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CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM 
 
Bt the same Author. 
 
 SOCIALISM: 
 
 Its Nature, its Dangers, and its Ebmedies 
 
 considered. 
 
 Crown 8 bo, cloth, price 7s. 6d. 
 
 UTOPIAS; 
 
 OB, 
 
 Schemes op Socjial Improvement 
 
 from Sir Thomas More to Karl Marx. 
 
 Crown 8vo, cloth,. price 5s. 
 
 London: Kegan Paul, Trench & do. 
 
CHBISTIAN SOCIALISM 
 
 Rev. M. KAUFMANN, M.A. 
 
 AUTHOR OF 
 
 "SOCIALISM: ITS NATURE, ITS DANGERS, AND ITS REMEDIES CONSIDERED " 
 
 "UTOPIAS; OB, SCHEMES OF SOCIAL IMPROVEMENT FROM SIR THOMAS MORE TO EARL MARX" 
 
 "SOCIALISM AND COMMUNISM IN THEIR PRACTICAL APPLICATION," ETC. 
 
 LONDON 
 
 KEGAN PAUL, TEENCH & CO., 1, PATEENOSTEB SQUARE 
 
 1888 
 
A. 5-5-5- (< 
 
 JT 
 
 [The rights of translation and reproduction are reserved.') 
 
TO E. VANSITTART NEALE, Esq. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I dedicate to you this little volume on Christian 
 Socialism because you are the oldest surviving member of 
 that movement in England, and one who has never ceased 
 from the first to believe and to teach others to believe in 
 the eternal principles of Truth, Hope, and Love in the pur- 
 suit of a higher social ideal. One of the original promoters 
 of co-operation, itself the beloved offspring of Christian 
 Socialism, its legal adviser in times when as yet it was 
 unprotected by the law, you have never since ceased to 
 impress upon its members the higher law of Christian love 
 as a paramount force in society. 
 
 While others have lost faith in their fellow-men and 
 voluntary effort, you have continued, hoping against hope 
 and with " munificent trustfulness " in principle, to advocate 
 the cause of co-operative union on higher than commercial 
 principles, to accentuate the importance of the moral and 
 religious factors in co-operative industry, and to aspire 
 " after a union ever widening into that all-embracing federa- 
 tion to which the social reformer looks forward." 
 
 A soul detached from the common pursuits of sordid gain, 
 and rising far above the level of the fussy and forward, and 
 often frothy and frivolous philanthropy of the hour, you have, 
 with generous Christian devotion and self-denying sacrifices, 
 
 62 
 
Vl DEDICATION. 
 
 kept before the minds of others a lofty standard of social 
 duty, thus inspiring them with your own enthusiasm to 
 maintain and uphold the truths of the social doctrine of 
 Christ, whilst opposing with might and main Mammon- 
 worship and the spread of Materialism among high and low, 
 condemned alike in the law and the Grospel. 
 
 I am, Dear Sir, 
 
 Ever yours truly, 
 
 M. Kaufmann. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The contents of this volume are substantially a 
 reproduction of papers which have already appeared 
 in several periodicals and reviews, such as Good 
 Words, the Contemporary Review, the British 
 Quarterly Review, the Church Quarterly Review, 
 and others. The whole was written on a uniform 
 plan and with the express intention of reproducing 
 it in book form, as, indeed, the present volume 
 forms part of a wider plan for placing the various 
 aspects of Socialism and its relation to religion and 
 modern thought before the general reader. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 FAGS 
 
 Introduction ... ... ... ... ... ... xi 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 I. The Theory of Christian Socialism ... ... 1 
 
 II. Lamennais; or, Christian Socialism in Prance ... 35 
 
 III. Charles Kingslet; or, Christian Socialism in England 57 
 
 IV. Lamennais and Kingslet : a Comparison and a Contrast 77 
 V. Baader and Von Kettkler ; or, the " Black Inter- 
 nationale" in Germany ... ... ... ... 108 
 
 VI. Huber, the Pioneer of Christian Socialism in Germany 129 
 VII. The State Socialists, or Christian Social Party, in 
 
 Germany ... ... ... ... ... 150 
 
 VIII. Latest Phase of Christian Socialism Abroad and at 
 
 Home ... ... ... ... ... ... 167 
 
 IX. Unchristian Socialism ... ... ... ... 192 
 
 X. Social Duty of the Clergy... ... ... ... 221 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Socialism, after a season of comparative quiescence, has 
 of late once more assumed a threatening attitude. It 
 is at this moment producing considerable agitation in 
 several European countries, and has been the subject of 
 diplomatic activity among their governments. Now, 
 every movement which is strong enough to engage public 
 attention will appear in a different light to different 
 individuals and bodies of men according to their per- 
 sonal standpoint or corporate position. This applies 
 more especially to movements affecting the well-being 
 of society, as a whole, inasmuch as they aim at changes 
 in the existing order vitally affecting large classes of men. 
 The Church and the religious world, therefore, may justly 
 regard the socialistic movement of the day from their 
 own standpoint without incurring, or at least without 
 meriting, the charge of " religious bias." 
 
 In proportion as the religious interest is to religious 
 persons chief in importance, they will naturally endeavour 
 to guard it with a godly jealousy against adverse influ- 
 ences, real or supposed, arising from political or economic 
 modifications or rearrangements such as are proposed by 
 the would-be improvers of society. If the socialistic move- 
 ment of the day has not attracted until quite recently to 
 
XU INTRODUCTION. 
 
 any great extent the attention of the religious world in 
 this country, it is chiefly owing to the fact that to all 
 outward appearances it has not yet taken root on British 
 soil to the same extent as on the Continent. When, in 
 the more stormy days of 1848, a wave of Socialism • 
 passed over England, a body of Christian Socialists 
 immediately arose, with Maurice at their head and 
 Kingsley for their spokesman, who claimed the right 
 of the Church to take up a prominent position in rela- 
 tion to what appeared then a formidable social move- 
 ment. With the disappearance of Chartism, the Christian 
 Socialist movement, too, collapsed. It must not be sup- 
 posed, however, that the causes of social discontent have 
 been removed altogether. Far from it. The mass meet- 
 ings organized by the "Democratic Federation" for 
 purposes of social agitation, attended by thousands of 
 working men; the large sale of Mr. Henry George's 
 now famous work on " Progress and Poverty," in a cheap 
 and popular form ; and many other facts and figures we 
 could mention, prove the existence of a widely extended 
 socialistic propaganda in the great centres of British 
 industry, and of late, too, in country districts. It would 
 be the height of imprudence to ignore the fact. For the 
 social problem, supposing it to exist, must be faced sooner 
 or later, as, no doubt, it is capable of a satisfactory 
 solution on Christian principles. A reconciliation of 
 conflicting class differences on the basis of Christian 
 justice and liberality ought, at least, to be attempted. 
 The spread of Christian knowledge and the formation of 
 Christian character among the labouring classes under 
 Church influence would go far towards reconciling 
 them to their present position, whilst 'at the same time 
 enabling them to improve it by their own exertions. It 
 is well, therefore, not to under-estimate the force and 
 
INTRODUCTION. Xlll 
 
 direction of the movement in question, nor to neglect its 
 study, but to appreciate the intimate connection which 
 exists between Socialism in the best sense of the word 
 and Christian philanthropy. 
 
 Such is the line of thought taken up by Christian 
 Socialism. Its main object is to establish the kinship 
 between the genius of Christianity and that " passionate 
 faith in the illimitable possibilities of human progress " 
 which has been variously expressed in the schemes put 
 forward at different times by those social idealists, who 
 now go under the general name of Socialists. But the 
 distinguishing mark of Christian Socialism is its firms 
 faith in the power of Christian ethics to bring about a! 
 complete transformation of industrial economy. Hence' 
 its main efforts are directed towards bringing about a 
 reconciliation of classes with the fuller development of 
 the passive virtues of Christianity, and with it ultimately 
 a regeneration of society as the result of a previous! 
 improvement in the individual. From the growth of 
 the active virtues. of Christianity among all, it expects! 
 important social reforms, founded on Christian principle ; 
 and these are to remove the causes of social discontent,) 
 and so bring about social peace ; in short, Christian' 
 Socialism works by means of spiritual dynamics, or \ 
 religious influence, whereas Socialism proper (at least, 
 in its most recent forms) aims at a mechanical recon- 
 struction, or governmental regulation, of society on 
 purely materialistic principles. Yet, notwithstanding 
 their essential differences, both have much in common, 
 and are frequently met in company in the historical 
 development of European society. 
 
 Thus from the very first, when Christianity appeared 
 in a corner of the Roman Empire, the constitution of the 
 Church presented a new " type of social union," that of a 
 
XIV INTEODTJCTION. 
 
 "brotherhood founded in devotion and self-sacrifice," to 
 replace the ancient system of oppression and slavery, pro- 
 mising to effect a complete change in society. Passages 
 from the Fathers, such as those quoted by the Socialist 
 Villegardelle, and expressions to be found here and there 
 in the works of Thomas Aquinas, the general tenor of 
 the canon law, and the history of ecclesiastical politics 
 from the fourth to the fourteenth century, all bear 
 witness to the spirit of genuine sympathy, with God's 
 poor in the Christian Church. Moreover, it is interesting 
 to note the recurrence of religious revivals side by side 
 with the revivals of social ideals during marked epochs of 
 history, e.g. the contemporaneous struggles for freedom 
 both in the Church and the world during the thirteenth 
 and sixteenth centuries. In the same way, great social 
 movements in their turn have awakened the sympathies 
 and quickened the life of religious bodies : witness the 
 humanitarian influence of the French Revolution on 
 the social tendencies of the Methodist revival. So, too, 
 in the present day, the univeral diffusion of socialistic 
 ideas is accompanied by various manifestations of 
 Christian Socialism in the principal countries of civilized 
 Europe. As the eye travels over the map, different 
 countries at once call up before the mind figures of 
 prominent Christian Socialists in every direction. The 
 Scandinavian North suggests the venerable figure of 
 the late Bishop of Zeeland, and his work on " Socialism 
 and Christianity, as a Fragment of Christian Ethics." 
 Italy reminds us of the social studies of Rafaele Mariano 
 in his work on "Christian Catholicism and Culture." 
 France, the most prolific country in the production of 
 every species of modern Socialism, also suggests a long 
 series of eminent Christian Socialists, from De Maistre to 
 le Comte de Mun, from Lamennais to Le Play. Belgium, 
 
INTRODUCTION. xv 
 
 in the West, points to Charles P6rin and Emile de 
 Laveleye. Austria, in the East, to Baron von Vogelsang ; 
 Germany, the classical country of scientific Socialism, has 
 also its two branches of Christian Socialism. The elder 
 branch is represented by prelates and dignitaries of the 
 Roman Catholic communion, by an ably conducted social 
 press, and latterly by historical and economic literature, 
 in which the writers, such as Ratzinger, Hitze, and 
 Albertus (the latter is a nom de plume), take for their 
 basis the teaching of the Catholic Church. The younger 
 branch is represented by distinguished laymen, such as 
 Privy Councillor Wagener (now retired), and the Berlin 
 Professor of Political Economy, A. Wagner, as well as by 
 Churchmen of learning and rank, such as R. Todt and 
 the Court Chaplain Stocker. In short, there never was 
 a time when Christian Socialism was so widely spread 
 and so powerfully represented in the press, in politics, 
 and in society, as in the present day. It demands, there- 
 fore, our respectful attention, more especially when taken 
 in connection with the great social crisis which has pro- 
 duced it. 
 
 Moreover, a careful examination of the various efforts 
 of Christian Socialism, described in this book, are an 
 answer to the false aspersions so frequently cast upon 
 the Church, of persistently neglecting her duty towards 
 Grod's poor, and her unwillingness, or incapacity, to con- 
 sider the claims of the working classes with a view to 
 ameliorate their social condition. It will be seen, too, 
 from these efforts on the part of Christian Socialists, that 
 there are points of contact and lines of demarcation in 
 the mutual relationship of Socialism and Christianity, 
 the study of which will prove of invaluable service to all 
 those who believe in the mission of Christianity to 
 reform and regenerate society. 
 
XVI INTEODUCTION. 
 
 In this, it appears to us, consists the chief merit of 
 Christian Socialism. Its own history, as well as that of 
 all great social movements, has shown that such poinds 
 of contact do exist, and on this all reflecting men are 
 pretty well agreed. Religion is a great social force in 
 moving the human heart in its deepest depths, and, as 
 such, capable of inspiring the " enthusiasm of humanity)" 
 which is the very soul of all social reforms. Religion 
 also becomes a controlling power in correcting and 
 moderating the course of such movements inspired by 
 enthusiasm, and therefore liable to lead to erroneous 
 excesses unless kept in check by a higher regulating 
 power. Again, religion is the binding force which alone 
 is able to prevent the threatened disintegration of our 
 modern society. Our present forms of industry produce a 
 diversity of interests which result in a conflict of classes. 
 The hope of society lies in the unifying power of the 
 religion of Him who said, " And I, if I be lifted up from 
 the earth, will draw all men unto Me." 
 
 If there are, then, points of contact between Socialism 
 and Christianity, implied in the very term Christian 
 Socialism, there are also essential differences which a 
 careful study of the subject brings to light. Christianity 
 endeavours to work from within ; Socialism from with- 
 out. The former would, if possible, persuade ; the latter 
 is ready to compel man to treat his neighbour as himself. 
 Religion would make the love of Christ the spring of 
 human effort; Socialism makes the force of central 
 authority the lever of social action. Religion aims at 
 building up the social edifice on the model of the Chris- 
 tian household ; Socialism is destructive in its tendencies 
 to organize society on the principle of Rousseau's social 
 contract. Religion aims at improving first the individual, 
 and thus eventually hopes to purify society ; Socialism, 
 
INTRODUCTION. xvii 
 
 on the contrary, demands radical changes in society to ( 
 increase the sum of happiness in each individual. So- 
 cialism requires the use of the legal strait-jacket to) 
 enforce comparative equality ; religion prefers the con- j 
 straining influence of Christ to draw together the mem- 
 bers of the Christian brotherhood. 
 
 To put it briefly, the contrast between the theories and 
 methods adopted by Socialism and Christianity may be / 
 thus stated : The former applies force externally, the 1 
 latter internally ; the former works by mechanical means, 1 
 the latter by means of spiritual dynamics ; the former is \ 
 destructive, the latter constructive ; the former is revo- 
 lutionary, the latter is reformatory ; the former adopts 
 the authoritative, the latter the voluntary, principle of 
 action in the endeavour of establishing a perfect com- 
 monwealth. Where principles are thus divergent, and 
 the practical methods of dealing with an all-important 
 question differ so widely, we cannot expect to find much 
 sympathy or look for much co-operative effort, though 
 there may be common objects in view. Hence, to all 
 intents and purposes, we see religious philanthropists 
 and Socialist reformers in a chronic state of practical 
 antagonism, watching one another with suspicion, and 
 often resorting to unfair mutual criticism. There are 
 laudable exceptions here and there ; but, generally speak- 
 ing, the anti-Christian scorn of religion expressed by 
 Socialists so freely and so unreasonably, is too often 
 matched by inconsiderate vehemence and intolerance on 
 the other side. Too often, efforts towards social reforms 
 are denounced as revolutionary in their nature; and 
 this want of discrimination in the would-be defenders of 
 the established order becomes the occasion of fervid re- 
 criminations on the part of its assailants. The progress 
 of social improvement is thus retarded by the friction 
 
XV111 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 of mutual dislike and distrust. Studies like the one 
 before us are apt to soften mutual asperities, to remove 
 misconceptions, and to prevent future misrepresenta- 
 tions ; they tend to unite all moderate thinkers in one 
 common effort for raising humanity to a higher level. 
 What has been accomplished by such efforts in the past 
 does not forbid us to look forward with hope to the 
 future, when Christian charity shall have triumphed over 
 the selfish propensities of mankind, when the direct and 
 indirect influences of Christian morality shall have per- 
 meated all classes, when the attempts of the Church to 
 reunite the antagonistic elements of society shall have 
 succeeded in putting an end to the internecine warfare 
 between capital and labour which still presents one of 
 the most formidable obstacles to the progress of true 
 religion in the civilized world. 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE THEORY OF CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 No attempt ■will be made in this chapter to offer any- 
 thing like a new theory of Christian Socialism. Our 
 intention is simply to collect into one point of view the 
 main principles underlying the various efforts made from 
 time to time for the purpose of obviating social discre- 
 pancies, or adjusting existing social arrangements on a 
 distinctly Christian basis. Such an abstract of the lead- 
 ing ideas of Christian Socialism, illustrated by modern 
 examples of Christian Socialism at home and abroad, 
 without pretending to be a strictly scientific theory, may 
 yet at the same time present a tolerably accurate view 
 of the general tendencies of Christian Socialism ; and, as 
 such, may stimulate inquiry and quicken interest in the 
 religious aspect of a movement of undoubted European 
 notoriety. We use the word " theory " in its primitive 
 signification of — OeupLa, viewing; not in the sense in 
 which the late Professor Jevons calls h}s treatise " The 
 Theory of Political Economy," but rather in the sense 
 in which a celebrated living German economist, Von 
 
2 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Scheel, calls his own valuable contribution to the 
 study of modern socialism — " The Theory of the Social 
 Question." This will enable us to touch upon some of 
 the most conspicuous methods which have been of late 
 suggested for the adaptation of the theory (which, 
 making allowance for historical development and expan- 
 sion, may be said to be conterminous with Christianity 
 and coeval with the Christian Church) to the needs of 
 the age. Both the importance recently assumed by 
 Socialism and the atheistic proclivities of its principal 
 exponents render such an inquiry desirable, if not 
 imperative. To bring the two facts into juxtaposition, 
 we may quote, in the first place, from the January 
 number (1884) of To-Bay, which is the accredited organ 
 of Scientific Socialism in England, the following remark- 
 able passage, closing a general survey of the " ^Revolution 
 of To-day." 
 
 s 'In five years we reach the date of 1889. Two hundred 
 years before saw the middle-class monarchical revolution of 
 1689 in England ; a century later came the first outbreak of 
 the French Eevolution of 1789. That year 1899 will be 
 celebrated by the workers in every industrial city through- 
 out the civilized world as the time for a new and strenuous 
 effort ... to conquer for the mass of mankind complete con- 
 trol over steam, electricity, and the other forces of nature, 
 which the progress of science is placing at the command of 
 the race. The development of these forces, and the influence 
 which they exert on the peoples of the world constitute the 
 real revolution of To-day. It is for us to take full account 
 of their action, to educate our countrymen around us to a 
 knowledge of their growth, and to organize, without rest 
 and without haste, that certain victory of the people which 
 shall be the revolution of To-morrow." 
 
 We might give pages of extracts from the Socialist 
 papers of the Continent, all joyously re-echoing this 
 
THE THEORY OP CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 3 
 
 sentiment of eager hopefulness and undoubting faith in 
 the speedy triumph of Social Democracy. In fact, the 
 progress of the movement in this country is hailed 
 everywhere as the harbinger of a new era ; for England, 
 being regarded as the citadel of capitalism, the victory 
 of Socialism, it is thought, cannot be far off when the 
 most powerful stronghold of individualism begins to 
 show signs of yielding. 
 
 The same number of To-Bay contains another article 
 under the title of " Christianity and Capitalism " — " the 
 two curses of our time " — in which we are clearly given 
 to understand that the extinction of the one necessitates 
 the disappearance of the other ; and that although " so- 
 cialism has nothing to do with religion or irreligion," 
 yet in a socialist state a monopoly of creed can no more 
 be tolerated than a monopoly in land. In this curious 
 conjunction of Scientific Socialism and fervid atheism, 
 we see a complete change of front in the tactics of the 
 revolutionary party. The New Testament is no longer 
 appealed to as the text-book of democracy, and Christ is 
 no longer hailed as the " bon sans cvlotte" or true friend 
 of the people, which was the fashion in times gone by. 
 On the contrary, we are told that "the cross, once a 
 symbol of suffering, is now a symbol of slavery." Thus 
 the most outspoken champions of the Socialist movement 
 are bitterly opposed to the Christian faith (which, in 
 their opinion, keeps the masses in bondage), whilst the 
 efforts of Christian Socialism are denounced by them as 
 a religious move dictated by sinister motives. In view 
 of this change in the mutual relations of Socialism proper 
 and Christianity, it becomes a serious question whether 
 it is possible to establish any theory whatever of Chris- 
 tian Socialism; and the first step taken by its repre- 
 sentatives now is to make good its right for existence. 
 
4 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Thus Le Play, at once one of the most noble-minded and 
 the most tolerant of Christian Socialists, says somewhere 
 that the general complexion of European thought leaves 
 no room for doubt that religion (and by this he means 
 Christianity) remains the first requisite of humanity, and 
 that nations living under a liberal regime like ours must 
 be brought back to it, not only by Divine grace, but also 
 from a desire of their own well-being. There can be but 
 little doubt of the existence of this general wish in the 
 present day. A large body of thinking men watch with 
 alarm the threatened collision between the forces of In- 
 dividualism and Socialism, and, without pretending to be 
 thorough-going advocates or antagonists of the one or 
 the other, they feel the need of a stronger spiritual force 
 to control both in such a manner as to avert the impend- 
 ing social war. They naturally turn to Christianity as 
 the parent of a moderate Individualism ; for Christianity 
 first secured to each unit of the ancient society its per- 
 sonal freedom, and the Christian idea of society is that 
 of an aggregate of responsible individuals. They also 
 turn to the same spiritual system for the power of re- 
 pressing the excesses of Individualism by its no less 
 accentuated enforcement of social duty as opposed to 
 selfish isolation, since the doctrine of European Altruism 
 is one of the noblest offshoots of Christianity. 
 
 Again, one of the peculiar characteristics of modern 
 Socialists is their unblushing confession of purely 
 materialistic views of life. This inspires both philo- 
 sophers and economists with fear for the maintenance 
 of our modern culture in view of the threatened incur- 
 sion of these " Huns and Vandals of the Europe of the 
 future." But Christianity is a spiritual system, and, as 
 such, emphatically teaching ideal views of life. As of old 
 it was said of Christianity, in its relation to the rude 
 
THE THEORY OF CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 5 
 
 invaders of Europe, that it conquered the conquerors ; 
 so, according to our theory, the heroes of the faith are 
 again to become the saviours of society. A temporary 
 divergence, if not divorce, between faith and reason has 
 brought about that anti-theological bias of which Herbert 
 Spencer speaks as the serious cause of modern misappre- 
 hensions of theology and mistakes in sociology. It may 
 send the extreme section of Socialistic Radicalism into the 
 dead sea of atheism ; but the bulk of the party, that is 
 the main body of the working population influenced by 
 socialistic ideas, will not finally break with earlier tradi- 
 tions; whilst the more thoughtful leaders among them 
 will remember that nothing but a powerful spiritual : 
 principle, which takes hold of the entire man, is capable \ 
 of producing a thorough revolution, politically, socially, I 
 and morally, such as the realization of the social ideal f 
 implies, and that Christianity contains the principle in \ 
 question. 
 
 Still, not a few who see in this a raison d'etre for 
 Christian Socialism in the abstract, have their doubts as 
 to the possibility of working it out practically with the 
 available materials and instruments. Christian ministers, 
 especially of the Established Church, it is said, have 
 allowed themselves to be degraded into a branch of the 
 civil service. They are now a " spiritual police," paid for 
 preaching contentment to empty stomachs, and adminis- 
 tering " spiritual narcotics " to restless spirits who 
 would otherwise turn the world upside down. Hence 
 the alienation of the masses and the scornful contempt of 
 religion in their leaders. Let the " Black Dragoons," 
 they say, be disbanded ; and let the priests of humanity 
 assume their spiritual functions.* 
 
 * See " Saul of Mitre Court," by J. W. Overton, p. 38, and passim. 
 In France, and of late in England, Positivism has made great, and in some 
 
8 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 In answer to such charges, Christian Socialists admit 
 that much of the alienation of the working classes from 
 the Christian Church is owing to the unfriendly attitude 
 of religious officialism, which is too apt to assume the 
 rdle of protecting property and privilege, whilst showing 
 little sympathy with popular demands. But, they add, 
 such an attitude is contrary to, rather than consonant 
 with, the spirit of that gospel which, in its original publi- 
 cation, was the " good news " to the poor. They are at 
 pains to show that the general tendency of Christianity 
 in the social development of modern Europe has been in 
 favour of checking inequality. If, in addition to this, it 
 can be also shown that at this very moment the repre- 
 sentatives of the Christian Church throughout civilized 
 Europe are calling attention to the great social crisis of 
 the hour, whilst methods for solving the social problem 
 are being discussed in every ecclesiastical assembly and 
 the organs of every religious organization, small or great, 
 it must follow that whatever may be said against dis- 
 torted forms of religion and a wrong application of 
 Christian principles here and there, such charges are 
 untrue when preferred against the social theory of the 
 Christianity of Christ, and unjust as criticisms on the 
 social influence of the Christian Church generally ; that 
 they are invalid as arguments against its potential 
 efficacy in the adjustment of present difficulties or the 
 possible rearrangements of social order in the future. 
 
 Thus much as to what may be called the apologetics 
 Christian Socialism. We may now pass on to a conside- 
 
 casea successful, efforts towards gaining the masses by means of sympa- 
 thetic attention to popular demands. But it is a curious and not 
 encouraging sign of the times, indicating the direction of the stream of 
 thought, that at the last Socialist Congress in Paris, held in Sept. 1887, 
 the conciliatory proposals of the Positivist delegates were rudely swept 
 aside by the majority. 
 
THE THEORY OF CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 7 
 
 ration of the theory itself. Regarding religion 'as one 
 of the fundamental facts which govern the conditions 
 of mankind, and without which any philosophical 
 explanation of social phenomena would be incomplete, 
 it endeavours, in the first place, to estimate the real 
 value of Christianity as a spiritual force in society, and 
 its relative importance in the composition of social forces, i 
 with their resultant. In the next place, the theory, as an 
 exposition of principles in dealing with certain facts and/ 
 phenomena, addresses itself to the solution of the social] 
 problem, which is a problem of social statics if we con-j 
 sider society in a state of disturbed equilibrium, and a/\ 
 problem of social djmamics if we consider any particular 
 section of society in a state of retarded development. 
 
 As a spiritual force in society, Christianity is a 
 powerful tendency in the direction of social peace ; for it 
 tends to cultivate that temper of mind which is essen- 
 tially necessary for composing social differences resulting 
 from the irritating influences of a restless state of society, 
 and evolves in its disciples that power of patient waiting 
 which comes from intensity of belief in a social Provi- j 
 dence. In a most interesting passage of " Progress and 
 Poverty," the author points out how the apparent in- 
 curableness of the social disease, as diagnosed by the 
 professors of the " dismal science," is the main cause of 
 growing disbelief in the present day ; for, according to 
 the current dogmas of political economists, the miseries 
 of mankind are ascribed to natural and unalterable laws. 
 But, according to our theory, the moral laws of a Chris-l 
 tian society come in to modify the rigour of these sup-\ 
 posed laws of nature, and belief in this will help men to ' 
 bear the ills of life with patience. Socialists would sub- 
 stitute trust in the power of communistic authorities for 
 an antiquated belief in a social Providence. But faith in 
 
8 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 principles is stronger than belief in persons; and Christian 
 Socialism, mindful of this, relies, therefore, on the revival 
 of a strong belief in the Divine ordering of society to 
 save it from pessimistic hopelessness. " What science 
 cannot prove," says one of the most able of modern eco- 
 nomists, Schaffle (who may be also called a Christian 
 Socialist, though in a modified sense), " faith may accept, 
 namely, that the whole mechanism of the unconscious 
 powers of nature is ultimately destined to subserve the 
 realization of the only real, i.e. the moral good, that 
 by the diffusion of moral force matter will become more 
 and more spiritualized and morally organized. In every 
 direction the political economist is pressed into an 
 acceptance of this faith." In other words, as the belief 
 that all social inequalities and incongruities are the result 
 of the niggardliness of nature and nature's inexorable 
 laws must end in a despairing fatalism, so, on the 
 ' other hand, faith in social development on a Divine 
 plan will inspire cheerful hopefulness in the future of 
 society. 
 
 In opposition to another article of belief in orthodox 
 economics, the theory of the " survival of the fittest " in 
 the competition struggle, Christian Socialism relies on the 
 law of love to counteract and control the cold calculations 
 of self-interest. Self-assertion and self-seeking form the 
 ruling principle of the former ; self-effacement and self- 
 denial are the fundamental principles of the latter. The 
 one leads to social disintegration, the other to social 
 union; the former makes for war, the latter for peace. 
 Selfishness repels, love attracts. These are social forces 
 acting in contrary directions. The religion of unqualified 
 altruism comes to correct the opposite excesses of un- 
 qualified egoism, and "perhaps social stability may 
 ultimately be seen to depend upon the due balance of 
 
THE THEORY OF CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 9 
 
 these forces." * The " perhaps " of the sociologist becomes 
 a certainty with the Christian Socialist, and he appeals 
 to the concrete examples of social establishments, such as 
 those of the Pilgrim Fathers, the Moravian Brethren, and . 
 communistic religious societies on the North American ' 
 continent, in proof of this social doctrine, as an integral 
 part of his theory. ■ 
 
 Again, the spirit of self-restraint, as opposed to the 
 spirit of self-indulgence, is a most important factor in 
 the peaceful solution of the social problem. A return to 
 simple forms of life is the fundamental idea of all social 
 Utopias; luxurious self-indulgence of the few at the 
 expense of the many is banished from every such repre- 
 sentation of an ideal society. But the motive power 
 which prevents men wasting their substance, be it 
 among rich or poor, and induces them to exercise frugal 
 abstinence for the general good, comes from a religious 
 sense of duty which makes self-denial the rule of life. 
 Some years ago Mr. W. R. Greg, in an article on " The 
 Proletariat on a False Scent," endeavoured to show that 
 the expenditure of the working classes in drinking and 
 smoking is not far from sixty millions per annum, of 
 which forty millions is extravagance and excess. No 
 one can dispute the facts, he adds, and the inference is 
 that the fate and future of the working classes, their 
 salvation or their ruin, lies in their own hands. But, 
 we ask, what is to steel the courage and to sustain the 
 resolution of men, who live from hand to mouth on 
 subsistence wages, thus by frugal abstinence to add to 
 their savings, whilst their " betters " are steeped in gross 
 materialism? "Every one according to his requirements," 
 is the Socialist cry of the day. Christianity, with its 
 
 * Herbert Spencer, "Sociology," chap, viii., and "Social Statics," 
 chap. v. § 2. 
 
10 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 lessons of self-restraint, circumscribes desire and puts 
 limits to human greed ; and without its influence social 
 pressure would soon become unbearable. 
 
 Further, Christianity, as the religion of suffering, in 
 its precepts of humility and lessons of calm resignation, 
 is opposed to class pride and to the rancour of class 
 antagonism. 
 
 "It is quite true," says a living English Christian Socialist 
 of some eminence, " that the gospel preaches submission and 
 meekness ; hut it is a ridiculous error to suppose that its 
 meaning is to enjoin the poor to be meek and submissive 
 towards the rich. Those whom the gospel would specially 
 have humble and meek are the rich and great and strong. 
 ' All of you be subject one to another,' says the gospel ; and 
 which needs to have this witness sounded in his ears most 
 loudly — the depressed and helpless labourer, or the proud 
 lord of thousands of acres ; the struggling peasant woman, 
 or the idle lady of fashion ? We ought to be ashamed to 
 give one commendation of humility to the poor which we do 
 not repeat ten times to the rich. ' Let the brother of low 
 degree rejoice in that he is exalted, but the rich in that he 
 is made low.' " 
 
 Yet the precept of the gospel quoted above, " Be ye 
 subject one to another," addressed to rich and poor 
 alike, is calculated at least to lessen the strain of 
 social tension, to discourage mutual recrimination and 
 reprisals in the conflicts between capital and labour, 
 and ultimately to bring about a better understanding 
 between the employer and the employed, the wealthier 
 and more needy members of the community. 
 
 We now go on to consider Christianity as a force in 
 social dynamics, able to raise man, and especially the 
 working man, in forming character and habits which 
 are the essential pre-requisites of social progress. That 
 
THE THEORY OF CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 11 
 
 in spite of our boasted civilization the large body of 
 operatives in town and country are in a condition of 
 lamentably retarded advancement, materially and morally, 
 is a fact which at this moment is engaging the serious 
 attention of all thinking, and even unthinking people, 
 who follow the fashion of those who think for them. 
 There is increasing restiveness among the masses, and 
 increased activity among the reformers of " social malad- 
 justments." But it is one thing to vent social grievances 
 and to air social problems; it is another thing to dis- 
 cover the right remedies and methods of social readjust- 
 ment. We are told that the social problem may be 
 solved by removing the artificial hindrances which now 
 prevent a more equitable distribution of national wealth. 
 But beyond this there is the deeper question of removing 
 the mental and moral disabilities which form the main 
 obstacles of social improvement in the future, as they 
 have proved to be the main causes of deterioration in the 
 social condition of the labourers in times past. What 
 they need, as was well said a few years ago at a gathering 
 of Socialists at the grave of Karl Marx celebrating the 
 anniversary of his death, is, " Solidarity, energy, and 
 self-sacrifice." These imply high moral qualifications. 
 
 The Socialist demand — '' From each according to his 
 abilities; to each according to his wants" — implies, 
 furthermore, a clear mental perception on the part of 
 the labourers as to their rights and responsibilities such 
 as is rarely possessed. It requires a moral and intellec- 
 tual training which only a powerful religious institution 
 in full sympathy with the masses can supply. The 
 Christian system can do this. The New Testament is 
 the magna charta of the rights of labour, and raises the 
 duty of the labourer to a higher dignity. In opposition 
 to pure Utilitarianism, which degrades labour into an 
 
12 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 economic commodity, Christianity raises the workman 
 into the position of an ethical person, with corresponding 
 claims upon and duties towards the rest of the com- 
 munity. Professor Ingram, in his able address on work 
 and the workman before the Trades' Union Congress in 
 Dublin a few years ago, struck the right key-note when 
 he said : " The real solution . of this problem, as of the 
 general social problem which includes it, can be effected 
 only by such a reorganization of ideas and renovation of 
 sentiments as will rise to the dimensions of an intellectual 
 and moral reform." But the most powerful lever for 
 this moral elevation is the spiritual force in Christianity; 
 and the more the masses are brought under the influence 
 of Christian culture, the nearer will be their approach 
 to that high conception of the " workman as a social 
 functionary," and of labour as the " combined effort of 
 our race for the improvement of its condition and its 
 nature," which is the moral and mental pre-requisite for 
 effecting lasting material improvements in the labouring 
 population. 
 
 The same religious system supplies, too, a sufficiently 
 powerful stimulus to diligence and heightened pro- 
 ductivity, and also that mental and moral discipline 
 which gives greater effectiveness to such increased ex- 
 penditure of energy. "To every one according to his 
 work," is a demand of Socialism which finds its moral 
 sanction in the Christian system, but the latter takes 
 note likewise of the converse duty, " Work from every 
 one according to his power ; " and this dutifulness of 
 persistent labour for the common good is enforced by 
 the highest authority, and illustrated by the exalted 
 example of Him who says, " My Father worketh even 
 until now, and I work."- As a disciplinary force the 
 Christian religion tends to subdue the whole category 
 
THE THEORY OF CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 13 
 
 of those " unruly wills and affections of sinful men " 
 which lead to social anarchy ; for in teaching men to 
 regard life as a provisional state in which they are being 
 trained for a higher existence, it curbs those selfish 
 propensities which are in their nature anti-social. 
 
 " No religion," says Raffaele Mariano, an Italian Christian 
 Socialist, " corresponds more to humane and social ideas than 
 the Christian . . . the just demands of Socialism are included 
 in the principles of Christianity. Most assuredly these 
 principles must not be allowed to remain a dead letter or 
 pure abstractions. In themselves they are the most powerful 
 promoters of liberty, fraternity, and the most equitable dis- 
 tribution of earthly goods. In this sense, too, it is the 
 destination of the Christian ideal to confer great services on 
 humanity, for it supplies the most powerful stimulus in the 
 rich to overcome egotism and epicureanism, and in the poor 
 to conquer brutality and atheism." * 
 
 The character of the aggregate, we know, is deter- 
 mined by the character of the units ; but one of the 
 obstacles in this formation of character among the people, 
 we are told, is the habitual disregard to their just 
 claim on the part of the ruling classes. Justice, which 
 Lamennais calls the bread of the people, has been for a 
 long time withheld, and is only now being dealt out in 
 a somewhat meagre way by the people's patrons. But 
 this "nicer sense of justice/' which is essential to the 
 success of the higher type of industrial organization, 
 finds its full recognition in the equitable maxim of 
 reciprocal duties contained in the words, " Whatsoever 
 ye would that men should do unto you, even so do ye 
 also unto them." Here we have the rights of labour 
 
 * See also Roscher, " Grundlagen der National Oekonomie," vol. i. 
 chap. i. § 11. Le Play, "Reforme Sooiale," vol. i. chap. ix. p. 137, and 
 ante. 
 
14 CHBISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 and capital alike fully recognized. If, indeed, the sacred 
 right of property be acknowledged by securing to each 
 the reward of his exertions, then this Christian precept 
 vindicates the rights of labour and capital according to 
 the motto Suum, cuique, or, to use the words of M. de 
 Laveleye — 
 
 " If the doctrine of Christ has transformed the world, and 
 if it still continue to influence it more and more as it gains 
 greater sway, it is because it places before humanity a 
 higher ideal of right and justice. Do you advocate a more 
 perfect organization of property ? Prove that this organiza- 
 tion will be more favourable to the general welfare, and more 
 in conformity with justice," * 
 
 Such is the theory of the potential influences of 
 Christianity as a spiritual force in society. But we 
 cannot nowadays separate it as an intangible, incommen- 
 surable force from its visible embodiment, the Christian 
 Church (using this term in its widest extension), as the 
 exponent of the Christian idea. The theory of Christian 
 Socialism, therefore, proceeds in the next place to define 
 first the functions of the Christian Church as one of the 
 " regulating forces " in the social organism, modifying 
 and controlling other component forces of social life 
 under normal conditions, and also its functions under 
 the peculiar circumstances of the present pathological 
 condition of society. With regard to the first, it would 
 be impossible, as it would, indeed, be superfluous, to 
 I expatiate at large on the modifying and moderating 
 I influences of the Church in our highly complex state of 
 ] society. For the present purpose it is sufficient to men- 
 tion its principal function in the present day, which 
 consists in softening the 1 - selfishness and relaxing the 
 
 * Contemporary Review, November, 1882, p. 788 ; of. H. George, 
 " Social Problems," p. 276. 
 
THE THEORY OF CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 15 
 
 severity of the competition struggle by the counteract- 1 
 ing influence of Christian sympathy, and thus supplying: 
 a bond of union strong enough to counteract the dissi- 1 
 pating and disintegrating forces of Individualism. This j 
 truth is symbolized by the fact that Adam Smith, the/ 
 supposed prophet of the selfish system, supplements in ' 
 his own " Theory of the Moral Sentiments " the social 
 theory contained in the "Wealth of Nations;" for in 
 the» former he makes sympathy the prime motor of 
 human conduct, whilst in the latter the self-regarding 
 motives are put forward prominently as the chief pro- 
 moters of industry. The same principle has been quite 
 recently re-stated by Charles Perm, one of the oldest as 
 well as one of the ablest of Christian Socialist theorizers, 
 in many eloquent passages of his numerous writings, of 
 which the following is a specimen : — 
 
 "Catholic charity," he says, "has more than once confronted 
 the difficulties which would appear to he insurmountaLle 
 regarded merely from the human point of view. Was it not 
 Catholic charity which, in the midst of savage passions and 
 the unpunished oppressions of the tenth century, knew how 
 to organize the truce of God ? Was it not she which pre- 
 pared, in the religious associations of working men grouped 
 round their spiritual protectors, those great corporative insti- 
 tutions which gave to the artisan class under the economic 
 conditions of those times centuries of security, well-being, 
 and ever-increasing freedom? Nowadays we are in the 
 presence of passions and oppressions of another kind. More 
 refined forms of covetousness peculiar to our modern civili- 
 zation have succeeded the impetuous instincts of younger 
 and less reflecting races ; but the old human nature remains 
 the same, and the war of passions among high and low, freed 
 from all religious restraints, is threatening a worse barbarism 
 than that over which . the Church triumphed at the com- 
 mencement of our modern civilization." 
 
16 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Under abnormal conditions the functions of the 
 Church, considered in its external relation to the world 
 rather than as part of a self-regulating social organism, 
 consists in suggesting remedial measures for the salva- 
 tion of Society. According to the theory now under 
 consideration, the three elementary R's of Social Thera- 
 peutics, are — Reconciliation of Social antagonisms; Social 
 Reforms to avert a Social Revolution ; and the Regene- 
 i ration of Society through the operation of Christian 
 principle, as " the salt of the earth " which is to save it 
 from social putrefaction. Thus, whilst the advocates of 
 the " kill or cure " principle of the laissez-faire school 
 would leave social re-adjustments to the Medicatrix 
 Natura, Christian Socialists rely on the supernatural 
 power of the Divine Physician to heal the sores of 
 humanity. 
 
 We have alluded already to the force of Christianity 
 as a tendency towards social peace; but in order to a 
 peaceful solution of the social problem, it is not enough 
 to leave the settlement of the question to the slow work- 
 ing out of such spiritual tendencies. The Christian 
 Church has a mediatorial office to perform. Taking for 
 her guidance the conduct of the Master on a notable 
 occasion, she may well show unwillingness or acknow- 
 ledge her incompetence to arbitrate in quarrels about 
 possessions, and to adjudicate in matters of dispute 
 between labour and capital. Besides, meddlesome inter- 
 ference on the part of " ecclesiastical persons" would 
 soon be resented on the part of the combatants. Still, 
 there are opportunities for timely intervention, when 
 there is danger of the weak being crushed by the 
 stronger, or when one of the disputants sues for peace 
 whilst the other is unwilling to make fair concessions, 
 and when, therefore, the friendly aid of a disinterested 
 
THE THEORY OF CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 17 
 
 umpire is needed. Nor is there cause for the ministers 
 of reconciliation to be intimidated if, in the din of social 
 wars, the voice of the Church is sometimes drowned, and 
 efforts at pacification are met with an angry rebuff, such 
 as was addressed to the great Lawgiver engaged in a ■■ 
 similar attempt to compose social differences by remind- f 
 ing the disputants of the closeness of their mutual rela- 
 tionship: "Men, ye are brethren!" As the influence of 
 the Church, notwithstanding its pacific tendencies, has 
 not hitherto been strong enough to usher in the era of 
 universal peace, though it has been instrumental in 
 mitigating the horrors and lessening the frequency of 
 social wars among Christian nations, so in assuming the 
 office of peacemaker it cannot be expected to succeed in 
 bringing about the immediate reconciliation of conflict- 
 ing class interests. Yet, as in France during the dark 
 ages the bishops and clergy promoted social peace by 
 the " truce of God ; " as in England during the thirteenth 
 century the parochial clergy acted as the peacemakers at 
 the Manorial Courts which settled all class disputes,* 
 
 * " A la fe'odalite", l'eglise imagina d'opposer une puissance nouvelle 
 quidevait avoir de si grandes destinies: le peuple, 1'associatirai populaire. 
 
 " Des lore, en effet, au moyen de la predication, le clerge organise, 
 contre la puissance seigneuriale, une agitation pacifique, prelude de l'agi- 
 tation guerriere, qui se traduit par un nombre considerable de conciles 
 provinciaux." 
 
 Edmond Demolins, "Le Mouvement Communal et Municipal au 
 Moyen-Age," p. 41. 
 
 James E. Thorold Rogers, " Six Centuries of Work and Wages," vol. i. 
 p. 21 ; and on influence of the Church generally, ibid., vol. ii. p. 359, et seq., 
 specially p. 362, where he speaks of the religious orders and the heads of 
 monastic establishments as " advocates of generous dealing towards the 
 peasantry." 
 
 It will be readily remembered that such efforts at conciliation have 
 been tried, and upon the whole have been successful, at least sufficiently 
 so to encourage similar attempts in the future. We need only mention 
 the efforts of Canon Girdlestone and the late Bishop of Manchester. 
 
 C 
 
18 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 and- thus mitigated and minimized social friction in a 
 less developed state of society; sb now there is ample 
 room for the exercise of this mediatorial function as a 
 branch of practical Christianity. 
 
 We have spoken of the tendency of Christianity to 
 form character, and thus by means of a moral reforma- 
 tion in the individual to bring about social readjustment. 
 Here, again, the let-alone theory of religious optimists, 
 relying on this tendency to re-establish social harmony, 
 finds its correction or complement in the more compre- 
 hensive theory of Christian Socialism ; which, while it, 
 too, relies on this spiritual lever for raising the standard 
 of social morality, recognizes at the same time the im- 
 perative necessity of immediate social reforms. Whilst 
 fully believing in the recuperative power of Christian 
 society, it would at the same time have recourse to 
 restoratives or sedatives, according to the exhausted or 
 excited condition of the patient, so as to prevent coma 
 or a serious crisis, in the social malady of the hour. To 
 drop metaphor, Christian Socialism starts from the con- 
 viction that the state of the body-politic requires strong 
 remedial measures. The natural course of things tends, 
 according to Karl Marx and his followers, to a social 
 revolution. Social revolutions, he cynically adds, are 
 the best midwives to assist in the birth of new social 
 eras. The abnormal concentration of capital and land 
 in a very few hands is rapidly increasing.. As the 
 number of those who possess monopoly in either de- 
 creases, so the number of proletarians, who have nothing 
 to lose and everything to gain from a social revolution, 
 multiplies in corresponding ratio. Thus the gulf between 
 the few millionaires and the- moneyless masses of man- 
 kind is being widened daily. At the same time in the 
 centres of industry where large bodies of men work in 
 
THE THEORY OF CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 19 
 
 concert and learn to think and act together, as a class, 
 the latter are being organized. Their education in the 
 workshops of the world will soon be finished, and then 
 the day of retribution will come. The expropriators 
 will be expropriated ; the spoilers will, be despoiled by 
 those who have been dispossessed ; the capitalist class as 
 such will be wiped out of existence. Less time 'will be 
 required for the many to dethrone the few, than it took 
 for the dwindling class of usurpers to subject the many. 
 The "captains of industry" can be discharged in a 
 comparatively short time. It required centuries to 
 develop capitalism; as many days will almost suffice 
 for the devolution of property to its rightful owners, the 
 disinherited classes. 
 
 The march of events, thus sketched with truculent 
 force by Socialists, may, according to the Christian 
 Socialist theory, be stopped effectually, or at least a 
 direction leading to less disastrous results may be given 
 to the current of social development, by timely reforms. 
 Christianity points to former epochs in the history of 
 society when a similar antithesis of excessive wealth 
 and poverty threatened, as it does now social disrup- 
 tion, and shows how it was averted, as it might now 
 be averted, by reformatory efforts from within, which 
 Christian effort initiated. Hence in Germany, where 
 Socialism at present is no longer a theory but a power, 
 Christian Socialists have seen the necessity of opposing 
 it by another power, the " Inner Mission," which consists 
 of a number of social reformatory institutions. In 
 France, where Socialism is, or is supposed to be, the 
 outcome of a demoralized state of society, a group of 
 associations, called "l'CEuvre des Cercles Catholiques 
 d'Ouvriers," has been formed for the preservation of 
 society by a revival of Christian ethics, on the principle 
 
20 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 that " la soci6te ne vit que par la vertu ; le vice quelqu'il 
 soit, est toujours. antisocial." In this way the theory of 
 Christian Socialism points to a twofold function in the 
 Church as a reformer of society ; namely, by its indirect 
 f influences effecting a moral reformation of social units, 
 
 Iand by directly promoting social reforms for the benefit 
 of the less favoured members of the Christian com- 
 munity. The former may be illustrated by the following 
 quotation from a resolution passed at the Church 
 Congress, or conference of the German clergy, at Meissen 
 in 1878:— 
 
 " Without a moral renovation in every section of society, 
 it would he vain to expect any real improvement in its 
 present unhappy condition. There is cause, therefore, for 
 congratulation in the /act that the founders of the Christian 
 Social Labour party endeavour to oppose Materialism and 
 Atheism as the sources of the most serious social evils among 
 the people, and to direct attention to Christianity as the 
 surest means for their removal." 
 
 The latter finds its illustration in the repeated efforts 
 of the Imperial Government of Germany to give effect 
 to the theory in the region of practical politics, so as — 
 to use the words of Prince Bismarck in his speech during 
 the debate on the Socialist laws — "to ameliorate or 
 entirely remove the real grievances and hardships in 
 their lot which form the just cause of complaint on the 
 part of the labourers, as far as a Christianly disposed 
 commonwealth can accomplish this task." 
 
 " The performance of this duty towards the working 
 classes," says the imperial message, referring to repeated 
 attempts at raising the economic and social condition of the 
 labourers by organic laws, will make them " fully conscious 
 of the blessings of a peaceful development throughout the 
 United Fatherland, so as to deprive of their support the 
 
THE THEORY OF CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 21 
 
 revolutionary elements whose aim is the subversion of 
 the existing order, human and divine, and so to pave the 
 way for the abolition of existing exceptional laws." 
 
