iiiililiiiii Pm.i'tHWM.1-)- CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 1924 088 051 721 The original of tliis book is in tlie Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924088051721 MAP to illiistrate tTie SCYTHIA ; TO HERODOTUS JO. The -names wJd^i occur iiL Mirodx>tus arc Wbderline^ thiLs P ft1K pe3.se Supposed, alterations in thj& heds of Bxvei-s Sec. -Yoi.m. . LonduTx: John Miin-a.y, Jlhemarl^- Street. wfWeQiB HISTORY HERODOTUS. A NEW ENGLISH VERSION, EDITED WITH COPIOUS KOTES AND AITENDICES, ILLUSTRATING THE HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY OP HERODOTUS, FROM THE MOST RECENT SOURCES OF INFORMATION ; AND EMBODYING THE CHIEF RESULTS, HISTORICAL AND ETHNOGRAPHICAL, WHICH HAVE BEEN OBTAINED IN THE PROGRESS OF CUNEIFORM AND HEIROGLYPHICAL DISCOVERY. By GEOEGE EAWLINSON, M.A., CANON OF CANTERBURY, AND CAMDEN PROFESSOR OF ANCIENT HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD. ASSISTED BY MAJOR-GENEKAL SIR HENRY RAWLINSON, K.C.B., AND SIR J. G. WILKINSON, F.R.S. THIRD EDITION. IN FOUR VOLUMES.— Vol. III. WITH MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. NEW YOEK: iCEIBNEK, WELFOED AND AEMSTEONG. 1875. CONTENTS OF VOL. III. HISTOEY OF HEE0D0TU8. THE FOURTH BOOK, ENTITIED MELPOMENE. Expedition of Darius against Soythia — its pretext (1). Previous history of the Scythians — their war with their slaves (2-4). Traditions of their origin — 1. Their own aocotmt (5-7) . 2. Greek version of the same (8-10). S.Acconnt preferred by the anthor (11,12). Story of Aristeas (13-16). Description of Scythia (17-20) . Neighbonring nations, Sanromatss, Bndini, Argippsei, laae- dones, and Arimaspi (21-27). Climate of Scythia (28-31). Stories of the Hyperboreans (32-36) . Universal geography — 1. Description of Asia (37-41) . 2. Circunmavigatiou of Libya. (42, 43). 3. Voyage of Soylax (44). Origin of the names, Enrope, Asia, Libya (45). Remarkable features of Scythia — the people (46, 47). The rivers — the later and its affluents (48-50). The Tyras (51). The Hypanis (52). The Borysthenes (53). The Panticapes, Hypacyris, Gerrhua, Tauais, &c. (54-58). Religion of the Scyths — Goda (59). Sacrifices (60, 61). Worship of Mara, &c. (62, 63). War-customs.^ (64-66). Sootheayera (67-69). Oatha (70). Burial of the kings, &o. (71-73) . Use of hemp (74, 75). Hatred of foreign customs — stories of Anacharsis and Scylas (76-80) . Population (81). Marvels (82). Preparations of Darius (83-85) . Size of the Euxiue, Propontis, &c. (86) . March of Darius to the Ister (87-92). Customs of the Thracians (93-96). Darius at the Ister (97, 98). Size and shape of Scythia (99-101). Description of the surround, ing nations, Tauri, &o. (102-117.) Consultation of the kings (118, 119). Plans of the Scyths (120). March of Darius through Scythia, and return to the Ister (121.140). Passage of the Ister and return to the Hellespont (141, 143) . Saying of Megabazus (144) . Libyan expedition of Aryandea — Pounding of Thera (145-149) . Theraeans required by the oracle to colonise Libya — two accounts (150-155) . Occupation of Platea (156). Settlement at Aziris (157). Colonisation of Cyrene (158). History of Cyrene from its foundation to the death of Arceailans III. (159-164) . Application of Pheretima to Aryandes (165) . Pate of Aiyandea (166). Expedition against Barca (167) . Account of the Libyan tribes from Egypt to Lake Tritonis (168-181). The three regions of Northern Libya (182-185). Customs of the Libyans (186-190). Contrast of eastern and western Libya (191, 192). Account of the western tribes (193-196). Pournations of Libya (197). Productive- ness of Libya (198, 199) . Account of the expedition against Barca (200-203) . Pate of the Barcseans (204). Death of Pheretima (205) ... Page 1. CONTENTS OF VOL. III. APPENDIX TO BOOK IV. ESSAY I. ON THE CIMMERT.INS OP HERODOTUS AND THE MIGEATIONS OF THE CTMKIO RACE. 1. Eai-ly importance of the Cimmerians — their geographical extent. 2. Identity of the Cimmerii with the Cymry — close resemblance of the two names. 3. Historical confirmation of the identity — connecting link in the Cimbri. 4. Comparative philology silent but not adverse. 5. Migrations of the Cimmerians — westward, and then eastward. Existing Cimbric and Celtic races Page 178 ESSAY II. ON THE ETHNOGRAPHY OP THE EUROPEAN SCYTHS. 1. Supposed Mongolian origin of the Scyths — grounds of the opinion twofold. 2. Kesemblance of physical characteristics, slight. 3. Resemblance of man- ners and customs, not close. 4. True test, that of language. 5. Possibility of applying it. 6. The application — Etymology of Scythic common terms. 7. Explanation of the names of the Scythian gods. 8. Explanation of some names of men. 9. Explanation of geogi'aphical names. 10. Result, that the Scythians of Herodotus were an Indo-European race. 11. Further re- sult, that they were a distinct race, not Slaves, nor Celts, nor Teutons ; and that they are now extinct ... ... ... ... ... ... 187 ESSAY III. ON THE GEOGRAPHY OF SCYTHIA. 1. Necessity of examining Niebuhr's theory of the Scythia of Herodotus. 2. The theory stated. 3. Its grounds. 4. Considerations which disprove it. S.Real views of Herodotus. 6. His personal knowledge of the region. 7. His correctness as to leading facts, and mistakes as to miuutias. 8. Possibility of changes since his time. 9. Identification of rivers and places ... 201 Note A. — On the words Thyssagetee and Massagetae 209 HISTOEY OF HEEODOTUS. THE FIFTH BOOK, ENTITLED TERPSICHORE. Thraoian conquests of Megabazus (1, 2). Customs of the Thraoians (3-8). Region north of Thrace (9, 10). Goes and Histiseus rewarded (11). Story of Pigres and Mantyes (12-14). Megabazus reduces the Pajonians (15). Customs of the Pffioniana (16). Submission of Macedonia — story of the CONTENTS OF VOL. III. THE FIFTH BOOK— conthmed. ambassadors (17-21). Hellenism of the royal family of Maoedon (22). Recall of Histieeus (23, 24). Appointment of Artaphemes and Otanes (25). Conquests of Otanes (26, 27) . Troubles arise in Ionia — previous history of Miletus (28, 29) . Aristagoras' expedition against Naxos (30-34) . Message of Histiaeus (35) . Revolt of Aristagoras (36) . Fate of the tyrants (37, 38) . Aristagoras goes to Sparta — Recent hiBtoryof_Sparta(33*i8)7 Aristagoras fails to persuade Cleomenes "(l9^4). He goes to Athens — Recent history of Athens — Murder of Hipparchus — Expulsion of Hippiag — Clisthenes — attempts of Sparta. Theban and Bginetan wara, &c. (55-96). Aristagoras obtains aid from Athens (97) . Escape of the Paeonians (98) . Attack on Sardis, which is taken and burnt (99-101). Retreat and defeat of the Greeks (102). Spread of the revolt to Caria and Caunus (103). Revolt and reduction of Cyprus — Darius and Histiaeus (104-115). Persians recover the Hellespont (116, 117). War in Caria (118-121). Persian successes in .Slolis and Ionia (123, 123). Aristagoras resolves on flight (124). Advice of Histiseus (125). Flight and death of Aristagoras (126) Page 210 APPENDIX TO BOOK V. ESSAY I. ON THE EA.KLY HISTOKT OF SPAKTA. Spartans, immigrants into the Peloponnese. 2. Supposed migrations of the Dorians. 3. Their occupation of the Peloponnese according to the ordinary legend. 4. The true history unknown. 5. Probable line of march. 6. Date of the occupation. 7. The conquest gradual. {§) Spartan Dorians Sparta and Amyclae — early wars. 9. Internal history — origin of the double monarchy — troubles of the early period. (lO.\, Condition of Sparta before Lycurgus — the three classes — (i.) Spartans^ (ii.) Periceci — (iii.) Helots. 11. Succession of the early kings. 12. Original constitution of Sparta.— -Bangs — Senate — Ecclesia. 13. Constitutional changes of Lycurgus, slight. dC^lHis discipline — question of its origin. 15. Causes of its adoption. 16. Supposed equalisation of landed property. 17. Arguments which disprove it. 18. Effects of Lycurgus' legislation — conquests, and increase of Periceci. 19. Messenian wars. 20. Causes of the rupture. 21. Outline of the first war. 22. Date and duration. 23. Internal changes consequent on the first war — "Peers" and "Inferiors" — "Small" and " Great Assembly " — colonisation of Tarentum. 24. Interval between the wars. 25. Outline of the second war. 26. Its duration. 27. War with Pisatis. 28. War with Arcadia. \^,' Gradual diminution of the kingly power at Sparta, and continued rise of the Ephors. 30. Rapid decrease in the number of Spartan citizens. ... ... ... ... ... ... 317 VI CONTENTS OF VOL. III. ESSAY II. ox THE EAEIY HISTOKT OF THE ATHENIANS. 1. Obscnrity of early Athenian history. 2. Primitive inhabitants of Attica unwarlike. 3. Causes of her weakness — no central authority — Pelasgio blood. 4. First appearance of the Athenians in history — stories of Melan- thus and Codrus. 5. Blank in the external history. 6. Ionian migration conducted by sons of Codrus. 7. Internal history. 8. Early tribes — Teleontes, Ropletes, ^gicoreis, and Argadeis. 9. Clans and phratries — importance of this division. 10. Trittyes and Nauoraxies. 11. Political distribution of the people — Eupatriche, Oeomori, and Demiurgi. 12. First period of the aristocracy — from Codrus to AlomBeon, B.C. 1050-752. 13. Second period — from Alcmseon to Eryxias — B.C. 752.684 — rapid advance, 14. Mode in which the usurpations were made — substitution of the Eupatrid assembly for the old Agora. 15. Power of the old Senate. 16. Full estab- lishment of oligarchy, B.C. 684. 17. First appearance of the demo- cratical spirit — legislation of Draco. 18. Bevolt of Cylon, crushed. 19. Sacrilege committed — wide-spread discontent. 20. Solon chosen as mediator — his proceedings. 21. Date of his archonship. 22. His recovery of Salamis. 23. His connection with the Sacred War. 24. His legislation — the Seisachtlieia and debasement of the currency. 25. Prospective measures. 26. Constitutional changes — introduction of the four classes, Pentacosiomedinini, Hippeis, ZeugiUp, and Thetes. 27. Arrangement of bm'thens — income-tax — military service. 28. Pro-Bouleutio council. 29. Importance of these changes — Dicasteries. 30. Solon the true founder of the democracy. 31. Solon confined citizenship to the tribes. 32. Laws of Solon — (i.) Penalties for crimes — (ii.) Stimulus to population — (iii.) Law against political neutrahty. 33. Eesults of his legislation — time of repose — revival of discontent — Solon leaves Athens. 34. Reappearance of the old parties — Pedieis, &c. — return of Solon — his courage. 35. Tyranny of Pieistratus. Page 361 HISTOEY OF HEEODOTUS. THE SIXTH BOOK, ENTITLED ERATO. Histiaeus comes dovm to the coast (1-3). Conspiracy discovered at Sardis (4) . Histiseus sails to the Hellespont (5). Miletus threatened by the Persians— the two fleets— battle of Lade (6-15). Misfortunes of the Chians (16). Dionysius the Phocaian commander (17). Fall of Miletus (18). Punishment of the Milesians (19, 20). Sorrow of Athens (21). Fate of the Samiaus— seizure of Zancle (22-2.5). Fate of Histicens (26-30). Punishment of the rebels (31, 32). Phceniciau fleet ravages the Chersonese (33). Chersonesite kingdom of the Cimonidae (34-40). Flight of Miltiades to Athens (41). New settlement of Ionia by the Persians (42) . Expedition of Mardonins fails (43-45). Sn.'ipectedrevolt of Thasos (46, 47). Envoys of Darius demand earth and water — submission of Egina and the islands generally (48 49) . CONTENTS OF VOL. III. VU THE SIXTH BOOK— continued. Cleomenes attempts to pnnisli the Eginetans (50) . Clecmenea' fend with Demaxatua (51) . The double royalty at Sparta — descent — privileges of the kings (52-59). Spartan customs (60) . Story of Ai'iston (61-63). Demaratus, deprived of his crown, flies to Persia (64-70) . Leotychidea made king (71) . Fate of Leotychidea (72). Eginetans forced to give hostages (73). Fate of Cleomenes (7i, 75). Various causes assigned for his insanity (76-84). Eginetans demand back their hostages — story of Glaucns (85, 86). War between Egina and Athena (87-93). Expedition of Datis and Artaphernes (94). Course of the expedition (95-99). Preparations of the Bretrians — siege and surrender of Eretria (100, 101). Persians land at Marathon (102). Account of Miltiades (103, 104) . Pheidippides sent to Sparta — appearance of Pan (105, 106). Dream of Hippiaa (107). Platteans join the Athenians — previous connection of the two nations (108). Division among the Athenian generals — Miltiades and Callimachus (109, 110). Preparations for battle (111). Battle of Marathon (112-114). Attempt to surprise Athens (115, 116). Story of Epizelus (117). Ketum of the expedition to Asia (118, 119). Spartans viait Marathon (120) . Charge made againat the Alomseonidse (121-124) . Previoua hiatory of the family — favoura of Croesus (125). Marriage of Megacles with Agarista (126-130). Descent of Pericles (131) . Expedition of Miltiades againat Paros (132-135) . Trial of Miltiades — his death (136) . His capture of Lemnos — previous hiatory of the inhabi- tants (137-140) Page406 APPENDIX TO BOOK VI. ESSAY I. OS THE CIKCUUSTANCES 05 THE BATTLE Or MAEATHON. 1. Difficulties in the description of Herodotus. 2. Number of Persians engaged. 3. Numbers of the Greeks. 4. Proportion, five or six to one. 5. Landing of the aiiny of Datis, and disposition of the troops. 6. Position occupied by the Greeks. 7. Motives inducing the Peraians to delay the attack. 8. Causea of the original inaction of the Greeka, and of their anbaequent change of tactica. 9. Miltiades' preparations for battle. 10. Description of the battle — re.embarkation of the invading army ... ... ... 516 ESSAY II. ON THE TEADITIONS EESPEOTING THE PELASGIANS. 1. Original population of Greece and Italy, homogeneous. 2. Kindred raoea in Asia Minor and the islands. 3. Characteristics of this ethnic group. 4. Position of the Pelasgi in it. 5. Extent of country occupied by the Pelaa- giaua. 6. Their general movement from east to west. 7. Etymology of their name. 8. Lines of passage. 9. Migrations of the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians. 10. Pelasgio walla. 11. Abaorption of the Pelaagiana in other races 530 Note A. — On the derivation and meaning of the proper names of the Medes and Persians ... ... ... ... ... 539 ( viii ) LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTEATIONS. Map of the Scythia of Herodotus . , . Scythian Warriors. Stringing the bow Ancient Scythian whip, and modem nogail Coins of Olbia Chart of the Chersonesus Trachea , . . Greek griffin Plan of the World according to Hecataens Scythian horseman Scythian archer ... Wagons of the Calmncks and other Tatars Coin of Olbia (head of Cybele) Scythian god (supposed to be Hercules) Tomb of a Scythian king. Ground plan Section of ditto Scythian drinking-cups Head-dress of the Scythians Scythian arrow-heads Bronze bowl found in the tomb of a Scythian king View of the Tanric ilountains from the Steppe region Chart of the island of Thera (Sautorin) "View of Cyrene, the Forum and Fountain of Apollo Plan of Cyi'ene (after Bcechey) Coin of Cyrene View of the Necropolis of Cyrene Eepresentation of the Silphinni on the coins of Cyrone and Barca Egyptian shields Dress of the Ethiopian girls — fringe of thongs Fringe of thongs (enlarged view) Map of the Scythia of Herodotus according to Niebuhr Eninsof Snsa — 1. Ground plan of the mounds; 2. Piano 3. Base and capital of columns View of the ruins of Sardis Chart of the country about Argos Ctiart of the plain of Marathon ... Cave of Pan, as seen on coins of Athens To face Title -^age. Page 3 a. 16 18 23 30 40 ib. 41 47 50 59 60 62 68 72 ib. 87 119 128 130 132 133 ■ca 143 152 163 164 202 eat palace ; 248 301 459 479 483 THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS THE FOURTH BOOK, ENTITLED MELPOMENE. 1. Apter the taking of Babylon, an expedition was led by Darius into Seythia.'^ Asia abounding in men, and vast sums flowing into the treasury, the desire seized him to exact ven- geanee from the Seyths, who had once in days gone by invaded Media, defeated those who met them in the field, and so begun the quarrel. During the space of eight-and-twenty years, as I h3,ve before mentioned,^ the Seyths continued lords of the whole of Upper Asia. They entered Asia in pursuit of the Cimmerians, and overthrew the empire of the Medes, who till they came possessed the sovereignty. On their return to their homes after the long absence of twenty-eight years,^ a task awaited them httle less troublesome than their struggle with the Medes. They found an army of no small size pre- pared to oppose their entrance. For the Scythian women, when they saw that time went on, and their husbands did not come back, had intermarried with their slaves. ' It has been supposed that the notice in the Behlstim Inscription (col. V. par. 4), of an expedition of Darius against the Sacae (8aka) , refers to this invasion (Blakesley, not. ad loc). Bnt the scanty fragments of the text, which alone remain, and the representation of the leader in the train of captnred rebels, lead rather to the conclusion that Asiatic Soyths — old suhjects of the Persian monarchy VOL. in. (Beh. Ins. col. i. par. 6, and col. ii. par. 2) — are intended. 2 Tide supra, i. 103-106. ' Some writers ascribed this war with the slaves to quite a different occasion. It was, they said, after the Scythians had been engaged in a long struggle with the Thracians and other tribes south of the Danube (Oallistrat. Pr. 3.) BLIND SLAVES OF THE SCYTHIANS. Book IV. 2. Now the Scythians blind all their slaves, to use them in preparing their milk. The plan they follow is to thrust tubes made of bone, not unlike our musical pipes, up the vulva of the mare,* and then to blow into the tubes with their mouths, some milking while the others blow. They say that they do this because when the veins of the animal are full of air, the udder is forced down. The milk thus obtained is poured into deep wooden casks, about which the blind slaves are placed, and then the milk is stirred round.^ That which rises to the top is drawn off, and considered the best part ; the under portion is of less account. Such is the reason why the Scythians blind all those whom they take in war ; it arises from their not being tillers of the ground, but a pastoral race.^ 3. When therefore the children sprung from these slaves and the Scythian women, grew to manhood, and understood the circumstances of their birth, they resolved to oppose the army which was returning from Media. And, first of all, they cut off a tract of country from the rest of Scythia by digging a broad dyke '' from the Tauric mountains to the vast ^ Niebulir the traveller (Description de I'Arabie, p. 146) relates that a somewhat similar practice obtains in Ai'abia ; — " J'entendis et vis moi-mSme k Basra," he says, " qne lorsqn'un Arabe trait la femelle dn bufle, nn antre lui fonrre la main, et le bras jusqu'an conde, dans le vulva, parce- qu'on pretend savoir par experience qn'etant chatouillee de la sorte, elle donne plus de lait. Cette methode/' he obsei'ves, "ressemble beancoup k celle des Scythes." [In India, while they milk the buffaloes, the tail is generally coiled up, and thrust into the vulva for the same purpose. — H. C. E.] Mares' milk constituted the chief food of the ancient Scythians, who are therefore called ■yaXaKTO(pa.yoi and liT-wT]ixo\yo\ by Homer (11. xiii. 5) and other writers (CaUim. Hymn, ad Dian. 252; Nic. Dam. Frag. 123, &o.). It is still the principal support of the Calmuck hordes which wander over the vast steppes north and west of the Caspian. * It is apparent from this circum- stance that it was koumiss, and not cream, on which the Scythians lived. Koumiss is still prepared from mares' milk by the Calmucks and Nogais, who during the process of making it keep the milk in constant agitation (Clarke's Travels, vol. i. p. 313; De Hell, p. 274, E. T.). ^ That is, eyesight which is requisite for agricultural pursuits is not needed for the offices which a pastoral people requires of its slaves. The Scythians, therefore, being a pastoral people, could manage with blind slaves ; and by bliuding their slaves they rendered it impossible for them either to revolt or to run away. ' On the position of this dyke, vide infra, ch. 20. Chap. 2, 3. THEY DISPUTE THE RETURN OF THE SCYTHIANS. lake of the Mseotis. Afterwards, when the Scythians tried to force an entrance, they inarched out and engaged them. Many battles were fought, and the Scythians gained no advantage, untU at last one of them thus addressed the remainder : "What are we doing, Scythians? We are fighting our slaves, diminishing our own number when we fall, and the number of those that belong to us when they fall by our hands. Take my advice — lay spear and bow aside,* and let each man fetch his horsewhip,^ and go boldly up to them. So ^ The spear and the bow were the national weapons of the European Soyths (see note on oh. 70), the bow on the whole being regarded as the more essential (infra, oh. 46 ; jSisoh. P. T. 730.). Arrow-heads are found in almost all the Scythian tombs in Southern Russia, while spear-heads have been found only occasionally. The spear used was short, apparently not more than five feet in length, whence in oh. 70 Herodotus terms it a javelin (ciicii;'Tio>') . According to the Greeks, the bow was made in a single piece, and when unstrung bent backwards (of. note on Book vii. oh. 64) ; but the representations on Scythian monuments make this ques- tionable. See the subjoined woodcut, which is taken from a vase found in a Scythian tomb, and exhibits a curious mode of stringing the bow. [This is the common method of stringing the bow in the East. I have seen it among the Bheels, the Huzarehs, and the Kurds. — H. 0. E.] Ancient Scythian Whip (from Dubois). Modem Nogaik (from Oliphant). ' The ancient Scythian whip seems I of the modern Cossacks. It had a to have closely resembled the nogaik \ short handle and a single lash, with ORIGIN OF THE SCYTHS — ^NATIVE ACCOUNT. Book IV. long as they see us -with arms in our hands, they imagine themselves our equals in birth and bravery ; but let them behold us with no other weapon but the whip, and they will feel that they are our slaves, and flee before us." 4. The Scythians followed this counsel, and the slaves were so astounded that they forgot to fight, and immediately ran away. Such was the mode in which the Scythians, after being for a time the lords of Asia, and being forced to quit it by the Medes, returned and settled in their own country. This inroad of theirs it was that Darius was anxious to avenge, and such was the purpose for which he was now col- lecting an army to invade them. 5. According to the account which the Scythians them- selves give, they are the youngest of all nations.^ Their tradition is as foUows. A certain Targitaiis^ was the first man who ever lived in their country, which before his time was a desert without inhabitants. He was a child — I do not beHeve the tale, but it is told nevertheless — of Jove and a daughter of the Borysthenes. Targitaiis, thus descended, begat three sons, Leipoxais, Arpoxais, and Colaxais, who was the youngest born of the three. While they still ruled the land, there fell from the sky fom* implements, all of gold, — a plough, a yoke, a battle-axe, and a drinking-cup. The eldest of the brothers perceived them first, and approached to pick a round flat piece of leather at the end (see the woodcuts on preceding page) . How nniversaUy it was carried is in- dicated by the fact that a whip was buried in the tomb of the Scythian king, with his other arms and imple- ments. (See below, ch. 71.) ' Justin's assertion, so directly con- tradictory of this (" Scytharnm gentem semper habitam fuisse antiqnissi- mam," ii. 1), is remarkable. We must understand, however, by the Scyths of Herodotus in this place, the single nation of European Scyths with which the Greeks of the Pontus were ac- quainted. Justin intends the Scythic or Turanian race generally, which was really older than either the Semitic or the Indo-European. (See vol. i. Essay xi. § 3-5) ' The conjectures which would iden- tify Targitaiis, the mythic progenitor of the Scythians, with Togarmah, the son of Gomer, and grandson of Japhet (Gen. s. 3), are even more fanciful than the ordinary run of Biblico- historical speculations. (See Eennell's Geograph. of Herod, p. 410 ; and Ton Hammer's Gesch. v. Osm. i. p. 1.) Were they admitted, the further identification of these two words with the ethnic appellative " Turk " might still be questioned. Chap. 3-7. DESCENT OF THE FOUR TEIBES. them up ; when lo ! as he came near, the gold took fire, and blazed. He therefore went his way, and the second coming forward made the attempt, but the same thing happened again. The gold rejected both the eldest and the second brother. Last of aU the youngest brother approached, and immediately the flames were extinguished; so he picked up the gold, and carried it to his home. Then the two elder agreed together, and made the whole kingdom over to the youngest born. 6. From Leipoxais sprang the Scythians of the race called Auchatse ; from Arpoxais, the middle brother, those known as the Catiari and Traspians ; from Colaxais, the youngest, the Eoyal Scythians, or Paralatse. All together they are named Scoloti,^ after one of their kings : the Greeks, however, call them Scythians.* 7. Such is the account which the Scythians give of their origin. They add that from the time of Targitaiis, their first king, to the invasion of their country by Darius, is a period of one thousand years, neither less nor more.^ The Eoyal Scythians guard the sacred gold with most especial care, and year by year offer great sacrifices in its honour. At this feast, if the man who has the custody of the gold should fall asleep in the open air, he is sure (the Scythians say) not to outlive ^ Nothing is known of these names, though they afford an ample field for specnlation. Dr. Donaldson recog- nises in the Scoloti, the " Asa-Galatae" or " Celts of Asia " (Tarronian. p. 41) — a possible, bnt scarcely a probable derivation. In " Traspians " it may be conjectured that we have the root a^pa, " horse ; " while Paralatse {UapaXdrai) recalls the Paralasa monntain-chain. Mere speculation, however, is in etymology worse than futile. It is apt to be misleading. ■• The Greek work 2kiJ97;s is pro- bably nothing but the Asiatic Saka (SaKai) with an ethnic adjectival end- ing -flijs, equivalent to the ordinary -TO r or -TTjs found in so many names of ■ peoples — e. g. KiArSs, raAdrris, ^■jrapTiaTTiSj ©etTTrpwTtiy, Btffa\T7]S, i6iaivTJs 4k tt)? SdfpvTis ttjs Xa\Kri s^ ^v earriffav MeraTrofTTyot Kara rT)v 'ApKTrea tou TlpoKowqffiov iirih-qfjiiav, '6re ^fpTiffev ^| 'Xirep^op^cov irapaysyoi/eyat.') 14 DESCEIPTION OF SCTTHIA — THE CALLIPED^. Book IV. does not claim — and he is writing poetry — to have reached any farther than the Issedonians. What he relates concerning the regions beyond is, he confesses, mere hearsay, being the account which the Issedonians gave him of those countries. However, I shall proceed to mention all that I have learnt of these parts by the most exact inquuies which I have been able to make concerning them. 17. Above the mart of the Borysthenites,' which is situated in the very centre of the whole sea-coast of Scythia,^ the first people who inhabit the land are the Callipedse, a Graeco- Scythic race. Next to them, as you go inland, dwell the people called the Alazonians.^ These two nations in other respects resemble the Scythians in their usages, but sow and eat corn, also onions, garlic, lentils, and millet.'^ Beyond the Alazonians reside Scythian cultivators, who grow corn, not for their own use,^ but for sale.^ Still higher up are the ' It has been argued (Bahr ad loc.) that the mart of the Borysthenites is a different place from Olbia, the city of the Borysthenites mentioned below (chs. 78, 79) ; but there is no ground for this distinction. * This passage appears to me con- clnsiTe against Niebuhr's scheme of Scythian geography, which places the month of the Borysthenes, and the mart of the Borysthenites, not in the centre of the whole sea-coast of Scythia (raiv TrapadaXacrfficcv fifcrairaTov Tracnis t^s 2vu6ii)5),bat in the centre of the south coast only. (Scythia, p. 39, E. T. and Map.) Vide infra, note on ch. 101, " There seems to be no sniEcient reason for Strabo's rejection of the Cal- lipedse and Alazonians (xii. p. 797). They were mentioned, as he confesses, by Hellanicus, who wrote a little be- fore Herodotus, and by Eudoxus, the contemporary of Plato. (Frag. Hist. Gr. vol. i. p. 69.) Herodotus moreover must be regarded as an eye-witness. It is very possible that they had disap- peared by Strabo's time. The identification of the Callipedae withtheCarpid^of Bphorus (Prag.78), which ha,s the names of Niebuhr and Grote (Hist, of Greece,vol. iii. p. 321) in its favour, is, to say the least, extremely doubtful. The Carpidse, who dwelt im- mediately to the north of the Danube, would seem rather to have a connection with the Carpathian mountain-chain. ' Millet is still largely cultivated in these regions. It forms almost the only cereal food of the Nogais. (De Hell, pp. 270 and 274.) ^ Fifty years ago the Nogais appear to have been exactly in this condition. (Heber's note in Clarke's Travels, ch. XV. p. 337.) Since then they have learnt to eat and like millet. (De Hell, 1. o. 0.) The Calmucks continue to hve on meat and dairy produce, while they are beginning to cultivate com for ex- portation. They do not, however, dis- cover any dislike to bread as an article of food. (De Hell, pp. 240-4.) ^ The corn-trade of the Scythians appears to have been chiefly, if not ex- clusively, with the Greeks. Its extent is indicated in Herodotus by his as- signment of the whole country west, and a portion of that east, of the Bo- rysthenes to Scythian husbandmen, who raised corn only for sale. The practice of cultivation spread eastward, Chap. 16-18. THE NEUEI— HYL^A. IS Nenri.* Northwards of the Neuri the continent, as far as it is known to us, is uninhabited.^ These are the nations along the course of the river Hypanis,^ west of the Borysthenes.'' 18. Across the Borysthenes, the first country after you leave the coast is Hylsea (the Woodland).^ Above this dwell the and between B.C. 400 and B.C. 300 the princes of the Bosphorus drew from the shores of the Sea of Azov and the Cri- mea supplies of an enormong amount. According to Sti-abo, Leucon, who reigned from B.C. 393 to B.C. 353, sent on one occasion 2,100,000 medimni (3,150,000 of our bushels) of corn to Athens from the single port of Theo- dosia (vii. p. 478). Demosthenes tells us that of the whole foreign importa- tion into Attica, almost one-half came from the Euxine, and estimates its amount in ordinary years at 400,000 medimni, or 600,000 bushels. (Orat. in Leptin. pp. 466, 477.) The importance of the trade to Athens appears on many occasions, as more especially at the time when Philip, in order to get a hold over the Athenians, endeavoured to re- duce Byzantium {0ov\6iJ.ei'os rris o-ito- iro^ire/ay Kiptos yevecBat. Dem. de Cor. p. 254. See also p. 251, and com- pare Lys. c. Frumentar. p. 720, and Dem. in Polycl. p. 1211). It is evident that various other Greek states besides Athens were engaged in the trade ; for Demosthenes praises Leucon as giving a preference to Athens over others (Leptin. 