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Cornell University Library 
 PR 3736.T78Z8 
 
 Henry Tubbe 
 
 3 1924 013 202 803 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of tiiis book is in 
 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924013202803 
 
Volume I. ELIZABETHAN ROGUES AND VAGA- 
 BONDS AND THEIR REPRESENTATION IN 
 CONTEMPORARY LITERATURE. BY FRANK 
 AYDELOTTE. 
 
 Volume II. ANGLO-ROMAN RELATIONS, i j 5 8-1 j<Jj. 
 BY C. G. BAYNE, C.S.I. 
 
 Volume III. THE HOUSE OF LORDS IN THE REIGN 
 OF WILLIAM III. BY A. S. TURBERVILLE. 
 
 Volume IV. A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SAMUEL JOHNSON. 
 BY W. P. COURTNEY. REVISED AND SEEN 
 THROUGH THE PRESS BY D. NICHOL SMITH. 
 
 Volume V. HENRY TUBBE. SELECTIONS EDITED 
 FROM THE MSS. BY G. C. MOORE SMITH. 
 
HISTORICAL AND 
 
 LITERARY STUDIES 
 
 VOLUME V 
 
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 
 LONDON EDINBURGH GLASGOW NEW YORK 
 
 TORONTO MELBOURNE BOMBAY 
 
 HUMPHREY MILFORD M.A. 
 
 PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY 
 
OXFORD 
 
 Historical and Literary 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 Issued under the direction of C. H. FIRTH 
 
 and WALTER RALEIGH Professors of 
 
 Modern History and English Literature in 
 
 the University of Oxford 
 
 VOLUME 5 
 
 HENRY TUBBE 
 
 By g, C. MOOT(E SMITH 
 
 OXFORD 
 
 At the Clarendon 'Press 
 1915 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 INTRODUCTION : 
 
 I. Henry Tubbe, his Life and Letters . i 
 
 II. Tubbe's Literary Remains .... 50 
 
 POEMS 6s 
 
 CHARACTER: A RESELL 97 
 
 MEDITATIONS 104 
 
 NOTES . 107 
 
 INDEX OF NAMES . . .... 117 
 
 INDEX OF PLACES 120 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 HENRY TUBBE, HIS LIFE AND LETTERS 
 
 More than fifty years ago, Mr. Thorns, the then editor of 
 Notes and Queries, urged ^ the publication of the literary 
 remains of Henry Tubbe, preserved in the author's beautiful 
 manuscript in the British Museum.^ 
 
 They consist of letters in English and in Latin, and poems 
 of various forms (verse-epistles, elegies, odes, hymns, satires, 
 epigrams), with some prose ' characters ' and devotions. In- 
 vestigation has shown that some of the poems are poetical 
 exercises merely, paraphrases, in fact, of poems of Randolph 
 and Suckling. And no very striking merit can be assigned 
 to those other poems which are more original. But some of 
 the satires have a coarse strength, and other poems illustrate 
 at least the poetical fashions of the day, especially its fondness 
 for 'conceits'. They throw some light on the acts and 
 behaviour of the Parliamentarians and religious fanatics, and 
 still more on the spirit in which Royalists and Churchmen, 
 such as Tubbe, regarded them. The letters bring him in 
 connexion with noble families such as the Wriothesleys, 
 Devereux, Spencers, and Tuftons, and afford an interesting 
 picture of the life and feelings of a studious Royalist at a time 
 when family ties were broken under the stress of party passions, 
 when Royalists were driven into corners, and the high places 
 of the world were occupied by their enemies. Hitherto the 
 wish expressed by Mr. Thorns has remained unfulfilled. I hope, 
 however, that an account of Tubbe and some specimens of 
 his Writings may still excite a little of that interest which 
 Mr. Thoms anticipated for them half a century ago. 
 ^ Notes and Queries, November 2, 1861, 
 » Harl.MS-,4126. 
 
 1B2I-II B 
 
a HENRY TUBBE 
 
 When Henry Tubbe was admitted to St. John's College, 
 Cambridge, on June 3, 1635, he was described as ' son of 
 John Tubbe, captain in parts beyond the sea, born at South- 
 ampton ; school, Croidon, Surrey, (Mr. Webbe) for 7 years : set. 
 nearly (or about ^) 17.' He was, therefore, born at Southampton 
 in 1618, and, as we conclude from his will which will be given 
 later, in the parish of Holy Cross.^ From the same document 
 we infer that his father belonged to the good Cornish family 
 of the Tubbes of Trengoffe in the parish of Warleggon.^ His 
 mother's name, as we shall see, was Anne. Captain Tubbe 
 had, perhaps, like so many west countrymen, attached himself 
 to Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, at the time of Essex's 
 expedition to Cadiz in 1596, or that to the Azores in i597- 
 At any rate we find Tubbe's family from our first meeting with 
 them under the protection of the houses of Essex and South- 
 ampton. The political alliance which existed between Henry 
 Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton (the patron and friend of 
 Shakespeare), and Robert, second Earl of Essex, is a matter 
 of history ; their family relationship is shown in the table oti 
 page 3, the lowest line of which represents the chief protectors 
 of the Tubbes. 
 
 In the summer of 1613, Henry, Lord Southampton, was in 
 the Low Countries, and apparently John Tubbe was with him. 
 On July 10, Lord Lisle wrote from Spaw to Sir Ralph 
 Winwood, the English Resident in the Low Countries, that he 
 had received a letter from him ' by Mr. Tubb ', and on August 6 
 following. Lord Southampton writing, from some port in the 
 Low Countries apparently, to Sir R. Winwood, who had now 
 returned to England, added a postscript in favour of Mr. Tubbe, 
 the bearer.* 
 
 • 
 
 * Latin, 'fere.' 
 
 ' Unfortunately the parish register of this date no longer exists. 
 
 ' The arms granted to Tubb of TrengofF in 1 571 were a chev. sa. 
 between 3 gurnards hauriant gu. The Cornish name for gurnard is ' tub *. 
 See Notes and Queries, 4th series, vol. ii, 253, 357, 452. The Parochial 
 History of Cornwall (1870), vol. viij p. 302, says, 'The ancient manor- 
 house at Trengoffe with its avenue of trees still remains.' A pedigree of 
 the family is in the Visitation of Cornwall, 1620, ed. Vivian. 
 
 * Hist. MSS. Com. Report on MSS. of D. of Buccleu^h at Montague 
 House, vol. i, p. 138 and p. 21. Lord Southampton's letter v;as printed 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
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4 HENRY TUBBE 
 
 Lord Southampton's seat Titchfield'was near Southampton, 
 and in this town John Tubbe apparently began his married 
 life. His wife had probably belonged to Lord Southampton's 
 household, and it was probably after Lord Southampton (who 
 may have been his godfather) that Henry Tubbe was named. 
 His godmother at any rate was Southampton's daughter, 
 Lady Penelope Wriothesley, then (in 1618) already married 
 to William, Lord Spencer of Wormleighton. Lord Spencer, 
 Lord Southampton, and the third Lord Essex were at this 
 time in the same political camp. They are all mentioned 
 by Arthur Wilson in his list of 'gallant spirits that aimed 
 at the public liberty more than their own interest',^ they 
 stood, that is, for what came to be called the Country Party 
 as opposed to the Party of the Court. 
 
 So far as we know, Henry Tubbe was the eldest child of 
 his parents, and their only other child was another son, 
 Robert Hay Tubbe. His mother's will suggests that this boy 
 took his first name from Robert, Earl of Essex. Whether the 
 name ' Hay ' was given him in compliment to James Hay, 
 created, by James I, Viscount Doncaster and Earl of Carlisle, 
 I cannot say. At that time it was so unusual to give a child 
 two Christian names that one looks naturally for a reason for 
 such a proceeding. 
 
 We have seen that John Tubbe was in the Low Countries 
 with Lord Southampton in 1613, and he had probably 
 fought in the War of the Palatinate for some years before he 
 met his death in 1635. Lord Essex commanded a company 
 of three hundred men in an expedition sent in aid of the King 
 of Bohemia in the summer of i6ao. He returned to England 
 at Christmas, but was at once put on a council of war to 
 advise measures for the r^overy of the Palatinate. No English 
 expedition being possible that year, Essex returned to the 
 Continent alone about June i6ai to serve as a volunteer under 
 
 (without the postscript) by Sawyer, Memorials of Affairs of State . . .front 
 the , . .papers of Sir R. JVinwood {iy2S), vol. iii, No. 372, p. 475. 
 
 * Quoted in Lives of the Devereux, ii, p. 289. Among the sixteen 
 popular noblemen named by the King in September, 1640, to treat with 
 the Scots at Ripon were the Earls of Hertford, Essex, Holland, and 
 Warwick. Lord Spencer was dead by this time. 
 
INTRODUCTION 5 
 
 Maurice, Prince of Orange. In the summers of 162a and 1623 
 he was abroad again in the service of Prince Maurice. Early 
 in 1624 Parliament voted ;£^ 300,000 for the reconquest of the 
 Palatinate. Four regiments of one thousand five hundred men 
 each were equipped and sent into Holland under the command 
 of the Earls of Oxford, Essex, and Southampton, and Lord 
 Willoughby. If Captain Tubbe had not been with Essex 
 earlier, we may be sure that he was with the force now sent 
 out. Unfortunately, Prince Maurice made little use of the 
 assistance given him from England. He suffered Spinola to 
 invest Breda, and himself failed in an attempt to surprise 
 Antwerp. Lord Southampton and his son Lord Wriothesley 
 were among the many English who fell victims to fever in the 
 course of the winter. Prince Maurice himself died in the 
 spring. His brother Henry, who succeeded him in the com- 
 mand, was as rash as Maurice had been over-cautious. 
 
 In an over-daring attempt to relieve Breda, early on May 15, 
 1625, the brunt of the attack fell on the English contingent 
 under Sir Horace Vere and Lord Oxford. They were repulsed 
 with heavy loss, and Captain Tubbe (whom we may safely 
 identify with Henry Tubbe's father) was struck by small-shot 
 and died soon afterwards of his wounds.^ Lady Spencer 
 speaks of Henry's father in after years as having been ' a man 
 of extraordinary learning and valour '. Neither Lord Essex 
 nor Lord Southampton were engaged in this attempt, but if 
 they had any special interest in Captain Tubbe's family before, 
 they would feel that it had a still greater claim on them after 
 he had perished valiantly in the service of his country. 
 
 Captain Tubbe's widow seems to have moved after his death 
 from Southampton to Croydon. She is described as ' Anne 
 Tubb of Croydon, Widow ', in her will made on October 30, 
 1629.^ She here bequeaths, 'to my younger sonne Robert 
 Tubbe one hundreth markes ... to be paid to the Right 
 honourable Robert Earle of Essex, humbly beseechinge his 
 lordshippe to cause it to bee disposed of to the best advantage 
 of the child as in his wisedome and iudgment he shall thinke 
 
 * See Appendix, p. 62. 
 
 ' Now at Somerset House, ' Prer. Court of Cant. loo Ridley '. 
 
6 HENRY TUBBE 
 
 fitt . . . to my now servant Richgen CornelHs five pounds 
 and all my weareing apparrell and a good paire of sheets 
 ... to my eldest sonne Henry Tubbe all the rest of my goods 
 ready money Jewells Rings Linnen . . . whom I make sole 
 executor' ... (If either die before 21) 'the longest survivor 
 shall enjoy the remainder of their estates. ... I desire my 
 loving friends Mr. William Beeston and Mr. Samuell Bernard 
 to bee Overseers and I doe charge my sonne Henry upon my 
 blessinge to bee ordered and directed by them.' 
 
 The will was witnessed by Robert Deringe and Charles 
 Rogars. Mrs. Tubbe must have died within a week or two 
 after making it, as on November 19, 1629, a commission was 
 granted to the two overseers named to administer her estate 
 during the minority of Henry Tubbe. 
 
 Accordingly the two brothers were left orphans at Croydon 
 when Henry was only eleven and Robert still younger. 
 Mr. Samuel Bernard, Vicar of Croydon,^ whom their mother 
 had made one of the overseers of her will, now became their 
 guardian and faithfully executed his trust. It is likely enough 
 that he took the two boys into his vicarage, unless Robert 
 passed at once into the care of Lord Essex. We know from 
 the record of Henry's admission to St. John's College that for 
 seven years he was at the Free School of Croydon — no doubt 
 that founded by Archbishop Whitgift — and that his master 
 was Mr. Webbe. He must, therefore, have been entered there 
 a year or more before his mother's death. 
 
 Some Latin letters addressed by Henry Tubbe to Dr. Bernard 
 and included in the Harleian MS. were evidently written before 
 the writer left school. They show the affectionate gratitude 
 which he felt towards his guardian and his eager craving to go 
 to a University. On June a, 1635, as we have seen, his wish was 
 granted. He was admitted as a pensioner to St. John's College, 
 Cambridge (which, it may be remarked, had been the College 
 
 ' Samuel Bernard (Berks.) was matriculated from Magdalen College, 
 Oxford, in 1607, B.A. 1610, M.A. 1613, B.D. 1620-1, D.D. 1638-9, Vicar 
 of Croydon 1624 to 1643, when he was deprived and retired to his house 
 at Waddon, Croydon. He died in 1657. He was the author of the play 
 Andronicus Comnenus (MS. Sloane, 1767) acted in Magdalen, 26 Jan., 
 1617^8. From 1617 to 1624 he was master of Magdalen College School. 
 
INTRODUCTION 7 
 
 of Henry, Lord Southampton), his surety or tutor being 
 Mr. Maisterson. On July 9, 1635, he was matriculated as 
 a member of the University, and four months later was elected 
 a Foundation Scholar of his College. His declaration written 
 by himself is still preserved in the College books : 
 
 ' Novemb. 4to 1635. Ego Henricus Tubbe Southamp- 
 toniensis iuratus sii et admissus in discipulum huius coUegij 
 pro Domina ffundatrice.' 
 
 He took the degree of B.A. in 1638^9, and that of M.A. in 
 164a. It seems likely that he resided in Cambridge for the 
 whole of these seven years. If he needed monetary assis- 
 tance in addition to his scholarship, it was probably found for 
 him by Frances, Countess (from 1640 Marchioness) of 
 Hertford, sister of Lord Essex, and Penelope, Lady Spencer, 
 his godmother, sister of Thomas, Lord Southampton. 
 
 Both in 1642 and in 1643 Tubbe's noble patrons made 
 efforts to induce the College to elect him to a Fellowship. 
 In both years the College found itself unable to comply with 
 the requests made to it.^ In the former year the request 
 came in a joint letter from the Earls of Essex and Warwick, 
 dated March 18. They speak of Tubbe as a Bachelor of Arts, 
 and one of the scholars of the College, and say that having 
 taken notice of his 'sober and studious carriage' they re- 
 commend 'so hopefull a yong man', whose election would 
 ' encourage him to continue his studyes, which otherwise for 
 want of meanes are like to sinke.' This letter was backed 
 by one from the Earl of Holland, then Chancellor of the 
 University. The College replied to Lord Holland 'At our 
 late election there was but one place empty, and that, too, 
 at the disposing of the yet breathing founder '^ and to Lord 
 Warwick, ' although your Commendation, Sir, can create 
 worth wheresoever it pleases, nevertheles at our late election 
 wee could not requite such merrit with the guift of this 
 
 ' Copies of the letters here referred to are preserved among the muni- 
 ments of St. John's College. I am indebted to the Master for giving me 
 access to them. 
 
 ' The Fellow admitted on March 27 was on the foundation of John 
 Williams, Bishop of Lincoln. 
 
8 HENRY TUBBE 
 
 soe-much-sought for poverty.' Next year the appeal to the 
 College came from Penelope, Lady Spencer. It was in the 
 following terms : 
 
 Reverend S' 
 
 I have had frequent notice of the soher carriage of Henry 
 Tubbe sometymes Schollar of your Hoose; & desire that 
 you will be pleased to continue your favour towards him ; 
 being veryly perswaded that noe willfuU neglect shall make 
 him vncapable of any preferment. I must confesse that 
 I have noe particuler relacion to your Colledge being both 
 a stranger & a Woman. But since a Royall Rady [sic] was 
 your Foundresse you shall give me leave to wish well to any 
 that live within her Walks. And though I have noe intimate 
 acquaintance there, yet in regard that my deare father that 
 was, & my brother that now is, Earle of Southhamton were 
 both incorporated in the same place I think I may without 
 any prejudice challenge a little influence of power over you. 
 Besides I dare professe myselfe a friend in generall to all 
 Schollars & can heartily pray for theire happines in this 
 dismall time of the world. My earnest desire therefore is 
 that you will be pleased to beare a favorable respect vnto 
 him, (whose father was a man of extraordinary learning & 
 valour) and I am confident that he will ever study to deserve 
 it. In the assurance whereof towards him I remaine 
 
 Your loving freind, 
 P, Spencer 
 
 London March 15, 1642. To the Right WorJ"'°*i Doctor 
 Beale M"^. of St. Johns Colledge in Camb. & to the Senior 
 fellows of the sam Colledge.' 
 
 The College replied as follows : 
 
 Madam 
 
 We are very glad to read the good opinion which your 
 Honour professes of Mr. Tubbe. Indeed we knew him long 
 sine to be both civill and studious. But it is an extraordinary 
 happines (especially now when Calumnie may say what she 
 will, & be beleived too) to have soe noble Testimony as is 
 yours. Concerning our favour which you request for him 
 hee has ever had it in a fayre expression, but if the intent of 
 your Honours letter was particularly for a fellowshippe (as 
 we conceive it was) then, wee must humbly, tell you that the 
 hands of our Courtisyes are tyed by such strayt statutes. 
 
INTRODUCTION 9 
 
 that they can not sometymes reach to all those in whome we 
 may happily find a hopefull vertue. Soe it fell out at our late 
 Election : there being more Mandatory letters granted (and 
 these are statutes to us for the present) then were places 
 voyd. We trust therefore, you will not blame us, if we did 
 not grant what was out of our power. Solemnly protesting 
 that the Lady Daughter and sister to two such honorable 
 Earles shall (though wee did not consider her personall 
 vertues) ever command the utmost service of 
 
 Your Honours very faithfully devoted 
 
 From S*. Johns in Cambr. : 
 May 5, 1643. 
 
 The seven years which we may imagine Tubbe to have 
 spent at Cambridge were the years of political excitement 
 which ended with the outbreak of civil war. His own tutor 
 Henry Maisterson probably had Puritan leanings, as he held 
 his place after the purging of the University by the Earl 
 of Manchester in 1644 and was appointed a Senior Fellow 
 of the College in 1647. But St. John's generally was the 
 most royalist college in the University. It numbered among 
 its Fellows the intrepid John Cleveland, whose satires on 
 Roundheads, Scots, and Puritans served as models to Tubbe 
 when in after years he essayed the r61e of a royalist poet. 
 The Master of the College was William Beale, who had 
 shown himself in sympathy with Laud by beautifying the 
 College Chapel at great expense, and who drew on himself 
 and the College the special enmity of Cromwell when the 
 College plate was sent to the King (August 164a). He was 
 ejected and imprisoned and eventually died in exile at 
 Madrid. 
 
 After the formation of the Eastern Counties Association 
 Cambridge was at the mercy of the Parliamentary Party. 
 Early in 1643 the colleges were exposed to the violence and 
 the robberies of soldiers — soldiers were quartered in their 
 walls, part of St. John's was used as a prison, the Grove of 
 Jesus College was cut down, college chapels were wantonly 
 desecrated. Still greater havoc was wrought in the chapels 
 a year later by Will Dowsing. Fellows of colleges who 
 
lo HENRY TUBBE 
 
 refused to take the Covenant were ejected wholesale in 1644 — 
 twenty-nine, including Cleveland, from St. John's alone. 
 
 Whether Tubbe was still in residence when these later 
 events took place is a matter of doubt ; at any rate he saw 
 the rise of the storm, and, from what we know of him after- 
 wards, we cannot doubt that he grew ever more fixed in his 
 attachment to Church and King and in his hostility to their 
 enemies. Many of the leading actors on both sides must 
 have passed before his eyes. The Elector Palatine visited 
 Cambridge early in 1636 and in St. John's was greeted with 
 a speech of welcome delivered by Cleveland. A similar 
 welcome, also spoken by Cleveland, was given to King Charles 
 and Charles Prince of Wales when they visited St. John's in 
 March 164a. Oliver Cromwell was frequently in Cambridge, 
 which elected him as its representative in Parliament both on 
 March 35, 1640, and on October 27, of the same year. And 
 literary men and divines whose names are now honoured 
 walked the streets of Cambridge in those years ; not only 
 Cleveland of St. John's, but Edward King ('Lycidas') and 
 Henry More of Christ's, Richard Crashaw of Peterhouse, 
 Abraham Cowley of Trinity, William Sancroft and Ralph 
 Cudworth of Emmanuel. 
 
 Tubbe's literary remains date in part from his years at 
 Cambridge. Among them is an elegy on a Johnian friend of 
 Tubbe's own year, John Skelton of Armathwaite, Cumber- 
 land, who died in 1639, or a year or two later,^ and another 
 on Lawrence Chaderton the first Master of Emmanuel, who 
 died at the age of 103 in November 1640. An epigram on 
 Ben Jonson was probably written soon after the dramatist's 
 death in 1637, and one on Bishop Joseph Hall in 1641. An 
 ode on the power of music appears to date from the same year. 
 Probably other poems are of this period, especially those 
 based on poems of Randolph. 
 
 As has been said, one cannot fix the date of Tubbe's 
 
 leaving Cambridge, though probably he did not stay very 
 
 long after taking his M.A. degree in 1642. Neither do we 
 
 know where he was living during the years that followed 
 
 ' He is called B.A. 
 
INTRODUCTION ix 
 
 his 'going down.' He tells us that his intention had been 
 to be a minister of the Church, but that this intention was 
 abandoned owing partly to the troubles of the times, partly 
 to a ' scurvy cold ' (the probable cause of the deafness which 
 came upon him). We have, however, a series of Latin letters 
 of this time addressed to ' E. Petro-paulus V apparently 
 a Cambridge friend of younger standing who remained at 
 the University after Tubbe had left it. In the first he appears 
 to congratulate his friend on having failed to obtain a fellow- 
 ship. ' I would not have you made a fellow among brute 
 animals who recognise neither virtue itself nor the reward of 
 virtue. For of such the whole reformed (" reformabile ") body 
 of the recent University is now composed ... I should wish 
 to be remembered to all friends.' The reference to the consti- 
 tution of the college would put the letter in the year 1644 or 
 later : the fact that he still had friends in Cambridge would 
 imply that he had not left college very long. In the next 
 letter he complains of his poverty, caused by the troubled 
 times in which the priests of the Muses are reviled. But let 
 the foe beware — ' spoliatis arma supersunt.' 
 
 The fourth letter refers to the war, in which neither friend 
 took any part, * while others draw swords, we fight with our 
 pens.' In the eighth he tells his friend that he has been ill 
 and is still in pain. ' The butcher of a surgeon threatens the 
 knife once more to my unhealthy wound. I am sick of life.' 
 The ninth letter brings us to the death of King Charles (which 
 the writer may himself have witnessed) and therefore to the 
 year 1649. 
 
 Before this date, however, we have more abundant informa- 
 tion about Tubbe's life and thoughts in the series of English 
 letters beginning with April 27, 1648.^ He is now living with 
 the Marquis and Marchioness of Hertford at Essex House, 
 
 ' Perhaps Edward Pirkins of St. Catharine's Hall, matriculated 1638, 
 B.A. 1642^3, M.A. 1646. The name ' Petro-paulus ' is, however, hard 
 to disentangle. 
 
 ' In dealing with these letters my principle has been to give passages 
 Which bear on the author's life and friends, and omit disquisitions and 
 sermonizings. I have transferred the dates from the foot to the head of 
 the letters. 
 
12 HENRY TUBBE 
 
 Strand ^—whether as secretary to the Marquis or tutor to some 
 of his children is not apparent. He has just paid a visit- 
 perhaps charged with some political message — to Thomas, 
 Lord Southampton, at Titchfield House, near Fareham, Hants. 
 The King (who had himself stopped at Titchfield House on 
 his way) was now imprisoned at Carisbrooke in the Isle of 
 Wight. 
 
 To THOMAS RISLEY, Esq. 
 Epist. I. Expressing the delights of the Country ; &c, 
 
 Essex House. London. Apr. 27. 1648. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 After my returne to London I was much possess'd with 
 the remembrance of that Sweetnes, which the Country did 
 afford. All the varietie of Colours in Cheape-side could not 
 please mee so well, as that blew Appearance of the Hills in 
 the Isle of Wight ; besides other pleasures of the flowrie 
 Feilds and Medowes. The City can boast more stately Build- 
 ings, but your Woods present more lofty Trees : these are the 
 Fruits of Nature, the other but of Art her Servant. And yet 
 Titchfeild-House may compare with some, if not for greatnes, 
 for neat curiositie & reverend Antiquitie. Where besides the 
 freenes of my entertainment I received such other accomoda- 
 tions, as to a Mind well disposed could not but give great 
 satisfaction. I once persuaded my selfe, that I was in a 
 Colledge, especially, when I beheld your Discipline and De- 
 votion so like ours at Cambridge. Sometimes I thought my 
 selfe at Court, where the Prince of the Palace with his Company 
 & Attendants presented much Gravitie & State, but no Pride 
 at all. These delights have so affected mee, that since my 
 departure comparing times & places I have made it my only 
 happines, next to the pleasure of a Good Conscience, to 
 preserve the memory of those few Dayes by meditation & 
 discourse. The continuSll distractions of this Place compared 
 with that quiet Libertie wherein I found my selfe for so short 
 a time, make mee thinke that I am come with too much hast 
 out of Paradise into Purgatorie. . . . The Giant Warr, that 
 
 ' Robert, Earl of Essex, had on March 11, 1636, for ;£i,ioo leased half 
 Essex House for ninety-nine years to the (then) Earl of Hertford and 
 Frances his wife, Lord Essex's sister. Lord Essex himself died at Essex 
 House without an heir male in 1646. A Petworth portrait of Lady Hertford 
 is reproduced in H. St. Maur's Annals of the Seymours (1902). 
 
INTRODUCTION 13 
 
 spreads himselfe into all parts, yet dares not set his foot within 
 the verge of your village. ... I have written (as you directed) 
 to my La. El. about Securitie for that small Sum of mony in 
 Her Hands, and that other moyetie to be added to it : which 
 I make no question, but she will be willing to gi-ant. . . . The 
 House is very busie in prosecution of an Ordinance for raising 
 large Sums of Releife for Ireland, to maintairte their own 
 strength & majestie : and yet their deare Army must not be 
 neglected : for to satisfie them they are upon very high 
 demands with the Citizens : who grown weary of such heavy 
 exactions are at last resolved (for 't is so ordered by a Common 
 Councell) to stand upon their own Guard, and defend them- 
 selves. My L. of Pembrooke hath bin lately presented with 
 abundance of Thanks for his extraordinarie care & eager 
 diligence in reforming the Universitie of Oxford: and those 
 stubborne Fellowes that will not conforme to his pious Reforma- 
 tion, shall be very fairely rewarded with Expulsion : but that 
 which is best worth our observation in the carriage of that 
 Busines is this, That All Tenants must pay their Rents to the 
 Visitors, w"*" without all controversie will by them be very 
 well bestow'd. This discreet zeale for the profit & wellfare of 
 our Colledges hath exalted their consideration to a higher 
 pitch, to provide & settle Ministers throughout the whole 
 Kingdome. These are admirable Workes, and speake the 
 Goodnes of our Grand Reformers ; but it is to be feared, that 
 the suddaine Absence of the Duke of Yorke will bring some 
 interruption to their full Proceedings. Besides, those severall 
 Musters of Militarie Blades in Wales amounting all together 
 to the number of nine or ten thousand, have caused a strange 
 distraction & irresolution in our valiant Members. And I 
 suppose the Scots are not farr behind hand : their Declaration 
 is greedily expected ; and when that appeares, wee shall know 
 their minds better: they goe on in their preparations, and 
 receive all Souldiers coming from England: yet the Clergy 
 there most feircely oppose the Necessitie of a New Warr. 
 This is all that my slender Information can produce. 
 
 Tubbe concludes with respectful messages to the Dowager 
 Lady Southampton and the rest of the household. One 
 of the 'young ladies' was Lady Rachel Wriothesley, aged 
 twelve, afterwards known in history as the heroic wife of 
 William, Lord Russell. 
 
 bee pleased to present my humble Service to Her, whose 
 very age requires a profession of reverence & duty. Next 
 
14 HENRY TUBBE 
 
 I am bold to submit a protestation of my observance to , . . my 
 very gracious Lord, tlie Earle of Southampton & his noble 
 Consort, the young Ladies, and all those that have power to 
 command my Will to a just Obedience. I shall only name the 
 rest, to whose favour and affection I am bound. My La. White, 
 Mrs. Vernon, Mrs. Spencer ; Mr. Lamb, Mr. Paine, Mr. Piggot, 
 Mr. Neale, Mr. Slaughter &c. 
 
 Tubbe's next letter is addressed to his brother, of whom 
 we have heard nothing since his mother committed him, in 
 her will, to the protection of Lord Essex. Essex, the elder,. 
 Southampton, and Spencer had at one time been alike, as we 
 saw, leaders of the Country Party as opposed to the Party of 
 the Court. But the coming of the Civil War had broken up the 
 old Country Party, and while Essex commanded for a time 
 the Parliamentary forces, Thomas, Lord Southampton, and his 
 sister Penelope, Lady Spencer, now a widow, had clung to the 
 fortunes of the King. And this breach was repeated in the 
 family of their old dependant Captain Tubbe. Henry was an 
 ardent Royalist, Robert had perhaps served under Essex in 
 the war, certainly from the time we encounter him again 
 he is attached to the anti-monarchical cause. How he was 
 employed when the following letter was addressed to him we 
 do not know. 
 
 To my Brother R. HAY TUBBE 
 
 Epist. II. Persvading Him not to returne into 
 England ; &c. 
 
 Essex House. May i8. 1648. 
 Brother, . . . 
 
 If the badnes of the Country where you are, persuade you 
 to' leave it, yet (mee thinks) the goodnes of your place & 
 service should move yotf to keepe your Station. You seem 
 willing to be tyed by your Lord's Courtesie. why may not 
 that prevaile with y" against all impediments whatsoever? 
 ... I am glad to heare, that you are so healthfuU in a forraigne 
 Climate. . . . 
 
 How to satisfie you concerning Newes will be a hard taske, 
 since wee differ in our opinions. . . . The Kingdome now is 
 in a worse tondition than when you left London : The King 
 himselfe.a close Prisoner in the Isle of Wight, and to continue' 
 
INTRODUCTION 15 
 
 so during the pleasure of our Great Masters now above board, 
 no addresse to be made to Him upon paine of Death & 
 Damnation, a thing so strange to all moderate & reasonable 
 men of what persvasion soever, that wee cannot but wonder 
 with deepe amazement, how it could be thought upon by those 
 that professe themselves Subjects, and all this done, notwith- 
 standing the desires of the Scots, & the Importunitie of all 
 Countyes in England for a Personall Treaty & Accomodation 
 with His Majesty. These desperate Proceedings of the Army 
 have, caused such a generall distraction, that without God's 
 extraordinarie mercy wee can looke for nothing but utter 
 mine & destruction. There is an intention, if not obstructed 
 by suddaine distempers at home, to send Fairefax the Generall 
 with Forces to the North, on this pretence, only to suppresse 
 all insurrections in those Parts, and reduce the Townes of 
 Barwick & Carlile, with such other places, as have been lately 
 surpris'd by some of the King's Friends and their deadly 
 Enemyes. Colonel Whaley with his R^ment is appointed 
 to march to Bury to end some Controversies there about that 
 old Country- Idol, a May-pole ; which proceeded so farr, that 
 some lives were lost in the Quarrell. The like Dissention 
 hath fallen out here at Westminster, though upon better 
 grounds. Many Hundreds came out of Surrey, after the 
 Example of other Shires, with a Petition to the Lords, and 
 another to the Commons ; humbly requesting, amongst other 
 Particulars, that their Soveraigne Lord might be restored to 
 his just Greatnes & Authoritie, his due Rights, Honour, & 
 Prerogative. The Upper House gave a faire Answer to the 
 Petitioners Request ; w"'' the Other refus'd. Hereupon some 
 of the meaner Sort began to be very angry with the Parlia- 
 ment, and dispute the Case with the Souldiers ; who not con- 
 tent to heare any ill of their precious Members, or receive any 
 affronts, multiplyed their Words into down-right blowes, till 
 some were killed, & many more wounded. Thus the Score of 
 Blood is daily increas'd, differences enlarged on all hands, 
 desolation ready to devoure us, all hopes of future happines 
 quite exhausted, unlesse the Providence of God speedily invert 
 that Streame of mischeife, thrust on with such fearfull violence 
 by a few turbulent Spirits, that will yeeld to no motions of 
 peace & quietnes. In this confusion the Busines of Ireland 
 is so much n^lected, that my Lo. Inchiquin is forc'd 
 to make a dishonourable Peace (as some call it) or a Cessa- 
 tion for foure Months (as others conceive) with the Rebells. 
 You have the Sum of our miseries; enough (I thinke) to 
 compel! you to stand aloofe: your former experience might 
 
i6 HENRY TUBBE 
 
 instruct you to avoid the sence [scene?] of these Calamities : 
 if you desire to run the hazard of another Civill Warr, or 
 delight to see the ruines of a glorious Commonwealth, you 
 may be wellcome hither to your own vaine thoughts, but no 
 honest man can spare you the Wishes of a good entertain- 
 ment.^ But my Nature will not give mee leave to entertaine 
 this suspicion of the same Flesh and Bloud with my Selfe : 
 and yet if you resolve to returne, I must have a sufficient 
 reason to give satisfaction to Your most affectionate B. 
 
 H.T. 
 
 The next letter, sent apparently with a poem, to his patron 
 Lord Hertford, contains a reference to his deafness. 
 
 To my Lord, the MARQUESSE OF HARTFORD 
 Epist. in. A profession of my Service and Duty. 
 
 My most honour'd Lord, 
 
 It is not the least part of my Unhappines, that by reason 
 of my Infirmitie I cannot communicate my selfe to my Friends 
 in the advantage & benefit of a free conversation. Hence it is, 
 that I am allwayes forc'd to expresse my Gratitude for your 
 noble favours ... at this distance, by the proxey of a Letter. 
 