 One of these measures of social reform was the 
 Accident Insurance Bill passed soon afterwards in the 
 Imperial Diet. 
 
 But in order to a complete reformation of society the 
 theory of Christian Socialism also presupposes a re- 
 generative principle, the infusion of a new spiritual 
 influence which would not only inspire reformatory 
 effort, but would also produce social effects by re-casting \ 
 social relations, in the same way as the working of the i 
 new leaven of the gospel entirely changed the face of 
 society in the Roman Empire. 
 
 The Reformation of the sixteenth century, though in 
 its outward manifestations simply a movement for the 
 purpose of reforming the character of the clergy and 
 re-organizing the ecclesiastical system, was in reality a 
 regenerative process in society through the spirit of 
 Christian liberty, and as such was instrumental in 
 bringing about the emancipation of European society 
 from spiritual thraldom and feudal subjection: so, ac- 
 cording to our theory, the social reformation of the( 
 future is to be effected by the regenerative influence of' 
 the spirit of Christian equality as a new force or form ' 
 of social crystallization. 
 
 "Lorsque vous aurez reussi a donner pour fondement 
 a. l'organization politique I'egaliti chretienne des droits, la 
 regeneration, voulu de vous et que Dieu vous commande de 
 vouloir, s'acoomplira de soi-m^me, dans ses trois branches 
 inseparables, 1'ordre materiel, l'ordre intellectual, et l'ordre ' 
 moral." * 
 
 Social reformers have failed to see this at times, 
 * Lamennais, "Le Livre du Peuple, ' xv. 
 
22 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 hence so many proposals of reforms good in themselves, 
 
 but inadequate for the final settlement of the social 
 
 question. The restoration of healthy family life, the 
 
 revival of trade-corporations adapted to modern needs, 
 
 legislative acts of just redistribution, and the removal 
 
 of remaining restraints upon civil and religious freedom, 
 
 are insufficient for this purpose. The social problem 
 
 resolves itself into a question of "moral physiology." 
 
 ' and the creation of a " new moral world." As psychical 
 
 I derangements often prove the main cause of physical 
 
 1 disorders, so the radical cure of society is to be effected 
 
 I by a new spiritual force working from within. 
 
 " "We have made, and still are making, enormous advances 
 on material lines. It is necessary that we advance com- 
 mensurably on moral lines. Civilization, as it advances, 
 requires a higher conscience, a keener sense of justice, a 
 warmer brotherhood, a wider, loftier, truer public spirit." * 
 
 Partial reforms externally applied, so far from 
 permanently removing social disaffection, often only 
 strengthen the position of the discontented without re- 
 moving causes of complaint. For this reason the official 
 organs of social democracy are now constantly recom- 
 mending their readers no longer to oppose social reforms, 
 but to accept them as instalments, and as a means for 
 strengthening their position as a revolutionary party. 
 From this it is plain that palliatives of this kind, how- 
 ever useful as partial remedies of the social malady, are 
 very far from curing it altogether, and are prompted by 
 a very imperfect apprehension of the whole question, 
 which is no less than the question of transforming society 
 into a perfect Commonwealth on a Christian model. But 
 how ? 
 
 * Henry George, " Social Problems," . 317. 
 
THE THEORY OF CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 23 
 
 " Men's capacities," we are told by Mr. Mallock, a would- 
 be Conservative social reformer, "are practically unequal, 
 simply because they develop tbeir own potential inequalities ; 
 they only develop their potential inequalities because they 
 desire to place themselves in unequal external circum- 
 stances ; and this desire has this effect on them only because 
 the condition of society is such that the unequal circum- 
 stances are attainable." * 
 
 But is there no escape out of this vicious circle ? 
 and is the Spcial Problem solved by putting it thus 
 neatly in the form of a logical Sorites. Is there no 
 possible remedy for this inequality which ever per- 
 petuates itself in a seething, inchoate mass of human 
 beings, "each for himself" fighting life's battle? Ac-' 
 cording to the theory of Christian Socialism, this social 
 anarchy may be reduced to order if natural inequalities 
 are used for the common good and not for private advan- 
 tage; if, guided and governed by a higher sense of 
 mutual obligation, he who has received from God more 
 strength and intelligence feels that he owes more to his 
 fellow-men in proportion; that it is the duty of the 
 highly gifted to render more distinguished services to 
 humanity ; that " what must be aimed at by those pos- 
 sessed of superior aptitudes is not so much the inequality 
 of rights as the inequality of duty." 
 
 The practical application of this principle is no doubt 
 surrounded by innumerable difficulties. But the force 
 of moral law is not weakened by the existence of natural 
 or artificial obstacles in the way of its fulfilment. The 
 principles of navigation are not impaired by the possi- 
 bility of storms which render it difficult to steer by them 
 a vessel in its proper course ; nor does the existence of a 
 
 * W. H. Mallock, " Social Equality : a Short Study in a Missing 
 Science," pp. 96, 97. 
 
24 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 mutinous crew on board upset the theories of maritime 
 law. Any given theory of cyclones may be right, with- 
 out making things easy for the man at the helm. In- 
 creased difficulties only demand greater skill in the 
 navigator, and superior governing power in the sailing- 
 master, so as to adapt wisely means to the end, according 
 to the fixed rules of his craft. This, too, is true of State- 
 craft, and of" priestcraft and progress," in conducting the 
 vessel of the State safely into port. The Christian 
 Church has great responsibilities in this matter. In 
 times past it has, perhaps, given too much prominence 
 to dogmatics, whilst neglecting some of its practical 
 ■ duties as a. social institution. Hence a growing dis- 
 (belief in the Christian law of social ethics which lies at 
 the root of our economic difficulties in the present day. 
 It must bestir itself to make up for past deficiencies, and 
 authoritatively to re-assert that the solidity of true re- 
 ligion consists in the full recognition of a solidarity of 
 interests among all members of the Christian body ; that 
 Christian love, as the bond of perfectness, can alone 
 produce that, adhesiveness which the various forms of 
 co-operative union in " Mutualism " and " Collectivism " 
 aim at, but cannot attain from want of sufficient motive 
 force. 
 
 "Le retour aux principes abandonnes et presque tout- 
 a-fait oubiies de l'ordre social Chretien," says a modern 
 French Ultramontane Christian Socialist; "et avant tout 
 la restauration de cet ordre social dans la sphere des interets 
 economiques, vpila le seul moyen de sauver une society qui 
 agonise sous les coups de ses propres fautes. Hors de la, 
 point de salu.t." * 
 
 * Compare with this the following extract from the Pope's letter to 
 the Belgian Bishops in 1881 : "Nos ipsi ante omnes sunimopere cupimns 
 lit humana soeietas Ohristiano more eomponatur, atque omnes civitatis 
 ordines Divina Christi virtus penetret aoi pervadat." 
 
THE THEOKY CF CHKISTIAN SOCIALISM. 25 
 
 And what is the method proposed for transforming 
 the existing social order in this sense ? It is the method 
 of association, and implies the gradual and peaceful 
 conversion of competitive into co-operative industry. 
 The organization of labour on co-operative principles is 
 an essential element in every programme of Christian 
 Socialism. But whilst there is catholic consent on the 
 general principle of association, there are wide differ- 
 ences as to its application, mainly arising from the 
 varying political and religious conditions of different 
 countries in which it appears. Thus, e.g. in France 
 and Austria the demand of "Catholic Socialism" is 
 for a revival of the mediaeval trade co-operations ; in 
 Protestant Germany the Christian social party, with its 
 leanings towards " State Socialism," favours what would 
 correspond more with productive association under 
 government protection; whilst Christian Socialists in 
 England, as might be expected, chiefly depend on self- 
 help and private philanthrophy in their effort to promote 
 the principles and practice of co-operation. All, however, 
 are agreed on this point, that what the French call " la 
 mutualite' sociale " is only possible in a society which is 
 interpenetrated by the spirit of Christ. The Christian 
 law says : " Whosoever will be greatest among you, let 
 him be your servant ! " It regards life as a service and 
 a sacrifice. Thus it becomes " le fecond principe d'asso- 
 ciation." It supplies the power of foregoing individual 
 rights and personal claims in favour of others, and 
 strengthens where it does not first call forth a deep con- 
 sciousness of common, apart from personal, interests. If 
 we are asked, therefore, concerning our theory, " What 
 type of social structure is it tending to produce ? " we 
 unhesitatingly reply, " The unified type as opposed to 
 the ' militant type ' of industrial life." In a collegiate 
 
28 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 organization of this kind, where the bond of union is 
 Christian love, the objection that all Socialism involves 
 slavery loses its force. Whatever may be said of the 
 different kinds of Secular Socialism, Christian Socialism 
 acknowledges only voluntary association. Servitude 
 loses its sting when the service is perfect freedom. The 
 impossibility of establishing society on such and similar 
 principles has been deduced from the consideration that 
 " there is no political alchemy by which you can get 
 golden conduct out of leaden instincts." But Christianity 
 supplies that higher instinct of devoted love which 
 renders association practical and the " tyranny of organi- 
 zation " unnecessary. For here we have not' the control* 
 ling power of a positive obligation, but the spontaneous 
 following of a higher law — rigid, indeed, but with the 
 rigour of self-renunciation in the mutual relationships 
 between men and men. This forms the central truth of 
 the Christian Socialist theory ; it is the key-stone of the 
 system. Christian Socialists are not blind to the existing 
 imperfections of human nature. They do not at present 
 expect to find in any large body of men or women this 
 capacity of rising to the Christian ideal, That would 
 | be framing a theory on imaginary data, and reckoning 
 I with factors which exist only in an economic millennium, 
 | But they do believe in the latent potentialities of Christi* 
 i anity ultimately to effect such changes as well as in the 
 / educative power of Christian institutions to hasten on 
 l the process. Hence the demand on the part of Roman 
 Catholic economists for corporate union on the basis 
 of authority and antiquity, and the resuscitation of 
 guilds in one form or another as the nucleus of social 
 reunion. Hence, too, the demand of others for new 
 forms of co-operation to be evolved out of our present 
 institutions, so as to secure individual freedom and 
 
THE THEORY OP CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 27 
 
 corporate union in an association of equals, with or 
 without state aid. The former may be called the policy 
 of social reaction; the latter that of progressive social 
 reform. Both aim at putting an end to the era of 
 conflict in the present competition struggle, or of virtually 
 modifying it and inaugurating the era of concerted 
 action as the future basis of industrial life. 
 
 Thus, to give one or two illustrative examples ; in 
 a volume of social studies, published lately by the 
 authorities of l'OEuvre des Oercles Catholiques d'Ouvriers, 
 already mentioned above, a number of reasons are 
 given for a modernized application of the ancient guild 
 system under the form of " associations professionnelles 
 Catholiques d'arts et metiers ; " * whilst le Comte de 
 Mun, from his sea,t in the Chamber of Deputies, recom- 
 mends " l'dtablissement legal des syndicats professionals" 
 as the best remedy for the social evils of the time.f 
 
 Corporative association implies decentralization and 
 local government. Its advocates among Christian 
 Socialists in Germany are therefore less pronounced. 
 Such associations, it is argued, were necessary in the 
 Middle Ages because of the faulty organization of the 
 State. In the absence of civil and military authorities 
 strong enough to guarantee order and protection to the 
 individual, it was necessary to have recourse to such 
 methods of self-government and mutual protection. The 
 formation of corporate bodies and associated trades are 
 simply the agglutinative process of isolated social mole- 
 cules arising from the necessities of a lawless age. They 
 are means of self-help when State-help is impossible. 
 Now, however, the state with all the forces of civilization 
 
 * Avis No. III., pp. 413, 414. 
 
 t "Lea Syndicats Professionnelles," discours par le Comte de Mun, 12 
 and 19 Juin, 1883, pp. 34-36. 
 
28 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 at its disposal becomes the natural protector of the weak 
 against the strong, and therefore voluntary associations 
 under the protection of the State for purely economical 
 purposes may alone be tolerated. 
 
 In the " Co-operative Manual," edited three years ago 
 by Thomas Hughes and E. Vansittart Neale, two of the 
 most distinguished survivors of the Christian Socialists 
 in England, we have an indication of the standpoint of 
 co-operation in this country. Though differing as widely 
 as possible from continental modes of propagating co- 
 operative principles, it coincides entirely with the 
 Christian Socialist theory of which they form a part. 
 Starting from the postulate that every important scheme 
 of social reform is founded on some theory about the 
 nature of man, his place in the universe, and his destiny, 
 which are precisely the subjeet matters of religion ; and 
 accepting the fact that Christianity is at present the 
 most influential form of religion, the writers affirm that 
 Christianity " will supply in conceptions proper to itself 
 a solid basis for the modes of action through which we 
 think that co-operation may effect the social reforms 
 sought by its means." Co-operative industry and associ- 
 ative life are regarded as the true outcome of the Christian 
 religion, which can " tame into obedience to the law of 
 brotherhood . . . those energies that, left to the law 
 of nature, can produce only the ' struggle of existence,' 
 known to modern political economy under the name of 
 free competition." They show that external bonds of 
 union are insufficient to induce men to share all risks 
 and responsibilities without the guarantee of corresponds 
 ing rights and rewards ; that the principle of union must 
 be sought within, and depends " not on political institu- 
 tions, however wisely instituted, but on the union of 
 the will of man with One who had submitted to be 
 
THE THEORY OF CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 29 
 
 crucified as a malefactor that He might resolve the 
 discords of human selfishness into the harmony of Divine 
 love." * 
 
 What is remarkable about this part of the theory of 
 Christian Socialism is its coincidence with similar 
 tendencies and forms of thought in the current theories 
 of politics, science, and theology. The "Unity of 
 Nature," "Internationalism," the "Unity of Christen- 
 dom" — all these are terms expressive of contemporary 
 aspirations towards union in diversity, or what may be 
 called the federalistic ideal. And this view of the 
 ultimate " confederation of the world " corresponds also 
 with the latest results of sociological speculation. For 
 social evolution, as traced by its most distinguished 
 exponents, is represented as passing through the pro- 
 gressive stages of association by compulsion, contract, 
 and communion, respectively — i.e. co-operation by force 
 as in the tribe or village community, is succeeded by. 
 co-operation from motives of self-interest, as in our 
 existing industrial system ; and this is destined to be 
 displaced in the society of the future, by co-operation 
 with fraternal affection for its principle, according to the 
 Christian motto, " Vincit concordia fratrum." 
 
 Such a theory may by many be received with an 
 incredulous smile as impracticable, and, like most pro- 
 posals of social innovators, fit only to be relegated to 
 that branch of study called " the science of the unneces- 
 sary." We will not discuss this point. It is our business 
 here to state, not to establish, the theory of Christian 
 Socialism. Thus much, however, may be said, that the 
 view here presented of the society of the future is a 
 
 * See " A Manual for Co-operators," edited by Thomas Hughes, Q.C., 
 and Edward Vausittart Neale, General Secretary of the Co-operative 
 Union, part i. chap. i. p. 13, and ante. 
 
30 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 cheering and a hopeful one. For it regards our present 
 social system, which is founded on egotism, simply as 
 one of those temporary forms, or "larval appendages," 
 which disappear in a more advanced state of the social 
 organism; it looks upon it as only a transition state 
 from a lower to a higher form of social life when, in the 
 words of the modern poet — 
 
 " There shall come from out this noise of strife and groaning 
 A broader and a juster brotherhood ; 
 A deep equality of aim postponing 
 All selfish seeking to the general good. 
 Then shall come a time when each shall to another 
 Be as Christ would have him — brother unto brother." 
 
 This brings us to the last stage of our inquiry, namely 
 the question what is likely to be the practical outcome 
 of the theory now under consideration. In other words, 
 how far it may be regarded as one of the intellectual 
 and moral influences of the age affecting the course of 
 social evolution. The great question to be decided at 
 this crisis, says Lange, in a passage of singular beauty, 
 too long to be transcribed here in full, is how far the 
 natural law of differentiation, which in its relentless 
 force widens the gulf between rich and poor every day, 
 may be modified or entirely superseded by a law of 
 human sympathy which has the opposite effect of pro- 
 moting equality and advancing solidarity. As the 
 •progress of a boat, driven back by a strong current and 
 propelled forward by the strokes of the oarsmen, depends 
 on the relative strength of these two antagonistic forces, 
 : so, he says, the progress of humanity is the resultant of 
 j these two opposite forces — the natural tendency towards 
 j differentiation and the force of the mental idea of unity 
 ' and equality. The former predominates during long 
 periods of stagnation in social development when society 
 
THE THEORY OF CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 31 
 
 is practically drifting backwards. Then suddenly comes 
 a powerful awakening to a higher sense of social duty 
 which overpowers the natural bent of self-preservation 
 which we have in common with the brutes. It comes 
 in like a mighty stroke of the oars overcoming the 
 resisting medium of the stream, and propels mankind 
 towards the final goal. At such periods the classes 
 which suffer most from social pressure make desperate 
 struggles to re-assert lost rights by means either of an 
 intellectual or a physical revolution. The ruling classes 
 at the same time lose their habitual self-confidence and 
 their sense of security in vested rights. The presenti- 
 ment of a new era penetrates every soul, the conflict 
 rouses into activity new and unexampled forces; the 
 critical condition of society causes men to break through 
 all material considerations, and to adopt venturesome 
 measures for its improvement. And such periods, adds 
 Lange, are characterized by the quickened spiritual life 
 of man in society, producing higher and nobler aspira- 
 tions ; so that whereas seemingly there may be nothing 
 but a levelling tendency, in reality there is a spiritual 
 revival in society going on all the while, destined to 
 raise humanity to a higher level. If this be so — and 
 there are many indications that we are near, if we are 
 not actually in the midst of such a crisis — then it must 
 follow that the social ideal of Christianity is the ex- 
 pression of this spiritual side of the movement, and 
 that the theory of Christian Socialism which has the 
 realization of this social ideal for its end must exercise 
 a powerful influence on the age we live in. In oppo- 
 sition to the system of laissez faire, laissez aller, which 
 amounts to a confession of impotence in the face of 
 natural forces making for social disintegration, it sup- 
 plies the spiritual force required for overcoming the vie 
 
32 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 inertioe of indolent egotism, satisfied in leaving things 
 alone. It substitutes for the ordinary theory of political 
 economy, and its ontological principles of wealth pro- 
 duction and distribution, the higher theory which em- 
 braces the deontological principles of subordinating the 
 process of " getting and spending " to the moral and 
 mental development of the race. At a momentous crisis 
 in the history of our modern civilization it emphasizes 
 the vocation of the Christian Church to hold up a high 
 social ideal, and by means of religious enthusiasm to 
 stimulate the spiritual life in the body politic in order 
 to its realization. 
 
 There is a triple tendency in the movements of 
 society in the present day actually at work under our 
 eyes, the tendency from Individualism towards Altruism, 
 from Nationalism towards Cosmopolitanism, from Mono- 
 polism (to use the terms of one of the most distinguished 
 pioneers of scientific Socialism) to Panpolism.* But all 
 these are comprehended under the idea of Christian 
 union, which substitutes catholic for , ethnic views of 
 society. The realization of this ideal, however distant, 
 
 * " Da das Chriatenthmn sich nur von alien iibrigen Religiouem gerade 
 dadurcli unterscheidet, dass ea dem Grundsatz der gleionen Berechtigung 
 auf die klarste nnd rmzweideutigste Weise ausspricht : so ist der Panpo- 
 lismus nicht unvereinbar mit dem Christenthum, sondern vielmehr ein 
 integrirender Theil desselben ; die Christen kBnnen also nicht nur, sondern 
 sie miissen Panpolisten sein." 
 
 K. Mario, " Untersuchungen fiber die Organisation der Arbeit," vol. i., 
 II., p. 695. Cf. F. Huet, " Le Regne social du Christianisme " (a work 
 published in the same year, 1852, and concluding with a glowing picture 
 of " la solidarite universelle " in consequence of the triumph of Christian 
 principles) : " II se formerait un Mat Cosmopolitique, arme d'une puissance 
 formidable contre le mal ; en sorte que toute injustice serait punie, toute 
 souffrance allegee, tout obstacle surmonte par les efforts combines du genre 
 humain" (p. 474); and compare with this Sch'affle, "Bau und Leben des 
 socialen Korpers," vol. i. pp. 693. 694, and "Das Gesellschaftliche System," 
 vol. ii. p. 15, by the same. 
 
THE THEOEY OP CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 33 
 
 is not to be despaired of, and in its conception it is not 
 unlike, though it far surpasses, the Stoics' ideal of an 
 international union, when men should no longer be 
 separated by cities, states, and laws, but when all should 
 be considered as fellow-citizens, partakers of one life, so 
 that the whole world, like a united flock, should be 
 governed by one common law. Christianity demands 
 no less than a perfect coalescence of aims, confluence of 
 ideas, and communion of interests by the final consum- 
 mation of universal love ; therefore, in the words of Mr. 
 Henry George, "the salvation of society, the hope for 
 the free, full development of humanity, is in the gospel 
 of brotherhood — the gospel of Christ." 
 
 It is beyond our scope to discuss the further conse- 
 quences of a detailed application of the theory of which 
 we have given a necessarily condensed, and on this 
 account, perhaps, a less complete, account than we could 
 have desired to present to our readers. To some extent 
 the apparent incompleteness, especially in matters of 
 detail, must be attributed to the vagueness in the utter- 
 ances of Christian Socialists themselves in this respect. 
 This is only what we must expect in all theorizers. 
 According to a natural division of labour, social philoso- 
 phers propound theories without entering into minute 
 details, which are left for practical politicians to deal 
 with in their endeavour to give effect to the theories as 
 far as circumstances and events will admit. 
 
 To some extent the same holds good even in the case 
 of scientific theories and their practical application. For 
 example, in the construction of a pump, or of any more 
 complex hydraulic machine, we have the practical appli- 
 cation of those principles or laws which according to the 
 theory of hydrostatics govern the forces of fluids. The 
 plans of the architect and the works of the civil engineer 
 
 D 
 
34 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 are in the same way made conformable to those laws of 
 mutual attraction and repulsion which are demonstrated, 
 in the theory of gravitation. But neither Archimedes 
 nor Sir Isaac Newton, in stating their respective theories, 
 thought it necessary to dwell on the remoter conse- 
 quences of a detailed application of their principles to 
 practical mechanics. In the same way, the theorizers of 
 mutual attraction and repulsion in the social molecules 
 of our industrial system, and the propounders of theories 
 on the dynamics of religion, as a social force, cannot be 
 expected to do more than show the tendencies of natural 
 and spiritual forces, governing the movements of human 
 atoms and their mutual action and reaction in the 
 mechanism of society. 
 
( 35 ) 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 LAMENNAIS; OK, CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM IN FRANCE. 
 
 " Socialism," it has well been said, " is a word which, to 
 many persons, has an alarming sound, and which has 
 undoubtedly been associated at different times with some 
 ugly practices. Yet in itself the term would seem to imply 
 only a laudable desire for an improved organization of 
 society ; it is necessary to remember that there is a healthy 
 as well as an unhealthy way in which the object may be 
 sought." 
 
 It is in this better sense of giving expression, either 
 in theory or in practice,' to social ideals, that Christian 
 Socialists, past and present, have endeavoured to im- 
 prove society on religious principles. Readily recogniz- 
 ing existing social grievances, they try to find a remedy 
 for them in the adjustment of social relations on a 
 Christian basis. Whilst admitting that the existing 
 state of things is not all that it ought to be, they differ 
 widely from other socialists as to the methods to be 
 adopted with a view to improve society. Their type of 
 social union is not a " Society of Equals," which simply 
 secures to each member an equal amount of material 
 enjoyment, but the social idea of the New Testament, 
 where "Christ's kingdom" is represented as "a true 
 brotherhood founded on devotion and self sacrifice." 
 Christian Socialists take note of the duties as well as the 
 
36 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 rights of individuals. Accordingly, in their endeavour 
 | to realize a higher social ideal, their chief aim is to recon- 
 1 cile, by means of mutual concessions, existing class- 
 differences, rather than in forcibly removing them; to 
 reform social abuses in reforming individual character, 
 rather than to reconstruct society on an entirely new 
 basis ; to reunite the scattered social units, each pursuing 
 its own selfish ends, by a common faith and hope in a 
 common effort, rather than by a new social mechanism — 
 a new "organization of labour." In short, they trust 
 more to the effects of internal change of character and 
 the moral influences of the Christian idea, than the 
 external pressure of social institutions, limiting the 
 voluntary action of individuals. Their methods, there- 
 fore, are constructive, rather than destructive, guiding 
 s rather than governmental, and in most cases theoretical 
 ■rather than experimental. 
 
 In these chapters we are only concerned with modern 
 Christian Socialists in the three foremost countries of 
 Western Europe, and among these France occupies the 
 first place, as to time, in the history of the movement. 
 Here we naturally turn to Lamennais as the principal 
 figure in that small band of Christian Socialists, of 
 whom Buchez, P6rin, Lamartine, and, for a short time, 
 Lacordaire and Montalembert, were the most prominent 
 representatives. 
 
 Hugues Felicite' Robert de Lamennais, afterwards 
 known as le Pere Lamennais, was the son'of a well-connected 
 shipbuilder of St. Malo. Brought up chiefly in the library 
 of an eccentric uncle of rather sceptical tendencies, he 
 became acquainted, early in life, with Voltairean views 
 on religious subjects, and Rousseau's theories of society. 
 Having lost his mother when he was seven, those who 
 influenced him most for good were his aunt and elder 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM IK FRANCE. 37 
 
 brother, both of whom were noted devotees. Born with 
 the religious instinct of the Breton, and inclined by natural 
 disposition to contemplative and retiring habits, the 
 young Feli, as Lamennais was called in the home circle, 
 bethought himself early to embrace the religious life. 
 Still, for a long time, from over-conscientious doubts and 
 scruples as to his faith and fitness for the office, he 
 delayed taking Holy Orders. 
 
 An early incident in his child-life appears to have 
 given a peculiar bent to his character, and to have 
 powerfully influenced his conduct in the successive 
 phases of his eventful career. 
 
 In 1793, when he was eleven years old, a scene was 
 transacted before his eyes which must have been a by 
 no means uncomnon occurrence, during that period of 
 revolutionary frenzy, when the churches were closed, the 
 clergy a proscribed order, and the assembling of the 
 faithful for Divine worship attended by imminent 
 danger. One evening, a priest, the venerable Abbe Viel, 
 entered the paternal mansion in disguise, to celebrate 
 private mass at midnight, whilst an aged servant watched 
 without to prevent surprise and discovery. A table, with 
 two lighted candles, served as an altar. The priest, 
 assisted by Lamennais' brother, performed the ceremony. 
 All prayed fervently, and, after pronouncing the blessing 
 before daybreak, the worthy man took his departure. 
 This scene was so deeply impressed on Lamennais' mind, 
 that he could never allude to it without deep emotion. 
 It, no doubt, from an early age, coloured his views of men 
 and things, and, to some extent, accounts for that ex- 
 aggerated dread of persecution and oppression which 
 haunted him throughout life, and often made him see 
 dangers and enemies to freedom which only existed in 
 his fertile imagination. The misfortunes and ruin of his 
 
38 CHKISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 house, caused by revolutionary tyranny, stimulated an 
 innate tendency to moroseness and misanthropy, and 
 produced in his writings what has been aptly called an 
 eloquent hatred (haine eloquente) against all governments 
 resting on force. With a highly sensitive organism and 
 the restless excitability of a melancholy temperament, 
 Lamennais combined in his character a haughty obstinacy 
 and polemical aggressiveness which made him the earnest 
 and easy advocate of any cause he took up ; it also pro- 
 duced those sudden transitions from one mode of thought 
 to another, which arose, not from weakness or fickleness 
 of character, but from the very intensity of his new con- 
 victions. The stirring times in which he lived, moreover, 
 had a disturbing effect on a naturally impetuous tempera- 
 ment, and each of the three revolutionary waves which 
 passed over France during his lifetime, left their impres- 
 sion on his susceptible nature. In their reflex action, 
 they, in turn, became the cause of social agitation in 
 Lamennais, as the impatient leader of public opinion in 
 a restless age- 
 Perhaps no better key to Lamennais' character could 
 be given than the picture of the man himself as drawn 
 by one of his contemporary admirers, a lady famous for 
 her power of delineating human character. George 
 Sand speaks of the "austere and terrible face of the 
 great La Mennais," with his brow like that of an un- 
 broken wall, "a brass tablet — the seal of indomitable 
 vigour " upon it. She compares the stiff and rigid in- 
 clination of his profile and the angular narrowness of 
 his face with his inflexible probity, hermit-like austerity 
 and incessant toil of thought, ardent and vast as heaven. 
 But, she adds, "the smile which comes suddenly to 
 humanize this countenance changes my terror into con- 
 fidence, my respect into admiration." 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM IN FKANCE. 39 
 
 We note three distinct epochs in Lamennais' personal 
 development and public career, which may be called the 
 Reactionary, the Reformatory, and the Revolutionary 
 periods. They correspond to three contemporary events 
 in the history of modern France, Lamennais became 
 successively the warm defender of the Restoration, and 
 of the Reactionary Government in Church and State ; 
 the champion of Church liberty under Louis Philippe, 
 and lastly the advocate of the popular sovereignty, 
 when he had become an irreconcilable republican in 
 politics, and a radical, as we should say now, in social 
 philosophy and religion. 
 
 Like his celebrated neighbour Chateaubriand, La- 
 mennais shared the religious enthusiasm of young 
 Frenchmen of the period, and became a Royalist and 
 Ultramontanist, the uncompromising opponent of the 
 Napoleonic idea and of the fervid atheism of the Revolu- 
 tionary era. One of his earliest literary efforts is a tract 
 on the relation of Church, and State, conceived in this 
 spirit (1811). 
 
 Three or four years later, a pamphlet written in the 
 seminary of St. Malo against Napoleon sent him into 
 exile to England, where he found shelter under the hospi- 
 table roof of his friend and tutor, the Abbe" Carron. 
 Here he remained till 1816. 
 
 On his return to France, and after a short stay in 
 the seminary of St. Sulpice, apparently engaged in 
 tuition and self-culture, he gave to the world the out- 
 come of his reflections in the famous essay on "Indif- 
 ference in Religious Matters," the first volume of which 
 appeared in 1817. It created an immense sensation. In 
 it the reactionary tendency of the Restoration period 
 appears to the greatest advantage. The authority of 
 Throne and Altar are maintained in opposition to the 
 
40 . CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 growth of excessive individualism; and here, too, La- 
 mennais struck the key-note, so to speak, to most of his 
 subsequent writings on the regeneration of society by 
 the power of Christianity and the Christian Church. 
 Here Lamennais condemns the growing indifference to 
 moral distinctions and religious beliefs of men engaged 
 in the selfish struggle for existence, and the practical 
 denial of rights and duties in the race for wealth as a 
 means of sensuous self-indulgence. Running to the 
 opposite extreme, and confounding Christianity with 
 the Papacy, Lamennais proceeds to make the Eoman 
 Pontiff the keystone of society. His principle is as 
 concise as it is comprehensive : " Without Pope there 
 can be no • Church, without Church no Christianity, 
 without Christianity no religion, without religion no 
 society." But then, like De Maistre, Lamennais tried to 
 present Christian dogma as the Divine expression of the 
 general laws of the universe. In his view, the voice of 
 the Pope is the voice of the people, which is the voice of 
 God. Hence the Church must become a more vigorous 
 organizing power in society, and " rise up strong enough 
 to renew the face of society, to breathe life into the old 
 corpse of the world." 
 
 In thus claiming for the Church the right of social 
 reconstruction on the ground that her infallible voice 
 only re-echoes the common reason of the race, Lamen- 
 nais unconsciously became the advocate of an alliance 
 between Papal supremacy and the sovereignty of the 
 people. He thus became the inaugurator of a policy for 
 which the timid though astute ecclesiastics of that day 
 were not yet quite prepared, for it amounted to a con- 
 cordat between Rome and Democracy, and is tantamount 
 to the clerical Conservative Radicalism of our own 
 day. 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM IN FRANCE. 41 
 
 The claims put forward in this work with much 
 brilliancy and force gained at first for Lamennais the 
 distinguished title of the " New Bossuet." Soon, how- 
 ever, it aroused the suspicions of the orthodox clerical 
 mind in France and the jealousy of the Jesuits at the 
 Roman Court. Lamennais, alarmed at the effect certain 
 misrepresentations might produce on the Holy Father, 
 hastened to Rome in 1824. He was received with open 
 arms at the Vatican. Leo XII., it was said at the time, 
 even offered him the Cardinal's hat. There can be no 
 doubt, however, that Lamennais left Rome not only 
 reassured, but encouraged to devote the remainder of 
 his life to the cause he had taken in hand. Neither the 
 flattering friendship of the Pope nor the prospect of a 
 distinguished ecclesiastical career could detain him in 
 Italy. Lamennais returned to the sombre woods of his 
 Breton retreat, watching with interest the social and 
 political movements which were preparing for the Revo- 
 lution of July in 1830. He was engaged at the same 
 time in a translation of Thomas a Kempis and in contro- 
 versial writing against the Gallican clergy. 
 
 The Revolution came as Lamennais had predicted; 
 and with the rise of the " Bourgeoisie " into power under 
 the Citizen King growls of discontent rose from the 
 masses, who demanded a larger share in the distribution 
 of national wealth, as well as the extension of civil 
 rights in the government of the country. It was the 
 age of Utopias, the golden age of French Socialism, and 
 no wonder that the popular ferment and the unbounded 
 hopes of social amelioration among all classes reacted on 
 the minds of religious philanthropists like Lamennais. 
 He thought that now at last the hour had struck for 
 social regeneration through the power of the Divine 
 word. The enthusiasm of the young men who had with 
 
42 CHBISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 him joined the religious reaction of former days was 
 now to be diverted into a different channel. Then rising 
 poets like Victor Hugo and Alfred de Musset had sung 
 the praises of the restoration. Under the new regime 
 all this was changed. Something like the modern 
 Culturkampf in Germany threatened to destroy the 
 amicable relations between Church and State. A small 
 group of men, with Lamennais for their leader, rose 
 up to defend the liberties of the Church against the 
 encroachments of an ostensibly anti-clerical government. 
 They established L'Avenvr, as the organ of their party, 
 and announced their work to be at once " catholic and 
 national." Their aim was to liberalize the Church in 
 order to catholicize the Liberal State. They were 
 determined to fight Liberalism with its own weapons. 
 Hence they demand : Non-intervention of the civil 
 authority in religious matters with the suppression of 
 State salaries paid to the clergy ; freedom of education ; 
 the right of association and popular elections; an un- 
 fettered press, and liberty of conscience. 
 
 They formed " L'Agence Generale pour la Defense de 
 la Liberte" Religieuse," a society having the same objects 
 in view which the English Church Union, the Church 
 Defence Institution, and the Christian Socialists fol- 
 lowing Maurice, all taken together, represent in this 
 country. 
 
 Henceforth Lamennais occupied the position mainly 
 of a social reformer, similar to that taken up formerly 
 by Dr. Chalmers in Scotland, as claimant for Church 
 liberty and the "rights of labour" from a Christian 
 point of view* Montalembert, Lacordaire, and Ozanam, 
 together with Lamennais and a small but select band of 
 
 * See Mrs. Oliphant's " Memoir of the Count of Montalembert," vol. 
 i. p. 122 seq. ; also " Dr. Chalmers' Life," by J. Dodds, p. 241. 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM IN FRANCE. 43 
 
 volunteers, endeavoured to give effect to these principles. 
 But the opposition was too strong for them. Lamennais 
 found himself in the same predicament as Fenelon had 
 done in the previous century, though for dissimilar 
 reasons. The attitude of the Pope in both cases was 
 antagonistic for State reasons; their doctrines were 
 pronounced dangerous, because Rome wished to be at 
 peace with the ruling powers in France. Lamennais, 
 however, had not Fenelon's gentle spirit of patient 
 acquiescence. "When his clients in the Holy City, 
 frightened by his too vehement defence of Ultramon- 
 tanism, stood aloof, leaving him to fight their battles 
 against the Government unassisted, Lamennais, enraged 
 at the fear and feebleness of the rulers in the Church, 
 who, as he thought, bargained away faith and freedom 
 for pomp and power, exclaims, "I will show you 
 what a priest can do." But he could do very little, 
 because he was only a priest, and as such utterly 
 powerless. 
 
 Leo XII., Lamennais' protector, was now dead, and 
 the new pope, Gregory XVI., was less eager than his 
 predecessor to shield the non-accredited champion of 
 the Papacy. The publication of L'Avenir was sus- 
 pended, after thirteen months' existence, and the fact is 
 announced in the following words : — 
 
 " If we retire for a moment, it is not through weariness, 
 still less through failing of heart ; it is to go, as formerly 
 did the soldiers of Israel, to consult the Lord in Shiloh. 
 Doubts have been thrown on our faith, and even our inten- 
 tions, for in these times what is not attacked ? We leave 
 for a moment the battle-field to fulfil another duty equally 
 urgent. The traveller's staff in our hand, we take our way 
 towards the Eternal City." * 
 
 * Here, and in Borne other portions of this chapter, I am indebted to my 
 
44 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 The reception at Rome was very different from that 
 which he had met with eight years before. Diplomatic 
 notes from several European courts had warned the 
 Pope against the pernicious revolutionary theories of 
 the pilgrims. They were scarcely admitted into the 
 presence of the Holy Father, and only on condition 
 that no allusion should be made to the business which 
 brought them to Rome.* Lamennais' ardent and fear- 
 friend, Professor E. Dowden, for ideas suggested by a paper on Lamennais 
 in his " Studies on Literature," and assistance in the collection of materials 
 on the subject, which I beg here most thankfully to acknowledge. 
 
 * It is curious to note the wonderful change in the attitude of the 
 curia, by comparing the reception mentioned above with the hearty 
 reception of a similar Pilgrimage last October, when M. Harmel, the head 
 of the Christian Social Factory at Val-des-Bois, and le Comte de Mun, 
 the leader of the Catholic Social Party in France, introduced eight 
 hundred working men to Pope Leo XIII , and whoi in addressing them 
 in cordial and sympathetic language, gave utterance to the following 
 remarks extracted from the Papal allocution : 
 
 " Nous vous felicitous en particulier de la part que vous prenez, comme 
 Nous le disait tout-a-1'heure votre eloquent interprete, a l'oeuvre de la 
 regeneration chretienne pour le monde du travail manuel. C'est dans 
 cette regeneration et dans ce retour aux principes ohretiens et aux 
 enseignements de l'Eglise catholique et de son Chef, que reside unique- 
 men t la solution des questions sociales qui vous touchent de si pres. 
 
 " Toujours et en tous les temps, il Nous plait ne le redire ici, l'Eglise 
 s'est preoccupee avec un soin jaloux du sort des classes pauvres et 
 ouvrieres. Elle a, par la predication des doctrines dont elle est la fidele 
 depositaire, ennobli le travail, en l'elevant a la hauteur de la dignite' et 
 de la liberte humaines ; elle l'a rendu meritoire devant Dieu, en apprenant 
 a l'ouvrier a le sanctifler par des vues surnaturelles, et a supporter avec 
 resignation et en esprit de penitence les privations et les fatigues qu'il lui 
 impose. 
 
 " L'Eglise, d'autre part, a toujours rappele" aux riches et aux puissants 
 l'obligation qui leur in combe de secourir leurs freres de condition plus 
 humble, et de respecter en eux le oaractere d'hommes et de Chretiens. . . . 
 " Nous-mSmes, des le debut de Notre Pontiflcat, Nous avons pense a 
 vous, quand nous rappelions aux peuples les principes fondamentaux de 
 l'ordre social, Nous avons suivi, depuis, avec attention les travaux des 
 Cougres tenus successivement en France, en Italie, en Allemagne, et, daus 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM IN FRANCE. 45 
 
 less nature was repelled by the temporizing, circuitous, 
 backstair policy of the curia, its wordliness, and its 
 cowardice. Week after week he waited in vain for a 
 decision, and at last, wearied with endless delays, he left 
 the city of the Tiber, a disappointed man. Montalembert 
 accompanied his friend, and they met Lacordaire at 
 Miinchen. It was there, at a repast provided by 
 distinguished writers and artists of the city for the three 
 friends, that a messenger of the Nuncio presented 
 Lamennais with the Pope's Encyclical letter, dated 
 August 15, 1832. A glance told him that it was 
 unfavourable. Without further examination, he said, in 
 a low voice, " I have just received an Encyclical of the 
 Pope against us; we must not hesitate, but submit." 
 On his return home, he drew up the act of submission, 
 which satisfied the Pope. Another and more stringent 
 form of declaration was extorted from Lamennais in the 
 course of the following year. He agreed to it, with 
 some reservations, for the sake of peace ; but its effect on 
 his own mind was damaging to the cause of Rome. He 
 arrived at the sad conviction that he had mistaken the 
 principles of the Catholic Church, that his attempt to 
 reconcile the cause of humanity with that of Rome had 
 proved a complete failure. With the knowledge and at 
 the suggestion of the Archbishop of Paris he gives in a 
 simple, unconditioned adhesion to the Pope's Encyclical 
 in all matters spiritual, but reserves to himself the right 
 of doing his duty to his country and humanity. Hence- 
 
 oes derniers jours en Belgique et en Suisse; et nous ne ceaserons de 
 faire, pour l'amelioration de votre sort, tout ce que Notre charge et Notre 
 coeur de Pere pourront nous sugge'rer." 
 
 See a graphic account of this modern Pilgrimage of Delegates 
 belonging to the Catholic Working-men's Clubs throughout France in 
 L' association Oatholique, " Revue des Questions Sociales and Ouvrieres," 
 Numero 5, Nov. 15, 1887. 
 
46 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 forth the full vigour of Lamennais' mind is given to the 
 popular cause. 
 
 The renewal of society was still to be accomplished 
 by religious agency. Speaking of the abject egotism 
 and excessive Individualism of the time, and of the 
 duty of self-denial for the common good, in a letter 
 dated 1836, he says truly enough, what F. D. Maurice 
 said independently twelve years later, " Be very sure 
 of this, that no human creature will be found saying 
 sincerely our brothers who are on earth, unless they 
 have said previously ' our Father which art in heaven.'"* 
 But Borne no longer satisfied his spiritual cravings, and 
 in anger and in sorrow he bade farewell to the religious 
 system which he had defended so warmly and so 
 ably. 
 
 This brings us to the third and last stage of Lamen- 
 nais' mental development, marked by the appearance of 
 his most popular work, " Les Paroles d'un Oroyant " 
 (1834). It is the product of the age as well as of the man, 
 and is impregnated with the political aspirations and 
 socialistic ideas of the time. In it for the first time 
 Lamennais appears as the exponent of militant Christian 
 Socialism. In his solitary walks under the Druidical 
 oaks of La Chenaie he feels, so to speak, the palpitations 
 of the human heart all over the civilized world. He 
 cannot refrain from uttering his prophetic warnings and 
 exhortations. An English Quarterly reviewer of the 
 time remarks that the work in question exhibits a 
 " monstrous alliance between a false Christianity and a 
 real Jacobinism," and calls Lamennais "a priest in a 
 bonnet rouge." The work itself he styles " a silly and 
 profane rhapsody;" but we are not told why the 
 
 * See " CEuvree inedites de F. Lamennais," par A. Blaize, vol. ii. 
 pp. 116, 147. 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM IN FRANCE. 47 
 
 " infamous volume " * passed rapidly through fifteen 
 editions, and was received all over the Continent in 
 various translations with universal rapture. 
 
 The fact is, the volume enjoyed this unprecedented 
 popularity because it expressed a wide-spread feeling of 
 the times ; that the world was out of joint ; that a new 
 order of things had become necessary ; that the professed 
 principles of Christian morality would have to replace 
 the all-prevailing rule of selfishness in the industrial 
 world, so as to avert a social revolution as the result of 
 class-antagonism provoking civil war. 
 
 To organize labour on the principle of fraternal associa- 
 tion was now the dream of philanthropists ; to substitute 
 self-sacrifice for self-seeking as the ruling motive of 
 human activity, and to remove the evils of competition 
 by encouraging friendly co-operation, became now the 
 aim of all. Like Carlyle, in the Essay on " Chartism," 
 and in his "Latter-day Pamphlets," social reformers in 
 France watched with pain and sorrow the " living chaos 
 of ignorance and hunger " in the lower strata of society. 
 For this reason, Buchez, President of the National 
 Assembly and a disciple of St. Simon, made attempts 
 to establish associations with a common fund from 1828 
 to 1848, and apparently with some success. Socialists 
 like St. Simon in his " Nouveau Christianisme," and 
 philosophers like Comte, the friend both of St. Simon 
 and Lamennais (for a time at least), humanitarians and 
 orthodox Churchmen, all felt that some form of religious 
 self-forgetfulness could alone save society. For this the 
 frigid systems of the economic theorists had no prescrip- 
 
 * It is gratifying to note an improvement of manners in this reviewer 
 in 1848, when he speaks of Lamennais as " vigorous and intrepid as a 
 thinker, eloquent and elegant as a writer." — Quarterly Review, vol. 
 lxxxiii. p. 212. 
 
48 CHBISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 tion, and the philanthropist at best could but offer paltry- 
 palliatives. It was felt, in short, that in the feverish 
 condition of the social organism, the calming and sooth- 
 ing influences of Divine remedies were needed. Accord- 
 ing to Lamennais, it is the absence of faith and love and 
 of the love of justice which causes the suffering and 
 deprivations of the many to satisfy the extravagant 
 demands of the few. If the weak will only unite in 
 brotherly love, this feeling of solidarity will be the safe- 
 guard against the tyranny of the strong. On the other 
 hand, " if you separate," he says, '• each only considering 
 himself, you have nothing to expect but suffering, mis- 
 fortune, and oppression." 
 
 It has been said that in the name of religion 
 Lamennais became almost the prophet of social rebellion. 
 It would be more correct to say that what he aimed at 
 was to spiritualize democracy as he had previously tried 
 to Christianize Liberalism and to Romanize the society 
 of the Restoration period. The Pope called "Les Paroles " 
 " a work of immense perversity," but the people of 
 Europe received it with joy. The fiery language of the 
 book, its " poetical pictures in Biblical prose," rendered 
 it extremely popular in form. The relief it afforded 
 Lamennais in thus unburdening his soul, and its unex- 
 pected success, produced a feeling of joyous placidity 
 such as Lamennais had rarely enjoyed. At this season 
 he speaks calmly of his enforced solitude and the sweet 
 monotony of his retreat, far away from great iniquities, 
 turpitudes, and crimes, breathing at ease, walking, read- 
 ing, and working to fill up vacant hours. 
 
 " The song of birds, the hum -of insects, the noise of the 
 ■wind passing through the foliage, the moon peeping through 
 the branches of ancient oaks, the passing clouds at even, all 
 this has a wonderful restorative power for the troubles of 
 
CHBISTIAN SOCIALISM IN FRANCE. 49 
 
 the mind. Thus I have never been ahle to understand why 
 so few people like to live with nature alone." 
 
 But this temporary lull did not last very long. His 
 mind was too eager and the march of events was too 
 rapid for Lamennais to enjoy a restful, contemplative 
 life in communion with nature. As his brother said of 
 him, " repose is impossible to him, God has made him a 
 soldier." This pugnacious temperament, now that he 
 had become the people's advocate, makes him attack 
 society, and chiefly that section of it for which St. 
 Simon had lately coined a new name, the " Bourgeoisie," 
 or moneyed middle-class, regarded ever since by all 
 Socialists with mingled aversion and contempt. "Le 
 Livre du Peuple," published in 1837, and " L'Esclavage 
 Moderne," published three years later, are all full of it. 
 
 " In passing through the earth," Lamennais begins the 
 opening chapter of the former, work, " as we all do, transi- 
 tory passengers of the hour, I heard awful groanings ; I 
 opened mine eyes, and saw unheard-of sufferings without 
 number. Pale, sick, failing, covered with the garments of 
 mourning, stained here and there with blood, Humanity rose 
 before me, and I asked myself, 'Is that man as God has 
 made him?' And my heart was deeply moved, and this 
 doubt filled me with anguish." 
 
 His doubts are allayed, and he shows how human 
 ignorance and passion are the main causes of suffering, 
 Unlike some other "true demagogues," Lamennais speaks, 
 not only of rights, but also of duties. He reminds the poor 
 that they must be up and doing to remove the weight 
 of evils under which they are groaning ; that they have 
 themselves to blame if the burden is to be borne by 
 their children through their own ignorance, neglect, 
 egotism, and cowardice. After the manner of most 
 Socialists, he attributes all the evils to a vicious arrange- 
 
 E 
 
50 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 ment of the social order, brought about by the selfishness 
 of the ruling classes. 
 
 The new era which he pictures is to be brought 
 about by the spiritual forces of the Christian Religion, 
 as I'^Tiergie organisatrice in the harmonious develop- 
 ment of society. 
 
 "When you shall have succeeded in giving to your 
 organization the Christian equality of rights, the regenera- 
 tion (of society) intended by you, and which G-od commands 
 you to aspire after, will be accomplished of its own accord 
 in those three inseparable branches, the mental, moral, and 
 material order of things." 
 