1. s. c). If it be in- quired what the Scythians got in ex- change for their com, the answer will be wine certainly (for wine-casks marked ©A2I, which had evidently contained Thasian wine, were found in the tomb of the Scythian king at Kertch), oil probably, and utensils and manufactured goods of all kinds (cf . Strab. xi. p. 494) . They may also have taken gold and silver to a con- siderable extent ; for those commodi- ties, which are not productions of Scythia proper, abound in the tumuli throughout the Ukraine. The fertility of the country and the habits of the people remain nearly the same, and the trade of England with Odessa at the present time is the counterpart of that which twenty -three centuries ago was carried on between Athens and the Scyths of the Pontus. (See Papers by MM. Hogg and Burgon in the Journal of the Royal Society of Literature for 1855-6, on the pottery of the Greek colonies in the Euxine, stamped manuiria, &c. ; where many interesting particulars will be found with regard to the trade of Athens vrith Olbia and its sister cities.) " Vide infra, ch. 105. * So Ephorus, as reported by Seym, nus Chius : — npwTouc 5t Trapd Toi' IffTpov etvai KapTTiSa? E(p,]Kei' "E0opo?, eiTCv 'ApOTnpac, Trpoo-w Neupoij? t', avpts ^rjS irdKiv kpi]fJ.OV 5m ita'^uv. (103-105.) * The modem Bug or Boug. (See note on ch. 52.) ' The modern Dniepr. (See note on ch. 53.) * Portions of this country are still thickly wooded, and contrast remark- ably with the general bare and arid character of the steppe. " In the vi- cinity of the great rivers," Madame de Hell says, " the country assumes a different aspect ; and the wearied eye at last enjoys the pleasure of encoun- tering more limited horizons, a more verdant vegetation, and a landscape more varied in its outlines. Among these rivers the Dniepr claims one of the foremost places After having spread out to the breadth of nearly a league, it parts into a multi- tude of channels that wind through forests of oaks, aider's, poplars, and aspens, whose vigorous growth be- speaks the richness of a virgin soil. .... These plavniks of the Dniepr, seldom touched by the woodman's axe, have all the wild majesty of the forests of the New World." (Travels, p. 56.) The woody district extends to a con. i6 THE OLBIOPOLITES — THE HUSBANDMEN. Book TV, Scythian Husbandmen, whom the Greeks living near the Hypanis call Borysthenites, while they call themselves Olbio- polites.^ These Husbandmen extend eastward, a distance of three days' journey, to a river bearing the name of Panticapes,^ siderable distance towards the east. In the tract occupied by the Memnon- ite colonies upon the Moloshnia Vodi, trees abound. They grow along the banks of all the streams. In former times, when the Dniepr spread out into many more channels than it does at present, it is Ukely that they were much more numerous than they now are. Still the peculiarly bare and treeless character of the steppe must be taken into account, in order to un- derstand how a region which, after all, is upon the whole somewhat scantily wooded, came to be called HylEea. " Herodotus means to say that the Greeks of Olba gave themselves the name of Olbiopolites, rejecting that of Borysthenites, which others applied to them, but which they applied to the Scythians along the left bank of the river. Concerning the site, &c., of Olbia, vide infra, ch. 78. Like so many of the settlements in these parts (as Phasis, Tanais, Tyras, Istrus, &c.), it seems to have been originally given merely the native name of the river, Borysthenes. (Strab. vii. p. 445.) VThen, in consequence of its flourish- ing condition, it came to be known as Olbia, the original appellation was disused by the inhabitants, and ap- plied by them to the Scyths of the neighbourhood. Borysthenes is never found upon the coins, which have Coins of Olbia. always Olbia for the town, OlbiopolitEe (abbreviated into '0\$to) for the in- habitants. (See Kohler's Bemarques sur un ouvrage intitule 'Antiquit^a Grecques,' &o., p. 14.) The name Borysthenes is however etfll applied to Olbia by many of the later writers, as Dio Chrysostom (Or. xxxvi.), Scym- nus Chius, and the anonymous author of the ' Peiiplus Ponti Euxini,' who copies him (p. 151). Mela wrongly distinguishes between the names, and supposes them to belong to two differ- ent towns (ii. 1). Pliny says that Olbiopolis, as he terms it, was called also Miletopolis (H. N. iv. 12) ; but this title is otherwise unknown. Ste- phen of Byzantium identifies Bory- sthenes with Olbia, and notes that the latter was the name used by the inha- bitants, the former that commonly in vogue through Greece : thus there is nothing strange in Dio Chrysostom ig- noring the native term. ' Here the description of Herodotus, which has been hitherto excellent, begins to fail. There is at present no river which at all corresponds with his Panticapes. Either the face of the country must have greatly altered since his time, as Professor Maiden (see Murchison's Silurian System, p. 574, note) and others have supposed, or he must have obtained a confused and incorrect account from the Olbio- polites. As Sir E. Murchison observes, " There is no indication of Herodotus having crossed the Dniepr." He is unacquainted with the Isthmus of Perecop and with the true shape of the Crimea. Perhaps, as the accounts of Strabo are ' ' not inconsistent with the present state of the country," it is best to suppose Herodotus mistaken. The real Panticapes may have been the small stream in the peninsula of Kertch, from which the Milesian settlement of Panticapaaum derived its name (Steph. Byz. ad voo. Xlavn- KaTTotov. Eustath. ad Dionvs. Peries. 314). •' ^ Chap. 18-20. THE ROYAL SCYTHIANS. 17 wMle northward the country is theirs for eleven days' sail up the course of the Borysthenes. Further inland there is a vast tract which is uninhabited. Above this desolate region dwell the Cannibals,^ who are a people apart, much unlike the Scy- thians. Above them the country becomes an utter desert ; not a single tribe, so far as we know, inhabits it.* 19. Crossing the Panticapes, and proceeding eastward of the Husbandmen, we come upon the wandering Scythians, who neither plough nor sow. Their country, and the whole of this region, except Hylasa, is quite bare of trees.* They extend towards the east a distance of fourteen^ days' journey, occu- pying a tract which reaches to the river Gerrhus.® 20. On the opposite side of the Gerrhus is the Eoyal district, as it is called : here dwells the largest and bravest of the Scythian tribes, which looks upon all the other tribes in the light of slaves.' Its country reaches on the south to Taurica,^ on the east to the trench dug by the sons of the blind slaves,^ 2 Infra, ch. 106. ^ Compare the account of Eptoms (Fr. 78) :— llpos avaToXat eK^dvTi Tov Bopi/irflevilv Toup Tijv AcYOjue'i'tii' "Y/3\av (l."Y\eav) oiKouvToc Eivat 5e retupYoiis exofiivovs Tointijv avw, ETretTa TTctXiv ^prjuov ejri no\vv tottov 'YTrep &e Tairrrjv ^Ovos 'Av&fiotpd'Yiiiv SKfdwv, EireKelva iTd\iv '4pr]flov iinapx^^^ exo/lfc'vilv. Tov IlavTiKair/j dta^dvri, K.T.\. * The general treeless character of the steppes is noticed by all traTellers. De Hell says: — "In the steppes" those of the Ukraine) "there are indeed here and there a few depres- sions where the grass retains its ver- dure during a part of the year, and some stnnted trees spread their meagre branches over a less nnMndly soil than that of the steppe ; bnt these are nu- usual cironmstanoes, and one irmst often travel hundreds of versts to find a single shrub" (p. 38). The country between the Moloshnia Todi and the Don is particularly flat and bare of trees (see Pallas, vol. i. pp. 512, 534, &c., E. T.). ° Eennell proposes to read " four VOL. III. days' jonmey" (Geography, &c. p. 71) — and indeed without some such alteration the geography of this part of Scythia is utterly inezplicable. 6 Vide infra, ch. 56. ' The analogous case of the Golden Horde among the Mongols has been adduced by many writers. (Niebuhr, Vortrage, vol. i. p. 188; Grote, Hist, of Greece, iii. p. 320, &c.) Grote notices that in Algeria some of the native tribes are noble, some enslaved. ^ Taurioa appears here to be no- thing but the high tract along the southern coast of the Crimea, from Sebastopol to Kaffa. The steppe country to the north of this belongs to the Eoyal Scythians. ' It is not quite clear how Herodo- tus considered this trench to run. It did not, according to him, extend from sea to sea, but from the Ta/wric Mown- tmns to the Palus Mseotis (supra, ch. 3) . Perhaps the position assigned to it by Dubois (from whom the chart on page 18 is taken) is that which most nearly agrees with the words of our author. But it must be borne in THE COUNTRY EAST OF SCTTHIA. Book IV. the mart upon the Palus Mffiotis, called Cremni (the Cliffs), and in part to the river Tanais.^ North of the country of the Eoyal Scythians are the Melanchleeni (Black-Eobes),^ a people of quite a different race from the Scythians. Beyond them lie marshes and a region without iahabitants, so far as our knowledge reaches. 21. When one crosses the Tanais, one is no longer in Scy- thia ; the first region on crossing is that of the Sauromatse,^ who, beginning at the upper end of the Palus Mseotis, stretch northward a distance of fifteen days' journey, inhabiting a country which is entirely bare of trees, whether wild or culti- vated.* Above them, possessing the second region, dwell the mind, in all comments on Ms Scythian geography, that he had no personal acquaintance with the conntry east of the Borysthenes. ^ O T I S ' Now the Don (vide infra, note on ch. 57). ^ Vide infra, ch. 107. 3 Vide infra, ch. 110. ■* The ancient country of the Sauro- matsB or Sarmatae (Sarmatians) ap- pears to haye been nearly identical with that of the modem Don Cossacks, the northern and western portion of which, along the courses of the Don and the Donetz, is flat indeed, and bare of trees, but a good pasture country; while the southern and eastern regions, Chap. 20-23. THE lYEC^. 19 Budini,^ whose territory is thickly wooded with trees of every kind. 22. Beyond the Budini, as one goes northward, first there is a desert, seven days' journey across ; after which, if one incHnes somewhat to the east, the ThyssagetaB ^ are reached, a numerous nation quite distinct from any other, and living by the chaee. Adjoining them, and within the limits of the same region, are the people who bear the name of lyreee ; ' they also support themselves by hunting, which they practise in the following manner. The hunter climbs a tree, the whole country abounding in wood, and there sets himself in ambush; he has a dog at hand, and a horse, trained to lie down upon its belly, and thus make itself low ; the hunter keeps watch, and when he sees his game, lets fly an arrow ; then mounting his horse, he gives the beast chaee, his dog following hard all the while. Beyond these people, a little to the east, dwells a distinct tribe of Scyths who revolted once from the Eoyal Scythians and migrated into these parts. 23. As far as their country, the tract of land whereof I have been speaking is all a smooth plain, and the soil deep ; beyond you enter on a region which is rugged and stony. Passing over a great extent of this rough country, you come to a people on the left bank of the Don, towards the Wolga and the Manitch, are de- sorihed as "the Enssian desert in all its nniformity." (De Hell, p. 147). » Vide infra, ch. 108. * The Thyssa.getae appear to be a branch of the Gothic family, " the lesser Goths," as distinguished from the Massa-getsB, " the greater Goths." They are placed in the same region by Phny (H. N. iv. 12) and Mela «. 19). See Note A at the end of the Appen- dix to this Book. ' Pliny and Mela (1. s. 0.) tnm the lyrcffi of Herodotus into Turco}, or Turks. But we cannot suppose Hero- dotus to have meant the Turks, unless we change the reading. [It is, more- over, exceedingly doubtful if the name of Twrk is of this antiquity, or at any rate if the name could have been known so early in Europe. To all ap- pearance Turk is a contraction of Tur- •OJcha, which again is the Pali form of Turushka, the Sanscrit name for the Tartar inhabitants of the snowy range and the plains beyond. In the native traditions of central Asia the name of Turk is supposed to be derived from Tukui, " a helmet," and there is some show of probability in this etymology, as the term of Takabara, or "helmet- bearera," is applied in the Inscriptions of Darius as an ethnic title to the Asiatic Greeks. — H. C. R.] 20 THE ABGIPP^ANS. Book IV. dwelling at the foot of lofty mountains,® who are said to be all — ^both men and women — bald from their birth,^ to have flat noses, and very long chins.^ These people speak a lan- guage of their own, but the dress which they wear is the same as the Scythian. They live on the fruit of a certain tree, the name of which is Ponticum;^ in size it is about equal to our fig-tree, and it bears a fruit like a bean, with a stone inside. When the fruit is ripe, they strain it through cloths ; the juice which runs off is black and thick, and is called by the natives " aschy." They lap this up with their tongues, and also mix it with milk for a drink ; while they make the lees, which are sohd, into cakes, and eat them instead of meat ; for they have but few sheep in their country, in which there is no ^ These motmtams can be no others than the chain of the Ural ; and thus "we obtain the general direction of this line of nations, which is seen to extend from the Pains M^otis towards the north-east, and to terminate in the Ural chain, probably abcnt latitude 55°. It is an ingenious conjecture of Heeren's (As. Nat. ii. p. 289), strongly supported by the words of our author in ch. 24, that the Greeks of the Pon- tus carried on a regular trade (chiefly for furs) with these nations, and that the line described by Herodotus is the route of the caravans. With respect to the exact districts inhabited by the Budini, Thyssagette, Iyrca3, and Argippsei, I agree with Mr. Grote that "it is impossible to fix with precision the geography of these dif- ferent tribes." (Hist, of Greece, vol. ii. p. 328.) ' Although a race of men absolutely without hair may be a fable, yet it is a fact that scanty hair characterises several of the wandering tribes of Northern Asia. (See Prichard's Nat. Hist, of Man, p. 48.) ^ Some scholars translate y4v5?va in Pind. 01. vi. 51, and the Partheniae at Sparta (Arist. Pol. v. 7). ' Apollo and Diana. (Cf. Callimach. Hymn, in Delum.) ' Olen, according to Pausanias (ix. zxvii. 2), "was the most ancient com- poser of hymns, preceding even Pam- phfis and Orpheus. No fragments of his hymns remain, but their general character may be conjectured from the Homeric hymns, as well as from the fragments ascribed to Orpheus and Pamphfis. (Plat. Cratyl. p. 402, B. ; Philostrat. Heroic, p. 693.) They were in hexameter verse, and continued to be sung down to the time of Pausanias (i. xviii. 5). It is curious that his Lycian origin should be so strongly attested as it is (Pausan. ix. xxvii. 2 ; Suidas ad voc), since his poems were un- doubtedly Greek. * Many ancient writers (as Plato, Strabo, Jamblichns, Celsus, &o.) allude to the story of Abaris the Hyperbo- rean; but none of them throw any particular light on its meaning or origin. He was said to have received from Apollo, whose priest he had been in his own country, a magic arrow, upon which he could cross streams, lakes, swamps, and mountains (Jam- blich. de Vit. Pyth. xix. § 91). This arrow he gave to Pythagoras, who in return taught him his philosophy (ibid.). Oracles and charms under his name appear to have passed current among the Greeks (Schol. ad Aristoph. Bq. 725 ; Villoison's Anecd. Gr. i. p. 20; Plat. Charm, p. 158, B.) 30 PLAN OF THE WORLD. Book IV. Hyperborean, and to have gone with his arrow all round the world without once eating, I shall pass it by in silence. Thus much, however, is clear : if there are Hyperboreans, there must also be Hypernotians.^ For my part, I cannot but laugh when I see numbers of persons drawing maps of the world without having any reason to guide them; making, as they do, the ocean-stream to run all round the earth, and the earth itself to be an exact circle, as if described by a pair of com- passes,' with Europe and Asia just of the same size. The According to Pindar (ap. Harpocrat. ; cf. Snidas in yoo. "Adapts) he came into Greece in the reign of Croesus. Eusebius (Chron. Can. ii. p. 332) places him a little earlier. Probably he was, like Anacharsis, a Scythian, who wished to make himself acquainted with Greek customs. [It has been conjectured that the arrow of Abaris is a mythical tradition of the magnet, but it is hardly possible that if the polarity of the needle had been known it should not have been more distinctly noticed.— H. C. E.] ^ Eratosthenes noticed the weakness of this argument (ap. Strab. i. p. 91). Herodotus cannot, even while com- bating, escape altogether from the prevalent notion that in geography there was some absolute symmetry and parallelism. ' That there is a special allusion to Hecataeus here seems very probable. (Vide supra, ii. 21, note.) The belief Plan of the World according to Hecateiis. From Klaueen. Chap. 36-39. CHIEF TRACTS OF ASIA. 3f truth in this matter I will now proceed to explain in a very- few words, making it clear what the real size of each region is and what shape should be given them. 37. The Persians inhabit a country upon the southern or Erythraean sea ; above them, to the north, are the Medes ; beyond the Medes, the Saspirians;^ beyond them, the Col- chians, reaching to the northern sea, into which the Phasis empties itself. These four nations fiU the whole space from one sea to the other.^ 38. West of these nations there project into the sea two tracts^ which I will now describe ; one, beginning at the river Phasis on the north, stretches along the Euxine and the Hellespont to Sigeum in the Troas ; while on the south it reaches from the Myriandrian gulf,^ which adjoins Phoenicia, to the Triopic promontory.^ This is one of the tracts, and is inhabited by thirty different nations.* 39. The other starts from the country of the Persians, and which. Herodotus ridicules is not that of the world's spherical form, which had not yet been suspected by the Greeks, but a false notion of the con- figuration of the land on the earth's surface. The plan of the world, on the preceding page, according to Hecatasus, taken from Klausen, repre- sents with tolerable accuracy the view which Herodotus censures. ^ Tide supra, Book i. ch. 104, note *. ' Niebuhr (Geography of Herod, p. 25, and map) supposes that these four nations must have been regarded by Herodotus as dwelling in a direct line from south to north. This is to take his words too strictly. Even if he never visited Ecbatana, he could scarcely be ignorant that Media lay north-west of Persia. ' We have no single word for the Greek ctKr-f], which means a tract jutting out to a considerable distance into the sea, with one side joining the mainland. Attica (named probably from its shape, Atticabemg iorActica) and lapygia were aKrai — peninsulas joined to the main by an isthmus were x^^^^i'V'o'- ^ Or Bay of Issus. Myriandrus was a small Phoenician settlement on the southern side of the gulf. It is men- tioned by Senophon as Tr6\ts olkov^svtj vTrh ^oivIkcov (Anab. i. iv. § 6), and by Scylax as MvpiavSpos ^oiviKuv (Peripl, p. 9) . Though the reading in Hero- dotus is conjectural, it may, I think, be regarded as certain. ^ Concerning the Triopic promon- tory, see note ' on Book i. ch. 144, and note' on Book i. ch. 174. ^ The thirty nations intended by Herodotus would seem to be the fol- lowing : — The Mosohi, Tibareni, Ma- crones, Mosynoeci, Mares, Alarodii, Armenians, Cappadocians, Matieni, Paphlagonians, Chalybes, Mariandy- nians, Bithynians, Thynians, ^olians, lonians, Magnesians, Dorians, My. sians, Lydians, Carians, Caunians, Lyoians, Milyans, Cabaliaus, Lason- iang, Hygennes, Phrygians, Pamphy- lians, and Cilioiana. (See i. 28, iii. 90-94, and vii. 72-79.) Or perhaps we should retrench the Hygennes, read very doubtfully in iii. 90, and add the Ligyes from vii. 72. 32 CHIEF TRACTS OF ASIA. Book IV. stretches into the Erythraean sea, containing first Persia, then Assyria, and after Assyria, Arabia. It ends, that is to say it is considered to end, though it does not really come to a termi- nation,^ at the Arabian gulf— the gulf whereinto Darius con- ducted the canal which he made from the Nile.^ Between Persia and Phoenicia lies a broad and ample tract of country, after which the region I am describing skirts our sea,' stretching from Phoenicia along the coast of Palestine- Syria till it comes to Egypt, where it terminates. This entire tract contains but three nations.^ The whole of Asia west of the country of the Persians, is comprised in these two regions. 40. Beyond the tract occupied by the Persians, Medes, Sas- pirians, and Colchians, towards the east and the region of the sunrise, Asia is bounded on the south by the Erythraean sea, and on the north by the Caspian and the river Araxes, which flows towards the rising sun.^ Till you reach India the country is peopled ; but further east it is void of inhabitants,^ and no one can say what sort of region it is. Such then is the shape, and such the size of Asia. 41. Libya belongs to one of the above-mentioned tracts, for it adjoins on Egypt. In Egypt the tract is at first a narrow ^ Since Egypt adjoins Arabia. (See ch. 41.) ^ This was the completion of the canal which Neco found it pradent to desist from re-opening, through fear of the growing power of Babylon. It was originally a canal of Eemeses II., which had been filled up by the sand, as happened occasionally in after times. (Seenote' onBookii. ch. 158.) Macrisi says very justly that it was re.opened by the Greek kings, Ptolemiea ; and it is singular that, though Herodotus ex- pressly^ says it was open in Mb time, some have fancied that the Egyptians, the people most versed in canal- making, were indebted to the Greeks for the completion of this one to the Eed Sea. The notion of Macrisi, that Adrian also re-opened this canal, was owing to a fresh supply of water having been conducted to it by the Amnis Trajanns. — [G. W.] ^ The Mediterranean. (See Book i. ch. 185.) ' The Assyrians (among whom the Palestine Syricms were included), the Arabians, and the Phoenicians. ' Niebuhr (Geograph. of Herod, p. 25-26) concludes from this passage, combined with ch. 202 of Book i., that Herodotus imagined the Araxes (Aras) to send a, branch into the Caspian, while at the same time the main stream flowed onward in an easterly direction below and beyond the Cas- pian, and terminated on the confines of India in a marsh. I incline to suspect a mere lapsus, by which He- rodotus has made the river run east, when he meant to say that it ran west. 1 Vide supra, iii. 98, note. Ghap. 39-i.2. BOUNDARIES OF ASIA. 33 neck, the distance from our sea to the Erythrasan not exceeding a hundred thousand fathoms, or, in other words, a thousand furlongs ; ^ but from the point where the neck ends, the tract which bears the name of Libya is of Tery great breadth. 42. For my part I am astonished that men should ever have divided Libya, Asia, and Europe as they have, for they are exceedingly unequal. Europe extends the entire length of the other two,^ and for breadth will' not even (as I think) bear to be compared to them. As for Libya, we know it to be washed on aU sides by the sea, except where it is attached to Asia. This discovery was first made by Needs,* the Egyptian ^ In like manner Pliny (Hist. Nat. V. 11) reckons 125 Roman miles (= lOOOstades) f rom Pelnsinm to Aisinoe; which occnpied the site of Snez. Modem surveys show that the direct distance across the isthmus is not so jnuch as 80 miles (English), or under 700 stades. (See note ^ on Book ii. ch. 158.) ^ Herodotus made the Phasis, Cas- pian, and Araxes, the boundary be- tween Europe and Asia. In this he departed from Hecatseus, who, as is clear, from his Fragments, regarded the Tanais as the boundary -line. (See especially Fragm. 166 and 168.) The later geographers, Soylax (Peripl. p. 74), Strabo (xi. 1, § 1), &c., followed Hecatseus — and so the modems gene- rally. Recently, however, the Rus- sians have determined to consider the Ural River, the Caspian, and their own Georgian frontier as the bound- ary. ^ We may infer, from Neco's or- dering the Phoenioians to come round by the " Pillars of Hercules," that the form of Africa was already known, and that this was not the first expedition which had gone round it. The fact of their seeing the sun rise on their right as they returned north- wards, which Herodotus doubted, is the very proof of their having gone round the Cape, and completed the circuit. He afterwards mentions (ch. VOL. III. 43) another expedition which set out by the Mediterranean, but which was given up. But the Phoenicians sent by Neco were not the only success- ful circumnavigators of Africa ; and Hanno, a Carthaginian, went round it, going through the Pillars of Hercules, and touching at Gades (Cadiz), and returning by the end of the Arabian Gulf. (Plin. ii. 67 ; and Arrian, Rer. Indio. at end.) He founded several towns on the coast, none of which remained in the time of Vespasian. Major Rennell (p. 738) thinks that he only navigated the western coast of Africa, and that the term of his voyage was " at Sierra Leone, or at Sherbro', and far more probably the latter." Pliny also mentions a cer- tain Eudoxus, a contemporary of Ptolemy Lathyrus, by whom he was probably sent, rather than " cum Lathurum regem fugeret," who went round from the Ajabiau Gulf to Gades ; and others were reported to have performed the same voyage for commercial purposes (Plin. ib.) . The expedition of Hanno dates some time after that of Neco, who has the credit of discovering the Cape and the form of Africa, 21 centuries before Diaz and Tasco de Gama. The former was for commercial pui'poses con- nected with India, the latter to settle a geographical question, as is our modern " N.W. passage." — [G. W.] 34 CIRCUMNAVIGATION BY ORDER OF NECO. Book IT. king, who on desisting from the canal which he had begun between the Nile and the Arabian Gulf/ sent to sea a number of ships manned by Phoenicians, with orders to make for the Pillars of Hercules," and return to Egypt through them, and by the Mediterranean.' The Phoenicians took their departure from Egypt by way of the Erythraean Sea, and so sailed into the southern ocean. When autumn came, they went ashore, wherever they might happen to be, and having sown a tract of land with corn, waited until the grain was fit to cut.^ Having reaped it, they again set sail; and thus it came to pass that .two whole years went by, and it was not till the third year that they doubled the PiUars of Hercules, and made good their voyage home. On their retm-n, they declared — I for my part do not beUeve them, but perhaps others may — that in sailing round Libya they had the sun upon their right hand.^ In this way was the extent of Libya first discovered. * Vide supra, ii. 158. ^ They were bo called, not from the Greek hero, but from the Tyrian deity, whose worship was always in- troduced by the Phoenicians in their settlements. Some suppose the two pillars in the Temple of Hercules (on the Spanish coast) had their name transferred by mistake to the two hUls of Calpe and Abyla, on each side of the straits. Herodotus evidently considers them on the African as well as Spanish coast (iv. 181, 185 ; see Dion. Perieg. 64., seq. 73, and comp. Eustath. PUn. iii. Proem. ; Strab. iii. 116 seq.). Strabo says the Pillars were thought by some to be at the end of the straits, by others at Gades (FaSeipa) , by some even beyond this ; by others to be Calpe (Gibraltar), and Abila ("AiSiiAT;, 'A$i\ji, or "A^uAul), Abila (now Apes-hiU) being the African mountain opposite Calpe. Many say these hills are at the straits ; others that they are two brazen columns, 8 cubits high, in the Temple of Hercules at Gades, which Posidonius thinks most probable, Strabo not. Plato (Tim. p. 469) speaks of that mouth called Pillars of Hercules ; Strabo (iii. . 96) of the influx of the sea at the Pillars and the town of Calpe. (Cp. the Gaditanum fretum of Pliny, iii. 1.) The dollars of Spain have hence been called colonnate, and have two columns on them. Strabo says the Temple of Hercules at Gades was on the east side of the island nearest the main- land.— [G. W.] ' In the original, " the northern sea " — so called here as washing Libya upon the north, and in contrast with the "southern" or Indian Ocean. (Compare ii. 11.) * This is less surprising in an Afri- can climate, where barley, doora (hol- cus sorghum), peas, &c., are reaped in from 3 months to 100 days after sowing, and vegetables in 50 or 60 days. Even Tamerlane (as Rennell observes), in his preparations for marching into China, included com for sowing the lands. — [G. W.] " Here the faithful reporting of what he did not himself imagine true has stood our author in good stead. Few would have believed the Phoeni- cian circumnavigation of Africa had it not been vouched for by this Chap. 42, 43. VOYAGE OF SATASPES. 35 43. Next to these Phcenicians the Carthaginians, according to their own accounts, made the voyage. For Sataspes, son of Teaspes the Achsemenian, did not circumnavigate Libya, though he was sent to do so; but fearing the length and desolateness of the journey, he turned back and left unaccom- phshed the task which had been set him by his mother. This man had used violence towards a maiden, the daughter of Zopyrus, son of Megabyzus,^ and King Xerxes was about to impale him for the offence, when his mother, who was a sister of Darius, begged him off, undertaking to punish his crime more heavily than the king himself had designed. She would force him, she said, to sail round Libya and return to Egypt by the Arabian Gulf. Xerxes gave his consent ; and Sataspes went down to Egypt, and there got a ship and crew, with which he set sail for the PiUars of Hercules. Having passed the Straits, he doubled the Libyan headland, known as Cape Soloeis,^ and proceeded southward. Following this course for many months over a vast stretch of sea, and finding that more water than he had crossed still lay ever before him, he put about and came back to Egypt. Thence proceeding to the court he made report to Xerxes, that at the farthest point to which he had reached, the coast was occupied by a dwarfish race,^ who wore a dress made from the palm-tree.* These people, whenever he landed, left their towns and fled away to the mountains ; his men, however, did them no wrong, only entering into their cities and taking some of their cattle. The reason why he had not sailed quite round Libya was, he said, because the ship stopped, and would not go any further.^ discovery. Wien Herodotus is blamed for repeating the absurd stories which he had been told, it should be con- sidered what we must have lost had he made it a rule to reject from Ms History all that he thought unlikely. (See the Introductory Essay, vol. i. pp. 95.96.) ' Vide supra, iii. 160. ^ The modem Cape Spartel. (See n. ch. 32, Book ii.) ' This is the second mention of a dwarfish race in Africa (see above, ii. 32). The description is answered by the Bosjetnans and the Bolcos, who may have been more widely extended in early times. ■* So Larcher and Schweighaeuser, Biihr and Beloe translate (poiviK-q'tovs by "red" or "purple." But Hero- dotus always uses (poiv'iKeos, never (whence Nsin, "the east"), Assyrian azu, " to rise," or *' go forth." It is an adjectival or participial form from this root (comp. N'X', 2 Ohron. zxzii. 