism tradition- ally connected with Italian politics. Macchiavellism ! Were a digression allowable, I might discuss the propriety of the opinion which couples Macchiavelli's great name with that of deceit; yet the connection being assumed, persons wholly ignorant of the writings of the great Florentine, adopt the word, and fling it as a standing reproach in the face of all Italians. But, as my business here is only tp point out some prominent characteristics of one of our most remarkable statesmen, I will merely recommend a more diligent perusal of Macchiavelli's works; and repeat that, however the accusation originated, it was D'Azeglio's task to destroy it by his uncom- promising straightforwardness and honesty. What he abhorred next to deceit was despotism ; and in these pages he frequently gives vent to his feelings on this score. The tyranny of Napoleon I., for instance, was his bugbear. INTRODUCTION. Ixxxv " Ten Wagrams and twenty Austerlitz," says he, " do not efface one single act of tyranny." Gifted with an artistic and poetical nature, he foresaw a bright future of independence and liberty for his country ; and, brought up in the sober aus- tere Piedmontese school, he nobly made its reali- sation the aim of his life, and never for one mo- ment ceased to exert himself to rouse, to nerve the Italian character, and prepare it for great en- terprises. For, if he had the soul of an artist in all that regards beauty and conception, and instinc- tive horror of everything ungenerous and tyran- niea], nobody entertained more practical views, or outdid him in the pitiless war he waged equally against the reactionists and the rabid demagogues. He prides himself on being a democrat ; but " let me be understood to mean," says he, "that truly Christian democracy which makes every man equal in the eye of the political, social, and civil, as well as of the religious law." There have been men who, either as soldiers, writers, or statesmen, took a more brilliant share in the liberation of Italy than Massimo d'Azeglio. But he ranked above those who may have left a more dazzling fame to posterity, by his moral supe- riority, his manly spirit, and his freedom of mind in prosperity as well as in adversity. VOL. I. 9 Ixxxvi INTRODUCTION. He died but a few months before the liberation of Venice, about which his staunch faith had never allowed him to doubt, and the last word murmured by his faltering lips was, Italy ! The intelligence of his death reached London on the 16th of January 1866. The Marquis d'Azeglio had some days previously left the Italian legation, to see once more his illustrious uncle, and I I'e- mained in charge during the absence of my chief. Lord Russell was then at the head of the govern- ment; and I naturally had frequent opportunities of seeing him, and witnessing the deep interest his lordship evinced in the serious illness of Massimo d'Azeglio, whom he had intimately known. Lord Russell, I seize the occasion of remarldng, shines conspicuously among those statesmen of Eng- land to whom the cause of Italy has long been dear, and to whose moral support the ItaHan peninsula is greatly indebted. Throughout his political career, Lord Russell has always warmly supported our efforts to earn our national redemption; and both in office and in private life Italy has always found him a valuable friend. I therefore think I cannot better terminate this short essay on the political life of the patriot who wrote the Memoirs I have undertaken to translate, INTBODUCTION. IxxXVli than by publishing the letter Lord Kussell addressed to me in reply to my announcement of the catastrophe that had just occurred at Turin. " Deak Cotint Mapfei, — I was much concerned to hear from you that the illness of Massimo d'Azeglio had terminated fatally. " Italy will mourn his loss as that of one of the purest -of those patriots by whose talents, courage, and foresight she has been raised to her due place among the nations of Europe, and is no longer a geographical expression, but a living, independent state. " I have often had an opportunity of enjoying the ' society of Massimo d'Azeglio, and of observing how, in the midst of his great task, his uncommon powers of mind and refined taste enabled him to excel in literature and art, while he was working out the de- liverance of his country. " His parlar was not hke that of Petrarch, iWarno; and while I lament over his death, I say with joy, God speed Italy ! " Yom's very truly, " Dear Count Maffei, " Kussell. " Pembroke Lodge, Eiohmond Park, " Jan. 18th, 1866." I am greatly mistaken if beyond the Alps, and in ■ England where Italy has so many sympathisers, this Ixxxviii INTEODUCTION. letter, so honourable to both countries, be not read with much interest; for in few lines it evokes the recollection of all the phases, hopes, and fears, and ultimate triumph of that exciting Italian struggle ended but the other day, and which many in this wonderful age of ours may look upon as almost a thing of the past, although a world-wide religious drama enacted at Rome has not yet attained its ter- mination. A. MAi'FEI. London, March 25th, 1868. MY RECOLLECTIONS. OEIGIKr AND OBJECT OF THE WOKK. For several years I have been thinking of writing the story of my hfe. But no sooner does this idea, or rather this aspiration, present itself to my mind, than a thousand doubts arise to hamper and cheek it. Is my life worth being told? Why do I feel any desire to relate it ? Am I moved by a praise- worthy motive, or is this a snare laid for me by a vulgar and indiscreet vanity? The entreaties of friends are always at hand to silence such doubts. But, to be just, I must not accuse them of having used over-much persuasion in this matter; besides, I think that in similar cases it wordd be more to the purpose if one could discover what enemies think. Therefore I let this argument drop. VOL. r. B 2 MY EECOLLECTIONS. The following are the motives which determined me to write : I have lived to my present age of sixty-fom- without any breathing-time — I may say, without ever having had leisure to look behind me. It is now time to cast a glance backwards. It is a morally wholesome practice to submit the acts of youth and early manhood to the cold and sober judgment of mature age. And if this process of arraigning our- selves, as it were, be usefiil to us, why should it not be equally so to others, provided the judge be just, clear-sighted, and sincere? It remains to be seen whether / shall prove such a judge. Without utter- ing a too presumptuous yes, I content myself with saying that I hope I may, and that I shall do my best. As a first proof of my sincerity and can- dour, I may as weU give one hint to the reader. If I speak iU of myself, let him blindly believe me ; but if I indulge in self-praise, he had better be on his guard. Now, in order to render my work use- ful to the public, and more especially to the younger generation, I mean to divide and classify its contents as follows. My object is to make a moral and psy- chological study of myself, rather than to relate the adventures that have befallen me ; I shall endeavour to analyse and describe my own nature and my character in all its successive phases ; recounting as ORIGIN AND OBJECT OP THE WOEK. 3 I go on the inward or outward causes which may have modified it for good or for evil. If I am not mistaken, this kind of moral autopsy will be far from useless, both to those who educate others, and to such as think it the duty of every man to strive after self-improvement up to the very last day of his life. But it will not be enough to examine myself, and endeavour to draw useful precepts from the study : I hope to be able to offer to those who will read these pages much better material than that of which I my- self am made. It has been my lot in life to asso- ciate with a great many people ; it has also been my good luck to find among them some men of first-rate merit, of great intellect, noble hearts, and characters far above the average. With their moral portraits I hope to make a gallery rich in noble models. Would to God it might produce another equally rich — that of their imitators ! In my long career I have met with natures of true heroic stamp. But let me be well understood on this point. I call those heroes who sacrifice themselves for others, not those who sacri- fice others to themselves. I shall therefore have no occasion to set forth any types even vaguely resem- bling those great tormentors of om: species, admired and adored by the latter in exact proportion to the evil perpetrated by them. No ! My heroes, most of them unknown, all victims, not one an executioner, 4 MY KECOLLECTIONS. belong to every class of society. For, thank heaven, if humanity is not such as it ought to be, neither is it composed altogether of fools or of knaves, as the Heracleites of every age are wont to believe. But in this I have enjoyed peculiar good fortune. To find sublime natures, worthy of being brought to light as perfect models of noble sacrifice and blameless life, I need not go beyond the circle of my own family ; nor do I know how better to begin this critical study of many lives, among which mine is as a chain to connect my recollections of more worthy existences, than by some account of my father and mother. I should like to inscribe their names upon some monument far more durable and illustrious than these humble pages, which I dedicate to their dear and honoured memory ; but more than this is be- yond my power. I am well aware that the reader will not be able wholly to share my feehngs, but I will not weaken their expression on that account. In so doing I should be false to both heart and conscience ; I should break the law of telling the truth, which I have laid down for myself. It would almost seem to me as if I abjured the veneration I profess for those who gave me being, and, what is far more precious, all the little good that may be found in me, and who never let me see an act or hear a word that did not present OEIGm AND OBJECT OF THE WOEK. 5 a virtuous example. Can auy man of feeling reproacli me for these sentiments ? Another warning : I should not like this to be a political or ephemeral work ; and if I succeed in carrying out my ideas, it shall not be either. I know how difficult it is for a writer not to be more or less imbued with the thoughts of his own time. One may even say that it is impossible, and perhaps undesirable, quite to efface their influence. But as, in my political life I have always striven to find out and follow exclusively that which was true and just, without party spirit, or caring whether I encountered praise or blame ; as I have the inveterate habit of judging men by their individual qualities, without considering whether they belong to this or that party (and, on this account, I have succeeded in becoming obnoxious to aU) ; as, when in office, I did my best to discover and propound the elementary laws which serve to found and promote the prosperity of nations, without troubling myself about interests, petty pas- sions, or mean details, — I almost hope to attain my aim, and leave to fiiture generations some pages which may be read without tedium, and not entirely without profit, even in circumstances and times very different from our own. I should, however, like these pages to be serviceable to the present age in one sense. I will explain myself MT KECOLLECTIONS. For nearly half a century Italy has been strug- gling and labouring to become one people and make herself a nation. She has reconquered great part of her own territory. The struggle with the foreigner has already proved successful; but this is not the difficulty. The greatest and the real one, that which keeps everything uncertain and in jeopardy, is the internal conflict. The most dangerous enemies of Italy are not the Austrians, but the Italians. And why ? Because the Italians have been intent to create a new Italy, whilst they themselves remained the same as of yore, with the deficiencies and the moral littleness which have been their inheritance ab antiquo ; because they are thinking of reforming Italy, and none of them are aware that they must begin by reforming themselves ; because Italy, like all other