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Cornell University Library 
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ST ANDREWS 
 
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X 
 
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 s 
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 e 
 
ST ANDREWS 
 
 ANDREW LANG 
 
 )(afj.al 7T«re Sct.iSaA.os av\d 
 
 WITH ILLUSTRATIONS BY T. HODGE 
 
 LONDON 
 LONGMANS, GEEEN, AND CO. 
 
 AND NEW YORK : 15 EAST 16'" STREET 
 
 1893 ,< 
 
 J 11 right a r.'si'rvr><l 
 
TO 
 
 THE STUDENTS OF ST LEONAED'S HALL 
 1861—1863 
 
 TO THOSE WHO ABE 
 AND 
 TO THOSE WHO AEE NO LONGER 
 WITH US 
 
PREFACE 
 
 In this little sketch of the History of St. Andrews, the 
 Author has made scarcely any use of documents in MS. 
 He understands that a history much more elaborate 
 and learned is being written, and gladly leaves the 
 department of manuscript to a far better qualified 
 student. The history by Mr. Lyon has been used ; 
 other materials have been obtained from books and 
 diaries, especially from the publications of the 
 Bannatyne, Maitland, and Abbotsford Clubs, and 
 from those of the Wodrow and Scottish Historical 
 Societies. 
 
 The Author has to express his gratitude to the 
 Librarians of the University Library of St. Andrews, 
 Mr. Maitland Anderson, and Mr. Smith, who have 
 not only aided him generally by their kindness and 
 knowledge, but have read over his proof-sheets. 
 
 The object of the work is modest. The drawings 
 
X ST. ANDHEWS 
 
 of Mr. Hodge * suggested the writing of the book. 
 We try to present some pictures of the half- 
 obliterated past. Very many persons yearly visit 
 St. Andrews ; of these some may care to know 
 more of that venerable town than can be learned 
 from assiduous application to golf. Old students, 
 too, may like to have a memorial of their Alma 
 Mater, and to glance at the part which Town 
 and University have played in the history of the 
 country. It is no mean part, for even after the days 
 of the ancient Church, most of the Scottish actors in 
 the Eeformation and the civil broils of the seventeenth 
 century were St. Andrews men. The later condi- 
 tions of life have told hardly against the oldest, most 
 beautiful, and most academic of Scottish Universities, 
 but we have a great past, and we should not despair 
 of the future. 
 
 In a certain way the history of St. Andrews is 
 undeniably disappointing. It was the scene of great 
 events ; we know that the events occurred, but, as a 
 rule, we do not, till after the Eeformation, find any 
 vivifying details. Wallace was here, and Bruce, and 
 Edward I., and the Black Douglas. We know this, 
 
 1 Queen Mary's chamber was drawn— Mr. Oliphnnt of Kossie, the 
 owner of the house, kindly permitting it— by Miss Warraek. 
 
PREFACE XI 
 
 and there our knowledge stops ; the history of St. 
 Andrews, for more than half its period, is destitute 
 of colour and personal fact. These might, indeed, 
 be invented in the picturesque hypothetical manner, 
 but picturesque hypothesis is not history. Even in 
 Queen Mary's time, the execution of Chastelard is 
 recorded with no detail, except in the dubious narra- 
 tive of Brantome. In James Melville's Memoirs we 
 first meet with pictures of persons and scenes, and 
 Melville came after the glory had departed. Even 
 the older prints of St. Andrews are later than the 
 Eeformation ; in them the town is already a place 
 of ruins. Often, when gazing at the broken towers 
 from the High Hole, have I tried to catch the vision 
 of them as they used to be : to place the spire of 
 St. Leonard's, shown, as late as 1758, in the etching 
 copied on page 312. Often have I striven to re- 
 construct the feudal and religious city of the past ; 
 have tried, and have failed. History, as Mr. Louis 
 Stevenson says, broods over St. Andrews like an 
 easterly ' haar,' grey and cold and blinding, a curtain 
 of mist. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 — •<,-» 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 I. The Beginnings 1 
 
 II. The St. Andrews of the .Bishops — Cathedral and 
 
 Priory 28 
 
 III. To the Foundation of the University ... 64 
 
 IV. Dawn of Beformation in St. Andrews — Patrick 
 
 Hamilton 98 
 
 V. The Cardinal's St. Andrews 121 
 
 VI. The Siege of the Castle — The Buin of the 
 
 Cathedral 148 
 
 VII. Queen Mary at St. Andrews — The Witches . . 172 
 
 VIII. Andrew Melville's St. Andrews 188 
 
 IX. Montrose at St. Andrews 228 
 
 X. The Beign of the Saints — ' Famous Samuel Buther- 
 
 ford ' 239 
 
 XI. The Beign of the Sinners — Archbishop Sharpe . 269 
 
 XII. The Decay of St. Andrews — Dr. Johnson . . . 312 
 
 XIII. Becent St. Andrews — Dr. Chalmers .... 330 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTEATIONS 
 
 PULL-PAGE PLATES 
 
 St. Andrews before John Knox 
 
 Kennedy's Tomb 
 
 Tom Morris 
 
 The "Witch's Lake 
 
 St. Mary's from the Gardens . 
 Montrose when a Student .... 
 South Street : before the Trees 
 South Street : New Town Hall . 
 
 . Frontispiece 
 
 
 to face p. 
 
 84 
 
 >» 
 
 144 
 
 , 
 
 
 186 
 
 , 
 
 
 218 
 
 , 
 
 
 229 
 
 
 
 332 
 
 ) 
 
 
 336 
 
 ILLUSTEATIONS IN TEXT 
 
 PAGE 
 
 North Street 3 
 
 Cavf. of St. Rule 10 
 
 St. Serf's Isle in Loch Leven 16 
 
 "Remains of Kirkheugh 26 
 
 Stalls 36 
 
 Black Friars Chapel 43 
 
 Leuchars Kirk 46 
 
xvi ST. ANDREWS 
 
 PAOE 
 
 The South Wall of the Cathedral 56 
 
 Hepburn's Wall 90 
 
 Hepburn's Arms 93 
 
 Tomb in St. Leonard's 95 
 
 Balcomie Castle 122 
 
 Gate op New Inn 125 
 
 Subterranean Passage 145 
 
 Entrance to the Castle 154 
 
 The Last Saint 163 
 
 Queen Mary's 174 
 
 Queen Mary's Chamber 176 
 
 A Gate of St. Leonard's 201 
 
 Montrose's Archery Medal 230 
 
 The West Port 2.55 
 
 Crail 272 
 
 A View of St. Andrews from the West, the Sea Combat 
 of the Dolphin and Solbay with the Belleisle, French 
 
 Frigate (From Contemporary Etching.) .... 312 
 
 Old House near St. Salvator's 316 
 
ST. ANDREWS 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 THE BEGINNINGS 
 
 That St. Andrews ever became a city of historical 
 importance, of romantic interest, and of size rela- 
 tively considerable, was assuredly not due to its 
 situation. Standing on a bleak and windy promon- 
 tory, in a remote nook severed from the main part of 
 the kingdom by two wide firths, without a river, and 
 with only such a harbour as the mouth of a small 
 burn supplies, it seems cut off from every source 
 of greatness. The treeless and shelterless slopes be- 
 hind it offer no amenity, and our ancestors boasted 
 no such love of the picturesque as to choose a site 
 merely because it had an excellent view of the sea, 
 of the estuary of the Eden, and of the distant 
 Grampians. Possibly, the sea once rose higher, vary- 
 ing traditions say that the level has risen and fallen, 
 and Eden mouth may once have supplied a harbour. 
 But the whole of the east coast is perilous. As 
 
2 ST. ANDEEWS 
 
 Caxon says in The Antiquary, 'This is a fearfu' 
 coast to cruise on in thae eastern gales — the head- 
 lands rin sae far out, that a veshell's embayed 
 afore I could sharp a razor ; and then there's nae 
 harbour or city of refuge on our coast, a' craigs and 
 breakers. A veshell that runs ashore wi' us fiees 
 asunder like the powther when I shake the plufF.' 
 St. Andrews bay, in particular, is a mere trap for ships 
 in easterly storms. Yet the place throve in the middle 
 ages, throve till the Eeformation, and in its quiet way 
 has thriven in the present century. 
 
 Looking forth on the sea from the height above 
 the harbour, one naturally asks questions about the 
 making of St. Andrews. We glance asfar back aslegend 
 will carry us, to the age when the region was called 
 Muckross (' Eoss ' as in ' the Eoss of Mull '), ' the pro- 
 montory of the wild swine.' Still the breakers were 
 rolling white on the razor-edged rocks, the far-off 
 hills were blue beyond the yellow sands of the bay. 
 But the region must have been uncultivated, covered, 
 probably, with brushwood, a haunt of the wild boar. 
 How was it civilised, what charm brought half the 
 world here ? . Hither came the companions of St. 
 Columba, the Culdees, priestly fugitives from early 
 England, pilgrims from Ireland, and, later, men and 
 women famous in history, Malcolm the Maiden, 
 Wallace, Edward I., Robert. Bruce ; Papal emissaries, 
 
THE BEGINNINGS 
 
 Mary Stuart, Du Bartas, Cardan, Claverhouse and 
 Montrose ; cardinals and martyrs, reformers and 
 covenanters ; a hundred famous people down to Dr. 
 
 ii 
 
 uuft.f-** ■ 
 
 
 NOETH STREET 
 
 Johnson, and even to the noted people of to-day. 
 What magnet drew them to this inhospitable coast ? 
 It is a long history, and not of the easiest to un- 
 ravel. To no natural advantages did St. Andrews 
 
4 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 owe her rise, but to causes purely spiritual and in- 
 tellectual, to religion and learning. On this point 
 history and legend are at one, though they vary 
 much in their telling of the tale. Legend is 
 shone upon by a heavenly light, is vocal with ' airy 
 tongues that syllable men's names.' History is ob- 
 scure ; at most she can find a point luminous, here 
 and there, and discover a clue in the labyrinth of 
 myth. We must follow as best we can the guidance 
 of Mr. Skene : in the labyrinths of dim years, and 
 changes ill recorded and half understood. 
 
 Taking legend first ; we find three editions of a 
 fable about the origin of St. Andrews which has two 
 distinct shapes. The oldest form, it seems, is pre- 
 served among the Colbertine MSS. in Paris. The 
 second is in the Harleian MSS. in the British Museum, 
 a document not old, but copied from an older, now 
 lost. The third is in the Breviary of Aberdeen. Now 
 those myths were some of them made here by the 
 priests of St. Andrews, and not without a purpose. 
 The older tale was intended to account for the early 
 monastic church of St. Andrews, with monks and an 
 abbot ; the latter for the later form of the Church, 
 with a bishop, presbyters, and deacons. Both stories 
 are mythical, both take for granted that St. Andrews 
 
 ' In Cell ic SmUmiil, vol. ii. (Edinburgh : Douglas, 1877); and in 
 l'rocefilings Scot. Sue. of Antiquaries, iv. 800. 
 
THE BEGINNINGS 5 
 
 is St. Andrews. Both must be later than our actual 
 possession of supposed relics of St. Andrew, but there 
 was a Christian establishment here before the relics 
 of St. Andrew came, before St. Andrews was St. 
 Andrews. The older version of the fable runs thus : 
 St. Andrew the Apostle, after divers adventures, was 
 crucified at Patras, where he still has a church. 
 There his holy bones rested till the times of Con- 
 stantine and his sons, when they were carried to 
 their shrine at Constantinople, where they reposed 
 for a century and ten years. At that date Ungus 
 (731-761), king of the Picts, was ravaging the Merse, 
 and was in danger of being destroyed by a general 
 rising of the natives. As he walked, sadly enough, 
 in thought, a divine light surrounded him, and a 
 voice proclaimed the presence of St. Andrew. By 
 the visible Sign of the Cross the Saint offered victory 
 — for a consideration — the gift of a tenth of the king's 
 substance to the glory of God, and of the Saint. 
 Ungus accepted, vowed, and was victorious. Now at 
 that very time an unnamed guardian of the bones of 
 St. Andrew in Constantinople had a vision, bidding 
 him go to a land that would be shown him. He set 
 out and arrived here : at Eigmund, ' the king's 
 Mount.' Another vision, or the same repeated, be- 
 fell Ungus ; and a blind man, healed by miracle, led 
 the monarch to a certain place, where Eegulus, a 
 
6 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 monk, a pilgrim from Constantinople, met the king, 
 with the relics of St. Andrew. Ungus gave the place 
 of meeting, St. Andrews, to God and the Saint, to be 
 the metropolis of all Pictish churches. So here 
 abode Eegulus, abbot and monk, serving God with 
 his company, and here lies his body. It is plain 
 that two legends have been stitched inartistically 
 together. Eegulus comes in unawares as if uncon- 
 nected with the nameless guardian of the relics. 
 
 The second form of the myth l declares that, on 
 the arrival of Constantine at Patras, an angel com- 
 manded Eegulus to carry off certain bones of Saint 
 Andrew, and conceal them. Hungus, or Ungus, the 
 king, has his vision — beside the Tyne. An angel 
 bids Eegulus sail forth, with the relics, till he is 
 wrecked. He is wrecked, very naturally, in St. 
 Andrews Bay, ' at a place once called Muckross 
 (Swine point), but now Kilrimont' (the cell of the 
 king's mount : Cellrighmonaidh). After various ad- 
 ventures, Hungus gives Kilrimont to Eegulus ' as a 
 place of churches,' and lays a turf, the symbol of 
 grants of land, on the altar of St. Andrew. In this 
 legend Eegulus is a bishop, in the former he was a 
 monk and abbot. The first myth accounts for a 
 monastic foundation, the second for the foundation 
 of a church, with secular clergy. 
 
 1 PrinU'.l in Chronicle of l'icts and Scots, p. 183. 
 
THE BEGINNINGS 7 
 
 As to Eegulus, there is an historical Eiagail or 
 Eegulus, an Irishman from the Shannon's shore, a 
 contemporary of St. Columba. That saint, of a 
 royal Irish family, was born December 7, 521. He 
 founded many monasteries, resembling clusters of 
 bothies, or wattled Zulu kraals. In 561 Columba 
 egged people on to a battle in Connaught, or was re- 
 ported to have done so, and was exiled, or left Ire- 
 land for political and religious reasons. He sailed to 
 Iona (563), where his establishments do not concern 
 us. He died in 597, and his missionaries reached the 
 East coast. 
 
 Of his companion Eegulus or Eiagail, we learn 
 that he really dwelt in Ireland at Muicinis, the ' Isle 
 of Swine.' Muicross, in Fifeshire (Muckros) in the 
 second legend, means, as we said, ' The Promontory 
 of Swine.' Eiagail is commemorated on October 16, 
 our Eegulus on October 17. The chances are, 
 as Mr. Skene says, that the two Eeguli are one 
 Eegulus, and that the historic Eegulus belonged to a 
 Columban Church, founded among those which 
 Columba established in the lands of the Southern Picts 
 during the last years of his life. St. Columba had a 
 friend named Cainnech, or Kenneth, of Pictish descent, 
 who ' appears to have founded a monastery in the east 
 end of the province of Fife, not far from where the 
 river Eden pours its waters into the German Ocean 
 
8 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 at a place called Rig Monadh, or the royal mount, 
 which afterwards became celebrated as the site on 
 which the church of St. Andrews was founded, and 
 as giving to that church its Gaelic name of Kilrimont.' 
 This would be about 584-597. 1 The Eiagail, or 
 Eegulus, of the legend may have been a companion 
 of Cainnech. This Eegulus, at all events, is our 
 Saint Eule, who gives his name to the great tower 
 of St. Andrews, and probably had a church dedi- 
 cated to him here before St. Andrew was thus 
 honoured. The date of the historic Eegulus is about 
 573-600 a.d. But the King Ungus of the legend 
 reigned from 731 to 761. In the last year (761) 
 according to a chronicle 2 — ' Ye relikis of St. Andrew 
 ye Apostle cam in Scotland.' 
 
 Thus there was probably a Eegulus here, but he 
 was an Irishman, not a native of Patras, and he had 
 nothing to do with the relics of St. Andrew. There 
 was a Hungus, or Ungus, a victorious Pictish king, 
 but he had nothing to do with Eegulus. The two 
 are blended by legend into one story, as Charles 
 Martel is blended with Karl, the great emperor, in 
 the heroic French poetry of the Middle Ages. 
 
 So we gradually emerge from the sea of myth 
 on to the rocky shore of history. As for the relics 
 
 ' Celtic Seollon,!, vol. ii. i>. 137. 
 ' 2 Chronicle 1'icls <unl Scots, p. 387. 
 
THE BEGINNINGS 9 
 
 of St. Andrew, they did come to Scotland, but not 
 in the hands of Begulus. How and whence did 
 they come ? In Bede's time there was one Acca, 
 Bishop of Hexham, a collector of relics, who brought 
 to Hexham those of St. Andrew (709-732 a.d.). 
 Now, in Hexham the church was dedicated to St. 
 Andrew, with chapels to St. Mary and St. Michael. 
 The same combination, according to the second 
 legend, occurred at the foundation of St. Andrew's. 
 Again, in 732, Acca was expelled from Hexham, 
 and was believed to have founded a see in Galloway, 
 at Whithern. But' it is certain that he did not. The 
 report that he did so comes from a later age, when 
 Galloway alone remained Pictish. Consequently, 
 English writers, like Prior Eichard of Hexham, who 
 reports this rumour, localised in Galloway — all the 
 Eictland that was left — events which realty occurred 
 in country that had been Eictish, but by their 
 time was Scottish. Here, then, we have a Hexham 
 tradition that Acca, the holder of the relics of 
 St. Andrew, founded a see in Eictland, after 732, 
 and the fact that a Eictish king did found St. An- 
 drews, and that relics of St, Andrew were brought 
 thither, between 732 and 761. 
 
 If those combinations of Mr. Skene's are successful, 
 then we may reconstruct the very earliest history of 
 ecclesiastical St. Andrews somewhat in this manner. 
 
10 
 
 ST. ANDKEWS 
 
 First, the promontory was lonely and waste, a 
 haunt of wild boars. Then, perhaps, Cainnech, or 
 Kenneth, a Columban missionary or hermit, founded 
 his cell here (perhaps in the cave east of the castle), 
 in the sound of the wash of the waves. 1 Then 
 
 
 +,.* ^frwHfc 
 
 agpw 
 
 *£«^»£ 
 
 & 
 
 CAVE OP ST. RULE 
 
 it may be that the Irish Eiagail, or Beguhis, 
 came, perhaps, with other brethren; and soon a 
 rude and simple monastery arose within its pali- 
 sades under the protection of a Pietish king. Ee- 
 
 1 Perhaps nioro probably, at Kmmownv, near Markinch. 
 
THE BEGINNINGS 11 
 
 ligion would have a seat here, but not yet associated 
 with, the relics of St. Andrew. All this might occur 
 between 590-710. Then evil days began for the 
 children of Columba. Strife arose among the Irish 
 churches, and reached Iona, the Delos, or sacred 
 isle, and centre of Columba's faith. The quarrel was 
 chiefly about the observance of Easter. By 710 the 
 secular power became enlightened on this point, 
 and Nectan, king of the Picts, decided for the Eoman 
 usage, and against that of St. Columba's rule. 
 Nectan expelled from his dominions the religious 
 who did not agree with him, and it is probable that 
 among these were the Columban brethren here, at 
 Kilrimont, at St. Andrews. Apparently laymen, 
 Picts of county families, now seized such buildings 
 and lands as the brethren had possessed here, and 
 called themselves monks, or made sham monks of 
 their retainers, flourishing in a godless manner on 
 Church property, like the Eegent Morton long 
 afterwards. But some time between 732-761, as we 
 said, the relics of St. Andrew were brought hither, 
 probably from Hexham, and the sanctity of those 
 objects increased the celebrity of the place, and 
 may have introduced a rather more pious frame 
 of things. 
 
 But here we come across a body of men who 
 have greatly puzzled the learned. These are the 
 
12 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 Culdees, who, as the history of St. Andrews emerges 
 from the night, are found playing a considerable 
 part, and fighting a long but losing battle with the 
 bishop and the canons regular. However, there 
 was no bishop here at all till Cellach, in 908, by 
 which date the Picts had succumbed to the Scots. 
 Scotland, or Alban, was now ruled by a Scottish king, 
 and the see was transferred from Abernethy. What 
 was going on at St. Andrews between 761, when, 
 or ' whenabouts,' the relics of the Saint arrived, and 
 908, when we get a bishop ? 
 
 We can but vaguely say that the Culdees were 
 on the spot, and that, probably, their relations with 
 such laymen as had acquired ecclesiastical property 
 were not of the most friendly. 
 
 But who were the Culdees ? 
 
 They were not Columban monks. They are not 
 heard of in Scotland till after the Columbans were 
 expelled. Yet it is not easy to keep the earlier 
 Culdees and the Columban monks apart in the 
 historical picture. To understand the position of 
 the Culdees, it is necessary to cast a glance at the 
 organisation of the Church in general. 
 
 We saw that the Irish and* the Eoman Church 
 differed about calculating the date of Easter, 
 that the Eoman practice prevailed, and that the 
 Columbans of St. Andrews, with others of their 
 
THE BEGINNINGS 13 
 
 kind, were forcibly ' extruded.' There were other 
 points of difference between Bome and Ireland as 
 well as the various ways of reckoning Easter. The 
 Irish Church was entirely monastic in its character ; 
 the monasteries were missionary and educational 
 settlements of monks living in communities. Now 
 the Eoman Church of the time also had its monastic 
 communities, but these were subordinate to the 
 hierarchy of secular clergy, bishops, priests, deacons, 
 and so on. In the Irish Church all clerics were 
 monks ; in the Eoman Church all monks were clerics ; 
 but all clerics were not monks. As the Eoman 
 Church more and more influenced that of Ireland 
 and Scotland, the hierarchy of secular clergy began 
 to come in among Irish and Scots, and their churches 
 ceased to be wholly monastic. King Nectan, that 
 anxious Pictish inquirer (717), adopted St. Peter as 
 the patron saint of Pictland, and asked for architects 
 ' to build a church in his nation after the Eoman 
 manner,' the first St. Peter's north of the Forth. 1 
 
 In Nectan's time a body of secular clergy must 
 have been introduced into a country where all 
 clerics had previously been monastic. This is in- 
 dicated in the legend of St. Bonifacius, who brings 
 with him to Nectan seven specimens of each grade in 
 
 1 Perhaps the old belief that St. Rule's Tower in St. Andrews dates 
 from the eighth century may be connected with this desire of an eighth- 
 century king for a church built in Eoman fashion. 
 
14 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 the hierarchy after their kind, from bishops to door- 
 keepers. The legend here is a mythical and sym- 
 metrical version of something that really occurred. 
 Other legends confirm this ; so, after the expulsion 
 of the Columban monks, there was a secular clergy 
 in the north and east of Scotland. 
 
 These, however, were not the Culdees, but their 
 successors later developed, as regards the Culdees, 
 an opposition and a power of assimilation, under 
 which the Culdees finally disappeared, though at St. 
 Andrews they lingered into the fourteenth century. 
 
 To account for the Culdees we must remember 
 that within the old monastic Church of Ireland there 
 arose, about the sixth and seventh century, a class 
 of men who became as anti-monastic as the secular 
 clergy, but in the opposite direction. These were 
 religious hermits, living alone, not in monastic com- 
 munities. Hermits there had long been, in India as 
 well as among early Christians. A famous Christian 
 example of old is St. Anthony of the temptations. 
 Athanasius wrote a life of him, translated into 
 Latin, in 358. In the Latin translation he is called 
 Deicola. Now a Culdee is originally a Deicola, a 
 religious hermit, barefooted like the Selli, the priests 
 of Zeus in Dodona. Such men lived ascetic lives, 
 n/nirt from the vioiia.stic rule. 
 
 In the early Irish Church members of the 
 
THE BEGINNINGS 15 
 
 monastic body were in the habit of making retreats 
 to solitary cells — carcairs, or ' prisons ' of stone. 
 Thus one of their own poets says about Ultan — 
 
 A carcair for his lean side 
 And a bath in the cold water 
 In the sharp air he loved, 
 
 which is greatly to his credit, and contrary to the 
 popular notion of the squalid anchorite. 1 
 
 In brief, a monk of an Irish monastic body would 
 occasionally interrupt or close his career by a course 
 of solitary asceticism. The Irish themselves detected 
 the analogy between these recluses and the Brahmins 
 who end life as Forest Sages. In an Irish tract trans- 
 lated from the Latin, the Brahmans, or Bragmanni, 
 tell Alexander the Great that they are Cele De, the 
 Irish equivalent of Deicola, ' companion of God.' 
 The Cele De is expressly distinguished from the monk. 
 Now we read, in an ancient Sanskrit work, of a 
 forest ' which was full of millions of hermits ' — a 
 beautiful example of the solitary life. Like the 
 Brahmins of this populous solitude, the Irish and 
 Scottish hermits began to flock together, not in 
 millions, but in clusters, ' communities of solitaries.' 
 Solitude, they found, was delightful when once 
 you could say to somebody, ' how delightful is 
 solitude.' 
 
 1 George Wishart, burned by Cardinal Beaton at St. Andrews, also 
 astonished his contemporaries by taking cold tubs. 
 
10 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 The next step was to bring the secular clergy and 
 these groups of anchorites more closely together. 
 They seemed to stand at opposite poles — the secular 
 clergy free from monastic rule, the anchorites carry- 
 ing, in solitude, the monastic ideal to the pitch of 
 lonely asceticism. Both sorts ' lived separately in 
 opposition to the ccenobitical life of the monks ' in 
 
 ST. SEKFS ISLE IN LOCH LEYEX 
 
 communities. The new institution was that of 
 secular canons, sleeping, as a rule, in one dormitory, 
 and eating in one refectory. 1 The Deieola\ or Cele 
 De, or Culdees, were gradually included in this rule. 
 The legend of St. Servanus (St, Serf), full of 
 mythic marvels, tells how the Culdees were settled 
 among other places on the island in Loch Leven, and 
 
 1 Instituted at Met/., 747, by Bishop Chrodi^nnij. 
 
THE BEGINNINGS 17 
 
 the assignation of the isle to Keledei Hermits is con- 
 firmed by an early Celtic charter, commemorated in 
 the Chartulary of St. Andrews. These Culdees, or 
 hermits, are, on the whole, in conformity with Eome, 
 not with the early Columban Church ; also, in one of 
 the legends about St. Eegulus, and the bringing in 
 of St. Andrew's bones, hermits from the Isle of 
 Tiber are said to have accompanied St. Eegulus. 
 These hermits are the mythical reflection of a 
 gathering of Keledei in St. Andrews— that is, of 
 Culdees. They appear to have adopted the canonical 
 rule ; to have changed from a cluster of hermits into 
 an organised community some time about 820-920. 
 The tradition of Dunkeld says that they were married 
 men. ' At length the name of Keledeus, or Culdee, 
 became almost synonymous with that of secular 
 canon.' 
 
 Thus, from being hermits, living in cells or caves, 
 on roots, they throve to be something not unlike 
 married fellows of a college. In this condition they 
 came into contact later with canons regular, and the 
 last part of their history at St. Andrews is a record 
 of their struggles against the regular canons, their 
 attempts to secure their right to elect the bishop ; 
 but we have not come yet to such Bishops of St. 
 Andrews. 
 
 In 878-889 Giric, the King of what was still 
 
 c 
 
18 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 called Pictland, freed Church lands from taxes, 
 military service, and rents to temporal chiefs. In 
 908, after a meeting at Scone, Cellach was appointed 
 Bishop of Alban, with the seat of his primacy at 
 St. Andrews. In 921 the Culdees adopted their 
 form of canonical life. 
 
 Here, then, we have in St. Andrews Culdees, who 
 probably were very easy-going people ; we have a 
 bishop, and we have the relics of St. Andrew, which 
 already wrought miracles and attracted pilgrims from 
 Ireland. Some time after the appointment of Cellach 
 as Bishop, King Constantin abdicated, and ended his 
 days here as Abbot of the Culdees. 
 
 God did him call 
 To the Monastery on the brink of the waves, 
 In the House of the Apostle he came to death, 
 Undefiled was the pilgrim. 
 
 So sings St. Berchan. 
 
 Pothad was the next bishop, lie acquired for 
 St. Andrews a delightful piece of real property, the 
 island in Loch Leven. The holv men might now 
 mortify the flesh on Loch Leven trout. Fotliad also 
 presented the Church with the gospels in a eumnach, 
 or silver case, which long lay on the altar of the 
 later cathedral here. In 967-976 'hell was a quiet 
 friendly kind of place compared 1o St. Andrews,' as 
 Professor Aytoun said in our own time. One 
 Marcan, son of Breodolaig, was slain in one of 
 
THE BEGINNINGS 19 
 
 our seven churches, that of St. Michael. This was 
 probably in a dispute about the succession to the 
 bishopric. There is something pathetic in this one 
 name, this one event, flashing out of the dark. We 
 are set, as in the old Irish song — 
 
 Thinking of times that are long enough ago, 
 And of Dicky Maephalion, that's slain. 
 
 As to the state of the Church here, we have a 
 report rather unfriendly to the Culdees. The scandal 
 occurs in the Legend of St. Andrews, printed in the 
 Chronicles of Picts and Scots, p. 188. Dr. Eeeves 
 thinks the legend was written, perhaps, by Bishop or 
 Prior Eobert, about 1144, or rather later. Thus it is 
 two hundred years later than the age described, and 
 merely shows us what the canons regular thought of 
 their predecessors and rivals, the Culdees. For years 
 following the death of the legendary Eegulus, there 
 were maintained, we are told, in the Church of St. 
 Andrew, ' such as it was and what there was of it,' 
 thirteen Culdees, son succeeding father. ' They lived 
 rather as they pleased, and according to the traditions 
 of men, than in concord with the statuta of the holy 
 fathers. Nay, they live in the same fashion to this 
 hour (11 — ?), having some cheap matters in common, 
 and not many of them ; but the larger and better 
 part of their property, whether obtained from kins- 
 folk or from the " Souls " who are dear to them, 
 
 o 2 
 
20 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 they keep each in individual possession.' The 
 ' Souls ' in question appear to mean the persons to 
 whom the Culdees are related as spiritual friends and 
 advisers. 
 
 ' After they are made Keledei (Culdees in 
 canonical discipline) they may not keep wives in 
 their houses, nor any other women who might give 
 rise to gossip. There were, besides, seven personce, 
 who divided among themselves the altar oblations ; 
 of these seven portions, the bishop had one, the 
 hospital one ; the other five shares were parted 
 among five men, who did no duty at altar or in 
 church, beyond entertaining pilgrims, when more 
 than six (whom the hospital or inn received) hap- 
 pened to come. The hospital, which now that, 
 thank God ! the canons regular have it, welcomes 
 all who arrive, only held six guests in these days. 
 The canons have also taken care that whoever falls 
 sick in the hospital shall have every care bestowed 
 on him, till his death or recovery, free of charge.' 
 
 The cellar was also at the service of invalids. 
 Contrast the selfish persona' ! ' The;/ had private 
 property, which, on their decease, their wives, 
 publicly acknowledged as such, and sons, daugh- 
 ters, and kin divided. They even appropriated the 
 gifts of the altars at which they did no service, a 
 thing one would blush to mention — but they did it.' 
 
THE BEGINNINGS 21 
 
 . . . ' There was nobody to serve at the altar of 
 the blessed apostle ' (St. Andrew), ' nor was any mass 
 celebrated there, except when the king or the bishop 
 came, which was not often. The Culdees used to 
 celebrate their office in their own fashion, in some 
 corner of the little church.' These Culdees were 
 Celtic gentlemen, there were Malcolm, and Donald, 
 and so forth ; their opponents, who describe them in 
 such contemptuous terms, were English, or lowland 
 Scotch, really Englishmen living north of the Border — 
 William, Hugh, Eobert, Edgar, and the like. 1 
 
 For two centuries, moreover, the bishops in 
 St. Andrews bore Celtic names — Maelduin, Cellach, 
 Eothad, and the like. Thus it becomes very plain 
 that for two centuries and more, from 908 to 1107- 
 1144, St. Andrews was the scene of a struggle 
 between the Roman and the English influences in the 
 Church on one side, and the ancient Celtic notions 
 and manners on the other : a strife between Culdee 
 Highland Donald and regular English Eobert. 
 
 The account, from which we have just quoted, of 
 St. Andrews in its Celtic age, is, of course, written 
 by some representative of English and Eoman ideas. 
 The abuses which he mentions were not corrected, 
 he says, ' till the time of Alexander of happy memory,' 
 that is, till 1107, exactly two hundred years after the 
 
 1 Dr. Reeves's British Culdees, p. 31. 
 
22 ST. AND11EWS 
 
 appointment of the first bishop in St. Andrews. 
 The account given by the writer of the legend is 
 difficult to unravel. It is admitted, however, that 
 in the years between 908-1107 (when Turgot became 
 bishop), there were, in the writer's opinion, two sections 
 of the ecclesiastical community in St. Andrews. There 
 were, on one side, the bishop, and the five personce 
 holding the Church lands and dues, and passing 
 them on to their children, doing nothing for their 
 pay, yet attached to the church of St. Andrew, 
 where service was very seldom celebrated. On the 
 other side were the thirteen Culdees, enjoying estates 
 and the minor dues of the sacerdotal office, and 
 mumbling some queer Highland mass in a corner 
 of a small church. 
 
 Though this condition of matters lasted till 1107, 
 the process of improvement, the tendency to some- 
 thing more in harmony with general Christian usage, 
 was probably gradual. Eeform did not come at 
 one stride in 1107. The influence of Margaret, wife 
 of Malcolm, ' the sweetest Christian soul alive,' was 
 on the side of Eoman and English improvements, she 
 being the sister of Edgar Etheling. She was married 
 to King Malcolm in 1069, and, as Mr. Skene quotes 
 the Saxon Chronicle, ' the Creator knew beforehand 
 what he would have done by her, for she was to 
 increase the praise of God in the land, and divert the 
 
THE BEGINNINGS 23 
 
 King from erroneous paths, and suppress the evil 
 habits which his people had previously cultivated,' 
 such as lazy secular appropriation of Church lands 
 and dues and strange celebrations of the mass ' in 
 I know not what barbarous rite.' A beautiful and 
 charming Eoyal lady had great opportunities as a 
 Eeformer. There was no contemporary John Knox 
 to ' gar her greet ' like Queen Mary, nor was Malcolm 
 the man to endure such controversial scoldings. 
 Matters connected with Lent, Sunday observance, 
 and the marriage law were specially dwelt on by 
 the fair Eeformer ; on others, such as lay abbots, 
 she had good personal reasons for saying very little. 
 Her son was lay abbot of Dunkeld ! 
 
 As regards St. Andrews, Queen Margaret esta- 
 blished inns for pilgrims on each side of the Frith of 
 Forth, and subsidised ferrymen to carry the pious 
 across without fee. She also gave to the Church of 
 St. Andrews a beautiful crucifix of gold and silver, 
 set with precious stones, which, of course, has long 
 been in the melting-pot, unless, indeed, the clergy 
 carried away some of their treasures before the 
 spoliation of the Cathedral. 
 
 Here our first chapter of the history of St. 
 Andrews finds a natural conclusion. Between 1U77 
 and 1107 we have, indeed, three bishops elect, but 
 Fothad is the last of the old Celtic prelates of im- 
 
24 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 portance. In his tenure of the see the Norman 
 Conquest drove English exiles of noble blood — like 
 Edgar Elheling and his sister Margaret — into Scot- 
 land. The marriage of St. Margaret with King 
 Malcolm was the beginning of the end of the old 
 Celtic order of things. At St. Andrews in 1074 she 
 held a great conference for the reform of ecclesias- 
 tical abuses, matters in which the Church of our 
 fathers, Eoman and European, differed from the 
 Church of her husband, insular and Celtic. The 
 Queen spoke English, the Scotch ecclesiastic spoke 
 Gaelic, and King Malcolm was the interpreter. 
 Margaret laid the foundations of the new order in 
 which we have to note a constant anglicising of the 
 Church and the realm. The process was gradual, and 
 its beginnings were marked by the rise of stately 
 buildings and by the erection of St. Andrews into a 
 burgh, a commercial city, with considerable trade. 
 The town and church were on their way to becoming 
 the metropolitan city of Scotland, a centre of 
 national and even of European politics. 
 
 Of all that ancient, that primitive St. Andrews, 
 how little remains above ground ! The name Boar- 
 hills, indeed — were that, and not Byre hills, the true 
 name— still keeps a memory of the primitive mys- 
 terious boar, of the wild swine which gave the place 
 its earliest title, ' Muckross,' ' the point of swine.' 
 
THE BEGINNINGS 25 
 
 There exists, also, between the Castle and the 
 Cathedral, visible from the Castle, that wasted hollow 
 in the cliff whither Wilton, in Marmion, was going, 
 
 To fair St. Andrews bound, 
 Within the ocean cave to pray, 
 Where good St. Bute his holy lay, 
 From midnight to the dawn of day, 
 
 Sang to the billows' sound. 
 
 It is not impossible that this cave, where Scott 
 detected remains of an altar, may really have been 
 used by some ascetic of the early Irish Church in 
 Scotland. He must have been nearly as uncomfort- 
 ably situated as much later prisoners were in the 
 Bottle Dungeon of the castle — if indeed this was a 
 dungeon, and not, as Lord Bute thinks, an ice- 
 house. 
 
 There are also later remains, just above the 
 harbour, and to the left of that formidable battery 
 which represents the military defences of St. An- 
 drews. The courses of stone, and the flat tomb 
 marked by a sword and scissors, show the site of the 
 ancient Culdee church, later the Chapel Eoyal of 
 Kirkheugh. There is a mass of masonry, which 
 may have been an altar tomb, and there is the foun- 
 dation of a circular staircase. The fragments seem 
 to belong to two different periods, ' the older being 
 the nave and part of the transepts, built of very 
 rough rubble masonry and sand ; the latter, consist- 
 
20 
 
 ST. AXDItKWS 
 
 ing of tlie chancel and part of the transepts, built 
 of a superior class of masonry and mortar.' 1 
 Glass from the eastern windows, possibly of the 
 thirteenth century, was found on excavation. George 
 Martine (1083), in EcUfjit'ue Dirl Andrew, gives the 
 
 REMAINS OF KJRKHEUGH 
 
 following tradition. St. Regulus and his friends had 
 a cell of the Virgin ' about a bow-flight east of the 
 shoare,' outside the pier, on a rock called Our Ladv's 
 
 1 Mr. Andorson in ]'meee,liu ; /s of Soviet;/ of Antiquaries of 
 ScoLI<iml, vol. iv. ]). 71. 
 
THE BEGINNINGS 27 
 
 Craig. The sea encroaching, they built another 
 chapel at or near ' the place where the house of 
 the Kirkheugh now stands, called Sancta Maria de 
 Hupe! He adds that the sea had much encroached 
 in the memory of the oldest inhabitants. A provost 
 of this chapel is mentioned in the Eegistry of the 
 Priory, in 1266. He was a Culdee, one of an order 
 whose influence was rapidly being extinguished, and 
 the chapel of St. Mary of the Rock became, as we 
 saw, the Chapel Eoyal. The seal of the benefice — 
 the church of St. Mary of the Eock, and chapel of 
 the King of Scots — bore our Lady on the obverse ; on 
 the reverse, a king crowned. 1 
 
 Thus the visitor who stands among the ruins of 
 the tiny church above the harbour, outside the 
 Cathedral wall, may believe that he is on the site, at 
 least, of the oldest surviving ecclesiastical edifice in 
 St. Andrews. Here the first Culdees must have 
 prayed, and the latest Culdees grumbled and 
 caballed. The Provostry was assigned by James VI., 
 with other benefices, to the Archbishop of St. An- 
 drews in 1606, in return for the prelate's cession of 
 the castle to the Crown. 2 
 
 1 Beliquim, p. 209. 
 
 2 Mr. David Laing in Proc. Scot. Ant. vol. iv. pp. 76-86. 
 
2S ST. ANDREWS 
 
 CHAPTEE II 
 
 THE ST. ANDREWS OF THE BISHOPS. 
 CATHEDRAL AND PRIORY 
 
 What St. Margaret began, her sons carried on — 
 namely, the work of bringing the Scottish realm and 
 church into conformity with the regular European 
 order. For fourteen years after the death of 
 Malcolm (1093-1107), Scotland was harassed by the 
 troubles arising from opposing claims to the succes- 
 sion. Edgar, the son of Margaret and Malcolm, did 
 nothing for St. Andrews, but, on his death, King 
 Alexander chose, as bishop, Turgot, Prior of Durham, 
 who had been his mother's confessor, and who wrote 
 her biography. But how was Turgot to be con- 
 secrated to the bishopric ? As Dr. McCrie, the 
 biographer of John Knox, remarks, Scotland has a 
 natural want of aptitude for producing bishops. The 
 old Culdee line was more or less to be suspected as 
 inadequate, and Alexander looked to Eno-land for 
 assistance. But this appeal led to difficulties which 
 haunt all the earl)' history of the St. Andrews 
 
THE ST. ANDREWS OF THE BISHOPS 29 
 
 bishopric. Consecration by the Archbishop of 
 York would have satisfied Alexander, but the Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury urged a claim, through 
 Augustine, to be head and representative of Chris- 
 tianity all over the isle of Britain. This claim suited 
 neither King Alexander in Scotland, nor King Henry 
 in England. Both monarchs preferred to have two 
 metropolitans, in which desire both nations were 
 ultimately gratified. In the end, Turgot was conse- 
 crated (1107) by the Archbishop of York, ' without 
 prejudice,' so to speak, all questions being reserved 
 for future decision. 
 
 This is the point and date (1107) at which the 
 legend of St. Andrews, already quoted, fixes the 
 beginning of regularity and reform in the old 
 church of this place. The advent of a foreign 
 bishop, Turgot, is the hinge of that reformation. 
 Turgot, in conjunction with the king, founded and 
 endowed the parish church, which was later dedi- 
 cated (1238-1252) to the Holy Trinity. The Town 
 Kirk, in South Street, is the representative of this 
 foundation, though probably on a later site. Turgot 
 did not enjoy a peaceful life at St. Andrews ; it has 
 rarely been a peaceful place ; he sighed for his own 
 cell at Durham ; he had thoughts of going to Borne to 
 get the question of consecration settled, but he died 
 in 1115. 
 
30 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 Five years passed without the consecration of a 
 new bishop. Alexander had communicated with the 
 Archbishop of Canterbury, and finally acquiesced in 
 the election of a monk of Canterbury, the chronicler 
 Eadmer (1120). In his Historic/, Novorurn sive sui 
 Sceculi, Eadmer himself gives an account of his adven- 
 tures. He tells us how he was greeted on his arrival 
 at St. Andrews by the plebs, the townspeople, and the 
 scholastici, scholars possibly of some monastic school, 
 and, if so, this is the earliest notice of education 
 in St. Andrews. ' Eesearches through the records,' 
 says Mr. Burton, ' show that there was among the 
 Culdees a grade of churchman — the humblest, appa- 
 rently — who was called The Scholar : ' in Pictish, 
 scoloch. ' He assisted the priest in the services of his 
 church.' 1 Perhaps the scholastici who met Eadmer at 
 St. Andrews were scolochs. If they were like some 
 of the Irish ' scholars,' such as the hero of the Vision 
 of Mac Conglinne, 2 they were young men with a voca- 
 tion for jest and revelry rather than for the priest- 
 hood. The Irish ecclesiastical scholar of the period 
 was very poor, very gay, very adventurous, a roving- 
 blade, full of jest and mischief. We hear of a scoloch 
 who slew a brother scoloch in tlu> church at Berwick. 
 Such may have been the scholastici who welcomed 
 
 1 Burton's History of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 14. 
 - Edited by Kuno Mover. Nutt, 1SU2. 
 
THE ST. ANDREWS OF THE BISHOPS 31 
 
 Eadmer. In spite of his popular reception, Eadmer 
 was unhappy here. 
 
 He was never consecrated, Alexander refusing, 
 in the interests of his church's freedom, to let the 
 ceremony be performed either by York or by Canter- 
 bury. Eadmer, on the other hand, asserted the 
 primacy of Canterbury, resting on Pope Gregory's 
 commission to St. Austin over all Britain and Ireland. 
 Finally he took the ring representing secular power 
 from Alexander, and the crosier of spiritual dominion 
 he lifted from the high altar of the church. Thurstan 
 of York then claimed the privilege of consecrating 
 Eadmer, and won both the English king and Pope 
 Calixtus II. to his right of consecrating all Scottish 
 bishops. King Alexander showed but cold favour 
 to Eadmer, who finally resigned and returned to 
 Canterbury. 
 
 The next bishop, the most important of our early 
 bishops, was Eobert, who had been prior of the 
 Augustinian monastery at Scone. He was appointed 
 in 1124 by Alexander, but not consecrated till after 
 that monarch's death. To please David I., Alex- 
 ■ ander's successor, Thurstan of York, consecrated 
 Eobert, without prejudice to the rights of the Church 
 of Scotland. 
 
 This consecration was not performed till 1128, 
 four years after the death of Alexander in 1124. 
 
32 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 Alexander's object throughout had been to connect 
 his church duty with that of Eome, without admit- 
 ting any shadow of claim of English supremacy in 
 spiritual matters. 
 
 Alexander behaved with liberality to the church 
 here by bestowing on it (if we may believe Boethius 
 and Wyntoun) the tract of land called the Cursus 
 Apri, or Boar's Chase, comprising, it seems, the 
 modern parishes of St. Andrews, St. Leonards, Den- 
 ino, Cameron, and Kemback. The name Boar's 
 Chase, if one may venture a guess, probabby referred 
 only to the old Celtic name, Muckross, ' promon- 
 tory of swine,' which covered a great extent of 
 country. 
 
 But Boethius, that pillar of falsehood, as Monk- 
 barns calls him, tells a tale of a prodigious Caledo- 
 nian boar, which devastated the district, and was 
 slain, as in Calydon, by ' an armed multitude.' The 
 boar's tusks, like the bricks in Shakespeare, were 
 ' alive to testify to it,' in Boethius's time (lo"20\ and 
 were attached by small silver chains ad sellas divi 
 Andrece in the Cathedral. It is probable enough 
 that relics of a mighty boar were preserved in the 
 Cathedral, and that a myth connected them with the 
 name of the ' Boaris Chare.' The City arms are a 
 boar tied to a tree, and this, too, we associate with 
 Muckross. 
 
THE ST. ANDREWS OF THE BISHOPS 33 
 
 Ever since Vishnu took the avatar of a boar, that 
 animal has had an extraordinary habit of being in at 
 the beginning of things. There is a similar boar in the 
 legend of Queen's College, Oxford, and a ' Boarhills ' 
 near the English University town. 1 Wyntoun, writing 
 of course long after the event, speaks of the donation 
 of the Boar's Chase — 
 
 The Boaris chace in regale 
 
 To the kyrk the king gave hale, 
 
 The quhilh the canons, with his intent, 
 
 Sulci have had ; but by consent 
 
 Of the byshop mycht nocht be 
 
 Gotten to that, in na kind gre. 
 
 Mr. Lyon interprets this to mean that Alexander 
 intended to endow the proposed priory, here, with 
 the lands, while the new and as yet unconsecrated 
 Bishop Bobert wanted them for his bishopric. But 
 Bobert was particularly interested in the priory ; he 
 had himself been prior of the Augustinian monastery 
 at Scone. 
 
 Whatever Alexander meant by his donation, he 
 made it with singular splendour of ceremony. His 
 ' comely steed of Araby ' with costly trappings, with 
 ' armour of Turkey,' a silver shield and spear and 
 other jewels, was brought, as a gift, to the altar. In 
 what church was this spectacle given ? Probably, 
 if Bobert really built St. Bule's, in the old church of 
 the Culdees. The spear was made into a cross, was 
 
 1 Boarshill, near St. Andrews, is a corruption of another name. 
 
 D 
 
34 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 extant in 1430, in Bower's time, and probably lay 
 among the jewels of the church till John Knox came 
 with the besom of destruction. 
 
 Eobert was infinitely the most important, locally, 
 of our early prelates, especially if we agree with Dr. 
 Joseph Eobertson that he endowed St. Andrews with 
 its chief architectural monument, the least damaged, 
 the most conspicuous, the great tower of St. Eule's. 
 Even from Leuchars the traveller hither by railway 
 sees St. Eule's dominating the broken towers of the 
 Cathedral. 
 
 This remarkable monument has been the puzzle 
 of antiquaries. Analogies have been sought in the 
 early campaniles of Italy, and in the round towers 
 of Abernethy and Brechin, which are attributed to 
 the eighth and tenth centuries. Dr. Eobertson, how- 
 ever, identifies the great tower and the little church 
 attached to it with ' a small basilica ' reared by 
 Bishop Eobert between 1127 and 1144. The tower 
 may have been useful as a place of vantage and 
 defence. According to Martine l it originally pos- 
 sessed a steeple ; such a tower, with a steepled top, 
 is represented on the chapter-seal. 2 A more impor- 
 tant innovation was made by Bishop Eobert. He had 
 
 1 BeliquicE Divi Andrew, 1C83. 
 
 '' Mr. Henry, architect in St. Andrews, argues, with much proba- 
 bility, that Bishop Hubert found St. Hide's already in existence, that 
 ho built the lirst priory on its southern side, and cut a door in its south 
 wall to give his monks access to the little ancient church. 
 
THE ST. ANDREWS OF THE BISHOPS 35 
 
 been Prior of the Canons Eegular of Scone, a body 
 lately introduced into Scotland. In 1144 he founded 
 the priory for the same canons in St. Andrews, 
 granting them two of the seven shares (pre- 
 viously held by laymen) of the St. A.ndrews altarage, 
 and he also granted them the hospitium for pil- 
 grims, with its seventh share. King David added 
 the gift of a charter for incorporating the Culdees. 
 Any of those gentlemen who wish it may become 
 canons regular. On the deaths of such as are re- 
 luctant, their revenues are to pass to the canons 
 regular, and their places among the Culdees are not 
 to be filled up. Three years later Pope Eugenius III. 
 deprived the Culdees of their right to elect the bishop, 
 and transferred it to the canons regular. The 
 Culdees, however, did not desist from attempts to 
 urge their claims, but went on resisting these novel- 
 ties till 1273. Between 1156 and 1162 all the 
 altarage of the church was bestowed on the canons 
 regular. Thus the priory became the wealthiest of 
 all Scotch religious houses, and the prior took 
 rank above all abbots, bearing ring, mitre, and 
 episcopal symbols generally. The Culdee society, 
 last mentioned by name in 1332, changed, as we • 
 saw, into the Provostry of St. Mary of the Eock, or 
 of Kirkheugh, a society of a provost and ten pre- 
 
 D 2 
 
30 
 
 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 bendaries, and their church of St. Mary of the Eock 
 became a Chapel Eoyal. 
 
 In 1160 the priory of Bishop Eobert was erected 
 on the southern side of the Cathedral. No traces of 
 all the sumptuous buildings remain ; a few stalls 
 standing against a garden wall, fragments of cloisters, 
 the stairs leading to the dormitory, and some humps 
 
 of grass-covered masonry within the garden of a 
 modern house, alone are visible. Some vaults existed 
 in the last century, and still exist ; there was con- 
 cealed a Jacobite fugitive after Culloden, and there 
 Dr. Johnson found an old woman livinir anions- the 
 ruins of a later priory. A conduit, paved and walled 
 with stone, runs under the modern garden, below 
 the road that leads from the beautiful arch of the 
 
THE ST. ANDKEWS OF TPIE BISHOPS 37 
 
 Pends, towards the harbour, and under an ancient 
 kitchen in the grounds of the new Bishop's hall down 
 to the mill-lead. Later we shall give an account of 
 such buildings as survived the Eeformation, but 
 perished before our time. 
 
 Wyntoun, describing a visit of David I. to the 
 rising priory, a visit in which he settled the Boar's 
 Chase on the canons, speaks of ' such a cloister as 
 then was, not sic as now is for largess ; ' for the dor- 
 mitory and the refectory of his own day were not 
 yet built : nor, of course, the Cathedral. The bishop 
 yielded on the matter of the Boar's Chase being 
 granted to the priory ' to found ther a religioun.' 
 
 Bishop Bobert not only founded St. Bule's [if that 
 view be accepted) and the priory, but he had St. 
 Andrews elevated into a burgh, and brought in, from 
 the then rich trading town of Berwick, one May- 
 nard, a Fleming, to organise the commerce. Scotch, 
 French, Flemish, and English merchants used the 
 place ; the ships of that date being small and of 
 light burden. Salted salmon was a great article of 
 export ; objects of luxury were imported. The town 
 never had a higher place than eighth or ninth, in 
 wealth and population, among towns of Scotland. 
 
 Bobert was succeeded, 1159, by Arnold, Abbot of 
 Kelso ; he was consecrated by William, Bishop of 
 Moray, the Pope's legate. His power in that capacity 
 
38 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 he transferred to the new bishop. Arnold ruled but 
 one year and ten months ; he founded, however, the 
 cathedral, or abbey kirk, for the religious services of 
 the priory. The buildings began, naturally, at the 
 eastern end ; one hundred and fifty-eight years was 
 that temple in building, and it practically perished in 
 one day ! Arnold's successor, Eichard, after a good 
 deal of trouble with York, was consecrated by Scot- 
 tish bishops in 1165. In his time, 1174, "William the 
 Lion acknowledged the supremacy of England by the 
 treaty of Falaise, a cession renounced by Eichard 
 Lion-heart in 1189. But, be it observed, the Scotch 
 bishops did not acquiesce, even at Falaise, in the 
 dependence of their church. They only admitted 
 that it was to be as much subordinate as it had been, 
 that is, in their opinion, not at all. The Scotch bishops 
 procured a bull from Pope Alexander III. forbidding 
 the see of York to claim supremacy, or Scotland 
 to yield it, till Eome decided the question. At 
 St. Andrews Eichard was busy in protecting the 
 plasterers, masons, stone-cutters, and other workmen 
 engaged on the Cathedral. They were to be under 
 the commands of a canon of the priory, and were to 
 buy necessaries as freely as any burgess. If we 
 could see what was passing in that day, we should 
 probably find many foreigners among the workmen. 
 Probably the buildings of the town were all of wood, 
 
THE ST. ANDREWS OF THE BISHOPS 39 
 
 or even of wattled boughs filled up with turf. Stone 
 work was not yet used in domestic architecture, 
 though familiar in ecclesiastical edifices. Into the 
 lowest range of stones in the Cathedral, on the inner 
 side of the remaining eastern wall, are built several 
 stones adorned with Celtic patterns ; one of them 
 is the shaft of a cross. A similar stone long lay 
 as a foot-bridge across a rivulet, and is now in 
 the College Museum. These fragments were pro- 
 bably taken from some older Culdee church, and the 
 use made of them as mere building material speaks 
 ill for the reverence of the masons and the directing 
 canon. We may imagine the murmurings of the 
 Culdees ! The Cathedral was finally to suffer the 
 same fate, was to become a quarry, and Martine 
 specially mentions a house in North Street, built 
 out of stones from the Cathedral, and therefore un- 
 lucky to its owners. 
 
 Richard's death was followed by a tedious dis- 
 puted succession (1178-1188). The chapter chose 
 as bishop John Scott, an Oxford and Cambridge 
 man, the archdeacon. King William wanted the place 
 for his chaplain, Hugh. His candidate was elected. 
 John appealed to the Pope, who caused him to be 
 consecrated. The king, however, held on to the 
 revenues. The end was a compromise. Hugh kept 
 St. Andrews ; Scott got the bishopric of Dunkeld. 
 
40 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 The king fought a sturdy fight, replying to excom- 
 munication by a threat to banish all who regarded 
 the papal injunction as binding. An interdict was 
 issued, that awful ecclesiastical boycott, but William, 
 on the whole, had the better of the war, and carried 
 his point. Hugh was succeeded by Eoger, son of 
 the Earl of Leicester, and cousin of the king 
 (1188-1202). In 1200 he did a thing of immense 
 importance : he built, as his residence, the Castle of 
 St. Andrews, on the crest of a rocky cliff, some three 
 hundred yards west of the Cathedral. A castle 
 is a thoroughly Norman institution, and castles were 
 scarce in Scotland. Again and again has Roger's 
 fortress been rased ; as, a century later, when 
 Englishmen held it, by Sir Andrew Murray ; once 
 more after the siege sustained by the murderers of 
 Cardinal Beaton, and it certainly fell into ruin in the 
 Cromwellian times. The present ruins do not cover 
 nearly all the space which the castle has occupied, 
 and there are traces of foundations in the grounds 
 of the modern villa called Castlecliff. There was 
 trouble, as usual, over Roger's consecration, which 
 was long delayed. He was succeeded by William Mal- 
 voisin (1202-1238), translated from Glasgow. He 
 left no special mark on St. Andrews, though he went 
 on with the building of the Cathedral. He was fol- 
 lowed by David of Bernham (1238, or 1240-1252), 
 
THE ST. ANDBEWS OF THE BISHOPS 41 
 
 ' an honest clerk,' who crowned Alexander III. at 
 Scone in 1249. His counter-seal was an ancient gem, 
 Nymphs deriding Silenus. Concerning Bishop Abel 
 (1253-54) the pleased historian notes that rare flower 
 of those dimly recorded years, an anecdote. The 
 prior and canons disliked him, and he took refuge in 
 study. He is said to have scrawled, in chalk, on the 
 gate of the rising church, 
 
 Baec mihi sunt tria, lex, canon, philosophia. 
 
 Apparently tria rhymes to philosophy. This brag 
 of his knowledge and skill did not pass unreproved. 
 A canon, perhaps, wrote next day, 
 
 Te levant absque tria, fraus, favor, vanosophia. 
 
 ' This did so gall him as, taking bed, he died within 
 a few days.' He must have been a very sensitive 
 student. The anecdote is neither early nor plausible. 
 Under Bishop Gameline (1254-1271) Alexander III. 
 entertained the specious idea recommended by 
 Mark Twain to the Italians, ' "Why don't you rob 
 your Church ? ' This is always a resource, but the 
 times were not ripe. The King reckoned without 
 the Pope, who, writing in 1254, forbids 'our dearly 
 beloved the illustrious King of Scotland, or any other 
 person, to seize the property of the said Church of 
 St. Andrews, they,' as he adds with some naivete, 
 
42 ST. ANDKEWS 
 
 'having no right to the same.' The Pope also 
 urged Henry III. not to stand by and see it done ; 
 but Henry took Alexander's side, and proposed to 
 arrest Gameline for obtaining certain requests at 
 Eome to ' the prejudice of our beloved and faithful 
 son Alexander, King of Scotland, who is married to 
 our daughter.' In 1259 Pope Alexander was still 
 backing Gameline and forbidding the Scotch king 
 to rob St. Andrews. Mr. Lyon, as naif as the Pope, 
 thinks that Alexander died without surviving offspring 
 — except one granddaughter, who also died in child- 
 hood — because he had interfered with Church property. 
 Gameline was succeeded by Bishop Wishart, 
 who founded the monastery of the Black Friars, or 
 Dominicans, Domini canes, who howled against heresy. 
 In a couple of centuries they had abundance of 
 occupation ; but in June 1559 John Knox harangued 
 the mob for three days, after which effort of oratory 
 the Black Friars monastery was gutted ' before the 
 sunn was downe. Ther was never inch standing 
 bot bare walls.' Mr. Hay Fleming says that old 
 people remember when part of the monastic building 
 was occupied as a dwelling-house. Nothing remains 
 but a small ivy-clad ruin, not of the first foundation, 
 in the ' yards ' of the Madras College. Mr. Hay 
 Fleming adds that ' in times not very remote it con- 
 tained a pigstye.' 
 
THE ST. ANDREWS OF THE BISHOPS 
 
 43 
 
 The bishop rebuilt the east end of the Cathedral, 
 which the east wind had wrestled with success- 
 fully- 
 
 The body of the kyrk thus he 
 In all things gart be biggyt weel. 
 