 Like most enthusiasts who have written on social 
 life, Lamennais has been more successful in describing 
 social evils and laying down general principles of social 
 - improvement than in the way of giving hints for prac- 
 tical experiment. In social politics Lamennais was a 
 failure. Often allied by force of circumstances to men 
 of inferior mark, he wasted much of his genius and 
 power in journalism and pamphleteering, a task for 
 which he was but imperfectly equipped by previous 
 habits and training. But what he did he did with 
 energy and to the best of his abilities, though at times 
 even in the face of humiliating defeats. 
 
 Thus in the same year which saw the publication of 
 " Le Livre du Peuple," he also takes the editorship of 
 the Monde, which he conducted for three mouths. 
 Some of the articles which appeared then were published 
 in a separate form under the heading "Le Pays et le 
 Gouvernement," which led to a lawsuit, condemnation, 
 and a year's imprisonment in St. Pelagic Here another 
 little volume was written, conceived in the same spirit, 
 "Une Voix de Prison," giving expression to the com- 
 plaints and aspirations of the Proletariat. 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM IN FRANCE. 51 
 
 In 1848, Lamennais' long-cherished wish to represent 
 " the people " in the council of the nation was fulfilled 
 at last; he was elected a member of the Constituent 
 Assembly. Here his peculiar deficiencies which had 
 stood in the way of success before, impeded his move- 
 ments once more. An admirable poet, following the 
 inspiration of his severe and irritated muse, Lamennais 
 could rouse the passions and set a popular movement 
 going, but he did not possess the calm and cautious 
 savoir faire of the practical politician, nor the circum- 
 spect deliberation of the discriminating philosopher to 
 guide and direct men and events. As M. Renan remarks, 
 referring to this grave fault in his character, Lamennais 
 is inexplicable, unless it be acknowledged that a man 
 may be at the same time a superior artist, a mediocre 
 philosopher, and an incensed politician. 
 
 The quick irritability of genius is little calculated to 
 fit a man for co-operation with ordinary men of the 
 world, dealing with public measures on common-sense 
 principles in a calculating spirit. With the quickness of 
 an eager mind Lamennais detected top readily motives 
 and gave utterance too rashly to harsh criticisms, which 
 offended and estranged the men with whom he worked. 
 He is too much like one of the knights of the Middle 
 Ages, or like one of those austere anchorites of an earlier 
 period, who imagined themselves constantly assailed by 
 lurking enemies and Satanic powers which they are 
 sent to combat, and thus he strikes right and left without 
 fear and without mercy, and still more often without 
 discrimination. If he roused profound sympathies, he 
 also provoked implacable hatreds, and thus injured the 
 cause he advocated in losing one after another of his 
 supporters. He failed as soon as he descended from the 
 rostrum to enter the arena of constructive legislation. 
 
52 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Even the mob found it hard to recognize in this modern 
 John the Baptist, with his haughty airs of spiritual 
 exclusiveness, their true leader. When his proposals did 
 not meet with that complete acquiescence which he 
 demanded as a right, he turned away from his democratic 
 coadjutors, as before he had done from the ecclesiastical 
 superiors, dissatisfied and disappointed. 
 
 The coup d'&at of Napoleon III. silenced Lamennais' 
 voice as a popular agitator. Henceforth in the solitude 
 of his retirement he sought the consolations of philosophy 
 and religious contemplation. He endeavoured to drown 
 the bitter recollections of those stormy and sterile parlia- 
 mentary discussions in speculative inquiries. The result 
 " of these labours is the unfinished work of his latter days, 
 '' L'Esquisse d!une Philosophie." As old age crept upon 
 him the soothing effects of time softened the asperities 
 of his irritable temperament. A serene calm succeeded, 
 during which Lamennais turned to more congenial studies, 
 the translation of the New Testament, portions of which 
 had appeared already in 1846, and the study of Dante's 
 "Divina Commedia." It was whilst engaged on an 
 introduction to the latter that he was struck with the 
 fatal disease from which he never recovered. 
 
 The principles which helped him to bear the burden 
 of life, and to deliver himself of the task assigned him, 
 may be gathered from the following letter to a young 
 man, who had confided to him, the story of his own 
 sufferings. 
 
 "And you, too," he writes, "mingle your own voice with 
 the solemn "voice of nature which is heard across the centuries 
 lite one long funereal lamentation. You have suffered much, 
 you still suffer much, as all human heings suffer in body and 
 in soul, not only sufferings which hear a name of their own, 
 hut also that unknown something which all of us carry about 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM IN FEANCE. 53 
 
 us within ourselves ; and this is life, and the beauty and 
 grandeur, the ineffable grandeur of life. For are we to be 
 satisfied with that hungering after something which seems 
 to devour us daily and yet without being able to be satisfied, 
 that which fills the short space between the cradle and the 
 grave ? Oh no, no ! A beneficent power compels us to soar 
 higher. Sometimes, however, seduced by airy illusions and 
 the inexperience of youth, we persuade ourselves that this 
 good so much desired jis close by our side, that we can take 
 hold of it, that we have seized it already ; then, all of a 
 sudden, as Pascal says, it escapes our grasp, and sadly we 
 acknowledge that it was only a shadow. Then the deceived 
 heart is troubled, and worn out with the bitterness of its 
 grief. Because the image of the trembling star has dis- 
 appeared in the flood beneath, which for a moment reflected 
 it, we cease to believe the existence of the star itself. Lift 
 up your eyes, my dear child, you will find it risen a little 
 higher. It would be reasonable, all the same, to inquire 
 whether there be some object in our existence, and what it is. 
 This end certainly is not the individual self in each case, as 
 the centre of all things ; for each individuality cannot be 
 that. But every one of us, to be what he ought to be, must 
 propose to himself, in everything he does or desires, another 
 object outside himself: and thus at once duty presents itself 
 rising above life and illuminating it with. a new light, it fills 
 it with joys, severe undoubtedly, but profound, too, and 
 inexhausti ble." 
 
 The malady which first compelled Lamennais to take 
 his bed on January 16, 1854, had now made rapid 
 progress. The end was at hand, and found Lamennais 
 ready, calm, collected, and consistent. To the last he 
 repelled firmly some friendly, but injudicious attempts, 
 to reconcile him to the Church. This was the only 
 irritant disturbing the quiet ebbing away of life. After 
 forty-three days of suffering, supported with stoical 
 
54 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 resignation, and mostly spent in cheerful conversation 
 with the few friends who gathered round his bedside, 
 Lamennais expired in full possession of his intellectual 
 powers, and unswerving in his convictions to the last 
 moment. 
 
 His whole mind, we are told, during his illness, was 
 absorbed in thoughts on God. The night before his 
 death, he had, as it were, a vision of beatitude, of which 
 he speaks to Barbet, " These were happy moments ! " 
 
 The instructions of his will were : " I wish to be 
 buried among the poor, and like the poor ; nothing shall 
 be placed on my grave, not even a simple stone; my 
 body shall be carried direct to the cemetery, without 
 being presented in a church previous to burial. 
 
 His injunctions were strictly obeyed. On the last 
 day of February, his funeral passed through the streets 
 of Paris. Crowds of people, whom the Imperial police 
 were sent to disperse, if necessary, watched the mournful 
 procession. They showed their profound respect by 
 uncovering their heads as the last remains o£ the tribune 
 of the people were carried to their resting-place. 
 
 What has been the result of Lamennais' work as 
 a Christian Socialist, in his efforts to ameliorate the 
 condition of the people of France ? Of direct results of 
 a positive kind there are none. His was rather the 
 imperious and aggressive temper of the iconoclast, who 
 lays bare the faults and falsities of existing systems, than 
 the calm, constructive energy of the practical reformer. 
 The vehement thoroughness of the man, however, pro- 
 duced a powerful and lasting effect on others, especially 
 the young men of his own time, and since, in stirring 
 them up to activity in the cause of social reform. 
 Lamennais, moreover, succeeded in popularizing the 
 ideas of the Neo-catholic Socialists in France, as C. 
 
CHKISTIAN SOCIALISM IN FRANCE. 55 
 
 Kingsley was instrumental in disseminating the theories 
 of Maurice and the Christian Socialists in this country. 
 
 Thus Lamennais may be said to have brought about, 
 indirectly, a rapprochement between the Church and the 
 "working classes, as indeed the principles of the " Agence 
 Catholique " have virtually, if not always officially, been 
 adopted since by the Eomish Church. At all events, it 
 is Lamennais' merit to have emphasized, with all the 
 fervid earnestness of his strong nature, the important 
 truth that religious convictions and enthusiasms are the 
 most powerful elements of social progress. Others have 
 taken up the work where Lamennais left it, though not 
 always in Lamennais' spirit. Still, the guiding principle 
 of his life, of making religion the great regenerating 
 power in society, has been adopted, in one form or 
 another, by a considerable number of young and able 
 writers, whose works must ultimately influence the 
 course of social reform. 
 
 Whatever may be the faults of Lamennais' style, 
 declamatory as the occasion required, and vehement 
 because the writer felt so intensely, and endeavoured to 
 excite passion and pity in an age indifferent to the 
 sorrows and sufferings of the masses ; whatever may be 
 the errors of judgment in the course of his public career, 
 arising from his limited knowledge of human nature and 
 the principles which govern conduct in average men, we 
 cannot help admiring the sustained force of his dis- 
 interested zeal, his masculine courage and candour, added 
 to the charm of almost childlike simplicity and feminine 
 sensitiveness, his high moral tone, and persistent piety 
 throughout the various phases of his development as 
 a man and a social reformer. 
 
 If the outlook was dark and the retrospect not re- 
 assuring, as the dark shadows gathered round the death- 
 
56 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 bed of the aged warrior, one gleam of sunlight, at least, 
 might brighten up the darkness without and within, the 
 consciousness of having done his duty, as far as he had 
 understood it, and giving utterance to the sad convictions 
 of a bewildered soul, very much in the spirit of one of 
 the characters in " King Lear " — 
 
 " The weight of this sad time we must obey ; 
 Speak what we feel, not what we ought to say." 
 
( 57 ) 
 
 CHAPTEK III. 
 
 CHARLES KINGSLEY; OR, CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM IN 
 ENGLAND. 
 
 It was by one of those strange coincidences in literary 
 history, which are not without a peculiar significance of 
 their own, that Charles Kingsley in England, and the 
 Duke of Montalembert in France, took for their subject 
 the life of St. Elizabeth in their first attempts of author- 
 ship. The coincidence forms a connecting link between 
 the subjects of the last and the present chapter, Lamennais 
 and Kingsley ; for both the former, an intimate friend 
 of Montalembert, and the latter were attracted by this 
 mediaeval saint because, among other reasons, Elizabeth 
 of Hungary had been " the poor man's patroness " and 
 the representative of Christian Socialism in the thirteenth 
 century. When Montalembert paid a reverential visit 
 to her tomb in 1833, and when, ten years later, Kingsley 
 commenced a history of her life, which ultimately 
 appeared in another form as " The Saint's Tragedy," they 
 were both enthusiastic young men passing through " a 
 season of acute struggle " in their views on religion and 
 society. Both had the welfare of the poor deeply at 
 heart, and were naturally fascinated by a kindred spirit 
 of religious philanthropy. And so Montalembert pro- 
 duced a biography and Kingsley a tragedy, both having 
 for their object to teach the religious world its duty 
 
58 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM.' 
 
 towards the starving multitude in their struggle, not 
 only with the ancient " tyranny of the feudal code," but 
 also the modern "tyranny of' capital." For this there 
 is abundant evidence (so far as Kingsley is concerned) 
 in " The Saint's Tragedy." 
 
 Thus Count Hugo, one of the dramatis personce, is 
 simply a specimen of the doctrinaire-economists whose 
 cruel Malthusian theories were attacked later on more 
 directly, and almost fiercely, in " Yeast " and " Alton 
 Locke." 
 
 Count Hugo is the practical business man who takes 
 a common-sense view of things in famine time. 
 
 "The sharper the famine, the higher the prices, and the 
 higher I sell, the more I can spend ; so the money circulates, 
 sir, that's the word — like water — sure to run downwards 
 •again ; and so it's as broad as it is long ; and here's a health 
 — if there was any beer — to the farmer's friends, ' a bloody 
 war and a wet harvest.' " 
 
 The Abbot, speaking in the language of the Man- 
 chester school, equally hateful to Kingsley's mind, 
 rejoins : — 
 
 " ' Strongly put, though correctly. For the self-interest of 
 each it is which produces in the aggregate the happy equi- 
 librium of all.' 
 
 " ' But, look you, sir,' retorts another interlocutor, ' private 
 selfishness may be public weal, and yet private selfishness 
 be just as surely damned for all that.' " 
 
 Here we have Charles Kingsley's own sentiment, or 
 his social philosophy in its incipient stage. Here he 
 appears for the first time as " the apostle of a new 
 revolutionary gospel." 
 
 We have seen that such, too, in the main was 
 Lamennais' standpoint. This suggests a brief comparison 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM IN ENGLAND. 59 
 
 of the two men, and the state of things around them 
 which gave rise to the social movement in which they 
 took such an active part. 
 
 There are striking similarities on the one hand, and 
 characteristic peculiarities on the other. Both Lamennais 
 and Kingsley were impetuous and thorough-going, 
 sanguine to a fault, and charged with nervous excita- 
 bility to the last degree. In both we observe the same 
 energy and enthusiasm producing premature exhaustion, 
 the same sincere simplicity, the same conscientious con- 
 centration upon the self-imposed task, which made them 
 fretful under reverses, impatient of trifles, and which 
 produced, at an early stage of their career, that weariness 
 of life which made Kingsley often exclaim, " How blessed 
 it will be -when it is all over ! " 
 
 The distinguishing characteristics of Kingsley are 
 his capacity for physical enjoyment and love of science, 
 his appreciation of home* life, quick sense of humour, 
 practical understanding, and wide social sympathies. 
 These preserved him from many errors and extremes 
 to which Lamennais fell an easy victim. Gifted with 
 a natural cheerfulness of disposition and capable of 
 healthy sensuous enjoyment in the house and in the 
 fields, Kingsley rarely gave way to those melancholy 
 broodings which embittered the life and marred the 
 happiness of Lamennais. This English buoyancy of 
 spirits and relish for fun and frolic formed a strange 
 contrast to the recluse habits of the Frenchman, who, 
 though he could be cheerful at rare intervals in conver- 
 sation with intimates and enjoyed his little Sunday 
 dinners with B^ranger at Passy, was nevertheless a victim 
 of almost habitual moroseness. 
 
 These personal characteristics had their effect on 
 Kingsley's public life, and had their special value in the 
 
60 CHEISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 maintenance of mental balance (comparatively speaking) 
 during that " convulsed era " of socialistic agitation when 
 he, with others, joined " the battle against starvation " in 
 the stormy years between 1848-1855; 
 
 It was an " anxious and critical time," as Kingsley's 
 friend Thomas Hughes called it. On both sides of St. 
 George's Channel widespread distress and famine had 
 produced loud discontent. The revolution on the Con- 
 tinent fomented the popular agitation in this country. 
 In most of the industrial towns riotous meetings were 
 held. London was declared in a state of siege. The 
 bridges and Downing Street were barricaded, the Bank 
 of England and other public buildings were garrisoned, 
 and the Houses of Parliament provisioned as if for a 
 siege. A million of special constables were sworn in for 
 the protection of life and property against the Chartist 
 rising. This exhibition of force quelled the movement, 
 and the crisis passed away. With the disappearance of 
 immediate danger, men began to underrate the causes of 
 these disturbances and soon became indifferenttothecauses 
 which had produced them. To sound the alarm against 
 this growing feeling of supine indifference, some powerful 
 articles appeared in the Morning Chronicle to disabuse 
 the public mind of this easy-going misconception as to _ 
 the real state of things. They startled the world in 
 disclosing the dangers which London had just escaped 
 from, and drew attention to some of the crying social 
 evils which had brought the country within easy dis- 
 tance of a revolution ; and with it the conviction dawned 
 in the minds of many that "something ought to be 
 done." Among these was that small band of Christian 
 Socialists who had F. D. Maurice for their leader and 
 Kingsley for their most popular and eloquent spokesman. 
 They perceived what others, blinded by prejudice, failed 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM IN ENGLAND. 61 
 
 to see, that the extinction of Chartism as the symptom 
 of dissatisfaction was not the end of the evil itself. They 
 knew full well that the country had not been quite 
 free from disturbances ever since the Reform agitation. 
 Kingsley himself had been present, as a boy, at the 
 Bristol riots in 1831. What the effect of these early 
 impressions on his mind was, he told the Bristol people 
 twenty-seven years later — 
 
 " When the first excitement of horror and wonder was 
 past, what I had seen made me for years the veriest aristocrat, 
 full of hatred and contempt of these dangerous classes, whose 
 existence I had for the first time discovered. It required 
 years — years, too, of personal intercourse with the poor — to 
 explain to me the true meaning of what I saw here in October 
 twenty -seven years ago ; and to learn a part of that lesson 
 which God taught to others thereby." 
 
 This lesson of experience taught him that the duty 
 of the Church was not confined to counsel and consola- 
 tion in times of distress, but that the " new era " required 
 a clergy with intelligent sympathy for the sufferings of 
 the masses, able to apply the moral lever of religion with 
 a view to raise them from their sunken position. He 
 had learned that the gentry who had " discoursed upon 
 -the perverseness and wickedness of the human heart 
 which led men into discontent and rebellion " had mis- 
 taken the signs of the times, and that a strong effort 
 would be required to bring about a reconciliation of 
 existing class antagonism. 
 
 The Duke of Richmond had said, in 1830, in the 
 House of Lords, " I believe a feeling now exists among 
 the labouring classes that your lordships and the upper 
 classes of society are to be regarded rather as their foes 
 than their friends." This feeling in the public mind had 
 
62 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 not subsided, but had been rather intensified in 1848, 
 notwithstanding the passing of the Reform Bill and legis- 
 lative measures in favour of the working classes, which 
 had occupied the greater portion of the session of 1843. 
 
 Dr. Arnold, with the ardour of a religious reformer ; 
 Sidney Smith, with the force of religious common sense ; 
 and Dean Hook, with the skilful energy of religious 
 organization, had each in their way prepared the way 
 for the Christian Socialists. Sir Robert Peel had passed 
 his measures of reform of Church property to augment 
 small livings, with the intention, expressed at the time, 
 in the following words : — 
 
 " The advantage I anticipate is, that by this prdceeding 
 I shall place the Church of England in a favourable light 
 before the people of this country, and conciliate towards it 
 that favour and affection to which I believe it to be justly- 
 entitled, and lay the foundation of extended usefulness." * 
 
 The time had now come when Dr. Arnold's fears lest 
 the old ecclesiastical structure was no longer suited to 
 the needs of the times was to be dispelled by the ap- 
 pearance of a body of men in the Church, taught in his 
 school and imbued with his spirit, who rose to the occa- 
 sion, and in the person of Parson Lot made it their effort 
 to have " God justified to the people." f 
 
 * Martineau, " History of the Peace," vol. iv. p. 275 ; and of. ibid., p. 
 271, et passim; also vol. ii. p. 485. Dr. Hook during the election of church- 
 wardens in 1843 had said that the Chartists "were the only body of 
 churchwardens who had conducted themselves in an honourable, straight- 
 forward, and gentlemanly manner." — Ibid., vol. iv. p. 279. 
 
 t It is interesting to note here a coincidence in the appreciation of 
 Christian Socialism in England and France respectively. The English 
 Christian Socialists were characterized by the Quarterly Review, which 
 criticized so severely Lamennais and his school, as " a clique of educated 
 and clever bat wayward-minded men — who, from, as it seems, a morbid 
 craving for notoriety or a crazy straining after paradox— preach Jaco- 
 binism and Jacquerie, under the name of Christian Socialism." — Quarterly 
 Review, vol. lxxxix. (1851). 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM IN ENGLAND. 63 
 
 For a while Kingsley watched keenly the current of 
 events from his retreat at Eversley without taking an 
 active part in the movement, except by way of corre- 
 spondence with Maurice. But when the news of the 
 Chartist rising reached him at last, he could contain 
 himself no longer, but went up to town to take his share 
 in the work. 
 
 Soon after this appeared Polities for the People, with 
 those powerful contributions of Charles Kingsley under 
 the well-known title, " Letters to the Chartists," signed 
 by " Parson Lot." These were sadly misunderstood and 
 misinterpreted by contemporaries as of the most violent 
 revolutionary character. They were nothing of the sort. 
 Kingsley had said, indeed, in one of them, "My only 
 quarrel with the Charter is, that it does not go far 
 enough in reform." But what he meant by going not 
 far enough he explains further on, when he points out 
 the error of the Chartists in " fancying that legislative 
 reform is social reform, or that man's heart can be 
 changed by Act of Parliament." He then directs their 
 mind to the only true organizing force of society, when 
 he says : — 
 
 " God will only reform society on condition of our reform- 
 ing every man his own self, while the devil is quite ready 
 to help us to mend the laws and the Parliament, earth and 
 heaven, without ever starting such an impertinent and 
 'personal' request, as that a man should mend himself." 
 Immediately afterwards he directs their attention to the 
 Bible, as " the poor man's comfort and the rich man's warn- 
 mg. * 
 
 * Politics for the People, pp. 28, 58, and " Letters and Memories of 
 his Life," vol. i. pp. 164, 165. " The Bible," says Charles Kingsley, " not 
 only dwells on the rights of property and the duties of labour," but " for 
 once that it does that, it preaches ten times over, the duties of property 
 and the rights of labour." 
 
64 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 It was with sentiments like these (he called it " Bible- 
 Eadicalism ") that Kingsley, on a memorable occasion, 
 attended one of the meetings, organized by the Christian 
 Socialists to meet the Chartists, at the Cranbourne 
 Tavern; Maurice presiding. Some vehement speeches 
 had just been made against the Church, when Kingsley 
 rose, and, folding his arms across his chest, he threw 
 back his head, and began : "lama Church of England 
 parson," then, after a long pause, " and a Chartist." But 
 here, too, he not only expressed sympathy with the 
 grievances of the Chartists, but also courageously con- 
 demned some of their false methods in the proposed 
 settlement of the question.* 
 
 Want of friends put an end to the publication of 
 Politics for the People, but this did not prevent an effort 
 being made m another direction. 
 
 Mr. Ludlow had just returned from Paris, where he 
 had seen something of the working of organized labour 
 associations. It was intended to start similar co-opera- 
 tive societies in England. A new publication was 
 started to advocate co-operative principles, and Ludlow 
 became its editor. It called itself the Christian Socialist, 
 and its main object, as stated in the first number, was 
 "to diffuse the principles of co-operation by the prac- 
 tical application of Christianity to the purposes of trade 
 and industry." 
 
 Its promoters boldly expressed their belief in the 
 essential harmony between Christianity and Socialism ; 
 but Socialism with them only meant associated labour 
 as distinguished from individual enterprise. In fact, the 
 alternative name of this publication was much more 
 appropriate, though less sensational and less exposed to 
 misinterpretation — A Journal of Association. 
 * See Prefatory Memoir of Thomas Hughes in " Alton Locke," p. xix. 
 
CHBISTIAN SOCIALISM IN ENGLAND. 65 
 
 However, although association and co-operative labour 
 was the primary, it was not to be the sole object of the 
 Christian Socialists. 
 
 " We must touch the workman at all his points of 
 interest," said Kingsley at the time, in a letter to Mr. 
 Ludlow. " First and foremost at association, hut also at 
 political rights, as grounded both on the Christian ideal of 
 the Church, and on the historic facts of the Anglo-Saxon 
 race. Then national education, sanitary and dwelling-house 
 reform, the free sale of land, and corresponding reform of 
 the land-laws, moral improvement of the family relation, 
 public places of recreation (on which point I am very 
 earnest) and I think a set of hints from history, and sayings 
 of great men, of which last I have been picking up from 
 Plato, Demosthenes, etc." * 
 
 In one of the early numbers of the Christian Socialist, 
 Kingsley, under the nom de plume of " Parson Lot," 
 draws a parallel between the exodus of the children of 
 Israel from the Egyptian bondage, and the deliverance 
 of the working classes from modern "tyrants." In a 
 later number,! he labours to show as against the 
 Reasoner, a Chartist publication, that the higher notion 
 of the " dignity of labour " is derived from the inspired 
 teaching of Holy Writ. In a lecture of Kingsley 's, 
 published then, he refers to the success of the Moravian 
 Establishment compared with the failure of other social 
 schemes in their practical application, and assigns the 
 following as the reasons : — 
 
 " Because they were undertaken in the fear of God, and 
 with humility and caution ; because the Moravians acted in 
 
 * Prefatory Memoir in " Alton Locke," p. xxi. 
 t Christian Socialist, vol. i. pp. 25, 26 ; ibid., pp. 113, 114. 
 
 F 
 
66 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 the faith that they were brothers and sisters, members of 
 one body, bound to care not for themselves, but for the 
 commonwealth." * 
 
 In fact, throughout, the aim of this publication was 
 very similar to that of L'Avenir in France. " The new 
 element is democracy in Church and State. Waiving 
 the question of its evil and its good, we cannot stop it. 
 Let us Christianize it instead." t 
 
 To do this a courageous attitude was indispensable, 
 and Kingsley was prepared in his pugnacious way for 
 a bold step. As he put it himself, " I want to commit 
 myself; I want others to commit themselves. A man* 
 never fishes well in the morning till he has tumbled into 
 the water ! " 
 
 The tumble came at a time when he least expected 
 it. It happened in the year of the Exhibition of 1851. 
 By this time the Christian Socialists had established 
 themselves sufficiently to attract public attention. Their 
 publications, especially Kingsley's tract, entitled, " Cheap 
 Clothes and Nasty," had caused a considerable sensation. 
 When, therefore, a series of lectures and sermons on 
 social subjects were organized by some of the London 
 clergy, Kingsley, too, through Maurice, was requested to 
 join in the enterprise. He consented, and selected for 
 the subject of his sermon, " The Message of the Church 
 to the Labouring Men." The incumbent of the church 
 at which it was to be delivered cordially approved of it, 
 and no guarantees were given of any kind as to the 
 manner of treatment by the preacher. 
 
 * Christian Socialist, vol. i. p. 253. Headers may be referred to a little 
 book by the present writer, treating on this subject, entitled " Socialism 
 and Communism in their Practical Application," and published by the 
 S.P.C.K., especially pp. 91amd<92, on the Moravian Brotherhood. 
 
 t " Letters and Memoirs of Jiis Life," vol. i. p. 141. 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM IN ENGLAND. 67 
 
 Kingsley took for his text, Luke iv. 16-21, and in 
 the course of his sermon he remarked — 
 
 " I assert that the husiness for which God sends a 
 Christian priest in a Christian nation is to preach and 
 practise liberty, equality, and brotherhood in the fullest, 
 deepest, widest, simplest meaning of these great words ; 
 that, in as far as he so does, he is a true priest, doing his 
 Lord's will, and with his Lord's blessing on him. . . . 
 
 " All systems of society which favour the accumulation 
 of capital in a few hands, which oust the masses from the 
 soil which their forefathers possessed of old, which reduce 
 them to the level of serfs and day-labourers living on wages 
 and on alms, which crush them down with debt, or in any 
 wise degrade and enslave them, or deny them a permanent 
 stake in the commonwealth, are contrary to the kingdom of 
 God which Jesus proclaimed." * 
 
 At the close of the sermon the incumbent got up and 
 declared that in his opinion the greater part of it was 
 untrue, and that he had expected something quite diffe- 
 rent. Kingsley made no reply. It must have been a 
 great trial to repress his vehement indignation at such 
 conduct. The congregation evidently expected a reply. 
 He merely bowed his head, pronounced the blessing, and 
 descended from the pulpit. 
 
 The unusual step taken by the incumbent was all 
 the more surprising, as he had professed acquaintance 
 with, and expressed great admiration for, Charles 
 Kingsley's published writings. But among them were 
 "Yeast "and "Alton Locke," the former of which had 
 appeared in Fraser's Magazine in 1848, the latter had 
 been been published in 1850, and both of them contained 
 matter of a much more inflammable character than the 
 sermon in question. 
 
 * See Sermon at St. John's Church, Charlotte Street, Fitzroy Square, 
 June 22, 1857. 
 
68 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 It is to them we must turn now as containing the 
 most characteristic sentiments of Charles Kingsley at 
 this period of agitation, and the most important in our 
 biographical sketch of Kingsley as a Christian Socialist. 
 " Yeast " was seething in the author's mind during the 
 period of suspense which preceded the Chartist outbreak, 
 and, as its name implies, it was intended to reflect the 
 turbid state of the public mind at the time. 
 
 In the book itself, the fragmentary and unconnected 
 form of which Kingsley acknowledges and attributes to 
 " the yeasty state of the mind of the world around him," 
 we have • here and there strong socialistic passages, of 
 which the following is a fair specimen. It is in the form 
 of a dialogue between a country gentleman and Lancelot, 
 the hero of the story — 
 
 " ' If man living in civilized society,' said Lancelot, 
 ' has one right which he can demand, it is this, that the 
 State which exists by his labour shall enable him to develop, 
 or, at least, not hinder his developing, his whole faculties 
 to the very utmost, however lofty that may be. While a 
 man who might be an author remains a spade-drudge, or a 
 journeyman while he has capacities for a master ; while any 
 man able to rise in life remains by social circumstances lower 
 than he is willing to place himself, that man has a right to 
 complain of the State's injustice and neglect.' 
 
 " ' Eeally, I do not see,' said Vieuxbois, ' why people 
 should wish to rise in life. They had no such self-willed 
 fancy in the good old times. The whole notion is a product 
 of these modern days.' 
 
 " ' I think, honestly/ said Lancelot, whose blood was up, 
 ' that we gentlemen all run into the same fallacy. We fancy 
 ourselves the fixed and necessary element in society, to 
 which all others are to accommodate themselves. " Given the 
 rights of the few rich, to find the condition of the many 
 poor." It seems to me that the other postulate is quite as 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM IN ENGLAND. 69 
 
 fair — " Given the rights of the many poor, to find the condi- 
 tion of the few rich." ' 
 
 " Lord Minchamstead laughed. 
 
 " If you hit us so hard, Mr. Smith, I must denounce you 
 as a Communist.' " * 
 
 Nowhere in his writings, except perhaps in "Alton 
 Locke," does he paint in more vivid colours, or with a 
 more painfully realistic intensity, the extremes of luxury 
 and poverty than in this volume, and yet he is not with- 
 out hope. He does not see in this the " grinding of the 
 iron sheets of mechanical necessity," but a general plan 
 which Providence will reveal presently. His two 
 principal characters in the novel are to become " an ideal 
 pair of pioneers towards the society of the future." 
 
 "Yeast" contains some hard hits at the country 
 parsons, which gave offence at the time. The fact is, he 
 was young and ardent when he wrote the book, and his 
 language was not cautious, nor did he intend it to be so. 
 He more frequently wrote as a partisan than with the 
 judicial calm of a social philosopher. But then he only 
 described the state of feeling prevailing at the time with- 
 out necessarily expressing sympathy with its violence. 
 He drew a picture of the disaffected peasantry, dark and 
 lurid, indeed, but true as drawn from nature. He 
 described what he saw with his own eyes. His critics 
 imagined that he revelled in the contemplation of the 
 anarchical turmoil which he described. In this they 
 were mistaken. Kingsley may have been carried away 
 by excess of sympathy to exaggerate the case, but it was 
 done unconsciously and under a deep sense of duty to 
 speak out and avert dangers which he saw, or imagined 
 he saw, threatening the very existence of society. 
 
 This, too, is true of "Alton Locke," that powerful 
 *" Yeast," pp. 100, 101. 
 
70 CHK1STIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 story of the adventures of a Chartist tailor, and which 
 was, as has well been said, " the outpouring of Kingsley's 
 impulsive sympathy with conscious powers impotently 
 struggling under the artificial conditions of a corrupt 
 civilization." Kingsley knew from personal experience 
 something of the difficulty of rising genius which he 
 pictures so faithfully in "Alton Locke." There is a 
 curious passage in one of his letters from America which 
 probably describes his own state of mind at this time : 
 "Thirty years ago ... I meant to go in despair . . . 
 as soon as I took my degree, and throw myself into the 
 wild life, to sink or to swim, escaping from the civiliza- 
 tion which only tempted me and saddened me with the 
 envy of a poor man !"* 
 
 Most young men with brains make for similar reasons 
 their debut as radicals, and Parson Lot was at that early 
 period of his life not very apt to hide his feelings under 
 cover of the " fig-leaves of decent reticence." 
 
 " Alton Locke " has been called " the greatest poem " 
 and " the grandest sermon," and was highly approved of 
 by Carlyle. It contained many passages which startled 
 the world, just then awakening out of its comfortable 
 sleep of selfish ease. When Kingsley accused the com- 
 mercial world of cannibalism,t devouring in its greed 
 bodies and souls of the working men, whilst they were 
 devouring one another in the competitive struggle for 
 employment, he appeared to exaggerate on purpose to 
 show the worst side of things. But the impassioned 
 rhetorical utterances of the period were the result mainly 
 
 * " Letters and Memories," vol. ii. p. 433. 
 
 t " O that I had the tongue of St. James," he writes to his wife from 
 London in 1849, "to plead for these poor fellows! to tell what I saw 
 myself, to stir up some rich men to go and rescue them from the tyranny 
 of the small shopkeepirig landlords who get their rents out of the flesh 
 and blood of these men." — " Letters and Memories," vol. i. pp. 216, 217. 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM IN ENGLAND. 71 
 
 of an excited brain unconsciously exaggerating the danger 
 of the hour. What Sainte-Beuve says of Lamennais was 
 evidently true of Charles Kingsley, his mind was " oxidized 
 by the age " he lived in. 
 
 After the storm there followed a calm, even in Kings- 
 ley's own disturbed career, and he, too, like most men 
 under similar circumstances, reached the safe haven of 
 contented optimism. The war-cries of his younger days 
 grew more feeble by degrees as things improved around 
 him. 
 
 " Hireling and Mammonite, bigot and knave, 
 Crawl to the battle-field, sneak to your grave.'' 
 
 Such was the burden of his song in the turbulent days 
 of 1848. His muse assumed a more cheerful and less 
 combative tone before it was finally hushed into silence. 
 Still, Kingsley remained true to the main principles of 
 his social philosophy, though in his method of vindi- 
 cating them he grew less violent and aggressive. 
 
 It would be difficult to state in full these principles. 
 There are passages in his social novels which almost 
 show a tendency towards what is now called State- 
 Socialism, as in the passage in " Yeast " quoted above. 
 But the confession of the heroine in " Alton Locke " 
 represents more accurately, perhaps; Kingsley's own 
 aspirations — 
 
 " One by one every institution disappointed me. They 
 seemed, after all, only means for keeping the poor in their 
 degradation by making it just not intolerable to them — 
 means for enabling Mammon to draw fresh victims into his 
 den by taking off his hands those whom he had already worn 
 out into uselessness. Then I tried association among my 
 own sex — among the most miserable and degraded of them. 
 I simply tried to put them into a position in which they 
 might work for each other, and not for a single tyrant ; in 
 
72 CHEISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 which that tyrant's profits might be divided among the 
 slaves themselves, Experienced men warned me that I 
 should fail; that such a plan would be destroyed by the 
 innate selfishness and rivalry of human nature ; that it 
 demanded what was impossible to find — good faith, fraternal 
 love, overruling moral influence. I answered that I knew 
 that already; that nothing but Christianity alone could 
 supply that want, but that it could and should supply it ; 
 that I would teach them to live as sisters by living with 
 them as a sister myself, ... to make my workrooms, in one 
 word, not a machinery, but a family. . . . And I have suc- 
 ceeded, as others will succeed, long after my name, my small 
 endeavours are forgotten amid the great new world — new 
 Church, I should have said — of enfranchised and fraternal 
 labour." * 
 
 This was Kingsley's Christian Socialism, the methods 
 for improving society were to be divine. He knew of 
 no universal remedy for curing social evils, nor did he 
 believe " rising in life " to be the great panacea of happi- 
 ness for the classes struggling into competency. He 
 looked forward to a total change in their condition by 
 means of an entire transformation of character, and a 
 regeneration of the human heart.f 
 
 In the later stages of his Christian Socialism, Kings - 
 ley contented himself to direct his reformatory efforts 
 against indiscriminate and inquisitorial methods of alms- 
 giving, sanitary improvements, the education of women, 
 and the application of science to the solution of social 
 problems. 
 
 Those who had watched him with apprehension 
 before now began to feel more at ease. Others who had 
 regarded him as a great social prophet, a modern John 
 the Baptist, imagined now they saw in him one of those 
 
 * "Alton Locke," pp. 297, 298. f Ibid., p. 87. 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM IN ENGLAND. 73 
 
 clothed in soft raiment, who lived delicately in king's 
 courts. 'They missed in his later utterances the haughty 
 scorn of selfish indolence, timid avarice, the severe in- 
 tolerance of the mean and weak which had characterized 
 his early speeches and writings. He himself seems to 
 have been fully aware of the change that had come 
 over him, and said as much in some of his letters to his 
 friends and in private conversation. He had changed 
 with the times ; when the atmosphere around him grew 
 more cool, he, too, became more subdued in his strictures 
 on society, and began to condone more readily its faults. 
 He hailed gladly every well-intentioned effort (of which 
 there were many) to improve the condition of the people, 
 and henceforth adopted studiously the language of 
 moderation.* 
 
 Kingsley, however, in his later development had no 
 more sympathy with the out-and-out obstructives than 
 in his earlier life he had agreed with the thorough-going 
 demagogues. "Politics and political economy," he says 
 in 1857, " may go their way for me. If I can help to 
 save the lives of a few thousand working people and 
 their children, I may earn the blessing of God." He 
 acted on this principle in his own parish, endeavouring 
 to " redeem it from barbarism." He strove with all his 
 might to influence others in his lectures and speeches to 
 do the same. Great was his delight when his own efforts 
 and those of Sir Arthur Helps in this direction received 
 recognition and support from those in power, like Lord 
 Palmerston. It would cheer his heart now to see the great 
 efforts made for spreading culture among " the masses," 
 though some of the methods adopted would also raise 
 again the old Adam within him, — but requiescat in pace ! 
 
 * Of. Preface to Memoir in "Alton Locke," pp. xxiv., xxv. ; "Letters 
 and Memories," vol. ii. pp. 237, 242, 394. 
 
74 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 In "Yeast," Kingsley had already endeavoured to in- 
 culcate the lesson of true democracy, which considers the 
 beautiful the heritage of the poor as well as the rich, 
 and Tregarva, one of the principal characters in that 
 novel, becomes the type of " English art- hating Puri- 
 tanism, which becomes gradually convinced of the Divine 
 mission of art." The lesson has not been thrown away 
 on those whom it most concerned. It has been acknow- 
 ledged since that the true communism is that of ideal 
 goods : " The British Museum is a truly equalizing place, 
 in the deepest and more spiritual sense." Many of the 
 " safe men," who were so much shocked by Kingsley's 
 attitude at that time, have since gone much further than 
 he did in the direction of spreading sweetness and light 
 among the labouring poor. Penny-readings — inaugu- 
 rated first, we believe, by him in his parish — have been 
 superseded by a larger number of superior intellectual 
 and artistic enjoyments, to relieve the tedium and the 
 depressing monotony of factory labour in 
 
 " Sunless cities, and the very haunts 
 Of smoke-grimed labour, and foul revelry." 
 
 In matters of sanitary science Kingsley, as in every- 
 thing else he took up, was too sanguine ; as, for example, 
 when he says, in 1857, " I shall try henceforth to teach 
 sound theology through physics." But many who may 
 doubt the soundness of his theology, as well as this novel 
 instrument of thought in religious speculation, and many 
 more who may neither care for the matter nor the manner 
 of Kingsley's theological teaching, will assign to him, 
 nevertheless, a high place among those who, in a 
 practical way, have become " saviours of society." * 
 
 * Several instances occur in the "Letters and Memories" of his life to 
 show some important results from their efforts. See vol. ii. pp. 387, 389, 
 391, et passim. Also cf. "Sanitary and Social Lectures and Essays," 
 republished by Charles Kingsley (.London, 1880). 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM IN ENGLAND. 75 
 
 This brings us to the conclusion of the matter — the 
 question as to the real value of Kingsley's agitation in 
 its ultimate results. 
 
 The main object of the Christian Socialists, in the 
 first instance, was the substitution of co-operation for 
 competition, association in the place of isolated enterprise, 
 the organization of labour instead of the scattered efforts 
 of social units, in the general struggle for existence. In 
 this effort the Christian Socialists were not successful ; 
 they have not been able to avert " the horrible catastrophe 
 of a Manchester ascendency." Free competition, for better 
 or for worse, prevails as before, and co-operation is only 
 feebly and slowly struggling into existence, as the new 
 principle of industry. The associations established by 
 the Christian Socialists have disappeared after a short- 
 lived existence ; nor have the terrible things come to 
 pass in consequence, which Kingsley expected in 1852* 
 But this is partly owing to the legislative measures in 
 favour of co-operative societies passed in Parliament 
 mainly through the influence of the Christian Socialists 
 and their friends, and partly on account of the growing 
 tendency of friendly and concerted action between the 
 masters and the men, as well as the slow but steady 
 development of self-help among the working classes 
 themselves. Kingsley lived long enough to observe the 
 practical failures of some of his schemes; but he was 
 also shrewd enough to foresee the ultimate triumph of 
 the principles he had advocated, as he says in the last 
 words of the Christian Socialist, when it came to an 
 
 end — 
 
 " The proper impulse has been given, 
 Wait a little longer." 
 
 Taking it, all in all, the life and work of Kingsley 
 * See " Letters and Memories," vol. i. pp. 314, 315. 
 
76 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 were alike interesting and most useful. As the author 
 of "The Saint's Tragedy," "Yeast," " Alton Locke," as the 
 "Chartist Parson,' ; in his poems and occasional letters, 
 as the sanitary reformer and advocate of co-operation, 
 preaching in his latter days the gospel of godliness and 
 cleanliness, as the influential university professor in- 
 spiring the young with noble ideals, as the type of a 
 happy father in the bright cheerfulness of his home-life, 
 and as the genial companion of a large and select circle 
 of friends and acquaintances, who to this very day bear 
 record to the attraction of his personal intercourse, — 
 Kingsley exercised a healthy influence on his immediate 
 surroundings and the outer world, where he was chiefly 
 known by his books of fiction. 
 
 Some few of his dreams have been realized. Some 
 of his schemes for the regeneration of society have proved 
 premature. The lesson of his life is contained in the 
 words which ever cheered him both in success and 
 failure — " Work and despair not ! " 
 
( 77 ) 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 LAMENNAIS AND KINGSLEY : A COMPARISON AND A 
 CONTRAST. 
 
 What lends a special interest to the phenomenon to 
 which we draw attention in these pages, i.e. the growing 
 rapprochement, during the last fifty years, between the 
 Church and the working classes in the three principal 
 countries of Western Europe, is the striking similarity 
 in thought and expression of the typical representatives 
 of the movement. Lamennais and Kingsley, Archbishop 
 Ketteler, the leader of the so-called Ultramontane Inter- 
 nationale, and the Protestant Court-chaplain Stocker, 
 all have the same object in view, namely, to bring 
 about a fusion between Clericalism and Socialism, or 
 rather to bring into action the spiritual factor of re- 
 ligion in the composition of social forces and in the 
 solution of social problems. Nor is this a purely Utopian 
 scheme of the clerical mind. Political economists, like 
 M. de Laveleye, and independent thinkers like the 
 author of the "History of Materialism," Lange, have 
 arrived independently at similar conclusions. Lange, 
 referring to the threatened decay of our modern society, 
 similar to that of ancient civilizations, and for analogous 
 reasons, mentions among the principal remedies to avert 
 a social revolution the revival of the Christian idea to 
 work out social reforms. " One. of the most important 
 
78 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 remedies," to use his own words, "is to be found, un- 
 doubtedly, in the ideas' of Christianity, the moral effects 
 of which have been as often underrated by some, as they 
 have been exaggerated by others." * 
 
 We have seen this already in the brief review of the 
 life and work of two such prominent Christian Socialists 
 as Lamennais and Kingsley, contained in the two pre- 
 vious chapters. But this identity of aims admits of 
 various modes of application, and there we may see con- 
 trasts also quite as striking as the resemblances. And 
 this is specially true of two such men as Lamennais and 
 Kingsley, and from a comparison of their lives and work 
 in this chapter we may be able to form a fair estimate 
 of the religious influence on the social movement in two 
 countries differing in so many respects as England and 
 France. It may also indirectly show what should be 
 the proper attitude of the clerical order towards social 
 politics at this crucial juncture in the history of ecclesi- 
 astical establishments. 
 
 Nowhere in Europe is the social influence of the 
 clergy more marked than in the two countries repre- 
 sented by Lamennais and Kingsley. Their lives have 
 therefore not only a dramatic but also a didactic interest 
 when regarded from this point of view. Separated from 
 each other by strong personal characteristics and racial 
 peculiarities, as well as by local and national circum- 
 stances and events, Kingsley and Lamennais bear, never- 
 theless, a striking resemblance to each other. This is 
 rendered all the more remarkable by the fact that, 
 though both start with the same religious aspirations, 
 they pass through a similar circuit of ideas and efforts 
 in the reverse order, and are, of necessity, landed in 
 opposite extremes at the close of their eventful career. 
 * Ft. A. Lange, " Gesohiohte des Materialismus," vol. ii. p. 484, et seq. 
 
A COMPARISON AND A CONTRAST. 79 
 
 Lamennais begins public, life as the staunch defender 
 of Ultramontanism, then passing through the several 
 stages of religious Liberalism and Christian Socialism, 
 foiled in all his attempts of "saving society," dies as 
 an irreconcilable opponent of the existing powers in 
 Church and State. Kingsley, starting as a social re- 
 former, with the ardour of young-mannish Radicalism 
 and intensified religious enthusiasm, more successful in 
 his attempts, though at first opposed by the reactionary 
 party, ends his days, according to a wish expressed in 
 one of his letters, as "the quietest theologian." It is 
 interesting to trace the causes and consequences of these 
 personal mutations as influenced by, and influencing 
 in return, contemporary events. For in the life of these 
 two remarkable men we see, so to speak, reflected the 
 ebb and flow of the social movement in this century of 
 revolutions ; whilst the coincidences and differences in 
 their respective careers reflect the identity and divergence 
 of social evolution in the two countries to which they 
 belong. 
 
 We proceed, then, to note the contrasts as well as 
 the coincidences in character and training, and the 
 composite forces of their social environment, so as to 
 account for the wide discrepancy in the sum total of 
 results in their personal life and public usefulness. 
 Whatever may be the conclusion arrived at under this 
 head, success in their case, from whatever cause, can only 
 enhance, whilst failure, whatever may be its dark signi- 
 ficance, cannot diminish, the interest attached to their 
 unselfish nature and noble aspirations. 
 
 Gifted both with an ardent and affectionate tempera- 
 ment, a sincere love of truth, and scornful hatred of 
 injustice, they were alike prone to polemical aggressive- 
 ness, which at once provoked bitter opposition among 
 
80 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 the defenders of the old, and sympathetic attention 
 among those of the new order of things. In both 
 Lamennais and Kingsley we have the same admixture of 
 humility and audacity, the charm of natural simplicity 
 which attracts friends and attaches disciples, and the 
 leonine defiance of falsities and wrongs which repels 
 time-serving neutrals and opponents. In both, too, we 
 observe the " passionate limitation of view " which looks 
 on human affairs from the ideal standpoint of social 
 reformers, rather than the realistic standpoint of social 
 politicians or economic thinkers. This often impels 
 them to dwell on social wrongs with the forcefulness of 
 undisciplined exaggeration — a fault only partly corrected 
 in Kingsley by his quasi-scientific habits of thought and 
 social sympathies. Both men were "emphatic and 
 intense," because hi their way of looking at human 
 affairs they were guided rather by poetic intuition than 
 accurate processes of reasoning. But the love of nature, , 
 which was shared alike by both, produced different effects 
 in either — a feeling of joyous exuberance in Kingsley, 
 exercising a sanitative influence on his modes of thought; 
 whilst in Lamennais it produced a habitual tendency to 
 sombre sadness less easily reconciled with the facts of 
 life. The same natural bent leads Kingsley to find 
 consolation in the "beautiful phantasms" of Greek 
 philosophy, whilst Lamennais seeks refuge in the 
 romantic mysticism of the *Neo-Catholic School o£ 
 Germany. 
 
 We might go further, and show how the influence of 
 climate and surroundings shaped the characters of the 
 two men who played such a prominent part in the history 
 of their own times. We might show how Lamennais, 
 born on the coast of Brittany, which is washed, like 
 Ireland, by the "melancholy ocean," and spending his 
 
A COMPABISON AND A CONTRAST. 81 
 
 boyhood in the gloomy solitude of La Chenaie, acquired 
 those habits of morose misanthropy which, added to the 
 inherited taciturn stubbornness of the Breton, produced 
 that haine eloquente in his writings which was the prin- 
 cipal cause at once of his notoriety and final failure. On 
 the other hand, we might show how Kingsley, receiving 
 the early impressions of extended freedom from the 
 " shining meres and golden reed-beds " of the Great Fen, 
 where he was born, and the spirit of joyous sprightliness 
 from the bright and stirring environs of Clovelly, where 
 he spent part of his boyhood, acquired there that breadth 
 of view and cheerfulness of disposition which enabled 
 him throughout life to go on " whistling and working " 
 and cracking his " Pantagruelist jokes '' in the midst of 
 depressing circumstances. His domestic habits, social 
 instincts, and love of out-door sports form another 
 contrast to the hermit-like austerity of Lamennais, who 
 spent greater part of his childhood in the library of an 
 eccentric uncle, and under the influence of an elder 
 brother who was a religious recluse. 
 