countries, will never be able to become a nation, well ordered, well administered, strong against foreigners as well as against internal agitators, free, and with a right of her own, until every Italian, high and low, does his duty, each in his own sphere, and does it well, or at least to the utmost of his ability. But to do one's own duty, generally a tiresome, vul- gar, and obscure one, requires strength of will, and the belief that duty must be done, not because it is a pleasant or profitable task, but simply because it is duty ; and this strength of will, this conviction, con- ORIGIN AST) OBJECT OF THE -WORK. 7 stitutes, in fact, that precious quality which, in a word, is called character: so that we may say, the first want of Italy is, that Italians should grow up gifted with high and strong characters. But, alas, we tend towards the opposite pole ! Italy is made, but not the Italians. Now, if the topics, the narratives, the examples contained in this book could have the effect of con- tributing to produce one single great character, I consider that I should have rendered a real service to my country. If it be true, as the saying goes, that one fool makes many (and we see many illustra- tions of this every day), it is just as true that one great and strong character also creates a hundred or even a thousand others, and imparts life, colour, and, so to speak, a more wholesome and generous tone to a whole community for years to come. I must now make knovm the last motive which instigated me to write these volumes; albeit, cer- tainly, the least important, as it is entirely a personal one. T must, therefore, invoke all the indulgence of the reader in its favour. In all probability my family is about to become extinct, and I am far from reckon- ing this fact among the calamities of the State. On the contrary, truth to say, in our own private in- terest, I had rather see it end now with honour, the last three generations (this I may frankly affirm), 8 MY KECOLLECTIONS. having numbered none but honest and honourable men, than run the risk of its dying out at a more distant period in the person of some silly marchesino, as might very well happen, or perhaps worse. Dante says in his Purgatory, "0 Ugolin de' Fantolin, seouro E' il nome tuo, da ohe piil non s' aspetta CM far lo possa, tralignando, oscuro." " Hugolin, Thou sprung of Fantolini's line, thy name Is safe ; since none is look'd for after thee To cloud its lustre, warping from thy stock."* These lines show that when I feel thus, it is in good company. Nevertheless, it is in human nature to shrink from destruction and still -more from obli- vion. I could not bear the thought that in a country which I have loved so dearly, and which has been so well loved and served by my kinsmen, a few years hence we should be forgotten, as though we had never been. It is therefore my intention to make this work a narrative of my life, and of the actions of the distinguished people to whom I belonged by family ties, or with whom I have associated ; and * The Divine Comedy, translated by the Bev. H. F. Gary, M.A. London, 1850. Hugolin Fantolini was a virtuous gentleman of an ancient and honourable family of Faenza, who, probably on account of his age, was not likely to leave any issue. I have availed myself of the above beautiful and accurate translation for all the quotations from Dante in these memoirs. OEIGra AKD OBJECT OF THE WORK. 9 also to weave into it a brief memorial of our house, to prevent its memory being suddenly extinguisbed in the hearts of my countrymen. I feel but too well that I am not one of those swans whom Ariosto de- scribes as alone able to rescue the names of the deserving few from the waves of oblivion. But why might I not obtain that which I am unable to win for myself, from the kindness which I have foimd in so many of my contemporaries, and which may become — I hope it wUl — a tradition among their sons and successors ? Having thus explained the spirit of my work, I may be allowed to say a few words about its style. In my description of myself I must appear just as I am. I must be nothing but myself, not anyone else. To attain this end I must therefore not only relate facts with scrupulous accuracy, and unveil my thoughts and opinions ; but it is also necessary that I should use the manners, the phrases, the words, the idioms which are habitual to me, and which spriag from my own individuality, character, and habits. I think that, in order to write well, one should express oneself as one would speak in genial and refined society, composed of respectable men and well-bred women. It is enough to abstain from a few colloquial or trivial forms, which a little tact suffices to point out ; every thing else may, and 10 MT EECOLLECTIONS. indeed should, be said frankly, in the same style and the same words as are employed in conversation. If this rule were to be adopted in Italy; if a number of authors did not deem themselves obliged to change their language when they are writing; if (I beg leave to use a rather bold expression) they put the pen into their mouth instead of holding it in their hand, — the reading of Italian books would no longer be that ungrateful, not to say almost impossible task which it unhappily is at present for ourselves, and still more for foreigners. And see how true this is ! Italy is one of the countries where fluent and elegant speakers most abound, and where likewise unreadable writers are most rife. For God's sake let them write as they would talli in good society, and they will be read, as they are listened to, with great pleasure. Let us analyse this matter a little, that we may un- derstand it better. Supposing, for one moment, that the above-mentioned genial company had time and patience to listen to a verbal narrative of what is at present in print ; should I ever dream of beginning by saying : Here, ladies and gentlemen, is the title of my book, Ricordi per Massimo clAzeglio ?* What ! * In this passage the author alludes to the affected hahit, adopted by some modern Italian writers, of placing before their names on the title-page of their boolis the woidper (for) instead of di (of), to indicate that the matter contained therein has been written by them. For example, "Bicordi per Massimo OEIGIN AST> OBJECT OF THE WORK. 11 (some one woidd interrupt) — What! for you? It would seem, on the contrary, that these memoirs are for us who are listening, and when they go to press they will be for the pubHc. Well, would not this be quite true ? Therefore, on my title-page I have written di, and not per, Massimo d'Azeglio. Now let us also suppose my tale not to prove too tedious to the listeners, and that some one should observe, it would be well to pubhsh it ; would he say : Why don't you dictate * these recollections of yours ? He would certainly say : Why don't you write them ? Otherwise I might answer : My eyes are not bad, nor have I rheumatism in my fingers, and I can write without dictating. It is very strange that some people should imagine that elegance consists in a false and equivocal affectation. If such were the fact, it would indeed be easy to write elegantly. For this reason I began my book by saying : I have long had the thought of writing, not of dictating, my recollections. My third remark is : in the aforesaid society, if I were addressing a person with whom I did not d'Azeglio," instead of " Kicordi di Massimo d'Azeglio." Though in Italian these two words in the above instances have the same signification, the first is so interpreted only in a figurative sense, and sounds very affected. * Here the author is ridiculing another affectation of some Italian writers, who would think it is more elegant to say " Me- niorie dettate" than " scritte da Massimo d'Azeglio." 12 MY EECOLLECTIONS. happen to be very intimate, I should not use the pronoun tu* or wi ; and why ? Simply because it is not the custom. Why, then, should I say iliou to my reader ? I prefer addressing him as Id, in ac- cordance with Italian usage. Whenever tu becomes universal in society, I will address my reader in like manner. These examples will suffice to illustrate my idea, which is in substance as foUows : To use common words according to their natural meaning ; to avoid aU stilted expressions, all ambiguities how- ever small ; to eschew transpositions ; so to express myself, in fact, that the reader may understand thoroughly and at once, nay more, to make it im- possible for him to hesitate, even an instant, as to the real meaning of what he is reading. Now one last remark. Since the French have invented what they call '■'■Vliomme shieux;'"' since babies smoke, youngsters of eighteen despise danc- ing, men of thirty marry dowries, and girls of fifteen millionaires of fifty ; since, finally, the three most obnoxious of the seven mortal sins, pride, euAy, and avarice, have become predominant over the re- maining fom-, — in every language, more or less, a * This again ia a protest against a very general affectation of addressing the reader in the second person singular, which in Italian is only used between relations, intimate friends, or from a superior to an inferior. ORIGIN AND OBJECT OF THE 'WOEK. 1 3 dictatorial, pedantic, ponderous, melancholy style has sprung up, false, affected, and tedious in form, and which accordingly I intend to avoid. Whenever a question arises, it is in my nature to rush in thought to the consideration of aU its aspects and of all its consequences. I often perceive a laughable side in serious things, just as I at once detect the serious point lurking under frivolities. Such am I, and such shall I appear in my book. Life, thank God, is not always sad or tragic; it is gay sometimes, and at others has a comical seriousness, which last is the ne plus ultra of absurdity. Having to describe one or more lives, why should I limit myself to the repre- sentation of one of its aspects only, instead of paint- ing all those which it alternately assumes in reality ? I shall therefore let myself be guided by the subjects which occur to me ; and if reflections and instruction flow naturally from them, why should I refrain fi'om giving them utterance ? Being desirous of impress- ing them on the minds of the young generation, is it better to collect them into an ex professo treatise? or may it not be preferable to spread them over a narrative in which the author does not always keep up a monotonous seriousness, .but condescends to laugh when there is something to laugh at? 1865. M. D'AZEGLIO. CHAPTER I. " Qv^sim justitiam, et odivi ini^uitatem, propterea . . ." Ignorance of family traditions — Wise reply of my father — Anti- pathy to the famUy name — Opportunity of learning its history — Originally from Brittany — The Breuier Capels — they re- move to Dauphiny — one of them settles at Savigliano — An- other version of Monsignor della Chiesa — Queen Joan invests the house of Taparelli with the fief of Genola — Purchase of Lagnasco — Brenier, a man-at-arms, acknowledges us (six- teenth century) — My grandfather the Count of Lagnasco — his portrait — Eccentric reputation of the family — Remedy for court deceptions used by my grandfather — his death — Gesare my father — Cristina my mother — Doubt whether I ought to write about her — Portrait of my father — his birth and enlist- ment — Garrison life — Manners of the superiors of that date — his early life — he enters the king's household — ^Society at that period — Aristocracy — its faults; its merits — Conse- quences — Conversion — State of opinion — The cause of his change — Eefleotions, Until three months ago I knew nothing of my an- cestry beyond a few details heard now and then from an old servant of the family. Not a word on this subject ever fell from the lips of my father or mother. I remember once, during my childhood (I might then, perhaps, have been twelve years old), all the 16 MY EECOLLECTIONS. family and a few friends being one day assembled, the coiaversation happened to turn on the subject of nobility. Thoughtlessly I asked my father, " Are we noble, signor padreV I soon perceived that I had asked a silly question, as everyone began to laugh at me, and my father, smiling like the rest, answered, " My child, you will be noble if you are virtuous."