 ... I conceive my Lord, I am bound to render you some 
 account of my Time, by whose favour it is made so precious, 
 that in spite of all our wild distractions, I can yet entertaine 
 these calme & quiet thoughts. All discontents are swallowed 
 up in the joy I receive from any thing, that may afford some 
 delight to your vacant Houres. And though I cannot raise 
 a satisfaction to your Soule by such idle recreations, yet I 
 presume, there is not one single word, that can cause dis- 
 pleasure. . . . To disturb your quiet, to usurpe upon your 
 leisure ... are injuries. ... I dare acquit my selfe before 
 hand of such a guilt, as conceiving, that this harmlesse peice 
 of Poetrie * beares no character, biit what may well become 
 the profession of your aaost humble and most faithful Servant. 
 
 The next letter is addressed to his old guardian, Dr. Bernard 
 of Croydon. 
 
 ' i.e. of a good or profitable employment, 
 ' Perhaps the verses on p. 80 below. 
 
INTRODUCTION 17 
 
 To SAMUEL BERNARD, D.D. 
 
 Epist. IV. A Complaint of private & publique 
 miseries. &c. 
 
 Essex House. June 8. 1648. 
 
 Sir . . . 
 
 I cannot be ignorant, that you have long since left to be my 
 Guardian, and that you have a sufficient charge of your own 
 to looke after: enough to exact your whole care & dili- 
 gence : especially since you are deprived of your right, 
 lively-hood, & subsistence. Yet let mee intreat your Goodnes 
 to make good what you have undertaken for the recoverie of 
 that Sum of mony, for which the Owner stands bound to mee 
 in your name. 
 
 [He asks him when he comes to London] to . . use the 
 Authoritie of a few Words, that Hee may render an account 
 of his Proceedings in this Business. ... It is now six Yeares, 
 since any Interest was payd, & I know not how many since 
 the Bond was first seal'd & delivered. Far be it from mee 
 to be guilty of such a base Ingratitude, as to have the least 
 scruple in my thoughts of your undeserved fidelitie : yet I 
 have reason to suspect, till I am better satisfied, that (whoso- 
 ever is the Cause of it) I am not fairely dealt with. The 
 Extremitie of my Wants forces mee to these unwilling 
 expressions. . . . 
 
 Must I still languish under the courtesie of others, and be 
 worthy of nothing but favour ? a thousand Deaths are not so 
 terrible. 
 
 After touching on public news, such as ' reports of another 
 Escape intended by His Majesty ', he continues : 
 
 wee hope the Parliament will shortly descend from their 
 high Votes to some Overtures of Accomodation, and make 
 amends for the cruelltie of those harsh Decrees, w"^ forbid 
 all Addresse to our Soveraigne Lord. Which, if it may not 
 be done in order to the Wellfare, Happines, & Honour of 
 the King, yet for satisfaction to their best Favourites the 
 People (who now begin to see and love the suffering Vertues 
 of their Princely Master) is thought to be a Course most 
 necessary, and may produce such safe Grounds of Securitie 
 for all Parties, that wee should not need to feare a Second 
 Warr. But if desperate Minds be resolved upon mischeife, 
 who can helpe it ? Surely none but that infinite Power, 
 
i8 HENRY TUBBE 
 
 w""* can easily countervaile the worst Desi'gnes of the Devill, 
 and his cursed Instruments. Who are still so feircely devoted 
 and given up to all manner of wickednes, that notwithstanding 
 their own present danger, they can find time to contrive 
 conveyances of the Church-lands for the maintenance of 
 a barbarous Word the Ministry, a meer pretence to scrue 
 Wealth into their own Purses; as if Deanes and Prebends 
 were no Ministers, but ranke Idolls, and their Possessions not 
 to be purg'd of Superstition, but by a trick of cleanly Con- 
 veyance. But the Essex-Petitioners and other Countyes may 
 prevent this zealous fury, if they be not courted to a worse 
 Slaverie of their own Persons & Estates (w""* put together 
 spell Malignant) by an Ordinance of Indempnitie another 
 jugling device of our State-Conjurers, found out to suppresse 
 Loialltie & AUegeance stirring the Subjects Hearts to a just 
 Revenge. Which had proceeded to some hopefull Issue, 
 if this dull drousie City would have entertained a Complyance 
 with the Country, a more certaine meanes to preserve their 
 Priviledges, than the Discharge of their lately-imprisoned 
 Aldermen. However, the distractions in Scotland may bring 
 home Peace to our Dores : and if all outward Helpes faile, the 
 Allmighty Ruler will not deceive our faithful Expectation. 
 S. Marmaduke Langdale goes on bravely in the North : his 
 Number is confess'd to be at least ten thousand.' 
 
 Tubbe's aunt, Mrs. Anne Symcots, to whom the next letter 
 is addressed, was apparently a dependant of the Spencer 
 family. The name of her daughter Penelope, who died, 
 apparently in Lady Spencer's service, at Hatton House on 
 July 31, 1651, suggests that, like Tubbe, she was Lady 
 Spencer's godchild. Drury House where Mrs. Anne Symcots 
 was living had been built by Sir William Drury, grandfather 
 of the youthful Elizabeth Drury celebrated so often by Donne. 
 It passed, however, to the Craven family, who were closely 
 connected with Lady Sjiencer, her eldest daughter Elizabeth 
 having married John, Lord Craven. Whether Tubbe means 
 by ' My Honourable Lady ' Lady Craven or Lady Spencer, 
 who may have been staying with her daughter, is not clear. 
 Drury House was called later Craven House, but it seems 
 not to have changed its name at this date. 
 
INTRODUCTION 19 
 
 To Mrs. ANNE SYMCOTS 
 
 Epist. V. An Apologie for my Absence. 
 Deare Aunt, 
 
 You may wonder, why I am grown so great a stranger to 
 Drury House, what the reason is, that I cannot afford my 
 best Friends a friendly Visit. The truth is, I have bin lately 
 afflicted with such an extremitie of Deafenes, that no Words 
 of any reasonable Sound can find a passage into my Eares. 
 ... I hope my Honourable Lady will be pleased to accept of 
 this Excuse, though I know her favourable Indulgence towards 
 mee is such, that Her La. would be content rather to beare with 
 mylnfirmitie,than forgive this necessary neglect of mypersonall 
 Attendance. . . . 
 
 Your most affectionate Nephew, 
 H. T. 
 
 The recipient of the next sad letter was, as will be seen, 
 Tubbe's cousin, but in what way we do not know. William 
 Cole was also cousin to Thomas Winniff, the ejected Bishop 
 of Lincoln,^ and, like him, came from Sherborne. As son of 
 Thomas Cole gent, of Sherborne he was admitted to Gray's 
 Inn on Feb. 3, 1643^4. He was called to the Bar on Feb. 11, 
 1650--1. In later letters we hear of his son Bernard, and the 
 Grays Inn Admissions tell us that ' Barnard Cole,, son and 
 heir of William Cole esq of this house' was admitted on 
 June 21, 1658. He was then only ten years old, as on June 
 14, 1661, he was admitted, aged thirteen, to St. John's College, 
 Oxford, as ' Bernard Cole son of William of Gray's Inn, arm.' 
 (Foster, Alumni Oxonienses). 
 
 To Mr. WILLIAM COLE 
 Epist. VI. An Excuse of my Absence 
 
 Deare Cosen, 
 
 In this long time of my Absence from your House, I cannot 
 sit down without an Apologie. I have bin of late most 
 heavily oppress'd with the weight of my old Disease, so that 
 I am forc'd to forbeare all Visits to any of my Friends, as 
 conceiving that I can be of no other use in their presence, but 
 only to stare upon them. Nothing but Drums & Thunder, 
 
 ^ Shown by Winniff 's will at Somerset House. 
 C 3 
 
30 HENRY TUBBE 
 
 & such like Noises, the Larum of a Scold, or the Oaths of 
 a Ruffian, or the Cries of our oppressed Commons, which are 
 loud enough, can peirce my obdurate Eares. If a Wise man 
 aske mee a Question, I retume an Answer, as if there were no 
 difiference betwixt Chalke & Cheese. At Church, in these 
 preaching Dayes, though I am seldome cloyed with too much 
 good Doctrine, yet I am sometimes very sensible of most 
 egregious Non-sense ; tvhich is commonly delivered with such 
 violence, that my true Cozen-germans, the deafe Inhabitants 
 of the Grave, are allmost reviv'd with the noise, and together 
 with my selfe become most expert, quick, & understanding 
 Auditors. In this condition I am fit to converse with none 
 but my deare Muse, and those mute Legible Soules in my 
 Studdy. 'The heigth of my Recreation is a little fresh Aire, 
 and now & then (with Domitian) the Death of a sillie Flie. 
 I am very much in love with that fashion of the Court, where 
 Smiling & Whispering (if the silent Motion of Lipps may 
 beare that name) are together in contention which shall act 
 their dumb Showes best. Sometimes I steale up into the 
 Dining Rome, and there behold some few Lords & Ladies 
 eating & drinking, which (mee thinks) is excellent Discourse. 
 Oh for the Art of Hearing with Eyes ! And yet mine are but 
 helplesse Neighbours to the other Sense : for (in good truth) 
 night or day, at a distance I can hardly distinguish betwixt 
 Jone and my Lady. That may be (you will say) because 
 perhaps my Mistresse is both Jone & a Lady too.^ Well, 
 take it as you please : but in earnest (my worthy Kinsman) 
 and without jesting let mee tell you, that till it please God to 
 release mee of this heavy Burden, I can not expresse my 
 unhappines. . . < 
 
 I pass over a stilted and conventional letter ' To Mr. 
 Mathew Scot. Epist. VII : Expressing the joy of our mutuall 
 Friendship', merely remarking that the recipient had been 
 admitted to St. John's College on April 8, 1635, set. 17, as son 
 of Edward Scott, clothier, of Lensford (or Glemsford), Suffolk. 
 The next letter is addressed to Frances, Marchioness of 
 Hertford, and was accompanied evidently by a poem. It 
 seems to refer to the regulations for the licensing of books 
 which Milton had denounced in Areopagitica. 
 
 ' Lord Hertford's youngest daughter was Lady Jane Seymour. See 
 }A2ciX\X.\., English Proverbs, ' Jone's as good as my lady (in the dark)'. 
 
INTRODUCTIO^J 21 
 
 To MY LADY, the L. M. of H. 
 
 Epist. VIII. An Acknowledgment of my 
 thankfuUnes &c. 
 Madam, ... 
 
 I am forced to have recourse to this way of thankfuUnes 
 to expresse how sensible I am of what I enjoy by the influence 
 of your teeming Graces. Within this Paper I am bold to 
 inclose another, which containes something,^ that may serve 
 to weare away a few tedious minutes, if your Houres bee 
 troubled with any such, which are so full of honourable 
 Imploiment. The Sense of these Lines is plaine & honest, 
 in which respect I presume they are more acceptable than 
 the light froth & scum of an aierie Wit. With which these 
 Times abound so much, that I thinke nothing else hath given 
 a greater occasion to the Increase of our Miseries than those 
 hateful Swarms of idle Pamphlets, which every houre of the 
 Day flie abroad into the World, to the Disgrace not only of 
 all ingenuous Learning, but of the best Religion, that ever 
 was planted in this Island. Our wise Reformers have lately 
 provided a strict remedie for this disease : but such, as makes 
 themselves only capable of doing that, which they condemn in 
 others ; they would be absolute Lords of the Pen, as well as 
 of the Sword ; though they know not how to use either with 
 any reasonable Equitie. This black & white Innocence here 
 inclosed will yeeld nothing for a pretence to their cruell 
 Justice. Here is no biting Language : no Invectives : no 
 Batteries raised against the Structure of our new-upstart- 
 Commonwealth : the grave Alderman may sleepe securely 
 in his Fur-gown, and not feare any undermining Phrase to 
 startle his Conscience. But I begin to be wanton, and boldly 
 intrude upon your La. more serious Judgment, to whose 
 Censure, I submit these weake, but well-meant Expressions, 
 and professe my selfe, as I am ever bound, 
 
 Your La. most humble and thankfull Servant, 
 
 H. T. 
 
 Next follows Epist. IX, which is really an essay on the 
 Bible, with so little of the character of a letter that the name 
 of the recipient is left blank. Then another to Matthew 
 Scott : 
 
 * Perhaps the verses 'To — ' (Epigrams, Book I, No. xiv.). 
 
22 HENRY TUBBE 
 
 To MR. MATHEW S. 
 
 Epist. X. Concerning the unlawfullnes of 
 single Combats. 
 
 I have seriously considered of our last discourse concerning 
 private Duells, which without any fancy I conceive to be 
 a kind of War, which no pretence can justifie, maintained only 
 by the humersome Pride of some swaggering Companions, 
 with an erroneous conceit of the greatest courage in such 
 desperate Undertakers, who thinke they are bound to preserve 
 their credits with any losse, though their deArest Soules lie in 
 jeopardie for this quarrelsome performance. . . . 
 
 What is the ' little Booke of the perfection of Woemen ' 
 which accompanied the following letter to Lady Hertford? 
 In answer to a query of mine in Notes and Queries, Mr. 
 G. Thorn Drury suggested that it might be The Heroinx 
 (1639), written by G. Rivers and dedicated to Lady Dorothy 
 Sydney (who became in that year Lady Spencer's daughter- 
 in-law), or The Woman's Glorie, A Treatise Asserting the due 
 Honour of that Sexe (1645), by Samuel Torshel (who died in 
 1650), or again Hxc Homo, wherein the Excellency of the 
 Creation of Woman is described (1637), by William Austin. 
 The first of these suggestions is, perhaps, the most likely, 
 as Tubbe's thirty-fourth epigram of the first series is On the 
 Heroinx. 
 
 Perhaps among the friends whom Tubbe says he had lost 
 was Penelope Symcots his cousin, who died on July 31, 1651, 
 at Hatton House, where she was apparently in attendance on 
 Lady Spencer. Tubbe has a poem on her death, from which 
 one gathers that he had looked forward to marriage \irith her. 
 Hatton House, Holbowi, was built by Sir Christopher Hatton 
 on the garden of Ely Place. It passed to his nephew William 
 Newport (who took the name of Hatton) and from him to his 
 widow who married Sir Edward Coke, and to their daughter 
 who married Sir John Villiers. The house is said to have 
 been demolished about 1654 (Wheatley's London). 
 
INTRODUCTION 23 
 
 To MY LADY, the LA. M. of H. 
 
 Epist. XI. Commending a little Booke of the 
 perfection of Woemen. 
 
 Whilst others present your La[dyship] with their own 
 Workes, I shall take as great pride in the oblation of this 
 little Volume, written by a learned Gentleman, now in Heaven ; 
 wherein you may read the just character of your Selfe. . . It 
 is a faire description of those excellent braveries & masculine 
 vertues incident to your Sex. 
 
 . . . What the power of Grace is in a Person, to whom this 
 solid narration delivered in this Booke doth belong, I am very 
 sensible by the losse of some friends, whose pure example was 
 my best direction, and whose memory, next to the thoughts of 
 offending God, is my surest defence against the fury of a wild 
 temptation. . . . 
 
 The next letter marks a change in Henry Tubbe's life. He 
 had left Essex House and gone as tutor to the sons of John 
 Tufton, second Earl of Thanet, at Hothfield near Ashford, 
 Kent. See the table on the next page. 
 
 Probably Tubbe's pupils consisted of John Tufton and his 
 brothers, Richard and Thomas. The boys were apparently 
 • out of hand ', and no small trial to their deaf instructor. 
 Lord Thanet was very autocratic, and had probably no interest 
 in Tubbe apart from employing him. So the change from his 
 life at Essex House must have been a sad otie. I do not know 
 who is ' The Honest Herauld ' mentioned in the letter. ' My 
 Lord of Lincoln' was Thomas Winnifif, then ejected from his 
 see. Mr. John Winnifif was Bishop Winniff's heir, as is seen 
 by the latter's will. ' My brother Cuffe ' may perhaps have 
 been a brother-in-law of Robert Hay Tubbe, whom we find 
 soon after as a married man, or possibly husband of a half- 
 sister, if Henry and Robert were 'children of a second marriage 
 of Captain Tubbe. 
 
 To Mr. WILLIAM COLE 
 
 Epist. An acknowledgment of courtesies. 
 A complaint of our abuse of Time. &c. 
 
 Hothfeld in Kent. Jul. 23. 165a. 
 Deare Cosen, 
 
 As soon as I was setled in the Country, and had greedily 
 dispatched some scholastique affaires, I began to thinke what 
 
24 
 
 HENRY TUBBE 
 
 ^ CJ tn 
 
 ■rf en ^ -sl-vO 
 
 C^_U 5 1-1 M 
 
 II' 
 
 3 ro 
 
 ■a • 
 
 C 
 
 m 
 ^ £ t-> ■* 
 
 O n w M 
 
 o 
 
 ^T3 
 
 V 
 
 a 
 < 
 
 Id 
 -60 
 
 
 O 
 
 Sackvill 
 b. 1647 
 d. 1721 
 
 C/3 
 
 
 ■a 
 
 Thomas 
 6th E. of 
 Thanet 
 b. 1644 
 d. 1729 
 
 
 
 
 Richard 
 Sth E. of 
 Thanet 
 b. 1640 
 d. 1683^4 
 
 
 
 
 John 
 
 4th E. of 
 
 Thanet 
 
 b. 1638 
 
 d. 1680 
 
 
 
 
 Nicholas 
 
 3rd E. of 
 
 Thanet 
 
 b. 1631 
 
 d. 1679 
 
 
 
 
INTRODUCTION 25 
 
 obligations lay upon mee to the remembrance of my Friends. 
 Naturall affection presented my Brother as the first Object of 
 my thoughts. But hee being so farr out of the way in every 
 sense, I could find none, to whom my devotion in this kind is 
 more necessary, than to your Selfe. ... I could bee content to 
 impoverish my selfe to doe you a pleasure ; but when I con- 
 sider, that my Time is not my own, for the most part devoted 
 to the occasions of my Imployment, ... I must resolve to 
 remaine your Eternall Debtour. 
 
 ... If the Country at this distance could afford any thing 
 worth acceptance, I would have sent you something more 
 reall in it selfe, more full of solid satisfaction, than the aerie 
 impressions of this rarified rag, the barren fruites of a weary 
 Braine ; a Braine, though not consumed with sloth, yet allmost 
 worne out with the vanitie of unnecessary labours. 
 
 ... I would have sayd as much to your loving Consort ; but 
 you two being so happily united, I will presume to make One 
 Letter serve You both, with a Dash of hearty Commendations 
 to my little fine Cosen Bernard, my Godsonne Charls, & the 
 young Gentlewoeman their Sister. . . . The Honest Herauld 
 must bee in the number of my Cosens too, and to bee remem- 
 bred accordingly. This inclosed to the La. Marquesse of 
 Hartford, if I may tempt your discretion to the trouble of 
 presenting your Selfe, you may doe mee a great favour in it ; 
 if not, I shall desire you to leave it with the Porter at Essex 
 House. When you see my Lord of Lincolne, you may bee 
 pleased to present my humble service, & withall an Apologie 
 for my rude departure in not taking my leave, which was 
 caused by our unexpected hast out of town. My kind respect 
 to his Nephew Mr. John Winiffe, my Brother Cuffe, and all 
 other acquaintance. . . . Your faithfull Friend & most affec- 
 tionate Kinsman. 
 
 The next is no doubt the letter which Cole was asked to 
 deliver. 
 
 To the LA. MARQ. OF HARTFORD 
 
 Epist. A Profession of Service, with an earnest 
 
 desire to imitate her vertues in opposition to 
 
 the vices of the Time. 
 
 From Hothfelde in Kent. Jul. 24. 1652. 
 Madam 
 
 ... I would bee loath to engage my judgment on the distinc- 
 tion of your Graces, to say, which is best : for though one exceed 
 another in regard of a more noble Object, yet all are in their 
 
26 HENRY TUBBE 
 
 highest degree so eminent in your Selfe the Subject, that what 
 appeares but like a Glow-worme-light in others, is in You 
 a shining Star. Whose influence is such, that I beleeve the 
 World will mend upon it, & casheire those infectious Vices of 
 the Age, which, since Rebellion first broake out, have been so 
 strangely predominant, not in every idle corner, as heretofore, 
 but upon the publique Stage, in the view of all Eyes, and what 
 was once but secret, is now transformed into the fashion of the 
 Times. Heresies comply, like Sampson's Foxes, by the tailes, 
 & destroy a goodly Harvest of Religion. Blasphemy walkes 
 up & down, like a stalking Horse, in the severe shape of pietie 
 & devotion, to frighte poor Soules into a Net of Perdition. 
 Faction & Schisme, like two meager Blood-hounds, have pur- 
 sued a fainting Truth to the last gaspe, and are now ready to 
 seize upon her. Disobedience & Disorder, like a sowre Plauge, 
 usurpe upon every Family, and Prophanenesse makes a Breach 
 into every Soule. 'Tis in the power of your Example to remove 
 these violent Stormes, and make faire weather in the State. If 
 other Forces would but joine, and march after such a Leader, 
 our pretended Army of Saints would quickly fall in peices ; 
 the Devill himselfe would feare a discoverie, and act no more, 
 like an Angell of Light, and his Servant would appeare in hfs 
 own pitifuU colours, like Himselfe, a very Villaine. . . . 
 Your La. most devout Servant, 
 H. T. 
 
 The following letter contains much moralizing matter of no 
 biographical interest : 
 
 To the La. PENELOPE SPENCER, Dowager 
 
 Epist, An acknowledgment of my affection & 
 
 Gratitude, concluding with an assurance of 
 
 our eternall happines. 
 
 From Hothfelde in Kent. Jul. 26. 165a. 
 Tubbe speaks of 'that zeale, which hath allwayes held 
 a constant flame towards your Selfe & your Family', and 
 concludes : 
 
 Your La. most faithfull Servant & dutifuU Godsonne, 
 
 H. T. 
 
 The letter following was addressed to the fifth son of 
 Lady Spencer. He and his brother John are said in pedigrees 
 
INTRODUCTION 27 
 
 (see p. a8) to have died as minors, but we do not hear of their 
 deaths in Tubbe's correspondence. 
 
 A portrait by Van Dyck of Penelope, Lady Spencer, one by 
 Walker of her son Henry, Earl of Sunderland ; portraits by 
 Lely of her daughters Elizabeth, Anne, and Margaret ; a por- 
 trait by Carlo Maratti of her grandson Robert, second Earl of 
 Sunderland ; a portrait by H. Stone of her brother Thomas, 
 Earl of Southampton, one by Van Dyck of his first Countess, 
 Rachel de Rouvigny, and a miniature by Boit of his daughter 
 Rachel, Lady Russell, are all to be found at Althorp. The two 
 Van Dyck portraits are reproduced in E. Schaffer's Van Dyck, 
 pp. 410, 413 (that of Lady Southampton from a picture at 
 Welbeck). 
 
 To Mr. THOMAS SPENCER 
 
 Epist. Advice for his expence of Time &c. 
 Sir, . . . 
 
 If it [my letter] come attended with some good Counsell, 
 't is out of a desire to receive better from You. The improve- 
 ment of your judgment & discretion have enabled you to 
 bee my Tutour now in this kind, as I was yours once in the 
 Principles of another nature. . . . 
 
 Remember that you are the Sonne of such a Father, as will 
 bee known in his naipe to Posteritie, when all those, that knew 
 him in this life shall bee swallowed up (except some few like 
 himselfe to attend upon his memorie) into the darke womb of 
 death & oblivion. Nor can the glorious vertues of your dead 
 & living Brothers escape your observance. 
 
 We cannot say to whom the next letter was addressed. 
 
 To Mr. 
 
 Epist. Desiring his hearty Advice. 
 Sir, 
 
 As a pleasant Valley, that is hid from the sight with Hills 
 & Woods, such (mee thinks) are my Friends in their absence. 
 Though I am not here in Kent amongst my Enemyes, yet 
 having left my former acquaintance, I conceive that I have 
 nothing yet in view but rough Mountaines & a barren 
 Wildernesse. . . . 
 
 I would faine bee setled, where the Aire is sweet, the windes 
 gentle, the Earth rich ; where there are no infections of Vice, 
 
a8 
 
 HENRY TUBBE 
 
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INTRODUCTION 39 
 
 or stormes of distraction, or dearth of Grace. But where is 
 this Happines? (you will say) in the Elisian Feilds? If the 
 wide World afford no such place, yet a wise Christian (with the 
 helpe & directions of such a fellow-traveller, such a faithfull 
 Guide as your Goodnesse) may discover in himselfe this reall 
 Content, and bee his own best Freind. Alas ! there I see 
 nothing but vast heapes of discontent, a wild unfruitfull desart 
 of despairing doubts ; and without your earnest endeavours of 
 assistance I feare I shall hardly gaine the faire prospect of 
 a Quiet Conscience. To you then in this perplexitie I apply 
 my selfe as to my Directour, my Ghostly Father, my Con- 
 fessour. I will not now dispute, whether such a Spirituall 
 Exercise may bee transacted by Letters, only thus much, that 
 which usually comes in the reare of your Absolution, Good 
 Counsell for the future can not bee denyed mee upon that 
 consideration. ... If then I may receive a Line or two from 
 your blessed Hand, in answer to these desires, I shall account 
 it some assurance of my eternall Glory, as it may bee the 
 Meanes to confirme mee here in a good condition of Grace ; 
 and thereby you shall for ever bind me to remaine Your most 
 faithfull Servant in C. J. 
 
 H. T. 
 
 To Mr. THOMAS SPENCER 
 
 Epist. Furnishing him with some good Counsell 
 upon severall occasions. 
 
 Tubbe proposes to continue the advice given in his former 
 letter : 
 
 . . . Which I thinke may bee done best by reflecting upon 
 the passages of your faire Epistle. I shall take occasion first 
 from an expression of your ' own weaknesse ' (as Your Modesty 
 is pleased to terme it) to advise you, not to neglect any advan- 
 tage or opportunitie, that may improve your resolution to some 
 brave attempt. I have found it by experience in my selfe . . . 
 that nothing hinders a good disposition so much, as a timorous 
 suspect or jealousie of our own imperfections. Presumption 
 brings a man into hazard, and sometimes his fortune may carry 
 him through, and bring him off againe with successe ; but 
 a carelesse despaire, a stupid apprehension of danger and mis- 
 fortune, destroyes all happy motions, and ruines the hopefuU 
 endeavours of a vertuous intention. . . . 
 
 When you speake of my ' constant love & affection,' I must 
 confesse, though it cannot reach high enough to deserve your 
 favour, yet it shall remaine as true as Steel, to doe you service. 
 
30 HENRY TUBBE 
 
 and here comes in something of admonition too, , . . that you 
 bee careful! never to engage your faith to any man without 
 some triall of his truth. Some that carry faire showes at first, 
 will prove very false at last ; . . . Such freinds were those 
 Humble & Loiall Subjects to their Soveraigne, that afterwards, 
 in plaine termes, cut off his Head. ... I hope the World ;s 
 not yet grown so barren of this right good fellowship, but that 
 you may find many deserving favourites betwixt London and 
 Hothfeld, though you are pleased ... to professe you want my 
 company. Truly Sir, if Providence had been so propitious to 
 my desires, as to blesse mee with a capacity of personall 
 attendance upon so much worth, I should apprehend it as my 
 greatest happines to live & dye within the favourable reach of 
 your Sight. . . . 
 
 Your most faithfull Servant, 
 H. T. 
 
 To the La. PENELOPE SPENCER 
 
 Epist. Expressing a resolution concerning my 
 Imployment ; prescribing a remedy for the 
 miseries of the time. 
 Madam, 
 
 I received your favourable Answer to my Letter, and find 
 my Selfe much encouraged by your good wishes therein ex- 
 pressed to proceed in the dutyes of my Imployment, though 
 full of toile &L trouble ; and in regard of that time, which 
 might bee better spent to my own content & satisfaction, 
 a chargeable, expensive Exercise. I am much taken with the 
 contemplation of that fine sport which is called Threshing ; 
 when I observe, how the poor Farmer makes a way to his 
 Livelyhood by the Sweat of his Browes, I apprehend this as 
 a Pleasure in respect of that Worke, which I have now under- 
 taken. 'Tis certainly a matter of more ease to handle a Plow 
 well, than to infuse good principles into a rugged nature. 
 Some hard peices I have now to deale with, that have been 
 forsaken by their former<Masters, as the Subject of a fruitlesse, 
 though industrious Care. Yet ... I shall endeavour ... to 
 encounter with those . . . difficulties which may hinder the easy 
 progresse & handsome successe of my desires. I shall there- 
 fore suspend my purpose of advancing to better Preferment, 
 at least, till I see better times : which yet wee might hopefully 
 expect (though allmost swallowed up allready in the gulph of 
 a desperate ruine) if those that professe to desire so much 
 happinesse, would but labour to procure it ... To confute the 
 
INTRODUCTION 31 
 
 malice of our adversaries, and consequently to abate their 
 force, (beleeve it, Madam) nothing is of equall power, to 
 a spotlesse, innocent, harmlesse conversation. 
 
 To the La. Marquesse of HARTFORD 
 
 Epist, a renovation of my humble request with 
 an occasionall meditation thereupon. 
 Madam, 
 
 Your Ladyship may bee pleased to remember, that at my 
 coming from London, I was bold to make a request for the 
 preservation of my Interest (which by your favour I obtained 
 and enjoyed a long time) in my Lodging at Essex-House, till 
 Michaelmas. I was then persuaded, that my L. of Thanet 
 would by that time returne to his House in the City. But 
 his L. resolution is now setled for a longer continuance here 
 in the Country. I am forced therefore to renew my Sute to 
 your Honour that you would vouchsafe to let mee retaine 
 a favourable proprietie of that little Room, where some part 
 of my best Substance, my poor Librarie, is yet remaining, till 
 our next journey to Town. . . . 
 
 Your Hon. most faithfull & thankfull S. 
 
 To my La. THANET 
 
 Epist. Preferring a Request to her Ladyship. 
 Madam, 
 
 Your Ladyship may wonder, why I should make this 
 needlesse conveyance of a Request to be preferred from my 
 Selfe, and in my own behalfe to your Honour since your 
 Goodnesse will justifie the confidence of a Personall Addresse, 
 though our distance were greater than it is. But when Your 
 Ladyship shall understand, that I love to expresse my 
 earnest desires (and I presume without all vanity) in the 
 humble stile and language of my Pen, it will abate the 
 strangenesse of this Enterprise, and You will favour mee in 
 forbearing to censure it as a performance alltogether vaine 
 & unnecessary. After this Apology, that which I have to 
 deliver at present is only this, that your Ladyship would 
 bee pleased to let mee have the benefit of that Little Room 
 adjoining to the Chamber, where I lie, which for my better 
 ease, & the necessary occasions of a setled retirement, I would 
 convert into a Private Study. I never yet was destitute of 
 such a convenient accomodation (except for some short time, 
 when the tempest of our publique distractions was so violent. 
 
32 HENRY TUBBE 
 
 that I could hardly find any shelter to provide for my securitie) 
 and therefore the want of it now must needs add some kind of 
 crosse to my content. If I might offer so much without any 
 prejudice to your Interest, I would willingly undergoe all the 
 charge, that is requisite for the advancement of this easy Con- 
 venience, the Place is such, that within a while, if it bee not 
 repaired, the Raine coming in through many wide holes & 
 chinkes, will ruine the very beames & rafters of the Building, 
 and I thinke (under favour) it would bee much better to have 
 it reformed for this use, than for a worse, or none at all. Truly 
 Madam, this favour will furnish mee with a great encourage- 
 ment to proceed heartily & cheerfully in the dutyes of my 
 Imployment. . . . 
 
 To Mr. THOMAS SPENCER 
 
 Epist. An Elogie of his true Deserts, with some 
 prayers & instructions for their improvement. 
 . . . Hothfeld in Kent. Dec. 31. 165 a. 
 
 The reall declaration of your innocence is dressed up in 
 such a lovely habit, that you may as well call it the emanation 
 of your power and wisdome. I will bee bold therefore to 
 affirme, that your ignorance is nothing but your modesty, 
 which like a thin cypresse vaile makes the beauty of your 
 abilities more conspicuous to admiring eyes. . . . It is like 
 that disguise, which for a time gave safe protection to our 
 Soveraigne. or like the blushing Trophees of his Death, which 
 though full of cruelltie to his outward parts, yet raised his 
 Soule to Heaven, and will make succeeding Ages glorifie the 
 sweet remembrance of his Name. . . . 
 
 Let mee heare from you, though in your native stile, and 
 I will challenge Cicero to mend it with the rubbidge of his 
 Roman tongue. ... I shall want the assistance of your com- 
 fortable Hand to helpe mee in the hard taske of my tedious 
 Imployment. which like a fresh gale of Wind to a sweating 
 Labourer, will bee allwayes wellcome to mee. . . I hope to see 
 you goe beyond those hounds, which common custome hath in 
 these dayes set down as just limits to the understanding of 
 a Noble- Man. . . . 
 
 present . . . my service and duty to my honourable Lady, 
 . . . my humble respects to your deserving Brothers, and your 
 worthy, vertuous Sister . . . 
 
 Your constant freind & Servant, 
 H. T. 
 
 The next letter is curious, but needs a key : 
 
INTRODUCTION ^s 
 
 To Mr. RICHARD C. 
 
 Epist. Containing some few expressions of love 
 mixt with a little advice. 
 Sir . . . 
 
 The death of your good Freind, your noble Lady, for your 
 sake, is some cause of my affliction, as well as your own. 
 The strict severitie of your Lord I cannot but admire, as pro- 
 ceeding rather from true principles of honour than any dislike 
 of your person. Yet (mee thinks) his Lo. without any wrong 
 to the constant temper of his gravitie might find out some 
 other way to advance an old servant to some handsome degree 
 of a reasonable subsistence. . . . 
 
 As for your intention to travell, . . . common experience 
 will tell you sufficiently how many brave, hopefull, young 
 gentlemen have been cast away for want of a timely foresight 
 of those great inconveniences, to which travellers are inevitably 
 subject. However you dispose of your selfe be sure (as 
 Mr. Sharpe sayd at your parting from hence, & 't was good 
 Counsel], though from a man distracted) to Have a care of 
 the maine chance, that is, according to my interpretation, 
 Learne to serve God earnestly, diligently, & devoutly; and 
 you shall never want a good imployment. As for what passed 
 betwixt you and Mrs. Brown, Shee is very willing to forget 
 that there was any quarrell at all, and for your better assur- 
 ance of a full forgivenesse, presents her love & service. Your 
 lashnes in this (I am confident) will not bee your ruine : a little 
 repentance will serve to wipe off those blots, and render you 
 a faire Gentleman to all your Acquaintance. Mrs. Salendine 
 accepts of the expressions of your love with an equal returne 
 of her kindnesse. Mr. VVray & the rest . . . convey their true 
 love. . . . 
 
