THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 NEW YORK STATE SCHOOL 
 
 OF 
 
 INDUSTRIAL AND LABOR 
 
 RELATIONS 
 
 AT 
 CORNELL UNIVERSITY 
 
^^ 
 
 Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924002226805 
 
THE HISTORY OF THE NEGROES U ORGANIZED LABOR 
 TO 1872 
 
 BY 
 
 HENRY GUSTAVE LEE 
 //I 
 
 PROPERTY OF LIBRARY 
 
 NEW YORK STATE SCHOOL 
 INDUSTRIAL AND LABOR RELATIONS 
 
 CORNELL UNIVERSITY 
 
 A Thesis Submitted for th- Degree of 
 BACHELOR OF ARTS 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN 
 1914 
 
Table of Contents. 
 
 Introduction 
 
 Chapter I . Condition of the Free Negro Prior to Emancipation 4 
 
 Chapter II. Attitude of White Lahorecs Toward Their Colored 
 
 Brethren: Strikes, Riots, etc 8 
 
 Chapter III . State and Local Conventions 16 
 
 Chapter IV. National Colored Conventions: 
 
 1 . Washington , D . C . , Jan . , 1859 21 
 
 2. Washington, D. C. , Dec. , 1859 28 
 
 3. The Negroes Leave the National 
 
 Labor Union in 1870 39 
 
 4. Columbia, S. C. , Oct., 1871 40 
 
 Conclusion 49 
 
 Appendix I 50 
 
 Appendix II 52 
 
 Appendix III .' 54 
 
 Appendix IV 55 
 
 Bibliography 56 
 
Introduction 
 
 The "History of the Negroes in Organized Labor" has 
 "been a difficult one to write. This is due to several reasons. 
 The material is scattered and inoonrplete for those communities 
 which reported at all on the condition of and attempts by the 
 Negroes to organize. For instance, certain papers such as 
 Paulson's American Daily Advertiser, the Evening Post, the 
 Workingraan's Advocate, and others, now and then puhliehed a 
 hrief paragraph on the Negroes, to the effect that they had 
 issued a call for a convention -to he held at a certain time 
 and place, hut they failed to follow up the matter. So, unless 
 reference to the annotmced meeting could he found in some other 
 paper, the original reference was of little value. Secondly, 
 for certain communities in which one might naturally he led 
 to helieve that the Negroes were active, no reports can he 
 fotmd. This may he explained by the fact that the whites in certain 
 districts were so bitterly opposed to the advancement of the 
 colored race, that they would not recognize their efforts nor 
 p%mit reports of them to be published in the local papers. 
 
 For the period prior to 1859, Volume II of the Doc- 
 umentary History of the Jteierican Industrisil Society, Fincher' s 
 Trades' Review and Paulson's American Daily Advertiser have a 
 limited amount of material. This deals with the position of 
 the free Negro and the attitude which the whites in various 
 parts of the country evinced toward him. 
 
 For the period subsequent to 1869, the Washington 
 Daily Chronicle, Volume IX of the Documentary History and the 
 
-2- 
 
 Kew Orleeuas Republican are the only sources that could he located. 
 
 As regards the value of various papers , Pincher' s 
 Trades Review has scattered material for the years 1863-1867- 
 Part of this deals with the condition of the free Negro and 
 part the Hegro question as discussed hy the national lahor 
 union. 
 
 Of the southern papers in the library, the New Orleans 
 Republican is the only one taking notice of the negro question. 
 Unfortunately, the library has not a complete file of the 
 Republican. It lacks certain very important numbers, those 
 containing the proceedings of the last days of the convention 
 of 1872, the last national convention held by the colored 
 workingmen. However, this was secured by writing to the 
 director of the archives at New Orleans which contain a 
 complete file of the Republican. 
 
 The best source of material I was able to locate is 
 the Washington Daily Morning Chronicle. This paper followed 
 rather carefully the attempts of the Negro in various parts 
 of the country, but especially the attempts made around 
 Washington, D. C. Its records are not always complete, but 
 the important events are well reported. Poll proceedings of 
 the national conventions of January and December, 1869, and 
 of October, 1871, are given. The Chronicle also contains 
 some material for the period previous to 1869 . and what it 
 has seems to be accurate as I have verified its statements 
 by scattered statements from other papers. 
 
 « 
 
 These were the main sources of material used, but 
 they do not, by any means, include all the material examined; 
 
-3- 
 
 in fact, they include but a small portion. I looked over very 
 carefully all the material on the Uegroes in the libraries at 
 Madison, Wisconsin. I found that while there is much discussion 
 on the habits, mode of living, industry, housing, etc., of the 
 Hegroes, tne questionoof the Negro in organized labor is not 
 touched. 
 
 I also wrote to Professor Du Bois of Atlanta TJniversity, 
 perhaps the foremost authority on the negro question in. the 
 country, to see if he could give me any references to treatises 
 of the subject. He had nothing to offer. 
 
 While the following history is as complete as it is 
 possible $0 make it from the sources of material at hand, I 
 realize that certain points are not very clear. Inasmuch as 
 this phase of the question was not written up at the time when 
 it was of greatest importance, it is rather difficult at this 
 late day to make the history complete in every respect. 
 
-4- 
 Chapter I. Conditions of the Pree Negro Prior 
 to Emancipation. 
 
 Prior to 1869 the Negro played a very small part in 
 the labor movement. However, in the late fifties and early 
 sixties, the question of how important he might "become was 
 beginning to be a matter of no small note. lEhe people both at 
 the North and the South found the problem growing in importance, and 
 this was largely due to the peculiar position and characteristics 
 of the free Negroes. 
 
 Prior to emancipation, the free Negro formed a third 
 class in society. Financially, some of them were better off 
 than white brethren. They inherited cattle, slaves and other 
 
 A 
 
 property left by their fathers, but they put forth very little 
 honest effort to increase this wealth. Some of them proposed 
 to set themselves up in business, vending the poorest kinds of 
 material such as rancid butter, damaged salt pork and other 
 cheap products. Others professed to be tailors, coopers and 
 carpenters, but for the most part they were shiftless and 
 never attained any dexterity in their trade. 
 
 As to the rights of the free Negroes, they enjoyed 
 more privileges than the slaves, were allowed to travel around 
 as they liked, acquired property and amassed wealth, procured 
 information on every subject, and had the privilege of uniting 
 themselvres into societies; still they were a class deprived of 
 all political power, subjected to the same police regulations 
 as the slaves and conscious that they could never be treated 
 on an equality with the whites. They had sufficient liberty 
 
-5- 
 
 to appreciate the blessings of freedom, "but were sufficiently 
 
 shackled to be sensible to the fact that they enjoyed compara- 
 
 (1) 
 tively few of those blessings. Por this, reason they were 
 
 disconter^ed and were naturally open to organization for the 
 elevation of their troubles. Frequent conspiracy meetings, 
 as they were called, were held, and the whites lived in constant 
 dread of negro uprisings. 
 
 The Negroes multiplied more rapidly than" the whites, 
 and as they multiplied were bred up to mechanical arts. This 
 was against the wishes and best Judgment of many of the 
 whites. The Negroes took the places of the poor whites and 
 the latter feared they would be driven out, and, in many 
 cases, they were. Every precaution was taken to make the Negro 
 feel his inferiority, especially in the South. Bitter were 
 the denunciations against the negro mechanics whose masters 
 resided in other places, who paid nothing toward supporting 
 the city government, and whose mechanics could afford toe under- 
 bid local mechanics. Protests were offered against the existiixg 
 conditions and pleas made for protection against the menace to 
 the white mechanics. In many cases the Negroes were released 
 from direct supervision by their masters. This gave them a chance to 
 work just when they chose and hold conspiracy meetings when they 
 
 chose. All that was necessary was to see that the monthly settle- 
 
 (2) 
 
 ment of wages was properly made. 
 
 (1) Documentary History of American Industrial Society, II, 108. 
 
 (2) Ibid, 367. 
 
-6- 
 
 Certain towns in the South passed laws for town 
 policing of slaves and free Hegroes . In one case the laws 
 ran as follows: 
 
 "1. No slave may live off the lot inhabited by his 
 owner or employer. 
 
 "2. No slave may hire his own time from his master 
 or contract to lahor for any other person. 
 
 "3. No person , of color may keep spirituous liquors 
 for sale, and none may keep any horse, cow, or hog for his 
 own use. 
 
 "4. No free person of color may live in Millidgeville, 
 (fia.) except with a goardian living in the town and a certifi- 
 cate of character and a bond for good behavior. Not exceeding 
 
 four washerwomen at one time shall be exempt from the provi- 
 
 (1) 
 sions of this ordiance, and they only when specially licensed." 
 
 Negro insurrections were not infrequent, and some 
 towns provided for patrol systems. Negroes between ten and sixty years 
 of age caught off their master' s premises at night were given twenty- 
 five lashes and the owner was forced to pay one dollar. Later this 
 was amended by releasing the Negro from twenty-five lashes for the 
 first offense. 
 
 This free Negro element was very undesirable, to say 
 the least, and the question which naturally arises is, why ^ 
 was it tolerated? The demand for extra labor in the South 
 was intermittent, owing to the season, etc. For this reason 
 the free Negro was a convenient type to have around. It was 
 always possible to secure his help when it was needed, and he 
 
 (1) Doc. Hist., II, 147. 
 
-7- 
 
 willingly "hung around" waiting for those occasional johs. 
 The planters were largely to "blame for the perpetuation of 
 this class of labor. Many prominent men reasoned that if 
 the numher of hired Negroes coxild he limited, and the exercise 
 of mechanical arts confined to the white people , a large 
 mrnber of the undesirable class would he gotten rid of, and 
 their places supplied hy white laborers from Europe and the 
 northern states whose feelings and interests coinc^d. Por 
 this reason several of the southern state legislatures 
 passed resolutions to the effect that congress should he 
 memorialised to select a place of refuge for the negro.(l) 
 
 (1) Doc. Hist., II, 157. 
 
-8- 
 Chapter II. Attitiide of White Laborers Toward their 
 Colored Brethren: Strikes, Riots, Etc. 
 