* After this I inquired no farther. I asked no more questions for a long time. Neverthe- less — I know not why — I have always had a dis- like to our name of Taparelli, and have always called and signed myself Azeglio. It is now three months, since, on the sad occasion of the death of my eldest brother Roberto, I had to examine some family papers and documents, and was thus enabled to carry my archseological re- searches concerning the history of my house farther back than my grandfather, beyond which point I had never before been able to reach. I then learnt the following facts : Our race is of Breton origin. This will perhaps account for the leaven of stubbornness prevailing in our family to this day. Old chronicles speak of a family and of a castle in Brittany, both named * This reminds us of a favourite maxim of one of our good old priuces of the House of Savoy, Charles Emanuel 11,, who used to say that "dignities and honours without virtues were FAMILY TBADITIONS. 17 Brenier Chapel or Capel, and upon the walls of the latter were sculptured coats of arms identical with those always borne by our house. This castle was destroyed, and the family disappeared ; but years afterwards it was to be found transplanted to Dau- phiny ; and several documents existing in the ar- chives of Grenoble prove it to have settled in that part of France. When Charles of Anjou crossed the Alps to conquer Naples, or perhaps earlier, a member of the family came to Italy, and, though I am unable to state how or why, it is proved that he established himself at Savigliano, where he married. Among his descendants we find one Giorgio, who, heaven knows how, from Chapel or Capel became Taparel. He and his sons are identified by docu- ments, and are the first reaUy historical persons of the family. The earlier portion of the history I re- late as I have found it. Whoever is incredulous may search and see for himself. Monsignor Agostino della Chiesa gives a differ- ent version ia his history of Piedmont, and says (for brevity I give the substance only), the Taparellis are a very ancient Guelph family of Savigliano. As early as 1240 Guglielmo and Odone are mentioned with their sons, in the veUum volume containing the charter of the people of that town, as possessors of mills and other machines moved by water, of VOL. I. C 18 MY RECOLLECTIONS. rights of fisheries, and also of lands and hamlets in the aforesaid district. At this stage the Giorgio of the other version reappears. Monsignor della Chiesa adds, that one Rupert di Leonardo, seneschal and captain-general of Queen Joan, being at Cuneo, invested the sons of Giorgio, Giofiredo, Leone, and Pietro TapareUi, of Savigliano, with the fief of Genola, in recompense of the many services rendered by their family to the queen, with the right of building a castle thereon, as a defence against the enemies of the House of Anjou. A few years previously (1341) the family had become possessed of Lagnasco, a 6ef sold for 25,000 golden florins to Giofiredo TapareUi and Pietro Fal- letti of Alba, by Tommaso Marquis of Saluzzo, for the purpose of raising the ransom of 80,000 florins, imposed upon him by his uncles, who, assisted by Bertrando del Balzo, seneschal of Charles IL of Anjou, and other allies, had taken him prisoner and deprived him of his principality. From that time to the present our family have always retained possession of these castles of Lag- nasco and of Genola. As our family history, though of ancient date, is not remarkable for famous deeds, or for those historical names which might render the details of interest or importance, I spare both I AM A BAEBAEIAN ! 19 myself and the reader any further remarks on this subject ; and will only add, that the two versions re- specting our origin may, I think, be reconciled, as, before being Guelphs in SavigKano, our ancestors most probably came from France with one of those but too numerous northern hordes that have de- scended into Italy. We have positive mention of a Brenier, a man-at-arms in the company of M. de Termes, who came to Savigliano during the wars between France and the Empire. M. de Monlue mentions that he belonged to the garrison which then occupied Savigliano ; and I find that the said gentleman, seeing his own armorial bearings in our house, inquired our origin, and, being informed of it, recognised us as kinsmen. To ascertain with greater certainty, he asked the name of otir special patron saint, and being told " St. Mary Magdalen," he said that in his own family also she was the most honoured of aU. It seems unhkely that this should be the result of mere coincidence ; yet, should the French knight have conjectured rightly, it would foUow that after having so often cried Fuori il harharo! I am discovered to be a barbarian myself !* * The name of " barbarians" having been constantly applied to the foreign invaders of Italy, — GiambuUari, in his Sistory of Ewrope, calls the Alpine passes in Friuli the " usual road of the lariarians, ... a fatal passage left open by nature in punishment 20 MY RECOLLECTIONS. Instead of writing the history of a series of ob-^ scure lordlings, whose private adventures would doubt- less be far from edifying, I wiU simply relate a few anecdotes which I have gleaned from among the old family papers. They are more or less interesting, inasmuch as they belong not only to the Taparelli family, but to the still older one of Adam, whose posterity affords inexhaustible materials for study. My grandfather, the Count Roberto of Lagnasco, married Cristina Countess of Genola, the offspring of another branch of our own family. They had two sons : one, the Marquis of Montenera, died young through a fall ; the other, called Cesare, was my father. A few days after his birth his mother died. Several years later, Count Roberto married Matilde Caissotti, of Casal Grrasso, by whom he had an only daughter, afterwards the wife of Count Prospero Balbo, the father of Cesare, the celebrated author, my first cousin, and the dearest and most esteemed of all my friends. Of my grandfather I know only the little I heard from my father. He was a very clever man, but he was not without a dash of that of Italy's past sins," — the cry of " Fiwri il harharo /" has been handed down from one generation to another. It resounded as heartily as ever in all the popular demonstrations of late years, and was the rallying cry of the masses in every insurrection up to the moment of our liberation. HERBDITAKT ECCBNTEICITT. 21 eccentricity in wliicli all our family are said more or less to share. In old Piedmont I must confess that the TapareUis enjoyed the reputation of being some- what touched in the upper story. Without dis- cussing the why or the wherefore of the subject, I must nevertheless observe that in old Piedmont, so full of good and sterling qualities, one often met with that conservative tenacity, that love of tradi- tion, that dislike of innovation, which characterise those vigorous races, capable of maintaining them- selves for a lengthened period. Every innovation, no matter how insignificant, displeases the majority, and is rejected without further consideration as a pazzia. Thus, for instance, my grandfather was very familiar with the English language and litera- ture. I think I hear his friends saying among them- selves, "Very odd that Count Lagnasco, with his English !" After this would speedily foUow the con- clusion, " All the TapareUis have more or less a bee in their bonnet." I know but too well (as I shall after- wards relate) that for having early attempted to be something different from the marchesini of my time, I was unanimously voted mad. However this may be, my grandfather entered the army, according to the ancient custom of my family. He afterwards lived at court, and was the friend of King Victor, — so far as it is possible to be 22 MY RECOLLECTIONS. the friend of a king. Although a courtier, he was reputed an honest man ; and as in that position none have suificient strength or wisdom to avoid all danger of disgrace, or the risk of frequent mortification, my grandfather chose to be forearmed, and in a conspicuous place in his study these words were inscribed in Piedmontese, " Ai fa pa nen" or in plain language, " It matters not in the least." The meaning in that dialect is still more sarcastic, and may be rendered, " I don't care a straw." Thus, when he returned from court, his temper embittered perhaps by some intrigues against him, his eyes would alight on the above inscription, and shrugging his shoulders he would dine with his usual appetite. All this I learnt from Cesare Balbo. My grandfather died at fifty-seven, while occupied with the marriage of his only remaining son. The earliest arrange- ments for the latter were already completed. In all that concerns my father's history I possess the safest, the most precious of guides : I have now before me a manuscript by my mother, in which she relates his life. I cannot conceal from the reader, that, now that the time has arrived to speak of her, to describe the events of her life, to quote her words, and draw aside the veil in which she so carefully shrouded herself, her actions, and her virtues from the eyes of the world, an undefinable hesitation stays my hand. Shall T MT MOTHER. 23 not be guiliy of profanation ? What though I have nought to disclose but as divine a beauty as ever adorned a human soul, is there not an instinct in every filial heart which says : The life of a mother, and even the memory and praise of her virtues, should be strictly confined to the domestic hearth; they should be written in the hearts of her sons and grandsons, and there remain as a hidden family treasure, not to be flung into the great current of publicity to indifferent strangers and lookers-on ? I feel within myself this instinct, and yet I am re- solved to disregard it. I yield to the temptation of portraying the beloved features of that noble figure, endowed with so much feminine grace, such true candour, so rare a beauty, and (as we have yet to see) a fortitude beyond her sex. For five-and- twenty years she has slept by the side of my father at Genoa, in the humble church of the Capucliins ; she belongs to the past ; may not therefore this cir- cumstance modify the severity of certain principles? Can it be just or rightfal that no noble examples of feminine virtue should ever be held up to posterity ? To whom, if not to the mother, has heaven intrusted the mission of imprinting the first and indelible traces on the character of man? and ought she to remain forgotten who so truly possessed the wisdom which trains up generations of vigorous men, and hence 24 MY EECOLLECTIONS. illustrious epochs — when the first want of Italy is men, and those who are fit to educate and render them strong and generous in heart and mind? Moreover, have I a right to deprive my children of their most precious inheritance — that of noble and virtuous examples ? Decided by these reflections, I shall proceed. But first of all, a few words to portray my father. I quote the manuscript : "A young man of very handsome appearance, courteous in manner, full of talent and vivacity (yet very dignified), with a highly cultivated mind, a good musician," &c. So far my mother. To complete this likeness, I may be permitted to add, that he was considered one of the best soldiers of our army ; a man of severe principles, and at the same time of immense good- ness of heart ; one who would have given his life to spare his family a sorrow, bnt who would have also seen it sacrificed before his eyes rather than betray either duty or honour. A nature like his would have died with Regulus in one age, in another with the martyrs torn by lions in the circus while confess- ing the faith of Christ. The existence within him of the often conflicting senses of duty and love rendered his life an inces- sant warfare between the two. Perpetually mis- trusting his own heart, always on his guard against ARISTOCRATIC ENLISTMENT. 