 Your very loving freind, 
 H, T. 
 
 The following letter shows that Robert Hay Tubbe was 
 now serving at sea against the Dutch. England had declared 
 war on July 9, 165a, and actions had taken place between 
 De Ruyter and Ayscue off Plymouth on August 16, between 
 De Ruyter and Blake off the coast of Kent on September 28, 
 and between Van Tromp and Blake in the Downs on 
 November 30, and off Cape La Hogue on February 18-30, 
 1653. Henry Tubbe's letter was probably written soon 
 after the news of the last engagement. Robert Tubbe served 
 
34 HENRY TUBBE 
 
 as lieutenant to Vice-Admiral Joseph Jordan on board the 
 Vanguard in the great battle off the North Foreland on 
 June 3. In his diary for July i6, 1653, Jordan writes — 'This 
 day my lieutenant Robert Hay Tubb received commission to 
 be captain of the Exchange merchant, whom, according to 
 command, immediately I sent to the said ship in my ketch.' ^ 
 He no doubt commanded the Exchange in the great battle of 
 the Texel fought between Van Tromp and Monk on July 31. 
 The Exchange was a ship bearing one hundred men and thirty 
 guns. The Vanguard had three hundred and ninety men and 
 fifty-six guns. 
 
 To Mr. WILLIAM COLE 
 
 Epist. An Apology for my delay in writing, with 
 a breife contemplation upon the shortnesse & 
 uncertainety of Life ; &c. 
 Deare Cosen, [i^52'3] 
 
 When you shall understand, how I am taken up with the 
 care & trouble of my Charge here at Hothfeld, you will easily 
 excuse the silence of my Pen. . . . 
 
 My condition now is like that of a Mill-horse, that runs 
 round in a perpetuall Circle ; which by this time hath given 
 a sufficient check to the conceit of that happines, which I en- 
 joyed in my former liberty, when ... I durst resemble my selfe 
 to a good Courser in a plaine, open Champion, having room 
 enough to exercise his strength and activitie. . . . 
 
 You complaine ... of the uncertainety & shortnesse of our 
 life in this world . . . [here he quotes Camden on the fall of the 
 town of Repton] . . . the consideration of such passages as these 
 will bee a good helpe to our mortiiication in . . . this time of 
 Lent. . . . 
 
 Yet one word more in relation to my Brother. My bowells 
 are full of a naturall compassion towards those that are in 
 any danger, and are much enlarged upon Him by nearnesse 
 of Blood. If you hear# any newes of that unhappy Man, since 
 our last bloodie quarrells at Sea, I should eagerly embrace 
 the first information from your Hand, whether good or bad, 
 as a sure testimony of your affection to my Selfe. My 
 thoughts are extremely perplexed in the consideration of 
 that misery, which (for ought I know) may conclude in his 
 destruction. God . . . give him grace to understand his own 
 
 ' Memorials of Sir IV. Penn, by G. Penn, i, p. 535, where ' Hay ' is 
 misprinted ' Key '. 
 
INTRODUCTION 35 
 
 unhappines, that hee may no longer remaine in the number of 
 those wretched men, who still proceed in such a desperate 
 course of wickednesse, as if they meant to puzzle God AUmighty 
 to prepare a judgment equall to their Sinnes. . . . 
 
 To Mr. THOMAS SPENCER 
 
 Epist. Some few observations of the country 
 in Kent collected from the nature of 
 the Soile, &c. 
 [The Weald] 
 
 It is allmost every where of it selfe unfit either for pasture 
 or corne, and will produce nothing of any value, till it bee 
 refreshed with dung, marie, earth, fodder, ashes, or such other 
 comfortable stuffe. and therefore heretofore it was onely 
 made use of for herds of Deer & droves of Hogs. But now 
 by the benefit of such good husbandry bless'd with the provi- 
 dence of God, it is become not onely equall but superiour in 
 fruitfuUnesse to other grounds. Which manner of improving 
 the Wast is not found out by any new discoverie, but was 
 the ancient practice of our Forefathers many yeares since, as 
 appeares by innumerable Marie-pits digged up so long agoe, 
 that now trees 200 or 300 yeare old are growing there. How- 
 beit this kind of culture was so much interrupted or rather 
 quite lost as well in the time of the Barons Warrs, as of the 
 Civill Dissentions betwixt Yorke & Lancaster, untill within 
 these 30 or 40 yeares, that it may seem to have been then 
 newly invented rather than restored ; because the right art 
 is not yet fully discovered. The arable Land of this County 
 at large is well enriched with a deepe fat Mould, that without 
 intermission will beare five or six Crops together; and after 
 three or foure yeares rest will yeeld the like againe, and so 
 preserve that course for ever. You see Sir, what a Husband- 
 man I am grown by living here amongst our Kentish Long- 
 tailes. of which though some are but meer Muck-worms, yet 
 there are many good Hospitable Creatures, in whose Houses 
 a man may yet find that old English Humanitie, which made 
 men welcome without the least signe of any secret grudge or 
 discontent. The House in which I live, is situated in that 
 Division, where Health & Wealth conspire to make men happy. 
 For matter of health I am pretty well supplyed by the benefit 
 of an wholesome Aire, and the Master of our Family is a sound 
 thriving Lord, who by his industry (as some say) hath obtained 
 that, which never yet was found out directly, the Philosopher's 
 
 D 3 
 
36 HENRY TUBBE 
 
 Stone, a Forge better than any Mint, that can turne Iron ^ into 
 Gold. If any of it flow into my Coffers, you shall be sure to 
 heare on 't. . . . mony will make as great a noise in the purse, 
 as our Hammer-rmills, that produce that Ware, which brings 
 it in. 
 
 [He gives the epitaph from 'the Church adjoining to our 
 Habitation ' of Lord Thanet's grandparents, Sir John Tufton 
 & Dame Christian his wife, the marriages of their daughters 
 &c.] 
 
 I would proceed now to give you a description of our Capitall 
 Messuage called the Manour of Hothfeild with one & twenty 
 Parcells of Arable & two of Woodland belonging to it, con- 
 taining 353 Acres, 16 Pertches. whereof the site of the Mansion- 
 house, the Gardens & Orchards containe above 5 Acres. . . 
 
 After you have presented my dutifull respects to my deare 
 Godmother & my very good Lady, with my service to your 
 noble Brotherhood, and the rest of our intimate freinds at 
 Hatton-House, you will much enlarge the obligation which 
 I have to professe & protest my selfe 
 
 Your most ready & constant Servant, 
 
 H. T. 
 
 To THE LA. PENEL. SPENCER, Dowager 
 
 Epist. An excuse for a suddaine abrupt motion out 
 
 of Town, with some divine collections drawn from 
 
 that hasty occasion. 
 
 From Hothfeild in Kent. Aug. 1653. 
 Madam, 
 
 I must confesse, I now lye under the burden of a double 
 trespasse. i. that I came away from London without taking 
 my leave, a. that I have been so slow in framing an excuse. 
 
 . . . When you shall know, how I was hurried out of town 
 against my will, and how I have been fettered to my Imploy- 
 ment since, your Indulgence. . . . 
 
 But I wonder whati«ny Lo. of Than, meanes by these sud- 
 daine motions ? Is it to put us in mind of that Power, which 
 can send us to another World in an instant ? 
 
 . . . But I must remember, that I am now writing a Letter, 
 not penning a Sermon. . . . 
 
 Your La. most faithfull Servant & dutifull Godsonne 
 
 Heney Tubbe. 
 
 ' The Weald was the great centre of the iron industry at this time. 
 
INTRODUCTION 37 
 
 To THOMAS SPENCER Esq'. 
 
 Epist. Some observations concerning the Familie 
 
 of the Tuftons, with a glance at that vanity of 
 
 greatnes, which some men are so careful! 
 
 to obtaine. &c. 
 
 From Hothfeild in Kent, Aug. 1653. 
 Sir 
 
 Since my last coming to Hothfeild (which was very suddaine, 
 & so strictly injoined by my severe Master, that you will easily 
 excuse my abrupt departure,) I have been very fortunate in 
 my houres of leisure & relaxation, to find out something, that 
 concernes the Antiquitie of our Familie. . . . 
 
 Tis now grown an inveterate custome to confound men's 
 parts, & make a judgment of their wit by their earthly sub- 
 stance, and such a one is sayd to befe foure or five thousand 
 pound a yeare, or three or four Lordships wiser than another ; 
 as if their wisdoms lay in their furrowes or their purses. But 
 I beleeve from a better information (and I persuade my selfe 
 you are one of the same beleefe) that the best possession, the 
 best knowledge, & the best preferment too is this, ' That every 
 one should know how to possesse his vessell in sanctification 
 & honour ' i Thes. 4. 4. Sir, I am fallen unawares into a dis- 
 course like a peice of a Sermon. You know Preaching is the 
 fashion of the Times, and I am got in a little, but I hope 
 without any great violence to the majestic of that Order, 
 which may challenge a proprietie in the Pulpit. I was once 
 fairely marching to bee one of that number; but a crosse 
 Commonwealth & a scurvy Cold, both (I thinke) everlasting 
 have obstructed my proceedings. . . . Since my Lungs are so 
 much impaired, that I cannot exercise aloud, let the Goose- 
 quill doe his worke : and I hope my expressions shall yet beare 
 a better meaning, a more wholesome character than the sluttish 
 devotion of a pious Diurnall. And here now I could easily 
 take occasion to inveigh against those miserable Creatures, 
 who still prostitute their Witts, as -some have done their 
 Swords, to maintaine a base rebellion. But I forbeare such 
 vile contemptible Things. Though our generall Abuses 
 deserve nothing but Satyres, stripping & whipping till the 
 blood come, yet I will leave this taske to other Pen-rfien, and 
 meddle with no rods, but what belong to my profession & 
 imployment. And truly I find it hard enough to manage 
 those weapons to the purpose. Wee have had a very bad 
 President of disobedience in this kind at a Free-School in 
 Wye some five miles distant from our House, where some of 
 
38 HENRY TUBBE 
 
 the greatest Schollars made a fine Conspkacie to beate their 
 Master, and performed it bravely, according to the modell of 
 our Reformation, stood highly upon their own termes, and 
 would not be reconciled, nor admit any accomodations of 
 Peace, till certainly assured by a Promise from their Teacher, 
 that they should not suffer any more hereafter, at least for 
 what pass'd in that Insurrection. Since it is thus at Schoole, 
 I will not trouble my selfe to correct the State, but learne to 
 subdue those masterlesse Peices, which I have now in hand, 
 who please themselves much with this rebellious Example, 
 and have a strong fancy to the like performance : only there 
 is some want of strength and number to advance their resolu- 
 tions to an actuall Conjuration. In good faith Sir, this Busines 
 makes mee shake sometimes betwixt jest and earnest : if all 
 circumstances bee true, as they are related, the like was never 
 heard of in a matter of this nature, and it is reported up & 
 down to the wonder & amazement of all the Country here- 
 abouts. Some strange Spirit of disorder & misrule hath 
 infected this nation, & is crept into families & schooles, & 
 colledges, & churches. What will bee the period of our dis- 
 tractions, none but God Allmighty can resolve. 
 
 To the LA. MARQUESSE OF HARTFORD 
 
 ise for my running 
 iwn. 
 
 Hothfeild, Aug. 1653. 
 
 Epist. a short excuse for my running 
 out of Town. 
 
 Madam, 
 
 ... I had a serious resolution before I came from London 
 to have offered my selfe to your La. presence, to know what 
 commands you might have been pleased to lay upon mee 
 before our journey into the country. But the severity of my 
 Lord would not suffer mee to enjoy so much time, as might 
 suffice for a short Valediction to my dearest freinds. I had 
 no notice of my going out of town, till that very morning, 
 when in all hast I was commanded to run a tilt ^ in a wooden 
 Horse to Graves-end, |iom thence to Raynam upon a shufling 
 Beast, like a Cambridge-hackny, and so very breifely, all in 
 a breath, to Hothfeild. Yet all this affliction was nothing to 
 my unhappines in this respect, that I could not obtaine so 
 much leisure as might justifie my absence in ... a mannerly 
 fashion. ... I intended once to try the danger of my Lord's 
 displeasure; but considering that your Mercy would reach 
 farther than His, I thought fit . . . rather to submit to this 
 * A play on ' go in a tilt-boat.' 
 
INTRODUCTION 39 
 
 inconvenience, than run the hazard of loosing my Imployment, 
 which I would willingly retaine ... for I abhorre nothing so 
 much, as an unsetled, vaine, fickle humour of trying all 
 fortunes. H. T. 
 
 The marriage of Lady Margaret Tufton referred to in the 
 following letter took place on July 18, 1653. The bridegroom 
 was George, Lord Coventry. Tubbe's friend Samuel Mearne 
 was a nephew of Dr. Bernard of Croydon, though the latter in 
 his wilP speaks of his sister, presumably Samuel's mother, as 
 Dorcas Merles, and her mark as a witness is designated ' the 
 marke of Dorcas Mearle '. Samuel Mearne is called a 'stationer' 
 in Tubbe's will, and was Master of the Stationers Company in 
 1679, 1681 and i68a, when he died in office. His widow 
 presented the Company with a silver salver and tankard.^ 
 A paper on Mearne has been written by Mr. Cyril Davenport, 
 and books bound by him still realize very high prices in 
 auction rooms. This letter gives the first intimation of that 
 disease of the lungs which proved fatal to Tubbe two years 
 later. Lord Thanet's mother, who had lately died, was Frances, 
 daughter of Thomas Cecil, first Earl of Exeter. I cannot find 
 evidence that Captain James Peacock ever commanded the 
 Rainbow. It was commanded by Sir G. Ascue in June 165a, 
 while Peacock commanded the Tiger? On March 34, 1652^3, 
 we hear* that Peacock had been removed to the Triumph. 
 As captain of that ship he was mortally wounded in the fights 
 of July 29-31,1653. 
 
 To M' WILLIAM COLE 
 
 Epist. An excuse for an hasty journey, with 
 
 a Petition for some assistance in a busines, 
 
 which concerned my livelyhood. &c. 
 
 Hothfeild. Aug. 30. 1653 
 Deare Cosen. . . . 
 
 I remember very well, when I was last at your House, and 
 there replenished with the kindnesse of a free entertainment, 
 
 ' The will, which is in Somerset House, was signed on August 5, 1657, 
 and proved on November 18 following. 
 * C. R. Rivington, A Short Account of the Stationers Company, 1903. 
 ' Memorials of Sir W. Penn. 
 ^ State Papers Domestic, Interregnum, vol. xxxiv, no. 71. 
 
40 HENRY TUBBE 
 
 I made a promise to performe the duty of another Visit before 
 my going out of town. In this I have failed. . . . 
 
 You must understand . . . that when I bound my selfe by the 
 word of an Honest Man, to see you once againe at least before 
 our journey into the countrey, I did presume that I should 
 have had the happines to stay a little longer & make one 
 amongst the rest at the celebration of my Lady Margaret's 
 Wedding. But my Lord having some time before removed 
 my Pupills upon their own importunitie from the City to 
 Hothfeild, and now sending for his Chaplaine (who then had 
 the charge of their instruction) to compleat this Marriage, 
 I was suddainely commanded ... to bee at our Country- 
 mansion upon His coming away. . . . 
 
 Considering that my Cosen Cole was a more merciful man 
 than my Tyrant Lord, I resolved rather to try the fortune of 
 your indulgence & lenity, than hazard my Imployment, which, 
 though none of the best, is yet better than none at all. . . . 
 
 My desire is, that you would be pleased at your most con- 
 venient opportunitie to assist my freind Sam. Mearne in pro- 
 curing the rest of that mony which is in M" Randall's hands. 
 I thought fit to leave the bond with him, because your own 
 businesse being extraordinarie, you might easily forget such 
 a trifle as this, except you had some body to call upon you & 
 intreat your assistance. 
 
 I desire much to bee informed how it is with your Wife & 
 Children, for whose happines & health I conceive my selfe 
 bound to enlarge my devotions, expecting the like charitable 
 courtesie from you in my behalfe, especially since my strength 
 is a little impaired by the violence of a perpetuall Cold, which 
 I brought with mee from hence to London, & have brought it 
 back againe hither without any diminution. Sure this is some 
 strange new disease ; and I will be bold to call it a Kentish 
 cough; for I was never troubled with the like in any other 
 County. Kent (they say) was never conquered ; it may bee 
 the diseases of this climate are invincible too. and yet I live in 
 that part, which (as the common talke goes) is all for health 
 & wealth, but (I'll assujj^ you Cosen) for my part, I am not 
 very sensible of either, though besides living with a rich thrifty 
 Earle, whose vast estate (now since his Mother's death) is 
 without intelligible boundes. 
 
 If you heare any newes of my unlucky Brother since our 
 last quarrelsome Adventure at Sea, I shall be better satisfied 
 with your intelligence, whether good or bad, than from any 
 other hand ; because of our mutuall relation, which mollifies 
 the greife of a disaster, and doth elevate the joy of a good 
 
INTRODUCTION 41 
 
 successe. though I detest the Cause, to which His Rashnesse 
 hath unhappily embarqued himselfe and his fortunes, yet 
 Nature commands mee to rejoice for the safety of his Person. 
 When I was last in Town, I was informed by some of his 
 Wife's Kindred, that He was hovering upon the Dutch Coast 
 under Capt. Peacock in the Rainbow. What is become of 
 Him since, I am yet to learne. ... H. T. 
 
 Tubbe refers in the following letter to the support he 
 had received from the Marchioness of Hertford and Lady 
 Spencer. He had apparently been tutor to the young 
 Spencers before going to reside at Essex House. 
 
 To Mr. WILLIAM COLE 
 
 EpisT. Of our mutuall happines by our near 
 
 relation, with some glances at the vanity 
 
 & miseries of the world ; &c. 
 
 [Dec. 1653] 
 Your Letter of the a7th of Octob. in answer to mine of 
 Aug. 30 I received & read with much content & satisfaction : 
 but till this time of Liberty (which some call Christmas) I 
 could not find my selfe in a capacity to make any reply, 
 for besides the burden of my Imployment I have been so 
 miserably afflicted with the weight of my disease (which is 
 now grown to a perfect consumption of the Lungs) that no 
 space of leisure or relaxation could bee afforded for the 
 remembrance of my freinds. . . . 
 
 . . . My poor Genius is now much impaired & allmost 
 suffocated with distillations of rheume and phlegmatique 
 impressions, insomuch that sometimes I conceive my selfe 
 in all probabilitie not likely to live long, except Allmighty 
 God . . . enlarge the number of my dayes. 
 
 Since your last lines came to my hands, I have had some 
 account of the busines you mention there, and I am certified 
 that my freind S. Mearn hath procured part of the mony in 
 the Widowe's hands with a promise of the rest to be payed 
 very shortly. The reason why He did not call upon you 
 according to your expectation I suppose was only this, because 
 he was loath to put you to a needlesse trouble, if it could bee 
 obtained without your assistance. The man's honesty is not 
 to bee suspected, & I have had sufficient trialls of his diligence 
 in my behalfe, whom next to your selfe, & his Unkle D. 
 Bernard (who was my carefull Guardian) I dare trust with 
 
43 HENRY TUBBE 
 
 greater matters than this, though I confesse the losse of such 
 a Sum would strike deepe into the veines of my Livelyhood, 
 in these slipperie times, when many deserving Spirits are ready 
 to expire for want of a reasonable maintenance. 
 
 I should bee glad to know, whether those Letters, which I 
 sent inclosed, were delivered as directed, for I have not had 
 any intimation either from your selfe, or from those honour- 
 able Persons concerning their deliverie. Though I cannot 
 expect any thing from them by way of answer, in regard of 
 our distance, yet I should rejoice much to heare in a word or 
 two from any other hand, how those two Families (to which 
 I have been bound for a competent support) stand affected 
 in matter of health & happines. 
 
 And for my Brother, though I take little joy in his Pre- 
 ferment, for some reasons best known to you & mee, yet 
 I am touched with much gladnes for the preservation of his 
 life, and would willingly be informed in what ship hee doth 
 now exercise his new powerfull Office for the Commonwealth. 
 . . . Excuse mee, if I write but seldome, my infirmities will 
 not suffer mee to make any large or frequent addresses in 
 this kind. 
 
 To Mr. THOMAS SPENCER 
 
 Epist. . A contemplation of his excellent parts 
 
 & goodnes, with a short Invective against the 
 
 insolence of usurping rebells. &c. 
 
 Hothfeild in Kent. Feb. a8. 1653 [i<553''4]. 
 
 Deare M. S. 
 
 [Expresses his admiration, his desire of living in the 
 presence of T. S. and a half-determination he had formed to 
 leave Hothfield and visit him, which was only checked by 
 receiving a letter from him.] 
 
 I have therefore setfbd in my selfe a purpose (yet not 
 suppressing my appetite to a joyfull Enterview) to stay here 
 in the Country till such time as my great Master shall bee 
 pleased to remove his Family to London. . . . 
 
 Sir, I am heartily sorry to heare of your Brothers sicknes 
 ... (if I bee not mistaken) I am now at this time my selfe 
 afflicted with the same disease, a violent consuming Cough 
 of the Lungs, which the best physick & diet I can use will 
 
INTRODUCTION 43 
 
 not yet remove. God (I beleeve) will looke upon us both 
 in mercy. If there bee no other remedy but Death 
 . . . what true-hearted Soule would not rather leave his 
 Body to bee a Feast for the Wormes than remaine above 
 Ground to have his Sences eaten up by these Cankers of 
 State, whose very Beeing (as it is now marr'd by the Devill) 
 is nothing else but a pernicious Blast of Blasphemie, Witch- 
 craft, & Rebellion ? H. T. 
 Postscript. 
 
 Sir, Since the writing of my Letter I am certified, that your 
 good Brother Mr. Richard Spencer is dead.^ I thinke I 
 cannot expresse my sorrow more fully than by telling you, 
 that except God have otherwise determined, I am not like to 
 bee long after Him. 
 
 Elizabeth Bernard, to whom the following letter is ad- 
 dressed, is not mentioned in her father's will made in 1657, 
 and had probably died before that date. 
 
 Sir Edward Dering, second baronet, of Surrenden, Pluckley, 
 Kent (adjacent to Hothfield), was born in 1635, succeeded 
 his father in 1644, and died in 1684. He married Mary, 
 daughter of Daniel Harvey of Coombe in Croydon. She 
 died in 1703-4. The Dictionary of National Biography Ao&s 
 not mention that Dering studied at Sidney Sussex College, 
 Cambridge. There is a poem by ' Edvardus Dering, Armig. 
 Coll. Sid. Suss.' in the Cambridge collection Irenodia Canta- 
 brigiensis, i54i, and one by ' Edw. Dering Baronet' in 
 Cartwright's Comedies, &c., 1651. There were some Derings 
 at Croydon, as ' Robert Deringe ' witnessed the will of Tubbe's 
 mother there in 1629. 
 
 To Mrs. ELIZABETH BERNARD 
 
 Epist. A particular Remembrance of my respects 
 to S. Edward Deering & his Lady 
 
 Hothfeild. March 13. 1653 [1653^4]. 
 
 Sweet Mrs. Bernard, 
 
 Not many dayes since I received a Letter from your Cosen 
 Mearn, wherein I am certified, that you are lately come from 
 London to Pluckney, and for some short time to remaine 
 
 * See table of the family, p. 28. 
 
44 HENRY TUBBE 
 
 there. The relation, which I have formerly had to your good 
 Father, D. Bernard, if nothing else, would easily invite mee 
 to renew my acquaintance with your selfe by a personall 
 Visit, if I could but allow my desires so much time from my 
 Imployment, as might serve them to the execution of such 
 a Blessed Worke. 
 
 I am earnestly desired by your Brother Mr. Francis to 
 present his humble service to S. Edw. Deering & his Lady, and 
 his hearty love to his best Sister ; the like respects are pre- 
 sented from your honest Kinsman before mentioned. And . . . 
 I will bee bold to put in my selfe too. for though indeed I am 
 but a meer stranger to the noble Master of your Family, yet 
 the other part of Him his deare Consort is still fresh in my 
 remembrance, and Shee cannot forget how I did once enjoy 
 the favour of her familiaritie at the Vicar's House in 
 Croydon. . . . 
 
 And yet I could add to this something more, that the 
 memory of his fame in Cambridge may challenge a particular 
 respect from mee, who was allwayes a silent admirer of his 
 Vertues, when as Fellow-Commoner to the Angells, hee lived 
 like a Saint in Sydney-CoUedge. 
 
 H. T. 
 
 To Mr. WILLIAM COLE 
 
 Epist. Bewailing his sorrowfull condition in the 
 desperate Sicknes of his Wife, with some ingredients 
 of a true consolation to settle his courage against 
 the violence of the greatest inconveniences in such 
 a lamentable Case 
 
 Hothfeild in Kent. Septemb. 23. 1654. 
 Dear Cosen, 
 
 It is now about halfe a year, since I received a Letter from 
 you in answer to one of mine, written but a month or two 
 before. At that time you may remember, that I gave you 
 some information concerning the unhappy growth of my 
 disease turned to a deeg^ Consumption. Twice (since I saw 
 you last) I have been ready to encounter with Death . . . 
 but by the favour of AUmighty God have now recovered to 
 some degree of health, and by his blessing upon some good 
 application of wholesome remedies I doe yet hope to remove 
 all the reliques of my Sicknes, & so prevent the danger of 
 a dismall relapse, to which ... I am easily inclined. Thus 
 affected in the state of my body I may challenge your patience 
 to beare with my silence : those houres, which were exempted 
 
INTRODUCTION 45 
 
 from the exercise of my daily Worke, I could apply to no 
 other use, but what might conduce to my own preservation, 
 in providing & preparing such medicines as are needfull in 
 these extremities. And now I begin to bee more sensible 
 of my own sickly condition than heretofore, and that by vertue 
 of a freindly compassion, since by Mr. Myn I was certified of 
 that sad affliction which you suffer in the Distemper of your 
 Second Selfe. But my Hope persvades mee to tell you, that 
 this Weakenesse is but for a time, and onely so contracted by 
 the violence of her Miscarriage, that not prevailing to a 
 present dissolution, it may in all probabilitie by God's heipe & 
 sound physick bee removed. You cannot forget how Shee 
 was thus afflicted upon the like occasion (when I remember I 
 was taken into the fellowship of your Sufferings, & became 
 your sorrowfuU Companion both at Bed & at Board) and yet 
 how happily her Soule was retrived from that muddy dis- 
 traction. . . . 
 
 . . . till I heare better newes, I must remaine Your very 
 sorrowfull Kinsman & Fellow-sufferer 
 
 H. T. 
 
 To Mr. WILLIAM COLE 
 
 Epist. Containing some expressions of my 
 affection in a medley of joy and greife. 
 
 Good Cosen, 
 
 Your Letter is . . . checquer'd with Black & White, Good 
 Newes & Bad . . . the joyful! narration of your Wife's 
 recoverie ... is quilted with the mixture of your own Tragi- 
 comedies, the sad relation of D. Wynyff s death,' my Brother's 
 Sicknes, and the losse of a precious Jewell, your former 
 Letter. . . . 
 
 Whereas you make it your request to be commanded by 
 mee, I shall only . . . intreat you to inquire into my Brother's 
 condition, till such time as our journey is designed for London, 
 which ([ beleeve) will be very shortly. This is the first notice 
 I have had of his being at Detford, since hee came thither, and 
 hearing nothing from him in all this time, I presume he is now 
 in a way of amendment, if not fully recovered. If there bee 
 any necessity of a Visit before our Family remove, I shall be 
 ready to make my addresse upon the least intimation, either 
 from your selfe, or any of his freinds, though I run the hazard 
 of loosing my Imployment. . . . 
 
 ' BishopWinniff died September ig, 1654. 
 
46 HENRY TUBBE 
 
 To Mr. WILLIAM COLE 
 
 Epist. An excuse for not writing from the 
 oppression of a lingring Sicknes &c. 
 
 [? March 1655] 
 Deare Cosen, 
 
 You may wonder, why I should be thus slow in answering 
 your Letters. The last, which I received, was in Nov. dated 
 the first of that month, now above foure months since, time 
 enough (you will say) to contrive an answer. But when you 
 shall understand, how my Consumption hath prevailed upon 
 mee, I shall easily gaine your pardon, having such a feirce 
 disease for my excuse. I may now call it an inveterate Sick- 
 nesse like the incurable malice of a Roundhead, not to be 
 abated with any physick. My Lungs & other inward parts 
 are so obstructed with phlegme, that I cannot raise my voice, 
 without much straining, to any sound above the noise of 
 a Whisper, and this imperfection hath continued ever since 
 New-Yeers-day. 
 
 I have spared neither cost, nor paines, as far as my abilities 
 will extend, for the recoverie of my health ; and yet finde my 
 selfe in such a sad declining condition, that I thinke there will 
 be some necessitie (which is none of my least miseries) to 
 breake off my Imployment, & betake my selfe to a physicall 
 course at London. I shall be glad to receive your advice in 
 this Case, and pray let mee not want your Prayers for my well- 
 fare, howsoever it shall please God to dispose of mee, either for 
 life or death. I would thinke it a great happines in this miserie, 
 and something of a remedy too, to receive some certaine Newes 
 of my Brother's behaviour & resolution in this generall con- 
 fusion of the World, but I perceive all natural! affections are 
 swallowed up in a Bad Cause, and therefore I am not worthy 
 to know, either What, or Where hee is. That in all this 
 Time, that I have lived with the Earle of Thanet, and (as 
 I remember) a long space before that, I could never yet 
 obtaine the favour of a^^Line or two, must needs be some 
 argument of a strange, carelesse disaffection. I shall forbeare 
 to aggravate discontents, and turne my selfe to You, from 
 whom I have alvvayes been replenished with great springs of 
 joy & satisfaction, with an addition of much content by the 
 favours of your Best Freind. to whom I desire to be recom- 
 mended as a faithfull Servant of her vertues, which may also 
 challenge some remembrance to your hopefull Son, my Cosen 
 Bernard, since 't is more than probable, that hee will be 
 
INTRODUCTION 47 
 
 a mighty Gainer by the Example of his Parents. My Pen 
 begins to tire ; it will be needlesse to enlarge farther than to 
 a plaine afifirmation, that in all conditions, either of Strength 
 or Weaknesse, Wealth or Want, I shall be able to procure 
 your credit, so far as to beleeve, that I am, & will remaine 
 Your very loving C. till Death, 
 
 H. T. 
 
 The above letter is probably the last that Henry Tubbe 
 wrote. He died between May 4 and June 9 of the same 
 year. 
 
 He probably left Hothfield before the end, as the parish 
 register of that village has no record of his burial.^ Possibly 
 he found refuge in the house of his cousin William Cole.^ 
 
 No information as to place is given by his will made on 
 May 4, 1655.* After the usual preliminaries, he continues: 
 'ffirst I humbly intreate the most honorable the Lady 
 Marchioness of Hertford to accept a little picture of the late 
 King wrouht in Htle. . . . unto my loveing Kinsman William 
 Cole of Grayes Inne . . . Esquire . . . twentie poundes, to my 
 honored ffreinde Samuell Bernard of Waddon in the countie 
 of Surrey doctor in divinity the like summe . . . unto my 
 loveing ffreinde Master Samuell Mearne Stationer . . . five 
 poundes, Mistris Barbara Mearne Sister to the said Samuell 
 Mearne . . . five poundes . . . the poore of the Parish of 
 Warlegon in the Countie of Cornewall . . . fower poundes 
 . . . the poore of the Parish of Crosse in the Towne of 
 Southampton . . . three poundes . . . the poore of Croyden 
 in Surrey fiftie shillings ... to be distributed by the above 
 named Doctor Samuell Bernard . . . the poore of the Parish 
 where I shall be buried . . . fortie shillings ... to the free- 
 Schoole of Croydon . . . fortie shillings ... to buy bookes 
 for the use of that Schoole . . . the residue of my goods and 
 chattells moneys and other my personall estate [after payment 
 of debts and funeral charges] to my well beloved brother 
 
 ^ Information supplied by Rev. H. R. N. Ellison, Vicar. 
 
 " As the registers of St. Clement Danes, and those of St. Andrew, 
 Holbom, also fail to record his burial, he probably did not die in his old 
 quarters at Essex House, or at Hatton House. 
 
 ' At Somerset House. Aylett. 
 
48 HENRY TUBBE 
 
 Robeit Hay Tubbe in case he shall retourne againe into 
 England (he being now in parts beyond the seas) but if . . . my 
 said brother shall happen to die beyond the seas, . . . said 
 residue ... to the above named William Cole, out of which 
 residue (in case my Brother live not to retourne into England 
 againe) ... I give . . . twentie poundes . . . vnto Tenne poore 
 Ministers or Ministers Widdowes or their ffatherlesse children 
 such as he the said William Cole by the advice of my good 
 ffreind Master John [gap ^] shall thinke fittest to be releaved 
 ... I make . . . William Cole and . . . Samuel Bernard Execu- 
 tors . . . leaving the care of my buriall vnto my said Executors, 
 only I would have it without all manner of solemnitie but what 
 is necessarie to the decent buriall of a Christian. 
 
 . . . Henerie Tubbe 
 
 in the presence of . . . Robert Shirte 
 John Barrett 
 John Hilliard 
 
 Proved in London the nynth day of June 1655 by the oath of 
 
 William Cole ... to whom Administration was committed . . . 
 
 Reserving power to doctor Samuell Bernard . . . when he shall 
 
 come and in legall manner desire the same.' 
 
 The will throws a beautiful light on Tubbe's character. He 
 has not allowed political differences or even personal neglect 
 to make a breach of affection between himself and his only 
 brother ; he is loyal to the guardian of his orphan childhood, 
 Dr. Bernard. He thinks kindly of the little Cornish village 
 which had been the home of his race — of Southampton, where 
 he was born — of Croydon and its Free School, in which he 
 had been taught as a boy. In the (to him) evil days of the 
 Protectoi'ate he is faithful to the royal house, and when he 
 would requite the kindkess of Lady Hertford, under whose 
 roof he had lived and who had helped to support him in his 
 poverty, he leaves her as his most cherished possession his 
 ' picture in litle ' of the martyred King. Nor as a churchman 
 does he forget that the ejected ministers and their widows and 
 
 1 Perhaps Mr. John Winijiff, nephew of the late Bishop and a connexion 
 of Cole's. 
 
INTRODUCTION 49 
 
 fatherless children have a claim on his scanty means, if his 
 brother should not return from beyond the seas. 
 