21) ; and thus signifies " going forth," "rising," or "the east." The Greeks first applied the title to that portion of the eastern continent which lay nearest them, and with which they became first acquainted — the coast of Asia Minor opposite the Cy- clades ; whence they extended it as their knowledge grew. Still it had al- ways a special application to the country about Ephesns. With regard to Libya, it is perhaps most probable that the Greeks first called the south or south- west wind Kifia, because it brought moisture (\ifla, comp. Kit^ai), and then when they found a land from which it blew, called that land Libya ; not meaning " the iiioist land," which would be a misnomer, but " the south- em land." The connexion with the Hebrew Lubim, n'^i'j (Dan. xi. 43 ; Nahum iii. 9), who are probably the modem Nubians (see Beechey's Expe- dition, p. 58), is very doubtful. The derivation of the Latin term ' ' Africa," which we use instead of Libya, is peculiarly obscure. Alexan- der Polyhistor quotes a Jewish writer whom he calls Oleodemus, and appears to identify with the prophet Malachi, as deriving the word from Epher, n?V, a grandson of Abraham and Keturah (Pr. 7; cf. Gen. xxv. 4). Josephus adopts the same view (Antiq. Jud. i. 15) . Leo suggests two derivations : one from the Ai'abiC root furakf Heb. pis, " to break off, separate, rend asunder;" the other from a certain Arabian king Iphric or Iphricus, who was driven out of Asia by the Assy- rians. These accounts do not deserve much attention. Perhaps the term Afri was the real ethnic appellation of the tribe on whose coast the Cartha- ginians settled, and hence the Romans formed the word Africa : or more probably it was a name which the Phoenician settlers gave to the natives, connected with the Hebrew root NnB^ and meaning " nomads," or " savages." (Compare the terms NuinidEe and Nu- midia.) It is to be noted that the name was always applied especially to the tract bordering upon Carthage. (Phn. H. N. V. 4 ; Mela, i. 7 ; Agathe. mer, ii, 5 ; Leo. Afric. i, 1, &c.) 40 DAEITJSS INVASION OF THE SCYTHIANS. Book IV. nations dwelling around it, with the one exception of the Scythians, more unpolished than those of any other region that we know of. For, setting aside Anacharsis* and the Scythian people, there is not within this region a single nation which can be put forward as having any claims to wisdom, or which has produced a single person of any high repute. The Scythians indeed have in one respect, and that the very most important of all those that fall under man's control, shown themselves wiser than any nation upon the face of the earth. Their customs otherwise are not such as I admire.^ The one thing of which I speak, is the contrivance whereby they make it impossible for the enemy who invades them to escape destruction, while they themselves are entirely out of his reach, unless it please them to engage with him. Having neither cities nor forts, and carrying their dwellings with them wherever they go ; accustomed, moreover, one and aU of them, to shoot from horseback ; ^ and living not by * Concerning Anacharsia, see below, ch. 76. ^ It was a fashion among the Greeks to praise the simplicity and honesty of the nomade races, who were less civilized than themselves. Homer had done so in a passage which possibly referred to these very Scythians : '"'" Iliad, xiii. 6. iEschylns had commended them as Prom. Sol. Fr. 10. In later times Ephorus made them the subject of a laboured panegyric. (See the Pragm. Hist. Gr. vol. i. p. 74, Eragm. 76 ; and compare Nic. Dam. Er. 123.) Herodotus intends to mark his dissent from such views. ^ It is curious that the Scythian remains discovered at Kertch do not give an example of a Scythian horse- archer, although they show the mode Iq which the Soyths used the javelin on horseback, and in which they shot their arrows on foot. Chap. 46, 47. RIVERS OF SCYTHIA. 41 husbandry but on their cattle, their waggons the only houses that they possess,' how can they fail of being unconquerable, and unassailable even ? 47. The nature of their country, and the rivers by which it is intersected, greatly favour this mode of resisting attacks. For the land is level, well watered, and abounding in pasture ; ^ whUe the rivers which traverse it are almost equal in number to the canals of Egypt. Of these I shall only mention the most famous and such as are navigable to some distance from the sea. They are, the Ister, which has five mouths ; ^ the ' Compare the earlier description of j3jlscliylus ; — SKyflar vofidSaij ol Tr\eKT('(? (rxeXa? Prom. Vinct. ?34-J3e. Hippocrates, irho visited Soythia a generation later than Herodotus, gave a similar accoimt, adding the fact that the Scythian wagons were either four-wheeled or six-wheeled. (De Aere, Aqna, et Locis, § 44, p. 353.) It may be doubted whether the ancient Scythians really lived entirely in their wagons. More probably their wagons carried a tent, consisting of a light framework of wood covered with felt or matting (Fig. 1), which could be readily transferred from the wheels to the ground, and vice versd. This Fig. 1. at least is the case mth the modem Nogai and Kundure Tatars, who how- ever use also a sort of covered cart Fig. 2. (Pigs. 2 and 3), not very unlike the caravans of our wealthy gypsies. The subjoined representations of Tatar Fig. 3. vehicles are from the works of Pallas (Figs. 1 and 2), and of Mr. Oliphant (Fig. 3). * The pasture is now not good ex- cepting in the immediate vicinity of the rivers ; otherwise the picture drawn of the country accords exactly with the accounts given by modem travellers. The extreme flatness of the whole region is especially noted. De Hell speaks of the " cheerless aspect of those vast plains, with nothing to vary their surface but the tumuli, and with no other boundaries than the sea." (Travels, p. 38, E. T.) Dr. Clarke says, " All the south of Russia, from the Dnieper to the Volga, and even to the territories of the Kirgissian and Thibet Tartars (?), with all the north of the Crimea, is one flat uncultivated desolate waste, forming, as it were, a series of those deserts bearing the name of steppes." (Travels in Russia, &c., p. 306.) 8 So Ephorus (Fr. 77), Arrian (Pe- ripl. P. B. p. 135), and the Anonymous Peripl. P. B. (p. 155) ; but Pliny (H. N. iv. 12) and Mela (ii. 7) mention six mouths, while Strabo (vii. p. 441) and Solinus (c. 19) have seven. There would no doubt be perpetual changes. At present the number is but four. 42 THE ISTEE. Book IV. Tyras, the Hypanis, the Borysthenes, the Panticapes, the Hypaeyris, the Gerrhus, and the Tanais.^ The courses of these streams I shall now proceed to describe. 48. The Ister is of all the rivers with which we are ac- quainted the mightiest. It never varies in height, but con- tinues at the same level summer and winter. Counting from the west it is the first of the Scythian rivers, and the reason of its being the greatest is, that it receives the waters of several tributaries. Now the tributaries which swell its flood are the following: first, on the side of Scythia, these five — the stream called by the Scythians Porata, and by the Greeks Pyretus, the Tiarantus, the Ararus, the Naparis, and the Ordessus.^ The first-mentioned is a great stream, and is the easternmost of the tributaries. The Tiarantus is of less volume, and more to the west. The Ararus, Naparis, and Ordessus fall into the Ister between these two. All the above-mentioned are genuine Scythian rivers, and go to swell the current of the Ister. 49. From the country of the Agathyrsi comes down another river, the Maris,^ which empties itself into the same ; and from the heights of Hsemus descend with a northern course three mighty streams,* the Atlas, the Auras, and the Tibisis, ' For the identification of these rivers, see below, chs. 51.57. ^ For the etymology of these names, see the Appendix, Essay ii., ' On the Ethnography of the European Soyths.' With respect to the identification of the rivers, that the Porata is the Pruth would seem to be certain. Probably the Tiarantns is the Aluta, in which case the Arams will be the Sereth, the Naparis the Praova or Jalonvnitza, and the Ordessns the Arditch. (See Niebuhr's Scythia, page 39, E. T.) The names Arditch and 8ereth may be corruptions of the ancient appel- lations. ' This mnst certainly be the modem Marosch, a tributary of the Theiss^ which runs with a conrse almost due west from the eastern Carpathians, through Transylvania into Hungary. to Herodotus, or regarded as a tribu. tary of the Maris. ■• Mannert (Geograph. vii. p. 8) pro- poses to read oi /leyiiKoi; and certainly it is untrue to say that any great rivers descend from the northern skirts of Mount Hsemus (the modern Ballcan). It is almost impossible to decide to which of the many small streams run. ning from this mountain range the names in Herodotus apply. The Scius, however, which is no doubt the Oscins of Thuoydides (ii. 96) , and the (Bscus of Pliny (Hist. Nat. iii. 26) , may be identified both from its name and position vrith the Isker. The six rivers, therefore — the Atlas, Auras, Tibials, Athrys, Noes, and Artanes — have to be found between the Isker and the sea. They may be conjectured to represent the Tahan, Drista. Kara Lorn. .Tantra. Chap. 47-49. TRIBUTARIES OF THE ISTER. 43 and pour their waters into it. Thrace gives it three tribu- taries, the Athrys, the Noes, and the Artanes, which all pass through the country of the Crobyzian Thracians.*^ Another tributary is furnished by Pfeonia, namely, the Scius ; this river, rising near Mount Ehodope, forces its way through the chaiu of Hsemus,^ and so reaches the Ister. From Illyria comes another stream, the Angrus, which has a course from south to north, and after watering the Tribalhan plain, falls into the Brongus, which falls into the Ister.'' So the Ister is augmented by these two streams, both considerable. Besides aU these, the Ister receives also the waters of the Carpis^ and the Alpis,^ two rivers running in a northerly direction from the country above the Umbrians. For the Ister flows through the whole extent of Em-ope, rising in the country of the Celts^" ^ The Crobyzi are Bnpposed to be a Slavic population, and the same men- tioned ioy Strabo (vii. 461) , and Pliny {iv. 12). The name is thought to be re- tained in the Kriritshi, a tribe of Enssia.— [G. W.] * This is untrue. No stream forces its way through this chain. The Scius (Isher) rises on the northern flank of Hgemus, exactly opposite to the point where the range of Ehodop^ [Despoto Dagh) branches out from it towards the south-east. From the two oppo- site angles made by Rhodope with Hsemus, spring the two streams of Hebrus and Nestus. Hence it appears that Thucydides is more accurate than Herodotus, when he says of the Scius or Oscius, l>u y ovTos Sk rov 6povs '69ev Trep real 6 Neffroy Kal d "Expos' (ii. 96.) ' The Angrus is either the western Morava or the Ibar, most probably the latter. The Brongus is the eastern or Bulgarian Morava. The Triballian plain is thus the principality of Servia. * As Herodotus plunges deeper into the European continent, his know- ledge is less exact. He knows the fact that the Danube receives two great tributaries from the south (the Drave and the Save) in the upper part of its course, but he does not any longer know the true direction of the streams. Possibly also he conceives the rivers, of which he has heard the Umbrians tell as running northwards from the Alps above their country, to be iden- tical with the great tributaries where- of the dwellers on the middle Danube spoke. Thus the Carpis and the Alpis would represent, in one point of view, the Save and the Drave, in another, the Salza and the Iim (cf. Niebuhr's Rom. Hist. vol. i. p. 142, E. T.) ; or possibly, if we consider where he placed the sources of the Danube (near Pyrene), the Inn and the Rhine. ' It is interesting to find in He- rodotus this first trace of the word Alp, by which, from the time of Poly - bius, the great European chain has been known. At the present day it is applied in the country itself, not to the high mountain tops, but to the green pastures on their slopes. It can hardly have been at any time tho real name of a river. '" Vide supra, ii. 33. Aristotle's knowledge did not greatly exceed that of Herodotus. He too made the Danube rise in Celtica, and from Pyr4ne (Meteorolog. i. 18, p. 350) . He knew, however, that Pyrene was a, mountain. 44 THE ISTER AND NILE COMPARED. Book IV. (the most westerly of all the nations of Europe, excepting the Cynetians ^), and thence running across the continent till it reaches Scythia, whereof it washes the flanks. 50. All these streams, then, and many others, add their waters to swell the flood of the Ister, which thus increased becomes the mightiest of rivers ; for undoubtedly if we com- pare the stream of the Nile with the single stream of the Ister, we must give the preference to the Nile,^ of which no tributary river, nor even rivulet, augments the volume. The Ister remains at the same level both summer and winter — -owing to the following reasons, as I believe. During the winter it runs at its natm-al height, or a very little higher, because in those countries there is scarcely any rain in winter, but con- stant snow. When summer comes, this snow, which is of great depth, begins to melt, and flows into the Ister, which is swelled at that season, not only by this cause, but also by the rains, which are heavy and frequent at that part of the year. Thus the various streams which go to form the Ister are higher in summer than in winter, and just so much higher as the sun's power and attraction are greater ; so that th,ese two causes counteract each other, and the effect is to produce a balance, whereby the Ister remains always at the same level.^ ' Tide supra, ii. 33, note ^. ^ The lengths of the two rivers are — of the Nile, 2600 miles, according to its present known or supposed course; of the Danube, 1760 miles. (See ch. 33, Book ii.) The Nile, which has no tributaries except in Abyssinia, and is not fed by rains except in the upper part of its course during the tropical rains, continues of about the same breadth during all its course. It is occasionally narrower iu Nubia, in consequence of the nature of the rocky land through which it passes ; but having no tributary in Ethiopia and Egypt, there is of course no reason for its becoming larger towards its mouth. The broadest part is the White River, which is some- times miles across, and divided into several broad but shallow channels. In Egypt its general breadth is about one.third of a mile, and the rate of its mid. stream is generally from !]• to about 2 knots, but during the inunda- tion more rapid, or above 3 miles an hour.- [G. W.] ^ Too much force is here assigned to the attracting power of the sun. The " balance " of which Herodotus speaks is caused by the increased volume of the southern tributaries during the summer (which is caused by the melting of the snows along the range of the Alps), being just suffi- cient to compensate for the diminished volume of the northern tributaries, which in winter are swelled by the Chap. 49-52. THE TYRAS AND THE HYPANIS. 45 51. This, then, is one of the great Scythian rivers ; the next to it is the Tyras,* which rises from a great lake sepa- rating Scythia from the land of the Neuri, and runs with a southerly course to the sea. Greeks dwell at the mouth of the river, who are called Tyritte.^ 52. The third river is the Hypanis.^ This stream rises within the limits of Scythia, and has its source in another vast lake, around which wild white horses graze. The lake is called, properly enough, the Mother of the Hypanis.' The Hypanis, rising here, during the distance of five days' navi- gation is a shallow stream, and the water sweet and pure; thence, however, to the sea, which is a distance of four days, it is exceedingly bitter. This change is caused by its receiving into it at that point a brook the waters of which are so bitter that, although it is but a tiny rivulet, it nevertheless taints the entire Hypanis, which is a large stream among those of the second order. The source of this bitter spring is on the borders of the Scythian Husbandmen,^ where they adjoin rains. It is not true that the rains of enminer are heavier than those of winter in the basin which the Danube drains : rather the exact re- verse is the case. Were it otherwise, the Danube, like the Nile, would over- flow in the summer ; for the evapora- ting power of the sun's rays on the surface of a river in the latitude of the Danube is very trifling. * The Tyras is the modem Dniestr (= Danas-Ter), still called, according to Heeren (As. Nat. vol. ii. p. 257, note ^) , the Tyral near its mouth. Its main stream does not rise from a lake, but one of its chief tributaries, the Sered, which rises near Zloczow in Gal- licia, does flow from a small lake. There is also a largish lake on the Werezysca, near Lemherg, in the same country, which conunuuicates with the main stream of the Dniestr, not far from its source. Heeren regards this as the lake of which Herodotus had heard. (As. Nat. 1. s. c.) * A Greek town called Tyras, and also Ophiusa (Plin. His. Nat. iv. 11 ; Steph. Byz. ad voo.) , lay at the mouth of the Dniestr, on its right bank. (Ophiusa in Scylax, Peripl. p. 70 ; Tyras in the Anon. Peripl. Pont. Enx. p. (153.) It was a colony of the Milesians. (Anon. Peripl. 1. s. c.) When the Goths (Getae) conquered the region about this river, they re- ceived the name of Tyri-getas. (Strab. vii. p. 442.) * The Hypanis is undoubtedly the Bog, it main tributary of the Duiepr. The marshes of Volhynia, from which flow the feeders of the Pripet, are in this direction ; but it is scarcely pos- sible that the Bog can at any time have flowed out of them. ^ Compare below, ch. 86. * Herodotus appears to have pene- trated as far as this fountain (infra, ch. 81), no traces of which are to be found at the present day. The water of the Scythian rivers is brackish to a considerable distance from the sea, but there is now nothing peculiar in the water of the Hypanis. 46 THE BORYSTHENES. Book TV. upon the Alazonians ; and the place where it rises is called in the Scythic tongue Uxampceus,^ which means in our language, " The Sacred "Ways." The spring itself bears the same name. The Tyras and the Hypanis approach each other in the country of the Alazonians/ but afterwards separate, and leave a wide space between their streams. 53. The fourth of the Scythian rivers is the Borysthenes.^ Next to the Ister, it is the greatest of them all ; and, in my judgment, it is the most productive river, not merely in Scythia, but in the whole world,^ esceptiag only the Nile, with which no stream can possibly compare. It has upon its banks the loveliest and most excellent pasturages for cattle ; it contains abundance of the most delicious fish ; its water is most pleasant to the taste ; its stream is limpid, while all the other rivers near it are muddy ; the richest harvests spriag up along its course, and where the ground is not sown, the heaviest crops of grass ; while salt forms m great plenty about its mouth without human aid,* and large fish are taken in ^ The etymology of this term is dis- cussed in the Appendix, Essay ii. ' On the Ethnography of the European Scyths.' 1 That is, between the 47th and 4Sth parallels. The fact here noticed by Herodotus strongly proves his actual knowledge of the geography of these countries. ^ The Borysthenes is the Dniepr. It had got the name as early as the compilation of the anonymous Peri- plas Pont. Eux. (See p. 150.) 3 Something of the same enthusiasm which appears in the description of Herodotus breaks out also in modem travellers when they speak of the Dniepr. " Among the rivers of South- em Russia," says Madame de Hell, "the Dniepr claims one of the fore- most places, from the length of its course, the volume of its waters, and the deep bed which it has excavated for itself across the plains ; but no- where does it present more charming views than from the height I have just mentioned, and its vicinity. After having spread out to the breadth of nearly a league, it parts into a multi- tude of channels that wind through forests of oaks, alders, poplars, and aspens, whose vigorous growth be- speaks the richness of a virgin soil. The groups of islands, capriciously breaking the surface of the waters, have a melancholy beauty and a primitive character scarcely to be seen except in those vast wildernesses where man has left no traces of his presence. Nothing in our country at all resembles this land of landscape. For some time after my arrival at Doutchina I found an end- less source of delight in contempla- ting these majestic scenes." (Travels, pp. 56, 57, E. T.) '' Die Chrysostom notes the value of this salt as an article of trade with the other Greeks and with the Scyths of the interior (Or. xxxvi. p. 43). The salines of Xinhurn, at the ex- tremity of the promontory which forms the southern shore of the limam of the Dniepr, are still of the greatest Chap. 52, 53. THE BOEYSTHENES. 47 it of the sort called Antacsei, without any prickly bones, and good for pickling.^ Nor are these the whole 'of its marvels. As far inland as the place named Gerrhus, which is distant forty days' voyage from the sea,^ its course is known, and its direction is from north to south ; but above this no one has traced it, so as to say through what countries it flows. It enters the territory of the Scythian Husbandmen after running for some time across a desert region, and continues for ten days' navigation to pass through the land which they inhabit. It is the only river besides the Nile the sources of which are unknown to me, as they are also (I believe) to all the other Greeks. Not long before it reaches the sea the Borysthenes is joined by the Hypanis, which pours its waters into the same lake.'' The land that lies between them, a narrow point like the beak of a ship,^ is called Cape Hippo- laiis. Here is a temple dedicated to Ceres,^ and opposite the importance to Enssia, and supply vast tracts of the interior. (See Dr. Clarke's Enssia, Appendix, No. viii. p. 759.) ' The sturgeon of the Dniepr hare to this day a great reputation. Caviare (the rdpixo^ ^AvraKcuov of Athenseus) is made from, the roes of these fish at Kherson and Nicolaef. For a scien- tific description of the sturgeon of the Dniepr, see Kirby's Bridgewater Trea- tise, vol. i. p. 107. ^ The Dniepr is navigable for barges all the way from Smolensko to its mouth, a distance of not less than 1500 miles. The navigation is indeed greatly impeded by the rapids below Ekaterinoslav ; but still for a month or six weeks in the spring, at the time of the spring floods, they are passed by boats. (See Dr. Clarke's Russia, App. viir. p. 756 ; and De Hell's Travels, p. 20, B. T.) Herodotus does not seem to have been aware of the rapids, which may possibly have been produced by an elevation of the land since his time. (See Murchison's Geology of Enssia, vol. i. p. 573.) It is uncertain what distance he in- tended by a day's voyage up the course of a river, but there seems to be no sufficient reason for altering the number forty in the text, as Matthise and Larcher suggest. ' The word in. the Greek (e^ot) is rather " marsh " than " lake," and the Kman of the Dniepr is ia point of fact so shallow as almost to deserve the name. " In su mm er it has hardly six feet of water." (Eeport of Eussian Engineers ; Clarke, 1. s. c.) " This description, which is copied by Dio (Or. xxxvi. p. 437), and which would exactly suit the promontory of Kinhum, applies but ill to the land as it now lies between the two rivers. Has the author's memory played him false, or are we to suppose that the form of the land has changed since his time ? ' Or "Cybele," for the reading is doubtful. Bahr gives Mrirphs for A^iU7)Tpoj on the authority of many of the best MSS. ; and among the coins found on the site of Olbia, the head 48 THE HYPACYRIS. Book IV. temple upon the Hypanis is the dwelling-place of the Borys- thenites.^ But enough has been said of these streams. 54. Next in succession comes the fifth river, called the Panticapes,^ which has, like the Borysthenes, a course from north to south, and rises from a lake. The space between this river and the Borysthenes is occupied by the Scythians who are engaged in husbandry. After watering their country, the Panticapes flows through Hylaea, and empties itself into the Borysthenes. 65. The sixth stream is the Hypacyris, a river rising from a lake, and running directly through the middle of the Nomadic Scythians. It falls into the sea, near the city of of Cybele, with tlie well-known crown of towers, occurs freqnently. (See Mionnet's Description des Medailles, &c., Supplement, torn. ii. pp. 14-15.) ' Olbia, called also Borysthenes (supra, ch. 18, note ^), was on the western or right bank of the Hypanis, as snlEciently appears from this pas. sage. Its site is distinctly marked by mounds and ruins, and has been placed beyond a doubt by the dis- covery of numerous coins and inscrip- tions. (Clarke, pp. 614-623; Choix des Medailles Antiques d'Olbiopolis ou Olbia, faisant partie du cabinet dn Conseiller d'Etat De Blaramberg, Paris, 1822.) It is now called Sto- fnogil, " the Hundred Mounds," and lies about 12 miles below Nicolaef, on the opposite side of the Bog, 3 or 4 miles from the junction of the Bog with the liman of the Dniepr. (De Hell, p. 31, E. T.) It is curious to find Olbia placed on the wrong bank of the Hypanis by Major Eennell in his great map of Western Asia, published so late as 1831. ^ On the Panticapes, see ch. 18, note. This and the next two rivers defy identification with any existing stream. Great changes have probably occnrred in the physical geography of Southern Russia since the time of Herodotus. (Mnrchison's Geology of Eussia, pp. 573-577.) The Dniepr in his time seems to have had a large delta, enclosed within the mouth which he knew as the Borysthenes, and that called by him the Gerrhus, though this latter can scarcely have parted from the main stream at so great a distance from the sea as he imagined. It is possible that there have been great changes of level in Southern Eussia since his time, and the point of departure may perhaps have been as high as Krylov, in lat. 49", as represented in the map pre- fixed to this volume ; but perhaps it is more probable that the delta did not begin till about Kalcofka, where the Borysthenes may have thrown off a branch which passed into the Gulf of Perekop by Xalantcha/c (see Mur- chison, p. 574, note) ; or, finally, Herodotus may have been completely at fault, and the true Gerrhus of his day may, like that of Ptolemy (iii. 5), have really fallen into the Pains Maeotis, being the modem Molotchina, as Eennell supposes. (Geography of Herod, p. 71.) ' This place is called Carcine by Pliny (H. N. iv. 12) and Mela (ii. 1) Carcina by Ptolemy (1. o. c). Car- cinitis by Hecataeus (Pr. Hist. Gr, vol. i. p. 10, Fr. 153) and Herodotus, Carcinites, or Ooronites, by the anony^ mous author of the Peripl. Pont. Enx, (p. 148). It gave name to the bay ou the western side of the Taurio Chap. 55-57. THE GEERHUS — THE TANAIS. 49 Carcinitis,'* leaving Hylsea and the course of Achilles * to the right. 56. The seventh river is the Gerrhus, which is a branch thrown out by the Borysthenes at the point where the course of that stream first begins to be known, to wit, the region called by the same name as the stream itself, viz. Gerrhus. This river on its passage towards the sea divides the country of the Nomadic from that of the Eoyal Scyths. It runs into the Hypacyris. 57. The eighth river is the Tanais, a stream which has its source, far up the country, in a lake of vast size,^ and which empties itself into another still larger lake, the Palus Maeotis, whereby the country of the Eoyal Scythians is divided from that of the Sauromatae. The Tanais receives the waters of a tributary stream, called the Hyrgis.® Chersonese (Plia. 1. s. o. ; Mel. 1. s. c., &c.), the modern Gnlf of Perekop. It does not appear to have been a Greek settlement. Perhaps it may have been a Cimmerian town, and have contaiQed the Cymric Caer in its first syllable. ■* This is the modem Kosa Tendra and Kosa DjarilgatcTi, a long and narrow strip of sandy beach extend- ing abont 80 miles from nearly oppo. site Kalantchah to a point about 12 miles south of the promontory of Einhurn, and attached to the conti- nent only in the middle by an isthmus about 12 miles across. (Strabo vii. p. 445) and Eustathius (ad Dionys. Perieg. 306) compare it to a fillet, Pliny (H. N. iv. 12) and Mela (ii. 1) to a sword. It is carefully described by Strabo, Eustathius, and the anony- mous author of the Periplus, less accurately by Mela. Various accounts were given of the name. At the western extremity there was a grove sacred to Achilles (Strab. p. 446), or, according to others, to Hecate (Anon. Peripl. P. E. p. 149). Marcianus Ca- pella placed here the tomb of Achilles (vi. p. 214), who was said by AIcebus to have "ruled over Soythia" (Fr. 49, It.) The worship of Achilles was strongly affected by the Pontic Greeks. He had a temple in Olbia (Strab. 1. B. c), on the coins of which his name is sometimes found (Mionnet, Supplement, torn. ii. p. 32) ; another in the present Isle of Serpents (Arrian, Peripl. P. Bus. p. 135) ; a thk-d on the Asiatic side of the Straits of Kertch, at the narrowest point (Strab. xi. p. 756) ; and, as some think, a fourth on a small island at the mouth of the Borysthenes, dedi- cated to- him by the OllDiopolites. (See Kohler's Memoire sur les iles et la course consacrees ^ Achille ; and oomp. Dio Chrysost. Or. xxxvi. p. 439.) His head also appears occasion- ally on the coins of Chersonesus (Mionnet, ut supra, pp. 1 and 3) ; and in an inscription found at Olbia, and given accm'ately in Kohler'a Be- marques sur un ouvrage, &c. , p. 12, he is (apparently) entitled " Ruler of the Pontus" (nONTAPXHS). ' The Tanais (the modem Don) rises from a small lake, the lake of Ivan-Ozero, in lat. 54° 2'. long. 38° 3'. The Volga flows in part from the great lake of Onega. ** There are no means of identify- ing this river. Mr. Blakesley regards it as the Seiershy, in which he finds so EELIGION OF THE SCYTHIANS. Book IT. 58. Such then are the rivers of chief note in Scythia. The grass which the land produces is more apt to generate gall in the heasts that feed on it than any other grass which is known to us, as plainly appears on the opening of their carcases. 59. Thus abundantly are the Scythians provided with the most important necessaries. Their manners and customs come now to be described. They worship only the following gods, namely, Vesta, whom they reverence beyond aU the rest, Jupiter, and Tellus, whom they consider to be the wife of Jupiter ; and after these Apollo, Celestial Venus, Hercules, and Mars.'' These gods are worshipped by the whole nation : the Eoyal Scythians offer sacrifice likewise to Neptune. In the Scythic tongue Vesta is called Tahiti, Jupiter (very pro- perly, in my judgment) Papceiis, Tellus Apia, ApoUo (Etosyrus, Celestial Venus Artimpasa, and Neptune Thamimasadas} They use no images, altars, or temples, except in the worship of Mars ; but in his worship they do use them. " some vestige of the ancient title." I should be inclined rather to look on it as representing the Donetz, if any dependence conld be placed on this part of onr author's geography. He calls it in another place the Syrgis (infra, ch. 123.) ? The religion of the Scythians ap- pears by this account to have con- sisted chiefly in the worship of the I elements. Jupiter {Fap(Eus), ■while he was the father of the gods, was \ also perhaps the air ; Vesta (Tahiti) was fire, Tellus {Apia) earth. Neptune (Thamiimasadas) water, Apollo (Oito- syrus) the sun, and celestial Venus , (Artimpasa) the moon. The supposed i worship of Mars was probably the mere worship of the scymitar (of. Grote's Hist, of Greece, vol. iii. p. 323). What that of Hercules may have been it is impossible to deter- mine ; but it is worthy of remark that Herodotus has no Scythian name for Hercules, any more than he has for Mars. The subjoined representation of a Scythian god is not uncommon in the tombs. M. Dubois calls it " the Scythian Hercules," but there is nothing which determinately fixes its character. It has rather the appear- ance of a god of drinking. ^ The probable etymology of these names is given in the Appendix, Essay ii., ' On the Ethnography of the European Scyths.' Chap. 58-61. SACRIFICES. SI 60. The manner of their sacrifices is everywhere and in every case the same ; the victim stands with its two fore-feet bound together by a cord, and the person who is about to offer, taking his station behind the victim, gives the rope a pull, and thereby throws the animal down; as it falls he invokes the god to whom he is offering ; after which he puts a noose round the animal's neck, and, inserting a small stick, twists it round, and so strangles him. No fire is lighted, there is no consecration, and no pouring out of drink-offer- ings ; but directly that the beast is strangled the sacrificer flays him, and then sets to work to boil the flesh. 