 Wyntoun remarks that his part of the edifice may 
 
 ^m* 
 
 BLACK FBIAES CHAPEL 
 
 be recognised ' by affinity,' that is, by congruity of 
 style which changes from the round to the pointed. 
 ' He roofed what he built — eight bays of the nave — 
 and also erected the west front ' (Hay Fleming). 
 His successor, Bishop Fraser (1279-97), lived in the 
 
44 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 time of the English claim of supremacy, and was, 
 perhaps, a somewhat shifty politician. 
 
 We now reach a point in history where our 
 bishops became of high political and national import- 
 ance. Alexander III. died in 1285; his heir was 
 Margaret, daughter of Eric, King of Xorway, and 
 Margaret was a child. She died in September 1290, 
 on her way to Scotland. Here, then, we find Scot- 
 land first in the confusion of a minority ; next dis- 
 tracted by a doubtful succession. The position 
 recurs in the reign of Henry VIII. of England, and 
 with it recurred to Henry's mind the policy of prac- 
 tically uniting the kingdoms. This Edward I. about 
 1290 would have done by getting his supremacy 
 acknowledged. Henry attempted to reach the result 
 by various marriage projects. In both periods it 
 was the higher clergy of Scotland who supported the 
 cause of national independence. Cardinal Beaton 
 resists Henry as, two hundred and fifty years before, 
 Lamberton, bishop of St. Andrews, resisted Edward ; 
 but, while Lamberton is a Scottish patriot, Beaton's 
 memory is detested by many patriotic Scots. The 
 reason, of course, is that the later champion of 
 Scotch national freedom was a Catholic, and a foe ot 
 the Reformation. In both junctures the English 
 policy, if admitted, would have saved infinite blood- 
 shed and suffering, would have secured to Scotland 
 
THE ST. ANDREWS OF THE BISHOPS 45 
 
 peace, wealth, opportunities of learning, and, in the 
 case of Henry VIII., would have mitigated the 
 havoc of the Scottish reformation and obtained a due 
 provision for the Eeformed Church. The national 
 resistance under Wallace, Bruce, and Lamberton 
 changed Scotland from a comparatively prosperous 
 country, with inklings of civilisation, into a starved, 
 fierce, and half-barbarous realm. Civilisation was 
 cramped by the endless hostilities with England. 
 The Eeformation again, conducted as it was, be- 
 queathed to Scotland a disastrous legacy, the turmoil 
 of the Solemn League and Covenant, innumerable 
 blood-feuds, horrors uncounted, a stinted kirk, 
 beggarly universities, and a fierce, dissatisfied temper 
 of which we may never see the last. Yet few 
 Scotchmen, probably, would exchange the glories of 
 Bannockburn and of the War of Independence for 
 the comfortable results of submission to Edward I. ; 
 and many are proud of the centuries of civil war, 
 turmoil, and dispeace, which were the legacy of the 
 Eeformation. 
 
 To return from this general view, Bishop William 
 Fraser (1279-1297) was one of the six guardians 
 of Scotland, between the death of Alexander III. 
 and the death of Margaret. A letter from Fraser 
 to Edward I. was written at Leuchars, near St. 
 Andrews, in 1290, after the news of the child 
 
4G 
 
 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 queen's death arrived. Fraser says that Eobert 
 Bruce (grandfather of King Eobert I.) is up in arms, 
 that civil war is to be dreaded ; though later news 
 denies the death of the queen. If she does not 
 survive, Fraser begs Edward to come in force to the 
 border ' to console our people and hinder the effusion 
 
 LEUCHAES KIRK 
 
 of blood ' by the rival claimants. The bishop mani- 
 festly favours Baliol, and even hints that Baliol 
 should obey Edward's commands. ' Anything for a 
 peaceful life ' may have been the bishop's motto, but 
 Edward, like Henry VIII. later, was demanding to 
 be put into possession of certain Scotch strongholds. 
 This could not be popular in Scotland. 
 
THE ST. ANDREWS OF THE BISHOPS 47 
 
 In J 297 Fraser died in Paris, but his heart was 
 brought home and buried in the ' kirk conventional,' 
 the Cathedral. 
 
 In 1296 Edward I. passed a day, August 11, at 
 St. Andrews, in the course of overrunning Scotland. 
 The Diary of his expedition briefly says : ' Saturday, 
 to the city of Seynt Andrew, a castell, and a good 
 toune.' On Edward's return to England, whither he 
 carried the sacred stone of Scone and the Black 
 Eood with a portion of the true cross, Wallace arose 
 suddenly, and began his brief career. The chronicler 
 Knyghton tells us that when Wallace came to 
 St. Andrews, three Englishmen fled ' in lapidem 
 ilium qui dicitur petra vel acus Sancti Andreas,' 
 'to a stone called St. Andrews needle, or rock.' 
 The Scotch followed and murdered them, but 
 what the rock was, whether the Spindle Eock 
 on the eastern bay, or not, is not ascertained. 
 Wallace himself, according to the dubious au- 
 thority of Blind Harry, turned out of St. Andrews 
 the bishop sent thither by Edward ; the bishop fled 
 by sea. 
 
 He must have been William Cumyn, brother of 
 the Earl of Buchan, and provost of that old Ouldee 
 establishment, Kirkheugh. As a Cumyn, he was 
 opposed to Bruce and Wallace, and in later years 
 he was still being supported by Edward at Eome. 
 
48 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 Edward settled Wallace by the victory of Fal- 
 kirk. 
 
 And into Fife he went, and brent it clene, 
 And Andrew's town he wasted then full plene. 
 
 Now, too, he probably garrisoned the bishop's 
 castle with English troops. But in St. Andrews he 
 had to do with William of Lamberton (1298-1328), 
 the patriot bishop and friend of Bruce. Lamberton's 
 election had been opposed in the old Culdee Kirk- 
 heugh interest ; the Culdees elected their provost, 
 Cumyn, whom Wallace expelled ; the canons regular 
 chose Lamberton. The Pope decided against the 
 Culdees, and this was practically their last effort. 
 But Lamberton, seeing that Edward supported 
 his rival Cumyn, was naturally induced to be a 
 patriot and stand by Wallace, and, later, by Bruce. 
 Wallace, indeed, kept Lamberton as a kind of am- 
 bassador in France. 1 Lamberton was working for 
 his see, as well as for his country. If Edward were 
 victorious, Lamberton would probably lose his re- 
 venues. In Lent, 1304, Edward held a parliament 
 at St. Andrews, and almost all the nobles took oaths 
 to be his men. At this time the siege of Stirling, 
 held by Olifant for Scotland, was being prosecuted, 
 and Edward stripped the lead from our Cathedral 
 roof to make weights for his siege-engines. Again the 
 
 1 Burton, ii. 80 3. 
 
THE ST. ANDREWS OF THE BISHOPS 49 
 
 roof was stripped of its lead, after the Eeformation, 
 ' the last poor plunder of a ruined church,' but 
 Edward, at least, paid for what he took. He paid 
 96Z. 15s. to the Bishop of Brechin and our prior. 1 
 
 Lamberton's own motives for taking a decisive 
 step by allying himself with Bruce were probably 
 mixed, like those of other statesmen. In his position, 
 a bishop with a tenure of office which England dis- 
 puted, he was not likely to applaud any scheme of 
 dependence on England. In June 1304, therefore, 
 he entered into a 'band' with Bruce, a private 
 alliance, defensive and offensive. In later years, 
 above all in the anarchy which followed the Scotch 
 Eeformation, such bands were common documents, 
 especially when murder was in the air. In the case 
 of Bruce and Lamberton the contracting parties only 
 bind themselves, in general terms, to co-operation. 
 Neither is to undertake any serious enterprise with- 
 out consulting the other. They confirm their league 
 by a solemn oath, but oaths, as we shall see, were 
 nothing to Lamberton. Long before this date, as in 
 the notorious instance of Harold, oaths had been 
 strengthened by a kind of magical ceremony, the 
 touching of relics. But, as the Church sanctioned 
 and devised the oaths, so she knew how to evade 
 them. Oath-taking and oath-breaking became a fine 
 
 1 Burton, ii. 330. 
 
 E 
 
50 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 art. Most men, however devout, had one special oath 
 which they dared not break, as in the familiar in- 
 stance of Louis XL When their one sacred oath 
 was discovered, it meant financial and political ruin, 
 as nobody would be satisfied with any other sanction, 
 and the politician was compelled to keep his pro- 
 mises. Our Bishop Lamberton, like Autolycus in 
 Homer, 1 ' outdid all men at the oath,' or in skill in 
 swearing. He several times perjured himself when 
 he took oaths to Edward on the Black Eood, with 
 its fragment of the true cross. Bruce, therefore, 
 added to the oath a pecuniary penalty for its in- 
 fringement — a penalty of 10,000^., to be devoted to 
 the conquest of the Holy Land. 2 
 
 Bruce's ambition had in Lamberton a powerful 
 ally. The Church, Mr. Burton reckons, could call to 
 arms about a third of the fighting men in the 
 country. The affair of the band, or of some other 
 similar engagement, came to Edward's ears ; Bruce 
 knew he was suspected, he fled from London through 
 the snow (1305-6), and rode, like Dick Turpin, to 
 the North. In the Church of the Grey Friars of 
 Dumfries, he met the Eed Cumyn, and dirked his 
 rival in front of the altar. Cumyn he suspected, per- 
 haps, of betraying the band with Lamberton ; Cumyn's 
 claims to the Scotch succession were also incon- 
 
 1 Odijwij, xix. ;i!Ki. - ralo-rave. Documents, p. 323. 
 
THE ST. ANDKEWS OF, THE BISHOPS 51 
 
 venient. Thus Bruce's patriotic career began in 
 murder and sacrilege. But, as Mr. Burton remarks, 
 the Scotch of that age ' were not ardent devotees 
 of religion.' Bruce had the Church in Scotland on 
 his side, as our bishop was his friend, and it does not 
 appear that Lamberton was staggered by the confes- 
 sion of his remarkable penitent. Wyntoun reports 
 the bishop, when he heard of the occurrence, to have 
 said : — 
 
 I hope Sir Thomas his prophecy 
 Of Ercildomie verified be 
 In him ; for so, our Lord help me, 
 I have great hopes he shall be kyng, 
 And have this land all in leading. 
 
 The Pope bade York and Canterbury excommuni- 
 cate Bruce, but Lamberton was quite unmoved. 
 The gauntlet was now thrown down to Edward ; the 
 people were rising against the English garrisons. 
 Bruce was holding in force his castles of Lochmaben 
 and Kildrummy. 
 
 Lamberton promised to crown Bruce ; he per- 
 haps was aware that he ran little personal risk from 
 the devout Edward, who was no slayer of priests. 
 His confidence was justified. He had in his Castle 
 of St. Andrews (which was occupied by an English 
 garrison) no less a person than Sir James Douglas, 
 ' the Black Douglas,' then a young man. Douglas's 
 father's estates had been forfeited by Edward ; he, 
 
 E 2 
 
52 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 therefore, determined to join Bruce, and he consulted 
 the bishop as to how he might escape. Lamberton 
 advised him to steal his own horse from the stable, 
 strike down the groom if he resisted, and fly. The 
 advice was acted on, and Douglas joined Bruce 
 on his way to Scone. Here, on March 27, 1306, 
 Lamberton crowned the slayer of Cumyn. The 
 sacred stone of Scottish royalty had been carried off 
 by Edward, ' but the Bishop of St. Andrews,' as Mr. 
 Burton says sardonically, ' contrived to make some 
 show of other pomps from his episcopal wardrobe.' 
 After Bruce's defeat at Methven, Lamberton fell into 
 the hands of the English, and was carried from castle 
 to castle, till he was warded in Nottingham. His 
 daily allowance is reckoned, by Mr. Lyon, at fifteen 
 shillings of modern money ; he had a servant, a 
 serving boy, and a chaplain to say mass. Edward 
 had done what Henry VIII. vainty desired to do with 
 Cardinal Beaton : he had interned in England the chief 
 clerical defender of Scotch independence. Edward, 
 writing to the Pope, accused our bishop of extreme 
 ' skill in the oath.' In 1296 he forswore himself on 
 
 1. The consecrated Host. 
 
 2. The Gospels. 
 
 3. The Cross Neyth. 
 
 4. The Black Hood of Scotland. 
 This was hard swearing. 
 
THE ST. ANDREWS OE THE BISHOPS 53 
 
 In 1303-4 he perjured himself again, and yet 
 again to Aylmer de Valence. 
 
 Edward I. died in 1307 ; in 1308 Edward II. was 
 allowing Lamberton 1001. a year out of his revenues. 
 Id August Edward released him ; this time he swore 
 on the cross Neyth, or Gnayth, a piece of the true 
 cross. The simple Edward II. now expected aid 
 from our bishop, who, next year, was presiding over 
 a clerical assembly in support of Bruce ! In 1314 
 Bannockburn was fought, and Edward soon after 
 forgave Lamberton, and gave him a free pass to go 
 abroad. Lamberton could now attend to the needs of 
 St. Andrews. He repaired his castle, out of which 
 the English had been driven. He built the new 
 chapter house, adorned with curious seats and ceil- 
 ings. The seats, each under its pointed arch, remain 
 to this day. He added to the library in which the 
 learned canons composed the Legend of St. Andrews. 
 He erected ten new churches, and, above all, he 
 finished and dedicated the Cathedral (July 5, 1318). 
 
 This may be called the high day of St. Andrews, 
 and the crown of the city's career. Eobert Bruce 
 himself (under an excommunication which gave him 
 little concern) was present — the king with the strong 
 savage face, which craniologists have compared to 
 that of a carnivorous beast, and to the thrice ancient 
 Neanderthal skull. There doubtless were the brave 
 
54 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 Eandolp'h, and the chivalrous Douglas, who followed 
 the hero's heart into the press of battle, and died 
 above it. There were seven bishops, and abbots 
 fifteen, ' and many other gret gentilmen.' Their 
 raiment must have been gorgeous, for they were pro- 
 bably clad, and the Cathedral was enriched, with the 
 spoils of Bannockburn, wealth of tapestries, of plate, 
 of cloth of gold. Shortly before the Eeformation 
 the Cathedral of Aberdeen still possessed many rich 
 robes ' ex spolio conflictus de Bannockburne,' and 
 some of that wonderful spoil appears in the inven- 
 tories of Queen Mary's jewels. 1 Fancy alone can 
 reproduce the splendour of the scene where the 
 thrice perjured prelate dedicates the Church in pre- 
 sence of the excommunicated king. History, as usual 
 in those days, gives us no details. Fancy must 
 draw her own picture of the Cathedral, portions of 
 it already grey with the years, and gnawed by the 
 salt winds, parts fresh and shining white with new- 
 cut stone. 
 
 We learn from Martine, writing more than a 
 hundred years after Knox's day of destruction, that 
 the church had ' five pinnacles and a great steeple on 
 the top of the Church,' the steeple, probably, which 
 Knox saw from his bench in the galleys. ' At the 
 
 'Burton, vol. ii. p. :-!H(i ; Robertson's Preface to Inventories of 
 Quern Mary's Jewels (Banntitvue Club). 
 
THE ST. ANDEEWS OF THE BISHOPS 55 
 
 place where the main and- cross Church did meet 
 there were four pillars greater than the rest, some- 
 thing easterly of the middle of the Church. Upon 
 these great pillars stood the chief steeple of the 
 Church, erected a great deal larger and higher than 
 any of the rest.' All this had fallen long before 
 1683. The roof was ' covered with copper,' accord- 
 ing to Martine, a statement not generally accepted, 
 and shone far out to sea. 
 
 The full length Martine reckons at 370 feet ; the 
 breadth of the main church at 65 feet. The prior's 
 house, or Hospitium Veins, repaired by Lamberton, 
 stood on the south side. ' It hath been a great 
 house.' "West of this, in the direction of St. Leonard's, 
 was the Cloister, and a quadrangle in which the 
 yearly Senzie Fair was held for fifteen days after 
 Easter. In Martine's time the Senzie House, called 
 also ' the sub-Prior's House,' was quite entire, with a 
 hall and chambers, a charter-house, a little old 
 chapel, used as a stable. The Senzie Chamber was 
 made the library of St. Leonard's College. This was 
 burned in the eighteenth century, but the walls of 
 it and the Senzie House existed, and the Senzie 
 House was inhabited when Grierson wrote in 1805. 
 Afterwards all was demolished ; a commonplace 
 modern house, The Priory, was built on the site, a 
 hot-house, with its smoking chimney, was erected 
 
56 
 
 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 against the outside of the south wall of the Cathedral. 
 The arches leading to the Cloisters were walled up 
 with brick, on which fruit trees are trained. Thus 
 
 ft 
 
 Hi , j, -><ijJ*.r«-» 
 
 *,1 I • • rti 
 
 THE SOUTH WALL OF THE CATHEDRAL 
 
 Philistinism achieved what revolution began, and 
 thus the modern visitor may see the desecrated south 
 wall of Bruce's Cathedral. 1 The Refectory adjoined 
 
 ' Gricrson, edition of 18158. 
 
THE ST. ANDKEWS OF THE BISHOPS 57 
 
 the south wall of the Cloister, and was 108 feet 
 by 28. In Martine's time the space was occupied 
 by a large but ill-laid bowling-green. The Guest 
 Hall and other buildings were quite demolished 
 and enclosed in the grounds of St. Leonard's Col- 
 lege. 
 
 All these edifices were fresh and fine on that day 
 of July when the Cathedral was dedicated, and doubt- 
 less the victor of Bannockburn, with his knights, 
 was lodged within the Priory. But compared with 
 what is left above ground of all this magnificence, 
 the ruins of Troy may be called considerable. It is 
 hard to conceive how so clean a sweep was made. 
 On the top of the massive, vaulted first floor of the 
 ruined Priory the whins are growing as freely as on 
 the links. What has become of the superstructure, 
 of halls where Bruce was entertained ? Probably 
 much was carted away when the land was sold to a 
 private purchaser and the ugly modern villa was 
 erected. St. Leonard's also used monastic buildings 
 to repair her own breaches. 
 
 Lamberton died in 1328, and was buried under 
 ' an arch of fair work and of fine ' — such as remains, 
 much battered and despoiled, over Bishop Kennedy 
 in the college Church. Bruce soon followed 
 his own ally, dying in 1329. In 1331 the new 
 bishop, James de Bane, crowned David II. at 
 
58 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 Scone, using, for the first time, the ceremony of 
 anointing. 
 
 Oynted before him was na kyng 
 That Scotland had in governing. 
 
 The cause of Scotland and St. Andrew was 
 gained at last, but at an unlucky price. The Scottish 
 monarchs were now obliged by the Pope to swear, in 
 their coronation oath, that they would root out of 
 their kingdom universos hereticos ah ecclesia denotatos, 
 ' all whom the Church should denounce as heretics ! ' 
 
 ' For the hardness of our hearts he gave us this 
 law.' We have been persecuting heretics ever since 
 in Scotland. 
 
 Dr. Joseph Eobertson, in his Concilia Scotia?, 1 says 
 that the perfervid genius of the Scottish people 
 ' cherished the right of persecution as a duty of 
 religion, and it outlived both the Beformation and 
 the Ee volution. . . . Knox would have aggravated 
 its terms, and they were ratified by the Parliament 
 which established the Protestant religion. The oath 
 lasted till the Union.' In brief, from the days of 
 Eobert Bruce till those of Queen Anne the Scottish 
 Church and the Scottish State solemnly recognised, 
 by oath, that it was their duty 'to ruite out all 
 heretykis and enemeis to the trew worschip of 
 God that sal be convict be the trew kirk of God of 
 
 1 BanniUyne Club, 1866, vol. i. p. xlviii, Note 8. 
 
THE ST. ANDREWS OF THE BISHOPS 59 
 
 the forsaidis crimes.' The trew kirk was now one 
 thing, now another, now Catholic, now Calvinistic, 
 but always persecuting. This was the oath as ad- 
 ministered to James VI. in 1567. The baby king, 
 of course, knew nothing of the matter. In 1651 
 Charles II., of all people, had to add another oath, 
 binding him, ' without respect of persons, to en- 
 deavour the extirpation of popery and prelacy.' 
 The years between the founding of the Cathedral 
 of St. Andrews and its consecration, with an addi- 
 tional period of eleven years, saw Scotland and her 
 Church made free from English supremacy. But 
 they also saw both Church and State bound, as far 
 as oaths can bind, to a cruel, monstrous, and absurd 
 system of persecution. At the height of the glory 
 of St. Andrews was thus sown the seed of her shame 
 — a shame that endured from the burning of Paul 
 Craw to the burning of the altar of the Episcopalians 
 here after the Forty-five. 1 
 
 Thus Bruce won for his country freedom, but at 
 a great price. In the oath which was now to be 
 sworn at the king's anointing lay a germ of ruin. In 
 the victory of Bannockburn, as Dr. Bobertson says, 
 ' was a greater disaster to Scotland than the carnage 
 
 1 The latter event lias only the evidence of tradition. See Lyon's 
 St. Andrews, vol. ii. p. 131. But the Nonjurors really were forbidden 
 to meet for worship, under very heavy penalties, after the rising under 
 Prince Charles. 
 
60 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 of Flodden or the rout of Pinkie Cleugh. The first 
 note of contest banished every English priest, monk, 
 or friar from the northern realm.' Henceforth Scot- 
 land was a poorer, a less cultivated, a ruder realm ; 
 henceforth it had an enemy with a grudge to avenge 
 on its southern border. 
 
 With the dedication of the Cathedral and the 
 deaths of Lamberton and Bruce we close the chapter. 
 The first showed us how St. Andrews began, as all 
 things begin, with a cell, the sea-worn cave in the 
 cliff; how the old Irish and the Eoman Church fought, 
 the former succumbing ; how the Priory grew and 
 the Cathedral was founded. The second chapter 
 reveals another struggle between England and Scot- 
 land. From England came all the impetus towards 
 improvement, in the persons of St. Margaret and of 
 many ecclesiastics ; but the nation and the Church 
 threw off the power of the southern realm, and 
 Bannockburn, insuring a truce from war, gave leisure 
 to finish the Cathedral. 
 
 Of human life in St. Andrews during those hun- 
 dreds of years, history, as then written, tells 
 little. We imagine a small town of wooden build- 
 ings, dependent mainly on the Church, and not un- 
 willingly paying its dues and altarages to the great 
 corporation by which it gains its importance. Each 
 of the trades his il.s altar and patron saint in the 
 
THE ST. ANDREWS OF THE BISHOPS 61 
 
 Cathedral. We see the foreign sailors on the little 
 quay, the crowds of foreign and native masons, the 
 directing canon busy among them. We see the 
 men of the English garrison issue from the Castle, 
 and join the merchant men in their booths at the 
 Senzie Fair. Later the tumultuous national levies of 
 spearmen gather, so tradition says, for the fray of 
 Bannockburn, at The Blue Stone, the stone which now 
 lies within a railing, in the ground of the Alexandra 
 Hotel ; once, perhaps, it was a fetish, and noted later 
 as a trysting place of witches and bogles. Eound 
 this may have gathered the spears that ' made good 
 their dark impenetrable wood ' at Bannockburn. But 
 of all these matters only fancy and vague rumour 
 bring any report. 
 
 Of the canons in the new priory, and of their 
 mode of existence, we know more. We know, at 
 least, what kind of life they professed to lead and 
 should have led, and did lead according to Boethius. 
 Mr. Lyon quotes Mr. Thomas Innes, at one time Prin- 
 cipal of the Scots College in Paris, who had seen an 
 old manuscript ' containing the ordinary service of 
 that Church (St. Andrews) entirely conformable to 
 the use of Sarum.' x They usually left the warm dor- 
 mitory, in a long gallery joining the south transept of 
 the Cathedral (part of the staircase to it remains) 
 
 1 Spalding Club Miscellany, vol. ii. p. 365. 
 
62 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 wherein were thirty-four beds, at the holy hour of 
 half-past one in the morning. They were allowed 
 half an hour in which to dress and recite the peni- 
 tential Psalms. They then performed services in 
 church for two hours. Then there was an hour's 
 interval, and, we trust, breakfast. At five Prime 
 began, and all went to the Chapter House, where 
 announcements were read out, penances enjoined, 
 and punishments inflicted, if necessary. To church 
 again, and another service. Then there was a space 
 for work or study, but from eight to ten they were 
 celebrating mass. At ten they dined in the Eefec- 
 tory, when, on some days, a brother read aloud from 
 a lectern. Only two dishes were allowed, with a 
 third on high days. Men who came in late had a 
 difficulty in getting ale or wine. They said grace in 
 church, and enjoyed a little repose and recreation, 
 but they had not time enough for a round on the 
 links. After one o'clock some drink was going in the 
 refectory. At three they held vespers, and supper at 
 five. In the vacant time thej worked in the war- 
 den, transcribed books, or carved ornaments for the 
 Cathedral. Complines lasted till seven, then, after a 
 light meal, they went to bed, ' frequently without 
 undressing.' ' They began latterly, however, to re- 
 lax somewhat in their rigid observance of these rules.' 
 We know not how soon the relaxation crept in, but 
 
THE ST. ANDREWS OF THE BISHOPS 63 
 
 some of the services were dispensed with in 1460 
 by permission of Pius II. It is manifest that canons 
 who conformed to these rules had little time for dis- 
 sipation ; indeed their lot was far from being enviable. 
 They wore a white robe with a rochet of fine linen, 
 and an amice of fine grey or black skin, lined with 
 ermine. 
 
 Of the canons themselves what remains ? Two 
 tombstones in the south transept of the Cathedral. 
 The oldest is now hardly legible, but it is engraved 
 and described by Lyon in his ' Ancient Monuments 
 of St. Andrews ' (No. ii.). The inscription is in 
 Gothic letters round the margin : — 
 
 Here lies buried Dominus Bobert Catherio, Canon of this place, 
 who died a.d. 1380. 
 
 Not far off" is the tombstone of Canon James 
 Eliot, of the Metropolitan Church of St. Andrews, 
 who died November 18, 1513. ' Fratres. obsecro. 
 orate, pro. me.' 
 
 There is also a tomb of John Gray, 
 
 glazier and plumber of this holy temple. 
 
 The date is 15-5. 
 
 Almost all the other old tombstones are of Pro- 
 testant times. 
 
64 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 TO THE FOUNDATION OF THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 The years which intervened between the dedication 
 of the Cathedral (1318) and the founding of the 
 University of St. Andrews (1411) were full of events 
 — full of confused wars and troubles ; but they left 
 no particular mark on the city or its buildings. 
 The successor of William of Lamberton, Bishop James 
 de Bane, is called Jamys Ben by Wyntoun, and clearly 
 was not popular. He was elected by the vote of 
 only half the canons, but, as he chanced to be at the 
 Roman court, he obtained the bishopric by the Papal 
 interest. The constant running to Rome with pleas 
 for preferment was one of the ecclesiastical grievances 
 of Scotland, and is much insisted upon by the Re- 
 formers in later days. John Major, in his ' History 
 of Greater Britain,' says that foreigners should not 
 judge the Scots by those who wrangle for benefices 
 at Rome. In 1331 the Bishop crowned, as we saw, 
 and also anointed, the boy king David II., at Scone. 
 Edward Balliol, son of John Balliol, now made an 
 
TO THE FOUNDATION OF THE UNIVERSITY 65 
 
 attempt on the kingdom, won the battle of Dupplin, 
 was crowned by the Bishop of Dunkeld, and so 
 caused ' Jamys Ben ' to fly from St. Andrews into 
 Flanders. He died and was buried in Bruges. The 
 see lay vacant for nine years, Edward III. in vain 
 soliciting the Pope to appoint a friend of his. The 
 country was divided between the national and the 
 English party, who held the Castle of St. Andrews. 
 After a three weeks' siege the Begent, Sir Andrew 
 Murray, took and demolished the Castle. He used 
 powerful ' machines,' and the chronicler laments 
 the splendid buildings, constructed by ' rare art,' 
 which were burned on this occasion. The existing 
 ruins, of course, are of a very much later date. The 
 Priory, at this time, was all but ruined by English 
 exactions ; the money extorted from the prior was 
 spent in rebuilding the walls and towers of Perth. 
 The next bishop elected, William Bell, found no favour 
 with the Pope in Borne ; was there attacked by some 
 ophthalmic disease, returned to St. Andrews, and died 
 in the Priory. William de Landel next obtained the 
 see. He was much busied in negotiations for the 
 release of King David, taken prisoner at Neville's 
 Cross (1346), and was remarkable for his pilgrimages 
 to the shrine of St. James in Spain, to Canterbury, 
 and to Borne. He crowned Bobert II. in 1370. In 
 his time (1378) the Cathedral by some accident — 
 
 F 
 
66 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 Boethius says perhaps by a jackdaw carrying a burn- 
 ing twig to its nest — was partly burned down. The 
 bishop adorned the Cathedral ' with fair jewels,' vest- 
 ments, and books. William de Loudon, sub-prior at 
 this date, roofed the dormitory, the old Church of 
 St. Eegulus, and the south part of the refectory. He 
 also presented the church with a curiously em- 
 broidered velum, adorned with ' images ' in needle- 
 work, which hung between the altar and the choir. 
 The repairs of the Cathedral were not finished till 
 1440. Indeed it is a singular thing that parts of 
 St. Andrews were almost always ruinous. The next 
 bishop-elect was taken at sea by the English and died 
 in captivity, consoling himself by the economical 
 reflection that his Church would not need to pay his 
 ransom. Walter Trail, the next prelate (1385-1401), 
 was of Clement's consecration at Avignon, during 
 the great schism which shook the Catholic world. 
 In 1390 he crowned Eobert III. at Scone. He pre- 
 sented many rich gifts to the Cathedral — a silver 
 vessel for holy water, ' a stick of silver,' golden 
 bodkins, and silver ewers. Fordun asserts that Trail 
 was very severe in the matter of discipline. If any 
 of the canons ' perceptibly ' kept a mistress, he was 
 punished by imprisonment or loss of his benefice. The 
 loose lives of the clergy at a later date furnished Lind- 
 say and other satirists with weapons, and it must be 
 
TO THE FOUNDATION OF THE UNIVERSITY 67 
 
 granted that men like Cardinal Beaton were remote 
 from the example of Trail. This worthy man rebuilt 
 the Castle, in which he died, outworn by old age, in 
 140 1. 1 The following bishop-elect, Thomas Stuart, a 
 son of Bobert III., was never consecrated. Scotland 
 held by Benedict XIII., who gave the Bull for the 
 university ; but Benedict was besieged in Avignon, 
 and the confirmation was thus postponed. At this 
 time the brother of the bishop-elect, the young Duke 
 of Eothsay, was seized near Strathtyrum, a place 
 within a mile of St. Andrews, by the emissaries of his 
 uncle, the Duke of Albany. He was imprisoned in 
 the Castle here, and thence carried to Falkland, where 
 the circumstances of his death are well known to all 
 readers of the ' Fair Maid of Perth.' The event,' 
 according to the ' Scotichronicon,' was foretold by ' the 
 Prophet of Breclyngton,' and presaged by a comet. 
 According to tradition, Eothsay was immured in the 
 Bottle Dungeon of the Castle dug in the rock below 
 the sea wall. This is a statement more picturesque 
 than probable ; indeed, we do not know for certain 
 that Eothsay was starved to death at all. He rode 
 to Falkland from St. Andrews through a tempest of 
 rain, and it was given out that he died of dysentery, 
 produced, probably, by a chill ; but the prisons of 
 princes are ever near their graves. 2 The next elected 
 
 1 Scotichronicon, vi. 46. 3 Ibid. xv. 13. 
 
 if 9 
 
68 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 bishop, Danyelstone, got the revenues of the see by 
 discreditable means, but only enjoyed them for half 
 a year. He had bartered for the bishopric the 
 Castle of Dumbarton, which he was holding by force 
 of arms. The prior in his time, and later, was 
 James Bissett, a great benefactor of the monastery. 
 He added glass windows to the hospitium, or inn 
 for guests ; he completed the roofing of the burned 
 cathedral, and provided many farm-offices, mills (one 
 mill is extant now), stables, and piggeries. He was 
 a good economist of the property, using its revenues 
 for the repair of the Cathedral and the relief of the 
 poor. 
 
 Danyelstone was succeeded by a bishop of note, 
 Henry Wardlaw (1404-1440), the founder of the 
 University. In the Castle he entertained the father 
 of Hotspur, slain at Shrewsbury, and took charge of 
 the earl's grandson, and of the young prince of 
 Scotland who became James I. But the great event 
 of Wardlaw's rule was the foundation of the Univer- 
 sity, the first in Scotland, which, through many 
 troubles, has survived the Cathedral and every 
 Catholic institution. 
 
 The period of this foundation seems rather in- 
 auspicious. For a hundred years after the move- 
 ment of Wyclif in England, at the close of the four- 
 teenth century, the Universities of Oxford and 
 
TO THE FOUNDATION OF THE UNIVERSITY 69 
 
 Cambridge were in a state of intellectual torpor. 
 This has been attributed to the repression of free 
 thought and of Lollard ideas ; more probably the 
 unsettled state of the succession to the throne, the 
 wars of Henry V., and the weakness and misfortunes 
 of Henry VI. may have distracted men's minds from 
 the quiet pursuits of learning. The time, too, was 
 ' between two worlds, one dead, the other power- 
 less to be born.' ' The age of the great schoolmen 
 was over ; that of the revivers of classical literature 
 had not begun.' ] In English literature, as well as 
 in English University history, there is a weary tract 
 between Chaucer and Sir Thomas More. It was in 
 this interregnum of letters that our Scottish Univer- 
 sity was created. It was avowedly intended to act 
 as a bulwark against heresy, against the views of the 
 Lollards, which were to be encountered by learning 
 as well as by faggots. The learning was of the 
 old sort, occupied with the scholastic philosophy, 
 which had enlisted the half-understood and pre- 
 cariously translated Aristotle as a soldier of the 
 Church. It was not in nature that the New Learning 
 of the Eenaissance, based on Greek and classical 
 literature, and on the Bible read in the original 
 tongues, should come early up this way. Erin ting 
 reached Scotland thirty years after it came, with 
 
 1 Maxwell Lyte, History of the University of Oxford, i. 314. 
 
70 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 Caxton, to England. Everything arrived here late, 
 and Greek studies when they dawned were suspicious 
 in the eyes of even the learned Catholic clergy of 
 Scotland. 
 
 The unlucky and unforeseen thing occurred, as 
 usual, in consequence of the foundation of St. 
 Andrews University. The men who were to be 
 educated for the defence of the Church drank too 
 deeply of St. Leonard's Well ; they learned more 
 than it was expected, or desired, or even known to be 
 possible that they should learn. Thus the young 
 University of Wardlaw, after a century or more of 
 antiquated studies, turned to the New Learning, and 
 supplied many advocates of the Eeformation. Nothing 
 was further from the hopes of Bishop Wardlaw, of 
 Laurence of Lindores, of all our early founders, 
 masters, and benefactors. At the same time, nothing 
 was more certain to happen. That the students of the 
 Eenaissance, when it began to dawn here about 
 1540, should have discovered that, if their pre- 
 decessors had been mistaken, they themselves were 
 not infallible, was more than could be hoped from 
 human nature. Having found out that their old 
 teachers and old doctrines had been, in some things, 
 erroneous, Knox and his associates believed that they 
 themselves must be necessarily, eternally, and in- 
 fallibly in the right. They were the proprietors and 
 
TO THE FOUNDATION OF THE UNIVERSITY 71 
 
 patentees of ' the Truth,' their Church was ' the Trew 
 Kirk,' and they were as ready to persecute as ever 
 their old teachers had been. Such is the character 
 of man, and such probably it will always be. When 
 Wardlaw and Lindores founded the College, they 
 were laying the axe to the tree of the Church. Had 
 those ecclesiastics been as indifferent to study as the 
 Catholic clergy is freely accused of being in Scotland, 
 the Eeformation, with much of the needless ruin it 
 brought, might have come to St. Andrews indeed, 
 but not, perhaps, so rapidly, nor, possibly, with the 
 same violence. But it is vain to speculate on might- 
 have-beens. It is certain that even a slight tincture 
 of the New Learning could not dwell in Scotland with 
 the ancient Church. Our ancestors were not minded 
 like Eabelais and Erasmus. IfEome was wrong in 
 this and that, then there was to be no truce with 
 Eome, no peace for her children, no safety for all the 
 glorious works of the ancient Mother Church — the 
 mother who was so well worth robbing. The nobles 
 took most of her lands, the mob probably seized her 
 jewels ; the State for long eked out its revenues by 
 stripping and selling the lead from her roofs and from 
 the coffins of her dead. Her unprofitable ornaments, 
 the statues of her saints, were given to the fire. 
 
 But all these results, flowing in part from his own 
 learned foundation, were far off — were lying unread 
 
72 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 ' on the knees of the Gocls,' when Wardlaw instituted 
 his University in St. Andrews. 
 
 Probably from the remotest times there had been 
 schools in connection with the religious establish- 
 ments here. Early in the twelfth century, we saw that 
 Eadmer was welcomed by the scholastici on his way 
 to the Cathedral. ' Poor scholars of St. Andrews,' 
 and one Patrick, ' master of the schools,' are spoken 
 of in a document of the thirteenth century. 1 Therein 
 the schools are called scolce civitatis Sancti Andrew, 
 and the scholars ejusdem civitatis, and they are re- 
 cognised as members of an old institution. About 
 the studies pursued by these ' poor scholars,' we 
 know nothing definite. The University began thus : 
 in 1410 a voluntary association was formed by 
 Laurence of Lindores, Abbot of Scone, Eichard 
 Cornwall, Archdeacon of Lothian, William Stephen, 
 later Bishop of Dunblane, and others, who de- 
 livered lectures on the scholastic philosophy, on 
 divinity, logic, and the canon and civil law, to 
 any who would listen. The Bishop of St. Andrews, 
 Henry Wardlaw, in 1411, granted privileges to a 
 University, which he intended to be ' an impreg- 
 nable rampart of Doctors and Masters to resist 
 Heresy.' The Lollard notions had already reached 
 
 ' Register of the. Priori/ of St. Andrews, p. 316. Presented by 
 Mr. Tyndoll Bruce to the Bannatyne Club. Edinburgh, 1841. 
 
TO THE FOUNDATION OF THE UNIVERSITY 73 
 
 Scotland ; hence the need of a breakwater against 
 new ideas. The University is to study ' Divine and 
 human law, Medicine, and the liberal arts.' It is to 
 have a rector, and, in all disputes between the new 
 community and the city baillies, the bishop and his 
 successors are to be judges. The members of the 
 University are to be amenable only to the rector's 
 jurisdiction. The stationers and servitors of the 
 University are to enjoy similar privileges. The 
 aldermannus (provost) and baillies are to swear 
 yearly ' in the hands of the rector,' to respect those 
 privileges. The prior of the monastery makes 
 similar grants. Bread, beer, and so forth, are to be 
 sold to University men at the same rates as to towns- 
 people. The University is to be free from all taxa- 
 tion and exactions, all ' watchings ' and similar 
 duties. 
 
 The bish«p thus clearly foresaw the inevitable 
 disputes of town and gown, and attempted to place 
 his foundation on a free footing. Far from eating 
 up the town's rights, however, as at Oxford, the 
 University, as time went on, fell more or less under 
 civic management, a thing detestable to the aca- 
 demic mind. Instead of acting as a bulwark against 
 heresy, the colleges — especially St. Leonard's — be- 
 came nests of heretics and homes of the new ideas. 
 
 The bishop's grant was made subject to the 
 
74 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 authority of the Papal See. At that time there were 
 three claimants of the Papacy. Scotland adhered to 
 Benedict XIII. who, from his residence in Aragon, 
 confirmed the privileges by a Bull, dated August 28, 
 1413. The King of Scotland, James L, the Bishop 
 of St. Andrews, and the rest of the petitioners had 
 stated to the Pope their reasons for desiring to found 
 a University. In these troubled times, Scottish 
 clerks were put to great expense and peril in travel- 
 ling either to Oxford or to Paris and the other con- 
 tinental places of education. A Studium Generale, 
 or University, was therefore much needed within the 
 kingdom. The Pope, in wonderfully bad Latin, 
 declares that he ' believes there are peace and quiet 
 in the town of St. Andrews ' (le pauvre homme!) and 
 the adjacent district ; that the region is fertile and 
 well victualled (a later Pope had to be assured 
 that the olive is not cultivated in Fife !) ; that there 
 are plenty of hospitia, and that the place is remark- 
 able for its ' amenity.' He therefore ordains here a 
 Studium Generale in canon and civil law, medicine, 
 theology, and the liberal arts, with power to ex- 
 amine and grant degrees, and confirms all this by 
 his Bull. The Bull was warmly welcomed here, and 
 was read aloud in the refectory, whence a pro- 
 cession marched to the Cathedral and chanted the 
 Te Deum at (he high altar. The citizens also were 
 
TO THE FOUNDATION OF THE UNIVERSITY 75 
 
 greatly moved, and expressed their satisfaction by 
 bonfires and conviviality : bibentes vinum cum 
 Icetitia} The king recognised the University as his 
 ' spiritual daughter,' but, alas, this child of many 
 Bulls was but poorly dowered ; ' a tocherless lass wi' 
 a lang pedigree ' is our old university. The earliest 
 professors, being churchmen, had no official income 
 as teachers in the University ; they only retained 
 their benefices. There is no proof that the early 
 University had even any buildings of its own (though 
 a theological college was earlier provided for) till 
 1430, when Bishop Wardlaw gave it a dwelling on 
 the south side of South Street, the side on which 
 the library and St. Mary's College now stand. This 
 place, ' The Pasdagogiuni,' might either be used 
 for grammatical schools, or as halls and chambers 
 of the students. The masters and regents were to 
 celebrate the anniversary of the eve of the bishop's 
 death in chapel, with two wax tapers burning on a 
 covered table, a Placebo and Dirige. 2 In 141 8 Bobert 
 of Montrose, secular canon of St. Mary's of the Bock, 
 granted a tenement for a college of theology and the 
 arts, giving possession thereof ' by means of earth, 
 and stone, and money, and an image of St. John the 
 
 1 Fordun and Bower, lib. xv. ch. 23. 
 
 2 The Bulls and other documents may be read in the Report of the 
 Commissioners, 1826-1830. They are translated in the appendix of 
 Lyon's History. 
 
76 ST. ANDKEWS 
 
 Evangelist,' to Laurence of Lindores, who is ap- 
 pointed master of the college. Obits are to be cele- 
 brated for his soul at least thrice a week. The house 
 and parcel of land was in South Street (vicus australis)} 
 A theological college, if not that of St. Mary's, may 
 thus be regarded as of the oldest endowment. 
 Laurence of Lindores, who was lecturing on the 
 Sentences of Peter Lombard in 1410, before the 
 foundation of the University, was he who presided 
 over the council which condemned and burned James 
 Eesby, a Wycliffite, at Perth, 1406-7. Our theo- 
 logical college began, therefore, under a most ortho- 
 dox principal : ' inquisitor of wicked heresies.' 
 
 Even before the Pcedagogium, the building of 
 Bishop Kennedy in South Street, was given to the 
 University, Lindores had made a beginning of the 
 end of medieval St. Andrews, bj r procuring the burn- 
 ing of Paul Craw, or Crawar, at this place (1432). 
 According to Bower (1385-1449), who continued 
 the chronicle of Eordun, Craw was a phj-sician, an 
 emissary of the Bohemian heretics. He was probably 
 sent to St. Andrews as to the centre of learning and 
 orthodoxy in Scotland. The place where Craw 
 suffered is unknown. We have indeed a legend in 
 Boece (1532), but Monkbarns not ill describes Mair 
 and Boece as ' the Jachin and Boaz, not of history 
 
 1 lujmrl of Commission, p. 350. 
 
TO THE FOUNDATION OF THE UNIVERSITY 77 
 
 but of falsification and forgery,' though Sir Arthur 
 Wardour considered them as ' venerable and moss- 
 grown pillars on which the credit of Scottish an- 
 tiquities repose.' Boece relates that Craw was burned 
 in Market Street ; a St. Andrew's cross in the pave- 
 ment may be near the scene. Boece also puts the 
 weight of the affair on Fogo, Abbot of Melrose, not 
 on Lindores. The whole matter is perplexed by late 
 traditions, but there is no doubt that Craw was the 
 first heretic who perished by fire at St. Andrews. 
 Whatever Craw's ideas may have been, the clergy of 
 the time and place probably held the same opinion of 
 them as Bower. 1 They regarded Craw as a very 
 advanced Socialist, who taught that all property 
 should be common, and who urged the community of 
 women. ' They shall go where there is no order, but 
 eternal dread.' In truth most of the mediaeval here- 
 tics were really Socialists. Their religious ideas were 
 not so essential as their social theories, which persons 
 in authority tried to suppress with all ' the resources 
 of civilisation.' That heretical opinions, namely, 
 ideas and practices not consonant with the religion 
 in power at the moment, should be punished by 
 death, was no peculiar tenet of the Church. John 
 Knox in a letter of June 23, 1559, talking of the 
 Eeformation in Perth, says that ' the priests were 
 
 1 Scotichronico?i, xvi. 21. 
 
78 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 commanded, under paine of death, to desist from their 
 blasphemous masse.' l aSTor was the punishment by 
 fire alien to the taste of the Eeformers. Knox scolded 
 an old woman from the pulpit, before she was burned 
 on the childish charge of witchcraft. But burning 
 for the crime of heresy was the great sin and blunder 
 of the Church. Men who would behead and hang 
 for heresy, or threaten to do so, and would burn an 
 innocent old woman for a crime that does not exist, 
 were horrified by burning for religious opinions. The 
 odium begotten by such acts was really a potent 
 cause of the excesses of the Eeformers. The torch 
 that lighted Craw's pyre set the flames to the monas- 
 teries. 
 
 Poor as the early University of St. Andrews 
 was, a man like Laurence of Lindores did not suffer 
 it to be despicable. Several years before it even 
 possessed the Pcedagogium of Bishop Kennedy, a 
 dispute arose as to the precedency between the 
 ancient and wealthy priory on one hand, and the 
 young and destitute Studium Generate on the other. 
 In 1422 it was decided by the bishop, Henry Ward- 
 law, that the rector should have precedence of the 
 prior in entering and leaving church, that the rector 
 should sit next the bishop, and the prior next him. 
 Attempts were made to pacify the disturbed spirits 
 
 1 Living's Kno.r, vi. 23. 
 
TO THE FOUNDATION OF THE UNIVERSITY 79 
 
 of the University men and the retainers of the priory, 
 who were at feud. 1 The rector, from Laurence of 
 Lindores' time to 1475, was elected by the represen- 
 tatives of the four nations, into which, on the model 
 of Paris Universities, the whole academic community 
 was divided. These four nations were taken as 
 divisions of Scotland : North of Tay ; Fife, with all 
 between Forth and Tay ; Lothian (including 
 Tweedale), Eskdale, Lauderdale, and the Merse ; and 
 Galloway, with Southern Lennox. In 1475 the elec- 
 tive powers were confined to doctors, masters, 
 licentiates, and bachelors. In the early time, the 
 rector's office lasted only for one year. Efforts were 
 made to discourage appeals from his authority ' to 
 the king or other judge.' He was obliged to reside in 
 St. Andrews. 
 
 The next event of importance in our academic 
 history was the foundation of St. Salvator's College 
 by Bishop James Kennedy (1440-1466). This excel- 
 lent prelate was of royal descent, a grandson of 
 Eobert III. His magnificence in public matters was 
 not more observed by his contemporaries than his 
 private frugality and purity of life. To the general 
 looseness of clerical manners, and the carelessness of 
 clerical discipline, he was an exception and an enemy. 
 He insisted on the strict performance of their paro- 
 
 1 Beport of Commission, 1837, p. 234. 
 
80 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 chial duties by his vicars, whom he urged to preach 
 to their flocks and to visit the sick. Dr. McCrie, in 
 his Life of John Knox, can find no examples of 
 bishops who preached. Perhaps Dr. McCrie was 
 sceptical about the evidence of Lindsay of Pitscottie, 
 according to whom Bishop Kennedy, when he visited 
 the parishes in his see, ' preached to the said 
 parishioners the word of God, and inquired of them 
 if they were duly instructed by their parson or vicar, 
 and if the poor were sustained and the youth in- 
 structed.' That such conduct in a bishop was 
 unusual is itself a sufficient proof of the general 
 ecclesiastical neglect. 
 
 In 1444 Bishop Kennedy drew up an agreement 
 between the University and the citizens of St. An- 
 drews. In the previous year the citizens and 
 Council of Cologne had been asked to arbitrate be- 
 tween our town and University on a question of 
 jurisdiction. They decided that the rector had no 
 jurisdiction over the citizens, and that members of 
 the University, in disputes with townsmen, must go 
 before a civil judge. 1 The document is a kind of 
 compromise. After mentioning the accustomed pri- 
 vileges of the University, it is decreed that, if a 
 gownsman complains of a townsman, the rector shall 
 send his beadles to the baillie (the town magistrate) 
 
 1 MS. Charters, Lyon, u. 281, note. 
 
TO THE FOUNDATION OF THE UNIVERSITY 81 
 
 who shall hear the townsman's case. If the towns- 
 man deny the debt (the town is rarely in debt to the 
 gown), the rector shall investigate the affair. There 
 is an appeal to the bishop. 
 
 On September 13, 1458, Pope Pius II. (^Eneas 
 Sylvius Piccolomini) confirmed, by a Bull, Bishop 
 Kennedy's foundation of St. Salvator's College, ' the 
 auld college,' as it was called after the establishment 
 of St. Leonard's. The Bull is written in Latin, 
 which a Ciceronian would not admire, and is full of 
 queer rhetoric about 'the inestimable pearl of 
 learning.' Pope Nicholas V. had already approved 
 of Kennedy's project. The college is to consist of 
 the apostolic, though unlucky, number of thirteen 
 persons on the foundation. First there is the 
 Propositus, or principal, a master in theology ; then a 
 licentiate and a bachelor in the same faculty ; then 
 four masters ; lastly, six poor clerks, whose parents 
 cannot defray the expenses of their education. Each 
 of the superiors is to lecture in the studies of his 
 own faculty. Revenues of certain churches, as 
 Kemback on the Eden, are devoted to the mainte- 
 nance of the college. No member is to be absent from 
 the college for more than a month in the year. All 
 are to live in collegiate fashion, with a common 
 table. The rector of the university, or, in his absence, 
 the archdeacon, was visitor. The founders of the 
 
 G 
 
82 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 college contemplated the admission of other than 
 poor scholars, of young men who were to live the 
 collegiate life and obey the rules, but who were not 
 to be on the foundation. Meanwhile -the original 
 Pasdagogium still continued to be a place of instruc- 
 tion. Of the college buildings which the bishop 
 erected in North Street nothing now remains but the 
 chapel and, perhaps, the house of the janitor, in 
 which is contained a small collection of academic 
 antiquities. From the Eeformation onwards the 
 quadrangle was always more or less in disrepair, 
 if not in ruins. Modern class-rooms of sufficient 
 accommodation now occupy the site. The grey 
 tower and spire are fine examples of the robust yet 
 graceful architecture of the Middle Pointed period ; 
 and the arms of Kennedy, on the door, have survived 
 the fury of destruction. The bishop's tomb within the 
 chapel is the last dilapidated fragment of the finer 
 art in which he took pleasure. The collection of 
 miniature ' towers, pinnacles, crockets, canopies, 
 arches, and pillars,' is charmingly fantastic even now. 
 But in the last century the local wiseacres, urged by 
 the devil, or fearing that the chapel-roof would fall, 
 endeavoured to remove the roof. The old work- 
 manship defied them ; so they loosened it from the 
 walls and let it drop with a crash. The tomb of the 
 bishop was much injured, and, to judge from its 
 
TO THE FOUNDATION OF THE UNIVERSITY 83 
 
 weather-beaten appearance, was probably left for 
 some time open to wind and rain. 1 
 
 It lias a melancholy aspect, this last relic of old 
 splendour, with its blurred and undecipherable in- 
 scription, its pathetic crumbling surface, its empty 
 niches, standing against the plain wall, among the 
 bare decent pews, and in the crude light from 
 stained-glass windows of an unfortunate period in the 
 revival of that art. 
 
 Bishop Kennedy not only built the college ; he 
 endowed it with rich vestments and jewels. The 
 catalogue of their vanished splendour exists in a 
 parchment MS. volume in the college. There were 
 red, blue, and white cloths of gold, embroidered 
 velvet caps, images of gold, many illuminated books, 
 a tall image in silver of Our Lord, with a great 
 loose diadem set with precious stones, golden crosses 
 set with pearls, a piece of the true cross in a silver 
 gilt case, ' a monster of silver,' a ' holy water vat ' of 
 silver, ' ane beddell wand silver and one gilt with ane 
 chenye and ane seill of the sam,' other wands of 
 silver, nine silver chalices, and many other precious 
 objects. Of these a silver mace, made in Paris for 
 Bishop Kennedy in 1461, is the chief relic. This 
 remarkable piece is in the same style as the ornaments 
 
 1 Mr. Hay Fleming says that fragments of a similar tomb have 
 been found built into an old wall and a pigstye. 
 
 & 2 
 
84 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 of his tomb. It is four feet in length, weighs twenty- 
 pounds (it has an iron centre), is adorned with arches, 
 crockets, pinnacles, a figure of the Saviour, angels, 
 bishops, kings, abbots, churchmen reading, and 
 grotesques. The maces, for there were others, are 
 said by tradition to have been found in Bishop 
 Kennedy's tomb, as Mr. Hay Fleming suggests, when 
 Archbishop Burnett was buried there in 1684. Two 
 other maces are preserved at St. Mary's, and a mace, 
 so legend avers, was given to each of the three other 
 Scottish universities by an almost unheard-of gene- 
 rosity. Unluckily the other universities deny the 
 truth of the story. Moreover, as we show later, the 
 maces were extant and in use in 1666 under Arch- 
 bishop Sharpe. It is known that the Faculty of Arts 
 had a mace as early as 1418. l This mace is in the 
 University Library. The upper part has figures of 
 saints incised on enamelled silver. Angels support 
 shields of the King's arms, Bishop Wardlaw's, and 
 some nobles', as Albany's. Archbishop Spottiswoode's 
 arms (1617) occupy the place once probably held 
 by the Pope's. Thus the story of the hidden maces 
 and their discovery is refuted. It is not wholly 
 impossible that other church plate lies concealed in 
 the subterranean secret places of St. Andrews ; but 
 it is more likely that the mob of 1559 and the 
 
 1 Acta llfctorum, fol. 4, MS. 
 
KENNEDY'S TOMB 
 
TO THE FOUNDATION OF THE UNIVERSITY 85 
 
 French fleet which plundered the castle after aveng- 
 ing Beaton's murder, carried away most of the ancient 
 jewels. 
 
 Although the university did not bury its ' silver 
 wands' at that period, it may have concealed in 
 some yet undiscovered hiding-place its great silver 
 Christ, with the diadem of precious stones, its golden 
 crucifixes, and silver chalices. If interred they were, 
 it is probably vain to seek for them in the tomb of 
 Dr. Hugh Spens, who was principal from 1505 to 
 1534. The stone which covered his resting-place is 
 now near the pulpit in the chapel, but the stone slab 
 over it has been removed more than once and cracked 
 in its adventures. It is improbable that the grave 
 was not robbed when the stone was lifted. 1 The 
 very lead of Kennedy's coffin has been stolen. 
 
 1 In the manuscripts of the college the writer notices a curious 
 undated inventory of ' the gear of St. Salvator's College, laid for 
 keiping in St. Andrews Castle.' This was probably done about the 
 time when Hertford sacked Edinburgh, and when Henry VIII., in 
 wrath with Cardinal Beaton, threatened not to leave one stone of 
 St. Andrews standing on another. Here we read of ' six chalices of 
 the best ; ' St. Salvator with his Agnus Dei ; the holy cross, the beryl 
 cross, the small cross, and sic-like. Mr. Winchester ' has the great 
 cross in his keeping.' Then comes the great Monster, the meikle and 
 little Eucharists and chrysom stock ; the big and little tyaste of beryl, 
 with pearls about ii ; the Laver; ten chandeliers; the holy water vat 
 and stick ; two censers, a ship ; all these are in manibus prmpositi. 
 John Wat holds ' Kennedy's best wand, with seal and chain,' the 
 beautiful silver mace still in the college. Wemys has ' two great 
 breddis (pictures on panel) of the Crucifixion and the Holy Sprite.' 
 John Young keeps ' the alterstane of blue marble.' The embroidered 
 cushions are ' in the meikle kist in the Provost's stable within the 
 
86 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 The other deeds of Bishop Kennedy, how he 
 obtained from the king the Golden Charter of the 
 see, how he founded the monastery of the Francis- 
 cans, whereof only one old ivy-covered wall is left 
 in the gardens of the modern Bell Street, how he 
 built a great trading-vessel, how he was a Lord of 
 the Eegency in the minority of James III., need not 
 be told in connection with the only work of his that 
 survives, the University. 
 
 Kennedy's successor, Patrick Graham (1466- 
 1478), was his half-brother. He had to settle a 
 quarrel as to the right of conferring degrees, between 
 the University and the College of Saint Salvator, to 
 the disadvantage of the college, which resigned its 
 claim. In 1472 he induced the Pope to recognise 
 him as archbishop, but he was regarded with 
 jealousy by the Scottish bishops and the king. The 
 royal power, influenced by the family of Boyd, pro- 
 tested against his title, he was prosecuted on all 
 sides, the Pope renounced him, he was removed to 
 Iona, and finally to the Isle of St. Serf, in Loch 
 
 yaird.' A great deal of altar cloth, cloth of gold, is in hiding, and a 
 cloth that hung before the twelve Apostles. Two uneatalogued bundles 
 are in the Castle. Dr. Pratt keeps the Missale Altai-is. ' Ten cushions 
 of velvet for the schools ' sounds luxurious, and the schools were also 
 hung with fifteen pieces of tapestry, and with three pieces of cloth of 
 gold. Indeed, the rich vestments were almost countless. The whole 
 picture shows a college richer in ' gear ' than any of our modern uni- 
 versities can boast. 
 
TO THE FOUNDATION OF THE UNIVERSITY 87 
 
 Leven, where he died. Among his opponents was 
 his successor, William Shevez (1478-1496), con- 
 secrated by the papal legate at Holyrood, and in- 
 vested, as archbishop, with the pall. Shevez had some 
 repute as an astronomer ; in politics he sided with 
 the nobles against James III., and his own spirit was 
 vexed by the rise of a rival archiepiscopate in Glas- 
 gow. His successor was James Stuart, second son 
 of James III. He died young at the age of twenty- 
 eight, and was followed by Alexander Stuart (1509- 
 1513), a natural son of James IV. He was, in 
 1505, a pupil of Erasmus, and, according to that 
 scholar, a pupil most promising, versatile, and ac- 
 complished. He learned Greek, and must have been 
 one of the first Scots who acquired that tongue. 
 His morals are highly spoken of by Erasmus. To 
 make a mere boy archbishop, simply because he 
 was a natural son of the king, was to give a good 
 example of the corruption which preceded and 
 helped to produce the Eeformation. The ' tender 
 archbishop ' regarded his benefices as provisions for 
 his retainers, secretary, and friends. 1 He himself, 
 at eighteen, was not only archbishop, but a pluralist 
 of the most ' bloated' abbot of Dunfermline and 
 prior of Coldingham. James V., in the following 
 reign, used Church revenues as mere provision for 
 
 1 Letters in Epistolce Begum Scotorum, Lyon, ii. 351. 
 
88 ST. ANDBEWS 
 
 his bastards, and drew the revenues during the 
 minority of the lads. 
 
 The young prelate fell with his father, and the 
 flower of the Scottish people, at Flodden (September 9, 
 1513). It might have been hoped that a pupil of 
 Erasmus would introduce Greek at the University, 
 but this gallant boy died too soon. He did, how- 
 ever, increase the salaries of the professors in the 
 Paedagogium. One of the stone coffins, now lying 
 visible beneath a great stone at the east end of the 
 Cathedral, is said to be Archbishop Stuart's. A 
 skull, cleft by an English bill, perhaps, was found 
 there, and is now in the college museum. Legend 
 regards it as the skull of the archbishop slain at 
 Flodden. 
 