25 yielding to acts of weakness, he sometimes fell into the opposite error, and became rigid and aus- tere. In oTir childhood he inspired us with an almost incredible fear; and fear too often prevents an impartial judgment. It will ever be a subject of the most painful regret that I should only know and appreciate him as he deserves, now that he is no longer in the world. How much we lose through mistakes like these ! and how important to endeavour to avoid them ! He was born on the 10th of February 1763. At eleven years of age his father presented him to the magistrate who presided over the then existing uffizio del soldo* and administered that objectionable volun- tary enlistment which gave such celebrity to the so- called recruteur, and which, thank heaven (though the English and the Americans think otherwise), has been superseded by conscription. Notwithstanding the privileges of the aristocracy, so warKke a spirit had been instilled by the old monarchy of Savoy — ^having always been built on a military basis — that it was not considered de- * In Piedmont at that time custom required every noble to enlist in the royal army when a mere child ; and for this purpose they went to the uffizio del soldo (an office established as far back as the year 1688) to receive a day's pay, which constituted an engagement similar to that represented by the shilling which the enrolling sergeant gives to a new recruit in England. 26 MY RECOLLECTIONS. grading to become a private in the ranks.* Every one concurred in the idea, that notwithstanding the difference in mihtary rank, the honour of a common soldier was on a level with that of the first general and of the king himself. For this reason, the curious phenomenon of a baby carried by his nurse and wearing the insignia of a major or a colonel was unknown among us. It is, however, true, that though our nobles entered the army by the common door, they after- wards found their way through a privileged passage. They soon became cadets, then officers; and the substantial difference consisted in this. My father, successively a private, a cadet, and an officer in the regiment of the " Queen's Own," lived a garrison life, and was stationed lastly at Oagliari. He was a great favourite with his colonel and other superiors, "who" (I refer to the manu- script) " at that time acted the part of fathers to their young officers, inspiring them with the precepts of true honour, founded on allegiance to God and the sovereign, in probity and high principle towards each * Nor has the Piedmontese nobility lost this gallant tradi- tion ; for in the late wars not only did its sons fight in the ranks, when by chance they had not already a higher grade, but the example they thus set was so effieotnal, that both in 1859 and 1866 the representatives of all the best families of Italy volun- tarily enlisted as privates in the national army. HONOUE WAS OUE MOTTO ! 27 other. This was the universal spirit of the Pied- montese aristocracy, who served under their king's flag almost to a man. Their pay was very scanty, — that of the courtiers more scanty still ; so much so, that it hardly sufficed for the gratuities customary at court. Honour was our great motto." To this the princes contributed by respecting that of their nobles, only demanding their services when absolutely re- quired. From eleven to seventeen my father instructed himself, and acquired great knowledge of military matters ; and my mother writes : " This was the most unhappy time of his life (so he would say himself) ; because in those yeai's of ardent youth and fervid passion he lived the wild life of his age." At seventeen he was appointed equerry to the Duke of Aosta, son of King Victor Emanuel ; and this new duty recalled him to Turin. Here the manuscript speaks in the following terms of the young man, already accustomed to pass such severe judgment on this period of his life: "He very soon became intimate in the most select circles of society, and was a favourite with many brilliant and talented women ; he was also beloved by his family, and was fuU of the tenderest afiection for aU its members." Judging by aU this, his life at that time can scarcely have been so very displeasing either to his 28 MY RECOLLECTIONS. family or to his friends — the best society of the day. Strange society ! of which all traces and tra- ditions have now vanished wholly ; and which, con- sidering its faults and failings, I certainly should not wish to see restored to life ; but which to us of the present day, so far removed from its influence, so utterly changed, ofiers many interesting reflections and suggestive thoughts. The Piedmontese nobihiy of the last century and the beginning of the present were more haughty in manner than tyrannical in spirit. You might often, dear reader, encounter a person who was un- failing in the observance of the strictest civility, who said no word that could possibly give definite cause of offence, yet whose whole manner betrayed such a feeling of intense superiority, whose every look and word said so plainly, " Stand aside ; I am some- body, while you are nobody," — that feeling it alike impossible either to resent or endure it, you would make a speedy escape, and register a mental vow never, if possible, to subject yourself to it again. This was the impression produced by the nobility of Piedmont, and thence resulted that division of classes which has only now begun to disappear. But with these faults it had also its redeeming qualities, and continued active and energetic, while the aristocracies of the rest pf Italy are faithfully PIEDMONTESE NOBLES. 29 portrayed in the Florindi and Rosaure of Groldoni. And why this difference ? Because the Piedmontese nobiHty were engaged in perpetual war (within the last century alone Piedmont took part in three), and because war exercises over nations a more salutary influence than a long peace. Fidelity to a difEcult and perilous duty educates men, and makes them fit to perform more peaceful tasks well and worthily. For instance AMeri, who teUs us he took the Grreek grammar by storm, just as he would have mounted a breach when a soldier. A singular conclusion might be drawn from aU this, — viz. that a nation, in order to preserve those virtues which save it from decay, is necessarily obhged to kiU a certain number of its neighbours every now and then. I leave the reader to meditate on this question, and intend to study it myself one day. Meanwhile let us proceed. At the age of twenty -four my father passed through one of those moral revolutions which alter and renew a man, but which are only possible in upright, strong, and impassioned natures. At that time there everywhere prevailed — ^chiefly, however, in France — a general rage of destruction against the old world, which made many people believe that a new chaos was approaching, but which has led us, through horrible evils it is true, to the 30 MT KECOLLECTIONS. discovery, to use a biblical expression, of " coslum novum et terrain novam." Italy is the old land of doubt. The Eeformation had little hold upon her; not so much because the Roman Inquisition kept it in check, but because Italy cared little for Rome, and still less for Wittemberg. It is not in our natures to beheve more than the priests themselves ; and facts have always shown that the priests of Rome believe very little. The Italians, therefore, have never considered dogmatic questions very seriously ; and the " Chi sa se ^ vera ?" — " Who knows if it be true ?" (a mournful question for hu- manity) has always prevailed among us since the days of Guide Cavalcanti. For this reason Italy was an indifferent spectator of the conflict between Rome and Wittemberg, with little regard for either. But the doubts, the derisive sarcasms of Voltaire, were more to her taste ; and she smiled on French scep- ticism as on an " old and familiar friend," — at least it was thus in the rest of Italy ; in Piedmont things were different. In spile of a few recent innovators, the old popu- lar faith remained unshaken on its ancient pedestal. Even now, after the many storms that have swept over this poor country, its traditional character is still almost unchanged ; we can imagine, then, what it must have been when it had scarcely emerged from A CONVERSION. 31 the influences of the middle ages. The rehgious feel- ing was generaUj deep and genuine ; and the Catho- lic faith reckoned among its opponents a greater number of e^dl-doers than of real unbelievers. During the Lent of 1784 a monk preached in the church of San Giovanni, who, according to the manu- script, was either Father Denobili or Father Casati. My father heard him, and was firmly convinced that it was his duty to change his life. As we have said, the discovery of a duty and its fulfilment at any cost were one and the same thing for him. Suddenly, without regarding the criticisms or sneers of others, and perhaps the reproaches and pangs of his own heart, he surrendered himself unreservedly to the assiduous observance of the Catholic faith, its wor- ship and principles in all their minutest application ; nor did he swerve from them from that time up to the last day of his life. In a nature so resolute, so incapable of hesitation in anything, faith was speedily transformed into a profound and absolute certainty. He thus secured for himself the highest solace in the bitter vicissitudes which awaited him, — that of be- lieving that for the true Christian the evils of this life are but the coin which purchase the eternal happiness of the next. Happy he who feels sure in himself of so rich a bargain! But, unfortunately, aspirations and wishes do not suffice to create belief. 32 MY BECOLLECTIONS. I Man brieves what he can, and not what he wills ; and God, who knows this, will not ask impossibilities as men do, nor be cruel like them. The word conversion sounds to us nowadays almost like a relic of some holy legend. When do we now hear of or see one of those world-famed conversions which are recorded by St. Francis, St. Benedict, St. Jerome, and others? Religious excitement is often to be foimd in the Anglo-Saxon and German races. Among them a conversion is a common occurrence. Every seer, be he rogue or fanatic, soon finds a devout crowd ready to make sacrifices and endure privations for his dogma. Now if one of them came to Italy and preached in the streets, he would have the same auditors as gather round a mountebank, who, the sermon over, would disperse, shrugging their shoulders, and saying in Piedmontese, "A Va ban temp ;" or in Italian, " He is a lunatic." At first sight, we might say, perhaps, we are wiser, because we are not so easily taken in ; but if we analyse the question, what do we find ? We find that the strongest, most moral, and most dominant race is not the Latin, with aU its talent, but the Anglo-Saxon. This proves that nations are formed not by subtle wit {esprit), but by firm and austere characters. It proves that something can be made of people willing to die for their faith, even though DOUBT AND FAITH. 