 At the time of his brother's death, Robert Tubbe, in com- 
 mand of the Little Charity of sixty seamen and twenty guns, 
 was serving under Penn in the expedition sent by the Protector 
 to Hispaniola and Jamaica. The fleet sailed from Spithead 
 on Christmas Day, 1654, and though we are told that the 
 Littk Charity stayed behind to bring horses,^ she probably 
 joined the rest of the ships soon afterwards. Owing to discord 
 between the fleet and the army, the expedition was a failure. 
 Tubbe himself returned home safely, but he had difficulty in 
 receiving the money due to him. At a meeting of the Council 
 of State held on July 24, 1656, Mr. Francis Hodges was 
 instructed to pay to Captain Robert Hay Tub for his pay to 
 April 8, 1656, £%^ i8j.2 But a Paper of October 11, 1659, 
 shows that a large sum was still owing to him at that time. 
 It is headed 'An abstract of the Names and Summes of money 
 due to severall officers returned from Jamaica, who are now 
 living, and doe at present claime the same (all deductions 
 being made) their arrears at large being formerly stated and 
 reported to the Councill', and it includes ' Robert Hay Tubb 
 Captaine, ;f 143 i^s. 6d.' ^ 
 
 Tubbe's name does not occur in connexion with the fleet 
 sent to the Sound in 1658 under Edward, Lord Montagu, 
 It would have been, however, a pleasure to his brother to 
 know that the Roundhead captain lived to serve Charles II. 
 He commanded the George (one hundred and ninety men, 
 forty guns) which formed part of the Duke of York's squadron 
 in the fleet which won the battle of Lowestoft on June 3, 1665.* 
 Whether he was wounded in this action or in that of July 30 
 which followed, we do not know, but he died a couple of 
 months later. On October 16, 1665, the administration of the 
 goods of Robert Hay Tubb was granted to Elizabeth Tubb, 
 his relict. He is described as ' lately of the parish of Christ 
 
 ' Memorials of Sir IV. Penn, ii, pp. 17, 27. 
 
 " Record Office CO., Class I, vol. xiii, 25. 
 
 ' Ibid., xiii, 74. 
 
 * Memorials of Sir W. Penn, ii, p. 317 ; Harl. MS., 1247 ; Sloane MS., 
 
 4459- 
 
 1826-6 . E 
 
50 HENRY TUBBE 
 
 Church, London', but as having died at Woolwich, in the 
 county of Kent. At that time Pepys was living with his 
 family at Woolwich to avoid the plague then raging in London. 
 Possibly the plague counted Tubbe among its victims. Whether 
 he left children is again doubtful. On September 1 8, 1686, 
 administration of the goods of a Richard Tubb, who had died 
 a bachelor on the high seas in the Resolution, was granted to 
 his sister, Jane Holcroft, whose husband, Thomas Holcroft, 
 was then abroad. Possibly he was Robert Hay Tubbe's son. 
 
 H. TUBBE'S LITERARY REMAINS 
 
 We have seen that Henry Tiibbe tried his hand at literature 
 even in his student days at Cambridge. There is no doubt 
 that he continued to do so to the end of his life. Yet, when 
 he died, so far as I know, nothing that he had written had 
 appeared in print, save one short poem of six lines on Joseph 
 Hall, Bishop of Norwich. This is found in his manuscript 
 collection, of which I shall, speak shortly, under the heading, 
 ' To I. H. B. of N. Upon his Picture.,' The lines are engraved 
 under Marshall's portrait of Hall ip Hall's works, Satan's Fiery 
 Darts Quenched, 1647 ! Resolutions and Decisions, 1649 and 
 1650 ; The Great Mystery, of Godliness, 1653 ; probably also 
 in other works. In each case ' H. Tubbe ' is engraved under 
 the lines, and in the two earlier works the words 'Anno 1641 ' 
 appear on the plate.^ If this gives the date at which the plate 
 was engraved (and not nierely that at which Hall's portrait 
 was taken), Tubbe's lines must go, back to that year at least. 
 
 But if Tubbe had published but very little before his death, 
 he left behind him a mass of manuscript, which was then bound 
 in two folio volumes, the stamping of the calf covers being 
 identical in the two cases.^ Th^t it was not bound in his life- 
 time seems clear from the disorder and incompleteness of one 
 of the volumes. 
 
 These two volumes differ in character and have had a very 
 different history, as I must now show. 
 
 ' In the two later works we find ' Anno 1650 ' substituted. 
 
 "^ Mr. Dobell tells me that the volumes were bound by Samuel Mearne. 
 
INTRODUCTION 51 
 
 I. What we may call for the moment Volume I contains 
 a single work, practically ready for publication. The title-page 
 runs thus : 
 
 MEDITATIONS 
 
 IN THREE CENTURIES 
 
 By H. Tubbe, M.A. sometimes 
 
 Of St. John's Colledge 
 in Cambridge. 
 
 Give eare to my words, O LORD, consider my 
 meditations. Psal. 5. i. 
 
 It bears the signature : 
 
 'Octav. Pulleyn Warden July 17, 1659.' 
 
 The Meditations are by no means without merits of thought 
 and pointed expression, and show Tubbe perhaps at his best. 
 They seem to have been composed over a series of years. 
 Thus the following sentence (MS. Meditation II, 15) would 
 seem to have been written not later than the early days of 
 the Long Parliament : ' 't is neither wisdom nor justice to 
 pull down the frame of an ancient Building to make way for 
 an alteration. God blesse us from such a Reformation, that 
 must bee advanced in the ruines of a well-setled Goverment 
 & Constitution.' When, however, in another place (III, 91) 
 we read ' Mortuus est et Carolus ', we know that this cannot 
 be earlier than 1649. 
 
 Tubbe prefixed to each ' century ' a form of dedication, 
 though, as in the case of his dedication to his ' Epigrammes ', 
 of which I shall speak later, in each case he left a blank for 
 his patron's name. We may conjecture, however, that ' The 
 Right Honourable The Great Example of Religion andVertue,^ 
 
 The Lady ', to whom the first century was addressed, was 
 
 either Lady Spencer or the Marchioness of Hertford : that 
 ' The Right Honourable The Lady ', to whom the second 
 
 ' These words are those used by Jonson in dedicating his Epigrams to 
 Lord Pembroke. 
 
 E a 
 
5a HENRY TUBBE 
 
 century was addressed and of whom he says, ' My Engagement 
 to your La, is well known and if I should not confesse it, the 
 World would cry out upon such vile Ingratitude,' was the other 
 of these two protectresses, and that ' The Most Vertuous and 
 worthy of all Titles Mrs. Daughter to the right Honour- 
 able The Lady ', to whom the third century was dedicated, 
 
 was a daughter of Lady Spencer. 
 
 Four years after Tubbe's death, through whose action we 
 know not, a little printed duodecimo came out which stood in 
 close relation to the manuscript work just described. The 
 engraved title-page runs as follows : 
 
 MEDITATIONS 
 Divine 
 
 & 
 Morall 
 
 By H. T. 
 
 M:A: and sometimes 
 
 of S*' fohtCs Colledge, 
 
 Cambridge. 
 
 Give eare to my words, 
 
 Lord, consider my 
 Meditations. Ps: 5. i. 
 
 London 
 
 Printed for Robert Gibbs at 
 the Signe of y Golden Ball 
 
 in Chancery Lane 
 
 near Serjants Inn. 
 1659 
 
 The Meditations, which occupy pages 1-189, are numbered 
 from I to C (i-ico) (the signatures being B — W) and are 
 preceded by a ' Preface to the Reader ' without pagination, 
 but running to thirty-one pages. 
 
INTRODUCTION $3 
 
 A copy of the book in this form is to be found in the British 
 Museum (873 c. 3). It has the early signature ' Richard Jones ' 
 and another, ' T. Jolley 1815 ', with the book-plate of ' T. Jolley 
 F.S.A.' Another copy in the library of St. John's College, 
 Cambridge (Oo. 13, 23) was given to the College by Humphrey 
 Gower, Master of the College 1679-1711. 
 
 Mr. Robert Bowes, in his Catalogue of Cambridge Books, 
 mentions a copy of the same date, which was without the 
 ' Preface to the Reader ' and of which the engraved title was 
 somewhat different. 
 
 The book appeared again in 1683, without the 'Preface to 
 the Reader ' and with a new title-page. 
 
 MEDITATIONS 
 
 DIVINE 
 
 AND 
 
 MORAL 
 
 BY 
 
 Henery Tub fellow 
 of St. Johns CoUedge 
 Cambridge 
 
 LONDON, 
 Printed for Robert Gibbs at the 
 Golden-Bal in Chancery-Lane, 
 1683 
 
54 
 
 HENRY TUBBE 
 
 The printer had not set up the book afresh, but was trying 
 to sell off his old stock. He now for the first time informed 
 the public of the author's name, spelling it, however, in a way 
 of his own, and adding the incorrect statement that he had. 
 been ' fellow ' of his college. A copy of the work in this form 
 was lately in the possession of Mr. Bertram Dobell, who kindly 
 allowed me * to have it in my care for some weeks. 
 
 In what relation do the one hundred meditations of the 
 printed book stand to the ' three centuries ' of meditations of 
 the manuscript? Thanks to Mr. Dobell, who lately owned 
 the manuscript and kindly lent me that also, I can say that 
 practically all the printed meditations are identical with 
 meditations or parts of meditations — one or two with a com- 
 bination of different nieditations — in the manuscript. They 
 have been arranged, however, with little regard to the order in 
 which they stood originally, as may be seen from the following 
 Table : 
 
 I 
 
 id. 
 
 MS. 
 2.62 
 
 2 
 
 id. 
 
 2.44 
 
 3 
 
 id. 
 
 I.91 
 
 4 
 
 id. 
 
 1.29 
 
 S 
 
 id. 
 
 2.66 
 
 6 
 
 id. 
 
 I. 2 
 
 7 
 
 id. 
 
 2.48 
 
 8 
 
 id. 
 
 2.77 
 
 9 
 
 id. 
 
 2-93 
 
 lO 
 
 id. 
 
 2.43 
 
 11 
 
 id. 
 
 1.72 
 
 12 
 
 id. 
 
 3- 6 
 
 13 
 
 id. 
 
 1.65 
 
 14 
 
 id. 
 
 2. 7 
 
 IS 
 
 id. 
 
 i-SS 
 
 i6 
 
 id. 
 
 2.22 
 
 17 
 
 id. 
 
 1.52 
 
 i8 
 
 id. 
 
 2.58 
 
 19 
 
 id. 
 
 2.28 
 
 20 
 
 id. 
 
 2.46 
 
 21 
 
 id. 
 
 2.14 
 
 32 
 
 id. 
 
 1.60 
 
 23 
 
 id. 
 
 1-43 
 
 24 
 
 id. 
 
 3- 2 
 
 25 
 
 id. 
 
 I.81 
 
 26 
 
 id. 
 
 1.22 
 
 Pr. MS. 
 
 2.16 
 1.85 
 1.47 
 3-33 
 
 id. 1.33 
 id. 3.21 
 
 29 id. 1.40 
 
 30 id. 2.60 
 
 31 id. 2.70 
 
 id. 
 
 id. 
 
 id. 
 
 id. 
 
 36 id. 2.21 
 
 37 id. 1.34 
 
 38 abb.3.43 
 
 39 id. 1.44 
 id. 2.56 
 id. 2.11 
 id. 2.61 
 id. 1.58 
 id. 3.20 
 
 45 abb.3.32 
 
 46 id. 2.20 
 
 47 id. 2.85 
 
 48 id. 2.76 
 
 49 id. 2.80 
 
 50 id. 1.49 
 
 51 id. 1.35 
 
 52 id. I. 3 
 
 27 
 28 
 
 32 
 33 
 34 
 35 
 
 40 
 
 41 
 42 
 
 43 
 
 44 
 
 Pr. 
 
 53 id. 
 
 54 ext. 
 
 55 id. 
 
 56 id. 
 
 57 id. 
 
 58 abb. 
 
 59 abb. 
 
 60 abb. 
 
 61 abb. 
 
 62 id. 
 
 63 id. 
 
 64 id. 
 
 65 id. 
 
 66 id. 
 
 67 id. 
 
 68 id. 
 
 69 id. 
 
 70 id. 
 
 71 abb. 
 
 72 abb. 
 
 73 abb. 
 
 74 abb. 
 
 '^ ext. 
 
 76 ext. 
 
 MS. 
 
 & 
 
 3-91 
 
 Pr. 
 
 MS. 
 
 I.I7 
 
 77 id. 
 
 1.76 
 
 3-65 
 
 78 id. 
 
 1.41 
 
 2.92 
 
 79 id. 
 
 1.46 
 
 2.88 
 
 80 id. 
 
 1.48 
 
 2.87 
 
 81 abb. 
 
 3.49, 50, 52 
 
 3-78 
 
 82 ext. 
 
 3.51 
 
 3-94, 95 
 
 83 ext. 
 
 3.59 
 
 Z-77 
 
 84 id. 
 
 1.74 
 
 I. 4 
 
 8s id. 
 
 I. 5 
 
 2.27 
 
 86 id. 
 
 I. I 
 
 1.88 
 
 87 id. 
 
 3.15 
 
 3-18 
 
 88 id. 
 
 3-16 
 
 3-48 
 
 89 id. 
 
 2.67 
 
 2.64 
 
 90 id. 
 
 2.68 
 
 2.74 
 
 91 id. 
 
 2.52 
 
 3- 3 
 
 92 id. 
 
 2.53 
 
 3-IO 
 
 93 id. 
 
 2.59 
 
 3-69 
 
 94 id. 
 
 2.54 
 
 3-34 
 
 95 id. 
 
 3-74 
 
 3.35 
 
 96 abb. 
 
 3.66 
 
 3-93 
 
 97 id. 
 
 3- I 
 
 3.88 
 
 98 id. 
 
 2.97 
 
 & 
 3-90 
 
 99 id. 
 100 id. 
 
 1.77 
 1.92 
 
 Thanks to the good offices of Mr. Percy Simpson. 
 
INTRODUCTION 55 
 
 In this Table the first column stands for the meditations 
 of the printed book, the last for the corresponding meditations 
 of the manuscript, while the intermediate column gives the 
 relation between the two: 'id.' meaning that the two are 
 practically identical, ' abb.' that the form in the printed book 
 is somewhat abbreviated, ' ext.' that it is somewhat extended 
 (possibly from some other part of the manuscript which I have 
 not traced). 
 
 The result is that, while twelve of the printed meditations 
 show abbreviation (often very slight), three extension, and two 
 both abbreviation and extension, eighty-five are practically 
 identical with manuscript meditations, except for differences 
 of spelling and punctuation. 
 
 Who was it who thus reduced the three hundred Meditations 
 of Tubbe's MS. as we have it to one hundred, slightly altered 
 the title, omitted the dedications, and added a Preface ? Was 
 it Tubbe himself, or some posthumous editor ? The Stationers' 
 Register is here our only guide. 
 
 On May 11, 1659, Gibbes' book was entered on the Register 
 in the following form : 
 
 Robert Gibbes. Entred for his copye under the hand of 
 Mr. Pulleyn Warden two bookes the one entituled The 
 Excellent woman A Sermon preached at the funerall of 
 Mrs. Scott by Tho: Case M.A., th' other called Medita- 
 tions Divine & Morall by Henry Tubb M.A. of St. Johns 
 CoUedge, Cambridge vjd. 
 
 If Gibbes had been responsible for the changes which 
 distinguish his book from the MS. we know, that MS., or 
 a copy of it, must have been in his possession. That the 
 actual MS. was not, is clear from the following entry on the 
 Register.^ 
 
 I July 1659 
 
 Mr. Samuel Mearne. Entred for his copie under the hand 
 of Mr. Pulleyn Warden a Booke called Meditations in three 
 centuries by Henry Tubb M.A. sometime of St. Johns 
 CoUedge in Cambridge vjd. 
 
 ' For copies of these entries I am indebted to the Registrar, Mr. C. R. 
 Rivington, F.S.A. 
 
5<5 HENRY TUBBE 
 
 This entry suggests that Gibbes' publication was un- 
 authorized by Tubbe's representatives: and that on hearing 
 of it his old friend Samuel Mearne, himself a prominent book- 
 seller and publisher, submitted to Octavian Pulleyn, then 
 Warden of the Stationers' Company, the very manuscript 
 which now exists. Probably the intention to publish it in 
 rivalry with Gibbes' book was quickly abandoned, and the 
 MS. was left in Mr. Pulleyn's hands, who, on July 17, appro- 
 priated it by adding his signature to the title-page. 
 
 But if Gibbes had not this manuscript, he must have had 
 another, and the question remains an open one whether the 
 MS. in the form in which he presented it was Tubbe's work or 
 the work of some one into whose hands Tubbe's Meditations 
 in Three Centuries had fallen. It is possible, but hardly 
 likely^ that Gibbes' manuscript was a first form of the work 
 afterwards ejcpanded. 
 
 The manuscript appropriated by Pulleyn was next heard 
 of when Mr. Frederick Hendriks wrote to Notes and Queries 
 of November a, 1861,* to say that he then had it in his 
 possession. 
 
 At the recent sale of Mr. Hendriks' books, it passed to 
 Mr. Dobell, who sold it, about September 19 10, along with 
 the printed edition of i68a, to E. Almack, Esq. 
 
 a. We now come to the consideration of the second volume 
 of Tubbe's manuscripts — that called Harleian MS. 4126 in the 
 British Museum. The contents, as will be seen, are of a very 
 miscellaneous kind, both in poetry and prose. 
 
 The following is a synopsis of them : 
 fo. I. (Prose) ' Epistles. The First Centmy.' These are the 
 English letters on which I have already drawn in my 
 account of Tubbe's life. Epistles I-XI are numbered ; 
 the remaining twent^three left unnumbered, 
 fo. 39. ' Epistles,' i. e. Verse-epistles. There are four, of which 
 the second is a paraphrase or adaptation of Suckling's- 
 lines ' To Master John Hales ' (it is noticeable that, while 
 Tubbe, like Suckling, invites his friend to see Jonson's 
 
 1 2 Ser. XII, pp. 346, 406. Mr. Hendriks misread ' Octav. Pulleyn ' 
 as ' Aar. Pulleyn ' as I did myself at first. 
 
INTRODUCTION 57 
 
 plays, he says nothing of Shakespeare's, which Suckling 
 clearly preferred) ; the third an adaptation of the first 
 part of some anonymous verses prefixed to Randolph's 
 poems, beginning 'As when a swelling cloud', and the 
 fourth an adaptation of Randolph's poem, ' To Mr. Feltham 
 on his book of Resolves.' 
 
 fo. 44. ' Elegies.' A first series is numbered 1-9. In No. 6, 
 on ' The Royall Martyr ', some passages are rather bold 
 plagiarisms from ' Hamlet '. No. 4 is an adaptation of 
 the first part of Robert Randolph's lines, ' To the memory 
 of his dear Brother ', prefixed to Randolph's poems. No. 5 
 is an adaptation of T. Randolph's ' Elegy upon the 
 Lady Venetia Digby ', and No. 7 of Randolph's ' Elegie 
 on the death of . . . Sir Rowland Cotton '. 
 
 fo. 60. A second series of Elegies follows, numbered 1-7 
 (No. 7 being blank). No. 6 is an adaptation of Randolph's 
 ' Platonick Elegie '. No. i seems to be suggested by 
 two poems of Thomas Stanley's, 'The Tomb' and 'The 
 Parting '. 
 
 fo. 64. ' Hymnes ' numbered 1-6 (No. 6 being blank). 
 
 fo. 68. (Prose) ' The Argument of Penelopes Epistle to 
 Vlysses '. 
 
 fo. 69. (Prose) ' The Argument of Didos Epistle to ^neas '. 
 
 fo. 71 begins abruptly with Ode I3. The series extends to 
 Ode 18. Of these, Ode 14 'To Francis B. on his happy 
 marriage ' is an adaptation (perhaps to the case of Francis, 
 son of Dr. Samuel Bernard) of Randolph's ' Epithalamium 
 to Mr. F. H.' Ode 15 is an adaptation of Randolph's 
 'Ode to Mr. Anthony Stafford to hasten him into the 
 Countrey',1 and Ode 16 of Randolph's 'Pastorall Ode'. 
 Ode I a seems to owe something to Crashaw's 'Musical 
 Duel '. 
 
 fo. 84. On the Silke-worme. 
 
 fo. 86. On . . a . . Brood of tame Partridges destroyed by . . 
 a . . dog. 
 
 fo. 89, On a Goose devoured by a Sow. 
 
 •^ It is noticeable that in this Ode and the foregoing alike Tubbe omits 
 to echo Randolph's vows of celibacy. 
 
58 HENRY TUBBE 
 
 fo. 91. Satyr. A Censure of Travell. 
 
 fo. 93. On the Gray-Friars of Ashford. 
 
 fo. 95. (Prose) Charact. A Batchelour. 
 
 fo. 98, Satyr i. An adaptation of Randolph's poem, ' On the 
 inestimable Content he enjoyes in the Muses '. 
 
 fo. 100. Satyr. Sober Sadnes. 
 
 fo. 109. Satyr. A Debate concerning the Engagement. 
 
 fo. no. Epigrammes, I Booke. Dedication (fo. in) 'To 
 the Great President of all Honour & Vertue, the most 
 noble '. It begins, ' My Lord ', and is perhaps in- 
 tended for thie Marquis of Hertford. The series of 
 epigrams begins on fo. iia and runs from 1-35 (35 being 
 blank). No. 34 is an adaptation of "the first five lines of 
 Suckling's poem, ' On New Year's Day 1640. To the 
 King ' ; No. 25 of Suckling's poem, ' To Lord Lepington 
 upon his translation of Malvezzi his " Romulus " and 
 "Tarquin"'; No. 26, of Suckling's lines, 'To Will 
 Davenant on his poem of Madagascar ' ; Nos. 28-32 
 respectively of Randolph's ' Epitaph upon Mistris I. T.' 
 (first eight lines), ' Epitaph upon . . . Mr. Warre ', ' In 
 Natalem' (beginning ' The first birth Mary'), ' Upon his 
 Picture ', and ' To one Overhearing his Private Discourse '. 
 Nos. 32 and 23 are translations respectively of Crashaw's 
 Latin poems on the birth of the Princess Elizabeth and 
 ' In serenissimae Reginse partum hyemalem '. The dedica- 
 tion and Epigrams i, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7 recall, if in some cases 
 very slightly, Ben Jonson's Epigrams. 
 
 fo. 123. A fresh series of epigrams, numbered 3-31 (31 being 
 blank). No. 7 is rather to be called an Ode ; and No. 26 
 and (still more) No. a8. Satires. No. 9 corresponds 
 to Randolph's poem, 'On the Passion of Christ', and 
 Nos. 10-21 respectively to Randolph's ' Necessary observa- 
 tions' I, 3, 3, 4, 5, 9, ic, 6, 8, 15, 18, 17. No. 33 seems 
 to be based on Crashaw's ' Divine Epigram ', ' On the 
 miracle of loaves '. 
 
 fo. 131. (Prose) H. . . . lohannensis Epistolarum ad Familiareis 
 Libri XVI. Liber I. ad S. Bernardum. The series of 
 letters runs from i to 10. 
 
INTRODUCTION 59 
 
 fo. 134 V. (Prose) H. . . . lohannensis ad Petrum-Paulum, et 
 
 ceteros. Liber II. The series runs from i to 13. 
 fa 139. (Prose) R. T. Arm^ero. A single Latin letter, 
 
 perhaps to Richard Tufton. 
 fo. 140. (Prose) ' Devotions. In three centuries. By H. Tubbe 
 M.A. sometimes of St. John's C. in Cambridge. Where 
 is he that is bom King of the Jewes ? for wee have seen 
 his Star in the East and are come to worship Him. 
 Math. a. a. Devotions. The First Century.' The series 
 extends from i ('A Morning Prayer for Sunday") to 9 
 ('A Prayer for Thursday morning '), which is blank, 
 fo. 147. (Prose) ' Charact. A Bishop.' Only eight lines, 
 fo. 148. (Prose) ' Charact. A Rebell.' 
 fo. 151. (Prose) ' Charact. A Subject.' 
 fo. 153. A fresh series of epigrams runs from 4-25 (25 being 
 blank). No. 20 ' On the Dominical Nose of O. C (the 
 letters ' O. C being afterwards deleted) is really a Satire. 
 No. 24 is a translation of Martial X. 47 (called here X. 4), 
 apparently independent of Randolph's translation of the 
 same epigram. 
 The book ends on fo. 157^^. 
 
 I am afraid that Tubbe, if he is to be called a poet, is not 
 a poet of the same order as many of his contemporaries. He 
 has neither the spiritual ardour of Crashaw, the artistic nicety 
 of Carew, nor the devil-may-care lightheartedness of Suckling. 
 He had vast literary ambitions, as is seen by the care with 
 which he collected and classified his compositions — even his 
 familiar letters ; but the fact that he included among them so 
 many that were not strictly original points to a lack of strong 
 inspiration, and suggests doubts of the originality of some 
 poems which have not yet been traced to others. In eulogy 
 and in vituperation he tends to hyperbole, and some of his 
 best lines are spoilt by the bathos of those that succeed. He 
 has the ingenuity of his age in inventing ' conceits ', and he 
 plays with this power in his mock-serious poems on the Twin- 
 apple, the Silkworm, the Partridges, and the Goose, which in 
 their own kind seem to me excellent — ingenious in fancy and 
 rapid in movement. He strikes a note of devout sincerity in 
 
6o HENRY TUBBE 
 
 his hymns, and there is sincerity in his poems of passionate 
 loyalty to King Charles, and of indignation at his imprison- 
 ment and at his death on the scaffold. Here we ask chiefly 
 for a little more restraint. 
 
 The poems in which Tubbe seems strongest and most indi- 
 vidual are those in which he draws an Hogarthian picture of 
 the religious fanatics of his own time, as ' The Gray-Friars 
 of Ashford ' and ' The Engagement '. Here again his strokes 
 fall fast : and all the pictures need is a key such as Tubbe's 
 contemporaries alone could supply. 
 
 Tubbe's favourite writers seem to have been Shakespieare 
 (in Hamlet), Ben Jonson, Cleveland, Randolph, and Suckling. 
 He appears to have known some part of the work of Crashaw, 
 Thomas Stanley, and Francis Quarles. 
 
 From what has been said it is plain that Tubbe was not 
 in the forward movement of his age. His couplet verse shows 
 the old overflow of sense — it belongs to the time before our 
 poetry had been ' refined ', as Dryden would say, by Mr. Waller 
 and Mr. Denham. But if Tubbe lacks the artistic restraint 
 and polish of the later school, he is free also from its con- 
 ventional tameness of expression. His language has a racy 
 energy which too often is in excess of the energy of the thought. 
 In metrical points he is also allied to the Elizabethans, espe- 
 cially in his fondness for a disyllabic pronunciation of the last 
 part of words such as ' action ', ' religion ', ' division ', ' con- 
 science ', ' patient '. 
 
 He frequently treats ' spirit ' as a monosyllable. His 
 spelling shows his pronunciation of ' Matchiavel '. Like the 
 Elizabethans he treats a classical ' th ' as a ' t ', and twice 
 rimes ' Rhadamanthus ' with ' daunt us '. He ignores the 
 pedantic '1' in 'vault^ 'fault' 'realme' (of paper), and 
 the pedantic ' th ' in ' rythm ', riming them with ' wrought ', 
 'thought', 'theame', and 'time'. Needless to say he rimes 
 ' ea ' with ' ay ' (' compleat ', ' retreat ', ' cheat ', with • great ', 
 ' key ' with ' they ') ; ' er ' with ' ar ' (' pervert ' with ' heart '). 
 More noticeable are the rimes ' fifth ' with ' gift ', ' chamber ' 
 with ' clamber ', ' fiends ' with ' minds ', and ' retrive ' with 
 * alive ' ; ' word ' with ' sword ' (but ' worse ' with ' curse ', 
 ' worke ' with ' kirk ') ; ' tongue ' with ' song ', ' throng ' ; 
 
INTRODUCTION 6i 
 
 ' occur'd ' with ' inur'd ' ; ' tast ' (= ' taste ') with ' blast ', 
 ' wast' (= 'waste') and 'hast' (= 'haste') with 'fast', 'ground ' 
 with ' down ', ' grounds ' with ' crowns '. The rimes, ' spoil ' 
 with ' vile ' and ' isle ', and 'join ' with ' combine', are perhaps 
 rather Augustan than Elizabethan. Tubbe says ' qufntessence', 
 ' mfscellanie ', ' c6nfessors ', ' heter6clite ', and on occasion ' de- 
 sires ', ' device ', ' ddvis'd ', ' f6rlorn ', here throwing the stress 
 farther back than is usual with us. . In other words he keeps 
 the stress on a later syllable than modern use tolerates — 
 ' rec6rds ' (subs.) ' instfnct ' (subs.) ' retinue ', 'surpltisage'. He 
 has the form — found also much earlier — ' Goverment ' for 
 ' Government ', and ' Shewer ', for ' sewer '. Tubbe's prose 
 ' Characters ' have some interest from their allusions to Milton 
 and their implicit attack on Cromwell. They suffer, as he 
 himself acknowledges, front that tendency to tedious moralizing, 
 which is seen in some of his letters. 
 
 The specimens of Tubbe's literary efforts which follow are 
 taken almost entirely from what I have called the second 
 volume of his MSS., viz. Had. MS. 4126. I have given, 
 however, his character of ' A Rebel ' and five specimens of his 
 Meditations, the latter from the printed edition pf 1659. 
 
 In making a selection from the contents of the Harleian MS., 
 I have naturally disregarded poems which have been found to 
 be of the nature of plagiarisms or adaptations of other men's 
 work. Otherwise, I have tried to make the selection represent 
 the various sides of Tubbe's poetical activity. 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 THE DEATH OF CAPTAIN JOHN TUBBE 
 
 The circumstances of Captain Tubbe's death are given in 
 the following documents : Egerton MS. 2596, fo. 163 (endorsed, 
 ' My L^ General Veres relation of y*entreprise vppon Terheyden, 
 May 1635 ') ; ditto fo. 165 (in a different hand, perhaps an 
 enclosure to the foregoing, accompanying a plan) ; Henry 
 Hexham, Relation of the Famous Seige of Breda, Delft 1637 ; 
 State Papers Domestic, Charles I, vol. ii, fo. 80, Letter from 
 John Chamberlain to Sir D. Carleton ' from London this 
 zi* of May 1695 ' ; Historical MSS. Commission, Appendix 
 to Fifth Report, p. 411 (Manuscripts Of Miss Conway Griffith, 
 Carreglwyd, Anglesey, and Berw, N. Wales) ' 15 May, 1625, 
 A coppie of a letter from the earle of Oxford to his lady, 
 written at Gertrugdenberg ' : Grimstone, Historie of the 
 Netherlands, continued by W. Crosse, 1637, p. 1513. 
 
 It appears that an attack on Terheyden having been resolved, 
 between 5,000 and 6,000 foot and eight troops of horse marched 
 on the night of Monday, May 12^2, from Dungen in Brabant, 
 in three divisions or brigades. The vanguard consisted of the 
 French with some Dutch : the English in twenty-three com- 
 panies had the ' battle ' : the Scots and Frisians the rearguard. 
 The next night (Tuesday) they rested at Gertrugdenberg, 
 and remained there on Wednesday, as it was a day of solemn 
 prayer, till evening. It then fell to the lot of the English to 
 have the vanguard, the Frisians and Scots the ' battle', and the 
 French the rear. 
 
 The English subdivided themselves into four divisions — 
 the first consisting of four companies under the Earl of 
 Oxford, the second of six companies under Sir Jacob Astley, 
 the third of six companies under Sir John Proud, the fourth 
 
DEATH OF CAPTAIN JOHN TUBBE 63 
 
 of seven companies under Sir John Vere. One of the 
 companies in this division was Captain Tubbe's. 
 
 Terheyden was approached by a dike or causeway which 
 was so narrow that at the broadest point not more than twenty 
 men could march abreast. The attack was led by a company 
 of the ' Grave of Horens ' (Prince of Orange) of some fifty 
 firelocks and with them twenty pikes commanded by Ernely, 
 Lieutenant to Sir Edward Hawley (who commanded a com- 
 pany in the first division) ; next came Evans, Lieutenant to 
 Sir John Vere with thirty pikes, twenty musqueteers, and two 
 sergeants ; then the fireworks with grenado's. After these 
 went on the forlorn hope consisting of 400 men, half pikes and 
 half musqueteers ; the first 100 of whom were commanded by 
 Captain Tubbe, with Skippon, Lieutenant to Captain Killegrewe, 
 and Read, Ensign to Captain Gibson, and four sergeants. The 
 whole of the forlorn hope was commanded by Sir John 
 Proud. 
 
 After the forlorn hope came the four divisions : the first com- 
 manded by the Earl of Oxford ; the last, which was intended 
 as a reserve or support, by Sir John Vere. 
 
 The quarter or fort was only to be approached by the dike, 
 the low ground on either side of which was under water. 
 ' Upon the entrance into it there was a traverse, supported by 
 a redoubt ; then another traverse and a second redoubt ; ^ and 
 lastly a ' great work that overlooked them and therein some 
 Artillery '. 
 
 The attack was made between 3 and 3 A.M. On the 
 approach of the ' loose men ', the enemy forsook the first 
 traverse, and the soldiers impetuously assaulted and took 
 the first redoubt, the second traverse and the second redoubt, 
 and pressed on boldly to the main work. They found it, 
 however, unscaleable, and they had neither scaling ladders 
 nor a supply of fire-works. It was idle to persist, and yet the 
 men could hardly be drawn off from the attempt. 
 
 An hour and a half had been spent, and most of the 
 ammunition exhausted ; the enemy was thoroughly alarmed ; 
 
 ^ Egerton MS., 2596, fo. 165, states that there were three, if not four 
 traverses. 
 
64 APPENDIX 
 
 the ground seized was too confined to allow of support coming 
 up without danger of confusion ; and no scaling ladders were 
 brought up. Accordingly, the command was given to retreat 
 and very reluctantly obeyed, ' from whence I conclude that 
 notwithstanding the longe discontinuance of action, our nation 
 doth still retain its ancient courage and valour '. The English 
 slain amounted to 6a, the wounded to no. Most of the loss 
 was sustained in the retreat. The list of slain is headed by 
 the names of Sir Thomas Wynne (a volunteer), Captain Tubbe 
 and Captain Dacres. Grimstone informs us that both the latter 
 were wounded with small shots. It appears from Lord Oxford's 
 letter of May 15 that Captain Tubbe was then still alive, though 
 not expected to recover. 
 