 The opposition to the Negroes in unskilled lahor 
 was hitter and caused strong complaints to he made hy poor 
 whites that the Negroes cheated thera out of all the easiest 
 ways of making a living, and this opposition led to riots and 
 massacres of the colored workmen. > 
 
 In Pincher's Trades Review of July, 1863, there is 
 an account of a riot at Buffalo, New York. This riot took 
 place between the white and black stevedores of the 'long- 
 shoremen. The bosses attempted to supply the places of the 
 former whites with negro worlanen. A fight took place between 
 the two classes which resulted in the drownli^ of two black 
 
 men, the killing of another, and the serious beating of 
 
 (1) 
 twelve more. 
 
 Again in Fincher' s we notice an account of a strike 
 between the shipwrights and caulkers at Canton, Ohio. "The 
 strike between the shipwrights and caulkers has taken a 
 cooperative turn. The Association has leased an extensive 
 yard at Canton, near the Warren Railway, and have established 
 a ship yard, where they are now building a schooner of eighty 
 tons, and have contracted for two others. This arrajagement has 
 given employment to a number of unemployed members of the 
 eastern section, who have left their former .employers on account 
 of the strike. It may not be amiss to give some facts in re- 
 lation to this strike by this association. It was not to protect 
 their own association or Its members, "but to maintain the 
 
 (1) Fincher' s Trades' Review, July 11, 1863. 
 
-9- 
 superlority of the white men. The facts in the case 
 
 are these: There has heen an organization of colored 
 caulkers exiating for many years in the eastern section of 
 the city who liave up to the present time refused to work with 
 the white men, and have of late, heen turning out caulkers made 
 of contraband. This fact being known and at the same time work- 
 ing for fifty cents less in the day, and connecting one other 
 fact, that of the employers being pressed for men, and the white 
 men being required to work under a colored foreman, and when 
 this order was made , or the refusal of the request made by the 
 white caulkers by said employers to have a practical white 
 caulker as foreman the strike was made. The main object of the 
 builders was to create a disaffection among the members of the 
 white organization connected with the business of ship building. 
 But they have failed in their efforts to create disaffection. 
 Could they have accomplished this, then as has been declared by 
 some of them, they could have brought capital to bear on labor; 
 but, from appearance they have failed. The employers should 
 have known better than to ha^^e attempted to break down these 
 organizations, having known these men so long. It is like 
 
 striking against a stone wall. Boss builders, you will have 
 
 (1) 
 to pick your flint and try again," 
 
 The attitude of union men toward the Negro was not the same 
 in every case. The bricklayers' union of Washington, D. C. forbade 
 their men to work alongside of the colored men. Four white 
 men were found to be working with some Negroes on govern- 
 ment work, and the union decided \maniraously to expel them from 
 
 (1) Pincher's, Nov. 4. 1865. 
 
-10- 
 
 the xmion,(l) 
 
 The most interesting case, however, regarding the 
 attitude of union men toward ttegro labor is the case of 
 Louis H. Douglass, colored printer. Douglass had "been a 
 printer at Denver, Colorado for some time, where a chapter of 
 the typographical union existed. He secured a position in the 
 government printing office at Washington, D. C, to work along- 
 side several white printers. On coming to Washington, he 
 applied for admission to the local uriioii. This created a great 
 disturbance among its members , and they referred the case to 
 the National Typographical Union which met at. Memphis, 
 Tennessee in 1867. This uii'ion decided that as it was a 
 purely local matter, it should be left to the local union. 
 The locgil union offered the following objections to Douglass: 
 
 "1, That he came from a place within the jurisdiction 
 of a union, and had no card of membership. 
 
 "2. That he was rejected as an improper person to 
 
 become a member of the Denver Typographical Union. 
 
 "3. That he worked in an unfair or 'rat' office. 
 
 (2) 
 "4. That he was a colored man." 
 
 But the constitution of the local union said: "This 
 
 union shall be composed of practical compositors, press men, 
 
 (3) 
 proof readers, etc.'! No question of race or color was 
 
 mentioned here. 
 
 At the meeting of the National Typographical Union, 
 
 (1) Washington Daily Morning Chronicle, June 19, 1869. 
 
 (2) Ibid, May 21, 1869. 
 
 (3) Ibid, May 23, 1869. 
 
-11- 
 
 however, Mr. Plynn of Washington, D. C. had offered a reaso- 
 lution stating that it was contrary to the letter and spirit 
 of the constitution of the National Typographical Union, 
 subversive to the interests, and in violation of the policy, 
 principles and objects of the organization to make race or 
 color a test of the qualifications of membership, and that it 
 would be flagrantly unjust for any subordinate union to deny 
 
 admission to any printer on the ground of race or color. This 
 
 (1) 
 was tabled by a vote of 56-28, and so far as I can learn, 
 
 Louis H. Douglass was not admitted to the union. The govern- 
 ment printer, however, did not remove him from his position, 
 for in(^1869 we find the national colored convention commending 
 the printer for standing by the colored laborers , referring to 
 Douglass, and on June 12, 1860, we find the local typographical 
 
 union by a vote of 47-37 denouncing the printer for employing 
 
 (2) 
 Douglass. 
 
 Later 6n, the government printing office employed 
 
 additional colored labor, and among those employed was Mr. 
 
 P. Lavallette. He was assigned to duty in the piece-work 
 
 department of the document room. Mr. Lavallette was said to 
 
 be a good workman. He had a card from the tmion at Mead- 
 
 ville, Pennsylvania, at which place he had worked at his 
 
 (3) 
 
 trade for some time previous to his coming to Washington. 
 
 There seems always to have been a strong sentiment 
 against employing negro labor in printing offices both in 
 the North and at the South, for as early as December, 1829, 
 
 (1) Chronicle, June 8, 1869, 
 
 (2) Ibid. June 12, 1869. 
 
 , 1869. 
 
-12- 
 we find an argument against negro printers. The argument 
 sets forth the fact that the people of Georgia had made 
 presentment of an evil which they understood prevailed too 
 generally among printers and publishers of newspapers through- 
 out the state, hut particxilarly in the city of Augasta, 
 Georgia, of employing Negroes in the different departments of 
 their establishments; thereby affording them the best possible 
 means of learning to read writing, and affording a source 
 
 of infonnation to that class of the population which sound 
 
 (1) 
 
 policy forbade. 
 
 All white labor unions, however, did not object to 
 Negroes joining their organizations. In Boston the car- 
 penters and joiners dispensed with the color prejudice and 
 admitted^two^jiegro_caj?p«B*«a?8--i-B^^ Their em- 
 
 ployer upon hearing this said he thought he mast discharge 
 them, and they said if such was the case, they would rather 
 
 oait without the discharge; but as he decided to think it 
 
 (2) 
 over, and took no immediate stand, they continued to work. 
 
 It will thus be seen that if was becomming 
 
 necessary to deal with the question of negro labor. The 
 
 Negroes were growing in number, being educated mentally and morally, 
 
 and if the whites did not cooperate in having them effectually 
 
 organized, they would be a source of no small trouble in the 
 
 future. White labor was begixming to organize, and it was 
 
 deemed a necessity by many of the most able statesmen of the 
 
 day that cooperation with the African was entirely necessary. 
 
 (1) Poulson's American Daily Advertiser, Dec. 14, 1829, 
 
 (2) Fincher's, March 24,,'l866j. 
 
-13- 
 Another factor also entered into the sit-aation at this time: 
 the prohahle effect of extending the stiff rage to the Negro. 
 For this reason, it was decided that the colored people must he 
 organized for instruction in the real principles of lahor reform. 
 
 But while the people interested in the lahor move- 
 ment recognized that the Negroes must be organized into 
 trade unions, eight-hour leagues, etc., their political 
 education was no less important. The question, however, was 
 a perjSlexing one; should the Negro he allowed to affiliate 
 with white \inions, or shoxild he be organi^ied into colored 
 unions . 
 
 nj At the convention of the National Labor Union of 
 August, 1867, the question of negro labor was brought up and 
 discussed. It was a subject which the convention disliked 
 to handle , and after having heard the suggestions and opinions 
 of several members, Mr. Phelps of the committee on negro 
 labor, moved that inasmuch as the subject was "involved in so 
 much mystery" and that upon it there was such a "wide 
 diversity of opinion" among the members, it should be laid 
 over until the next convention. 
 
 Trevellick took strong grounds against this, 
 stating "that the Negro will bear to be taught his duty and 
 has already stood his groxind nobly when a member of a trades 
 ■union." 
 
 Other men like Phelps and Peabody did not care to 
 discuss the question, one holding that while trade unions 
 
-14- 
 wouldn' t allow them to enter and the other that the Uegro 
 wouldn't wish to enter "white iinions any more than 
 Germans woiild try to join the English societies in America." 
 But Mr. Sylvis^ said the question had already heen 
 introduced in the South, the whites had struck against the 
 "blacks, and had created an antagonism which would kill off 
 the trades' s unions, \inless the two were consolidated. There 
 was no concealing the fact that the time would come when the 
 Negro would take possession of the shops if the whites had 
 not taken possession of the Negro. If the workingmen of the 
 
 white race did not conciliate the "blacks, the "black vote 
 
 (1) 
 would "be cast against them. 
 
 But the convention adjourned without taking any 
 decided standi further than to agree to the resolution that 
 the constitution already adopted prevented the necessity of 
 reporting on negro lahor. 
 
 Thus from this and subsequent attempts of colored 
 men to work with whites and the treatment accorded the Negroes 
 by the whites, it will be seen that the* colored people 
 could not expect raach help from white labor unions^ and for 
 this reason they organized separately. White politicans, 
 however, usually dominated at their conventions and especially 
 at the national conventions. 
 
 But the attitude of the white unions changed. After 
 the Negroes in various parts of the country had stso-ted 
 organigatioits, and had gotten into some of the better trades 
 
 (1) Doc. Hist., in; 185-7. 
 
-15- 
 
 the convention of the National Labor Union, in September, 
 1869 , ^agreed to a resolution stating that the National 
 Labor Union retiognized no north, no south, no east, no west, 
 neither did they recognize sex nor color as regards labor. 
 Farther, they recommended their colored brethren to 
 organize in all legitimate ways and send their delegates 
 from every state in the union to the next congress. And 
 finally the convention agreed to a resolution providing for 
 a committee to organise colored workingmen of Pennsylvania 
 into labor unions with instructions to report at the next 
 session of the InternationeQ. Labor Congress. n 
 
•.^^i, — III, state and Local Conventions. 
 