 The great influence on the University at this time 
 was that of John Hepburn, prior of the monastery. 
 In 1512, Hepburn added a new college, that of 
 St. Leonard's, in the parish of the same name. 
 James IV. confirmed two statutes, one hj Archbishop 
 Alexander Stuart, his natural son, the other by the 
 prior, Ja,mes Hepburn. In this college old and 
 obsolete benefactions were turned to a new purpose. 
 The archbishop in his charter rehearses the familiar 
 legend about St, Eegulus and the relics, shows how 
 the miracles wrought by the relics had at first 
 brought pilgrims to St. Andrews, how a hospitium 
 
TO THE FOUNDATION OF THE UNIVEKSITY 89 
 
 for them was built and endowed. But as time went 
 on, and faith was confirmed, the miracles ceased, 
 being no longer necessary, and with the miracles 
 ceased the pilgrimages. The hospitium was, there- 
 fore, made into a home for old women, ' who brought 
 forth little or no fruits of virtue and devotion.' The 
 funds were consequently devoted to the new College 
 of St. Leonard's. Time bringing in his revenges, the 
 old site of the college is now occupied by a large 
 school for girls, who, we may trust, do bring forth 
 the fruits of virtue and piety. The foundation of 
 St. Leonard's College consisted of a master, four 
 chaplains, two of them regents, or tutors, and twenty 
 scholars. All of these were to learn grammar, and 
 six were to prosecute theological study. Gregorian 
 chanting was also to be taught. Prior Hepburn's 
 charter enumerates the lands of his new endowment. 
 Such funds as it possessed were amalgamated with 
 those of St. Salvator's in the middle of the last cen- 
 tury. There is now no St. Leonard's College, only 
 the United College of St. Salvator and St. Leonard. 
 
 Fortunately, we get a glimpse into the life of 
 the St. Leonard's men from the rules drawn up 
 by Prior Hepburn. The neophyte, or freshman, 
 kneels to the principal, requesting admission ' for the 
 love of Christ.' He is examined in grammar ; his 
 conduct and circumstances are inquired into. The 
 
90 
 
 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 colleges, in later years, have frequently resisted the 
 proposal of an entrance examination, as tending to 
 
 diminish the number of students, and thereby ruin 
 the professors. There is to be no jobbing or can- 
 
TO THE FOUNDATION OF THE UNIVERSITY 91 
 
 vassing for scholarships. If several candidates pre- 
 sent themselves, the examination is to be competitive. 
 No scholar under fifteen, or over twenty-one, is to 
 be admitted. The scholars are to live, in pairs, like 
 the old Oxford ' chamber dekyns,' in rooms with a 
 southern exposure, looking out over the broad 
 gardens that slope down towards the little burn 
 which enters the harbour. The old precinct wall 
 girdles the garden still, with its coronal of towers 
 marked with Hepburn's arms. The course of study 
 was in logic, physics, philosophy, metaphysics, and 
 ethics, but Aristotle was probably read in Latin trans- 
 lations. All the scholars were to converse in Latin. 
 The Latin would not be Ciceronian ; the influence of 
 Erasmus had only reached the archbishop, not the 
 students. John Knox scoffs, not unjustly, at the 
 ecclesiastical prose of the period : ' the barbarous- 
 ness of their Latine and dictament.' The following 
 verses, engraved on the tomb of Prior Haldenstone 
 (died 1443), show what our scholars used to do in 
 verse : — • 
 
 Qui dooui mores, mundi vitare favores, 
 Inter doetores saoros sortitus honores, 
 Vermibus hie donor ; et sic ostendere conor, 
 Quod sicut ponor, ponitur omnis honor. 
 
 This prior, by the way, was responsible for the large 
 eastern window of the Cathedral, which he put in 
 place of three small windows. He floored the choir 
 
92 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 with, a polished pavement, and rebuilt a palace in 
 the priory ground. 
 
 The allowance of food was four ounces of 
 bread at breakfast and supper, with eight ounces 
 at dinner. On flesh days they had broth and a dish 
 of meat ; on meagre days they had fish. At supper 
 brodium, probably a hash, possibly ' brose,' was the 
 usual meal. Vegetables, of course, were added. 
 Four scholars, by rotation, swept out and cleaned 
 the building weekly ; and twice a year all took a 
 hand in a general cleaning. The gates were opened 
 at five in winter, at six in summer, and were shut 
 at eight in winter, at nine in summer. The janitor 
 was a poor student. The office, or at least the name 
 of the office, of luminator, or candle-holder, lasted 
 into the present century. The University seal shows 
 a professor lecturing while the luminator holds the 
 candle. We later meet a learned luminator. No 
 women were admitted, except one laundress, who 
 must not be younger than fifty. The men were 
 always to wear cap and gown in the city : once a 
 week, all in a body, and accompanied by a master, 
 they were allowed to visit the Links. They were not 
 permitted to play football, against which the Parlia- 
 ment had issued a prohibition. As a rule, they were 
 expected to pass their play-time in gardening. The 
 principal is to be one of the canons. 
 
TO THE FOUNDATION OF THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 Each regent is to lecture at least twice daily ; if 
 the regents held altarages, they were to receive no 
 other salaries. Students not poor may enter, and 
 must conform to the rules. They may dine in hall, 
 or not, as they please. They must wear dusky 
 garments, no gaudy caps, no swords, or dirks ; 
 
 > 
 
 
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 aSjSgS^^^-. 
 
 gfgSreJKSB"?' * "-"^jS*- »*>*» 
 
 ^F^*? " : -~~ 
 
 ^^-^JJ^^^rr^r^ 
 
 £.- ■ ' -t^C^fcSi^HBB ,- ~-«t - .', J ' 
 
 "wnm """' -t" 
 
 uA^ "~ ' 5 *' Sw » 
 
 ^^^^^T™" 
 
 v&i^dpii - - '-L 
 
 v--~ 
 
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 ^Ife^ / 
 
 
 HEPBURN'S ARMS 
 
 their hair must not be so long as to hide the ears ; 
 and they may not give private suppers in college. 
 Continued absence from chapel is punished by ex- 
 pulsion. Provisions are made for more delicate food, 
 and the attendance of an elderly nurse, if any 
 students happen to be languidi — in bad health. 
 
94 ST. ANDKEWS 
 
 These rules were confirmed in September, 1544. 
 The chapel services, by the way, were frequent and 
 severe ; the whole establishment was religious and 
 conventual. 
 
 The remains of St. Leonard's are not inconsider- 
 able. The two houses west of the ruined chapel 
 were originally part of the college. The arms of 
 Hepburn are still on the north wall of the school for 
 girls, opposite ; and within the school is an ancient 
 wall and narrow slit window. The roofless chapel, 
 mangled by Philistines and deprived of its spire, 
 contains some tombs of interest, and an old wall 
 runs through the school gardens to the tower on the 
 precinct boundary built by Hepburn. So much is 
 left of St. Leonard's, and of halls where of old we 
 wore the gown, when the place, as St. Leonard's Hall, 
 was occupied by students in the University (1862). 
 
 Some rather imaginative antiquaries find the tomb 
 of Prior Hepburn, the founder of St. Leonard's 
 College, and builder of the precinct wall, in the 
 ruinous chapel of St. Leonard's. The gate is locked, 
 and the place can only be reached through the 
 grounds of the house, originally part of the college, 
 in which George Buchanan lived. Thence you climb 
 through the window into the chapel, and inspect the 
 tomb. This monument is said to have been gilt, and 
 in 1838 old people remembered it in perfect preser- 
 
TO THE FOUNDATION OF THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 95 
 
 vation. The armorial bearings, the rose, and the 
 initials J.H., are said to prove the tomb to have 
 
 TOMB IX ST. LBONABD'3 
 
 been Hepburn's, but these marks are no longer 
 visible. Dr. Johnson was not allowed to visit this 
 chapel when at St. Andrews, a matter not to be 
 
96 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 marvelled at. In the author's time, at St. Leonard's 
 Hall, the floor was grass-grown, and, if his memory- 
 be correct, trees grew within the building. Now it 
 is swept, garnished, and under lock and key. 
 
 As St. Leonard's grew, the old original Pseda- 
 gogium fell into disuse, and its buildings into that 
 normal state of ruin which for centuries marked 
 academic St. Andrews. Archbishop James Beaton, 
 therefore, in 1537, began to construct a new theo- 
 logical college (St. Mary's) on the ruins of the 
 PEedagogium, in South Street. On his death, his 
 nephew, the famous cardinal, continued the work. 
 His statutes were remodelled by Archbishop Hamilton 
 in 1553. 
 
 There were thirty-six persons on the foundation ; 
 a principal, a licentiate, a bachelor, a canonist, eight 
 priests, students of theology, three professors or 
 regents in philosophy, an orator and grammatical 
 teacher, sixteen poor students of philosophy ; there 
 were also a cook, a provisor, a janitor. In this con- 
 dition, with its three religious colleges, the University 
 remained till the Eeformation. The Church has 
 often been accused of indifference to learning in 
 Scotland, but the founders and chief benefactors 
 of the University deserve to be free from this re- 
 proach. It is unjust to charge them, as their enemies 
 do, with not anticipating the Eenaissance and the New 
 
TO THE FOUNDATION OF THE UNIVERSITY 97 
 
 Learning. We cannot reasonably ask the defenders 
 of tradition to be the leaders in new movements, and 
 to favour innovations which they must inevitably re- 
 gard with suspicion. Innovations came, whether they 
 would or not, and the colleges were soon familiar 
 haunts of John Knox and George Buchanan. 
 
98 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 CHAPTEE IV 
 
 DAWN OF REFORMATION IN ST. ANDREWS 
 PATRICK HAMILTON 
 
 Among the events which, preluded and acted as occa- 
 sions of the revolution in Church affairs, the battle of 
 Elodden was not the least important. The fall of so 
 many nobles left more of the administrative power in 
 the hands of churchmen, who, again, excited the 
 envy of the new generation of nobles. St. Andrews, 
 too, lost her archbishop, Alexander Stuart, slain 
 under shield, and there was a contest for the suc- 
 cession to the see, which brought discredit on the 
 Church. The competitors were Gawain Douglas, 1 
 the translator of Virgil, and son of the old Earl 
 of Angus ; John Hepburn, the prior, who, with 
 the late archbishop, had founded St. Leonard's; 
 and Andrew Eorman, Bishop of Murray. Douglas, 
 whom one might have preferred as a poet and 
 friend of letters, was the English candidate. France 
 
 1 ' Son of mine, 
 Suvo Gawain, ne'er could pen a line.' 
 
DAWN OF REFORMATION IN ST. ANDREWS 99 
 
 and the Papacy favoured Forman. The contest 
 was disgraceful. The translator of the iEneid seized 
 the castle of St. Andrews ; the prior retook it by 
 force, and held it against the army of the Earl of 
 Angus. Gawain retired from the contest, and, later, 
 had to assert, by arms, his undoubted right to the 
 see of Dunkeld, occupied by Andrew Stewart, son of 
 the Earl of Atholl. As Professor Brewer quotes Inglis, 
 Queen Margaret's secretary, ' Every man takes up 
 abbacies that may. . . They tarry not quhilk bene- 
 fices be vacant ; they take them ere they fall ; for 
 they tyne virtue if they touch ground.' 1 In brief, the 
 Church was robbed on every side, by the nobles in or 
 out of orders. Meanwhile the spectacle of her violent 
 disunion, the battles which the clergy were fighting, 
 the sieges of castles by priors, and of priories by 
 the garrisons of castles, the war concentrated on the 
 narrow promontory of St. Andrews, must have fatally 
 shaken respect for the Church. 
 
 The fortified wall of the priory is within three 
 hundred yards of the Castle moat, and the two strong 
 places were occasionally in the hands of churchmen 
 at deadly feud with each other. As for the arch- 
 bishopric, Forman, Bishop of Murray, and a noted 
 Scotch diplomatist, obtained a Bull of appointment 
 from Leo X., and with this in his possession and in 
 
 1 Reign of Henry VIII., 1. 208. 
 
100 ST. ANDEEWS 
 
 the office of legate returned to Scotland. Finally a 
 bargain was struck through the Eegent Albany. 
 Hepburn, that martial auc! learned prior, retained 
 the rents of the see which he had collected and the 
 Church of Kirkliston, while certain members of his 
 family received other great benefices, and Forman 
 was made Archbishop of St. Andrews (1514). James 
 Beaton, who was also a candidate, got the Abbey of 
 Arbroath. 
 
 Forman and Hepburn both died in 1522. Forman, 
 who had written against Luther, was succeeded in 
 the archbishopric by James Beaton, son of the Laird 
 of Balfour. He was translated from the see of 
 Glasgow (1522-1539). Beaton was an intriguing 
 politician, and versed in wars, if no great warrior. 
 Under him and his nephew, David Beaton, the cele- 
 brated Cardinal, St. Andrews became the pivot on 
 which turned the affairs of Church and State. With 
 the Cardinal's murder and the destruction of the 
 Cathedral and religious houses, the city sank into the 
 proportions and importance of a small and remote 
 university town and fishing village. To understand 
 all that occurred, a summary sketch of the events 
 and politics which preluded to the Eeformation is 
 necessary. 
 
 Flodden Field left Scotland a ruined land under 
 an infant prince, James Y., and a queen mother, 
 
DAWN OF EEFOEMATION IN ST. ANDREWS '. 
 
 Margaret, sister of Henry VIII. Henry percei 
 
 that the realm was unconquerable by force of ar 
 
 and he contemplated a pacific union. At that t: 
 
 he had but one legitimate child, Mary, afterwa 
 
 known as the Bloody. His proposal was that 
 
 succession should be secured, and the sister kingdc 
 
 united under one sceptre, by the marriage of M, 
 
 to his nephew James. In various forms some si 
 
 scheme of union by the pacific means of marri: 
 
 governed English policy for two generations, 
 
 James's daughter, Mary Stuart, wedded the Daup 
 
 of France. There were men in Scotland to wh 
 
 such a close of the secular strife seemed most v 
 
 come, but there were stronger counteracting t 
 
 dencies. While Scotland remained true to the Chur 
 
 and England was the bitter enemy of the Pope, un 
 
 was difficult. After the more active spirits in Sc 
 
 land accepted' the Reformation, the clerical ru] 
 
 Beaton, was still hostile. Anything like bullyi 
 
 or excessive demands on the part of England 
 
 once drove the majority of Scots into the arms 
 
 Prance, and there was a sentimental attachment 
 
 the auld alliance. Meanwhile, under the shifting sts 
 
 of women, priests, and ferocious or incompeti 
 
 earls, parties were continually forming and breaki 
 
 up again. England had a faction, indeed, among 1 
 
 Scotch — a faction of men either honest believers 
 
102 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 the union of the countries, or fanatic enemies ofEome, 
 or bought by the money and promises of Henry, 
 or urged by private jealousies, as might happen 
 in each case. But these alliances gave England no 
 solid footing ; a border war of reprisals might at 
 any moment break out, and the English would give 
 their opponents an appearance of right by a series of 
 brutal and barbarous attacks on private property 
 and on open cities. Thus a national bitterness was 
 excited in Scotland, except among the extreme Pro- 
 testants, who regarded all opponents of the Pope as 
 more akin to themselves than their own suffering 
 countrymen. Meanwhile the Papal and, so to say, 
 national party in Scotland were disgusting the 
 country by the contrast between their religious pre- 
 tensions ?nd the laxity of their lives, the profligacy 
 of their appointments to ecclesiastical office, the 
 cruelty of their persecutions, and their ignorance of 
 the New Learning and criticism. 
 
 On France, their old ally, they could not depend, 
 nor could France depend on them. They were in 
 the position of the later Stuarts, from 1688 to 
 1786. France promised much, and did little. Her 
 efforts at armed assistance were always frustrated by 
 the winds and waves which seemed to fight for Eng- 
 land. Her forces, when she did manage to send any, 
 were regarded with jealousy, and became causes of 
 
DAWN OF REFORMATION IN ST. ANDREWS ] 
 
 rancour. France proved a broken reed to Scotia 
 In this long struggle it is hard indeed to sympatl 
 consistently with any party. If Henry's matrimoi 
 proposals were honest, none could ' like the man 
 of the wooing.' If the Scotch were perfidious, He] 
 was ready to kidnap the Scotch king (against wh 
 even his Privy Council protested), and he encouraj 
 Scotch assassins, who were prepared to kill the c 
 dinal for money. If we turn from the clerical pa 
 with disgust, we are not more attracted by 
 greedy, treacherous, and unscrupulous nobles. If 
 condemn the cruel persecutions of the priests, we 
 unable to pardon the almost comic intolerance of 
 Eeformers. The profligacy of the Church is : 
 more unsympathetic than the outrages of the m 
 Finally, the party whom Scotch patriots delight 
 honour — the party of Knox and Wishart — were, 
 the face of things, most unpatriotic, welcoming 
 brutalities of the English as the 'judgements of G( 
 upon their countrymen. 
 
 For two generations this bitter strife, this wa 
 and ruin, filled our history, and found their centre 
 St. Andrews. 
 
 In 1525 Henry sent his proposals of a marri* 
 between his daughter Mary and James V., ther 
 child. The idea was unpopular. Henry's em 
 was credited with the evil eye, and was said to h; 
 
104 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 blighted the harvest! He departed, and the arch- 
 bishop, with Angus, the husband of Henry's sister 
 Margaret, the queen mother, got possession of the 
 person of the young James V. In the previous year 
 the archbishop had been suspected of being in the 
 French interest ; he had entertained French visitors, 
 and ' there hath not been such a house kept in Scot- 
 land many days before, as of late the archbishop 
 hath kept, and yet keepeth ... he gave livery 
 nightly to twenty-one score horses.' J The arch- 
 bishop shifted sides, and, in 1526, allied himself 
 with Lennox against Angus, who held the king in 
 the interests of England. There was a battle fought 
 for the king's person at Kirkliston. Angus triumphed, 
 Lennox was slain, and the archbishop, far from giving 
 livery in his castle to large troops of horse, was 
 driven to skulk in disguise, and herd sheep on the 
 hills of Balgrumo. His castle of St. Andrews was 
 plundered, his revenues were seized ; but matters 
 were made up by money, and a year after keeping 
 his flock in the moors of Balgrumo, Beaton was 
 burning the first Scottish martyr in St. Andrews. 
 
 Since Paul Craw, in 1471, nobody had suffered 
 for heresy at St. Andrews. The case of the new 
 martyr, Patrick Hamilton, was in many respects 
 curious, and especially as proving that the New 
 
 1 Magnus, the English Ambassador, to Wolsey. 
 
DAAVN OF REFORMATION IN ST. ANDREWS 105 
 
 Learning was about to produce its natural conse- 
 quences — religious doubt. 
 
 About this time John Major, of Haddington, son 
 of a farmer near that town, was among the most dis- 
 tinguished members of the University. We may take 
 Major or Mair as a good example of the old, Patrick 
 Hamilton as a fair specimen of the new, students. 
 Mair was by this time a man of more than fifty years 
 old. Hamilton was only twenty-three. Mair had 
 been well schooled at Haddington, he had studied at 
 Cambridge, he had visited Oxford ; he had eaten the 
 bread, beans, and herring of Montaigu College, 
 which Erasmus remembered so ruefully ; he had 
 lectured on logic at Navarre College, of which 
 he was a fellow, and at the Sorbonne on theology. 
 From 1518 to 1522 he taught in Glasgow, with John 
 Knox for one of his pupils, and in 1523 he came, 
 probabl} r with Beaton, to lecture at St. Andrews. 
 Kow Mair was a learned man of the old school, a 
 scholastic logician, a writer of the particularly un- 
 classical Latin called ' Sorbonnic' He was not a 
 bigoted Conservative ; he entertained some classical 
 ideas verging on Republicanism, or, at least, on 
 Constitutionalism, in politics ; he was in favour of 
 union with England ; he was not illiberal in matters 
 of religious opinion, but he was a logician of the old 
 acutely tedious kind. He is assured of immortality, 
 
106 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 for Rabelais mentions him in his fantastic list of 
 non-existing books, as author of a Latin treatise on 
 the ' Method in the Making of Puddings.' In brief, 
 Mair was, by 1527, an erudite fogey of an exploded 
 order. Gargantua would not have entrusted him 
 with the education of Pantagruel. A knowledge of 
 classical Greek, and a love of it, had come in since 
 his youth, and people like Buchanan mocked at a 
 very worthy, shrewd, and studious scholar of the 
 ancient school. 
 
 Mair was not at St. Andrews when Patrick 
 Hamilton, a student of the new school, was burned 
 in 1527-28, but probably Mair was a good type of 
 the elder men of the gown. Hamilton, his opposite, 
 was born about 1503 or 1504, son of Sir Patrick 
 Hamilton, an illegitimate child of James, first Lord 
 Hamilton. Very unlike Mair, he neither sprang 
 from the peasant class, nor had to study on a little 
 oatmeal. This martyr, in his youth, was promoted to 
 the Abbey of Feme, in the county of Ross. 1 The 
 abbey was held, in commendam, till 1517, by the 
 
 1 The church of Feme is now almost a ruin ; the central portion, 
 remodelled and furnished with pews, is occupied, in part, by a small 
 Presbyterian congregation, the old windows are walled up, new 
 windows have been hacked out. Two side chapels are roofless and in 
 a deplorable condition : fragments of delicately carved work he, half 
 hidden by grass, in the graveyard among the worn and tumbled tomb- 
 stones. The effigy of an old abbot remains, much defaced. The 
 melancholy church — shrunken, yet a world too wide for its parishioners 
 — is a monument to the lleformation and the Disruption. 
 
DAWN OF REFORMATION IN ST. ANDREWS 107 
 
 Bishop of Caithness. If Patrick was already nominal 
 abbot, he must have been an abbot at the tender age 
 of fourteen. Mr. Laing thinks that he never was in 
 priest's orders. 1 Thus this martyr had been enjoying 
 the revenues of the Church as an abbot without 
 even being a priest. It appears that he was a 
 married man at his death, and it is known that he 
 had a daughter, which seems to make it improbable 
 that he had ever qualified for the high ecclesiastical 
 functions which he enjoyed, and the benefice which 
 he held. On this subject John Knox, whom his 
 admirers regard as a humourist, is more comic than 
 he intended to be. 
 
 This servand of God, the said Maister Patrik, being in his youth 
 providit to reasonable honours and living (he was intitulat Abbot of 
 Fern) as one haiting the world and the vanitie thereof, left Scotland. 
 
 How it could be ' reasonable ' to appoint a boy of 
 fourteen to be an abbot and to enjoy the living of 
 that dignity does not appear, and Knox would have 
 called Hamilton an abbot of unreason if the youth 
 had not chanced to agree with the reformer's 
 theological tenets. Alane says that, detesting the 
 hypocrisy of the Church of Kome, he never wore 
 its costume ; he only drew its money ! 2 Patrick 
 
 1 Works of Knox, i. 502. 
 
 2 See The Reformers. By Ministers of the United Presbyterian 
 Church, p. 351. It is said that the Abbey may then have been 
 dilapidated, and the appointment a sinecure. 
 
108 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 Hamilton is said to have taken his Master's degree at 
 Paris in 1520, so he probably used his revenues as a 
 kind of travelling fellowship. ' They would furnish 
 an ample viaticum for the young scholar,' says Dr. 
 Lorimer. He must have been precocious if he went 
 through all the years of study before he was seven- 
 teen. At Paris he probably heard much of the 
 Lutheran controversy, and it is possible that he 
 acquired a knowledge of Greek. He went on, it is said, 
 to Louvain, and, when he was burned, the professors 
 and masters in theology of that university wrote a 
 formal letter of congratulation to Beaton. They 
 speak of Hamilton as a ' wicked heretic,' but make 
 no mention of his residence among them. Eeturning 
 to Scotland, Hamilton was admitted to the University 
 }f St. Andrews on the same day as John Major, or 
 Mair. On October 3, 1524, he was received into the 
 Faculty of Arts. Whether the representatives of the 
 Did and the new, Mair and Hamilton, had any inter- 
 course, we know not. Hamilton was an accomplished 
 musician, and composed a sacred piece which was 
 sung in the Cathedral. Mair was also fond of music, 
 and regrets that the Scottish priests were ignorant 
 }f the Gregorian chant, an accomplishment taught 
 at St. Leonard's. 1 Hamilton may have been a St. 
 Leonard's man. 
 
 ' See Mair's History of Greater Britain, p. 30. Edinburgh, 1892. 
 
DAWN OF REFORMATION IN ST. ANDREWS 109 
 
 There is no reason to suppose that Hamilton had 
 already conceived heretical opinions. He was, how- 
 ever, in a place where they might well be acquired. 
 Books of the new theology were being imported from 
 the Continent and were most likely to be carried to a 
 centre of learning such as St. Andrews was. The 
 Scotch Parliament, which forbade the importation of 
 heretical works in 1525, expressly made an exception 
 in favour of those intended for 'clerks in the schools." 
 The Parliament did not deem that people could 
 confute books which they had not read, a current 
 orthodox fallacy even in our own time, and therefore 
 the clerks, being expected to confute Luther and 
 Melanchthon, were permitted to study these dan- 
 gerous authors. 1 The general public was not yet 
 likely to peruse such works as Tyndall's, for example. 
 ' To imagine that ploughmen and shepherds in the 
 country read the New Testament in English by 
 stealth under hedges ... is to mistake the character 
 and acquirements of the age.' 2 But young and 
 ardent men like Hamilton, in a place of study, would 
 be sure, nay, would be morally bound, to read what 
 was being written on theology. The result of his 
 studies was that he became suspected of heresy, was 
 summoned and accused by the archbishop, and 
 
 1 McCrie's Life of Knox, p. 22, note. Edinburgh, 1840. 
 
 2 Brewster, Henry VIII., vol. ii. p. 468. 
 
110 ST. ANDEEWS 
 
 ' being of euill mynde (as may be presumed) passed 
 to other partes, forth of the Eealme, suspected and 
 noted of heresie' 1 (1527). The city to which Hamilton 
 fled when persecuted in St. Andrews was Witten- 
 berg. Knox writes as if he proceeded thither at his 
 first visit to the Continent. At Wittenberg, according 
 to Knox (i. 15), Hamilton met Luther and Melan- 
 chthon. ' The brycht beames of the trew light ' 
 (that is, of Knox's opinions) began to beam forth. 
 Hamilton, according to Knox, was not only a theo- 
 logian but a student of philosophy. ' He abhorred 
 sophistry' (that is the old scholastic disputations), 
 ' and wold that the text of Aristotle should have been 
 better understood and more used in the schools than 
 it was, for sophistrie had corrupted all as weil in 
 divinitie as in humanitie.' If these statements be 
 correct, Hamilton was probably a Greek scholar, and 
 could drink of the Aristotelian wisdom from the 
 fountain-head. But to Hamilton, as to Scotland in 
 general, the New Learning came not as a key to the 
 gardens of the Muses, not as a 'magic casement 
 opening on the foam of perilous seas,' haunted by 
 Circe and the sirens, but merely as a light on the 
 Bible and on the disputes of theologians. Scotland, 
 like Hamilton, her first martyr, received the Eeforma- 
 
 1 The sentence against Hamilton. Lain«'s Knox, vol. i. p. 510. 
 See, too, the citation of Hamilton, printed by Prof. Mitchell. 
 
DAWN OF REFORMATION IN ST. ANDREWS 111 
 
 tion without the Renaissance. The revival of the 
 world of Greece brought to her not peace, not beauty, 
 not joy in life, but a sword and ill-will to men. 
 
 Hamilton was a Reformer, rather than a humanist, 
 and Buchanan, his contemporary at St. Andrews, the 
 most famous of Scotch humanists, had none of the 
 sweetness of Erasmus or Pico della Mirandola. 
 
 In Germany Hamilton maintained the first set of 
 theses ever propounded at the new University of 
 Marburg (opened May ,30, 1527). These theses were 
 theological, and, apparently, were identical with the 
 propositions printed by Knox as ' Patrike's Places.' l 
 To these we shall presently return. After the end of 
 the first term at Marburg, Hamilton came back to 
 Scotland. His father had been slain years before in 
 the skirmish of ' Clear the Causeway,' where Beaton's 
 ' conscience clattered.' His brother, Sir James, was 
 now sheriff of Linlithgowshire. Probably Hamilton 
 began to preach his doctrines : then, according to 
 Knox, Beaton ' so travailled with the said Maister 
 Patrik, that he got him to Sanctandrosse, whair, after 
 the conference of diverse dayis, he had his freedome 
 and libertie. The said bischop and his blooddy 
 bucheouris, called doctouris, 2 seamed to approve his 
 
 1 Knox, i. p. 19. 
 
 2 Knox is very free with the word ' bloody ' when he speaks of the 
 execution of the laws, and of the coronation oath. When his con- 
 federates stab and murder, he usually claims God as their partner. 
 
112 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 doctryne, and to grant that many things craved re- 
 formation in the ecclesiastical regiment.' So much 
 was usually granted even by the Cardinal of Lor- 
 raine, as Queen Mary told Throckmorton. The 
 Church confessedly needed reformation in practice, 
 but Hamilton, attacking her doctrines, appeared to 
 strike at the very roots of morality. There seemed no 
 need to worm his ideas out of so young, convinced, 
 and frank a confessor as Hamilton, but a friar named 
 Alexander Campbell was set as a spy on him, accord- 
 ing to Knox. This Campbell was prior of the 
 Dominicans in St. Andrews (whose ruined chapel is in 
 South Street), and the exact truth about his conduct 
 is difficult to unravel. Infinitely the best evidence 
 about Hamilton's case is that of Alane, or Alesius., at 
 this time a canon of the priory. Alane had argued 
 against Luther in a manner satisfactory to Luther's 
 opponents. He was, therefore, encouraged to dis- 
 cuss with Hamilton, but Hamilton converted his ad- 
 versary. He has left his account of the controversies 
 and the martyrdom in the preface and notes to his 
 Primus Liber Psalmorum (1554), where it was dis- 
 covered by Dr. Lorimer, Hamilton's biographer. 
 According to Alane, who was in St. Andrews at the 
 time, Hamilton was allowed to teach and dispute 
 openly in academid, in the schools, for nearly a month 
 after his arrival in the town. Some lesjal formulae of 
 
DAWN OF REFORMATION IN ST. ANDREWS 113 
 
 repeated citation had to be accomplished. It has 
 been supposed that this liberty was merely a trap, 
 that the clergy were afraid to arrest a man of good 
 family, and that they wished to give him rope, and 
 to permit him to multiply charges against himself. 
 A more favourable view might be taken of their con- 
 duct, which, on the face of it, was, so far, tolerant, 
 honourable, and legal, though perilous enough to the 
 interests of orthodoxy. At last Hamilton received 
 his final summons to appear before Beaton, and 
 answer for his opinions. 1 The trial was held in the 
 Cathedral before Beaton, the archbishop of Glasgow, 
 several bishops and abbots, the provost of St. Sal- 
 vator's, and others. The charges laid against 
 Hamilton, as set forth in the summons, were of 
 lecturing and preaching without license, of disputing 
 the laws and decrees of the fathers, ' and also human 
 ordinances,' of distrusting the sacraments of the 
 Church, of saying that tithes should not be paid, that 
 conduct was indifferent, that prayers for the dead 
 were vain, that our ancestors died in a wicked faith, 
 and were buried in hell. Unnamed accusations, 
 ' horrible and disgraceful to utter among Christians,' 
 were alluded to, and he was blamed for perverting 
 ' the simple and illiterate faithful.' 
 
 1 The summons is in the University Library, where it was dis- 
 covered by Professor Mitchell. 
 
114 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 In spite of all these offences, Alane admits that 
 Beaton wished Hamilton to save himself by flight. 
 His brother, Sir James, the sheriff of Linlithgowshire, 
 was in arms, but was prevented by a storm from 
 crossing the Forth to his rescue. But Patrick, like 
 Socrates, declined to fly, and determined to confirm 
 the faith by his martyrdom. 
 
 As to his real opinions, we have the evidence of 
 ' Patrick's Places,' translated from the Latin, and 
 published by Foxe and by Knox. 1 Perhaps the 
 most important is the dogma briefly stated by Alane. 
 ' Man hath no free will to do good works, before the 
 grace of the Holy Spirit.' 
 
 The apparent conclusion is that morality is non- 
 existent. All that man does without grace is evil, 
 and what he does with grace is not his own deed at 
 all. Again, ' a man is justified by faith ' — that is, 
 without works. Now, as faith and grace are purelv 
 mystic conditions, only to be proved by a mans own 
 consciousness, which may be mistaken, any test or 
 standard of conduct is destroyed. True, Hamilton 
 adds, like Marcus Aurelius, that good deeds do not 
 make a good man, but that a "ood man does good 
 deeds. ' By their fruits shall ye know them ; ' but 
 the fruits, to the observer from without, may seem 
 good without 'grace.' Matters of this kind, like the 
 
 ' History, p. 19. 
 
DAWN OF REFORMATION IN ST. ANDREWS 115 
 
 problem of the owl and the egg, may be argued on 
 for ever, to no purpose. To the orthodox clergy, 
 however, it would inevitably seem that Hamilton's was 
 no doctrine to preach ' to those who eddy round and 
 round.' They would foresee the fanaticism of the 
 Covenanters, who, being assured of grace,' murdered 
 their enemies, like Eussell, or defrauded the revenue, 
 like Nimmo, with the greatest aplomb and compla- 
 cency. 'No werkis make us unrychteouse,' says 
 Hamilton, 1 which is precisely the doctrine of trusty 
 Tompkins in ' Woodstock.' 
 
 Such ideas may be entertained by virtuous and 
 benevolent men like Hamilton himself ; indeed, ideas 
 of this kind make very little real difference in con- 
 duct. ' A good man maketh good works,' according 
 to his kind, whether he believes in Christ, or in 
 Huitzilopochtli. But Hamilton's ideas might be 
 very useful to bad men and fanatics, like Hackston 
 of Eathillet, and Balfour of Burley, and to Knox, 
 the constant patron of private murder in the cause 
 of 'the Trewth.' It was natural, and even laud- 
 able, that the bishops should dislike the conduct of 
 Hamilton. Little more than a lad, 'he returned, 
 and not beyng admitted, but of his own head, with- 
 out license or priuiledge, hath presumed to preach 
 wicked heresie.' 2 Among the wicked heresies, as 
 
 1 Knox, History, p. 31. 
 
 2 Sentence against Hamilton. Laing's Knox, History, p. 510. 
 
116 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 stated in the sentence, is this : ' All Christians that 
 be worthy to be called Christians, do know they 
 are 1 in grace,' an opinion which is certainly of a 
 dangerous mysticism. If a man knows he is not 
 in grace, he may act as ill as he chooses ; if he 
 knows he is in grace, whatever he chooses to do 
 is right. This is how the bishops would understand 
 Hamilton's doctrine and its moral consequences. It 
 is, of course, just as easy to prove that the bishops' 
 own doctrines — the mediation of saints, the efficacy 
 of penance, and so forth — may be turned to im- 
 morality. But those ideas were in power and 
 possession. 
 
 Hamilton's lodgings were surrounded by men at 
 arms. The captain of the castle knocked at the 
 door ; he bade his friends make no resistance ; the 
 captain promised to restore him uninjured, but 
 the promise (not by the honest captain's will, we 
 may guess) was only verbally kept, and broken in 
 the spirit. On February 29, 1527-28, Hamilton was 
 arraigned in the Cathedral. Alane was an eye- 
 witness of the scene — affui ego spectator trageedio?. 
 The accuser, Campbell, the Dominican Prior, argued 
 with Hamilton through a set of written propositions, 
 and then was ordered to attack him on other questions, 
 without preparation, and to call him heretic. Camp- 
 bell did not enjoy his task ; he was a man of kindly 
 
DAWN OF REFORMATION IN ST. ANDREWS 117 
 
 temper — erat in eo placida natura — and he acted 
 ' against his will.' ' Non ita sentis ex animo, frater 1 ' 
 answered Hamilton — ' these are not your true senti- 
 ments.' The sentence was then passed by the con- 
 gregation of divines : Hamilton was to be handed 
 over to the secular arm, and his goods were to be 
 confiscated. He was marched back to the castle 
 under escort, the captain proclaiming aloud that his 
 brother, Sir James, might take him, but Sir James, of 
 course, was not there to do so. If this part of the 
 legend be correct, the promise made at his capture 
 was broken in its spirit. About noon a pyre was lit, 
 before the gateway of St. Salvator's, and there was 
 Patrick Hamilton burned. 
 
 The manner of his death was heroic, and cannot 
 now be read without horror and shame, and admira- 
 tion. According to Alane, the only spectator whose 
 evidence is preserved, he was ' roasted rather than 
 burned,' from noon till six o'clock at night. ' Have 
 ye no dry wood and gunpowder ? ' he cried in his 
 agony ; but the awkwardness of his executioners 
 protracted his torments. Holding up his scorched 
 hands, he testified to the last that his faith was un- 
 shaken. 
 
 Pitscottie adds many details, saying, for example, 
 that Campbell was among the tormentors, that Hamil- 
 ton appealed to him to answer before the judgment- 
 
118 ST. ANDKEWS 
 
 seat of Christ, that a blast of wind drove the fire 
 against the Dominican, and that he died in a 
 phrenzy. 
 
 Now, Alane, who calls Campbell a man of ' placid 
 nature,' says that he did not long survive, and died 
 insane, or in a delirium, but he says nothing about 
 Campbell's presence at the fire, while active cruelty 
 is admitted, by Alane, to have been foreign to his 
 character. It was prceter voluntatem that he even 
 addressed Hamilton as 'Heretic' We may therefore 
 give no more than the usual credit to the garrulous 
 chronicles generally quoted as Pitscottie's. Knox 
 mentions Campbell's presence and death, but saj's 
 nothing about the marvellous blast of wind. The 
 least exaggerated narrative, and that told by an 
 eye-witness, is naturally to be preferred. Poxe 
 makes Hamilton summon Campbell within certain 
 days. These marvels and prophecies are the usual 
 efflorescence of myth. Foxe's evidence was collected 
 nearly forty years after the death of Hamilton. Even 
 that of Alane was written nearly thirty years after 
 date ; but it has an air of candour and truth, which 
 compels assent. 
 
 This is a hideous narrative, nor can the credit of 
 the clergy be cleared by the simple and easy process 
 of blackening their opponents. If Hamilton suffered 
 atrocious cruelty, so did the witches, burned with 
 
DAWN OF KEFORMATION IN ST. ANDREWS 119 
 
 the approval of Knox. If he died because the 
 Church was intolerant, they died a death equally 
 terrible because the kirk was childishly superstitious. 
 Indeed, it is not easy to see how the Catholic clergy 
 were to behave in Hamilton's case. The archbishop 
 wished him to escape, but he declined to escape ; he 
 would not make matters easy for him in that way. 
 The clergy are said to have sent the young king, 
 James V., out of the way, on a pilgrimage to a remote 
 shrine, St. Duthac's, near Feme, Patrick's Abbey. 
 Had Patrick stayed at his duty, and in his abbey, St. 
 Andrews would have a clearer record. The kiner, in 
 any case, was bound to severity by his coronation oath, 
 an oath which was administered, as we saw, by pres- 
 byters as well as by priests, till Queen Anne's reign. 
 
 Hamilton was really, as a young and eager 
 opponent of old ideas, in exactly the same position 
 as Shelley at Oxford. . 
 
 Shelley was expelled from University College : 
 Hamilton was burned before the <jate of St. Salvator's : 
 the difference in the penalty is a mark of the 
 modern aversion to ancient modes of punishment. 
 Why do we shudder over the torments of heretics, 
 witches, and persons guilty of high treason, while our 
 ancestors only blamed these penalties when inflicted 
 by their political or religious adversaries ? 
 
 The scholar of the new school, who wished, as 
 
120 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 Alane says, to draw philosophy from the fountains of 
 Plato and Aristotle, died gallantly for his new creed. 
 The scholar of the old school, John Mair, was absent 
 in Paris when Hamilton perished. But, in 1529, he 
 dedicated his commentary on St. Matthew to the 
 archbishop, James Beaton, ' Jacobus, a supplanter 
 of Heresy, who removed, not without incurring the 
 anger of many, a noble but unhappy follower of the 
 Lutheran error.' 
 
 Anything may have happened in the dark back- 
 ward and abysm of time : anything may happen again 
 in the future, but that a student ever again should be 
 burned for his opinions outside St. Salvator's is one 
 of the least probable of chances. Indeed, who now 
 would choose, except as a point of honour, to suffer for 
 ideas about fate and free will, about the benefit of 
 prayers to the dead, about Faith and Works, and 
 Grace ? But, in a world of conscious ignorance, we 
 may dispute as to whether men were not happier 
 then, when they believed that they knew the un- 
 knowable, and were read} r to die or to slay for a 
 guess of the philosophers, a dream of the meta- 
 physicians. Whatever else changes, courage and 
 honour do not change, and Patrick Hamilton, who 
 might have escaped, died like a hero for his point of 
 honour, like a martyr for his creed, like a good 
 citizen, in obedience to the laws of his country. 
 
121 
 
 CHAPTEK V 
 
 THE . CARDINAL'S ST. ANDREWS 
 
 Beaton probably thought little enough of Hamilton's 
 burning at the time. Possibly he regretted it as a 
 disagreeable but necessary incident. In 1528, we 
 find him inviting Angus, who still kept the king, ' to 
 his Pasch ' (Easter) at St. Andrews, ' and there made 
 them great banquetting and murines,' while the king 
 hunted and hawked on the water of Eden. Very 
 soon after James escaped from the charge of Angus 
 at Palkland, to Sterling, and was his own man at 
 last, the Douglasses of Angus's party being exiled. 
 At Michaelmas, 1529, he and the queen-mother were 
 entertained by Beaton at St. Andrews, and hither 
 Henry sent an embassy, asking James to meet him at 
 York. Some of the ambassador's suite were famed 
 archers, and the queen-mother backed her country- 
 men against the Scots for a hundred crowns and a 
 tun of wine. Six shot on each side, James betting on 
 the Scotch, and, by skill, or by English courtesy, the 
 Northern men were victors, and spent all the money 
 
122 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 in a banquet to their opponents. The question of the 
 meeting at York continued to be discussed till 1536. 
 But Beaton, with his nephew David, prevailed, ' the 
 wicked bischopes of Scotland would not thoall the king 
 to pass thair,' and they bribed him with 3,0001. yearly 
 out of their benefices. 1 Were the bishops wrong? 
 Mr. Burton points out that, in the opinion of 
 
 BALCOMIB CASTLE 
 
 Commines, such an opportunity as Henry would 
 have had was too much for mortal virtue. - 
 
 This was a crucial moment in our history. Had 
 James met Henry and been created Duke of York, 
 he might have thrown in his fortunes with England 
 and the Eeformation. This, of course, was what 
 Beaton dreaded, but a revolution from above, led by 
 
 1 Pitscottio, p. 349 ; Fronde, iv. 411. • Commines, II. viii. 
 
THE CARDINAL'S ST. ANDREWS 123 
 
 the Crown, must have been milder and less ruinous 
 than a revolution led by preachers and managed by 
 thievish nobles and a destructive mob. The smaller 
 was bound to follow the greater mass ; the Eeforma- 
 tion was certain to come, and the Scottish Church 
 was practically brought to its desolate Presbyterian 
 poverty by the tenacity of Beaton on this occasion. 
 Eejecting England, James sent David Beaton to nego- 
 tiate a French marriage (1536), and chose Magdalen, 
 daughter of France, who reached Scotland only to 
 die there. Then James married Mary of Guise, who 
 landed at Balcomie, in Fifeshire, on June 16, 1538. 
 She brought with her into the Stuart blood and the 
 Stuart fortunes an element of fatal adherence to 
 Eome ; for Eome her daughter was to live sadly and 
 die miserably ; for a religion approximating to that 
 of Eome her great-grandson was to lose his head, her 
 great-great-grandson to lose his throne, her great-great- 
 great-grandson to live a long life of exile, and the most 
 courageous and attractive of all her direct descen- 
 dants, her great-great-great-great-grandson, Prince 
 Charles, was to throw one gallant cast of the dice and 
 linger out his days broken-hearted in an alien land. 
 
 But all these things lay unread in the lap of the 
 gods, when James set out from St. Andrews to meet 
 his fair French bride. ' And first she was received 
 at the new abbey gate. At the east side thereof 
 
124 ST. ANDBEWS 
 
 there was made to her a triumphant spectacle by 
 Sir David Lindsay of the Mount, knight, who 
 caused a great cloud to come down out of the 
 heavens above the gate ; out of the which cloud 
 came down a fair lady most like an angel, having 
 the keys of Scotland in her hands, and delivered 
 them to the Queen's Grace, in sign and token that 
 all the hearts of Scotland were open for receiving 
 her grace.' Then followed long moral addresses by 
 Lindsay, and then the Queen was received in her 
 lodging, which was called the New Inns. 1 
 
 The New Inns, built for Magdalen of France, 
 stood on the right hand of the road as one goes from 
 the Pends to the harbour. There remains of it 
 nothing at all but a gateway on the roadside, sur- 
 mounted with the arms of Scotland and of the priory. 
 Later Archbishop Sharp lived here ; here his wraith 
 was seen, according to Wodrow, and another ghost 
 story of the house is found in his garrulous pages. 
 The dwelling ' was demolished some forty years ago,' 
 says Lyon in 1843. Thus at St. Andrews history 
 can only be traced in ruins. 
 
 Mary of Guise expressed her pleasure in the 
 beauty of the St. Andrews people, the colleges and 
 churches, the gathering of lords and clerics, the 
 music in the Abbey kirk. For forty days there were 
 
 1 Pitscottie, pp. 375, i>76. 
 
THE CARDINAL'S ST. ANDREWS 
 
 125 
 
 tournaments. Lindsay describes a burlesque en- 
 counter in dull verses. There was archer y and 
 hunting (in June !*) ' and all other princelie games.' 
 
 In May 1539 Mary gave birth to a prince in 
 St. Andrews, who was christened here with much 
 
 GATE OF NEW INN 
 
 pomp, but died as a child, as did his younger brother. 
 The old archbishop of the clattering conscience did 
 not long survive the christening of the eldest prince, 
 and was succeeded by his nephew, David Beaton, the 
 cardinal (1539). In the same year Henry VUI. sent 
 Sir Ealph Sadler into Scotland with a present of six 
 
1.26 ST. ANDEEWS 
 
 geldings for the king. His instructions and his 
 conduct, as described in the Sadler Papers, are 
 rather entertaining. 1 Sadler was to tell the king 
 privately that letters of the Cardinal's had been taken 
 from a messenger of his shipwrecked on the English 
 coast. These letters were to prove that the Cardinal 
 was plotting with Eome against the crown. James 
 was also warned that it was ' a mean thing ' for him 
 to be a ' sheep master ' like Mesha, king of Moab, for 
 he had large flocks on the hills of Ettrick. In place 
 of keeping sheep, Henry asked, why did he not 
 nobly rob his Church? James said one of the 
 geldings ' was a bonny beast.' He thought no harm 
 of the Cardinal's letter, which was only asking for the 
 legateship ; he declined to rob his Church, and, as 
 for the sheep, he said that really he knew little or 
 nothing about his private property. He would 
 always be true to King Henry, but he would not 
 quarrel with the Emperor or the French king. In 
 1541 Sadler again visited James on a similar errand ; 
 again Henry suggested a meeting ' near unto their 
 borders,' but nothing came of this. The Cardinal, 
 after James's death, denied that he had prevented the 
 meeting, 2 and Henry, according to Mr. Froude, was 
 anxious to employ ' gentle restraint.' 3 He desired 
 
 1 Edinburgh, 1809. - Saillrr Papers, vol. i. p. 133. 
 
 3 Fronde, vol. iv. p. 177. 
 
THE CARDINAL'S ST. ANDREWS 127 
 
 to kidnap James on one of his expeditions after the 
 manner of Haroun Al Easchid ; but as James was 
 very likely to resist and be killed, the council dis- 
 approved of the monstrous proposal. ' We would 
 have been afraid to have thought on such a matter 
 touching a king's person, standing the terms as they 
 stand between you.' This Muscovite move in the game 
 against the Cardinal was therefore abandoned. A 
 border brawl ended in the Scotch success of Halydon 
 Eigg ; the Duke of Norfolk ravaged the Scotch 
 border ; James summoned an army, the Lords would 
 not fight. Beaton is therefore said to have drawn up 
 a list of nobles to be proscribed, 1 and James sent an 
 armed and unled mob into England. When it was 
 known that the king's favourite, Oliver Sinclair, was 
 to be general, the jealous nobles declined to fight. 
 They were defeated, or, rather, yielded without a 
 blow at Solway Moss. James died of a broken heart 
 (of poison, the Eeformers murmured), and Beaton 
 was accused of making his dead or dying hand sign a 
 commission to himself as tutor of the new-born Mary 
 Stuart and regent of the realm, with Huntly, Arran, 
 and Argyll.. The king died on December 13, 1542. 
 On December 22 the nobles set aside the will produced 
 by the Cardinal, and Arran was appointed Eegent. 
 Affairs had now recurred, in a vicious circle, to 
 
 1 Knox is the authority for this statement. 
 
128 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 the state of things after Flodden. Again England 
 had inflicted a heavy blow on the Scotch, again an 
 infant wore the crown, again Henry thought of 
 securing a union of the realms by a marriage ; his 
 son, Prince Edward, might wed Queen Mary when 
 both reached marriageable years. Henry also held 
 the many Scotch nobles taken captive at Sol way Moss. 
 They promised, if released, to support his plan, and, 
 if unsuccessful, to ransom themselves or return. 
 They neither carried out Hemy's scheme, nor ran- 
 somed themselves, nor came back; there was but 
 one Eegulus in the party. Nor is it wonderful that 
 they failed to do what Henry desired. His modest 
 proposal was that Mary should be sent to England to 
 be educated, that English garrisons should occupy 
 the castles of Edinburgh, Stirling, and Dumbarton : 
 that he should have a voice in nominating the Scotch 
 Council of Administration, and that our cardinal 
 should be imprisoned in England. The Solway cap- 
 tives must have known well that the very women 
 would fight sooner than accept terms which 
 Edward I. could never have extorted. Thev there- 
 fore did what they could, by having the cardinal 
 arrested and imprisoned in Blackness, a prison 
 which Mr. James Melville later disdained as not- 
 good enough for his quality or that of his uncle. 
 The Cardinal riposted by an Interdict : the Church 
 
THE CARDINAL'S ST. ANDREWS 129 
 
 firmly boj-cotted the whole realm of Scotland. 
 ' There was no lash or gallows, as in England,' 
 says Mr. Froude with manly regret, ' to correct 
 the over-zeal of the ecclesiastics.' * The dead lay 
 unburied, the lovers pined unmarried, though in 
 later Presbyterian St. Andrews, as we shall see, they 
 neither married nor pined. A Parliament met in 
 Edinburgh, and whittled away all Henry's modest 
 proposals. An embassy carried counter proposals 
 to London, and all that Henry gained was per- 
 mission for. the English Bible to be read in Scot- 
 land (March 1543). Sadler was sent to Edin- 
 burgh, and found that Henry's original terms would 
 never be accepted. Bather would Scotland call 
 in France, set Beaton free, and fight the war of inde- 
 pendence afresh. Thus, wherever Henry turned, he 
 met the cardinal in his. path. Henry had now, for 
 almost the last time, made Scotland united in a 
 cause, and that, practically, the cause of the hated 
 Church. The wavering Arran next gave Beaton 
 leave to return to the Castle of St. Andrews, which 
 was held in force by his retainers. ' The said cardi- 
 nal is in his said castle,' as Sadler wrote to the 
 Council (March 31, 1543), though he was nominally 
 a prisoner in his own house. 2 Sadler was anxious 
 to kidnap the cardinal, and carry him into England, 
 
 1 There was a gallows in 1661-1684. 2 Sadler, vol. i. p. 104. 
 
 E 
 
130 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 but the feat was difficult. To the proposals 
 of the Scotch Parliament Henry now replied by- 
 offering terms milder than before. Mary might 
 stay in Scotland till she was ten, Scotland's foreign 
 relations were to be subject to Henry's approval. 
 The independence of Scotland was menaced, so the 
 cardinal called a convocation of clergy at St. An- 
 drews ; they declared for war rather than submission ; 
 Henry in vain urged Arran to apprehend the 
 cardinal, but, in June 1543, the Parliament accepted 
 Henry's proposals. Henry signed the treaty at 
 Greenwich on July 1. On July 7 the indomitable 
 cardinal once more convoked the clergy and Catholic 
 peers at St. Andrews ; on July 23 he carried off the 
 queen to Stirling. The treaty, already signed by 
 Henry, was ratified by the Scotch Estates in August ; 
 Arran, after denouncing Beaton, was reconciled to 
 him and to the Church ; the baby-queen was crowned 
 at Stirling. The cardinal was now master ; Sadler 
 left Scotland ; the treaties with England were repu- 
 diated ; an alliance with France was renewed ; 
 permission to read the Bible in English was with- 
 drawn. 
 
 Arran announced (December 15) a prosecution 
 of heretics. Thus omnia effusus labor : all Henry's 
 trouble was lost. Scotland was Catholic and defiant : 
 the union by marriage was out of the question. He 
 
THE CARDINAL'S ST. ANDREWS 13] 
 
 had reason to be angry, for the cardinal had upset 
 his policy, and he found his schemes ruined by a 
 churchman. This, to a temper like Henry's, was 
 particularly annoying. We shall see the courses to 
 which he was driven by his fury. 
 
 Nothing warlike could be done during the winter 
 months. Henry issued a message of threats and 
 warnings to the Scottish nation. Eeligious troubles 
 agitated both England and Scotland. In England, 
 Parliament complained that ' scandalous brawls and 
 controversies disgraced the churches where the Bible 
 was placed for the people to read. Noisy, vain, and 
 arrogant persons took upon themselves to be ex- 
 pounders and interpreters.' 1 As we shall find, there 
 was similar brawling in Scotland. Three English 
 heretics were burned in front of Windsor Castle. In 
 Scotland, at a period difficult to date, Beaton hanged 
 several men, and drowned one woman, in Perth. One 
 of the men, after giving a feast on All Hallows Eve, had 
 brawled in church during sermon. The others were 
 charged with dressing up an image of St. Prancis as 
 a devil, an insult to religion. The charge against 
 the woman is said to have been that she declined to 
 call, when in childbirth, on the Virgin Mary. 2 In 
 
 1 Froude, vol. iv. p. 291. 
 
 2 The chronology is very confused. Mr. Froude places it in 
 January 1544 ; so does Knox. Buchanan puts it in the end of 1545, 
 with whom Keith is inclined to agree. Keith, vol. i. pp. 97-99, and notes. 
 
 k 2 
 
132 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 addition to these victims, Knox says that the body of 
 a friar, who had been imprisoned in the sea tower 
 of St. Andrews Castle, was found dead on the 
 rocks beneath. Whether he had been secretly 
 murdered, or 'whether he fell in an attempt to 
 escape, or was permitted to escape for the very pur- 
 pose that he might fall, is uncertain. Meanwhile, 
 as the spring days lengthened, in 1544, and as 
 Henry's hour of vengeance drew nigh, the English 
 party in Scotland, with Lennox and Angus, began to 
 intrigue with Henry. The English faction was to 
 join Henry's invading army. In April the intrigues 
 thickened. The great object was to get rid of the 
 cardinal. Hertford, with the army of invasion, was 
 already on the Border. A Scot named Wishart 
 brought to him a proposal that Norman Leslie, 
 Master of Eothes, and other Fifeshire gentlemen 
 should burn Arbroath and other towns, and either 
 apprehend or slay the cardinal. 
 
 The interesting question rises, was this Wishart 
 the celebrated George Wishart, the martyr ? Much 
 in the narrative of Wishart's life and death is ob- 
 scure ; the point of dubious interest is his connection 
 with the political plots for the murder of the cardinal. 
 A man of pure and benevolent life, Wishart may have 
 been tainted with the doctrines, derived partly from 
 the history of Israel, partly from the Eepublican 
 
THE CARDINAL'S ST. ANDREWS 133 
 
 praises of classical tyrannicides, which justified the 
 practice of political assassination. We are accus- 
 tomed to find Knox applauding Euthven for coun- 
 selling the murder of ' the knave Davy,' as he 
 calls Eizzio, and revelling in the slaughter of 
 Beaton. ' Goddis hand punished his pryde,' he 
 says of the cardinal. 1 Knox was an intimate ally 
 of Wishart's, and there is no a priori reason for 
 deeming it impossible that Wishart should have 
 tried to do what Knox approved. The evidence, 
 however, for Wishart's actual complicity in the 
 scheme for slaying the cardinal, who later burned 
 him, is not conclusive. 
 
 George Wishart was of the house of Pitarrow in 
 the Mearns, therefore of sjentle blood. There exists 
 a portrait, attributed to Holbein, which is usually 
 said to be that of Wishart. The date is cetat. xxx. 
 m.d. xliii., which would make Wishart to have been 
 born in 1513. Tradition alleges that he taught 
 Greek in Montrose, whither Erskine of Dun had 
 brought a master of that language, in 1534. 2 The 
 confessors of that date were occasionally protes- 
 tants for Greek, as well as for certain theological 
 
 1 History, vol. i. p. 110. 
 
 - See Mr. Hay Fleming's Martyrs and Confessors of St. Andrews, 
 pp. 137, 138. The evidence is that of Petrie's Compendious History 
 (1662). Petrie derived it, when young, 'from very antient men.' A 
 George "Wishart, a Master of Arts, was witness to the confirmation of 
 a charter at Montrose in 1534-5. 
 
134 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 opinions, though, in Scotland, their Greek study was 
 mainly devoted to the New Testament. In 1538 
 Wishart went to England, and preached at Bristol, but 
 recanted his ' errors,' and burned his faggot, saving 
 his life for that season 1 (July 20, 1539). From Eng- 
 land, Wishart went to Germany ; at his trial in St. 
 Andrews, he speaks of a discussion which he held with 
 a Jew aboard a vessel on the Ehine. Eeturning from 
 the Continent, he went to Cambridge and resided at 
 Bennet's College, where he was remarkable for his 
 charity, and his practice of taking cold baths in his 
 bedroom. The evidence is that of Emery Tylney, his 
 pupil, given in Foxe's Martyrology. ' His charity 
 had never end, night, noon, nor day.' This was in 
 1543, when, according to Tylney, Wishart ' went into 
 Scotland, with divers of the nobility that came for a 
 treaty with Henry VIH.' Thus Wishart was a person 
 of consideration enough to travel with the ' Anglo- 
 phile' Scottish nobles, the friends of a marriage 
 
 1 The ' error ' recanted is a little difficult to understand. According 
 to The Mayor's Calendar, Wishart denied the Atonement ; according 
 to a conjectural emendation, the mediation of the Blessed Virgin. 
 Mr. Hay Fleming conceives that, in his early theological studies, he 
 may have passed ' from believing in the merit of the saints to denying 
 the merit of Christ.' In that case, Wishart's ideas in 1539 were the 
 very reverse of his Lutheran opinions in 1543-46, yet he preached 
 both with equal confidence, as he attained each stage of opinion. 
 Laing believes (vol. i. p. 535) that he preached ' against the mediation 
 of the Virgin.' See also The lieformm, by Ministers of the United 
 Presbyterian Church, p. ii»± ' His love of truth compelled him at 
 once to recant.' Who convinced him that he was wrong ? 
 