 Resembling one another in spiritual disposition, they 
 both pass through similar stages of religious development ; 
 both have their season of scepticism and severe struggles 
 with the lower self, culminating in a more solemn sense 
 of personal responsibility. Both turn to the ministry as 
 their vocation, and become, after some hesitation as to 
 their proper calling, " every inch a priest." Soon, however, 
 the contrast becomes marked between the Celt and the 
 Teuton. The English Broad-Churchman allied, as Parson 
 Lot, with Maurice and his small band of Christian 
 Socialists, engrossed with pastoral occupations in his 
 country living, and cheered by the prospect of literary 
 fame, fulfils his vocation with the vigorous earnestness 
 of his nature, until, after a manly struggle and trials 
 
 G 
 
82 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 nobly borne, he finds a resting-place in a Canonry of 
 "Westminster Abbey, closing his career as the favourite 
 of the Court, the loved companion of the cultured, and 
 the friend of the people. Lamennais, "the most illustrious 
 ecclesiastic of his times," as Lacordaire once called him, 
 on the other hand, is engaged in endless ecclesiastical 
 controversies, now with Gallicanism, then with Ultra- 
 montanism, and after being discarded by Royalists and 
 Jesuits alike, takes up the popular cause, and, unsuc- 
 cessful from first to last in his attempt of " spiritualizing 
 society," resentfully retires from the contest, and thus 
 
 " From his height and loneliness of grief 
 
 dashed his angry heart 
 
 Against the desolations of the world." 
 
 Both Lamennais and Kingsley were, so to speak, 
 children of the Revolution. They were like stripling 
 trees planted in the soil during a raging storm. Society 
 was in a surging state of insurrection when they reached 
 their stage of consciousness. The Bristol riots of 1831 
 affected Kingsley as profoundly as the private mass, 
 celebrated in secret for fear of the revolutionary persecu- 
 tion, had produced the most indelible impression on 
 Lamennais' childish mind in the previous generation. 
 The former gave, as he confesses, that Radical bent to 
 Kingsley's mind which, in spite of his aristocratic pre- 
 possessions, made him first generously embrace the 
 people's cause and adhere to it . in one form or another 
 throughout life. The latter inspired that bitter hatred 
 against every species of tyranny which manifests itself 
 successively in Lamennais' reactionary defence of Church 
 authority, his reformatory efforts as a liberal ecclesi- 
 astic, and his later Republicanism as the exponent of 
 democracy. 
 
 The ultimate results in both cases were widely 
 
A COMPARISON AND A CONTRAST. 83 
 
 different. At the grave of Kingsley the worth and 
 work of the man were recognized to the full by 
 representatives of every section of society — Churchmen 
 and Dissenters, Roman Catholics and Protestants, soldiers 
 and sailors, delegates of trades' unions and deputations 
 of scientific societies, simple country-people and men of 
 rank, courtiers and gipsies — men of mark from both 
 sides of the Atlantic stand by that grave to mourn over 
 the loss of a great and good man. * 
 
 Now mark the melancholy scene of Lamennais' 
 funeral! On a foggy, gloomy day in February, he is 
 borne in a pauper's hearse to the Gimetilre de VEst, to 
 be buried in a poor man's grave. The mournful pro- 
 cession passes through two files of police, drawn up, not 
 as a guard of honour, but to prevent a popular emewte. 
 Only eight persons accompanied Lamennais' remains to 
 their last resting-place, B6ranger among the rest. There 
 are no funeral obsequies; not even a wooden cross to 
 mark the spot which receives what remains of the once 
 defender of the Faith. Such had been his express desire. 
 The world of Paris treats with indifference, the end of 
 the man whose burning words in " Paroles d'un Croyant " 
 had electrified Europe. It is true he wished to be buried 
 in this humble manner to give a last touching proof 
 of his. affection to the Proletariat, but he never imagined 
 he would die thus unmourned and nearly forgotten by 
 the general public. " What does it matter, after all ? " 
 says M. Blaize, in the biography of his uncle, " where his 
 ashes rest ! His name will live blessed in the people's 
 memory, shining with the aureole both of genius and 
 virtue." 
 
 What a contrast in the estimate formed by their 
 
 * See Max Mailer's reminiscences of the funeral : " Charles Kingsley: 
 Letters and Memories of his Life," vol. ii. p. 464. 
 
84 CHEISTIAK SOCIALISM. 
 
 countrymen of Kingsley and Lamennais at the close of 
 their career ! — what a contrast in the respective position 
 occupied by either ! The once reactionary champion of 
 the Restoration has ended as an irreconcilable Repub- 
 lican, and the revolutionary sympathizer of Chartism 
 has become the mildest of social reformers. For the 
 causes, immediate and remote, of this contrast, we must 
 look to the external condition of things, as well as their 
 power of adaptation, and take into consideration the 
 play of progressive and retrogressive tendencies of the 
 times in the countries to which they belonged. For 
 these, as well as their mental and educational bent, 
 brought about the great divergence in principles and 
 methods to be examined presently, and which in their 
 turn led to personal results thus utterly unlike when 
 their chivalrous crusade against social abuses came to 
 a close. 
 
 It was Lamennais' fate to see three revolutionary 
 waves pass over his country, and to watch with sorrow 
 and bitterness of heart the disappointments to which 
 they gave rise. He had seen the sore distress of the 
 people whose condition the political changes of the first 
 Revolution left to all intents and purposes unimproved. 
 It had, in fact, given rise to new social grievances. In 
 destroying patriarchal relationships and feudal bonds of 
 social union, it had handed over the masses to the tender 
 mercies of free contract and competition. The intro- 
 duction of machinery with the rise of modern industry 
 had a pauperizing effect, and intensified popular discon- 
 tent. Hence the various Socialistic and Communistic 
 schemes for the liberation of the working classes from 
 the " tyranny of capital," and the attempts to promote 
 the free association of labour by means of voluntary 
 co-operation, following in the wake of the Revolution. 
 
A COMPARISON AND A CONTRAST. 85 
 
 Every section of society was represented in this 
 revolt against the excessive individualism of the laissez- 
 faire system as the result of the new " social contract." 
 Among the saviours of society who rose rapidly one 
 after another — St. Simon on the part of aristocratic 
 cretins impoverished by the Revolution, — Fourier as the 
 spokesman of the aggrieved lower middle-class, in danger 
 of being crushed by the superior force of the Plutocracy, 
 — Babeuf representing the communistic materialism of 
 the " common people " — each in their own way had their 
 theories of social reconstruction. The same tendency 
 made itself felt among the leaders of opinion generally. 
 Comte and Pierre Leroux became the exponents of philo- 
 sophical altruism and speculative humanitarianism, re- 
 spectively; whilst a small band of generously-minded 
 Churchmen, with Lamennais at their head, made it their 
 object to save society by means of spiritual regeneration. 
 They changed their programme with the varying exi- 
 gencies of the hour ; but throughout the whole course 
 of their religious development, the same object remained 
 definitely before their mind — viz., to bring about a 
 reconciliation between science and religion, and between 
 religion and social life. In this attempt to resuscitate 
 religion as a social power, they were favoured by circum- 
 stances. The former uneasy state of the public mind in 
 the unsettled condition of things during the revolutionary 
 period, had given way to a yearning for inner peace, and 
 a reaction in favour of Church authority set in rapidly. 
 After the Revolution of July, the popularity of the 
 Romish Church was enhanced by the fact that it made 
 opposition against an unpopular Government, and the 
 aggressiveness of the dominant middle-class during the 
 reign of the " Bourgeois " king. According to Lamennais' 
 view, the social anarchy of laissez-faire was to be 
 
86 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 reduced to order by the Divine voice of authority, and 
 the " chaos of ignorance and hunger " was to give place 
 to a social cosmos at the Divine fiat of the Catholic 
 Church. Christianity was to become the force orgcma- 
 trioe to collect together the scattered units of society 
 into a grand labour association independent of the 
 hegemony of capital. In his essay on " Indifference in 
 matters of Religion " he had claimed absolute obedience 
 to authority as " the Soul and sustaining force of the 
 Universe," without which " there is no existence, no 
 truth, no order." 
 
 And as force is subject to law, so the State must be 
 subordinate to the voice of the Church : but only 
 because the Church of St. Peter, as no other power, 
 rests on the sovereign will of the people. This remark- 
 able concession to popular rights would naturally pave 
 the way for an alliance between Papal Authority and 
 Democracy. 
 
 " God and Liberty " was the device chosen for the 
 organ which Lamennais founded, in conjunction with 
 Lacordaire and Montalembert, for disseminating these 
 views and cementing the union between Clericalism and 
 Socialism in France. The cautious gentlemen of the 
 Roman Curia, however, dreaded this unhallowed union, 
 and perhaps still more so the danger of coming into 
 conflict with Monarchical absolutism in Europe at the 
 time. The publication of L'Avenir failed to secure the 
 Papal approval, though it was announced to be a work 
 " at once catholic and national, from which ought to be 
 expected the enfranchisement of religion and the recon- 
 ciliation of different minds, and, in consequence, the 
 renewal of society." 
 
 The second volume of the "Essay" had already 
 aroused orthodox susceptibilities. Lamennais went to 
 
A COMPARISON AND A CONTRAST. 87 
 
 Rome to plead his own cause, and was received " with 
 joy " by Pope Leo XII., who had even his portrait hung 
 up in his reception-room at the Vatican. 
 
 But Gregory XVI. was not so easily pacified by 
 personal explanations during the second visit, for the 
 advanced Democratic tendency of Lamennais and his 
 friends expressed in the motto of L'Avenir, " Separez 
 vous des rois, tendez la main au peuple," alarmed the 
 Church politicians of the Holy City. The treatment he 
 had received in Rome had offended Lamennais; the 
 Pope's Encyclical (August 15, 1832), which indirectly 
 condemned L'Avenir, came upon him as a heavy blow, 
 from which he did not recover. 
 
 " Catholicism was my own life, because it is the life of 
 humanity," he writes in one of his letters. " I wished to 
 defend it, and draw it from the abyss into which it sinks 
 more and more daily. Nothing was easier. The bishops 
 have found that it would not suit them. Thus Eome lagged 
 behind. I went there and saw the most abominable cloaque 
 which ever offended human eyesight. . . . No other God 
 rules there but egotism. For a piece of land, for a few 
 piastres, they would bargain away the nations, the whole 
 human race, even the blessed Trinity." 
 
 It was this which brought about the sudden revulsion 
 in Lamennais' religious ideas. In his utter isolation, 
 forsaken by legitimate Bourbons and liberal Orleanists, 
 regarded with suspicion by the Gallican clergy at home, 
 and the Jesuits in Rome, he becomes the Apostle of 
 Democracy. 
 
 Scarcely a year after his unsuccessful journey to 
 Rome he publishes "Les Paroles d'un Croyant''— "a 
 work of great perversity," as it is styled by the Roman 
 Pontiff. Here Lamennais depicts with the enthusiasm 
 of poetic penetration, and the agonies of a wounded 
 
88 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 spirit, all the sorrows and sufferings of the poor as they 
 are viewed by a sensitive mind, and raises a loud and 
 bitter cry against their rulers. In his later works, 
 " Affaires de Rome," and " Livre du Peuple," the rupture 
 between him and the Roman hierarchy becomes complete, 
 and his theories of social amelioration no longer rest on 
 an ecclesiastical but a purely philosophical basis. In 
 one of his latest works, " Discussions, Critiques, et Pen- 
 sees Dlverses sur la Religion et Philosophie," he denies 
 the supernatural altogether. 
 
 The Revolution of ] 848 finds him ready to take up 
 the people's cause with great enthusiasm, but he proves 
 to be a poor politician and " mediocre journalist." Yet 
 he sees more clearly than some of his contemporaries the 
 insincerity of the Government in making tools of the 
 people : " Apres avoir obtenu de lui ce-qu'on en voulait 
 on le brisera, et, devenu 1'objet de la risee publique, on 
 jettera son cadavre dans la fosse ou, non loin des traltres, 
 dorment les imbeciles et les laches." 
 
 On the 11th of July, his organ, Le Pewple Consti- 
 tuant, appears with a black border, and the words, " Le 
 peuple constituant a commencee avec la repubHque, il 
 finit avec la republique." Another abortive effort in the 
 Reforme closes Lamennais' career as an agitator, and 
 though he survives the coup d'etat by a few years, these 
 are spent in silent brooding. He turns to the congenial 
 task of studying Dante's " Commedia," an introduction 
 to which, as well as a translation of some parts of the 
 New Testament, form the peaceful occupation of his 
 latter days. 
 
 The utter want of repose in the impatient efforts of 
 his life leave an unpleasant impression in the mind of 
 his most sympathetic biographers ; but it is the tempest 
 of the outer world that we see reflected in Lamennais' 
 
A COMPARISON AND A CONTRAST. 89 
 
 soul. Religious reaction in conflict with infidelity, the 
 restoration grappling with the spirit of revolt, the rising 
 bov/rgeoisie struggling with the growing forces of the 
 Socialist insurrection — these are all mirrored in the per- 
 sonal life and work of Lamennais. The elemental forces 
 of the social revolution were raging in that " strong soul 
 in a narrow mind." Lamennais, with a zealot's eloquence 
 and a prophet's daring ; with the religious intensity of 
 a Tertullian, with the reformer's intrepidity of a Luther, 
 and with the revolutionary inspiration of a Rousseau, 
 raises his voice against corruption in high places, and 
 pronounces woes over an effete royalism, profane liberal- 
 ism, and hollow ecclesiasticism, until, having spent his 
 force in these loud denunciations, like the prophets of 
 old, with whom he has been compared, he closes with 
 a few consolatory promises of a brighter era in the 
 regenerated society of the future. 
 
 There are gentle martyrs, like Fenelon, who, under 
 similar circumstances, have said their say and done their 
 work through good and evil report without passion and 
 without prejudice, in simple self-forgetfulness, submissive 
 yet gently dignified under adversity, rising to the sublime 
 in silent suffering. Such men conquer by sheer force of 
 disinterested virtue, by the charm of their sweet reason- 
 ableness, their unconscious grace and truthfulness. Their 
 benign demeanour disarms enemies and converts the 
 indifferent into warm friends. Like placid rivers irrigat- 
 ing vast plains, they fertilize the regions through which 
 they flow in their stately calm. 
 
 There are others — turbulent, eager souls — whose 
 quick temperament and eager intensity often overstep 
 the boundary of moderation, as rivers swelling into 
 torrents overflow their boundaries, disturbing communi- 
 cation and at times devastating the country. Conscious 
 
90 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 of their earnestness of purpose, and impatient at the 
 puny attempts of unjust or paltry opponents, such men 
 readily meet force with force and craft with craft, wasting 
 their powers in a worthless and hopeless conflict. They 
 are rarely at ease, often exposed to danger, offending 
 their friends, giving occasion to the enemy, always sur- 
 rounded by a small band of enthusiastic followers, and 
 a cloud of " disinterested " witnesses at a safe distance. 
 They are a spectacle to men and angels in their lofty ire, 
 though wasting their strength in sanguine batailles a 
 outrance that lead to no victory. Their good is often 
 evil spoken of, their rash deeds fraught not unfre- 
 quently with danger. Men see the havoc a turbulent 
 stream in flood-time has produced, and mourn over it — 
 its fertilizing and purifying effeets are less conspicuous 
 in attracting attention;' but all men say it is a grand 
 sight. Such was Lamennais. 
 
 In his essay on Sir Walter Raleigh, Charles Kingsley 
 says: "By fanatics, whether military, commercial, or 
 religious, and not by ' liberal-minded ' men at all, has the 
 world's work been done in all ages." 
 
 Was Kingsley behind Lamennais in his zeal for social 
 reform because he was less a fanatic than a liberal-minded 
 man? To this question' we must now address ourselves. 
 As in the case of Lamennais, we may turn to Kingsley 
 and see, by way of comparison and contrast, how far 
 external surroundings and circumstances shaped the man 
 in his endeavours to shape the destiny of his Church and 
 country. Two prevailing influences of the time — the 
 one progressive in its tendency, the other retrogressive, 
 and both profoundly affecting the social condition of 
 England at the time — left their mark on Kingsley. They 
 are frequently alluded to in his writings and speeches. 
 The first of these — amounting almost to a revolutionary 
 
A COMPARISON AND A CONTEAST. 91 
 
 tendency in the industrial world — was the stirring 
 activity of what he terms, in his racy style, those " roar- 
 ing, rattling, railway times," in this progressive push- 
 and-progress era of material advancement. This tendency 
 of the Zeitgeist, though by no means regarded with favour 
 by men of Kingsley 's stamp, yet influenced him uncon- 
 sciously and against his will. It acted as an additional 
 excitant on the lively susceptibilities of his active brain, 
 and served as a strong incentive to that laborious energy 
 which marked the earlier portion of his public life, when 
 he was administering his parish with vigour, writing, 
 reading, fishing, walking, preaching, talking, "with a 
 twenty-parson horse-power," as Mr. C. Kegan Paul says 
 in one of the letters in the " Memoirs " quoted by Mrs. 
 Kingsley. It was this influence of the age on the man, 
 irrespective of inherited propensities, which produced 
 that species of " muscular Christianity " of which 
 Kingsley has become the type, though he personally 
 disliked and disowned the appellation. 
 
 The other tendency alluded to above had an exas- 
 perating rather than exciting effect on Kingsley — namely, 
 the persistent determination on the part of the governing 
 classes to blink bare facts in the social world, and to 
 seek, as he thought, refuge in reactionary temporizing. 
 
 " This is a puling, quillrdriving, soft-handed age — among 
 our own rank, I mean. Cowardice is called meekness; to 
 temporize is to be charitable and reverent; to speak truth 
 and shame the devil is to offend weak brethren, who, some- 
 how or other, never complain of their weak consciences till 
 you hit them hard." * 
 
 But if excited unconsciously to greater rapidity of action 
 in his endeavour to move with the times, and exasperated 
 into quickness of speech by the irritating slowness of his 
 * Prefatory Memoirto "Alton Locke," p. xxi. 
 
92 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 fellows, that which gave both momentum and direction 
 to his manly efforts towards social reform was the critical 
 state of the country and the menacing attitude of what 
 were then called the "lower orders," as manifested in 
 Chartism. As Lamennais, with characteristic energy, 
 during his first visit at the Vatican, asked as a special 
 favour of the Pope dispensation from the daily exercises 
 of the Breviary to find more time for practical work, so 
 Kingsley, taking for his motto "Work and Worship," 
 throws himself into the movement with all the fervour 
 of his intense nature. Like Lamennais, despising the 
 discretion of dulness in his more cautious and conven- 
 tional brethren of the clergy, he startles the religious world 
 by his probably unpremeditated confession at the Cran- 
 bourne Tavern meeting: — "I am a Church of England 
 parson, and a Chartist." With Kingsley it was the first, 
 as with Lamennais it was the last, step to throw himself 
 heart and soul on the sympathy of the working classes. 
 
 The course of events in France had, in the case of 
 Lamennais, who was by thirty-seven years Kingsley's 
 senior, brought about successive changes of personal 
 conviction, which we have noticed already, causing a 
 change of front from extreme reactionary Ultramontanism 
 to anti- sacerdotal socialism. A contrary course of events 
 in England accounts in a similar manner for Kingsley's 
 change of front from Radical Socialism to a peaceful 
 acquiescence in the existing order of things, resting his 
 hopes rather on the effectual though slow cure of social 
 abuses by social reform than the effects of slap-dash 
 changes. In France, the continued struggle of social 
 forces had culminated in a social democratic revolution 
 which collapsed in an abortive attempt to organize labour 
 by authority. In England, during the same period of 
 intermittent social agitation, tardy but effectual reforms, 
 
A COMPARISON AND A CONTRAST. 93 
 
 introduced, not at the bidding of insurrectionary forces, 
 but according to the expressed public opinion of the 
 nation, led to a more satisfactory solution of events. 
 
 In many respects, indeed, the circumstances of both 
 countries bore a strong resemblance to each other. Like 
 causes had produced like effects in the social discontents 
 of 1848. In both countries the industrial changes effected 
 by steam, and other scientific discoveries, by the rapid 
 spread of education, and the emancipation of the press, 
 by the growing political power of the middle class and 
 diminished influence of landed aristocracy, had produced 
 a strong democratic current. Bad harvests in country 
 districts, and distress among the wage labourers in 
 overcrowded towns, produced dissatisfaction verging on 
 rebellion. " These Radicalisms, Chartisms, Reform Bill, 
 Tithe Bill, and infinite other discrepancy, and acrid 
 argument and jargon that there is yet to be, are our 
 French Revolution," Carlyle had said in 1839. Ten 
 years later the prayer he added was answered: "God 
 grant that we, with our better methods, may be able to 
 transact it by argument alone." * 
 
 The Chartist demonstration at Kennington Common 
 proved a fiasco, and the 10th of April, which was to 
 have been a repetition of the February revolution in 
 Paris, passed away quietly enough. It showed the 
 superior stability of a Government resting on public 
 support, and the superior safety of a society which does 
 not ignore the just claims of its weaker members. But 
 in a great measure it was owing to men like Kingsley 
 and the Christian Socialists, under the intellectual head- 
 ship of F. D. Maurice, that the nation was aroused to 
 a sense of its duty during this social crisis. 
 
 What St. Beuve says of Lamennais' mission of 
 
 " " Miscellaneous Essays," vol. vi. p. 137. 
 
94 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 awakening society from its Epicurean dream of slothful 
 indifference to social grievances, is true also of Kingsley 
 and his school. 
 
 In "Yeast" he calls the state of the country 
 "ominous," and speaks of the economic relations of 
 society as utterly rotten and confused. He angrily 
 asks : " Is not every man who allows such things hasten- 
 ing the ruin of the society in which he lives, by helping 
 to foster the indignation and fury of its victims ? " He 
 treats with ridicule the "Franklin-Benthamite religion," 
 with its prophecies of smooth things, and appeals to the 
 clergy not to connive at the faults of the governing 
 classes ; but, in his memorable sermon on the " Message 
 of the Church to the Labouring Man," he says : " I assert 
 that the business for which God sends a Christian priest 
 in a Christian nation is, to preach freedom, equality, and 
 brotherhood in the fullest, deepest, widest meaning of 
 these three great words." 
 
 No wonder "Parson Lot," in his drastic method of 
 stating things, using strong language, as he afterwards 
 confesses with regret, for the purpose of "shocking, 
 startling, and defying," and hitting as hard as he could, 
 gave alarm to timid sympathizers, and provoked severe 
 criticism from opponents, sometimes not only unmerciful 
 but also unfair, especially when it came from the steady- 
 going Churchmen whose " safe policy " consisted mainly 
 in doing nothing, and who endeavoured to combine 
 Talleyrand's swrtowt 'point de zele principle in clerical 
 ethics, with the comforting optimism of the laissez-faire 
 school in economics, as far as they understood it, which 
 was not very far. 
 
 "His life and conversation," said Dean Stanley, in 
 his funeral oration on Kingsley, " as he walked among 
 ordinary men, was often as of a waker among drowsy 
 
A COMPARISON AND A CONTRAST. 95 
 
 sleepers." Sleepers of this sort do not always like to 
 be disturbed in their slumbers, and often answer the 
 caller with a growl. So did they. Presently they had 
 the satisfaction of seeing Kingsley take a little rest him- 
 self, and then they spoke well of him. 
 
 Again, like his hero, Launcelot, Kingsley was in the 
 habit of thinking only in concrete form, and accordingly 
 chose the dramatic mode of expressing his ideas. This, 
 as in the case of Lamennais, produced the declamatory 
 style, and is most apparent in " Cheap Clothes and Nasty," 
 and some well-known passages in " Alton Locke." This 
 was partly owing to what he called " my blessed habit 
 of intensity," which differed, however, from the " intense 
 logic " peculiar to the Celtic intellect, which led Lamen- 
 nais astray beyond recovery. Both had the same 
 qualities of fancy, imagination, and self-will, and both 
 were guilty at times of fallacies of exclusiveness and 
 exaggeration. But Kingsley, even in the most exciting 
 period of agitation, preserved a serenity of mind, calm 
 composure, and tone of moderation, which contrast very 
 favourably with the contemporaneous utterances of his 
 more irascible French neighbour.* 
 
 At first, indeed, he is loud in his denunciations 
 against starvation wages, stifling workshops, reeking 
 alleys, roofless and crowded cottages, careless landlords, 
 and heartless employers of labour under the "sweating 
 system." These receive no mercy at his hand. " Laws, 
 constitutions, churches, are none ... if they tolerate 
 such ; they are accursed and they must perish — destroy 
 what they may in their fall. Nay they will perish in 
 their oWn corruption." 
 
 * Cf. Mrs. Kingsley's remarks in " Letters and Memories," vol. i. p. 162, 
 and the letters she quotes there with a view to clear her husband's memory 
 from the charge of intemperate language in connection with the Chartists. 
 
96 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 But as the fervid atmosphere around him cooled 
 down, and he saw the world improving (perhaps a little 
 less so than he imagined it did) — as controversial bitter- 
 ness became less rancorous and the clerical organs even 
 adopted a kindlier tone towards him (awed into respect 
 by his newly acquired dignities) — as the self-healing 
 forces in society made themselves distinctly felt, and 
 events began to vindicate the justice of his reformatory 
 efforts, the acrimonious tone of his former speeches and 
 writing made room for calm and gentle remonstrance. 
 In short, as he succeeded in conquering opposition by 
 the persuasiveness of truth, so he, too, was conquered 
 by the kindly appreciation of his services, and the 
 general course of events making towards social progress. 
 Thus, in the preface to a later edition of " Alton Locke," 
 dedicated to the undergraduates of Cambridge, he con- 
 gratulates his young friends on the improved state of 
 things, the changed attitude of the upper classes, the 
 progress of sanitary reform, the increased reverence for 
 law, increased contentment with existing institutions, 
 and increased confidence in the classes above them, bred 
 among the working classes by the kindly efforts of 
 gentlemen and ladies of all shades of opinion for thirty 
 years past. In a similar tone of conciliation and con- 
 gratulation he speaks in the preface of a later edition 
 of "Yeast," which, more especially on its first appear- 
 ance, had incurred severe criticism because of its radical 
 tendency. Here he refers to the influence of the clergy 
 in social life, and the growth of self-help and indepen- 
 dence among the labourers in consequence of improved 
 poor laws. 
 
 Referring to the Anglican movement, frequently and 
 boldly attacked in the book, he now speaks of the seed 
 sown in young hearts by it, which " will develop at least 
 
A COMPARISON AND A CONTRAST. 97 
 
 into a virtue more stately and reverent, more chivalrous 
 and self-sacrificing, more genial and human, than can be 
 learned from that religion of the Stock Exchange — for 
 a year and a day — in the popular pulpits." 
 
 This calm before sunset in Kingsley's life is in strange 
 contrast with the sad close of Lamennais' career. It 
 would be interesting to inquire what Kingsley might 
 have done if the Church of England had denounced 
 him officially, as Mr. Drew did most officiously on the 
 occasion of the sermon to which we have already alluded. 
 If, instead of heaping upon him honours and prizes of 
 a substantial nature, she had subjected him, as the 
 Papacy did Lamennais, to humiliation and disgrace, 
 would Kingsley, under such circumstances, have produced 
 a work like " Paroles d'un Croyant " ? He possessed 
 both the ability and temperament for such a task. But 
 his English training, and inherited tendencies, in spite 
 of his impatient philanthropy, make the supposition 
 improbable. If Kingsley was perhaps incapable of rising 
 with Lamennais to the same height of dignified serenity 
 after a series of defeats and defamations, his superior 
 power of self-discipline would prevent him, on the other 
 hand, from giving way to those vehement explosions of 
 anger and pity, tenderness and wrath, which abound in 
 this volume, where sublime visions and weird denuncia- 
 tions, sanguine maledictions and ineffable promises, are 
 so strangely commingled. 
 
 Lamennais' way of dividing all mankind into black 
 and white, angels and demons, marks an . absence of 
 critical acumen. In judging nature, he cannot divest 
 himself of the habits of thought acquired in the seminary 
 and a solitary life. Kingsley, though sometimes exhibit- 
 ing a spirit of contemptuous intolerance towards those 
 whom he imagined to be enemies to social progress, was 
 
 H 
 
98 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 far too large-hearted and broad-minded to be confined 
 by such a narrow range of view. Both men, from the 
 intensity of their disposition, were naturally prone to 
 those " brusques changements" of which Lamennais was 
 accused, and which called forth the remark from him : 
 "Je plaindrai l'homme qui n'aurait jamais change"." 
 But then, we are told by M. Renan that he hated the 
 next day the very convictions he had held the day 
 before. This shows a want of mental balance, the 
 partial absence of the "philosophic mind." His eager 
 sympathetic nature must plunge into active politics, he 
 must have a coterie of followers blindly following at his 
 heels — he cannot rest. Such men are apt to change 
 often and sincerely, but not always discreetly and in 
 the right direction. Kingsley's opinions, too, underwent 
 considerable changes ; but they came on more gradually. 
 Some have found it hard to reconcile these "inconsis- 
 tencies." His change of front has been frequently alluded 
 to as a sign of weakness of character, unable to resist 
 the allurements of Court favour. Thus a false inter- 
 pretation has been put on his motives by those who, 
 in their love of consistency, forget the well-known 
 aphorism, we believe, of Lord Macaulay, that men who 
 never change must be either inspired angels or unmiti- 
 gated fools. Those who neither claim infallibility with 
 the former, nor intellectual relationship with the latter, 
 make allowance for the mellowing effects of years and 
 experience on human nature, as well as the convincing 
 power of the logic of events in teaching the salutary 
 lesson of moderation. They know that increased caution 
 does not of necessity imply diminished candour, that 
 philosophical repose in the solution of social problems 
 ought not to be confounded with timid reaction, that 
 friendship with the rulers does not mean disloyalty 
 
A COMPARISON AND A CONTRAST. 99 
 
 towards the ruled, that the greatest teachers of mankind, 
 like Shakespeare and Dante, in the last efforts of their 
 matured genius, have spoken in accents of hope, rather 
 than despair, and have risen above the turmoil of inner 
 agitation and contention with the world into the serener 
 atmosphere of tolerance with the shortcomings of man 
 and society. 
 
 To recapitulate the several points of contact and 
 disagreement between Kingsley and Lamennais in their 
 methods of social improvement, before we conclude in esti- 
 mating the immediate and remoter results of their work. 
 
 Both Kingsley and Lamennais are deeply impressed 
 with the lamentable condition of the labouring classes, 
 and the futile attempts to improve it by a mere exten- 
 sion of political freedom. Both are loud in their denun- 
 ciations against the " Midas-eared Mammonism " of the 
 middle class, and the atheistic animalism of the lower. 
 Both demand a new organization of labour, based on 
 ethical principles, as distinguished from the leave-alone 
 creed of the orthodox economists. Both hold up a 
 Divine standard for regulating industrial relationship, 
 in the place of the so-called natural laws of supply and 
 demand. Both aim at uniting employer and employed 
 by the bonds of friendship and mutual help, in lieu 
 of the "claims of mutual necessity alone." Both are 
 believers in the Christian idea as a power to regenerate 
 society, the " splendour of God " to brighten our indus- 
 trial age,* especially in its mission of conferring dignity 
 
 * The object of the Christian Socialist, the organ of the Maurice 
 and Kingsley school, was stated to be "the practical application" of 
 Christianity to the purposes of trade and commerce." It contains many 
 articles signed by Kingsley as "Parson Lot." Many of these deserve 
 reprinting, as throwing light upon the history of those times, especially 
 as few copies of the publications are to be had at any price. There is no 
 copy in the British Museum Library, and the present writer is indebted 
 
100 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 on work and eliminating poverty " as the child of sin." 
 Both inveigh strongly against the comfortable sancti- 
 moniousness of the well-to-do classes, and the hypocri- 
 sies of the hard Manchester school. Both recognize the 
 fact of the growth of Democracy, and dwell on the duty 
 of the Church in directing this movement in the face of 
 the manifest impossibility of checking it. 
 
 But, whilst agreeing in these leading principles on 
 the constitution of society, and the necessity of social 
 reforms, they differ widely from each other and from 
 themselves in different epochs of their life as to the 
 means and methods of realizing their social ideals. We 
 note three such epochs in the public life of each, marking 
 in the one case the growing tendency towards, and in 
 the other the growing departure from, revolutionary, as 
 distinguished from reformatory methods for remedying 
 social grievances. In Lamennais we have — 
 
 1. The reactionary period, when he figures as the 
 defender of the ancien regime, attacking Democracy and 
 predicting the death of the Revolution at the foot of the 
 Cross. 
 
 2. The reformatory period, when he seeks to effect 
 an alliance between Liberalism and the Papal authority, 
 but fails, owing to the time-serving hesitation of the 
 Roman Court, and the turn of public affairs in France. 
 
 3. Compelled by circumstances once more to shift 
 his ground, he reaches the last stage of development, 
 which amounts to a revolt against the sacerdotal and 
 monarchical regime alike. Changing thus the Liberal 
 for the Radical, the royalist for the republican platform, 
 Lamennais pronounces in favour of the supreme sove- 
 reignty of the people. 
 
 to Mr. Thomas Hughes for the loan of a copy of this interesting publi- 
 cation, one of the very few still extant. 
 
A COMPARISON AND A CONTRAST. 101 
 
 Kingsley began where Lamennais had ended, and 
 passed through the three stages — the Revolutionary, the 
 Reformatory, followed by the period of Reconciliation. 
 He begins as the apostle of Christian Socialism, and, 
 as Parson Lot, is steeped in the " Salt-asphaltic lake of 
 Polemics," during the years of 1848-55. Thence he 
 emerges, sobered by events, into a calmer state of mind. 
 
 u Graviter eommotus, et alto 
 Prospiciens gumma placidum caput extulit unda." 
 
 He becomes the leader of the Reform party, and 
 opens a crusade against dirt and bad drainage, the 
 advocate of sanitary reform. 
 
 " As years went on," writes his biographer, " he devoted 
 time, thought, and influence more and more to sanitary 
 science; the laws of health and the enfranchisement of 
 men's bodies from disease and dirt, and their inevitable 
 consequences of sin, misery, and physical, if not spiritual, 
 death, because more important in his eyes than any political 
 reforms." 
 
 But so far from abandoning all former social aspira- 
 tions, he only begins now to recognize the fact that 
 their realization depends on the moral improvement of 
 the masses, and the growth of altruistic self-denial 
 among the higher classes. The co-operative " associa- 
 tions " founded by the Christian Socialists are a failure, 
 he thinks, because the working men are not fit for them 
 yet. At the same time he disallows the ruling tenet of 
 the laissez-faire system, which lets chance and selfishness 
 rule the fortunes of the human race. Then, speaking of 
 Maurice's scheme, he adds — , 
 
 " Now, as for any schemes of Maurice's or mine — it is a 
 slight matter whether they failed or not. But this I say, 
 because I believe that the failure of a hundred schemes 
 
102 * CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 would not alter my conviction, that they were attempts in 
 the right direction ; and I shall die in hope, not having 
 received the promises, but beholding them afar off, and con- 
 fessing myself a stranger and a pilgrim in a world of laissez- 
 faire. For it is my belief that not self-interest but self- 
 sacrifice is the only law upon which human society can he 
 grounded with any hope of prosperity and permanence." * 
 
 Thus Kingsley, like Lamennais, in the second and 
 most healthy period of their social agitation, looks for 
 the salvation of society in the apotheosis of self-sacrifice. 
 
 At last Kingsley becomes reconciled with the existing 
 order of things. Still in principle there was no real 
 inconsistency. He remained all along an aristocrat 
 sympathizing with the wants of the people, whilst' 
 Lamennais had been throughout a popular demagogue, 
 though sometimes without knowing it. In 1848, indeed, 
 Kingsley was supposed to be a revolutionist, as many 
 have been since, who have spoken above a whisper on 
 burning social questions of the hour. It was entirely 
 owing to want of discernment on the part of the intelli- 
 gent public. With Lamennais, he recognizes the fact : 
 " Le monde d'aujourd'hui est travaille d'insurmountable 
 besoin d'un ordre nouveau." But in his first democratic 
 impulse even he recollects himself, and says, " I am no 
 revolutionist." f So, again, in the latter portion of his 
 life, he remains true to his earlier convictions, and, speak- 
 ing of the effects of science and civilization on social 
 amelioration in 1870, he dwells on the supreme impor- 
 tance of human and personal as distinguished from 
 material and industrial interests: for man "is, after all, 
 the most precious and useful thing in the earth, and that 
 
 * " Letters and Memories," vol. ii. p. 37, et seq. 
 
 t Ibid.,- vol. i. p. 141, et seq. Also ef. Prefatory Memoir in " Alton 
 Locke," pp. xxiv., xxxi,, and lviii. 
 
A COMPARISON AND A CONTRAST. 103 
 
 no cost spent in the development of human beings can 
 possibly be thrown away." * 
 
 Here, indeed, we have none of the restless impetu- 
 osity of the revolutionary period. The ardent aspi- 
 rations of youth have changed with the ripening of mind 
 and heart in manhood. Years and experience have 
 taught him the right method of uniting progressive 
 effort with order in the slow evolution of society. With 
 the disappearance of the season of acute struggles, 
 Kingsley's demands for social reform become less 
 emphatic, thpugh his efforts and sympathies have grown 
 no less earnest. The age which had produced the mental 
 agitation reflected in his " Saint's Tragedy," or some of 
 the poems of 1848, had passed away, and with it the 
 excessive combativeness of this "joyous knight-errant 
 of God, thirsting for labour and for strife." His work 
 was done. • 
 
 A generation has now passed away since the Social- 
 istic agitation in which Lamennais and Kingsley took such 
 a prominent part, and it is not premature to form some 
 estimate of the work accomplished by them, and from it 
 deduce one or two practical lessons. 
 
 The immediate result, in both cases, was to inspire 
 a number of young men in both countries with an ardent 
 wish to improve the condition of the working classes. 
 This was to be effected, not by means of petting and 
 pauperizing the peasant, which was the dream of the 
 jeuTiesse dore'e, led by Benjamin Disraeli, nor by means 
 of organizing factory labourers under the captains of 
 industry, suggested by Lamennais' former friend, Comte, 
 but by means of moral elevation, creating feelings of 
 independence and self-respect, and by means of religious 
 union to reorganize industry. Besides this influence on 
 
 * " Letters and Memories," vol. ii. pp. 323, 324, he. cit. 
 
104 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 young men, the work of Lamennais and Kingsley had 
 remoter consequences, setting on foot the movement, 
 which has since been growing steadily in both countries, 
 having for its object the bringing together of the Church 
 and the working men. Though Lamennais' proposals to 
 the Koman Curia were rejected at the time, the policy 
 of the Roman Church since has been on the lines thus 
 laid down by himself; so much so that the threatened 
 alliance between Clericalism and Socialism in France 
 and Germany forms a very important factor in modern 
 politics. In England, the Christian Socialists, in the 
 absence of anything like ecclesiastical centralization and 
 independent Church action, and in the absence, too, of 
 acute social disorders, have not produced such marked 
 effect. Still, the isolated efforts of the. clergy, such as 
 John LI. Davies, Canon Girdlestone,' the late Dean Stanley, 
 and the late Bishop of Manchester, as w^ll as the atten- 
 tion given to social subjects, and even Socialism itself, 
 in Church Congress and Conferences, and the selection 
 of Socialism as one of the principal subjects to be dis- 
 cussed at the forthcoming Pan- Anglican Synod, may in 
 part be attributed to the pioneering work done by the 
 Mauritian movement, of which Kingsley was the most 
 popular exponent. These may be small results of so 
 much activity, but who shall say what may be the 
 ultimate effects of a tendency still in its initial stage, 
 and struggling against adverse forces both in the Church 
 and in the world ! Already philanthropic legislation in 
 favour of the working people, and the establishment of 
 national health societies, Kyrle societies, and similar 
 institutions for the elevation of the masses, bear witness 
 to the indirect influences of Christian Socialism at home 
 and abroad. Of the later efforts of Christian Socialists, 
 we shall treat in a future chapter. 
 
A COMPARISON AND A CONTRAST. 
 
 / 
 / 
 
 It is true, neither Lamennais nor Kingsley were the 
 first exponents of these ideas. Their merit consisted 
 not in propounding new societary theories, but in re- 
 affirming and accentuating truths forgotten for a time, 
 and, with a powerful enthusiasm, promulgating them, 
 thus spreading the contagion of social affection with the 
 religious fervour of their irrepressible individuality. 
 
 The new movement thus set in motion has religion 
 for its inspiration, and looks to Christ's gospel preached 
 to the poor as the best system of social therapeutics. It 
 looks to the Christian religion as a spiritual force in 
 society, promoting the even and harmonious develop- 
 ment of the social organism, and regulating its members 
 by the exercise of the passive virtues of resignation and 
 self-denial, and thus exorcising the demon of egotism 
 and discontent. It regards the Church as an educational 
 institution, forming character and habits, and inculcating 
 the active virtues of diligence, thrift, justice, and veracity, 
 thus furthering the material improvement of the people. 
 It takes note of the mediatorial office of the Christian 
 Church, reconciling employer and employed — the mons 
 sacer, where Patricians and Plebeians, as of old, may be 
 reunited. It dwells on the sacred solidarity of man 
 taught in the New Testament, and recommends brotherly 
 co-operation as opposed to the heathenish method of 
 industrial warfare in bare competition. Thus it regards 
 Christianity as the "fecond principe d'association," 
 which may bring about the. federal union of classes and 
 nationalities, as opposed to international fiscal wars and 
 socialistic confederacies for the subversion of social peace 
 and order. 
 
 It is to the Christian religion, thus regarded in its 
 social functions, that men of varying religions and philo- 
 sophical creeds, and representing social interests in 
 
» 
 106 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 different countries, turn simultaneously as a remedy for 
 " our present discontents." Adolph Wagner,* the Berlin 
 Professor of Social Sciences, and Charles P&rin,f the 
 Emeritus Professor of Law and Political Economy at 
 the University of Louvain ; Matthew Arnold, the English 
 Apostle of Culture, and Emile de Laveleye, the Belgian 
 economist; Bishop Martensen,J the learned Scandinavian 
 moralist and divine; and Raffaele Mariano, § the inde- 
 pendent literary man in the south of Europe ; — all alike 
 look to the Christian religion for the extinction of social 
 misery and wrong. 
 
 " The Proletarians," says E. de Laveleye, in his " l'Avenir 
 Religieux," "have been detached from, and will return to, 
 Christianity when they begin to understand that it brings 
 to them freedom and equal rights, whereas Atheistic mate- 
 rialism consecrates their slavery and sacrifices them to 
 pretended natural laws. By a complete misapplication of 
 its ideas, the religion of Christ, transformed into a temporal 
 and sacerdotal institution has been called in, as the ally of 
 caste, despotism, and the ancient regime, to sanction all social 
 inequalities. The gospel, on the contrary, is ' the good 
 news ' to the poor, the announcement of the advent of that 
 kingdom when the humble shall be lifted up, and the dis- 
 inherited shall possess the earth. The Christianity of Jesus 
 shall resolve all our economic difficulties, if the spirit of 
 charity and fraternal feeling which it inculcates is under- 
 stood and applied." || 
 
 * " Rede iiber die sociale Frage." Berlin, 1872, and other speeches 
 delivered since. 
 
 + "Le Socialisme Chretien," 1879. 
 
 t " Socialismus und Chriatenthum." Gotha, 1875. 
 
 § " Christenthum, Katholicismus, und Cultur." Leipzig, 1880. The 
 German translation by the Italian author is the only work in the hands 
 of the present writer. Cf. M. Arnold's paper on this subject, Maemittan's 
 Magazine, April, 1876. 
 
 II " L'Avenir Religieux des Peuples Civilises," p. 25. Cf. Paul Ribot, 
 
A COMPARISON AND A CONTRAST. 107 
 
 Thus the ideas propounded by Lamennais and 
 Kingsley are spreading far and wide. The seed has not 
 fallen on barren ground, it is bearing fruit already ; but 
 for the full harvest we must look to the society of the 
 future, when other men shall have entered upon their 
 labours and ours. 
 
 "Du Role Sooial des Idees Chretiennes," 1880; S. Mony, "Etude sur le 
 Travail," 1877, of which a second edition has since appeared, and also a 
 pamphlet of the well-known statistician, Alexander Yon Oettingen, en- 
 titled, " Was heisst Christlich Social ? " Leipzig, 1886. 
 
108 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 BAADER AND VON KETTELER ; OR, "THE BLACK 
 INTERNATIONALE" IN GERMANY. 
 
 In the foregoing chapters we endeavoured to give 
 typical representatives of Christian Socialism in France 
 and England. We now turn to Germany, where similar 
 social causes 'produced a similar movement in the two 
 leading religious bodies of that country. 
 
 In the Roman Catholic Church, where the movement 
 took its rise first, two men stand out prominently from 
 among the rest, the one a philosophic layman, the other 
 an ecclesiastic politician. The former has much in 
 common with Lamennais, whose writings he knew and 
 criticized freely, and for whose leading ideas he expressed 
 both sympathy and respect. The latter is not unlike 
 Kirigsley in his manly attitude, though superior to him 
 in administrative gifts, and falling below him in the finer 
 humanities of his disposition and the broad comprehen- 
 siveness of his religious conceptions. In Baader and 
 Ketteler and their teachings, we see represented the two 
 successive stages of the new Catholic movement in 
 Germany, so far as it is connected with social reform., 
 Religious philosophers and literary men among the laity 
 are identified with the first, the clergy and what may be 
 called the clerical centres with the second. The former 
 vented itself in a sort of romantic mysticism, with 
 
"THE BLACK INTERNATIONALE" IN GERMANY. 109 
 
 reactionary tendencies in religion and politics ; the latter 
 in Ultramontanism, and a general desire to widen the 
 basis of ecclesiastical operations among the working 
 classes. Baader, the defender of religious liberty, occupies 
 in this respect an entirely different standpoint from 
 Ketteler, the champion of socialistic clericalism, which 
 has earned for its representatives the name " Black 
 Internationale." 
 
 In other respects both men are inspired by common 
 ideas. Their motives and methods are not always the 
 same, but they are perfectly at one as regards the main 
 theories of Christian Socialism in its past and present 
 aspects respectively ; the one antecedent to, the other 
 consequent upon, the revolution of 1848. 
 
 Franz Xavier von Baader was born in Miinchen on 
 March 27th, 1765. His father was a medical prac- 
 titioner, well acquainted with, and influenced by, some 
 of the leading liberal bishops in Germany, many of 
 whom shared the enlightened views of the 'eighteenth 
 century. This may have had an effect on the first im- 
 pressions of young Baader, who was intended to follow 
 his father's profession. But he turned to mining from 
 personal predilection. As a devoted student of science, 
 he became the friend of Alexander von Humboldt at 
 the University of Freiburg. During his stay in England 
 for the purpose of scientific inquiry, he made the 
 acquaintance of Dugald Stewart and Erasmus Darwin, 
 and was offered the directorship of lead and silver mines 
 in Devonshire, which, however, he refused. On his 
 return to Germany, he was made " Councillor of Mines," 
 and became the author of original treatises on metallurgy 
 and chemistry. His original contributions to mental 
 science were by no means insignificant, and at one time 
 he was regarded as a man likely to give a fresh start 
 
110 CHBISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 to speculative philosophy in his country. In religious 
 matters, his aspirations were for the reunion of Protes- 
 tantism with Catholicism, and he joined the mystic 
 circle of religious devotees which at the time had 
 Madame Kriidener for its centre of attraction. It 
 included Speranski and Prince Galizin, but its first and 
 foremost member was no less a person than the youthful 
 Emperor of Russia, Alexander I. Baader had a project, 
 which he submitted to the Czar, for uniting the members 
 of the Holy Alliance in one common policy for the 
 spiritual and social regeneration of Europe. He also 
 pressed upon the imperial enthusiast a scheme for the 
 establishment of a new Academy at St. Petersburg, which 
 was to be a temple of religion and science, where faith 
 and fact, dogma and discovery, were to be reconciled, 
 an institution in its leading principles equally distant 
 from the Jesuits and the Encyclopaedists. In this effort 
 he was unsuccessful. Foiled by court intrigues, he was 
 compelled to leave the northern capital and return to 
 Germany. On his way home, he stayed at Berlin, where 
 he was brought into contact with Hegel, Herbart, 
 Schleiermacher, and other men of the period. Their 
 influence on his own liberally inclined mind was felt 
 later, when in 1816 he was appointed professor at the 
 newly founded University of his native town. His first 
 public lectures produced a profound sensation because of 
 their freedom. Though a good Catholic, he gave utter- 
 ance to some strong remonstrances against the absolutism 
 of the Roman Curia in 1838-40, and was in consequence 
 deposed from his professorial chair. 
 
 Nevertheless, among the worthies whose busts adorn 
 the Bavarian Walhalla, founded by Louis I. near his 
 capital, Baader's, too, is seen as the representative of 
 Philosophical Philanthropy. As such we may now 
 
"THE BLACK INTERNATIONALE" IN GERMANY. Ill 
 
 proceed to consider him, and examine his theories under 
 the light which the social history of his time throws 
 upon it. 
 