61. As Scythia, however, is titter ly barren of firewood,^ a plan has had to be contrived for boiling the flesh, which is the following. After flaying the beasts, they take out all the bones, and (if they possess such gear) put the flesh into boilers made in the country, which are very like the cauldrons of the Lesbians, except that they are of a much larger size ; then placing the bones of the animals beneath the cauldron, they set them alight, and so boil the meat.^" If they do not happen to possess a cauldron, they make the animal's paunch hold the flesh, and pouring in at the same time a little water, lay the bones under and light them. The bones burn beauti- fully ; and the paunch easily contains all the flesh when it is stript from the bones, so that by this plan your ox is made to bon himself, and other victims also to do the like. When the meat is aU cooked, the sacrificer offers a portion of the flesh The scarcity of firewood in the gives rise to a nnmber of cnrions contrivances. In sonthem Eussia, and also in Mongolia and Eastern Tartary, almost the only firing nsed is the dnng of animals. This is carefnlly collected, dried in the snn, and in Eussia made into little bricks, in Mongolia piled in its natural state about the tents. The Tatars call this species of fuel argots ; the Eussians hirhitch. (Hue's Voy- age dans la Tartarie, torn. i. p. 65 ; Pallas, vol. i. p. 538 ; De Hell, pp. 41 and 98.) A similar scarcity in Northern Africa renders the dung of the camel so precious that on journeys a bag is placed under the animal's tail to catch the fuel on which the evening meal depends. (Pacho's Voyage dans la Marmorique, p. 180.) 1° It may be gathered from Ezekiel (zxiv. 5) that a similar custom pre- vailed among the Jews. The bones of the yalt, are said to be used for fuel in Eastern Nepaul at the present day. (Hooker's Notes of a Naturalist, vol. i. p. 213.) 52 SACRIFICES. Book IV. and of the entrails, by casting it on the ground before him. They sacrifice all sorts of cattle, but most commonly horses.^ 62. Such are the victims offered to the other gods, and such i§ the mode in which they are sacrificed ; but the rites paid to Mars are different. In every district, at the seat of govern- ment,^ there stands a temple of this god, whereof the following is a descrii3tion. It is a pile of brushwood, made of a vast quantity of fagots, in length and breadth three furlongs ; in height somewhat less,^ having a square platform upon the top, three sides of which are precipitous, while the fomih slopes so that men may walk up it. Each year a hundred and fifty wagon-loads of brushwood are added to the pile, which sinks continually by reason of the rains. An antique iron sword* is planted on the top of every such mound, and serves as the image of Mars : ^ yearly sacrifices of cattle and of horses are made to it, and more victims are offered thus than to aU the. rest of their gods. When prisoners are taken in war, out of ^ Vide snpra, Book i. 216, where the same is related of the Massagetoe. Horses have always abounded in the steppes, and perhaps in ancient times were more common than any other animal. In the province of Tchakar, north of the Great Wall, the emperor of China has, it is said, between 400,000 and 500,000 horses. (Hue's Voyage, torn. i. p. 57.) De Hell esti- mates the horses of the Calmucks at from 250,000 to 300,000, their sheep at 1,000,000, bnt their kine only at 180,000. (Travels, p. 211, B. T.) ^ Mr. Blakesley well observes (not. ad loo.) that the expression here used is scarcely appropriate to Scythia, where the people had no fixed abodes. ^ These mea=nies are utterly in- credible. We gather from them that Herodotus had not seen any of these piles, but took the exai-'gorated ac- counts of certain mendacious Scy- thians. How a country alvus &^u\os was to furnish such enormous piles of brushwood, he forgot to ask himself. ■* In the Scythian tombs the ■^^■ea- pons are usually of bronze ; but the sword in the great tomb at Kertch was of iron, so that Herodotus is per- haps not mistaken. * This custom is also ascribed to the Scythians by Lucian (Jov. Trag. § 42, p. 275), Mela (ii. 1, sub. fin.), Soliuus (c. 19), Clemens Alexandrinus (Protrept. iv. p. 40), and others. Hicesius ascribed it to the Sauromat^ (MUller's Fr. Hist. Gr. vol. iv. p. 429). Ammianns Marcelliiius speaks of it as belonging to the Alani and Huns of his own day (xxxi. 2). In the time of Attila, a sword, supposed to be actu- ally one of these ancient Scythian weapons, was discovered by a chance (Priscus Panites, Fr. 8, p. 91 ; Jor- nandes de Rebus Geticis, c. 35, ad fin.), and made the object of worship. Genghis Khan, upon his elevation, re- peated the same observance. (Nie- buhr's Scythia, p. 46, E. T.j It is scarcely however to be called " a Mongolic custom ; " for it seems to have been common to most of the tribes which have wandered over the steppes. Chap. 61-64. WAR CUSTOMS. S3 every hundred men they sacrifice one, not however with the same rites as the cattle, but with different. Libations of wine are first poured upon their heads, after which they are slaugh- tered over a vessel ; the vessel is then carried up to the top of the pile, and the blood poured upon the scymitar. While this takes place at the top of the mound, below, by the side of the temple, the right hands and arms of the slaughtered prisoners are cut off, and tossed on high into the air. Then the other victims are slain, and those who have offered the sacrifice depart, leaving the hands and arms where they may chance to have fallen, and the bodies also, separate. 63. Such are the observances of the Scythians with respect to sacrifice. They never use swine for the purpose, nor indeed is it their wont to breed them in any part of their country. 64. In what concerns war, their customs are the following. The Scythian soldier drinks the blood of the first man he over- throws in battle. Whatever number he slays, he cuts off all their heads,^ and carries them to the king ; since he is thus entitled to a share of the booty, whereto he forfeits all claim if he does not produce a head. In order to strip the skull of its covering, he makes a cut round the head above the ears, and, laying hold of the scalp, shakes the skull out ; then with the rib of an ox he scrapes the scalp clean of flesh, and softening it by rubbing between the hands, uses it thenceforth as a napkin.' The Seyth is proud of these scalps, and hangs "■ This cnstom of cntting off heads is common to many barbarous and semi- barbarons nations. In the Assyrian sculptm:es we frequently see decapi- tated corpses, and Assyrians carrying off the heads of their foes. (Layard's Nineveh and Babylon, pp. 447, 456, &c.) According to Diodorus (xir. 115), the Granls spent the whole of the day following on the battle of the Allia in thus mutilating the dead. David hewing off the head of Goliah is a familiar instance. Herodotus fur- nishes another in the conduct which he ascribes to Artaphernes (vi, 30). In the East, the mutilation of fallen enemies is almost universal. Poseido- nius of Apamea spoke of himself as an eye-witness of the practice in Gaul (Fr. 26) ; and Strabo calls it a general custom of the northern nations (iv. p. 302). ' Hence the phrase 'SkvBktt) x^ipi- fxaxTpov (Hesych. ad voc. ; Sophocl. CBnom. ap. Athenaeum, x. 18, p. 410), and the verb airoffKvdiC^iv^ " to scalp," used by Athenaeus and Euripides. 54 WAR CUSTOMS. Book IV. them from his bridle-rein ; the greater the number of such napkins that a man can show, the more highly is he esteemed among them.^ Many make themselves cloaks, like the capotes of our peasants, by sewing a quantity of these scalps together. Others flay the right arms of their dead enemies, and make of the skiri, which is stripped off, with the nails hanging to it, a covering for their quivers. Now the skin of a man is thick and glossy, and would in whiteness surpass almost all other hides. Some even flay the entire body of their enemy, and stretching it upon a frame carry it about with them wherever they ride. Such are the Scythian customs with respect to scalps and skins. 65. The skulls of their enemies, not indeed of all, but of those whom they most detest, they treat as follows. Having sawn off the portion below the eyebrows, and cleaned out the inside, they cover the outside with leather. When a man is poor, this is aU that he does; but if he is rich, he also lines the inside with gold : in either case the skull is used as a drinking-cup.^ They do the same with the skulls of their own kith and kin if they have been at feud with them, and have vanquished them in the presence of the king. When strangers whom they deem of any account come to visit them, these skulls are handed round, and the host tells how that these were his relations who made war upon him, and how that he got the better of them ; aU this being looked upon as proof of bravery. 66. Once a year the governor of each district, at a set place in his own province, mingles a bowl of wine, of which all Scy- thians have a right to drink by whom foes have been slain ; while they who have slain no enemy are not allowed to taste of the bowl, but sit aloof in disgrace. No greater shame than this can happen to them. Such as have slain a very ^ The resemblance of these customs to those of the Eed Indians will strike every reader. ^ Ammianns Marcellinns relates the same of the Scordisoi, most probably a Teutonic people (xxvii. 4) ; " Hostiia captivorum Bellonas litant et Mai'ti, humanumqne sanguinem m ossihus ca;pituin cavis bibunt ayidiiis." Chap. 64-68. SOOTHSAYERS. 55 large number of foes, have two cups instead of one, and drink from both. 67. Seythia has an abundance of soothsayers, who foretell the future by means of a number of willow wands. A large bundle of these wands is brought and laid on the ground. The soothsayer unties the bundle, and places each wand by itself, at the same time uttering his prophecy : then, while he is stni speaking, he gathers the rods together again, and makes them up once more into a bundle. This mode of divination is of home growth in Seythia.'- The Enarees, or woman-like men,^ have another method which they say Venus taught them. It is done with the inner bark of the linden-tree. They take a piece of this bark, and, splitting it into three strips, keep twining the strips about their lingers, and un- twining them, while they prophesy. 68. Whenever the Scythian king falls sick, he sends for the three soothsayers of most renown at the time, who come and make trial of their art in the mode above described. Generally ' It was not, however, confmed to Seythia. The Scoliast on Nicander (Theriaca, 613) observes that the Magi, as well as the Scythians, divine by means of a. stafE of tamarisk-wood (Mayot 5e koI ^Kvdat fj-vpiKiyoi f/.ai'reii- ovTiu ^i\ip) ; and his statement with respect to the Magi is confirmed by a reference to Dino. There is also dis. tinct allnsion to Bach a mode of divin- ation in Hosea (iv. 12) : " My people ask counsel of their stocks, amd their staff declareth unto them." So Tacitns tells us of the Germans : " Sortium consuetudo simplex ; virgam, frugiferae arbori decisam, in snrcnlos amputant, eosqne, notis quibasdam discretes, super oandidam vestem temerfe ac for. tuito spargunt ; mox .... precatus Decs, coelumque suspiciens, ter smgu- los tollit ; sublatos secundilm impres- sam ante notam interpretatur." (Ger- man, u. 10.) Ammianus Marcellinus nbtes a similar practice among the Alani (xxxi. 2), and Saxo Grammaticus among the Slaves near the Baltic (Hist. Dan. xiv. p. 288). The superstition with respect to the number three appears in this last, as in so many other instances. (See Mr. Blakesley'a not. ad loc.) 2 Vide supra, i. 105. The existence of this class of persons in Seythia, and the religious interpretation placed upon their physical infirmity, is wit- nessed to by Hippocrates (De Aere, Aqu^, et Locis, vi. § 106-109 ; see also Arist. Eth. vii. 7, § 6,) who calls them ayavSpieh. This is probably the exact rendering of the Scythic word, which I should be inclined to derive from en (= an), the negative (Greek and Zend an, Latin in- or ne, our un-), and oior (Lat. vir, Greek ripus, Sp^r):',''Apr)s), "a man." This at least appears to me a more probable etymology than Mr. Blakesley's of "Evdpees quasi Fei'ripfcs, venerei, Venus, according to Herodotus, was in Scythic " Artimpasa" (ch. 59). Eeinegg says that a weakness like that here described is still found among the Nogai Tatars who inhabit this district. (Cf. Adelung's Mithri. dates, i. p. 472.) 56 MODE OF EXECUTION. Book IT. they say that the king is ill, because such or such a person, mentioning his name, has sworn falsely by the royal hearth. This is the usual oath among the Scythians, when they wish to swear with very great solemnity. Then the man accused of having forsworn himself is arrested and brought before the king. The soothsayers tell him that by their art it is clear he has sworn a false oath by the royal hearth, and so caused the illness of the king — he denies the charge, protests that he has sworn no false oath, and loudly complains of the wrong done to him. Upon this the king sends for six new sooth- sayers, who try the matter by soothsaying. If they too find the man guilty of the offence, straightway he is beheaded by those who first accused him, and his goods are parted among them : if, on the contrary they acquit him, other soothsayers, and again others, are sent for, to try the case. Should the greater number decide in favour of the man's innocence, then they who first accused him forfeit their lives. 69. The mode of their execution is the following : a wagon is loaded with brushwood, and oxen are harnessed to it ; ^ the soothsayers, with their feet tied together, their hands bound behind their backs, and their mouths gagged, are thrust into the midst of the brushwood ; finally the wood is set alight, and the oxen, beiag startled, are made to rush off with the wagon. It often happens that the oxen and the soothsayers are both consumed together, but sometimes the pole of the wagon is burnt through, and the oxen escape with a scorch- ing. Diviners — lying diviners, they call them — are burnt in the way described, for other causes besides the one here spoken of. When the king puts one of them to death, he takes care not to let any of his sons survive : * all the male ' We learn from this that the ancient Scythians, like the modem Calmncks and Nogais, nsed oxen and not horses to draw their wagons. (PaUas, vol. i. p. 532, and plate 6 ; Clarke, vol. i. vig- nette to ch. xiv. See also the wood- cuts in note ^ on ch. 46.) Hippocrates noted the fact more explicitly than Herodotus (De Aere, Aqn^, et Loois, § 44, p. 353). ■* There is a covert allusion here to the well-known line of Stasinus : — N^ffio?, Of Taref/a KTciva? Traldar KaTaXeinoi. Herodotus had made a previous refer- ence to it (Book i. ch. 155). Chap. 68-71. OATHS. 57 offspring are slain 'with the father, only the females being allowed to live. 70. Oaths among the Seyths are accompanied with the following ceremonies : a large earthen howl is filled with wine, and the parties to the oath, wounding themselves slightly with a knife or an awl, drop some of their blood into the wine ; then they plunge into the mixture a soymitar, some arrows', a battle-axe, and a javehn,^ all the while repeating prayers ; lastly the two contracting parties drink each a draught from the bowl, as do also the chief men among their followers.^ 71. The tombs of their kings are in the land of the Gerrhi, ° Besides the bow, which was the commonest weapon of the Scythians (oh. 46), and the short spear or javehn, which was also in general nse among them (see ch. 3, note^), the scymitar and the battle-ase were no donbt known in the country, bnt they mnst have been comparatively rare. The royal tomb at Kertch contained a scymitar or short sword very much resembling the Persian (see note on Book vii. ch. 61) ; but the Seyths re- presented on the vessels found in it had nothing but javelins and bows. No representation in European Scythia distinctly shows the battle-axe to have been one of their weapons, but its common adoption on the coins of ( )lbia (Sestini, Lettere e Dissei-tazioni, Oon- tinuaz. vol. iv. pi. ii., and supra, ch. 18, note ') together with the bow and bow-case, ia a probable indication of its use among the Scytha of that neigh- bourhood. ^ Lucian (Toxaris, xxxvii.) and Pom- ponius Mela (ii. i. 120) give a similar account of the Scythian method of pledging faith. It resembles closely the Tatar mode, which has been thus described : — " Si amicitiam vel fcedus cum sui vel alieni generis populis faciunt, in con- spectum Solis prodeunt, enmque ado- rant. Turn poculum vino plenum in aerem jaciunt, atque quisque eorum ex hoc poculo bibit. Tum eductis gladiie se ipsos in quidam corporis parte vulnerant, donee sanguis pro- fluit. Tum quisque eorum alterius sanguinem potafc ; quo facto fcedus inter eos ictum est." (Abn Dolef Misaris hen Mohulhal de itinere Asiatico conunentarium, ed K. de Schlozer, Berolin. 1845, p. 33.) Modified forms of the same cere- mony are ascribed to the Lydians and Modes by Herodotus (i. 74), and to the Armenians and Iberians by Taci- tus (Ann. xii. 47) . The Arab practice (iii. 8) is somewhat different. In Southern Africa a custom very like the Scythian prevails: — "In the Kasendi, or contract of friendship," says Dr. Livingstone, "the hands of the parties are joined ; small incisions are made in the clasped hands, on the pits of the stomach of each, and on the right cheeks and foreheads. A small quantity of blood is taken from these points by means of a stalk of grass. The blood from one person is put into a pot of beer, and that of the second into another; each then drinka the other's blood, and they are supposed to become perpetual friends and relations." (Travels, ch. xxiv. p. 488.) Sir S. Baker himself, in the territories of Bionga, an African chief, " exchanged blood with him." The ceremony consisted in drawing blood from the arm of each, and each taking a drop of the other's blood on hia tongue. (See Times newspaper of Deo. 9, 1873.) 58 BTJEIAL OF THE KINGS. Book IT. who dwell at the point where the Borysthenes is first navigable. Here, when the king dies, they dig a grave, which is square in shape, and of great size. When it is ready, they take the king's corpse, and, having opened the belly, and cleaned out the inside, fill the cavity with a preparation of chopped cyperus, frankincense, parsley-seed, and anise-seed, after which they sew up the opening, enclose the body in wax, and, placing it on a wagon, carry it about through all the different tribes. On this procession each tribe, when it receives the corpse, imitates the example which is first set by the Eoyal Scythians : every man chops off a piece of his ear, crops his hair close,' makes a cut all round his arm, lacerates his forehead and his nose, and thrusts an arrow through his left hand. Then they who have the care of the corpse carry it with them to another of the tribes which are under the Scythian rule, followed by those whom they first visited. On completing the circuit of all the tribes under their sway, they find themselves in the country of the Gerrhi, who are the most remote of aU, and so they come to the tombs of the kings. There the body of the dead king is laid in the grave prepared for it, stretched upon a mattress ; ® spears are fixed in the ground on either side of the corpse, and beams stretched across above it to form a roof, which is covered with a thatch- ^ The Scythians represented on the vases, ornaments, &c., found at Kertch, have all flowing locks, as if their hair was usually left uncut. (See the woodcnts, chs. 3 and 46.) ^ Dr. M'Pherson found the skele- tons in the Scythic graves which he discovered near Kertch, frequently " enveloped in sea-weed." (Disco- veries at Kertch, pp. 90, 96, &c.) This was perhaps the material of which Herodotus's mattrass {cTiPds) was composed. ' In most of the Scythian tombs of any pretension which have been open- ed, the real roof of the sepulchral chamber is of stone, not of wood. The stones are arranged so as to form what is called an Egyptian arch, each projecting a, little beyond the last, till the aperture becomes so small, that a single stone can close it. (See the " Section of a tomb " represented on p. 60.) There is sometimes a second or false roof of wood below this. The tomb, from which the sub- joined plan and section are taken, was opened at Kertch (the ancient Panticapeeum) about thirty years ago. It appeared to be that of a Scythian king, and answered in most respects to the description given by Herodotus. The tumulus which con- tained it was 165 feet in diameter, formed partly of earth and partly of rough stones. In the centre was a Chap. 71. STRANGLING THE CONCUBINE. 59 ing of ozier twigs.^ In the open space around the body of the king they bury one of his concubines, first killing her by/ sepulchral chamber 15 feet by 14, with a vestibule (A) about 6 feet square. Both were built of hewn stones 3 feet long and 2 feet high. The vestibule was empty, but the chamber contained a number of most curious relics. The chief place was occupied by a large sarcophagus of yew wood, divided into two compartments, in one of which (B) lay a skeleton of unusual size, shown by its ornaments — especially a golden crown or initra — to be that of a king — while in the other (FE) were a golden shield, an iron sword, with a hilt richly ornamented and plated with gold, a whip, the remains of a bow and bow- case, and five small statuettes. By the side of the sarcophagus, in the " open space " of the tomb were, first, the bones of a female (G), and among them a diadem and other ornaments in gold and electrum, showing that she was the queen ; secondly, the bones of an attendant (I), and thirdly, in an excavation in one corner, the bones of a horse (H) . There were also foimd arranged along the wall, a number of arrow-heads (J), two spear-heads (K), a vase in electrum (L), beautifully chased (see the next note and compare woodcut in note ^ on ch. 3), two silver vases (MM) , containing drinking-cups, four amphorae in earthenware (N), which had held Thasian wine, a large bronze vase (0) , several drinking-cups, and three large bronze cauldrons (D) containing mutton bones. There was sufficient evidence to show that suits ®® ® Ground Plan of Tomb. 6o STRANGLING OF OFFICERS. Book IV. strangling, and also his cupbearer, his cook, his groom, his lacquey, his messenger, some of his horses, firstlings of all his of clothes had been hung from the walls, and even fragments of musical instruments were discovered, proving that all the king's tastes had been taken into account. It must be confessed that the tomb above described belongs to a later era than our author, probably to about B.C. 400-350 ; and that there are abundant traces of Greek influence in the fnrni- niture and ornaments of the place. Still the general ideas are purely Scythic, and there can be little doubt that the tomb belongs to one of those native kings who from B.C. 438 to B.C. 304 held the Greeks of Panticapaeum in subjection (Clinton, F. H. vol. ii. App. ch. 13). Greek ideas had appa- rently modified the old barbarism, so far as to reduce the number of victims at a king's death from six to two, and Greek skill had improved the method of constructing a tomb ; but otherwise the description of Herodotus accords almost exactly with the modern dis- covery. There is not indeed such an abundance of gold as he describes, and there are implements both in silver and bronze ; Irat here we may either consider that time had brought about a change, or (more probably) that our author indulged in his favourite exag- geration (see Introductory Essay, oh. iii. pp. 97, 98). The accompanying plan and section are taken from the magnificent work of Dubois. (Voyage antonr du Caucase, &c., Atlaa, 4"" Serie, PL xviii.) Many other tombs more or less re- sembling this have been found at dif- ferent times in various parts of Russia and Tartary. The ornaments are gene- rally of silver and gold, the weapons of bronze, and horses are usually buried with the chief. In the second volume of the Archaeologia (Art. xxxiii.) a de- scription is given of a barrow opened by the Russian authorities, which con- tained the skeletons of a, man, a woman, and a horse, with weapons, and many rich ornaments. The hu- man remains were laid on sheets of pure gold, and covered with similar the entire weight of the four Section of Tomb. Chap. 71. GOLDEN VESSELS IN TOMBS. 6l other possessions/ and some golden cups ; ^ for they use neither silver nor brass. . After this they set to work, and raise a vast mound above the grave, all of them vying with each other and seeking to make it as tall as possible. steets being 401ba. The omamenta were some of them set with rabies and emeralds. The thirtieth volume of the ArchEe- ologia contains another description of a similar tomb (Art. xxi.). This was near Asterabad, and was opened by the Bey in ISil. It contained human and horses' bones ; heads of spears, a:ses, and maces, forks, rods, &c., all of bronze, a rase and cup of pale yel- low stone ; two mutilated female figures ; and a number of utensils in gold. These were a goblet weighing 36 ounces ; a lamp (70 oz.) ; a pot (11 oz.) ; and two small trumpets. A portion of the contents was commonly reported to have been secreted by the Bey. The excavations of Dr. M'Pherson in the neighbourhood of Kertch in 1856 were curious, but produced no very important results, as far as Scythian antiquity is concerned. He found the burial of the horse common, not only in Scythic, but in much later times. The great shaft, which he believed to be the burial-place of a Scythian king, and to which he assigned the date of about B.C. 500, appears to me to con- tain traces of Roman inijuence, and therefore to be later than the time of Pompey. (See his Antiquities of Kertch, London, 1857.) A tomb closely answering to the de- scription of Herodotus is said to have been opened very recently near Alex- andropol, in the province of Ekateri- noslav (M'Pherson, p. 86), but I have been unable to obtain any account of it. ^A very similar custom still prevails in Mongolia and in Africa. " Pour dire toute la verite sur le compte des Tartares," says M. Hue, "nous devons ajouter, que leurs rois usent parfois d'un systeme de sepulture qui est le comble de I'extravagance et de la bar- baric : on transporte le royal cadavre dans un vaste edifice ccnstruit en briques, et ome de nombreuses statues en pierre, representant dea hommes, des lions, des Elephants, des tigres, et divers sujets de la mythologie bouddh- ique. Avec I'illustre defunt, on en. terre dans un large caveau; place au centre du batiment, de grosses sontmes d'or et d'argent, des habits royaux, des pierres precieuses, enfioa tout ce dont il pourra avoir hesoim. dans une autre vie. Ces enteirementa mons- trueux content quelquefois la vie d un grand nombre d'esclaves. On prend dea enfants de I'un et de I'autre sexe, remarquables par leur beaute, et on leur fait avaler du mercure jusqu'sl ce qu*ils soient sufCoques j de cette ma- niere, ils conservent, dit-on, lafraicheur et le coloris de leur visage, au point de paraitre encore vivants. Ces mal- heureuses victimes soyit plac^es dehoui, ardour du cadavre de leur maitre, con- tinuant en quelque sorte de le servir comme pendant sa vie. EUes tiennent dans Icurs mains la pipe, I'eventail, la petite fiole de tabao h priser, et tons lea autres colificheta des raajestes Tar- tares." (Voyage dans la Tartaric, pp. 115-6.) Sir S. Baker thus describes the funeral rites of certain African tribes, at the burial of their kings : — " A large pit is dug in which some of the deceased king's wives are put, and the corpse ia lowered down till it rests on their knees. Then there is a raid on some neighbouring villages, and the people captured are brought to the brink of the pit, where their arms and legs are broken, and in this muti- lated condition they are thrown down to the corpse beneath. Then the earth is piled upon them, the people stamp it down upon this mass of writhing humanity, and the horrid rites are complete!" — (Speech of Sir S. Baker before the Geographical Society, Dec. 8, 1873.) ^ The Kertch tomb above described contained eight drinking cups in silver, 62 IJIPALEMENT OF YOUTHS AND HORSES. Book IV. 72. When a year is gone by, further ceremonies take place. Fifty of the best of the late king's attendants are taken, all native Scythians — for as bought slaves are unknown in the country, the Scythian kings choose any of their subjects that they hke, to wait on them — fifty of these are taken and strangled, with fifty of the most beautiful horses. When they are dead, their bowels are taken out, and the cavity cleaned, filled full of chaff, and straightway sewn up again. This done, a number of posts are driven into the ground, in sets of two pairs each, and on every pair half the felly of a wheel is placed archwise ; then strong stakes are run lengthways through the bodies of the horses from tail to neck, and they are mounted up upon the fellies, so that the felly in front supports the shoulders of the horse, while that behind sustains and one in electrnm, or a mixture of silver and gold (fig. 1). They were principally shaped like the electrnm vase, but some were of a still more elegant form, particularly one termi- nating in the head of a ram (fig. 2). The only implement of pure gold in the place was the shield, which was of small size. There was, however, a second tomb below that which has been described, in which gold was much more plentiful. This tomb was plundered and its con- tents never scientifically examined, but it is said to have contained not less than 120 lbs. of gold ! (See Dubois, vol. V. p. 218, and Seymour's Russia on the Black Sea, p. 289. On the general sub- ject of the riches found in Scythian tombs, see Pallas's Travels, vol. i. p. 197.) Chap. 72, 73. SCYTHIAN FUNERAL CEREMONY. &3 the belly and quarters, the legs dangling in mid-air; each horse is furnished with a bit and bridle, which latter is stretched out in front of the horse, and fastened to a peg.^ The fifty strangled youths are then mounted severally on the fifty horses. To effect this, a second stake is passed through their bodies along the course of the spine to the neck ; the lower end of which projects from the body, and is fixed into a socket, made in the stake that runs lengthwise down the horse. The fifty riders are thus ranged in a circle round the tomb, and so left. 73. Such, then, is the mode in which the kings are buried : as for the people, when any one dies, his nearest of kin lay him upon a wagon and take him round to all his friends in succession : each receiyes them in turn and entertains them with a banquet, whereat the dead man is served with a portion of all that is set before the others ; this is done for forty days, at the end of which time the burial takes place. After the burial, those engaged in it have to purify themselves, which they do in the following way. First they well soap and wash their heads ,• then, in order to cleanse their bodies, they act as follows : they make a booth by fixing in the ground three ^ The practice of impaling horses seems to have ceased in these regions. It was found, however, among the Tatars so late as the 14th century. See the passage quoted by Mr. Blakesley from Ibn Matuta, the Arabian traveller (not. ad loo.) . In Patagonia a practice very like the Scythian prevails. There " the favourite horse of the deceased is killed at the grave. When dead it is skinned and stuifed, then supported by sticks (or set up) on its legs, with the head propped up as if looking at the grave. Sometimes more horses than one are killed. At the funeral of a cacique four horses are sacrificed, and one is set up at each corner of the burial-place." (Pitzroy's Narrative of the Beagle, vol. ii. p. 155). The slaughter and burial of the horse with its owner was "common to the Germans (Tacit. Germ. 27),theTBchuds of the Altai (Ledeboirr, Eeise, i. 231), the Tartars of the Crimea (Lindner, p. 92), the Celtic tribes in Gaul and Bri- tain; the Ifranks, as evidenced in Childerio's grave ; the Saxons, as proved by constant excavation ; and the Norse- men, as we read in all the Norse Sagas, and iind in innumerable Norse graves. It was common also to the Slavonic nations ; to the Buss in the 10th cen- tury (see Frahn's edition of IbnFozlan's travels, pp. 104, 105) ; to the Lithu- anians, Letts, Wends, and the UgTian population of the Finns." (Mr. Kemble in Dr. M'Pherson's Kertch, pp. 77, 78.) A horse was killed and interred with the owner so late as 1781. (See the account of the funeral of Frederic Casimir, Commander of Lorraine, in the Rlieinischer Antiquarius, 1 Abtheil, 1 Band, p. 206.) 