POEMS 
 
 [ When thou and I must parf] 
 
 When wee have lost our Breath, & shall not vex 
 
 The Citty, nor the precise Holy Sects 
 
 Of our new Reformation, with Mirth, 
 
 Which though refin'd, yet they say smells of Earth : 
 
 When Wit and Innocence shall both expire,' 
 
 And our Soules flourish with eternall Fire : 
 
 When all is gone that the false envious World 
 
 With much regret into our Pockets hurl'd : 
 
 When the harsh Thunder of a Drawer's Voice, 
 
 Hucsters Non-sense, mixt with a Medley-noise lo 
 
 Of Carmen, Prentises, & Boyes, no more 
 
 Shall trouble us : and when no after-Score 
 
 Shall mend our first mistaken Reckonings: 
 
 When Tailors, Sergeants, and such hatefull Things 
 
 Shall leave us, & wee them ; when Thou & I, 
 
 That never single were, must part and dye: 
 
 Our Freinds (I hope) will be so liberall 
 
 And. kind, to let us have one Buriall, 
 
 One Grave to blend our Ashes, as one Life 
 
 Did mix our equall Hearts with mutuall strife ao 
 
 Of Friendship & Delight. There (as Wise Men 
 
 Beleeve, that Love lives after Death) agen 
 
 Our Spirits shall intermix, & weave their Knots; 
 
 Free from the trouble of these earthly Grotts ; • 
 
 Thence winged flie to the Elysian Groves, 
 
 Where, whilst wee still renew our constant Loves, 
 
 A Thousand Troops of Learned Ghosts shall meet 
 
 Us, and our coming thither gladly greet. 
 
 First the Gieat Shadow of Renowned BEN 
 Shall give us hearty, joyful! Wellcome: then 30 
 
66 WHEN THOU AND I MUST PART 
 
 Ingenious Randolph from his lovely Arms 
 
 Shall entertaine us with such mighty charms 
 
 Of strict embraces, that wee cannot wish 
 
 For any comforts greater than this Blisse: 
 
 From hence dismiss'd through many winding Wayes 
 
 And subtle turnings, where each Spirit playes, 
 
 Delighting to be lost in such a Maze 
 
 Of Joyes & Pleasure, our just, even Pace 
 
 Shall bring us to that sweet ForgetfuU Lake, 
 
 Which (if brave Poets sing the Truth) will make 40 
 
 All Sorrow flie away from them that bath 
 
 Their thirsty Pallates in the liquid Path. 
 
 Here on a shadie Plot of pleasant Ground 
 
 Those scorned Lovers mingle in a Round, 
 
 Who in their Life time were unhappily 
 
 Blasted & torne by cruell Perjurie. 
 
 All these frequent the pow'rfull Streames, to drowne 
 
 Their burning Greifes, & drinke their Sorrows downe : 
 
 That the Inconstant Sex may not torment 
 
 Their Shadowes after Death, with Discontent. 50 
 
 And here Wee Two swell'd with delightful! joy 
 Shall quite forget those Cares, which did annoy 
 Our Minds in this vaine Region of Greife, 
 Where there is little Comfort or Releife. 
 Wee'll sit upon the flowrie Banks, and spend 
 Our cheerfull Thoughts in Pleasures without End. 
 
 ON M»= KATHARINE SPENCER 
 
 What mournfuU Hearse is this, that thus makes sute 
 
 And wooes my Teares & Verse for a Salute? 
 
 For that is all, that the weake Impotence 
 
 Of my strong Greife, and dull Muse can dispence ; . 
 
 Let other Pens sweat to advance her Fame, 
 
 Mine shall but touch the odour of her Name; 
 
 For though my Sorrow be as large as that 
 
 Which knows no bounds; yet the Expression's flat, 
 
 And falters in her freenesse, 'cannot sound 
 
ON M« KATHARINE SPENCER 67 
 
 The Object's depth without a killing Wound. 10 
 
 Her Sweetnes, Courtesie, her Mildnes, Truth, 
 
 Her simple Wisdome, Gravitie in Youth, 
 
 Like Lines i' th' Circle of her Life did run 
 
 Upon the Center of Devotion. 
 
 There Shee was fixt, and to that Head did draw, 
 
 All the sweet Precepts of her vertuous Law : 
 
 A Law, that She propos'd unto her selfe 
 
 As a fair Marke t' avoid the dang'rous Shelfe 
 
 Of each Temptation, which the World presents 
 
 Like Pearls, to hide their horrid Discontents. 20 
 
 What Nature, Education, Fortune could 
 
 Bestow, by use She made her own true Good. 
 
 How did She hate the tempting tunes of Vice, 
 
 Whose Musique draws unto a Precipice ! 
 
 When wee did urge the Cure of her Disease, 
 
 Her Soule assur'd her of a better Ease. 
 
 Her Sufferings were her Joy, the dolorous Paine 
 
 Of Sicknes was the Earnest of her Raigne ; 
 
 That Raigne, that Crown Triumphant^ w"** defies 
 
 The petty Scorns of the World's Injuries : 30 
 
 With which oppress' d, like a just, pious Theefe, 
 
 She stole away to Heaven for Releife. 
 
 Her Breath departed hence without a groane, 
 
 As She had wish'd her Dissolution. 
 
 Let Angells sing the honour, majestie, 
 
 And greatnes of her Immortalitie ; 
 
 All I can say is this, She could not stay 
 
 To weare that longer, w""" would weare away. 
 
 Her Body was the Burden of her Soule, 
 
 Which now advanc'd is under no controule 40 
 
 Of Weaknes, Vanitie, or Sin, as free 
 
 From the least taint of all Impuritie, 
 
 As is her lovely name; a Fixed Star, 
 
 Fix'd above all the Clouds of Death & War, 
 
 F a 
 
68 TO MRS. PENELOPE SYMCOTS 
 
 To the Memory of my deare Friend 
 
 MRS. PENELOPE SYMCOTS, who dyed of 
 
 a violent Feaver in the Flower of her 
 
 Age, at Hatton House in Holborne, 
 
 London. Jul. 31. 1651. 
 
 Farwell vaine Life! for Shee, whose vertues led 
 
 My wandering steps, (they say) is dead. 
 Wellcome deare Death ! for Shee, that made life sweet, 
 
 Lies here a carcase in a Sheet. 
 That Flesh that would have more than halfe refin'd 
 
 Our Soules, is vanish'd hence like Wind: 
 That Soule, the Jewell of that lovely Shrine, 
 
 Compos'd o' th' purest Oare i' th' Mine, 
 Is now transported to a Throne of Blisse, 
 
 So great, wee can't define what 't is. 
 
 Cultores sui Deus protegit 
 
 CAROLUS 
 
 Flint-hearted Tyrants ! use your arts 
 To bruise our Bones, & breake our Hearts ! 
 Tempestuous Storms may swell and rise. 
 But cannot range above the Skies : 
 Where Innocence & Vertue stand aloofe, 
 Free from the darts of Envy, Malice-proofe. 
 
 Danger is nothing but a Name 
 Which jealous S|^tes-men slily frame 
 To fright their Vassalls : Wee that looke 
 At Heaven's Favour, are not strooke 
 With Apparitions. Shackles, Fire, & Sword, 
 Are but to Us the Terrour ofa Word. 
 
 Vaine Fancy ! Idle Fury ! what 
 Is that Device, you call a Plot? 
 
CAROLUS Si) 
 
 What are those subtle, pretty Snares? 
 
 Cobwebs for Flies, or Traps for Hares? 
 Fishers of Men you are not sure : for then 
 Wee should be proud to fill your greedy Den. 
 
 Poor, silly, Cut-throat! that same Knife 
 
 May let out blood, but let in Life. 20 
 
 Our Dwelling is above! there, there 
 
 Wee live ! wee are but Pris'ners here ! 
 Such is the Kindnes of your Wrath ! The Theefe 
 That would have rob'd us, sends a quick Releife. 
 
 Religion cannot suffer so, 
 
 As not to overcome her Foe. 
 
 Goodnes is such a Roiall Charm, 
 
 It both prevents & drives off Harm. 
 The Naked Truth is Meate, Drinke, Cloaths, and Sleepe : 
 Hee's ever safe, whom Heav'n vouchsafes to keepe. 30 
 
 His Service is our Libertie ; 
 
 And in that Freedome wee enjoy 
 
 Such strong Defence, such things of Price, 
 
 Our Prison is our Paradise: 
 And though layd up for Death, preserv'd to bleed. 
 Wee only lie to be secur'd indeed. 
 
 Thus our Renowned Palm doth rise 
 
 Like a brave Embleme to our Eyes. 
 
 His Weights make light his Resurrection: 
 
 The Beaten Rock is His Perfection. 40 
 
 Grace exceeds Vanitie, till both conclude 
 A Crown of Glory and Beatitude. 
 
 Thus mighty Charts still lives to bee 
 
 The Image of his Victorie. 
 
 And though rebellious Hands combine 
 
 To spoile his Statues, and his Coine ; 
 Hee shall remaine by his Example, best: 
 An Angell of bright Gold in every Breast 
 
70 CAROLtJS 
 
 The fatall Axe, the surly Frown, 
 
 The rugged Bufife, & rufling Gown, 5° 
 
 These Signes of Pride shall ne're put down 
 
 The brightnes of his high Renown. 
 Hee is the Hieroglyphik of Eternall Joy, 
 Which no faint Stroaks of Witchcraft can destroy. 
 
 Thus the Defender of our Faith 
 
 From the same Faith protection hath. 
 
 Devotion was his Guard; and then 
 
 He could not need the strength of Men. 
 He that can worship, and beleeve so well, 
 Is above all the Pow'rs of Earth & Hell. 60 
 
 He scornes to lurke in a Disguise 
 
 To cheate the Folly of our Eyes : 
 
 Hypocrisie is but a Vaile; 
 
 Plaine Justice was his Coat of Maile. 
 Thus arm'd, Hee may bee truly, safely sayd, 
 Like Solomon, in Proverbs all array'd. 
 
 His firm Repentance was in stead 
 
 Of a rich Helmet to his Head. 
 
 No bloody Speare or fierie Dart 
 
 Could peirce the Breast-plate of his Heart. 70 
 
 His solid Greifes, and strict Anxieties 
 Were the Close Armour of his Victories. 
 
 Hee was a Christian Cap-a-pe, 
 
 Girt round with true Divinitie : 
 
 And though hee walk'd in a Red Sea 
 
 Of Civill War and Crueltie, 
 His Hands were whil», his Feet with Peace were shod ; 
 Indued all over with the Arms of God. 
 
 ON THE SILKE-WORME 
 
 The Silke-worme's Work & Labour now is mine; 
 A Taske (on this side Heaven) most divine ! 
 A Worke, that in the Subject may contend 
 With Virgil's Bee, ho\yever it bee penn'd ! 
 
ON THE SILKE-WORME 71 
 
 Pretty neat Huswife ! pray, what Nature is't 
 Hath taught thee this fine Art to spin & twist 
 Those precious Threads, w"'' make the Plow-man vaile 
 And strike his Russet-bonnet to thy Saile ! 
 Sure 't is some Providence, Something no lesse 
 Than that High Power, w"^ his Gifts doth blesse 10 
 
 With a preserving Skill, hath freely lent 
 Both for Necessity and Ornament. 
 How can the cunning Artisan let slip 
 The pompe and glory of thy Workmanship ! 
 What vast & mighty pleasures this small Wretch 
 Disperses from it selfe, enough to stretch 
 A barren Fancy into teeming joyes ! 
 A Heape, that satisfies, but never cloyes. 
 Pleasure & Profit, Wit and Industry, 
 Mix their great Powers in this Little Fly. 20 
 
 Minerva's Loom is shrunke into his Cell ; 
 Arachne^s Web is a slight Paralell. 
 Deck'd with the travaile of these creatures, Kings 
 And Queens become such Honourable Things. 
 The Gallant rufling in a Silken Storme, 
 Poor Man, is yet beholding to a Worme 
 For all his Braverie ! when the wind is low, 
 This pettie jfEolus must make Him blow, 
 Set up his Sailes, and from his Wardrope bring 
 The blust'ring gloryes of a glitt'ring King. 30 
 
 Wee have our Physick too from Him : the Heart 
 Is cloath'd with easy health, and freed from smart. 
 The smooth & downie Wings of Sweet Content 
 Are woven here, the Mind's Habiliment. 
 It cheers the Soule, it recreates the Sad, 
 In rugged Times it makes the Spirits glad, 
 It calmes distempers, smooths a wrinckled Brow, 
 And swells our thoughts, although our Fate bee low ; 
 It mollifies our greifes, and doth assuage 
 The course afflictions of this ragged Age : 40 
 
 In vaine wee use Steel-physick to confute 
 The Iron- World ; 't is this Soft Thing must doe't. 
 
73 ON THE SILKE-WORME 
 
 As tender drops of dew dissolve the Stone, 
 
 Our Hardship thus doth vanish and is gone ; 
 
 As solemne Musique gluts the greedy Eare, 
 
 It fills with courage ; and it purges Feare ; 
 
 Inspires, and expells ; it breeds & feeds 
 
 Our good, but starves & kills our wicked deeds : 
 
 It stores the Mind with Angells, & lets out 
 
 Those wild corruptions, that rebellious rout 5° 
 
 Of Sinnes & Devills, which perplex the Saint 
 
 Till Soveraigne Faith & Roiall Reason faint. 
 
 A Virgin's Smile distill'd into a Kisse 
 
 Is not such comfortable joy as this ! 
 
 This is the force of Silkes ! in harder termes 
 
 This is the strength & vertue of "Alkermes. 
 
 All this that thus cloaths, cures, preserves, reformes, 
 
 Windes up in praise to our Silke-spinning Wormes. 
 
 Their Breeding is so fdelicate, 't must needs 
 
 Produce such mild effects, such glorious deeds. 60 
 
 Observe with wonder, how this punie Elfe 
 
 Doth worke, and winde, and nuzzle up himselfe 
 
 In a rich Bed of Silke ! His Mulb'ry Feast 
 
 Once past, hee runs to his laborious Rest, 
 
 * Alkermes. A famous Confection, made of Silke decocted & infused 
 into the juice of Kermes, a Soveraigne remedy against fainting & swown- 
 ing ; very restorative & comfortable to sickly weake people, and a good 
 Cordiall for all kind of Sadnesse, Greife, & Distraction. 
 
 + Very delicate indeed. I. in regard of the Time, the best part of the 
 yeare, the Spring, and the best part of the Spring, in April, at the Moon's 
 Increase, and for the time of the day, they must be fed every morning 
 & evening, and upon the fourth change at noon also. II. in respect 
 of the Meanes, the Leaves of the Mulberie, a Tree very rare in most 
 Countryes, and those Leaves, w"'' are most tender, and of those Trees, 
 w"!* are planted upon the tom>s of Hills, standing open to the Sun. &c. 
 III. of the Matter : the Seed w"'' is but a yeare old to bee made choice 
 of for Breeders. IV. the Manner of Production, this Seed must bee 
 made ripe & mellow with a bath of Wine. V. the Place, i. by the 
 Fire's Side. 2. betwixt two Pillowes stuflfd with soft warm Feathers, or 
 betwixt a Woeman's Breast ... 3. upon Boards or Papers, rubb'd over 
 with Wormwood, or some such wholesome Hearb, w"'' discovers the 
 profit as well as the pleasure and curiositie of this Beast. There are 
 many other circumstances very observable in the generation & education 
 of our Silkworme ; but these are sufficient to prove the admirable finenesse 
 of his constitution. 
 
ON THE SILKE-WORME 73 
 
 Lurkes in his politique Huske, as if hee meant 
 
 With ease to undermine The Parliament, 
 
 Workes like a Powder-traitour in a Hole ; 
 
 Faux himselfe was not such a crafty Mole. 
 
 See, sayes *S'' Walter Earle, this is the way 
 
 To settle the Commission of Array. 70 
 
 If Hee bee suffer'd to expire his stufTes, 
 
 Wee shall have treason shortly lurke in muffes; 
 
 I tell you, Freinds, if Hee be suffer'd so 
 
 To vent his Wares, if the State let Him goe, 
 
 Thus orderly to traine his Silver Band, 
 
 Our brazen-fac'd Militia cannot stand. 
 
 These are the Workes of Peace & Darknesse! War 
 
 Is our Delight: This sleizie Peice will marre 
 
 Our sturdy Soules : A solid massie Crown 
 
 Is not brought forth on Beds of melting Down. 80 
 
 Dixit S" Midwife. But the quiet Flies 
 
 Smile at his harmlesse testy injuries. 
 
 They sweat in hope of Better Times, whilst I 
 
 Wrapt in conceit of this deepe Mysterie, 
 
 Dare wish, if neither Gold, nor Silver must 
 
 Denominate our wellfare, though but Dust, 
 
 If neither Honey come in floods, nor Milke, 
 
 We may bee glutted with the Age of Silke. 
 
 ON THE GRAY-FRIARS 
 
 Of Ashford 
 
 You that love Monsters, come along with mee; 
 Ashford, like Africk, yeelds varietie. 
 The Elders are in view ! Behold & see, 
 A very Vision of Iniquitie ! 
 
 * S. Wal. Earl. A Man (shall I say ? or a Man-midwife, as One 
 sayd of Him) who was wont to deliver the Coffionwealth of her swelling 
 tympanies, & make strange discoveries of Horrible Plots, a Man, that 
 help'd to ruine 4fe» in deciphering & tormenting those innocent Characters 
 of his Name ; and if He be yet in Beeing, will hardly suffer these tame 
 harmlesse Vermine to doe their Businesse in Peace. 
 
74 ON THE GRAY-FRIARS 
 
 A Black, & White Witch blended ; a pure Saint 
 
 Mixt with a Sable Feind in doubling Paint. 
 
 Here is Albmnazar, the Learned Clown, 
 
 Larded with a Set-ruflf & a rug-gown: 
 
 After a hearty draught of right Sage-Ale, 
 
 He sayes, he seldome knew his judgment faile. lo 
 
 And there's the Justice in a Velvet-jerkin, 
 
 Wash'd with the heav'nly dewes of brave Pomperkin ; 
 
 And under it a Doublet steept in Braggot, 
 
 Of Buffe, as tough (for ryme's sake) as a Faggot : 
 
 Hee, hee it is, who, when all's done & sayd. 
 
 Like Ipse dixit, strikes the Naile o' th' Head. 
 
 There sits a Venerable Muftie, drest 
 
 With Lungs for Three Parts, & a double Chest 
 
 To beare the Burden, a wide Weasand to 't, 
 
 A Crosse-bow-mouth, and a rich Nose to boot, ao 
 
 Which indeed makes the Musick, whines in chimes 
 
 Like Friar Bacon's Brasse upon all Times : 
 
 Though his Braines are not of this Amplitude, 
 
 In sooth, his Malice is a Multitude ; 
 
 A Legion of Mischeifes, that can't rest. 
 
 Till it have quite destroy 'd both Man & Beast: 
 
 And yet this Brotherhood would seem to bee 
 
 The Bulwarkes of some Fine Felicitie. 
 
 Like meager Ghosts they trembling sit & stand. 
 
 As Inborow and Outborow* to th' Land. 30 
 
 These Vestry-Varlets with their hanging Fares, 
 
 The Emblem of our Jealousies & Feares, 
 
 For their Jerusalem yet act their part 
 
 Like stout, proud Heires of great King Robert's Heart.f 
 
 * Inborow &» Outborow.* This Title in good earnest did once belong 
 to Patrick Earle of Dunbar, w"'' (according to Mr. Camden's interpreta- 
 tion) signifies thus much, that he was to allow & observe the ingresse 
 & egresse of those that travailed to & fro between both Realmes. In 
 a metaphoricall jeer (I thinke) it may be well applyed to these officious 
 Time-servers, who sit only to marke passages of State, without any 
 effectuall Power, either to benefit themselves, or the Comonwealth. 
 
 t Our Histories report of K. Robert Brus, that having made a Vow to 
 goe to the Holy Land, he gave order at his death, thinking that a sufficient 
 discharge of this solemne duty, to have his Heart carried to Jerusalein. 
 These punctuall Reformers may seem to be Inheritours of this constant 
 
ON THE GRAY-FRIARS 75 
 
 If Captaine Squirt but moderate, the Throng 
 
 Listens, and gapes for Sweet-meats from his Tounge. 
 
 Like a State-glister it cures backward still 
 
 With Quantities of Zeale, enough to fill 
 
 A Seeker's Belly, bravely dish'd & stew'd, 
 
 To tast, as every Palate is indued. 40 
 
 His Thoughts are stufTd with a destructive Curse, 
 
 Just like the Treason of the Timber-Horse : 
 
 And wee shall have, although but arse-versie, 
 
 A Laj^e of Justice, and a Layre of Mercy. 
 
 What is thy Price & Pow'r, Religion ! when 
 Things, that but only weare the shapes of Men, 
 Yea, scarce so much, Hobgoblin-Vanities, 
 Must goveme Thee; and with their fulsome Lies 
 Corrupt the sweetnesse of that Truth, w"*" brings 
 Such Health, as crownes the Diadems of Kings? 50 
 
 Sweet little Town ! How are thy Streets defil'd 
 With these wild Beasts, e'en blasted & revil'd 
 With Execrations, the blasphemie 
 Of their vile lookes & presence ! Pietie 
 Is but an idle Name, since these Wormes first 
 Usurp'd the reines, and with their harsh votes curst 
 The glory of our Church : Devotion 
 Is but a scurvy loathsome Potion ! 
 Rare Physick! Doctour Smectymnuus railes 
 And cries. The Directory never failes. 60 
 
 One by the vertue of strong roapie Ale 
 Inspir'd, can make a Sermon of a Tale ; 
 Which taken to the purpose, hee'U defie 
 His Adversaries with Alacritie ; 
 And from those Fumes obtaine the mysterie 
 Of a religious, pious Alcumy ; 
 Retrive the Age, and turne it back againe 
 Into the Splendour of a Golden Raigne ; 
 
 spirit & resolution, who having first by a firm League Sf Covenant 
 devoted their very soules to Presbytery, and afterwards by a sad expira- 
 tion of their Power quite lost the way thither, doe yet bequeath the dead 
 Heart of their desperate designes to be transported to this Blessed Habita- 
 tion of (I know not what) Peace & Goverment. 
 
76 ON THE GRAY-FRIARS 
 
 Our Iron-Workes shall down, down, By this Liquour, 
 
 That so our Faith in Gold may grow the quicker. 70 
 
 Bless'd with the quiet Gift of Yea & Nay 
 
 This Post can purely prophecie & pray ; 
 
 Although Cassandra-like, 'tis his ill hap 
 
 Not to have Credit, till the After-clap; 
 
 Till grave S" JOHN Himselfe be made the Game 
 
 Of all our misery, of all our shame. 
 
 Neighbour to both these, betwixt Drunke & Sober 
 
 Stands One, that lookes like Autum in October; 
 
 And yet forsooth, if you but name the King; 
 
 His Loialltie will glister like the Spring: 80 
 
 I like the Spring ! it sprouts, & springs, & growes, 
 
 And growes ; but when it will bee ripe, God knowes. 
 
 This by the motion of his waving Crest, 
 
 And the Hand layd devoutly on the Breast, 
 
 Such vigour gives, such valour to the rest. 
 
 To live & dye with Him, They hold it best. 
 
 Another swells like a young preaching Cub 
 
 With a devout Oration in a Tub ; 
 
 Nay, since that Vessell was transform'd, the Worst 
 
 Are Orthodox Divines, bred up and nurst 90 
 
 In Revelations I The valiant Sword 
 
 Of Scanderbeg is Nothing to the Word ; 
 
 The razour-metall-Word ! that cuts & teares 
 
 Their very mouths up to their very Fares ! 
 
 Th' aspiring Word ! w* sometimes gets so high. 
 
 That 't is enroll'd in Albo Oculi! 
 
 And whosoever tries the Altitude 
 
 Of sense or meaning there, does but intrude 
 
 Upon such mysteries, ^s ne're were seen 
 
 But by the equall force of such like Eyne. 100 
 
 Yet 't is to bee suppos'd, when those Lights heave, 
 
 The Maw is glutted with some Bishop's sleeve: 
 
 A Sacrilegious Bit perfumes the throat 
 
 With such a Sent, it sets the Eye a-flote. 
 
 Their Stomacks are not queasie ! these Mad Waggs 
 
 Can swallow down the Reliques of the Raggs, 
 
ON THE GRAY-FRIARS 77 
 
 Dropt from that Linen, w""* the Blessed Whore, 
 
 The dainty Wench of Babylon once wore. 
 
 But stay! I know the reason now of all 
 
 These checquer'd tricks, these rude, phantasticall, no 
 
 Light & darke showes of Goggles, Luggs, & Nose, 
 
 Cleare, cloudie Colours, as the Gray Fox goes, 
 
 Silver-haird Sanctity, & Dapple Grace, 
 
 A Brown-blew Bonnet, a pease-porridge-Face, 
 
 Good & Bad spoild together in all parts ; 
 
 'T is the bright Horrour of their durty Hearts ! 
 
 Thus their close Guilt, like a slow Poison, workes 
 Upon their Soules at last in horrid jerks ; 
 And that foule Venome, w"*" did lurke before 
 For others ruine, strikes at their own door. 120 
 
 Well, say no more, fond Muse ! the groveling State 
 Of these poor Wretches cannot recreate. 
 Thy angry Spleen I In such deepe Miseries 
 Pity may find enough to glut her Eyes ! 
 
 SATYR. A DEBATE CONCERNING THE 
 ENGAGEMENT 
 
 The ranting Erie of our New Amsterdam 
 
 Exalted to the Pitch of Mighty Cham, 
 
 Contending with our Dam-mee-Cavaliers, 
 
 Were in Dispute together by the Eares. 
 
 Amongst the rest 6". Harry Whimsey comes 
 
 With a Retinue of loud talking Drums, 
 
 Thus charging in the Front. 'Confound mee then, 
 
 Th' Engagement is the very Soule of Men ! 
 
 The Quintessence of Heav'n ! It is decreed, 
 
 There's No Salvation Sir (on this side Tweed) lo 
 
 Without it. 'T is th' Elixar of our Creed : 
 
 And they who take it, are blest Saints indeed; 
 
 Double-refin'd-Sugar-Loaves of Pietie, 
 
 Sweet Gracious Babes, Cream of Divinitie, 
 
 Gods at the first Remove, and at the next 
 
 No lesse than Angells sure. (So sayes my Text.) 
 
78 SATYR 
 
 With that a Botcher yawn'd ; O Brother ! fie ! 
 
 On my Fidelitie-now-law, You lie ! 
 
 This is Damnation verily ! for why ? 
 
 The Grace of God is pure Presbyterie t ao 
 
 At this a Gentle Weaver wondring stands 
 
 With white engaging Eyes, & lofty Hands, 
 
 Riming them into Peace, with, By my Fay, 
 
 Stay (I beseech you) stay, By Yea and Nay, 
 
 (As I may sing & say) Y'are out o' th' Way. 
 
 A doughty Champion of the State then rises. 
 
 Subdues these Curates of the lesser Sises, 
 
 And with his il/ioy^&y-Elbowes quite confutes 
 
 The crazy Shreds of their disputing Sutes, 
 
 Slighting weake Arguments with valiant Noise, 30 
 
 And the high Impudence of his Brasse- Voice. 
 
 After this Hercules, runs limping in 
 
 A little Shrimp, that serves but for a Pin 
 
 To hold the Woemens Charitie together. 
 
 Though by his shrill Throat He might be Bel-weather 
 
 To the whole flock : Both He and She delight 
 
 To heare the Reasons of this tinckling Sprite. 
 
 At last the Beast growes dumb, for ever whist, 
 
 Choak'd with the Breathings of a Female Mist : 
 
 The zealous Fog hath spoil'd our tinie Page ; 40 
 
 And He can only gaspe. Engage, Engage I 
 
 But see ! a brave Virago of Devotion 
 
 Is mounted next, swell'd w* the Spirit's Motion, 
 
 Like mad Bes Broughton in a learned Vaine, 
 
 Or Madam Shipton with prophetique Straine ; 
 
 She tells her huge, wide-gaping Auditorie,, 
 
 That She is greivous sic^ and fesirfull sorry 
 
 To see the Power Rampant of the States 
 
 So much declin'd for want of Feminine Fates. 
 
 A dire Mistake! Bee it enacted then 50 
 
 Against th* insulting Pride of willfull Men, 
 
 Truth & Fidelitie be swome to None, 
 
 But the fine Common-wealth of Gill & Joane. 
 
 They all subscribe & yeeld ! Since Maa is grown 
 
SATYR 79 
 
 So out of tune, let Woeman rule alone : 
 And then to satisfie such deare Temptation, 
 Wee'll damn our Selves by Oath of Adjuration. 
 
 TO MY BROTHER 
 
 I LIKE not Friends in rithme : nor will allow 
 
 His over-skillfull faith, whose Braines o'reflow 
 With deepe invention, while the streame of Love 
 
 Ebbs into aire; whose loose affections move 
 In artificiall numbers from his Pen, 
 
 That writes of Men Lovers, not Loving Men. 
 Give mee an earnest Soule, a sincere Heart, 
 
 Can sympathise without the helpe of Art. 
 Let Nature have her right in those, who are 
 
 By nature knit : let no crosse-building marr lo 
 
 This goodly frame ; that well-tun'd harmonie ; 
 
 In which who live, know Heaven before they dye : 
 'T is Love's Astronomy ; Then why doe I 
 
 Confine my Selfe to this Geometrie, 
 Such earthly measure, such grosse lines? & when 
 
 I write against Art, play the Artist then? 
 But friendly Brother know this difference 
 
 Of common Friendship, led by outward Sence 
 Is none of Ours: so, wee'll not make a War 
 
 In things, w"'* in themselves doe never jarre : 20 
 
 If Art serve Nature, Nature governe Art, 
 
 Then both to serve us may well beare a part. 
 They not being contrary subordinate 
 
 Are to our Wishes ; & compose the State 
 Of sweetly-mixt desires, firm brotherhood. 
 
 Of vertue, strength, perfection, & all good. 
 Then give mee leave at length t' admire in You, 
 
 That which 'twixt Us maintaines so strict a Vow. 
 I am all Wonder. Could my Pen lim forth 
 
 Like to Apelles Pencill, thy rare worth, 30 
 
 Thy Forehead on some Frontispiece should- stand 
 
 Bedeck'd with Lawrell; & by Fame's high hand 
 
8o TO MY BROTHER 
 
 Supported tell to future Times from mee 
 The Muses show'd their Prodigallitie, 
 
 And likewise Nature, when both did impart 
 Their Gifts, to make thee Nature join'd w*"" Art. 
 
 TO [THE LORD THE MARQUESSE OF 
 HARTFORD?] 
 
 My Lord. You have the Will & Pow'r to doe 
 
 That which is good & great; the Knowledge too 
 Of every Circumstance in every Act, 
 
 Which makes the meanest Worke a famous Fact. 
 That you know how, & where, & when t' apply 
 
 Your favour, love, respect ; this drawes the Eye 
 Of the Whole World upon your vertues ; all 
 
 Admire to see goodnes so rise & fall 
 As is the object that it workes upon: 
 
 Whereby the least things seem the greatest, donne lo 
 With such a seasonable grace and measure. 
 
 Proportion, & just weight : you take a pleasure 
 To be exactly vertuous; and your Friends 
 
 Wonder, delight, & love to see your Ends. 
 That you know how to fight, & how to cloath 
 
 Your armes in Peace ; that you are skill'd in both. 
 In both alike, is the amazement of 
 
 Your Humble Creatures (although they that scoffe 
 And jeer at Vertue will say this is nought 
 
 But a fine trick of State, a handsome Fault) 20 
 
 Because 't is rare ; & wee have seldome known 
 
 An equall fame, an even, just renown 
 Accrue to severall Agfs. But they that know 
 
 Your cleer integritie, can sweare & vow. 
 That this Dexteritie proceeds from sound 
 
 And strong abilities, not from a round, 
 Smooth, nimble, turning, close & crafty Art : 
 
 For in bad wayes you have a silly Heart. 
 Truth, Sir, is plaine & powerfuU : it needs 
 
 No shifting tricks to make her glorious deeds 30 
 
TO [THE MARQUESSE OF HARTFORD?] 8i 
 
 Shine forth in their brave brightnes : Plainenesse is 
 A purer gem than those, for w"*" wee kisse 
 
 The painted Face of Vice. Then let mee find 
 No Wisdome, but what dwells in such a Mind, 
 
 Where Greatnes mixt with Goodnes beares the Sway. 
 That Mind is like Yours, I dare boldly say. 
 
 TO THE LADY PEN: SPENCER 
 
 I AM turn'd Bankrupt now: for such a flood 
 
 Of Honour, Vertue, Wisdome, & all Good, 
 Makes our high flowing Seas of Verse appeare 
 
 Dry, fruitlesse Things. Dull Poetry! forbeare! 
 When I behold those Eyes, the Orbes of Love 
 
 And Mercy, free from anger, sweetly move, 
 I think what Numbers may outvye that Paire, 
 
 And reckon what the secret Vertues are 
 Of those two Spheares ; but find my Selfe undone 
 
 To tell but One ; One glory but of One. 
 Figures, Descriptions are in vaine ; each part 
 
 Is above all Arithmetick & Art. 
 
 ON THE HEROINE 
 
 Here 's a brave Looking-glasse, where wee may see 
 
 Death swallow' d up by Fame's Eternitie : 
 This is the conjuring Mirrour, that presents 
 
 Our Dying Dames with living Monuments, 
 Tombs of eternall Glory, which surpasse 
 
 The brittle Frames of Iron, Stone, or Brasse. 
 Here, Ladyes, by example you may dresse 
 
 And trim your Soules with Crowns of Blessednes, 
 Vertue & Honour are a lovely Prize, 
 
 Not to be taken up with mortall Eyes. 
 Your other Glasses represent no more 
 
 Than the faire Blossoms of a fading Flow'r : 
 But in this cleer Reflection are enshrin'd 
 
 The everlasting Beautyes of the Mind. 
 
8a 
 
 ON THE SACRAMENT 
 
 Lord, to thy Flesh & Blood when I repaire, 
 
 Where dreadfull joyes & pleasing tremblings are, 
 Then most I relish ; most it does mee good, 
 
 When my Soule faints, & pines, & dyes for food. 
 Did my Sinns murder thee? to make that plaine. 
 