 We find on record, acco-onts of several local and 
 state conventions, but as proceedings are not reported in 
 fioll, it is 105)08811316 to determine what percentage of the 
 attendance was Negroes, whether the local conventions were 
 run by politicians like Langston and Wear who figured in the 
 national conventions, or just what business was transacted. 
 It is quite evident, however, that these state conventions 
 aimed at two things in particular: thorough poJL^itical and 
 economic organization of the Negro, and free education for 
 all classes regardless of race or color. 
 
 The records indicate that in the local and state 
 conventions, political questions were discussed raach more ^ 
 frequently than labor questions. This was contrary to the 
 true aim and purpose of the organization of the Negroes, yet 
 it seems that labor questions were left to a large extent to 
 the national conventions, but even here, politics was dis- 
 cussed more generally than labor. 
 
 The first state labor convention of the colored 
 people was held in Baltimore on July 13, 1869. It was hoped 
 that the example of tne Maryianders would be followed by 
 their bretnren throughout the country, and this hope was not 
 in vain. Although nothing of importance was done at this 
 convention, it was looked upon as an appreciation by tne 
 Negroes of their freedom, and it showed that they intended to 
 make themselves worthy of this gift, and take advantage of 
 
-17- 
 
 anything which related to the advancement of their interests 
 
 (1) 
 
 as men and citizens. 
 
 r 
 
 Two weeks later, July 29, we find an accotmt of 
 
 another convention at lailtimore. Here a committee which 
 had "been appointed at the previous meeting made a report con- 
 sisting of the sefies of preambles and resolutions looking to a 
 thorough organization of different departments of colored 
 lahor throughout the country. The report set forth the fact 
 that in many instances white men refused to work with Negroes, ^' 
 and also stated that this tendency mast he overcome. They 
 decided to issue a call for a national lahor convention to 
 he held in Washington on the first Monday in December, to 
 which delegates were to be admitted without distinction of 
 race or color. A proposition was made for holding the con- 
 vention at Richmond, Virginia, instead of Washington, as it 
 would be more convenient for the delegates from the South. 
 One speaker opposed this by saying that Washington was the 
 center of the country, and also gave as a second reason that 
 there was an effort in progress to introduce Chinese labor 
 into the United States as a sort of secondary slavery. He 
 was opposed to this, and said that Washington was the place 
 to meet in order to 'take action against this attempt. He 
 held that the Chinese would be but immigrants, while the 
 Hegroes were natives and could invoke the aid of Congress to 
 
 v 
 
 drive the Chinamen out. The following delegates were 
 appointed to the white national labor convention to meet in 
 Philadelphia on the 10th of August, 1869: Isaac Myers, James 
 
 /i\ /■n.—.— _4_i_ T— 1 
 
 y 13, 1869. 
 
-IB- 
 CD 
 
 Ware, Ignatius Gross, Squire Fisher and Eotert Butler. 
 
 On February 22, a three-days' convention convened 
 at Nashville, Tennessee. The reports of the committees 
 showed a favorahle progress in education and general improve- 
 ment, "but an unsafe state of affairs as to personal security. 
 
 Numerous outrages were reported against the colored people, and 
 
 (2) 
 they asked for further protection. 
 
 The Georgia State Convention met in September, 1870f 
 
 This is evident from the report of proceedings of the Col-umbia 
 
 convention, call for which was issued at the Georgia conven- 
 
 tion. Just where they met, representation, business trans- 
 
 (3) 
 acted, etc., there is no mention made. 
 
 A state convention assembled at Atlanta, Georgia, 
 on February 3, 1871. It passed a resolution to the effect 
 that the members of the convention authorize the president of 
 the convention to issue a call in the name of the said con- 
 vention for a southern states' convention to be held at such 
 time and place as the president and those with whOJfti lie might 
 confer should determine best adapted to the public conve- 
 nience. The call was finally issued for the New Orleans 
 
 (4) 
 convention. 
 
 (1) Chronicle, July 29, 1869. 
 
 (2) Ibid, February 26, 1870. 
 
 (3) Ibid. Oct. 21, 1871. 
 
 (4) Ibid, June 10, 1871. 
 
 \.'> 
 
-19- 
 Mention is also raaie of a colored convention held in 
 
 Heltraska on January 2, 1871, but further report could not he 
 
 (1) 
 located. 
 
 A state colored convention assembled at St. Louis 
 on September 28, 1871. In a series of resolutions, mainly 
 political, presented by the business committee, we find 
 reference made to the successful career of the Republican 
 Party throughout the country, and approving its various acts, 
 advocating a fairly adjusted undiscriminating tariff, favor- 
 ing annexation of San Domingo . modification of internal 
 revenue system, looking to reduction of taxation, heartily 
 indorsing Grant's administration and asking for his renomina- 
 tion. 
 
 There was considerable discussion on these reso- 
 lutions, several of the delegates requesting that those re- 
 lating to San Domingo and President. Grant be stricken out, while 
 others opposed any political action whatever on behalf of the 
 convention. After a speech by Mr. Williams, president of the 
 convention, the entire report was adopted by a vote of 39 to 
 6; six declining to vote. 
 
 A resolution was adopted asking the legislatures of 
 
 all states to pass a law coinpelling all children between seven 
 
 and fifteen years of age to attend school. 
 
 Sesolutions advocating woman suffrage were Indef- 
 (2) 
 
 '■ ini t fely^ po s tponed . 
 
 (1) Chronicle, May 15, 1871. 
 
 (2) Ibid, Sept. 29. 1871. 
 
-20- 
 
 Exaraples of conventions of Negroes in a single 
 trade are not so mamerous, "but the Chesapeake Marine Railway 
 Company of Baltimore composed of colored men met and took 
 action in reference to the National Lahor Convention to he 
 held in Washington, December 6. They adopted resolutions in- 
 dorsing the movement as marking the beginning of the organiza- 
 tion and elevation of colored labor throughout the whole 
 country. They appealed to the national convention nhen it met 
 to legislate upon the question, of labor so that ultimately a 
 complete organization of ail labor into one brotherhood with- 
 out respect to color would be perfected. After electing 
 
 George Myers, its secretary, delegate to the coming convention, 
 
 (1) 
 the meeting adjourned. 
 
 We see, therefore, that the Negro had begun to 
 organize politically in variuus parts of the coiontry. Doubt- 
 less other local conventions, perhaps more strictly for dis- 
 cussion of "labor" questions were held, but the reports just given 
 indicate the position of the Negro as regards politics only. v 
 
 (1) Chronicle, Nov. 9, 1869, 
 
IV. National Colored Conventions. 
 1. Washington, D.C., Jan., 1869. 
 The first national convention of colored lahor in 
 
 the United States met in Union League Hall, Washington, D. C, 
 
 (1) 
 
 at noon January 13, 1869. The meeting was called to order hy 
 
 Mr. William Neshit of Pennsylvania, president of the border 
 
 state convention, who read the call for the present conven- 
 
 (2) 
 tion. 
 
 Mr, Turner wes elected president of the convention and 
 in his speech of acceptance he said that as the eyes of Congress 
 and the whole country were upon them, he hoped that every memher 
 present would act with such discretion as "befitted gentlemen and 
 in such a way as to he of "benefit to their children. 
 
 A committee on credentials composed of two repre- 
 sentatives from each state was appointed, and they reported 
 accredited delegates to the number of 130. Later on in the 
 session, thirty-one more arrived whose credentials were favor- 
 ably received. 
 
 Having proceeded to business, the chedr announced 
 committees on: business, rules, finance, and on the third day 
 committees on militia, census and lands were introduced. 
 
 (1) Proceedings of this convention are given in the Chronicle, 
 
 Jan. 13-16. 1869. 
 
 (2) Just which city the call for this convention was issued from, 
 there seems to be no record.. A diligent search throu^ the 
 Washington Daily Chronicle, The Washington Daily Intelli- 
 gencer and the Philadelphia Enquirer for 1858 reveals nothing 
 done by the Negroes in the way of holding state or local 
 conventions from which such a call might have been issued. 
 
-22- 
 It seems that the committees as a whole did very little real 
 husiness during any session of the conventions. We find that 
 
 resolutions were seldom, if ever, axJted upon after having "been 
 
 (1) 
 
 referred to a committee. 
 
 A heated discussion arose as to whether or not cre- 
 dentials of women delegates should he accepted; the particular 
 delegate in question being Miss Harriet Johnson. Mr. J. W. 
 Brown of Pennsylvania, Mr. Simms of Georgia and others favored 
 seating women delegates, while Mr. Mahson of North Carolina 
 held that the convention was called for assembling "colored 
 men." Sella Martin of New York declared that according to 
 the Bible, the word "men" meant men and women. The convention 
 finally sigreed to seat Miss Johnson. 
 
 Equal Rights 
 Mr. J. B. Muriy of Pennsylvania offered a preamble 
 
 A 
 
 and resolutions relating to the formation of a National Equal 
 Rights League of North America whose purpose should be to for- 
 ward the .great cause of the enfranchisement of American 
 citizens and to bring about political reform in public senti- 
 ment. The resolution was referred to a committee composed of 
 one delegate from each state. On the fourth day of the conven- 
 tion the question was again brought up for discussion. Mr. 
 Downing of Rhode Island said the impression had gone out that 
 the colored people had decided to disconnect themselves with 
 
 (l) The names of men composing the committees at this convention 
 are given in the proceedings, but axe not given for some of 
 the later conventions; so for sake of uniformity, membership 
 is omitted throiighout. Coniplete list of delegates at this 
 convention is given in Appendix I. 
 
-23- 
 
 r 
 
 ! other orgaaizations and form one of their own, and he strongly- 
 protested against the action of the convention in sanctioning 
 J;he organization of such a league. He held that it would he 
 detrimental to the Negro. Later on he moved to lay the whole 
 matter on the tahle and it was carried. 
 
 On the fourth day, Downing offered a resolution stating 
 that Congress might secure to every citizen of the United 
 States equal rights, hut that it had not done so on account of 
 the influence which slavery had had over its legislation in the 
 past, and if it, would not, then he asked for an amendment to the 
 constitution t6~ settle the matter, so that citizens might not he 
 proscrihed in the exercise of their rights because of race, 
 color, or condition. A second resolution also provided for 
 petitioning Congress to strike out the word "white" from the 
 naturalization laws in accordance with the bill already before 
 the United States Senate. No action reported. 
 