64 SCYTHIAN VAPOUR-BATH. Book IV. sticks inclined towards one another,* and stretching around them woollen felts, which they arrange so as to fit as close as possible : inside the booth a dish is placed upon the ground, into which they put a number of red-hot stones, and then add some hemp-seed. 74. Hemp grows in Scythia : it is very like flax ; only that it is a much coarser and taUer plant : some grows wild about the country, some is produced by cultivation : ^ the Thracians make garments of it which closely resemble linen ; so much so, indeed, that if a person has never seen hemp he is sure to think they are linen, and if he has, unless he is very experienced in such matters, he will not know of which material they are. 75. The Scythians, as I said, take some of this hemp-seed, and, creeping under the felt coverings, throw it upon the red- hot stones ; immediately it smokes, and gives out such a vapour as no Grecian vapour-bath can exceed ; the Scyths, delighted, shout for joy, and this vapour serves them instead of a water-bath ; ^ for they never by any chance wash their bodies with water.' Their women make a mixture of cypress, ' Here we see tent-making in its in- fancy. The tents of the wandering tribes of the steppes, whether Calmncks and Khirgis in the west, or Mongols in the east, are now of a much more ela- borate construction. These Icibifkas, as the Ku^sians call them, are circular ; they are at bottom cylindrical, with a conical top, supported on a framework of small spars resembling in their ar- rangement the rods of a parasol. (Hue, torn. i. p. 02 ; De Hell, p. 215.) The material is still felt. Further south, in the plain of MogTw/n, towards the mouth of the combined Kur and Aras, Pallas found the Km'ds using a method almost as simple as that here mentioned by Herodotus: — "They place," he says, " two long bent poles transversely, fasten them at the centre above, and fix their ends in the ground ; they then cover them with felt, or mats of sedge." (Travels, vol. i. p. 173, note.) May not this last be the material in- tended by ^schylus when he speaks of the TT\€KTas creyas of the Scythians, rather than an ozler framework, as Niebuhr supposes ? (Geography of Scythia, E. T. p. 47.) ' Hemp is not now cultivated in these regions. It forms, however, an item of some importance among the exports of Southern Russia, being brought from the north by water-carriage. It would seem from the text that in the time of Herodotus the plant was grown in Scythia proper. He speaks like an eye-witness. " Herodotus appears in this instance to have confounded together two thing.s in reality quite distinct, viz., intoxica- tion from the fumes of hemp-seed, and indulgence in the vapour-bath. The addiction of the Russians to the latter is well known, the former continues'to be a Siberian custom. (See Clarke's Russia, pp. It2.7 ; Niebuhr's Scythia, p. 47. B. T.) Compare the account in Book i. ch, 202. ' In Russia they had still in Clarke's time " only vapoui'-baths." (Travels, p. 117.) Chap. 73-76. ABHOEBENCE OF FOREIGN CUSTOMS. 65 cedar, and frankincense wood, which they pound into a paste upon a rough piece of stone, adding a little water to it. With this substance, which is of a thick consistency, they plaster their faces all over, and indeed their whole bodies. A sweet odour is thereby imparted to them, and when they take off the plaster on the day following, their skin is clean and glossy. 76. The Scythians have an extreme hatred of all foreign customs, particularly of those in use among the Greeks] as the instances of Anacharsis, and, more lately, of Scylas, have fully shown. The former, after he had travelled over a great portion of the world, and displayed wherever he went ma,ny proofs of wisdom, as he sailed through the Hellespont on his return to Scythia, touched at Cyzicus.^ There he found the inhabitants celebrating with much pomp and magnificence a festival to the Mother of the Gods,' and was himself induced to make a vow to the goddess, whereby he engaged, if he got back safe and sound to his home, that he would give her a festival and a night-procession in aU respects like those which he had seen in Cyzicus. When, therefore, he arrived in Scythia, he betook himself to the district called the Wood- land,^" which lies opposite the Course of AchiUes, and is covered with trees of all manner of different kinds, and there went through all the sacred rites with the tabour in his hand, and the images tied to him.^^ While thus employed, he was noticed by one of the Scythians, who went and told king Saulius what he had seen. Then king Saulius came in person, and when he perceived what Anacharsis was about, he ' For the site of Cyzicns see note on Book vi. ch. 33. * Cyb^le or Ehea, whose worship (oommon throughout Asia) passed from the Phrygians to the Ionian Greeks, and thence to their colonies, among which were Cyzicus and Olbia. (Vide supra, ch. 53.) '" Vide supra, chs. 18, 19, and 54. ^' The use of the tabour in the wor- ship of Ehea is noticed by Apollonius EhodiuB : — " pQfi^ip Kai TUTrdv^ 'PefTiv ttpu-yef iXacmovrac." (Argonaut, i. 1139.) Euripides ascribes the invention of the instrument to Bacchus and Ehea (Bacch. 59.) Polybius, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and Clement of Alex- andria, allude to the images, which seem to have been small figures hung around the neck. They were called irpoffTrjStem. (See Polyb. xxii. 20 ; Dion. Hal. ii. 19 ; Clem. AJ. Protrept. vol. i. p. 20.) 66 STOET OF ANACHABSIS. Book IV. shot at him with an arrow and killed him.^ To this day, if you ask the Scyths about Anacharsis, they pretend ignorance of him, because of his Grecian travels and adoption of the customs of foreigners. I learnt, however, from Timnes, the steward ^ of Ariapithes, that Anacharsis was paternal uncle to the Scythian king Idanthyrsus, being the son of Gnurus, who was the son of Lycus and the grandson of Spargapithes. If Anacharsis were really of this house, it must have been by his own brother that he was slain, for Idanthyrsus was a son of the Saulius who put Anacharsis to death.^ 77. I have heard, however, another tale, very different from this, which is told by the Peloponnesians : they say, that Anacharsis was sent by the king of the Scyths to make acquaintance with Greece — that he went, and on his retm-n home reported, that the Greeks were all occupied in the pursuit of every kind of knowledge, except the Lacedaemonians ; ^ Diogenes Laerfcius says that there were two accounts of the death of Anacharsis — one that he was killed while celebrating a festival, another (which he prefers) that he was shot by his brother while engaged in hunt- ing. He calls his brother, Cadmdas (Tit. Anach. i. § 101-2). ^ The Greek word (iwiTpowos) might mean " Regent." But it is unlikely that Herodotus could have conversed with a man who had been regent for the father of Scylas, his own contem- porary. A steward or man of business employed by Ariapithes need not have been much older than Herodotus him- self. (See Niebuhr's Scythia, p. .38, note ^. E. T.) Mr. Blakesley's conjec- ture that Timnes was a " functionary representing the interests of the bar- barian sovereign at the factory which was the centre of the commercial dealings between the merchants and the natives," i.e. at Olbia, is not im. probable, ^ Herodotus is the earliest writer who mentions Anacharsis. There is no sufficient reason to doubt the fact of his travels, although what Hero- dotus here relates of his family history is very difficult to reconcile with their supposed date. According to Sosicrates (Fr. 15) he was at Athens in B.C. 592, aVmost 80 years before the date of his nephew's contest with Darius. But the chronology of Sosicrates is too pretentious to be depended on. Dio- genes Laertius (i. 101) tells us that the mother of Anacharsis was a Greek, which would account for his Greek leanings — for his comparative refine- ment and wish to travel. That the Scythian kings married Greeks we learn by the case of Ariapithes (infra, oh. 7m) . We may doubt whether Ana- charsis deserved the compliment of being reckoned among the Seven Sages (Ephor. Fr. 101; Nic. Dam. Fr. 123. Comp. Hermipp. Fr. 17 and DicBoarch. Fr. 28) ; but we may pro- perly regard him as an intelligent half-caste, who made a very favourable impression on the Greeks of his day, an impression the more remarkable, as the Greeks were not usually very liberal in their estimate of foreigners. The anecdotes in Diogenes Laertius (i. § 103-5) do not show much more than tolerable shrewdness. Chap. 76-78. TALE OF SCYLAS. 67 who, however, alone knew how to converse sensibly. A silly tale this, which the Greeks have invented for their amuse- ment ! There is no doubt that Anacharsis suffered death in the mode already related, on account of his attachment to foreign customs, and the intercourse which he held with the Greeks. 78. Scylas, likewise, the son of Ariapithes, many years later, met with almost the very same fate. Ariapithes, the Scythian king, had several sons, among them this Scylas, who was the child, not of a native Scyth, but of a woman of Istria.* -Bred up by her, Scylas gained an acquaintance with the Greek language and letters. Some time afterwards, Ariapithes was treacherously slain by Spargapithes, king of the Agathyrsi; whereupon Scylas succeeded to the throne, and married one of his father's wives,^ a woman named Opoea. This Opoea was a Scythian by birth, aad had brought Aria- pithes a son called Oricus. Now when Scylas found himself king of Scythia, as he dishked the Scythic mode of life, and was attached, by his bringing up, to the manners of the Greeks, he made it his usual practice, whenever he came with his army to the town of the Borysthenites,^ who, according to their own account, are colonists of the Milesians, — he made it his practice, I say, to leave the army before the city, and, having entered within the walls by himself, and carefully closed the gates,' to exchange his Scythian dress for Grecian * Istria, Ister, or IstropoliB, at the month of the Dannbe or Ister, was a colony of the Milesians, fonnded abont the time of the Cimmerian invasion of Asia Minor. (Peripl. Pont. Eux. p. 157.) Its name remains in the modem yfisteri (vide supra, note ^ on Book ii. 33), bnt its site was probably nearer to Kostendje. ' Compare Adonijah's request to be given one of his father's (David's) wives (1 Kings ii. 17-25). Such marriages were forbidden by the Jew- ish law (Lev. xviii. 8, &c.), bnt they were no doubt common among other nations. * Olbia (vide snpra, oh. 53, note.) ^ It appears from this passage that the native princes of Western Scythia exercised nearly the same authority in Olbia that their brethren in the East enjoyed over PanticapEeum and Theo- dosia. The Scythian dynasty of the LeuconidsB, which bore sway in the country on either side of the straits of Teni-kaleh, from abont B.C. 438 to B.C. 304, had a qualified dominion in the Greek town of which they did not claim to be kings, but only rulers. (See the formula common in the inscrip- tions of Kertch, &pxovros. . . . BoffTr6pov Kal 06o5o(Ti7js, Kal ^a:n\iuovros SicSoJi/, Ko! MaiTwy, K. T. K. Dubois, 4"°° Serie, PI. 26 ; Kohler's Eemarques, p. 19, &c.) 68 SCYLAS INITIATED IN THE BACCHIC EITES. Book IV, garments, and in this attire to walk about the forum, without guards or retinue. The Borysthenites kept watch at the gates, that no Scythian might see the king thus apparelled, Scylas, meanwhile, lived exactly as the Greeks, and even offered sacrifices to the gods according to the Grecian rites. In this way he would pass a month, or more, with the Borysthenites, after which he would clothe himself again in his Scythian dress,^ and so take his departure. This he did repeatedly, and even built himself a house in Borysthenes,^ and married a wife there who was a native of the place. 79. But when the time came that was ordained to bring The position of Scylas in Olbia was perhaps not quite on a par with this ; still his coming with an army, station- ing it in the suburb, entering the town, and commanding the gate to he closed, are indicative of his haying the real rights of sovereignty. The coins of Olbia however did not, like those of Panticapaeum, bear the head of a Scythian king ; nor did the public acts run in the name of a prince, but in those of a number of archons, who seem to have been usually Greeks (see Kohler, p. 12). * Herodotus never distinctly men- tions what the costume of the European Scytha was. It appears, by the repre- sentations of it upon the remains found at Kertch and elsewhere, not to have differed greatly from that of their Asiatic brethren (infra, vii. 64). The ordinary head-dress was a cap, or hood, coming to a point at the top, and pro- jecting somewhat in the fashion of the Phrygian bonnet (compare the wood- cut in notes ' and ^ on chs. 3 and 71) ; the material being, appa/rentVy, felt. On the body was worn a loose coat, trimmed with fur, and gathered in at the waist with a belt. Loose trousers protected the legs, and the feet were encased in short boots of a soft leather, which generally covered the bottom of the trouser. In the case, at any rate, of the richer classes, all the garments were thickly ornamented with spangles and coins, sewn on to them in rows, throughout. The most common colour, at least near Olbia, seems to have been black (Die Chrysost. Or. xxxvi. p. 439). ^ The town bore the two names of Borysthenes and Olbia (vide supra, ch. 18, note'*) ; the former, which Herodo- tus evidently prefers, being the appel- lation best known among the Greeks generally, while the latter was affected by the inhabitants. The two names are used, not only by Herodotus, but by PUny (H. N. iv. 12), Ptolemy (iii. 5), the anonymous author of the Peri- plus P. Euxini (p. 151), Scymnus Chius (Er. 11, 59-60), and Stephen (ad voc. Bopu(j-fle'j'7)5). Strabo (vii. p. 470) and Arrian (Peripl. P. Eux. p. 132) give only the name Olbia. Dio Ghry- sostom (Or. xxxi.) and Martianns Capella (vi. p. 214) confine themselves to the term Borysthenes. Chap. 78-80. REVOLT OF OCTAMASADAS. 69 him woe, the occasion of his ruin was the following. He wanted to be initiated in the Bacchic mysteries,^ and was on the poiat of obtaining admission to the rites, when a most- strange prodigy occurred to him. The house which he pos- sessed, as I mentioned a short time back, in the city of the Borysthenites, a building of great extent and erected at a vast cost, round which there stood a number of sphinxes and grif&ns^ carved in white marble, was struck by lightning from on high, and burnt to the ground. Scylas, nevertheless, went on and received the initiation. Now the Scythians are wont to reproach the Greeks with their Bacchanal rage, and to say that it is not reasonable to imagine there is a god who impels men to madness. No sooner, therefore, was Scylas initiated in the Bacchic mysteries than one of the Borysthenites went and carried the news to the Scythians — "You Scyths laugh at us," he said, " because we rave when the god seizes us. But now our god has seized upon yom' king, who raves like us, and is maddened by the influence. If you think I do not tell you true, come with me, and I will show him to you." The chiefs of the Scythians went with the man accordingly, and the Borysthenite, conducting them into the city, placed them secretly on one of the towers. Presently Scylas passed by with the band of revellers, raving like the rest, and was seen by the watchers. Eegarding the matter as a very great mis- fortune, they instantly departed, and came and told the army what they had witnessed. 80. "When, therefore, Scylas, after leaving Borysthenes, was about returning home, the Scythians broke out into revolt. They put at their head Octamasadas, grandson (on the mother's side) of Teres. Then Scylas, when he learned the danger with which he was threatened, and the reason of the disturbance, made his escape to Thrace. Octamasadas, 1 The Milesian colonists seem to have carried the TTorship of the Phry- gian Bacchus (Sabazins) to Olbia. Hence Olbia was itself called 'Safiia, or Sav-ta (Peripl. P. Eux. p. 151). ^ Griffins are common in the orna. mentation of objects discoTered in Scythian tombs (Dubois, 4"" Serie, Pla. 11, 20, 22, and 24) , and sometimes adorn the tombs themselves (PI. 25). Sphinxes have not, so far as I am aware, been found. 70 DECAPITATION OF SCYLAS. Book IV. discovering whither he had fled, marched after him, and had reached the Ister, when he was met by the forces of the .Thracians. The two armies were about to engage, but before they joined battle, Sitalees^ sent a message to Octamasadas to this effect — " Why should there be trial of arms betwixt thee and me ? Thou art my own sister's son, and thou hast in thy keeping my brother. Surrender him into my hands, and I will give thy Scylas back to thee. So neither thou nor I will risk our armies." Sitalces sent this message to Oc- tamasadas, by a herald, and Octamasadas, with whom a brother of Sitalces* had formerly taken refuge, accepted the terms. He surrendered his own uncle to Sitalces, and ob- tained in exchange his brother Scylas.'' Sitalces took his brother with him and withdrew ; but Octamasadas beheaded Scylas upon the spot. Thus rigidly do the Scythians main- tain their own customs, and thus severely do they punish such as adopt foreign usages. 81. What the population of Scythia is, I was not able to 3 Tide infra, vii. 137. Sitalces was contemporary with Herodotna. He died B.C. 424 (Thnoyd. iv. 101). Teres, his father, founded the great kingdom of the OdrysEe in the generation after the Scythian expedition of Darins (ibid. ii. 29) . The following table will show the relationship of the several members of this royal house, and the alliances contracted by them with neighbouring monarchs : — Teres (founder of the j kingdom ). I SCTALCES m. sister of Nymph odorus of Abdera. Sadocus. I. Sparadocus. daughter Ariapithes, I king of Scythia. Seutiies I m. Octamasadas. Stratonice, daughter of Perdiccas, king of ilacedon. From Sitalces being mentioned here without any explanation of who he was, it has been argued that this passage was written after the first year of the Peloponnesian War (Dahlmann's Life of Herod, p. 2'J, E. T. ; Blakesley ad loc, &c.). But this is at least doubt- ful. (See Introductory Essay, oh. i. p. 24, note *.) '' Perhaps Sparadocus, the father of Seuthes. * The following genealogical table of the Scythian kings may be drawn out from these chapters : — ab. 660 ah. 560 ab. 620 Spargapithes Lycus „ I Gnurus I r Sauiius Idanthyrsus Ariapithes I Scylas Octamasadas Oricixs. It is complete except in one point. We are not expressly told that Ariapithes was the son of Idanthyrsus. Chrono- logical considerations, however, make it tolerably certain that he was at any rate Idanthyrsus's suocesaor. Chap. 80,81.. POPULATION OF SCYTHIA. n learn with certaintj^ ; the accounts which I received varied from one another. I heard from some that they were very ■ numerous indeed ; others made their numbers but scanty for such a nation as the Scyths." Thus much, however, I wit- nessed with my own eyes. There is a tract called Exampseus between the Borysthenes and the Hypanis. I made some mention of it in a former place, where I spoke of the bitter stream which rising there flows into the Hypanis, and renders the water of that river undrinkable.' Here then stands a brazen bowl, six times as big as that at the entrance of the Euxine, which Pausanias, the son of Cleombrotus, set up.^ Such as have never seen that vessel may understand me better if I say that the Scythian bowl holds with ease six hundred amphorae,^ and is of the thickness of six fingers' breadth. The natives gave me the following account of the manner in which it was made. One of their kings, by name Ariantas, wishing to know the number of his subjects, ordered them all to bring him, on pain of death, the point off one of their arrows. They obeyed ; and he collected thereby a vast ^ The notion entertained by the Greeks of the power and nnmber of the Soyths may be clearly seen in Thuoydides (ii. 9V). The great Idng- doni of the Odrysse established by Teres and his son Sitalces was not to compare, he says, in respect of military strength andnvmiberof soldiers [ffrpaTov irA^flei) with the Soyths. Nay, he further delivers it as his opinion, that no single nation, either in Europe or Asia, conld match the Scythians, if they were but nnited among them- selves. ' Vide supra, ch. 52. * Athenaeus (following Nymphis of Heraclea) relates that Pausanias set up this bowl at the time that he was besieging Byzantium. He gives the following as the inscription upon it — Mva^l' apGTas avt6r]Ke Tlo^ iH ^ T— 1 p m M c5 o . rJ:1 .Q •M CO : ^ 03 CO I— I ■ CD Q WD i-H **-< o m qn !-• r^ m I CQ £ i tH tS ^ [=9 X I— 1 ift o CO « CO N 5 lO ro 03 =3 -s rJ^I rd rd -M -+J . -42 O « J>. CO : ^ o p iH tH D3 tH CO ® Ul CO O 3 ^ rd rCl ^ ^ o ■4J e g p ITS T-H CD ; t4 qJ -KS •^tOi ■3g O C3 50 Q i~3 O o O CO o li2 im X ^ ^ o CO ^ ^lO "5 iH o ># CO s-" cq r-t rt ■ © S >> " ^ o \o 'Tl M t- 00 1> s |M CO •3) GO CD s !2i iH rH 1 d fl ^- •M- CD i o t> Tfl o t- i> _g "^o s 'bb g s U M ■2 j>. m (M 1 i-H rH 1 i xi.9. o 9 -* ~ ^ O J>. o SO o w ■a -c^^ CO iH lO S tS ^ CO iH a> ^ 1— 1 w TO .9 * CD i ^ 01 B o o 1 1 ^ Ph CI M Ph '3 .9 a -g a, i-H 'f-J o O 1 o 1 1 o to O ^1 CD :r^ 1-1 iS T3 g g ^ ^ .9 « ^ I ;^ ^ lo -tJ .— srrj O H d ft p o _d ^-i i^ P t! -i^ '^ p (D ;+^ H O O cj -i- O -H-^ -^ S O 9 o S>^ ff^ c3 -p bcH 00 -^ a °'S^cD g "^ ? +^ IS *"* tH g ^ -^ a s _ *- _ O 5 " TJ -c 9 to "S aJ-s "I g g si^g ?|g«. 02 d rM qj 2 »> ® '3 O -1= J3 3 g =H -t^ of . IS -S ,^> ^ fe t! © d g t3 o a g ata -i^ rd g ^-^ it is called by Demosthenes. (Olynth. iii. § 5) and others (Steph. Byz. ad voc. Suidas, Ac.) was an un- important place uear Perinthus. Its exact site is unknown. According to the Etym. Mag. it was a Samian colony. ^ There were several cities of this name. The most famous was that on the coast of Illyria, of which Hero- dotus speaks (infra, ix. 92). Appol- lonia upnn the JEuxine is mentioned by Scylax among the Greek cities of Thrace. (Peripl. p. 69.) According to the anonymous author of the Periplus Ponti Euxini, who follows here Scymnns Chius, it was founded b5- the Milesians 50 years before the accession of Cyrus (about B.C. 609). The same writer informs us that Apollonia in his time had become Sozopolis, which determines its site to be that of the modern SizeboU, on the south side of the Gulf of Burghaz, ' The village of Yene is nearly equi- distant from Erekli (Perinthus) and SizehoU (Apollonia), but a little fur- ther from the latter. The distance, however, even as the crow flies, is above 50 miles to the nearer (Erekli), and would be 70 by any practicable route : thus the estimate of two days is too little. Chap. 89-92. THE TEAEUS. 8l This river, the Tearus, is a tributary of the Contadesdus, which runs into the Agrianes, and that into the Hebrus.'* The Hebrus empties itself into the sea near the city of ^nus.*^ 91. Here then, on the banks of the Tearus, Darius stopped and pitched his camp. The river charmed him so, that he caused a pillar to be erected in this place also, with an inscrip- tion to the following effect: "The fountains of the Tearus afford the best and most beautiful water of all rivers : they were visited, on his march into Scythia, by the best and most beautiful of men, Darius, son of Hystaspes, king of the Persians, and of the whole continent."® Such was the in- scription which he set up at this place.' 92. Marching thence, he came to a second river, called the Artiscus,^ which flows through the country of the Odrysians.' Here he fixed upon a certain spot, where every one of his soldiers should throw a stone as he passed by. When his orders were obeyed, Darius continued his march, leaving behind him great hills formed of the stones cast by his troops. * The Agrianes is nnclonbtedly the modem JSrkene, which rnns into the Maritza (Hebms) to the north of the range of Rhodope {Despoto JDagh). The Contadesdus is the river of Karishti' an. ^ Concerning the site of .^nns, vide infra, vii. 58. ^ Vide snpra, i. 4. " t-^v 'Acriav oU Kmvvrai oi Ylepffat." ^ There is sorae reason to believe that a portion of this inscription was in existence a few years ago. When , General Jochmus visited BuriarMssar in 1847, he was informed by an old ■ Tm:k that an inscription in " old Syrian" (eslci Suriani), written with "letters like ■nails," had been lying uncared for not many yeai-s previously near his house. Search was of course made, but unfortunately it proved vain ; and the inscription is believed to have been either burnt for Ume, or possibly built into the wall of a farm-house. (Geograj)h. Joum. vol.: xxiv. p. 44.) * This river has been supposed to be the Arda (Gatterer, p. 42), which joins the Maritza from the west, not much below Adrianople ; but it is not at all probable that Darius went so far to the left as to touch this stream. The Artiscus is most likely the Tekedereh, which is crossed several times on the present high road to the Balkan. Here General Jochmus ob- served on an' eminence near the road six large tepes or tumuli. He also remarked in the winding bed of the river and .the adjoining low grounds, " immeasurable large loose atones," which may have caused Darius to give the order to his soldiers that Herodotus here mentions. (See Geogr Journ. vol. xxiv. p. 47.) " The country of the Odrysae was the great plain included within the chains of Rhodope, Hsemus, and the Little Balkan (Thucyd. ii. 96), in the centre of which now stands the city of Adrianople. 82 THE GETiE ENSLAVED BY DAEIUS. Book IV. 93. Before arriving at the Ister/ the first people -whom he subdued were the Getae,^ who beheve in their immortahty. The Thracians of Salmydessus,^ and those who dwelt above the cities of Apollonia and Mesembria * — the Scyrmiadae and Nipsaeans, as they are called — gave themselves' up to Darius without a struggle ; but the Getse obstinately defending them- selves, were forthwith enslaved, notwithstanding that they are the noblest as well as the most just of all the Thracian tribes. 94. The belief of the Getse in respect of immortality is the following. They think that they do not really die, but that when they depart this life they go to Zalmoxis,^ who is called ^ It is not qnite clear by "whick route Darins crossed the Balkan ; but the probability is that, passing the Little Balkan between Dolet and Faki, he descended to the shore about BurgTiaz, and thence proceeded by the defiles nearest to the sea- coast, which lie between Misevria and Yovan-Bervish. He would thus have followed the route pursued by Generals Both and Budiger in 1828, and by Marshal Diebitsch in 1829. ^ The identity of the Getse with the Goths of later times is more than a plausible conjecture. It may be regarded as historically certain (see note on Book v. oh. 8). More- over the compounds, Massa-getse, Thyssa - get^, Tyri - getas, have a striking analogy to the later names of Visi-goths and Ostro-goths. ^ Salmydessus, or Halmydessus, was a strip of shore (alyiaXSs, Scymn. Ch. 1. 723) in the neighbonrhood of a river of the same name, which emptied itself into the Euxine 70 miles from the opening of the Bos- phorus. (Arrian, Peripl. ad fin. ; Anon. Peripl. p. 164.) It is men- tioned by Xenophon (Anab. vii. 5, § 12), who visited it, and was witness to the barbarous conduct of the Thracian inhabitants towards the persons wrecked upon the coast. A fragment of the old appellation appears to survive in the modem Turkish town of MidjeJi (long. 28° 10', lat. 41° 35'). The name Salmy- dessus seems compounded of the root Salvi (found also in Zalm-oxis and Selym-brisk) , and of the word Odessns, the name of another town upon this coast. * Mesembria is mentioned by Soy lax among the Greek cities upon the Thracian coast. (Peripl. p. 69.) According to Scymnus Chius (11. 740, 741) it was founded by the Chalce- donians and Megareans about the time of Darius's expedition against the Soyths. Strabo (vii. p. 462) calls it a colony of the Megareans only. Arrian (Peripl. p. 136) and the anonymous author of the Perlplus Ponti Enxini sufficiently mark its site. It lay at the base of Mount Hsemus, a little to the south. The name remains in the modem Misevria (long. 27° 45', lat. 42° 35'). " The Thracians of Salmydessus, and those who dwelt above the cities of Apollonia and Mesembria," would represent the inhabitants of the entire tract between the Little Bal- kan and the Black Sea. ^ That Zalmoxis or Zamolxia was the chief object of worship among the Getse is witnessed also by Muaseas of Batraa (Fr. 23), by Strabo (vii. p. 430), Jamblichus (Vit. Pythag. § 173), and Diogenes Laertius (viii. 1). Mnaseas resrarded him as iden- Chap. 93-95. STORY OF ZALMOXIS. 83 also Gebeleizis^ by some among them. To this god every five years they send a messenger, who is chosen by lot out of the whole nation, and charged to bear him their several requests. Then- mode of sending him is this. A number of them stand in order, each holding in his hand three darts ; others take the man who is to be sent to Zalmoxis, and swinging him by his hands and feet, toss him into the air so that he falls upon the points of the weapons. If he is pierced and dies, they think that the god is propitious to them ; but if not, they lay the fault on the messenger, who (they say) is a wicked man : and so they choose another to send away. The messages are given while the man is still aUve. This same people, when it hghtens and thunders, aim their arrows at the sky, uttering threats against the god ; ' and they do not believe that there is any god but their own. 95. I am told by the Greeks who dwell on the shores of the Hellespont and the Pontus, that this Zalmoxis was in reality a man, that he lived at Samos, and while there was the slave ^ of Pythagoras son of Mnesarehus. After obtaining his free- dom he grew rich, and leaving Samos, returned to his own country. The Thracians at that time lived in a wretched way, and were a poor ignorant race ; Zalmoxis, therefore, who by his commerce with the Greeks, and especially with one who was by no means their most contemptible philoso- pher, Pythagoras to wit, was acquainted with the Ionic mode tical with the Chi'onns of the Greeks. Porphyry (Vit. Pythag. § 14) derives the name from a Thracian word zcUmus, which, he says, signified " a skin ; " but this does not seem a very probable origin. May we connect the name with that of Selm, the son of Feridtm, who in Arian romance in- herited from his father the western third of the world ? Plato mentions Zalmoxis in conjunjtion with Abaris in the Charmides (p. 158, B) as a master of incantation. Tide supra, oh. 36. ' A Lithuanian etymology (Gyva " giver of rest " ) has been suggested for this word (Bayer's Origin. Sinie. p. 283). Zalmoxis or Zamolxis might, it is said, in the same language signify " Lord of the earth." ' Compare the customs of the Calyndians (i. 172), and the Psylli (iv. 173). * Thracian slaves were very nu- merous in Greece. The Thracians often sold their children into slavery (infra, v. 6). In the times of the later comedy, Qeta and Davus (A(fos, Aafos) were the most common names for slaves. (See the comedies of Terence, passim.) 