 What was said of the class antagonisms in France 
 and England, and the conflicts between the revolutionary 
 and reactionary parties in those countries, is equally true 
 of Germany, with this difference, however, that here 
 special causes aggravated the virulency of class anta- 
 gonisms. The absolutism of Metternich, with its bureau- 
 cratic excesses and galling police regulations, had produced 
 a general spirit of discontent against paternal modes of 
 government. The survival of class privileges and the 
 exemption of the nobles from national burdens had 
 produced a school of " Teutonic Jacobins," whilst the 
 reactionary " Conspiracy of Princes," as it was called, 
 was confronted by the underground machinations of 
 secret societies. Social distress added to the bitterness 
 of the popular disappointment at the barren results of 
 the war of liberation, and the Government was regarded 
 as the chief cause of social evils for which they were 
 only in part and indirectly responsible. The real causes 
 of agricultural distress and industrial depression have to 
 be traced farther back in the historical development of 
 Germany, and mainly in the slow progress of peasant 
 emancipation from feudalism in that country. But in 
 1750, the agricultural element formed 60 or 70 per cent, 
 of the entire population. There had been peasant risings 
 in Bohemia and Saxony towards the close of the 
 eighteenth century, and excessive subdivision of the soil 
 elsewhere, had brought about evils which threatened to 
 culminate in a general outbreak. The partial with- 
 drawal of the more industrious portion of the needy 
 population to the towns interfered with the progress 
 of agriculture, and the return of " factory hands " to their 
 
112 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 native villages had the effect qf spreading the vices of 
 towns in rural districts and demoralizing the people. 
 
 Again, in the centres of industry the extension of 
 trade liberties with the relaxation of the guild system 
 proved by no means an unmixed good. It stimulated 
 production, indeed, but also increased luxury and waste ; 
 it lowered the standard of commercial honesty and 
 thoroughness of workmanship ; it encouraged selfish ex- 
 clusiveness as the result of unlimited competition, and 
 was instrumental in destroying small trade by means of 
 wholesale enterprise. Thus were produced poverty and 
 wretchedness, with a decreasing sense of self-respect 
 among the wages-earning classes. From the sixteenth 
 century to the present day the condition of the trades 
 had been deteriorated, until (to take Prussia as a type), 
 at the present moment, according to reliable statistics, 
 the well-to-do classes form only 131 of the population, 
 whilst 8006 per cent, are composed of persons depending, 
 either partly or entirely, on wages, whilst 95 per cent, 
 of the whole population are restricted to an income 
 not exceeding 2,000 marks (£100), though mostly falling 
 below it. This growth of immense wealth in the hands 
 of a few, side by side with the impoverishment of the 
 vastly preponderating many, is, as Dr. Engel of the 
 Statistical Department has put it, the great social danger 
 of the hour. It proved so, though perhaps in less formi- 
 dable proportions, at the time now under consideration, 
 simply because the disintegrating process had not ad- 
 vanced to the same alarming extent then. But it roused 
 the spirit of insubordination, which was stimulated into 
 revolt by the coercive measures against the "Dema- 
 gogues ;: adopted by the governments of the German 
 States. Bavaria at this time was noted more especially 
 for its stagnant immobility in social politics. 
 
"THE BLACK INTERNATIONALE" IN GERMANY. 113 
 
 It was in such surroundings that the pious and 
 noble-minded Baader recommended a "theocracy," a 
 monarchy guided by Divine politics, as opposed to a 
 " democracy " of revolution, a State held together by 
 Christian love, equally free from slavish despotism and 
 lawless individualism. In a country where the lawyers, 
 physicians, and magistrates were all treated as minor 
 State-officials, and where both he and his colleagues 
 found themselves constantly hampered by the inter- 
 ference of.State authority in the discharge of their pro- 
 fessional duties, Baader, in the simplicity of his strong 
 beliefs, conceived the Utopian idea of a society founded 
 on the pure principle of Christian love. This optimism 
 was partly inspired by a study of Godwin's works, with 
 which he became acquainted in this country, a fact which 
 he has fully acknowledged in his writings. 
 
 He accepts Godwin's pessimistic view of the evils 
 attending the modern modes of industry : " Wealth is 
 acquired by over-reaching our neighbours, and is spent 
 in insulting them." At the same time there is no lack 
 of discriminating criticism when Baader comes to speak 
 of Godwin's excessive individualism, when, in his love 
 for freedom, as Baader thinks, he would make man 
 almost unsocial out of pure fear of sanitary subordi- 
 nation. 
 
 We now turn to Baader's own theories on the im- 
 provement of society. After dwelling on the irrational 
 and immoral tendencies of some of the "Demagogues," he 
 proceeds — 
 
 "Whoever, as an eye-witness, has looked into the abyss of 
 the physical and moral misery and neglect of the greater por- 
 tion of the proletariat in England and France (mainly owing 
 to the development of our own industrial system), must con- 
 fess, in spite of any. assurances to the contrary made in the 
 
 I 
 
114 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM 
 
 interests of capital and landed property, that the dependent 
 condition of the same class in mediaeval times, even when 
 feudalism was most crushing and inhuman, was less intoler- 
 able" than it is now. . . . Such an observer must acknow- 
 ledge that, in so-called Christian and enlightened Europe, the 
 civilization of the few exists only at the expense of uncivili- 
 zation, or rather the brutality, of the many, and that we 
 have approached the ancient system of slavery and helotry, 
 which is much worse than the barbarism of the dark ages." * 
 
 He refers to his personal experience during his visit to 
 this country, and mentions the fact that, when. present 
 at the meetings of some of the manufacturers in the 
 north, he generally found that they ended in fixing the 
 rate of wages and the price of goods in a manner that 
 might be truly called a conspiracy against the working- 
 man, who always receives less than the natural value 
 of his produce (work). Baader goes on to say that of 
 parliamentary legislation in their favour there can be 
 no question, because only the moneyed classes are repre- 
 sented there. 
 
 This, of course, was said in 1835, in an essay on the 
 unhealthy relationship between the working classes and 
 their employers then. Legislation for the benefit of the 
 working classes since, and the creation of conciliation and 
 arbitration boards, leave less room now for such com- 
 plaints. 
 
 Still, in Baader's day, things unfortunately were what 
 he describes them to be ; and what is more remarkable 
 in his case is the penetration of mind which saw at the 
 time that the true cause of political agitation was social 
 discontent. 
 
 The remedies he suggests to remove these causes of 
 social dissatisfaction may be summarized as follows : — 
 
 * " Werke," vol. vi. pp. 131, 132. 
 
"THE BLACK INTERNATIONALE" IN GERMANY. 115 
 
 " Without previous and perfect union between God and 
 man, social union can neither be effected nor maintained. 
 Social co-ordination and subordination must rest on Divine 
 authority. All members of the social organism are what 
 they are by the grace of God. Physical force without 
 spiritual power, compulsion without conviction, fear without 
 respect, interest without love, cannot permanently secure 
 social order. (This, it has to be remembered, was said in 
 what has been called the season of agony of Metternich's 
 system.) Corporate action and association are essential to 
 the common weal, because they imply organized social life. 
 On the other hand, all attacks on property by way of advo- 
 cating a communistic redistribution is a crime against the 
 common interests of all. The Christian law of mutual affec- 
 tion is the only safeguard against the disintegrating power 
 of individualism. With the development of the moral and 
 religious life of the nation, social evolution will become 
 possible also, and thus the unhealthy elements of social 
 progress will be eliminated without the adoption of revolu- 
 tionary measures. At present, he says, the majority of men 
 are the slaves of capital, the production of wealth is carried 
 on on a gigantic scale, whilst its distribution is alarmingly 
 uneven and unjust. The Church must provide a new Diaconate 
 to bring about a more equitable redistribution. The most 
 perfect corporation is the Catholic Church, it is therefore the 
 best type of social organization. The Church is altogether 
 opposed to the heathenish view of ownership of property, 
 which is purely selfish, and therefore anti-social, separating 
 private from common interests. The Church regards all men 
 as agents and stewards of their possessions for the common 
 good. Therefore when it was said in the French Tribune, 
 ' L'etat est athee, et doit l'etre ' (The State is without God, 
 and ought to be so), it .was proclaiming a godless constitu- 
 tion of society which introduced the impious spirit of egotism 
 that fears neither God nor man, and utterly destroys the 
 roots of personal responsibility : hence the bitter disappoint- 
 ments following upon the Eevolution." 
 
116 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 In this respect Baader widely differs from Lamennais 
 in his later views. He compares him with Peter the 
 Hermit in preaching a crusade, but a crusade as in " Les 
 Paroles d'un Croyant," against legitimate authority, thus, 
 as it were, consecrating the Jacobin flag and the barri- 
 cades.* Reminding him of St. Bernard's exhortation,! 
 " Conformor ut unior dum destituor " (I yield for the 
 sake of union, though it be to my own hurt), he falls 
 back on the Pauline theory of social duty, that self- 
 immolation and self-conquest lead to man's salvation and 
 that of the race. 
 
 Lamennais had said, " De l'esclave l'homme de crime 
 peut devenir tyran, mais jamais il ne devient libre " (A 
 bad man who has been a slave may become a tyrant, but 
 never a free man). 
 
 Yes, replies Baader. "Voulez-vous travailler a 
 d^truire la misere de l'esclavage de la pauvretd, tra- 
 vaillez a de*truire le peche' en vous premierement, puis 
 dans les autres " — (If you want to work for the destruc- 
 tion of slavish misery among the poor, first try to 
 destroy sin in yourself and then in others). 
 
 This is the essence of Christian Socialism, as dis- 
 tinguished from every other form of Socialism having no 
 religious foundation. 
 
 From Miinchen we proceed to Mainz, to make 
 ourselves acquainted with another and better known 
 Christian Socialist — Wilhelm Emmanuel Freiherr von 
 
 * "Werke," vol. vi. p. 111. But in a letter to Montalembert in 1831, 
 referring to L'Avenir, be points out the value of this publication, and 
 shows how in it the principle is laid down that religion is the true libe- 
 rator, freeing man from self and others, restoring true self-love and love of 
 neighbours, and hence becoming o binding power in society. Curiously 
 enough, Leo XIII. has been called Peter the H-rmit of late by a Roman 
 Catholic prelate in an assembly of " Social Catholics," in allusion to his 
 interest in social questions. 
 
 t "Werke," vol. vi. p. 41, and ante. 
 
"THE BLACK INTERNATIONALE" IN GERMANY. 117 
 
 Ketteler, late bishop of that ancient see. Ketteler was 
 born in Munster on Christmas Day, 1811. He belonged 
 to an old Westphalian family, and was the third son out 
 of ten. He received his early education in the Capitular 
 school of his native city, and afterwards in the Jesuit 
 establishment at Briig. His mother is described as a 
 " strong woman," and from her he seems to have inherited 
 the vigour of character for which he became afterwards 
 so distinguished. From the very first there was a 
 peculiar religious tone in his manner and bearing which 
 made gamekeepers of his father call him, when still a 
 boy, " BischofHiche Gnaden " (your Episcopal Grace), an 
 epithet which clung to him during the whole course of 
 early home-life. Like Charles Kingsley, he delighted in 
 outdoor exercise, and in his younger days excelled as a 
 persevering sportsman and mountaineer. This cheerful 
 robustness developed into a healthy manliness and 
 dignified elasticity of bearing in later life. The present 
 writer has distinct recollections of the impression pro- 
 duced on his boyish mind by the stately presence and 
 courtly grace of the Bishop of Mainz as he passed through 
 the streets of a south German town after a confirmation. 
 There was character in every step and every keen glance 
 of his penetrating eye, and the crowd, by no means 
 universally sympathetic, could not help being awed by 
 the commanding presence of one whom they instinctively 
 recognized as a man of power. Ketteler received his 
 University training first at Gottingen, where he also 
 fought a duel, which left its mark on his face for life. 
 Thence he migrated to Heidelberg and Miinchen, and 
 after passing a good examination for his law-degree, he 
 became " Referendar," an administrative post which he 
 occupied from 1834 to 1838. When, however, in one of 
 those feuds between Church and State in which Ketteler 
 
118 . CHEISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 himself afterwards took a prominent part, the Archbishop 
 of Coin was imprisoned in 1838, Ketteler, disapproving of 
 the step the Government had taken, felt himself con^ - 
 scientiously bound to leave the public service. He now 
 began his studies for the Church under Dollinger, at the 
 age of thirty-three. Afterwards he • removed to the 
 Seminary at Miinster, where his conduct was character- 
 ized by a punctual attention to his duties, and a sim- 
 plicity of life almost amounting to asceticism. This, 
 however, did not prevent his becoming very popular 
 among his fellow-students. In 1844, he received priest's 
 orders, and in his first cure was much beloved by all his 
 parishioners, especially the children, and soon became a 
 general favourite among the clergy of the district and all 
 those engaged in philanthropic efforts. This enabled 
 him to say, at a later period of his life — 
 
 " I have lived with and among the people, and know 
 them in their sorrows and complaints : there are few of the 
 tears and none of the sufferings among the people committed 
 to my charge which have escaped my notice. They come to 
 me with their grievances, and I sympathize with them and 
 seek to alleviate their sorrows." 
 
 Like Kingsley, during the cholera season in England, 
 Ketteler, during an epidemic of typhus fever in his 
 parish, most devotedly visited and relieved the people 
 in 1847. It was in recognition of this and similar 
 unremitting efforts, especially in the erection of hospitals 
 and such-like institutions, that he was elected to represent 
 the district in the Parliament of the Germanic Confede- 
 ration, then held in Frankfort. This election of Ketteler 
 is noteworthy, as many members of the constituency 
 were Protestants. It led the way to future preferment, 
 when the following event brought Ketteler for the first 
 time prominently before a larger public. 
 
"THE BLACK INTERNATIONALE" IN GERMANY. 119 
 
 A tragedy, similar in its enormity and effect to that 
 of the murder of Lord Cavendish and Mr. Burke in the 
 Phoenix Park, furnished the occasion, namely the assassina- 
 tion of two distinguished noblemen — Prince Lichnowski 
 and Count Auerswald, in the riot at Frankfort of Sep- 
 tember, 1848. Though in the nature of a political murder, 
 it was closely connected with the social discontents 
 of the times, and was the work of the social democracy. 
 It happened in connection with the insurrectionary 
 movement, which had assumed such formidable propor- 
 tions in Berlin and Vienna during the previous March, 
 The Emperor of Austria was compelled to take flight 
 from his capital, the King of Prussia was subjected to 
 the humiliation of showing his respect with uncovered 
 head to those rebels who had fallen on the barricades 
 during the fourteen days' street fight in his own capital. 
 Germany was in a ferment, and Frankfort, where the 
 Diet was holding its sittings, reflected the agitated 
 condition of the empire. The two noblemen mentioned 
 above were prominent members of the Conservative 
 section in the Diet, and the eloquence of Lichnowski had 
 helped materially in passing a measure specially obnoxious 
 to the democratic party. The red-republicans were de- 
 termined to make capital of this, with a view to foment 
 a rising, and a skirmish took place between the military 
 and the crowd. Lichnowski and Auerswald had left the 
 city on horseback together, and were recognized by the 
 populace and pursued. They sought a hiding-place in a 
 cottage on the Bornheim Heath, but were discovered, 
 dragged out, and murdered with every mark of savage 
 cruelty. It was at their grave that Ketteler delivered 
 his celebrated oration, which immediately produced a 
 profound sensation throughout Germany. 
 
 Referring to the popular aspirations of the times, 
 
120 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 though of course expressing horror at the dastardly deed, 
 he says — 
 
 " I believe in the truth of those noble ideas which are 
 moving the world now ; none of them is, in my estimation, 
 too high for the attainment of mankind. I love the present 
 age for this reason more especially, because it strives mightily 
 for the fulfilment of those ideal aspirations, though I see 
 that we are yet a long while off from this happy consumma- 
 tion ; . . . but there is but one means to realize these grand 
 ideas, and that is by turning to Rim who has brought them 
 into the world, the Son of God, Jesus Christ. . . . With 
 Him humanity can dp everything, the highest aims thus 
 become realizable; without Him it can do nothing. "With 
 Him, in the truth which He has taught, in the way He has 
 shown, we can turn the earth into a paradise, dry the tears 
 of our poor suffering brethren, establish love, union, fraternity, 
 and true humanity in the most perfect manner; yea, I 
 maintain, in the deepest conviction of my soul, we may 
 restore a community of good and everlasting peace, and call 
 into existence the most liberal political institutions — without 
 Him we shall go to destruction with shame, confusion, and 
 misery, a byword and derision to posterity." 
 
 In the same year, Ketteler preached his sermon on 
 social subjects in the Mainz Cathedral, to a mixed 
 audience of from five to six thousand persons on four 
 successive days, which only more fully expanded the 
 leading idea here expressed with so much dignity and 
 daring, considering both the place and the occasion. 
 
 His merits were recognized by those in authority. 
 In the next year, he was promoted to the Provostship at 
 the Church of St. Hedwega, in Berlin, and in 1850 he 
 was enthroned as Bishop of Mainz. As a notable trait 
 of his character we may mention the fact that on the 
 third day after his consecration he had visited all the 
 
"THE BLACK INTERNATIONALE" IN GERMANY. 121 
 
 hospitals in the town, praying with the sick, and thus 
 signalizing his first assumption of episcopal dignity by 
 those practical acts of Christian charity for which he 
 had been so distinguished as a parish priest. In his 
 private life Ketteler was a bright example of simplicity 
 and frugality. He rose at four o'clock in the morning, 
 and gave himself little rest all day. Not unfrequently 
 he heard confessions from two o'clock in the afternoon 
 until twelve at night. With an enormous capacity for 
 work, he addressed his mind to the most absorbing 
 questions of the Church polity which then were the 
 order of the day; he attended to the organization of 
 social and educational institutions by means of which 
 the Roman Catholic Church then hoped to extend her 
 influence among the masses, and some of them were 
 first called into existence by the Bishop himself. Asso- 
 ciations of journeymen and apprentices, asylums for 
 servants out of employment, mutual improvement and 
 benefit societies rose rapidly into existence during his 
 episcopate, and received his attention in the midst of 
 multifarious engagements of every kind in the adminis- 
 tration of the diocese. As the recognized leader of the 
 Rhenish bishops, he was waging war at the same time 
 with the Government. With this we are not concerned 
 here, but whatever our estimate of him as an Ultramon- 
 tane controversialist may be, and however much we 
 may differ from him in the interpretation of the follow- 
 ing sentence, we cannot help admiring the strength of 
 his faith when he says, "All decrees of the secular 
 power in themselves fail to cure the cancer in the human 
 body politic. Only Christian charity can come in here 
 as an effectual remedy." 
 
 Also, we could wish that the rulers in Church bodies 
 generally, in view of the many dangers which assail 
 
122 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 social order in the present day, could say of themselves 
 what the Bishop of Mainz says in his published letter 
 to Professor Nippold, of Heidelberg : — 
 
 " Besides my actual spiritual duties and the government 
 of my diocese, I follow attentively the movements of my 
 time, "which afford me an opportunity of observing many acts 
 of mutual dissension between man and man, not always as 
 tbe result of ill-will, but simply arising from misapprehension 
 and prejudice. To correct these unfortunate preconceptions 
 and misconceptions I devote all the spare moments of my 
 life, after discharging my ordinary duties." 
 
 And what are the principles arrived at in the course 
 of these observations on current events in the social 
 world ? What is ■ Ketteler's solution of the social 
 question ? 
 
 There is no particular work giving a systematic 
 account of Ketteler's scheme of social improvement. 
 Occasional sermons, speeches, pamphlets (about forty in 
 number) are all that is left from which to gather his 
 opinions. 
 
 The social question, he maintains, is simply a ques- 
 tion of bodily comfort or physical support (evne Mag&w- 
 frage — a question of the stomach). The workman has 
 become a mere commodity, like every other in the 
 market, and the price paid for labour depends entirely 
 on demand and supply. In the competition struggle 
 where each tries to secure a bare maintenance, the 
 " hands " are helpless, depending on the fluctuations of 
 trade. Adopting Lassalle's theory of the brazen law of 
 wages, which condemns the large body of wages-labourers 
 to eke out a bare existence according to the lowest standard 
 of living, Ketteler, too, invokes State protection for the 
 labourers against encroachments of irreponsible capitalists 
 
'"THE BLACK INTERNATIONALE" IN GERMANY. 123 
 
 who use manual labour as they use up machinery. For 
 the same purpose, to secure a more healthy development 
 physically and morally, he would encourage co-operation 
 among the men. But here the representative of Chris- 
 tian Socialism joined issue with the leader of the Social 
 Democracy. According to the latter, the working classes 
 are " the rock on which the Church of the present must 
 be built." According to Ketteler, to secure the safety 
 and welfare of society, it must be founded on the rock 
 of St. Peter. Christ is the true Saviour of society, and 
 the full recognition of Christian duty on the part of the 
 privileged classes towards the poor, after the manner of 
 St. Elizabeth and St. Francis, would heal many of the 
 sores in the social body politic. So, on the other hand, 
 the recognition of Christian principle on the part of the 
 workers, would enable them to bear the ills of life with 
 dignified patience and enduring heroism, remembering 
 that the disposition of the heart rather than social 
 position determines man's true place in the community. 
 The Bishop points out the impotence of legislative 
 measures for the purpose of equalizing property. In- 
 equality of fortune, as he reasonably enough maintains, 
 is the result of inequality of skill and character. The 
 recognition of higher ideals as an antidote to the 
 materialistic tendencies in every section of society can 
 alone save our work-oivilization from ruin. Hope of a 
 future life alone can render the present state of existence 
 tolerable to vast multitudes who have no prospect what- 
 ever of a better lot in life here. Christian fortitude, and 
 not the mechanical force of social laws, will enable them 
 cheerfully to perform life's task. Christian love, as a 
 binding force, can effect what the mere external com- 
 bination of "pulverized" social atoms fails to bring 
 about, viz, co-operative association on a sound basisi 
 
124 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 The Divine laws of liberty, order, justice, and mercy can 
 adjust the limits of private property and the claims of 
 the community on the individual, or protect the interests 
 of the proprietors and the patrimony of the poor. 
 
 Under the discipline of religion, self-help and self- 
 culture will become a power for good, and a blessing ; 
 whereas, without it, degenerating into self-seeking and 
 self-adulation, they often become a power for evil and 
 a curse ; in short, the evils of unlimited competition can 
 at least be mitigated, if they cannot be removed alto- 
 gether, by the exercise of Christian charity. 
 
 The Socialist St. Simon had said on his death-bed : 
 "Remember, to do great deeds you must have enthusiasm;' 1 
 Bishop Ketteler points to the power of Christian liberality 
 as the lever for raising and regenerating society. He 
 makes mention of the spirit of self-sacrifice in the Catholic 
 Church, and the enormous sums annually collected for 
 religious purposes, and looks to similar acts of voluntary 
 efforts of self-devotion for social purposes. 
 
 Such are the general principles of Ketteler's Christian 
 Socialism. They have since been further developed by 
 Canon Moufang, and stated with greater boldness and 
 clearness, especially in a memorable speech delivered by 
 him before the Mainz electors in 1871. It contains the 
 programme of Roman Catholic Socialism in what may 
 be called its more advanced stage. Moufang sums up his 
 demands as follows : — 1. Legislative protection of " the 
 rights of labour ; '' 2. Pecuniary State subvention to aid 
 co-operative associations ; 3. Reduction of the burdens 
 of taxation and military service; 4. Restriction of the 
 power of capital and the removals of evils arising from 
 usury and over-speculation. 
 
 On the part of the Church, Moufang demands — 1. The 
 diffusion of the spirit of fair justice and Christian love ; 
 
"THE BLACK INTERNATIONALE" IN GERMANY. 125 
 
 2. The inculcation of the virtues of benevolence and 
 beneficence; 3. The administration of comfort and con- 
 solation in seasons of sorrow and sufferings and the trials 
 of this life, together with the inspiration of a better hope 
 of that which is to come. We shall see further on to 
 what extent this rather advanced position of Catholic 
 Socialism has been modified authoritatively of late. 
 
 It is easier to comply with the last-mentioned 
 demands than the requirement of State regulation of 
 the price of labour, since the natural aptitudes and 
 inclinations for work differ so widely in individual 
 cases. It would amount to simply injustice to treat 
 all alike j it would be impossible to find employers 
 investing' their capital under such conditions, and 
 thus the source of demand for labour would in many 
 instances be dried up altogether. It would be equally 
 impracticable to reform some of the abuses of the money 
 market, and to remove the evils of over-speculation by 
 legislative enactments. Desirable as these reforms are, 
 imperative even to save large bodies of men from destitu- 
 tion and ruin, such reform cannot be carried with a high 
 hand; they must be preceded by a moral reformation 
 which would raise the standard of commercial honesty 
 and purify public opinion as the arbiter of mercantile 
 morality. Again, industrial enterprise depends on free- 
 dom of contract. State intervention between employers 
 and employed, though it might here and there prevent 
 acts of flagrant injustice on the part of the large capitalists 
 in using their power by over-reaching those whose capital 
 is their manual skill, would prove detrimental to the 
 interests of the labourers as a body, in their present con- 
 dition, unable as they are to carry on production on their 
 own account and at their own risk without the necessary 
 capital and credit. 
 
126 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Tirades against the tyranny of capital are of little 
 use, as M. de Laveleye points out, speaking on this 
 subject in his late work on Contemporary Socialism, and 
 vague appeals to Government are equally useless, unless 
 a modus operandi is suggested at the same time which 
 would obviate the difficult question : Who will bear the 
 risk of productive enterprise when the laws of the State, 
 formed for the protection of labour, endanger the safety 
 of the enterprise altogether, and make it the interest 
 of the manufacturer to withdraw his capital ? 
 
 The work of Ketteler and Moufang is still being 
 carried on, in the press mainly by the Ghristlich Sociale 
 Blatter, and a number of minor publications, all exercising 
 a considerable influence on public opinion among Roman 
 Catholics ; and among the large body of the working 
 classes, by the maintenance and extension of a number 
 of associations of masters, journeymen, and apprentices, 
 as well as agricultural and industrial labourers, under 
 the auspices of the Roman Catholic clergy, and subject to 
 ecclesiastical discipline. Father Kolbing, once a journey- 
 man himself, is, or was until quite lately, at the head 
 of this class of artisans, and, as such, has rendered 
 distinguished services, which were fully acknowledged 
 at the time by Bishop Ketteler. 
 
 In fact, the main strength of " Catholic Socialism " 
 lies in this widely spread system of organization. The 
 number of associations of operatives under Church 
 auspices, surpasses the aggregate amount of all other 
 similar associations taken together. 
 
 There are in Germany Catholic associations of masters 
 and apprentices, of factory labourers, miners, and vintners, 
 there are " Patriotic Bavarian " and Westphalian unions 
 of peasant proprietors, and a number of other societies 
 of men and women in every direction, exercising a 
 
"THE BLACK INTERNATIONALE " IN GERMANY. 127 
 
 powerful influence under strict clerical supervision, the 
 result of which is that in purely Catholic regions for 
 any efforts of social reform to he successful, it is essential 
 in the first instance to secure the Catholic ecclesiastics 
 as auxiliaries in any such undertaking. 
 
 Unhappily for social reform, the Culturkampf broke 
 out at a time when circumstances and events in 
 the industrial life of the nation required perfect union 
 between the Government and the Roman hierarchy. But, 
 in the heat of this conflict, men on either side, equally 
 anxious to restore social harmony in the nation, instead 
 of asking themselves the urgent question, what was to be 
 done, wasted their strength in debating who was to do 
 it, and how. Was society to be saved by an Imperial 
 and imperious dictator, who regarded State Socialism as 
 a form of " practical Christianity," or by the sole instru- 
 mentality of that Church whose leaders boldly extended 
 to society the time-honoured principle of Catholicism, 
 " Extra ecclesiam nulla salus " ? The late rapprochement 
 between Varzin and the Vatican holds out the hope of 
 speedy removal of this impediment to common action 
 in matters of social interest. 
 
 In the General Assembly of Catholics in Germany, 
 held at Diisseldorf. in 1883, the following resolution, 
 indicating the present position of the Church on this 
 question, was passed, on the motion of Prince Karl von 
 Lowenstein : — 
 
 " The General Assembly of German Catholics desires to 
 express its conviction that the social question is not only an 
 economic, but also, and in the first place, a moral and religious 
 one, and therefore its solution is impossible without the 
 united action of Church and State. It regards it, therefore, 
 as essentially necessary, in order to heal the present social 
 evils, for the Church and her institutions to have restored 
 
128 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 to them full liberty for the exercise of their social func- 
 tions." 
 
 Similar in tone were the utterances at the last General 
 Assembly held at Treves in 1887, and still more pro- 
 nounced in favour of State intervention were the resolu- 
 tions passed at the International Social Congress of 
 Catholics at Liege, last September.* 
 
 Thus the prediction of Cavour has been partially 
 fulfilled, that a time would come when a union would 
 be brought about between Romanism and Socialism, and 
 Ketteler's Kosacken regiment, as it has been contemptu- 
 ously called by opponents, which has enabled the Roman 
 hierarchy to bring into the field at any given moment 
 an army of artisans and labourers to defend the rights 
 and liberties of the Church, has paved the way for this 
 strange union. 
 
 * See L' Association Catholique, October 15, 1887 ; and Christlieh Sociale 
 Blatter, 20 Jahrgang, 21 and 23 Heft. 
 
( 129 ) 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 HUBER,' THE PIONEER OF CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM IN 
 GERMANY. 
 
 Among those who watched with interest the efforts of 
 the Christian Socialists in England, there was an "in- 
 telligent foreigner," who, during a professional visit to 
 this country, became acquainted with F. D. Maurice and 
 his friends, whom he visited on two occasions, first 
 in 1844, and then again ten years later. To this last 
 visit he refers in his published letters on the co-operative 
 movement in Belgium, France, and England, a work 
 which at the time enjoyed general and well-deserved 
 popularity. 
 
 This gentleman, also the author of some notes on the 
 English Universities, which in their translated form 
 attracted sufficient attention in this country to be quoted 
 in Parliamentary debates, was Victor Ainie Huber, the 
 subject of the present • sketch. He forms, so to speak, 
 the connecting link between the Christian Socialists of 
 Germany and England, and also between the Christian 
 Socialism of the past and present generation. He is 
 regarded as the pioneer of the co-operative movement in 
 Germany, and has been called in the recently published 
 memoir of his life and work the forerunner of the modern 
 school of Christian Socialists in that country. 
 
 K 
 
130 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 The author of this memoir, Dr. Eugen Jager, a well 
 known contributor to socialistic literature, here gives us 
 a very appreciative account of Huber's earnest endeavours 
 to remove the social disabilities and improve the moral 
 and mental conditions of the working classes. It is to 
 this publication that the present writer owes much of 
 the information contained in this chapter. 
 
 Hub.er was an original character. In days when but 
 few of his contemporaries and sympathizers were able to 
 see the signs of the times, and blindly trusted to traditional 
 forms and repressive measures in their clumsy endeavours 
 to cope with the rising spirit of social discontent, Huber 
 was among the very first to discover in this uneasy state 
 of the public mind a symptom of the rising storm which 
 broke out, but did not spend itself entirely, in the Revo- 
 lution of 1848. For late socialistic manifestations in 
 Germany form only another stage of its development 
 which makes thoughtful observers of current events 
 dread its final culmination in utter social disruption, un- 
 less indeed a serious social revolt is not arrested by 
 timely social reform. To this task Huber addressed him- 
 self, and never grew weary preaching, in season and out 
 of season, the duty of the higher classes to raise the lower 
 materially, morally, and mentally, not so much by means 
 of legislation and State help as by voluntary effort for 
 the encouragement of association and co-operation to 
 counteract the evils of competition. 
 
 Belonging by hereditary and early training to that 
 party of liberal thinkers in Germany which got its 
 philosophical and political opinions from France, Huber 
 changed his social theories with his religious views at 
 an important crisis of his life, to be mentioned further 
 on, after which he began to look to constructive and 
 conservative social reforms as the best means of pre- 
 
A PIONEER OF CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 131 
 
 serving society from decay, and as the best antidote 
 against the threatening advances of social democracy. 
 
 The best introduction to Huber's theories and methods 
 of social improvement will be a short sketch of his life. 
 
 He was born in Stuttgart on the 18th of March, 
 1800, of gjfted parents on both sides. His father, a 
 friend of Schiller and Alexander von Humboldt, and an ■ 
 inmate in the house of George Forster, the celebrated 
 naturalist and circumnavigator, belonged to the band of 
 enthusiasts who, during the era of "enlightenment" in' 
 Germany, hailed with acclamations the outbreak of the 
 French Revolution. Huber's mother was the accom- 
 plished daughter of the scholar Heyne, and the widow 
 of Forster, and long before her second marriage exercised 
 a salutary influence over Huber's father. She was a 
 woman remarkable for her mental endowments, energetic 
 character, and sympathetic many-sidedness. She had 
 ideal views of life which she did not fail to impart to 
 her son, and her literary taste and tact had procured her 
 a position that enabled her to introduce him into the 
 field of literature at an early age. To her fostering care 
 Huber owed a great deal in childhood and youth. She 
 superintended his education (his father having died), and 
 watched with maternal solicitude over the mental de- 
 velopment and external career of her son during the 
 most impressionable period of his life. When he was 
 seven years old, he was placed under Philip Emanuel 
 von Fellenberg, at Hofwyl, near Bern, a celebrity at 
 the time as a philanthropist, agriculturist, and more 
 especially as the inventor of a new method of education, 
 and as such the friend of Pe'stalozzi. , He was a man of 
 modern ideas who indulged in the optimist creed that in 
 " developing and perfecting our present humanity " he 
 could render men happy. From the general adoption of 
 
132 CHBISTIAN S0CIAI4SM. 
 
 his new educational method he expeeted no leas than the 
 entire transformation of the economic, moral, and religious 
 condition of Europe. In the house of this educational 
 innovator young Huber met schoolfellows belonging to 
 the highest ranks in society, but equality was the basis 
 of their common culture, and all social distinctions were 
 disregarded«in the school. The object of the establish- 
 ment was to combine liberal education with physical 
 training, and gymnastics with practical agriculture, in- 
 cluding hard and rough labour. 
 
 The letters from his mother at this time were full of 
 maternal exhortations which were intended to soften 
 Huber's apparently somewhat intractable character, and 
 to inculcate the principles of self-denial and self-mastery 
 by means of plain living and high thinking, as well as 
 the duty of cultivating a fellow-feeling for the sorrows 
 and sufferings of the poor, a duty which he fulfilled so 
 well when he arrived at years of discretion. 
 
 At sixteen years of age, the young Aime 1 went to the 
 University of Gottingen, where his grandmother was 
 still living, and gave him material help in the pursuit of 
 his studies. At this period, Huber not only abstained 
 from the usual excesses of undergraduates, but he also 
 endeavoured to conquer the fashionable excess of sym- 
 pathy with the " world-sorrow," in which he was much 
 assisted by the judicious letters of his mother. He took 
 his degree in Medicine in 1820, and having obtained, 
 through the influence of his mother in high quarters, a 
 State stipendium corresponding to a travelling fellowship 
 at the Universities, he set out for foreign travel, to satisfy 
 his spirit of adventure in distant lands. 
 
 i His professional studies had at no time had much 
 interest for him, and now that he was free to follow his 
 natural bent he threw himself into the social and political 
 
A PIONEER OP CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 133 
 
 movement which was then agitating the western conti- 
 nent of Europe. His letters from Paris show how rapidly 
 he had made himself acquainted with the social condition 
 of the poor labourers in the French capital, and how 
 entirely he had entered with a deep and personal interest 
 into their complaints. Here, too, he cultivated the ac- 
 quaintance with the chosen spirits of the day, Lafayette, 
 Lafitte, Perier, and others, though his liberal sympathies 
 were attracted towards Spain, and the struggle for liberty 
 which was then agitating the national mind of that 
 country. But dissatisfied with the poor results of the 
 peninsular rising, he left and took ship at Lisbon for 
 Hamburg in 1823. Thence he proceeded to Edinburgh, 
 and to London in the following year. Shortly after this, 
 he published his well-known sketches from Spain, passed 
 a short time in Italy as travelling tutor, and at last 
 settled down in Bremen as one of the masters at the 
 Merchants' School of that town. 
 
 Here it was that he married (after his mother's death) 
 the daughter of one of the senators, and here, too, at 
 the age of thirty, an important change took place in his 
 religious feelings and convictions which altered the whole 
 current of his life. He had been brought up as a 
 heathen, with classical models only for his examples of 
 life and conduct. His early associations and contact 
 with the leaders in philosophy and social politics had 
 confirmed him in those humanitarian views of the 
 eighteenth century in which he had been cradled as a 
 child. He had been baptized, indeed, into the Catholic 
 Church, but this more as a matter of form. For a long 
 time, every kind of religious profession was equally dis- 
 tasteful to him. Now, however, when for the first time 
 brought into contact with "religious circles" in Pro- 
 testant countries, a marked change came over him in 
 
•134 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 favour of religious beliefs, and he was favourably im- 
 pressed at Edinburgh in particular by the practical 
 beneficence and missionary efforts displayed by members 
 of the Presbyterian Kirk. This change gave a new bent 
 to his philanthropic efforts, and he thenceforward became 
 a Christian Socialist. 
 
 Though deeply impressed with religious convictions, 
 he seems to have attached but little significance to external 
 Church government. Thus he joined the Established 
 Reformed Church of Bremen as a matter of course. 
 Afterwards, when appointed to a professional chair in 
 Mecklenburg, he was as willing to join the Lutheran 
 State Church in that country, and in the same way 
 became a member of the United Church of Prussia on 
 his removal to Berlin. His attitude towards the Roman 
 Catholic Church was that of toleration and respect ; he 
 even suggested a dignified attitude of armed neutrality 
 between the two confessions as a modus vivendi, and was 
 strongly in favour of a reunion between Catholicism 
 and Protestantism in Germany. 
 
 In his letters from London he often inveighs against 
 the worldliness and stagnation of spiritual life in the 
 Church of England; he complains of its barren, ortho- 
 doxy, intolerable injustice in the distribution of prefer- 
 ment, and the utter incapacity of the clergy as a body to 
 grapple with the social problems of the day. With pro- 
 found veneration he dwells on the character and work of 
 F. D. Maurice as a grand exception to the " predominant 
 dead' Pharisaism" in Church life. He alludes with 
 evident interest to the popular expositor of the Christian. 
 Socialists, the " too genial " Kingsley, and gives a fairly 
 appreciative account of his and their, efforts in the 
 direction of social reform. 
 
 In view of present literary controversies connected 
 
A PIONEEE OF CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 135 
 
 with Carlyle it may be interesting to note what a foreign 
 observer felt and said thirty years ago on this subject. 
 Comparing Maurice with Thomas Carlyle, both of whom 
 he knew personally when they resided as close neighbours 
 in Chelsea, he refers to what he calls Carlyle's " purely 
 negative, and therefore unfruitful criticism of things as 
 they are, were, and ever can be." He dwells on his 
 bitterness of irony and fondness of exaggeration, and 
 the evident determination only to see the dark side of 
 things, and to expose the weaknesses and shortcomings 
 of society. He points out the injustice of Carlyle in 
 attacking so unmercifully all curative claims to improve 
 society and their authors, instead of laying bare merely 
 the sores of the social disorder they intend to remove. 
 
 "Whilst he himself" (Carlyle) "does nothing great or 
 small to alleviate or remove the evils he complained of, he 
 ignores, discards, and ridicules everything others may either 
 know or do, condemning it in wholesale as sham, humbug, 
 flunkeyism, semblances, fatuities, vulturism," etc., etc. Such 
 terras, he goes on to say, may have been at one time appro- 
 priate enough and full of meaning in describing a peculiar 
 evil full of danger and requiring exposure in all directions, 
 but they have now lost the force of their original signifi- 
 cance, and have simply become fixed ideas of Carlyle's mind, 
 of which he cannot divest himself. 
 
 " How different is Maurice," he continues, " in his untiring 
 love and self-sacrificing activity, as directed, not only against 
 the unhealthy symptoms in those social forces and organs 
 whose office it is to remove the disease of the body-politic, 
 but towards the creation of new forces and organs, so as to 
 effect a healthy reaction among the poor properly so called, 
 where this social distemper makes ifself peculiarly felt. The 
 reason why these two men, but a few years ago unanimous 
 in their convictions, have got in tracks so entirely at 
 variance with each other ... is surely not only to be sought 
 
336 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 in the dissimilarity of natural gifts and dispositions. It 
 rather lies in this, that the one has never left the foundations 
 of faith, nor withdrawn himself from the discipline of the 
 Holy Ghost, whereas the other has followed with passionate 
 wilfulness the utterly unrestrained impulse of his subjective 
 feelings and self-conscious vanity." 
 
 We quote this sentence from one of the letters, not 
 because we are prepared to endorse the judgment thus 
 pronounced on Caflyle, but chiefly because in his inter- 
 esting manner it marks the standpoint of Huber as a 
 Christian Socialist. For here he expresses his firm belief 
 in the regenerative force of Christian principle, surpassing 
 in its spiritual efficacy other forms of humanitarian 
 socialisms which were not founded on belief. 
 
 Huber's linguistic proficiency procured for him a 
 post at the University of Rostock in 1832, and after that 
 a call to Marburg six years later. In 1839, he was 
 elected as the representative of this collegiate body in 
 the Hessian House of Representatives. Hence we see 
 him engaged in controversies connected with the social 
 politics of that eventful period, maintaining an inde- 
 pendent standpoint equally distasteful both to the strictly 
 progressive and obstructive parties, because in his en- 
 deavours to remove social abuses he neither trusted him- 
 self, nor allowed others to trust, to the mere shibboleths 
 of this party or that. 
 
 With his efforts as an ultra-Conservative statesman 
 and journalist we have nothing to do here. Suffice it to 
 say that Friedrich Wilhelm IV., of Prussia, to whom 
 Huber had been introduced when he was but Crown 
 Prince in 1838, induced him to come to Berlin and to 
 found a Conservative periodical under royal patronage. 
 As editor of this periodical, the Janus, Huber made it 
 the vehicle for pressing his pet scheme of co-operation 
 
A PIONEER OF CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 137 
 
 on the attention of his readers. But owing to the 
 general apathy of the intelligent public and the ruling 
 classes in Germany, the Janus had but a very limited 
 circulation, perhaps because it was known to be subsi- 
 dized by those in authority. 
 
 After the March revolution in 1848, this publication, 
 which in many respects resembled the Christian Socialist 
 in this country and L'Avenvr in France, was discon- 
 tinued, and another method for rallying the friends of 
 Social Reform on Conservative principles was made by 
 Huber in forming his "Association of Christian Order 
 and Liberty." But this, too, proved unsuccessful. Huber 
 found more favour, in truth, among the Social Radicals 
 than in his own reactionary circles. His assistance was 
 sought by some Liberals and Democrats who had lately 
 established a " Building Society for the common good," 
 which had for its object the improvement of the dwell- 
 ings of the poor. Huber readily subscribed seven 
 thousand dollars to its funds, and was invited to draw 
 up its constitution. He agreed, and in this document, 
 placed within the corner-stone of the first house built by 
 the Association, on March, 1849, Huber expresses his 
 sanguine hope that this might be " the first step in the 
 career of a movement which has for its object the solution 
 of one of the most trying questions of these ominously 
 stormy times, and the pledge of security in the happy 
 future of the German Fatherland, viz. the transfor- 
 mation of portionless workers into working proprietors." 
 
 Now he also began to publish, at the expense of this 
 society, a new organ, called the Concordia ; but it had 
 to be discontinued, too, for want of supporters. A later 
 attempt to revive it in 1861 proved equally unsuccessful. 
 
 A central society for the welfare of the working 
 classes had been founded in 1830 by the liberalizing party, 
 
138 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 and was still under their direction. ' Huber was asked to 
 join it, and readily accepted the flattering invitation, 
 coming as it did from his political opponents. He also 
 at this time put himself into communication with the 
 Oesellenvater Kolping, so-called because, as we pointed 
 out in the previous chapter, he was at the head of all 
 the associations of young working men formed under 
 the auspices of Bishop Ketteler. At the same time 
 Huber was engaged in multifarious acts of practical 
 beneficence, attending to all cases of distress in the town, 
 "the father of vagabonds," as he often called himself, 
 adopting the Portuguese ascription of magistrates in the 
 dark ages : Pae dos velhacos. 
 
 But neither his practical efforts nor his theories of 
 social reform found much favour in high quarters or 
 among his Tory friends. His lectures at the University 
 were thinly attended, and at last, unable to make head- 
 way against prejudice and opposition, Huber left the 
 public service in 1851, determined henceforth to live 
 entirely for his ideas of social amelioration and those 
 practical efforts for the elevation of the masses he had so 
 truly at heart. When he left Berlin, where he had never 
 felt quite at home, says his biographer, no noisy farewell 
 speeches were made in his honour, nor was his dismissal 
 accompanied by the bestowal of orders and decorations 
 with which royalty rewards civic merit. But Huber 
 received what he valued far more highly than honours 
 and public distinctions. His departure was followed by 
 the tears, the prayers, and the blessings of the poor. 
 
 He now found a new home in the pleasant little town 
 of Wenigerode, among the Hartz Mountains, and hence 
 he paid periodical visits to France, Belgium, and England, 
 and thus became a living organ, so to speak, for inter- 
 national communication on the subject of co-operative 
 
A PIONEEE OF CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 139 
 
 association. One of the results of these travels was the 
 publication of the letters already quoted, whilst the 
 numerous pamphlets, speeches, and leading articles on 
 the same subject, if collected, would fill volumes. Huber's 
 travels have been called, indeed, " missionary journeys," 
 having for their object the propagation of useful know- 
 ledge on the subject of co-operation and association, but 
 in his evangelistic efforts of this kind he never forgot 
 that charity begins at home. He was indefatigable in 
 his efforts to remove at home on a small scale all those 
 social evils to ,the study and care of which he devoted 
 the ample learning and matured energies of a master 
 mind. There, in the little town, the highly gifted man 
 of letters condescended to live in daily companionship 
 with labourers and artisans in order to raise them by 
 personal contact to a higher level. In this he spared no 
 sacrifice of time or money. He founded a loan society, 
 an institution for smaller tradespeople, and a technical 
 school for the instruction of young apprentices after 
 leaving the ordinary schools, where he taught himself. 
 He also called into existence a Christian Association of 
 Journeymen, and often was found in the Assembly 
 Rooms either teaching or conversing, while part of his 
 time was devoted to another society, not of his own 
 creation, nor calling itself Christian, but in other respects 
 having in view the same objects of self -improvement. 
 Here, too, among his " heathen," as he called them, he 
 was always welcome. 
 
 There is an institution peculiar to German religious 
 life called the " Inner Mission," an outcome of Christian 
 philanthropy, founded soon after the troubles of 1848, 
 and having for its object the pacification of social dis- 
 content by the spread of Christian ideas and the exercise 
 of Christian charity among the poor and the; labouring 
 
140 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 classes. Huber was a friend of this practical form of 
 Home-missions, and devoted a considerable portion of 
 his own private fortune and that of his wife to the 
 foundation of a benevolent institution, called the Home 
 of St. Theobald, for the purpose, as he put it, of " aiding 
 the endeavours of faith working through love." 
 
 The Home afforded room for instruction, lectures, 
 meetings, a popular library, and temporary hospitality. 
 Huber handed it over to a society, which still exists, to 
 work it according to his own ideas. But in this, as well 
 as in most of his efforts, the result did not by any means 
 correspond to his expectations. He often complained, 
 we are told, " I only see leaves, but no fruit." This is a 
 complaint falling not unfrequently from the lips of social 
 reformers. But here, as in nature, the putting forth of 
 leaves precedes the production of fruit. We are per- 
 mitted to see the former, though we do not always live 
 long enough to reap the latter. From this, it does not 
 follow that we have laboured in vain. Huber had 
 formed a plan for a greater work in the social question, 
 but his minor occupations and the frequent interruptions 
 which they entailed prevented the execution of this plan. 
 During the summer of 1869 he was prostrated by severe 
 illness, and died July 19 of that year, after a well-spent 
 life devoted to the cause of religious and social reform. 
 He was at once a true patriot and sincere lover of the 
 people. 
 