 Mr. Poulson of New YorK submitted a resolution to 
 the effect that a great many citizens of the United States are 
 denied the rights given them by their Creator; they are taxed 
 without bei^g represented, murdered without having redress, 
 taxed to support common schools while their children are denied 
 privileges of attention in their respective wards, called upon 
 for militsiry service without receiving proper protection and 
 without any incentive for being commissioned officers. They 
 have labored for the last two and one-half centuries to enrich 
 the country, without having received a particle of remuneration. 
 They have been promised their rights, but have not received 
 
-24- 
 them. As a result of this, they demanded equality of suffrage 
 and, in fact, all the rights of their white fellow citizens. 
 Unanimously adopted. 
 
 Reverend Anderson of the District of Columbia, 
 submitted a memorial for equal privileges in the District, 
 v/hich was referred to the committee on. new business. In 
 substance it stated that the charter of the District of Col- 
 umbia granted all ioyai citizens equal rights before the law, 
 yet many colored persons are confined to jail causing their 
 families to suffer. Upon trial they are found to be innocent, 
 amd guilty of no crime hut a dark skin. Therefore, they de- 
 sired to petition the incoming president to nominate two or 
 more justices of peace of color for the District, also that 
 colored men have the right of trial before a jury of their own 
 color, and not before men who yet l)elieve "that black men 
 have no rights which white men are botmd to respect." 
 
 Resolution by Mr. Downing to the effect that the 
 one great object to be accomplished at the present time was 
 some final measure of equal and universal suffrage without aiiy 
 discrimination on the ground of race, color, previous condition 
 or religious belief. Further, that concession of rights in a 
 legal form is comparatively valueless, unless supported hy the 
 whole judicial and military power of the cfountry. Every voter 
 of whatever color should step to the hallot "box with confidence 
 of having his way cleared thereto, if need be, by the broad 
 sword of the land. No action. 
 
 Education. 
 
 A resolution 'by Mr- Downing relating to education, held 
 
-25- 
 that efforts made through organizations such as the Freedman'S 
 Bureau were not to he received with special humility, hut as 
 a scred right v/hich they had a perfect right to claim. Later 
 
 A 
 
 on he offered another resolution relating to schools for 
 colored children. He expressed it as his view that all children 
 of the land should have equal opportunities in those states 
 where schools are supported by taxation, and should attend the 
 same schools. No action. 
 
 Mr. Wadkins of Tennessee offered a resolution re- 
 commending the colored people to establish oanual labor 
 schools and cordially endorsing the Tennessee Mantial Labor 
 Union. No action recorded. 
 
 Politics. 
 
 Mr. Spellman of New York offered a resolution which 
 was adopted. It provided for a national committee consisting 
 of one delegate from each state, the District. of Columbia and 
 the territories represented (with power hereaiter to fill 
 up the coramittejEv, with delegates from the states not now 
 represented here,) whose duties it should be to take genersil 
 charge of the, political interests of the colored people, in the 
 same way and with the duties that political parties usually 
 charge their committees; and this committee should have power 
 to appoint , an executive committee of nine members, who should 
 have power to appoint state committees charged with the same 
 general duties in their respective states. 
 
-26- 
 
 Pollowing men were annouaced to serve on this 
 committee: William D. Forten, Chairman, Pennsylvania; A. W. 
 Handy, Maryland; Daniel Gurtus, Delaware; Rily White, Hew 
 York; Henry Thomas, Ohio; J. L. Mabson, North Carolina; Lewis 
 lindsey, Virginia; J. M. Williams, New Jersey; J. D. King, 
 Illinois; L. S. Berry, Alahama; David D. Wadkins, Tennessee; 
 S. G. Brown, District of Columbia; C. H. Langston, Kansas; T. 
 W. Long, Florida. 
 
 Mr. Downing came forward with a resolution from his 
 committee, recommending that a committee of seven he appointed 
 to afik for and have an interview with and hearing before the 
 judiciary committee of Congress. Pursuant thereto, the chair 
 announced the following committee: Isiah Weir, J.C. Bowers, 
 G. A. Hatton, N. Ouhit, William Whippe, G. T. Downing and W. 
 H. Day. No further mention is made of this coraraitteB. 
 
 A national executive committee was appointed, 
 consisting of one memher from each state and territory and one 
 from the District of Colxanbia. Its headquarters were to he 
 in Washington, District of Columhia. Regular meetings were to 
 he held at least once each month, five memhers of the "board 
 were to constitute a quorum, and any member might he repre- 
 sented hy proxy. The committee consisted of the following: 
 
 F. G. Barhadoes, Massachusetts; G. T. Downing, Rhode 
 Island; Sella J. Martin, New York; William Neshit, Pennsylvania; 
 W. H. Day, Delaware; Robert Sorrell, Maryland; J. M. Williams, 
 New Jersey; F. Cook, Virginia; G. P. Bourke, North Carolina; 
 W. T. Long, Florida; W. G. Strong, Alabama; D. D. Wadkins, 
 Tennessee; W. H. Gibson, Kentuclgr; J. M. Langston, Ohio; 
 
-27- 
 
 R. De Baptist, Illinois; H. P- Scott, Mississippi; Alexander 
 Clark, Iowa; C. H. Langston, Kansas; Collin Crusoe, District 
 of Colxunbia. 
 
 No farther mention is made of thie committee. 
 
 Another resoltition was offered "by Mr. Downing, and 
 was expressive of the confidence they placed in Grant and 
 Colfax and the Republican Party in general. Later on a reso- 
 lution to the saine effect and also providing for the appoint- 
 ment of a committee to wait upon the president and vice presi- 
 dent elect w^ introduced hy David E. Parker of the District 
 of Coltonbia, and adopted. The committee appointed was: 
 J. M. Langston, 0. T. Downing, Henry H. Gamett, Rohert Purvis, 
 J. 7. Cook, W. C. Uatthews, Bishop C. Campbell, H. M. Turner and 
 Prof. George B. Vashon. 
 
 Downing again offered a resolution relating to the 
 Republican Party. He declared that it was through that party 
 that the rights legally secured to the colored American in 
 this country were secured; that it had their gratitude, and 
 would receive their support. Further, that no other party 
 need hope to alienate us therefrom unless by outstripping it 
 in consistency and in an honest advocacy of genuine democratic 
 principles. Ho action reported. 
 
 Land. 
 Resolutions from Downing' s committee urged upon the 
 Senate of the United States to pass the bill before it came from the 
 house, providing for opening up to settlers for home* 
 steads certain lands in Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana and 
 
-28- 
 Plorida, which had. teen granted for railroad purposes in 1856, 
 "but had heen forfeited by failure to comply with the conditions 
 of the grant. 
 
 In connection with this question, it might he stated 
 that land for homesteads was not as urgent at this time as 
 would appear, for during this same time there were 14,000,000 
 acres of government land in Arkansas which could not he sold, 
 but was especially designed for homesteads. Settlers were in- 
 vited, regardless of color, to take up the land h^t the obstacle 
 which prevented them doing so was capital. 
 
 Additions^, resolutions relating to land for ITegroes 
 were offered by Lindsey of Virginia, and Bishop Jones of New 
 York; They were referred to the business committee with no 
 report of* further action taken. 
 
 The chairman of the finance committee introduced a 
 resolution providing for a tax of two dollars on each member 
 of the convention to defray expenses of printing proceedings, 
 etc. After adopting this resolution, the convention adjourned 
 sine die . 
 
 2. Washington, D. C, December, 1859. 
 
 According to a resolution adopted by the state 
 labor convention of Maryland on July 20, 1869, a large number 
 
 of influential colored delegates met at Washington, D. C, on 
 
 (1) 
 
 December 6, 1869, Isaac Myers called the convention to order 
 
 and while they were waiting for the committee on credentials 
 
 (l) Proceedings of this convention are given in the Washington 
 • Dally Morning Chronicle, Dec. 7-11, 1869. 
 
-29- 
 to "be appointed, the convention was addressed by Eichard 
 Trevellick, president of the lahor congress which lately met 
 at Philadelphia and also hy Aaron Powell, editor of the Anti- 
 Slavery Standard. 
 
 Trevellick confined his remarks mainly to the lahor 
 question in all its different phases. 
 
 Powell addressed the convention on political topics, 
 dwelling especially on the establishment of a land commissioner 
 for the iBenef it of the colored people in case the Freedmen' s 
 Bureau shoTild he abolished. At the close of his remarks he 
 offered a resolution, the substance of which will be fcyund later 
 under the heading "land." 
 
 The purpose of this convention was set' forth as 
 follows : 
 
 "1. To consider the present status of colored labor 
 in the United States and its relationship to American industry. 
 
 "2. To adopt such rules and devise such means as will 
 systematically and effectually organize all the departments 
 of said labor, and make it the more productive in its new 
 political relationship to capital, and consolidate the colored 
 workingnen of the several states to act "in cooperation with '^ 
 our white fellow workingnen in every state and territory in 
 the union, who axe opposed to distinction in the apprenticeship 
 laws on account of color, and to so act cooperatively until 
 the necessity for separate organization shall be deemed ^^' 
 unnecessary. 
 
 "3. To consider the question of the importation of 
 contract Coo3iie labor and its effect upon American labor, and 
 
-30- 
 to petition congress for the adoption of such laws as will 
 prevent its being a system of slavery. 
 
 *^4. To ado-Dt such other means as will hest advance 
 
 the interest of the colored mechanics and workingmen of the 
 
 (1) 
 whole country." 
 
 After the election of Mr. James H. Harris of North 
 Carolina for president, a committee on credentials composed of 
 one delegate from each state was appointed, and they reported 
 favorably on credentials of 156 delegates. 
 
 The ci^air now announced committees on the following;: 
 education, address, platform, constitution and organization, female 
 lahor, temperance, printing, cooperative labor, public lands, 
 railroads and travel, bank savings, and agriculture. 
 
 The question of taxation of members to defray expenses 
 came up early in the convention. Mrs. Colby of Washington, 
 D. C. desired to know if ladies were to be included in those 
 taxes, and the convention decided to tax each person one 
 dollar, regardless of race or color. 
 
 Printing 
 
 Professor Green offered a resolution providing for 
 a committee of five to be appointed to work with the secretary 
 in securing the publication of authentic reports of the con- 
 vention. He suggested the following men for the committee: 
 J. M. langston, J. R. W. Leonard, George T. Downing, Cornelius 
 Clark and P. G. Barbadoes. 
 
 later on, on the third day, the committee on printing 
 
 (1) Chroniple, Sept. 22, 1869. 
 