84 PASSAGE OF THE ISTER. Book IV. of life and with manners more refined than those current among his countrymen, had a chamher built, in which from time to time he received and feasted all the principal Thra- cians, using the occasion to teach them that neither he, nor they, his boon companions, nor any of their posterity would ever perish, but that they would all go to a place where they would live for aye in the enjoyment of every conceivable good. WhUe he was acting in this way, and holding this kind of discourse, he was constructing an apartment underground, into which, when it was completed, he withdrew, vanishing suddenly from the eyes of the Thracians, who greatly regretted his loss, and mourned over him as one dead.^ He mean- while abode in his secret chamber three full years, after which he came forth from his concealment, and showed him- self once more to his countrymen, who were thus brought to believe in the truth of what he had taught them. Such is the account of the Greeks. 96. I for my part neither put entire faith in this story of Zalmoxis^" and his underground chamber, nor do I alto- gether discredit it : but 1 believe Zalmoxis to have lived long before the time of Pythagoras. Whether there was ever really a man of the name, or whether Zalmoxis is nothing but a native God of the Getse, I now bid him farewell. As for the Getse themselves, the people who observe the practices described above, they were now reduced by the Persians, and accompanied the army of Darius. ^^ 97. When Darius, with his land forces, reached the Ister, he made his troops cross the stream, and after all were gone ' This storv was told also by Hel- lanicua (Ft. 173), who seems to have simply copied Herodotus. (Comp. Porphyr. ap. Euseb. P. E. x. p. 466, B.] '" Dahlmonn (Life of Herod, p. 115, E. T.) conjectnres that this whole story sprang out of the name, which was as often written Zamolxis as Zalmoxis. The Greeks of the Pontns imagined that Zamo-lxia must have belief of the Getae, who worshipped him, in the immortality of the sonl, mnsfc have come, they thought, from Pythagoras. " The whole tract between the Balkan (Haemus) and the Danube, the modern Buhforiaf seems to have been at this time in the possession of the Getse, who reached up the river almost to the confines of Servia. (Thucyd. ii. 96.; Ghap. 93-98. ADVICE OF GOES. 85' over gave orders to the loniana to break the bridge, and follow him with the whole naval force in his land march. They were about to obey his command, when the general of the Mytilenasans, Goes son of Erxander, having first asked whether it was agreeable to the king to listen to one who wished to speak his mind,^ addressed him in the words foUow- mg : — " Thou art about, Sire, to attack a country no part of which is cultivated, and wherein there is not a single inhabited city. Keep this bridge, then, as it is, and leave those who built it to watch over it. So if we' come up with the Scythians and succeed against them as we could wish, we may return by this route ; or if we fail of finding them, our retreat will still be secure. For I have no fear lest the Scythians defeat us in battle, but my dread is lest we be unable to discover them, and suffer loss while we wander about their territory. And now, mayhap, it will be said, I advise thee thus in the hope of being myself allowed to remain behind ; ^ but in truth I have no other design than to recommend the course which seems to me the best ; nor will I consent to be among those left behind, but my resolve is, in any case, to follow thee." The advice of Goes pleased Darius highly, who thus replied to him :— " Dear Lesbian, when I am safe home again in my palace, be sure thou come to me, and with good deeds will I recompense thy good words of to-day." 98. Having so said, the king took a leathern thong, and tying sixty knots in it, called together the Ionian tyrants, and spoke thus to them : — " Men of Ionia, my former commands to you concerning the bridge are now withdrawn. See, here is a thong : take it, and observe my bidding with respect to it. From the time that I leave you to march forward into Scythia, untie every day one of the knots. If I do not return before the last day to which the knots wiU hold out, then leave your station, and sail to your several homes. Meanwhile, under- ^ Gompare the inqniry of CroBsnB (i. 88) . The fear of giving offence to the Great King is strongly marked by this practice. ^ Alter the punishment of QSobazus (supra, ch. 84), it was important, to guard against this suspicion. 86 THE TAUEIC TERRITORY. Book IV. stand that my resolve is changed, and that you are to guard the bridge with all care, and watch over its safety and pre- servation. By so doing ye will oblige me greatly." When Darius had thus spoken, he set out on his march with aU speed. 99. Before you come to Scythia, on the sea coast, hes Thrace. The land here makes a sweep, and then Scythia begins, the Ister falling into the sea at this point with its mouth facing the east. Starting from the Ister I shall now describe the measm-ements ' of the sea-shore of Scythia. Immediately that the Ister is crossed. Old Scythia ^ begins, and continues as far as the city called Carcinitis, fronting towards the south wind and the mid-day. Here upon the same sea, there lies a mountainous tract * projecting into the Pontus, which is inhabited by the Tauri, as far as what is called the Bugged Chersonese,^ which runs out into the sea upon the east. For the boundaries of Scythia extend on two sides to two different seas, one upon the south, and the other towards the east, as is also the case with Attica. And the Tauri occupy a position in Scythia like, that which a people would hold in Attica, who, being foreigners and not Athenians, should inhabit the highland^ of Sunium, from Thoricus to ^ Herodotng congidera that the Cim- merians maintained themselves in parts of Eastern Scythia, as, e.g. in the Rugged Chersonese, long after they were forced to relinquish the rest of their territory. Old Scythia is the part from which they were driven at the first. ■* The mountains lie only along the southern coast of the Crimea. All the rest of the peninsula belongs to the steppes. " We beheld towards the south," says Dr. Clarke, " a ridge of mountains upon the coast ; but unless a traveller follows the sinuosity of the southern shore of the Crimea, all the rest of the peninsula is as flat as Salisbury Plain." (Travels, p. 461. See the view on next page.) ° By the "rough," or "rugged" Chersonese, Herodotus plainly intends the eastern part of the Crimea, called the Peninsula of Kertch, which in his day, and for many centuries later, formed the kingdom of the Bos- phorua. This tract is hilly and un. even, presenting a strong contrast with the steppe, but it scarcely deaerves an epithet applied also to Western Cilicia — a truly rugged country. Probably the general cha- racter of the south coast of the Crimea was considered to extend along its whole length. ^ This seems to be the meaning of the rare word, youvhs, here. See the authorities quoted by Schweighseuser (not. ad loc. ) . In this sense it is an apt description of the place. Oomp. Soph. Aj. Tv* vKaev %Tv^v irp6^\7ifj.^ a\LK\va'T0Vj &Kpav inrh 'K\^Ka '2,ov- viov. And Dr. Chandler's description; Chap. 98-99. THE TAURIC MOUNTAINS. 8/ » nv f X n ' I; ■ \^-'': III Sf.'^TA, J H BOUNDARIES OF SCYTHIA. Book IV.i the township of Anaphlystus,' if this tract projected into the sea somewhat fiu-ther than it does. Such, to compare great things with small, is the Tauric territory. For the sake of those who may not have made the voyage round these parts of Attica, I will illustrate in another way. It is as if in lapygia a line were drawn from Port Brundusium to Tarentum, and a people different from the lapygians inhabited the pro- montory.^ These two instances may suggest a number of others where the shape of the land closely resembles that of Taurica. 100. Beyond this tract, we find the Scythians again in possession of the country above the Tauri and the parts bordering on the eastern sea, as also of the whole district lying west of the Cimmerian Bosphorus and the Palus Mseotis, as far as the river Tanais, which empties itself into that lake at its upper end. As for the inland boundaries of Scythia, if we start from the Ister, we find it enclosed by the following tribes, first the Agathyrsi, next the Neuri, then the Androphagi, and last of all, the Melanchlseni. 101. Scythia then, which is square in shape, and has two of its sides reaching down to the sea, extends inland to the same distance that it stretches along the coast, and is equal every " We now approach Cape Sunium, i which is Bteep, abmpt, and rocky. On it is the ruin of the temple of Minerva Saniaa, overlooking from its lofty sitnation the subject deep." (Travels, vol. ii. p. 7.) ' The sites of Thoi-icns and Anaphly- stas are marked by the villages of Thorico and Anaphiso, the former on the east, the latter on the west side of the peninsula. They were both fortified posts in later times, for the protection of the neighbour- ing silver-mines. (Xen. de Eedit. iv. §43.) 8 This passage, as Mitford and Dahlmann have observed, was evi- dently written in Magna Graecia. (Mitford's Greece, vol. ii. p. 356; Dahlmann's Life of Herod, p. 35.) /Herodotus at Thurii would have ' lajjygia (the Terra di Otrantn) before his eyes, as it were. Writing from Ionia, or even from Greece Proper, he would never have thought of such an illustration. Brundusium and Ta rentum remain in the Brindisi and Taranto of the present day. From both comparisons it may be gathered that Herodotus did not look upon the Tauric Peninsula as joined to the continent by a narrow isthmus, but as united by a broad tract. (Niebuhr's Scythia, p. 39, B. T.) What if changes in the land have taken place, and the Putrid Sea did not exist in his time ? Scylax calls the tract an aKporiipioy (p. 70), and Strabo is the first who speaks of it as a • X^pl'iii'ViTos or peninsula (vii. p. 4i5). ChAp\ 99-103. CUSTOMS OF THE TAURI. 89 way. For it is a ten days' journey from the Ister to the Borysthenes, and ten more from the Borysthenes to the Palus Maeotis, while the distance from the coast inland to the country of the Melanchlseni, who dwell above Scythia, is a journey of twenty days. I reckon the day's journey at two hundred furlongs. Thus the two sides which run straight inland are four thousand furlongs each, and the transverse sides at right angles to these are also of the same length, which gives the full size of Scythia.^ 102. The Scythians, reflecting on their situation, perceived that they were not strong enough by themselves to contend with the army of Darius in open fight. They, therefore, sent envoys to the neighbouring nations, whose kings had already met, and were in consultation upon the advance of so vast a host. Now they who had come together were the kings of the Tauri, the Agathyrsi, the Neuri, the Androphagi, the Melan- chlaeni, the Geloni, the Budini, and the Sauromatae. 103. The Tauri have the following customs. They offer in sacrifice to the Virgin all shipwrecked persons, and all Greeks compelled to put into their ports by stress of weather. The mode of sacrifice is this. After the preparatory ceremonies, they strike the victim on the head with a club. Then, accord- ing to some accounts, they hurl the trunk from the precipice whereon the temple stands,^ and nail the head to a cross. Others grant that the head is treated in this way, but deny that the body is thrown down the cliff — on the contrary, they say, it is buried. The goddess to whom these sacrifices are offered the Tauri themselves declare to be Iphigenia ^ the ' See the Appendix, Essay iii., ' On the Geography of Scythia.' ' This temple occupied a promon- tory on the south coast of the Crimea, not far from Criumetopon (Cape Aia) . The promontory itself was named by the Greeks Parthenium, from the temple (Strab. vii. p. 446; Plin. H. N. iv. 12 ; Mela, ii. i., &c.). It is thought that the monastery of St. George occupies the site. ^ The virgin goddess of the Tauri was more generally identified by the Greeks with their own Artemis : hence Artemis got the epithet of TavpotrSKos. (Cf. Diod. Sic. iv. 44; Mtym. Mag. ad voc. Scholiast, ad Soph. Aj. 172.) The legend of Iphigenia is probably a mere Greek fancy, having the Taurio custom of offering human sacrifices as its basis. In the time of Herodotus the Tauri 90 THE AGATHYRSI. Book IT. daughter of Agamemnon. When they take prisoners in war they treat them in the following way. The man who has taken a captive cuts off his head, and carrying it to his home, fixes it upon a tall pole, which he elevates above his house, most commonly over the chimney. The reason that the heads are set up so high, is (it is said) in order that the whole house may be under their protection. These people live entirely by war and plundering.^ 104. The Agathyrsi are a race of men very luxurious, and very fond of wearing gold on their persons.* They have wives in common, that so they may be all brothers,^ and, as members of one family, may neither envy nor hate one another. In other respects their customs approach nearly to those of the Thracians.* were not adverse to admitting the legend, and identifying their national goddess with the virgin worshipped by the Greeks. ^ The conjecture that the Tauri were a remnant of the Cimmerians (Grote, vol. iii. p. 327; Heeren's As. Nat. vol. ii. p. 260, B. T.) has Uttle more than its internal probability to rest upon. We do not know their language, and there is scarcely any- thing in their manners and customs to distinguish them from the Scy- thians. As, however, it is declared by Herodotus that they were not Scythians, and we must therefore seek for them some other ethnic con- nection, the Cimmerian theory may be accepted as probable. It is clear that the strong and mountainous region extending along the south coast of the Crimea would offer just that refuge in which a weak nation, w^hen di-iven from the plains, is able to maintain itself against a strong one. It is noticeable also that the tradition made the last resting-place of the Cimmei-ians to be the Crimea (supra, ch. 12), where they left their name so firmly fixed that it has clung to the country till the present day. Names also closely resembling that of the Tauri are found in a clearly Cimbric, or at any rate Celtic, con- nexion, as those of the Tenristae and Taurisci, who were called Gauls by Posidonins (Fr. 75) ; and that of the city Tauroeis or Tauroentium (of. ApoUod. Fr. 105, with Strab. iv. p. 247), a Celtic town, according to Stephen (ad voc. Tmp6eis). It may be questioned also whether the Taui-ini, whose name remains in the modern Turin, were not really Gauls, though called Ligurians by Strabo (iv. p. 286). At least it is strange, if they were really different from the Taurisci, who are acknowledged to be Gauls (Polyb. ii. 15, § 8), and who after- wards dwelt in these parts. ■* The country of the Agathyrsi is distinctly marked (supra, ch. 49) as the plain of the Ma/rosch (Maris). This region, enclosed on the north and east by the Carpathian Alps, would be likely to be in early times auri- ferous. * This anticipation of the theory of Plato (Rep. V.) is curious. Was Plato indebted to Herodotus ? ° Niebuhr (Researches, &c., p. 62), E. T. gathers from this that the Aga- thyrsi were actually Thraoians, and ventures to identify them with the Daoi of later times. Ritter (Vorhalle, i. pp. 286-7) considers them to have been Sarmatians. There scarcely appear to be sufficient grounds for Chap. 103-106. THE NEURI — THE ANDEOPHAGI. 91 105. The Neurian customs are like the Scythian. One generation before the attack of Darius they were driven from their land by a huge multitude of serpents which invaded them. Of these some were produced in their own country, while others, and those by far the greater number, came in from the deserts on the north. Suffering grievously beneath this scourge, they quitted their homes, and took refuge with the Budini. Jt seems that these people are conjurers : for both the Scythians and the Greeks who dwell in Scythia say, that every Neurian once a year becomes a wolf ' for a few days, at the end of which time he is restored to his proper shape.® Not that I believe this, but they constantly affirm it to be true, and are even ready to back their assertion with an oath.^ • 106. The manners of the Androphagi^ are more savage than either of these opinions. All that can be said is, that the Agathyrsi dwelt in the time of Herodotus in the country now caviled 'J'ransylvania, and were afterwards driven more to the north. They are mentioned by Ephorus (Fr. 78) ; Pliny (iv. 12) ; Mela (ii. 1) ; Dionys. Per. (310); Marc. Heracl. (p. 56); and Ptolemy (iii. 5). The last- mentioned geographer places them near the Baltic. The custom of the Agathyrsi which drew most attention in later times, was their practice of painting their bodies. (See Virg. ^n. iv. 146; Solin. Polyhist. 20; Mela, 1. s. c. &c.) ^ A class of people in Abyssinia are believed to change themselves into hyssnas when they like. On my ap- pearing to discredit it, I was told by one who lived for years there that no well informed person doubted it, and that he was once walking with one of them when he happened to look away for a moment, and on turning again towards his companion he saw hitn trotting ofE in the shape of a hyaena. He met him afterwards in his old form. These worthies are black- smiths. The story recalls the lonp- garou of France. — [G. W.] * As Herodotus recedes from the sea his accounts become more mythic, and less trustworthy. Still the Nenri must be regarded as a real nation. They seem, in the time of Herodotus, to have inliabited the modem Lithu- ania and Yolhynia, extending east- ward perhaps as far as the govern- ment of Smolensk. Their name may perhaps be traced in the town Nur, and the river Nuretz, which lie in this district. They are mentioned by Ephorus (Frag. 78) ; Pliny (Hist. Nat. iv. 12) ; Mela (ii. i) ; and Ammianus Maroellinus (xxii. 8). Perhaps also by Ptolemy, under the name of Nau- apot (iii. 5). Schafarik (Slav. Alt. pp. 194-199) ventures to pronounce them Slaves, but on very slight grounds. " Weloker, in his "Kleine Schriften" (vol. iii. pp. 157, et seq.) has collected the various traditions of distant na- tions with respect to this belief, which the Germans have embodied in their wehr-wolf, and the French in their lov.p-garoit. It is a form of the belief in witchcraft, and probably quite un- connected with the disease of lycan- thropy. - Or " Men-eaters." Here the na- tional name is evidently lost ; but a peculiar people is meant. Heeren (As. Nat. ii. p. 265, B. T.) thinks the Bastarn£e; but, as it seems to me, on insufficient grounds. The country of 92 THE MELANCHLtENI — THE BUDINI. Book IV. those of any other race. They neither observe justice, nor are governed by any laws. They are nomads, and their dress is Scythian ; but the language which they speak is peculiar to themselves. Unlike any other nation in these parts, they are cannibals. 107. The Melanchlgeni ^ wear, all of them, black cloaks, and from this derive the name which they bear.' Their customs are Scythic. 108. The Budini are a large and powerful nation : they have all deep blue eyes, and bright red hair.* There is a city in their territory, called Gelonus, which is surrounded with a lofty wall, thirty furlongs each way, built entirely of wood.^ the "men-eaters" is Central Russia, from the Dniepr to the Desna prob. ably. Compare with their name the Bed Indian "Dog-eaters" and " Pish- eaters." (Ross's Fur-Hunters of the Far West, vol. i. p. 249.) ^ Or "Black-cloaks." This is prob- ably a translation of the native name. There is at present a tribe in the Hindoo Koosh, who call themselves Siah-poosh, which is an exact equi- valent of Mf\a7x^'»''""' (Rennell's Geograph. of Herod, p. 87.) There is also a tribe of " Black-robes " among the North-American Indians (Ross, vol. i. p. 305). Such titles are common among barbarous people. The dress of the Melanchlaeni is noted by Dio Chrysostom (Orat, xxxvi. p. 439), who says it had been adopted by the Olbiopolites. He describes the cloak as " small, black, and thin " QjLiKphv^ fi4\av, K^itt6v). Probably the dress was the more remarked, as the other nations of these parts, like the modem Calmucks and Tatars generally, may have affected bright colours. The ilelanchlseni had been men- tioned by Hecatffius (Fr. 154) as " a Scythian nation." They continue to figure in the Geographies (Plin. vi. 5 ; Mela, i. 19 ; Dionys. Perieg. 309 ; Ptol. V. 19, &c.), but appear to be gradually pressed eastward. By Pto- lemy they are placed upon the Rha or Wolga. Their position in the time of He- rodotus seems to be the country between the Desna and the Don, or Tanais. ^ These physical characteristics of the Budini are very remarkable, and would give them a far better title to be considered the ancestors of the German race, than the Androphagi and Melanchlaeni, to whom Heeren grants that honour, (As. Nat. ii. p. 265, E. T.) The nomade races which people the entire tract from the Don to the North Pacific, have univers- ally dark eyes and hair. May not the Budini have been a remnant of the Cimmerians, to whom the woody country between the upper Don and the Wolga furnished a protection? In that case Gel-oni (compare " Gael," and "Galli") might be their true ethnic title, as the Greeks generally maintained. (Vide infra, ch. 109.) * Heeren (As. Nat, ii. p. 292, E. T.) sees in this city, or slohode, a staple for the fur-trade, founded expressly for commercial purposes by the Greeks of the coast. Sohafarik regards it aa not of Greek, but of barbaric origin, and grounds upon it an argument that the Budini were a Sclavonic people. (Slavische AJterth. i. 10, pp. 185-95.) This last view, of which Mr. Grote speaks with some favour (Hist, of Greece, vol. iil. p. 325, note) is utterly at variance with the statements in Herodotus. Heeren is probably right, ' Chap. 106-109. THE GELONI. 93 All the houses in the place and all the temples are of the same material. Here are temples built in honour of the Grecian gods, and adorned after the Greek fashion with images, altars, and shrines, all in wood. There is even a festival, held every third year in honour of Bacchus, at which the natives fall into the Bacchic fury. For the fact is that the Geloni were anciently Greeks, who, being driven out of the factories along the coast, fled to the Budini and took up their abode with them. They stUl speak a language half Greek, half Scythian. 109. The Budini, however, do not speak the same language as the Geloni, nor is their mode of life the same. They are the aboriginal people of the country, and are nomads ; unlike any of the neighbouring races, they eat lice. The Geloni, on the contrary, are tOlers of the soil, eat bread, have gardens, and both in shape and complexion are quite different from the Budini. The Greeks notwithstanding call these latter Geloni ; but it is a mistake to give them the name.^ Their country is thickly planted with trees of all manner of kinds. ^ In the very woodiest part is a broad deep lake, surrounded by marshy ground with reeds growing on it. Here otters are caught, and that the place became a staple, for it lay in the line of the trade carried on by the Greeks with the interior (snpra, oh. 21-24) ; but as we know no other instance of the Greeks founding a factory for trading pur- poses at a distance from the coast, it is perhaps best simply to accept the narrative of Herodotus, that it was a place where certain fugitive Greeks happened to settle. ^ It has been conjectured that the name Budini is a religions title, and marks that the people who bore it were Buddhists. (Ritter, Vorhalle, p. 25.) But as Buddha or Sakya did not begin to spread his doctrines till about B.C. 600, and then taught in India and Thibet, it is extremely improbable that his religion could have reached European Scythia by the days of He- rodotus. Perhaps the name is best connected with the ethnic appellative Wend, which is from wenda, " water,'' Sclav. M'oda, Phryg. piSv, &c. (See Smith's Diet, of Gr. and R. Geography, ». V. BUDINI.) ^ This part of the description seems to iix the locality of the Budini to the region about Zadonsh and Woronetz, which offers so remarkable a contrast to the rest of Russia. (Clarke, x. p. 196.) Ihe mention, however, of the lake, containing otters and beavers, and especially of the " square-faced animals " — if these are seals, would seem to require a position further to the east. There are no lakes in the Woronetz country, and though seals are found in the Caspian, at the mouths of the Wolga, and in some of the Siberian lakes (Heeren, As. Nat. ii. p. 291, note, B. T.), they do not mount the Wolga, nor are they found in the Tanais. It may be doubted whether seals are really intended. 94 THE SAUROMATJi. Book IT. beavers, with another sort of animal which has a square face. With the skins of this last the natives border their capotes : ' and they also get from them a remedy,^ which is of virtue in diseases of the womb. 110. It is reported of the Sauromatas, that when the Greeks fought with the Amazons,^ whom the Scythians call Oior-pata, or " man-slayers," as it may be rendered, O'lor being Scythic for " man," and pata for " to slay " — it is reported, I say, that the Greeks, after gaining the battle of the Thermodon, put to sea, taking with them on board three of their vessels aU the Amazons whom they had made prisoners ; and that these women upon the voyage rose up against the crews, and massacred them to a man. As however they were quite strange to ships, and did not know how to use either rudder, sails, or oars, they were carried, after the death of the men, where the winds and the waves listed. At last they reached the shores of the Palus Maeotis and came to a place called Cremni or "the Cliffs," ^ which is in the country of the free 7 A border of fiir is coinnioiily seen to edge the coat worn by the Scythians on the sepnlohral vases and other re- mains. See woodcuts in notes ^ and "^ on chs. 46 and 59. It is also frequent at the present day. (Pallas, vol. ii. pi. 23 ; Dubois, vol. v. p. 202.) ^ " Horum e testiculis remedium ob- tinent, quod in morbis uterinis usui est." This has been thought by some to show that Castor oil was in the pharmacopeia of these nations. He- rodotus might have been misinformed as to which of the three animals fur- nished the remedy, and the other mistake prevailed till comparatively modern times. Mr. Blakesley, how- ever, supposes that the " bags of the musk-deer" are meant (note ad Ice.) ^ Some Amazons were supposed to live in Asia, others in Africa. Diodorus (iii. 51) says the latter were much the most ancient, having lived many ages before the Trojan war (those of the Thermodon only a little before it) , and their queen, Myrina, was the friend of Horns the son of Isis. The numerona body-guard of the king of the Behrs, on the White Kile, is to this day com- posed entirely of women (his ministers only having access to him when he is about to die, to prevent his leaving the world by a vulgar natural death) ; and a similar custom may have been the origin of the fable of the Amazons. It is found again in Western Africa. The name is probably African, not Greek. See note \ ch. 191.— [G. W.] ' Vide supra, ch. 20. This place appears to have been a Greek port, and was probably a colony from Pan. ticapseum. Its name is clearly Greek, and marks th.at it was in the neigh- bourhood of some high cliffs, which are diflBcult to find on the shores of the Sea of Azof. Perhaps the most probable site is near Mariavpol (see Ptol. iii. 5), where the coast attains some elevation. (Jremnisci is not to be confounded with Cremni. It was on the Euxine, between the Dniestr and the Danube. (Anon. Peripl. P. B. p. 153 ; PUn. H. N. iv. 12.) Chap. 109-113. STORY OF THE AMAZONS. 95 Scythians. Here they went ashore, and proceeded by land towards the inhabited regions ; the first herd of horses which they fell in with they seized, and mounting upon their backs, fell to plundering the Scythian territory. 111. The Scyths could not tell what to make of the attack upon them — the dress, the language, the nation itself, were alike unknown— whence the enemy had come even, was a marvel. Imagining, however, that they were all men of about the same age,^ they went out against them, and fought a battle. Some of the bodies of the slain fell into their hands, whereby they discovered the truth. Hereupon they deliberated, and made a resolve to kill no more of them, but to send against them a detachment of their youngest men, as near as they could guess equal to the women in number, with orders to encamp in their neighbourhood, and do as they saw them do — when the Amazons advanced against them, they were to retire, and avoid a fight — when they halted, the young men were to approach and pitch their camp near the camp of the enemy. All this they did on account of their strong desire to obtain children from so notable a race. 112. So the youths departed, and obeyed the orders which had been given them. The Amazons soon found out that they had not come to do them any harm ; and so they on their part ceased to offer the Scythians any molestation. And now day after day the camps approached nearer to one another ; both parties led the same life, neither having anything but their arms and horses, so that they were forced to support themselves by hunting and pillage. 113. At last an incident brought two of them together — the man easily gained the good graces of the woman, who bade him by signs (for they did not understand each other's lan- guage) to bring a friend the next day to the spot where they had met — promising on her part to bring with her another woman. He did so, and the woman kept her word. When ^ That is to say, as they were all alike beardless, they took them for an aniiy of youths. 96 STORY OF THE AMA20NS. Book IV. the rest of the youths heard what had taken place, they also sought and gained the favour of the other Amazons. 114. The two camps were then joined in one, the Scythians living with the Amazons as their wives ; and the men were unable to learn the tongue of the women, but the women soon caught up the tongue of the men. When they could thus understand one another, the Scyths addressed the Amazons in these words, — "We have parents and properties, let us therefore give up this mode of life, and return to our nation, and hve with them. You shall be our wives there no less than here, and we promise you to have no others." But the Amazons said, — " We could not live with your women — our customs are quite different from theirs. To draw the bow, to hurl the javelin, to bestride the horse, these are our arts — of womanly employments we know nothing. Your women, on the contrary, do none of these things ; but stay at home in their wagons, engaged in womanish tasks, and never go out to hunt, or to do anything. We should never agree together. But if you truly wish to keep us as your wives, and would conduct yom-selves with strict justice towards us, go you home to your parents, bid them give you yom- inheritance, and then come back to us, and let us and you hve together by our- selves." 115. The youths approved of the advice, and followed it. They went and got the portion of goods which fell to them, returned with it, and rejoined their wives, who then addressed them in these words following : — " We are ashamed, and afraid to live in the country where we now are. Not only have we stolen you from your fathers, but we have done great damage to Scythia by our ravages. As you Hke us for wives, grant the request we make of you. Let us leave this country together, and go and dwell beyond the Tanais." Again the youths comphed. 116. Crossing the Tanais they journeyed eastward a dis- tance of three days' march from that stream, and again northward a distance of three days' march from the Palus Chap. 113-118. CUSTOMS OF THE SAUEOMAT^. 9; MsBotis.' Here they came to the country where they now live, and took up their abode in it.