 Thy peirc'd, dead-living Body bleeds againe. 
 Flow sad sweet drops ! what difFring things you doe ! 
 
 Reveale my Sinns, & scale my pardon too. 
 
 TO I[OSEPH] H[ALL] B[ISHOP] OF N[ORWICH] 
 Upon his Picture 
 
 This Picture represents the Forme, where dwells 
 A Mind, which nothing but that Mind excells. 
 
 There's Wisdome, Learning, Wit; there's Grace & Love 
 Rule over all the rest ; enough to prove 
 
 Against the froward Conscience of this Time, 
 The Reverend Name of Bishop is no crime. 
 
 ON SIR A[NTHONY] W[ELDON] 
 
 Translated out of the Latine Copy 
 
 Here lies (if Hee, that never liv'd, can dye. 
 
 Or at least liv'd i' th' Tents of Destiny,) 
 
 The famous Clerke of MatchiavelCs brave Art, 
 
 Who amongst all his works of the Crosse-part, 
 
 Ne're suffer'd vertue to enjoy her rest. 
 
 Yet did the Crosse & Bearer both detest : 
 
 Head of a Family, that hateth Kings : 
 
 Deep Atheist-Engineer of factious Things : 
 
 The horrid Monster of old Villany, 
 
 Craz'd in th' oblivion of a Deity; lo 
 
 Whose Power was the Talley of God's Wrath, 
 
 Signe of an Age stufTd up with dregs & froth : 
 
 A gilded Knight, a rusty Christian; 
 
 Neither in purse, nor goodnes Gentleman ; 
 
 A Butcher rather than Squire Militant, 
 
 As wee may guesse by the foule Harlot's Haunt, 
 
ON SIR A[NTHONY] W[ELDON] 83 
 
 And the true Proverb just, Birds of a Feather 
 Will couple still most easily together ; 
 Whose Soule ingenerated, not infus'd, 
 Was never cleane, but still with spots abus'd, 20 
 
 As if deriv'd from Sinners first accurst ; 
 A Lionesse his Dam, by Tigers nurst, 
 Some Faune his Sire, but that hee is all Beast ; 
 Well, whosoe're begot him, had been blest^ 
 If not so fruitful! : A feirce Radamanthus, 
 An earthly Pluto, worse than Hell's to daunt us. 
 Or a fourth Fury, or a Thing more cruell. 
 The Saints Scourge, Bodyes & Soules Fire & Fuell: 
 Abiram, Corah, Dathan, Hee alone, 
 
 Ravilliac, Garnet, Traitors Legion : 30 
 
 Julian reviv'd with fresh Apostacie, 
 r th' Bishops Sides wounding Christianitie ; 
 To whom compar'd, the Ragged Regiment 
 Of all false Knaves, moderne & ancient, 
 HamdeNj Brook, Pym, Fole of the untam'd Beast, 
 And other greater Names, are now the least: 
 From Whom hee had the Sword, hee snatch'd the Pow'r ; 
 Who rules by God, for him shall rule no more : 
 Patrubius, & Clusius evermore, 
 
 Hee shuts up Christ's, while hee opes Janus Door : 40 
 The Clowns God, worship'd, lest hee should infest 
 The Mart, where Justice to bee sold was prest. 
 Where the Cram'd Capon was just Moderatourj 
 Not a Law-maker, but a Law-breaker rather, 
 Whilst (as He sayd himselfe) hee did obtrude 
 The darke Decrees of a Night-multitude, 
 Old Lawes quite abrogated to make way 
 For the stolne Votes of an imperfect Fray : 
 A Snake, a Tyrant: in prosperitie 
 
 Scarce a true Friend, but in adversitie 50 
 
 A feirce Blood-sucker ; a stout Leach of money 
 Scylla, Charybdis, of our Milke & Honey; 
 Rack of his Country, w"'' hee squees'd for wealth, 
 As if his dearest Friends & neighbours health 
 
 G a 
 
84 ON SIR A[NTHONY] W[ELDON] 
 
 Could not have wrong enough without his load : 
 
 The Guard of Theeves, to none but Villaines good ; 
 
 Who had the licence of their injurie 
 
 From Wickednes by Law made Pietie ; 
 
 Good mens Goods are Malignant in their Eye ; 
 
 A Scene of Curses, Shop of Perjurie, 60 
 
 The Angell of the Covenanting Prease, 
 
 Friend & Suborner of false witnesses ; 
 
 McBcenas of Dissemblers ; Innocence 
 
 Could. not escape; for himselfe would commence 
 
 Party, Accuser, Witnes, and Judge too: 
 
 A Spoiler of Church-goods, whose hands did grow 
 
 Crooked with sacriledge, not age ; and what 
 
 Pompey forbore, our Antony hath got, 
 
 Taking from God, to square his lustfull Bias; 
 
 Belshassar, Achan ; and false Ananias, 70 
 
 Only hee layd nought down, but carried all ; 
 
 And on those wealthy Monuments did fall 
 
 Of our Fore-fathers Goodnes, which were meant 
 
 For Learning's rich increase & nourishment ; 
 
 So that the Churche's Dugs were both drawn dry. 
 
 Learning, Religion too, both ruin'd lie : 
 
 A present ruine could not quench his ire, 
 
 But to Posteritie hee spreads his fire, 
 
 Who struck with scarrs of such devouring Chance 
 
 Shall suffer under pious Ignorance; 80 
 
 He's therefore justly wounded with a Word, 
 
 Provok'd & sharpned by his angry Sword. 
 
 The Preist of Venus, Church, & Sacrifice, 
 
 The common Temple of all lecheries; 
 
 Whose Genius was l^e lustfull Fiend, whose sleepe 
 
 Did not digest his Surfets, 'cause hee'd keepe 
 
 A Watch to Venus, sparing Bacchus rites. 
 
 To bee more fat & full for Her delights ; 
 
 His body still was lively in this Crime ; 
 
 A foule Priapus, and the Shame of Time ; 90 
 
 Fruitfull Dung, rank Flesh, itching Dust; and thus 
 
 Hee that to Man-kind was still dangerous, 
 
ON SIR A[NTHONY] W[ELDON] 85 
 
 Became the Foe of all Church-discipline : 
 
 Nor did his bones, Lust more than Envy, pine; 
 
 His Breast did bume & boil with Wrath; his Wit 
 
 Was never elegant but in a Fit 
 
 Of most infectious Enmity, and then 
 
 Was most malicious, when it flatter'd Men: 
 
 Both Equall & Superiour, Friend & Foe, 
 
 Afflict him with intolerable Woe. 100 
 
 A stinking Pumpe of schisms & heresie ; 
 
 A sacred Bawd, who made the Church his Stye, 
 
 In w"*", with strange impietie, the best 
 
 Excluded, all Religions had their nest; 
 
 And because else this Treason would grow lame. 
 
 Like Lttcifer's in birth, successe, and aime, 
 
 With so great craft hee blur'd all pietie. 
 
 As glad his Saviour to recrucifie; 
 
 For the Birth-d^y of Christ, and his Last Day, 
 
 Hee did not marke with black, but raz'd away; no 
 
 Hee forbad Pray'rs to God in the old fashion, 
 
 And kept young Infants from Regeneration: 
 
 The hungry Soules were from the Table driven, 
 
 And not that only, but their Church & Heaven ; 
 
 The Holy Martyrs Images defac'd. 
 
 And Murd'rers Statues in the Temples plac'd, 
 
 As if henceforth 't would pietie become 
 
 Rather t' inflict than suffer Martyrdome. 
 
 Nor did Hee love the Peace o' th' Commonwealth ; 
 
 For when the Warrs rapt England from her health, 120 
 
 But to name Peace with him was an Offence; 
 
 Nor did hee study Peace of Conscience, 
 
 In this a most just Factour of the Devill, 
 
 Himselfe and others flead with the same Evill; 
 
 His own Rack, Judge of his own lewdnes ; nought 
 
 But Crosse & Wheels suggested to his thought : 
 
 Whom the strong Guilt of Sin made impotent, 
 
 Weapons & Wings 'gainst his own Spirit lent. 
 
 With w"*' in vaine hee fought & fled himselfe. 
 
 Too weake to quell this selfe-tormenting Elfe 130 
 
86 ON SIR A[NTHONY] W[ELDON] 
 
 Victour of others oft, of himselfe never ; 
 
 Who, for hee could not with a meane endeavour 
 
 Act o're his Sins, intruded to the Prease ; 
 
 As if no harm, without his Wickednes : 
 
 In the King's time a feirce Oppressour ; now, 
 
 Though the Scene alter'd, an Oppressour too; 
 
 Chaire-man of Scorners, Principall of Knaves ; 
 
 First for the King ; but when his Brother-slaves 
 
 Were spoiling Monarchy, hee favour'd them, 
 
 Now curs'd, because they love the Diadem, 140 
 
 As if Presbyterie could fall from Grace : 
 
 Proteus, but that his Sinns have still one face; 
 
 On every side his Mind is still the Same, 
 
 Proud to be nourish'd with his Country's flame. 
 
 The Commonwealth was to bee overthrown, 
 
 The Church with blood of Christ & Martyrs sown. 
 
 Was to be rooted out, which still grew fast. 
 
 Till this last Age mad with Reforming-hast 
 
 Succinctly cut Christianitie in two, 
 
 The King's Death, and the Clergy's Overthrow. 150 
 
 Nor did th' unwearied Man yeeld to this Load, 
 
 Both in Church, and in State, without his God ; 
 
 For this respect to Kings an Enemy, 
 
 'Cause the Republique on their charge did lie, 
 
 And therefore hating Bishops, because they 
 
 Were the true Keepers of the Churche's Key. 
 
 Thus calling from all parts his uncleane Guests, 
 
 In Kent hee set up New Preists, whose Behests 
 
 Might confirm Wicked Men, the Good pervert ; 
 
 Because to serve God with a sincere Heart, 160 
 
 T'obey the King, t'qjpserve our Country-rites, 
 
 Was a cleer marke of Antichristian Sprites, 
 
 Vile Poperie, damn'd Superstition. 
 
 Thus Don of the Dogs Combination 
 
 To greedy Wolves deliuer'd up the Fold, 
 
 That Drones might drive the Shepheards from their hold. 
 
 And flea the silly Sheepe; And these were Apes 
 
 Of Handycraft, of Learning but meer Shapes, 
 
ON SIR A[NTHONY] W[ELDON] 87 
 
 Pure Juglers, Pulpit-pedlers, running Tides 
 
 Of Voice & Belly, and nought else besides ; 170 
 
 Turning the Lamb-skin to a Fox-Wolfe-Hide, 
 
 While in their Throats the Widows Houses slide: 
 
 They first distract, and then the People kill. 
 
 Poor famish'd Soules for meat with poison fill, 
 
 Murder of Man, of King, & God proclaime, 
 
 And the sweet Spouse of God, and Mother, name 
 
 That Whore of Babilon, this Judah, then 
 
 Urge Scripture 'gainst God, like the Devill's Men, 
 
 Without God preach God, of this World, & Hell, 
 
 No Scripture known, but what they act as well, 180 
 
 No Scripture, but what this blest Spirit of Light 
 
 That Judge of Texts & Chapters pleas'd to write. 
 
 Whose Doctrine was Canonicall. Take heed 
 
 Deare, harmlesse Soules! under that pleasant Weed 
 
 Of Reformation a foule Snake doth breed. 
 
 With poison'd darts will make you ever bleed. 
 
 Cease now 1 y' ave done enough for Hell ! nor let 
 
 The ample Series of our Ills grow yet 
 
 From a bad Cause of War, Religion ! 
 
 But though this Lewdnes thus did burgeon, 190 
 
 Yet here hee lies Egypt's Great Plagues in Breife, 
 In Darknes, that deny'd the Light's releife. 
 Worms-meat, that caus'd a Famine of the Word, 
 With Furyes slash'd, that us'd a Fury's Sword ; ' 
 A Draught, which earthly Fire could not make cleane ; 
 In whom what ever Evills you might gleane, 
 What ever Good desire; a fruitfuU Place 
 Of Vice, a barren Wildernesse of Grace. 
 If you say W[eldon] you say all. Hee needs 
 No Monument, so great with his own Deeds ; 200 
 
 Posteritie shall know Him by his Fame, 
 If his Sinns doe not envy them that name ; 
 No Urne can hold such a vast sinfull Heape. 
 Thus He that would not Heav'n, to Hell did leape j 
 Of Swancecomb late, but now Averttus Guest ; 
 Who here with dropsy-thirst of blood was prest. 
 
88 
 
 ON SIR A[NTHONY] W[ELDON] 
 
 Now labours more ; whose Genius here was fill'd 
 
 With Orphans teares into his Cups distill'd, 
 
 Hath not one drop to cool his parch'd jawes ; Hee 
 
 That would not know the Blisse of Honestie, 210 
 
 Nor touch'd the joyes of a Soule serving Heaven, 
 
 To greater want & hunger now is driven : 
 
 Eternall flames upon those parts have seis'd, 
 
 Which flames of Lust halfe-burnt had spar'd ; so eas'd 
 
 He hopes to bee in his dire punishment, 
 
 Because not all of Him to Hell was sent. 
 
 Thus \ty a new way of Retaliation 
 
 Revengefull Nemesis doth shift her station. 
 
 But there is hope in time, that both Sides heard, 
 
 Ignatius, and the rest of his wild Heard aao 
 
 Depos'd, this Man shall rule alone, a Ghost 
 
 Cathedrall, Champion of the Devill's Hoast, 
 
 Viceroy of Hell (or what may fit his merit) 
 
 A Parliament, or a Committee-spirit, 
 
 Yet this the Supreme Orders have decreed, 
 
 That Sidley, James, and the rest of that Breed, 
 
 Both high & low Apostates, bee as well 
 
 Provided by this rigid Judge of Hell, 
 
 Of prisons, gallows, gibbets, and wild-fire. 
 
 In the meane time, Great Spirits, you may inquire, 230 
 
 Whether your Kingdome shall be safe ; take heed, 
 
 Lest your Dominions with Sedition bleed, 
 
 While such an Atlas of feirce Anarchy 
 
 Doth hold the reines, arming the Furious Fry 
 
 With a pretence of Subjects Libertie. 
 
 In other things you'll find Him true; But see, 
 
 That if the froward njan grow harsh, you calme 
 
 His roughnes with an ointment in the palme : 
 
 Thus wee were pow'rfull in our Wishes too, 
 
 If but some Cleopatrula did wooe 240 
 
 Our Antony, and intercede to blesse 
 
 Our Prayers, like a noble Patronesse. 
 
 Read Passenger, and weepe, but lay up nought; 
 
 These are for Sand, not for a marble-vault : 
 
ON SIR A[NTHONY] W[ELDON] 89 
 
 No wrong is offered here to Antony, 
 
 Except that 't is no vulgar Elogie. 
 
 But wee had some r^ard unto the fame 
 
 Of Reformation, though but a meer name, 
 
 And to our Country too, lest men should say 
 
 It were not England, but wild Africa. 250 
 
 Nor could wee suffer Christianitie 
 
 To greive with such Exemplar Villanie ; 
 
 And 't is provided by a strict Decree 
 
 This nor in Church, nor Chappell, publish'd bee. 
 
 ON THE DOMINICAL NOSE OF 0[LIVER] 
 C[ROMWELL] 1 
 
 Now blesse us Heav'n ! what Prodigie is this ? 
 
 A Blazing Star! a Metempsycosis 
 
 Of fierie Meteors! a blew, bloody Ghost 
 
 Transform'd to bee the Leader of an Host ! 
 
 A Monument of that Mortalitie 
 
 Which mines Kings, & Kingdoms doth defie; 
 
 A lively Picture of Destruction, 
 
 Impartiall Death, that spares & pityes none! 
 
 The Spirit of a Sanguine Constitution! 
 
 Our Great Reformers glorious Ammunition! 
 
 The Rubrick of a pious Combination ! 
 
 The rooting Crest of a Through-Reformation ! 
 
 If 't were i' th' Foot, as 't is f th' Face, this Nose 
 
 Might goe for One of Mars' s Peti-toes. 
 
 A brave confounding Nose ! where you may looke 
 
 And read the goodly Title of Pryn's Booke 
 
 (The Levellers levelVd) and yet still wee feare 
 
 Hereafter those curst Currs will nose the Beare. 
 
 The Brass-hoof d Bull's dreadfull at more than home. 
 
 Whose very breath with furious fires was borne. 
 
 Their nostrills too, like Tunnells, vapour'd flame, 
 
 For skin, arm'd likewise with a metall-frame ; 
 
 ' ' O. C is written, and then deleted. 
 
90 ON THE DOMINICAL NOSE OF 
 
 The wakefull Dragon, as a Labell, pent 
 
 I' th' reare, to make a compleat Battlement ; 
 
 These Beasts * the Keepers of the Golden Fleece, 
 
 Their Blessed Cause, were just of such a Peice. 
 
 Without a wresting Comment it may passe 
 
 For Sampson's mighty Jaw-bone of an Asse ! 
 
 Scanderbeg's Sword, Goliah's Weavers-Beam, 
 
 Alcides Club, the Fist of Polypheme, 30 
 
 The Giant's burly Hoofe with his Six Toes, 
 
 Are but weake Shadows of this valiant Nose. 
 
 A very sturdy, stout S' Morglay Thwack ; 
 
 Knotty & tough ; squar'd w**" a barke & back : 
 
 A Target-Nose ; a Nose Offensive, and 
 
 Defensive ; Lord Protectour of the Land. 
 
 True, trusty, Trojan-Gristles ; Flesh & Blood 
 
 That stickles stoutly for the Publique Good I 
 
 A Hoghen-moghen Nose ; a Teutch Commander ; 
 
 A Roman-Duke ; a Sage, Republick-Pander. 40 
 
 The Quarter-staffe of Liberties & Lawes ; 
 
 The generous Tip-staffe to the Holy Cause ; 
 
 A Magazine! indeed an Armorie 
 
 Of mischeife, ruine, and impietie ! 
 
 O here 's a Knife & Voider for the nonce, 
 
 To sweepe away the Devill's Scraps & Bones ! 
 
 Come all yee Drums of these Reforming Times ! 
 
 Is not this Nose the Reason to your Rimes ? 
 
 Doe not the Bells chime just as that doth smell? 
 
 To which Thought, Word, and Act, are paralell : 50 
 
 Are not your Lines so drawn, that each Saint goes, 
 
 As if Hee allwayes follow'd his Deare Nose ? 
 
 Sing what you will, t]je Ditty still doth close 
 
 With this ; the Burden ever lie's i' th' Nose. 
 
 No Nose of Wax ! no 1 no ! but better Mould ; 
 
 A Silver Oare purpled with veines of Gold ! 
 
 That Gold, that Metall, which if such Shifts hold 
 
 Will touch & turne the very Age to Gold ! 
 
 If wee beleeve the Macedonian, 
 * They are thus described by Ovid, Epist. 12 ' Martis erat tauri,' &c. 
 
0[LI\^R] C[ROMWELL] 91 
 
 The Mountain Athos weaies the shape of Man : 60 
 
 By counter-change of miracle this Creature 
 Of Man & Manhood beares a Mountaine- Feature. 
 Surmounted* to this Mount, it will amount 
 By mounting parts, to a Mount Paramount. 
 A Fire-brand that (as 't is fear'd) will clamber 
 And mount aloft in state, like JOHX-A-CnA3rBER. 
 Vesuvius, jEtna, yeeld but little streams 
 Of Fury, match unto these whirling beams. 
 A Xose KOT fiaxjiP, without a wager, 
 A Constellation, like URSA MAIOR. 70 
 
 Hardnes of Heart ! or Heart of Oake ! firm Jelly ! 
 In the wrong place, His Oxcellencie's Belly. 
 Without all doubt (quoth Ricet) I'll tell you truly. 
 Bugbeare-BuEULCUS with a Bulke unruly. 
 The lofty Chaire-Xose of a Grand Committee! 
 The best Artillerie of all the City ! 
 A Dani-culverin ! a grey Granado ! 
 A rufiing Spanish Count! an Adalantado! 
 The Pulse of England's Fate ! whereby wee know 
 The Scots most certaine finall Overthrow. 80 
 
 It will out-run a Race of rambling Red-Shanks : 
 Tis thought to be the Soule o th* Horse of Ned Banks. 
 K02M0n0AlTH2 }. Ran-tan ! H. LEA 
 
 * Sur-mounted, or super-amounted, as if you vA say, mounted np, above 
 the rest ... I tbongfat fit to give this Hint, because Words thus auSected 
 are not to be used but with caution & excuse. . . . 
 
 t A very npi^ht, or downright Clown (w<* y" will) much addicted to 
 such vulgar terms of Asseveration ; whose Person is here brought in, 
 casting a Figure to retrive & conjure up Another like himselfe : for this 
 flitting VapOT, this ranging Metaphour, this Addle-egg, a Shitde-brain'd, 
 painteid Pnrliew, a Renegado-Forme, this frantick Whirl^g, this trifling 
 Runnagate, this any thing, this nothing, would be quite lost in a tardy 
 Pursnte of serious Ciphers. 
 
 t Kotr/umoXiTiis. A Citizen of y* Worid. Such are the Saints of our 
 twice-&-thrice blessed Reformation. Shifting Vagabonds, that make the 
 Earth their Thorough-faire & their Home too. In-&-ont Retsdners ! 
 Off & on ! Goers & Comers ! Shufling Inmates, true sacred ungracious 
 Libertines : that like a Sort of carelesse Pilgrims or bold Mendicant 
 Friers, sneake up & down in every comer, and by a strange kind of 
 Adoption, by way of Sanctified Plunder or Sequestration (for so Dominiu 
 fuTidatur in gratid) take possession of each House as their own, fteely 
 & fairely (such is their admirable courtesie & behaviour) ingenuously & 
 lovingly divide shares, and quarter upon the Common Stock. Creatures, 
 
93 ON THE DOMINICAL NOSE OF 
 
 A Word & a Blow ! a Whip & away ! 
 The French-man's Under'tanding o' t'e Foot 
 Is now praunc'd up into this active Spout. 
 The Quarrell is no more for Heart or Braine, 
 But for the Nose of Oliver Tamberlaine ! 
 There's Valour, & Discretion too ! enough 
 To farce a Brainlesse Tub with scribling Stufife. 90 
 
 Sweare not feirce Bobadill (for Rime's sake Bombell) 
 The Foot of Pharoah, but the Nose of Cromwell. 
 No Idle Wen ! no barren Tympanie ! 
 That still portends the Bearer's destinie. 
 But a rich Bosse ! a fruitfuU Paragon ! 
 Grave Wisdome's ripe Super-fcetation ! 
 No aerie Puffe-past 1 march-pane-fripperie ! 
 But a strong Crust of Immortalitie ! 
 The Genius of Nations ! a Roundhead 
 That cannot with One Common-wealth be bounded ! 100 
 A Snout, that, when it snuffs & puffs, and blowes, 
 'Tis call'd the Inundation of a Nose 
 That drowns whole Worlds! a swelling Instrument, 
 That frets into a spurious Excrement ! 
 A Nose to firke the Whore of Babylon 
 From her old querks of Superstition. 
 The Trophee of a warlike Complement ! 
 A Squib of the Perpetuall Parliament. 
 A nimble, running Nose ; so sharpe & quick 
 'T would fit the Head o' th' Body Politique. no 
 
 O for a Quill of that Arabian Wing ! 
 To write this High & Everlasting Thing! 
 Oh ! here 's a Theme for crouding Similies 
 T' encounter with a S^gke of Villanies ! 
 Like ScuDDER's* Independent resty Mare 
 
 that have their Habitation every where, though for a need they can cram 
 their whole Lively-hood into a Beggarly Knap-sack : Things, that stick 
 upon the Skirts of a Land as close & fast as a Crab-louse, and yet at 
 a dead lift can skip like a Flea into any Nation. Sweet Vermin ! mad 
 Cattell ! a Generation of Vipers ! I know not how to decipher them ! 
 
 * This SCUDDER an Assembly-Rook with the other COZENS a fierie- 
 faced quarrelsome Citizen I have some reason to know ; with whom it 
 was my fortune to travel into Wilt-shire. Being furnish'd w**" a Coach,. 
 
0[LIVER] C[ROMWELL] 93 
 
 That would by no meanes beare the Cavalier ; 
 
 Or like the Man himselfe sans Wit or Feare, 
 
 After his journey preaching in a Chaire ; 
 
 Or like Don COZENS w*'' his Cholerick Lookes, 
 
 Which catch at All like tearing Tenter-hooks : 120 
 
 Such is this pow'rfull Nose ! The Mare is tam'd, 
 
 And the Two Men are pretty well reclaim'd : 
 
 All things submit at length ! but this still spurns, 
 
 And kicks, & flings, & frisks, and turns & turns. 
 
 Like the crackt Clapper of a crazy Bell, 
 That chatters an immortall, dismal Knell ; 
 Like a Dutch Peck-tun, that cries Victorie 
 In crackling flames of martiall Surquedrie; 
 Like the bent Beake of a fine, ougly Owle, 
 That tunes the Shreikes of a tormented Soule : 130 
 
 Such is this o'regrown Nose ! The Bell may cease, 
 The Tun burne out, the Owle can hold his peace ; 
 All things are mortall ! but this chimes, and goes, 
 A pure, eternall, standing, stately. Nose ! 
 
 Like lovely AMBROSE, when the Scotch-man's Word 
 Did threaten to devoure Him w*'^ his Sword * ; 
 
 the Parson's Jade was allotted to a Friend of mine, & a true Roialist : 
 whom because of his unruly tricks wee commonly stiled The Independent 
 Mare. When wee came to our journey's end, the next day being Sun-day, 
 M"" SC. was pleas'd to bestow a Serra. or two upon the House where wee 
 lay: but finding himselfe very weary & tir'd w*!* travell, after a long 
 Preface concerning the indifferent behaviour of Sitting or Standing in 
 a Preacher, at last w** much reverence & devotion hee declin'd down- 
 wards, & glued his Big Buttocks to a Great Chaire, placed at the Upper 
 End of a Table for that purpose ; and in that posture deliver'd himselfe 
 to his Auditorie all the time of his two tedious dull Sermons ; with such 
 admirable action to boot, as if He & his Beast had bin both of a Haire, 
 most nearly allyed in their Carriage & Disposition. 
 
 * The Reader is to understand that about that time, when the first 
 Insurrection was in Scot-Xs.'aA, there came One of that Nation to our 
 Universitie of CAMBRIDGE, where amongst others falling into the 
 company of J. AM BR. a man of no comely Visage, or pleasing discourse, 
 he at last fell out with him : upon which occasion One of our Prime Witts 
 did in the Scotck-maxis name frame a bold Challenge in Latine, which 
 was iinediately sent unto his rough Antagonist: who upon the first View 
 was mightily perplexed, and varied his swarthy Countenance into many 
 terrible aspects, till at length hee was willing to conceive some releife 
 from the last word of that feirce Invitation : illicb adorietur, he will 
 presently adore thee : a strange Interpretation ! proceeding from a Person 
 of so little reverence & beauty, such great learning & profound valour. 
 
94 ON THE DOMINICAL NOSE OF 
 
 Like an Huge Hercules in Poetrie, 
 
 Whose roaring Bombards bellow to the Skie ; 
 
 Like spruce Nasutus or wild Polyposus, 
 
 Who ever & anon w"" nose doe pose us : 14° 
 
 Such is this gracious Nose ! The Brown Boy 's lost, 
 
 The Rimer crackt ; Those are but Names at most ! 
 
 All things doe yeeld in time! but this holds out 
 
 A Lusty Champion at every Bout. 
 
 Like a bright Torch, that lights to open rapes, 
 And generall massacres, which no man scapes ; 
 Like a briske Taper, proudly to disguise 
 Hell with the lustre of a Paradise ; 
 Or like an Ignis fatmis, that doth run 
 To draw us to a swift Perdition : 150 
 
 Such is this flaming Nose ! the Torch is out, 
 The Taper 's spent, the Fire receives a rout : 
 All things consume ! but this still burns & fumes. 
 And fumes & bums, and stinks, yet ne're consumes. 
 
 Like a vast Promontorie, that doth stand 
 Threatning destructions both to Sea & Land; 
 Like generating Smec. and All that can 
 Bee say'd of Him by the Best Wit of Man ; 
 Like a plumpe Pudding with fat, sweatie Poares, 
 That, as it enters in the Throat, it goares: 160 
 
 For y* better apprehension of this Honourable Coplexion I have here 
 inserted a Copy of the Defyance. Ne succenseas Domine, quod •vindictam 
 inihi obsonare studeam injuriis tuis lacessitus : meus famelicus gladius 
 prandeat necesse in tuo corpore, nisi quod came iud vilioris gustus 
 fastidiat : nigru corpus index animi plus qudm Diabolici : at ego nulla 
 reformido spectra ; Capessas igitur ensem, simulque designes locu, guando, 
 et ubi pugnandum : a/ids invetues hostem, qui tibi practpiet eligendi vices, 
 <&-» ubicunque invenerit, ilicb adorietur. Qui ita tuus, ut ipsa viscera 
 intrare cupit. Ad Imagine tud. Nigra ursam. Thus in English. Sir, 
 you may not take it ill, that ladesire to glut my revenge exalted to an 
 appetite by your injuries : my hungry Sword must needs dine upon your 
 body, unlesse happily it may loath & abhor flesh of such a vile unsavourie 
 last : that black carcase is an evident Signe of a mind worse than the 
 Devill; but however I fear no apparitions : therefore provide your weapon, 
 and withall designe the place, when & where wee must fight : otherwise 
 y" shall find an enemy, that will soon instruct y" in the course of an 
 election ; and w^^kjut any delay, in good earnest will embrace you at the 
 first opportunitie of our next meeting. Who is so yours, as that he 
 covets to enter into your very Bowells. At your own Signe, the Black 
 Beare. 
 
0[LIVER] C[ROMWELL] 95 
 
 Such is this various Nose ! The Promontorie 
 
 Slips out of sight, and is no more a Storie; 
 
 The black & sootie Cacodaemon Smec. 
 
 With poor Presbyterie hath broake his Neck: 
 
 All things depart & dye, but this alone ! 
 
 The Pudding hath two Ends, but this hath none ! 
 
 Like the Ship LiBERTlE with her full Sailes 
 And fifty Peices, in successfull Gales; 
 Or like the SwiFT-SuRE with her Faster Hold, 
 And Rebell-Rangers, confident & bold ; 170 
 
 Or like the Speaker with her Rhetorick 
 Of Ord'nance, Colours, & Disputing DiCK*. 
 Such is this flaring NoSE ! the Libertie 
 Is split ; the Rest now not so fast and free ! 
 All things decay at last ! but this remaines 
 With tackle tight & stiffe, for endlesse gaines. 
 
 A Nose too harsh for Rythm ! who playes upon 't. 
 With Xerxes doth but whip the Hellespont ; 
 Or like a senselesse Mad-man lash the Aire, 
 For by its Influence 't is every where ! 180 
 
 'T is here ! & there ! an actual!, vertuall Nose ; 
 Which, as the Weapon cures, so wounds his Foes. 
 A Way-bit to the Rest ! The Text supposes 
 The short-hair'd Brethren yet may weare long Noses ! 
 A proud ambitious Nose ! that still doth rise 
 Ten hand-fulls higher than his towring Eyes. 
 An Iron-Whifler to the Brazen Front 1 
 A Nose, that would have fitted John-a-Gaunt! 
 When He & Bradshaw meet, you would suppose 
 The Devill had 3". Dunstane by the Nose. 190 
 
 A profound learned Nose ! that can by art 
 
 Make a just judgment of the Subtle . 
 
 Most neer of kin to th' Mouth ; for when it stretches 
 
 Porcupine- like, it can make heav'nly Speeches! 
 
 As Cuck-holds gigg their Homes, which breake away, 
 
 * An Adventurer in that Ship, One that desiring to be wise takes 
 greatest delight starting Questions & resolving Riddles ; by his profession 
 a zealous Cooke, or (if y" please) Fritter-Seller of Great Brittain. 
 
96 ON THE NOSE OF 0[LIVER] C[ROMWELL] 
 
 And sprout fresh Kipara, Kipaa, Kipa, 
 
 So (like a branching Pedigree) it growes ! 
 
 A Repetition Nose ! a Nose ! a Nose ! 
 
 A bonny Nose ! a Nose for Sweet Pig-wiggin ! 
 
 An eloquent Nose ! a Nose for Oratour Higgin ! aoo 
 
 A ranting Nose ! a Nose for Radamantkus I 
 
 A Nose that like the Tower-Guns doth dant us ! 
 
 A terrible Nose ! a Nose that will affright us ! 
 
 A sharpe-set Nose ! a Nose with Teeth, to bite us. 
 
 A Nose so Glutton-like, it makes All even, 
 
 Devouring with a Stomack like a Stephen!* 
 
 And snoares aloud, like that Geneva-'^oxs^, 
 
 Damnation-Belly-fuU at every Course! 
 
 An angry Nose ! w"'', if it once take snuffe, 
 
 Will blow us all to Fitters with a puffe! 3io 
 
 A Nose whose super-eminent Surplusage 
 
 Is far above Gamaliel Ratsey's Visage. 
 
 All wee can either say, or thinke (God knows) 
 
 Is but the Superfluitie of Nose. 
 
 Well then ! to end ! because Tautoligie 
 
 Cannot expresse his Geneologie ; 
 
 I'll only wish, that when the World is made 
 
 By the large Drops of this All -conquering Blade, 
 
 A Common-shewer of nasty Over-throws, 
 
 That Hee & His were Nothing but All Nose. aao 
 
 * St. M. once a Grave Divine of the illiterate Mixt Assembly, who 
 at a Wedding Feast having eaten a little more than his Share of a-Jole 
 of Salmon, and afterwards taken in a full Quart of Sack for disgestion, 
 most devoutly cried out. Blessed be God! how good the Creatures are, 
 being us'd with moderation ! 
 