-31- 
 reported that arrangements had been perfected for the pub- 
 lication of correct reports of the proceedings of the convention. 
 
 Land. _/ 
 
 A resolution introduced by Mr. Jones of the District 
 of Columbia provided that the convention use its best endeavors 
 to obtain 4,000,000 acres of land within the states comprising 
 the union to be used for agricultural purposes for their 
 colored brethren. No action reported. 
 
 On the fourth day, Mr. Rapier of Alabama, submitted 
 a report from the homestead committee' which was adopted. The 
 report looked t<^ the organization of a permanent bureau for 
 the purpose of securing homesteads for the colored people. 
 
 No further data is given as to whether or not such 
 a bureau was organized, or whether anything was done toward 
 securing land for the Negroes. Statements, however, were 
 frequently made to the effect that it was not l£ind so much as 
 means to settle it that was needed. 
 
 On the last day of the session several resolutions 
 relating to the subject of land were introduced. One by 
 Aaron Powell, which was referred, requested congress to empower 
 the President of the United States to designate a land commission 
 which should be instructed to purchase eligible land for 
 homesteads. The titles tS the land were to be held until it 
 was paid for, by installments, without interest, when the 
 money so used, not to exceed two millions should be refunded 
 to the national treasury. 
 
 Sella Martin's resolution was also referred. It 
 
-32- 
 
 sarnestly invited Congress to consider whether some means 
 could not he adopted to facilitate the settlement of southern 
 colored and other lahorers ti^on the unoccupied lands, believing 
 that a more independent and consequently, a more intelligent 
 class of people would result from the nation's liherality. 
 
 A resolution relating to the overthrowal hy the 
 lahorers of the "monstrous land monopoly" of the South was 
 introduced hy Hamilton of Florida, hut failed to he adopted. 
 
 A memorial submitted hy Mr. Markey of South Carolina 
 asking Congress to pass acts providing for protection of colored 
 people of the South in their rights to purchase and hold lands 
 and recommending that home&teads he extended to colored people, 
 was adopted. 
 
 Education. 
 
 The only resolution introduced during this convention' 
 relating to education was hy Mr. Hayes of North Ceorolina. It 
 requested the convention to appoint a committee to memorialize 
 Congress to pass a nationad school hill. It looked to the 
 establishment of such educational institutions as the wants of 
 the people required, and provided that they be supported in 
 part by fund created by dues unpaid of colored soldiers- Re- 
 ferred to the (Sommittee on business with no further action. 
 
 Platform. 
 
 In order clearly to understand the real sentiments 
 of the class represented at the national colored conventions, 
 it seemed advisable to present in this topi6 the entire platform. 
 
-33- 
 
 "Whereas labor has its privileges no less than its 
 duties, one of which is to orginize, and, if need "be, to furnish 
 reasons for its organization, therefore, 
 
 "Resolved, that labor was instituted by Almighty God 
 as a means of revealing the rich end^wmentd of inanimate creation 
 to be understood and used by man, and that labor is a duty 
 common to, and the natural heritage of, the human family, each 
 person having a natural right to labor in any field of industry 
 for which he or she is capaOitated, the right to be governed and 
 restricted only by the laws of political economy. 
 
 "EesolTted, that capital is an agent or means used by 
 labor for its development and support, and labor is an agent 
 or means used by capital for its development and general 
 enhancement, and that, for the well being and productiveness 
 of capital and labor the best harmony euid fellowship of action 
 shoxild at all times prevail, that 'strikes' may be avoided and ^ 
 the worktagnan convinced that justice is done him and that he 
 is receiving an equivalent for the labor performed. 
 
 "Resolved, that there should be a frequent intercihange 
 of opinions upon all questions affecting alike the employer and 
 employed, and that cooperation for the purpose of protection and 
 the better remuneration of labor is a sure and safe method in- 
 vading no specific rights, but is alike beneficial to the whole 
 community, and tends to lift the working classes to higher 
 achievements and positions in society, presents the necessity of, 
 and increases the desire to give their children a more libfetal 
 education, induces the practice of economy in the distribution of 
 their earnings, and accelerates the accumulation of wealth, with, 
 all the happiness that must necessarily ensue therefrom. 
 
 "Resolved, that intemperance is the natural foe and 
 curse of the American family, especially the working classes, its 
 terrible effects being to disease, currupt, and otherwise dis- 
 figure and destroy the constitution, producing vice, crime and 
 poverty, where peace and plenty would otherwise exist. 
 
 "Resolved, that education is one of the strongest safe- 
 guards of the Republican party, the bulwark of American citizens, 
 and a defense against the invasion of the rights of man; its 
 liberal distributions to all, without regard to race, creed, or 
 sex, of society, and that all should enjoy its blessing alike in 
 
 eadi of the states and territories of ' the United States; that 
 educated labor is more productive, is worth and commands higher 
 rates of wages, is less dependent upon capital; therefore, it 
 is essentially necessary to the rapid, and permanent development 
 of the agricultural, manufacturing, and mechanical growth aM 
 interests of the nation that there shall be a liberal free- 
 school system enacted by the legislatures of the several states, 
 for the benefit of all the inhabitants thereof. 
 
 "Resolved that we return our thanks to Divine Providence 
 for the immense natural resources that are within the geographical 
 
-74- 
 liraits of the United States of America, whereby the applica- 
 tion of diligent and patient Islaor is capable of hiiman existence 
 and the comfort of man, and, from its vast and -anhounded 
 supply, has hecorae the greatest moral agent known to man, in 
 that it affords a refuge for the oppressed of all lands, to im- 
 prove their condition, and, by the influence of our institutions, 
 elevate them to their proper standard of manhood, its rebounding 
 influence is to destroy the tyranny and despotism of the Old 
 World. 
 
 "Resolved, that we feel it to be a fluty that we owe 
 to ourselves, to society, and to our country to encourage, by 
 all the means Vi thin our reach, industrial habits among our 
 people, the learning of trades and professions by our children 
 without regard to sex; to educate and impress them with the fact 
 that all is honorable and a sure road to wealth; that habits 
 of economy and temperance combined with industry, education 
 is the great safeguard of free republican institutions, the 
 •elevator of the condition of man, the motive power to in- 
 crease trade and commerce, and to make the whole people of this 
 land the wealthiest and happiest on the face of the globe.' 
 
 "Resolved, that regarding the labor of the country 
 the common property of the people that no portion should be 
 excluded there from because of a geographical division of the 
 globe in which they are their forefathers were born, or on 
 account of statutes of color, bp;t that every man or woman should 
 receive employment according to his ability to perform the labor 
 required, without any other test; that the exclusion of colored - 
 men and apprentices from the right to iia labor in any department 
 of industry or workshops in any of the states and territories 
 of the United States, by what is known as 'Trades Unions,' 
 is an insult to CJod and injury to us and disgrace to humanity; 
 while we extend a free and welcome hand to the free immigration 
 of labor of all nationalities , we emphatically deem imported 
 contract Collie labor to be a positive injta-y to the working 
 people of the United States, is but the system of slavery in a 
 new form, and we appeal to the Congress of the United States 
 to rigidly enforce the act of 1862 prohibiting Coolie importation, 
 and to enact such other laws as will best protect and free 
 American labor against this or any similar form of slavery. 
 
 "Resolved, that we do not regard capital as the 
 natural enemy of labor; that each is dependent on the other for 
 its existence; that the great conflict daily waged between them 
 is for the want of a better -understanding between the repre- 
 sentatives of capital and labor, and therefore recommend the 
 study of political economy in all of our labor organizations as 
 a means to understand the relationships of labor to capital 
 and as a basis for the adjustment of many of the disputes that 
 arise between employer and employe. 
 
—35— 
 
 "Resolved, that we recommend tha estaljlishment of 
 cooperative workshop^ laid, building, and loan associations _ 
 aTiong our people as a remedy againstt their exclusion from " \ 
 other workshops on account of color as a means of furnishirg, \ 
 employment as well as a protection against the aggression of _J 
 capital, and as the easiest and shortest method of enabling 
 every man to procure a homestead for his family; and to 
 accomplish this and we would particularly impress the greatest 
 inroortance of the observance of diligence in business,, and the 
 practive of rigid economy in our social and domestic arrange- 
 ments. 
 
 "Resolved, that we regard the use of intoxicating 
 liquors as the most damaging and damnable habits practiced by 
 the human family; that we denounce the infamous practice 
 planters have in drenching their employes with this poison 
 drug, (with or vyithout cost) intended to stupify their brain 
 and incapacitate them to know the condition of their accounts, 
 the value of their labor, and to rob them of their sense and 
 feelings of htunanity; that we appeal to our people to dis- 
 countenance the use of intoxicating liquors because of its 
 effects to shorten life, and because it is the great cause 
 of so much misery and poverty among the working classes of 
 the country, and we advise the organization of temperance 
 associations as a necessary Instruaent for the speedy and 
 permanent elevation of our people. 
 
 "Resolved, that we regard education as one of the greatest 
 blessings that the h-uraan family enjoys, ^ and that we earnestly 
 appeal to our fellow citizens to allow no opportunity, no matter 
 how limited or remote, to pass unimproved; that the thanks of the 
 colored people of this country are due the congress of the United 
 States for the establishment and maintenance of the Freedmen' s 
 Bureau, and to Major General 0. 0. Howard, Commissioner, Rev. J, W. 
 Alford, and John M. Langston, Esq..,: G-eneral Inspectors, for their 
 cooperative labors in the establishment and good government of hun- 
 dreds of schools in the Southern States, whereby thousand of men, 
 women and children have been, and are now being taught the rudiments 
 of an English education. The thanks of the whole people are due 
 to these philanthropists and friends to the benevolent insti- 
 tution of this and other countries for the means and efforts 
 in money and teachers furnished, whereby our race is being 
 elevated to the proper standard of intelli'gnet American citizen- 
 ship, and we appeal to the friends of progress and to our 
 citizens of the several states to continue their efforts to the 
 various legislatures until every state can boast of having a 
 free school system that knows no distinction in dissemination 
 of knowledge to its inhabitants on account of race, color, sex, 
 creed, or previous conditions; and 
 
 "Resolved, that we recommend a faithful obedience to 
 the laws of the United States and of the several states in 
 which we may reside; that, the congress and the courts of the 
 
-36- 
 
 United States have ample power to protect its citizens. All 
 grievances, whether personal or puhlic, should he carried to 
 the proper trihuaal, and from the lowest to the highest, -until 
 justice is granted, that armed resistance against the lav/s is 
 treason against the United States and ought to be summarily 
 punished. We further appeal to the colored workingraen to form 
 organisations throughout every state and territory, that they 
 may be able in those districts tax removed from courts of 
 justice to communicate with the bureau of labor to be established 
 by the National Labor Union, and that justice may be nieted out 
 to them as though they lived in the large cities, where justice 
 is more liberally distributed; that loyalty and love for the 
 government may be fortered and encouraged, and prosperity and 
 peace may pervade the entire land." 
 