* The women of the SauromatsB have continued from that day to the present to observe their ancient customs,^ frequently hunting on horse- back with their husbands, sometimes even unaccompanied ; ia war taking the field ; and wearing the very same dress as the men. 117. The Sauromatas speak the language of Scythia,^ but have never talked it correctly, because the Amazons learnt it imperfectly at the first. Their marriage-law lays it down that no girl shall wed till she has killed a man in battle.' Some- times it happens that a woman dies unmarried at an advanced age, having never been able in her whole lifetime to fulfil the condition. 118. The envoys of the Scythians, on being introduced into ^ Here we hare an indication of the belief of Herodotus, that the Palna Maeotis extended some considerable distance eastward of the place where the Tanais fell into it. It has been already observed that a great portion of what is now the govemnaent of the Cancasns, as well as part of the country of the Don Cossacks, was probably once under water, and in- cluded in the Sea of Azof. Vide supra, ch. 86, note ^, and infra. Appen- dix, Essay ii. * According to this description the country of the Sauromataa did not touch the Mseotis, but began about the 48th parallel. Compare however the statement in ch. 21. In later times, as we find by the Periplus of Scylax (p. 74), they certainly reached to the sea. * This is of course the origin of the myth narrated above. That the Sar- matiau women had these habits seems to be a certain fact. (Compare Nio. Damaso. Pr. 122 ; Hippocr. De Aer. Aq. et Loo. § 42; Ephor. Prag. 78; Scylax, Peripl. p. 74.) Yet Niebnhr (Researches, p. 68, note 78, E. T.) re- garded the whole matter as a tale without foundation. Por modem in- stances of Amazonian habits, vide VOL. III. supra, ch. 26, note ^, and ch. 110, note '. ^ That the Sauromatse of Herodotus are the Sarmatians of later times does not appear to admit of a doubt. Nie- buhr (Researches, pp. 74-81) traces their gradual progress from the steppes of the Don to the rich plains of Hnn. gary. Thence, under the name of Slaves they overspread Poland and Russia. In them we seem to have a' link, elsewhere desiderated, between the Ariau and the modern European races. Their name, Sauromatae (Sauro- Medes, or Northern Modes), as well as their locality and language (Boeckh, Corp. Insor. part xi. pp. 107-117), connect them with the Median nation, and their identity with the Slaves is a matter of historic certainty. Whether we may presume from the declaration of Herodotus, that the Sauromatse spoke bad Scythian, to regard the Scyths as Slaves is a distinct question. An analysis of the Scythian language leads to a different result. See Ap- pendix, Essay iii. ' Nicholas of Damascus repeats this statement (Fr. 122) , but it is not cer- tain that he does more than follow Herodotus. H 98 CONFERENCE OF THE PRINCES. Book IV, the presence of the kings of these nations, who were as- sembled to deliberate, made it known to them, that the Persian, after subduing the whole of the other continent, had thrown a bridge over the strait of the Bosphorus, and crossed into the continent of Europe, where he had reduced the Thracians, and was now making a bridge over the Ister, his aim being to bring under his sway all Europe also. " Stand ye not aloof then from this contest," they went on to say, " look not on tamely while we are perishing — but make com- mon cause with us, and together let us meet the enemy.. If ye refuse, we must yield to the pressure, and either quit our country, or make terms with the invaders. For what else is left for us to do, if your aid be withheld from us ? The blow, be sure, will not light on you more gently upon this account. The Persian comes agaiast you no less than against us : and will not be content, after we are conquered, to leave you in peace. We can bring strong proof of what we here advance. Had the Persian leader indeed come to avenge the wrongs which he suffered at our hands when we enslaved his people,* and to war on us only, he would have been bound to march straight upon Scythia, without molesting any nation by the way. Then it would have been plain to aU that Scythia ■alone was aimed at. But now, what has his conduct been? From the moment of his entrance into Europe he has sub- jugated without exception every nation that lay in his path. All the tribes of the Thracians have been brought under his sway, and among them even our next neighbours, the Getse." 119. The assembled princes of the nations, after hearing aU that the Scythians had to say, deliberated. At the end opinion was divided— the kings of the Geloni, Budini, and Sauromatffi were of accord, and pledged themselves to give assistance to the Scythians; but the Agathyrsian and Neurian prmces, together with the sovereigns of the Andro- phagi, the Melanchlaeni, and the Tauri, rephed to their » Alluding to the Scythian invasion of Asia in the time of Cyaxares. See Book i. chs. 103.105, and supra, oh. 1. Chap. 118-120. PLAN ADOPTED BY THE SCYTHIANS. 99 request as follows : — " If you had not been the first to wrong the Persians, and begin the war, we should have thought the request you make just ; we should then have complied with your wishes, and joined our arms with yours. Now, however, the case stands thus — you, independently of us, invaded the land of the Persians, and so long as God gave you the power, lorded it over them : raised up now by the same God, they are come to do to you the like. We, on our part, did no wrong to these men in the former war, and will not be the first to commit wrong now. If they invade our land, and begin aggressions upon us, we will not suffer them ; but, till we see this come to pass, we will remain at- home. For we believe that the Persians are not come to attack us, but to punish those who are guilty of first injuring them. 120. When this reply reached the Scythians, they resolved, as the neighbouring nations refused their alliance, that they would not openly ventm-e on any pitched battle with the enemy, but would retire before them, driving off their herds, choking up all the wells and springs as they retreated, and leaving the whole country bare of forage. They divided themselves into three bands, one of which, namely, that com- manded by Scopasis, it was agreed should be joined by the Sauromatse, and if the Persians advanced in the direction of the Tanais, should retreat along the shores of the Palus MsBotis and make for that river; while if the Persians retired, they should at once pursue and harass them. The two other divisions, the principal one under the command of Idanthyr- 8US, and the third,^ of which Taxaeis was king, were to unite in one, and, joined by the detachments of the Geloni and Budini, were, like the others, to keep at the distance of a day's march from the Persians, falling back as they advanced, and doing the same as the others. And first they were to take ° These three divisions, and the three tings, Idanthyi'sns, Taxaeis, and Sco- pasis, recall the ancient triple division of the nation nnder the mythic Lei- poxais, Arpoxais, and ColaxaiB (supra, eh. 5). Possibly there were at all times three great tribes among the Eoyal Scythians, whose chiefs had a special dignity. lOO MAECH OF DAEIXTS. Book IV. the direction of the nations which had refused to joia the alliance, and were to draw the war upon thena : that so, if they would not of their own free will engage in the contest, they might by these means be forced into it.^ Afterwards, it was agreed that they should retire into their own land, and, should it on dehberation appear to them expedient, join battle with the enemy. 121. When these measures had been determined on, the Scythians went out to meet the army of Darius, sending on in front as scouts the fleetest of their horsemen. Their wagons, wherein their women and their children lived, and aU their cattle, except such a number as was wanted for food, which they kept with them, were made to precede them in their retreat, and departed, with orders to keep marching, without change of course, to the north. 122. The scouts of the Scythians found the Persian host advanced three days' march from the Ister, and immediately took the lead of them at the distance of a day's march, en- camping from time to time, and destroying all that grew on the ground. The Persians no sooner caught sight of the Scythian horse than they pursued upon their track, while the enemy retired before them. The pursuit of the Persians was directed towards the single division of the Scythian army,^ and thus their hne of march was eastward toward the Tanais. The Scyths crossed the river, and the Persians after them, stiQ iu pursuit. In this way they passed through the country of the Sauromatse, and entered that of the Budini. 123. As long as the march of the Persian army lay through the countries of the Scythians and Sauromatse, there was nothing which they coidd damage, the land being waste and barren ; but on entering the territories of the Budini, ' It is to be observed, that accord- ing to the narrative of Herodotus, the nations who assisted the Scythians had the war drawn npon them as much as those who refused. The Sauro- matse, Budini, and Geldni are even the first sufferers. (Infra, chs. 122, 123.) ^ The division of Scopasia (supra, oh. 120). Chap. 120-124. LINE OF HIS EETUEN. lOI they came upon the wooden fortress ahove mentioned,^ which was deserted by its inhabitants and left quite empty of every- thing. This place they burnt to the ground ; and having so done, again pressed forward on the track of the retreating Scythians, till, having passed through the entire country of the Budiai, they reached the desert, which has no inhabit- ants,* and extends a distance of seven days' journey above the Budinian territory. Beyond this desert dwell the Thyssagetse, out of whose land four great streams flow. These rivers all traverse the country of the Meeotians, and fall into the Palus Mseotis. Their names are the Lycus, the Oarus, the Tanais, and the Syrgis.^ 124. When Darius reached the desert, he paused from his pursuit, and halted his army upon the Oarus.^ Here he built eight large forts, at an equal distance from one another, sixty furlongs apart or thereabouts, the ruins of which were still remaining in my day.'' Dm-ing the time that he was so occupied, the Scythians whom he had been following, made a circuit by the higher regions, and re-entered Seythia. On their complete disappearance, Darius, seeing nothing more of them, left his forts half finished, and returned towards the west. He imagined that the Scythians whom he had seen were the entire nation, and that they had fled in that direc- tion. ^ That is, the town Gelonus. Vide snpra, ch. 108. * Mentioned above, ch. 22. * This appears to be the stream called the Hyrgis in ch. 57. It is there said to run into the Tanais. Ptolemy however makes the Hyrgis, as well as the Lyons, ran into the Palus Mseotis, between Cremni and the mouth of the Tanais. * The Oarus is generally supposed to represent the Wolga (Ritter, Erd- knnde, ii. p. 765 ; EenneD, p. 90 ; Mannert, iv. p. 79) ; but the geography of this region, as described by Hero- dotus, is so utterly unlike the present conformation of the country, that no positive identifications are possible. ' The conjecture is probable that these supposed " forts " were ruined barrows — perhaps of larger size and better material than common, Hero- dotus would hear of them from the Greek traders. His words do not ne- cessarily imply that he had himself Been them ; while that he should have penetrated so far into the interior is in the highest degree improbable. Of course we may believe in the existence of the ruins without accepting the tradition coimeoting them with Da- rins's invasion. It is, as Dahlmann observes (Life, p. 120, E. T.), ex- tremely unlikely that any forts were built in Soythia by Darius. 102 THE MESSAGE. Book IT. 125. He now quickened his march, and entering Scythia, fell in with the two combined divisions of the Scythian army,^ and instantly gave them chase. They kept to their plan of retreating before him at the distance of a day's march; and, he still foUowing them hotly, they led him, as had been pre- viously settled, into the territories of the nations that had refused to become their aUies, and first of all into the country of the Melanchlseni. Great disturbance was caused among this people by the invasion of the Scyths first, and then of the Persians. So, having harassed them after this sort, the Scythians led the way into the land of the Androphagi, with the same result as before ; and thence passed onwards into Neuris, where their coming hkewise spread dismay among the inhabitants. Still retreating they approached the Agathyrsi ; but this people, which had witnessed the flight and terror of their neighbours, did not wait for the Scyths to invade them, but sent a herald to forbid them to cross their borders, and to forewarn them, that, if they made the attempt, it would be resisted by force of arms. The Agathyrsi then proceeded to the frontier, to defend their country against the invaders. As for the other nations, the Melanchlseni, the Androphagi, and the Neuri, instead of defending themselves, when the Scyths and Persians overran their lands, they forgot their threats, and fled away in confusion to the deserts lying towards the north. The Scythians, when the Agathyrsi forbade them to enter their country, refrained ; ^ and led the Persians back from the Neurian district into their own land. 126. This had gone on so long, and seemed so intermin- able, that Darius at last sent a horseman to Idanthyrsus, the Scythian king, with the following message : — " Thou strange man, why dost thou keep on flying before me, when there are two things thou mightest do so easily? If thou deemest ' The divisions of Idanthyrsus and Taxacis (supra, ch. 120). ' The Agathyrsi, having the Carpa- thians for their frontier, would be better able to defend themselves than the nations which lay further to the east. As "luxurious" and "fond of wearing gold" (supra, ch. 104), the Agathyrsi would also have more to lose than their neighbours. Chap. 125-128. THE REPLY. 103 thyself able to resist my arms, cease thy wanderings and come, let us engage in battle. Or if thou art conscious that my strength is greater than thine — even so thou shouldest cease to run away — thou hast but to bring thy lord earth and water, and to come at once to a conference." 127. To this message Idanthyrsus, the Scythian king, re- plied : — " This is my way, Persian. I never fear men or fly from them. I have not done so in times past, nor do I now fly from thee. There is nothing new or strange in what I do ; I only follow my common mode of life in peaceful years. Now I will tell thee why I do not at once join battle with thee. We Scythians have neither towns nor cultivated lands, which might induce us, through fear of their being taken or ravaged, to be in any hurry to fight with you. If, however, you must needs come to blows with us speedily, look you now, there are our father's tombs ^ — seek them out, and attempt to meddle with them — then ye shall see whether or no we will fight with you. Till ye do this, be sure we shall not join battle, unless it pleases us. This is my answer to the chal- lenge to fight. As for lords, I acknowledge only Jove, my ancestor,^ and Vesta, the Scythian queen.^ Earth and water, the tribute thou askedst, I do not send, but thou shalt soon receive more suitable gifts. Last of all, in return for thy calling thyself my lord, I say to thee, ' Go weep.' " (This is what men mean by the Scythian mode of speech.)* So the herald departed, bearing this message to Darius. 128. When the Scythian kings heard the name of slavery ' The tombs of the Icings, wluch were at the place called Gerrhus (snpra, chs. 56 and 71), seem to be meant. These were probably defended by a wattled enclosure (yep^ov) be- hind which the Scythians would have fought. Common barrows covered, no doubt, as they still cover, the whole country. ' Supra, oh. 5. ' We may gather from this, that while the Scythians acknowledged a number of deities (vide supra, ch. 59), they paid special honours to Jove and Vesta, the king and queen of Heaven. * Diogenes Laertius (Vit. Anachare. i. p. 26), makes Anacharsis the origin of this Greek proverb, and seems to apply it to all free and bold speak- ing, (ndpfffxi 5c, he says, d 'Avdxapa'is Kal oupopfiiiv Trapotfiias, Sict rh tra^prt- ffiouTriKhs eJfaij 'H airh 'XkuOwj/ ^rjiris.) The remark of Herodotus must there- fore be understood of the whole reply of Idanthyrsus, not only of the last words. 104 THE SCYTHS TAKE THE OFFENSIVE. Book IY. they were filled witli rage, and despatched the division under Scopasis, to which the Sauromatse were joined, with orders that they should seek a conference with the lonians, who had been left at the Ister to guard the bridge. Meanwhile the Scythians who remained behiud resolved no longer to lead the Persians hither and thither about their coimtry, but to fall upon them whenever they should be at their meals. So they waited till such times, and then did as they had deter- mined. In these combats the Scythian horse always put to flight the horse of the enemy ; these last, however, when routed, fell back upon their foot, who never failed to afford them support ; while the Scythians, on their side, as soon as they had driven the horse in, retired again, for fear of the foot. By night too the Scythians made many similar attacks. 129. There was one very strange thing which greatly ad- vantaged the Persians, and was of equal disservice to the Scyths, in these assaults on the Persian camp. This was the braying of the asses and the appearance of the mules. For, as I observed before, the land of the Scythians produces neither ass nor mule, and contains no single specimen of either animal, by reason of the cold.^ So, when the asses brayed, they frightened the Scythian cavalry ; and often, in the middle of a charge, the horses, hearing the noise made by the asses, would take fright and wheel round, pricking up their ears, and showing astonishment. This was owiug to their having never heard the noise, or seen the form, of the animal before : and it was not without some little influence on the progress of the war. 130. The Scythians, when they perceived signs that the Persians were becoming alarmed, took steps to induce them * The same statement is made by Aristotle (De Generat. Aji. ii. ad Ad.), who agrees with Herodotus as to the cause. M. de BafEon remarks that the ass is originally an inhabitant of warm countries, and has only been recently introduced into colder ones, where he always degenerates. (Histoire des Quadrap^des, vol. i. p. 160.) The notion of the Hyperboreans sacrificing asses (Find. Pyth. x. 51) was connected with the belief that they inhabited a warm country (supra, ch. 33, note '). Chap. 128-132. SYMBOLIC PRESKNTS TO DAEIUS. IDS not to quit Scythia, in the hope, if they stayed, of inflicting on them the greater injury, when their supplies should altogether fail. To effect this, they would leave some of their cattle exposed with the herdsmen, while they themselves moved away to a distance : the Persians would make a foray, and take the beasts, whereupon they would be highly elated. 131. This they did several times, until at last Darius was at his wits' end ; hereon the Scythian princes, understanding how matters stood, despatched a herald to the Persian camp with presents for the king : these were, a bird, a mouse, a frog, and five arrows. The Persians asked the bearer to tell them what these gifts might mean, but he made answer that he had no orders except to deliver them, and return again with aU speed. If the Persians were wise, he added, they would find out the meaning for themselves. So when they heard this, they held a council to consider the matter. 132. Darius gave it as his opinion, that the Seyths intended a surrender of themselves and their country, both land and water, into his hands. This he conceived to be the meaning of the gifts, because the mouse is an inhabitant of the earth, and eats the same food as man, whUe the frog passes his life in the water ; the bird bears a great resemblance to the horse, and the arrows might signify the surrender of all their power. To the explanation of Darius, Gobryas, one of the seven con- spirators against the Magus, opposed another, which was as follows : — " Unless, Persians, ye can turn into birds and fly up into the sky, or become mice and burrow under the ground, or make yourselves frogs, and take refuge in the fens, ye will never make escape from this land, but die pierced by our arrows." Such were the meanings which the Persians assigned to the gifts.« ' This story was told, with some not very important alterations, by Phere- oydes of Leros. (See Clem. Alex. Strom, v. pp. 671, 672, where Aepios should be read for Supios) . It is un- oertaiu whether he wrote before or after Herodotns (see Miiller's Fr. Hist. Gr. Tol. i. pp. xxxv.-vi. ; Mnre's Lit. of Greece, vol. iv. p. 183 ; Dahlmann'a Life of Herodotus, oh. vi. § 7, p. 98, E. T.) Aa, however, he may possibly have written earlier, and Herodotus io6 MESSAGE TO THE lONIANS. Book IT. 133. The single division of the Scyths, which in the early part of the war had been appointed to keep guard about the Palus Mseotis,' and had now been sent to get speech of the lonians stationed at the Ister, addressed them on reaching the bridge, in these words ;— " Men of Ionia, we bring you freedom, if ye will only do as we recommend. Darius, we understand, enjoined you to keep your guard here at this bridge just sixty days ; then, if he did not appear, you were to return home. Now, therefore, act so as to be free from blame, alike in his sight, and in ours. Tarry here the appointed time,^ and at the end go your ways." Having said this, and received a promise from the lonians to do as they desired, the Scythians hastened back with all possible speed. 134. After the sending of the gifts to Darius, the part of the Scythian army, which had not marched to the Ister, drew out in battle array horse and foot^ against the Persians, and may have had the passage in question nnder his eye, it seems worth subjoin- ing in an English dress. " Phere- cydes relates," says Clemens, " that Idanthuras the Scythian king, when Darius had crossed the Ister, threat- ened him with war, sending him not a letter, but a symbol, which was a mouse, a frog, a bird, an arrow, and a plough. When there was — not un- naturally — much doubt concerning the meam'ng of this message, Orontopagas, the chiUarch, maintained that it was a surrender of the empire; for he conjectured the mouse to mean their dwellings, the frog their waters, the bird their air, the arrows their arms, and the plough their country. But Siphodres interpreted it differently ; for he explained it thus : — ' Unless like birds we fly aloft, or like mice burrow under-ground, or like frogs betake ourselTes to the water, we shall never escape their weapons ; for we are not masters of their country.' " The story in Herodotus is more Scy- thian, in omitting any mention of dwellings. ' Vide supra, ch. 120. " It is evident that the sixty days ought to have expired long ere this. Scythia is a square of 20 days' journey each way (oh. 101). Darius had marched along one side, and had skirted two others. He had also gone so far out of the direct course as to reach the Oaras, and he had tamed there long enough to build eight great forts. He had begun to descend the fourth side of Scythia, when the Scythians, under Scopasis, set off for the Ister, and they had to complete that side of Scythia before they could reach the lonians. Altogether the time consumed, according to Herodo- tua's own showing, ought to have been 90 or 100 days. ' We now hear for the first time of the Scythians having infantry. It is scarcely possible that they really pos- sessed any such force. The nomade nations of these countries have always lived on horseback, and are utterly helpless on foot. (Compare Hommaire de Hell, Travels, p. 243, E. T., and Herodotus's own words, supra, ch, 46, and infra, oh. 136.) If they had had a force of foot-soldiers, Darius might have compelled them to a general en- gagement. Chap. 133-135. ADVICE OP GOBEYAS. 10/ seemed about to come to an engagement. But as they stood in battle array, it chanced that a hare started up between them and the Persians, and set to running ; when immediately all the Scyths who saw it, rushed off in pursuit, with great confusion, and loud cries and shouts. Darius, hearing the noise, inquired the cause of it, and was told that the Scythians were all engaged in hunting a hare. On this he turned to those with whom he was wont to converse, and said : — " These men do indeed despise us utterly : and now I see that Gobryas was right about the Scythian gifts. As, therefore, his opinion is now mine likewise, it is time we form some wise plan, whereby we may secure ourselves a safe return to our homes." " Ah ! su'e," Gobryas rejoined, " I was well nigh sure, ere I came here, that this was an impracticable race — since our coming I am yet more convinced of it, especially now that I see them making game of us. My advice is, there- fore, that, when night falls, we light our fires as we are wont to do at other times, and leaving behind us on some pretext that portion of our army which is weak and unequal to hard- ship, taking care also to leave our asses tethered, retreat from Scythia, before our foes march forward to the Ister and destroy the bridge, or the lonians come to any resolution which may lead to our ruin." 135. So Gobryas advised ; and when night came, Darius followed his counsel, and leaving his sick soldiers, and those whose loss would be of least accoimt, with the asses also tethered about the camp, marched away. The asses were left that their noise might be heard : the men, really because they were sick and useless, but under the pretence, that he was about to fall upon the Scythians with the flower of his troops, and that they meanwhile were to guard his camp for him. Having thus declared his plans to the men whom he was deserting, and having caused the fires to be lighted, Darius set forth, and marched hastily towards the Ister. The asses, aware of the departure of the host, brayed louder than ever ; and the Scythians, hearing the sound, entertained no doubt of the Persians being still in the same place. io8 SECOND APPLICATION TO THE lONIANS. Book IV. 136. When day dawned, the men who had been left behind, perceiving that they were betrayed by Darius, stretched out their hands towards the Scythians, and spoke as befitted their situation. The enemy no sooner heard, than they quickly joined all their troops in one, and both portions of the Scythian army, — alike that which consisted of a single division, and that made up of two,^ — accompanied by all their alhes, the Sauromatse, the Budini, and the Geloni, set off in pursuit, and made straight for the Ister. As, however, the Persian army was chiefly foot, and had no knowledge of the routes, which are not cut out in Scythia ; ^ -^hUe the Seyths were all horse- men and well acquainted with the shortest way : it so hap- pened that the two armies missed one another, and the Scy- thians, getting far ahead of their adversaries, came first to the bridge. Finding that the Persians were not yet arrived, they addressed the lonians, who were aboard their ships, in these words : — " Men of Ionia, the number of your days is out, and ye do wrong to remain. Fear doubtless has kept you here hitherto : now, however, you may safely break the bridge, and hasten back to your homes, rejoicing that you are free, and thanking for it the gods and the Scythians. Your former lord and master we undertake so to handle, that he will never again make war upon any one." 137. The lonians now held a council. Miltiades the Athenian, who was king of the Chersonesites upon the Helles- pont,^ and their commander,* at the Ister, recommended the ' Vide supra, ch. 120. 2 Even at the present day Sonthem Russia possesses but few made roads. The turf of the steppes is smooth and firm, and is traversed, at discretion, by the carts of the peasantry. (See Clarke's Russia, pp. 186, 187, 212, 213, &o. De Hell, Travels, p. 19, B. T.) ^ Concerning the mode in which this sovereignty came into the family of Miltiades, vide infra, Book vi. chs. 34- 36. The dominion of Miltiades was over the whole of the peninsula, as far as the wall which stretched across from Pactya to Cardia. " The Chersonesites u/pon the Helles- pont " are here distinguished from the inhabitants of the Heracleotic Gherso- nesus, which occupied the peninsula between the port of Balaclava and the great harbour of Sebastopol. See below vti. 33. * Mr. Blakesley (note 365 on oh. 141) supposes Herodotus to mean that Miltiades commanded the whole fleet, and endeavours to explain in what sense ; but Herodotus certainly does not say that Miltiades commanded any besides his own subjects. Chap. 136,137. RECOMMENDATION OF MILTIADES. 109 other generals to do as the Scythians wished, and restore freedom to lonia.^ But Histiseus the MUesian opposed this ' Dr. Thirlwall has called in question the truth of this story (Hist, of Greece, vol ii. Append, ii. p. 486), which he considers to have been fabricated by Miltiades on his return to Attica, B.C. 493. Mr. Grote (History, toI. iv. p. 368, note) maintains the credit of the great Athenian. The difficulty In con- nexion with the story is to under- stand how Miltiades could have re- mained undisturbed in his sovereignty (as he appears to have done, Herod, vi. 40) during the campaigns of Mega- bazus and Otanes (Herod, v. 1-2, and 26), if he had taken the part against Darius which is ascribed to him. Mr. Grote cuts the Gordian knot, by as- suming that he did not remain, but fled to Attica at once, as Cornelius Nepos asserts. (Mdt. § 3.) The flight which Herodotus ascribes to fear of the Scythians (vi. 40), Mr. Grote considers to have been caused in reality by fear of the Persians. The objections to this are, first, that it " contradicts Herodotus, in a matter of fact very conspicuous " — the enemy before whom Miltiades fled ; and secondly, that it is incompatible with the chronology. Mr. Grote says that "the chronological data in Hero- dot, vi. 40 are exceedingly obscure and perplexed," and therefore he sets them aside altogether. But one thing is sufficiently clear from them, viz. that the Scythian invasion of the Chersonese and flight of Miltiades happened only three years before his final return to Attica ; that is, nearly twenty years after the Scythian expe- dition. Sm'ely Herodotus cannot have confounded a flight from the Persians in B.C. 514 or 513, with one from the Scythians in B.C. 495, the undoubted year of the Scythian inroad. (See note ai loc.) Mr. Grote, however, shows good reasons for rejecting Dr. Thirlwall's hypothesis. There would have been too many witnesses to the true facts of the case for a fabrication to have had any chance of saccess. And Hero- dotus's inquiries would have been made chiefly on the Asiatic side, among those whose fathers had been present at the bridge, and who had no interest in exaggerating the patriotism of Mil- tiades. We must therefore accept the fact of Miltiades having advocated the breaking up of the bridge. How then may the fact that, not. withstanding this advocacy, he escaped the Persian vengeance during the cam. paigns of Megabazus and Otanes be accounted for ? 