 The views of such a man on social subjects are worth 
 while considering, and deserve our respect, if they do not 
 altogether meet with our approbation. We, therefore, 
 now purpose giving our readers a very short resume of 
 Huber's social theories, and some of the principal sug- 
 gestions of social improvement as far as they may be 
 gathered from his numerous writings. As in the case of 
 
A tlONEEE OF CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 141 
 
 those social reformers whom we have previously noticed, 
 Huber, too, dwells with acrimonious insistence on the 
 growth of excessive wealth in the hands of a few, and 
 the corresponding increase of distress among the many ; 
 in other words, the unhappy co-existence side by side of 
 progress and poverty. The consequence of this abnormal 
 state of social inequality, he says, is the degradation of 
 the pauperized proletarians, and the moral degeneracy of 
 the rich. Huber, too, places little confidence in the theory 
 of the liberal school of economists, that things will right 
 themselves if let alone, and looks to co-operation and a 
 better organization of labour as the only means of saving 
 society from the disintegrating influence of "Mammonism." 
 In raising the proletarians to a position of small pro- 
 prietors, he thus hopes to restore self-respect among 
 them, whilst a more equalized distribution of labour and 
 enjoyment would preserve the wealthy from the dangers 
 of luxurious self-indulgence. At the same time, Huber 
 is far from acquiescing in a wholesale condemnation of 
 free competition, the successful rival of co-operation. On 
 the contrary, speaking in his letters from England on the 
 tendency of disparaging the principle of competition 
 among the adherents of Maurice and his school, he main- 
 tains " that competition is one of the Divine laws of social 
 life and development, which, like every other law, 
 requires the discipline of the Holy Ghost in the indivi- 
 dual and in society, in Church and State, so as not to be 
 abused by selfishness, or poisoned by ignorance and folly." 
 No one, he adds, can doubt that this discipline is sadly 
 wanting in our modern industry, but it does not follow 
 from this that the rival system, co-operation, would prove 
 a better substitute in this respect, unless it be made sub- 
 ject to this discipline, and unless it is prepared to sub- 
 stitute love for private interest as the motive force of 
 
142 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 human activity. He remarks, shrewdly enough, that' 
 such an essential distinction of principles in the conduct 
 of business does not as yet exist in the two respective 
 systems of carrying on industry. There is, indeed, he 
 says, a greater profession of fraternal love to be found in 
 the programmes and party-manifestoes of co-operators, 
 and also an inclination on their part to adopt love as a 
 moving principle of co-operative labour, but that is all. 
 There is no inherent reason in the nature of things why 
 non-co-operators should not adopt the same profession, as 
 it is by no means incompatible with the principle of 
 competition as such.* 
 
 This fairness of judgment is Huber's characteristic, 
 and he showed it in a variety of ways. Thus, e.g. he 
 has as little faith in bureaucratic imperialism as in 
 parliamentary majorities when the people's welfare is at 
 stake. He readily acknowledges the importance of self- 
 help without ignoring the relative usefulness of State- 
 help under given circumstances. Indeed, at times Huber 
 seems to take for his motto " Everything for, but nothing 
 by, the people," and speaks with supreme contempt of 
 " Mr. Public,' 1 representing at the same time kings and 
 nobles as the only true saviours of society. But there 
 are other passages where he also dwells on the impor- 
 tance of independent self-help and points out the evils 
 of patriarchal government ; what he really wants is the 
 creation of associations of independent labourers under 
 the patronage of the Church and the aristocracy, f 
 
 * " Genossenschaftliche Briefe aus Belgium, Frankreich, tmd England," 
 vol. ii. pp. 26, 27, 180. 
 
 t In answer to some extreme advocates of State-help like the agitator 
 Lossalle, lie says truly enough : " If the State is to be responsible for the 
 labour and support of the workmen, the latter must sooner or later become 
 either the masters or the slaves of the State." On the other hand, he 
 opposes moderately but decisively the opposite theory of stringent ex- 
 
A PIONEEK OF CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 143 
 
 The proletarian masses must be organized, he says, 
 not on the pattern of Communistic Utopias, but by- 
 means of voluntary effort to re-collect the isolated atoms 
 in co-operation, and by the reunion of employers and 
 employed in the processes of production as well as dis- 
 tribution. But this depends on the reawakening of the 
 fraternal spirit, and therefore must have religion for its 
 basis. Self-seeking isolates, Christian love unites man 
 with man, removes the barriers of class-interests and' 
 antagonisms, and produces a spirit of self-sacrifice and 
 self-devotion to the common good. One of the remedies 
 proposed by Huber is what he terms " Inner Coloniza- 
 tion," i.e. the formation of colonies consisting of about 
 one hundred and fifty houses, each house to contain four 
 families under its roof, with a garden attached to it. 
 A common steam-engine would perform the necessary 
 work of each colony. The wholesale purchase of pro- 
 visions and the preparation of food as far as possible on 
 the associative principle, so as to serve the whole colony, 
 or several members of it, would save much waste in 
 money, work, and fuel, and add to the general comfort 
 of all without interfering with the seclusion of domestic 
 life. The acquisition of machinery by means of a 
 collective fund and the erection of these improved 
 dwellings on a general plan, as well as the wholesale 
 purchase of the materials and articles of consumption, 
 would, no doubt, require capital and credit, but the 
 accumulated sum of only one shilling daily contributed ' 
 by every member of the colony would supply the capital 
 
 elusion of State interference as beld by Lassalle's chief opponent Scnulze- 
 Delitzsch. See V. A. Huber, " Ein Vorkampfer der Socialen Eeform von 
 Dr. Eugen Jasrer," pp. 72-78, the memoir referred to above. There is 
 also a larger life of Huber by Eudolf Elvers, of Wenigerode, published in 
 Bremen, 1874. 
 
144 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 and interest upon it. Voluntary contributions from 
 benevolent manufacturers, the aristocracy, and Govern- 
 ment subsidies might supply any deficiency in case the 
 stream of contributions from the labourers should flow less 
 rapidly from an unforeseen reason. But after a time the 
 labourers might take care of themselves, and the colonies 
 become entirely self-supporting and self-governing. 
 
 What may be done by way of raising the working 
 classes with the aid of their employers he showed from 
 a number of instances which came under his notice 
 during several of his visits to this country. He dwells 
 with grateful pleasure on what he saw in the philan- 
 thropic efforts of the managing directors, the Brothers 
 Wilson, at Price's Patent Candle Manufactory at Bel- 
 mont, and the consequent kindly relationship subsisting 
 between the masters and the men. He contrasts this 
 with the unfeeling and purely selfish method of treating 
 the workmen simply as part of the machinery, whose 
 services are paid for according to the rate of labour in 
 the market without any regard to those claims of human 
 sympathy and regard. In one of his letters from Leeds, 
 he relates that he had just been breakfasting with some 
 co-operative friends at the same hotel, and at the same 
 table, which was occupied a short time before by six 
 " Cotton or Woollen Lords," who between them employed 
 no less than thirty thousand labourers, but took not the 
 slightest interest in the personal welfare of any one 
 of them. 
 
 On the other hand, he was delighted with Mr. 
 Marshall's linen factory, and the manifest effort of the 
 employer to watch over the health and happiness of his 
 workmen, endeavouring to promote, not only their 
 material, but also their moral and spiritual welfare. 
 Alluding to this remarkable instance of dutiful regard 
 
A PIONEER OF CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 145 
 
 to the rightful claims of labour, he adds : " No one can 
 be more willing than I am to point out the merits of 
 such representatives of the industrial aristocracy." And 
 he is true to his word. With glowing enthusiasm he 
 describes the works of Mr. Salt, at Saltaire, near Brad- 
 ford, and speaks of the commodious dwelling-houses, the 
 church and the schools, with other institutions provided 
 by the owner to secure for his employes those benefits 
 which the co-operative societies offer to their clients; 
 and in this, again, he sees an example of "latent asso- 
 ciation under absolute monarchical rule on a large scale." 
 
 This patriarchal form of co-operation, under the 
 direction of the Plutocracy, the aristocracy, or the 
 monarchy, had a special attraction for Huber, and he 
 bitterly complains of the supine indifference and want 
 of appreciation of his scheme among the rulers in 
 Church and State in Germany. It is their life of ease, 
 he complains, which incapacitates them for thoroughly 
 understanding the real condition of the poor. 
 
 As a religious man, he felt convinced that in making 
 the people's cause his chief object of solicitude a Church 
 performs her true functions and promotes best the real 
 interests of religion. "The labouring classes are the 
 battle-field on which the contest must be decided be- 
 tween Christian civilization and a new and more than 
 heathen barbarism." Hence the importance of winning 
 the affections and esteem of the multitude, and so be- 
 coming established in the hearts of the people. 
 
 This religious tendency prevents Huber from giving 
 more than a scanty measure of praise to Mr. Owen, 
 otherwise a man and a co-operator after his own heart, 
 because of the anti-religious sentiments so loudly and 
 injudiciously avowed by this enthusiast and philan- 
 thropist. But he dwells with pardonable severity on the 
 
 L 
 
146 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 narrow-minded frivolity and ambitious self-seeking of 
 the great body of tbe clergy of that day, who had no 
 understanding for the great social questions of the 
 day, and clung tenaciously to the old order of things 
 which was fast passing away, and so lost the chance of 
 capessere repwblicam, to use Huber s expression, a,t a 
 critical moment of transition to the new. 
 
 To illustrate this, Huber mentions a conversation 
 with some artisans in the library of the Coventry Co- 
 operative Society, He had inquired as to the attitude 
 of the Church towards the co-operative movement. The 
 answer he received was this, "Well, sir, I suppose the 
 Church does not care anything about us poor people, and 
 so we come not to care much for her either — the more's 
 the pity ! " 
 
 One of the Rochdale Pioneers, speaking on the same 
 topic, remarked, by way of contrasting the efforts of the 
 Church of Rome in this direction with the lethargy and 
 rigid indifference of the Church of England, " This (the 
 Romish Church) is the poor man's church after all, if there 
 is such a thing for him and he wants it." * 
 
 During a visit to York, he was told of the madman 
 Martin, who had set fire to the Minster in 1829, and 
 when charged with the crime declared that he had "a 
 mission from on high to destroy this monument of 
 worldly grandeur in the Church and her ministers, and 
 as a warning against her carnal self-seeking, self-con- 
 fidence, and indolence, especially her neglect of the poor, 
 and her lenient indulgence towards the faults of the 
 wealthy, with whom she makes common cause." 
 
 * " G-enossenschaftlicher Briefe," vol. ii. pp. 244, 245, of. p. 258. He 
 quotes the words of the Eev. Kector Campbell, of Liverpool, in an 
 address to the Liverpool Working-men's Church Association, delivered in 
 January, 1813: — "I know it is the boast of the Church of England to be 
 the poor man's Church, but I am afraid it is only our boast." 
 
A PIONEEK OP CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 147 
 
 Huber looks on this act as significant as to the state 
 of public and private feeling regarding the Establishment 
 at that time, and adds significantly that such a warning 
 was as necessary as it was wholesome. 
 
 If Huber found little to encourage him in his efforts 
 of reforming society from above by a coalition of gentry 
 and clergy, and can only point to a few isolated instances 
 of patronizing endeavour on the part of employers to 
 improve the condition of the working people, he sees 
 much to inspire him with hope in the conscientious 
 efforts at self-improvement from below among the people 
 themselves, and is never tired of pointing to the mar- 
 vellous advances of the co-operative movement among 
 them in this country. 
 
 He is not blind, indeed, to the weaknesses and 
 imperfections of co-operation, as he saw it then, in the 
 earlier stages of its development. Thus, in a lecture on 
 the subject delivered before the Central Society for the 
 Welfare of the Working Classes in Germany, in 1852, he 
 cannot help pointing out that one of their inherent 
 deficiencies is the retention of the purely egotistic ways 
 of doing business in the management of "stores" which 
 is inconsistent with the true principles of co-operation. 
 He shows that in thus continuing the system of " the 
 trades " co-operation has no right to assume the title of 
 Christian Socialism, which makes self-sacrifice and not 
 self-advantage the life-principle of human transactions. 
 To identify their co-operative undertakings with Chris- 
 tian Socialism, he says, either rests on a confusion of 
 ideas, or on a conscious attempt at gaining popularity on 
 false pretences. At the same time he fully recognizes 
 the superior qualities of mind and heart required in co- 
 operators of even an imperfect type, and speaks of the 
 evident power of co-operation in its lower stages to form 
 
148 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 character and to serve as a training institution to in- 
 culcate the lessons of thrift and foresight, and as a dis- 
 ciplinary power to organize vast bodies of men in a 
 common cause. 
 
 Bat its chief value, he thinks, lies in the tendency of 
 co-operation to remove class differences, in bringing rich 
 and poor nearer to^each other, and transforming a number 
 of impoverished labourers into comfortable proprietors. 
 In thus diminishing the causes of discontent and envious 
 strife, it consolidates the foundations of social order and 
 peace, it becomes the vis natwrae unedicatrix, the self- 
 healing power of society. In one of his letters from 
 London he confesses that even in its ultimate develop- 
 ment co-operation may be only one stage in the process 
 of social self-rectification and self-purification, but even 
 as such he expects from it great social changes, and 
 regards its rapid progress in accumulating capital and 
 gaining credit as a mere indication of its future success. 
 
 Here we pause, having thus given an imperfect and 
 far from exhaustive sketch of the life and labours of a 
 very remarkable man. We have not dwelt, for want of 
 space, on Huber's schemes of co-operative agriculture, 
 nor his reasons for some of the failures of the movement. 
 We have not thought it necessary to allude to his vindi- 
 cation of the principle which allows labour to participate 
 in the profits of capital. But enough has been said to 
 give a fair view of the social theories of a man who from 
 first to last devoted his time and his talents to the cause 
 of improving the condition of the least prosperous classes 
 on Christian principle. The work of pioneers is never 
 fully appreciated at the time ; it must be so in the 
 nature of things. Huber was one of the pioneers of 
 social progress, and died a disappointed man. But he 
 has secured for himself an honoured place in the history 
 
A PIONBEE OF CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 149 
 
 of Christian Socialism, and will ever rank high among 
 those who disinterestedly have devoted their lives to 
 benefit mankind. 
 
 " In many ways he may have erred," says his biographer, 
 "but his character was so pure, his life so exemplary, his 
 aims so purely noble, that he may rightly be counted among 
 the choice spirits of our nation. He has not been remarkable 
 for any great act of statesmanship, nor will his name be 
 recorded in the annals of political revolutions, but in the far 
 more important history of the social movement of the people 
 he will ever occupy a prominent place." 
 
150 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 CHAPTEE VII. 
 
 THE STATE SOCIALISTS, OR CHRISTIAN SOCIAL PARTY, 
 IN GERMANY. 
 
 This title is somewhat misleading, since those to whom 
 it is applied, and who cheerfully accept the appellation, 
 are so far from being Socialists, in the ordinary sense of 
 the word, that the name "Defenders of Society on Church 
 and State Principles" would convey a more correct idea of 
 their aims and purposes to English readers. Properly 
 speaking, they are Conservative would-be saviours of 
 society, who see no other means of escape from the 
 present social dilemma but in a firm alliance between 
 Crown and Altar for the purpose of regenerating society. 
 Huber, described in the previous chapter, the Privy 
 Councillor Wagener, and Rudolf Meyer, the well-known 
 historian of the " fourth estate " (by which he means the 
 working classes), had formed at one time the triumvirate 
 of religious Conservatives, who thus tried to "save the 
 Republic." The Court-Chaplain Stocker and Pastor Todt 
 may be regarded as the clerical representatives of the 
 same party at a later stage of its formation. 
 
 In 1878, Wagener published a pamphlet, not under 
 his own name, on the solution of the social question 
 " from the practical standpoint of an experienced states- 
 man." It contains the fundamental doctrines of the 
 party, and a few extracts from it will be all the more 
 
THE STATE SOCIALISTS IN GERMANY. 151 
 
 interesting from the fact that the writer is, or was, a 
 persona grata with, if not an intimate friend of, the 
 German Chancellor. 
 
 Modern Socialism, according to Wagener, is the third 
 act of " that great European tragedy of fate," the French 
 revolution. The leading idea of that revolutionary 
 movement all along has heen to extend the possession of 
 liberty and property. Nothing can avert the coming 
 catastrophe but timely reforms like those in England, 
 where social politics in favour of the working classes 
 have prevented the latter from regarding society and 
 the State as their natural enemies. The monarchy of 
 the future to be strong must be rooted in the heart of 
 the people. Such was the policy of great Prussian 
 rulers like Frederick II. and statesmen like Stein. A 
 strong " social kingdom " alone can save society ; for a 
 powerful government can afford holding itself aloof from 
 petty interests, and thus becomes the natural protector 
 of the weak and poor. Royalty in France fell because 
 of its alliance with the doomed nobility. Modern 
 Royalism, leaning for its support on cotton lords and 
 speculating baronets, will fare no better, for its fate is 
 linked to an industrial aristocracy, the fall of which, too, 
 is certain. 
 
 At present, indeed, socialistic schemes appear in the 
 form of nebular theories, where the obscurity often serves 
 the purpose of veiling deep designs for the " liquidation 
 of society." What is wanted is a department of labour, 
 appointed as part of a powerful administration. Such a 
 department of government would treat the social question 
 as urgent, and prepare an independent programme to 
 deal with it thoroughly and energetically. It would 
 collect trustworthy and impartial inquiries into the 
 natural capacities and requirements of the labour power 
 
152 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 of the country, and bring about a proper adjustment in 
 the relationship between capital and labour. 
 
 In the mean time its province would be to insure the 
 protection of health and security against accidents for 
 the employed, the limitation of Sunday labour and the 
 employment of women and children in factories, the ap- 
 pointment of factory inspectors, the fixing of a normal 
 day of labour, the establishment of conciliation courts, 
 and the resuscitation and modern adaptation of the 
 ancient guild system. As only the State has the power 
 for effecting such sweeping changes, those who would 
 promote them are properly called State Socialists.* 
 
 This form of State Socialism, or, as it is sometimes 
 called, " Royal Socialism," was, at the time, not only 
 approved of in highest quarters, but also acted upon, 
 and in this lies the chief interest of the movement. 
 Thus the speech from the Throne, delivered by the 
 Emperor in November, 1881, contains this remarkable 
 
 " Already in February of this year we caused our con- 
 viction to be expressed that the remedy of social evils was 
 not exclusively to be found in the repression of social demo- 
 cratic excesses, but also in positively promoting the welfare of 
 the worhing classes ; . . . it dwells in the claims of ' the needy 
 and indigent,' and the greater security and amplitude of 
 assistance ' which they have a right to claim.' " 
 
 * In a later publication, forming a critique of the faults of the 
 Christian Social movement, Wagener regards the political onesideness 
 of the movement, supported as it is mainly by Conservatives, and the 
 disunion between Protestants and Catholics, the one overrating the power 
 of the State, the other endeavouring to make it subject to the Church, 
 and the general tendency of both trying to make political capital out of 
 the popularity accruing to parties in Church or State — not to mention 
 the Jew-baiting propensities of some Christian Socialists — as the chief 
 causes of failure. See " Die Mangel dor Christlich-Socialen Bewegung," 
 Minden, 1885. 
 
THE STATE SOCIALISTS IN GERMANY. 153 
 
 It refers to a " supplementary measure having for its 
 object the regulated organization of our industrial, 
 invalid, and relief societies," and "the closer connection 
 of the material forces of the national life, and the gather- 
 ing of them together in the form of corporate associations 
 under State protection." Shortly before Prince Bismarck, 
 referring to the " patrimony of the disinherited " workers 
 of society, had said this was " the essence and aim of 
 the present imperial policy, in contrast to the cold theory 
 that the poorer classes have merely to carry on the bitter 
 struggle for existence with their own resources, and 
 without any help from the State." * 
 
 Side by side of this " Royal Socialism," or Socialistic 
 Csesarism, we have a kind of Christian Socialist Cleri- 
 calism, which finds its expression in the speeches and 
 pamphlets of the Court-Chaplain, Stocker, and in the 
 more solid works of Pastor Todt. The history of this 
 clerical section of the Conservative Socialist party, 
 which was soon divided into two streams, one of which 
 has been lost since in the sand, is rather interesting, and 
 the information here given is taken entirely from 
 original documents obtained by the present writer from 
 the parties concerned. It materially helps us to follow 
 up the history of Christian Socialism to the present 
 day. Of Todt's principal work we shall speak later on. 
 Here it is sufficient to remark that, owing to its appear- 
 ance at a time when the Socialist craze in Germany was 
 
 * The Imperial message of April 15, 1883, once more refers to this 
 duty of the paternal Government to watch over the welfare of the people. 
 It mentions the Bill for the remission of taxes in the two lowest 
 classes of the kingdom, carried in the Prussian Land-Tag, as one of 
 the salutary effects of the efforts of State Socialism. It also refers to 
 the introduction of two bills for the deliberation of the German Diet, one 
 for the relief of workpeople in sickness, and the Insurance Against Acci- 
 dents Bill, which have now become law. 
 
154 CHKI8TIA.N SOCIALISM. 
 
 at its height, it naturally found many readers among 
 religious people. The author was appealed to by his 
 sympathizers to found a society to carry his theory into 
 practice. He accepted the invitation, and addressed 
 himself to Stocker, whom he had previously known, 
 and who at that time was staying with the Emperor 
 at Gastein, as Court- Chaplain. Stocker expressed his 
 willingness to join and even to feel his way with the 
 Court, but this was not easy. An association was formed 
 and soon gained adherents in " Christian circles." It 
 called itself the " Central Union for Social Eeform on 
 a Religious Constitutional Monarchial basis." It sent 
 forth an appeal to the clergy, reminding them that the 
 hour had come for the Church to bestir itself to meet 
 the social crisis with the spiritual weapons at its 
 command, as an Evangelical body. Two fundamental 
 principles are laid down in the programme, one indicating 
 the duties of the State, the other those of the Church — 
 
 1. That thorough reforms have become necessary in 
 order to inspire the enfranchised masses with confidence 
 towards the Government. 
 
 2. That the solution of the social question is impos- 
 sible without the co-operation of the moral and religious 
 factors, and the Church's recognition of the just demands 
 of the fourth estate (the working men).* 
 
 Among the objects of the association are mentioned 
 the diffusion of a wholesome literature for the purpose 
 of stemming the tide of materialistic and revolutionary 
 modes of thought and feeling among the masses; the 
 publication of a paper, the Stoats Socialist, for the expo- 
 sition of free discussion of burning questions in political 
 
 * The motto of the Stoats Socialist, the former organ of the party, 
 ■was, " The social question exists, but it can only be solved by a strong 
 monarchical State, allied with the religious and moral factors of national 
 existence 
 
THE STATE SOCIALISTS IN GERMANY. 155 
 
 economy ; the collection and organization of the scattered 
 loyal elements among the people as the best available 
 means of defence against the anarchical attempts of 
 social democracy ; and the full expression both in word 
 and deed of sympathy with the rightful demands of the 
 working classes, to assure them of the support of the 
 " main pillars " of society, the Church and the State. 
 
 The appeal met with a ready response, and for a 
 time all went on smoothly. Soon, however, an accident 
 occurred, which had a damaging effect on the further 
 development of the movement. A certain Griineberg, 
 who afterwards proved to be an impostor, but gave him- 
 self out as a converted Social Democrat, prevailed on 
 Stocker to hold a public discussion in which he, Griine- 
 berg, was to confront his former colleagues in open con- 
 troversy. The meeting was convened, not without some 
 misgivings on the part of the promoters, when Griine- 
 berg's utter incapacity to meet the arguments of the 
 Social Democrats turned it into a fiasco, though Stocker 
 came to the rescue. Most, the opponent whom Griineberg 
 had thus ineffectually confronted, expressed his willing- 
 ness to meet more competent antagonists, and other 
 public meetings were arranged accordingly. The result 
 of this was the collection of a small band of labourers 
 round Stocker, and it was felt desirable with this nucleus 
 to found a " Christian Social Labour Party," distinct 
 from, but in full sympathy with, the original association. 
 The latter continued to address itself to the ruling 
 classes, the former to the labour population of Berlin. 
 But Todt and his friends felt themselves much hampered 
 in their efforts by the prejudice created against their 
 body by the incident referred to, which brought the 
 Christian Socialists generally into discredit. Stocker 
 resigned accordingly in May, 1878, and notified his 
 
156 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 action publicly, and after that the two societies for a 
 time existed side by side, practically represented by the 
 same organ, the Staats Socialist. 
 
 The law against the Socialists had a discouraging 
 effect on the efforts of Todt's party. His book was 
 denounced by the Chancellor in the Diet. Stocker, 
 indeed, was characterized on that occasion by the same 
 authority as a " terrible " person. But we imagine the 
 popularity of the Court-Chaplain has not permanently 
 suffered in consequence. Even the Christian Social 
 Labour Party seems to have found favour in the eyes 
 of the great Chancellor and his royal master, for its 
 deputation, headed by "Stocker himself, has been graci- 
 ously received on the occasion of the Emperor's birthday 
 since, and he himself was present by invitation at a 
 meeting held in the house of Count Waldersee in 
 November, 1887, when Prince William, who had called 
 the meeting, some Ministers of State and leaders of the 
 Conservative parties and the Church took counsel as to 
 the best means of strengthening, as the prince said, the 
 hands of the inner mission, so as to bring the masses 
 back to Christianity, since Christian evangelization is 
 the best antidote of the doctrines of the Social Democracy. 
 
 The Staats Socialist, like similar publications we 
 have mentioned in previous papers, has had ill-fortune 
 from the beginning. After a season of prolonged suffer- 
 ing from intellectual and financial depletion, it expired 
 in March, 1882, in the fifth year of its existence. The 
 following are its dying words : — " The committee find it 
 necessary to discontinue the Staats Socialist at the close 
 of this quarter, as the further development of the Christian 
 social movement requires other instruments for its pro- 
 paganda." 
 
 It has been succeeded by the Christian Social 
 
THE STATE SOCIALISTS IN GERMANY. 157 
 
 Correspondence, the new organ of the party for " agita- 
 torial purposes." At the same time a change has taken 
 place in the external organization of the Christian social 
 party. Its two branches have merged into one " Central 
 Association for Christian Social Reform," with Stoker 
 and Professor Adolph Wagner for its presidents. At a 
 late general meeting of this society Todt is reported to 
 have said, that now Prince Bismarck had taken in hand 
 the economic measures demanded by the society their 
 work was nearly over. 
 
 Having given a rapid sketch of the history of the 
 movement, we may now proceed to give a short account 
 of what may be called the two collateral branches of the 
 Christian social movement. 
 
 The object of Todt's volume is to state in an unpre- 
 judiced form the principles of Socialism generally, and 
 German Socialism in particular; to compare the prin- 
 ciples of the Social Democratic party with those of the 
 New Testament, and after stating the social principles 
 contained in the latter, to gather from them the respec- 
 tive duties of society, the State, and the Church, in the 
 settlement of the social question. Socialism, he says, is 
 the " effort to reconcile, by the establishment of a new 
 social and economic order of things, the keenly felt con- 
 tradiction between the actual condition of society and 
 the social ideal as conceived by certain sections of the 
 community." 
 
 He partly admits that, from the Christian standpoint, 
 the existence of this contradiction must be acknow- 
 ledged, so that " every active Christian, sincere in his 
 belief, must have a vein of Socialism in him ; whilst 
 every Socialist, however ill disposed towards Positive 
 Christianity and the Church, bears about him uncon- 
 sciously something of the principles of Christianity." 
 
158 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 The practical objects of modern Socialism are reduced 
 under three heads by Todt : — Republicanism, as affecting 
 the State ; Communism, as affecting social economy ; 
 and Atheism, as touching religion. 
 
 We must pass over the first, as unsuitable in a work 
 on Christian Socialism ; the last will be dealt with in a 
 later chapter. 
 
 The communistic idea, says Todt, which underlies all 
 socialistic schemes, takes for granted that much evil 
 exists in our present social arrangements ; that its root 
 is selfishness, and its remedy the opposite of selfishness, 
 i.e. solidarity of human interests. This statement, he 
 remarks, is quite consistent with gospel teaching. In 
 fact, the social constitution of the early Christian Church 
 rested on such a common basis, although the communism 
 of the primitive Christians was only partial and purely 
 voluntary, the result of individual enthusiasm as opposed 
 to the retention of individual right of property. The 
 expansion of the communistic idea implies two leading 
 principles and their consequences : — 1. The triad liberty, 
 equality, and fraternity ; 2. The transformation of 
 private ownership in land and the instruments of pro- 
 duction into collective property. From these follow — • 
 (3) the demand for associative, or co-operative pro- 
 duction; which would have for its results (4) the abolition 
 of the wages system in favour of a more complete enjoy- 
 ment of the results of labour by the labourer ; and with 
 it (5) the removal of the evils complained of, and the 
 consummation of human happiness. 
 
 Todt, bike Charles Kingsley and others, has no 
 difficulty in showing that liberty, equaUty, and frater- 
 nity are ideas not only reconcilable with, but the out- 
 come of, the Christian idea, though, as he shows, not, 
 always practically realized in Christian society. He also 
 
THE STATE SOCIALISTS IN GERMANY. 159 
 
 shows that the institution of private property in some 
 of its abuses was objected to often enough in the 
 mediaeval Church and by some of the early reformers, 
 and adds that it originates in heathen egotism and finds 
 its sanctions in Roman rather than Germanic Christian 
 law. 
 
 But the compulsory abolition of the one system in 
 favour of the other finds no encouragement whatever 
 in the pages of the New Testament. If an " associative " 
 community with collective property, and on co-operative 
 principles, is possible at all, it must be one where the 
 Christian principle of self-denial is paramount; not other- 
 wise. But this must be voluntary. 
 
 Still, he maintains, something has to be done in the 
 mean time by way of protecting the weak, and it is the 
 duty of the State to watch over the welfare of those 
 classes who cannot improve and develop unaided. The 
 Church more especially must be on the alert. Passive 
 inaction, timid indifference, and want of tactical skill 
 , in dealing with the social question, he complains, have 
 ^ been the characteristic faults of Evangelical Churchmen. 
 Hence the electoral successes of Socialists in Protestant 
 districts. Henceforth, by direct and indirect efforts in 
 improving the condition of the working classes, by 
 insisting on; the duties of the rich to regard property 
 as a committed trust, and opposing the corroding ten- 
 dencies of an ungodly and self-indulgent Mammonism in 
 both, the Church must help in repairing social disorders. 
 Hence the importance of an effective propaganda for the 
 diffusion of Christian social ideas. 
 
 Agitation in the ranks of clerical officialism is not a 
 common phenomenon. But the Christian social party 
 of Germany has produced an agitator of this description 
 in the person of the Court-Chaplain Stocker. Stocker 
 
160 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 is the son of a non-commissioned officer. He was Army- 
 Chaplain in Metz after the Franco-Prussian War, from 
 1871-4; and since then has occupied his present posi- 
 tion. His military descent may explain to some extent 
 his ardour and soldier-like intrepidity in the Church 
 Militant. 
 
 Stocker has many enemies and also many warm 
 friends and admirers, and it is natural that he should 
 be overmuch praised by the one, or blamed too severely 
 by the other. He is called the " Tartuffe in social 
 politics," by the former, and the "Perl of the German 
 people," by the latter; but a well-known writer on social 
 subjects who has full personal knowledge of the man, 
 and whose official position is a security for his unbiased 
 judgment, assures us that Stocker is deserving of high 
 esteem, and would be far more useful and effective as a 
 social reformer if he was not a Protestant clergyman ; 
 for it is one of the misfortunes of Germany that her 
 Protestant clergy have scarcely any social influence. 
 There is no doubt, however, on this point, that Stocker 
 has the right qualifications for a public orator. His 
 inflammatory speeches are listened to with enthusiasm 
 by his own party, and his pamphlets, short, pithy, and 
 direct, command general attention. With a demagogue's 
 readiness Stocker popularizes the social politics and 
 humanitarian theories of others, without adding any- 
 thing materially of his own. He obtained an unpleasant 
 notoriety among the Berlin public by his anti-Semitic 
 agitation, whilst his fulminations against the Bourgeoisie 
 and the Liberal press gained for him the sympathies of 
 the Conservative party, by whose influence he obtained 
 a place in the House of Representatives. The Christian 
 social party under his leadership count now seven thou- 
 sand members, most of whom reside in Berlin. We have 
 
THE STATE SOCIALISTS IN GERMANY. 161 
 
 read and re-read a very large number of Stocker's 
 speeches, with a view to get a clear idea of his social 
 views, but cannot help being disappointed with the 
 absence of clear and denned statements. Stocker never 
 gets beyond vague generalities and rhetorical phrases, 
 appeals to patriotism, bursts of religious enthusiasm, 
 and demands for social reforms introduced by State 
 authority, without troubling himself much as to the 
 manner in which they can be practically accomplished. 
 
 Instead, therefore, of giving a detailed account of 
 Stocker's opinions, we prefer passing on to the last of the 
 Christian Socialists to be mentioned in this connection, 
 the friend, and latterly the fellow-worker, of Stocker, 
 Adolph Wagner, the learned Professor of Political 
 Economy in the University of Berlin. Wagner is what 
 few of the Christian Socialists whom we have been con- 
 sidering claim to be, a recognized master in the science of 
 Political Economy. As a, young man of twenty-three, 
 he had already sufficiently distinguished himself to 
 receive a call as Professor of Political Economy in the 
 newly founded Academy of Commerce in Vienna. The 
 celebrated Roscher reckons him among the best experts 
 of Germany in matters of finance and banking, and his 
 published works, as well as his previous successes as a 
 tutor in several German universities, have gained for him 
 a well-earned fame. Moreover, Wagner is a politician 
 of note, and his eloquence and learning have all along 
 vigorously supported the several attempts of Prince 
 Bismarck to introduce economic measures, such as the 
 reform of taxation, the tobacco monopoly, and general 
 compulsory insurance for the good of the working classes. 
 It is not Wagner's fault if they have failed in consequence 
 of party manoeuvres and other causes which we need not 
 dwell upon here. In Wagner's suggestions for social reform 
 
 M 
 
If52 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 we have something more than humanitarian aspirations 
 and vague statements. We have the recondite utter- 
 ances of the economist, and with him Christian Socialism 
 enters into what may be termed the scientific stage, and 
 comes within the range of practical social politics. 
 
 In a speech published ten years ago, before a mixed 
 assembly of Churchmen in the Royal Garrison Church of 
 Berlin, Wagner formulated forcibly and fearlessly his 
 opinions on this subject. Endorsing some of the sociak 
 istic criticisms on the evils of competition, and giving a 
 partial and guarded support to some of the demands for 
 State help, he concludes in saying that the true remedy 
 for the present social discontent lies in voluntary con- 
 cessions on the part of the privileged classes rather than 
 in changes enforced by authority. On the other hand, 
 he is opposed to the system of laissez faire, laissez aller, 
 and the extravagant notions of the Manchester school on 
 this head. His criticism is mainly directed against the 
 tendency of regarding the present state of things as 
 necessary according to natural laws, instead of dwelling 
 on the state of things as it ought to be according to a 
 higher moral law. According to the ethical aspect of 
 economic laws property is regarded in the light of a 
 trust rather than an absolute possession, and self-indul- 
 gent luxury of the few at the expense of the many is a 
 wrong done to society. Wagner condemns severely the 
 irresponsible abuse of the rights of the property in land 
 where the unearned increment of value only ministers to 
 private advantage. He notes the dangerous tendency of 
 our times towards increasing the gulf between wealth 
 and poverty, which intensifies class antagonisms. He 
 laments the alarming accumulation of large capital 
 without corresponding benefit to those who are mainly 
 instrumental in creating it. He shows how it becomes 
 
THE STATE SOCIALISTS IN GEEMANY. 163 
 
 more and more difficult for the wage-earning classes to 
 raise themselves, and how they of all sections of society- 
 draw the least advantage from progress in the technical 
 arts. 
 
 There are three ways for ameliorating their condi- 
 tion, he says — the reactionary, the radical, and the refor- 
 matory methods. He rejects the former two in favour 
 of the last. " Reform," he says, '■' is neither subversive, 
 nor stagnant, nor retrogressive ; " i.e. in other words, it is 
 progressive without being revolutionary. He examines 
 the various projects we have already mentioned for 
 improving mankind, and after showing their advantages 
 and disadvantages, comes to speak of his own specific 
 proposals. Among them may be mentioned — 
 
 a. The establishment of independent productive 
 associations, not supported by the State, but enjoying 
 legal protection. He would also extend the principle 
 of co-operation to some branches of the public service as 
 an experiment and example. 
 
 b. He points out the desirability of — 
 
 (1) Raising the normal price of labour, not by 
 authority, as is sometimes demanded by State Socialists, 
 but through the instrumentality of labour boards and 
 arbitration courts, fixing a fair day's wage for a fair 
 day's work. 
 
 (2) Compulsory insurance until, as in the case of 
 compulsory education, the benefits of the system are 
 appreciated by the masses of the population. As it 
 would extend over all classes, the burden on the poor 
 would be comparatively light. 
 
 (3) Factory laws for the sanitary protection of the 
 labourers, specially women and children. 
 
 (4) Reduction of the cost of articles of consumption 
 by means of distributive stores. 
 
164 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 (5) The intellectual, moral, and religious elevation of 
 the lower orders. 
 
 (6) The, partial abolition of indirect taxation, the 
 levying of progressive income tax and succession duties, 
 and other similar legislative measures introduced volun- 
 tarily by the ruling classes to conciliate those below, and 
 thus by a caritative system — a term first introduced into 
 text books on Political Economists by Wagner — to secure 
 social peace. 
 
 " The lesson taught by history throughout," he remarks 
 justly enough, " is this, that by means of such timely reforms 
 social revolutions may be averted. If by such sacrifices of 
 the wealthy it is possible to ease the shoulders of the poor, 
 no time ought to be lost in making the attempt." " I am 
 clear on this head," he concludes, " that I have not suggested 
 what may be called a solution of the social question. Such a 
 solution, in the proper sense of the word, IB impossible. 
 Poverty and wretchedness, need and penury, competence 
 and affluence, these differences of fortune will always coexist 
 side by side in the world independently of real merits and 
 personal faults. But it is our duty to lessen the resulting 
 evils and existing inequalities to the best of our power. This 
 is possible to a very large extent. When we shall have 
 accomplished this, then we shall have done what it was 
 our bounden duty to perform. Thus much may be expected 
 of us, neither less nor more." 
 
 With these words of truth and soberness of the latest 
 jf not the last and certainly not the least of Christian 
 Socialists, we may appropriately bring our account of 
 this movement to a close. 
 
 What have been its effects in the larger movement 
 of which it is only a religious pendant, so to speak? 
 Socialists, as a body, regard the movement with mingled 
 feelings of suspicion and contempt. From the very first, 
 
THE STATE SOCIALISTS IN GERMANY. 165 
 
 t 
 and at the very moment when the Socialist Most engaged 
 with Stocker in several public discussions on Socialism 
 and the social question under the auspices of the newly 
 formed Labour party, the followers of Most met the 
 efforts of what they called Mucker -Socialismus (Pietist 
 Socialism) by the famous Massenawtritt, or public 
 disavowal of Church membership. In other words, the 
 efforts of the clerical party, professing State Socialism, 
 were met by a counter-movement of anarchical Socialists, 
 who reject with scorn this latest offer of reconciliation 
 with society under the patronage of a "God-fearing 
 monarchy.'' 
 
 It has been remarked on this head, as a notable fact, 
 that the Protestant Church has never been a great social 
 force in the land of Luther, though the agrarian Socialism 
 of the times formed a most important element in the 
 Reformation of the sixteenth century. And it is a 
 remarkable fact that, in its external aspect as an 
 ecclesiastical organization, the Protestant Church of 
 Germany has exercised little social influence as compared 
 with the Romish Church. 
 
 There are several reasons for this. The Protestant 
 Church appeals to the reason and judgment rather than 
 the dutiful obedience of her people. Hence she has no 
 command over the masses to affect the balance of political 
 parties, so as to bring social pressure to bear on the 
 legislation of the country by a contrary vote. Again, 
 the proneness of dissidency of opinion among her 
 members forms an element of weakness in the social 
 influence of the Protestant Church. In the clamour 
 of dissonant voices discussing the flaming questions of 
 the day, the Church ought to be able to speak with the 
 calm authority of a body conscious of its strength in the 
 union of sentiment and undivided effort. In the absence 
 
166 CHRISTIAH SOCIALISM. 
 
 of these, there has been hitherto nothing else but failure 
 in the various attempts of the Protestant Church to 
 reconcile social disharmonies in "the typical country of 
 class antagonisms." 
 
 Last of all, as throughout the whole course of 
 its history the over-readiness of Protestantism to lean 
 on the arm of secular authority has proportionately 
 diminished its spiritual influence, so, too, it has been 
 unfortunately the peculiar characteristic of the Protestant 
 clergy in Germany to be subservient to the governing 
 classes and domineering towards the " common people." 
 Hence the synthesis of Junker und Pfafen (squires, 
 and parsons), in popular phraseology, as an evidence 
 of this tendency in the past. Hence, too, the reluctance 
 of the people now to accept the mediatorial office of the 
 Church as the arbitrator between themselves and those 
 whom they have learned to consider the Church's 
 patrons, 
 
( 167 ) 
 
 CHAPTER VIII.1 
 
 LATEST PHASE OF CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM ABROAD 
 AND AT HOME. 
 
 In a preceding chapter we have described the Christian 
 Socialism of the Catholic party inaugurated by Bishop 
 Ketteler in Germany. We must now introduce our 
 readers to a similar contemporaneous movement, calling 
 itself sometimes " Catholic Socialism " in France and 
 Belgium. And we turn to France in the first place, as, 
 indeed, it might claim the right of being called the 
 birthplace of modern Christian Socialism. For the 
 Duke of Saint-Simon, as the author of the " Nouveau 
 Christianisme," has been called the father of Christian 
 Socialism; but, without disputing his prior claims to 
 the title, we must turn to forms more recent and 
 more positively religious than his in our survey of the 
 movement in France. From the very first, and still 
 more so of late years, peculiar circumstances have pro- 
 duced two tendencies, if not two schools, of Christian 
 Socialism in that country. One of them is connected 
 with the reactionary movements which followed upon 
 the two great social Revolutions in 1793 and 1848 re- 
 spectively ; the other, assuming, the form of Liberal 
 Catholicism, is mainly influenced by the social reforma- 
 tory movements between the two Revolutions in 1830 
 
1G8 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 and 1848, having for its object the endeavour to adapt 
 itself to the exigencies of modern society, and adopting 
 corresponding methods of social improvement. 
 
 Both, however, are at one in their remonstrance against 
 existing social evils, as the result of political changes and 
 arrangements founded on the Deistic philosophy of the 
 eighteenth, or the materialistic creeds of the nineteenth 
 century. Both look to the revival of Christian beliefs 
 and the " rehabilitation " of Church influence as the only 
 possible means of saving society. There are differences 
 of opinion as to the methods of treatment, though there 
 is perfect agreement as to the nature of the social disease. 
 Ultramontanes and Liberal Catholics alike ascribe the 
 disorders from which society is suffering to the combined 
 effects of the first French Revolution, and the almost 
 contemporaneous revolution of industry through the use 
 of steam and machinery. The Bevolution, they say, in 
 removing every restraint to individual freedom, intro- 
 duced the principle of unlimited competition. But the 
 latter enables the capitalist or manufacturer, who is in 
 possession of all the implements of labour and produc- 
 tion to grow rich at the expense of the wage-earning 
 classes. The latter depend on him for employment, so 
 that, though legally — on the principle of free contract— 
 making their bargain with the employer of labour on 
 equal terms, they practically become in course of time, 
 and by force of circumstances, mere appendages of the 
 machine at which they work. Thus the Bevolution, 
 whilst upholding perfect equality before the law, has 
 established a great inequality of social condition, which 
 gives a keen edge to the antagonisms between the men 
 and their masters, the former demanding a larger share 
 in the distribution of wealth, the latter either systemati- 
 cally resisting or reluctantly admitting their claims. 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM ABROAD AND AT HOME. 169 
 
 This strife of conflicting interests is aggravated by the 
 evil consequences of over-production and hazardous 
 speculation, since the effects of every monetary crisis are 
 felt more acutely by the least prosperous portion of the 
 community, and resented as an additional social injustice. 
 All this, it is asserted, must sooner or later lead to a 
 pitched battle between the large majority of the people 
 on the verge of pauperism, and a rapidly diminishing 
 minority who happen to be the sole owners of all the 
 factors of industry excepting manual labour — a civil war 
 threatening the very existence of our modern civilization, 
 as was shown in the short episode of the Commune 
 established in Paris seventeen years ago. 
 
 Society thus being in danger, nothing can save it 
 but the revival of Christian sentiment, which would 
 restore a profound sense of social duty and devotion in 
 all classes, counteracting the corroding influences of 
 materialistic egotism, and instilling the spirit of love and 
 order in the heart of society, as a means of reforming it 
 from within, on the basis of mutual toleration and co- 
 operation, exemplified in the constitution of the Christian 
 Church. 
 
 These are the leading principles of the two sections 
 of French Christian Socialism. Their differences are in 
 the application, one side leaning more towards the un- 
 conditional surrender to Church authority for compass- 
 ing these social aims, the other inclined more towards a 
 philosophical application of the principles of equal rights 
 and reciprocal duties laid down in the New Testament. 
 De Maistre, Lamennais, Lacordaire, on the one hand, 
 Bonald, Le Play, and le Comte de Mun on the other, 
 represent in the order we have placed them — though not 
 in chronological sequence — the ascending and descending 
 scale from and to the Ultramontane standpoint of Chris- 
 
170 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 tian Socialism. It corresponds with, as it was affected 
 by, a similar contemporaneous oscillation between the 
 policy of reaction and revolution in the public mind of 
 France. 
 
 What are the distinguishing characteristics will best 
 be seen from a short comparative view of the more 
 liberal, system of social reform by Le Play, and the more 
 pronounced ecclesiastical programme of le Comte de 
 Mun. 
 
 Le Play, although by his own confession a disciple 
 of Bonald — "the most important politician of French 
 Ultramontanism " — is by no means a blind follower of 
 his master's teaching, except in his negative criticism 
 of the "principles of 1789." In this respect both may 
 be said to take for their motto De Maistre's paradox : 
 " Si la contre-revolution n'est pas divine, elle est nulle." 
 In other respects Le Play, as a layman and scientist, is 
 unhampered by religious prejudices in his social inquiries. 
 In fact, up to the close of his career — that is, not until 
 -shortly before his death (April 15, 1882) — when he 
 wrote a letter full of filial devotion to the Pope, Le 
 Play's orthodoxy was by no means regarded as above 
 suspicion. His works, though received with grateful 
 recognition of the services they had rendered to reli- 
 gion, were subjected to severe scrutiny by the spirited 
 champions of a less tolerant Catholicism than his own. 
 Perhaps the pithy epithet applied to him by Sainte 
 Beuve defines most accurately his religious standpoint ! 
 "Un Bonald rajeuni, progressif, et scientifique." 
 
 . What entitles him to the name of Christian Socialist 
 is the importance he assigns to religion in any possible 
 scheme for the regeneration of society, and French 
 society in particular. " Social science," he says, " leads 
 its true observers constantly back to the principles of 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM ABROAD AND AT HOME. 171 
 
 the Divine law." The Divine law with him is the 
 " everlasting Decalogue," as explained in the Sermon on 
 the Mount. That is the conclusion he comes to at the 
 close of half a century's travels and observations, in 
 different countries of Europe and the East: As the 
 founder of the " Unions de Paix," associations for the 
 promotion of social peace, Le Play is one of the most 
 remarkable as well as one of the most successful pioneers 
 in the social "ministry of reconciliation," whose great 
 object it is, in the words of St. Augustine, quoted by 
 Le Play in his letter to Leo XIII. already referred to, 
 " ut multitudo in unitate pacis constituatur." What led 
 Le Play to adopt this new line of studying the social 
 problem of the day, we are told by himself. He left 
 school at a time when youths in France were carried 
 away by the captivating theories of Saint-Simonism, and 
 threw themselves heart and soul into the socialistic 
 movement. Le Play, unable to accept their doctrines, 
 was yet at a loss for arguments to refute them, and so 
 he determined to find out for himself the real causes 
 of social discontent as well as their remedies. Taking 
 Descartes for his guide, he determined to divest his 
 mind of all preconceived opinions, and set out on a 
 voyage of independent search. In his travels, whilst 
 pursuing his scientific studies as Professor of Metallurgy 
 in the French University, he had opportunities of 
 observing the life of families in all parts of the world. 
 His position as General Inspector of Mines gave him 
 special facilities for conducting such inquiries. As the 
 trusted counsellor of Napoleon III., and the Chief Com- 
 missioner of the three Universal Exhibitions in London 
 and Paris, he had ample means of verifying his own 
 conclusions by useful information obtained from persons 
 in authority. In his social studies he proceeded strictly 
 
172 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 on the principles of experiment and verification, treating 
 the family as the molecule of social life, and the social 
 question itself like a problem in chemistry. To master 
 the minute details of domestic economy, he would often 
 reside for a considerable time in the same house or 
 locality, so as to make sure of sufficient data to build 
 his theory upon. That theory he calls the theory of 
 imitation, as distinguished from all others, which he 
 calls theories of invention. The latter are deduced 
 entirely, he says, from the abstract principles in the 
 imaginative brains of the propounders. His own system 
 is founded on an accurate induction of facts. What he 
 demands is a close imitation of the manners and social 
 habits of the most prosperous nations who have reached 
 the highest level of mental, moral, and material develop- 
 ment. Le Play's principal work, " La Reforme Sociale,'' 
 made its appearance in 1864, and has since passed 
 through six editions. What gives the work a peculiar 
 interest is the wonderful perspicuity, almost amounting 
 to prophetic vision, in which at that early date the 
 author diagnosed the symptoms of that social cancer 
 which reached its crisis seven years later, and from 
 which French society has not yet recovered. 
 