 Thus it will be seen thaJt the questions which 
 interested the delegates mostly were those of (1) the relation 
 ^'of capital and labor, ^(2) education, "^S) intemperance^ (4) 
 establishment of cooperative workshops, (5) white trade unions, 
 and lastly, (6) faithful obedience to the laws of the United 
 States. 
 
 As regards the relation of capital and labor, they 
 did not consider that capital was the enemy of labor, but 
 that they were dependent upon one another. The great conflict 
 waged between them was because of lack of knowledge concerning 
 facts, and in order to do away with this ignorance, they 
 recommended the study of political economy. Like the National 
 Labor Union, they recommended cooperative stores, etc., for 
 the purpose of getting capital into the hands of the laboring 
 men. The National Labor Union, however, recommended the estab- 
 lishment of an eight-hour day, while the colored convention did 
 not mention this measure. Efforts of the National Labor Union 
 were directed against prison labor and both directed their 
 efforts against coolie labor. Both deprecated strikes as 
 detrimental. 
 
-37- 
 
 As regards education, the national colored convention 
 declared that "education is one of the strongest safeguards 
 of the Republican Party, the "bulwark of American citizens, and 
 a defense against the invasion of the rights of mail." They strongly 
 recommended the estahlishment of a free school system, iwhereas 
 the National Labor Union Ignored the question entirely.. 
 
 The practice of distrihutinastimulants to the 
 Negroes in order to stupify their senses so they would he less 
 conscious of their true condition, of course, did not prevail 
 among the white lahoring class; and for this reason the 
 question was not discussed in the National Labor Union platform 
 as it was in that of the national colored convention. 
 
 The rigjht to labor was regarded as common property 
 of all people and no cl&,ss should he excluded therefrom on 
 , account of geographical division of the globe in which they 
 or their forefathers were born, or on account of statutes 
 or color. They should receive employment according to their 
 ability to perform the labor required. The exclusion from 
 work by any organization such as"trades unions" was con- 
 sidered an injury to the class discriminated against , anjf 
 injury by th e whi^e&v - 
 
 Cooperative workshops, land, building and loan 
 associations were recommended as a safeguard against discrim- 
 ination by the whites. 
 
 The last question, that of faithful obedience to 
 the laws of the United States was discussed for the purpose of 
 impressing upon the newly enfranchised colored people the 
 
-38- 
 
 respect they were ea:;^ected to maintain for the national govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Orgsoii^atlon. 
 
 The organization of the colored lahorers and me- 
 chanics throughout the land was proposed in a resolution ■by- 
 Mr. Lewis H. Douglass. It created considerahle discussion and 
 was finally referred to the Ijusiness committee with no further 
 action. 
 
 Later on, a resolution was introduced "by Lowry of 
 Tennessee, but was not acted upon. It advised delegates upon 
 returning to ceill state conventions and to organise industrial 
 and literary associations in counties, as far as possible, to 
 act in harmony with the bureau (presumably the bureau of per- 
 nesxmJ&i\prx0^a*^i'd^x:^i>^tlli.Ta^ the state organizations, organized 
 by the national convention, to fully ratify the objects and acts 
 of this body, and to place their states in full harmony with the 
 bureau and its purposes. 
 
 Female Labor. 
 Mrs. M. A. S. Gary of Michigan introduced a resolution 
 the substance of which was that xinjust discriminations were 
 being made in the departments of labor against women, stating 
 that as organisations for colored men were just beginning to be 
 formed, colored women be invited to further and organize cooper- 
 ative societies. No action reported. 
 
 Civil Eights. 
 Sella Martin recommended that the convention tender 
 its thanks to Grant for his fairness in seeking to promote by 
 Lation, the legal safeguards to the right to 
 
-S9- 
 labor and the fruits thereof. ReconHnftndi ig requesst to congress 
 to pass the fifteenth amendment at its present session was the 
 pxirpose of a resolution introduced hy John H. Butler. Ko 
 action reported. 
 
 Hours of Labor, 
 
 Mr. Barbadoes presented the following which was 
 adopted: "Eesolved, that in the opinion of this convention, the 
 law mating eight hours a legal day's work in all lahor performed 
 for the government is wise, just and economical In character, and 
 should be interpreted faitly and equitably. 
 
 "Eesolved, that this convention is unalterably opposed 
 to any repeal or modification of the s&ld law, bat that on the 
 contrary they hope the executive will compel government con- 
 tractors as well as his own officers, to carry out its provisions 
 fully." 
 
 One of the last resolutions to be introduced related 
 to the appointment by executive officers provided by the National 
 Labor Union of one or more suitable persons to represent their 
 organi_ation in the International Labor Union which was to meet 
 in Paris in September, 1870. 
 
 3. The Negroes Leave the National Labor "''^ 
 Union in 1870. 
 
 In 1870 the Negroes were represented in the convention 
 of the National Labor Union by such politicians as John M. 
 Langston and Isaac Wear. The workingraen at this time were 
 strongly opposed to the reigning political parties: the Re- 
 publicans and Domocrats; and when it was learned that Langston 
 
-40- 
 T/as present in the interest 6f the Republican Party, he was 
 denied the privilege of speaking on the floor hy a vote of 
 forty-nine to twen ty-t three . 
 
 Later on, the questions of dividing the National Labor 
 Union into industrial and pilitical divisions and the formation 
 of a National Lahor Reform Party were discussed. Isgiac Wear 
 was opposed to this. He expressed it as the sentiment of the 
 Negroes that they owed their emancipation to the Republican 
 Party, and were against the formation of a new political party. 
 However, the measure was championed hy Cameron, Trevellick, and 
 Langston, and when it was put to a vote of the convention, it 
 passed: fifty votes for, and five against. 
 
 The committee on resolutions offered a measure which 
 was intended to prevent the withdrawal of Negro djelegates be- 
 cause of their opposition to tihe formation of a lahor party. 
 This had little effect, however, for hereafter we find no repre- 
 sentation of the Negroes in the National Labor Union. Further 
 mention is made of the attitude which the National Colored Con- 
 vention took towEird the dividing up of the National Labor Union 
 uhder the heading "Convention of 1872." It shows plainly 
 that the question of politics was the one which separated the 
 Negroes from the National Labor Union. 
 
 4. Columbia, S. C, Oct., 1871. 
 
 The convention of colored delegates met pursuant to 
 
 a call issued by the Georgia State Convention of September, 
 
 (1) 
 
 1870, in Columbia, South Carolina, October 18, 1871. Eleven 
 
 (1) For proceedings of this convention, see Washington Daily 
 Morniig Chronicle, -Oct. 21-24, 1871. 
 
-41- 
 
 (1) 
 states were represented ty fifty delegates. 
 
 H. M. IPurner of Georgia called the convention to 
 order, and Lieutenant Governor Ransier of South Carolina 
 was chosen president,- Very few colored delegates were present 
 at this convention, and hoth Langston and Douglass were ahsent. 
 
 This was a lahor convention in name only. Very 
 little business was done along lahor lines, for most of the 
 time was spent in jangling over political questions. Although 
 committees on education, labor, printing, finance, ciVil:right5, 
 organization, emigration, and outrages in the South were ' 
 appointed, theyjidid coinparatively little work. Two-thirds of 
 the first day was devoted to debating points of order. A quarrel 
 arose between the Georgia and South Carolina delegates, the for- 
 mer accused the latter of trying to rum the convention. On the 
 secdnd day, Pinchbak censured the convention severely, charging 
 them to leave off with their "child's play," and to get to work. 
 It may be siid that this convention marks the beginning of the 
 end of the national colored conventions. 
 
 Civil Eights. 
 
 Q;uarles of Georgia introduced a preamble and reso- 
 lution to the effect that the civil rights of colored persons 
 were being invaded in many instances by discriminations on 
 railroads and other public conveyances unddr charter granted by 
 the legislature. This being the case, the general government 
 had a right to correct these wrongs and to insure to every 
 citizen equal privileges and immunities on public highways. 
 Charles Summer of Massachusetts had introduced into Congress a 
 
 (1) For list of delegates, see Appendix III. 
 
-42- 
 till affecting this condition of affairs, and a petition to 
 Congress to pass that Mil was recommended. No action reported. 
 
 Politics. 
 
 Tliis question was attacked early in the convention, 
 and n-umerous resolutions were introduced, mostly upholding the 
 policy of Grant and his administration , and, in fact, the Ee- 
 publican Party in general. 
 
 The Florida delegation introduced a measure which 
 created a noisy dehate "brut no final action was taken. It stated 
 that whereas perfect unity of purpose and harmony of action, 
 mutual confidence and zealous cooperation hetween all classes in 
 the party and both races was absolutely needful to insure success, 
 they deprecated all attacks upon any class within the Republican 
 ranks, 'believing that those who had been faithful to the Republican 
 principles in the past could be safely trusted in the future. 
 
 On the second day, F. G. Barbadoes of Washington intro- 
 duced a resolution recommending a firm adherence to republic^ 
 principles and stating that needed reforms could be most quickly 
 accomplished through that party. It also deprecated the divid- 
 ing up of the party by any factions or personal controversies. 
 No action taken.' 
 
 Pinchback, in a preamble, declared that Grant had 
 proven himself to be the military chieftain of the age, and had 
 administered the affairs of government with abilities unsur- 
 passed by any previous executive. He further declared that 
 Grant's distribution of patronage was the crowning act to eleva- 
 tion of American citizenship. And, resolved, that the convention 
 
-43- 
 indorse his administration and express their helief that under 
 his leadership, with judicious management, the Republican Party "'■'^ 
 could he led to a glorious victory in 1872. 
 