THE CARDINAL'S ST, ANDREWS 135 
 
 between Prince Edward and Mary Stuart ; the 
 opponents of the queen-mother, of Cardinal Beaton, 
 and of all Scotland that adhered to the old Faith and 
 the old alliance. 1 
 
 Henry was ' liberally anoynting ' the hands of the 
 English party in Scotland, as Knox frankly admits, 2 
 and it is a sad truth that the Scottish gentry who 
 inclined to Protestantism were simply in the pay of 
 the ambitious English monarch. With these men, 
 then, "Wishart returned to his native country, but 
 the date is uncertain. Tylney gives 1543, Knox 
 gives 1544. The question as to when and in what 
 company Wishart went to Scotland is important. 
 If Knox is right, if he went back in 1544, who were 
 his companions ? Throughout the spring of that 
 year several of the Scottish gentry on the English 
 side — (Mr. Froude's ' few noblemen of clear sense 
 and genuine patriotism") — were intriguing with Henry 
 for the murder of the cardinal. With them it was 
 a mere question of protection for themselves, and of 
 payment. Beaton had already been in captivity ; he 
 had escaped, and the object was to seize once more 
 or to slay the ablest friend of the old Scottish policy 
 
 1 The Scottish commissioners were Learmonth of Balcomie, who 
 was a connection of the "Wishart family; Hamilton of Sanquhar, 
 Balnaves of Halhill, and, in May, 1543, they were joined by the Earl 
 of Glencairn and Sir George Douglas. 
 
 s Laing, vol. i. p. 102. 
 
136 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 and the ancient faith ; but on October 5, 1543, ' they 
 think it will be hard for them to come by him,' says 
 Ealph Sadler, Henry's envoy in Scotland. 1 On 
 November 16, 1543, we find Crichton, of Brunston, 
 a spadassin of good birth, in friendly correspondence 
 with Henry. 2 On April 17, 1544, we hear of Brunston 
 directly offering to slay Beaton for money. Lord 
 Hertford, Bobert Landaffe, and Ealph Sadler sign the 
 letter in which this proposal is announced. Brun- 
 ston's proposal has been brought ' this day by a 
 Scotchman called Wyshert.' The persons anxious to 
 kill the cardinal are Brunston himself, the Master of 
 Bothes and Kirkcaldy of Grange, Norman Leslie, 
 the actual assassin, and John Charteris. If helped 
 with money they will also destroy, as we saw, the 
 Abbey and town of Arbroath ' and all other bishops' 
 and abbots' houses and countreys on that side the 
 water.' Wyshert declares that they will capitulate 
 to do all this ' afore they shall desire any supplye 
 of money at your Majesty's hand.' 3 
 
 Was this ' Wyshert ' George Wishart ? Was it 
 he who first carried these messages to Lord Hertford 
 in Newcastle, and thence to Henry VIII., with whom 
 he had an interview at Greenwich ? ' If Wishart's 
 
 1 Sadler, vol. i. p. 312. 
 
 2 Sadler, vol. i. pp. 332-342. 
 
 3 Compare Froude, vol. iv. p. 317. 
 
 1 Haines' State Papers, vol. i. p. 22. 
 
THE CARDINAL'S ST. ANDREWS 137 
 
 reputation could be tried before a jury, the evidence, 
 as we possess it, would not justify a conviction. 
 There were, of course, other Wisharts and even other 
 George Wisharts in Scotland. But it is not certain 
 that any other of them was a prominent friend and 
 agent of the pensioners of England and of the Pro- 
 testant party, or was likely to be admitted to a 
 private interview with the English king. According 
 to Tylney, Wishart went to Scotland with the com- 
 missioners in 1543 ; according to Knox, in 1544. 
 Mr. Kidd, in 'The Eeformers' (p. 403), argues that 
 Wishart did not return from Cambridge to Scotland 
 till May 1544, so that he could not be the Wishart 
 of the murderous proposals of April 17, 1544. He 
 supposes, too, that Knox would not have been 
 silent about Wishart's share in a crime which he 
 applauds. He may have come and gone twice ; 
 nothing in the evidence makes this at all im- 
 probable. Nor is the fact that he was liable to 
 arrest, 'put to the horn,' inconsistent with such a 
 mission, as Laing supposes. 1 A man in that situation 
 was all the better fitted for perilous enterprises, and 
 while ' put to the horn,' he was, as we know, under 
 the protection of England's paid and pensioned 
 Scots. Laing also argues that the charge of con- 
 spiracy would have been made against Wishart 
 
 1 Knox, vol. i. p. 537. 
 
138 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 at his trial, but the cardinal may have been ignorant 
 of the intrigue, or, if he knew about it, may have 
 been too wary to blurt out what he knew, when the 
 accusation of heresy sufficed for his purpose. 
 
 Laing observes that the actual murder of the 
 cardinal was unconnected with Brunston's con- 
 spiracy. This is absurd. The proposals of Brun- 
 ston had been renewed in May 1545. ; The King 
 will not seem to have to do with it, yet not mis- 
 liking the offer.' 1 
 
 Cassilis and Brunston were both engaged in this 
 design. 
 
 Says Sadler, ' certain gentlemen, being your 
 friends, have offered, for a smalle summe of money, 
 to take the cardinal out of the way.' In October 
 1545, Brunston is still hinting at his favourite 
 scheme, and is allied with Sir George Douglas, one 
 of the commissioners to England of 1543. From 
 October 20, 1545, to March 27, 1546, there is a 
 gap in the correspondence. The cardinal was mur- 
 dered on May 29, 1546, by some of the very men, 
 such as Norman Leslie (' a boy,' according to Mr. 
 Froude), who were in the plot of 1544. They may 
 not have got the ' small sum of money ' out of 
 Henry. They may have done the devil's work with- 
 
 1 See documents in Tytler, vol. v. p. 458. 
 
THE CARDINAL'S ST. ANDREWS 139 
 
 out his wages ; but it is impossible to separate the 
 various plots to kill the cardinal. 
 
 As we shall see, up to his death Wishart was 
 the associate of the conspirators, and was actually 
 taken in the company of Crichton of Brunston, 
 who escaped. Noscitur a sociis. A gentleman whose 
 desire is to be the paid bravo of a foreign govern- 
 ment is ill company for the pious. If it be said 
 that Wishart must have detested the plan for de- 
 stroying bishops' towns, proposed in the message 
 carried by 'Wyshert,' it must be remembered that 
 he later denounced fire and sword on Haddington, 
 where he had a disappointingly scanty congre- 
 gation. He probably knew what he was talking 
 about. ' In such vehemency and threatnyng con- 
 tinewed that servand of God, neyr one hour a,nd one 
 half, in which he declared all the plagues that 
 ensewed,' from the invasion of the English — the 
 paymasters of his party. 1 Malum minatum, damnum 
 secutum, is an offence known to the old Scottish law 
 of witchcraft. It is odd that Knox should call Both- 
 well, who captured Wishart, a man ' made for money 
 bucheour to the Cardinall,' when we know that 
 Wishart's companion, Brunston, desired nothing 
 more than to be made for money bucheour of the 
 cardinal. 
 
 1 Knox, vol. i. p. 138. 
 
140 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 On the whole, the case stands thus : Wishart was 
 the associate of the English party and of the assas- 
 sins. One other less famous Wishart is known to have 
 been a member of this gang. All parties then suborned 
 murder : the Protestants claiming the Deity as a 
 member of their cabal. Beaton is said by Knox, 
 who had means of knowing the truth, to have laid 
 plots for the murder of Wishart. Wishart's friends 
 and allies laid plots for the murder of Beaton. We 
 cannot be sure that our George Wishart was the man 
 who carried Brunston's offers to Henry ; but, if he 
 disapproved of such offers, he was probably the only 
 public man of the day on either side who looked 
 on assassination as anything worse than a legitimate 
 political expedient. Knox regarded it as a thing 
 highly laudable, when performed, of course, by his 
 own party ; and it was Knox who carried the two- 
 handled sword before Wishart in his preaching pro- 
 gresses. Mr. Froude thinks that the charge against 
 Wishart amounts only to ' a vague probabilitj r .' 
 But Mr. Froude adds, ' I see no reason to believe, 
 however, that the martyr of St. Andrews was so 
 different from his Protestant countrymen as to have 
 been unlikely to have been the messenger to Hert- 
 ford, or to have sympathised cordially with the 
 message.' Henry himself, according to his apologist, 
 was in ' a position which obliged him to look at facts 
 
THE CARDINAL'S ST. ANDREWS 141 
 
 as they wei'e, rather than through conventional 
 forms ' — such as the Sixth Commandment. On both 
 sides, all known politicians — Henry, Beaton (accord- 
 ing to Knox), Sadler, Knox himself — -never dreamed 
 of boggling at private and treacherous bloodshed. 
 The 'Trewth,' as preached by Knox, was a religion 
 much on a par with that which the Maoris adapted 
 to their national use from the most truculent parts 
 of the Old Testament. 
 
 We can only conclude that if Wishart was really 
 the agent of the conspirators, he was only acting in 
 accordance with the murderous tenets then held and 
 put in practice by all parties. But it is not demon- 
 strated that he really was the agent. 
 
 In ' Old Dundee,' p. 88, Mr. Melville suggests that 
 the real actor in the ' wicked conspiracy ' may have 
 been another George Wishart, a kinsman of the 
 martyr's, who was charged in 1552 with abetting 
 the murderers of Beaton, with sacking a monastery, 
 with drowning an old lady in the Tay, and other 
 acts of Protestant zeal. This George Wishart was 
 also an educated man, and may have been a fit 
 envoy to Henry "VIH. His truculent character 
 makes him a much more probable assassin than his 
 famous and excellent kinsman. Both were in the 
 murderous group of Brunston and Ormiston. ' One 
 of them, no doubt, is the man,' as Mr. Melville says. 
 
142 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 For the moment the conspiracy failed, and Henry- 
 resorted to the ultima ratio regum, war. 
 
 On May 3, 1544, Beaton and the Eegent were 
 dining at Holyrood. News was borne into hall 
 that the whole sea was white with English sails. ' The 
 cardinal skryppit, and said, " it is but the Iceland 
 fleet, they are come to make us a show, and put us in 
 fears." ' The cardinal's confidence was misplaced. 
 Next day he and Arran had to flee out of Edin- 
 burgh, which the English sacked and burned. The 
 Border, too, was burned. But Hertford did not 
 reach St. Andrews, devastate it, and slay all living 
 things in it, as Henry had desired. He only 
 achieved ' a mere act of violent destruction, followed 
 by a retreat at once useless and dishonourable,' as 
 Henry said himself, when a similar attempt on Paris 
 was proposed. 1 
 
 The reforming party in Scotland spoke of the wide- 
 spread and wanton ruin as ' the judgements of God.' 
 It is not always easy to sympathise with these 
 patriotic men. The effect of the judgments of God 
 and Lord Hertford ' was only to exasperate,' as Mr. 
 Froude says. 2 On February 27, 1545, Buccleugh, 
 Angus, and Norman Leslie revenged Edinburgh on 
 England at Ancrum Moor. In September Hertford 
 
 1 Mr. Froude remarks on the inconsistency, vol. iv. p. 335, note. 
 • Vol. iv. p. 394. 
 
THE CARDINAL'S ST. ANDREWS 143 
 
 again ravaged the Border — ' barbarous and useless 
 havoc,' says Mr. Froude. In January of the follow- 
 ing year St. Andrews witnessed a great convocation 
 called by Beaton ' to consult on proper methods to 
 discourage heresy, and to restrain the licentiousness 
 of clergymen.' x But at this very moment news came 
 that George Wishart was at the house of Cockburn 
 of Ormiston. He had been preaching at Haddington, 
 where he had a very thin congregation, and where he 
 denounced woes which, as he was in the confidence 
 of the English party, he might foresee without being 
 a prophet. Bothwell, as High Sheriff of the county, 
 seized Wishart under a false promise of safeguard. 
 The martyr would not allow Knox, then a tutor in a 
 noble family, to follow him and share his fate. 
 Wishart was ultimately carried to St. Andrews, tried 
 on February 27, and, in spite of a delay, interposed 
 by Arran, was hanged and burned afterwards in 
 front of the Castle gate. Thence he could throw 
 his last glance across the Firth on the hills of his 
 own country. 
 
 He died with the utmost intrepidity and gentleness 
 of demeanour. Whether, as Knox says, but not in 
 his first edition, he prophesied the cardinal's death, 
 whether the cardinal, lolling in a window seat, wit- 
 nessed the scene, is disputed by historians. Lindsay 
 
 1 Keith, vol. i. p. 100. 
 
144 ST. ANDEEWS 
 
 mentions neither circumstance in ' The Tragedy of 
 the Cardinal,' nor does Foxe in his ' Martyrology.' In 
 fact, the less Wishart prophesied, the better for his 
 personal reputation, for his companions, at least, had 
 long been in a plot for the cardinal's murder. Wis- 
 hart was learned, courteous, charitable, and coura- 
 geous. It was not in nature that men should not 
 aspire to avenge him, and avenged he was speedily. 
 
 The cardinal, however, was merry in his heart, 
 and, as Homer says of the arrogant wooer, ' murder 
 was not in his mind.' 1 He married his illegitimate 
 daughter to the Master of Crawford ; he returned, 
 and set about strengthening his goodly castle, already 
 all but impregnable, as men then deemed. He passed 
 the night of May 28 (so Knox says) with his mis- 
 tress ; that very night the slayers had gathered in 
 St. Andrews — Norman Leslie, Kirkcaldy of Grange, 
 and others, his old enemies. At dajdireak the con- 
 spirators sauntered, in twos and threes, up to the 
 castle gate : the porter lowered the drawbridge over 
 the moat to admit building-materials, for ' Babylon 
 was nearly finished,' says Knox ; the masons and car- 
 penters entered, and with them Norman Leslie, 
 asking if the cardinal was yet astir. James Melville, 
 father of the author of the ' Memoirs,' followed, with 
 Kirkcaldy, but, as John Leslie was approaching, the 
 
 ' Odyssey, xxii. 11. 
 
TOM MOKRIS 
 
THE CARDINAL'S ST. ANDREWS 
 
 145 
 
 porter, suddenly alarmed, tried to raise the draw- 
 bridge. Leslie dirked him, and threw him into the 
 fosse. 1 The keys of the castle were seized, the work- 
 men extruded. Kirk- 
 caldy stood by a 
 secret postern — can 
 it have commanded 
 the subterranean pas- 
 sage to the cathedral ? 
 His fellow-conspira- 
 tors awoke the car- 
 dinal's retinue, who, 
 asleep and unarmed 
 on their arrival, made 
 no resistance. Then 
 the gate was locked. 
 Beaton wakened, 
 
 rushed to the window, subterranean passage 
 
 saw what was occurring, and sped to his secret 
 exit. Seeing it was guarded by Kirkcaldy, he took his 
 sword, and barricaded the door of his chamber. John 
 Leslie demanded admittance. ' Is it Norman ? ' said the 
 cardinal. Norman was a gallant man : he had fought 
 well at Ancrum : he had a private quarrel with Beaton. 
 To him, as later did Sharpe to Hackston of Bathillet, 
 
 1 Knox says his head was broken. 
 
146 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 Beaton made his vain appeal. 1 ' I am not Norman, 
 but John, and with me you must be contented,' was 
 the answer. Then Leslie called for fire to be set to the 
 door : the cardinal opened it, the conspirators poured 
 in, and stabbed him confusedly, as Eizzio and Sharpe 
 were stabbed by later members of the same party. 
 Then Melville, ' a man of nature most gentle and most 
 modest,' says Knox, enforced some order in the 
 butchery. Melville reminded the bleeding cardinal 
 of the death of Wishart ; he protested that he struck 
 only in the cause of all that was noble and elevatino- ; 
 he bade him repent, and then he stabbed him several 
 times, the cardinal crying with his last breath, ' All 
 is gone.' 2 
 
 All was gone — all the cause he had laboured for ; 
 the old Faith, the old Alliance, all died with David 
 Beaton. No doubt it was of this that he thought, 
 when Melville's sword passed through his body. 
 For a little while the barque of the Church in 
 
 1 Norman Leslie does not seem to have valued bis life after the 
 slaying of the cardinal, and he gave it away in an act of knightly 
 valour. Sir James Melville describes him charging the Emperor's 
 skirmishers at the head of some seven Scots. In a coat of black 
 velvet, with sleeves of mail, and in a red 'knappish bonnet,' seen from 
 far by Conde and the Constable, he cut his way through a cloud of 
 horsemen and culverins, ' struck down five men from horse with his 
 spear before it brake, and then attacked them with his sword.' A 
 company of spearmen were detached against him, he rode back 
 mortally wounded, and his horse fell dead at the Constable's feet 
 (1544). Melville's Memoirs, p. 2">. 
 
 - ' These things wo write merrily,' says Knox, that pattern of the 
 New Christianity. 
 
THE CARDINAL'S ST. ANDREWS 147 
 
 Scotland might stagger on amongst the breakers, 
 but the cause, properly speaking, died with its 
 champion, the adroit, the indomitable, the ruthless 
 cardinal. 
 
 They displayed his naked body in a sheet outside 
 the window fronting the town : they salted it, and 
 consigned it to the dungeons in the sea tower. Later 
 it was buried in the Black Friars Convent, and pro- 
 bably the Madras school-boys now run about over it 
 in their play. 1 
 
 1 It is curious to observe the changed tone of some of the Scotch 
 ministers towards Beaton. ' The cause of his imprisonment ' (in 
 (Blackness), ' while formally his treasonable correspondence with 
 France, was really that his patriotic statesmanship stood in the way 
 of the "Assured Lords," betraying their country into the hands of 
 Henry VIII. for their own selfish ends.' We hear of ' the vile assassi- 
 nation ' of the cardinal, of ' the crew of desperadoes and blackguards 
 in the Castle,' his murderers. James Rankine, D.D., in The Church 
 of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 404. Yet Dr. Birkbeck Hill is vexed with Dr. 
 Johnson for speaking at St. Andrews of ' the ruffians of the Reforma- 
 tion.' The garrison of the Castle, after the cardinal's murder, were 
 reproached with their ruffianism even by Knox. Tradition says that 
 the cardinal's blood still tinges with red a stone below the Castle wall. 
 
 L 2 
 
148 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 THE SIEGE OF THE CASTLE — THE RCIX OF THE 
 CATHEDRAL 
 
 The events which followed the tragedy of the car- 
 dinal were almost burlesque. It seems that the 
 townspeople, when they heard he was in danger, 
 were anxious to rescue him ; but when they saw his 
 dead body and knew that they had little or no 
 chance of taking the castle they withdrew, and the 
 place became a kind of cave of Adullam. Every 
 man whose conscience smote him as implicated in 
 the affair, or, if not actually implicated, in danger 
 of being suspected, flocked thither. The castle was 
 provisioned, such men as Kirkcaldy, Auchinlech, 
 Balnevis, Rough the preacher, Knox (after Easter, 
 1547), and others ' lap into the castle,' where they 
 held the Regent's eldest son as hostage. They 
 naturally declined to appear before the Parliament, 
 whither they were cited, but Norman Leslie and 
 others offered a confession and the delivery of the 
 hostage in exchange for a pardon. The Archbishop 
 
THE SIEGE OF THE CASTLE 149 
 
 of Glasgow, however, maintained that no pardon 
 could be given except after a papal absolution for 
 the murder. The pardon fell through, and by- 
 August 16 all were declared guilty of high treason. 
 These dilatory proceedings, in which nearly three 
 months were wasted, prove the extreme weakness of 
 the Government and the strength of the castle. A 
 small band of holy desperadoes were able to laugh 
 at the forces of the country. The levies of the south 
 were therefore called out, and the siege began in the 
 early days of September. With our modern artillery 
 the castle could have been knocked about the heads 
 of the gang in half an hour. What happened may 
 be gathered partly from the narrative of Knox, partly 
 from a letter sent by the murderers to one of their 
 party, Balnevis of Halhill, who had gone into 
 England to get aid from Henry VIII. He was not 
 the only emissary. Kirkcaldy the younger, of Grange, 
 set forth on October 26. Balnevis went on No- 
 vember 20. * 
 
 Balnevis ' promised the castle to the king, so he 
 would support them, which he promised to do,' 
 unless they escaped by sea, of which the English 
 were masters. The conspirators in their letter 
 explain to Balnevis the state of their affairs in 
 November. 2 
 
 1 Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 43. - Lyon, ii. appendix xliii. 
 
150 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 After a truce and an attempt at compromise 
 Arran sent four guns and some culverins into the 
 west trenches, those on the side of the links. They 
 fired all day, but the castle was well wadded with 
 earthworks and turf. However, the battlements were 
 shot down, and the top story of the sea-tower and the 
 roof on that side. A fire of crossbows from the east 
 drove the conspirators out of the hall and chapel. 
 On the other hand the defenders slew the chief 
 gunner of the assailants, a success rivalled on the fol- 
 lowing day when several of the besieging artillery- 
 men were killed. Though the castle was ' much 
 battered,' the besiegers were weakened by loss of 
 their gunners and the siege turned into a blockade, 
 with some desultory fire of small arms. The be- 
 sieged were straitened for meat, but they dug a 
 passage through the east wall and thence to ' the 
 rock lying off the kitchen tower.' x Thence they des- 
 patched men by night in a small boat, who crossed 
 the bay to Tentsmuir, and so to the Laird of Mount- 
 quhanny, 'with a letter to our friend whom you 
 know,' to ask for provender. The Eegent now had 
 guards placed on the Tay ; a few boats outside the 
 castle might surely have intercepted the supplies. 
 Want of good food caused a sickness, and many died, 
 
 1 Can this be the subterranean passage to the east ? That work 
 seems too substantial, perhaps, for a hasty trench. 
 
THE SIEGE OF THE CASTLE 151 
 
 but the conspirators did not lose heart. They had 
 many secret allies in the pay of Henry and in the 
 counsels of the Eegent. On December 17 a truce 
 was arranged, and the conspirators trusted to 
 England for provisions, ' whereby we are the more 
 able to perform our engagement to the King's 
 Majesty for furthering his affairs.' They told 
 Balnevis to ask for money in French coin, which 
 should be sent by sea ; being French, it would seem 
 to be part of the spoils of the cardinal. The con- 
 spirators obviously never dreamed of giving up the 
 castle on terms as they had engaged to do. A most 
 comic proposal was next made. 
 
 The conspirators had promised to surrender on 
 receiving papal absolution. They therefore advise 
 Henry VHI. to use his influence with the emperor, 
 who, again, will induce the pope to delay the absolu- 
 tion, so that the castle need not be given up. It is 
 like a siege in a comic opera. 
 
 Apparently, either Henry, or the emperor, or 
 the pope, did not enter into this easy stratagem. 
 The absolution arrived in June ; it contained the 
 words, 'remittimus crimen irremissibile ' — 'we pardon 
 this unpardonable sin.' The conspirators, very natu- 
 rally, cavilled at this phrase ; and, as Keith says, 
 each party was really delaying, in hope of aid either 
 from France or England. Henry VIII. died on 
 
152 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 January 28, 1546-47, and Francis I. on March 30. 
 The besieged, meanwhile, lived in gaiety, drank, 
 diced, and assaulted women. The Eegent left St. 
 Andrews, where a pestilence appeared ; his guns, 
 Cruik Mow and Deaf Meg, were silent, and thus the 
 pious within the castle could raid, burn, rob, and 
 ravish at their pleasure. John Knox, Eough, and 
 other godly men in the stronghold, ventured to 
 remonstrate, but without more success than might 
 have been expected. Thus the military gentlemen, 
 nominally besieged, enjoyed themselves extremely, 
 while Knox and Eough were no less happy, bearding 
 the local clergy, preaching, disputing, and sowing 
 the good seed with no sparing hands. Some of the 
 townspeople, with the castle gang, held a meeting, 
 and ' moderated a harmonious call,' as the phrase 
 goes, to Knox, Eough resigning his place as preacher 
 in favour of the other more famous evangelist, who 
 ' byrst forth in moist abundand tears,' though im- 
 patient of tears in women. 
 
 A queerer consecration to the ministry has seldom 
 been heard of, but it was suitable enough for this son 
 of thunder. As the Covenanters said of Cromwell's 
 preaching corporals — 
 
 Weil giftit yet not ordourlie callit, 
 
 Knox preached in the parish church, on Daniel viii. 
 1-4, clearly showing that the prophet predicted the 
 
THE SIEGE OF THE CASTLE 153 
 
 misdeeds of the pope ! Criticism had reached the 
 pope, but had not yet interfered with the prophetic 
 claims of Daniel. 
 
 In the midst of these edifying proceedings, ob- 
 servers on the castle saw six galleys and two great 
 ships of war coming round the promontory ; so says 
 Pitscottie. 
 
 They were the vessels sent by France, under the 
 command of the Prior of Capua, and the reign of 
 license in the castle was now to end. Knox, with his 
 usual courage and freedom of speech, had warned 
 the garrison that their ruffianly conduct would be 
 their ruin : probably he foresaw that they would 
 keep a careless guard, and be surprised among their 
 revels. According to Pitscottie, this was exactly 
 what occurred. ' They cam so suddenlie upoun the 
 castle, that they quho war without might not gett in, 
 nor they quho war within might not gett out.' 
 
 Knox gives a more favourable account of the 
 defence. c The Castle handled them so, that Sancta 
 Barbara (the gunner's goddess) helped them nothing; 
 for they lost many of their rowers, men chained in 
 the galleys ' (like Knox himself later), ' and some 
 soldiers, both by sea and land.' A galley was nearly 
 sunk, but her consorts towed her to the west sands, 
 on the right of the links. Knox adds that the 
 steeple of St. Salvator's was burned. 
 
154 
 
 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 The Frenchmen rapidly threw up trenches, and 
 planted their artillery on the top of the steeple of 
 the college chapel, and in the abbey. The distance 
 between the chapel and the castle is hardly more 
 than a good drive at golf, and the castle was entirely 
 
 ENTRANCE TO THE CASTLE 
 
 commanded by the artillery of the besiegers. The 
 Prior of Capua pointed out to Arran that ' they were 
 unexpert men of war,' who had not adopted this ex- 
 pedient at first, while he condemned the besieged for 
 
THE SIEGE OF THE CASTLE 155 
 
 their folly in not having destroyed the college steeple. 
 Pitscottie remarks that the French leaders devised 
 very craftily that the cannons ' should pass down the 
 gaitt thame alones with windessis to saiff men from 
 slaughter.' An Italian engineer who had been sent 
 from England to help the besieged, was much pleased 
 by this manoeuvre. ' Defend yourselves, masters,' 
 he cried, ' for now ye deal with men of war who are 
 very skilful and subtle.' The conspirators, however, 
 boasted that they would not yield for all the might 
 of England, Erance, and Scotland. But within six 
 hours they were so battered that they called a parley ; 
 they yielded to Erance, as not acknowledging any 
 authority in Scotland ; they were granted their lives, 
 to be at the Erench king's will, and the castle was 
 plundered by the Frenchmen. The besieged were 
 carried away in the galleys, with the treasure of the 
 cardinal, and the castle was dismantled by order of 
 the Eegent. The papal party were overbed, and 
 sang 
 
 Priests content ye now, priests content ye now, 
 
 For Norman and his company have filled the gallej-s fow. 
 
 Knox's later view of St. Andrews, from the galleys, 
 where he was chained, and his hope ' to glorify God,' 
 by destroying places of worship there, is a well-known 
 anecdote. 1 The ruins that remain are chiefly relics 
 
 ! Knox. vol. i. p. 228. 
 
156 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 of a later building. Thus ' this castle was wone 
 in the moneth of August, 1547 yeires.' 1 
 
 'The Wicked Day of Destiny.' 
 
 The successor of the cardinal in the archbishopric 
 was John Hamilton, a natural son of the first Earl of 
 Arran, and so half-brother of the Eegent Arran. His 
 best deed, perhaps, was the completion and endow- 
 ment of St. Mary's College, on a noble scale, but the 
 college lost most of his benefactions in the ' uproar 
 of religioun,' as Pitscottie calls it. The purpose of 
 the foundation was to ' defend and confirm the 
 Catholic faith,' but most of the teachers went over to 
 the Eeformed doctrines. In 1548 the new archbishop 
 held a provincial council at Linlithgow, later ad- 
 journed to Edinburgh. Among others present was 
 Queen Mary's bastard brother, the Lord James, Com- 
 mendator of St. Andrews. The council reasoned of 
 heresy and its causes, frankly admitting the corrup- 
 tion and ignorance of the clergy. Eules for better 
 living and teaching were promulgated, too late. In 
 1552 the archbishop issued a doctrinal work, 
 ' The Catechisme,' intended to explain and confirm 
 the faith. This was ' prentit at Sanct Androis,' but 
 the Catechisme had no chance against the Bible and 
 
 1 The Diurnal of Occu mitts, p. 44, puts the number of French 
 galleons correctly at sixteen, and says that cannon were planted ' in the 
 Abbey.' 
 
THE WICKED DAY OF DESTINY 157 
 
 the new ideas. The St. Andrews Press was busy 
 almost at the same time (1548-1559) with Lyndsay's 
 ' Tragedy of the Cardinal ' and other heretical books. 
 Of the Catechism there is a copy in the University 
 Library, and more than one reprint has been pub- 
 lished. The volume contains about four hundred 
 and forty pages in black letter. The authorship is 
 uncertain. In a list of the books of the University 
 in 1599 occur a Catechism of Wynram (Superinten- 
 dent of Fife after the Reformation), and a Catechism 
 of Archbishop Hamilton. Are they different books, 
 or the same ? The style is regarded as very good old 
 Scots prose. This Catechism is not the famous 
 ' Twopenny Faith,' a broadside of four pages, printed 
 by John Scott, in Edinburgh or St. Andrews, in 
 1559. 1 The greater Catechism was confessedly 
 required on account of the extreme ignorance of the 
 clergy. 2 Indeed, the more learned and exemplary 
 Catholics of the day frankly admitted the truth of 
 what the Eeformers kept preaching. The whole 
 state of the clergy was rotten. Winzet, a defender 
 of the old faith, denounces ' ypur godly and circum- 
 spect distribution of benefices to your ignorant 
 babes . . . the special ground of all impiety and 
 division within thee, Scotland ! ' 'Your dumb 
 
 1 Gordon's Scotichronicon, vol. i. pp. 293-294. 
 
 2 History of the Catholic Church in Scotland. Bellesheim, 
 English Translation, vol. ii. p. 214. 
 
158 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 doctrine ' he also reproves, like the much-preaching 
 Eeformers. 1 ' Gave the princes of the earth to you 
 } T early rents . . . that every one of you might spend 
 the same upon his dame Delilah and base-born 
 brats ? ' Hamilton himself was enslaved by Delilahs, 
 who are said not even to have been fair. Yet 
 Hamilton was vainly endeavouring to set the house of 
 the Church in order. He himself was suffering from 
 asthma, and was attended, at great expense, by 
 Jerome Cardan : he recovered, and Cardan assumed 
 the credit of the cure. In his works 2 Cardan 
 describes the case, and incidentally shows that the 
 asthmatic Archbishop was no anchorite. His mis- 
 tress was a lady named Grizzel Sempill. 
 
 It is not possible here to follow the events 
 out of which the Reformation issued. The Scotch 
 were terribly defeated at Pinkie by the English, 
 and Pitscottie accuses Hamilton of precipitating 
 a needless battle by bad advice. The desire for 
 the marriage of Mary with Edward was a standing 
 casus belli. Mary of Guise managed to oust Arran 
 and assume the government, while her daughter, 
 Mary, was carried over to France, where she later 
 married Francis II., the Dauphin. 
 
 The queen-mother was supported in Scotland by 
 
 1 Win/.et. Crriain Trm-tn-tex (If.lU), vol. i. Scottish Text Society : 
 lHHS - '•' Vol. ix. p. ID.",. Lyons : 11563 
 
THE WICKED DAY OF DESTINY 159 
 
 French mercenaries, and the natural results followed, 
 as was foreseen by Anne de Montmorency, Constable 
 of France. In 1559 he sent James Melville, author of 
 the ' Memoirs,' on a mission to Scotland. He foresaw 
 that the French pretensions on Scotland, through the 
 dauphin, husband of Mary, would ruin the old alli- 
 ance. ' His Majestie knoweth,' said the French 
 diplomatist, ' that I was ever against the said 
 marriage here : fearing thereby to make our auld 
 friends our new enemies,' which was exactly what 
 occurred. 1 The French in Scotland were looked 
 on with a jealousy that drove more and more of the 
 gentry into the arms of the English party. Also, 
 in 1558, a poor old recusant priest, Walter Mill, 
 was tried in the Cathedral of St. Andrews for 
 heresy. ' This poore servand of Godis, quhyllis 
 gangand to bed without my supper,' as he describes 
 himself, showed that poverty, age, and hunger could 
 not tame his spirit. He died as bravely as the young 
 ■ Hamilton, or as Wishart, in ' a fire biggit on the 
 north side of the abbey kirk, on the high land,' 
 apparently the cliff above the sea. If we may'believe 
 Pitscottie, he said that he trusted to be the last who 
 should suffer in Scotland for this cause. He was not 
 the last. In the coming years many men died, practi- 
 cally for their religion, and finally, even after 1688, 
 
 1 Melville, p. 78. 
 
160 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 the ministers had a youth of eighteen hanged for 
 professing the negative opinions of the Kev. Eobert 
 Elsmere. But Mill was the last who died for his 
 creed at the stake. The men and women burned by 
 Murray and Knox perished on the absurd charge of 
 witchcraft. Pitscottie is never much to be trusted, 
 but, if we may believe him, the archbishop was, or 
 pretended to be,- anxious to have Mill tried, and, as 
 seemed probable, acquitted by a lay court. The 
 provost, however, lacked the courage to try him in a 
 secular court, after an ecclesiastical court had con- 
 demned him. 1 So he died, though the archbishop 
 said, ' I have no will that he die at this time.' 2 
 
 Matters soon came to a head. The Protestants 
 banded themselves into what they called ' the con- 
 gregation of Christ ; ' their Catholic opponents thev 
 consigned to Antichrist and Satan. In May, 1559, 
 they met in force, to defend their preachers, whom 
 Mary of Guise had denounced as rebels. Knox 
 preached to the congregation on May 11 ; a brawl 
 arose in the church; the mob destroyed whatever 
 they regarded as ' idolatrous,' they gutted the monas- 
 teries of Perth ; they defied the queen-mother. Early in 
 
 1 Pitscottie, p. 521. 
 
 2 Mr. Lyon supposes that he was burned at the great gate of the 
 Priory called the Pends, where a cairn was raised by the people to his 
 memory. This is on the evidence of Fuse's Book of Martyrs, but 
 Pitscottie seems to speak of the sea cliff north of the Cathedral. 
 
THE WICKED DAY OF DESTINY 161 
 
 June she lay in Falkland, intending to seize St. Andrews 
 with her French forces. But the congregation was 
 beforehand with her. On June 9 Knox preached 
 at Crail, on the 10th at Anstruther. His rabble 
 sacked the religious buildings ; encouraged by this, 
 he preached at St. Andrews on June 11. The arch- 
 bishop, with a hundred armed men, came to the town, 
 but the congregation mustered so strong that the 
 archbishop withdrew in haste to Falkland. Knox 
 j>reached on the cleansing of the temple by our 
 Lord, and no doubt he made his meaning pretty 
 plain. He had not only his mob with him, but he 
 was backed by ' the Bastard of Scotland,' Lord James 
 Stuart, who was Commendator, and might have had 
 some respect for his own sacred edifice, but who 
 contented himself with retaining its real property, 
 and left the buildings and treasures to the pious 
 multitude, ' for everie man for the maist pairt that 
 could get anything pertenyng to any kirkmen, thocht 
 the same as well won geir.' l 
 
 About the details of the sack of St. Andrews little 
 is known. Knox says ' that the provost and baillies, 
 as the commonalty for the most part within the 
 town, did agree to remove all monuments of ido- 
 latry, which also they did with expedition.' 2 All 
 objects of ecclesiastical art were ' idolatrous.' Else- 
 
 1 Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 269. 2 Vol. i. p. 349. 
 
 M 
 
162 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 where in a letter to Mrs. Anna Lock (St. Andrews, 
 June 23, 1559), he says, 'the doctors are dumbe; 
 even als dumbe as their idols which were burned in 
 their presence.' 1 ' The Reformation is somewhat violent,' 
 he confesses in a letter to Cecil. The mob appears 
 to have burned wicked idolatrous objects : whether 
 they burned the great treasure of ecclesiastical plate, 
 golden crucifixes, and silver statues, the reader may 
 decide in accordance with his knowledge of human 
 nature. How the devastation sped we cannot know, 
 but the miserable remnants of the Cathedral, the 
 Grey and Black Friars, and the other edifices, tell 
 their own tale. The very tombs were gutted of 
 their poor treasures, the rings of bishops, the lead 
 of cofiins. It is probable enough that the Cathe- 
 dral, that Delphi of Scotland, the metropolitan 
 church wherein Eobert Bruce returned thanks for 
 Bannockburn, was not absolutely ' dung doun ' be- 
 tween June 11 and June 13. In Professor Tennant's 
 poem, ' The Storming of Papistrie,' the description 
 is very spirited, but quite fantastic. The castle guns 
 are said by the poet to have been used in the 
 destruction. 
 
 The images of saints were all broken ; only one 
 mutilated Madonna survives in the Cathedral. There 
 is a head of our Lord in low relief on the college 
 
 ' Lain;,', vol. vi. p. '!'>. 
 
THE WICKED DAY OF DESTINY 163 
 
 tower, and a saint in a niche of the old house on the 
 left. The portable property was stolen or burned. 
 But to strip off and sell the lead of the roof would be 
 an afterthought. When once the water came through 
 the roof, the fabric would fall to ruin, the stones 
 would be used for building purposes. A curious 
 
 THE LAST SAINT 
 
 carven head was, not long ago, taken out of a wall 
 in an old house at St. Leonard's. From a house 
 in South Street fragments of columns were rescued, 
 and now he in the town church. There was, to 
 be sure, no way in which the Cathedral could be 
 
 M 2 
 
164 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 kept in repair. The nobles seized the lands anc 
 revenues, the chapels were no longer needed foi 
 Presbyterian worship. Black poverty settled or 
 the kirk, a constant course of secessions weakened 
 her ; the new believers ceased to be able to meel 
 under one roof in prayer. There are now auld 
 kirks, a free kirk, a U. P. kirk, an episcopal kirk, a 
 small Catholic chapel, and so on in St. Andrews, 
 but there is practically no national kirk, and nc 
 minster is needed. The uses of the Cathedral are 
 gone, the revenues are gone, the rites are. gone, 
 and the towers of the Cathedral only speak of the 
 wastefulness of Eevolution. ' Houses and men have 
 stood long enough when they stand till they fall with 
 honour,' says the Baron Bradwardine, but the 
 Cathedral fell with dishonour. The doctrines of the 
 Church ceased to be credible ; her ceremonies became 
 mummeries ; many of her bishops and canons set an 
 ill example of luxury and lawless life : the end had 
 to come, and it came with disgrace. 
 
 It is not possible for any one short of Shake- 
 speare or Scott to show us what was passing in the 
 minds of men at St. Andrews in those days of devas- 
 tation. Many, remembering the burnings of Mill 
 and Wishart, must have rejoiced that this tyranny 
 was past. The crowd of fishers, 'prentices, and 
 boys in general must have been delighted by the 
 
THE WICKED DAY OF DESTINY 165 
 
 drama of destruction. They could not yet foresee 
 that the days of diversion were ending, that their 
 Bobin Hood pageants, their old sports and festivals, 
 their honest game of golf or their skating on Sunday 
 afternoons of winter and summer, were to be put 
 down by the new kirk sessions. Scotland was to 
 lose much of her mirth, with much of her beauty. 
 The people resented this for years, and wished John 
 Knox ' in his ain place,' but their resentment was of 
 no avail. As for the canons and the friars many of 
 them had already been Protestants at heart ; perhaps 
 the majority saw the ruin with no great regret. By 
 adroitly changing sides, — ' divers channons of Saint 
 Andrewes have given notable confessiouns,' says 
 Knox — they feathered their own nests. Several be- 
 came parish ministers ; in a small way they took as 
 good care of themselves as the Commendator himself, 
 the Bastard of Scotland. It is not unlikely that many 
 of the merchants perceived that their business was 
 on its way to ruin. St. Andrews lost its importance 
 in a day. It became a favourite holiday retreat of 
 Queen Mary when she returned to Scotland, but its 
 prosperous age was over. In the various brief and 
 ill-fated restorations of episcopacy, the town recovered 
 a shadow of its eminence ; episcopacy once fallen, it 
 sank into the poverty and decay of the eighteenth 
 century. 
 
166 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 Till the death of the queen-mother (10th June, 
 1560) Scotland was a scene of civil war and of every 
 horror. The Lords of the Congregation rode about 
 with torch and sword, ruining where they came. 
 The French soldiers behaved as mercenaries com- 
 monly do. Knox is rich in strange anecdotes of their 
 brutalities. But they never reached St. Andrews ; 
 Kirkcaldy of Grange, with Fifeshire levies, held them 
 in check, or the town might have fallen like the 
 Cathedral. In 1560 the Scotch Parliament issued a 
 law against the celebration of the Mass ; the priest 
 and people were to be punished, for the first offence 
 by confiscation of goods, for the next by banishment, 
 for the third by death. The confession of faith was 
 issued : the Catholic clergy were therein denounced 
 as ' no ministeris of Christ Jesus ; yea (which is 
 more horrible) they suffer wemen, whom the Holy 
 Ghost will not suffer to teach in the congregation, to 
 baptise.' This Parliament, which punished adher- 
 ence to the old faith and proclaimed the new, being 
 dissolved, there was consultation about the Book of 
 Discipline. On the commission charged with its con- 
 sideration was the sub-prior of St. Andrews, John 
 Wynram, who, conversis rebus as his tombstone in 
 St. Leonard's says, became superintendent of Fife. 
 Douglas, rector of the University, and Knox were 
 also on the commission. The object was to preserve 
 
THE WICKED DAY OF DESTINY 167 
 
 the old church revenues for the benefit of the kirk, 
 a most laudable purpose. But Knox's noble accom- 
 plices in destruction had no mind to disgorge their 
 spoil. ' The name of the Book of Discipline became 
 odious to them. Everie thing that repugned to their 
 corrupt affectionis, was termed in their mockage, 
 devote imaginationis. . . . Thair was none within the 
 Eealme more unmercyfull to the poore ministeris 
 then war thei which had greatest rentis of the 
 churches.' Many of the nobles "did subscribe it, 
 but ' the promeise was illuded from tyme to 
 tyme.' 
 
 Besides making proper provision for ministers 
 and their widows, and for schools, " the Book of Dis- 
 cipline tried to settle the affairs of the Universities. 
 St. Andrews is recognised as the first and principal 
 University. In ' the first college ' (St. Salvator's) 
 there is to be a reader in dialectic for the first class ; 
 the second class is to learn mathematics and astrology 
 (which is no longer part of the curriculum) ; the 
 third class is to be concerned with natural philosophy ; 
 thence men may proceed to degrees in philosophy. 
 The medical course requires five years. 
 
 In St. Leonard's the first class is to be in the ethics, 
 economics, and politics. For the second class, there 
 are two readers in municipal and .Roman law. The 
 third college (St. Mary's) has, in the first class, a 
 
168 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 reader in Hebrew, and one in Greek, taking up Plato 
 and the New Testament. The second class is to be 
 occupied for five years with divinity. No freshman 
 was to be admitted till he had passed a matricula- 
 tion examination, which remained in the state of ' a 
 devout imagination.' The regents were to elect a 
 ' leet ' of three candidates, from whom the graduates 
 were to choose a rector. St. Andrews was to have 
 seventy-two bursaries, Glasgow only forty-eight. The 
 bursars were to receive their commons out of college 
 funds ; ' rents and revenues of the bishop's tempo- 
 rality ' were to be assigned to the colleges. 1 
 
 A circumstance prejudicial to the Book of 
 Discipline was the arrival of Queen Mary, on 
 Aug. 19, 1561. The wicked of this world had dared 
 to say, ' Why may nott the queyn have hir awin 
 Messe ? What cane that hurte us or our religioun ? ' 
 Knox, of course, derives all the sorrows of Scotland 
 from this laxity. A strife arose between the mode- 
 rate party of men like Lethington, and the party of 
 Knox and his ministers. The Book of Discipline was 
 mocked at by Lethington, and in December 1561 an 
 arrangement was made. The churchmen, like the 
 Archbishop of St. Andrews, were to keep two-thirds 
 of their revenues for life, a third was to go to the 
 sustentation of the ministry, and the queen's use. 
 
 1 Soo The Book of Discipline, in Knox, vol. ii. pp. '213-221. 
 
THE WICKED DAY OF DESTINY 169 
 
 Thus, as Knox remarked, the devil got two-thirds of 
 the old church revenues, while God was put off with 
 half a third. Maitland observed that, when the 
 ministers had been provided for, the queen would not 
 get enough to buy a pair of new shoes. 1 
 
 Thus the Reformation was practically starved. 
 The clerics, who retained much of their revenues, 
 were of the aristocracy ; other lords had in divers 
 ways seized abbey lands. The whole proceedings 
 were disgraceful to all but Knox, who, as he had 
 destroyed, was anxious to reorganise. The policy of 
 the Protestant nobles was in accordance with the 
 covetousness but for which, according to Sir Kalph 
 Sadler, a competent observer, they would never have 
 been Protestants at all. The policy was as short- 
 sighted as infamous. It necessarily produced a 
 peasant clergy, with democratic instincts, and hence 
 came the division between the gentry and the Presby- 
 terian Kirk in Scotland. As to learning, the Kirk 
 has ever been obliged to cultivate it ' on a little 
 oatmeal,' with the scantiest provisions of books 
 and appliances, all of which Knox was righteously 
 anxious to provide. 
 
 To conclude the story of the Church property of 
 St. Andrews. After the hanging of our last Catholic 
 archbishop, Hamilton, in 1571, Morton milked the 
 
 1 Knox, vol. ii. p. 310. 
 
170 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 revenues by means of a ' tulchan bishop,' a mere 
 puppet. In 1587 the revenues were attached to the 
 Crown, and James gave them to his favourite,' the 
 Duke of Lennox. In 160G, when a Protestant epi- 
 scopacy was established, the revenues reverted to the 
 see. The University retained a share of them in the 
 great civil war of Charles I. At the Eevolution of 
 1688, the revenue relapsed to the Crown, and, accord- 
 ing to Mr. Lyon, part of the old lands were sold by 
 Queen Victoria, when Buckingham Palace was fitted 
 up as her residence. 1 ' And there was the end of an 
 auld sang.' The revenues of the Augustinian Priory 
 had somewhat similar fortunes. 
 
 As for ordinary civic and ecclesiastical life in 
 the town in this age of confusion, our best or only 
 authority is Mr. Hay Fleming's edition of the St. 
 Andrews Kirk Session Register. 2 Catholics were 
 'estemit infamous' for adhering to their faith, and were 
 not permitted to appear in courts as witnesses against 
 Protestants, ' members of the trew religioun.' Ou a 
 certain occasion one John Law was accused of having 
 said ' the divell knock out John Knox's harnes ' (brains), 
 and similar impious desires were uttered by others 
 of ' the rascal multitude.' The business of the Kirk 
 Session was mainly ' to deal with ' cases of lawless 
 
 ' Lyon, vol. ii. p. 140. 
 
 2 Scottish History Society, 188D-90. 
 
THE WICKED DAY OP DESTINY 171 
 
 love, Sunday golfing, and like enormities. The 
 records are records of illegitimate births ; sinners are 
 incarcerated in the steeple of the town kirk. There 
 is a great deal of chronicling of such small beer, and 
 the Eeformation certainly did not make St. Andrews 
 a moral town. But we have no reason to suppose 
 that it had been an abode of purity before the 
 Cathedral fell and the images were burned. The 
 keeping of Christmas Day as a holiday was forbidden. 
 If a man had no work to do, he must make work ; to 
 be idle was to be idolatrous. So ended merry 
 Scotland. 1 
 
 1 Among other dilapidations at St. Andrews, we learn from 
 Buchanan, in his CJiamaeleon, that much of the property of St. 
 Salvator's College was bestowed by Cranston, the principal (1551-1560), 
 on Maitland of Lethington. Buchanan's evidence is by no means 
 unimpeachable, but he had means of knowing the truth in this case. 
 
172 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 QUEEN MARY AT ST. ANDREWS — THE WITCHES 
 
 Mary Stuart is the fairest and most fascinating of the 
 historical shadows which haunt St. Andrews. As 
 usual, we hear of her coming and going, of her 
 retreats to the little town of the desecrated shrines ; 
 but of what she did here we know but little. A 
 retreat she needed, for she had come into a terrible 
 country — among open enemies, false friends, hatred, 
 covetousness, treason. On all sides her path was 
 beset by dangers which were insuperable and in- 
 evitable. Could she have said that Edinburgh was 
 worth a sermon as Paris was worth a mass : could 
 she have thrown off her creed and cast her lot with 
 the congregation, Mary might have kept her head on 
 her shoulders and her fair fame unblemished. But 
 this, for a daughter of the Guises, was impossible ; 
 so her destruction was predetermined. 
 
 Mary cauio to a Scotland where her face, her wit, 
 and her good manners made her some friends. She 
 
QUEEN MARY AT ST. ANDREWS 173 
 
 charmed Melville, she charmed Throckmorton ; pro- 
 bably she charmed Maitland of Lethington ; but no 
 friendships which a Catholic could make were of any 
 avail. 
 
 She was grudgingly permitted the exercise of 
 her own religion ; but the spite of the irreconcilable 
 Knox and the insults of the multitude dogged her 
 devotions. She had to see bishops of her own creed, 
 our archbishop for one, imprisoned for celebrating the 
 rites of her faith and theirs ; and she was informed 
 that, if she did not execute the law against idolaters, 
 the pious of the congregation would take it into their 
 own hands. The Laird of Dalhousie was imprisoned 
 in St. Andrews Castle, ' because he gaif three or four 
 puir friars meat in his place.' Arran and Murray 
 also burned all the books and vestments found at 
 his house. Mary had the fluctuating support of 
 statesmen like Lethington, and nobles who had 
 robbed the old church were at variance with the 
 ministers, who justly claimed their share of the 
 ancient endowments. The Scottish kirk was in the 
 hands of men who abominated all authority, ecclesi- 
 astical or secular, superior to their own. They had got 
 rid of priests, of a sacred class with sacerdotal pre- 
 tensions, but their own pretensions were really more 
 arrogant. Anyone who liked, and whose violence of 
 invective could persuade others, set up as a prophet. 
 
174 
 
 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 There is no doubt that many of the ministers, as later 
 in Covenanting times, were thought to be more or less 
 directly inspired and gifted with powers of foreseeing 
 
 £fc^J N 
 
 QUEEN MARY'S 
 
 events due to something more mystic than political 
 sagacity. Such men could do much to bring about 
 what they predicted, and, as they usually prophesied 
 
QUEEN MAKY AT ST. ANDREWS 175 
 
 evil, they were usually correct in their forecast. 
 Thus, in place of a body with professional powers, 
 Mary encountered a band of divines whose powers 
 were personal, directly granted by the Deity. Every 
 pulpiteer who chose took it on himself to be an 
 Elijah, to denounce, doom, and beard an unlucky 
 monarch who happened to differ in opinions from the 
 orator. Knox rarely visited Queen Mary without 
 leaving her ' in owlings ' as he calls her sobs, and in 
 tears. Erom such company, from the revilings of the 
 prophets, the schemes of the intriguers, Mary retired 
 as often as she might to St. Andrews. Here her 
 brother, the Lord James Stuart, appears to have kept 
 house in ' the New Inns,' of which only a gateway 
 survives. The house had a fine prospect to the east 
 across the sea. But Mary sometimes lived ' as 
 a bourgeoise,' with a slender retinue, in one of the 
 old merchants' houses on the south side of South 
 Street, hard by St. Leonard's. The house now .called 
 Queen Mary's is said to have been occupied by 
 Mary ; and her chamber, with a small oratory as 
 at Holyrood, looks over the ruined chapel of St. 
 Leonard's. 
 
 One visit is well known for its tragical end. 
 There was, at the Court, a French gentleman named 
 Chastelard, who was a gallant and adventurous youth, 
 skilled in the dances which the soul of Knox ab- 
 
176 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 liorred, but which he and his successors have never 
 abolished in rural Scotland. ' In dancing of The 
 Purpose (so term they that dance in which man and 
 woman talk secretly, wise men would judge such 
 fashions more like to the bordell than to the comeliness 
 
 QUEEN MARY'S CHAMBER 
 
 of honest women), in this dance the Queen chose 
 Chastelard, and Chastelard took the Queen. . . . 
 The Queen would lie upon Chastelard's shoulder, and 
 sometimes privily she would steal a kiss of his neck.' 
 (Knox, ii. 368.) These privities were not private 
 enough to escape the eye or elude the fancy of John 
 
QUEEN MARY AT ST. ANDREWS 177 
 
 Knox. It seems to be certain that Chastelard, who 
 may have had a confidence in his charms not wholly 
 unknown to the men of his nation, hid himself one 
 night in Mary's chamber. 1 He was turned out ; the 
 Queen was not informed about the incident till the 
 morning after. ' She commanded Chastelard out of 
 her sight.' On the 14th, Mary, who was on her way 
 to St. Andrews, lay at Burntisland. Chastelard 
 followed her into her room, the Queen exclaimed, 
 Murray entered, and Mary bade him dirk the intru- 
 der. Murray, more wisely, put him in bonds ; he 
 was tried at St. Andrews, and here he was executed 
 on February 22. How daringly he bore himself 
 on the scaffold, reading a poem of Eonsard's by way 
 of preparation for death, is universally familiar. 
 The affair is clouded with myths, Knox saying that 
 Chastelard died ' granting that his declining from 
 the treuth of God was justly recompensed upon him.' 
 This means that Chastelard was a Huguenot. Ac- 
 cording to the Spanish ambassador at Paris, Chaste- 
 lard confessed that he was suborned by the wife of 
 Coligny to damage Mary's reputation. 2 Brantome 
 is responsible for the story of Eonsard's poem, ' qui 
 est tres-bien fait, et propre pour ne point abhorrer 
 la mort.' Eandolph says he died with repentance. 3 
 
 1 Feb. 12, 1562 63. 
 
 2 Teulet, Papiers d'Etat, vol. iii. p. 5; Robertson, Inventories, 
 p. Ixxv, note 3. 3 Tytler, vol. vi. p. 274. 
 
 N 
 
178 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 It would be interesting to know in what place lie 
 was executed, and what scenes were the last that he 
 beheld. But of all this we are left in the usual 
 ignorance. In Whyte Melville's novel, ' The Queen's 
 Maries,' he is executed within the castle. Chalmers 
 gives the Market Place as the scene of the execution. 
 No authority is quoted. We cannot determine how 
 far Mary was responsible for his infatuation. Ac- 
 cording to the Spanish ambassador he played an evil 
 game, and lost. Mr. Froude, perhaps too peremptorily, 
 rejects the story. A fortunate lover Chastelard can 
 hardly have been, though Knox naturally insinuates 
 the worst. The worst, perhaps, is that Mary remained 
 in St. Andrews, ' healthy and merry,' amusing herself, 
 ' riding in the fields as time will serve her.' To be sure, 
 had she withdrawn, and yielded to melancholy, she 
 would have been accused of regretting a paramour. 
 Her merriment must have been damped by news of 
 the death of her uncle, the Duke of Guise, who was 
 assassinated by a person of religious views which did 
 not coincide with his own. After a visit to Falkland, 
 the Queen returned to St. Andrews on March 29. 
 Here she practised archery in her garden, shooting 
 with the Master of Lindsay against Mar and one of 
 her ladies. It is of this match that she reminds 
 Lindsay, in the scene where he extorts her abdica- 
 tion by brutal violence, in ' The Abbot.' 
 
QUEEN MARY AT ST. ANDREWS 179 
 
 In 1564-65 she was again in St. Andrews, whither 
 Eandolph followed her with one of Elizabeth's 
 impudent proposals that she should marry Leicester. 
 On the death of Amy Eobsart, in 1560, Mary, then 
 in Paris, had said that Elizabeth was about to marry 
 her horse-master, who had made room for her by 
 getting rid of his wife. The remark only expressed 
 the opinion which Cecil and Throckmorton and Ean- 
 dolph seem to have shared. But this minion Leicester, 
 the most worthless of her subjects, Elizabeth now 
 amused her spite by offering as a husband to a sister 
 Queen. 
 
 ' Her Grace lodged in a merchant's house,' says 
 Eandolph ; ' her train were very few.' ' I sent for 
 you, to be merry,' she said, ' and to see how like a 
 bourgeois-wife I live, with my little troop ; and you 
 will interrupt our pastime with your great and grave 
 matters. You see neither cloth of estate, nor such 
 appearance that you may think that there is a Queen 
 here ; nor I would not that you should think that I am 
 she at St. Andrews, that I was at Edinburgh.' So she 
 put the question by, and rode and hawked with her 
 Maries, and played music ' reasonably well for a 
 Queen,' as Melville told Elizabeth. Mary left 
 St. Andrews for Wemyss, where she met Darnley, 
 and the days of rejoicings and of merriment with her 
 little troop began to end. The Scotch nobles were 
 
 N 2 
 
180 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 austere men, and to make mirth, for Mary deserved 
 the stab. She married Darnley (whom the Protes- 
 tants were anxious to assassinate) at Edinburgh, on 
 July 29, 1565. 1 
 
 Mary's next visit to St. Andrews was paid in 
 December 1565, when she and Darnley were making 
 head against the rebel nobles who rose in opposition 
 to the marriage. ' The whole Barons and Lairds of 
 Fife convoyed her Majesty,' says Knox, till she came 
 to St. Andrews, where they signed a ' band ' for her 
 defence. She sent out troops and arrested a few sus- 
 picious characters, and issued a summons to various 
 rebel lords, who neglected to appear and were 
 forfeited. She visited Dundee and fined the town for 
 some treasonable doings between ' the brethren,' 
 (Knox's party) and the rebels. Here Mary passes out . 
 of our history. Fancy may please itself by reflecting 
 that we see the same sands and seas as she beheld, may 
 follow her as she hawks in the fields beside the 
 Eden, where, like Queen Guinevere, 
 
 She looked so lovely as she swayed 
 The rein with dainty finger tips. 
 
 We may even climb the stairs she climbed to her 
 chamber in the old burgess house, where her valets 
 de chambre may have sung, and Eizzio taken the 
 bass. Of the privy garden where she shot at the 
 
 1 Tytlcr, vol. vi. pp. ;!43, 350. 
 
QUEEN MARY AT ST. ANDREWS 181 
 
 butts with her Maries we know nothing. It may 
 have been in Lord James's grounds, or in one of 
 the long gardens that run down to the fields from 
 South Street, but the house usually called hers had 
 no great garden, as it is narrowly bounded by the 
 chapel and college of St. Leonard's. If she shot 
 here, it must have been from east to west ; the two 
 modern gardens were then one. The town she rode 
 through had probably houses with thatched roofs, 
 like that ancient house at Jedburgh where she 
 lay ill after her ride to visit Bothwell at Hermitage. 
 This much we may reconstruct of the St. Andrews 
 where she sought a retreat from the treacheries of 
 the capital and the scoldings of the preachers. The 
 rest is left to the imagination, which pictures little 
 knots of gaily dressed ladies and lords clattering on 
 horseback through the West Port, on the way to an 
 Eden which still ran clear through the woods of 
 Dairsie. There is a gnarled old thorn tree in the 
 front of St. Mary's College : ' Queen Mary's thorn,' 
 tradition calls it, and avers that it was planted by 
 the fairest hands in the world. Happily we have 
 not to follow Mary through the plots of the next two 
 years, nor to decide whether Darnley conspired 
 against her life as well as against Eizzio's ; whether 
 Knox, who fled to Kyle when the Queen recovered 
 her freedom after Eizzio's slaying, was an accessory 
 
182 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 to the bloody deed in which he claimed God as an 
 accomplice ; whether Mary herself did or did not 
 betray her husband with a kiss on the night of 
 Sebastiani's wedding. That tangle of infamy was 
 woven otherwhere than in the town which saw the 
 death of Chastelard. 
 