33 it be an unfounded or eccentric one; whereas if people believe notbing, in tbe name of what, or whom, can you induce, them to rouse themselves to act or to die? Doubt is a great pretext for avoid- ing labour ; I might almost call it the real parent of the Italian " dolcefar niente." Here, however, the ship strikes on the rock I have already pointed out. Can a nation say, any more than a man, " I will have faifJi" ? ■ and if it cannot, who is to blame ? I would fain not imitate those who at every difH- culty, at every offence, seek cause of quarrel against the priests and Eome. . Let us be indulgent to every one, even to the priests. In the Middle Ages the clergy were exposed to temptations so great, that to resist them required perhaps superhuman strength, — ^to hold the cross aloft, to have the power of trans- forming it by one word into the sceptre of the world, and to refrain from uttering that word ! Let him who could have so refrained throw the first stone. But indulgence has to be applied to individuals, not to logic or historical truth ; and this repeats the teaching of Machiavelli three centuries ago. The spectacle of papal Rome has extinguished religion in Italy ; and if it be true, as I think is beyond doubt, that a nation without faith cannot be either disciplined or strong (the Romans, the modern VOL. I. D 34 MY RECOLLECTIONS. Anglo-Saxons, and we ourselves, alas, are the proof of it), one must conclude tliat Italy will never be really a nation tiU she is based on a religious prin- ciple; and that if this is not to be secured or enforced by decree or voluntary act, it may be developed whenever the said principle shall disclose itself, not as the instrument of material dominion (and that an evil one), but as a beneficent emanation fi-om heaven. The natural and final conclusion therefore is, that if Eome, if Catholicism, does not reform itself; if the priest does not succeed in proving that he believes that which he teaches ; that he is convinced poverty is not the worst of evils, nor wealth overmuch to be coveted; that it is a good thing to be meek and humble, and a bad one to be cruel and proud; that charity and forgiveness are virtues, hatred and vengeance crimes ; — until, I say, facts prove that he beUeves all this, there is no hope of seeing among Italians that true and sincere religious principle, without which we shall always be, as we now are, a nation of Httle nerve, less character, and no power of assimilating our own national elements. CHAPTER II. Bad health — Anxiety of the doctor for our race — Alliance with the House of Morozzo — Scrupulous sincerity of my father — Establishment of the family — Number of children — Decay of the cavalisri serventi system — Joke on matrimonial unions &. la Tnode — TUness of my father — ^he leaves the court — Iso- lation of Piedmont — Outbreak of war — My father aide-de- camp to the commander-in-chief — My shameful ignorance — Anecdote — Piedmontese proverb — He is made prisoner^Gal- lantry of a young drummer — A new Pylades — his origin — he contrives to be taken with my father — They are sent to Montbrison — are obliged to ask alms — Generosity of a peasant girl — Death of Eobespierre — Improved condition — Horrible reaction — His wife and family believe my father dead — his will — ^he refuses his release on condition of not bearing arms against the Kepublic — The French government acknowledges this act of loyalty — Reflections — Eeturn of my father — Re- turn of Pylades — his death — Pylades and Alexander the Great. The conversion of my father made a great noise at court and in society. But in the midst of youthftd life and vigour his health began gradually to decline. An iron will had, so to speak, seized hold of the fleshly body, which collapsed and gave way in the struggle. Seldom does anyone come forth unscathed from battles between heart and wUl. After a few months his family began to feel serious alarm on 36 MT EECOLLECTIONS. finding that the health of their only remaining son was becoming daily more and more impaired. He was subjected to a long treatment, which, aided by- youth, produced excellent results. But his consti- tution had received a shock, and though the tem- porary illness was subdued, his former health and vigour did not return. My father was never again really robust. The extinction of a noble race was not then con- templated as philosophically as I, for instance, now foresee that of my own, without losing either sleep or appetite on that account. The doctors, questioned by my grandfather, answered in a very matter-of- fact way, that the Marquis Cesare being now the only son, it would be well for him to marry at once, in order to propagate tlie race. My father afterwards told me this anecdote, and was much diverted at the good doctor having put him in the same category as a King Charles's spaniel, or a thoroughbred horse. It was thereupon decided that a wife should be fomid for him ; and Cristina, daughter of the Mar- quis Morozzo of Bianze, appearing a suitable match, proposals were made to her parents, who accepted them, and the alUance was concluded. My mother, who was afterwards never tired of expatiating on the exquisite sensibility of her hus- COURTSHIP. 37 band, used to tell me that on his first visit to his intended bride, my father, instead of being well got- up and elegantly dressed, as is customary on such occasions, in order to prevent any iUlisions, actually strove to present himself in the neghgent attire a husband might habitually wear at home (everyone knows the awkward sort of dress then in fashion) ; so that the young lady and her friends, being at a loss to explain such eccentricity, were not a little astonished and perplexed. But, as my mother adds, "this was only the beginning." After a few com- plimentary words, my father drew a paper from his pocket, which he gave to his bride, saying, " Here, signorina, is my moral portrait, of which you cannot judge at first sight as you may of my outward appear- ance." After which he courteously took his leave, saying as he went out, that if on acquaintance with his real character she was still of the same mind, he should be very happy to devote his whole life to her, and become her husband. My mother told me, that with the inexperience of eighteen, with the candour and ignorance of the world resulting from a very strict education, she was so frightened by the long list of serious faults of which her intended accused himself, that she was on the point of breaking off the engagement, Her parents, however, who knew better how to take 38 MT RECOLLECTIONS. it, laughed at the paper and at her. The self-accused culprit was recalled, cordially welcomed, and after receiving an assurance of fuU confidence in his future reformation, the marriage took place. On this subject my mother has written the follow- ing words : " This was the first link of a golden chain of faith and conjugal love which, for forty-two years, bound the happy Cristina in an indissoluble tie tiU the 26th of November 1830, when it was broken by death, or rather rendered partly immortal in heaven." The agitation preceding the revolution had already begun in France, but the outbreak was as yet de- layed ; and for three years my parents enjoyed true felicity and peace. These were, I believe, the only happy years of their life. They had two sons; the elder of whom died in infancy : the second, named Roberto, attained the age of seventy-three. Four other sons and two daughters were born to them subsequently. One of the latter (Matilde) married Count Rinco ; she was beautiful and good as an angel, but died of consumption at the age of twenty- two : the other (Melania) also died very yomig. Enrico, afterwards a captain of artillery, died in 1824, aged twenty-nine ; so that Roberto, Prospero the Jesuit, and myself, were the only survivors ; and they too left me solitary, the last of my bre- tlu-en, in 1862. CAVALIERI SERVENTI. 39 It was the year 1788-89. Society was undergo- ing a process of renovation. The epoch of legalised ^'cavalieri serventi" (sometimes even slipulated for by matrimonial contract) was near its end. They had been one of the thousand signs of the necessity of reconstructing society on a new basis. I leave the reader to judge whether, fashionable or not, my father was a man likely to yield to this foolish and evil custom. But even supposing he could have done so, it could never have been tolerated for a moment by my mother. I find in her manuscript a few lines on this subject, which illustrate the period, also her graceful wit and mature judgment. " These," she says, " were the happy days in which it was once more the fashion for husbands to be the cavalieri of their own wives. What dreary gri- maces, what dreadfiil yawns, might be seen on the faces of certain married couples, who were thus com- pelled to sacrifice their liberty and inclinations to the idol of fashion !" How easy to imagine one sees them ! But this tranquil happiness was of short duration. My father, being out one day stag-hunting with the Duke of Aosta, whose equerry he then was, had to give a loud cry. in order to summon some huntsmen at a distance. This effort occasioned the bursting of a blood-vessel in his chest, and the haemorrhage was so great that his Hfe was for some time in jeopardy. 40 MT EECOLLECTIONS. and he was compelled in consequence to resign his post at court. This illness was again treated success- folly, and my father recovered just in time to take part in the long wars and other national vicissitudes which, after a short pause in 1814, began afresh in 1821, and will continue until it pleases God to give us a settled organisation. It is no part of my plan to write history ; least of all that of events already generally known. I shall therefore not dilate on the wars in which Pied- mont resisted the French invasion. Alas that I must say Piedmont ! without adding, and the other states of Italy, albeit the latter shared the same hopes and fears, and were threatened by the same dangers. But when asked to form a league, they all shrank from it. Naples alone showed some slight inclina- tion to adhere to it, which, however, came to no- thing. The governments which had refused to unite voluntarily in the hour of peril were afterwards — as always happens — involved in the common ruin. How often during my childhood have I heard my father spea:k of this abandonment of Piedmont to her own resources ! He abhorred foreign invasion more than any one ; therefore more than any he deplored the civil discord of Italy. When war broke out in the county of Nice, Count St. Andre was intrusted with the command of the WAR AGAINST FRANCE. 41 corps Warmie in that district, and appointed my father his aide-de-camp. He was with him through two campaigns. Later he was sent to the Valley of Aosta, where he held the rank of lieutenant-colonel of the regiment Vercelli. Here I am ashamed to confess that I know very little of my father's military exploits, except the last, which I shall mention presently. I only know that, as I have already said, he was considered an excel- lent soldier. He never spoke in his own praise, and very seldom made any allusion to his adventures at that time. I might, indeed, have sought information from his contemporaries and brother officers, but this I omitted in the thoughtlessness of youth. What would I not now give to be able to evoke and ques- tion their spirits ! Let this be a warning to those who may still have it in their power to avoid similar regx'ets. I remem- ber, however, hearing one anecdote from a friend of the family. When the war broke out, our army had been inactive since the wars for the Polish succession. Forty-six or forty-seven years of peace imply abso- lute want of practical knowledge, from the general- in-chief down to the lowest drummer. Besides this, the provincial organisation then in force — by which the soldier only served a short time with his regi- ment — ^had no tendency to correct this inexperience 42 MT EECOLLECTIONS. in any way. One of the duties, and also one great difficulty, of the officers was that of accustoming their soldiers to that severe and continual sacrifice of self called discipline, without which one may muster a host of gallant men, but it would be impossible to organise an army or even a regiment. One day in the Valley of Aosta my father had to lead his bat- talion through a rather long defile, in the face of the enemy and under a battery which swept the road, — an excellent occasion for training his provincial con- tingent. He was one of those men who prefer to dis- play courage at their own expense instead of at that of others. He might in this instance have formed into column for a vain boast, and presented his flank to the enemy, with great danger to his soldiers and less to himself. Instead of this, he drew up his men in two lines, with drums beating, and placing himself at their head, marched forward at a slow steady pace. In this formation they reached the ground which was to ofier them shelter ; and it is singular that the fire of the enemy should have only struck the point of the flag-staff; thus proving the truth of Gianduja's* old adage. La paura V ^ faita d' nen, — Pear is made of nothing; a proverb which, if not always strictly true — for instance, when one * The popular mark by which the Pledmontese type is per- sonified. NATIONAL CHAEACTER. 