 The central idea of Le Play's system is the recon- 
 stitution of society on the model of the family; as, 
 indeed, he ascribes, in a measure, the dissolution of 
 French society to the unhealthy development of family 
 life. The family is the type of stability and order. 
 Here in the happy union of benign authority in the 
 patriarchal head and dutiful obedience in the household 
 is bred that reverential regard for law, and deferential 
 use of liberty, so rarely met united in our modern social 
 arrangements. Here, too, is the common ground for the 
 cultivation of that spirit .of devotion and self -discipline 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM ABROAD AND AT HOME. 173 
 
 which are the fundamental pre-requisites of a healthy 
 and harmonious development of social life. The "patron- 
 age libre " as existing in the family may be extended to 
 the factory ; and the creation of a new order of merit, 
 the "social authorities," is to supply the place of an 
 influential aristocracy such as exists still in England, 
 where the landed gentry, according to Le Play, watch 
 with paternal solicitude over the temporal and spiritual 
 welfare of the people. This " hierarchy of merit " is to 
 consist of men most distinguished for their success, not 
 only in industrial enterprise or agriculture, but also in 
 having established a happy relationship with those in 
 their employ. 
 
 It has been said that the doctrine of Le Play resolves 
 itself into a doctrine of social authorities. But there is 
 an intimate connection between authority and tradition, 
 and so we must not be astonished to see in Le Play's 
 system regretful glances cast backwards on the tradi- 
 tional habits of the past, and an inclination to ascribe 
 the social decay of his country to a disregard for them 
 on the part of modern innovators. For, he says, con- 
 trasting the methods of material progress with the moral 
 deterioration peculiar to an age of scientific discovery : 
 "La reTorme des moeurs n'est point subordonne" a l'in- 
 vention de nouvelles doctrines ; car l'esprit d'innovation 
 est aussi sterile dans l'ordre moral qu'il est f^cond dans 
 l'ordre materiel." 
 
 Here, then, is the meeting-point between Le Play 
 and his Ultramontane allies — i.e. on the common ground 
 of traditional beliefs ; both take their stand on the rule 
 laid down at the Council of Nice — 
 
 to. dpx a ' a *@V KpareiTW. 
 
 This is the basis of operation in their common opposition 
 
174 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 to the vagaries of individualism which have their root 
 in the declaration of the " rights of men." 
 
 In the introduction to La Reforms Sociale, Le Play 
 summarizes in two words the ideas of the Revolution — 
 V antagonisms et VinstabiliU. They express the dis- 
 organization of society and the instability of government 
 as the result of that sceptical creed which leaves every 
 question to be solved by the individual reason, and 
 rejects authority as incompatible with absolute freedom. 
 To remove these evils, threatening social dissolution, both 
 Le Play and his friends invoke the aid of religion to 
 reform social morals and to give force and fervour to any 
 future attempt at social reconstruction of Christian 
 foundations. The demands made in Le Play's pro- 
 gramme on the virtuous self-restraint and self-sacrifice 
 of all classes requires a lofty sense of obligation which 
 the Christian religion alone can supply. The power of 
 self-control and self-effacement which he expects both in 
 employer and employed comes from a strongly developed 
 sense of duty. Hence the importance of displacing the 
 doctrinaire system of the sceptical philosophers by the 
 " social doctrine," resting on Catholic faith for its foun- 
 dation. 
 
 The Comte de Mun is a warm admirer of Le Play, 
 whom he regards as his master, but he goes far beyond 
 him in his demands of " absolute obedience to the prin- 
 ciples of the Catholic Church and the infallible teaching- 
 of the Sovereign Pontiff." When Le Play began his social 
 studies, devout men in France were beguiled by a fair, 
 vision of la Belle Union de VEglise et de la Liberty 
 But the liberalizing tendency in the Gallican Church, 
 which men like Lamennais and Montalembert regarded 
 as the vernal breath of a Catholic revival, has disap- 
 peared with the generation of those noble-minded and 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM ABROAD AND AT HOME. 175 
 
 gifted Churchmen which rendered it famous. Nowa- 
 days, when statesmen once more pronounce it to be 
 impossible to reconcile the Church with the Eepublic, 
 because, in Gambetta's phrase, " le cle'ricalisme c'est Ven- 
 nemi" a large number of Catholics, especially among the 
 young men of noble families in France, turn away with 
 horror from the men of the Revolution, and Le Comte 
 de Mun is their spokesman in the Chamber of Deputies. 
 He is also the leader of Christian Socialists, acting as 
 the general secretary of the " CEuvre des Cercles Catho- 
 liques d'Ouvriers,'" an association whose principles are 
 avowedly based on the social doctrine of the Encyclical 
 and Syllabus of 1864. 
 
 The "CEuvre" was founded by a group of French 
 officers soon after the extinction of the Commune, for 
 the purpose of organizing the labourers on Christian 
 principles, and it admits a limited and select number of 
 them to its board of administration. It aims at estab- 
 lishing a number of cercles, or Catholic associations, for 
 masters and men all over France, and this for the pur- 
 pose of ultimately forming the two into Christian corpo- 
 rations. The direction is placed in the hands of local 
 committees in close connection with a central committee 
 in Paris. It is an attempt, moreover, of bringing together 
 the higher and lower classes of society by means of 
 Christian sympathy, and so to effect social union. These 
 Catholic working men's associations combine the advan- 
 tages of a religious club, .a co-operative supply associa- 
 tion, and a labourer's friend society all in one. Even- 
 tually the " CEuvre " purposes to become the nucleus of a 
 number of benevolent institutions to promote the welfare 
 of the working man. Originally intended for the work- 
 men of large towns, these associations have spread into 
 the villages, and are now what the Comte de Mun calls. 
 
176 CHKISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 calmly settled "islets in the midst of immense popula- 
 tions agitated by the tempests of social war." There 
 were 450 of these cercles in 1880 ; and several employers 
 of labour, like the Christian philanthropist Harmel in 
 the Val-des-Bois, are able to give most satisfactory 
 reports of their own attempts to transform unruly 
 colonies of workmen into quiet and industrious commu- 
 nities by the adoption of the principles of the cercles, 
 and thus to establish a happy relationship between 
 employer and employed.* 
 
 The members of the cercles make no secret of their 
 intentions. Their professed object is "La contre-revo- 
 lution faite au nom du Syllabus et la grande entreprise 
 du re'tablisseinent de l'ordre chretien dans le monde du 
 travail," i.e. "The counter-revolution made in the name 
 of the Syllabus and the great enterprise of re-establish- 
 ing the Christian rule of conduct in the world of labour." 
 Without pronouncing judgment on the merits or de- 
 merits of the two systems, we cannot withhold from Le 
 Play the just encomium bestowed on him by some of the 
 most prominent economists of the day, who speak 
 of him as a most faithful investigator of facts, and a 
 most judicious advocate of morals and religion as factors 
 of social life ; nor can it be denied that the emphatic 
 accentuation of the mediatorial office of the Church, on 
 the part of Ultramontane Christian Socialists, as well 
 as their vindication of the " caritative principle," or 
 principle of love, in social economics, deserve all praise, 
 and contain important truths, though they are met in 
 company with ecclesiastical pretensions which weaken 
 
 * There is also a brochure by the same author, M. Charles Perin, 
 under the title of " Le Patron, sa Fonction, tea Devoirs, ses Kesponsi- 
 bilites " (Lille, 1886), which defines the duties of masters to their men— a 
 very interesting study on this subject. 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM ABROAD AND AT HOME. 177 
 
 the force and hinder the ready acceptance of them 
 among Catholic laymen in the present state of French 
 society. 
 
 Belgium, with its nourishing industry and progres- 
 sive national development, unaccompanied, however, by 
 a corresponding improvement in the condition of its 
 working population, presents a fair field for trying ex- 
 perimentally those principles of Christian Socialism we 
 have just described. Here Roman Catholicism is the 
 dominant religion, and one-half of the population (the 
 Flemish) is perfectly amenable to Church authority. 
 Many of the large employers of labour are friendly dis- 
 posed towards the clergy, which facilitates the introduc- 
 tion of the "patronat libre," or patriarchal system, on 
 the lines of liberty recommended by Le Play and his 
 followers. As a neutral State, moreover, Belgium is 
 comparatively free from those internal and external dis- 
 turbances which form a serious impediment to social 
 reforms in France. Here, too, the clerical party are 
 quite strong enough to carry any legislative measure for 
 ameliorating the condition of the labouring people, if 
 inclined to do so. If little has been done until quite 
 lately in this direction, it is mainly owing to the 
 cautious reserve of the leading ecclesiastics, who prefer 
 to use their personal influence with the employers of 
 labour, to the perils and inconveniences of taking a lead- 
 ing part in social politics. But the utmost energy has 
 been ' displayed in the formation of a federation of all 
 Catholic associations of workmen which has existed for 
 many years under the patronage of the Episcopate. One 
 of the fathers of the Bolandist Convent in Brussels is 
 its present director. 
 
 However, the success of the Christian Socialist party 
 in Belgium lies rather in the field of literature. It has 
 
 N 
 
178 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 thriven, better in the studious shades of the Academy 
 than in the arena of social and political warfare. No- 
 where has the theory of Christian Socialism been 
 brought to higher perfection than in Belguim, probably 
 because here, as nowhere else, under the influence of free 
 discussion, and in view of the sharply defined contrast 
 of opinions between the two evenly balanced parties of 
 Clericals and Liberals, the exigencies of controversial 
 warfare have rendered both clearness and caution in 
 statement indispensable. In the works of Charles Perm 
 and Emile de Laveleye, written respectively from the 
 Ultramontane and Liberal Catholic standpoint, we have, 
 if not the most perfect schemes, at least the most 
 enlarged views of Christian Socialism. M. de Laveleye, 
 the author of the celebrated work on "Primitive 
 Property," is too well known in this country to require 
 any introduction. His pamphlet on " Protestantism and 
 Catholicism in their bearing upon the Liberty and 
 Prosperity of Nations," translated by Mr. Gladstone, is 
 known to most readers. Perm, though highly respected 
 on the Continent as a religious writer on economic 
 science, and as the author of a work translated into 
 German, and entitled " De la Richesse dans les Socie"t6s 
 Chretiennes," published so far back as 1861, is a less 
 familiar name. He occupied the chair of Political 
 Economy and Law in the Catholic University of Louvain 
 for thirty^ seven years, having retired as Emeritus pro- 
 fessor in 1881, and is a corresponding member of the 
 Institut de France ; his work on the " Laws of Christian 
 Society," prefaced by a Pontifical breve, dated February 
 1, 1875, is full of unqualified praise from the head of the 
 Roman Catholic Church. 
 
 Three works have since appeared from his pen on 
 the subject now under consideration — "Le Socialisme 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM ABROAD AND AT HOME. 179 
 
 Chretien," in 1879, with an appended discourse delivered 
 hy 0. Perm at the opening of the Congress of the 
 Directors of the Roman Catholic Workmen's Association, 
 at Chartres, August 9, 1878 ; and his last work but one, 
 " Les Doctrines Economiques depuis un Siecle," published 
 in 1880, which contains in its closing chapters a most 
 interesting account of the various Catholic associations 
 for the good of the working classes in France and 
 Belgium. The last work, of mixed essays, contains the 
 author's views on subjects of social interest which have 
 occupied the attention of the world for the last twenty 
 years. 
 
 Perin, too, founds social order on Divine authority, 
 but he trusts to the moral influence of the Church rather 
 than mechanical obedience to her laws, as pronounced 
 ex cathedrd. 
 
 " We are at present agreed among ourselves to proclaim 
 the rule of Christian liberty as the law of economics, a 
 liberty equally remote from the extremes of licence and 
 absolutism, from the laissez-faire system, which is the boast 
 of Liberals, and State control over life and property, which, 
 in one form or another, Socialism proclaims to be just and 
 necessary." 
 
 Pe*rin allows that, in exceptional cases, repressive 
 measures by the State are necessary; but under ordinary 
 circumstances, he thinks, the preventive measures pro- 
 posed by Christian Socialism in its endeavours to revive 
 the moral force of self-restraint and self-denial will prove 
 sufficient. He acknowledges the impossibility of re- 
 turning to mediaeval forms of corporate union, but 
 strongly recommends the revival of that principle of 
 Christian love which inspired them. But, he adds 
 cautiously, in the present day the mutual relationship 
 between masters and men, founded on the Christian idea 
 
180 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 of solidarity, must be at once paternal and fraternal ; so 
 that, whilst maintaining the patriarchal authority of the 
 employer, this may not interfere with the equal rights of 
 the employed. However, " sans la charity, rien ne se fera 
 pour la solution du probleme social." 
 
 Individualism, according to Perin,. is the principal 
 source of our social evils, and association the only 
 remedy. By association he means not, however, the 
 collectivism of the Socialists, " l'association telle que les 
 Catholiques la con§oivent, bien loin d'etre ^galitaire est 
 essentiellement hiera/rchique." 
 
 The work of restoring confidence and goodwill in the 
 mutual intercourse between masters and men must be 
 commenced by the masters, whose unbridled cupidity in 
 times past has produced the existing disorder; whilst 
 their profane self-indulgence has, by the force of bad 
 example, led to the moral degeneracy of their subordi- 
 nates. If the individualism nursed by the revolutionary 
 spirit acts as a dangerous solvent in society, it must be 
 freed from its noxious imperfections; but it cannot be 
 displaced entirely now by a " Corporation Chretienne." 
 The task he assigns to Catholics is expressed in the 
 following words : — 
 
 " To restore the Christian, association in the labour 
 world, as being in its nature free ; and to render Socialism 
 superfluous, as in its nature unfree ; to develop and 
 strengthen by means of association all those Christian 
 virtues which Socialism either outrages or tries to represent 
 as vices ; to give to labour, by means of these virtues, that 
 constancy and well-proportioned strength which is able to 
 produce true and solid wealth ; to re-establish equitable 
 dealing in the relations of labourers of every rank by a 
 simultaneous action of justice and charity; to bring about 
 a closer relationship and mutual attachment among members 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM ABEOAD AND AT HOME. 181 
 
 of the association, governed as they are by the law of liberty 
 and attracted to each other by the law of charity; ... to 
 produce everywhere union and mutual benevolence ; whereas 
 Socialism, on the contrary, sows discord and rivalry in every 
 direction." 
 
 In short, we have here, in Perin's system, what 
 Frenchmen might call a Socialisme Chretien epure — a 
 system which rests, indeed, on the foundation of the 
 Catholic doctrine of assent, which is identified with 
 assent to the Christian principles of justice, truth, and 
 love as adapted to the special needs of our own age. 
 
 M. de Laveleye has no sympathy with what Perin 
 calls the hierarchical system of society. He is opposed 
 alike to Ultramontanist pretensions and to the anti- 
 Christian spirit of those Liberals who, in their dislike of 
 clericalism, forget the importance of religion as a social 
 force. His position is that of a Christian philosopher. 
 As such, he reminds readers of the New Testament that 
 Christianity is the " good news " to the poor, the promise 
 of a kingdom in which the humble shall be exalted and 
 the disinherited shall possess the earth. "We are 
 beg innin g," he says, " to see signs from time to time, as 
 well among the upper as the labouring classes, that the 
 equalitarian ideas of the gospel will one day leaven our 
 laws and institutions." In his work on " Contemporary 
 Socialism," he shows that Christianity does not directly 
 propose any particular plan of social reorganization, as 
 its precepts are rather directed to the moral change of 
 the individual ; but, he adds, it must be confessed that 
 the movement for social emancipation among the lower 
 orders takes its rise in the claims of equality for all, 
 established in the gospel of Christ, and that all attempts' 
 to ameliorate the condition of the people owe their 
 inspiration to its teaching. 
 
182 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 As a Liberal Catholic — perhaps more Liberal than 
 Catholic — M. de Laveleye shows how, in discarding the 
 religion of Christ because of the supposed alliance 
 between the Church and the ruling classes, the masses 
 are turning their back on their natural protectors. For 
 in a scientific age which hands them over to those cruel 
 laws of nature according to which the strong prevail 
 over the weak in the struggle for existence, Christian 
 love is needed to take up the cause of the helpless. The 
 Darwinian theory of the survival of the fittest, he 
 acutely observes, is on the side of inequality, whereas 
 the spirit of equity in the Christian Church has at all 
 times striven to restore the patrimony of the poor. 
 
 But Christian Socialism in Belgium is not always of 
 this academic character. On the contrary, it is apt at 
 times to be used as a political engine against Liberalism ; 
 and in the very town with which M. de Laveleye is con- 
 nected, and where of late two Social Catholic congresses 
 have been held, at Liege, the Liberals suffered a defeat 
 during the last autumnal elections to the Communal 
 Councils, by a coalition of Socialists and Catholics, whilst 
 the organ of the clerical party in Brussels declares its 
 readiness to accept Universal Suffrage, which consti- 
 tutes the chief cry of the Belgian Socialists at the present 
 day. 
 
 Leo XIII., in a letter addressed to. the Bishop of 
 Liege, on the occasion of the meeting of the Catholic 
 Congress of the "GEuvres Sociales de Liege," in 1886, 
 had called special attention to the perils of the Social 
 crisis, and the duty of Catholics in rising to the occasion 
 and meeting it with ready "sympathy for the misery 
 and sufferings of humanity." The appeal was enthu- 
 siastically responded to, and in their reply to this letter 
 the Assembly speak of the Social question as " le probleme 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM ABROAD AND AT HOME. 183 
 
 le plus redoutable," and trace its source to " des erreurs 
 repandus dans le monde, et surtout du travail de de- 
 christianisation poursuivi depuis plus d'un siecle dans 
 les classes supdrieures d'abord et ensuite dans celle des 
 travailleurs.' : They express their readiness to obey the 
 Papal mandate, and to take part in " the glorious work 
 which is to culminate in social peace ; " but the reporter 
 of the Congress, in concluding his survey, and speaking 
 of the general impression prevailing at the Congress, says, 
 " La grande lutte de la fin du siecle s'etablisera entre le 
 catholicisme et le socialisme — le liberalisme est de'fini- 
 tivement mis hors de combat." 
 
 These sentiments were re-echoed from France by the 
 well-known Bishop of Angers, in his inaugural speech 
 at the opening of the Congres regional des cercles catho- 
 liques d'ouvriers, at that city, in October, 1886. "The 
 twentieth century," said Bishop Freppel, in concluding 
 his speech, " will be a century of strife, if not social 
 wars, and the Church, in helping to bring about a 
 successful issue, must give her support to secure the 
 triumph of these three principles— association, patron- 
 age (i.e. patriarchal relations between employers and 
 employed), and social protection (i.e. by means of legis- 
 lation). 
 
 The latter subject received considerable attention at 
 the last International Catholic Congress at Liege, under 
 the presidency of the Cardinal Archbishop of Reims, 
 and attended not only by prelates and other Roman 
 Catholic dignitaries from different parts of Western 
 Europe, but also by members of the Belgian Parliament, 
 political economists, and employers of labour, like M. 
 Hubert Valleroux, and M. Harmel. Several resolutions 
 were passed in favour of compulsory insurance and 
 legislative protection of women and children engaged 
 
184 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 in factory labour, whilst the general complexion of the 
 debates was peculiarly practical, and, concludes M. 
 Urbain Guerin, a former disciple of Le Play, in his 
 account of it, "Le Congres de Liege de 1887, marque un 
 nouveau progres des idees sociales en Belgique. La 
 marche des catholiques, a la fois re'solue et prudente, 
 nous guarantit qu'ils ne s'arreteront dans la voie reforma- 
 trice ou ils sont eu le glorieux merite d'entrer." 
 
 Thus much about the " New Crusade," as Christian 
 Socialists in France and Belgium call their work, abroad. 
 The Christian Socialists at home, in their attempt to 
 bring about an alliance between Christianity and the 
 modern spirit, tried, as Colonel Maurice points out in 
 the interesting life of his father, "not to Christian- 
 socialize the universe, but to Christianize Socialism." 
 They showed that all great social reforms demand 
 religious enthusiasm, and that the renovation of indi- 
 vidual character rather than the remodelling of human 
 institutions leads to a true regeneration of society. 
 Christianity, they felt, in curbing the selfish propen- 
 sities, enables men to associate, since the Christian 
 Church is a divine society as well as a human fraternity, 
 having for its foundation justice, devotion, mutual love, 
 and self-sacrifice. Their successors * in the present day 
 
 * By their successors we do not mean a body who have lately assumed 
 the title of the " Christian Socialist Society," but whose view of Chris 
 tianity, as will appear from the following programme, is not that of the 
 fsllowers of Maurice and Kingsley. 
 
 "CHRISTIAN SOCIALIST SOCIETY. 
 
 " The ideal of Christian Socialism is found in Jesus Christ, and all 
 its operations will be based on the spirit of His life. 
 
 " The Christian Socialist Society believes that the measures which it 
 advocates will, under the altered conditions of modern life, make it 
 possible for men to put into practice the principles taught by Christ, and 
 therefore makes a solemn appeal to all men to assist in its work. 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM ABROAD AND AT HOME. 185 
 
 accept these principles, but differ among themselves as 
 to the mode of promoting them and the method of carry- 
 ing them out in practice. There is what may be called 
 the agglutinative method of one section, who endeavour 
 to fraternize as far as possible, and further than at times 
 seems desirable, with secular Socialists; there is the 
 associative method of another section, who would en- 
 courage industrial partnership and co-operative experi- 
 ment; and, lastly, there is the method of affectionate 
 sympathy under Church patronage. 
 
 The aim of the first is " to make people divinely dis- 
 contented with the present anarchy, to encourage them 
 not to cease from mental strife till they have found some 
 remedy," and in this pursuit " to apply openly and fear- 
 lessly the principles of the gospel of Jesus to the social 
 problems of the day." A special feature of this form of 
 Christian Socialism is the revival of the guild system 
 to reassert the principle of collectivity, to " bind men 
 
 "The Society, then, is independent of all theological views, and 
 welcomes as members all who desire to make self-sacrifice for ' men the 
 rule of their lives, and to work as brothers one of another, who are bound 
 to subordinate their private advantage to the good of the commonwealth 
 and of mankind. 
 
 " Aims of the Society. 
 
 " The union of men in a real, universal brotherhood, free from all 
 artificial distinctions founded merely upon class. 
 
 "Education, liberal, free, compulsory, industrial, for all. 
 
 " Substitution of a system of production for use for the present system 
 of production for profit. 
 
 " The organization of society on a basis of industry and moral worth, 
 rather than of wealth, privilege, and monopoly as at present ; industry 
 being understood to comprise both mental and manual work. 
 
 " Public control of land, capital, and all means of production, distri- 
 bution, and exchange, involving the abolition of all interest. 
 
 " The ennobling of domestic, public, and national life ; the develop- 
 ment of free and independent nationalities ; the union of labour ; and the 
 promotion of peace and goodwill all over the_world." 
 
186 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 together in a holy and beneficent confederacy," and 
 to "set forth the brotherhood or Socialist side of 
 Christianity." The Guild of St. Matthew has for its 
 object " to promote the study of social and political 
 subjects in the light of the Incarnation," and this it does 
 by means of special lectures, sermons, classes, discussion 
 meetings, and the distribution of suitable literature. 
 
 Less vague and more tangible in form are the efforts 
 of the second section, such as the establishment of the 
 Decorative Co-operators' Association in Oxford Street, 
 and the work of the Eev. C. W. Stubbs, in promoting 
 co-operative agriculture in Granborough, though both 
 are still in the stage of incipient experiment, the latter 
 being no longer under the direction of Mr. Stubbs, 
 removed to another sphere. 
 
 Three years ago, at a conference convened by the 
 committee of clergy on Trades Unions and the Church, 
 Miss Hart read a paper on " Leclaire, Contractor and 
 Decorator," who, taking his workmen into partnership, 
 had a most successful career both as business man and 
 philanthropist, and whose example was held up as 
 worthy of imitation in this country. The meeting 
 was presided over by Dean Oakley, and the subject 
 brought before it attracted considerable attention at 
 the time.* 
 
 Continuing her earnest advocacy of the principle she 
 believed in as the future solution of the industrial problem, 
 Miss Hart, after two years of propaganda, enlisted the 
 active sympathy and support of Mr. Albert Grey, M.P., and 
 Mr. Cameron Corbett, of Glasgow. Under their auspices, 
 a joint-stock company was started in the metropolis, to 
 develop an industrial partnership for house-painters, 
 carpenters, etc., similar to the Maison Leclaire of Paris ; 
 * See report in Times, May 17, 1881. 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM ABROAD AND AT HOME. 187 
 
 and it was inaugurated in the presence of a number of 
 influential friends of co-operation on February 24, 1883. 
 Another meeting "was held at Grosvenor House on 
 May 30 of the same year, to promote the objects of the 
 association. On this occasion, Lord Carnarvon presided, 
 and was supported by members of Parliament of every 
 shade of political opinion. Since then it has been in 
 full working operation, and its steady growth must be a 
 source of gratification and encouragement to its pro- 
 moters ; at the same time, it must be borne in mind that 
 for its ultimate success it depends, like every other 
 business, upon the support of the public. 
 
 In order to secure the realization of her ideal, Miss 
 Hart, as honorary secretary to the association, con- 
 scientiously devotes her whole time and energy to the 
 work of superintendence. A visit to 405, Oxford Street, 
 and a short conversation with her, will enable any of our 
 readers to gain such information as they may require 
 about this important work of uniting in one common 
 interest employer and employed. 
 
 The real value of such an enterprise — and it is 
 impossible to speak in terms too high of the personal 
 sacrifice of time and talent on the part of the chief 
 promoter of it, or the liberal helpfulness of those who 
 guarantee it by their own means against failure — is its 
 didactic character, teaching by its very existence 
 employers of labour a " new and better way " of carry- 
 ing on business on business principles, but, in doing so, 
 recognizing the higher principles of justice and mercy, 
 love and mutual sympathy, which ought to prevail in 
 the relations of workmen and organizers of work. 
 
 Mr. Stubbs, in a volume on "The Land and the 
 Labourers," advocates co-operative farming on a small 
 scale, as possessing all the advantages of peasant pro- 
 
188 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 priefcorsliip without any of its drawbacks. He appeals 
 to the clergy, who " constitute one-quarter o£ the land- 
 owners," to encourage small husbandry, and points to 
 successful experiments of his own by half-aere allotments 
 among his former parishioners. This, he thinks, would 
 be a means of preventing depopulation of the country 
 districts, and what he calls "labour-starving of the 
 land," to which he attributes in great measure the agri- 
 cultural depression of late years. He also gives instances 
 of agricultural profit-sharing at home and abroad,* and 
 in speaking of some of these, where less enthusiastic 
 advocates would see nothing but failure, he is full of 
 faith in the ultimate success of co-operative farming. 
 Whatever may be said of Mr. Stubbs's more pronounced 
 opinions on Christian Socialism, his practical work of 
 co-operative farming in the former parish deserves com- 
 mendation, and from this point of view, perhaps, his 
 little work on this subject is of some interest, especially 
 when read in the light of modern controversies in con- 
 nection with the land question. 
 
 In the last place, there are those who recognize the 
 necessity of showing to the world at large, and to 
 the working classes in particular, that the clergy are the 
 natural friends of the poor, and that the Church is the 
 best protector of the labourers' interests. Sometimes 
 this is done by means of diffusing sound views on social 
 questions in addresses to the people, such as were 
 arranged some time ago by the Bishop of Bedford, and 
 in which Mr. Albert Grey and other members .of Parlia- 
 
 * See also "Six Essays on Profit Sharing between Capital and 
 Labour," by Sedley Taylor, M.A., late Fellow of Trin. Coll., Cambridge, 
 in which Leclaire's system, and that of t other employers at home and 
 abroad, axe fully and ably discussed. Also a paper on the " Eeconciliation 
 of Capital and Labour," by Mary H. Hart, which may be had on applica- 
 tion at 405, Oxford Street, W. ' 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM ABROAD AND AT HOME. 189 
 
 ment were to take a prominent part. At other times it 
 is by means of bringing the higher and lower classes 
 together, in the creation of central stations like that of 
 the Eton Mission or the Universities Mission in the 
 east of London. Professor Seeley, presiding over .the 
 Cambridge meeting for the purpose of organizing such a 
 mission in conjunction with Oxford, compared it to the 
 springing up of a new clergy, by means of which, he 
 said, " the Church was proving its external vitality by 
 shaping for itself new organs." 
 
 Efforts of this kind, having for their principle that all 
 social reforms must pass through the "gate of benevo- 
 lence," are apt to degenerate into impractical senti- 
 mentalism. But the spirit which animates them is a 
 right spirit. Nothing could be more disastrous at the 
 present crisis than apathy (except it be direct antagonism 
 towards popular aspirations) on the part of the Church. 
 To many who have had little practical acquaintance with 
 the real life of the people, the poverty of industry may 
 be simply "a puzzle, a nuisance, a problem, a social 
 crime/' whilst others will try to find ease in the thought 
 that " wealth is but the reward of industry, intelligence, 
 and thrift, and poverty but the punishment of indolence, 
 ignorance, and improvidence." The Church cannot be 
 satisfied with such a position of supine indifference or 
 shifting of responsibility where the weal or woe of the 
 largest number is concerned. 
 
 In the coming struggle between the forces of demo- 
 cracy and the defenders of the old order of things in a 
 society resting on an aristocratic basis, the Church, 
 containing, as it does, both the elements of conservatism 
 and progress, may save society from the democratic 
 despotism which is implied in the triumph of Socialism 
 on the one hand, and retrogressive tyranny by means of 
 
190 CHEISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 "prophylactic measures" on the other.* Averse alike 
 to revolution and reaction, she can reconcile liberty with 
 the love of law, and bring about gradually more perfect 
 social union without undue restrictions of personal 
 freedom. In her endeavour to modify and direct the . 
 pantisocratic tendencies of the times, the Church, whilst 
 candidly acknowledging real social grievances and 
 earnestly striving to alleviate and ultimately remove 
 the causes of them, will oppose alike schemes of con- 
 fiscation as well as compulsory repression of lawful 
 claims, and emphasize the rights as well as the duties of 
 property in Christian principle. For the phantasm of a 
 dead level equality she would substitute the vision of 
 equitable social arrangements made possible by the 
 exercise of mutual sympathy and support — a condition 
 of mutual dependence and relative co-ordination such 
 as is contained in the Pauline conception of the social 
 organism under the symbol of a perfect Church organiza- 
 
 * Such measures, e.g., as were recommended in a weekly review a 
 little while ago. "So long as the Haves are prepared to enforce the 
 opposite theory to Mr. George's by lead and hemp, property will be 
 safe. ... If order does not directly rest on the executioner, which was 
 one famous way of putting the thing, it certainly rests on the potentialities 
 of a whiff of grape shot. . . . That is the way of treating Mr. George and 
 Mr. Hyndman, and Mr. Wallace and Mr. Davitt, and all the rest of the 
 motley and mutually contradicting apostles of plunder." What the effect 
 of such language is on those concerned we may gather from the following 
 reply: — " Working men," says Justice, "cut this incitement to murder out, 
 when you have read it, and remember the sort of men you have to meet 
 and reckon with." Bimilia similibus curantur. ■ 
 
 How different the tone of the founder of Christian Socialism in Eng- 
 land forty years ago. " To put down Chartism," says P. D. Maurice, " is 
 by confuting its unrighteous pretensions and by satisfying its righteous 
 demands ; this is the education which the people of England want " (" The 
 Life of Frederick Denison Maurice," vol. i. p. 278). Evidently the 
 education has not been quite finished, as the above two specimens of 
 writing show. 
 
CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM ABROAD AND AT HOME. 191 
 
 tion. "Whether one member suffer all the members 
 suffer with it, or one member be honoured all the 
 members rejoice with it. Now ye are the body of 
 Christ, and members in particular." 
 
192 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 UNCHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 A volume on Christian Socialism would scarcely be 
 complete without some account of its antagonist, Un- 
 christian Socialism. Such an exposition of the alliance 
 of Socialism and Atheism — for this is what we mean by 
 Unchristian Socialism — is rendered necessary by 'the 
 fact that Socialists themselves point out the connection 
 between Christianity and their own peculiar tenets ; as, 
 for example, M. Yves Guyot, in his "Etudes sur les 
 Doctrines Sociales du Christianisme," where he speaks 
 thus of God : " Dieu est un simple phe'nomene psycho- 
 logique. Loin que Dieu ait cree l'homme, c'est l'homme 
 qui a cr£e Dieu." 
 
 And perhaps this is the best plan for treating the 
 subject, as it will help to emphasize the duty on which 
 we shall dwell in the next and last chapter, the duty 
 of the Christian ministry, and more especially of clergy 
 of the National Church, to face the social problem as a 
 religious question. 
 
 Almost immediately, after the desecration of Notre 
 Dame of Paris, by the setting up of the Goddess of 
 Reason in the place of the Deity, it was discovered by 
 men like Robespierre that " Atheism is aristocratic," and 
 that the popular craving for religion could alone be 
 satisfied by the reintroduction of the " Supreme Being," 
 
UNCHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 193 
 
 averring that if no God existed, one would have to be 
 invented. Modern Socialists are of a contrary opinion, 
 and never grow weary in reiterating their preference for 
 a " Godless Creed." 
 
 Again, on the first Sunday after the Revolution of 
 1848, Lacordaire, addressing a large and sympathetic 
 audience in the same cathedral, was able to say : " To 
 demonstrate God to you ! You would have the right to 
 call me parricide and sacrilegious ! If I dared to demon- 
 strate God, the gates of this cathedral would open of 
 themselves, and you would see this people, superb in its 
 anger, carrying God up to His altar in the midst of 
 reverence and adoration." To-day, we are told, by 
 competent authorities, it would be difficult to find an 
 assembly of Republicans in which the great majority are 
 not Atheists* 
 
 These are not the fluctuations of a wavering faith, 
 but the fitful flickerings of the flame of faith, well-nigh 
 extinguished in the night of unbelief, an eclipse of faith 
 peculiar to the masses of working men throughout the 
 length and breadth of the European Continent. In a 
 lesser degree, and within more circumscribed limits, it is 
 true also of British citizens, and certain classes of opera- 
 tives in the large centres of industry. Christian and 
 anti-Christian Socialism regarded thus by way of com- 
 parison and contrast in their mutual relations are like 
 two social forces in the present day affecting, sometimes 
 conjointly, and at other times in contrary directions, the 
 general course of social evolution. The subject is full 
 of peculiar interest; for if it be true with regard to 
 general history that "the two best things best worth 
 
 * See an interesting article on " The Religion of the Paris Ouvrier," 
 by Mr. R. Heath, in the British Quarterly Review for July, 3883, pp. 43, 
 44, and passim. 
 
 O 
 
194 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 attending to in history are, not party intrigues, nor 
 battles, nor dynastic affairs, nor even many Acts of 
 Parliament, but the great movements of the economic 
 forces of a society on the one hand, and on the other the 
 forms of religious opinion and ecclesiastical organiza- 
 tion," * it is all the more important to take note of the 
 Socialistic movement, not only in its economic but also 
 in its religious aspects. As Socialism in politics tends to 
 Republicanism, as in economics it tends to Communism, 
 so in matters of religion it tends to Atheism, though, 
 perhaps, it is too much to say with the Christian social 
 organ of Catholic Germany, that "Atheism is at the root 
 of every form of Socialism." 
 
 Nor is it very hard to account for this alliance of 
 Socialism and Atheism. It is to a great extent the result 
 of the materialistic tendencies of modern science and 
 mechanical views of the universe entertained by leading 
 scientists. The fact in itself is of some significance, that 
 the same year saw the publication of Mr. Darwin's 
 " Origin of Species," and that of the text-book of social 
 democracy, the work on " Capital," by Karl Marx. But, 
 as one of the leading spirits of Socialism, Bebel, said in 
 the debate on the Socialist laws in the German Diet — 
 
 " With regard to Atheism our standpoint is simply that 
 of the scientific materialistic view of the universe which 
 ... is not, however, our work ; it has been called into 
 existence without our agitation, literature, or activity; hut, 
 in the truest and fullest sense of the word, it is entirely the 
 product of science in its modern development during the 
 present century." 
 
 This is one, but only one, of several reasons for 
 
 * John Morley's address, delivered at the opening of the Session of the 
 Midland Institute, Birmingham, and printed in the Fortnightly Review, 
 November, 1876, p. 636. 
 
UNCHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 195 
 
 the prevalent conjunction of Socialism and Atheism. 
 Another reason, probably more potent than the first, is 
 the attraction which negative forms of religion must 
 have for those whose chief aim is the destruction of the 
 existing order of things. 
 
 " The industrial proletariat," says the Social Democrat for 
 July 17, 1884, " is a revolutionary class opposed to all other 
 classes of modern society, hence its natural antagonism to 
 the peculiar ideas of those classes which find their most 
 pregnant expression in Christianity. But as the proletariat 
 wants to subvert modern society, without any intention of 
 replacing it by other form of society, like itself founded on 
 class-rule, but rather to remove all class-rule of whatsoever 
 kind, so, too, it not only is opposed to Christianity, but 
 every religious system that could not exist without class 
 antagonism (priestcraft), and therefore would replace it by 
 irreligion — Atheism. Atheism," it adds, "not as a philo- 
 sophical system, but as the express denial of every form of 
 religion." * 
 
 A third reason for the alliance of Socialism and Atheism 
 is the attraction which a " gospel of material salvation " 
 has for multitudes who have been hitherto shut out 
 from some of the most coveted means of material self- 
 indulgence. 
 
 " To suppress religion, which promises an illusory happi- 
 ness," says Benoit Malon, a leading French Collectivist, in 
 his Nouveau Parti, professedly containing the principles of 
 the " Parti ouvrier," " is to establish the claims of real happi- 
 ness, for to demonstrate the non-existence of these illusions 
 tends towards suppressing a state of things which requires 
 illusions for maintaining its own existence." f 
 
 " They'll supply us with a religion, like everything else, 
 
 * Cf. To-Day, vol. ii., No. 7, July, 1884, pp. 73, 74. 
 t "Nouveau Parti," vol. i. p. 34. 
 
196 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 and get a profit on it ; they will give us plenty of heaven," 
 says Felix Holt, the Badical, in George Eliot's well-known 
 story ; " we may have land there. That's the sort of religion 
 they like — a religion that gives a working man heaven, and 
 nothing else. But we'll offer to change with 'em. We'll give 
 them back some of their heaven, and take it out in something 
 for us and our children in this world." 
 
 This is a coarse way of putting it, but Socialists 
 do not always fight with kid gloves when their hands 
 want to strike hard. Atheism thus amounts simply to 
 a denial of a religion which has been, in the opinion of 
 the Socialist, invariably on the side of the well-to-do 
 classes. To do well for one's self is the only article of 
 faith in the new religion, and Socialism professes to be 
 no less than this. Its gospel promises salvation from 
 penury, its land of promise is temporal prosperity. "Our 
 hope of salvation is not a religious ideal, but rests on a 
 massive material foundation," whilst "conscious well- 
 ordered organization of social labour is the longed-for 
 saviour of our modem age."* 
 
 Such are some of the cardinal dogmas of the " Demo- 
 cratic Church ; " there is no place here for a Deity. 
 " Civilized humanity " takes the place of the " Supreme 
 Being," and the only pious act permitted in it is humane 
 conduct towards the species. 
 
 Similar are the doctrines put forth by English 
 Socialists. Thus a writer on " Socialism and Religion," 
 and a former member of the executive committee of the 
 Democratic Federation, writes in Justice, the organ of 
 the party (June 21, 1884)— 
 
 "In what sense Socialism is not religious will he now 
 clear. It utterly despises the ' other world ' with all its 
 
 * "Die Keligion der Social Demokratie," Kanzelreden von Joseph 
 Dietzgen, pp. 6-11. The italics are the author's own. 
 
UNCHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. ID 7 
 
 stage properties — that is, the present objects of religion. In 
 what sense it is not irreligious will be also tolerably clear. 
 It brings back religion from heaven to earth, which, as we 
 have sought to show, was its original sphere. It looks 
 beyond the present moment, or the present individual life 
 indeed, though not to another world, but to another and a 
 higher social life in this world. It is in the hope and 
 struggle for this higher social life, ever widening, ever 
 intensifying, whose ultimate possibilities are • beyond the 
 power of language to express or thought to conceive, that 
 the Socialist finds his ideal, his religion . . . the devotion of 
 the member of the socialized community, like the devotion 
 of all true Socialists to-day, will be based on science and 
 involve no cultus. In this last point the religion of the 
 Socialist differs from that of the Positivist. The Positivist 
 seeks to retain the forms after the beliefs of which they are 
 the expression have lost all meaning to him. The Socialist, 
 whose social creed is his only religion, requires no travesty 
 of Christian rites to aid him in keeping his ideal before 
 him." * 
 
 From this it would appear that Christian Socialism 
 and Atheistic Socialism can have nothing in common ; 
 that no middle term can be found to bring the two 
 together ; that the only attitude to be assumed by pro- 
 fessed Christians is that of uncompromising antagonism 
 towards those who deny the existence of God. And yet, 
 whilst in matters of religion reconciliation seems hope- 
 less, in matters of social interest there are not a few- 
 points of contact between these two antagonistic forms 
 of Socialism. Both have the welfare of mankind at 
 heart, and strive to ameliorate the condition of par- 
 * It is only fair to add that the writer of this has left the Social 
 Democratic Federation to join the more pronounced Socialist League in 
 this country, and that the former body, as such, professes indifference in 
 matters of religion, and has religious persons among its members, a Koman 
 Catholic priest and a Presbyterian minister among the rest. 
 
1!)8 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 ticular sections of society, such as the working classes 
 of the present day. They differ widely in principle and 
 method, in their theory concerning the swrvmvm bowwm 
 as well as the means for its attainment ; yet, notwith- 
 standing these differences, pursuing as they do similar 
 ends, they will often meet on the same road, making for 
 the same goal, " our being's end and aim," human happi- 
 ness. It is well, therefore, that they should cultivate 
 each other's acquaintance, though they can never be 
 intimate friends. 
 
 We will, therefore, proceed to recapitulate as con- 
 cisely as possible the circumstances which have called 
 forth the Socialist agitation as well as the demands 
 which are made on society by the agitators. From this 
 it will be seen that in their complaints as to what is, 
 and in their proposals as to what ought- to be, Christian 
 and un-Christian Socialists often occupy the same 
 ground. It will also be seen that there are serious 
 differences which render it imperatively necessary for 
 those who occupy the Christian standpoint cheerfully to 
 accept what is true in Socialist grievances, and readily 
 to join in any effort to realize a higher social ideal, and 
 in doing so to fortify their position, from which effectu- 
 ally to repel what is erroneous in principle and repre- 
 hensible in practice on the part of Socialists of the 
 contrary school. In fact, discussions and disputes on 
 the present state of society, and concerning the funda- 
 mentals of the "social doctrine," may not be unfitly 
 compared to a family quarrel, owing to a discovery of 
 what appear long neglected family deeds and documents, 
 where the more irascible un-Christian Socialist and the 
 more temperate Christian Socialist are like two inimical 
 brothers estranged from each other by long-standing preju- 
 dices, and now compelled to settle matters between them 
 
UNCHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 199 
 
 in the redistribution of the family property in spite of 
 their differences. We need scarcely point out the duty of 
 patient forbearance on the part of those members of the- 
 family who are subject to the chastening influences of 
 the " Religion of Suffering " in dealing with those who 
 deny it ; it is more important to be mindful of our own 
 duty as impartial arbiters in the dispute, so as to give 
 a fair hearing to both sides in our position of critics. 
 
 Modern Socialism, be it recollected, is nothing more 
 or less than a protest, expressed often in bitterness and 
 anger, against the unfavourable social conditions in the 
 lives of vast multitudes which are the acknowledged 
 blots on our modern civilization ; and not only a protest 
 against the existing social order which has produced 
 them, but also the expression of a settled purpose to 
 alter or amend what is amiss either by revolution or 
 reform. This attitude receives a powerful support from 
 the recognition of equal rights, in themselves seemingly 
 irreconcilable with inequalities of conditions and dis- 
 parities of fortune excluding the majority from many 
 of the blessings of" civilization. Their liberties have been 
 increased, but their social dependence on others for the 
 material supplies necessary for existence has been aug- 
 mented at the same time. Moreover, the isolation of the 
 wages labourers, as a class, from others is greater than 
 it was, and tends to class organization. With the class 
 antagonism which has thus sprung up has grown the 
 power of giving it effect by means of combination, and 
 a growing consciousness of strength in numbers and 
 concentration of force, which is partly owing to the 
 extension of political power, and partly to the organiza- 
 tion of labour and the congregation of large bodies of 
 men in factory work. This has been fostered by frequent 
 attempts, more or less successful, of international frater- 
 
200 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 nization of labour, which is becoming at times a menace 
 to the peace of society. 
 
 • What the objects of Social Democracy are we may 
 gather from the programme of the party under the title, 
 " What Social Democrats are, and What they want," 
 published by authority for circulation in Germany, and 
 not materially differing from the manifesto of the Demo- 
 cratic Federation in England- What is required is no 
 less than the foundation of the " People's State " on the 
 ruins of the State as now constituted, and the entire 
 transformation of the present forms of industry by 
 co-operative organization of a "communistic nature." 
 Property, indeed, is not to be abolished, but the acquisi- 
 tion of some men's labour by others is to be prevented 
 as being a spurious kind of property, amounting to 
 " social theft." It can only be effected by the " expro- 
 priation of the expropriators," and this by means of the 
 assumption on the part of the people of all the means 
 and instruments of production. The rights of labour are 
 deduced from the principle that " all wealth is the fruit 
 of labour ; " therefore labour should reap the results of 
 its own exertion, justice demands no less. But the 
 present system of wages labour is the cause of injustice, 
 and yet, since without some sort of organization, labour 
 would not be productive, therefore what is required is 
 common labour for the good of each individual — " Common 
 labour and common enjoyment of the fruits of labour — 
 i.e. Socialistic association in the place of wages labour." * 
 As the body has a soul, so every social movement for 
 improving man's material condition has also a spiritual 
 
 * See " Was die Social Demokraten sind und was sie wollen," 
 pp. 5-8. We give here only a rough outline of the aims of Socialism ; 
 a full account of the subject by the present writer will be found in a paprr 
 on the " Future of Society," in the Contemporary Review for April, 1880. 
 
TJNCHEISTIAN SOCIALISM. 201 
 
 side to it, and so in the present day Materialistic 
 Socialism has its counterpart in Christian Socialism. 
 Socialism appeals to justice, and this moral basis of its 
 demands is the common platform on which Christian 
 and un-Christian Socialism meet. Moreover, Socialism 
 is not merely, as has been said by eminent representatives 
 of both systems, a question of the stomach ; it is also a 
 question about the equitable distribution of ideal goods, 
 the means of higher culture as the results of a progressive 
 civibzation. Here is another point of contact. And, 
 again, Socialism justly emphasizes the communion of 
 interests which actually exists, and the solidarity of 
 social units which in our individualistic society has 
 ceased to be recognized. It also dwells on the importance 
 of social reorganization to prevent the excess of selfish 
 competition, taking the sacred name of liberty in vain 
 in a state of society where the weak compete with the 
 strong, which must ultimately result in the practical 
 enslavement of the former by the latter. In this reaction 
 against unprincipled egotism Socialism proper finds 
 ready allies among Christian Socialists. They, too, 
 acknowledge that the unlimited freedom of individual 
 effort where the race is one often like that between a 
 healthy athlete and a cripple, from an economic point of 
 view, leaves little security against the weak being out- 
 run by the strong. Pure liberty in such a case amounts 
 simply to an alternative between the acceptance of sub- 
 sistence wages and starvation. But whilst our present 
 system may thus often give occasion for the strong to 
 take advantage of the weak, in a purely socialistic state, 
 where the individual would be sacrificed to the welfare 
 of the community, the strong in mind or body would 
 be liable to be sacrificed for the benefit pf the weak. 
 Whereas unlimited liberty in the former case may lead 
 
202 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 to lawlessness, the rigid application of the law of equality 
 in the latter might extinguish liberty, and, with it, that 
 free development of individual energies on which progress 
 depends. Therefore, concludes the Christian Socialist, 
 what is required is, not the suppression of liberty, but its 
 limitation against abuses. 
 
 In the same way Christian Socialism deplores the 
 evil results of competition, but so far from wishing to 
 abolish the present social system of which it forms a 
 part, it would rather improve it by means of legal 
 restrictions and regulations to prevent its mischievous 
 effects if left unchecked. But this only by way of 
 transition. In course of time free, association by co- 
 operation may become possible. We say may, not must, 
 for herein lies the difference between Socialism proper 
 and Christian Socialism ; the latter expects moral amelio- 
 ration before social changes of this magnitude can be 
 expected at the present rate of social, as conditioned by 
 moral, evolution. This is an opinion expressed even by 
 Robert Owen half a century ago, when, exhorting associa- 
 tions formed for this purpose, he bids them " choose men 
 capable of having their minds elevated, and of such 
 moral courage and singleness of purpose, that the passions 
 of men should not be able to turn them from the godlike 
 course which they have to run." 
 
 Si duo faciunt idem non est idem — to be aiming at 
 the same thing and exerting one's self in the same direc- 
 tion, is a very different thing from adopting the same 
 methods and arriving at identical results ; so, too, there 
 is a vast difference between Christian and un-Christian 
 Socialistic principles, their practice and their prospects, 
 their negative criticism and their positive proposals. 
 This opens a wide field of inquiry, but for the present 
 we must confine ourselves to those particular points of 
 
TJNCHKISTIAST SOCIALISM. 203 
 
 pleparture which are rather in the nature of contrary 
 (Opinions on the same subject, and then to those essential 
 and irreconcilable differences which arise from contra- 
 dictory modes of belief, suggested by the title of the 
 present chapter. 
 