 But though Mary knew St. Andrews no more, 
 two of its citizens were involved in her fortunes. 
 One of these was the last archbishop of the Church, 
 Hamilton. Him we might expect to have found 
 loyal, if all the world deserted her. But when she 
 was a captive in 1567, when she was held in Loch 
 Leven Castle after the affair of Carberry Hill, Hamil- 
 ton, it seems, was anxious that she should be put 
 to death. Throckmorton had an interview with Tulli- 
 bardine, and ' revealed a scene of treachery upon 
 the part of the Hamiltons, which filled liim with 
 horror.' ... ' Within the last forty-eight hours,' 
 said Tullibardine, ' the archbishop of St. Andrews, 
 on the part of the Hamiltons, has proposed to us ' 
 (the rebel lords) ' to put the queen to death. They 
 have recommended this course as the only certain 
 method of reconciling all parties, and on our consent- 
 ing to adopt it, they are ready to join us to a man. . . . 
 For,' he went on in answer to Throckmorton's hor- 
 rified remonstrances, ' she being taken away, they ac- 
 count but the little king betwixt them and home ' 
 
QUEEN .MARY AT ST. ANDREWS 183 
 
 (that is, the succession to the Crown) ' who may die? 
 Lethington confirmed what Tullibardine had avowed. 1 
 Of all the infamies of that infamous age, when 
 Morton and the rest conspired for Darnley's murder 
 and threw the blame on the Queen, this is the most 
 abominable. Hamilton was one of those who had 
 recommended the marriage of Mary with Bothwell, 
 and now he proposed to slay Mary, in the interest of 
 the family of which he was a bastard. It is impos- 
 sible to believe that Throckmorton invented these 
 conversations with Tullibardine and Lethington. 
 Hamilton, however, came to Mary's side when, by 
 help of George Douglas, she escaped from Loch 
 Leven, and was with her in her final defeat at Lang- 
 side in 1568. He even implored her not to throw 
 herself on the mercies of Elizabeth, as tender as his 
 own. As for Douglas, after Mary's escape, he had 
 a town house in St. Andrews, the large gabled house 
 facing the Cathedral, where his arms are engraved 
 on a stone in the wall. He held it from Moray, 
 who seized most of the Priory lands. Douglas, at 
 least, had ' kept the bird within his bosom,' and 
 lived out his life in peace. But Hamilton was taken, 
 in his mail and steel cap, at Dumbarton Castle, after 
 the murder of the Eegent Moray, in 1571. With 
 
 1 Tytler, from MS. letter of Throckmorton to Leicester, vol. vii. 
 p. 140. 
 
184 ST. ANDKEWS 
 
 the cry of ' A Darnley, a Darnley ! ' in memory of his 
 own murdered master, Crawford stormed Dumbarton, 
 and caught Hamilton, who was presently hanged 
 for complicity in the slaughter both of Darnley and 
 Moray. The archbishop confessed nothing but a 
 guilty knowledge that Moray's death was meditated 
 by a Hamilton. Mr. Lyon says, ' It is astonishing 
 how little sympathy historians have shown for the 
 fate of the archbishop.' Granting that Throckmorton's 
 story is true, as doubtless it is, unless TuUibardine 
 and Lethington deliberately fabled, the archbishop's 
 short shrift was no shorter than he deserved. As 
 the head of a persecuted remnant of Catholics, driven 
 to practise their devotions in the wilds, we might 
 respect him. As a false and militant intriguer, the 
 mercies of the kirk were tender enough for him. 
 We might as well excuse John Leslie and Hackston 
 of Eathillet as Archbishop Hamilton ; for no con- 
 sideration of the guilt of Mary can justify his wish 
 to slay her for the advancement merely of his own 
 house. This murder would inevitably have been 
 followed by the murder of her infant son, James, 
 ' who may die,' as TuUibardine remarked. Hamil- 
 ton's slayers were savage, of course, and Morton 
 wanted his revenues, which he obtained. Thej were 
 all savages, and few of them fell unavenged. 
 
 The social and religious condition of St. Andrews, 
 
QUEEN MARY AT ST. ANDREW'S 185 
 
 while Mary yet reigned in Scotland, and for many 
 years afterwards, must have been deplorable. Power- 
 ful as the kirk was in politics, in mere matters 
 of religion its ministers were numerically weak. 
 Vacancies were not filled up ; stipends were not to 
 be wrung out of the holders of the revenues ; many 
 ministers were, so to say, starved out of their parishes. 
 Mr. Lyon quotes as a question gravely debated by 
 the General Assembly, ' whether a minister or reader 
 may tap ale, beer, or wine, and keep an open tavern.' 
 The answer is that a minister or reader who keeps a 
 public-house must do so with decorum. 1 Churches 
 were turned into sheepfolds, or became so ruinous that 
 none dared enter them. The Eev. Mr. Ferguson, of 
 Dunfermline, preaching before the General Assembly 
 in 1571, declared that ' the poor are oppressed with 
 hunger, the kirks and temples decaying for lack of 
 ministers and upholding, and the schools utterly neg- 
 lected.' Here the grave question arises, if the schools 
 were utterly neglected, if ministers were obliged by 
 poverty to keep public-houses, what kind of educa- 
 tion must these men have had, who almost governed 
 public opinion, and who threatened and coerced the 
 rulers of the State ? The Papal Nuncio who visited 
 Mary says that many of the ministers were ignorant 
 artisans, but adds that the Catholic clergy were 
 
 1 Book of the Universal Kirk, p. 378. 
 
186 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 scarcely more learned. 1 Keform was brought into 
 education, mainly through the exertions of Andrew 
 Melville at St. Andrews. But, meanwhile, the pro- 
 montories blazed with burning witches, the poor 
 women were swum in the Witch's Lake, a rock- 
 surrounded pool of sea water near to what is now 
 called the Step Eock. ' In my Lord Eegent's passing 
 to the north (1569) he causit burne certane witches 
 in Sanctandrois, and in his returning, he causit burne 
 ane uther companie of witches in Dundie.' 2 In 
 Bannatyne's ' Memorials ' (p. 233) there is a story 
 showing how Knox ' dealt with ' a witch from the 
 pulpit ; how some mystic cord was found beneath her 
 clothes, in which she placed her forlorn old trust. 
 Oddly enough, Knox himself was denounced as a 
 sorcerer who had beguiled the affections of Lord 
 Ochiltree's daughter, 'and he an auld decrepit creature 
 of maist base degree.' 3 Mrs. Knox, after her hus- 
 band's death, married Ker of Faldonside, an estate on 
 the Tweed, just above Abbotsford. Scott often tried 
 to purchase these lauds. Ker, the second husband 
 of Mrs. Knox, was the most ruffianly of the ruffians 
 who murdered Bizzio. The lady had a singular taste 
 in lovers. 
 
 1 Narratives of Scottish Catholics, Rev. Father Forbes-Leith S.J. 
 - Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 14o. 
 
 3 C. K. Sharpc, Witchcraft in Scotland, p. 48. Quoting Nicol 
 Burne, of St. Leonard's College. 
 
THE WITCHES 187 
 
 A Lyon King-at-Arms was also burned here for 
 sorcery, and, as the offence is not easy to disprove, 
 in 1582 the Presbyterians accused our archbishop, 
 Adamson, of whom we shall hear later, of conspiring 
 with a witch, who dealt with a ghost, the spectre 
 of a certain William Simson. This idiotic charge 
 being brought against the poor woman, she was 
 placed in the archbishop's charge, ' who let her slip 
 away ' — a heinous offence. ' We were plain and 
 sharp with him as to those witches, both from the 
 pulpit and in doctrine, and by censure of our pres- 
 bytery,' says James Melville. The witch was believed 
 to have transferred the bishop's malady to a white 
 pony, which thereby expired. The Eeformation 
 was followed by a plague of witchcraft and witch- 
 burning, as by a plague of adultery and fornication, 
 but of course it may be argued that both offences had 
 been as rampant before the Eeformation, but had 
 been winked at by profligate canons. 
 
188 ST. ANDREW'S 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 Andrew melville's st. Andrews 
 
 Even in those days all Scotland was not solely busied 
 in stabbing and prophesying, murdering and pro- 
 curing murder, and prosecuting the murderers. Men 
 were reaping, sowing, studying, and fortunately we 
 have the records of a student naturally kind, peaceful, 
 and gentle, though an ardent opponent of all but 
 Presbyterian power, in the ' Autobiography of James 
 Melville.' 1 This gentleman took his part indeed, the 
 part of his more famous, more learned, and more 
 truculent uncle, Andrew Melville, in the triangular 
 duel between the preachers, the nobles, and the king, 
 James VI. As usual, it is difficult or impossible to 
 sympathise fully with any of the sides in this long 
 confused battle. James was the caitiff who rescued 
 not his mother, though all Scotland was straining at 
 the leash ; who thought more of his succession to the 
 English throne, and of his gratuities from Elizabeth, 
 
 1 Wwlrow Society, 1S42. 
 
ANDREW MELVILLE'S ST. ANDREWS 189 
 
 than of his foremost duty. The nobles, as usual, 
 were entirely given up to ambition and greed, but 
 even they were fired by the crime of Fotheringay. 
 The preachers were in arms for liberty, but so was 
 James. Both sides were striving for freedom — both, 
 as usual, meant by freedom, freedom to control other 
 people. The preachers were not contending merely 
 for the form of Church government, which the 
 majority of the nation preferred — Presbyterianism. 
 As Elizabeth told James, they and the Puritans were 
 ' a sect of perilous consequence, such as would have 
 no kings, but a presbytery.' The preachers were 
 to be rulers, as being inspired prophets. Their 
 sermons were furious leading articles, and when 
 brought to account for language which might be re- 
 garded as treasonable, they were for appealing, in 
 the first instance, to the verdict of clerical courts. 
 Morton threatened to hang half-a-dozen of them, but, 
 as Mr. Froude regretfully says at an earlier date, 
 there was no lash and no gallows for presumptuous 
 priests. The preachers, in fact, played the part of a 
 licentious press, which was all on one side. To be 
 governed by Presbyters, ' old priest writ large,' is not 
 freedom. Hence the constant efforts made by James 
 to introduce Episcopacy, efforts which bore the 
 bitter fruit of the civil war. The Eeformation left 
 to Scotland a legacy of strife, which only subsided, 
 
190 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 in part, with the Revolution of 1688. But the state 
 of affairs then established would have been far from 
 contenting the preachers of King James's time, and 
 that it did not content their successors, the Camero- 
 nians, we learn, as late as 1749, from ' The Active 
 Testimonies of Presbyterians.' An intruded Episco- 
 pacy was tyrannous and intolerable, a government 
 of prophets is intolerable and tyrannous; to 
 William III. Scotland owes a modus vivendi. 
 
 In this dispute of pedant king, simoniacal nobles, 
 and frantic preachers, St. Andrews was a centre, as 
 it also, thanks to Andrew and James Melville, became 
 a centre of revived learning. 
 
 James Melville, born 1550 or 1557, was a son of 
 Eichard Melville (Melvill, Melvyne, or Melvin), of 
 Baldovy, minister of Maryton, near Montrose. His 
 father had studied under Melanchthon in Witten- 
 berg. About five, young Melville began to read 
 the Bible ; at seven he went to school in Mont- 
 rose with Mr. William Gray, where he was 
 ' trained in learning, and exercise of honest games, 
 and taught to handle the bow for archery, the 
 glub for goff, the batons for fencing, also to rin, 
 loupe, to swim, to warsell.' ' A happie and golden 
 tyme,' he adds, for boyhood may be a golden time, 
 even in years of public turmoil. They learned the 
 Catechism, the Bible, the rudiments of Latin and 
 
ANDREW MELVILLE'S ST. ANDREWS 191 
 
 French, some Virgil, Cicero, Horace, the Colloquies 
 of Erasmus, while Signor Davie was being slaughtered, 
 and Darnley murdered, and Langside field was fought, 
 and the stipends of the preachers were seized, and 
 the fire of joy burned on Montrose steeple for the 
 birth of King James. 
 
 Meanwhile Melville's father taught him to abhor 
 subtle revenge, ' as I have known it practised in this 
 country, and as yet it is working on : God make us 
 simple as doves, and wise as serpents ... I bless 
 my Christ, I detest all revenge as devilry, and namely 
 serpentine.' 
 
 Here, among the fruits of the Eeformation, we 
 have, thank God, a Christian at last, and one who, 
 we may say, would not have been consenting to any 
 deed of murder. An accident of his boyhood, when 
 he unwittingly stabbed a fellow pupil in play, made 
 James Melville ' the mair war of knyffes ' (the more 
 wary of dealing with knives) ' all my dayes.' Yet he 
 was a man of his hands, and disarmed a furious 
 young scoundrel who attacked him with sword and 
 dagger. 
 
 In 1571, at the age of fourteen, Melville came 
 home from school, and was set to work in the 
 harvest fields. But ' I lyked the schollar's lyff best,' 
 and, as he dared not oppose his father's wishes, he 
 prayed earnestly that the scholar's portion might be 
 
192 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 his. It was no great luxury of life that he desired 
 and gained : the scanty inventory of his frugal 
 furniture proves that he was never a rich man. He 
 had six silver spoons at his death, and a silver 
 tankard : his effects were worth but 137Z. 6s. 10d., 
 including books valued at 21. He went to St. 
 Andrews in November 1571, and entered the course 
 of philosophy under Mr. Collace, of St. Leonard's. 
 Not being well grounded in grammar, he was puzzled 
 by Cassander his rhetoric, and used to ' burst and 
 greet ' — ' owl,' as Knox would have said — in lecture. 
 Mr. Collace therefore gave him a bed in his own 
 chambers, and taught him privately at night. Mel- 
 ville's father was greatly pleased with the boy's pro- 
 gress, and offered Mr. Collace a present of two pieces 
 of gold, no mean gift in poor old Scotland. But Mr. 
 Collace would accept no reward for his labours 
 through all the time of Melville's course. They 
 studied the Organon of Aristotle that year in Latin, 
 and the candle-boy was by far the most forward 
 student. On the University Seal we note a professor 
 lecturing, while a boy holds his candle. This lad 
 was David Elistone, ' whose ingenuity and judg- 
 ment passed me as far in the whole course of philo- 
 sophy, as the eagle the Howlet ' (owl). The youth 
 whom Melville so generously praises afterwards 
 became insane in Paris. 
 
ANDREW MELVILLE'S ST. ANDREWS 193 
 
 In this year, 1571, when Kirkcaldy of Grange, 
 the victor of Langside, was holding Edinburgh Castle 
 for the Queen, Knox fled to St. Andrews. That he 
 ' never feared the face of man ' is proverbial ; but he 
 did not lack the better part of valour. He had once 
 made Geneva his refuge. Kyle sheltered him after 
 his share in the murder of Eizzio. Now, old and 
 tired, but unbroken, he sought cover in St. Andrews. 
 The monastic buildings were not all ruined, for Knox 
 ' lodged down in the Abbey beside our college,' St. 
 Leonard's. He was still preaching on Daniel, and 
 probably still expounding that author's remarks on 
 the pope. Melville used to hear him gladly, and 
 carry away notes. After being ' moderate the 
 space of half an hour,' Knox 'was like to ding 
 the pulpit to blads ' and made the small boy ' grew 
 and tremble.' 
 
 Gruesome enough the aged prophet must have 
 been. Afterwards he would rest in St. Leonard's 
 gardens, wearied with prophesying destruction for 
 Kirkcaldy and Queen Mary. Then he told the boys 
 to ' stand by the good cause,' for which St. Leonard's 
 was zealous : ' the other two colleges not so.' In St. 
 Mary's, John Douglas, afterwards Simoniacal or 
 Tulchan Bishop, ' was guid aneuche ; ' the other 
 regents ' hated Mr. Knox,' as Bannatyne, his secre- 
 tary, also tells us. By way of diversion — hear it, ye 
 
 o 
 
194 ST. ANDEEWS 
 
 godly ! — stage plays were acted. We even read of a 
 drama on the Prodigal Son played, not without 
 scandal, at a marriage on a Sabbath. A regent of 
 St. Leonard's diverted Knox with a congenial enter- 
 tainment: a play on the marriage day of a Mr. 
 Colvin, a prophetic play. ' The Castle of Edinburgh 
 was besieged, taken, and the Captain' (Knox's old 
 ally in many a bloody deed, Kirkcaldy of Grange), 
 ' with one or two with him, hanged in effigy.' 
 
 The presence of Knox here allured other people 
 of importance. Lekprevik, the printer, brought over 
 his press from Edinburgh and printed ' Calvin's Cate- 
 chism,' done into Latin heroic verse. There was 
 plenty of Latin in Scotland, more than there is now, 
 for to do the Carritch into elegiacs or hexameters 
 would puzzle many a worthy minister. The Friar 
 Tuck of Presbyterianism also attended Knox. He 
 was John Durie, one of two ministers of Leith. 
 ' The gown was no sooner off and the Bible out of 
 hand, when on went the corslet' (on his clerical 
 person), ' and snatched up was the hagbut, and to 
 the fields.' Corslet and hagbut are better than the 
 dagger, but ministers' consciences clattered like the 
 elder Beaton's, and they, as well as Archbishop Hamil- 
 ton, went clad in steel. Before Edinburgh Castle 
 fell, and Mary's cause fell with it, ' Mr. Knox with 
 his family passed home to Edinburgh ' (August 17 (?), 
 
ANDREW MELVILLE'S ST. ANDREWS 195 
 
 1572). The world of St. Andrews was grateful for 
 his departure, save ' the few godly in that town.' 
 Most of the University ' nourished a deadly hatred 
 and envy ' against Knox. St. Leonard's stood by 
 him ; St. Salvator's detested him. ' Mr. Archibald 
 Hamilton for a long time came not to John Knox's 
 sermons because that he affirmed in his teaching that 
 Hamiltons were murderers.' It was a good reason 
 for deserting Knox's sermons, but that Knox should 
 blame murderers was a trifle inconsistent. 1 Knox 
 tried to have Hamilton compelled to attend his dis- 
 courses. Hamilton declined to be ' thrallit to ony 
 minister wha exemis himself fra order and godly 
 discipline.' Hamilton held his ground and had the 
 better of the dispute. 
 
 The Eeformer died in the following November, 
 ' quha, as was allegit, had the maist part of the 
 wyte [blame] of all the cummeris [troubles] in Scot- 
 land, sen [since] the slaughter of umquhile [the late] 
 Cardinal.' Knox did not live to see the fall of the 
 castle and the hanging of Kirkcaldy, but the ministers 
 took good care that his prophecy should be fulfilled. 
 Great efforts were made to save Kirkcaldy's life, that 
 of a gallant man ; but Morton writes to Killigrew, 
 ' Considering what has been and daily is spoken by 
 the preachers, that God's plague will not cease till 
 
 1 Bannatyne's Memorials, pp. 255-263. 
 
 o 2 
 
196 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 the land be purged of blood ... I deliberated to 
 let justice proceed as it has done.' l 
 
 Melville gives us his last glimpse of Knox in 
 St. Andrews, going gently ' with a furring of mart- 
 riks about his neck,' a staff in his hand, supported 
 by Eichard Ballantyne, his servant, from his lodgings 
 in the Abbey to the Town Kirk. Even now ' he was 
 like to ding that pulpit to blads and fly out of it.' 
 A pulpit, said to have been Knox's, was lately in 
 the college chapel. It did not seem robust enough 
 for his use. Despite Maitland's remark, uttered 
 when Knox sent from his death-bed to warn Kirk- 
 caldy, this son of thunder was no ' drivelling 
 prophet.' 
 
 As to college studies, in the second year Melville 
 learned the ' Demonstrations,' the ' Topics,' and 
 ' Sophistic Captiones,' all in Latin. This year Arch- 
 bishop Hamilton was hanged, and avenged by the 
 shooting of Lennox at Stirling in the arms of his 
 captor, Spens of Wormiston, a verjr noble gentle- 
 man who was slain in the attempt to defend his 
 prisoner. In the third year Melville read the ' Ethics,' 
 and proceeded towards his bachelor's degree ' with 
 declamation, banqueting, and plays." In the fourth 
 year they read mathematics and Aristotle De Ccelo. 
 Morton was now seizing church revenues, appointing 
 
 1 Aug. fi, 157!), quoted by Tytler, vol. vii. p. 388. 
 
ANDREW MELVILLE'S ST. ANDREWS 197 
 
 one preacher to four churches. A regent of St. 
 , Leonard's, Davidson, who wrote the amusing play for 
 Knox, attacked the monstrous doings of Morton in a 
 book, and was banished. Melville's studies were now 
 partly in Cicero De Legibus and Justinian. He also 
 took great delight in music, learning the gamut and 
 plain song from one who had been trained among 
 the monks of the Abbey. Thus some faint echoes of 
 the old art lingered on, voices musical among the 
 ruins. The students were melodists, ' twa or three of 
 our condisciples played fellon well on the virginals, 
 and another on the lute and githorn' (zittern?). 
 Their Eegent had a spinet (' the pinalds ') in his 
 chamber, but feared that Melville was becoming even 
 too musical. ' If I had attained to any reasonable 
 measure therein, I had never done good otherwise, 
 in respect of my amorous disposition.' 
 
 For amusement 'I had my necessary honestly 
 enough of my father, but no more ; for archery and 
 golf, I had bow, arrows, club and balls, but not a 
 purse for catchpull and tavern, yet now and then 
 I learned and used so much both of the hand and 
 racket catch [fives and tennis] as might serve for 
 moderate and wholesome exercise of the body.' 
 
 All this makes a very pleasant picture of the 
 student's life in old St. Leonard's, evil as were the 
 times and limited as was the erudition. 
 
198 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 Melville's heart cried out for Greek and for 
 Hebrew, ' but the languages were not to be gottine in 
 the land. Our Eegent begoud and teatched us the 
 A, B, C, of the Greik, and the simple declintiones, 
 but went no farder.' He spoke admiringly of Mr. 
 Andrew Melville, James's uncle, who, when at the 
 new college (St. Mary's), read Aristotle in the ori- 
 ginal, ' which was a wonder to them that he was so 
 fine a scholar and of such expectation.' But Andrew 
 Melville was in France ; five or six years had passed 
 since he wrote to his kindred ; and it was feared he 
 had perished in the religious wars. He had really 
 been in Geneva for four years, and as an envoy of 
 his brought letters, young James Melville wrote 
 entreating his uncle to come home. This boy's 
 letter in Latin proved, as Andrew Melville himself 
 said, ' a special motion of his home-coming.' Thus 
 a young lad of St. Leonard's gave Scotland a new 
 John Knox — a Presbyterian prophet almost, or quite 
 as resolute and truculent as the old seer. James 
 Melville had heard Knox denounce tulchan bishops 
 (1571) — that is, bishops appointed collusively by the 
 nobles, to receive the revenues and hand them over 
 to pious desperadoes like Morton. John Douglas, 
 Rector of the University, was Morton's tulchan bishop, 
 and even Knox pitied that ' auld weak man,' who 
 was wrecked and finally killed by trouble and opposi- 
 
ANDREW MELVILLE'S ST. ANDREWS 199 
 
 tion. 1 The poor tulchan prelates were subject to the 
 General Assembly. Douglas had been made Principal 
 of St. Mary's as early as 1547. He left the Eoman 
 faith, and wa.s tutor of Lord Lome ; as we saw, he was 
 Eector of the University, when Morton made him 
 his tulchan. The General Assembly bullied him for 
 not preaching, and for neglecting the exercise, or pious 
 meetings for divine discourse. At last, according to 
 legend, the dying old man made an effort to preach, 
 entered the pulpit of the town kirk, and died there 2 
 
 Douglas died in 1574. 
 
 We return to James Melville at the University, 
 and the introduction of Greek by his uncle, Andrew 
 Melville. Born in 1545, at Baldovy, Andrew Mel- 
 ville learned Greek, as a boy, from Pierre de 
 Marsilliers, whom Erskine of Dun had brought to 
 Montrose. At St. Andrews he alone could read 
 Aristotle in the original, and he was much cherished 
 by Douglas, afterwards Tulchan Bishop. At Paris 
 he studied Greek under Turnebus, Aristotle with 
 that enemy of Aristotle, Eamus. He actually lec- 
 tured in Greek, which probably no scholar living 
 could do now. He then taught at Poictiers and 
 
 1 A tulchan is a calf stuffed with straw, and placed near a cow to 
 make her give milk. Thus the tulchan bishops milked the Church 
 for the benefit of the nobles. 
 
 2 Lyon, quoting the History of the Lives of the Scottish 
 Beformers, p. 215. Naphtali adduces this as a judgment on a bishop ! 
 
200 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 studied theology. During the siege of Poictiers his 
 pupil was killed by a cannon-ball, and Melville, 
 loving his memory, transferred his affection to his 
 nephew James. A soldier reviling him for a Hugue- 
 not, Andrew Melville armed himself, mounted a horse, 
 and challenged the man. From Poictiers he went 
 to Geneva, became a friend of Beza's, and argued 
 against Portus about the pronunciation of Greek. 
 Portus, himself a Greek, pronounced by accent, 
 Melville by quantity, as we now do, except Professor 
 Blackie. So Portus called him a Scotch barbarian, 
 who pretended to teach Hellenes how to speak their 
 own language. Arrived in Scotland, he began to 
 teach his nephew. He refused to be a Tulchan Bishop 
 of St. Andrews, and became Principal of Glasgow 
 University. There he is said to have wished to 
 destroy that monument of idolatry, the Cathedral, 
 and to have won over the magistrates. But the 
 trades of the town rose like good men, and saved the 
 church, while the young king, James, said that too 
 many churches had been destroyed already. This is 
 Spottiswoode's tale : the curious will find the legend 
 narrated by Andrew Fairservice in ' Eob Boy.' But 
 Dr. McCrie, Andrew Melville's biographer, thinks 
 that the riot was somehow connected with the 
 repairing of the Cathedral. He quotes evidence 
 showing that the lead from the roof had been stolen, 
 
ANDREW MELVILLE'S ST. ANDREWS 
 
 201 
 
 as usual, and that the magistrates were restoring 
 what was imperfect. But the share which the Kirk 
 Session, took in this work was ten years after 
 Melville left Glasgow for St. Andrews. Thither he 
 
 A GATE OF ST. LBONAED'S 
 
 came as Principal of St. Mary's College in 1580 ; his 
 nephew James was Professor of Hebrew. 
 
 Of the general condition of the University little 
 has been said here since the Eeformation. In 1566 
 Moray (later the Eegent) made George Buchanan, a 
 distinguished pupil, Principal of St. Leonard's. His 
 
202 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 chamber is still shown in the old buildings, but the 
 outer stair by which it was originally reached has 
 disappeared. His arrival was followed by a great 
 increase of students at St. Leonard's, in 1568-69. 
 He presented some books of which a few are still in 
 the University library. He also drew up a scheme of 
 reorganisation, published by Irving in his ' Memoirs 
 of Buchanan ' (p. 360). He forbade the ' Peda- 
 gogues ' to ' ding their disciples,' the dinging was 
 only to be done by the principal or their regent. 
 The whole system was never carried into practice. 
 
 A visitation of the University by Morton occurred 
 in 1574, another in 1579, when Andrew Melville was 
 appointed principal of St. Mary's. His time had 
 been occupied in asserting Presbyterianism, and 
 drawing up the second book of discipline, ' The 
 Charter of the Kirk.' The office of bishops was 
 denounced as anti-scriptural, a point on which 
 heaven forbid that we should enter. His duties 
 as Principal of St. Mary's did not interfere with his 
 political activity. In 1580 James VI. was at St. 
 Andrews, living in the New Inns, and ' a gyse and 
 farce ' was played in front of the windows, as James 
 Melville tells us, for his diversion. As the curtain 
 did not rise in time, a casual lunatic came forward, 
 preached a moving sermon, made James Melville 
 weep, and threatened the Earl of Morton, against 
 
ANDREW MELVILLE'S ST. ANDREWS 203 
 
 whom Lennox, who was present, was even then 
 plotting. There was no escape from preaching in 
 these days. The Town Idiot, Skipper Lindsay, was 
 as moving, and as successfully prophetic, as Knox at 
 his best. Probably he was imitating the innumerable 
 discourses he had heard from the pulpit. 1 
 
 St. Mary's College was very nearly burned down 
 on Melville's coming ; ' fire 'followed him,' as Knox 
 says of the queen. A student, snuffing his candle 
 on a winter morning, dropped a spark into a cellar, 
 where there were shavings of wood. The fire caught ; 
 James Melville already foresaw : the joy of the 
 wicked ' (people not of his way of thinking), ' but 
 it pleased God mercifully to look on and pity the 
 matter, sending the carpenter's boy with the key 
 of the cellar,' so the fire was extinguished, and 
 ' God keipit the wark from sklander.' The ' wark ' 
 consisted in 'judging the office of Bishops damnable,' 
 a strong measure carried by Andrew Melville in the 
 General Assembly at Glasgow in 1581. The book of 
 ' The Polecie of the Kirk ' was also passed. The civil 
 magistrate is subject to the kirk spiritually, and 
 in ecclesiastical government and discipline. The 
 spiritual ' rulers judge both inward affections and 
 external actions, in respect of conscience, by the 
 
 1 Melville's Autohiograjyhij, p. 81. Andrew Melville had not 
 arrived in St. Andrews at this time. 
 
204 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 word of God.' 'The minister teaches the Magistrate 
 how it should be done ' (how the civil jurisdiction 
 should be done), ' according to the Word of God.' 
 That is, the civil power governs ; but if it does not 
 govern after some violent example from the Old 
 Testament, some model of Israelite anarchy tempered 
 by prophets, then the minister ' teaches ' the civil 
 power. This is the aspect borne by ' The Polecie 
 of the Kirk ' in the eyes of the secular reader. 
 
 Melville soon had occasion to teach the govern- 
 ment ' how it should be done.' Esrne Stuart, created 
 Duke of Lennox, the king's favourite, overthrew 
 Morton, as that inspired idiot, Skipper Lindsay, had 
 prophesied in his sermon at St. Andrews. Morton 
 was executed, as ' art and part ' in Darnley's murder, 
 on June 2, 1581. The new favourite, Lennox, in de- 
 spite of the ministers, intruded one Montgomery on 
 the bishopric of Glasgow. At St. Andrews, Arch- 
 bishop Adamson was maintaining that ' The Polecie 
 of the Kirk ' ' could not stand with a free kingdom ; ' 
 and indeed it could not. But Lennox's appointment 
 was no less tyrannous. 
 
 The kirk bade Montgomery resign his bishopric ; 
 a minister reminded Gowrie of the fine old plan of 
 seizing the king. 1 They excommunicated Mont- 
 gomery, and, in June 1582, Andrew Melville left his 
 
 1 Tvtlor, vol. viii. p. 9-1. 
 
ANDKEW MELVILLE'S ST. ANDREWS 205 
 
 numerous quarrels at St. Andrews, and addressed an 
 extraordinary assembly of the kirk. He spoke of 
 the ' bludie gullie ' of absolute power — a gullie 
 [knife] which came from the pope. The kirk pre- 
 sented a list ' of mair grievances ' to the king in Perth. 
 
 'Who dare subscribe these treasonable articles?' 
 asked Arran (James Stewart). 
 
 'Mr. Andro answeres, " We dart and will sub- 
 scryve them, and gif our lyves in the cause." ' 
 
 Arran and Lennox saw that ' the Kirk haid a 
 bak ' — that is, was well supported, and the ministers 
 were dismissed. 
 
 The kirk had armed backers, and was well aware 
 of it : the boldness was less bold than it may ap- 
 pear. The old Scotch custom of making a band, or 
 illegal association, was followed ; the band was against 
 Lennox, and, as usual, was encouraged by England. 
 Lennox guessed what was coming, and meant to 
 seize his opponents, but the English ambassador, 
 Bowes, gave timely information to the subscribers of 
 the band. The king was at Euthven Castle, Gowrie's 
 seat, and there Gowrie secured him. This was the 
 Eaid of Euthven (1582) and a great cause of joy to 
 the ministers. James Melville denies that the kirk 
 was ' art and part ' in the raid (p. 134), but yet 
 ' they could not but rejoice in God.' James may 
 have been kept in the dark, but Mr. Davison, minister 
 
206 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 of Libberton, had urged the raid on Gowrie. ' Scotch 
 nobles now are utterly unworthy of the place they 
 hold ; they would not, in other ' times, have suffered 
 the king to lie alone at Dalkeith with a stranger ' (Len- 
 nox), and so on. 1 James's dislike of Presbyterianism 
 was not wholly unjustified, nor can any state be free 
 in which the polecie of the kirk ' teaches ' the civil 
 power by seizing the person of its representative, or 
 by urging and justifying the transaction. 
 
 The Principal of St. Mary's, in a letter of 1583, 
 spoke of Morton and Gowrie as ' stout and valiant 
 avengers of religion and the king's cause.' Morton 
 was the most simoniacal of oppressors ; his idea 
 of avenging religion was to starve the kirk and 
 pocket the money ; while Gowrie's idea of avenging 
 the king's cause was to seize him and separate him 
 from his friends and kindred. 
 
 While Melville was in the midst of his political 
 activity, he was quarrelling with half of St. Andrews. 
 First, there were the teachers displaced from St. 
 Mary's, notably one Hamilton, who ' vexed him with 
 the College accounts,' ' till it pleased God to cut short 
 the life of the said Mr. Hamilton,' as James Melville 
 gratefully remarks. 2 Then Mrs. Hamilton married 
 again, and her second husband, the Provost of 
 
 1 Tvtlcv, vol. viii. p. 94, quoting MS. Calilenvood. 
 " Autobiography, p. \'1'1. 
 
ANDREW MELVILLE'S ST. ANDREWS 207 
 
 Kirkheugh, pursued the suit : while the Deity was 
 not pleased to cut him off. Another old St Mary's 
 man threatened to hamstring Andrew Melville, who, 
 getting his enemy to enter his room, shut the door 
 and asked him when the hamstringing was to begin ; 
 ' it is even best time now.' Whereby he dominated 
 the bully. Then all St. Leonard's rushed into the 
 fray, for Mr. Andrew must needs attack Aristotle 
 and his philosophy, which (in Latin) was all their 
 business ; ' their bread-winner.' Them Melville con- 
 futed, and they even became his disciples : Aristotle, 
 however, is still regarded as a superior person. This 
 was Melville's chief benefit to the University : he 
 made men read Greek authors in Greek. ' But this 
 was not done without mickle fighting and fascherie.' 
 Next the dauntless Andrew had a broil with the 
 town ; for when he preached in their church he 
 treated the magistrates as if they had been mere 
 kings, presenting them with large fragments of his 
 mind, and ' causing them hear their doings in the 
 deafest ear.' The town was full of threatenings, 
 angry placards were fastened on the gate of St. Mary's, 
 and James Melville, finding Town and Gown united 
 against his pugnacious uncle, admits that he was 
 ' mikle fearit,' especially when the provost rose, one 
 day, and walked out of the kirk. 
 
 But the Presbytery came down on the Provost, 
 
208 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 and he was obliged to apologise for not sitting still 
 to be publicly insulted. This is a fair example of 
 liberty under the polecie of the kirk. 
 
 Another day Andrew Melville found a placard, 
 written partly in French and Italian, on his college 
 gate. He recognised the hand of Lermont the 
 younger, of Balcomie, and, as usual, attacked him 
 from the pulpit. ' Thou frenchified, italianised, jolly 
 gentleman, who hast defiled the bed of so many 
 married, and now threatenest with thy bastinados to 
 defile this kirk, and put hands on His servants, thou 
 shalt never enjoy the fruits of marriage, by having 
 lawful succession of thy body, and God shall batoon 
 thee in his righteous judgments.' 
 
 Consequently Lermont had no children, and, in 
 1598, died of ill-treatment from the Highlanders. 
 If Andrew Melville had been a poor old angry woman, 
 he would have been burned for this ; a case of malum 
 minatum et damnum secutum. Not having feuds 
 enough on his hands, the Principal now fell to fight 
 with the Prior and his pensioners, who kept the 
 ministry vacant and spent the revenues in golf and 
 conviviality. These he brought to their knees, and 
 made them express repentance in church by aid of 
 the General Assembly Lastly, to keep his hand in, 
 the Principal bearded the Archbishop Adamson, the 
 successor of the tulchan Bishop Douglas, who, of 
 
ANDREW MELVILLE'S ST. ANDREWS 209 
 
 course, was no friend of Presbyterianism. In brief, 
 Andrew Melville made St. Andrews a lively place to 
 live in, while lie did not neglect politics. 
 
 In 1582 the General Assembly (October 9) pro- 
 nounced its formal approval of the Eaid of Euthven, 
 and ordered that every minister should justify the 
 action. ' It was even determined to institute a rigid 
 persecution of all persons who presumed to express a 
 different opinion.' 1 When the clergy also ordered the 
 Gowrie gang to resign the church revenues, they were 
 not listened to, but one of the preachers succeeded 
 in making the young king cry. Lennox was banished 
 and died in France. Intrigues with England, France, 
 and the captive Mary went on, and on June 25, 1583, 
 Walsingham was assured that the Gowrie party was 
 secure ; but the letter had not reached him when 
 James rode from Falkland to St. Andrews, took 
 refuge in the castle, where Adamson was residing, 
 and was ' a free king ' again. He had been met at 
 Dairsie by the Earl of March, the provost of St. 
 Andrews, and other gentlemen. He was first lodged 
 in the Old Inns, a position of no strength, but Sir 
 James Melville (the diplomatist) perceived the folly 
 of this arrangement. Not till after supper did James 
 enter the castle, but next morning the castle was full 
 of armed men of the Gowrie faction. James was 
 
 1 Tytler, vol. viii. p. 122, quoting MS. Calderwood. 
 
 P 
 
210 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 reinforced, however, and next day practically pro- 
 claimed an amnesty. 1 James and Arran now set 
 about reducing their old enemies to submission, but 
 the Principal of St. Mary's was irreconcilable. In 
 February 1583 he was summoned to appear before 
 the king and council on a charge of seditious ser- 
 mons. But he declined their jurisdiction. The 
 Government had no right*, he argued, to judge his 
 ' doctrine.' He flourished a Hebrew Bible in their 
 faces, saying, ' Let me see which of you can judge 
 me thereon.' He was ordered to be interned in the 
 castle of Edinburgh, but his friends feared that 
 Blackness, ' a foul hole,' was to be his prison. It 
 had not been too foul a prison for Cardinal Beaton. 
 Melville announced that he would go to gaol ' if the 
 king commanded, and God so commanded, and so 
 directed him.' God directing him to make a bolt 
 for it, he flew to Berwick and was in safety. To a 
 secular mind it seems that Melville's conduct was 
 equivalent to that of a prisoner of war who breaks his 
 parole. ' He received with all respect the charge to 
 enter himself a prisoner within twenty-four hours.' 2 
 Dr. McCrie discusses at great length Melville's 
 'declinature' ot the civil jurisdiction, and aro-ues 
 that he only wished to be tried by his presbytery in 
 
 1 Sir James Melville's Memoir.';, pp. 289, 290. 
 
 2 MoCrie, vol. i. p. 293 ; James Melville's Autobiography, p. 144. 
 
ANDREW MELVILLE'S ST. ANDREWS 211'. 
 
 the first instance. His object apparently was to 
 produce a conflict between Kirk and State on the 
 question as to how far a preacher had unbounded 
 political license. 1 Dr. McCrie quotes agreements 
 and precedents justifying Melville. Melville was not 
 so much tried, perhaps, as committed for contempt 
 of court ' for his unreverent behaviour before his 
 Majestie and counsell,' as his nephew says. 
 
 The kirk does not seem to have seen any harm in 
 Melville's breach of parole, which, like all such acts, 
 must have increased the discomfort of other persons 
 in his case. The pulpits were ' dinged to blads ' in 
 his praises, but James Melville at St. Andrews had a 
 heavy heart. He packed up the books of the 
 outlawed Principal, ' and scarce was there one that I 
 had known in his common use that rankled not my 
 wounds again.' 
 
 Merely in the interests of education it might be 
 regretted that Melville did not mind his books and 
 lectures more, and politics less. James went on with 
 his work, incidentally denouncing our archbishop, 
 Adamson, who had been laying questions of the 
 polecie of the kirk before the Protestant bodies of 
 Prance and Geneva. James Melville accuses Adamson 
 of giving perverted versions of the kirk's rules, and 
 the exiled Andrew, in an epistle to the kirk, spoke 
 
 1 McCrie, vol. i. pp. 293-302. 
 
212 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 of Adamson's ' filthy cause,' ' seditious sermons ' (the 
 Gracchi de seditione querentes), forgeries, destruction 
 of the college ; talked of the Euthven raiders as ' the 
 holiest and best part of the nobility,' and, in a Greek 
 quotation, showed a noble superiority to accents. 
 Finally he described the bishop as a wolf. 
 
 In 1584 Gowrie was beheaded for his share in a 
 new plot; Adamson returned from his mission in 
 England ; James was bribing a border ruffian, Jock 
 of Peartree, to shoot Angus, and both James and 
 Arran were determined to reduce the kirk. Adam- 
 son had gone to England, like Sharpe later, to be 
 trained in episcopacy, and to learn the ways of it. 
 The students of St. Andrews, however, armed with 
 muskets (hagbuts), surrounded his palace, and bade, 
 him remember Cardinal Beaton. Arran refused 
 stipends to all ministers who would not accept 
 episcopacy, ' many of them were banished,' and, 
 strange to say, there was a very general submission 
 to the king. Even the Laird of Dun, the Nestor of 
 the kirk, was faithless found ; Craig, once Knox's 
 coadjutor, surrendered. In St. Andrews James Mel- 
 ville heard that the archbishop was about to ap- 
 prehend him ; he fled to Dundee, learned that his 
 indictment for treasonable correspondence with his 
 uncle had been framed, and therefore, dressed as a 
 ' shipbroken seaman,' he embarked for Berwick, 
 
ANDREW MELVILLE'S ST. ANDREWS 213 
 
 The ship touched at St. Andrews with a cargo of 
 slates, and here our poor James had to lie in the hold , 
 waiting for the tide. Here he was so extremely sea- 
 sick, that he begged to be set on land, ' choosing 
 any sort of death for a good cause, rather than so to 
 be tormented in a stinking hole.' His voyage was 
 perilous, and the skipper swore terribly, but finally 
 he reached Berwick and safety. 
 
 James abode in Newcastle, preaching to the 
 exiled lords, and thence went to London. Mean- 
 while Heaven, which is Presbyterian, punished 
 St. Andrews with a plague, and much unusually dis- 
 agreeable weather. 1 
 
 The people, therefore, clamoured against the 
 Court. The English Court also encouraged the re- 
 turn of the exiled Scotch lords ; in October, 1585, 
 Elizabeth let them slip, and they, with their ministers, 
 including Andrew Melville, invaded Scotland. Arran 
 fled, James and his nobles were taken at Stirling, and 
 a new administration was in office. 
 
 While Angus was thus in power, on February 8, 
 1586-87, Mary's head fell at Fotheringay. In the 
 records of the Kirk Session for February 8, 1586-87, 
 we read that Archbishop Adamson, bj verbal orders 
 from the king, directed the minister and reader to 
 pray publicly for his Highness's mother, for her con- 
 
 ' Autobiography, p. 222. 
 
214 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 version and amendment of life, and, if it be God's' 
 pleasure, to preserve her from this present danger 
 wherein she is now.' They met and prayed at 
 2 o'clock in the afternoon ; they were praying for 
 the dead. The ministers, now in high hopes, found 
 that the pious nobility, except Angus, cared very 
 little for their quarrel. ■ The indulged ministers, who 
 had yielded to James, were at strife with the re- 
 turned brethren j and matters looked gloomy for 
 Andrew Melville's cause. Craig, Knox's old ally, 
 was now on the other side ; affairs seemed very much 
 as they did on the day of Bothwell Brig ; there was a 
 moderate and also a violent Presbyterian party. Mean- 
 while James Melville was preparing St. Mary's for 
 Andrew's return. Adamson had changed it from a 
 theological to a philosophical college ; this had to be 
 undone. Adamson excommunicated the Melvilles ; 
 an assembly of armed men was reported to be lying 
 in wait for the archbishop ; he was carried in an 
 unseemly and indescribable fright to the castle ; a 
 hare ran down South Street, and through the Korth 
 Gate, past the castle, and this hare was believed by 
 the people to be ' the bishop's witch.' For this 
 affair Andrew was interned, and the archbishop was 
 freed from a Presbyterian excommunication. Andrew 
 was soon released, and, in June 1587, was entertain- 
 ing the king and Du Bartas in St. Andrews. ' I 
 
ANDREW MELVILLE'S. ST. ANDREWS 21'5 
 
 mon have a lesson,' said his Majesty, so Andrew 
 ' refuted ' all the king's proceedings against the kirk, 
 much to his Majesty's annoyance. After some 
 arguing with the archbishop, the king and Du 
 Bartas Avere entertained in hall, with wet and dry 
 confections and all sorts of wine, whereat his Majesty 
 ' camped (drank) very merrily a good while.' He 
 was a placable prince, and agreed with Du Bartas that 
 Melville was a better controversialist than the arch- 
 bishop. In spite of all James's selfishness and his 
 desertion of his mother, it is hard to believe that he 
 actually bribed Jock of Peartree to shoot Angus. 
 We have only Jock's word for it. 
 
 In 1587, unluckily for our purposes, James 
 MelviUe left St. Andrews for the ministry of 
 Anstruther. Here came rumours, in 1588, of the 
 Armada landing a force at St. Andrews ; but, in fact, 
 he had to give kail, porridge, and fish to half-starved 
 and shipwrecked Spanish sailors, whom the wind had 
 driven round the east coast. Though distant from 
 the town, James kept an eye on it, and tells a story 
 illustrative of manners in the reformed city. The 
 archbishop, he says (but we need not believe all that 
 he writes about the archbishop), stirred up an armed 
 retainer of his, named Hamilton, M.A., to quarrel 
 with our professor of law, Mr. Welwood. This 
 gentleman, walking down South Street to hear a 
 
216 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 lecture in St. Mary's, was struck by Hamilton with 
 the handle of his sword. For this Hamilton was 
 degraded from his Master's degree, and the rector 
 also commanded him to apologise in the place where 
 he had offered the insult. But Hamilton was made 
 a burgess of the city (which detested Melville), and 
 afterwards promised to make due apology. 
 
 As Welwood walked in cap and gown to St. 
 Salvator's, to give his own lecture, a sand-glass in 
 one hand, a book in the other, Hamilton rushed at 
 him and wounded him in the wrist. His friends ran 
 to the Baillies, one of whom, with the archbishop's 
 brother-in-law, Arthur, went to the house where 
 Welwood was lying, and there caused a disturbance. 
 A tumult arose. Town, gown, and country gentle- 
 men ran to arms, and Arthur, while fighting with 
 rapier and dagger, was run through the body and 
 fell dead. One James Smith, ' of singular virtue ' 
 ■ — that is, a Melvillite — was said to have slain Arthur, 
 though all his friends vowed he was tooling with a 
 broadsword, not with a rapier at all. Consequently 
 James Smith got into trouble, much to Melville's 
 regret. However, he was convinced that the arch- 
 bishop was at the bottom of it. 
 
 The kirk now (1590) hit on a splendid plan for 
 getting at the archbishop. The polecie of the kirk 
 was to excommunicate every member of the Pres- 
 
ANDREW MELVILLE'S ST. ANDREWS 217 
 
 byteries who would not sign the Book of Discipline. 
 Here they thought to catch his grace, ' but God had 
 wrought that matter better ' by causing the King to 
 give the bishop's revenues to Lennox. ' The miserable 
 Bischope fell in extreme poverty,' and had to become 
 a pensioner of Andrew Melville's. He sank so low 
 as to pray to be released from his Presbyterian ex- 
 communication and to sign a recantation of his 
 errors. He confessed that he had believed ' Presby- 
 teries to be a foolish invention ' — le pa-wore, homme ! 
 
 Adamson was probably not much better than an 
 inferior Sharpe. He was much assailed for the crime 
 of witchcraft, and a dull satire was written on him, 
 called ' The Legend of the Tulchene Bischope of 
 Sanct Androis.' l Probably he did consult Alison 
 Peirson, who dealt in simples, and may have been a 
 quack, but no witch. Mr. Hay Fleming says that 
 ' the attention of the session was first drawn to her 
 by the ungrateful Archbishop.' This seems a mistake. 
 She was already in prison, and the archbishop merely 
 requested the Kirk Session to examine the charges 
 against her. He is accused of enabling her to escape, 
 which is much to his credit. 2 
 
 The triumph of the kirk was at hand. Huntley 
 had slain the Bonny Earl of Moray (whereon 
 
 1 Dalzell's Scottish Poems of the Sixteenth Century. Edinburgh : 
 1801. 
 
 2 Kirrk Session Records, vol. ii. pp. lxxviii, 508. 
 
218 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 ' common rhymes and sangs ' were made, including 
 the familiar ballad), and James was involved in the 
 scandal. Thus, unpopular with the Commons, and 
 threatened by the nobles, James yielded to the kirk, 
 abolished the Acts of 1584, and established Presby- 
 terianism (June 1592). Certain Catholic piots and 
 risings, however, alarmed the kirk, which demanded 
 the proscription of all who would not sign the Con- 
 fession of Faith. ' The Ministers were bent upon 
 the total extirpation of Popery.' l This did not suit 
 James's policy ; it meant a rising of the Catholic 
 North, so kirk and king were once more at daggers 
 drawn. St. Andrews had been moderately quiet ; 
 there had only been an attempt to rabble Andrew 
 Melville, because one of his students, practising 
 archery in the garden behind St. Mary's, had hit a 
 townsman. 
 
 James Melville, however, was in an unquiet frame 
 of mind, and, as moderator of a provincial assembly 
 in September 1593, cut off from the Communion, de- 
 livered to Satan, and issued an edict of boycotting 
 against Angus, Huntley, Errol, and some other 
 ' idolaters.' In late autumn all St. Andrews saw 
 the principal of St. Mary's, white spear in hand, 
 marshalling town and gown against a raid of the 
 Laird of Dairsie's. 
 
 1 Gardiner, vol. i. p. 494. 
 
ANDREW MELVILLE'S .ST. ANDREWS 219 
 
 The cause of war was this : the burgesses and 
 trades of St. Andrews generally chose Lermont of 
 Dairsie (an estate about four miles off, on the Eden) 
 as their provost. This family of Lermont seems 
 to have been hostile to Melville. We find him often at 
 feud with the provost, and libelling from the pulpit 
 that ' jolly gentleman ' of the name, who was 
 ' frenchified.' In 1593 the burgesses, deserting 
 Lermont, chose for provost Captain William Mur- 
 ray. Then arose strife between the town and the 
 Lermonts. Balfour of Burley carried a Melvillian 
 (' an honest man ') away from his own house, the 
 daughter of another citizen was ' reft away,' and 
 finally Lermont of Dairsie threatened to attack the 
 town. Our old friend and Queen Mary's, Sir George 
 Douglas, with Lord Lindsay, aided Melville, and 
 Lermont was prevailed upon ' to byd out and take 
 reason in part of payment.' 
 
 It is impossible to trace here the endless com- 
 binations and intrigues which follow the discovery 
 of ' The Spanish Blanks,' a conspiracy between the 
 Catholic lords of Scotland and the Spaniards. 
 These intrigues had been going on since 1587. ■ 
 Huntley, Errol, Morton, and others were constantly 
 plotting with Spain ; Bothwell was on one side or 
 the other, as his own advantage seemed to dictate. 
 The counties of Inverness (where the Beformation 
 
220 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 stopped, in the west, at Loch Sheil), Caithness, 
 Sutherland, and Aberdeen, with much of Buchan, 
 Angus, Wigtown, and Nithsdale, were Catholic, or 
 would follow a Catholic chief. The king knew well 
 the danger of driving so large a part of the nation to 
 the wall ; the kirk, on the other hand, pressed every 
 chance of extirpating idolatry root and branch. In 
 1592 the Spanish Blanks were discovered; these 
 were signatures of Huntley, Errol, and Angus to 
 white sheets of paper, which were to be filled up by 
 the Spanish king. The kirk was alarmed, and called 
 for vehement measures. James was lenient. A 
 preacher prayed for ' sanctified plagues ' against him. 
 Bothwell seized him ; James recovered his liberty, 
 and his policy was to unite the discordant nobles. 
 But this involved transactions with the Catholics and 
 more trouble with the kirk. Then James Melville, as 
 moderator of the Provincial Assembly of Fife, excom- 
 municated, and, as we may say, interdicted or boy- 
 cotted the Catholics. Civil war seemed at hand, when 
 the king tried a compromise, the Act of Abolition, 
 banishing the lords who would not adopt the religion 
 of the kirk (1593). This did not satisfy the preachers, 
 and, in 1594, the Catholic lords were declared traitors, 
 and James marched against them. ' "With the kirk 
 it was a war of religious persecution, or rather ex- 
 
ANDREW MELVILLE'S ST. ANDREWS 221 
 
 termination.' l The Catholics defeated Argyll at 
 Glenlivet, but in October 1594 James marched against 
 Huntley, accompanied by Andrew Melville in his 
 corslet of steel. 
 
 They penetrated to Huntley's castle of Strath- 
 bogie, which Melville insisted on destroying. Huntley 
 withdrew to the hills of Caithness, but James, having 
 accomplished little, returned to the South. 
 
 James might seem to have satisfied the kirk, and 
 for two years James Melville was one of his Cabinet 
 Council, whereby he spent much, but, being an 
 honest man, got nothing. But the kirk was never to 
 be reconciled. St. Andrews, as usual, supplied the 
 spark for a new fire. A minister named Black had 
 been very active here, and had even brought the 
 light loves of the citizens under order. But he was 
 extremely violent in political harangues. In 1595 
 James Melville had induced the king to let matters 
 pass quietly. Black, however, was still to distinguish 
 himself. 
 
 In 1596 the Catholic lords, Huntley, Errol, and 
 Angus, were in Scotland. Huntley had returned from 
 exile without permission. He expressed a desire to 
 be converted, if once his conscience were convinced, 
 and offered to lend an ear to the arguments of the 
 kirk. But the kirk appointed what we may call a 
 
 1 Tytler, vol. ix. p. 143. 
 
222 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 committee of public safety, ' the Council of • the' 
 Church,' whose duty was that of the Eoman dic- 
 tators, to see ne quid Eccksia detrimenti caperet — to 
 guard against any dealings with idolaters. 'There 
 can be no doubt that this was an open defiance of 
 the Government.' 1 The king asked why, if the earls 
 were penitent, he should not be merciful. In fact, 
 to his mind, ' the kirk was creating a tribunal inde- 
 pendent alike of the laws and the throne.' In this 
 the' preachers precisely agreed with the Jesuits. 
 Father Ogilvie, executed at Glasgow in 1615," said, 
 4 1 decline, the king's authority in matters of religion. 
 And this which I say, the best of your ministers do 
 maintain, and, if they be wise, will continue in the 
 same mind.' 2 Father Ogilvie was tortured, like the 
 witches, by being kept awake for many nights. The 
 evidence is from the manuscripts of Wodrow. 
 The king maintained that the line between kirk and 
 secular authority must be firmly drawn. Now it 
 was (1596) that the St. Andrews minister, David 
 Black, delivered, or was accused of delivering, a 
 sermon, in which he called Elizabeth an atheist, 
 charged the king with treachery, and declared that 
 * all kings were devil's bairns.' 
 
 Here Moysie, a contemporary diarist, speaks of 
 
 1 Gardiner, vol. i. p. 498. 
 
 a Gordon'.s Scoiiehronicon, vol. i. p. 421. 
 
ANDREW MELVILLE'S ST. ANDREWS 223 
 
 ' a great disaster fallen out among the clergy of St. 
 Andrews, which had divided that city into factions.' 
 About twenty-six St. Andrews people bore witness 
 to Black's violent harangue. 1 
 
 Andrew Melville also, thrusting himself forward 
 with a deputation, which met the king at Falkland, 
 plucked him by the sleeve, called him ' God's silly 
 vassal,' and informed him that there were two kings 
 in Scotland, James and Christ. James temporised, 
 but none the less, urged by the English ambassador, 
 whose queen had been insulted by the preacher, he 
 prosecuted Black for his sermon. Like Melville, 
 Black declined the jurisdiction of the Privy Council. 
 He was finally sentenced to temporary exile ' beyond 
 the North Water.' Matters came to a determined duel 
 between James and the assembled ministers : com- 
 promises were sought, aad might have been accepted, 
 when some court intriguers caused a wild but vague 
 tumult in Edinburgh. Men flew to arms with no 
 very definite purpose. James was alarmed and 
 angry, withdrew from the town, made the court 
 withdraw, and held Edinburgh at his mercy. He 
 had now the ball at his feet : he let the kirk know he 
 would be king, he subdued the General Assembly, 
 he reconciled the Catholic nobles, he removed Black 
 from his pulpit in St. Andrews, and, in June 1597, 
 
 1 Moysie's Memoirs, pp. 127-8, 134 
 
224 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 he bearded the invincible Andrew in his den. The 
 king showed his usual want of dignity. Eobert 
 Wallace was preaching, apparently in the town kirk; 
 when he came to the ' application ' (the usual political 
 harangue), the king interrupted him. Andrew Mel- 
 ville (it is a pretty scene !) threatened the king with 
 fearful judgments. James could only hold a visitation 
 of the University, depose Andrew from his rectorship, 
 and, by way of compensation, make him dean of the 
 Theological Faculty. 
 
 The report of the visitation remarks : ' July 1 1 . 
 Mr. Andro Melvill fund be voting ' (decided by votes) 
 ' thet he has not performed the office of a Eector in 
 the administratioun thairof, to the rewling and 
 ordouring of the University. That neither in the 
 government of the College, nor in teiching, nor in 
 administratioun of thair rentis, he conformit him 
 to the reformit Fundatioun and Act of Parlia- 
 ment.' 
 
 Dr. McCrie, however, boldly maintains that the 
 Acts of Visitation ' do not contain one word which 
 insinuates that the affairs of the ISTew College were 
 out of order' (p. 113). William Welwood, of the 
 wounded hand, was dismissed from his professorship, 
 and Melville lost an ally. 
 
 An awful warning followed James's interruption 
 of the sermon. There was an earthquake— 'a young 
 
ANDREW MELVILLE'S ST. ANDREWS 225 
 
 earthquake,' as Byron says — in the Highlands ! 
 Moreover, our friend James Smith, of the broad- 
 sword, was assaulted and slain in the streets. 
 
 To end the story of Melville. He and the king 
 went on ' heckling ' each other, as James Melville puts 
 it, on every possible occasion, till a kind of limited 
 Episcopacy was established in 1600. In 1602 he 
 was confined to his college and gardens. In 1603 
 James succeeded to the English crown. Later he 
 summoned Andrew to London. Here Melville seized 
 the lawn sleeves of Archbishop Bancroft, shook 
 them, and called them Eomish rags. For this 
 violence, and for an epigram on the king's chapel, 
 and perhaps on general principles, James imprisoned 
 him in the Tower, and deprived him of his principal- 
 ship of St. Mary's, but finally permitted him to go to 
 France in 1611. He died in France in 1622. 
 
 James found a more compliant set of professors 
 here, in 1617, when he visited St. Andrews, heard 
 long Latin addresses, and received about a score of 
 Latin poems. The library, which he founded, was 
 not completed, ' partly through our poverty, partly 
 through our torpor,' said the Latin oration. 
 
 Melville was the Becket of Scotland. In his 
 contest with the king and with Episcopacy our 
 sympathies must be divided. If we side with the 
 sturdy determination of Scotland to keep its chosen 
 
 Q 
 
226 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 form of religious government, we must not forget 
 that this was also, practically, a secular government. 
 The eternal pretension was to dominate the State by 
 an appeal to the populace, and that appeal was based 
 on an assumption, practically, of spiritual power, 
 vouched for by prophecy. What the ministers said 
 was what Christ said, and the evidence for this was 
 the assertion of the ministers. On the other hand, 
 the Narratives of Catholics, published by Father 
 Forbes-Leith, show that the Church had high hopes 
 of recapturing James VI., and that the fears of the 
 kirk, with the consequent acts of intolerant perse- 
 cution, were not so baseless as we might naturally 
 suppose. 
 