43 is under grape-shot — is, however, the faithfiil ex- pression of the national character of our people, who will never see danger where none exists, and some- times not even where it does. I do not mean to attach more importance to this fact than it deserves, which my father himself would certainly not have done, and his military life must have doubtless pre- sented other episodes worthier of record, of which I am unfortunately ignorant. I now come to the action in which he was made prisoner. It happened on the Little St. Bernard, between Thuille and the Hospice ; for hostiHties were long carried on in those wild passes. He and his men occupied the spot called Terre Rosse. It had been a day of misfortune : the regiment com- manded by my father was so cut up that it might be considered entirely destroyed. Naturally refus- ing to fly, he was sm'rounded on every side, made prisoner, iU-treated, and robbed of everything valu- able about him, as was the custom in those days far more than it is now, thank Heaven ! A moment be- fore he feU into the hands of the enemy, he happened to look behind him, to ascertain whether any of his men were left. He himself told me the story in the ' following terms : "I glanced behind me, but saw no one, except a drummer, a boy of fourteen. Thinking it was useless for him to be taken prisoner, I called 44 MT RECOLLECTIONS. out, somewhat impatiently, 'What are you doing here ?' To which the boy answered, ' As long as the colonel is here, I remain here too.' " It is a pity not to know what became of this brave boy. My father never heard of him again. Another companion re- mained also by his side, and with his history I am fortmiately well acquainted. I said in the preceding pages that I should have to bring to light heroic characters belonging to every class of society. Here, then, is one of the most remarkable too, for I am about to speak of a poor peasant from the Valley of Lanzo, ignorant and boorish, imable to read or write ; who had no idea of the existence of heroes, either ancient or modern ; who had no acquaint- ance with the family of the Atrides, nor with Agamemnon, and had never heard mention of his son Orestes ; he could therefore never understand why my father ever afterwards called him Pylades ; far less, I surmise, how much honour and glory was attached to this classical and semi-mythological bap- tism. Time out of mind, the VaUey of Lanzo has supplied Turin with ser^^ants, and with that pecu- liar popular type of street wine-carriers, clad in blue, and called in Piedmontese hrindour, so famihar to every one who has been in the old capital of Piedmont. Giovanni Drovetti came from Colle San Giovanni, a small hamlet situated in that valley, to be footmaii in A PRISONER OF WAR. 45 our house; and my father finding him a stalwart and healthy fellow, took him for his servant during the campaign. He never lost sight of his master, and at this perilous moment was by his side as usual. My father said to him also, "Away! Don't allow yourself to be taken." But the stout mountaineer stared with eyes so fall of wonder at hearing such words addressed to him, that my father said not another word, but accepted the faithful fellow's sacrifice; and the glance exchanged between the two at that moment knit them together for ever. Having both been led behind the French lines, my father was mistaken for an emigrant, and was at once sur- rounded by several republicans, who threatened him with their drawn swords, crying out insolently, '^Ca- naille d^imigriV My father calmly answered, ''Non, je ne suis pas un imigri.'''' But at last an ofiicer in- terposed, and put an end to a scene so unworthy of disciplined soldiers. He was then transported to Montbrison, and thence to Fours, in the province of Forez. At that time the power of Eobespierre and the terrorists stiU reigned in that far-off town ; they continued to run riot even after the 9th Thermidor, which put an end to their dominion in Paris. Ten sous a day in assignats, which the loss of eighty per cent reduced to two, were assigned to the prisoners. Upon this 46 MT KECOLLECTIONS. master and servant were compelled to live. They had no choice but to beg alms. But during the Reign of Terror, he vrho assisted a royalist was looked upon with suspicion, and we all know the result of being suspected at that time. Our desti- tute prisoners, therefore, did their best not to compro- mise their benefactors. The mountaineer whom we called John used to beg and receive charity in secret. " He found (says the manuscript) great consolation in the kindliness of the worthy people, always so numerous in France, even in those terrible days, more particularly among those of the softer sex. Charitable ladies used to wait for Giovanni at night, and give him bread and other provisions for his master. There was even a peasant-girl who would have lent Cesare six hundred francs, without any security for its repayment." Here, again, is another noble soul, whose name I shall never know, and whose sons or grandsons I am unable to thank. More than once I heard my father relate some particulars of his life of beggary at that time. " One day (he told me, among other things) we were taken across the Rhone in a large ferry-boat crowded with horses and mules. Hunger forced us to beg of the other passengers. They threw us a few raw onions, which fell in the dirt among the mides. EOUGH REFECTION. 47 Those onions, dipped in the river, were all we had for our dinner." Happily my father, in sharing that coarse food with the poor mountaineer his companion, felt it not a humiliation, but an honom*. What, in- deed, can be more honourable than to deserve the sacrifices made by others for our sakes ? At other times he would receive a hint that Mass would be said secretly in some secluded spot at a certaiQ hour of the night. Like the Christians of the early Chm-ch, he would go to hear it through every difficulty, through frost and snow, through dark- ness and danger the most extreme — for the liberty of conscience then in vogue wotdd have made death the penalty of discovery. At last, after the death of Eobespierre, when the Eeign of Terror had ceased even in ultra-terrorist Montbrison, a reaction took place scarcely less cruel than the preceding rule. My father was no longer hated and repulsed as before; a royalist might be tolerated, if only because, under Eobespierre, they had debated the question whether it would not be better to massacre all the prisoners, in order to save the two sous allowed them for their maintenance. But the kinsmen, the sons of the Jacobite victims, seized by a fever of savage revenge, pursued their executioners to the death. My father told me of a young man he had always noticed for his piety and 48 MY EECOLLBCTIONS. general worth, and who came one day to see him, with his hair dishevelled and his looks wild and ferocious, crying : " Monsieur, je viens de tuer celui qui a fait guillotiner mon pkre.'^ " Monsieur, vous ii'Stespas chrdtien," was the answer of my father. But while he was enduring so much misery, my mother was in stiU greater agonies at Turin, where she mourned lier husband as dead. In the action in which he had been taken, the French, having, as I said, the advantage, had occu- pied our positions. Any identification of the dead and wounded was thus impossible. The reports of those who had been, or ought to have been, among the combat- ants, obtained implicit credence ; and unfortunately (I grieve to say so of a Piedmontese officer) there was one who, to prove that he had been in the front rank as well as my father, actually asserted that the latter had received a bullet in his breast, and was struck dead by a second in the forehead, before he could assist him. As it was impossible to suppose an officer could be guilty of such infamy, his words were fully be- lieved : Lieut. -Colonel Cesare d'Azeglio was reported among the killed, and my mother informed that her husband had fallen honourably at the head of his men. When we, his three sons — Roberto, Enrico, and I — entered the army, our father made us give him A GOOD HUSBAND. 49 our word of honour never to attempt the discovery of that coward, or even of his name, which he al- ways refused to tell us. My mother was then expecting the birth of my brother Enrico ; and the shock of this news greatly contributed to ruin her health, and to render her a confirmed invahd. On reading the wiU made by my father before his departure to the war, it was found that he had left a very liberal jointure to his widow, to be paid to her even in case of a second marriage. In another paragraph he said, " Should I die on the field, I beg my wife not to wear weeds, but rather to put on gay attire, since, after having given vent to her grief for my loss, she must consider it a great honour for us both that I was able to give my Hfe for my king and country." Two months elapsed before my mother received any news of her husband; At last she learnt that he was alive and unhurt, but a prisoner in France. The joy of this unexpected announcement gave a fresh shock to her already shattered constitution. Through the good offices of the king's minister in Switzerland she obtained the concession that the prisoner should be sent home on parole. Already she and her children were hoping to see him, but he was to be free only on condition that he VOL. I. E 50 MY RECOLLECTIONS. should not hear arms against the Republic until regularly exchanged; and my father answered with- out hesitation that he would never sign a promise to abstain from fighting for his country and against her enemies. He preferred remaining in that sad and bitter captivity, leading a miserable life, far from the wife and children in whom all his affections cenfred ; and he endured all this misery for six months more rather than fail in what he considered his duty. But his conduct was appreciated in a manner very unusual at that time. After the armistice of Cherasco, 21st April 1796, and the humiliating peace of the 15th of May, he at last received per- mission to return home ; and those very men who then ruled in France, and whom history has already judged, would not let Colonel d'Azeglio depart with- out paying a tribute to his noble conduct. In the document which liberated him there was a phrase mentioning " la louahle ddicatesse du citoyen d'Aze- glio en refusant sa liberty sous la condition de ne plus porter les armes contre les ennemis de son souverain" &c. I beg the reader to think over the men he has known, and consider how many he has found of a similar stamp. If he has met with but few such, or perhaps none at all, he will be able to understand what I feel as I write these pages. And here it may not be' unadvisable to point out once more how IMPORTANCE OF GOOD PRINCIPLES. 51 powerftdly great minds influence the people who surround them, their country, and the times in which they live. With reference only to ourselves, his children, I say that, however inferior we have been to our father in capacity for sacrifice and in elevation of mind, we still owe whatever there may have been in our lives of good and honourable en- tirely to his noble and venerated example. I feel in myself the indestructible strength of first ideas and first impressions. In fact, he who from ' his earliest years finds himself in an atmosphere of probity, loyalty, and honour, grows up surrounded by.it, gradually passing from the stages of childhood to youth, and thence to manhood, becomes so tho- roughly imbued with those principles that, in spite of error, wildness, and even serious faults, his cha- racter remains sound at the core, thanks to an in- stinctive sense of duty and honour. And in any of the emergencies of life it is almost impossible that one so trained should prove a disgrace to himself or to others ; the probability being, on the contrary, all on the other side ; and thus the country is well served, well defended, and becomes strong, powerful, and respected. For this reason Washington, whom I consider the first among those rare men, true fathers of na- tions, who have bestowed on them not only material 52 MT RECOLLECTIONS. existence, but also their moral Kfe, — for this reason, I say, he wrote from his retirement at Mount Vernon to those who were then at the head of the Govern- ment, " Choose gentlemen for your officers." He had neither aristocratic pride nor democratic envy ; his judgment was sober ; he loved his country ; and by gentlemen certainly did not mean a particular caste, but intended to designate all those who had received a liberal education, and, if possible, were in independent circumstances. He could not mean, nor do I, to depreciate persons of a more humble class ; but society must apportion its tasks with a view to the general benefit of the comrau- nity, just as on board ship the qualities of the different hands are taken into account and employed to the best advantage. " Knowledge must command, and gnorance obey ;" and if ships are usually better ordered than states, it is only because every indivi- dual on board accepts the position assigned to him, whereas in governments the least competent are generally the most ambitious of power. And it is not enough to say " knowledge must command," if you do not add, " and he must take the helm who is endowed with the greatest readiness to sacrifice himself to duty ;" that is to say, he who is the most willing to sacrifice his own interest to the general welfare. Now, I ask, which of the two is the more likely to be prepared for such sacrifice ; he THE TWO DEMOCRACIES. 