CHARACTER 
 
 A REBELL 
 
 Is his own Carver, and will rather mince the Kingdome 
 into Sippets than want a Dish for himselfe. His Principles 
 are very various & full of contradiction ; and yet with a mighty 
 confidence hee delivers out such stuffe for Canonicall Truth. 
 Hee builds up new Doctrines as an Altar of Testitnonie to his 
 deare Profession, w"'', if well examined, will bee found, in their 
 clashing varietie, to oppose it : however his actions shall never 
 contradict the maine Scope of his dire intentions to depose the 
 King.* Hee uses the name of King & Parliament, -^s Witches 
 & Conjurers are reported to use the Holy Language, onely for lo 
 mischeife : his Stratagems (like their Charms) are built upon 
 the strong imagination of a fulsome Fancy ; which the blind 
 Multitude accepts for pure Devotion, and upon that account 
 will follow their Leader up to the very Eares in blood. . . . The ■ 
 words of his mouth are softer than butter, having tvarr in his 
 heart : smoother than oile, & yet very swords. This . upon 
 the word of a King, that knew it very well. It opens like 
 a Sepulchre, and swallowes all without remorse, Kings, Princes, 
 & their Diadems, or any thing, that weares the badge of 
 Loialltie. A false tongue is .the Compasse, by which hee 30 
 steeres the course of his insurrections, devising mischeifes like 
 a sharpe rasour working deceitfully. Psal. 5a. a. In will 
 & desire, however his Conversation appeare in the habit of 
 a demure Holinesse, hee can bee no lesse than an Atheist, for < 
 
 * It was well observed by a Learned Prince, who afterwards felt it by 
 a sad Experience, that there are some men, who more malicidusly than 
 ignorantly, will put no difference between Reformation <S-» alteration of 
 Government. The Man, whom wee now describe, is of the same 
 Composition. His very Complexion appeares 'like a Seed^lot of change 
 & disorder. Under the plausible notion of a S;trict Reformer hee will 
 introduce everlasting confusions, which can never be removed by any 
 Sober Debate. Thus (as Truth will have it) the Divell of &c. 
 
 15:6'S H 
 
98 CHARACTER: A REBELL 
 
 knowing God to bee the Authour of Goverment and Order, 
 and himselfe guilty for opposing both, hee could wish there 
 were no Judge to condemne the insolence & pride of his 
 Rebellion. The sight of an Executioner makes him start into 
 a suddaine Fit of Penitence, like the Howling of a Wolfe after 
 a plentiful! meale, which proves nothing but an Exercise for 3° 
 quicker disgestion, till with two or three rapes & halfe a dozen 
 murders, besides his ordinarie meales of Plunder & Sequestra- 
 tion, hee hath fairely closed up the orifice of a gaping Con- 
 science. Really, hee lookes like a Basiliske, darting mis- 
 cheifes, like Envy the Witch, with his Sight. He sitteth 
 lurking in the theevish corners of the streets : and privily in 
 his secret places doth he murder the innocent^ his eyes are set 
 against the poor, as venemous as the poyson of a Serpent, as 
 subtle as the fraud of Serpents, as hurtfuU as the snare of the 
 hunter, as infectious as the noy some pestilence. He lurkes like 4° 
 a Lion in his den, and then acts like a Wolfe in the feild. Hee 
 goes like a ghostly terrour by night, & the arrow thatflieth by 
 day. Like the pestilence that walketh in darknesse, and the 
 destruction that wasteth at noon-day. He grins like a d<^, 
 that is not satisfied, & wanders up & down for free quarter 
 & lawfull prize. His Humilitie is rare Hypocrisie. He 
 croucheth & humbleth himselfe, that the congregation of the 
 poor may fall into the hand of his Captains. It was a good 
 Prayer, w"*" the Roiall P. made in behalfe of a Charitable 
 Person, that God would not deliver him into the will of his h" 
 enemyes, but of all enemyes, from the zealous grudge of 
 a crafty Round^head Good L, deliver us. Nothing but an 
 utter extinction both of life & memorie will satisfie these 
 devouring Vermin, the Wormes are contented with the Feast 
 of a Carkase; but thig preying Generation are not onely 
 pleased to feed upon their living Soveraigne with slanders 
 & biting reproaches, aqd then crucifie him, but they must 
 torture & mangle his fame after death, When shall hee dye, 
 & his name perish ? Thus wee have seen the very Pictures, 
 & Statues, & Inscriptions of the K. demolish'd & defaced, nay 6o 
 the best Image of his Goodnesse, his R, Booke, pursued in the 
 very birth, like the poor Innocents, with a greedy violence, and 
 
CHARACTER: A REBELL 99 
 
 since that assaulted by the railing pen of a mercenarie Villaine. 
 I have heard of a Visit at Hampton-Court attended with com- 
 plements of Vanity, & a heart conceiving Falshood. I have 
 heard of enemyes whispering together, & strange imaginations 
 in the forge. There was a Sentence oi guiltinesse pronounced 
 & acted against an innocent Prince ; a speedy course taken to 
 prevent his rising up any more. Even those familiar freinds, 
 whom hee trusted, those that eat of his bread, laid wait to 70 
 devoure Him too. Did David meane these Rake-hells in his 
 sad complaint? Psal. 41. By description they were just 
 such Devills for all the world. But stay ! My Character flyes 
 into a Satyr. Looke upon The Rebell in his Greatnesse, and 
 you shall find, Hee climbes up to Preferment by a ladder of 
 Prophanenesse & Impietie ; then thinkes himselfe in the heigth 
 of his glory, when his Power is exalted to the downfall of 
 Churches & all monuments of Antiquitie. For such good 
 Service to the State hee hath got some new titles of honour, 
 which he entertaines with great pride, if but to justle with the 80 
 old Peers of the Realme. Thus the Pope can canonize Lords 
 as well as Saints, and make Tom Stukely (a bankrupt (by 
 M' Fuller's pencill) in his loyalty as well as his estate) 
 Marquesse of Lemster, Earle of Weisford, & Caterlogh, 
 Vicount Murrottgh, Baron Rosse & Hydron in Ireland. In 
 such a majesty as this hee thinkes himselfe equall at least (if 
 not superiour) to y* great Cham of Tartarie, and will stand in 
 competition with the proudest Prince of Christendome for the 
 Monarchy of the World. Hee is comonly One that hath 
 received the greatest favours from his Prince, as He that 90 
 carried the bag, and yet sold away his Sav[iour]. For my 
 love they are my adversaries, was a mournfull ditty. They 
 have rewarded mee evill for good, & hatred for my good will. 
 clean contrarie to the rule of Christianitie, which injoynes 
 Good for Evill. Sometimes like the Humersome L[ord] hee 
 falls deepely in love with the King, but howsoever his soule 
 was surprised with this desperate passion he is not to be cured 
 of it, but (as F[austina] the Wife of M[arcus] A[urelius] who 
 loved a Fencer) with a potion of his Blood. And then the 
 loving loiall Humour presently leaves him, and He conceives 100 
 
 Ha 
 
loo CHARACTER: A REBELL 
 
 nothing but villanie & murder. He is the Canker of the State, 
 the Bane of the Clergy, the Cavalier's Purgatorie, the People's 
 Mountebank, the Country's terrour, the City's darling, the 
 Devill's freind and the Plauge of all Honest Men. In 
 a boisterous Buflfe-coat he swells like a Tympanic, cunningly 
 applauding himselfe by detracting from others. The Vulgar 
 looke upon him with feare & reverence, when hee comes forth 
 accoutr'd in the formalities of a grim Countenance, & a steme 
 Behaviour. His Valour is very eminent amongst Cowards of 
 his own Breeding, with whom hee allwayes carries the Con- no 
 quest by accepting Satisfaction. The best Similitude of 
 a Souldier about him, is his Sword, indeed a meer Emblem ; 
 for he is persuaded never to use it, but when hee may cut 
 throats fairely at a sure advantage. His outward parts are 
 the Crea[ture] of Folly, his inward the Quintessence of all 
 transcendent Iniquitie. Hee walkes in a circle of wealth 
 & prosperitie to preserve him from the Violence of tormenting 
 thoughts, but when that Securitie once failes, how the furies 
 will ravell out his happines into a dreadfuU encounter with 
 Despaire & Damnation ! Adversitie to others is a Furnace ; I'o 
 refining their soules from the drosse of infidelitie, but to this 
 Reprobate (such are all Rebells in their worst condition) his 
 afflictions are onely a Preparative for his better entertainment 
 & wellcome into Hell. In Discourse a Paradox is his cheife 
 delight, for by the keenesse of his wit hee can refine treason 
 into true policie. Fine Distinctions & Aphorismes of State 
 are those pretty Clawes, by which you may know the Beast as 
 well as the Devill by his cloven Foot. Let the smoothnesse 
 of his language disguise never so much, yet the Ground, upon 
 which his arguments stand, will discover an impression of '3° 
 weakenesse, horrour, &^mazement. Either a Dilemma, or 
 a swift Evasion (the Homes & the Feet oi Belzebub) are his 
 best weapons. He can write like Milton, and fight like 
 Cromwell, and dye like Ccesar. Such a warlique Champion 
 can expect no lesse than a Wound for every murder, a com- 
 petent reward to bee conferr'd upon the merits of a faithfuU 
 Servant to the Commonwealth. Hee barkes like a Dog at 
 a Crucifix, because it represents too much of Passive Valour, 
 
CHARACTER: A REBELL loi 
 
 a Vertue, which never came within the latitude of his Opinion 
 or Practice, the pretence of his anger is Superstition ; but the 140 
 truth is, any Emblem or Picture of Obedience proves a Crosse 
 to his Active Religion, and that 's the maine cause of his mad- 
 nesse. His Memorie is stufTd with difficult places of Scripture, 
 which are frequently vented, not with a desire of resolution 
 from others, but meerly an intention (like Him that tempted 
 our Saviour) to ensnare his neighbours into his own net of 
 mine & perdition. Unnecessary Querees are the ginns & trapps 
 set out with delicate baites to catch silly soules in their admira- 
 tion. But at length the Bones of his Controversie stick in his 
 Throat, and the Cook himselfe is choaked with an admirable 150 
 device of his own invention. After a set Battell attended with 
 the feirce persvasion of a glorious Victorie, hee is brim-full of 
 pietie & Thanks-giving. Wonders & Miracles are his onely 
 Subject, talkes profanely of God's visible appearing in the 
 Mount, when (alas Poor Peer !) hee was lurking below with 
 Eyes winking for safety in a Saw-pit. In a desperate Agonie 
 his onely refuge is the Example of Sampson, whereby hee 
 pretends the priviledge of an Extraordinarie Revelation to 
 ruine others with himselfe ; and though his ambition aimes at 
 the bravery of Cethegus, to tread upon the World, when it 160 
 falls, yet his malice is well apayd with so much honour, as 
 may entitle him to the Power of perishing in a generall dissolu- 
 tion. Now the Eyes of his discretion are quite put out, hee 
 will fall to 't blindly without sence or wit, and cares not how 
 he injures his own person, or his freinds, so hee may but 
 accomplish the destruction of his Enemyes. Who would not 
 fall with all the world about him f that 's as much as he 
 desires, since he can get no higher, since the World will not 
 fall down and worship him, in lieu of the same Service faithfully 
 performed to his Old Master 5* Nicholas Apollyon.* 170 
 
 * Nay, rather than passe away without any revenge (such is the 
 equitie of his inveterate spite) he covets to have the greatest share in 
 misery : more charitably envious than the Man in the Fable, hee will ex- 
 pose himselfe to utter darknesse, & bee starke blind, to procure the losse 
 of One Eye in Another, like Sultan Serapha, who in spite (as the 
 Historic tells us) would spend an ounce of Turkish blood to draw a drop 
 of Christian. The Envy of a Rebell is like that of a Peacock, who eats 
 his own dung, lest any man should find it. 
 
I02 CHARACTER: A RESELL 
 
 Thus after a rash conflict with his Soveraigne here on 
 Earth, whom He accounts (as it was openly profess'd by his 
 Com-rades in their bold Remonstrance) his Capitall Ettemy, 
 hee proceeds to deny the King of Heaven, and when his cruell 
 fangs have been smear'd with Roiall Blood, 't is no great 
 wonder, that hee presumes to snarle at his Maker, and wit- 
 stand Him, that standeth in the Congregation of Princes. He 
 that scornes to submit to any Power under the Sun, will drive 
 hard against that, w""* is above it, and by which all other 
 Powers are instituted & confirm'd. Hee that resists God in i8o 
 his Providence, will adventure to quarrell with his Essence, 
 and maintaine the strife by a willfull treacherie upon the 
 benefit of his Creation. Man is the Image of God, and the 
 Prince the Image of his Majesty, and all Images (the Rebell 
 sayes) must be destroyed, though hee himselfe perish in the 
 same Capacitie. Those hard Throes of pretended Righteous- 
 nesse, wherewith his Soule labour'd so much in the time of 
 his Felicitie, are now evaporated into pinching Pangs of Greife 
 & Desperation. Hee that without pity could pry into the 
 miseries of his better Neighbours, and with derision censure igo 
 their patience, hath not one dram of compassion or comfort 
 left to cherish & sustaine his drooping Spirit. If hee escape 
 the courtesie of a violent Death from other hands, his own 
 bitter Genius will prompt him to such a lamentable favour 
 upon himselfe. and if hee cannot breath out his last, like 
 Sampson, on a heape of his Foes, the worst is but this, to be 
 strangled like Judas, as though hee meant still to pursue an 
 intestine War, and make his Bowells gush out, for Redresse of 
 Greivances, when (God knowes) this is the way to increase 
 them, to leape out of Purgatorie into Hell-fire ; like a pitifuU 200 
 Tinker, that ever make^more holes, than hee mends ; and 
 indeed the metall of his Heart is so worne out, it can be no 
 longer patch'd up with a Brazen Face, The rebellious Kettle- 
 drum is now peirced through & through, and Colonell Fox, that 
 should repaire it, is consumed to Ashes. Absalom was a Fine 
 Fellow; but no Fellow to this honourable Varlet in the 
 upshot of his Defection. That Young Man indeed dyed un- 
 happily by a Sad Destiny, but this brave upstart-Mushrom 
 
CHARACTER: A REBELL 103 
 
 hath a stout heart to consume it selfe, and (since hee weares 
 little Haire) will create a Conspiracie upon his own Head with 210 
 a Halter, that so at last hee niay be sure to expire bravely, 
 in his proper colours, in his Beloved Sin, weltring in his own 
 gore, that is, to live & dye a Rebell without Repentance, 
 and notwithstanding all his changes & revolutions to shew (as 
 was sayd of his Fellowes) his constancie in his Way, to the 
 last Gaspe. An arrant Theife, that could steale away the 
 hearts of his Fellow-subjects, divert & turne their minds 
 upon a wrong object, alienate the proprietie of their Soules, 
 and now to increase this Felonie committed upon himselfe & 
 others, can steale out of the World without leave, breake the 220 
 prison of his Body to be recommitted to a stronger Gaole, 
 a Dungeon from which such Spirits could never yet find any 
 Release. If any of his ranke & qualitie misse this Judgment, 
 yet 't will bee hard to escape the Vengeance pronounced by the 
 Prophet upon those that refuse & rebell (a punishment 
 answerable to the Crime) to be devoured by the Sword. Isa. 1.20. 
 Or if that be avoided, yet Solomon's Sentence, (one way or 
 other) shall be severely executed. An evill man seeketh onely 
 rebellion: therefore a cruell messenger shall be sent against 
 him. The Prince is the common Father of us all. and there- 230 
 fore the same Penaltie, w"^*" was alloted by the Law to 
 a stubborn & rebellious Son, Deut. 21. 18. &c. may be 
 justly inflicted upon a Subject revolting from his naturall duty 
 & allegeance. . . . The very Heart of a Traytour moulders 
 into Dust, when with a secret delight it contrives the ruines of 
 Autoritie. His very Phancie driven by a guilty Conscience 
 will procure his fall. As Hee, who was very much in debt, 
 when his Cloaths were arrested by a Tenter-hook, cryed out 
 At whose suit} so \h\s hahe-hv&meA Renegado thinkes every 
 thing in his Way his mortall Enemy. Every man hee meets, 240 
 is a Sergeant ; Every House hee sees is a Prison ; Every 
 Mole-hill a Mountaine to overwhelme him. Every Staffe 
 a Scepter of Correction, and every little Twig the Black Rod. 
 And thus hee goes on, till his Braines breake his Heart with 
 such terrible Whimseys. 
 
 'T is just with God to cut them short, that will not suffer 
 
I04 CHARACTER : A RESELL 
 
 others to live in peace. . . . Our haughty Typhon raised 
 from the horrid entrails of Earth & Hell, shall returne to the 
 place from whence hee came, and there lie tormented with 
 his own monstrous parts. When earthly Giants affect heavenly 250 
 Thrones, and they that were borne of blood would live by 
 slaughter, 't is fit they should revert to their own composition 
 even in death, and so become more truly in this Subjection 
 than before in their tyrannicall Usurpation Lutum Sanguine 
 maceratum. A Sowter and a Souldan, ana. A loathsome 
 Medley to give the Devill a Drench ; which yet by good use, 
 as medicines are frequently made of poyson well tempered & 
 allayed, may prove a Physicall Purge to drive away our dis- 
 tractions, & recover the sound blessings of Content & Peace. 
 After a Corruption of Rebells comes a Generation of Loiall 260 
 Creatures, whose goodnesse deserves a better Character than 
 my poor weake fainting Pen can afford. Yet wee will try 
 what may bee sayd to the honour of Obedience in the next. 
 
 MEDITATIONS 
 
 (From the Edition of 1659) 
 
 XI. There are certain birds of Paradise which make the 
 best musick in a Cage. The sweet singer of Israel was most 
 full of melody in his greatest Afflictions. David could blesse 
 God in a cave, Job on the dunghill. The prison sometimes is 
 the Saints Quire, where the heart is at liberty, while the body 
 is under restraint, and their very groans are acceptable notes 
 of praise and benediction. 
 
 The good mans sorrow is never without some joy. Our 
 very hope can afford us songs of deliverance. When our 
 heavenly father makes Uff the consort, who can forbeare to 
 tune his voice and keep time with him ? Heaven and happi- 
 nesse waits upon them that with patience attend his leasure. 
 Gods presence translates the Dungeon into a Sanctuary, turns 
 Babylon to Hierusalem, captivity into triumph. Our Jaylors 
 are our life-guard, our enemies our servants, since they serve 
 but as instruments to his will upon us, who is indeed our 
 
MEDITATIONS 105 
 
 Master. He is happy enough that can patiently expect 
 salvation. As the Marriner keepes under hatches till the 
 tempest be allayed, so our present misery is nothing but 
 a safe retiring till all dangerous stormes be blown over, and 
 we arive at last to the Haven of our Rest. 
 
 XXV. God and the world never agree in the measure of 
 time. The purpose of his will, not the motion of the Sunne 
 determines his houres. Did we set our wills by his decree, 
 Gods clock and ours would alwayes strike together. Our 
 affections are poised with the weights of selfe-love and 
 ambition, which move too fast in regard of our true necessity 
 which he only respects. The least delay seems tedious to an 
 hasty minde, the longest is but short to the patient soul. 
 Think not then that he is slow who never failes in the houre 
 of his promise, though he answer not the very minute of our 
 expectation. 
 
 L. He that marries meerly to satisfie his lust, may chance 
 to have an ill match by the bargain ; for if there be not 
 abilities to maintain an estate, as well as strength to satisfie 
 desire, true love and affection will soon growe cold. We 
 cannot feed upon beauty : imbraces will not cloath the back. 
 A single man may have patience enough to endure the worse 
 of evils ; but when poverty afflicts two souls together, the 
 pain is intollerable. If fortune frown upon my self alone, 
 I can finde the warres a remedy for such a disease : but what 
 griefe can be conceived greater then this, to see my second-self 
 ready to starve without power of reliefe, my little Infants 
 crying for bread when I have nothing but my teares to comfort 
 them ? The meanest beggar after death is as the greatest 
 Prince : but he that leaves his wife a poor widow, starves in 
 his memory, and is miserable in his grave. 
 
 LXI. We may observe that in times of danger and 
 destruction, good men are little regarded, and for the most 
 part live obscurely. In this injustice of the world the good- 
 nesse of God is most conspicuous. When the birds of prey 
 are fluttering abroad, the careful hen calls in her chickens to 
 the safe protection of her wings ; when the street is filled with 
 
io6 MEDITATIONS 
 
 violence and tumults, the tender parent locks up the children 
 within doores, not denying them their liberty, but thus pro- 
 viding for their safety and security. What greater happinesse 
 then a quiet close retiring roome, when blood and ruine are 
 making merry without ? Can we complaine of obscurity, when 
 «carce any open place is secure enough ? How happy was 
 the Church under ground, when in that darknesse there was 
 light enough to see heaven ? In that narrow imprisonment 
 they were yet free from persecution. Those seven thousand 
 which Elijah knew not of were well known to him that pre- 
 served them. And when Elijah himself was sought for by 
 Jezdbel, where had he been if he had been every where? 
 They that have strength enough to burn in glorious flames, 
 may scorne to save themselves by Jlight ; but if God afford 
 this help to our weaknesse, we have reason to be thankful for 
 an easie judgement, which appointed as the means of our 
 deliverance turns into a blessing. Let me be separated from 
 the comfortable society of my dear friends, deprived of the 
 benefit of my owne countrey aire, exposed to misery and the 
 contempt of strangers, alwayes forgotten, never observed, let 
 me be an obscure dark inmate, a son of earth, an ignominious 
 bastard in the worlds opinion, a neglected slave ; I shall think 
 this disgrace a great honour, if I may rest safely under the 
 shadow of the Almighty. 
 
 LXXXVII. The Doctrine and discipline of the Church of 
 England is such as was first established by general Councels 
 and Synods, and afterwards confirmed by the Lawes of the 
 State. Unity and uniformity; necessity and order, strength 
 and beauty, are the ingredients of our religion : and who would 
 not love such a wholesom^weet composition. They that take 
 a delight to broach new opinions, to introduce strange innova- 
 tions, cannot wish well to the peace of our aged mother. It 
 may be needful to repaire a breach, but 'tis neither wisdom, 
 nor justice to ptdl down the frame of an ancient building, 
 to make way for an alteration. God blesse us from such 
 a reformation that must be advanced in the ruines of a wel- 
 setled Government and constitution. 
 
NOTES 
 
 Page 65. When thou and I must part. 
 
 I. 39. that sweet Forgetfull Lake. Tubbe has perhaps borrowed the 
 expression. Milton has it again, Par. Lost, ii. 74, 75 : 
 
 the sleepy drench 
 Of that forgetful Lake. 
 
 Page 66. On M" Katharine Spencer. 
 
 K. S. was the fourth daughter of Penelope, Lady Spencer. See p. 28. 
 
 II. 41-3. The name Katharine is from Ka6ap6s, pure. 
 
 Page 68. M". Penelope Symcots. 
 See pp. 18, 19. 
 
 Page 68. Carolus. 
 
 II. 37-9. TAus our Renowned Palm doth rise 
 
 Like a brave Embleme to our Eyes. 
 
 His Weights make light his Resurrection. 
 Cp. Ben Jonson, Ode to James, Earl of Desmond: 'Trew Noblesse Palme 
 growes strayght, though handled ne'er so rude.' Mr. P. Simpson has 
 directed me to Alciat's Emblemata XXXVI : ' Obdurandum aduersus 
 vrgentia.' The verses appended to the Emblem begin : 
 
 'Nititur in pondus palma, & consurgit in arcum, 
 Quo magis & premitur, hoc mage toUit onus.' 
 Mr. Simpson adds: 'There is a parallel emblem of the cypress tree 
 weighted with a block of stone in Peacham's Minerva Britanna (1613), 
 p. 167.' 
 
 I. 48. An Angell, with the usual pun on Angel ' = a com. 
 
 II. 61-6. He scornes to lurke in a Disguise . . . 
 
 Plaine Justice was his Coat of Maile. 
 Thus arm'd, Hee may bee truly, safely sayd, 
 Like Solomon, in Proverbs all array d. 
 Clumsily borrowed from Cleveland, The Kings Disguise : 
 
 Methinks in this your dark mysterious dresse 
 I see the Gospel coucht in Parables. . . . 
 Such a Text Royall, so obscure a shade 
 Was Solomon in Proverbs all array'd. 
 
 Page 70. On the Silke-Worme. 
 
 1. 4. Virgil's Bee, sc. Georgic IV. 
 1. 7. vaite, lower, stoop. 
 1. 22. Arachn^s Web, the spider's web. 
 
 1. 28. ^olus. As Aeolus, god of the winds, causes storms, the silkworm 
 is the author of the blustering commotion of the gallant's attire. 
 1. 43. As tender drops of dew dissolve the Stone. Cp. the proverb, 
 ' Gutta cavat lapidem, non vi, sed saepe cadendo.' 
 
io8 NOTES 
 
 1. 67. a Powder-traitour, one of the ' Gunpowder Treason and Plot' of 
 1605. 
 
 1. 69. S' Walter Earle. Erie represented Dorsetshire in the Parliament 
 of 1625 and proposed that tonnage and poundage should be granted to 
 the King for one year only. In January 1641 he complained of Strafford's 
 Irish army, and in April showed that the commission given to Strafford in 
 August empowered him to suppress revolts in England (Gardiner, Hisl. 
 1603-42, ix. 325). 
 
 1. 69, note, a Man-midwife. Cp. J. Cleveland, The Character of 
 a London- Diumall (1647) : ' The next Ingredient of a Diurnall is Plots, 
 horrible plots . . . How many such fits of the Mother have troubled the 
 Kingdome and (for all Sir Walter Earle lookes like a Man-Midwife) not 
 yet delivered of so much, as a Cushion ?' 
 
 1. 70. To settle the Commission of Array. Cleveland, almost immedi- 
 ately after the passage just quoted, writes : ' I wonder my Lord of Canter- 
 bury is not once more all-to-be-traitored for dealing with the Lions, to ■ 
 settle the Commission of Array in the Tower.' While the Parliament and 
 the King were raising their armies in 1642, ' the Parliaments Ordinance 
 of Militia, and the King's Commission of Array, were justling together 
 almost in every County' (May, Hist, of Pari., lib. 2, cap. 6). 
 
 1. 71. expire, emit, produce. 
 
 1. 75. to traine his Silver Band, a play on words, with reference to the 
 silken band which is the product of the silkworm, and the train-bands. 
 
 1. 78. sleizie Peice, flimsy substance. See N.E.D. ' sleazy '. 
 
 Page 73. On the Gray-Friars of Ashford. 
 
 1. 2. Ashford, like Africk, yields varieiie. Erasmus, Adagia, Ch. Ill, 
 cent. vii. 10 : ' Semper Africa novi aliquid apportat.' 
 
 1. 9. Sage-Ale (not in N.E.D. ), perhaps our ' sage-tea ', an infusion of 
 sage-leaves slightly stimulating. 
 
 1. 12. Pomperkin, ciderkin, apple-juice and water. See N.E.D. 
 
 1. 13. Braggot, ale mixed with honey or spice, mulled ale. 
 
 1. 1 7. Muftie, properly, a Mohammedan priest, or expounder of the law. 
 
 1. 18. for Three Parts, sc. in a part-song. 
 
 1. 22. Like Friar Bacon's Brasse upon all Titnes. The brazen head 
 made by Friar Bacon which said ' Time is ', ' Time was ', ' Time is past ' 
 (as in Greene's Friar Bacon). 
 
 I. 30. Inborow and Outborow. See N.E.D. 
 
 II. 38-9. enough to fill 
 
 A Seekers Belly. 
 ' Seekers ' were a class of sectaries at this time, who professed to be seeking 
 for the true church. See N.E.D. Tubbe has probably in mind the open- 
 ing lines of Cleveland's poem To the State of Love : ' I saw a vision 
 yesternight Enough to sate a Steker's sight.' 
 
 1. 42. the Timber-Horse, the wooden horse of Troy. 
 
 1. 43. arsd-versie, in a preposterous manner. See N.E.D. ' arsy-versy '. 
 
 1. 59. Smectymnuus. An answer to Bishop Hall of Exeter in 1641 was 
 signed by this word. It was made up of the initials of five Puritan divines, 
 Stephen Marshall, Edmund Calamy, Thomas Young, Matthew Newcomen, 
 and William Spurstowe. 
 
 1. 60. The Directory. In January 1645 Parliament agreed to issue 
 a Directory of Worship in place of the Book of Common Prayer, abolished 
 for ever. 
 
 1. 61. roapie, ropy, viscid, sticky. 
 
NOTES 109 
 
 1. 66. alcumy (or alchemy). ' A metallic composition imitating gold, 
 « alchemy gold '" (N.E.D.). 
 
 1.69. 0«r/r<7«-^i?r^«, our evil deeds worthy of the Iron Age. Probably 
 with a local allusion to the great industry of the Weald of Kent. Cp. p. 36 
 top. 
 
 1. 72. purely, sinlessly, blessedly. 
 
 1. 75. grave S''' John. I don't understand the allusion, unless it be to 
 Sir John Tufton, Earl of Thanet. 
 
 1. 89. transfomCd, turned into a pulpit, 
 
 1. 92. Scanderbeg (George Castriota), a celebrated Albanian Captain 
 against the Turks {1414-67). 
 
 1. 96. in Albo Oculi, in the white of the eye. Cp. note on 1. 1 1 1 ' Goggles ', 
 and W. Sampson, The Vow-breaker, iii. 3, where a Puritan, about to hang 
 his cat for mousing on Sunday, addresses it : ' oh, thou wicked Cat ; 
 could'st not tume up the white of the eie for the poore creature ? ' 
 
 1. 102. some Bishoffs sleeve. Tubbe means apparently that bishops' 
 sleeves, though relics of Romish vestments, are eagerly devoured by 
 Presbyterians. 
 
 1. III. Goggles, eyes. The N.E.D. shows that the word was often 
 used in reference to the Puritan custom of turning up the whites of 
 the eyes. Randolph, Hey for Honesty, i. i, 'the true gogle of Amster- 
 dam' : Cleveland, Poems (1677), 127, 'such a Goggle of the Eye, such 
 a melodious Twang of the Nose ' : Hickeringill (1705) ' If . . . I should turn 
 up my Eyes . . . and nothing but the pious Goggle and innocent White 
 appears (that 's a precious Man, say the Women).' 
 
 Luggs, ears. A Puritan's ears were more prominent on account of 
 his close-cropped hair ; cp. Cleveland, The Hue and Cry after Sir John 
 Presbyter, U, 1,2: 
 
 With hair in character, and lugs in text. 
 With a splay mouth, and a nose circumflext. 
 
 Page 77. A Debate concerning the Engagement. 
 
 The Engagement was a promise ' to be true and faithful to the Common- 
 wealth 6f England as the same is now established without a King, or 
 House of Lords' which was imposed by Parliament in October 1649 on 
 all who held office in the state or church or universities. 
 
 1. I. New Amsterdam. Amsterdam was the hotbed of new sects. 
 Whether Tubbe is comparing England (or London) to Amsterdam in 
 Holland, or its American counterpart. New Amsterdam (now New York), 
 is not clear. 
 
 1. 2. Mighty Cham, the great Khan of Tartary. Cp. Shakespeare, 
 Much Ado, II. i. 277, ' the great Cham's beard '. Cp. p. 99, 1. 87. 
 
 1. 18. law, la (an exclamation). 
 
 I. 28. Morglay-Elbowes. Morglay was the sword of Bevis of Hampton 
 in the romances. Cleveland uses Morglay for sword more than once. 
 
 II. 33-34- a Pin 
 
 To hold the Woemens Charitie together. 
 Mr. Percy Simpson compares Cleveland, A Dialogue . . . upon the Sr'c, 
 1. 5, 'Fed on the common of the female charity', and interprets 'charity ' 
 in both passages as the offerings of the female members of the congregation 
 devoted to paying the minister. I feel very doubtful. 
 
 I. 36. He and She, men and women alike. 
 
 II. 43-4. swelPd w'^ the Spirits motion. 
 
 Like mad Bes BYoughton in a learned Vaine. 
 
no NOTES 
 
 Bess Broughton was a woman of good family who became ' a second 
 Thais '. She was mistress to Richard, Earl of Dorset, who died in 1624, 
 and finally sank lower still, as is seen by Ben Jonson's reference to her in 
 the last line of his Execration upon Vulcan (Aubrey, Short Lives, ed. 
 Clark, i. 127). I owe this reference to Mr. G. Thorn Drury, whose note, 
 kindly sent to Notes and Queries, Oct. 22, 1910, gives further information. 
 Mr. Percy Simpson supplements the above m the following note : 
 
 ' Tubbe has here confused two passages in Ben Jonson, viz. (i) the 
 reference in The Execration, and (ii) the allusion to the Puritan divine, 
 Hugh Broughton, in The Alchemist (Act 11, sc. iii) where Dol Common 
 is described to Sir Epicure as a lady who " is gone mad with studying 
 Broughtons works " : 
 
 " If you but name a word, touching the Hebrew, 
 Shee falls into her fit." 
 The " fit " comes off in Act ill, sc. v, and is a string of disconnected 
 quotations from Broughton.' 
 
 1. 45. Madam Shipton. The earliest reference to her is found in 1641 
 in the title of a tract. The Prophecie of Mother Shipton in the Raigne of 
 King Henry 8P^, foretelling the death of Cardinall tVolsey, etc, (D.N.B.). 
 
 1.57. Oath of Adjuration. Does Tubbe mean the oath of ./j^juration ? 
 Such an oath was enjoined on all who took office. 
 
 Page 79. To my Brother. 
 1. 23. contrary, subordinate, terms of logic. 
 
 Page 81, On the Heroine. 
 See pp. 22, 23. 
 
 Page 82. On Sir A. W. Translated out of the Latine Copv. 
 
 Whether the Latin verses were by Tubbe, or, as is more probable, by 
 some one else, they seem to be lost. 
 
 Sir Anthony Weldon of Swanscombe, Kent, Clerk of the Green Cloth 
 to James I, strongly supported the Parliamentary cause in Kent during 
 the Civil War, and died about 1649. He wrote The Court and Character 
 of King Jam£s I (a collection of scandal), &c. (D.N.B.). 
 
 1. 4. his works of the Crosse-part, query, his works of attack or 
 antagonism ? ' Cross-part ' is not in the N.E.D. 
 
 1. 7. Head of a Family, that hateth Kings. Two of Weldon's sons 
 fought against the King (D.N.B.). 
 
 1. 30. Ravilliac, the assassin of Henry IV. 
 
 Garnet, the Jesuit executed in 1606 for his share in the Powder-plot. 
 
 1. 31. Julian, Julian the Apostate, Roman emperor, a.d. 361-3. 
 
 1.35. Brook. Robert Greville, 2nd Baron Brooke(l6o8-43), supported the 
 impeachment of Strafford and Laud and became a general for the Parlia- 
 ment. He was killed at Lichfiild, March 2, 1643. He is eulogized by 
 Milton in Areopagitica. 
 
 the untamed Beast, the multitude. 
 