 The social and moral condition of St. Andrews, 
 in the Melvillian epoch, was that of a vulgar Yerona. 
 If we may argue from the Kirk Session Eecords, 
 published by Mr. Hay Fleming, there was a rustic 
 Eomeo and an unabashed Juliet behind every 
 garden wall. The censures of the kirk fell in vain 
 on these young people, ' relapses ' are frequently 
 chronicled, and the stool of repentance can have 
 had few terrors when it was so often occupied. 
 Black, the preacher, managed to lower the average 
 of misdeeds, but the improvement did not long survive 
 his expulsion. Meanwhile St. Andrews glittered 
 witli sudden swurdblades : the Welwoods and 
 
ANDREW MELVILLE'S ST. ANDREWS 227 
 
 Arthurs were the Montagues and Capulets of the 
 little town, always biting their thumbs at each 
 other. The Kirk Session Eecords also mention 
 many scrapes of the Lermonts, one of whom took a 
 shot at the archbishop on the Links. In 1586 his 
 Kirk Session wished to try Archbishop Adamson 
 for making some allusion to Christmas in a sermon 
 preached on a Sunday which chanced to be Christmas 
 Day, and for quoting a remark (attributed by some to 
 Andrew Melville) that the inhabitants of St. Andrews 
 were a set of goats. Whoever said so was not 
 unduly severe, as the endless entries in the Kirk 
 Session book, and the minute inquiries of the mem- 
 bers into details of lawless love, suffice to demon- 
 strate. The kirk could put down golf on Sunday, 
 but there are worse sins against which it was prac- 
 tically powerless. 
 
 a 2 
 
228 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 CHAPTEE IX 
 
 MONTROSE AT ST. ANDREWS 
 
 In these sketches of St. Andrews history we look 
 eagerly for records of the life that was lived here, but, 
 among chronicles of events and politics, fragments 
 of common life have hitherto been rare. Scarcely 
 till we reach Melville's time do we find little pictures 
 of the streets, the jackman wounding the professor, 
 the scuffle in which a skilled rapier drew Arthur's 
 blood. But the student life of the great Montrose is 
 revealed to us by means of an account-book kept by 
 his tutors, and the ' happy time ' which the champion 
 of the Covenant, and later of the king, enjoyed here 
 is partly to be restored. 
 
 On January 8, 1627, the ) T oung Earl of Montrose 
 rode from Kincardine to Kilbryde on his way hither, 
 and on January 26, 1627, in the list of freshmen 
 matriculated is the name of Jacobus Gramus, Comes 
 Monterouse. He was then a boy of fifteen, with long 
 curls, his hair parted on the left side ; he wore a ruff 
 
MONTBOSE WHEN A STUDENT 
 
MONTKOSE AT ST. ANDKEWS 229 
 
 coming up to the chin, and covering the neck. His 
 face, two years later, can hardly be called handsome, 
 but has well-formed features. We learn that a 
 cabinet of his books was brought from Glasgow ; 
 he carried with him from home a treasured folio, 
 Ealeigh's ' History of the World.' He also possessed 
 Camerarius, his Living Library, a Treatise of the Order 
 of Knighthood, The Life and Death of Queen Mary, 
 Godfrey de Boulogne, Seneca, Xenophonin Latin, and 
 we find him buying a Greek grammar. Little else do 
 we learn of Montrose's studies, except that he paid a 
 scholar to write notes for him in lecture, perhaps 
 during one of his frequent absences at the Cupar 
 races, for Montrose did not disdain the Scotch turf. 
 His sword was a gilded one, the gift of Lord 
 Napier; he had a cross-bow set with mother of 
 pearl, and ' a brazen hagbut.' At St. Andrews he 
 studied, more or less, for two years — -1627-1629. 
 He was always riding to country houses — Carnock, 
 Claverhouse, Dairsie, and many others. He was a 
 free-handed, gay young ' tuft.' Numerous entries of 
 gifts to the poor occur in the accounts. To a 
 Hungarian poet — how such a minstrel reached St. 
 Andrews we know not — he pays fifty- eight shillings 
 for 'some verses made to my Lord.' Was this a pane- 
 gyric, or did the Hungarian write Montrose's verses 
 for a classical professor ? One cannot believe that 
 
230 
 
 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 Montrose was a reading man. He is always buying 
 golf balls (10 shillings) and golf clubs, always losing 
 or winning at golf, always shooting at the butts, where 
 he won the silver arrow, which, with his medal, is 
 now in the College ; always giving suppers to his 
 friends and his brother-archers, and spending money 
 on caddies, giving it to grooms, to beggars, to a dwarf, 
 to Irish folks, to help a poor French scholar to pay 
 the charges of his degree, and so forth. 
 
 MONTROSE'S AECHBHY MEDALS 
 
 At one time he is ill, and is nursed by ' James Pett's 
 dochter.' Pett was the club-maker, the Tom Morris 
 of the day, and we doubt whether Miss Pett had 
 attained the mature age of fifty, as stipulated by the 
 old ordinances. She served to him dainty dishes, 
 people made him presents, now of a wild goose, 
 now of trout. Chess and cards amused my lord's 
 malady ; it would not surprise us if Miss Pett took a 
 hand in a game, while other young lords came in to 
 
MONTROSE AT ST. ANDREWS 231 
 
 console Montrose. There were many such lads of 
 noble or gentle birth in the colleges then ; some 
 years before this date Montrose's future foe, ' gleyed 
 Argyll,' Gillespie Gruamach, then Lome, had won the 
 silver arrow, ' the only passage of arms,' says Mr. Mark 
 Napier, ' in which he was not worse than discom- 
 fitted.' Almost all the names on the archery medals 
 are honourable names, including Eobertson of 
 Struan, the Jacobite laird and poet ; Morton (1622), 
 Wemyss (1627), Lord Lindsay (1692), Eothes (1694), 
 Elcho (1716), Sharpe of Strathtyrum, a descendant of 
 the archbishop's (1738), with abundance of Leslies, 
 Bethunes, Grahams, and Carnegies. Montrose's 
 medal shows on one side his arms, on the other an 
 archer drawing a bow : the date is 1628. If we find 
 Montrose paying a ' chirurgen ' for mending a boy's 
 broken head, we may plausibly conjecture that he 
 had hit the boy with a drive at golf. Like Dugald 
 Dalgetty, he gave his horse a pint of ale after a 
 day's hard work in hunting. After his victory at the 
 butts, he offered largesse to the drummer and piper 
 who celebrated the event with music. The ' violers ' 
 or fiddlers at dinner he handsomely tipped. He 
 entertained his table in hall with sack. His board at 
 college amounted to 9 CM. He decorated the walls of 
 his room with trophies of bows. The college gar- 
 dener supplied his rooms with flowers, and he carried 
 
232 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 a rose in his button-hole on Sunday. ' The rest of 
 the lords ' supped with him in his rooms. 
 
 On the whole, however the poor students may 
 have fared, a young earl's life at St. Andrews was 
 comfortably equipped, and as Melville, who was far 
 from rich, delighted in the memory of his student 
 years, Montrose also must have looked back on his 
 with pleasure. It is probable that one so open- 
 handed and so brilliant was welcome in all sorts of 
 society ; and Montrose certainly won the heart of Mr. 
 Wishart, the minister of St. Andrews, who became 
 the historian of his astonishing campaigns. So the 
 curtain drops on the golden years and rises on the 
 struggle of king and Covenant. 
 
 These chapters try, with scant success, to dis- 
 engage the share of St. Andrews from the general 
 tangle of Scotch history. It is, or easily may be, 
 well known how James, in 1618, by aid of an arch- 
 bishop (Spottiswoode), made the General Assembly 
 accept the Articles of Perth. They seem harmless 
 enough : first, the Holy Communion is to be received 
 kneeling. This could never be forced on the Scotch. 
 To their minds (we are not speaking of their scien- 
 tific theologians), the Sacrament is a commemorative 
 festival, instituted by our Lord in remembrance of 
 Him. We cannot suppose that the apostles knelt at 
 the Last Supper. Kneeling seemed to imply, pro- 
 
MONTROSE AT ST. ANDREWS 233 
 
 bably, a recognition of the Eeal Presence ; at all 
 events, it had no Gospel warrant. No more devout 
 and awful ceremony than a Presbyterian Sacrament 
 exists, but to kneel, the people, as a whole, refused, 
 and there were scenes of confusion and brawling. 
 The second article permitted the administration of 
 the rite to the sick. The Scotch objections to this 
 are less obvious. The third permitted children to be 
 baptised at home, which in the last generation was 
 the regular Scotch practice. The fourth ordered 
 children of eight to be catechised by the minister 
 and blessed by the bishop. Can anything be more 
 innocuous ? The fifth article decreed the com- 
 memoration of Christmas, Good Priday, Easter, the 
 Ascension, and the Pentecostal miracle. This was 
 odious to the Scotch, who were well aware that 
 ' Yule ' is pre-Christian, therefore a Pagan holiday 
 converted by the Church. 1 The Puritans in England 
 had a horror alike of popular and ecclesiastical holi- 
 days, as remains of Gentilism ; in Scotland a similar 
 sentiment prevailed. In all manner of harmless 
 things, the people and the kirk saw the intrusion of 
 idolatry, of Popery, which they feared and loathed 
 with a deadly hatred. James thus alienated the 
 
 1 The author, as a child, read in a manual of Carneronian devotion, 
 the property of his Carneronian nurse, that Yule is derived from Julius 
 Cssar, who lived about 1520 ! 
 
234 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 people, and he completed the process by punishing 
 disobedient ministers. 
 
 In 1625 Charles came to the throne. With the 
 best intentions he promptly alienated the nobles by 
 decreeing a measure of restoration of kirk lands. 
 Hoc no'cuit ; this began the ruin of Charles. ' Thus 
 far the Church of Scotland must honour Charles I. 
 as a benefactor,' says Principal Cunningham, the 
 successor of Andrew Melville in St. Mary's College. 1 
 But the deed of revocation was the root of the rebel- 
 lion. The nobles were enraged and joined the kirk, 
 when the people were possessed of ' a bloody devil,' 
 as Baillie says, after the attempt to introduce a 
 liturgy. Our Archbishop Spottiswoode was mobbed 
 in the uproar begun by Jenny Geddes in St. Giles's 
 on July 23, 1637. He was odious to the nobles, as 
 Charles had made him chancellor ; and again, because 
 he was recovering church rents in Fife, where many 
 parish kirks were dilapidated. Baillie 2 even attributes 
 his energy in introducing the liturgy to a policy 
 of recommending himself to the king, and so obtain- 
 ing more power for the recovery of church property. 
 As the gentry aided the uproar about the Prayer- 
 book, Spottiswoode was frustrated on all hands. The 
 committee called 'The Tables,' formed in October 1637, 
 
 1 Church History of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 57. 
 
 2 Baillie, vol. i. p. 18. 
 
MONTROSE AT ST. ANDREWS 235 
 
 became dominant in Scotland. ' They soon assumed 
 all the powers which were possessed by the clubs of 
 Paris during the French Eevolution.' 1 On February 
 28, 1638, the Solemn League and Covenant (prac- 
 tically a ' band ' like those of which we hear so much 
 before so many murders) was signed in the Grey 
 Friars Church in Edinburgh, and the people, kirk, 
 and nobles were united in this league for the king' 
 and ' against all their enemies,' among whom the 
 man Charles I. was presently reckoned. 
 
 In the fury of enthusiasm for the Covenant St. 
 Andrews, town and gown, did not share. The univer- 
 sity gave its reasons for declining to sign. 2 ' All such 
 bands and leagues among subjects, without the 
 privity and consent of the prince, are everywhere 
 suspicious,' and, moreover, are forbidden by law. 3 
 No doubt the archbishop kept St. Andrews loyal. 
 Baillie speaks of him in 1638 as ' growing in his 
 rage,' and going back to court. ' Our people ' (not 
 at all in a rage) ' think, by clear law, if they get any 
 reason, to have him excommunicat, and readily there- 
 after execut.' ' He would be content to fall into the 
 people's hands for the desyre of martyrdome,' in 
 which the pious mob would probably have gratified 
 the archbishop. 4 The rabble was very murderous. 
 
 1 Cunningham, vol. ii. p. 78. - Lyon, vol. ii. p. 372. 
 
 3 James VI., Pari. 10, Act 12. '' Baillie, vol. i. p. 88. 
 
236 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 '■ Their unhappy and ungodly violence hurts our 
 good cause,' says Baillie ; ' they are lamented by us, 
 but there will be no removal for them except the law 
 be patent for our grievances.' By August 1638 
 most of the St. Andrews doctors, but not Wishart, 
 Montrose's friend, had been bullied into signing the 
 Solemn League and Covenant. 1 Meantime bishops 
 were being accused of invented crimes. ' St. Andrews, 
 I fear, be made infamous ; no kinde of cryme which 
 can be gotten proven of a bishop will now be con- 
 cealed.' It is not hard to get crimes proven against 
 the unpopular. The archbishop had retreated first 
 to Newcastle, then to London. At St. Andrews 
 (December 7, 1638) the poor old gentleman was con- 
 victed, ' besides his common faults, of ordinare pro- 
 faning of the Sabbath ' (it was difficult to breathe 
 without profaning the kirk's sabbath), ' carding and 
 dyceing in time of divine service, ryding through the 
 countrey the whole day, tippling and drinking in 
 taverns till midnight, . . . lyeing and sclandering our 
 old assemblies and covenant in his wicked book. It 
 was undertaken to prove, near to the place where the 
 witness has lived, his adultery, incest, sacrilege, and 
 frequent simony. He was deposed and decreed 
 presently to be excommunicat.' Unluckily he could 
 
 1 Baillie, vol. i. p. 98. There is au interesting volume of signatures 
 in the University library. 
 
MONTROSE AT ST. ANDREWS 237 
 
 not be executed, as ' our people ' desired. Such were 
 the charges which the Covenanters wished to believe 
 about bishops. Spottiswoode, it is fair to say, had 
 been present when a Catholic priest was either put 
 to, or threatened with, the torture of the boot. 
 Father Ogilvie accuses the archbishop of striking 
 him. 1 In a letter to James, Spottiswoode recom- 
 mends the use of ' the boot, or the torture ' (1614). 
 
 These charges of the Covenanters were made in 
 the riot and hubbub of the Kevolutionary Assembly 
 at Glasgow. Even Baillie says (i. 123) : ' From the 
 Pope, from the Turks, or Pagans, we might learn 
 modesty and manners : ' no small part of a Christian 
 life, and conspicuous by their absence among the 
 enemies of our archbishop. ' Our rascals without 
 shame make such dinn and clamour in the house of 
 the true Godd, that if they attempted to use the like 
 behaviour in my chamber, I could not be content 
 till they were down the stairs.' However, there 
 were most of the noblest names in Scotland : Argyll, 
 Mar, Moray, Angus, Glencairne, Tullibardine, Boyd, 
 Erskine, Elcho, and scores of others, including Mont- 
 rose. 
 
 The excommunicated Spottiswoode died in Lon- 
 don in November 1639. He was fortunate in not 
 
 1 Narratives of Catholics, p. 300. 
 
238 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 surviving to see the ruin which on his deathbed he 
 predicted to the Duke of Hamilton. 1 
 
 Already (October 1639) Wishart and other ad- 
 herents of Spottiswoode had been dismissed from 
 their livings and chairs at St. Andrews in favour of 
 Samuel Eutherford and Eobert Blair, men more akin 
 in temper to Andrew Melville. 
 
 1 Lyon, vol. ii. p. 6. Quoting Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton, 
 pp. 74, 79. 
 
239 
 
 CHAPTEE X 
 
 THE REIGN OF THE SAINTS — ' FAMOUS SAMUEL RUTHER- 
 FORD ' 
 
 Scott says somewhere, in a letter to a friend, Mr. 
 Bichardson, of Kirklands, that, of Covenanters and 
 Cavaliers, he always finds himself hating most the 
 party which, at a given moment, chanced to be in 
 power. The Covenanters assuredly show best when 
 under persecution. By their courage, their resolu- 
 tion, their untamable spirit, they win our esteem, 
 and make us forgive the gloomy absurdity of their 
 folklore, and palliate the ferocity of their revenges. 
 When driven to the hills their cause has the charm 
 of all forlorn causes, just as the Jacobite party, in 
 1745, has the romance of a gallant loyalty to the 
 impossible. 
 
 In their triumph and their glory, when they deny 
 the right of burial to people who have not signed 
 their Covenant, in the Beign of the Saints, the 
 Covenanters at St. Andrews are far from being 
 
240 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 amiable or estimable. 1 In 1639 the Assembly, 
 having vanquished the royal opposition, met under 
 Charles's commissioner, the Earl of Traquair, dis- 
 carded the Service-book, the Articles of Perth, and 
 Episcopacy, annulled the acts of James's Assemblies 
 in 1606, 1608, 1610, 1616, and 1618, determined 
 for yearly and even occasional General Assemblies, 
 restored ' the beautiful face of the kirk,' as in 
 Andrew Melville's day of power, and renewed the 
 National Covenant. ' Unhappily they proceeded 
 still further,' says Principal Cunningham. ' They not 
 only renewed the Covenant, . . . but ordained that 
 all should be compelled to swear to it ; that it 
 should be specially administered to all Papists' 
 (against whom it was directed) ' and others sus- 
 pected of disaffection to the good cause. . . . The 
 Covenant was no longer a bond of brotherhood, 
 but an instrument of oppression. . . . The Cove- 
 nanters knew full well that it was wron°f for the 
 Episcopalians to touch a hair of their heads ; but 
 they knew not that it was wrong for them to compel 
 Episcopalians to swear to a covenant they abhorred, 
 with outlawry before them in case of refusal.' 2 
 They were the saints, the allies of God, the other 
 high contracting party to their bond. Tolerance in 
 
 1 For refusal of burial, see Niooll's Diary, 1CC0, p. 8. 
 % Cunningham, vol. ii. pp. 115, 110. 
 
THE REIGN OF THE SAINTS 241 
 
 these days we are not to ask for. James Melville 
 denounces an opponent for asserting 'liberty of 
 conscience.' Both sides impartially persecuted when 
 they had the opportunity. But the curious thing is, 
 that the Covenanters are still fondly applauded as 
 the friends of freedom. Not for liberty, but for 
 domination, did they now war, and even in the days 
 of their own defeat they were still as determined 
 as ever not only to hold by the Covenant, but, if 
 occasion served, to impose it on the rest of the 
 world. 
 
 The Assembly which we have described did not 
 bring peace but a sword. The Covenanters, of all 
 people, had been intriguing with France and solicit- 
 ing the assistance of our old ally. Irritated by this, 
 Charles did not ratify the acts of the Assembly. 
 Argyll invaded the North and burned the bonnie 
 house of Airlie. On August 20, 1640, Montrose rode 
 that wan water, the Tweed, the foremost of Leslie's 
 army of invasion. Newcastle was held by the 
 Scotch; Charles summoned a Parliament at West- 
 minster ; Strafford and Laud were impeached ; Charles 
 ratified the Assembly's acts ; the Scotch were well 
 paid for their ' brotherly assistance.' 
 
 St. Andrews again became the scene of action. 
 The General Assembly met there in July 1641. 
 They met in a rage. ' For many went to St. An- 
 il 
 
242 ST. ANDEEWS 
 
 drews as it had been a place of combate.' * The 
 outgoing moderator preached a sermon in which he 
 seemed to say that ' our kirk was presentlie burning 
 with schism ; ' there being a difference of opinion about 
 private meetings for religious exercise where laymen 
 expounded the word. After a sermon which bored 
 Baillie, the Assembly met in the hall of St. Salvator's 
 College. The colleges, as usual, were rent by feuds. 
 The principal of St. Mary's, Howie, Melville's suc- 
 cessor, was very old, and his accounts were no more 
 satisfactory than Melville's had been. 2 The Assembly 
 then removed its deliberations to Edinburgh. A 
 significant circumstance occurred. The Bishop of 
 Galloway, that man of sin, had deposed a quarrel- 
 some minister named Lamb, for whom the ministers 
 of Edinburgh, who knew much better than the 
 bishop, found a kirk in Peeblesshire. His Presbytery 
 suspended him ; he appealed to the Assembly, but, 
 falling in quarrel with a young man, stabbed him 
 mortally ' with his whinger.' He was hanged ; 
 ministers are not to be trusted with whingers. 3 
 
 Charles met the Scotch Parliament in Edinburgh 
 and yielded everything. Already Montrose, Napier, 
 and Stirling of Keir were in a band for some pur- 
 
 1 Baillie's Letters, vol. i. p. 359. 
 
 2 Howie's initials are embossed on many parts of St. Mary's 
 College. 
 
 :l Baillie, vol. i. p. .'!(i8. 
 
THE REIGN OP THE SAINTS 243 
 
 pose not believed to be kindly to the Covenant. To 
 our University was granted 1,000£. out of the revenues 
 of the bishopric. ' Sacrilege ! ' says Mr. Lyon. Argyll 
 seized the bishoprics of Lismore and the Isles. 
 News of the Irish Rebellion reached Charles at golf ; 
 he threw down his club (Wodrow denies this) and, 
 as soon as possible, returned to England, ' a con- 
 tented king from a contented kingdom ! ' He went to 
 a kingdom nowise contented. On August 22, 1642, 
 Charles's standard was set up at Nottingham. 
 
 At St. Andrews, July 27, 1642, the General 
 Assembly had met, in the dawn of the Civil War. 
 ' We found there, in the people, much profanitie in 
 ignorance, swearing, drunkennesse, and the faults of 
 the worse burghs, with extraordinary dearth.' J The 
 Eeign of the Saints had not, so far, done much for 
 morals in St. Andrews. Mr. Henderson and Mr. 
 Eobert Blair occupied pulpits, bright lights of the 
 Covenant, but ' profanitie in ignorance,' and terrible 
 language in bunkers, were to be remarked by the 
 Assembly ! They met in the hall of St. Salvator's. 
 Argyll was present as ruling Elder of Inverary, and 
 made an unsuccessful attempt on ministers' stipends. 
 He would allow popular elections of ministers if 
 they vowed never to ask for an increase of salary ! 
 Maccailean Mohr, however, was very attentive to 
 
 1 Baillie, vol. ii. p. 45. 
 
 e 2 
 
244 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 business, and sat on the University Commission. 
 They decided that the rector should be chosen by the 
 Senatus, the ministers of the town, the schoolmaster, 
 all divinity students, masters, and bachelors, ex- 
 cluding- the undergraduates who are now the 
 electors. To the immortal honour of Mr. Alexander 
 Henderson, he gave 1,000£. (Scots) towards the build- 
 ing of our University library, in which the Cavalier 
 prisoners from Philiphaugh were later tried and con- 
 demned to death. A librarian was appointed. The 
 principal was ordered to preside at dinner in hall and 
 to hold prayers every night. ' Collections ' were to 
 be held before and after every vacation. 1 Greek 
 was to be begun in the first year, also Hebrew, and 
 arithmetic in the second year. Logic was studied, 
 the ethics in the third year, with more logic, the 
 Aristotelian physical treatises, and the De Anima in 
 the fourth. The taking of long notes was dis- 
 couraged. The wearing of the gown was enforced. 
 Golf was recommended, cards were forbidden: 
 nothing is said about billiards. The salary of Samuel 
 Eutherford, Professor of Divinity, was increased for 
 his ' great labours and extraordinarie pains.' He was 
 made Principal of St. Mary's in 1647. A Professor 
 of Humanity in St. Leonard's was appointed. 
 
 1 Collections are a college examination held at Oxford before the 
 vacations. 
 
THE REIGN OF THE SAINTS 245 
 
 ' Humanity ' means Latin in Scotch. 1 Eegents were 
 allowed to marry, which some of them had done already 
 at a venture. 2 Thus the interests of the University 
 were not neglected inter arma. At this Assembly 
 the divine Henderson lost his temper. ' After the 
 venting of his stomach, to all our much compassion, 
 the gracious man was eased in his mind, and more 
 cheerfull,' says Baillie. ' All the town did much 
 storm ' about the appointment of a minister whom 
 they desired, though his doctrine was not thought so 
 spiritual and powerful as the case of St. Andrews 
 required. It needed, as we have seen, a very potent 
 dose of doctrine. Andrew Honeyman was made 
 Eobert Blair's colleague. We shall hear more of those 
 worthies. ' The Assembly resolved to supplicate the 
 king, and to deal with the Parliament, for peace ; ' 
 vain dealings, vain supplications ! ' The New Way,' 
 insubordination within the kirk, began to show its 
 ' horns.' Ladies armed with sticks resisted the 
 entrance of a minister appointed to a church. The 
 English Parliament ' granted all our desyre in 
 abolishing of bishops,' and invited ministers to join 
 their synod in November. Henderson and Euther- 
 
 1 Soot of Scotstarvet endowed this chair. There was a difficulty 
 with the schoolmaster, who thought his own business was threatened 
 by competition. The Latin professor was looked down on by the 
 philosophers. 
 
 - Report of Commission, p. 210. 
 
246 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 ford were chosen, among others, for this embassy. 
 The kirk hoped soon to be like Bonny Leslie. 
 
 Saw ye Bonny Leslie 
 
 As she went ou'r the Border ? 
 She's gone, like Alexander, 
 
 To spread her conquests further ! 
 
 Presbyterianism might now show her beautiful 
 face in England, and Uniformity be proclaimed. 
 
 ' The English,' says Baillie (meaning the Parlia- 
 ment), ' were for a civill league, we ' (the Assembly, 
 of 1643) ' for a religious covenant' (August 1643). 
 ' They were for keeping a doore open in England to 
 Independencie. Against this we were peremptor.' 1 
 Presbyterianism, the beautiful face of the kirk — for 
 her beaux yeux, and for nothing else, Scotland would 
 aid Parliament against king. The estates and the 
 Assembly signed the proselytising Solemn League and 
 Covenant. On September 22 the minister, Hender- 
 son, set forth the beauties of the League before Parlia- 
 ment, the assembly of divines at Westminster, and the 
 Scotch Commissioners. The Covenant was signed ; 
 signature was enforced by confiscation in England, 
 and Leslie, Earl of Leven, crossed the Tweed with 
 an army of the Saints. The Wars of the Lord had 
 begun. ' The common idea seems to have been 
 that there could be no religion beyond the pale of 
 presbytery, nay, beyond the Covenant.' 2 
 
 1 Baillie, vol. ii. p. 90. 2 Cunningham, vol. ii. p. 138. 
 
THE EEIQN OF THE SAINTS 247 
 
 While Kupert and Leslie, Montrose and Fairfax 
 fought, how did domestic life go on in the St. 
 Andrews of the Saints, where profane ignorance, 
 drunkenness, and swearing were so painfully con- 
 spicuous ? We may learn a little about private life 
 from the ' Minutes of the Presbyteries of St. Andrews 
 and Cupar.' 1 On the frontispiece are the signatures 
 to the Solemn League and Covenant of 1643. Here is 
 Eobert Blair, of the Town Kirk, he who, as we shall 
 hear, so cleverly detected and outwitted the devil. 
 Here are Andreas Honyman (later, alas, a bishop !) 
 and ' Samuell Eutherfurd,' author of ' Lex Bex.' 
 The first entry in the book (Oct. 20, 1641) deals 
 with witchcraft. A little later Blair and Butherford 
 show their zeal in forcing the Covenant on Lady 
 Fainton. Drunkards and other sinners are to be 
 exhibited in penitence before the congregation ; the 
 well-worn bench on which they were made to sit or 
 stand is in the Town Kirk to this day. Elders are to 
 play the spy on their flocks. Penny bridals are 
 discouraged ; the University is forced to sign the 
 Covenant again. ' Monuments of superstition ' are 
 destroyed in the house of Pitcullo : apparently some 
 carvings over the door. Every relic of old art was 
 abominable. 2 A man is censured for riding on a 
 
 1 Abbotsford Club, 1837. 
 
 2 The old house of Pitcullo, between Leuchars and Dairsie, is now 
 
248 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 Sunday to try to procure a reprieve for a witch. This 
 errand of mercy was Sabbath-breaking. Goodlad 
 was the name of the offender ; all honour be his. 
 Blair and his friends go to a witch-burning at 
 Crail. The drinking of ' dirgies ' after a burial is 
 abolished, but here the kirk failed, though justly 
 objecting to ' making merry ' at funerals. Sir James 
 Lundie is sent on a round of apologies for not going 
 to kirk : for the same offence a woman is handed 
 over to the secular arm. Sandilands, of St. Monance, 
 is accused of drinking to Montrose, and wearing his 
 badge ; his case is remitted to the General Assembly, 
 and Thomas Bonar is incarcerated for singing 
 
 Bobo Finla did command 
 
 The valiant Orahame and the Irish band 
 
 To heat the rebels out of the land. 1 
 
 ' Those who are appointed to plunder deficients,' 
 the unsaintly, ' drink what they plunder.' Married 
 people who have anticipated the ceremony must do 
 public penance. ' Enormities in the Ministry ' are 
 
 roofless, and so overgrown with ivy that no carving, idolatrous or 
 harmless, can be found on its walls. Within there is a singular 
 turret -room, or boudoir, with mouldering decorations of the last cen- 
 tury. The little chamber is panelled, and has a high-pitched roof ; the 
 panels are decorated, partly with carved rosettes and ribbons in the 
 Adams style, partly with inlaid shells of various species from St. 
 Andrews Bay. Seen in the light of the westering sun, green through 
 the heavy ivy which screens the empty casement, this desolate 
 chamber, onco the dainty retreat of some fair forgotten lady, exercises 
 a singular melancholy spell. 
 
 ' ' Bobo Finla ' may have been a slang name for the king. 
 
THE KEIGN OF THE SAINTS 249 
 
 censured ; long hair, tippling, ' minced oaths ' (as ' by 
 Jingo '), an inclination to the king's side, are among 
 the backslidings. On September 17, 1645, the Pres- 
 byters triumph over Montrose's defeat at Philip- 
 haugh, and appoint a thanksgiving for Sunday. 
 They had reason to be thankful, having suffered 
 sorely from Montrose ; some hundreds of honest 
 burgesses of Fife had been slain in fleeing from 
 his clans ; many of St. Audrews ' burst ' from their 
 exertions in running away, * and died without stroke 
 of sword.' And now David Leslie had come on 
 Montrose through the morning mists, had surprised 
 and routed him below the junction of Ettrick and 
 Yarrow. 
 
 The clergy rejoiced, and the provincial assembly 
 of Fife implored the Scotch Parliament speedily to 
 execute ' those bloodie men,' the Cavalier prisoners, 
 who had been admitted to quarter. Thus ' the land 
 may be purged of blood ! ' * Parliament granted 
 ' their just and pious desyres.' 
 
 The gentlemen of the king's side, who had 
 been taken at Philiphaugh, were, for the most 
 part, warded in the castle. Among them was Sir 
 Eobert Spottiswoode, son of our archbishop ; he was 
 examined in the castle, and gave a brief account of 
 the fray. He did not reach the ' haugh ' till Mont- 
 
 1 Memorials of Montrose, vol. ii. p. 250. 
 
250 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 rose himself had arrived, and drawn up his men, and 
 the flight had begun before he could join the army. 
 He received quarter on the field, but the ministers 
 recked little of those military mercies. 
 
 The captives were tried in the large hall of the 
 University library on the first floor. Parliament met 
 on November 26, and sat till February 6, 1646. The 
 preacher, Eobert Blair, opened proceedings with a 
 sermon on Psalm ci., ending ' I will destroy all the 
 wicked of the land, that I may cut off all wicked 
 doers from the city of the Lord.' Cant and other 
 pulpiteers followed with similar exhortations. 
 Argyll was there, and Sir Archibald Johnston ; the 
 measure which they meted was later meted to them 
 again. They did business on Christmas Day, as Mr. 
 Lyon notes, to show their contempt for that sacred 
 season. The General Assembly kept urging them on, 
 but one cavalier escaped. This was Lord Ogilvy. 
 He used un vieux true, niais toujours bon. His 
 mother and sisters were allowed to visit him in 
 prison : he changed clothes with one of the young 
 ladies : she lay down in his bed, and he walked out 
 with the rest of the party. This was lucky for Lord 
 Hartfield, another prisoner. Ogilvy was, on his 
 mother's side, nephew to Lord Haddington, and 
 cousin of Crawford Lindsay. The Hamiltons had 
 contrived his escape, and the Hamiltons had a 
 
THE REIGN OF THE SAINTS 251 
 
 grudge against Lord Hartfield. Argyll, therefore, 
 procured the pardon of Hartfield. 1 Perhaps this 
 view of Argyll's conduct is rather hard on Gillespie 
 Gruamach. He had at that time in his charge Ewan 
 Cameron of Lochiel, who admitted that Argyll ' was 
 as civil and careful of him as his father could pos- 
 sibly be.' Young Lochiel, afterwards so famous 
 a loyalist, found means to visit the condemned 
 prisoners. He asked Sir Eobert Spottiswoode to 
 explain the state of political affairs. Sir Eobert 
 bade him always judge men by their actions. 
 'There is no knowing the heart.' The saints, he 
 said, might be judged by their conduct towards God, 
 their country, their King, and their neighbours. ' Ke- 
 member, young man, you hear this from one who is 
 to die to-morrow for discharging these sacred obliga- 
 tions, and who can have no other interest in what he 
 says but a real concern for your prosperity, happi- 
 ness, and honour.' 
 
 Lochiel listened : he visited Colonel Nathaniel 
 Gordon and William Murray, who were all con- 
 demned. Next day he, with Argyll, saw them 
 executed. ' They had the face and courage of 
 gentlemen,' he said, ' and they died with the meek- 
 ness and resignation of men who were not conscious 
 of guilt.' Argyll, who was to die no less bravely, 
 
 1 Memorials of Montrose, vol. ii. p. 258, note 2. 
 
252 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 argued on the other side, but Lochiel's bent was 
 taken, and his sword, when he drew it, was drawn 
 for his king. 1 
 
 The Cavaliers are said to have been decapitated 
 by the maiden — the Scotch guillotine — which was 
 brought over from Dundee. According to the life 
 of Lochiel, ' they were not allowed to speak,' but 
 Mr. Lyon quotes their speeches from Wishart. This 
 authority states that Spottiswoode was interrupted 
 by Eobert Blair, the preacher, who, it seems, behaved 
 with brutal insolence. Spottiswoode's body was 
 buried by the care of Hugh Scrimgeour, owner of 
 Queen Mary's House, in which Charles II. afterwards 
 resided when in St. Andrews. 2 
 
 As to this execution, which has been vehemently 
 denounced by Cavalier writers, we may note that 
 Baillie, on October 17, 1645, remarks that 'no man 
 in England has been executed for bearing arms 
 against the Parliament.' 3 The agents in the deed 
 were Argyll, Johnston, and the ministers, who ' kept 
 the Parliament right against a powerful party.' 4 
 
 1 Memoirs of Sir Eiven Cameron of LochciU, Abbotsford Club. 
 
 - An attempt at a defence of Blair, who insulted the memory of 
 Spottiswoode's father, the Archbishop, may be seen in Dr. McCrie's 
 edition of his Life, pp. xiv, 180. 
 
 3 Baillie, vol. ii. p. H22. Mr. Lyon says that, in a letter of this 
 date, Baillie justifies the execution by quoting i Kings, vi. 22. I 
 cannot discover the passage in Baillie. 
 
 ' Baillie, vol. ii. p. iilTi. lie is writing on or about Jan. 20, 1646, the 
 duto of the execution at St. Andrews. 
 
THE EEIGN OP THE SAINTS 253 
 
 In attempting to estimate the conduct of the clergy 
 and Argyll, we must not forget how much Argyll 
 had suffered from Montrose, who sacked his country, 
 and how much the populace of Scotland had endured 
 from the savagery of Montrose's Irish. They, in a 
 civilised land, were like Eed Indian or Zulu forces 
 let loose among Europeans. The sack of Aberdeen 
 was neither forgotten nor forgiven, and Spottiswoode, 
 with his gallant friends, was a sacrifice as much to 
 natural revenge as to the bloodthirsty zeal of a 
 theocracy modelled on the wildest passions of ancient 
 Israel. Others might have forgiven, these flowers of 
 the kirk never forgave. 
 
 "We have deserted the main stream of politics, 
 but it is interesting, soon after Philiphaugh, to find 
 the rift within the lute of the Scotch and English 
 alliance. ' The faction that here prevails minding 
 liberty of conscience,' says Baillie, writing from 
 London in 1645. Liberty of conscience the Presby- 
 terian Scots hated almost as much as popery ; as late 
 as 1749 we find it denounced in Active Testimonies of 
 Presbyterians ; it seemed to them as nefarious as, in 
 Queen Elizabeth's time, it seemed to De Quadra, the 
 Spanish ambassador. The Scotch army in England 
 was dissolute and unpopular. Foreign armies usually 
 are. Charles took refuge with the Scotch. They would 
 not accept an uncovenanted king in their country ; 
 
254 ST. ANDEEWS 
 
 his conscience revolted against signing the covenant, 
 and he was handed over to the English in January 
 1G47. The traditional ' groat ' passed, in arrears of 
 pay, but as the Scotch could neither stay in England 
 nor take Charles home, where the ministers would 
 have had his uncovenanted head, it is not easy to 
 say what the Scotch were to do. Charles at Caris- 
 brook Castle accepted terms embodied in ' the en- 
 gagement' in 1647, a form of compromise which 
 much divided the Covenanters among themselves. 
 Parliament, which was for the engagement, and the 
 General Assembly, which refused anything but a per- 
 secuting covenant, were now at feud. ' The pretensions 
 of Hildebrand were not so high as those of this con- 
 clave of presbyters in the Scottish Vatican.' x The 
 Engagers, invading England in a tardy fit of loyalty, 
 were routed, and their leader Hamilton was taken 
 and executed. The Whiggamore raid placed Argyll at 
 the head of affairs ; ministers of the Engagers were 
 driven from their pulpits ; only ' godly men ' might 
 sit in Parliament. On January 30, 1649, Charles 
 was executed at Whitehall, a martyr of his own 
 religious ideas. Had he chosen to hunt with the 
 Covenant he would have died otherwise and other- 
 where, but there are acts of tergiversation to which 
 he was unequal. Charles n. was proclaimed in 
 
 1 Cunningham, vol. ii. p. 158. 
 
THE EEIGN OF THE SAINTS 250 
 
 Edinburgh (lie was at the Hague) on condition of 
 accepting the Covenant. Wood, the professor of 
 divinity here, conveyed the terms to the king. Mean- 
 while Montrose, an uncovenanted leader, invaded 
 the north, was routed near the Kyle of Oykel on the 
 Hill of Wailing, was captured half-starved in Assynt, 
 
 THE WEST POET 
 
 and the most illustrious pupil of our university was 
 hanged in Edinburgh, going to his death like a 
 bridegroom. 
 
 Charles did not resent this deed as a man should 
 have done. He came over to Scotland, signed the 
 Covenant, and visited St. Andrews. At the West 
 Port, the gate at the west end of South Street, the 
 
256 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 silver keys of the town were delivered to him, and he 
 was welcomed by Honyman, later Bishop of Orkney. 
 Eutherford lectured to him on the duties of kings, 
 and Blair rebuked his wife in his own house for 
 offering Charles a chair. So tradition alleges ; Dr. 
 McCrie thinks the anecdote false, nor can we find 
 for it adequate authority. Charles lodged, as we 
 said, in Queen Mary's house, the last house in St. 
 Andrews which ever sheltered an English king. 
 
 As Cromwell could not allow Charles to reign in 
 Scotland, he marched north, while the saints purged 
 their army of the TJncovenanted and Engagers, losing 
 thereby hundreds of men. Then came Dunbar. The 
 ministers ' promised victory over these erroneous and 
 blasphemous parties,' the Englishmen, says jSacoll. 
 Being inspired, the preachers understood war better 
 than Leslie ; they compelled the conqueror of the 
 great marquis to leave his chosen ground ; they were 
 delivered into Cromwell's hand, and they ascribed 
 their defeat to the presence of some loyalists in the 
 king's guard of horse ! Our presbytery here, which 
 had been excommunicating ' Engagers,' now had to 
 hold a solemn day of humiliation ; gone were the 
 triumphs for Philiphaugh. They had been defeated 
 by Cromwell's ' sectaries ' and by the inclination of 
 the ministers to meddle with matters out of their 
 province. But, regarding themselves as modern 
 
THE KEIGN OF TIIE SAINTS 257 
 
 Elijahs, they took all things for their province 
 (September 17, 1650). The Eemonstrants averred 
 that Charles, who gave no signs of a changed heart, 
 was really the Jonah of the Covenant. They attacked 
 the English in open field, and were defeated. Charles 
 himself fairly ran away from the ministers like a 
 schoolboy ; he fled from Perth, but presently, like a 
 schoolboy, he returned. Our presbytery exhorted 
 the brethren to try ' persons accessory to the king's 
 escape' — from six daily sermons. 1 The recaptured 
 Charles was crowned at Scone on January 1, 1651. 
 Argyll placed the crown on his head ; we know how 
 he requited Argyll. In a kind of access of common 
 sense, Engagers and others, after doing penance in 
 sackcloth, were now allowed to join the national 
 army, while the chief Eemonstrant, Colonel Strachan, 
 was ' delivered to the devil in the church of Perth 
 by Mr. Alexander Pollock. ' 2 Going further in the 
 path of common sense, Parliament and the General 
 Assembly removed the bans from every Engager or 
 other Malignant who satisfied the Kirk. These acts / 
 were called The Resolution. Twenty-two ministers 
 protested. These were the Protesters. The Covenant 
 was now thoroughly divided against itself, and our 
 Zion was torn by intestine feuds. Needless to say 
 
 1 Becords of Presbytery, p. 59. 
 
 2 Balfour's Annals, vol. iv. p. 240. 
 
258 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 that the Principal of St. Mary's, Eutherford, was a 
 Protester, as was James Guthrie, a St. Andrews 
 man who distinguished himself by his tenacity and 
 truculence, ' ryping up the bowels of his mother 
 church ' : (July 1651). The Assembly met at St. 
 Andrews, but adjourned to Dundee. Eutherford's 
 party was anxious to annul its proceedings. In 
 August, Charles raced to Worcester, as his great- 
 nephew did to Derby, met Cromwell on September 3, 
 and was crushed. He fled to the continent ; Scotland 
 was put under Monk, and ' for nine years Presbyterian 
 Scotland was little better than a province of Puri- 
 tanic England.' 2 
 
 To this the saints had brought us, and what 
 neither Edward I. nor Henry VIH. could do was easily 
 done bj r the sectaries who held for liberty of con- 
 science. Among other captives, James Sharpe, 
 minister of Crail (1648), was taken to London. He 
 was to be notorious for his life, and singular in his 
 death. As for the preachers, ' much of the Ministrie 
 could not purge themselves of their vices, of pride, 
 avarice, and cruelty . . . they were divided in their 
 judgementis, and made their pulpits to speak one 
 against another : great care they had of their 
 augmentations.' 3 Time went on; the Eesolutioners 
 
 1 Niooll, p. 55. - Cunningham, vol. ii. p. 169. 
 
 3 Nicoll, 1)151, p. CO. 
 
THE EEIGN OF THE SAINTS 259 
 
 and Protesters were at excommunicating point, when, 
 in July 1653, comes Colonel Cotter ell into the 
 General Assembly, with ' some rattes of musqueteirs 
 and a troup of horse,' and asked the moderator what 
 they made there, and by what authority they met. 
 The moderator, with astonishing aplomb, said ' they 
 medled not with anything civil ! ' The colonel, after 
 some talk, led the assembly a mile out of town, and 
 told them to be off by eight o'clock next morning. 1 
 This was the welcome close of misgovernment by 
 General Assembly. 
 
 So ended the reign of the saints. The kirk had 
 assumed a secular supremacy, in fact if not in terms. 
 Gillespie had changed the magistracy of Glasgow, 
 more tyrannously than any prelate could have done, 
 says Nicoll. The ministers claimed theocratic 
 powers ; the kirk split into warring camps, and 
 it fell. But we must remember that the old leaven 
 of the Covenant never ceased to work, that there 
 was always a party in the kirk, the Extreme Left — 
 the High Flyers — which did not desist from its pre- 
 tensions. Of this party the Protesters were, in 
 Monk's time in Scotland, the representatives. 
 Baillie describes (1654) the eloquence of one of 
 their ministers, ' a strange kind of sighing, the like 
 whereof I had never heard, as a pythonising out of 
 
 1 Baillie, vol. iii. p. 225. 
 
260 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 the bellie of a second person.' They introduced 
 Sacramental Fasts, filled with eight or ten consecutive 
 sermons, if we allow an hour to a sermon, which is, 
 perhaps, too little. Now began the Holy Fairs, 
 which Burns described. ' Then was Scotland a heap 
 of wheat set about with lilies, or a palace of silver 
 beautifully proportioned, and this seems to me to 
 have been Scotland's high noon,' says the Eev. Mr. 
 Kirkton. 1 He reckoned it Scotland's high noon, 
 when English soldiers dismissed her Assembly, when 
 English officers tried cases in our town kirk, when 
 Protesters and Eesolutioners fought for churches, 
 when English musketeers made a derision of the Stool 
 of Eepentance, while army chaplains argued against 
 our ministers, and afterwards treated them to ' a 
 standing drink.' 2 The Protesters were at one time 
 more favoured by the English than the Eesolu- 
 tioners ; they were Eutherford's party, and the seed 
 of the Covenanters of the Eestoration. 
 
 Meanwhile, at St. Andrews, so decayed was the 
 city, we had to patch our harbour with the slates, 
 timber, lumps, and rubbish of our castle. It was 
 like patching coats with pieces out of trousers, 
 and the town council complained to Monk of the 
 total decay of shipping and sea trade. Monk could 
 
 1 His History was edited, with unfeeling notes, by Charles Kirk- 
 patrick iSharpe. ' Lamont's Diary, p. 28. 
 
THE EEIGN OF THE SAINTS 261 
 
 not abate their taxes." St. Andrews must have 
 been a lively place, ecclesiastically, if not commer- 
 cially, for Blair was a moderate Resolutioner, or 
 neutral, while Eutherford was a Protester. 2 They 
 fought even over University matters. ' The English ' 
 were obliged to keep them in order, and appoint 
 James Wood, opposed by Eemonstrators and Euther- 
 ford, to the principalship of St. Salvator's. 3 The Com- 
 munion could not be celebrated, because, on political 
 grounds, the magistrates were excommunicated. 4 It 
 seemed likely to end in everybody excommunicating 
 everybody, so that the kirk would have been repre- 
 sented solely by some Davie Deans of the period. 
 
 The object of the Left, in the kirk, or Ee- 
 monstrants, was to ' purge ' out the people who did 
 not agree with them, especially all who had any taint 
 of loyalty, or ' Malignancy.' In this effort they were 
 represented by James Guthrie, while Sharpe, of Crail, 
 was sent to London by their opponents, Baillie's 
 party, who might now be called Moderates, though 
 the technical title by which they were known was 
 the Eesolutioners. But the death of Cromwell, and 
 the Eestoration, make a break in these politics, 
 which we take up again in the following chapter. 
 
 A few anecdotes of famous Covenanting minis- 
 
 1 Lyon, vol. ii. pp. 54- 55. " Baillie, vol. iii. p. 248. 
 
 3 Baillie, vol. iii. p. 316. 4 Baillie. vol. iii. p. 280. 
 
262 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 ters of St. Andrews will illustrate an essential point. 
 The ministers claimed, or were believed to possess, 
 supernatural gifts. This was a great source of their 
 power and popularity. Mr. Blair, the preacher who 
 is said to have rebuked his wife for handing a chair 
 to Charles II., and who disturbed the last hours of 
 Sir Eobert Spottiswoode, has often been mentioned. 
 The story ran that for two months before his own 
 death he ' had an impression that the Prince of 
 Orange will be the deliverer of this Church.' This 
 was, apparently, regarded as a prophecy. 1 For a 
 miracle, take this : ' Mr. Blair his daughter was ill 
 of a running sore, and had been so for a while. One 
 day Mr. Blair looked at it, lift up his eyes to heaven, 
 and laid his finger on his child's sore, and said, " My 
 God shall heal my bairn, and she shall be healed." 
 And immediately the sore healed.' Mr. James Baird 
 had ' the satisfaction to see him, when on his death- 
 bed, perform what was very near a miracle.' 2 It 
 was quite a miracle. The child was scrofulous. Mr. 
 Blair touched her : she recovered. The Presbytery, 
 however, prosecuted a layman for performing similar 
 miracles, 'touching for the crewels' (escrouettes, 
 scrofula), as it was called. 
 
 We are now to behold Mr. Blair of St. Andrews 
 
 1 Woilrow, Analcrtii, vol. i. p. '2(>. 
 
 2 AiKilcrhi, vol. i. p. 84. 
 
THE KEIGN OF THE SAINTS 263 
 
 in his dealings with the accuser of the brethren. 
 When this divine was minister here, a youth applied 
 to the presbytery for admission to trials, a kind of 
 exhibition of skill in preaching. ' Though he was 
 very unfit, the presbytery appoints him a text.' He 
 could make nothing of the text, but, as he walked 
 ' in a remote place from St. Andrews ' there came up 
 to him a stranger in black coat and band, who asked 
 him about his trouble. The sad story told, the 
 stranger averred that he himself was a minister and, 
 indeed, chanced to have ' an excellent sermon on that 
 text in his pocket.' This he handed to that poor 
 young lad, only asking him to sign a receipt and 
 promise of reward in his blood. The innocent youth 
 made no difficulty in complying, the sermon was 
 preached, and ' pleased and amazed the presbytery 
 to a degree.' Mr. Blair alone ' smelt out something,' 
 so, calling the youth apart, he said it was ' a nate 
 sermon ; ' devilish good no doubt it was ! 
 
 Had Mr. Blair's young friend received any assist- 
 ance ? The whole story came out. ' Did jou give 
 him a written promise subscribed with your blood ? ' 
 The blushing boy confessed to this singular circum- 
 stance. Then Mr. Blair told him ' with an awful 
 seriousness' that the stranger was 'theDivel.' The 
 presbytery met, but I regret to say that they did not 
 chronicle these moving particulars in their records, 
 
264 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 After a night in St. Andrews they retired with 
 the young man to a remote church. ' They prayed 
 all round ; ' lastly Mr. Blair prayed. Then came ' a 
 violent rushing of wind upon the church ' (not 
 unusual in gusty St. Andrews), and the youth's 
 covenant, like a Mahatma's letter, dropped from the 
 roof. 
 
 This absurd story was formally written by 
 Mr. Wodrow, a devout and learned minister and an 
 author inexhaustibly amusing, on September 15, 
 1707/ 
 
 Lamont, in his curious ' Diary,' mentions a poor 
 young expectant who was so puzzled by the text set 
 by the presbytery that he drowned himself, as was 
 supposed, in the sea beneath the Witches' Hill, 
 opposite the Step Bock. 
 
 Mr. Blair once met a gentleman who lived near 
 St. Andrews, sober ! Their horses were standing by 
 a stream, perhaps the Swilcan Burn. One horse 
 drank, the other did not. Mr. Blair preached from 
 this practical text the merits of sobriety. The gen- 
 tleman took it ill and rode off. About a month later 
 Mr. Blair found this gentleman, who was ' bookish ' 
 and kindly, lying dead in the pool Avhere they had 
 met. The ministers asked him what he thought of 
 it. ' He, after some time declining to speak, had this 
 
 1 Analccta, vol. i. pp. 102-104. 
 
THE EEIGK OF THE SAINTS 265 
 
 expression, In the place where he rejected the 
 counsell of God, there the Lord slew him. ' x These 
 few anecdotes of Mr. Blair may not be true, but they 
 show what the Covenanters in St. Andrews liked to 
 believe about their ministers. 
 
 Mr. Samuel Eutherford, another most famous 
 divine of that age, may have been ' a stranger to 
 much conflict with the devil,' as Bunyan says. 
 Wodrow tells, however, a pretty story of his child- 
 hood. When a little boy, dwelling on the Border 
 near Jedburgh, he fell into a well, and his companions 
 ran off to call for assistance. When help arrived little 
 Sammy was found quite safe but very wet, and said 
 that he had been rescued from the water by a bonny 
 white man, in whom Wodrow recognises an angel. 
 Mr. Eutherford was educated at Edinburgh Univer- 
 sity, where he lectured later, but some irregularity 
 or peccadillo in connection with his marriage caused 
 him to resign his situation. Bj the influence of Lord 
 Kenmure (the covenanting Kenmure, not, of course, 
 Burns's hero) he was smuggled into orders without 
 episcopal ordination, as it seems, and got the living 
 (a very meagre living) of Anwoth. Here his church 
 is still a place of pilgrimage. He was banished to 
 Aberdeen by the Bishop of Galloway, but attended 
 the Eevolutionary General Assembly at Glasgow, 
 
 1 Wodxow, vol. ii. p. 66. 
 
266 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 and later was made divinity professor here, rising to 
 be principal of St. Mary's. He was a great writer 
 of devotional letters, ' in general remarkable for 
 coarseness and inelegance,' says his biographer, 
 Mr. Murray. They are, in fact, remarkable for those 
 singular erotic expressions of devotion which we 
 more commonly find in enthusiastic Catholic ejacu- 
 lations than in Protestant religion. 'When Christ 
 in love giveth a blow, it doth a soul good ; and 
 it is a kind of comfort and joy to get a cuff with the 
 lovely, sweet, and soft hand of Jesus.' At St. 
 Andrews ' God did so singularly second his in- 
 defatigable pains that the University forthwith 
 became a Lebanon, out of which were taken cedars 
 for building the House of the Lord.' 1 His ' Lex Bex,' 
 published in 1644, was a defence of the rights of sub- 
 jects to rebel. In 1660 it was burned at St. Mary's 
 by the wisdom of the Eestoration. Butherford's 
 editor, Mr. Murray, represents him as indefatigable in 
 visiting the sick, in teaching his class, and associating 
 with the students, and in literary labour. "When the 
 quarrel of Eesolutioners and Bemonstrants or Pro- 
 testers broke out, Eutherford sided with ' the godly ' 
 as he calls them, the irreconcilable Protesters. 
 When Baillieand others sent Sharpe to plead their 
 cause with Cromwell, Eutherford commissioned 
 
 1 Preface to his Letters, 10(14. 
 
THE EEIGN OF THE SAINTS 267 
 
 Simpson. The Eesolutioners, Sharpe's party, he calls 
 malignant deserters of the Covenant who have 
 actually ' engaged to live peaceably and inoffensively,' 
 and who 'persecute the godly.' 1 Sharpe, on the 
 whole, succeeded better than Simpson. 
 
 St. Andrews, as we saw, fought over the Eeso- 
 lutions with its usual pugnacity. Eutherford refused 
 to serve at the same Communion Table with Blair, 
 who was more or less neutral. He made Wood's life 
 such a burden at St. Mary's that he accepted the 
 Principalship of St. Salvator's. ' They prostituted 
 the altar by using it as an instrument of personal or 
 party altercation.' 2 At the Eestoration Eutherford 
 wrote to the extreme party, under Guthrie, ex- 
 pressing loyalty, if the Covenant were granted, and 
 ' toleration of ail religions ' refused (1660). On 
 September 15, 1660, the Committee of Estates con- 
 demned Eutherford's ' Lex Eex,' which, as we saw, 
 was burned at the gate of his own college. He was 
 confined to his own house, and cited on a charge of 
 treason : in these sad circumstances he died on 
 March 20, 1661. His books were valued at 1,800Z. 
 (Scots), his household furniture at 200£., a noble pro- 
 portion in the equipment of a scholar. His tomb- 
 
 1 Life of Eutherford, p. 289. 
 
 2 Life of Eutherford, p. 294. 
 
268 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 stone, with a long inscription, still exists in the 
 Cathedral. 
 
 ' Verilie I think they are justlie suffereris quho go 
 about to be persecuteris,' says honest Nicoll, in 
 165L 1 
 
 1 Diary, p. 72. 
 
 Note. — The story of Mr. Blair, the Devil, and the Probationer, is 
 reported by Increase Mather as having occurred to another minister 
 in France. Wodrow reports that Welch, the preacher, when meditating, 
 was observed to shine in a supernatural light. Ministers, in fact, were 
 ' mediums.' 
 
269 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 THE REIGN OF THE SINNERS — ARCHBISHOP SHARPE 
 
 The Saints, as we have seen, can hardly be con- 
 gratulated on their administration of St. Andrews. 
 In private society, as the records of the presbytery 
 and the other testimonies declare, drunkenness, pro- 
 fanity, light loves, and witchcraft were rife. Prin- 
 cipal Cunningham lays some stress on the profligacy 
 of covenanting Scotland, and gives a few notable ex- 
 amples. But it is fair to remember that scandals 
 which, in ordinary society, he dormant, were dragged 
 into the light, and rebuked or punished, by kirk 
 sessions and presbyteries. Offences must needs 
 come, and always do come : we know them better 
 because the kirk laid them bare, forgetting the wise 
 Eoman maxim about facinora and fiagitia. But that 
 the age was not the golden time of morality and re- 
 ligion fondly described by Kirkton is perfectly cer- 
 tain. Pox, the Quaker, found in Scotland a great 
 deal of hypocrisy, and the seed of his teaching fell 
 
270 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 on brambly and stony ground. Nicoll notes the 
 increase of nameless crimes, for which a young man 
 and two young boys were burned in Edinburgh. 
 
 In public matters presbyteries and families were 
 divided, and at daggers drawn. The sacred table 
 of the Communion was a battle-field at St. Andrews. 
 The colleges were torn by the fury of personal, 
 political, and ecclesiastical hatreds. The kingdom 
 was held by Cromwellian Gallios, much as we hold 
 India, or as the Eomans held Palestine. This 
 was the end, and was the natural end, of the Scotch 
 theocracy. 
 
 With the Eestoration began what the godly might 
 not unjustly call the Eeign of the Sinners. ISTo sen- 
 timental preference for the Cavaliers, no enthusiasm 
 for that liberty of conscience which the Covenanters 
 so detested, can blind us to the fact that the sinners 
 erred as egregiously and mischievously as the saints. 
 If the saints put down private religious conventicles, 
 so did the sinners. 1 If the saints turned many 
 clergymen of the episcopal party out of then- 
 parishes, even so, to severe presbyterians, did the 
 sinners. If the saints declared null and void the 
 acts of King James's assemblies, so in the Rescissory 
 Act, annulling the Puritan legislation, did the sin- 
 
 1 In 165S9 ' an Act wis unanimously passed prohibiting all persons, 
 not ministers or preachers, from expounding the Scriptures.' Life of 
 Rutherford, p. 18:2. 
 
THE REIGN OF THE SINNERS 271 
 
 ners. The government of the Eestoration failed not to 
 
 copy the government of the godly in all its violences. 
 
 It is easy to be wise after the event, but before the 
 
 event the administration of Charles was not only 
 
 unwise but dishonourable. Perhaps the best plan 
 
 in Scotland would have been to keep up the policy 
 
 of Cromwell, to disregard the Covenant, to deprive 
 
 excommunication of its legal consequences, and to 
 
 let Eesolutioners and Protesters ' stew in their own 
 
 juice.' The Covenant seems impossible, for Charles 
 
 would have had to persecute, in Scotland, what he 
 
 approved and protected in England. Even this was 
 
 not beyond the versatility of the Hanoverian kings, 
 
 who persecuted Episcopacy on the north, while 
 
 they protected it on the south of the Tweed. This 
 
 conduct, however, is neither easy nor graceful, and 
 
 this conduct the Covenant required. The Covenant 
 
 was practically impossible, but, left to themselves, 
 
 Eesolutioners and Protesters would perhaps have 
 
 wearied of launching ineffectual excommunications : 
 
 paper bullets of the kirk. They might even have 
 
 become reconciled, and Giant Presbyter, with his 
 
 teeth drawn, would have become as harmless as 
 
 Bunyan found Giant Pope. 
 
 No such plan was adopted, and a chief instru- 
 ment in carrying out the senseless policy of Charles 
 was a professor in St. Mary's College, James Sharpe. 
 
'J72 ST. AXJtltEWS 
 
 The history of St. Andrew's, from 1G60 to 1679, 
 is the history of Archbishop Sharpe, just as, sixty 
 y.-;irs earlier, it was the history of Andrew Melville, 
 and a hundred years earlier, 1 lie history of the 
 cardinal. Sharpe was so hated in Scotland during 
 his life, and his death won him so many friends, or 
 pitying observers, that it is not ea.-y to write of him 
 without prejudice or favour. Yet, as he was the 
 
 last man who made St. Andrews notable in history, 
 this ecclesiastic deserves a chapter to himself. 
 