53 who has learned from his infancy that it is honour- able to acquire honestly and dispense hberally ; or he who was taught by everything he saw and heard as a child that man's mission on earth is to buy cheap and sell dear ? The democracy of Washington was the triumph of right over privilege ; but the democracy of our days is rather the triumph of another privilege over common right. The realistic school does not flourish in literature and art only, but it may even be said that its real cradle has been the field of polities. (Who- ever wishes to make profound researches on this point may. betake himself to Hegel and Schelling, to the Pantheists, &c. ; but let us leave such nebulous mat- ters to the Germans.) This schooldoes not acknow- ledge anything as real unless it be ugly and unchaste, as it has shown in art and in literature, by choosing loose women for heroines, and convicts for heroes, and by painting pictures which, examined at railway speed, might perhaps seem such, but which on a closer inspection would never for a moment deserve the name. What can we learn in polities from such a school as this ? In truth, the abuse of words has now reached such a pitch, that one says of a torn shabby coat, "0, what a democratic coat I"* * In Italy the word " democratic" is used figuratively to de- signate anything ehabty, worn out, or otherwise worthless. 54 MT RECOLLECTIONS. and of an ill-kept filthy dwelling, " 0, what a demo- cratic house !" And a great many people are seriously persuaded that democracy consists in the worship and triumph of the ugly, the ignoble, and the slothful in general, as well morally as materially. If Washington came now with his gentlemen, I need not tell you with what favour this sort of democracy would receive him. Now, for my part, though an aristocrat by birth, I am a democrat by choice ; but let me be understood to mean that truly Christian democracy which makes every man equal in the eye of the political, social, and civil, as well as of the rehgious law ; and I beg leave to predict that Italy, Europe, and the world at large will never be at rest (not even that relative rest con- sistent with life on earth and human passions) until true democracy shall reign unquestioned on the ruins of the two systems, the old and the new ; until it has stifled the two parasites which from above and below consume the roots and the summit of the great plant of human society ; until it is universally admitted and believed that no government, no independence, no liberty, is possible unless each authority, all par- ties, all communities, as well as every individual, is legally responsible, and unless this responsibility is rendered real and tangible by making exceptions to it as few as possible. THE TWO DESPOTISMS. 55 But SO long as society fluctuates, like a pen- dulum thoughtlessly set in motion, between the two extremes of Russian despotism from above and that of the United (now disunited)* States from below, Adam's poor progeny will seek in vain for a just balance of power. In common justice, however, I must apologise to Russian despotism for having compared it with , that of America ; for whilst Alexander Roumanoff I breaks the fetters of his own serfs, Abraham Lincoln | only emancipates those belonging to his enemies. * What conclusion must we draw ? Of these two tyran- nies, which must be considered the worst ? But if I continue in this strain, I shall never end, and I have already wandered too far from my subject. The reader may perhaps have blamed my love of digression ; if so, I must, in my turn, entreat him not to weigh the literary merits of these pages over carefully. I offer them to the public merely as a scrap-book, wherein I noted down thoughts as they arose in my mind, only hoping they may be of some use to a ftiture generation. If I herein delude my- self, what is to be done ? It will be a fault of my intellect, but not of my wiU. I now resume the thread of my narrative. The happy day at last arrived on which my * These first chapters were written in 1863. 56 MY KECOLLECTIONS. parents saw each other again. The meeting took place at the hospice on Mont Cenis. As I am not writing a novel, but a narrative of facts, a description of touching scenes does not enter into my design. I therefore leave the reader to picture the joy of this young couple, so deeply attached to each other, who had believed themselves parted for ever, but who were thus once more united, after so much anxiety and suffering, of which no trace remained but an additional glory won for my father's reputation by his firmness and high-minded courage. Providence has exceptional compensations in store for those who continually sacrifice themselves to the welfare of others ; and there are certainly moments in life which might almost suffice to repay the tor- ments of an eternity. But my father did not come back fi-om captivity alone. The poor mountaineer, a voluntary prisoner and beggar for his sake, returned with him. He wept for joy at meeting his master and mistress. My father introduced him to his wife, no longer " Gio- vanni Drovetti," but " Pylades." He presented him as a friend, and as such he remained in our house till he died. I have still the pleasure of paying a pension to his heirs, whom I pray Heaven to bless, protect, and multiply. POOK PYLADES ! 57 The other servants were quite unable to compre- hend his classical and poetical name, and instead of Pylades, they but too often called him Pilate. What everybody, however, did comprehend was, how de- serving of esteem and affection the poor faithful peasant was ; for he had such a happy nature that, without a vestige of that liberal education I men- tioned above, he had heart and mind enough for a hundred gentlemen. Nevertheless, the exception only proves the rule. Pylades is one of my earliest recollections. But when I became acquainted with him, I did not know, nor should I have been able to appreciate, the worth of that clumsy, thick-built old servant, always in knee-breeches, which displayed a pair of short Her- culean legs, like those of the caryatides whose busi- ness is to support galleries and cornices. He died in the house at an advanced age, ful- filling to the last his lowly duties, without boasting of what he had done, or seeming to know that he had been anything but a poor peasant in the service of the Marquis d'Azeglio, like so many others. Poor Pylades ! I could wish these pages to pos- sess merits enough to live for a while. Then, at least, your fate would differ from that of so many other obscure men, who, without the aid of books or ex- amples, found in themselves the germs of heroism, 58 MY KBCOLLECTIONS. and accomplished great sacrifices unknown and un- dreamt of by the world. You, at least, would escape a total oblivion. Providence, however, wiU give him a better re- compense. Having faith in its justice, I, for my part, will never believe that, in the unknown and mysterious place where their due meed awaits our souls, if, to use a human phrase, there are different classes, crowns, or more or less exalted seats, — I will never believe, I say, that if God in his goodness gives me admission, I shall have the mortification of finding Pylades, for instance, seated lower than Alex- ander the Great. I feel certain, on the contrary, that I shall find him on a far higher throne ; and this wiU be but justice to both. It would be strange, indeed, that he who doomed so many human souls to despair, in order to ap- propriate the good things intended by Providence for the benefit of all — he who, when maddened by drink, killed his dearest firiend, and died of intem- perance, leaving so many nations a prey to his savage captains, — it would be strange, I say, if Eternal Justice were to prefer Alexander the Great to Gio- vanni Drovetti. I should like to see this ! — Never ! CHAPTER III. Italian disasters — My brother Enrico — My birth — Domestic life of my father — Poverty of the Piedmontese nobles — Error of our rulers — Habits of my family — Distress at the public calami- ties — Beginning of the century — Endeavours of my father to make himself useful — He settles at Florence with his family — Fuit — Is Florence a place of exile ? — My father hates the foreign yoke — Exiles at Florence. Public misfortunes soon disturbed the domestic peace of my parents. For several years Piedmont had been Kterally the battle-field of two powerful nations ; we were compelled to pay tribute of blood and money to both, with no better hope in the end than that of becoming the slaves of the victor. Who at that time gave heed to the great truths proclaimed by the Revolution to those eternally just and beneficent principles called the principles of '89 ? They had been replaced by those of '99, which may be summed up in one word, rapacity. Plunder was the universal aim ; and experience had not then proved what even children in arms now know, viz. how marvellously that pleasant operation is assisted by grand and high-sounding words. 60 MY RECOLLECTIONS. Many believed at that time that liberty could be imported from abroad, just as other articles de nou- veautds are brought from Paris. It was supposed that every fool could play the part of a free man, and that any personal quahties and deserts vrere mere superfluities. Therefore all those who were tired (and not un- reasonably) of the abuses of the old governments, which the French Revolution had come to destroy, received its apostles with open arms. History re- cords, and everyone knows, how well their line pro- mises were kept. But these questions are foreign to my subject, and I therefore proceed. I said that at the time of my father's captivity^ my mother was near her confinement. She afterwards gave birth to a son, who was my brother Enrico. The terrible anxiety that had preyed upon her exercised a fatal influence on his disposition and character. He had great aptitude for abstract science, but his intellect was of tardy growth; and as the quickness of his perceptions did not keep pace with his love of knowledge and thirst for distinction, he became melancholy and diffident, and his short and weary life drew to a close before he completed his thirtieth year. But of him more hereafter; his frank, loving. MT STRING OF iJAMES. 61 but melancholy disposition offers a study not devoid of interest, and may contain some useful warnings for youth — an aim I have continually in view. Enrico was not the youngest son ; I was the last born ; and I must now introduce myself to the reader, and prepare to repeat perpetually that egotistical /, who from first to last is of aU personages the most troublesome and unmanageable. But as I am to write my own history, this is a difficulty from which there is no escape. Let us therefore meet it at once. I was born on the 24th October 1798, in our house at Turin, in the inner room on the first floor, in which I beheve many generations of my family first saw the light. Cardinal Morozzo was my god- father; and the following string of names was be- stowed on me — Giuseppe Maria Gerolamo Raffaele Massimo, by the last of which I have always been known. My mother was my nurse, and this was the first of that long series of benefits with which during life her unwearied solicitude thenceforward continually overwhelmed me. After the treaty of Paris in May 1796, my father had withdrawn from public life, devoting himself to his family and the care of his private affairs, which had suffered greatly from the vicissitudes and wars 62 MT EECOLLECTIONS. of preceding years. Our once-wealthy house was reduced to comparative poverty. In other parts of Italy I have often heard people deride us Piedmon- tese because we are poor, the aristocracy especially.