 1. 39. Patrubius and Clusius evermore 
 
 Hee shuts up Christ's, while hee opes Janus Door. 
 
 'Patrubius' is a mistake for 'Patulcius'. Cp. Ovid, Fasti, i. 129 
 (Janus loq.) : 
 
 modo namque Patulcius idem, 
 Et modo sacrifico Clusius ore vocor. 
 The gates of Janus' temple were open in time of war, and closed in time 
 of peace. 
 
NOTES 111 
 
 1. 72. those wealthy Monuments, the two Universities. 
 
 1.83. The Preist of Venus, Church. Perhaps ' Venus' Church ' was what 
 Tubbe meant to write. 
 
 1. 130. Elfe, demon. 
 
 1. 171. the Lamb-skin, perhaps with a secondary reference to the 
 academic hood. 
 
 1. 180. Tubbe adds to this line the reference ' Eph. 2. 2 '- 
 
 1. 220. Ignatius, sc. Loyola. 
 
 1. 222. Cathedrall, sitting in authority. Cp. Jonson, Volpone, I. ii. 455 : 
 ' an asse . . . shall passe for a cathedrall Doctor.' 
 
 1. 226. Sidley. If, as is likely, the Latin attack on Weldon emanated 
 from Kent, Sidley is probably Sir John Sidley, Kt., who on August 30, 
 1642, presented a Petition of the County of Kent to Parliament which was 
 a protest against one lately presented by Kentish Cavaliers. 
 
 James was probably a member of the Kentish family of James. 
 
 Page 89. On the Dominical Nose of O. C. 
 
 Cleveland, Ztf«(&«-Z';«r«a//( 1647), p. 6, of Cromwell : 'He should be 
 a bird of prey too, by his bloudy beake : his nose is able to try a young 
 Eagle, whether she be lawfully begotten. But all is not Gold that glisters. 
 . . . But for all Cromwels Nose weares the Dominicall letter, &c.' In the 
 church calendar the dominical, or Sunday, letter was no doubt given in 
 red. 
 
 1. 14. Mars's Peti-toes. Cleveland, London-Diurnall (1647), p. 7 : 
 ' Brereton and Cell, two of Mars his Petty-toes.' 
 
 1. 17. Levellet's levelPd. Prynne's book appeared in 1647. 
 
 I. 23. as a Labell, query, ' as an appendage'. He is thinking of Ovid, 
 Her. xii. 59, 60 : 
 
 ' Ante oculos taurique truces, segetesque nefandae : 
 Ante meos oculos pervigil anguis erat.' 
 
 1. 29. Scanderbeg. See p. 76, 1. 92 «. 
 
 1. 34. Morglay. See p. 78, 1. 28 n. 
 
 1. 36. Lord Protectour of the Land. The satire was probably written 
 after Cromwell became Protector, Dec. 1653. 
 
 1. 39. Hoghen-moghen, ' high and mighty ', from the Dutch style of 
 addressing the States General ' Hooge en Moogende '. Cp. Butler, 
 Hudibras : 
 
 But I have sent him for a token 
 To your Low-country Hogen-Mogen. 
 Teutch, Dutch or German {' Deutsch '). 
 
 I. 45. Voider, a tray or basket for removing broken meat after a meal. 
 Cleveland, referring to Cromwell's assaults on church monuments, calls 
 him ' Times voyder, Sub-sizer to the Wormes ' (London-Diurnall, p. 6). 
 
 I. 54. the Burden, the bass or ground of a song. 
 
 1.56. A Silver Oare purpled with veines of Gold. The use of 'golden ' = 
 'blood-red ' is of course common in our old writers. Cp. Macbeth, II. iii, 
 ' his silver skin lac'd with his golden blood,' and the passage quoted from 
 Cleveland at the head of the notes on this poem. 
 
 II. 59, 60. If wee beleeve the Macedonian, 
 
 The Mountain Athos weares the shape of Man. 
 A misunderstanding of Cleveland, To P. Rupert : 
 
 ' 'Twas the Mount Athos carv'd in shape of man, 
 As 'twas defin'd by th' Macedonian,' &c. 
 (i. e. carved in the form of Alexander). The project to convert Mount 
 Athos into a statue of Alexander was naturally not carried out. 
 
iia NOTES 
 
 1. 66. John-a-Chamber. Is this the name of a dky-rocket ? or a referetice 
 to some contemporary person? It does not apjiear to be an allusion to 
 Munday's play, John a Kent and John a Cumben 
 
 1. 68. match unto, corresponding to, compared with. See N.E.D. 
 
 1. 69. Kar i^oxriv, par excellence. 
 
 1. 72. his Oxcellenciis Belly. Taken from Clevtland, London-Diurnall, 
 1647, p. 5, where he is speaking of Sir W. Wallei' ; ' he that Cuckolds the 
 Generall in his Commission : for he stalkes with Essex, and shoots under 
 his belly, because his Oxcellency himselfe is not charged there.' 
 
 77. Demi-culverin, a kind of cannon. 
 Granado, grenade, explosive shell. 
 
 1. 78. rufling, swaggering. 
 
 Adalantado, a Spanish grandee, Cp. Jonson, Alchemist, III. iii : ' He 
 is an Adelantado, a Grande.' 
 
 1. 81. It will outrun a Race of rambling Red-Shanks. Red-shanks 
 probably here =' bare-legged Scots', and not the birds so called. See 
 N.E.D. Cp. Cleveland, The Rebell Scot : 
 
 ' They're Citizens o' th' World : they're all in all, 
 Scotland's a Nation Epidemicall. 
 And yet they ramble not, to learn the Mode.' 
 
 1. 82. th' Horse of Ned Banks. The fame of Banks's dancing horse, 
 Marocco, is celebrated in countless references from the end of the sixteenth 
 century onwards. See D.N.B. ' Banks '. The name ' Ned ' is given him 
 by Tubbe for the sake of the rime and without authority. 
 
 1. 83. Ran-tan, a word expressing sound, like ' Bang '- 
 H. LEA. I can make nothing of this. 
 
 1. 85. The French-man's Under" landing o' fe Foot. Some joke on 
 a Frenchman's application of the word ' understanding ' to the foot 
 
 1. 90. Tub, a play on his own name. 
 
 1. 91. Bobadtll. In Jonson's Every Man in his Humour, Captain 
 Bobadill swears (ill. ii.) ' By Pharoah's foot ', and is accosted by Down- 
 right in IV. V : ' O Pharoah's foot, have I found you ? ' 
 
 1. 91. Bombell. Cp. Cleveland, The Hue and Cry, 1. 6 : ' Like cartrages 
 or linen bandoleers Exhausted of their sulphurous contents In pulpit fire- 
 works, which that (al. the) bomball vents.' There is no other example of 
 the word in the N.E.D. 
 
 1. 96. Grave Wisdom^s ripe Super-foetation 7 Another loan from 
 Cleveland, To Prince Rupert : 
 
 ' Rupert ! one 
 Whose name is wits Superfoetation.' 
 
 1. 97. march-pane, confectionery, marzipan. 
 
 1. 108. the Perpetuall Parliament. One of the 'earliest Acts of the Long 
 Parliament provided that it could not be dissolved Tvithout its own consent. 
 
 1. III. that Arabian Wing, the wing of the Phoenix. 
 
 115. Scudder. Henry Scudder became M.A. (Christ's College, Cam- 
 bridge) in 1606, was presentea in 1633 to Collingboume Ducis, near 
 Marlborough, Wilts, and in 1643 became a member of the Westminster 
 Assembly of Divines. He was author of The Christian's Daily Walke, 
 and died about 1659. 
 
 1. 127. a Dutch Peck-tun. A tun filled with some inflammable sub- 
 stance to make a bonfire after a victory. Dutch ' pekton ', German 
 ' pechtonne '. The word ' Peck-tun ' is not in the N.E.D, 
 
 1. 128. surquedrie, pride, insolence. 
 
 1.135. Ambrose. Isaac Ambrose (l6o4-l66f) B.A. Oxford, 1624^5, vicar 
 of Castleton, Derbyshire, 1627, incorporated in University of Cambridge 
 
NOTES 113 
 
 1631-^2, vicar of Preston 1640. He busied himself in establishing Pres- 
 byterianism, but was put under arrest by the Committee of Plundered 
 Ministers in 1649, The D.N.B. adds that he ' was of a peaceful dis- 
 position '. 
 
 11. 137-9. Like an huge Hercules in Poetrie . . 
 
 Uke spruce Nasutus or wild Polyposus. 
 Mr. Simpson writes : ' Cp. Jonson, Poetasters, iii, where Tucca exclaims, 
 after a parody of Marston's rant, ' I mary, this was written like 
 a HERCVLES in poetrie '. Tubbe had evidently been reading this play : 
 " Nasutus " and " Polyposus " are taken from the " apologeticall Dialogue " 
 added to it in the Folio of 1616.' 
 
 1. 138. Botnbards, bombard-phrases, inflated language. 
 
 1. 141. The Brown Boy, so. Ambrose, whose swarthy complexion has 
 been referred to. 
 
 I. 157. Smec. Short for ' Smectymnuus '. See note on p. 75, 1. 59. 
 Cleveland has a poem Smectymnuus, or the Club-Divines. 
 
 II. 167-71. the Ship Libertie . . the Swift-Sure . . the Speaker. A list 
 of ships for service in the summer of 1650 includes ' Liberty, Edw. Hall, 
 280 men ' and ' Swiftsure John Gilson 260 men ' (G. Penn's Memorials o_f 
 Sir W. Penn i, p. 296) : another list of the navy in May 1653 includes 
 'Speaker, frigate, Sam. Howett, Rear Adm. 300 men' (ibid. p. 491). 
 
 1. 177. Rythm, pronounced 'rime'. See p. 60. 
 
 1. 183. A Way-bit to the Rest ! The sense is not clear. Dr. McKerrow 
 writes of the ordinary use of the word : ' way-bit, seems to mean a short 
 distance in excess of (a mile or some other measure) ' ; see note on Nashe, 
 iii. 345. 18-19. It appears also to be used for refreshment on a journey, 
 cf. Gayton, Pleasant Notes upon Don Quixot, 1654, p. 6. Don Q. having 
 got to an inn and stopped outside, his horse ' kept a coil to go to his 
 stable '. Gayton notes that horses at an inn-door are apt to show signs 
 ' of an appetite or longing for Limb-ease, and tooth motion. A way bit then, 
 and not a bit of way more '. 
 
 1. 186. his towring Eyes. Mr. H. F. B. Brett-Smith in the Modern 
 Language Review, vol. x, p. 87, points out that this is an imitation of 
 Donne's Elegy, ' Since she must go ', 1. 42 : ' And over all thy husbands 
 towring eyes '. He takes the word to be a variant form of ' twire ' = peer, 
 peep. 
 
 1. 187. Whifler, one who clears the way before a procession. 
 
 1. 192. the Subtle — . Mr. Simpson compares Jonson's Alchemist, II. ii : 
 
 ' my poets 
 The same that writ so subtly of the — ' 
 where Sir Epicure is alluding to the lines printed in Musarum Delicice 
 (1656) ' The — in the Parliament-House '. 
 
 195. gigg their Homes, throw out fresh horns .' See the account of the 
 word in the N.E.D. It is used by Cleveland. 
 
 L 196. Kcpara, Kepaa, Kepa. The three forms of the plural of Kepas, 
 a horn. 
 
 1. 199. Pig-wiggin, the fairy-knight beloved of Queen Mab in Drayton's 
 Nymphidia. 
 
 I. 200. a Nose for Oratour Higgin ! Professor Bensly points out that 
 the allusion is to Beaumont and Fletcher's Beggars' Bush where (11. i. 5) 
 Higgen, a beggar, declares : ' I speak to all That stand in fair election for 
 the title Of King of Beggars, with the command adjoining : Higgen, your 
 orator, in this interregnum ' &c. Later in the scene Prigg says, ' Where 's 
 orator Higgen with his gratuling speech now ? ' and again. All: ' Excellent, 
 excellent orator ! Forward, good Higgen ! ' Professor Bensly thinks that 
 
114 NOTES 
 
 in the ' nose ', there is a reference to III. iii. where Hempskirke is tied to 
 a tree while Higgen tortures him by tickling his nose with a sharp rush. 
 
 206. Stephen. Stephen Marshall (? 1594-1655) of Emmanuel Coll., 
 Cambridge, one of the five divines who adopted the joint name ' Smectym- 
 nuus '. See note on p. 75, 1. 59. 
 
 1. 207. And snoares aloud, like that Geneva-Horse. Mr. Simpson 
 compares Cleveland, The Rebel Scot : 
 
 Or roar like Marshall, that Geneva bull. 
 Hell and damnation a pulpit full. 
 
 1. 210. Fitters, fragments. 
 
 1.212. Ga»2a/«>/i?a/j-^)', notorious as a highwayman- between 1603 and 
 1605, when he was hanged. He wore a hideous mask. Cp. Jonson, 
 Alchemist, I. i., 'a face cut . . worse than Gamaliel Ratsey's,' and the 
 D.N.B. 
 
 219. shewer, sewer. 
 
 Page 97. A Rkbell. 
 
 I. 9. note, last line, the Diuell of&'c. I don't know what should follow. 
 
 Page 98, 1. 25. Goverment. This form of the word is not uncommon. 
 
 II. 49-5 la.. Prayer, "ufi^ the Roiall P. made in behalf e of a Charitable 
 Person, that God -would not deliver him into the -will of his enemyes, 
 
 Charles I of Laud ? 
 1. 61. his R. Booke, his royal book, Eikon Basilike. 
 
 Page 99,1. 63. amercenarie Villaine,]ohnMihonvihostEiionoklasies 
 appeared Oct. 6, 1649. 
 
 I. 64. a Visit at Hampton-Court. Charles I during his stay at Hampton 
 Court (Aug. 24-Nov. II, 1647) was in negotiation with the leaders of the 
 army. Perhaps Tubbe implies that Cromwell had visited him at this time. 
 
 II. 82-3. Tom Stukely (a bankrupt {by Mr. Fuller's pencill) in his 
 loyalty as well as his estate). See Fuller's Worthies (ed. 1811), i. 284. 
 
 • Tubbe's list of Stukeley's titles is larger than Fuller's, and agrees closely 
 with those given by Stukeley in a passport on his arrival at Cadiz in 1578 
 (Simpson, School of Shakspere, i. 128). Fuller began to write his 
 Worthies before 1650, but the book was only published in 1662 after 
 Fuller's death. It is remarkable that Tubbe, who died in 1655, should have 
 been able to quote from it. Possibly the form in which he saw Fuller's 
 account of Stukeley differed a little from that afterwards published, or he 
 may have had some second source. 
 
 U. 95-6. like the Humersome Lord, hee falls deepely in love with the 
 King. The reference is to Beaumont and Fletcher's Humorous Lieutenant, 
 Act IV, sc. vi. Lieut. ' Oh, King, that thou knew'st I loved thee, how 
 I loved thee ! ' &c. 
 
 Page 101, 11. 154-6. talkes profanely of God's visible appearing in the 
 Mount, when {alas Poor Peer .>) hee was lurkingbelow with Eyes winking 
 for safety in a Saw-pit. Cromwell, in his letter to Speaker Lenthall after 
 his victory of Dunbar, dated ' Dunbar 4th Sept. 1650', writes that before 
 the battle they were consoled by the thought ' That because of their num- 
 bers, because of their advantages, because of their confidence, because of 
 our weakness, because of our strait, we were in the Mount, and in the 
 Mount the Lord would be seen ' (Carlyle's Cromwell). Tubbe may not 
 mean that Cromwell was himself lurking in a saw-pit during the battle. 
 He may be attributing Cromwell's words to an imaginary rebel who was 
 also a coward. 
 
NOTES 115 
 
 11. 160-7. ^he bravery of Cethegus, to tread upon the World, when it 
 falls . . . Who would not fall with all the world about him ? Bravery, 
 'bravado'. Cethegus was one of the Catilinarian conspirators. Cp. Cic. 
 in Cat. IV. vii. 11:' versatur mihi ante oculos adspectus Cethegi et furor 
 in vestra caede bacchantis.' Tubbe, however, as Professor Bensly points 
 out, is clearly referring to Jonson's Catiline (ill. i) ; Cat. ' That I could 
 reach the axle, where the pins are Which bolt this frame ; that I might pull 
 them out, And pluck all into Chaos, with myself ! Cethegus : What ! are 
 we wishing now ? Cat. Yes, my Cethegus ; Who would not fall with all 
 the world about him ? Ceth. Not I that would stand on it, when it 
 falls.' 
 
 I. 170 note, more . . envious than the Man in the Fable, hee will . . bee 
 Starke blind, to procure the losse of One Eye in Another. Prof. Bensly 
 quotes from Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy (l, 2. 3. 7) : ' As he did in 
 Aesope, loose one eye willingly, that his fellow might loose both,' where 
 Shilleto (i, p. 306) gives the reference ' Invidus in the Fable De Avaro et 
 Invido '. The Fable, which is not to be found in Aesop or Babrius, has 
 been kindly supplied me by Dr. McKerrow from Fabulae Aesopicae (Lugd. 
 I57l)> P- 280, no. 252 : 
 
 ' Invidus. 
 
 Volens explorare sensus hominum luppiter misit Apollinem in terras, qui 
 voluntates humanas cognosceret. Hie primum incidit in auarum vnum, 
 & alterum inuidum. Quibuscu coUocutus, copiam illis facit petendi quod 
 vellent. Id enim quod vterque petiisset, ratu se habiturum, sed ea lege, vt 
 quod sibi alter petiisset, alteri prasstaretur duplum. NuUo igitur pacto 
 induci potuit auarus, quicquam sibi vt peteret : at inuidus erui vnum ocu- 
 lum sibi petiit, vt auarus ambos amitteret.' 
 
 Dr. McKerrow says that a version of the Fable is found in Aesopi Phrygis 
 et aliorum fabulae (Paris 1564), p. 219, as no. 22 of ' Aniani [sc. Auiani] 
 Fabulae ', and another in Caxton's Aesop where it is no. 17 of ' Fables of 
 Auian' {Fables of Aesop, ed. J. Jacobs, 1889, ii. 236). The original form 
 in Latin elegiacs is no. 22 oi Aviani Fabulae, ed. Robinson Ellis (1887). 
 
 Sultan Serapha, who . . would spend an ounce of Turkish blood 
 to draw a drop of Christian. I have not found Tubbe's source for 
 this. Professor Bensly says ' Serapha ' = ' sherif, ' noble ' ; a title of the 
 descendants of Mahomet through his daughter Fatima. He quotes 
 Purchas' Pilgrimage, Bk. VI, ch. xi, § 2 ' Of the kings of the Seriffian 
 family ', and p. 789 ' they entered into Marocco, and there poisoned the 
 King, causing Amet SerifFo to be proclaimed in his stead. King of 
 Marocco.' 
 
 a Peacock . . eats his own dung, lest any m.an should find it. Pliny, 
 Nat. Hist., xxix. 38 : ' significandum est pavones fimum suum resorbere 
 tradi, invidentes hominum utilitatibus.' 
 
 Page 102, 11. 17 1-3. his Soveraigne . . whom He accounts {as it was 
 openly profess' d by his Com-rades in their bold Remonstrance) his Capitall 
 Enemy. A Remonstrance of the Council of general officers, the leading 
 spirits being Ireton and Ludlow, was presented to Parliament on 
 November 20, 1648. It insisted that the King should be brought to justice 
 ' as the capital cause of all '. When the House of Commons demurred to 
 this proposal, it was subjected to ' Pride's Purge '. 
 
 II. 200-4. like apitifull Tinker . . . Colonell Fox. Cleveland, London- 
 Diurnall (1647) p. 8 : ' And now I speak of Reformation, vous avez Fox, 
 the Tinker ; the liveliest Embleme of it that may be ; For what did this 
 Parliament ever goe about to reforme, but Tinkerwise, in mending one 
 
 I a 
 
ii6 NOTES 
 
 hole they made three.' (G. Gascoigne, A Catalogue of Abuses, has the 
 same taunt : 
 
 ' When tinkers make no more holes than they found 
 Even then (my priests) may you make holiday.') 
 
 Page 104, 1. 247, Typhon; or Typhoeus, a giant said to have fought 
 against the gods, and to have been killed by ^us' lightning, and buried 
 under Mt. Etna. 
 
 IL 254-5. Lutum sanguine maceratum, a translation of m/Xov dlfuvn. irftjn)- 
 paiUvov applied to the Emperor Tiberius when a boy by his tutor in allusion 
 to his sluggish and cruel disposition (Suetonius, Tib. 57 ; Erasmus, Adagia 
 ' Lutum &c,' Ch. II. cent. x. 39). I am indebted for this note to Professor 
 E. Bensly. 
 
 1. 255. A Sowter and a Souldan, ana, i.e. a souter (or shoemaker) and 
 a sultan in equal quantities. Cp. Sir T. More, Rich. Ill (1513), ' And in 
 a stage-play all the people know right wel that he that playeth the sow- 
 dayne is percase a sowter' (quoted in N.E.D.). There was perhaps 
 a proverb in which ' souter ' and ' sultan ' were juxtaposed. 
 
 The word ana as used in a recipe is explained in the N.E.D., as 
 Professor Bensly pointed out to me. Here also we have a quotation from 
 Tubbe's favourite Cleveland : ' Flea-bitten Synod, an Assembly brew'd Of 
 Clerks & Elders ana ' (Mixt Assembly, 1651). 
 
 1. 260. ttfter a Corruption of Retells comes a Generation of Loiall 
 Creatures. The philosophical commonplace ' Corruptio unius, generatio 
 alterius' is frequently quoted. Cp. the play Pedantius (ed. 1905) 1. 1102, 
 corruptio Croboli, generatio Ped^tii ' and note. 
 
 Page 104. Meditations. 
 Is it possible that the form of T. Traheme's Centuries of Meditations was 
 in any way suggested by Tubbe's work ? 
 
INDEX OF NAMES 
 
 Almack, Mr. E., 56. 
 Ambrose, Isaac, 93. 
 Astley, Sir Jacob, 62. 
 Austin, William, 22. 
 
 Barrett, John, 48. 
 
 Beale, Dr. William, 8, 9. 
 
 Beeston, William, 6. 
 
 Bernard, Elizabelii, 43. 
 
 Bernard, Francis, 44, 57. 
 
 Bernard, Dr. Samuel, 6, 16, 17, 39, 41, 
 
 44. 47. 48. 58- 
 Bertie, Robert, Lord Willonghby de 
 
 Eresby, 5. 
 Boit, miniaturist, 27. 
 Bradshaw, John, 189. 
 Brooke, Lord, see Greville. 
 Broughton, Bess, 78. 
 Brown, Mrs., 33. 
 
 Chaderton, Dr. Lawrence, 10. 
 Charles I, 10, 11, 14, 15, 17, 3°i 3^. 
 
 47, 48, 60, 68-70, 98, 99. 
 Charles, Prince of Wales (Charles II), 
 
 10. 
 Cleveland, John, 9, 10, 60. 
 Cole, Bernard, 19, 25, 46. 
 Cole, Charles, 25. 
 Cole, William, 19, 23, 25, 34, 39, 41, 
 
 44-8. 
 Comellis, Richgen, 6. 
 Cowley, Abraham, 10. 
 Crashaw, Richard, 10, 57-9. 
 Cromwell, Oliver, 9, 10, 59, 61, 89-96, 
 
 100. 
 Cndworth, Ralph, 10. 
 Cuffe, — , 23,25. 
 
 Dacres, Capt., 64. 
 
 Dering, Sir Edward, 43, 44. 
 
 Dering, Mary, Lady Dering, 43, 44. 
 
 Dering, Robert, 6. 
 
 Deverenx pedigree, 3. 
 
 Deverenx, Lady Frances, su Seymour, 
 
 Frances. 
 Devereux, Robert, and Earl of Essex, 
 
 2. 
 
 Devereux, Robert, 3rd Earl of Essex, 
 
 3-7. 12. 14- 
 Dobell, Mr. B., 54, 
 Donne, John, 18. 
 Dowsing, Will, 9. 
 Dmry, Elizabeth, 18. 
 Drury, Sir William, 18. 
 
 Earle, Sir Walter, 73. 
 Elector Palatine, the, 10. 
 Emely, Lieut, 63. 
 Essex, Earls of, see Devereux. 
 Evans, Lieut., 63. 
 
 Fairfax, Thomas, Lord Fairfax, 15. 
 Faux, Guy, 73. 
 Fuller, Thomas, 99. 
 
 Gibbes, Robert, 55, 56. 
 Gibson, Captain, 63. 
 Greville, Robert, 2nd Lord Brooke, 
 83- 
 
 Hall, Bishop Joseph, 10, 50, 82. 
 
 Hampden, John, 83. 
 
 Hawley, Sir Edward, 63. 
 
 Hay, James, Earl of Carlisle, 4. 
 
 Hendriks, Mr. F., 56. 
 
 Henry, Prince of Orange, 5. 
 
 Herbert, Philip, Earl of Pembroke and 
 
 Montgomery, 13. 
 Hertford, Earl of. Marquis ot, see 
 
 Seymour. 
 Hilliard, John, 48. 
 Holland, Earl of, see Rich. 
 
 Inchiquin, Lord, see O'Brien. 
 
 James, Duke of York (James II), 13, 49. 
 
 James, — , 88. 
 
 Jonson, Ben, 10, 58, 60, 65. 
 
 Killegrewe, Captain, 63. 
 King, Edward, 10. 
 
 Lamb, Mr., 14. 
 
 Langdale, Sir Marmaduke, 18. 
 
ii8 
 
 INDEX OF NAMES 
 
 Lely, Sir Peter, 2'j. 
 
 Lisle, Viscount, see Sydney. 
 
 Maisterson, Henry, 7, 9. 
 
 Manchester, Earl of, see Montagu. 
 
 Maratti, Carlo, 27. 
 
 Marshall, Stephen, 06. 
 
 Maurice, Prince of Orange, 5. 
 
 Meame, Barbara, 47. 
 
 Meame, Samuel, 39-41, 43, 47, 50 note, 
 
 55, 56- 
 Milton, John, 20, 61, 100. 
 Montagu, Edward, Earl of Manchester, 
 
 9- 
 
 More, Henry, 10. 
 Myn, Mr., 45. 
 
 Neale, Mr., 14. 
 
 O'Brien, Murrongh, ist Earl of Inchi- 
 
 qnin, 15. 
 Oxford, Earl of, see Vere. 
 
 Paine, Mr., 14. 
 
 Peacock, Captain James, 39, 41. 
 Pembroke, Earl of, see Herbert. 
 Petro-paulus, E., 11, 59. 
 Piggot, Mr., 14. 
 Pirkins, Edward, II no(e. 
 Proud, Sir John, 62. 
 Prynne, William, 89. 
 Pnlleyn, Octavins, 51, 55, 56. 
 Pym, John, 83. 
 
 Randall, Mrs., 40. 
 
 Randolph, Robert, 57. 
 
 Randolph, Thomas, 10, 57-60, 66. 
 
 Read, Ensign, 63. 
 
 Rich, Henry, Earl of Holland, 3, 4, 7. 
 
 Rich, Robert, 2nd Earl of Warwick, 3, 
 
 4 note, 7. 
 Risley, Thomas, 12. 
 Rivers, George, 22. 
 Rogars, Charles, 6. 
 Russell, Rachel, Lady Russell, 13, 27. 
 Russell, William, Lord Russell, 13. 
 
 Salendine, Mrs., 33. 
 Sancroft, William, 10, • 
 
 Scott, Matthew, 20-2. 
 Scudder, Henry, 92. 
 Serapha, Sultan, loi. 
 Seymour, Frances, Marchioness of Hert- 
 ford, 3, 7, II, 12, 20-3, 25, 31, 38, 
 
 41, 47. 48, SI- 
 Seymour, Lady Jane, 20. 
 Seymour, William, Earl, and afterwards 
 
 Marquis, of Hertford, 3, 4, 11, 12, 
 
 16, 58, 80. 
 
 Shakespeare, W., 57, 60. 
 
 Sharpe, Mr., 33. 
 
 Shipton, Madam (Mother), 78. 
 
 Shirte, Robert, 48. 
 
 Sidley (Sir John ?), 88. 
 
 Skelton, John, 10. 
 
 Skippon, Lieut., 63. 
 
 Slaughter, Mr., 14. 
 
 Southampton, Earls of, see Wriothesley. 
 
 Spencer, Mrs., 14. 
 
 Spencer, Anne, 27, 28. 
 
 Spencer, Elizabeth (Lady Craven), 18, 
 27, 28. 
 
 Spencer, John, 26, 28. 
 
 Spencer, Katharine, 28, 66. 
 
 Spencer, Margaret, 27, 28. 
 
 Spencer, Penelope, Lady Spencer ot 
 Wormleighton, 3-5, 7-9, 14, 18, 19, 
 26-8, 30, 36,41,51, 52,81. 
 
 Spencer, Richard, 28, 42, 43. 
 
 Spencer, Robert, 2nd Earl of Sunder- 
 land, 27, 28, 
 
 Spencer, Thomas, 26-9, 32, 35, 37, 42. 
 
 Spencer, William, Lord Spencer of 
 Wormleighton, 3, 4, 14, 27, 28. 
 
 Spinola, Marquis, 5. 
 
 Stanley, Thomas, 57. 
 
 Stone, H., 27. 
 
 Stukeley, Thomas, 99. 
 
 Suckling, Sir John, 56, 58-60. 
 
 Sydney, Lady Dorothy (Lady Sunder- 
 land), 22, 28. 
 
 Sydney, Robert, Viscount Lisle (Earl 
 of Leicester), 2, 28. 
 
 Symcots, Anne, 18, 19. 
 
 Symcots, Penelope, 18, 22, 68. 
 
 Thanet, Lord, see Tufton. 
 
 Torshel, Samuel, 22. 
 
 Tubb, Richard, 50. 
 
 Tubbe, Anne, 2, 4-6. 
 
 Tubbe, Elizabeth, 49. 
 
 Tubbe, Henry, passim. 
 
 Tubbe, Captain John, 2, 4, 5, 14, 23, 
 
 62-4. 
 Tubbe, Robert Hay, 4-6, 14, 23, 25, 
 
 33. 34. 40-2, 45. 46, 49. 5°, 79- 
 Tufton pedigree, 24, 37. 
 Tufton, Frances, Countess of Thanet, 
 
 39. 40- 
 Tufton, John, 2nd Earl of Thanet, 23, 
 
 24. 31. 35» 36, 38, 40. 42- 
 Tufton, John, 23, 24, 30, 36. 
 Tufton, Margaret, Countess of Thanet, 
 
 31. 
 Tufton,LadyMargaret (Lady Coventry), 
 
 24. 39. 40- 
 Tufton, Richard, 23, 24, 30, 36, 59. 
 Tufton, Thomas, 23, 24, 30, 36. 
 
INDEX OF NAMES 
 
 119 
 
 Van Dyck, Sir Anthony, 27. 
 
 Vere (de), Henry, gth Earl of Oxford, 
 
 5.63. 
 Vere, Sir Horace, 5. 
 Vere, Sir John, 63. 
 Vernon, Mrs., 14. 
 
 Warwick, Earl of, see Rich. 
 
 Webbe (schoolmaster at Croydon), 2, 6. 
 
 Weldon, Sir Anthony, 82-9. 
 
 Whaley (Whalley), Edward, 15. 
 
 White, Lady, 14. 
 
 Willonghby, Lord, see Bertie. 
 
 Wilson, Arthur, 4. 
 
 Winniff, John, 23, 25, 48 note. 
 
 Winniff, Bishop Thomas, 19, 23, 25, 45. 
 
 Winwood, Sir Ralph, .;. ^ 
 
 Wray, Mr., 33. 
 
 Wriothesley, Elizabeth (Vernon), 
 Countess of Southampton, 13. 
 
 Wriothesley, Elizabeth (Leigh), Coun- 
 tess of Southampton, 14. 
 
 Wriothesley, Henry, 3rd Earl of South- 
 ampton, 2-5, 7-9, 14. 
 
 WrioOiesley, Lady Penelope, 
 Spencer, Penelope. 
 
 Wriothesley, Lady Rachel (Lady 
 Russell), 13, 27. 
 
 Wriothesley, Rachel, Countess of 
 Southampton, 27. 
 
 Wriothesley, Thomas, 4th Earl of 
 Southampton, 7-9, 12, 14, 27. 
 
 Wynne, Sir Thomas, 64. 
 
INDEX OF PLACES 
 
 Althorp, 27, 
 Annathwaite, 10. 
 Ashford, Kent, 23, 73. 
 
 Berwick, 15. 
 
 Breda, 5. 
 
 Bury St. Edmunds, 15. 
 
 Cambridge, 9-12. 
 
 Cambridge, Emmanuel College, 10. 
 
 Cambridge, St. John's College, 2, 6-10, 
 
 20. 
 
 Cambridge, Sidney Sussex College, 44. 
 
 Carisbrooke, 12. 
 
 Carlisle, 15. 
 
 Croydon, 2, 5, 6, 16, 44, 47, 48. 
 
 Deptford, 45. 
 
 Essex, 18, 
 
 Gertmgdenberg, 62. 
 Gravesend, 38. 
 
 Hampton Court, 99. 
 Hispaniola, 49. 
 
 Hothfield, Kent, 23, 25, 26, 31, 32, 34, 
 36-81 40, 42-4, 47. 
 
 Ireland, 15. 
 
 Kent, 35, 40, 
 
 Lincoln, 23, 25, 
 
 London, Cheapside, 12. 
 
 London, Drury House (afterwards 
 
 Craven Honse^, 18, 19, 
 London, Essex Hoase, Strand, 11, 12, 
 
 14.17. 23, 25. 3i,4'- 
 London, Gray's Inn, 19. 
 London, Hatton House, 18, 22, 36, 
 
 68. 
 
 Madrid, 9. 
 
 Oxford University, 1 3. 
 
 Oxford, Magdalen College, 6 note. 
 
 Pluckney (Pluckley), Kent, 43. 
 
 Rainham, Kent, 38. 
 
 Scotland, 13. 
 
 Sherborne, 19. 
 
 Southampton, 2, 4, 5, 7, 47, 48. 
 
 Surrey, 15. 
 
 Swanscombe, Kent, 87. 
 
 Terheyden, 62, 63. 
 Titchfield, 4, 12. 
 Trengoffe, 2. 
 
 Wales, 13. 
 
 Warleggon, 2, 47, 48. 
 Welbeck, 27. 
 Westminster, 15, 
 Woolwich, 50. 
 Wye, Kent, 37. 
 
 Oxford ; Horace Hart Printer to the University