 • The great outcry of ordinary Socialists is directed 
 against the appropriation of what they call the surplus 
 value of all commodities produced by those who employ 
 the producers — i.e. those engaged in manual labour- 
 That the latter must be satisfied with the current rate 
 of wages nolens volens, whilst they see thrice the amount 
 of their remuneration taken in the form of profits by 
 their masters, and all this under a semblance of free 
 contract. To protect the wages labourer against this 
 form of " expropriation " they demand for him the full 
 value of the articles produced for his sole enjoyment — 
 in other words, the transference of the means of enjoy- 
 ment over and above that required for the maintenance 
 of life from the employer to the employed. Lazarus and 
 Dives are to change places, or at all events both are to 
 fare sumptuously every day, and to be clothed in purple 
 and fine linen. "The question of consumption," says 
 * Dietzgen, " is the question of man's salvation." 
 
 Now, Christian Socialism does not regard the position 
 of Dives in this life as the summwm bonum of human 
 life. On the contrary, it says, almost in the words of 
 one of its representatives, that happiness does not consist 
 in the increase of enjoyment, but in the full and un- 
 impeded exercise of our energies ; that high effort is a 
 vital and more fruitful source of happiness than luxurious 
 self-indulgence; that the history of wealthy families 
 tends to show how the possession of large means often 
 dulls the senses, and exercises an enervating influence 
 on self-development ; that in this way the grandchildren 
 
204: CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 of millionaires often become paupers ; that the effects of 
 excessive affluence thus act as the most powerful agency 
 for levelling downwards. Thus the number of nobles 
 in Europe who in the course of time have been im- 
 poverished is greater than the number of those who 
 have managed to maintain their position. In commercial 
 communities it is a well-known fact that wealth got 
 by trade seldom remains in the same hands for many 
 generations ("From clogs to clogs takes three genera- 
 tions," is the Lancashire proverb). Here, then, there is 
 a point of departure between Atheistic and Christian 
 Socialism. The former aims at individual satisfaction 
 in material enjoyment diffused equally among all members 
 of the community, the latter demands self-abnegation 
 from all, as an aid to spiritual improvement. M. ReDan, 
 speaking of the Communism of the Primitive Christians 
 in the Apostolic age, refers to this important distinction 
 when he says — 
 
 " Une difference profonde venait de ce que le Commu- 
 nisme Chretien avait une base religieuse, tandis que le 
 Socialisms moderne n'en a pas. II est clair qu'une associ- 
 ation oil le dividende est en raison des besoins de cbacun, et 
 non en raison du capital apporte, ne peut reposer que sur un 
 sentiment d'abnegation tres exalte, et sur une foi evidente, en 
 un ideal religieux." 
 
 Compare with this the following utterances of 
 Socialists : — 
 
 " To have as many requirements as possible, but to 
 satisfy them in an honest, becoming manner, in this con- 
 sists the virtue of our own times ! " These are the very 
 words of Lassalle, pronounced some twenty years ago. 
 " Our Social Democracy is fully aware of the fact that 
 enjoyment is the end of existence, and that enjoyment 
 
UNCHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 205 
 
 in common, and ennobled by science and art, is the 
 highest form of culture, because the only one that is 
 rational and worthy of man." Thus speaks the Social 
 Democrat, in one of its leading articles of comparatively 
 recent date. 
 
 Now, these are purely materialistic aspirations, and 
 they are naturally found in company with atheistic views 
 of life. Professor Schmoller gives the reason for this 
 double tendency in the lower strata of society, which 
 had. best be told in his own words^- 
 
 " Atheism and Materialism, cynical gluttony and waste, 
 indifference towards every form of higher and ideal goods, 
 have made sad inroads among our so-called higher classes 
 for some time, and long before similar complaints were heard 
 among the labourers. But a view of the universe, excluding 
 all belief of the moral government of God and just retri- 
 bution after death, and in which it is forgotten that the 
 highest human happiness is a well-ordered family life and 
 a pure conscience, attainable in the humblest position — such 
 a view, to be in any measure logical, must lead to conclusions 
 such as are implied in the demands of social democracy ; at 
 all events, the demands for a more equalized distribution of 
 wealth. From a purely materialistic point of view the exist- 
 ence of the lower classes is both without joy and without 
 justice." 
 
 If it be said that Atheism thus leads to the brutal- 
 izing of the people, and that, instead of improving their 
 condition, it only turns them into beasts, Socialists are 
 ready with a reply. 
 
 " We can dispense." they say, " with your idea of man 
 being created in the divine image ; for we know that the 
 difference between man and other animals is only one of 
 degree; . . . therefore the future belongs to Atheism, in it 
 alone there is salvation for humanity to recover its proper 
 rights, so long bartered away for an illusive blessing." 
 
206 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 Nor is it very difficult to account for the fervour of 
 this atheistic Materialism, if we bear in mind what is 
 the power of secondary reasons which often determine 
 the course of religious speculation and feeling. The 
 principal cause of this phase of thought in matters of 
 religion among the working classes is not any well- 
 founded antagonism against religion as such, but aliena- 
 tion from the religion of religious professors who belong 
 to the classes against which Socialism is arraying its 
 forces at this moment. In an able, but now rarely quoted, 
 work on Ireland by Mr. Goldwin Smith, there is a 
 passage in which he shows how the religion of the Irish 
 people was on more than one occasion dictated by the 
 exigencies of political warfare. As Lord Macaulay takes 
 pains in showing how the English loyally changed their 
 creeds on several occasions at the bidding of royalty, 
 so Mr. Goldwin Smith seems to think that the Irish 
 gave point to their disloyalty by embracing the religion 
 — Protestant or Catholic — which for the time being 
 happened to be the opposite of that professed by their 
 English rulers. Now, it seems to us that the disaffected 
 Socialists everywhere, and in the same way, accept 
 Atheism, not so much because religion is specially dis- 
 tasteful to them, but because they dislike the ruling 
 classes, who ostensibly take it under their shelter. Crown 
 and altar are the main props of the existing social order, 
 therefore* they must both fall together. This is illus- 
 trated by some strange scenes enacted in Berlin some 
 nine or ten years ago, and which at the time attracted 
 much attention, as they startled the world by a new 
 aspect of Socialism — namely, in the light of a power 
 levelled against religion. 
 
 On March 13, 1878, the funeral of August Heinsch, 
 a comparatively obscure Socialist, took place in that city, 
 
UNCHRISTIAN SOCIALISM, 207 
 
 and some ten thousand of his associates followed him to 
 the grave, among them a considerable number of women. 
 Eed ribbons, red flowers, red scarves, the emblems of the 
 Commune, were worn with studied ostentation, whilst 
 the ladies in the procession carried laurel-wreaths on 
 scarlet cushions. After two hours' march, the procession 
 reached the cemetery of the Free Church, and through 
 a gate, surmounted with the inscription, " There is no 
 hereafter and no meeting again," they passed on to the 
 grave, over which Fritzsche, a Socialist Deputy of the 
 German Parliament, held the first funeral oration. 
 Heinsch, he said, was now before his judge, the judge 
 being the people now present, not the obsolute divinity 
 of the past. After other speakers, Frau Hahn addressed 
 those present, in conclusion assuring them that the pro- 
 letariat had the future of the universe in their hands if 
 they would only unite for a common purpose. A few 
 days later, in a meeting of about twelve hundred women, 
 wives and daughters of artisans, there was a discussion 
 on the principles of religion and property, when the 
 same lady, being called upon to take the chair, gave her 
 reasons for leaving the Church and publicly disavowing 
 every form of religion — 
 
 " I will just relate how I left the Church and became a 
 Socialist. I simply discovered that my belief gave me never 
 anything to eat. With five hungry children about me this argument 
 was conclusive. I am an honest woman, and look everybody 
 in the face, and find it easy to do without Bible and parson. 
 But, ladies, besides being a mother, I happen to be an aunt, 
 and thereby hangs a tale. One of my sisters who is ill, and 
 whom I assisted in a small way, has two little children, 
 unchristened of course.. One day, when I visited her, I was 
 dismayed to find two clerical gentlemen in the room, with 
 long hair faultlessly parted in the middle. I immediately 
 
208 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 insulted them, telling them they had better be off, or I 
 should bring an action against them for invading the privacy 
 of family life. As to my sister, I told her that if the two 
 girls were baptized, they had seen the last of my coin. 
 Ladies, if you are in need of something stupid to believe 
 in, and some hypocritical teacher to impart it, why not 
 invent some fable of your own, and appoint your own men 
 to inculcate the same ? " * 
 
 Here, then, we have a plain reason given for the 
 disavowal of belief in a Deity. The words we have 
 italicized explain all, though the argumentative power 
 they manifest is not of a high order, as the terms of the 
 exhortation contain scarcely a compliment to the intel- 
 lectual resources of the ladies and the intellectual 
 integrity of their husbands. The Christian religion is 
 discarded bBcause Christ no longer feeds the multitudes 
 in the wilderness, or rather because some are fed better 
 than others in this world. 
 
 This fanatical hatred against the Christian religion 
 on purely material grounds is transferred, as a matter of 
 course, to the principal representatives of Christian 
 Socialism, and, if possible, with exaggerated force. Thus, 
 e.g. the official organ of the Socialist party in Germany is 
 constantly denouncing every effort of Christian philan- 
 thropy on behalf of the masses and every attempt of 
 the Christian Social Party to bring about social reforms. 
 Thus in one of a series of leading articles, headed " Prac- 
 tical Christianity " (a phrase used by Prince Bismarck in 
 connection with his proposed measures of social reform, 
 such as the passing of the Insurance Against Accidents 
 Bill in the Diet), after going through the various moves 
 of coarse vituperation, it concludes as follows : — 
 
 * Times, March 20 and 22, 1878. 
 
UNCHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 209 
 
 "Enough of this disgusting muddle of ignorance and 
 baseness, of open and disguised deception of the people f 
 Its authors may flatter themselves to have found in it the 
 elixir which will restore youth to the old Phrynne Capitalist 
 Society ; they may imagine that it will quench the ' fire of 
 the revolutionary spirit ' . . . but as little as Christianity in 
 its heginnings was ahle to prevent the collapse of the Eoman 
 Empire, so little can its contemptible parody of the present 
 day delay the destruction of the universal Empire of Capital. 
 
 " The more adherents are won for the ' true Christianity ' 
 of the Hohenzollern, the more this will become manifest, 
 because in proportion as it shows its true colours it will repel 
 the handful of labourers who have hitherto followed it with 
 sceptical curiosity, and lessen its chances of influencing the 
 great bulk of the working men. . . . "With your 'prac- 
 tical Christianity ' you will never quench the subterranean 
 fire of the revolutionary spirit or hinder its spread ; without 
 cessation it is being propagated, defying every attempt to 
 suppress it, until it has become a mighty conflagration, 
 blazing up in refulgent flame and putting a sudden end to 
 you and your mediaeval mystifications." * 
 
 Nor is this disparaging tone adopted only against 
 the Christian Socialists because of their connection with 
 the Conservative agrarians and the Court party. The 
 Eoman Catholic section of the Christian Social Party fare 
 no better at the hands of the Social Democrats. In 
 reply to a pamphlet by an able Roman Catholic contro- 
 versialist, Hohoff, who claimed for himself and his 
 Church the right to apply the Christian doctrine to the 
 solution of the social problems of the day, his opponent 
 
 "I cannot agree with you in the view you take that 
 Christianity and Socialism aim at the same thing. Christi- 
 
 * SooiaUDemokrat for 1882,, No. 10, and cf. Nob. 50-52 of the same 
 year. 
 
 P 
 
210 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 anity and Socialism are opposed to each other as fire and 
 water. The so-called good kernel in Christianity, which 
 you, not I, discover in it, is not Christian, but merely human, 
 and the peculiarity of Christianity, the bulk of its dogmas 
 and doctrines, is inimical to humanity." 
 
 This leads to another part of our subject, the question 
 how far the principles, practice, and prospects of Christian 
 and un-Christian Socialism are to each other as "fire 
 and water." In general terms, it may be said that the 
 difference of Christian and un-Christian Socialism consists 
 in the constructive and reformatory tendencies of the 
 one, and the destructive and revolutionary proclivities of 
 the other — i.e. not in the end to be attained so much 
 as in the selection of the means for its attainment. The 
 one wants to level down, the other to level up ; the one 
 excites the masses to revolt, the other exhorts the powers 
 that be to reform society and to ameliorate the condition 
 of the people with the aid of the people's guardians, the 
 civil and ecclesiastical authorities in Church and State, 
 The latter would preserve what is capable of conservation 
 in the old institutions, whilst granting all that may be 
 justly claimed by way of innovations ; the former wants 
 to overturn what exists to build on a new foundation. 
 Christian Socialism trusts only to the wisdom of the few, 
 Socialism proper mainly to the power of the many. Both 
 profess to adopt legal means only for compassing their 
 ends, acting through Parliament and the representation 
 of the people, but this, in the case of the Socialists, only 
 for the present and for tactical purposes, and, in the case 
 of the Christian Socialists, as a pis aller ; the former are 
 ready at any moment to invoke the will of the people, 
 the latter to fall back on a " strong monarchy." That 
 Socialists only intend using parliamentary • forms and 
 social reforms by authority as means to an end was 
 
UNCHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 211 
 
 affirmed by resolution at their congress at Copenhagen a 
 few years ago, and the chief reason given was the utter 
 futility of all efforts of peaceful social reform.* Reforms 
 from above, they say, apart from insincerity of motives, 
 must be naturally very slow, because of the great diffi- 
 culty of class-interests which they have to encounter. For 
 this reason, delays will only aggravate the intensity of 
 suffering from below, until, in course of time, and before 
 very long, it becomes unbearable, the spread of education 
 and other civilizing influences hastening on the process. 
 Thus it is anticipated by Socialists and pessimists of the 
 social Conservative class alike, that the conflict will grow 
 more fierce and determined, and the emancipation of the 
 " Fourth Estate " will force its way from below through 
 the hard crust of custom and prescription, to break out 
 at last in a sudden social volcanic eruption, like that 
 which emancipated the third Esbate in the great French 
 Revolution. 
 
 In short, what distinguishes the two forms of Socialism 
 seems to be chiefly a differentia of method. This, 
 however, only appears so at first sight. There is a more 
 profound difference of first principles which underlies 
 the reasoning and efforts of Christian and un-Christian 
 Socialism, as deep and wide as the difference between 
 Atheistic and Christian conceptions of life and the 
 universe. To give a few instances illustrating this 
 divergence of opinion as far as it affects the principles 
 of action of these two antagonistic modes of thought on 
 social questions, we will select two or three fundamental 
 doctrines of modern Socialism to show to what extent 
 they are influenced by atheistic views of life. 
 
 In the first place we will take the so-called " brazen 
 
 * See " Protokoll iiber den Kongress der deutschen Social Demokratie 
 in Kopenhagen," pp. 29, 30. 
 
212 CHEISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 law of wages," which condemns the masses of the labour- 
 ing population to perpetual servitude ; as stated origi- 
 nally by the " orthodox " economists and in its present 
 form, as rechauffe' with a flavour of Socialism by Lassalle 
 and his followers, it would amount to this : — The laws 
 of demand and supply reign supreme in the labour 
 market, wages rise and fall according to the number of 
 hands seeking employment, or the number of hands 
 required — i.e. "hands" living on subsistence wages. 
 The rise of wages and the consequent improved condi- 
 tion of the wages labourer tend to promote improvident 
 marriages and increase of population, that is, increased 
 demand for employment, which at once produces a fall 
 in the price of labour. When the lowest point has been 
 reached by emigration, forced celibacy, depopulation, 
 and other drastic natural remedies, there will be a move- 
 ment of the pendulum in the contrary direction. The 
 reduction in the number of hands now creates a larger 
 demand for them, and wages rise to their normal height 
 again. This is the fatal law at the base of our industrial 
 system which determines and perpetuates the condition 
 of those who never rise above the rank of wages-earners, 
 a condition which implies a minimum of comfort as their 
 standard of life. There is little difference in the concep- 
 tion of this supposed cruel law of nature between the 
 political economist, who simply defines it in the exposi- 
 tion of his science and the Socialist, who rebels against 
 its provisions^both consider it in the light of a " neces- 
 sary law" as part of the social order under which we 
 live. Here we have an illustration of that fatalistic view 
 of social life which is so closely related to Atheism, as a 
 system, denying the existence of a Divine Power in or 
 above nature. 
 
 The Christian Socialist admits the "reign of law," 
 
UNCHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. ^13 
 
 and •would, moreover, bring men under the law of 
 obedience, but he also believes in the power of human 
 will determining the laws which govern society, itself 
 subject to the higher will of God, the God of truth and 
 justice. By the exercise of will,, that which seems to 
 be a law, but is only the description of a sad state of 
 things, may be put an end to by the determination of 
 Christian employers to transact business with their men 
 on Christian principles as by the collective will of the 
 Christian community legislative protection may supple- 
 ment the deficiencies of private effort. Thus it is possible 
 to break through the " iron law " in snapping asunder 
 the fetters forged by selfishness and. greed, and to lessen 
 human misery " stereotyped " by no other force but that 
 of will misapplied and perpetuated solely by the general 
 consensus of mankind to be guided by no other laws, 
 but those of mean and unmitigated selfishness* 
 
 Of course, this implies moral progress, and with it 
 and in consequence thereof the free development of 
 human institutions with the expansion of the Christian 
 idea. Herein consists the superiority of the Christian 
 social standpoint. In its recognition of law govern- 
 ing human affairs it dpes not forget the Lawgiver, 
 it is a stranger both to the resignation of inactive 
 fatalism and the resentment of the fatalist who tears at 
 the chain of Necessity in rage, because it regards these 
 secondary laws subject to a higher and universal law 
 and forming part of a Divine plan. Hence, to apply the 
 words of the Agnostic philosopher — 
 
 " Such an one, no longer regarding the mere outside of 
 things, has learned to look for the secret forces by which they 
 are upheld. After patient study, this chaos of phenomena 
 
 * Of. Ratzinger, "Die Volkswirthschaft in ihren sittlichen Grund- 
 lagen," p. 181 and ante. 
 
214 CHEISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 into the midst of which he was born, has begun to generalize 
 itself to him ; and where there seemed nothing but confusion, 
 he can now discern the dim outlines of a gigantic plan. . . . 
 Growth is unceasing, and, though slow, all powerful ; show- 
 ing itself in some rapidly developing outline, and there, where 
 the necessity is less, exhibiting only the fibrils of incipient 
 organization. Irresistible, as it is subtle, he sees in the 
 worker of these changes a power that bears onwards peoples 
 and governments, regardless of their theories and schemes 
 and prejudices — a power which sucks the life out of those 
 lauded institutions, shrivels up their State parchments with 
 a breath, paralyzes long-venerated authorities, obliterates the 
 most deep-graven laws, makes statesmen recant and puts 
 prophets to the blush, buries cherished customs, shelves 
 precedents, and which, before men are j*t conscious of the 
 fact, has wrought a revolution in all things, and filled the 
 world with a higher life. Always towards perfection is 
 the mighty movement — towards a complete development and 
 a more unmixed good. . . . Each new fact illustrates more 
 clearly some recognized law or discloses some inconceived 
 completeness ; contemplation thus perpetually discovering to 
 him a higher harmony, and cherishing in him a deeper faith." * 
 
 Very nearly akin to the brazen law of wages in its 
 tendencies and results, is the theory formulated by 
 Lassalle, but expressed, though in a less definite form, by 
 the older Socialists, like Morelly and Kobert Owen, that 
 man is the victim of a conjuncture of circumstances and 
 events, so that, socially speaking, he is not a responsible 
 being at all. Lassalle, had he lived to the present day, 
 would be able to point to the late war between China 
 and France, and the complications in which English 
 politics were involved in Egypt, or the rumours of war 
 at the present hour, or the miscarriage of an international 
 'commercial treaty between Italy and France owing to 
 
 * Herbert Spencer, '.' Social Statics," pp. 322, 323 (Edit. 1868). 
 
UNCHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 215 
 
 paltry official quarrels, as examples to show how in 
 their direct and indirect results these factors profoundly 
 influence all those who depend upon the fluctuation's 
 of commerce, and produce economic effects in the con- 
 dition of workmen in both hemispheres which it is 
 impossible by any effort of the will on their part to 
 prevent or to control. In the same way, a cotton famine 
 in the United States, a sudden demand for the silver 
 currency in Japan, or the unexpected discovery of new 
 silver mines in any given portion of the globe raising. or 
 depreciating the value of the currency, would seriously 
 affect the commerce of the world, and consequently the 
 condition of those who depend for their employment on 
 the enterprising capitalist. This conjunction of events 
 Lassalle calls the fatum of the modern system of industry. 
 It plays at balls with the supposed liberty of individuals, 
 hoisting up some into the lap of fortune, hurling down 
 others into the abyss of poverty. The causes and results 
 of over-production, the abnormal stagnation of trade in 
 consequence of over-speculation, and the disappearance 
 of some industries, like the silk ribbon trade of Coventry 
 by the action of fiscal measures with all their far-reach- 
 ing consequences, these are so many links in the " orphic 
 chain" of contingencies, the "fatum of the capitalistic 
 bourgeoisie ; " the chief victims are those passive agents 
 in the process, the wages labourers and their families, 
 who are only the adjuncts of the machines at which they 
 work, part of a commercial mechanism, which neither 
 they nor their masters have the power effectually to 
 control. Here again, Atheism and fatalism touch, and 
 in their common influence become either causes of aim- 
 less apathy, or acute apprehension, they produce indif- 
 ference in the face of the unavoidable or fear of the 
 unknown, either of which have the effect of paralyzing 
 
216 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 human effort ; for what can avail against an untoward 
 combination of circumstances, which by no ingenuity 
 of man it is possible to avert, or against incalculable 
 chances, which it is impossible to divine ? Belief in a 
 ruling power is the magic thread which can guide man 
 in the labyrinth of such a social edifice, where he sees, 
 not fate, but the working together of the complicated 
 factors, material and moral, in the social mechanism that 
 supplies him with insight and foresight to calculate con- 
 tingencies, and to register fluctuations so as to provide 
 for possible emergencies. Because belief in a divine 
 plan of the universe stimulates the spirit of inquiry 
 and discovery, and prompts action upon the knowledge 
 thus acquired, according to Spinoza's beautiful sayin'g : 
 "Human affairs are not intended to be either the subject 
 of lament or ridicule, they have to be understood." 
 
 One more instance shall be given to illustrate the 
 peculiar fatalistic tendency of thought, inseparable from 
 an atheistic view of social life, and that is what we may 
 call the eschatology of modern Socialism. The evolution 
 of society according to this view is simply a dialectical 
 process ending in its destruction. This destruction, how- 
 ever, is nothing else but structural metamorphosis, our 
 modern society is to pass away, like its predecessors, to 
 make room for another, which, of course^ is the socialistic 
 commonwealth. Nothing can retard the rolling on of 
 the " iron wheels of necessity ; " the coming social revolu- 
 tion is as 'certain and unavoidable as certain cataclysms 
 of Nature and occasional discharges of electricity are 
 determined beforehand by fixed laws. According to 
 this socialistic philosophy of history, the struggle of 
 classes now going on under the names of Socialism 
 and Nihilism is a fact inseparable from the nature 
 of things. The war between capital and labour is 
 
UNCHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 217 
 
 destined to become more sanguinary with the accele- 
 rated accumulation of capital in a few hands and the 
 corresponding augmentation of discontented poverty and 
 wretchedness among the " helots of society.'' The crush 
 comes at last when the exasperated slaves of labour shall 
 have become sufficiently strong and united to strike the 
 fatal blow to society. It is but natural that Socialists 
 who see the operation of a fatal law of wages at the 
 base of the present system of industry, and a fatality 
 governing all the intermediate processes, should also 
 look forward to a fatal collapse of the whole system in 
 the sequel, though the end is not yet. 
 
 The result of such a view of social development can 
 produce nothing else, but either the despair of pessimistic 
 fatalism, or the kindling rage and smothered resentment 
 of anarchists and opportunists. And so we find the 
 Utopian optimism of the earlier forms of Socialism dis- 
 placed by nihilistic pessimism in its most recent mani- 
 festations, as the unavoidable result of growing disbelief 
 in transcendental ideas. The alarming increase of suicides 
 on the Continent has been ascribed, and probably not 
 without some reason, to the corroding effects of this kind 
 of sceptical despondency. 
 
 Some years ago, relates Heinrich von Treitschke, on 
 visiting one of the mines near Freiberg, as he was rest- 
 ing with some of his companions at the bottom of one 
 of the shafts, and when in those eternal depths below 
 surrounded by the majestic gloom of walls of gneiss, an 
 expression of wonder at the greatness of God escaped 
 involuntarily the lips of one of them, their guide, a 
 little miner, broke out at once in wild blasphemies, say- 
 ing, '' You are rich and I am poor ; how can there be a 
 benevolent God ? " " Earely in my life," adds the nar- 
 rator, " have I experienced a feeling of such profound 
 
218 CHKISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 pity; what ties were there to hold such a miserable 
 wretch as this to life ? what prevented him throwing 
 himself into yonder deep ? Nothing but cowardice and 
 animal instinct." 
 
 But in the case of the sanguine and the active, the 
 repressed rage and resentment vent themselves in some- 
 thing stronger than words. Their creed is " Ni dieu, ni 
 maitre," and they act upon it, or at least are preparing 
 for action by means of cougs de revolution. Revolt 
 tionary methods, may seem inconsistent with a fatalistic 
 belief in social evolution according to fixed laws. But 
 the objection would probably bg met by our modern 
 Socialists very much in the same way as the Stoic met 
 the 'arguments of his servant. The servant, according to 
 the well-known story, had purloined his master's goods, 
 and when charged with having committed a heinous 
 crime, pleaded the stoical principle of necessity as his 
 only excuse. " I could not help doing what I did ; I 
 only followed the irreversible laws of nature." " True," 
 replied the Stoic; "and I, too, in strict obedience to the. 
 same law, find it necessary to give you a sound thrash- 
 ing by way of punishment ; " and so he beat him within 
 an inch of his life. Slightly transposing the characters 
 of the story, Socialists would probably say : " Our 
 masters are what they are by reason of the law of social 
 development, but by the same law we, their slaves, 
 follow our own destiny in putting an end to their power, 
 if not their existence." We have not met with this 
 argument in any of the Socialist writings, but something 
 of the sort may be gathered from many hints and innu- 
 endoes contained in them, all of which seem to say: 
 What is called modern progress is nothing else but the 
 rapidity of movement in modern society stepping into 
 its own grave, from which it shall rise transmuted and 
 
TTNCHBISTIAN SOCIALISM. 219 
 
 transfigured as a perfect state organized on Socialist 
 principles. The opportunist is satisfied in undermining 
 the social edifice, the irreconcilable would precipitate 
 events by means of dynamite. " The dynamite of ideas 
 is accompanied in the background by the dynamite of 
 material force. These modern explosives may easily 
 prove to capitalism what gunpowder was to feudalism." * 
 Outsiders may deride the inconsistency of such tactics 
 by means of which Socialists try to give effect to " over- 
 ripe views " under comparatively " unripe conditions of 
 society," as they find it difficult to reconcile develop- 
 mental social theories with anti-social methods of agita- 
 tion. But Possibilists and Intransigentes alike reply : — 
 " The revolution is prepared in the womb of society, it 
 needs but one strenuous and organized effort to manifest 
 the new period in legal and acknowledged shape to the 
 world." f And if peaceable means fail, why, then, in the 
 words of the Social Democrat, force must be used against 
 force — and " Nitro-glycerine " becomes " the ultima 
 ratio," the last argument $ of an oppressed humanity. 
 Such are the results of a union between Socialism and 
 Atheism. Its tendencies are destructive as the Deistic 
 Socialism of men like St. Simon was constructive. 
 "Religion," said the latter, "should direct society to- 
 wards the grand design of the speedy amelioration of 
 the class which is at once the poorest and the most 
 numerous." Socialists, who nowadays deride "drafts 
 on eternity," scornfully reject all such overtures to a 
 peaceful solution of this social problem. Nothing can 
 therefore save society from the present danger but the 
 
 * H. M. Hyndman, "Historical Basis of Socialism in England," p. 443. 
 t " A Summary of the Principles of Socialism : -written for the Demo- 
 cratic Federation," by H. M. Hyndman and William Morris, p. 61. 
 % Der Social-Demokrat for 1883, No. 17. 
 
220 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 restitution of genuine religious belief. The spiritual 
 dynamics of faith, hope, and love, to counteract " the 
 force of dynamite " and hate ; the growth of co-operation 
 on truly fraternal principles in the place of spoliation in 
 any of the varied forms of " Collectivism ; " participation 
 of profit between master and man generalized and 
 extended until it has become universal, as an antidote 
 against combination for the purposes of industrial war- 
 fare ; the free play of organic growth, as opposed to 
 agitatorial organization — these are the conditions of a 
 gradual transformation of society to be effected mainly 
 by the action of ethical forces— Atheistic Socialism must 
 be encountered by the highest spiritual forces in the 
 social organism to arrest its course, or divert it into safe 
 channels. 
 
 " Atheism," said a Christian Socialist in the course of the 
 Socialist debate in the German Diet in December, 1882, 
 " cannot be suppressed by force ; ... it can only be over- 
 come by internal means. This is our common task, to bring 
 about a moral and spiritual renewal in the heart of the 
 people. I am very far from making Social Democrats alone 
 responsible for atheistic excesses. The roots of this unhappy 
 state extend to wider circles of the educated, the learned, 
 the party of the Left. Yes, gentlemen, it is in your press, 
 in your literature that they have learned their atheism, and 
 for this reason they have cried out against the bourgeoisie : 
 'You have taken from us heaven, do not wonder if we 
 demand of you the earth.' Here it behoves every party 
 opposed to- social disruption to turn over a new leaf, to return 
 to a better mind which believes in the Divine foundation of 
 order here below. ... It is my political conviction that the 
 great conflict which marks the period we live in is the 
 acceptance or rejection of a Christian view of the Universe, 
 and I believe that our political and social disorders cannot 
 be remedied unless we adopt the former alternative." 
 
( 221 ) 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 SOCIAL DUTY OF THE CLERGY. 
 
 The Church Congress of 1887 was signalized by a 
 new departure. The principal paper on the subject of 
 Socialism was written by a bishop, and one of the most 
 prominent Socialists in London, a leading member of 
 the Social Democratic Federation, Mr. Champion, was 
 permitted to take part in the discussion, a permission 
 which received the cordial approval of the meeting, when 
 asked to express its opinion to that effect by the Bishop 
 of Lichfield, whose concluding words were these : " The 
 greatest philanthropists had come, not from the ranks 
 of Socialism, but from the ranks of the Christian 
 Church." 
 
 Now, although the introductory paper of the Bishop 
 of Derry was on the whole conceived in the spirit of 
 discriminating sympathy with the objects of Socialism, 
 and although it contained such concessions as these, 
 that "the sentiment and aspiration of Socialism are 
 distinctly Christian;" that "every Christian is a bit 
 of a Socialist, and every Socialist a bit of a Christian ; " 
 that " Socialism only exists in Christian countries ; " and 
 that "the spirit and aspiration of Socialism has a 
 Christian aspect ; "—yet the impression produced by all 
 this on the Socialist mind was far from. favourable. 
 
222 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 In an early number of Justice, the organ of the 
 Social Democratic Federation in England, the subject 
 was alluded to in an article under the title "Church 
 and People," and from it we give the following extract, 
 containing the introductory and concluding remarks of 
 the article, to show the difficult position of the clergy, 
 created no doubt partially by faults of their own order 
 in the past, but still more so by the unreasonable attitude 
 of the Socialist body, as represented by their principal 
 spokesmen, and requiring on the part of the clergy that 
 sweet reasonableness inculcated in the example of Him 
 their Master : — 
 
 " The Church Congress has been in session and has dis- 
 cussed a number of things, among others the relation between 
 the Church and Socialism. The only practical result of 
 these discussions has been to show that the Church, as an 
 organization, is entirely out of sympathy with the popular 
 movements and aspirations of to-day, and that its dignitaries 
 and ministers, with the exception of a small minority — so 
 small indeed that its activity alone redeems it from insignifi- 
 cance — are not prepared to do anything to alter this, and are 
 to be reckoned among the worst enemies of the people. . . . 
 There is undoubtedly much to be said for Christianity from 
 a Socialist point of view ; the brotherhood and equality of 
 man we have always regarded as fundamental doctrines of 
 the Christian Creed ; but we have nothing to do with 
 theology in these columns, what we are concerned to point 
 out is that the Church is against us, and that clericalism is 
 still the enemy." * 
 
 * See Justice, October 10, 1887. The above is further illustrated by 
 the following, taken from the Times of last year : — " Christianity and 
 Socialism. — The Rev. W. Probyn-Nevins having urged on Mr. Hyndman 
 the necessity of disconnecting English Socialism with the anti-Christian 
 Socialism of Germany and France, and also suggesting that the leaders 
 should jointly memorialize the London clergy to help and collect funds for 
 
SOCIAL DUTY OF THE CLERGY. 223 
 
 Thus social agitators, political pamphleteers, and the 
 organs advocating the labourers' cause in the press, are 
 all severe in their criticism of the attitude supposed 
 to have been taken up by the clergy of the National 
 Church towards the working people. It shows that 
 the day has come for clergymen to decide what is their 
 position and what are their duties in the presence of the 
 great social question of the day. 
 
 For the clergy of the Church of England are a body 
 of men whose lives and whose work are so intimately 
 blended with the life and work of the nation, that it is 
 impossible for them to hold aloof from a great social 
 movement without endangering considerably their own 
 individual position, and jeopardizing the prestige and 
 influence for good of the Church to which they belong. 
 They are not a mystic priesthood, separated from the 
 people by impassable barriers, nor a sacerdotal caste with 
 special interests of their own apart from the interests 
 of the community at large. They are a citizen clergy, 
 appointed, indeed, for the express purpose of performing 
 spiritual functions, but by no means excluded thereby 
 from the totality of national life. As integral parts of 
 the social nexus they are influenced by, and influencing 
 in return, the social movements around them. As 
 ministers and men, therefore, they have social duties to 
 
 the distress, has received the following letter :— ' 10, Devonshire-street, 
 Portland-place, W., Jan. 21. Dear Sir,— We Social Democrats have found 
 that the ministers of religion in the metropolis, as elsewhere, with a few 
 honourable exceptions, side with the rich and against the poor. This 
 being so, I for one should consider any such memorial from us quite out 
 of place and useless. Social Democrats are no more anti-Christian than 
 anti-Mahomedan, anti-Buildhist, or anti-Cunfucian. Christianity, as 
 seen in this country, is merely the chloroform agency of the confiscating 
 classes. Consequently the workmen are daily turning more and more 
 against its professors. Yours faithfully, H. M. Hyndman. The Kev. W. 
 Proby n-Nevins. '" 
 
224 OHEISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 perform towards the laity of all classes. As followers of 
 Him whom the common people heard gladly, and whose 
 gospel was pre-eminently the gospel of the poor, they 
 owe a special debt to the working classes. 
 
 What are these duties ? 
 
 In the first place we would suggest what are those 
 duties towards " the people " before being brought into 
 actual contact with the clergy, i.e. our preliminary duties 
 in connection with the amelioration of their condition, 
 and in the impending settlement of present difficulties 
 arising from their struggle for material improvement. 
 The first duty is to divest our minds of all class preju- 
 dices and unfair leanings to either side, so as to be able 
 to take up the position of peace-makers between the 
 contending parties — in short, we must be perfectly im- 
 partial. 
 
 Besides this negative duty to secure candid neutrality 
 there is the positive obligation of mutual sympathy 
 with rich and poor. In order to become true, judicious, 
 and, therefore, influential mediators between two exas- 
 perated opponents, whose judgment is blinded by passion 
 and warped by self-interest, we must possess not only a 
 cool head but also a warm heart, a right judgment in all 
 things, together with the glow of genuine kindliness and 
 expansive humanity. Thus we may win the affections 
 and gain the respect of both the contending parties, be 
 they at- variance with or without a cause. 
 
 From general observation, especially among the 
 country clergy, we should be inclined to say, admitting 
 many exceptions, that the manner and method in dealing 
 with the working classes on the part of the clergyman 
 is very often either that of overbearing dictatorial 
 pomposity, or that of softly soothing mildness and good- 
 natured imbecility. The former tries to allay discontent 
 
SOCIAL DUTY OF THE CLEEGY. 225 
 
 by main force, the latter by bland speeches ; the first is 
 resented with bitter scorn, the last is dismissed with a 
 contemptuous smile, and both succeed in alienating the 
 masses of the people — those very people on whose 
 suffrages, ultimately, will depend (humanly speaking) 
 the continuance of the Church of England as established 
 by law. 
 
 The real secret of success in the performance of our 
 duty towards the working classes lies in our approaching 
 them as fellow-men and fellow- Christians, without pride 
 or prejudice, but with loving candour and genuine 
 sympathy ; to listen to their grievances, to understand 
 their peculiar trials, to examine their statements with 
 a firm resolution to support any just cause, and with 
 unbiased judgment to reject all unwarrantable pre- 
 tensions. 
 
 If this is the proper disposition of mind and heart 
 before actual intervention, what, in the next place, are 
 the principles to guide us when brought into immediate 
 relations with the working classes in our semi-social 
 capacity ? 
 
 This subject divides itself into three heads, as touching 
 the body, heart, and mind — the material privations, the 
 sentimental grievances, and the mental destitution of the 
 labouring people. 
 
 1. With the growing wealth and industry of our age, 
 and the increased indulgence among the rich in luxury 
 and prodigality as a compensation for "life at high 
 pressure " in the present day, we need not wonder that the 
 labourers should be equally desirous of improving their 
 temporal well-being, and so demanding a larger share in 
 the enjoyments of life. The clergy are always ready, 
 as in duty bound, to remind the working classes of their 
 spiritual interests. There is a danger, however, of 
 
 Q 
 
226 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 seeming to discourage lawful desires after material im- 
 provement by laying too much stress on the comparative 
 unimportance of a more complete enjoyment of the good 
 things of this world. Unfortunately we do not always 
 preach the same doctrine of voluntary abstinence to the 
 rich, nor do we always practise it consistently in our own 
 lives. But even if we did, and poor curates with large 
 families did show an exemplary indifference to promotion, 
 and clergymen with good livings and private means 
 refused sometimes better appointments in favour of their 
 poorer brethren (a case of very rare occurrence), even 
 then it would still remain very doubtful how far they 
 would be justified in discouraging yearnings after social 
 improvement among the poor people.* 
 
 Those who know most about their squalid homes, 
 their wretched fare, and inadequate means for the pro- 
 vision of ordinary comforts, not to mention the higher 
 and more refined enjoyments of life, will not be rash in 
 discouraging any effort towards ameliorating their present 
 condition. At all events, " it is surely useful that the 
 attention of people " who have much goods laid up for 
 many years " should forcibly be arrested, and that they 
 should be made to consider why it is that in the richest 
 country of the world the condition of a large proportion 
 
 * Compare with this the following, extracted from a Socialist print : — 
 " The following are offenders against the law of Christ : — 1. Pos- 
 sessors of knowledge, beautiful objects, or luxuries who do not share 
 them with the poor. Owners of houses and parks, givers of dinners, who 
 invite to the enjoyment of their best those only who can. ask again. 2. 
 Women who carelessly wear fine clothes, without having inquired into 
 the possible cost in a sister's shame or death. Bargain-mongers who 
 forget that some "cheap" things are too dear for "human" use. 3. 
 Employers who take their profit and do not concern themselves to know 
 how the employed live. Men who think that 5 per cent, is a law of God, 
 and that the body He created to be a temple of His spirit can be fed, 
 clothed, and recreated on a few shillings a week." 
 
SOCIAL DUTY OF THE CLERGY. 227 
 
 of the labouring classes is so bad that it can hardly be 
 worse." * 
 
 To bring this matter before the more wealthy and 
 influential members of their congregations is one of the 
 duties of the clergy. We must, indeed, remind both 
 the rich and poor in this eminently material age that 
 the mmmum bonum does not consist in material enjoy- 
 ment. On the other hand, there is no reason why 
 abstinence should be encouraged as a virtue of the poor 
 only. It is our duty rather to help the working classes 
 in their endeavour to improve materially as being the 
 first step towards doing so spiritually. There are many 
 opportunities for thus providing secular means for the 
 attainment of spiritual ends. The clergyman can, by 
 means of establishing coal clubs, blanket clubs, clothing 
 and benefit clubs, encourage the " savings of the people " 
 in various ways. He can, moreover, help them in dis- 
 couraging early and imprudent marriages, insobriety, 
 and wasteful expenditure, and thus help, without being 
 inquisitorial or hypercritical, towards improving the con- 
 dition of the people as far as this depends on themselves. 
 Where his influence can procure for them higher wages 
 or a reduction of the hours of labour, there can be no 
 question as to his duty to use it in that direction. For 
 a due supply of corporeal wants will form a physical 
 basis for a moral and spiritual superstructure. It is 
 worth while noticing that our Lord in his compassion 
 for the multitude miraculously fed them with loaves and 
 fishes, whilst at the same time speaking to them about 
 the " word of life." This, however, is not the same thing 
 as holding out charitable doles for the purpose of filling 
 our churches with worshippers. 
 
 * Mrs. Fawoett in the " Encyclopaedia Britannica," ««b voae " Com- 
 
228 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 2. In the next place, we would allude to the sentimental 
 grievances or feelings of dissatisfaction with the position 
 they occupy on the part of the working classes. With 
 them it is not only a question of material enjoyment, 
 but a question of social privileges, and the removal of 
 remaining inequalities between employers and employed 
 arising from the virtual dependence of the latter on the 
 former. Here the Christian minister can fully exercise 
 his mediatorial office, holding out the right hand of 
 fellowship to rich and poor at the same time. Chris- 
 tianity from the first has been in favour of freedom, 
 having been mainly instrumental in the removal of 
 slavery and serfdom all over civilized Europe. 
 " All equal are within the Church's gate," 
 has been the maxim of Christianity from the first. The 
 parable of Dives and Lazarus would seem to indicate the 
 general tendency of Christ's social teaching. And in 
 this parable we do not discover any encouragement for 
 those of his followers who, in their unappreciated zeal 
 for. the maintenance of social order, have too great a regard 
 for the " sacredness of the money-bag " and the hallowed 
 associations of " position." Yet what are the facts ? 
 
 It was said in an article on " Clericality," in Fraser's 
 Magazine more than ten years ago, but the charge has 
 been repeated often since, that although, as a rule, the 
 clergyman and his family are kind and helping friends 
 of the agricultural labourer, yet "when, for the first 
 time, the labourers showed (in joining the Agricultural 
 Union) some independence, some desire to help them- 
 selves, and to unite for the protection and advancement 
 of their order, they were met on the part of the clergy 
 almost universally by coldness, by discouragement, and 
 even by obloquy." * 
 
 * Fraser's Magazine, October, 1877, p. 445. 
 
SOCIAL DUTY OF THE CLERGY. 229 
 
 So, too, Mr. Bright, in a -well-known speech on 
 ecclesiastical matters, delivered a few years ago, 
 endeavoured to show "how largely indifferent to the 
 aspirations of the people " the clergy are as a body in 
 the present day. 
 
 There may be a great deal of truth in these charges. 
 Some clergymen, in their readiness to act as a sort of 
 spiritual police to keep the people in order, may forget 
 at times that in so doing they act in plain contradiction 
 to the principles laid down in their own creed, for Chris- 
 tianity is a religion of progress. To repress the onward 
 movement of the working classes, instead of heading and 
 so modifying its current, is to put obstacles in the way of 
 the " ascent of man." Those who delight in it may have 
 to share the usual fate of obstructive reactionists, as in 
 the case of the Gallican clergy at the outbreak of the 
 French Revolution. 
 
 Besides, we forget sometimes, in our anxiety to pre- 
 vent an undue degree of levelling down, that the Chris- 
 tian scheme implies levelling up, in holding out high 
 ideals to all, and so being conducive towards the moral 
 and spiritual elevation of the many, and a gradual 
 equalization of all, raised on a higher level. 
 
 In meeting the demands of the working classes on 
 this head it is well to remember the words of Charles 
 Kingsley: "The Church has three special possessions 
 and treasures — the Bible, which proclaims man's free- 
 dom; Baptism, his equality; the Lord's Supper, his 
 brotherhood." 
 
 3. In the last place we would say a word on the duty 
 of the clergy towards the working classes in view of their 
 appalling mental destitution. Special efforts have been 
 made in the direction of popular education of late, more 
 especially for the purpose of securing religious education 
 
230 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 in primary schools. There can be no doubt as to the 
 supreme importance of rescuing the rising generation from 
 the mire of ignorance and mental inanity, which at all 
 times presents an all but insurmountable obstacle to the 
 spread of rational faith and intelligent religion. But 
 other means of educating mind and heart are required in 
 order to fit working people for a more refined enjoyment 
 of the present life, as a preparation state for the next. 
 Working men's clubs, museums, libraries, popular lectures, 
 readings^ debating societies, mutual improvement societies, 
 schools of art, and other means of culture, ought to be 
 brought within reach of the working man and encouraged 
 by the clergy, so as to make the civilizing influences of 
 the Church felt and appreciated. 
 
 There is still, however, another sort of mental im- 
 provement for which the clergyman is in a measure 
 responsible, namely, the spread of correct ideas on social 
 questions. In nine cases out of ten the people are led 
 astray by false promises and incorrect statements of some 
 of their leaders, as to the actual state and prospects of 
 trades, and as to their own relative position and social 
 status. They are rendered dissatisfied by demagogues, . 
 or remain in a state of chronic discontent because of their 
 incorrect notions on the mutual relationship existing be- 
 tween the different sections of society, and because they 
 are utterly ignorant of the leading principles of economics. 
 The clergyman in his daily intercourse with the people 
 can do much towards removing these misconceptions, 
 and promoting a mutual understanding between the 
 labourers and their employers. Clergymen will easily 
 recollect the classical story of the Plebeians resorting to 
 " Mons Sacer " in their social revolt against the Patricians, 
 and how Menenius Agrippa taught them the mutual in- 
 terdependence of all the members in the social organism. 
 
SOCIAL DUTY OF THE CLERGY. 231 
 
 So our modern Plebs ought to find some wise men in the 
 Holy Mount of Zion ready and competent to take up the 
 parable of conciliation. 
 
 To begin at the beginning, the rising generation might 
 be taught in our national schools the most elementary 
 lessons in social economics and money matters.* Their 
 growing up with a sounder knowledge on such questions 
 would secure them against the mischief arising from 
 sheer ignorance of social economy. Perhaps it would be 
 as well for the teachers themselves to become acquainted 
 with some of the text-books of Political Economy before 
 venturing upon the task here assigned them, and the 
 Bishop of Derry, in the paper already alluded to, recom- 
 mends the " Endowment of a Chair of Christian 
 Sociology " in our theological colleges. 
 
 The adults can only be influenced by way of sym- 
 pathetic intercourse and judicious advice administered by 
 the clergyman in the course of his pastoral visits. He 
 ought, on this account, to be acquainted with social 
 questions to the same extent at least as he is on politics, 
 so as to give weight to his opinions, and to gain a re- 
 spectful hearing from those whom he tries to influence. 
 With a view to this at least, a few lectures on economic 
 and social questions to men reading for holy orders at 
 the universities and theological colleges might be strongly 
 recommended. 
 
 * The writer here speaks from experience. After several years' teach- 
 ing, as curate, some of the higher classes in one or two National schools of 
 his parish from Archbishop Whately's little book on " Money Matters," 
 he found upon examination for the prizes offered at the close of the year a 
 very striking amount of proficiency attained by boys and girls from eleven 
 to thirteen years of age. At the same time, the teacher ought not to 
 depend entirely on/the lessons of this little book, but correct them from 
 other manuals, such as the " Primer on Political Economy," by Professor 
 Jevons, and the " Economics of Industry," by A. and M. Marshall. 
 
232 CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. 
 
 In the present emergency, when — 
 
 " The old order ohangeth, yielding place to new," 
 
 when other religious bodies are rising with the occasion, 
 is the Church of England, the Church of the people, 
 alone to lose her hold on the working classes from any 
 want of sympathy with popular aspirations ? 
 
 " Is not God himself," as some one said at the Church 
 Congress of 1873, " calling this Church of ours, which has so 
 unique a position in the world, with its animating historical 
 traditions, with its every fibre twisted into the complex 
 interests of a great people, to disown the ignoble task of 
 bolstering up the privileges of the fortunate, and to claim the 
 honour of a generous unworldliness, the sacred right of 
 sympathy with the poor and the weak ? " 
 
 These are serious questions for clergymen to consider. 
 On the answer to such questions will depend in a great 
 measure the future usefulness and the ultimate fate of 
 the Church of England as an established Church. 
 
 PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED, LONDON AND BECCLES. 
 
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Classified List of Publications. 19 
 
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Classified List of Publications. 21 
 
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Classified List of Publications. 23 
 
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Classified List of Publications. 25 
 
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Classified List of Publications. 27 
 
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Classified List of Publications. 67 
 
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Classified List of Publications. 69 
 
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Classified List of Publications. 71 
 
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