 Tames Sharpe (born 161S) was the son of Mr. 
 William Sharpe, sheriff clerk of Banff. Iiis enemies 
 found a piper in his family, and proposed that Sharpe 
 should give ihe bagpipes to his church. He was 
 distinguished in his Universilv career, and when 
 'regent' in St. Leonard's (answering, move or less. 
 
THE REIGN OF THE SIXXERS 273 
 
 to a tutor of a college in England) was made 
 minister of Crail. 1 As we have seen, he was cap- 
 tured by the English and carried to London, where 
 the Presbytery corresponded with him (March 31, 
 1652). He was released, it is asserted, on accepting 
 the ' tender ' of submission to the government de- 
 facto ; this was afterwards made a charge against 
 him, as may be read in Wodrow. The author of 
 his 'Life' (1723) absolutely denies the allegation 
 (p. xiii). In 1656 he was allowed to have an 
 ' expectant ' (much like a ' probationer ') as an 
 assistant in his work at Crail. In 1659 a third 
 professor was needed at St. Mary's ; Eutherford 
 warmly befriended a Mr. Eaitt ; Colville, Professor of 
 Divinity, urged the claims of Sharpe ; whom the 
 Presbytery chose ' for his piety, learning, and 
 prudence,' and as an old St. Andrews man and 
 regent. Sharpe, therefore, was preferred to Euther- 
 ford's protege. Eutherford was a Protester, Sharpe a 
 Eesolutioner, and the dispute must have been bitter. 
 Wodrow accuses Sharpe of a private grudge against 
 Eutherford. We have already seen how he repre- 
 sented the Eesolutioners against the Protesters, in an 
 appeal to Cromwell. He was much in the favour of 
 Baillie, who laughs at him as an ' ismaro ' for his 
 want of acquaintance with Arabic. 
 
 1 Admitted Jan. 27, 1G48. 
 
274 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 We now reach the turning-point in the history of 
 Sharpe and of the kirk ; his negotiations in London, 
 and with Charles at Breda, before and immediately 
 after the Eestoration. The authority followed is 
 Wodrow's ' History of the Sufferings of the Church 
 of Scotland ' (Glasgow, 1836). Wodrow was a 
 learned and curious, if credulous, writer, and no 
 mean antiquarian for his date. 1 He had a senti- 
 mental and antiquarian interest in the sufferings, 
 wherein his own father very narrowly escaped. He 
 may be called prejudiced, his language is often 
 strong ; he believes silly and superstitious charges 
 against his kirk's enemies. But he cannot be styled 
 unfair, and he gives so many original documents 
 that his inferences may be corrected, when needful. 
 The editor, however, of the anonymous ' True and 
 Impartial Account ' of Sharpe (1723) blames "Wodrow 
 for not examining and inserting the depositions of 
 witnesses in the case of his murder, which were 
 accessible in the sheriff-court books of Fife. He 
 makes other charges, not without some justification. 
 
 After Monk left Edinburgh, six noted Besolu- 
 tioners, or Moderates, among them Douglas and 
 Wood, Butherford's opponent here, the Principal of 
 St. Salvator's, sent Sharpe to deal with the general 
 in London. 2 He met Monk at Coldstream, and drew 
 
 1 Fhr. 1700-1730. - February 0, 1000. 
 
THE REIGN OF THE SINNERS 275 
 
 up his manifesto to the army, which paved the way 
 for the Eestoration. 1 Sharpe's first letter from town 
 was written on St. Valentine's day. The Cavaliers 
 disliked him as ' the Scottish presbyter.' As early 
 as March 10, he reported that ' moderate Episcopacy 
 is setting up its head.' He assured men of note 
 that Scotland desired the king only ' on Covenant 
 terms.' Douglas, meanwhile, was informing Sharpe 
 that the ' new generation ' in Scotland ' bear a heart- 
 hatred to the Covenant,' 2 while the Protesters ' fear 
 that the king come in.' This was what Sharpe heard 
 from Edinburgh. He has been charged with telling 
 Charles that Scotland did not care for the Covenant, 
 and that the Protesters were against him. If he did, 
 he only spoke in accordance with what Douglas 
 reported from Edinburgh. ' The generality of this 
 new upstart generation,' says Douglas, ' have no love 
 to presbyterial government, feeding themselves with 
 the fancy of episcopacy, or moderate episcopacy.' 3 
 Sharpe was a man of the world. When the sturdy 
 covenanting Douglas assured him that, while ' the 
 honest party ' was staunch, the majority of the new 
 upstart generation was for episcopacy, against pres- 
 byterianism, ' wearied of that yoke,' he would draw 
 his own conclusions. They were erroneous, as he 
 learned on his return to Scotland. The ministers 
 
 1 Life, p. xiv. 2 Wodrow, vol. i. pp. 15, 16. 
 
 3 Wodrow, vol. i. p. 21. 
 
276 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 had still great power, but there must have been a 
 notable reaction against ' the yoke.' Sharpe, on his 
 side, wrote, ' I smell that moderate episcopacy is the 
 fairest accommodation, which moderate men, who 
 wish well to religion, expect.' 
 
 Sharpe was, or believed himself to be, a moderate 
 man, who wished well to religion. But this not un- 
 becoming frame of mind was disguised by letters in 
 which he frequently asserted his hope and belief that 
 Episcopacy would not reach Scotland. It is difficult 
 to suppose that these remarks were candid. The 
 unfortunate minister was acting as a diplomatist, and 
 he became diplomatic. He was acting as a politician, 
 and he executed afterwards the turning movement 
 with which modern politicians are not unfamiliar. 
 He was sent to Breda, where Douglas bade him 
 inform the king that ' he need not declare any liberty 
 to tender consciences here in Scotland,' as if all Scots 
 had been Presbyterians. Douglas was not unac- 
 quainted with the existence of Catholics and sec- 
 taries ; he said again and again that the new 
 generation desired Episcopacy, but he insisted that 
 tender consciences were not to be tolerated. 1 At 
 Breda Douglas thinks Sharpe ' was corrupted.' The 
 king won his heart by inquiries for old Scotch 
 acquaintances. ' How is Mr. Smith ? ' he said, 
 
 1 Wodrow, vol. i. p. li'i. 
 
THE KEIGN OF THE SINNERS 277 
 
 laughing. ' Is his broadsword still to the fore ? ' 
 Sharpe declared that Charles was ' resolved not to 
 wrong the settled government of our church.' He 
 added that it was vain to try to impose the Covenant 
 on England, and that he saw no obligation to do so. 
 As for Charles, ' I am persuaded a sweeter and more 
 affectionate Prince never nation had.' ' What could 
 I do but follow him, when the young man came to 
 my house ? ' asked Kinlochmoidart in the '45. The 
 Stuart charm, and the divinity which then did hedge 
 a king, were potent over Sharpe. He went to 
 London when Charles went, and henceforth the 
 burden of his letters is, ' I see not what use I can be 
 any longer here ; I wish my neck were out of the 
 collar.' 
 
 There is an American tale of an engineer who 
 was sent to survey a new railway line. He wrote to 
 his employers that a certain town was trying to buy 
 him. Later he wrote, ' Send some one else : they 
 have not come to my price, but they are getting very 
 near it.' 
 
 Perhaps Sharpe's requests to be recalled were like 
 this worthy engineer's. ' I am desirous to be taken 
 off, and returned to my charge.' 'I hear they 
 talk of bringing Episcopacy into Scotland, 1 which I 
 
 1 Principal Cunningham says that Sharpe ' suggests no suspicion ' 
 of this. The author of the Life of 1723 takes the point that Sharpe, 
 while commissioned by the ministers, gave them fair warning. 
 
278 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 trust they shall never be able to effect.' * Sharpe 
 adds, ' The Protesters' interest cannot be kept up, 
 and I apprehend Parliament will handle them but 
 too severely.' His prediction was fulfilled. Charles's 
 promise, which he chronicles, ' to preserve to us the 
 discipline and government of our church,' was 
 broken. ' The Protesters' doom is dight,' he says, 
 as Skipper Lindsay said to Morton, and as truly. 2 
 
 Sharpe returned to Edinburgh. A great deal of 
 light is now thrown on Sharpe's conduct and charac- 
 ter by letters in ' The Lauderdale Papers.' 3 These 
 documents include letters from and about Sharpe, by 
 himself, Lauderdale, Kincardine, and other politicians. 
 The editor, Mr. Osmund Airy, almost exhausts the 
 vocabulary of hatred and contempt on the arch- 
 bishop. 4 Yet one can hardly say that the letters 
 much change one's opinion of the prelate. ' Mr. 
 Pliable ' he certainly was, but nobody ever regarded 
 
 1 Wodrow, vol. i. p. 39. = Wodrow, vol. i. p. 45. 
 
 3 Camden Society, 1884-85, edited by Mr. Osmund Airy. 
 
 4 Thus, on May 4, 1660, Sharpe wrote from Gravesend to Wood, 
 Principal of St. Salvator's. He told Wood that he had been ' sur- 
 prysed with a desire from my Lord Generall to carrye a message from 
 him to the King.' Yet Mr. Airy remarks that Sharpe ' was playing 
 the double game. He was supposed by the Resolution party to be 
 going to the Hague as their agent. In reality he went as Monk's.' 
 But he is actually telling Wood, a Resolutioner, that he is acting for 
 Monk. There are marginal marks on Sharpe's letters to Drimimond. 
 Mr. Airy seems now to think that Drummond marked them for 
 Lauderdale's eye ; now that the marked passages were meant by 
 Lauderdale for the king's eye, as evidence against Sharpe. Vol. i. 
 41 note, 60 note. 
 
THE REIGN OF THE SINNERS 279 
 
 him as an enthusiastic devotee of any method of 
 Church government. His one rooted sentiment was 
 aversion to that form of Presbyterianism which 
 produced a pope in every parish, and regarded every 
 energetic preacher as in a manner inspired. Events 
 had shown that this condition of affairs meant 
 anarchy tempered by priest-craft, or, at least, by 
 presbyter-craft. Sharpe was a consistent adversary 
 of the Eemonstrators, the Guthries, Gillespies, 
 Eutherfords, &c. He had also, perhaps, an original 
 preference for a moderate Presbyterianism, not 
 dominant in civil matters. When he came from 
 London, after the Eestoration, he saw that the 
 strength of the country was opposed to Episcopacy. 
 But he gradually perceived that Episcopacy was cer- 
 tain to be introduced, and, as every one knows, he 
 gently edged round, till he accepted a mitre. The 
 Lauderdale letters display him in the course of this 
 evolution. I do not see that they make his change 
 worse than other changes of politicians. All poli- 
 ticians are guided by mixed motives : Sharpe, like 
 another, may have flattered himself that, as 
 Episcopacy was not a sin in itself, he might be 
 serviceable in the process of introducing it, might 
 benefit the cause of order, and do some good to 
 himself. These are not the motives of a saint ; they 
 are the motives of a politician. Once consecrated, 
 
280 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 Sharpe was inevitably involved in the intrigues for 
 power between Middleton, Bothes, and Lauderdale. 
 He was something of an earthen pot among these 
 brazen vessels. He had to play a difficult, sometimes 
 a double part. If he was hated by the Presbyterian 
 multitude, he was regarded with doubt and 
 detestation by many of the nobles. They were 
 jealous of the influence and power in the hands of a 
 man who was born in the middle classes. Like others 
 of his rank and period, he was subservient (as we 
 think now) in his style, when addressing a great 
 noble. He could not contain his joy when, on 
 Lauderdale's hint, Charles wrote to him a letter in 
 his own hand, signed with ' the diamond seal.' He 
 gave way on the question of the Eoyal supremacy ; in 
 brief, he trimmed his sails as cleverly as he could, 
 like other statesmen. It is not a lofty character, but 
 even Knox could make compromises and concessions. 
 Sharpe had really no business clans cette galere. He 
 would have acted more wisely had he retired to his 
 professorship of divinity at St. Mary's, which he 
 clearly accepted as a haven from those storm}' seas. 
 He was a scholar, a man of naturally urbane and 
 moderate temper, but he also had ' a working mind/ 
 and skill in affairs. The temptation was too much 
 for him ; like all who turn their coats, like most 
 politicians, his opponents might call him, and did 
 
THE REIGN OF THE SINNERS 281 
 
 call him, an apostate. Politician for politician, I see 
 not that he deserves more than another the violent 
 denunciations of Mr. Airy, that he is ' a knave,' pur 
 sang, ' that his is a life of almost unexampled petty 
 meanness.' His very hand is ' small, paltry, niggling, 
 and exceptioually annoying,' says Mr. Airy, not 
 correcting his proofs well, in his irritation. ' The 
 style is self-conceited and pedantic,' faults which do 
 not strike one, and ' his hand of write,' in an example 
 in the University library, is really beautiful. 
 
 Many of Sharpe's letters of 1660-1661 are to 
 Mr. Patrick Drummond, a minister in London. On 
 December 11, 1660, he says that ' as some can bear 
 me witness, I endeavoured to prevent the exercising 
 of severity towards the Eemonstrators, and what pains 
 I took is known to Mr. Blair, to obtain an indulgence 
 to Mr. Samuel Eutherford.' * On December 13, he 
 warns Lauderdale of the danger of introducing 
 Episcopacy. Ministers, people, nobles, gentry, and 
 boroughs are all against it. Douglas, therefore, 
 must have exaggerated the tendency of the new 
 generation towards the episcopal model. On the 
 same day he denies to Drummond that he has sug- 
 gested the bringing in of bishops. ' I have done 
 more for the interest of Presbyterian government than 
 any minister who can accuse me.' But he has 
 
 1 Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 41. 
 
282 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 maintained the royal authority in civil matters. 
 Throughout the letters he speaks of desiring a 
 General Assembly. ' I am a Scot and a Presbyter.' 1 
 ' You did merrily call me a politician ' (not more 
 merrily than truly). ' I am an honest Scotchman, 
 and hope to live and dye one.' He has rejected better 
 offers of promotion in England (like Knox) than 
 Scotland can provide. In an undated letter to 
 Lauderdale, he complains of the tyrannical preten- 
 sions of the Eemonstrators, ' their fancied modell and 
 absurd dictates.' ' I fear there can be no remedy 
 against this malady without exercising severity upon 
 the leading impostors, Guthrie, Gillespie, Eutherford, 
 which will daunt the rest of the hotheads . . .' He 
 recommends ' shutting up close the cheef sticklers.' 
 If by ' severity ' he means capital punishment, then 
 indeed Sharpe is a hypocrite of the basest kind. He 
 believes a General Assembly would be hostile to the 
 tyranny of Guthrie and his set. In this letter Sharpe 
 says that Gillespie boasts of having been asked to aid 
 Episcopacy, and of having refused. This Sharpe 
 believes to be false. In a letter not published by 
 Wodrow, Sharpe avers that Gillespie had offered to 
 promote the king's wishes. 2 In January he writes 
 to Drummond about the Parliament being held, with 
 Middleton as commissioner. ' He professeth he hath 
 
 1 Cty>. rit. vol. i. p. f>'2. 
 
 2 Stephen's Life of Sha rjic, p. Gl. 
 
THE REIGN OF THE SINNERS 283 
 
 no purpose to meddle with the Church.' He regrets 
 the Kescissory Act, and believes Parliament would 
 vote for Episcopacy. He constantly prophesies this 
 end of matters, and (i. 77) thinks of retiring to his 
 chair at St. Mary's. ' All I see can be done is to 
 keep matters from the evil in extreme' (i. 80). He 
 was not a man of extreme opinions. He prevented 
 six Eemonstrators from being cited before Parliament 
 (i. 84). Douglas and he have discussed Church 
 matters with Middle ton (i. 85). 
 
 At Holyrood, 'I speak when I am asked,' on 
 Church matters (i. 86). He trusts that though 
 Tertullian became a Montanist, because he was 
 charged with being one, he will not change for that 
 reason, ' but sure my provocation is great ' (i. 87). 
 The spectacle is common. Like other politicians, he 
 
 relented, 
 And vowing lie would ne'er consent, consented. 
 
 He thinks of retiring, de mutando solo. 
 Even so others, having declared that ' an English 
 gentleman ' has other fields than politics, have turned 
 their coats, and gone back to that field. All this is 
 of March 19, 1661. 1 He writes later, on the same 
 day ; the change is at hand, and will be grievous to 
 many honest men, ' in which I would be very loath 
 to have any hand.' He, and Douglas, and Wood, of 
 
 1 Vol. i. pp. 86-88. 
 
284 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 St. Andrews, are to see the commissioner on the 
 subject. On April 15, he addresses Drummond as 
 ' Sir.' Clearly Drummond has blamed him ; but 
 Sharpe, Mr. Airy may note, had addressed Drum- 
 mond as ' Sir ' before. 
 
 On May 21, 1661, he is in London, and writes to 
 Middleton. 1 He had gone thither with Eothes, and 
 Douglas was asked to go, but declined ' by reason of 
 age and indisposition.' 2 He tells Middleton of an 
 interview with Clarendon. ' I found that which your 
 Grace was pleased often to tell me was not without 
 ground.' On this, Mr. Airy remarks that, on March 
 21, Sharpe had told Drummond that ' I have not 
 touched on Church government in sermons or con- 
 ferences at our Court or elsewhere.' Mr. Airy thinks 
 this a proof that Sharpe is dishonest, a bar in fact. 
 But Sharpe constantly told Drummond that the 
 change was coming ; he dined with Middleton daily; 
 he spoke his mind, as he tells Drummond, when he 
 was asked ; he had meetings with Middleton to canvas 
 the matter, as he told Drummond, and one really sees 
 no contradiction in his statements. He had not 
 preached on Church government, nor handled it at 
 ' conferences,' whatever he may mean by that 
 phrase, but it does not follow that Middleton had not 
 often predicted to him the introduction of Episcopacy. 
 
 1 Vol. ii. Appendix C. - Life of 1723, p. 53. 
 
THE REIGN OF THE SINNERS 285 
 
 i I am sorry if Mr. Douglas, after such professions 
 made to your Grace, shall disappoint your expecta- 
 tions.' So Douglas, too, had been ' sitting on the 
 fence ' though Mr. Airy calls him an unbending- 
 Presbyterian. Sharpe had done the same : gradu- 
 ally and finally, he alighted on the Episcopal side. 
 We knew that before. The letters make no differ- 
 ence to our estimate of his character. 
 
 We thus see the process of change in Sharpe's 
 policy between the end of 1660 and the middle of 
 1661. While he was thus drifting into Episcopacy, 
 Argyll was arrested in London. In Edinburgh, that 
 leader of the Protesters, James Guthrie, with others, 
 was taken at a meeting in a private house, where 
 they were composing a memorial to Charles. 1 While 
 protesting loyalty, they threatened Charles with the 
 wrath of an angry God if he ' licked up the vomit 
 of Toleration,' and reintroduced ' the corruptions of 
 the Prayer-book,' ' whose steps lead unto the house 
 of the great whore, Babylon, the mother of fornica- 
 tion.' 2 
 
 The use of the Prayer-book ' in your Majesty's 
 chapel and family ' must be abolished, to please the 
 Protesters ! ' Involving the subjects in new troubles,' 
 
 1 Aug. 23, 1660. 
 
 2 Dying speech of Mr. Guthrie : Wodrow, vol. i. r>. 194. 
 
286 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 as Nicoll says, was the alleged object of Guthrie and 
 his companions. 
 
 If Guthrie and his friends had been allowed to 
 prevail, Charles, like Mary, would have been hated 
 for the use of what religious ceremonies and Prayer- 
 book he chose. Guthrie and the rest ask for the 
 extirpation of every religion but Presbyterianism. 
 Guthrie, as we saw, was hanged : he and the rest 
 refused to ' acknowledge their fault ' in meeting, in 
 preparing other similar assemblies, and agitating for 
 an edict of general persecution. 1 
 
 The day after their capture (August 23) a pro- 
 clamation was issued against unlawful meetings 
 and seditious papers. The Government obviously 
 feared a Presbyterian agitation of the old sort 
 against tolerance. ' A restraint put upon them 
 from persecuting others is to them persecution,' 
 says Wodrow, with amusing simplicity, speaking 
 of the Episcopalians after 1688. His words exactly 
 describe the theory of Guthrie. It was persecution 
 not to be allowed to persecute. The Covenanters 
 are popularly supposed to have been martyrs for 
 freedom of conscience. The very reverse is the 
 fact ; or rather, they were martyrs for a conscience 
 which urged them to persecute the consciences of 
 others. This, at least, is a form of conscientious- 
 
 1 Wodrow, vol. i. pp. 71, 7'2. 
 
THE REIGN OF THE SINNERS 287 
 
 ness, and so far respectable. It is this which, makes 
 the persecutions by Presbyterians less odious than 
 those by Beaton or Sharpe. Neither of these men 
 can be supposed to have persecuted for the satisfac- 
 tion of their consciences. Both were urged by 
 political motives. 
 
 The Parliament of 1661 got rid at one blow 
 of the Covenant and the Presbyterian legislation 
 since 1637 : it also introduced Episcopacy. In his 
 letter, brought down by Sharpe from London in 
 August, 1660, Charles had promised to maintain the 
 Church as by law established. In 1661, he could 
 say that Episcopacy was by law established, the 
 Presbyterian laws having been rescinded. This 
 was an almost incredible piece of childish prevarica- 
 tion. The executions of Argyll and Guthrie were 
 equally indefensible. When Guthrie petitioned for 
 the Covenant, Charles was a covenanted king, and 
 he a covenanted minister. His book, ' The Causes 
 of God's Wrath,' had been published long before, 
 and of distant date was the Eemonstrance in which 
 he had been active. An amnesty should have 
 covered these offences, if offences they could be 
 called. We may not love Argyll, we may admire 
 Montrose ; but, like James Melville, we must detest 
 the system of revenge to which Argyll and Guthrie 
 were victims. The Government had good reason 
 
288 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 to apprehend trouble from Guthrie and his party ; 
 they may have hoped to strike terror by his execu- 
 tion. But the deed was a slimly legalised murder, 
 and the mystery is how not only Sharpe, but the 
 saintly Leighton, could accept Episcopal office from 
 such an administration. Sharpe, it may be true, had 
 beo-sred for Guthrie's life. 1 He need not have been 
 dishonest in holding that there was a considerable 
 party for Episcopacy in Scotland, and it seems super- 
 fluous to blame him for the differencebetweenProtesters 
 and Eesolutioners, which prevented them from urging 
 a common appeal in favour of Presbyterianism. That 
 silence strengthened his argument for Episcopacy, if 
 not his belief in its practicability. He certainly found 
 that ministers of the ' honest,' or covenanting party, 
 would not accept bishoprics. Douglas refused St. 
 Andrews, and bade Sharpe take it, with a curse on 
 it. 2 He did take it, curse and all, and with Leigh- 
 ton, ' betrayed the liberties of the kirk Chritt in 
 Scotland.' ' The heart is unknown.' as Sir Eobert 
 Spottiswoode said on the day before his death. A 
 conscientious Covenanter Sharpe cannot have been ; 
 that he simply sold himself, rather cheap, is the 
 
 1 Letter in Wodrow MS. published by C. Kirkpntriek Sharpe in 
 Kirldon, p. 113. Sharpe also claims the credit of saving the life of 
 his did opponent, Mr. Simpson. 
 
 - Wodrow, vol. i. p. '215; Kirldon, p. 1;!,">. The author of the Life 
 of 17211 given a totally different version, making Douglas acquiesce 
 in Sharpy's appointment, p. fU. 
 
THE REIGN OF THE SINNERS 289 
 
 theory of his enemies. All the Scotch bishoprics 
 together did not amount to 5,0001. yearly. Sharpe is 
 accused of avarice, as Leighton is charged with ' an 
 over extensive charity ' ! His real defect, probably, 
 was ambition — to be of the Privy Council, to deal 
 with great affairs, to dream of the Chancellorship, nay, 
 to have a carriage, a coachman, running footmen, 
 were not things indifferent to Sharpe. He may also 
 have honestly believed that Episcopacy was prac- 
 ticable and desirable, but men distrust such conver- 
 sions. So behold Sharpe, in 1662, brave in those 
 very lawn sleeves which he himself, in 1660, called 
 'Babylonish garments.' It is not an edifying spec- 
 tacle. He entered St. Andrews in great state on 
 April 16, accompanied by Lord Eothes, a hundred 
 and twenty horsemen from St. Andrews, and some 
 six hundred from other parts of Fife. JSTo ministers 
 were present, except Barclay, and Comry of St. 
 Leonard's College. His first sermon was on ' The 
 pressing of Episcopacy, and the utilitie of it.' l We 
 may imagine the talk in the town, and the faces of 
 the ministers. 
 
 In this year a declaration against the Covenant, 
 or any such league or band, was passed by Parlia- 
 ment, and had to be signed by all persons in public 
 trust. To sign this was as hateful to Covenanters as 
 
 1 Laraont, Diary, p. 183. 
 
 U 
 
290 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 signing the Covenant had been to others in the former 
 years. Step by step the sinners were following the 
 errors of the saints. Xew declarations, bonds, and 
 oaths were yearly invented and enforced. Hundreds 
 of ministers were now ejected, conventicles were for- 
 bidden. ' Curates ' were thrust on the people. They 
 were accused of witchcraft, profligacy, and igno- 
 rance. Soldiers at the church doors turned back 
 worshippers who came from other parishes, where 
 there might be no minister at all. This persecution 
 fell not on a minority, as under the Covenant, but on 
 the mass of the population. Sharpe succeeded in 
 erecting the High Commission Court, though even 
 Lauderdale disapproved of and resisted it. It dealt 
 with Papists, Conventiclers, deserters of their parish 
 churches. Sharpe, or a bishop, with any five mem- 
 bers, might imprison or fine delinquents (1664). 
 This was called the ' Crail Court,' from Sharpe's pre- 
 vious ministry at Crail. Some boys pelted a curate 
 at Ancrum, as Wodrow says was ' usual,' and they 
 were whipped, branded, and sold as slaves to Bar- 
 badoes. 1 In all these adventures it must not be sup- 
 posed that the Covenanters were the only sufferers, or 
 that Sharpe alone was responsible. Kirkton in his His- 
 tory, which long lay in manuscript, till it was edited 
 by Charles Kirkpatrick Sharpe, says that ' no man 
 
 1 AVodrow, vol. i. p. o!>4. 
 
THE REIGN OF THE SINNERS 291 
 
 was more dissatisfied' than our Archbishop, when the 
 Council, under Middle ton, ejected a large number of 
 the younger Presbyterian preachers (Oct. 1, 1662). He 
 was not present at the Council ; the members are said 
 to have been drunk. 1 Nor was the lot of the curates 
 a happy one. They were persecuted in every way, 
 from the boyish trick of filling their boots with ants, 
 to stoning, beating, and ' rabbling.' Kirkton himself, 
 a strong Covenanter, says he has known dissolute men 
 of his own party atone for the sin of overnight by 
 insulting a curate in the morning. Their characters 
 were at the mercy of every loose wench who chose 
 to lay her child at a curate's door. The same trick 
 was practised, to be sure, on holy Mr. Peden. The 
 covenanting writers chose to believe Isobel Lindsay, 
 a woman who (as the St. Andrews Presbytery Eecords 
 show) used to yell insults at Sharpe, and who was 
 always accusing her neighbours of witchcraft. On this 
 excellent testimony Kirkton and Wodrow, who often 
 borrows long passages from Kirkton's MS., believe 
 that Sharpe, when a regent, had a child by Isobel, 
 and murdered it ; also that he entertained the devil in 
 person. Isobel avowed that she had seen Sharpe and 
 two other clergymen dancing in the air. 2 But we 
 shall return to the covenanting myth of Sharpe. 
 While the legends about him are as foolish as they are 
 
 1 Kirkton, pp. 149, 150. ~ Kirkton, p. 84, and C. K. S.'s note. 
 
 u 2 
 
292 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 truculent, he was undeniably an agent in the perse- 
 cution which drove the peasantry to the insurrection 
 quelled at the Pentland Hills (1666). ' Bishop 
 Sharpe pushed violently the prosecution and execu- 
 tion of the prisoners, and indeed his bloodthirsty 
 temper at this time made him very odious.' J He is 
 accused of keeping back a letter from Charles to 
 himself as president, ordering that no more lives 
 were to be taken. The assassins searched for 
 this letter when Sharpe was murdered. The story 
 is credited by Burnet. 2 Sharpe is also said by 
 Kirkton, and Wodrow adopts the passage, to have 
 written one letter to Charles in which he makes 
 little of the rising, and another to a courtier, in 
 which he describes it as very serious. ' The king 
 never thereafter gave him the credit which he had 
 with him before.' ' The cruel bishops ' are also said 
 to have executed men who surrendered on promise of 
 quarter. This would be an exact following of the 
 cruelty of the ministers after Philiphaugh. 
 
 One bishop was not cruel. Wishart, Montrose's 
 chaplain, a St. Andrews man, had been made Bishop 
 of Edinburgh. He, in the covenanting days, had 
 been confined by the saints in a loathsome dungeon, 
 where the rats bit and scarred his face. Not ignorant 
 
 1 Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 517. 
 
 " Hixtory of his own Time, vol. i. p. -435. 
 
THE EEIGN OF THE SINNERS 293 
 
 of misfortune, he succoured the prisoners of the 
 Pentland fight with supplies of food. 1 Indeed, Burnet's 
 anecdote (Wodrow merely calls Wishart a drunkard) 
 says that the prisoners were in danger of repletion. 
 Wishart's character is clear, and it was not he, but 
 another Wishart, who translated some loose poems 
 of Ovid. But Sharpe's most infamous offence, which 
 no covenanting example can be adduced to counter- 
 balance, was permitting, or urging, some of the 
 prisoners to be tortured in the boot. A disused 
 abomination of Scotch procedure was revived. 
 Whether Sharpe suggested, or whether he acquiesced 
 in, such horrors as the advisers of Elizabeth inflicted 
 on the Jesuits, his conduct is a stain on his reputation 
 which can never be obliterated, even though he 
 never was present at the horrid scene. 
 
 Sharpe was now more hated than any man in 
 Scotland. He had been in and out of favour ; he 
 had been put down by Lauderdale, and like Lau- 
 derdale himself, as described by Lord Ailesbury, 
 was ' of a very abject spirit when put down.' He 
 had been used as an instrument by the profligate 
 government, depressed or exalted as suited their 
 plans. On July 11, 1668, as he and Honeyman, 
 also a St. Andrews man, Bishop of Orkney, were en- 
 tering a carriage in the Blackfriars Wynd in 
 
 1 Life of Sharpe, 1723, p. xxiv. 
 
294 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 Edinburgh, a fanatic named Mitchell shot at Sharpe, 
 and wounded Honeyman. Mitchell had been out in 
 the Pentland affair. He is called ' a weak scholar ' 
 by Kirkton ; he was a very weak scholar indeed, and 
 an infamous character, if we may believe Dr. Hickes 
 in 'Eavillac Eedivivus.' He had lodged in the 
 same house as that unhappy wretch, Major Weir, 
 the gaoler of Montrose, and had been chaplain to a 
 niece of Johnston of Warriston, the butcher of Sir 
 Eobert Spottiswoode and his friends. This Mitchell, 
 ' a youth of much zeal and piety,' as Wodrow says, 
 easily escaped in the confusion, after wounding 
 Honeyman. ' The cry arose, a man was killed. The 
 people's answer was, " It's but a bishop," and so 
 there was no more noise.' SoKirkton. Wodrow puts 
 it, ' Some rogues answered, " It's but a bishop." ' 
 
 In July, 1669, an 'indulgence' was granted to 
 Presbyterian ministers. This ' must not be reckoned 
 as part of our sufferings,' says Wodrow. The In- 
 dulgence was arranged through Eobert Douglas, 
 Sharpe's old friend, Lauderdale, and others. The 
 complying ministers were to be reinstated, and 
 allowed to keep presbyteries and synods, under 
 certain conditions. This was said to take away any 
 pretext for conventicles ; it really distracted the kirk. 
 The indulged were called ' dumb dogs ; ' Wodrow 
 believes there was a plot for their universal massacre 
 
THE REIGN OF THE .SINNERS 295 
 
 in Ayrshire by the Irreconcilables. He accuses 
 Sharpe of fomenting the dissension, which, in his 
 opinion, nearly produced a Presbyterian St. Bartho- 
 lomew, or Sicilian Vespers. 1 Whether Sharpe made 
 use of the indulgence to cause schism in the kirk or 
 not, Wodrow says he hated it, and he preached 
 against the Act announcing the king's supremacy. 2 
 
 The state of affairs which followed the indulgence, 
 and other measures of the same kind, is familiar to 
 all readers of ' Old Mortality.' The service-book was 
 not, indeed, read by the curates — a point on which 
 Dr. McCrie corrected Scott — though there may have 
 been some exceptions. But while the Milnwoods and 
 Mortons heard the curate, or an indulged minister, 
 the populace and many persons of noble family, 
 especially ladies, flocked to field-preachings and 
 conventicles. There was dragooning, exaction of 
 fines, reading of roll-calls at church, on the prelatical 
 side ; on the other side curates and their families were 
 assaulted and insulted, churches were violently 
 seized, and the people, according to Kirkton, only 
 obeyed the laws as far as they recognised their 
 equity. ' I fear all the bairns that are baptised by 
 the curates, God reckons them as children of whore- 
 dom,' said a preacher, Mr. Frazer of Brae. In 
 
 1 Analecta, vol. iv. p. 302. Wodrow thinks it ' indubitable,' but he is 
 very credulous of everything but virtue in a bishop. 
 * Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 137, editor's note. 
 
296 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 February, 1674, Mitchell, who had tried to murder 
 Sharpe, was detected by him at the funeral of Eobert 
 Douglas, Sharpe's old friend, and was arrested by 
 Sir William Sharpe and two of the archbishop's 
 servants. A letter from Lauderdale's brother, Lord 
 Halton, to Lord Kincardine (February 10, 1674), 
 shows that he confessed his offence ' on assurance 
 of his life,' given by the chancellor. 1 His confession 
 he signed, and it was expected by Halton that he 
 would lose his hand and be imprisoned in the Bass 
 for life. 
 
 On February 12 Halton writes that Mitchell ' is 
 remitted to the justice court to receive his indict- 
 ment and sentence, to have his right hand cut ofi 
 . . . and the forfeiture of his whole goods and pro- 
 perty. This last part is not to be executed till his 
 Majesty be acquainted, because assurance of life was 
 given him upon his confession.'' 
 
 On March 2 Mitchell was brought before the 
 court, and his indictment was read. He denied 
 the charge, and his case was adjourned to March 25. 
 On March 12 the council passed an Act. announcing 
 that Mitchell had made a voluntary confession before 
 them of his share in the Eebellion of the Pentlands. 
 He denied the attack on Sharpe, ' until having re- 
 tired with a member of the said committee, he did con- 
 
 1 Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 249. 
 
THE REIGN OF THE SINNERS 297 
 
 fess upon his knees lie was the person, upon assurance 
 given him, by one of the committee, as to his life, who 
 had warrant from the lord commissioner and secret 
 council to give the same,' which he and the com- 
 mittee signed. Yet, on March 12, he refused to 
 plead guilty, though assured that, if he did not, he 
 would lose the benefit promised him on his con- 
 fession. The lord commissioner and the committee 
 therefore declare that they are freed from their 
 promise, as Mitchell refuses to fulfil the conditions 
 on which it was made. On March 25 he still refused 
 to plead guilty. There was no proof but the confes- 
 sion, which he declined to acknowledge. He was 
 sent to the Bass, and his case was deferred till 
 January 1678. 
 
 The events that followed are the gravest stain on 
 the character of Sharpe. In January 1676 Mitchell 
 was tortured, refusing to acknowledge his confession, 
 and speaking of his ' innocent blood.' His new trial 
 began on January 7, 1678. Eothes, Halton, Lauder- 
 dale, and Sharpe all bore witness — Lauderdale that 
 he gave no assurance of Mitchell's life ; Halton that 
 he heard no such assurance asked for or offered ; 
 Sharpe that no such assurance was given or asked 
 for before the Council. Of the committee Sharpe was 
 not a member. 1 Sharpe added that when Mitchell 
 
 1 "Wodrow, vol. ii. pp. 469, 470. 
 
298 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 was first taken he promised that on his confession 
 he would do his best for him. Mitchell then pro- 
 duced a copy of the Act of Council of March 12, 
 1674, already cited, in which the promise of his 
 life is spoken of. The judges decided that the 
 Act could not now be called for, 'by the law of 
 the kingdom and practice of this court.' The 
 registers were not produced, and the copy of the 
 Act was not taken as evidence that assurance of life 
 to Mitchell had been given. He was found guilty, 
 and hanged. 
 
 Burnet's account of this affair is singular. First 
 he says that Sharpe promised Mitchell's life to a 
 friend of the prisoner's, who acted as go-between. 
 This Sharpe denied ; he said he would use his best 
 endeavours if Mitchell confessed. Xext Burnet 
 says that Mitchell was advised by the judge, 'who 
 hated Sharpe,' not to repeat his confession. ' A rare 
 judge!' is Swift's annotation. In 167S 'Sharpe 
 would have his life.' In the new trial the judge, 
 Primrose", hating Sharpe, sent to Mitchell's counsel 
 the copy of the Act of Council, acknowledging but 
 withdrawing the promise. ' A rare judge ! ' 
 
 A day or two before the trial Primrose told 
 Lauderdale and others that ' man} T thought there 
 had been a promise.' Lauderdale had really for- 
 gotten all about it ; he said it was impossible. Prim- 
 
THE REIGN OF THE SINNERS 299 
 
 rose thought within himself (as he told Burnet), ' I 
 have you now,' meaning that Lauderdale would 
 perjure himself unwittingly. Unluckily Lord Kin- 
 cardine, who remembered the letters of Lauderdale's 
 brother (Lord Halton), could not find them. The 
 letters were recovered after the verdict, and Lauder- 
 dale would have granted a reprieve but for Sharpe, 
 says Burnet. ' Primrose did most inhumanly triumph 
 in this matter,' averring that he had caused his 
 enemies, Sharpe, and Lauderdale, and Halton, to 
 damn themselves. 1 
 
 We can see that Lauderdale and the rest showed 
 almost incredible levity ; as to Sharpe, we must 
 judge between his word and that of Mitchell's friend. 
 The defender of Sharpe, in 1723, remarks that the 
 archbishop was not a member of the committee of 
 the council which secretly promised to save Mit- 
 chell's life in exchange for his confession. He was 
 not interrogated on what passed before the com- 
 mittee, but on what passed before the council. Yet 
 the council, on March 12, 1674, acknowledged 
 having authorised the promise. As to Sharpe's 
 private promise he has given his own account of it, 
 which may be taken as counterbalancing that of 
 Mitchell's friend. It is one of those points on which, 
 in an unwitnessed conversation, difference of opinion 
 
 1 Burnet, vol. ii. pp. 127-134. 
 
300 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 and of statement invariably arises. On the whole the 
 charge of wilful perjury against Sharpe is, perhaps, 
 ' not proven.' On the other hand he must have 
 been aware of the Act of Council withdrawing the 
 promise. Lauderdale and the rest may have for- 
 gotten it in so many years ; but, when their atten- 
 tion was once drawn to it, their behaviour is 
 unpardonable. 
 
 Primrose behaved, as Burnet says, more like a 
 devil than a Christian. The letters of Halton led, 
 in 1682, to Lauderdale's disgrace at the hands of 
 the Duke of York and Charles. 1 Sharpe's share in 
 the business, whatever it may have been, caused a 
 plot for his murder eight days before Mitchell's 
 death. As for the evidence of Burnet he hated 
 Sharpe, on whom as a youth of twenty-one he used 
 to inflict his precocious advice. Sharpe probably 
 treated him with no great respect, and Burnet con- 
 sistently attacks his memory. The whole business 
 of Mitchell's trial increased the general hatred of 
 Sharpe, and was remembered by his murderers. 
 
 In 1675 Sharpe had a quarrel with Eamsay, the 
 Bishop of Dunblane, and severe letters passed. 
 Dunblane hinted that written letters by Sharpe 
 maintaining the divine right of presbytery, and 
 
 1 Burnet, vol. ii. p. 307, Note A. From a MS. note by Lord 
 Auchinleck, father of James lkissvell, anil grandson of Lord Kincar- 
 dine, to whom the letters were written. 
 
THE REIGN OF THE SINNERS 301 
 
 speaking of leaving the country should episcopacy 
 be introduced, were extant. Sharpe answered, 
 
 * Better men than either you or I have, without any 
 criminous imputation, changed their sentiments about 
 the form of governments and public administra- 
 tions.' He treats Eamsay's threat of revealing 
 
 * foul things ' with perfect dignity and temper. 
 
 We may now pass to that famous event, the 
 murder of Archbishop Sharpe on May 3, 1679. 
 
 * This bloody and perfidious man was cut off,' as 
 Wodrow says, and ' I freely own that I do not 
 approve.' He urges, however, that the homicide was 
 unpremeditated. ' The people concerned had not 
 the least view of this, or any design this way.' l He 
 absurdly enough palliates the conduct of Hackston 
 of Eathillet as a mere looker-on, and tries to prove 
 that, as the assassins were only hunting for Car- 
 michael, a person employed to harry Covenanters, 
 their slaying of Sharpe was a hasty resolution sug- 
 gested by the opportunity. The point is of little 
 moment, but Wodrow is in the wrong, as a paper by 
 one of the assassins preserved in Wodrow's own 
 manuscript collections enables us to prove. This 
 murderer was one James Eussell, a good specimen 
 of the extreme left of the covenant, a man of 
 strange scruples, for example as to the lawfulness of 
 
 1 Wodrow, vol. iii. p. 40. 
 
302 ST. ANDKEWS 
 
 paying at a toll-bar, or calling the days of the week 
 by their Pagan names. He believed in divine mes- 
 sages conveyed in texts of scripture ' borne in ' on 
 the mind, and indeed long after his time this was a 
 common tenet in Scotland. 
 
 According to Eussell there was a meeting held 
 in Gilston on April 8, 1679, to consider the ruffianly 
 conduct of Carmichael and the soldiers at his com- 
 mand in bullying Fifeshire folk, torturing servants 
 to extract evidence against their masters, and gene- 
 rally carrying out the policy of the Council. Hackston 
 of Rathillet was present, among less known men. 
 Little was done. On April 11 they met again at a 
 miner's house beside Lathon. Here they deter- 
 mined to lie in wait for Carmichael. If he were 
 found in Sharpe's house (the New Inn, Hospitium 
 Novum, between St. Leonard's and the harbour), 
 they all engaged or 'judged duty' to hang Sharpe 
 and his subordinate ' over the port,' probably the old 
 gateway still standing. So much for the absence of 
 design on Sharpe. ' Many of the Lord's people and 
 ministers judged duty long since not to suffer such 
 a person ' (as Sharpe) ' to live.' ' Other worthy 
 Christians had used means to get him on the road 
 before.' The meeting adjourned, and met at 
 Walker's house in Lesly, on April IS. Hamilton of 
 Kinkells sent a representative. There were other 
 
THE KEIGN OF THE SINNERS 303 
 
 meetings ; the Lord's will was sought ; Balfour, the 
 famous Burley, was sent for. They also affixed a 
 notice on the school door in Cupar, threatening all 
 who ventured to buy their distrained goods. On 
 May 2 they met at Gilston ; thirteen met, but one was 
 rejected. Hackston and Burley (John Balfour of 
 Kinloch) were the gentlemen of the party. They slept 
 in Black's barn at Baldinny ; about 7 a.m. they heard 
 that Carmichael was out hunting : they chased the 
 Laird of Blebo, taking him for Carmichael, but 
 Bathillet discovered that the object of their hatred 
 had been warned, and returned to Cupar. 
 
 They now thought of dispersing, but Balfour told 
 them how, being at his uncle's house of Paris, he had 
 the word borne in on him, ' Go on and prosper ! ' which 
 text he also lit on in ' Sortes Biblica?,' a page of the 
 Bible opened at random. Then came a boy from Mrs. 
 Black, the farmer's wife at Baldinny, who was in the 
 conspiracy, and who also wanted to kill the minister 
 of Ceres, a friend of Sharpe's. The boy was sent 
 back with a message, and returned at once. Mrs. 
 Black had seen Sharpe's coach ; the murderers too 
 observed it ' between Ceres and Blebo Hole,' and 
 cried, ' Truly, this is of God.' Bussell remarked that 
 he had enjoyed great out-lettings of the spirit : ' He 
 could not be quit of the thoughts of Nero, and asked 
 where he could get that scripture, for _ he could not 
 
304 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 find it.' Indeed none of the Apostles, in their 
 extant writings, suggest the killing of Nero. Bus- 
 sell added that he, with other godly men, had on 
 several other occasions endeavoured to waylay 
 Sharpe ' and some others ' before the execution of 
 Mitchell. 
 
 Eathillet declined to take the lead, as he was 
 known to have a private dispute at law with Sharpe, 
 as Norman Leslie had with the cardinal. However 
 he ' would not leave them.' They galloped to Magus 
 Moor ; the bishop looked out of the carriage window ; 
 Russell cried, ' Judas, be taken ! ' They kept firing 
 at the coach, throwing away their empty pistols. A 
 pistol of the period, found on the moor and now 
 the property of Mr. Hay Fleming, would be very 
 innocuous at any but the shortest range. They 
 stopped the coach, disarmed the archbishop's servant, 
 cut down the postillion, and fired several shots into 
 the coach, where the archbishop and his daughter 
 were. Eussell bade Judas come forth ; he surren- 
 dered to Balfour, ' for I know you are a gentleman 
 and will save my life ; but I am gone already, and 
 what needs more ? ' They then charged him with 
 keeping back the Bentland pardon. He left the 
 coach and fell on his knees, as did his daughter. 
 They then hacked him at random, and Balfour rode 
 him iIdwv. Russell ' hacked his head in pieces ; ' 
 
THE REIGN OF THE SINNERS 305 
 
 they also stabbed him, his daughter having said to 
 her servant that there was life in him. 
 
 According to Eussell, not Sharpe, but Guilon, a 
 weaver and one of the crew, begged Eathillet, 
 sitting with his cloak over his mouth, to spare the 
 archbishop. Guilon and Eathillet were the only men 
 hanged for the deed, in which Miss Sharpe was also 
 wounded. 1 Sharpe had sixteen great wounds, only 
 one, as the surgeons testify, from a bullet ; 2 his 
 daughter was robbed of her papers, gold, and money, 
 as we learn from a letter written immediately after 
 the murder by William Sharpe, son of the arch- 
 bishop. 3 
 
 That Sharpe was regretted by ' a great multitude 
 of people in Dunblane ' is the statement of Eussell, 
 the murderer. Dunblane was north of the severely 
 presbyterian line ; it had known prelacy for some 
 years in the example of the unworldly and admirable 
 Leighton. In Dunblane the murderers called for a 
 double gill of brandy, and jested much as Knox 
 
 1 The story of the archbishop's address to Hackston of Eathillet, of 
 his daughter's unfortunate speech, of the familiar spirit like a bumble 
 bee in Sharpe's tobacco box, of the Archbishop's invulnerability to 
 bullets, is in another manuscript of the Woclrow collection. In an 
 account affixed to an edition of a libellous life of Sharpe, first pub- 
 lished in his lifetime, it is said that he read in a prayer-book, ' which 
 increased our surprize and indignation.' Scott may have thought of 
 this in the scene where the Covenanters are about to kill Morton. 
 
 2 Life (1723), p. lvii. 
 
 3 In Appendix to Kirkton. 
 
 X 
 
306 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 jests over the cardinal's slaughter. We need not 
 follow them on their path to Drumclog, Bothwell 
 Brig, Airsmoss, Tala Linn, Holland, or the Grass- 
 market. Eussell himself was a cause of violent 
 schisms at the strange meeting of Tala Linn. The 
 revolution of 1688 practically ended the reign of 
 furious political preachers for that season, though 
 McMillanites, ' glancing Glassites,' and a dozen other 
 sects arose, sobered down, and became, in some 
 cases, important presbyterian communities. 
 
 The private life and the Covenanting myths of 
 Sharpe are full of local interest. From the book of 
 his friend Martine, 'Beliquias Sancti Andrese,' we 
 infer that Sharpe resided, as a rule at least, in the 
 New Inns, ' the present house which hath belonged 
 to and been inhabited by the archbishops ever since 
 the annexation of the priorie to the archbishop. It 
 is very well in repair and of late much bettered than 
 formerlie ' ] (p. 190). Martine is speaking of repairs 
 which were probably executed for Sharpe. 2 Though 
 Sharpe is also said to have inhabited a house in 
 South Street, we may decide, in the interests of the 
 picturesque, that the New Inns was the palace from 
 whose gate Bussell and the rest agreed to hang him. 
 Here, too, we may place the curious tale of Sharpe's 
 
 1 Lamont's Dinnj confirms this statement. 
 
 - Martino throws lilies from full hands on the grave of Sharpe, 
 praising his ' wisdom, courage, zeal, and prudence.' 
 
THE REIGN OF THE SINNERS 307 
 
 double, or wraith, which is of the kind examined by 
 the Society of Psychical Eesearch. We owe the 
 story to Wodrow. 1 Sharpe was in Edinburgh 
 examining the prisoners taken at Pentland, and he 
 needed a paper which lay in a certain ' shotle ' or 
 shelf of his cabinet in the New Inns. He sent his 
 running footman to look for it, and the man, leaving 
 Edinburgh at ten, reached St. Andrews at four on a 
 summer afternoon, having run very fast. ' When he 
 opened the closet door and looked in, he saw the 
 bishop sitting at a table near the window as if he 
 had been reading and writing, with his black gown 
 and tippet, and his broad hat which did surprize the 
 fellow at first, though he was not much terrified ; for 
 being of a hardie frolick temper, or a little hollowed 
 as we called it, he spake to him myrrily thus : 
 " Ho, my lord ! well ridden indeed ! I am sure I 
 left you at Edinburgh at ten o'clock, and j T et you are 
 here before me. I wonder that I saw you not pass 
 by me." The bishop looked over his shoulder to 
 him with a sour and frowning countenance, but spoke 
 not a word.' The footman ran downstairs and 
 called the steward ; they both saw the archbishop 
 standing ' on the stair-head,' looking angry. Soon 
 after the footman found the room empty, took the 
 paper, and next day told Sharpe the story. The 
 
 1 Analecta, vol. iv. p. 104. 
 
 s 2 
 
308 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 archbishop bade him hold his tongue about it. This 
 footman may have been the Andrew Wallace dis- 
 armed by the murderers. 
 
 Another time the Council was trying Janet 
 Douglas, a witch, when Sharpe told her that she 
 might be sent to Barbadoes. 1 She asked him who 
 was with him at midnight on Saturday. The bishop 
 ' turned black and pale.' Eothes, to the delight of 
 that sinner, was informed by Janet that Sharpe had 
 been closeted with ' the meekle black devil ' ! Sharpe 
 is also accused of having plagiarised a sermon, for 
 which offence a lady refused to marry him. 
 
 Among people who may have missed Sharpe were 
 ' the poor at my lord's gates,' often mentioned in the 
 accounts kept for the archbishop by George Martine, 
 author of the ' Keliquise.' Among books we find 
 Sharpe buying Donne's ' Sermons,' ' three Spanish 
 books and maps,' 'books for William Sharpe' (25/.),. 
 Buchanan's ' Psalms,' ' Sallust and Ovid,' ' A Dis- 
 suasive from Popery.' The ' Mystery of Conventicles,' 
 Paget's ' Heresiography.' ' Tiolers in the Abbey.' and 
 ' The Poor in the Abbey ' are mentioned, in which 
 part of the abbey we know not. We find ' the silver 
 staffs ' carried before Sharpe,- so they cannot then 
 have been in Kennedy's tomb. The amounts paid for 
 
 1 Witches were still burned, but it iippears that they snffered less 
 than in the two previous oVnides. 
 Household Bool,; }i. f>H:j. 
 
THE REIGN OF THE SINNERS 309 
 
 good cheer are very considerable ; the donations to 
 the poor do not exceed nor rival Montrose's largesses ; 
 but the author of the ' Life ' testifies to more important 
 charities, secretly bestowed. Seventy-two pounds 
 is paid for an ivory cabinet, 1201. for the jewelled 
 setting of the king's miniature. William Sharpe's 
 golf balls and clubs are occasionally mentioned, and 
 here be the expenses for pipes smoked with Lauder- 
 dale, ' the ashes of the weed of their delight.' Sharpe 
 was clearly a rich man, for he bought Scotscraig, 
 and, in 1669, Strathtyrum, close to St. Andrews ; but 
 he had obtained a good estate with his wife, whose 
 father disinherited his own son as ' a loose character.' * 
 It may also be noted that Mr. Eobert Blair, no 
 archbishop, purchased the lands of Clermont in Fife- 
 shire, so some Presbyterian preachers were men of 
 means. 2 It is not certain that Sharpe ever resided 
 at Strathtyrum, where his initials are extant ou the 
 entablature of an old dovecot. 
 
 His bloody gown was laid on the coffin before the 
 pulpit during the funeral ceremony. His son erected 
 the curious and interesting monument in the town 
 kirk. The archbishop kneels in marble, an angel 
 offers him the martyr's crown ; below is represented 
 the scene of the murder. The archbishop's features 
 are the mild, sagacious, and benignant lineamenls 
 
 1 Laraont. ~ Lamont's Diary. 
 
310 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 familiar to us in engravings from Lely's portrait. 
 In 1725 the tomb was 'destroyed;' probably its 
 contents were rifled. A reward for the discovery 
 of the offenders was offered by the town and by Sir 
 James Sharpe of Strathtyrum. The monument is 
 now in a seemly condition, and the silver communion 
 plate presented by Sharpe is in use. The exact spot 
 of Sharpe's slaying is commemorated by a small 
 cairn in a damp little wood near Magus Moor. 
 
 Outside of the wood is a tombstone in memory 
 of five prisoners from Bothwell Brig, who refused to 
 promise not to take up arms again in defiance of the 
 king. They were hanged in chains on the scene of 
 the murder. Of Sharpe's assassins only two were 
 executed, Hackston and Guilon, the two who dealt 
 no blow. Hence the Covenanters decided that 
 heaven approved of the enterprise ; but why heaven 
 should not also have protected Hackston and Guilon 
 does not appear. Hackston had a descendant who 
 fought for the prince in the '45. 
 
 Here we leave the last famous historical character 
 who illustrates St. Andrews, for Claverhouse, though 
 he studied here, had no other connection with the 
 place. An attempt has been made to deal impar- 
 tially with the character of Sharpe. He changed 
 sides ; so did Mr. James Guthrie, who began life as 
 an Episcopalian, took the Covenant at Samuel 
 
THE REIGN OF THE SINNERS 311 
 
 Eutherford's, and met the hangman as he left the 
 house ! 
 
 Politicians constantly change sides, but their 
 ways grow darker when they are ecclesiastics and 
 great personal gainers by the manoeuvre. All this we 
 might now forgive Sharpe ; his acquiescence in the 
 use of torture we can never forgive. We cannot 
 estimate the exact measure of his guilt or innocence 
 in the case of Mitchell. If there be anything in 
 physiognomy, and if Sharpe was a bad man, he 
 sinned against a good nature. 
 
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 wJkfct. GitUU, SrwieA 'Jt^ja.U rjs £ $} 
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 THE DECAY OF ST. ANDREWS DR. JOHNSON 
 
 After the murder of the archbishop, and after the 
 revolution of 1688, St. Andrews inevitably dwindled 
 and decayed. The town which Knox, Winrani, and 
 the rest of the godly described, when writing to 
 Beza in 1666, as 'the most flourishing city for divine 
 and human learning in Scotland,' became a peculiarly 
 filthy and starveling village. Sharpe was succeeded 
 by Archbishop Burnet (1679-84), who was feliv 
 opportunitate mortis, and died before his Church was 
 overthrown. His successor, Arthur Boss, is chiefly 
 notable for signing a loyal address to James II., from 
 the University, in 1688. 
 
 When the Brince of Orange succeeded to the 
 throne, the bishops of the Scotch Church might have 
 made terms with him. But their principles made it 
 impossible that they should pray for him ; their 
 Church was disestablished ; their clenrv had to 
 
THE DECAY OF ST. ANDREWS— DR. JOHNSON 313 
 
 suffer by extrusion from their benefices and by the 
 ruffianism of the mob. The Jacobite regents and 
 professors were turned out of the University in 1696. 
 Presbyterianism came to its own, but the Covenant was 
 left in the lurch, to the horror of the Cameronians. 
 
 The utter decay and destitution of the town is 
 proved by an attempt made, in 1697, to shift the 
 University to Perth. The professors complained that 
 St. Andrews was in a remote nook, yet too near both 
 Edinburgh and Glasgow. As the professors aver 
 that in 1696 they subsisted entirely on the fees of 
 students, and as students were scarce, their poverty 
 may be imagined. Mr. John Craigie declared that 
 St. Andrews lacked the most usual commodities. 
 Victuals were dear ; clothes, shoes, and hats had to 
 be brought from Edinburgh. The water supply was 
 polluted by dirty clothes, dead fish, and other 
 horrors. The air was thin and piercing ; ' nitre 
 grows upon the walls where fires are used, if there 
 be a window to the north.' Pestilences were 
 common. The place was ' now only a village 
 where farmers dwell, the whole streets are filled 
 with dunghills, which are exceedingly noisome, and 
 ready to infect the air, especially at this season, 
 when the herring-guts are exposed in them.' 
 
 The inhabitants have ' a great aversion to learning 
 and learned men,' probably despising them for their 
 
314 ST ANDREWS 
 
 notorious want of skill at golf. No burgess had 
 ever been a scholar, none had ever bequeathed a 
 penny to the University ; only one local person (the 
 librarian) had ever been qualified to make a liveli- 
 hood by his brains. Town and Gown riots were 
 fearful : the Town brought up cannon to the college 
 gates, and one of them drew a whinger on Dr. Skene 
 within the college. On the other hand, the students 
 had conceived the spirited project of burning 
 down the town ; and, on the whole, a city less 
 academic than St. Andrews was after the revolution 
 can scarcely be conceived. To say that a burning 
 enthusiasm for letters and learned men, or an entire 
 absence of ancient and fishlike smells, is even now 
 a characteristic of the city would be to exagge- 
 rate unpardonably. But cannon and whingers and 
 fire-raising have for some time been obsolete. The 
 scheme for removing the University was unsuccess- 
 ful, though the town of Perth made some handsome 
 offers. 
 
 An accident which occurred in 1709 need not 
 detain us. Some students, boating in the bav. were 
 driven out to sea, and did not make land for nearly 
 a week. Two of them died soon after coming 
 ashore near Aberdeen. An eni^ravino- was executed 
 to commemorate the event, and may be seen in the 
 University library. 
 
THE DECAY OF ST. ANDREWS— DR. JOIIXSOX 315 
 
 In the '15, or rather '16, a St. Leonard's man, 
 Arthur Eoss, robbed a carrier of some Whiggish 
 warrants, and was sentenced to be whipped by the 
 Greek professor ! There was a cruel lack of romance 
 in this punishment of loyalty. Other St. Leonard's 
 men rang the bells on the day when James VILT. was 
 proclaimed, and altogether St. Leonard's was true to 
 the White Eose and the Lost Cause. 
 