 A wiferm discussion followed with a substitute reso- 
 lution hy Grey of Arkansas which amounted to the same as Pinch- 
 tack' s . The same noisy dehate followed the introduction of the 
 substitute. Pinchback accused many of the delegates of heing 
 "half warm," not knowing where they stood, ahd not being manly 
 enough to express their true sentiments. Some declared that the 
 matter was too far distant to receive consideration at the 
 present time, and finally an amendment to the substitute was 
 offered by Barbadoes of Washington. In substance it stated that 
 the present convention was a class convention, composed entirely 
 of colored men for the purpose of considering their peculiar con- 
 dition growing out of their enfranchisement, and they, therefore, 
 deemed it impolitic at this time to appeal" even to dictate or 
 anticipate the action of the great Republican Party. This again 
 created considerable controversy, and late in the evening both 
 the substitute and the amendment thereto were voted down and 
 Pinchback» s resolution adopted amidst the wildest excitement 
 and uproar. 
 
 Education. 
 
 Mr. Nelson of Texas offered a resolution looking to 
 the formation of educational and literary societies through the 
 agency of their respective state conventions. Ho action reported. 
 
 The report of the committee on education was volum- 
 inous, but excited very little attention or debate. It called 
 for equality in public schools and suggested that universal 
 
"44- 
 system of schools should be established. 
 
 Labor. 
 The report of the committee on labor was passed over 
 In the same hurried fashion as that on education. It merely set 
 forth the necessity for the formation of unions in all trades, and 
 advocated that national, state and county organizations be imme- 
 diately formed. 
 
 Immigration. 
 
 Resolutions by Wall of Florida and Grey of Arkansas 
 invited migration to their states, setting forth the advantages 
 thereof, and stating that all would be welcomed, regardless of 
 race, color, political or religious opinions. 
 
 The convention then adjourned sine die . 
 
 5. New Orleans, La., Apr., 1872. 
 At the colored convention held in Coltimbia, South 
 Carolina, October, 1871, a resolution was passed providing for 
 a similar convention, embraci^Jg all the states to meet in New 
 Orleans on the second Wednesday in April, 1872. The basis of 
 representation was to be two delegates at large from all the 
 states and territories, and one for every 20,000 votes or for 
 every fractional part thereof over 10,000. Pursuant to this 
 
 call, delegates from seventeen states and the i;iswx'ict of 
 
 (1) 
 Columbia net April 10, 1872. 
 
 One of the prominent newspapers of this time reported 
 
 that, although the convention of 1871 was more of a political 
 
 (l) Tor proceedings of this convention, see New Orleans 
 Eepubllcan, Apr. 11-16, 1872. 
 
-4&- 
 thaa a labor convention, the convention of 1872 promised to be 
 exceedingly interesting and important. "Colored men from all 
 parts of the Union will be present. Meetings are being held 
 throughout the union to elect delegates. The colored people of ■ 
 Memphis and throughout west Tennessee should hold meeting and ' 
 send to New Orleans not politicians, but their wisest, safest 
 
 and most prudent men men who will have the nerve and ability 
 
 to rise up in the midst of their race assembled from all parts 
 of this vast union and proclaim that there is a class of un- 
 principled white adventurers, who, since, the war have proved 
 the greatest curse of the Southern States, end, who for the 
 purpose of influencing negro votes and gaining power for them- 
 selves, have industriously labored to inflame the minds of the 
 ignorant freedraen with bitter prejudices against their late v^ 
 masters, teaching them that they were in danger of being re- 
 duced to slavery again unless they followed the advice of their 
 
 self-constituted leaders, and who in every way have endeavored 
 
 (1) 
 to nurture a spirit of hatred between the races." 
 
 Alonzo Ransier, Lieutenant Governor of South Carolina 
 opened the convention, and stated that they had met to consider 
 ways and means necessary to the conservation of the material 
 and political interests of the colored people of the country. 
 
 Mr. Pinchback of Louisiana was elected chairman of the 
 
 convention. A committee on credentials was appointed and re- 
 
 (2) 
 ported favorably on credentials of sixty-six delegates. 
 
 (1) Memphis Daily Appeal, Mch. 16, 1872. 
 
 (2) Por a complete list of delegates, see Appendix IV. 
 
-46- 
 
 A committee on permanent orgsjalzatlon consisting of 
 one delegate from each state was organized, as follows: F. L. 
 CardOgO, South Carolina, chairman; Jerry Harral son, Alabama; 
 Rl. W. Gibbs, Arkansas; John M. Langston, District of Coliambia; 
 H. M. Turner, Georgia; David Yoiing, Louisiana; Isaac My^rs, 
 Maryland; Sella; Martin, Massachusetts; J. P. Piles, Mlssisaippi; 
 Peter H. Clarke, Ohio; P. Morris Chester, Pennsylvania; A. W. 
 Cuny, Texas; W. N. Stevens, Virginia. 
 
 The second day' s proceedings began with a political 
 discussion introduced by Harralson of Alabama. It took rather 
 a wild' turn, bordering on the ridiculous, and forcibly reminding 
 one of the scenes thataare sometiaes enacted in club and bar 
 rooms where political meetings axe held under the inspiration 
 of "whiskey straight." 
 
 1/ It will be remembered that the motion of the National 
 Labor Union of 1870 to form an independent political party for 
 the laborers had been looked upon by the Negroes as expressive 
 of distrust in the Republican Party to which they attributed 
 their emancipation, and they consequently were opposed to such 
 amove. Harralson' s resolution recommended that in the name of "Nj 
 the colored men of the United States, they (the convention) 
 repudiate any sympathy or connection whatever with the labor 
 reform convention held at Col-umbus, Ohio, as well as the con- 
 vention of liberal republicans, called for the first of May, 
 1872, at Col-umbus. 
 
 This proved an inexhaustible subject for discussion 
 which was indulged in by such men as Pinchback, Eansier, Martin 
 and Harralson. 
 
-47- 
 
 Pinchtack opposed the passage of the resolution at 
 this time on the ground that such ax;tion vould he premature 
 end impolitic. He believed it was intended to strike at a good 
 man, — the Honorable Charles Sumner, one of the best friends 
 the colored men ever had. Then followed some heated discussion 
 in comparison of Grant and Sumner. Cinchback stating in forcible 
 language that he did not think Grant was a friend of the colored 
 men and that Siamner was. Later on he offered an amen^ent in 
 which he stated that Charles Sumner by his disinterested advo- 
 cacy of regro rights and his consummate statesmanship in se- 
 curirg recognition of these rights in the constitution of the 
 United States, endeared himself to the people of the nation, and 
 until Charles Sumner should announce his secession from the 
 Republican Party, he would ever be held as one of the purest 
 and ablest members of the great Republican Party. 
 
 The chair held that this amendment was out of order, 
 but stated that it could be considered separately. 
 
 Mr- Jacobs of Mississippi spoke in opposition to 
 Harralson' s resolution, condemning the Cincinnati convention. 
 He said that the present government wa^s not a one-man affair. 
 No one knew who would be candidates at the Philadelphia con- 
 vention or what the platform would be; neither did anyone know 
 what the complexion of the Cincinnati convention would be, and 
 until they did, it would not be wise to take action upon 
 subjects entirely foreign to the objects t6T which they were 
 called. 
 
 Sella Martin said that Sumner had as good a diance 
 for the Philadelphia nomination for president as any man. He 
 was opposed to the Cincinnati convention because he considered 
 
-48- 
 that it was to be the opening wedge to divide the Republican 
 Party. 
 
 Mr. Stevens of Virginia offered a resolution tending 
 to substitute both the others, but it was declared out of 
 order and both Harralson»s resolution and Pinchback' s amendment 
 thereto were passed. 
 
 The fourth and fifth days were devoted to speeches 
 
 vyoon«( < 
 
 by Pred Douglass, Clarke and others which invariably would up 
 with a political discussion, participated in by all, 
 
 i 
 
 Civil eights was mentioned once by Mr. Do'wning of 
 Rhode Island, who expressed himself in favor of demanding the 
 admission of colored children into all public schools. 
 
 ' Mr. Pinchback brought up the matter of expenses, and 
 it was agreed that eacfe member should pay five dollars. 
 
 The platform and resolutions of this convention were 
 read by T. M. Chester of Pennsylvania. They differed entirely from 
 the platform and resolutions of 1869 in that almost every pro- 
 vision had a smattering of politics. Ho mention was made of 
 labor, thus showing how far the conventions had drifted from 
 their original intent and purpose. 
 
 Mr. Rapier presented a resolution which provided that 
 there should be no more colored conventions in the United States, 
 that the colored men in the future should be content to wipe out 
 color. This was referred to the committee on resolutions with 
 no further action reported. 
 
 After a lengthy address by Mr. Douglass upon the 
 
 necessity of the oolored man educating himself and sending his 
 
 children to school, the convention adjourned, and is the last 
 colored convention of which there seems to be any account. 
 
-49- 
 
 Concluslon. 
 
 IThis then is the history of the Negroes in organized 
 laiwr up to 1873. The sequel to it would he their history 
 through the period when the Knights of Labor attEacted most 
 attention, and following this, the period which reaches down 
 to the present time — the period of the American Federation of 
 Lahor. No doubt this would make an interesting topic, and 
 the writer hopes at some time to be able to complete the 
 history which has here be"'started. 
 
 Althou^ at the present time the Negroes hold no 
 national conventions, they do receive a great deal more con- 
 sideration by the whites in industrial centers where they are 
 likely to come into competition, then they formerly did. 
 Also, strikes and riots, because of color prejudice, are no 
 . moVe'. 
 
-50- 
 ibpendlx I. 
 Deleg9.tes present at the Washington, D. C, January, 1859 
 Colored Convention. 
 
 Alahama: Holes Ellsworth, John Mitchell 
 
 Delaware: G. W. Layton, David S. Gustus, William H. Day, 
 , Caleh Milhurn, William T. Jones, E. V. Clarke. 
 
 Dist. Col.: John T. Johnson, George P. Coakley, W.'H. Baker, 
 Colin Cruso, A. Hall, D. W. Anderson, John P. 
 Cook, Charles H. Peter, Joseph Brooks, James U. 
 Tally, George W. Hatton, D. E. Parker, James 
 GVeen, Isaac Shriver, George T. Batter, Charles 
 P. Douglass, S. C. Brown, Thomas R. Hawkins, A. 
 I^f Green. 
 
 Florida: G.- W. Long. 
 