* But it should be remembered, first, that he who has nothing, at least cannot be suspected of having taken the goods of others ; second, that every time war broke out, as it frequently did, and Piedmont nearly always took part, the nobility, following the example set them by the king, immediately ransacked their houses, and parted with everything valuable to assist in defraying the expenses. How, then, was it possible to accumulate riches, when the houses of the Piedmontese aristocracy were generally despoiled in this way twice in a century? Nor must it be supposed that the nobles alone made these sacrifices ; the government, the public treasury, the whole population of the country took their share. Even now coiais are in circulation of the value of eight, four, and one sous, which were ori- ginally issued with a nominal value of twenty, ten, and five sous (as is still shown by the legend they bear with the date, 17961); and these were simply a false coinage, which everybody knew to be such, * It was a common saying, that all a Piedmontese nobleman possessed was two nags in his stable, and a rusty old sword for the service of the dukes of Savoy. t This currency was withdrawn a few years ago. MALO ASSUETUS LIGUR. 63 but whicli nevertheless passed current ; and why ? Because a Piedmontese is a tough and sturdy fellow, ready to endure every hardship (the Romans them- selves used to say "malo assuetus Ligur"), never shrinking from danger or sacrifice for the sake of his country, his sovereign, and his own honour. Through this we have kept our independence, and never fallen to the condition of a conquered land : even when subdued for a while by the overwhelming power of Charles V., Francis L, and the first Napo- leon, we resisted with such fierce persistence, that we have always succeeded in casting out the oppressors, and becoming once more masters in our own. And here it may be said that the Piedmontese neither were nor are by any means better gifted than other Italians ; but they have more firmness and determination of character; and to this they owe their leadiag position and their foremost place in the total emancipation (let us hope) of the Peninsula, as also their unpopularity in the other provinces. But as we have never speculated on our patriotism, or considered the liberation of Italy in the light of a joint-stock company, with its dividends and interests ; as we are still the same stout old race, and Tnalo assueti like our fathers, — ^we shall bear this evil as they have borne many others in past centuries. And when Italians shall have become men, 'and form a 64 MY EECOLLECTIONS. compact and powerful nation, what matter a few sacrifices more or less to secure so glorious an end ? But, in justice to all, let us remark, that though it is their own fault if Italians are more or less angry with Piedmont, it must also be said, that the Piedmoutese have to a great extent incurred it justly, or, to speak more correctly (for the poor Pied- montese themselves had nothing to do with it), those who governed them have done so, thanks to the egregious blunders they have committed. I shall by and by have to recur to this subject too often; for, as everyone knows, I am accustomed to speak unreservedly. This, however, is neither the time nor place for the discussion. My father, having rejoined his family, devoted himself exclusively to his domestic and private afi^airs. The late troubles had cost him no less than 400,000 francs in hard cash; not to mention losses entailed on his estates by neglect of cultivation, agricultural labours having been entirely suspended by the war ; nor the plate and jewels, &c., which, like the royal family and all the nobility, he had sent to the public exchequer as soon as hostilities broke out. After attending to his long-neglected property, he was always in the habit of devoting the remainder of the day to study. My mother had received a very good moral education, as was usual in all our DOMESTIC LIFE. 65 families; but it was also the custom to pay very little attention to the intellectual culture of young girls, of whom nothing more was required than a knowledge of French, very little, if any, Italian, and a moderate acquaintance with Telemaque and Eollin. My father undertook to cultivate the mind of his young wife, who had been very happily gifted by nature, and who possessed a great facility of conceiving and expressing ideas ; so that her style was easy and natural, yet full of graceful and subtle thoughts. She thus alludes to her private life in her manuscript: " Cesare delighted in a life of domestic privacy, shared by a few tried and weU-ehosen friends, whom he liked to assemble round his table. " His days were fuUy employed. After the fulfil- ment of his religious duties, he spent several hours with his wife, whose education he perfected. She acquired all she knows from that affectionate and accomplished master. Four hoxu-s each day were usually devoted to these studies during four or five years. And the future education of the children was thus provided for, by fitting their mother for its superintendence during the absence of her husband on the public service. The rest of the day he em- ployed in reading works on history and literature," &c. VOL. I. F 66 MY KECOLLECTIONS. But this calm domestic life, these days of peace- ful study, wore only the outward semblance of re- pose ; in reality they were troubled by dark fore- bodings. No one who truly loves his country can see it gradually sinking to decay, gliding down the fatal descent which leads to ruin, or at least to long and terrible woes, or witness the evil which he has no power to arrest in its onward course, and yet hope to find oblivion or consolation in study and artistic pursuits. He who behoves it possible has never passed through that ordeal which my father was destined to find so long and bitter. At this stage, a host of reflections crowd in upon my mind. The reader must pardon me if I give utterance to a few. For centuries man has been as restless as an invahd fretting on his bed of sickness. Like him, he has sought relief by tm-ning from side to side, ignorant that his pain is not the result of a posi- tion, but of an internal disease, and that it is this which must be cured. And what is this disease? It dwells not in the different forms of government or their laws, but in man himself — in his heart and in his conscience. The evil lurks in the darkness which has hitherto overshadowed human intellect, in the imperfect notions of right and wrong, of DrFFEEENCE OF GOVEENMENTS. 67 justice and injustice hitherto attainable ; in a word, it consists in the absence of that moral healthiness which can alone keep society hale and strong. The first government on record was intrusted to the many; what Alfieri calls the government dd Troppi. Weary of them, society next submitted itself to one ruler. Again disappointed, it tried the leadership of a few ; and then, more dejected and discouraged than ever, renewed its experiments again, under the impression that the mistake had been one of form. Each of these different phases of government had its representative men, who were severally interested in prolonging its duration. But, by some fatality, they have always been mainly instrumental in pre- cipitating its end. The Tarquins created the desire for a republic; after Marius, Sulla, Brutus, Cassius, Caesar, Pompey, the empire appeared a haven of x'est. Odoaeer and Theodorio, who (except in war) were more like re- publican chiefs than is generally believed, seemed acceptable after the patricians -lEtius, Stilicho, B-ici- mer, Orestes, and the Exarchs of Ravenna. Nothing but republics could spring from the chaos of the tenth century. Three centuries later they fell, more from internal weakness than from external force. A princely government was restored; and although G-enoa, Lucca, and Venice maintained their repub- 68 MT RECOLLECTIONS. lican forms, how dreary an existence did they lead! On the fatal day which sealed the fall of the ancient Queen of the Adriatic, the last Doge rated the Council for not completing the work of self- destruction with sufficient haste. " Let us remem- ber, gentlemen," said he, " that we are not sure of sleeping in our beds to-night." This was the fore- most thought in the mind of the Doge, Luigi Manin, on the 12th of May 1797. And wherefore so many failures, so many dis- asters? Because none had been able to discover the true form for a civilised and powerful govern- ment ? No ; simply because no one had known how to form the heart, the conscience, and the character ; because, in one brief word, there were no men. Where, ou the other hand, some have been found, the ruin was less immediate. Piedmont, Heaven be praised, fell but twice, and twice recovered itself. It resisted the best soldiers of Europe for four years, and only succumbed at last to the great warrior who afterwards spent fewer months or even weeks in the conquest of Vienna, Berlin, or Madrid, than it cost him or the repub- lican generals years to enter Turin, This, then, was no dishonourable defeat. It must, however, be admitted that the two last AMADEUS n. 69 kings had neither the firmness nor the talent of many others of their house. In the beginning of the centmy, the indomitable Victor Amadeus II.,* despoiled of everything, still * Indomitable indeed ; for lie endured aU the calamities of war witli undaunted courage, risking life and throne in ^he cause of his allies. By valour in the field and skill in the cabinet he was enabled, at the Peace of Utrecht, to double his ancient do- minions, and to exchange his ducal coronet for a kingly crown. In attaining this result he was greatly indebted to Queen Anne, whose ally he had been throughout the war of the Spanish Succes- sion. An ancestor of mine was then his ambassador in London ; and the intrigues .which led the court of England to take so active a part in securing adequate compensation to the Duke of Savoy for his many sacrifices are now so little known, that I may perhaps be pardoned if I borrow some account of these negotia- tions from the memoirs of another member of my family, who during the war had commanded the troops of the Elector of Bavaria, — details which at this moment acquire additional in- terest from the importance assumed by the kingdom of Italy. " Le roi Charles ayant 6t6 exclus de la succession d'Espagne aprfes son election k TEmpire, par la grande raison qu'il ne con- venoit pas de joindre sur une mgme t§te les deux couronnes ; et le roi de Prance jugeant presque inevitable de rappeller en France le roi. Philippe, non seulement & cause des grandes pertes qu'il avoit faites, et qui le contraignoient k s'accommoder d, I'inteu- tion de ces alliez qu'il vouloit detacher de I'Empereur ; mais encore par la mort de tous les princes de sa maison, et la maladie dangereuse du Due d'Anjou, qui etoit I'unique qui reatoit : il parut k la reine Anne (d'Angleterre), que le meilleur expedient seroit de faii-e roi d'Espagne le Due de Savoye, qui avoit 6t^ substituS 3, cette monarchic par le testament de Charles II, et elle en fit la proposition au roi de France, qui ne s'y opposa point. EUe fit ^orire ensuite au Comte Maffiei, qui, en quality de premier des trois pl6nipotentiaires de Savoye, assistoit au Congrfes d'Utrecht, qu'elle avoit ^ lui parler, et qu'elle se rendoit caution que le due 70 MY RECOLLECTIONS. scoured the country, no longer his, at the head of a few horsemen. Without money, owning nothing but his sword and his pistols, he one day broke the golden collar he wore of the royal order of the An- son maltre ne trouveroit pas mauvais qu'il e