 In 1727 St. Mary's was burned, with Principal 
 Haldane in it. In the '45, as the author is informed, 
 Prince Charles's cavalry entered the town as the 
 congregation was leaving church, and enlisted only 
 three men. One of these persevered in the cause till 
 Culloden, and for some time lay hidden in the vaults 
 of the old priory. When the king (the wrong king) 
 was prayed for in church, he put on his bonnet and 
 walked out. Our hearts warm to this loyalist — this 
 Abdiel in a nest of Whiggery. The Chevalier 
 Johnstone, in his own romantic escape after 
 Culloden, came to St. Andrews. Here is his testi- 
 mony : — 
 
 'It was full of the accursed race of Calvinists, 
 hypocrites who cover over their crimes with the 
 veil of religion; fraudulent and dishonest in their 
 dealings ; who carry their holy dissimulation so far 
 as to take off their bonnets to say grace when they 
 take even a pinch of snuff; who have the name of 
 
316 
 
 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 God constantly in their mouths, and hell in their 
 hearts. No town ever so much deserved the fate of 
 Sodom and Gomorrah.' l 
 
 Thus the Chevalier. His annotator, Mr. Young, 
 declares that St. Andrews was Jacobite and Episco- 
 palian ; that Sharpe was much regretted. 2 The 
 
 OLD HOUSE NEAK ST. SALVATOE S 
 
 Covenanters used yearly to assemble at Magus Moor, 
 where the captives from Bothwell Brig were hanged, 
 and march on the town to burn Sharpe's monument. 
 But they were always prevented by the townsmen in 
 
 1 Mcmoir.i, Third Edition', 1822. 
 
 • A descendant of his, in 1710-1714, won the silver arrow, and calls 
 himself ' Collefiii Sancti Lconardi alumnus addictissimus.' 
 
THE DECAY OF ST. ANDREWS- DR. JOHNSON 317 
 
 arms. The truth is that certain moneys accrued to 
 the town as long as the monument should be kept 
 up. The Chevalier says that the mob had arrested 
 a Jacobite the day before he limped into the town. He 
 had a kinswoman in St. Andrews, who only directed 
 him to a farmer, with a request for the loan of a 
 horse. The farmer said, ' She cannot make me pro- 
 fane the Lord's day,' and would not lend the steed. 
 The chapel furniture of the Episcopalians was burned 
 in the street, according to a tradition of Mr. 
 Lyons ; the man who burned it became paralysed. 
 The University disgraced itself by conferring the 
 Chancellorship on the Butcher Cumberland. The 
 rebellion had to be suppressed, but Cumberland's 
 cruelties are undeniable and are unforgiven. 
 
 In 1747 the colleges of St. Salvator's and St. 
 Leonard's were united. St. Leonard's had been 
 burned, but had the better income ; St. Salvator's 
 had the buildings which, in a very distressing state, 
 lasted till the middle of the nineteenth century. 
 From ' Some Historical Eemarks on the City of St. 
 Andrews ' 1 we learn more about the decay both of 
 town and University. There were 94-3 houses, of 
 which 159 were in ruins. Of the 4,000 inhabitants, 
 many were ' idle and half starved.' ' The private 
 houses have been sumptuous and stately, most of 
 
 1 London, 1728. 
 
318 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 them well painted, or wainscotted with oak.' In 
 1892 an old house in College Street was taken 
 down ; a door in it was of oak, excellently carved 
 with the arms and initials of one of the Lermonts 
 of Dairsie, a Provost of the town about 1550. The 
 college ' cloysters ' and rooms ' have been very mag- 
 nificent and convenient,' but were dilapidated in 
 1728. The Principal's salary is stated at 601. yearly. 
 St. Leonard's was then in good repair. The har- 
 bour ' is in a very miserable and pitiable condition ; ' 
 the pier was ' beaten down ' by tempests ; if the pier 
 were carried to the point of the rocks, ' no harbour 
 could be more safe, or of easier access.' The 
 shipwrecks were frequent, vessels being unable to 
 make the harbour. The holes wherein the posts of 
 an old wooden pier stood are still visible ; it 
 was ruined in 1655 ; the next pier, built out of the 
 castle, was broken in 1698. 
 
 As in 1728, we have still shipwrecks, and a pier 
 so inadequate that it causes great difficulties to the 
 trade of the fishing population. But we still wait 
 for the contributions of the Christians to whom our 
 old author made his unavailing appeal. 
 
 It was to this dreary, dilapidated, but still pic- 
 turesque St. Andrews that Boswell carried Dr. 
 Johnson in 1773. Once more we find a great man 
 in the town whither so many and so famous had 
 
THE DECAY OF ST. ANDREWS— DR. JOHNSON 319 
 
 flocked of old. What Boswell writes on the visit is 
 so accessible that to make a summary of it seems 
 almost superfluous. The travellers drove from Cupar 
 (August 18). ' We had a dreary drive in a dark night. 
 We found a good supper in Glass's inn, and Dr. 
 Johnson revived agreeably.' Before he revived 
 Boswell may have had much to suffer. From a print 
 of about 1830, showing Market Street (the home of 
 our last witch) with Glass's inn prominent, on the 
 right-hand side as you go towards the cathedral, it 
 seems probable that here Johnson had the good sup- 
 per. An ugly modern house occupies the site. The 
 Doctor praised the St. Andrews Latin verses in ' The 
 Muse's Welcome to King James ' (1617), and averred 
 that we lost our learning in the Civil Wars. ' But 
 
 for that — League and Covenant our longs and 
 
 shorts ' (elegiacs) ' would be as good as yours,' said 
 an old Scotch gentleman long ago. Pitcairne's tribute 
 to Dundee, 
 
 ULTIME SCOTORTJM, 
 
 does not reflect credit on the Scotland which sur- 
 vived the Covenant. Prom Glass's, Bozzy and the 
 Doctor made a procession by candle-light to St. 
 Leonard's ; the grounds and remaining buildings 
 were ' quite academical.' 
 
 With Dr. Watson, to whom, after the union of 
 the Colleges, one of the houses was sold very cheap, 
 
320 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 they remained during their stay. In the streets the 
 Doctor found ' the silence and solitude of inactive 
 indigence and gloomy depopulation.' ' By some civil 
 excuse ' he was always prevented from entering the 
 chapel of St. Leonard's. ' Where there is shame 
 there may be virtue.' Boswell says he did not see 
 St. Eule's. He could not have missed it, as he saw 
 the cathedral, remarking there that to differ from 
 a man in doctrine ' was no reason for pulling his 
 house about his ears.' ''I hope John Knox is buried 
 in the highway,' he said. ' I have been looking at 
 his reformations.' The Doctor walked uncovered on 
 the consecrated ground ; ' it was a very fine day.' 
 ' He talked loudly of a proper retirement from the 
 world,' which would not have suited the Doctor at 
 all. ' He wanted to mount the steeple, but it could 
 not be done,' though the stair in St. Eule's must 
 surely have been practicable. ' Amidst all these 
 sorrowful scenes,' he concluded, ' I have no objec- 
 tion to dinner.' They visited the castle. Of the 
 library, Principal Morison told the Doctor that ' we 
 had no such repository of books in England.' The 
 professors gave them a very good dinner, and he 
 repeated to them the Latin grace of his college, 
 Pembroke. They visited Sharpe's monument and 
 St. Salvador's, where Dr. Johnson admired the chapel, 
 but the key of tin- library, very characteristically, 
 
THE DECAY OF ST. ANDREWS— DR. JOHNSON 321 
 
 could not be found. A nonjuring clergyman was 
 ' strutting about in his canonicals, with a jolly coun- 
 tenance, and a round belly like a well-fed monk,' 
 happy, perhaps, in the hopes then entertained of a 
 child to be born to ' the fairest fair,' Louisa of 
 Stolberg, the wife of Charles ill. About such hopes 
 we read in the MS. of a nonjuring clergyman of the 
 day, 'The Lyon in Mourning' of Bishop Forbes. 
 At Dr. Watson's they met Miss Sharpe, the Arch- 
 bishop's great-granddaughter, and in the vaults of 
 the priory they saw a poor old woman whose hus- 
 band's ancestors had owned the house, and who 
 counted kin with the Bruces. The Doctor beheld 
 but one tree in the garden of Colonel Nairne, who 
 had been out in the '45 on the Hanoverian side, 
 and had been employed to batter down the castle 
 of his fathers. 
 
 The Doctor left St. Andrews ' filled with mournful 
 images and ineffectual wishes.' He had been ' grati- 
 fied by every mode of kindness and entertained with 
 all the elegance of lettered hospitality.' 
 
 He did not know that a young student was to 
 make a poem ridiculing the ' good dinner,' and pro- 
 posing, as more suitable, fearful Scotch messes — 
 haggis, skait, sheep's-head, sowens, and similar 
 delicacies. The student was Bobert Ferguson, whom 
 Burns hailed as his master, whose tomb he raised 
 
 T 
 
322 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 at his own charges. Two or three of Ferguson's 
 poems deal with student life here ; mainly with beer- 
 drinking in the lodge of the janitor, and with archery, 
 then more fashionable than golf. Ferguson is our 
 only modern poet, our harmless Villon — a noisy, 
 lively lad, full of whisky, and melancholy, and 
 religious fears. He died in a madhouse at about the 
 age of twenty-four; 'he died cured,' as far as the 
 fever of his brain was concerned. Scotland has done 
 very little honour to him : St. Andrews has forgotten 
 him. A copy of his works could not be purchased 
 here ; yet Burns's generosity did not over-estimate his 
 promise, the veracity, as we may call it, of his genius 
 — a genius lucid, pathetic, sad, and wildly gay, but 
 wholly destitute of passion. Like many poets, he 
 did little at college but versify, sing, drink, and 
 divert himself. He had to go down, and, in Edin- 
 burgh, his constitution did not long resist a career of 
 cheap conviviality, tempered by some amusing and 
 harmless escapades. He died in the year after 
 Johnson's visit. 
 
 We turn to another less famous St. Andrews man, 
 whose amiable life is chronicled in a book most 
 unconsciously diverting — ' Poems,' by the late 
 George Monck Berkeley, Esq., LL.B., F.S.S.A., with 
 a preface by the editor. 1 The editor is Mr. Berkeley's 
 
 1 London, 1797. 
 
mother. The preface consists of 630 pages, the poems 
 occupy 212. Berkeley was the grandson of the 
 bishop. His mother prattles about Berkeley and all 
 other topics in a style which would have rejoiced him 
 who ' admired to see the simplicity and harmlessness 
 of a lady ' — Mr. Pepys. Never was a more garrulous 
 old lady, never a lady more addicted to italics 
 
 Young Berkeley, on leaving Eton, wished some time 
 to pass before entering at Oxford, that his school friends 
 might go down and he escape the temptation to 
 hunt twice a week. He therefore chose St. Andrews, 
 and ' almost every peer and man of fortune in Fife ' 
 called on his dear parents. Mrs. Berkeley most justly 
 calls Scotland ' The land of kind hospitality.' They 
 knew Lord Monboddo and his lovely daughter, and 
 Dr. Eeid, the philosopher. Mrs. Berkeley thus de- 
 scribes St, Andrews : 
 
 ' On entering the city at the Argyle Port ' (the 
 west end of South Street), ' your eye is greeted with 
 a noble wide street, one mile in length, and at the 
 lower end of a noble breadth, with stone houses, 
 most of them disfigured by what is termed a fore- 
 stair, that is, an open staircase on the outside, in a 
 zigzag manner across the front of the house, and a 
 huge smidie (she means midden) a dunghill ! ' . . . 
 As for the town, ' John Knox preached it into ruin by 
 removing an archbishop, dean, and eight resident 
 
 T 2 
 
324 ST. ANDEEWS 
 
 prebendaries, who fed the hungry, clothed the naked, 
 and administered to the wants of the sick and needy, 
 who are all now starving. On a full sight of this 
 dreary, deserted city, Mr. Berkeley wept to think he 
 was to remain, if God spared his life, three long years 
 in it.' Moved by the young man's tears and by the 
 death of Johnson's friend Watson, Mr. Berkeley 
 offered to return to England ; but George said that, 
 ' let him suffer what he might,' he would stay. ' He 
 shed more tears at leaving St. Andrews than he drew 
 sighs at entering it.' 
 
 Here follows a story of old student life, which it 
 would be a pity to abridge, as we have so few : 
 
 It is to be hoped that the relation of a little adventure which 
 Mr. Berkeley met with during his residence at St. Andrews may be 
 pardoned. A very few days before the term began in autumn, Mr. 
 Berkeley, who was at that time a very keen sportsman, was told by 
 the son of the professor of medicine, a very sensible young man, now 
 settled in Canada, that, if he wished it, he could lead him to a place 
 where ptermagants abounded. The youths set out, marched several 
 miles, night overtook them, and they wandered in a very dark evening, 
 unable to find the road. At length the moon began to appear, and 
 presented to then." view a figure all in white. Mr. Berkeley soon 
 learned to speak Scotch so perfectly as at any time throughout his life 
 to be mistaken, whenever he wished it, for a true Scot, which often 
 amused his friends or strangers of that country, which his mother ever 
 termed ' The land of kind hospitality,' a proof whereof will soon 
 appear. 
 
 Mr. Berkeley accosted the young woman with ' Lassie, whither 
 gang ye ? ' 
 
 Lassie : ' To yon house, laddie.' 
 
 Mr. B. : ' Can we get lodging there to-night ? ' 
 
 Lass ic : ' Hoo can we ask that question with these weapons in 
 your hand ? They must lodge ye.' 
 
 Mr. D. : ' God forbid that we should attempt to force anyone to 
 
THE DECAY OF ST. ANDREWS— BE. JOHNSON 325 
 
 lodge us, and to convince yon how harmless we are I will instantly 
 discharge my piece.' 
 
 Mr. Berkeley immediately fired off a fine double-barreled gun, 
 and requested his friend to follow his example. They then escorted 
 the nymph above a quarter of a mile to the house, where Mr. Berkeley 
 refused to enter until permission was obtained by their kind guide, 
 who went in alone. In a minute out rushed a bevy of fair nymphs, 
 more than twenty, with a matron in the rear, who very wisely began 
 examining them — how they came on that wild heath at that hour, who 
 and what they were. Mr. Berkeley, being spokesman, assured them 
 that they were honest young men, students of St. Andrews. Still 
 they were distrusted. 
 
 At length, fortunately for them, a young woman espied a youth in 
 a Highland dress, and going up to him asked who he was. 
 
 Servant : ' Who ? Why, I am servant to that tall gentleman.' 
 Young Woman : ' And who is he ? ' 
 
 Servant : ' Why, Mr. Berkeley, secondary at St. Andrews.' 
 Young Woman : ' Where does he come from to keep a servant at 
 college ? ' 
 
 Servant : ' Why, from England.' 
 Young Woman : ' From what part of England ? ' 
 Servant : ' Why, from Canterbury. My master's father is one of 
 the prebendaries there, and is a gentleman of great family.' 
 
 Mr. Berkeley used to laugh when relating this conversation, and 
 say, 'All M'Nicoll's account of my father's dignity in the Church 
 availed me no more than they will do in the world of spirits.' But 
 luckily, some one asked Mr. Berkeley's Highlander, ' Who was his 
 master's companion ? ' to which he, being irritated, replied, ' What 
 does that signify? He is son of Dr. Flint, of St. Andrews.' The 
 magical name of Flint, as Mr. Berkeley used to say, ' acted like a charm.' 
 Dr. Flint is a most incomparable physician. Mr. Flint was immediately 
 examined and cross-examined, and it was determi n ed to admit them, 
 they delivering up their guns to the nymphs. Mr. Berkeley, with his 
 usual elegant gallantry, instantly delivered his into the hands of their 
 kind guide. They then went into the house, being almost starved 
 with cold and sadly tired. Plenty of food and a good fire soon re- 
 animated them. Still they saw nothing but females, all clothed in 
 white. No man appeared. The men were attending to the corn. At 
 length they all agreed that it was time to set off — melancholy news, 
 as Mr. Berkeley used to say, to a couple of young men. Whither were 
 they to go ? ' Could not the beaux escort them ? ' They replied : ' To a 
 neighbouring harvest home, to a dance.' Mr. Berkeley, who was a 
 remarkably fine dancer and loved it exceedingly, jumped up, forgot 
 
326 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 all the fatigues of the day, and said that he and his friend would 
 attend them. Their hospitable and sensible hostess replied : ' Oh, sir, 
 it is not such a ball as you have been used to in England ; there will 
 be only farmers' daughters. I will have the pleasure of endeavouring 
 to entertain you and Mr. Flint here.' Mr. Berkeley, with his usual 
 engaging politeness, said : ' There will be your daughters, madam, and 
 our kind conductress to your hospitable roof.' The young men went 
 and danced in the barn till four in the morning, slept soundly, as may 
 be guessed, till near noon, took an excellent breakfast (even Dr. 
 Johnson liked the breakfasts in Scotland), and, after inviting his kind 
 hostess and her son to dine at his father's house at St. Andrews, when 
 either business or pleasure called them to that ancient city, took their 
 leave. The young man went once or twice to Dr. Berkeley's. Mr. 
 Berkeley, who was born with what is commonly though falsely called a 
 princely spirit, although not to a princely fortune, did not think a few 
 grateful speeches an adequate return for being rescued from sleeping 
 among the heather on the heath, but gent his worthy landlady some fine 
 prints, elegantly framed and glazed, to adorn her parlour, with which 
 he had great pleasure in finding she was much delighted. 
 
 One of the commissions which visited St. Andrews 
 found the windows of St. Leonard's in great need of 
 the glazier. The reason may have been this. At the 
 beginning of each term the porter collected five 
 shillings from each student for the windows he might 
 break. The money was never returned, so the men 
 broke all the windows at the end of each term. 
 Berkeley was asked to join, ' for no reason ; it has 
 been done from time immemorial. ' Berkeley de- 
 clined ; he had never broken windows at Eton, and 
 was not going to begin. The immemorial practice 
 was therefore dropped, but the money was still col- 
 lected. The porter told a friend of Berkeley's about 
 a poor student who, having but one crown to keep 
 him all the session, had spent sixpence thereof, and 
 
THE DECAY OF ST. ANDREWS— DE. JOHNSON 327 
 
 was obliged to surrender the rest. A subscription, 
 'very noble,' was raised among the Scotch and 
 English students. The boy's father had but three 
 cows, and sold one to send him to St. Andrews. 
 ' All the lower ' (poorer) ' students study by fire- 
 light.' ' He brought with him a large tub of oat- 
 meal, and a pot of salted butter, on which to sub- 
 sist from October 20 to May 20.' Berkeley and his 
 friend, Eincaldrum, by an arrangement with the 
 cook, paid his battels for the term. 
 
 Berkeley lived in his father's house, and did not 
 dine in hall. At St. Leonard's, in 1740, as the 
 minutes show, there were ' boarders ' at high table, a 
 kind of gentlemen commoners. Their breakfast 
 commons were one half loaf and one mutchkin of 
 milk, and of bread and ale at supper as formerly. 
 A bursar (exhibitioner) had 'one third of a scone, 
 and a mutchkin of ale or milk,' which he had to 
 fetch from the butterj T , or ' pantry.' The portioner 
 had to eat in the pantry. 
 
 No doubt great poverty was endured by some 
 students, while others were public school men, with 
 plenty of money. The author met once, in the 
 quadrangle, a very old gentleman, who told him 
 about the ancient days when students lived in the 
 damp and dirty rooms of old St. Salvator's. He had 
 seen one of them peeling his potatoes with his razor. 
 
328 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 There appears to have been no debating society 
 at that time, for Berkeley instituted one called 
 Liter arii Viginti. The principal and professors used 
 to attend the debates. Prize exercises were delivered 
 in the room where the cavalier prisoners were tried. 
 Duels were not unknown. An English student in- 
 sulted Berkeley, telling him that he was ' a coward, 
 and afraid to fight.' Berkeley sent a challenge ; his 
 second was a Mr. Price. 1 ' The ground was measured, 
 the pistols delivered, and the swords ready,' when 
 Price extracted an apology from the offender. ' So 
 this frightful affair ended.' Mrs. Berkeley accuses 
 the shopkeepers of being ' wonderfully saucy and 
 surly.' ' There is nothing in the world I enjoy so 
 much as insulting a woman. I always did ; and if 
 she's a lady I like it ten times better,' said one of 
 these bullies. ' He lived in North Street, and was a 
 true disciple of the brutal John Knox' (p. dcxi). 
 Wrecks were common. ' Well, now Eogers is 
 happy ; he is posting off to a wreck, with three or 
 four bottles and blankets innumerable,' says Berkeley 
 about an English friend. 
 
 These are all the scraps about St. Andrews 
 which analysis can extract from a prodigious mass 
 of prattle, the most disjointed chat ever offered by a 
 fond mother to the world. 
 
 ' Poems, Ixxi. 
 
THE DECAY OF ST. ANDREWS— DR. JOHNSON 329 
 
 A Mr. Cherry, a distinguished lawyer, was an 
 ancestor of Berkeley's, and had once made a gallant, 
 but fruitless, attempt to convert James VIII. He 
 despatched a missionary at his private expense. 
 James was obstinate in his errors, but not ungrateful. 
 He sent a ring to Mr. Cherry, and the mere possession 
 of this ring in the family made Berkeley a welcome 
 guest all over the Highlands. He died at the age 
 of twenty-nine, and, with all allowance for maternal 
 partiality, seems to have been a fine, good-hearted, 
 brave, and open-handed young fellow. Mrs. Berke- 
 ley presented his poems, and her preface, to the 
 University, and an engraving of his portrait hangs 
 in the room where he delivered his prize exercises. 
 
330 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 CHAPTEK XIII 
 
 RECENT ST. ANDREWS — DR. CHALMERS 
 
 In the course of these studies we have usually found 
 an ecclesiastic dominating St. Andrews, and marking 
 it with his own stamp. Bishop Eobert, Lamberton, 
 the Beatons, Knox, the Melvilles, Eutherford, Arch- 
 bishop Sharpe have succeeded each other ; the con- 
 troversy of the Marrow had its forgotten heroes, and 
 early in the nineteenth century we meet Dr. Chalmers. 
 He had left St.. Andrews long before the disruption 
 and the rise of the Free Kirk. ' Your pot will be as 
 black as ours when it has gone to the fire as long,' 
 said a humorous friend of the old faith in the days 
 when ' the Trewth ' was new. Alas ! ' the pot ' was 
 broken in half when it had srone to the free for but 
 three hundred years, or less. But Dr. Chalmers's 
 share in shattering it forms no part of our subject ; 
 we have only to deal with his education here, and 
 his brief tenure of the Moral Philosophy Chair. 
 
 Dr. Chalmers was born at Anstruther, where James 
 Melville had been minister, on March 17, 1780. At 
 
RECENT ST. ANDREWS— DR. CHALMERS 331 
 
 school he was a strong boy, idle and merry, with a 
 taste for preaching, which came as naturally to a 
 Scotch child of that age as acting comes to others. 
 In November 1791, before he was twelve years old, 
 he entered the United College. The classes must 
 have been almost elementary in their work, or the 
 time must have been wasted. Chalmers knew 
 scarce any Latin — Dr. Hunter's scholarship must 
 have been thrown away on him : he was chiefly 
 distinguished in golf, football (afterwards forbidden 
 in 1826), and fives. 
 
 To mathematics, as his intellect awoke, he gave 
 much more attention. ' The chilling influence of 
 Moderatism ' made him regard ' all that is properly and 
 peculiarly gospel' with some indifference. Of course 
 there was later a reaction in favour of evangelical 
 doctrines. At that time, and later, the divinity 
 students used to conduct prayers in hall, and the 
 townspeople were allowed to be present. Even at 
 sixteen Chalmers was master of his rather profuse 
 and magniloquent rhetoric, and the St. Andrews 
 people flocked to listen. For a people naturally 
 self-contained in most circumstances, the Scotch are 
 curiously rhetorical, in a style marked rather by 
 abundance and fervour than by finish and research. 
 A good deal of Dr. Chalmers's work is really more 
 remote in style from the literary manner of to-day than 
 
332 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 is the composition of Knox. His ideas are rolled on a 
 stream of long Latin words, precipitate and sonorous, 
 ruit prof was. He took part in the discussions of a 
 theological debating society, of which John Campbell 
 (Lord Campbell) and Leyden, the friend of Scott, 
 were members. It is said that just before the dis- 
 ruption (1841) Dr. Chalmers encouraged his followers 
 by repeating, among other things, a passage from an 
 old college essav of his own on the enthusiasm of 
 the early Christians. It was, apparently, after 
 Chalmers left St. Mary's and went to a tutorship in 
 the country that an action of the noblest courage 
 was performed here by a divinity student, Mr. John 
 Honey. On New Year's Day, 1800, a ship was 
 wrecked on the sands to eastward of the town. The 
 surf was terrible ; and though the sailors could be 
 seen through the sleet and spindrift, none of the 
 fishermen dared venture to swim out with a rope. 
 Mr. Honey volunteered ; he was roped and sprang 
 into the surf. His friends on shore, doubting his 
 ability to reach the vessel, began to drag him back. 
 With a knife which he carried in his teeth he severed 
 the rope, reached the ship, and brought a rope ashore. 
 The crew were too weak and unnerved to use it, and 
 Mr. Honey swam seven times to the vessel, each time 
 returning with a rescued man. The last left go 
 twice ; twice Honey dived for him and brought him 
 

 :W 
 
back. He was injured by a spar ; his health never 
 recovered its vigour, and Dr. Chalmers preached his 
 funeral sermon in 1814. 
 
 Since that time there have been many wrecks. 
 One ship was lost within a short distance of the 
 shore, where among the helpless lookers-on were 
 students in the grotesque masquerading dresses of 
 Kate Kennedy's day, a kind of carnival recently 
 abohshed. In 1891 a vessel was driven into the 
 eastern bay, and all the morning could be seen, a 
 ghostly shape in the mist. She let down two anchors, 
 and efforts were made to launch the lifeboat, but 
 the surf rendered this impossible. A crew of fishers 
 went further along the coast eastwards to Boarhills, 
 where lay a disused lifeboat of unapproved construc- 
 tion ; the door of the boat-house was silted up with 
 sand, the escape-pipes were choked. Nevertheless 
 they launched her, taking their lives in their hands, 
 dropped down on the vessel with the wind, and rowed 
 for the east sands. It was terrible to see the boat, 
 now high on a crest, now absolutely drowned in the 
 breaking wave. Two men were swept overboard ; 
 they were rescued, however, and the fishermen with 
 the crew of the vessel were landed in safety. It was 
 an act of the noblest gallantry and devotion, as the 
 boat was, and was known to be, unfit to outride the 
 storm. 
 
334 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 In ] 802 Dr. Chalmers became Assistant Professor 
 of Mathematics at St. Andrews. He seems to have 
 made mathematics interesting, ' with applications and 
 illustrations of the most lively nature.' A beauty 
 and a glory hung over his demonstrations of geometry 
 which kindled the most glowing emotions in every 
 breast. In Mr. Todhunter's excellent Euclid this 
 glory and beauty are absent, and Dr. Chalmers must 
 have been singular as a mathematical professor if he 
 could invest his topic with a glow of ' generous sen- 
 timent.' He asked his pupils whether any of them 
 'laboured under the discouraging impression that 
 Nature had unfitted them for an effectual prosecution 
 of this science.' He bade them ' contemplate the 
 fame of the illustrious dead who trod the lofty paths 
 of discovery.' Discovery is all very well, but a con- 
 genital incapacity for mastering a single proposition 
 of Euclid is a fact in some human natures. Euclid's arid 
 work was, in the Professor's opinion, ' one of the few 
 books which elevate our respect for antiquity.' Per- 
 haps Dr. Chalmers was not very familiar with the 
 works of Homer, the tragedians, the philosophers, the 
 poets of Greece. Perhaps something in their genius 
 was alien to his own. In any case his almost exclusive 
 admiration of Euclid must have been unpleasant to 
 the Greek professor. 
 
 Curiously enough, after appeals to the genius 
 
RECEXT ST. ANDREWS— DR. CHALMERS 335 
 
 of Discovery and the shade of Newton, the students 
 at the end of the session knew even less of mathe- 
 matics than usual. This may have been the result 
 of Dr. Chalmers's well-meant effort to carry the 
 whole class along with him. In mathematics, at all 
 events, this cannot be done. The ' hard-grained muses 
 of the cube and square ' do not win some hearts at 
 all, and a whole class must wait while some Macaulay 
 declines or is unable to cross the ass's bridge. Con- 
 sequently the assistant and the professor were at 
 feud ; and, at the examination in the hall, Chalmers 
 ' broke out into a severe invective against Professor 
 Vilant,' the professor in chief. ' The speech was long 
 and sarcastic' (1803.) Yet, after this early ex- 
 hibition, the University, twenty years later, made Dr. 
 Chalmers Professor of Moral Philosophy. 
 
 In 1803 his chief dismissed Chalmers, at which 
 we need not marvel after his unseemly exhibition. 
 He returned to St. Andrews and gave ' extra-mural ' 
 instruction in mathematics. He felt that he might 
 conceivably be thought ' a fire-brand of turbulence 
 and mischief.' 
 
 Meeting a Dr. E. in the street, Chalmers saluted 
 him as ' the author of a false and impudent calumny.' 
 Dr. E. was, apparently, Dr. Eotherham. 
 
 St. Andrews was again a vivacious place. John 
 Knox, Andrew Melville, Samuel Eutherford, Dr. 
 
336 ST. ANDEEWS 
 
 Chalmers — how vigorously they have enlivened the 
 local ' bowers,' as Dr. Chalmers afterwards called 
 the colleges in a vein of eloquence somewhat Ana- 
 creontic. He added chemistry to the topics of his in- 
 struction. At this time he was minister of Kilmany, 
 which he visited on Sundays. On workadays he 
 defended geology. ' The writings of Moses do not fix 
 the antiquity of the globe,' as indeed Colet had 
 argued three hundred years earlier in Oxford. 
 
 Some of the ministers objected to Chalmers's con- 
 duct, and he denounced ' ecclesiastical persecution.' 
 After an active career as minister at Kilmany and in 
 Glasgow, Dr. Chalmers, without application from him- 
 self, was unanimously elected to the Chair of Moral 
 Philosophy here in 1823. This proves that the early 
 feuds had been forgiven or forgotten. His fame for 
 eloquence was great in the land. On November 14, 
 1823, he delivered his inaugural lecture. 'I never 
 thought that on this side of time I should have been 
 permitted to wander in arbours so desirable . . . 
 embowered among my most delicious recollections.' 
 In his farewell speech at Glasgow the same flowery 
 components marked his style. ' My footsteps have 
 been lured into a most congenial resting-place, among 
 whose academic bowers Rutherford and Halyburton 
 spent the evening of their days.' 
 
 Alas ! the bowers and arbours were soon to hear 
 
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 Eh 
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RECENT ST. ANDREWS— DR. CHALMERS oo7 
 
 the din of academic warfare, a warfare in which, at 
 least on one point, Br. Chalmers was conspicuously 
 in the right. The expediency of appointing a popu- 
 lar preacher, however energetic, versatile, and in 
 the best sense earnest, to a chair of what is practi- 
 cally mental philosophy and metaphysics, may be 
 doubted. Education ought to be a strict training, 
 and, in the philosophy of morals, which almost 
 inevitably finds, or tries to find, a basis in meta- 
 physics, a close historical survey of the Greek 
 schools, and a study of such unpopular works as the 
 Ethics and the De Anima, has usually been thought 
 desirable. Dr. Chalmers told the Commission of 
 1827 that he examined ' the moralities which recipro- 
 cate between man and man on earth, and next the 
 moralities which connect earth with heaven.' ' I 
 give a course of natural theology, and make palpable 
 demonstration of the insufficiency of natural theo- 
 logy,' a task now confined to the Gifford Lecturer, 
 who is believed occasionally to 'make palpable 
 demonstration of the insufficiency ' of his theme. 
 Dr. Chalmers thus led up to Christian theology, and 
 much may be said for this way of understanding the 
 duties of his chair. 
 
 Dr. Chalmers's connection with St. Andrews was 
 brief and somewhat tumultuous. His biographer, 
 
338 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 Dr. Hanna, speaks of Dr. Brown's ' greater antecedent 
 familiarity with the subject,' adding that ' upon the 
 subjects of many of his lectures Dr. Brown had 
 not reflected till he sat down to write them.' l This 
 injudicious phrase is calculated to give the impres- 
 sion that Dr. Chalmers had not reflected at all. 
 ' His own state of unpreparedness was so great ' as to 
 alarm Dr. Chalmers. He was now forty-three, and 
 why he became a Professor of Moral Philosophy at 
 forty-three, if he was unprepared, is one of the pro- 
 blems that sometimes occur in Scotch academic ap- 
 pointments. He worked away, being about a lecture 
 or two ahead of his class throughout the session. 
 He was very fluent and sonorous ; his popularity as 
 a preacher made strangers as well as students crowd 
 his lecture-room, and ' the eloquent passages of the 
 lecturer were greeted by rounds of applause.' He 
 bore with this till a dog was brought in, which seems 
 to have testified its admiration with the most buoy- 
 ant enthusiasm. His first lecture began ' Brethren,' 
 as he had not, apparently, been much in the habit of 
 addressing persons to whom that collective name was 
 unfamiliar. The defects in his improvisations Dr. 
 Chalmers was well acquainted with : he spoke of his 
 lectures as ' the rough and unfinished sketches of one 
 who has bad to travel with rapidity over the land. . . . 
 
 1 Alcmoirs of Dr. Chalmers, vol. iii. p. 6. 
 
RECENT ST, ANDREW'S— DR. CHALMERS 339 
 
 There is a certain showy and superficial something 
 which can be done in a very short time.' He always 
 got a cheer, or rather a thumping of feet on the floor, 
 when he declaimed Cowper's lines about the eminence 
 over Voltaire of the old woman who " knows her Bible 
 true.' It was magnificent, but it was not moral 
 philosophy. As a rule, moral philosophy means a 
 good deal of metaphysics in Scotland. Dr. Chalmers 
 preferred to keep on the human side of the subject- 
 Applause, and crowds of spectators, are not to be 
 won by lecturing, like Professor Ferrier, on the Greek 
 Presocratic philosophers. The general public, with 
 dogs, are not attracted by Eitter and Preller. Dr. 
 Chalmers strayed, as we saw, into natural theology, 
 and afterwards remodelled these lectures to suit a 
 theological chair. His treatment of his matter was 
 ' diffuse and illustrative.' l The lecturer would spring 
 from his seat, and bend over the desk, and ' find 
 his way to some picturesque conception and ex- 
 pressive phraseology.' There were ' excitements ' as 
 Dr. Chalmers was finding his way in this manner, 
 Dr. Hanna remarks, and some students may have 
 been reminded of John Knox, when his awe-struck 
 audience expected him to ' fly out of the pulpit.' 
 Dr. Chalmers besought his pupils not to applaud 
 every poetical quotation : a good plan would have 
 
 1 Hanna, vol. iii. p. ">S. 
 
 e 
 
340 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 been not to quote poetry at all. Whatever moral 
 philosophy may be, it clearly is not rhetoric. The 
 habit of making a noise invaded some of the other 
 classes. When Dr. Chalmers asked a pupil ' who 
 was the father of the correct theory of population,' 
 the young Highlander answered ' Julius' Cassar,' 
 which seems to have been wrong. Nothing was 
 visible of the Professor for some time but his back 
 rising and falling, like that of a sea-shouldering 
 whale. Dr. Chalmers took a lively interest in the con- 
 troversy as to whether students of the Established 
 Kirk should be compelled to attend the College 
 Church, if they happened to prefer another taber- 
 nacle. There was an ' unacceptable ' minister in the 
 College Church, and Lord Melville did not select 
 Dr. Chalmers's candidate. The object of the rule, of 
 course, was to see that the men did go to church. 
 Dr. Duff is kind enough to say that ' the St. Andrews 
 students were, previous to the advent of Dr. Chalmers, 
 a singularly Godless, Christless class.' The University 
 could not make them godly, but it could make them 
 go to the College Church. Hence the persecuting 
 measure which restrained their tastes. We, who had 
 been ' a Lebanon ' under Rutherford, were ' a mass 
 of moral putrescence on which the quickening salt 
 then fell ' in the person of Dr. Chalmers, says 
 Dr. Duff Dr. Duffs metaphors are mixed : salt 
 
RECENT ST. ANDREWS— DR. CHALMERS 341 
 
 does not quicken putrescent matter — quite the 
 reverse. 1 
 
 Dr. Chalmers was involved in another contro- 
 versy, out of which he came morally and deservedly 
 triumphant. To put it briefly, since 1784, the pro- 
 fessors, after a review of the finances, had helped 
 themselves to the surplus, without much regarding 
 the money needed for repairs of buildings and general 
 expenses. About a third of Dr. Chalmers's income 
 would have come from this source. He could not 
 see that the proceedings were legal, and he refused 
 to draw his ' Candlemas dividends.' The money lay 
 in the bank, but, with an honourable scrupulousness, 
 he refused to touch it. He stated his opinions to 
 the Commissioners ; nothing was settled. After he 
 left St. Andrews for Edinburgh, the Commissioners, 
 in 1829, informed him that they saw 'no good 
 reason ' why he should not receive the money. He 
 therefore drew it, as he had a perfect right to do, and 
 then found, in 1831, that the report of the Commis- 
 sion censured the principal and professors. Verily 
 he did well to be angry. In his conduct he was a 
 worthy Professor of Moral Philosophy ; as to his 
 lectures, his biographer leaves an impression that he 
 was. somewhat too rhetorical. But it is not easy to 
 hit the happy medium between exciting too much 
 
 1 Hanna, vol. iii. p. 196. 
 
o42 ST. AXDHEWS 
 
 and not exciting at all. Dr. Chalmers was a great 
 lover of the antiquities of St. Andrews. Among the 
 oldest and most dilapidated were the College build- 
 ings. 
 
 In 1827 a Commission found the University 
 rather ruinous in its buildings, and not absolutely at 
 peace within itself. St. Mary's was ' wretched and 
 dilapidated.' The ancient western part of the United 
 Colleges' fabric ' appears entirely ruinous and incap- 
 able of repair." The lecture-rooms were ' extremely 
 mean, small, confined, and insufficient.' The newer 
 part of the building was also ' in a most dilapidated 
 state.' Professor Hunter was ashamed when people 
 came to see the Colleges. It was asked whether 
 professors detained library books ' for twenty or 
 thirty years : ' the vice-rector, Doctor Buist, thought 
 this was unusual. Many ' books had been lost, and 
 this is hardly strange, as books used to be lent to 
 people living at the ends of the earth. The library 
 had benefited by fees of medical graduates ; this 
 business of medical degrees is, or lately was, a burn- 
 ing question, into which the historian is anxious not 
 to press. At this time the undergraduates seem still 
 to have been divided into primars, sons of noblemen ; 
 secondars, gentlemen commoners ; and ternars, ' from 
 the common ranks of life.' These undemocratic 
 distinctions are obsolete. The students in the two 
 
KECEXT .ST. ANDREWS— DR. CHALMERS 34o 
 
 first years were aged from twelve to fifteen ; in the 
 first Greek class the teaching was ' perfectly ele- 
 mentary.' As punishments sixpenny fines were 
 imposed by the old statutes, and a student like 
 Berkeley could cheaply have escaped all lectures. 
 One rude student, threw a shilling on the floor at 
 Dr. Chalmers's feet, in his early days. 
 
 Among noted pupils about Dr. Chalmers's time 
 was Dr. Eobert Lee, minister, later, of the Grey 
 Friars Church in Edinburgh, very well known for 
 his efforts to get Presbyterian services conducted 
 ' with amenity and reverence.' In his student years, 
 about 1821, Mr. Skelton says that Dr. Lee found 
 St. Andrews 'a truly academic city, a dark, som- 
 bre, ruinous, ill-lighted, badly paved, old-fashioned, 
 old-mannered, secluded place. . . . Old-fashioned 
 professors and old-fashioned ladies looked after keen- 
 eyed, threadbare students, who, in red and ragged 
 gowns, like the early Edinburgh Eeviewers, culti- 
 vated the Muses upon a little oatmeal.' 1 
 
 It is unnecessary, and might be dangerous, to 
 examine the later history of the University. The old 
 College buildings have been removed, except that 
 tall block which contains Dr. Chalmers's class-room, 
 and the little museum with Kennedy's maces and the 
 silver arrows, with the medals of Argyll and Montrose. 
 
 1 Mary Stuart and Other Papers, p. 308. 
 
344 ST. ANDKEWS 
 
 The new buildings are adequate and airy ; they 
 contain no rooms for students, who live in the town. 
 The old house next the College, with the saint in 
 a niche of the tower, is the Union ; it answers the 
 purposes of the Union at Oxford and Cambridge. 
 There is dinner in hall daily, a thing not usual in 
 Scotch Universities. The numbers of the students are 
 as high as they ever have been, except perhaps in the 
 years of Dr. Chalmers's attractions. The University 
 has received a considerable bequest from an Austra- 
 lian benefactor ; additional chairs have been founded, 
 and there is a kind of unholy alliance or amalgama- 
 tion with Dundee College. 
 
 Of recent times, even were it advisable, it is super- 
 fluous to speak. 1 The names of Forbes, Tulloch, 
 Shairp, Ferrier, Sellar, and Campbell have illustrated 
 the Principalships and the Chairs of Greek, Latin, 
 and Moral Philosophy. The library has been added 
 to, a fine hall has been built, and it is a bower, or 
 arbour, much better regulated than in the days of 
 Dr. Chalmers. 
 
 The town suffered and rejoiced forty years ago 
 under a very energetic reformer, Sir Hugh Lyon 
 Playfair. He swept away ' middens," or dunghills ; 
 
 1 Tliu cm-ions may find plenty of personal information about St. 
 Andrews professors and ministers in Mrs. Oliphant's Lift- of Principal 
 Tulloch, in A. K. H. B.'s Twenty-five Years of St. Andrews, and in 
 Professor Knight's Life of Principal Shnirp. 
 
RECENT ST. ANDREWS— DR. CHALMERS 345 
 
 he also swept away ancient remains, 'fore-stairs,' and 
 old projecting porches of houses. Strange tales are 
 told of his arbitrary acts and of assaults on St. 
 Leonard's Chapel, in which the Principal, Sir David 
 Brewster, is also implicated. God's revenge against 
 Philistines fell on Sir David. He lived in George 
 Buchanan's part of St. Leonard's, which was haunted 
 by strange noises. Many a time his family heard the 
 philosopher scurry in a terror from his study to his 
 bedchamber. Once he saw the wraith of Mr. Lyon, 
 the historian of St. Andrews, so Sir David's daughter 
 testifies. Sir Hugh, for his wicked part, is said to 
 have carried violently away the old arch in front of 
 San Salvator's ; it now lies in fragments on the grass 
 behind the College. Sir Hugh Playfair found St. 
 Andrews picturesque and left it clean, or cleaner than 
 its ancient and fishlike wont. It is a melancholy 
 topic, over which post-Playfairian visitors can only 
 weep, not knowing how much mischief was done, and 
 rather preferring not to know. George Buchanan's 
 study in St. Leonard's had then its old fore-stair, by 
 which alone it could be approached. 'Tis gone, 
 much is gone ; much that was old and might have 
 been made clean. 
 
 The modern St. Andrews is a city of many 
 schools, and in summer is a watering-place. 
 
 Its antiquities are kept in good repair ; its hotels 
 
346 ST. ANDREWS 
 
 do not invade the picturesque part of the town, the 
 cathedral end, the beautiful Pends, the old abbey 
 wall with its ivy-grown towers, the ruins of Kirk- 
 heugh and of the castle. It were superfluous to 
 dwell on the attractions of golf; like certain golf- 
 ino- tombstones in the cathedral the topic is not 
 harmonious with a history of ancient faiths and 
 feuds, ruins and revolutions. The historian, how- 
 ever, cannot but chronicle the merits, so kindly 
 and genial, of famous Tom Morris, the Nestor of 
 golf, ' and wale o' auld men.' 
 
 Not in summer, among crowds of holiday-making 
 strangers, but in winter, when the scarlet gowns of 
 the students brighten the dim streets, and the waves 
 fill the roofless fanes with their monotone, is the time 
 to see St. Andrews. The world alters ; new cries 
 ring above the unceasing brawl of men, but the 
 northern sea, with its changeless voice, we hear as 
 Eadmer heard it, and St. Margaret, Beaton, and 
 Queen Mary, Knox in his chamber in the besieged 
 castle, and Bruce in the priory. Even so forlorn, 
 when St. Andrews is but a fishing village again, men 
 will hear the tide as they stand on the wave-worn 
 promontory whence the great broken towers shall 
 have fallen. Have all our revolutions, all our 
 changes of creed, all the bloodshed and the burning, 
 made men happier ? Ts the truth as near us now as 
 
RECENT ST. ANDREWS— 1>R. CHALMERS o47 
 
 it was when tlie Pictish king died here in religion, or 
 when Knox held, as he deemed, the actual verity and 
 secret of the world ? We grow grey like the ' dear 
 city of youth and dream,' the city of our youth ; 
 like her, we have seen too many changes and known 
 too many disappointments. Her shattered monuments 
 yet behold the sea, the sun, the sky ; to have done so 
 much, says the Greek, is not to have failed. So 
 some may muse as the pale winter sunset fades 
 beyond the sands. In the minds of others their own 
 memories will be uppermost, as in Scott's, while he 
 sat, old and weary, but undefeated, at the foot of the 
 great tower which he could no longer climb. 
 
 ' I did not go up to St. Rule's tower, as on former 
 occasions ; this is a falling-off, for when before did 
 I remain sitting below when there was a steeple to 
 be ascended ? . . . I sat down on a gravestone and 
 recollected the first visit I made to St. Andrews, now 
 thirty-four vears ago. What changes in my feelings 
 and fortunes have since then taken place ! some for the 
 better, many for the worse. I remembered the name 
 I then carved in runic characters on the turf beside 
 the castle-gate, and I asked why it should still agitate 
 my heart.' Humana perp/'-ssi sumus ! 
 
PRINTED BY 
 
 SFOTTCSWOODB AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE 
 
 LONDON 
 
 </„ 
 
August, 1893 
 
 Classified Catalogue 
 
 OF WORKS IN 
 
 GENERAL LITERATURE 
 
 PAGE 
 
 BADMINTON LIBRARY (THE) - - - • 9 
 
 BIOGRAPHY, PERSONAL MEMOIRS, ETC. - .... 6 
 
 CHILDREN'S BOOKS - - ' - • - - 20 
 
 CLASSICAL LITERATURE, TRANSLATION, ETC. ----- 14 
 
 COOKERY AND DOMESTIC MANAGEMENT ------ 22 
 
 EVOLUTION, ANTHROPOLOGY, ETC. • - - - 14 
 
 FICTION, HUMOUR, ETC. ........ 16 
 
 HISTORY, POLITICS, POLITY, AND POLITICAL MEMOIRS - - - - 3 
 
 INDEX OF AUTHORS .------■- 2 
 
 LANGUAGE, HISTORY AND SCIENCE OF ------ 13 
 
 "MENTAL, MORAL, AND POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY - - - - ■ 10 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS AND CRITICAL WORKS ------ 23 
 
 POETRY AND THE DRAMA - - - • - - '5 
 
 POLITICAL ECONOMY AND ECONOMICS - - - - 13 
 
 POPULAR SCIENCE --------- 18 
 
 SILVER LIERARY (THE) - . - - 21 
 
 SPORT AND PASTIME --.-----■ 8 
 
 TRAVEL AND ADVENTURE ------ 7- 
 
 WORKS OF REFERENCE ...----- 20 
 
 LONDON 
 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 
 
 NEW YORK: 15 EAST 16th STREET 
 
INDEX OF"AUTH 
 
 Abbott (Evelyn) 
 
 (T. K.) - - - 
 
 Acland (A. H. D.) - 
 
 Acton (Eliza) - 
 
 -Eschylus 
 
 Allingham (W.) 
 
 Anstey (F.) 
 
 Aristophanes - 
 
 Aristotle - 
 
 Armstrong (E.) 
 
 (G. F. Savage-) 
 
 (E. T.) - - - 
 
 Arnold (Sir Edwin) - 
 
 Arnold (T.) - 
 
 Ashley (W.J.) - 
 
 Atelier du Lys (Author of) 
 
 Bacon - 
 
 Bagehot (Walter) - 
 
 Bagwell (R.) - 
 
 Bain (Alexander) 
 
 Baker (James) - 
 
 Baker (Sir S. W.) - 
 
 Ball (J. T.) 
 
 Baring-Gould (S.) - 
 
 Barrow (Sir J. Croker) - 
 
 Beaconsfield (Earl of) - 
 
 Beaufort (Duke of) - 
 
 Becker (Prof.) - 
 
 Bell (Mrs. Hugh) - 
 
 Bent (J. Theodore) - 
 
 Bjornsen (B.) - . - 
 
 Boase (C. W.) - 
 
 Boedder (B.) - 
 
 Boyd (A. K. H.) - 
 
 Brassey (Lady) 
 
 Bray (C. and Mrs.) - 
 
 ' Brenda ' - 
 
 Buckle (H. T.) 
 
 Bull (T.) - 
 
 Burrows (Montagu) 
 
 Bury (Viscount 
 
 Butler (E. A.) - 
 
 (Samuel) - - - 
 
 Campbell-Walker (A.) - 
 
 Carlyle (Thomas) - 
 
 Caroe (W. D.) - 
 
 Chesney (Sir G.) - 
 
 Chetwynd (Sir G.) - 
 
 Chilton (E.) - 
 
 Cholmondeley-Pennell (H.) 
 
 Cicero - - - - 
 
 Clarke (R. F.) - 
 
 Clerke (Agnes M.) - 
 
 Clodd (Edward) 
 
 Clutterbuck (W. J.) 
 
 Comyn (L. N.) 
 
 Conington (John) - 
 
 Cox (Harding) 
 
 Crake (A. D.) - 
 
 Creighton (Bishop) - 
 
 Crozier (J. B.) -, 
 
 Crump (A.) 
 
 Curzon (Hon. G. N.) 
 
 Cutts (E. L.) - 
 
 Dante - 
 
 Davidson (W. L.) - 
 
 Deland (Mrs.) - 
 
 Dent (C. T.) - 
 
 De Salis (Mrs.) 
 
 De Tocqueville (A.) 
 
 Devas (C. S.) - 
 
 Dougall (L.) - 
 
 Dowell (S.) 
 
 Doyle (A. Conan) . 
 
 Falkener (E.) 
 
 Farnell (G. S.) 
 
 Farrar (Archdeacon) 
 
 Fitzpatrick (W. J.) - 
 
 FordfH.)- 
 
 Francis (Francis) - 
 
 Freeman (Edward A.) 
 
 Froude (James A.) - - 4 
 
 Furneaux (W.) 
 
 Gardiner (Samuel Rawson) 
 
 Gleig(G. R.) - 
 
 Goethe .... 
 
 Gordon (E. J. A.) - 
 
 Graham (G. F.) 
 
 Graves (R. P.) - 
 
 Green (T. Hill) 
 
 Greville (C. C. F,) - 
 
 Haggard (H. Rider) 
 
 . (Ella) - - . 
 
 Page 
 
 ■ 3, 14 
 
 3 
 
 15 
 
 6, 15, 23 
 
 - 7,15 
 
 3 
 13 
 IS 
 
 - 6, II 
 6, 13, 23 
 
 3 
 II 
 16 
 7 
 3 
 23 
 
 - 16, 17 
 
 9 
 14 
 
 15 
 7 
 
 15 
 4 
 
 12 
 
 - 6, 23 
 
 7 
 
 : 3 '*l 
 4 
 15 
 
 - Hi 13 
 
 17 
 9 
 
 - 22, 23 
 
 3 
 13 
 17 
 13 
 17 
 10 
 14 
 • 13, 17 
 3 
 
 Halliwell-Phillipps (J, O.) 
 Harrison (Mary) 
 Harrison (Jane E.) - ' - 
 Harte (Bret) - 
 Hartwig (G.) - - 
 Hassall(A.) - 
 Hearn (W. E.) 
 Heathcote (J_. M. & C. J.) 
 Helmholtz (Prof.) - 
 Henry (W.) - 
 Hodgson (Shadworth H.)- 
 Hooper (G.) 
 Hopkins (E. P.) 
 Horley(E.) - 
 Howard (B. D.) 
 Howitt (William) - 
 Hullah (John) - 
 Hume (David) - 
 Hunt (W.) 
 
 Hutchinson (Horace G.) - 
 Huth (A. H.) - 
 Hyne (C. J. C.) 
 
 Ingelow (Jean) 
 ■ (Rk' 
 
 3 
 
 6, 8, 17 
 
 18 
 
 4 
 
 7 
 15 
 
 4 
 13 
 
 6 
 
 Jefferies (Richard) - 
 
 Jewsbury (Geraldine) 
 
 Johnson (J. & J. H.) 
 
 Johnstone (L.) 
 
 Jones (E. E. C.) 
 
 Jordan (W. L.) 
 
 Joyce (P. W.) - 
 
 Justinian- - 
 
 Kant (I.) - 
 
 Killick (A. H.) - 
 
 Kitchin (G. W.) 
 
 Knight (E. F.) 
 
 Ladd (G. T.) - 
 
 Lang (Andrew) 4, io, 14, 15, 
 
 Lavisse (E.) - 
 
 Lear (H. L. Sidney) 
 
 Lecky (W. E. H.) - 
 
 Lees (J. A.) - 
 
 Leslie (T. E. C.) - 
 
 Lewes (G. H.) - 
 
 Leyton (F.) 
 
 Lodge (H, C.) - 
 
 Loftie (W. J.) - 
 
 Logeman (W. S.) - 
 
 Longman (F. W.) - 
 
 Longmore (Sir T.) - 
 
 Lubbock (Sir John) 
 
 Lyall (Edna) - 
 
 Lydekker (R.) - 
 
 Lyttelton (R. H.) - 
 
 Lytton (Earl of) 
 
 Macaulay (Lord) 
 
 Macfarren (Sir G. A.) - 
 
 Mackail (J. W.) 
 
 Macleod (H. D.) 
 
 Maher (M.) 
 
 Mannering (G. E.) - 
 
 Marbot (Baron de) - 
 Marshman (J. C.) - 
 Martin (A. P.) - 
 Matthews (Brander) 
 Maunder (S.) - 
 Max Miiller (F.) - . : 
 May (Sir T. Erskine) 
 Meath (Earl of) 
 Meade (L. T.) - 
 Melville (G. J. Whyte) - 
 Mendelssohn - 
 Merivale (Dean) 
 Mill (James) - 
 Mill (John Stuart) - 
 Milner (G.) 
 Molesworth (Mrs.) - 
 Monck (H. S.) - 
 Moore (E.) 
 Nansen (F.) 
 Nesbit (E.) 
 Norton (C. L.) 
 O'Brien (W.) - 
 Oliphant (Mrs.) 
 Osbourne (L) - 
 Parkes (Sir H.) 
 Parr (Mrs.) 
 
 Paul (H.) --.. 
 Payn (James) - 
 Payne-Gnllwey (Sir R.) - 
 Pembroke (Earl of) 
 Purring (Sir P.) 
 Phillipps-Wollev (C.) 
 Piatt (S. & J. J.) - . 
 
 Page 
 
 ■ 7,23 
 
 23 
 
 14 
 
 " o J 7 
 - 18, 19 
 
 6 
 
 '■ 4. 11 
 
 9 
 19 
 
 9 
 - 11, 24 
 6 
 10 
 4 
 
 24 
 ll 
 4 
 9 
 M 
 l 7 
 15. 2o 
 
 24 
 
 II 
 
 II 
 
 • '3 
 4 
 ll 
 il 
 ll 
 4 
 8 
 ii 
 17, 20, 24 
 
 4 
 " 23 
 
 - 4. 16 
 
 8 
 ■ r 3 
 Ii 
 16 
 4 
 4 
 " '3 
 Io 
 7 
 
 - H 
 i 7 
 
 - 19 
 
 9 
 16 
 
 - , 5. 16 
 
 - 24 
 
 " ! 4 
 " '3 
 12 
 8 
 6 
 6 
 7 
 
 - 17, 24 
 
 20 
 
 I, 13, 24 
 
 • ' 5 
 
 : 3 
 
 - 20, 21 
 
 17 
 
 " 24 
 
 5 
 
 ORS. 
 
 Plato - - -.,'-: 
 
 Pole(W.) - - "--- 
 Pollock (W. H.) - 
 Poole (W. H. anrl Mrs.)~- 
 Praeger (F.) - 
 Pratt (A. E.) - 
 Prendergast (J. P.) - 
 Proctor (Richard A.) 
 Raine (James) - 
 Ransome (Cyril) 
 Reader (E. E.) 
 Rhoades (J.) - 
 Ribot (T.) 
 Rich (A.) - 
 
 Richardson (Sir B. Ward) 
 Rickaby (John) 
 
 (Joseph) - 
 
 Riley (J. W.) - 
 
 (A.) - - - - 
 
 Robertson (A.) 
 Roget (John Lewis) 
 
 (Peter M.) 
 
 Romanes (G. J.) - 
 Ronalds (A.) - 
 Roosevelt (T.) - - - . 
 Rossetti (M. F.) - - 
 Round (J. H.) - 
 Seebohm (F.) - 
 Sewell (Eliz. M.) - 
 Shakespeare - 
 Shearman (M.) 
 Shirres (L. P.) - 
 Sidgwick (Alfred) - 
 
 Page 
 14 
 10 
 9 
 
 - 23 
 -' 7 
 
 8 
 
 - ' 5 
 10, 19, 24 
 
 4', 
 3 
 21 
 
 - 14, 16 
 
 Sinclair (A.) 
 Smith (R. Bo 
 Sophocles 
 
 Smith (R. Bosworth) 
 
 14 
 24 
 
 18 
 24 
 13 
 14 
 10 
 
 4 
 24 
 
 5 
 
 5,6 
 
 18 
 
 16 
 
 9 
 13 
 12 
 
 9 
 5 
 
 14 
 24 
 6 
 19 
 9 
 7 
 5 
 5 
 5 
 
 9, 10 
 9 
 
 -t 
 9, 18 
 
 16 
 
 Southey (R.) - 
 Spedding (J.) - 
 Stanley (Bishop) 
 Steel (A. G.) - 
 Stephen (Sir James) 
 Stephens (H. C.) - 
 
 (H. Morse) 
 
 (T.) - - - - 
 
 Stevenson (Robert Louis) 16, 18, 21 
 Stock (St. George) - - -re 
 
 Strong (H. A.) - . . 13 
 
 Stubbs (J. W.) ... 5 
 
 Sturgis (Julian) 18 
 Suffolk and Berkshire (Earl of) g 
 
 Sully (James) 12 
 
 Suttner (Baron von) 18 
 
 Swinburne (A. J.) - - - 12 
 
 Symes (J. E.) - - - - 13 
 
 Thompson (Annie) 18 
 
 (D. G.) .... re 
 
 Thomson (Archbishop) - - 12 
 
 Tirebuck (W.) - ... 18 
 
 Todd (A.) .... 6 
 
 Toynbee (A.) - - - - ■ 13 
 
 Trevelyan (Sir G. O.) - - 6 
 
 Trollope (Anthony) 18 
 
 Tupper (C. L.) ... 6 
 
 Tyrrell (R. Y.)- 14 
 
 Verney (Francis P.) 7 
 
 Virgil 14 
 
 Wade (G. W.) - - - - 13 
 
 Wakeman (H. O.) - . - - 6 
 
 Walford (Mrs.) - - - 7, 18 
 
 Wallaschek (R.) - , . . 24 
 
 Walpole (Spencer) - - - 6 
 
 Walsingham (Lord) g 
 
 Walter (J.) .... 7 
 
 Watson (A. E. T.) - - - g 
 
 Webb (T. E.) - - - - re 
 
 Weir (R.) - - - - g 
 
 West(C)- - - - - 23 
 
 Weyman (Stanley J.) - - 18 
 
 Whatelv (Archbishop) 12 
 
 (E - . J.) .... is 
 
 Wheeler (B. I.) ... 13 
 
 Whishaw(F. J.) ... 8 
 
 Wilcocks (J. C.) - - - io 
 
 Wilkin (G!) - ... . -14 
 
 Willich (C. M.) --- so 
 
 Wilson (A.J.) - ... 13 
 
 Wishart (G.) .... 6 
 
 Wolff (H. W.) ... 8, 13 
 
 Woodgate (W. B.) - - - g 
 
 Wood (J. G.) - - - - ig 
 
 Wordsworth (Bishop Charles) 7 
 
 Wylie (J. H.) ... 6 
 
 Zeller (E.) .... - 12 
 
Messrs. Longmans, green, & co/s 
 
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