 Georgia: James M. Sims, H. M. Turner, J. M. Costin. 
 
 Illinois: R. De Baptist, H. D. King. 
 
 Iowa: Alexander Clark. 
 
 Kansas: Charles H. Langston, John Keffer. 
 
 Kentucky: W. H. Gitson. 
 
 Maryland: James H. Hill, Isaac Myers, A. D. Stanford, John 
 C. Poster, J. H. Brown, J. H. C. Pindar, George A. 
 Hackett, William E. Matthew, J. D. Oliver, A. J. 
 Kelley, Daniel Young, John H. Brown, M. Serrell, 
 A. W. Wayraan, E. T. Crue, A. Ward Handy, Ro"bert 
 Sorrell, C. 0. Gallamison, Walter Sorrell, L. G. 
 Griffin, R. M. Piper, H. Braddocks, J. R. V. Thomas, 
 J. H. Douglass, James Jackson, John Johnson, D. R. 
 Hudson, William H. Black, Joseph Thomas, J. T. 
 Jackson, J. W. Prance, E. E. Proheck, J. J. Hertert. 
 
 Mass.: P. G. Barhadoes. v 
 
 Miss.: Thomas W, Stringer - 
 
 N. Car.: Gamaliel P- Rourke, William McLaurie, William Carter, 
 George L. Watson. 
 
 N. Jersey: W. T. Catto, J. M. Williams, Charles H. Thon5)son, 
 J. H. A. Johnson, William E. Middleton, George G. 
 Collins, John W. Stevenson, William Y. Wilson. 
 
-51- 
 
 New York; Frederick Douglass, J. B. Trusty, J. Sella Martin, 
 Lewis H. Douglass, H. C. Molsoji, J. N. G-louchester, 
 Rufus L. Perry, Riley White, James J. Selraan, 
 W. Rich, S. T. Jones, Fred Douglass, Harriet John- 
 son. 
 
 Ohio: 
 
 Penn.: 
 
 Henry Thomas, T. M. Langston, D. L. Watson, T. M. 
 Gregory, J. H. Cook, 0. S. P. Wall. 
 
 G-ranville S. Woodsora," Samuel Molson, William E. 
 Welch, P. N. Judah, D. D. Turner, A. lee, Charles 
 B. Purvis, B. K. Sampson, J. B. liurraj'", Samuel 
 VaJi Brackle, Aaron 1. Still, Lizzeare Brown, James 
 V. Brown, M. Cupid, A. J. Billows, W. H. Hunter, 
 J. &. Pry, E. D. Bassett, J. P. Caraphell, George W. 
 Buck, William Neshit, Cassius M. Brown, Rohert 
 Boston, H. J. Rhodes, Alfred M. Green, Henry Garnett, 
 Moses Anderson, George Molson, Alhanus S. Fisher, 
 William Whipper, Joseph C. Bustill, Josiah C. 
 Wears, W. D. Forden, J. C. Bower, 0. L. C. Hughes, 
 James Cornelius, Thomas Goff. 
 
 Rhode I.: George B. Vashon, John T. Waugh, George T. Downing, 
 A. T. Augusta. 
 
 Virginia: Lewis Lindsay, Fields Cook, Edward Nelson, R. 
 
 Forrester, B. F. Grant, Austin Syphaz, M. Morton, 
 0. C. Stevens, R. D. Beckley, P. Kelse, John Evart. 
 
 W. Va.: 
 
 Adam How£ird. 
 
-52- 
 Appendix II. 
 Delegates Present at the Washington, D. C, December, 1869, 
 Colored Convention. 
 
 California: 
 Connecticut: 
 Delaware : 
 Dist. Col.: 
 
 Florida: 
 
 Georgia: 
 
 Louisiana: 
 
 Maryland: 
 
 Mass. : 
 
 Michigan: 
 Miss. : 
 Nevada: 
 Hew Jersey: 
 New York: 
 
 N. Car.: 
 
 Ohio: 
 
 Penn.: 
 
 Hhode I.: 
 S. Car.: 
 Tenn. : 
 
 W. H. Hall. 
 
 Gr. JfcLynn. 
 
 Caleb Milburn, E. Ward Handy, Abraham E. Veazey. 
 
 Charles H. Peters, John M. Langston, Mrs. Colby, 
 William Lavallette, A. M. Green, Mr. Jones, George 
 B. Vashon, P. H. Donegan, Collin Cruso, Anthony 
 Bowen. 
 
 H. S. Harman, J. T. Eapier, Mr. Hamilton, E. S. 
 Francis, Harry S. Harmon. 
 
 William White, J. M. Sirams, J. F. Long. 
 
 John R. Loot, J. W. Menard, William Bonner. 
 
 Isaac I^ers, Walter Sorrell, William Perkins, 
 George IJyers. 
 
 Sella Martin, F. G. Barbadoes, F. H. Fletcher. 
 
 J. B. Stebbins, Mrs. M. A. S. Cary, S. 0. Watson. 
 
 Mr. W. Curaac. 
 
 W. U. Sanders, Robert H. Small. 
 
 Rev. Joshua Woodlin, J. P. Campbell. 
 
 Rev. N. H. Turpin, J. A. W. Leonard, Lewis H. Douglass, 
 Bishop J. W. Logan, W. P. Powell. 
 
 W. T. J. Hayes, G. Rourke, J. B. Hutchins , J. H. Harris, 
 
 J. Jenkins, John Watson, G. A. Warner, J. A. Ware. 
 
 G. S. Woodson, R. Trevellick, R. M. Adger, W. D. 
 Kelley, Isaac Wear. 
 
 G. T. Downing, John T. Wall, J. T. Waagh. 
 
 J. J. Wright, Mr. Mackey.'J. H. Rainey- 
 
 Abraham Smith, Albert Somraerville. 
 
-53- 
 
 Virginla; W. B. Derricks, J. A. Warren, Charles Porter, W. H. 
 Lester, Mr* lowry. 
 
 W. Va.: J. W. Jonea. 
 
 Wisconsin: W. P. Brooks. 
 
 Unlocated: ■ J. Sayles Bowen, Allen Coffin, Prof. Green, Cor- 
 nelius Clark, Henry lee, J. P. Evans, W. T. Butler, 
 G. B. Uabson. / 
 
-54- 
 
 Appendlx III. 
 Delegates Present at the Columljia, S. C, October, 1871, 
 Colored Convention, 
 
 AlaTssma; James T. Rapier, Ja-nes A. Poster, Holland Thompson. 
 
 Arkansas: J. H. Thonipson, Mr. Grey. 
 
 Dist. Col.: 7. G. Barhadoes. 
 
 Florida: J', H. Wall. 
 
 Georgia: J.V. Deveaux, Edwin Belcher, J. H. Simms, H. M. 
 Turner, C. L. Bradwell, J. C. Beall, W. H. Noble, 
 J. G. Camphell, John McCloskey, L. W. West, J. F. 
 Quarles,' W. H. Hamilton, W. A. Golden. 
 
 Louisiana: P. B. S. 'Pinchhack, George E. Harris, W. G. Johnson, 
 Edgar Davis, Edward Butler, Benjamin Geddes, P. C. 
 intdine, J. H. Burch. 
 
 Maryland: Isaac l\Jyers. 
 
 Miss. ; ■ S. H. Scott. 
 
 IT. Car.: T. A. Sykes. 
 
 S. Car.: R, H. Cain, A. J. Ransier, R. B. Elliott, Wilson Cook, 
 W. J. Whipper, B. A. Boseman, J. H. Rainer, H. E. 
 Hayne, W. B. Hash, S. J. Lee, John White, Frank 
 Williamson. 
 
 Tenn.: Andrew S. Flowers. 
 
 Texas: James Green, J. H. Townsend, J. De Bruhl, David 
 G. Scott, Richard Allen, Richard Nelson. 
 
-55- 
 Appendix IV. 
 Delegates Present at the New Orleans, Louisiana, April, 1872, 
 Colored Convention. 
 
 Alabama; Jerry HarrsuLeon, James T. Rapier, 0. W. Washington, 
 H. Thompson, R. W. Whitaker, Prank McKid,; William 
 V. IPurner. 
 
 Arkansas: M. W. GibTss, Mr. Brooks, Mr. Rapier, Mr. Jones. 
 
 California: Daniel Seals. 
 
 « 
 
 Dist. Col.; J. M. Langston, A. M. (Jreen, M. W. Smith, J. B. 
 Brooks, P. G. Barhadoes. 
 
 Georgia: H. M. Turner. 
 
 Kansas: C. H. Langston. 
 
 Louisiana: P. B. S. Pinchhack, James Lewis, J. H. Ingraham, 
 George Devizan, J. H. Burch, Harry Lott, David 
 Yovuag. 
 
 Maryland: Isaac Myers. 
 
 Miss.: James Hill, J. J. Spellman, G. W. White, H. B, 
 
 Jacohs, P. H. Piles, C. M. Boles, A. Handy, J. D. 
 Wehster, A. K. Davis. 
 
 Mass.: George L. R^lffin, J. Sella Martin. 
 
 New'Tork: . Fred Douglass, L. H. Doviglass, W. A. Jones. 
 
 Ohio: Peter H. Clarke, 'W. H. Jones. 
 
 Penn.: P. M. Chester. 
 
 'Rhode I.: G. T. Downing. 
 
 S. Car.; A. J. Ransier, P. L. Csrdozo, R. B. Elliott, W. B. 
 Nash, F. H. Frost, W. J. McKinley. 
 
 Texas: Richard Allen, G. T. Ruhy, Thomas Reed, W. M. 
 Burton, N. W. Cuny, F. J. Wehh, Edward Brown. 
 
 Virginia: W. U. Stevens, W. H. Trent, Alhert Brooks, P. G. 
 Carter, R. G. L. Page, Rufus Morse, William P. 
 Mosely, John Freeman. 
 
Books : 
 
 Papers : 
 
 -56- 
 Bibliography 
 
 Doc-umentary History of American Industrial Society, 
 Volumes II and IX. 
 
 Tincher's Trades' Review, 1853, 1865, 1866. 
 WasMngton Daily Morning Chronicle, 1869, 1870,1871. 
 Paulson's Daily American Advertiser, 1829. 
 New Orleans Republican, 1872. 
 Memphis Daily Appeal, 1872. 
 
Cornell University Library 
 E 185.8.L4 
 
 The history of the Negroes in organized 
 
 3 1924 002 226 805