1 conjecture, because it was then unknown. The matter would be debated by the Greek princes in secret conclame. It would be a point of honour on the part of all present not to divulge what had been proposed at the meeting, especially when to do so would be to bring ruin on one of their own body. Darius would know that the lonians had been urged by the Scythians to break the bridge, and that Histiaeus had been very active in persuading his colleagues not to hsten to them. But he need not have known that any of the des- pots had actually proposed complying with the entreaties of the Scyths. His special gratitude to Histiaeus may also in part have been owing to the fact, of which there are indications (chs. 139 and 141), that Histi^us held a higher rank than his brother despots, and had the specicd charge of the bridge. When the Ionian revolt broke out, and Miltiades joined in it, as is evident by his attack on Lemnos, a Persian de- pendency (Herod, v. 27), there would be no longer any need of concealment. Miltiades would boast of what he had formerly done, and it would become known generally. That the Scythians, twenty years afterwards, did not spare the Cherso- nese on this account, does not seem to me at all strange. Their incursions were not wars undertaken from motives of policy, but plundering inroads. Further, they might not know that Miltiades had been on their side ; and no OPPOSITION OF HISTIjEUS. Book IV. advice. " It is through Darius," he said, " that we enjoy our throues in our several states. If his power be overturned, I cannot contiaue lord of Miletus, nor ye of your cities. For there is not one of them which will not prefer democracy to kiugly rule." Then the other captains, who, till Histiseus spoke, were about to vote with MQtiades, changed their minds, and declared in favour of the last speaker. 138. The following were the voters on this occasion — all of them men who stood high in the esteem of the Persian king : the tyrants of the Hellespont, — Daphnis of Abydos, Hippoclus of Lampsacus, Herophantus of Parium, Metrodorus of Pro- connesus, Aristagoras of Cyzicus, and Ariston of Byzantium;* the Ionian princes — Strattis of Chios, iEaces of Samos,' Lao- damas of Phoceea, and Histiseus of Miletus, the man who had opposed MUtiades. Only one ^Eolian of note was present, to wit, Aristagoras ^ of Cyme.^ 139. Having resolved to follow the advice of Histiseus, the Greek leaders further determined to speak and act as foUows. In order to appear to the Scythians to be doing something, when in fact they were doing nothing of consequence, and if they did, the gratitude of a barbar- ous people does not often last twenty years. * Except Byzantium, all these places are on the Asiatic side. Byzantium had no doubt been compelled to sub- mit at the time of the passage of the Bosphorus. Why Miltiades, whose kingdom lay bo much out of Darius's route, had submitted, is not so appa- rent. ' Syloson, it appears, did not long enjoy the throne, which he had reco- vered by Persian aid (ni. 149). He had now been succeeded by his son, jDaces (vide infra, vi. 13) . * Of whom we hear again, infra, v. 37-8. ' This list is remarkable, both for what it omits, and for what it contains. The absence of the Lesbians, who a few years later furnished 70 ships to the combined fleet at Lade, is the most unaccountable omission of all. Teos also on that occasion supplied 17 ships, Priene 12, and Erythrse 8 ; while Pho- CEea could give but three. Tet here the Phocsean leader appears as possess- ing a vote, while Lesbos, Teos, PiiSn^, and Erythrae, are unmentioned. One cannot but suspect that the list of Herodotus is imperfect, and that more contingents were present than he names. It may be conjectured that the list came from a Hellespontine source (from the family of Miltiades, most probably) ; and thus, while the catalogue of the Hellespontine cities is tolerably complete, there being no important omission but that of Chal- cedon, only those Ionian and ^olian leaders who were of particular repute obtained any mention. Phocaea, though so weak in ships, might still possess a leader of eminence, as was found to be the case in the Ionian struggle, when the entire command was placed in the hands of Dionysius (vi. 11) . Chap. 137-140. DAEIUS ARRIVES AT THE BRIDGE. 1 1 1 likewise to prevent them from forcing a passage across the Ister by the bridge, they resolved to break up the part of the bridge which abutted on Scythia, to the distance of a bow- shot from the river bank ; and to assure the Scythians, while the demolition was proceeding, that there was nothing which they could not do to pleasure them. Such were the additions made to the resolution of Histiaeus ; and then Histiseus him- self stood forth and made answer to the Scyths in the name of all the Greeks : — " Good is the advice which ye have brought us, Scythians, and well have ye done to come here with such speed. Your efforts have now put us into the right path ; and our efforts shall not be wanting to advance your cause. Your own eyes see that we are engaged in breaking the bridge ; and, believe us, we will work zealously to procure our own freedom. Meantime, while we labour here at our task, be it your busi- ness to seek them out, and, when found, for our sakes, as well as your own, to visit them with the vengeance which they so well deserve." 140. Again the Scyths put faith in the promises of the Ionian chiefs, and retraced their steps, hoping to fall in with the Persians. They missed, however, the enemy's whole line of march ; their own former acts being to blame for it. Had they not ravaged all the pasturages of that region, and filled in all the weUs, they would have easily found the Persians whenever they chose. But, as it^ turned out, the measures which seemed to them so wisely planned were exactly what caused their failure. They took a route where water was to be found and fodder could be got for their horses, and on this track sought their adversaries, expecting that they too would retreat through regions were these things were to be obtained. The Persians, however, kept strictly to the line of their former march, never for a moment departing from it : and even so gained the bridge with difficulty. It was night when they arrived, and their terror, when they found the bridge broken up, was great ; for they thought that perhaps the lonians had deserted them. 112 THE PERSIANS ESCAPE FEOM SCYTHIA- Book IV. 141. Now there was in the army of Darius a certain man, an Egyptian, who had a louder voice than any other man in the world. This person was bid by Darius to stand at the water's edge, and caU Histiaeus the Milesian. The fellow did as he was bid ; and Histiteus, hearing him at the very first summons, brought the fleet to assist in conveying the army across, and once more made good the bridge. 142. By these means the Persians escaped from Scythia, while the Scyths sought for them in vain, again missing their track.^ And hence the Scythians are accustomed to say of ' This seems to be the proper place for reviewing the entire history of this expedition, which almost all modems agree in thinking absolutely incredible (Niebnhr, Vortrage fiber alte Ge- schiohte, i. pp. 189-191 ; Grote, iv. pp. 354-361 ; Thirlwall, ch. xiv. p. 223, 8vo. ed. ; Dahlmann's Life, p. 120, E. T.). That Darins led an expedition into Scythia, across the Canal of Constanti- nople and the Danube, may be regarded as historically certain ; it is a point in which Ctesias himself did not venture to contradict Herodotus. (Excerpt, ap. Photium, § 17.) The passage of the Straits, and of the river, by bridges made by Greeks of Greek ships, and the presence of Miltiades, on both occasions, must be taken to be facts as assured as the battle of Marathon itself. Again, the general result of the ex- pedition — negative rather than positive — that Darius penetrated to some dis- tance into Scythia, and returned with- out obtaining any remarkable success, or experiencing any very overwhelming loss, may 'be regarded as ascertained. Ctesias agrees sufficiently, though he represents the matter less favourably to the Persians than Herodotus ; but the proof is to be found in the course of events — ^the safe return of the king — his abiUty to detach 80,000 men under Megabazms (ch. 143) — and the perma- nent hold which he obtained on Europe by his attack. The incredulity of the modems attaches to the circumstances of the campaign in Scythia — to' the line of route and length of march — afl well as to the period of time (above two months) during which the army is supposed to have remained in the enemy's country. It is regarded as impossible, first, that Darins should have been able to effect the passage of such great rivers as the Dneistr, the Dniepr, and the Don, without his fleet an,d in the summer (Grote, p. 355 ; Niebuhr, p. 191) ; and secondly, that the army should have been able to exist for so long a time, and to traverse BO vast a territory, when the country was itself so barren, and had moreover been purposely exhausted before his coming. (Grote, ib. ; Niebuhr, p. 190 ; Thirlwall, p. 225.) But these diffi- culties are not so formidable as they appear ; and if they were greater, it would perhaps be better to accept the narrative with them, than to suppose either that Herodotus failed to obtain any knowledge of the real course of the campaign, or that he purposely gave us a grand graphic sketch in lieu of history. The latter seems to be what Mr. Grote imagines (p. 356, and again, p. 359), without seeing, appa- rently, what a fatal blow is thereby dealt to the general credibility of the historian. For my own part I cannot conceive it possible, either that Hero- dotus should fail utterly to obtain a general notion of the march of the Per. sians, or that, knowing it, he should set it aside and give us instead a grand "illustrative fiction." If we accept the existence of the town Gelonus, and the semi-Greek Chap. 141, 142. SCYTHIAN OPINION OF THE lONIANS. 113 the lonians, by way of reproach, that, if they be looked upon as freemen, they are the basest and most dastardly of all mankind — -but if they be considered as under servitude, they character of its inhabitants (accepted by Niebnhr, p. 193), the burning of that town by Darius would be a plaiu matter of fact, which could not but have been known to the Pontic Greeks, if it really happened, and which could scarcely have been believed by them if it did not. But if, with KenneU (Geography, p. 103), and, I believe, Klaproth and Reichard, we allow this expedition to have reached thus far, and to have returned, we may almost as well accept the line of march men- tioned by Herodotus as assume any other — the length of the way and difficulties of the route being much the same in any case, supposing the army to have reached Gelonus. The question seenis to be, can we conceive the Pontic greeks, in 50 or 60 years' time, losing all recollection of the real course of the invasion, or not F If we cannot, and they distinctlydeclared that their staple, Gelonus, was burnt by the invader, then we have an ascertained point, certainly beyond the Don (ch. 21, and again chs. 122, 123), and deep in the interior of the country, to which the expedition reached ; and the difS- culties as to how the army obtained supplies, and how the great rivers were crossed, must admit of explana- tion, whether the true explanation has as yet been hit upon, or no. Even the tradition that the curious old walls, which were to be seen be- tween the Wolga and the Don {jav en es cjue TB ipsiTTia cruia ^v, ch. 124), owed their origin to Darius, although prob- ably untrue as a matter of fact (see note on the place), yet would scarcely have arisen so soon after the event, if his expedition had never approached the region in which they lay. With respect to the difficulties which have induced so many historical critics to reject the narrative of Herodotus, it may be observed, first, that the Per- sians-were probably very skilful in the passage of rivers, from the frequent occasion which they had to cross the VOL. Ill, Tigris, Euphrates, Upper and Lower Zab, I)iyalah, Kerkhah, Ac, all of them unf ordable streams (vrival repriToi, according to our author) , and lying in the country about which their armies had been in the habit of marching for centuries. Secondly, that the mode in which these rivers were crossed was, then as now, by means of inflated skins, as we see even in the Nimrild sculp- tures (Layard, plates 15, 16, 33). These were either kept in the hard, or attached to rafts (see note ^ on Book i. ch. 194) . Every army would take the field well supplied with skins, partly for this purpose, partly to hold their water. At the passage of a river all the water-skins might be used as air-skins, for they could be filled again when the crossing was effected. Thirdly, that it is not at all certain that the Scythians did not possess boats upon their rivers, which an in- vading army might seize ; but if they did not, yet the banks of their rivers are, especially towards the lower part of their course, rich in wood (vide supra, note * on ch. 18) , so that ample materials would exist for the rafts, on which the baggage of the army would have to cross, the men and beasts for the most part swimming, the former by the help of skins. Fourthly, that there is no reason to think that the Scythians disputed the passage of the streams, as Mr. Grote supposes would have been the case (p. 355), since their object was to avoid an engage- ment, which any attempt to hinder the advance of the Persians would infallibly have brought on. Further, as to supplies ; the fami- liarity of the Orientals with the passage of deserts by caravans of an enormous size, who must take with them nourish- ment for many months, accustoms them to the movement of vast masses of men, so equipped as to be indepen- dent of those resources, which, with us, an enemy's country is expected to furnish. The tactics of the Scythiails 114 MEGABAZUS LEFT IN EUROPE. Book IV. are the faithfuUest of slaves, and the most fondly attached to their lords. 143. Darius having passed through Thrace, reached Sestos in the Chersonese, whence he crossed by the help of his fleet into Asia, leaving a Persian, named Megahazus,^ commander on the European side. This was the man on whom Darius once conferred special honom- by a compliment which he paid him before, all the Persians. He was about to eat some pome- granates, and had opened the first, when his brother Artabanua asked him " what he would like to have in as great plenty as the seeds of the pomegranate ? " Darius answered — " Had would hare been expected (see chs. 83 and 134), and preparations made ac. oordingly. Those who are veraed in Asiatic history, who know what large armies have traversed the barren and desolate conntries of Tnrkestan and Tartary, who have followed step by step the campaigns of Genghis Khan and Tamerlane, sometimes in these very regions (Gibbon, oh. Ixv. § 2, p. 338), will see nothing strange in a two or three months' campaign carried on by an army of some hundreds of thou, sands deriving but little subsistence from the country which they were traversing. " Timour," we are told by the great historian, " invaded Kizpak or the Western Tartary, with such mighty powers that thirteen miles were measured from his right to his left wing. In a march of jive months they rarely beheld the footsteps of man; and their daily subsistence was often trusted to the fortune of tiie chaoe." (Gibbon, 1. o. c. ) This march began at the Caspian, and extended to the neighbourhood of Moscow. With respect to the time said to have been occupied by the expedition, which is especially objected toby Dahlmann, as too short, it must be observed, first, that the whole time is nowhere fixed. The sixty days are said not to have expired when the first application is made to the lonians, but at that time Darius is in the north-west of Scythia, near the territory of the Agathyrsi (chs. 125, 133) ; that is, he has accom- plished about three-fourths of his route. Secondly, if even thus sufficient time does not seem to be allowed, may not the fact be that the first applica- tion to the lonians to break the bridge was in reality made somewhat earlier ? Thirdly, it is to be borne in mind that we have no means of fixing exactly how far Darius went either east or north. It is not at all certain that the Oarus is the Wolga, much less that the forts were near Saratow. Hero- dotus says indeed distinctly that he crossed the Don (Tanais), and that he reached Gelonus, which seems to have been near Woronetz — also that he skirted Scythia to the north, and re- entered it on the north-west frontier, passing through the countries of the Melanchlaeni, Androphagi, and Nemi. But the position of these nations is only fixed conjecturally. Scythia may not have extended so far inland as Hero- dotus was told, perhaps not further than the 52nd parallel. 2 Or Megalyzus, according to one MS., a reading confirmed by Busta- thius (ad II. ii. p. 182, 27), and to a certain extent by Plutarch, who tells the story of Megabyzus's son, Zopyrus (Apophthegm, vol. ii. p. 173, A.). But it is not likely that Herodotus intends the conspirator. He would not speak of him merely as &vSpa Xliptrqv. Chap. 142-145. EXPEDITION AGAINST LIBYA. 115 I as many men like Megabazus as there are seeds here, it woidd please me better than to be lord of Greece." Such was the compliment wherewith Darius honoured the general to whom at this time he gave the command of the troops left in Europe, amounting in all to some eighty thousand men.^ 144. This same Megabazus got himself an undying remem- brance among the HeUespontians, by a certain speech which he made. It came to his knowledge, while he was staying at Byzantium, that the Chaleedonians made their settlement seventeen years earlier than the Byzantines. " Then," said he, " the Chaleedonians must at that time have been labouring under blindness — otherwise, when so far more excellent a site was open to them, they would never have chosen one so greatly inferior." * Megabazus now, having been appointed to take the command upon the Hellespont, employed himself in the reduction of all those states which had not of their own accord joined the Medes. 145. About this very time another great expedition was undertaken against Libya, ^ on a pretext which I will relate ' Hence the absurdity of EenneH's enpposition (Geogr. p. 114), that the number in ch. 87 onght to be 70,000 instead of 700,000. Hence too the certainty which we have that Darias fared infinitely better than most of those who have made similar at- tempts, as Crassns, Julian, and Napo- leon. * Strabo says (vii. p. 464) that as early as the time of the founding of Byzantium, this reproach was made against the Chaleedonians. Accord- ing to him, the Delphian oracle advised certain Greeks, who wished to found a colony, and asked to have a site recommended them, " to build their city over against the Hind men" — by which the Chaleedonians were understood to be meant. Tacitus follows this tale (Annal. xii. 63), with which Herodotus is evidently un. acquainted. The great advantages of the posi- tion occupied by Byzantium are elaborately set forth by Polybius (iv. 38). Gibbon's description (Decline and Pall, ch. xvii. pp. 6-10) is excellent. Considering how unimportant a place Byzantium was when Herodotus wrote, and how great a, city it has become, it is interesting to see that its capabilities had really been ob- served as early, at least, as the time of our author. Chalcedon was founded by the Me- gareans (Thucyd. iv. 75) about the year B.C. 674. (Clinton's F. H. vol. i. p. 186.) Byzantium, founded seven- teen years later, B.C. 657, was like- wise a Megarean colony. (Scymn. Ch. 717 ; Steph. Byz. ad voc.) ' Vide infra, ch. 167. Herodotus looks upon the expedition of Aryan des as undertaken in reality against all the independent African nations. ii6 THE MINYiE AT SPARTA. Book IV. when I have premised certain particulars. The descendants of the Argonauts in the third generation,^ driven out of Lem- nos by the Pelasgi who carried off the Athenian women from Brauron,' took ship and went to Lacedsmon, where, seating themselves on Mount Taygetum,® they proceeded to kindle their fires. The Lacedsemonians, seeing this, sent a herald to inquire of them " who they were, and from what region they had come;" whereupon they made answer, "that they were Minyas,® sons of the heroes by whom the ship Argo was manned ; for these persons had stayed awhile in Lemnos, and had there become their progenitors." On hearing this account of their descent, the Lacedasmonians sent to them a second time, and asked, " what was their object in coming to Lace- daemon, and there kindling their fires ? " They answered, " that driven from their own land by the Pelasgi, they had come, as was most reasonable, to then- fathers ; ^ and their wish was to dwell with them in their country, partake their privileges, and obtain allotments of land.^ It seemed good to * The myth ran, that in Lemnos at the time of the Argonautio expedi- tion there were no males, the women haying revenged their ill-treatment upon the men by murdering them all. The Argonauts touched at the island, and were received with great favom'. They stayed some months, and the subsequent population of the island was the fruit of this visit. Hypsi- pyle, the queen, had twin sons by Jason. (ApoUod. i. 9, 17 ; ApoUon. Rhod. i. Guy-91.5 ; Herodor. Fr. 44.) Sophocles wrote a tragedy (the A-fifj.vim), which is lost, upon this piece of ancient story. ' Vide infra, vi. 138. ^ Taygetum or Taygetus (PKuy) is the higli mountain-range west of the valley of the Enrotas, the modem Pentadactylon. ' The Argonauts generally were called Minyae (Find. Pyth. iv. 69). This was said by some to be on account of Jason's descent from Minyas (Apollon. Ehod. i. 229-233) ; bat there is reason to believe that the MinyEe were in early times a very powerful race in Greece, having settlements in Thessaly (Plin. H. N. iv. 8), and Magnesia (Strab. ix. p. 601; Schol. adAp. Ehod. i. 763), as well as about Orohomenus. Strabo (1. s. c.) says that, according to some writers, lolcus was a colony from Orchomenus. ^ According to some, Hercules himself was one of the Argonauts (ApoUod. i. 9, § 19), and accompanied the expedition beyond Lemnos. But the reference here is evidently to Castor and Pollux, the two great heroes of Sparta, who are always enumerated among the companions of Jason (ApoU.. Rhod. i. 146-147; Find. Pyth. iv. 305 ; ApoUod. i. 9, §16). ^ It may be reasonably conjectured that these fugitives were in reality Minyans of OrrJwmenus driven out a little earlier by the irruption of the Boeotians from Ame (Thuoyd. i. 12), and that they invented this story in nrdpr tn ^laiyn Vinrlr-o/l .nn' + V. i\\a Chap. 145, 146. STRATAGEM OF THEIR WIVES. 117 the Lacedsemonians to receive the Minyae among them on their o'wn terms ; to assign them lands, and enrol them in their tribes.^ What chiefly moved them to this was the consider- ation that the sons of Tyndarus * had sailed on board the Argo. The Minyae, on their part, forthwith married Spartan wives, and gave the wives, whom they had married in Lemnos, to Spartan husbands. 146. However, before much time had elapsed, the Minyse began to wax wanton, demanded to share the throne, and committed other impieties : whereupon the Lacedaemonians passed on them sentence of death, and, seizing them, cast them into prison. Now the Lacedaemonians never put criminals to death in the daytime, but always at night. When the Minyffi, accordingly, were about to suffer, their wives, who were not only citizens, but daughters of the chief men among the Spartans, entreated to be allowed to enter the prison, and have some talk with their lords ; and the Spar- tans, not expecting any fraud from such a quarter, granted their request. The women entered the prison, gave their own clothes to their husbands, and received theirs in exchange : after which the Minyae, dressed in their wives' garments, and thus passing for women, went forth. Having effected their escape in this manner, they seated themselves once more upon Taygetum.^ Spartans. Or perhaps, as K. 0. Miiller supposes, it was invented for them in after times. The expelled Minyans went chiefly to Asia Minor. (Snpra, i. 146.) 3 K. 0. Miiller (Orchom. p. 313) thinks it incredible that the Minyans should really have been received into full citizenship ; and supposes that they were admitted among the Perioeci. It is certain that in later times the Spartans were excessively chary of bestowing their citizenship (Arist. Pol. ii. 6, § 12). Herodotus himself says, in another place (ix. 33, 34), that they never imparted it but to two men. However we cannot ■argue from their practice at a later period what they might have done in early times, especially so soon after their first settlement, and when they may have been glad to receive an increase of strength from any quar- ter. It is quite possible, therefore, that the Minyans may have been re- ceived into actual citizenship. (Com- pare the reception of the Sabine refugees into the Roman people, Liv. ii. 16.) This is certainly what Hero- dotus intends. ■* Castor and Pollux. Tide supra, oh. 145, note \ ° Plutarch (de Tirt. Mulier, torn. ii. p. 247) tells this story with remark- able variations from the Herodotean narrative. According to him, the ii8 PERSONAL HISTOEY OF THKRAS. BopK IV. 147. It happened that at this very time Theras, son of Autesion (whose father Tisamenus was the son of Thersander, and grandson of Polynices), was about to lead out a colony from LacedEemon. This Theras, by birth a Cadmeian, was uncle on the mother's side to the two sons of Aristodemus,!* Procles and Eurysthenes, and, during their infancy, ad- ministered in their right the royal power. When his nephews, however, on attaining to man's estate, took the government, Theras, who could not bear to be under the authority of others after he had wielded authority so long himself, re- solved to leave Sparta, and cross the sea to join his kindred. There were in the island now called Thera,' but at that time fugitives were not the Minyae driven out by the Pelasgi, but the Pelasgi driven out in their turn by the Athenians. They were not received into citizenship, but rebelled on account of being refused civil rights. They did not filially settle in Thera and Elia, but in Melos and Crete. We may learn from this the extreme uncertainty of the ancient stories, even when their character is least mythic. Polyaenus gave both nar. i-atives. (Strat. vii. ch. 49, viii. ch. 61.) ^ Tide infra, vi. 52. The authors of this genealogy, which may be thus exhibited — Polynices Thersander Tisamenus Autesion I Hercules I Hyllus Cleodaeus Aristomachus I I Argeia m. Arifitodemus Eurysthenes Procles. intended probably to represent the history thus. Aristodemus, son of Aristomachus, married Argeia, daughter of Autesion, great-grandson of Polynices, and king of Thebes, while the Cadmeians were still uu- conquered. On the invasion of the Boeotians, Theras, her brother, who had succeeded his father, Austesion, was driven out and took refuge with Aristodemus, his brother-in-law, at Sparta. Aristodemus dying while his sons, Eurysthenes and Procles, were under age, Theras, their uncle, natur- ally became their guardian. ^ Thera is the island, or gi'oup of islands, now known by the name of Scmtorin, lying to the south of the other Cyclades. Pliny (H. N. ii. SI) says that it first appeared in the fourth year of the 135th Olympiad (B.C. 237) . This must evidently be a mistake. It is conjectured that a great volcanic change took place at this date, by which the original Thera was broken up into the three islands of Thera, Therasia, and Aspronisi. (See Capt. Graves's article in the Journal of the Geograph. Society, vol. xx. Art. 1.) Capt. Graves supposes that the name Calliste, " the most beau- tiful," properly applied to it " before the eruption " which left it almost in its present state (p. 1). His own description, however, of its actual condition goes far to justify the epithet. "Prom its western shores or cliffs," he says, "and where the mountains do not come in the way, the island has a rapid descent to the east, north, and south coasts, and is entirely cultivated with the vine. In fact, it is one uninterrv/pted smiling vineyard, which in the summer Chap. 147. DESCENDANTS OF MEMBLIARUS.- 119 Calliste,^ certain descendants of Membliarus, the son of Pceciles, a Phcenician. (For Cadmus, the son of Agenor, when he was sailing in search of Europe, made a landing on this island ; and, either because the country pleased him, or because he had a purpose in so doing,* left there a number of ASPBONISl rnonths presents a most pleasing aspect The villages with their white-washed buildings spring up, as it were, out of the mass of vines." (p. 3.) ^ Compare the famous line of the Cyrenaic poet Callimachus, twice quoted by Strabo (viii. p. 504 and XTii. p. 1181),— "KaAXfffTti TO irapoide, to 3' varspov ovvofia Ghpn" ' It is conjectured that the real " purpose " was to found a settlement for dyeing (Blakesley ad loc), as the murex, which furnishes the preoioas Tyrian purple, is plentiful in that part of the Mediterranean. This is in itself not improbable, but neither the name of Pceciles, the father of Membliarus (which, if it refers to any occupation at all, must allude to embroidery), nor the profession of Corobius the Cretan, can much help the argument. I20 THEEAS JOINED BY THE MINY.E. Book W. PhcBnicians, and with them his own kinsman Membliarus. Calliste had been inhabited by this race for eight genera- tions of men, ^ before the arrival of Theras from Lace- dsemon.) 148. Theras now, having with him a certain number of men from each of the tribes,^ was setting forth on his expedition hitherward. Far from intending to drive out the former in- habitants, he regarded them as his near kin, and meant to settle among them. It happened that just at this time the Minyse, having escaped from their prison, had taken up their station upon Mount Taygetum ; and the Lacedaemonians^ wishing to destroy them, were considering what was best to be done, when Theras begged their lives, undertaking to remove them from the territory. His prayer being granted, he took ship, and sailed, with three triaconters,^ to join the descendants of Membliarus. He was not, however, accompanied by all the Minyae, but only by some few of them.* The greater number fled to the land of the Paroreats," ' Larcher (ad loc.) observes that as there were ten generations at Thebes from Cadmus to Theras, there ought to have beea the same number ab Calliste from Membliarus to the prince who reigned there at the time when Theras arrived. But it is quite conceivable that the seventh descend- ant from Membliarus might be con- temporary with the iiinth from Cadmus. With regard to the whole question of the Phoenician settlers in Greece, vide supra, Bk. ii. ch. 49, note '. - The three old Dorian tribes, Hyllsei, Dymanes, and Pamphyles, must here be meant, for the local tribes were not instituted till a later period. (Hermann's Pol. Antiq. of Greece, §§ 20 and 24.) Com- pare the practice at Eome of each tribe furnishing 100 men to a, colony. (Niebuhr, Hist, of Eome, ii. 85 B. T.) ^ Triaconters were vessels of 30 oars, 15 on each side, in which the rowers all sat upon the same level. Compare the account given of pente- conters (supra, i. 152, note ^). ■* Three triaconters could not have accommodated more than about 350 or 360 men. The Minyae were probably much more numerous. Their colonisa- tion of Thera in conjunction with the Lacedaemonians, had been already celebrated by Pindar : — AaKcdaifiovldiv ist\QevTev wipoiv riOciTi Tav noje KaWcVrav WK ',Kr\aav XffoVM vaaov, — Pyth. iv. 25T, ed. Dissen. ' ApoUonius Rhod. (iv. 1760-1764), and Pausanias (Lacon. in. i. § 7) gave nearly the same account. According to the Cyrenaic historiaiis, Theo- crestus and Aeesander, the head of the Minyan colonists was- a certain Sesamus (Schol. ad ApoUon. Khod. iv. 1750). * Paroreatae is a geographical, not an ethnic appellation. It may be ap- plied to any " dwellers on the moun- tain side." The Lemnians who are here said to have fled to the Paroreatae, are themselves called Paroreatee in the eighth book (ch. 73). The tract of Chap. 147-149. ORIGIN OF THE ^GID^. 121 and Caucons,^ whom they drove out, themselves occupying the region in six bodies, by which were afterwards built the towns of Lepreum, Macistus, Phryxse, Pyrgus, Epium, and Nudium ; ' whereof the greater part were in my day demo- Ushed by the Eleans.^ 149. The island was called Thera after the name of its founder. This same Theras had a son, who refused to cross the sea with him ; Theras therefore left him behind, " a sheep," as he said, " among wolves." From this speech his son came to be called Qiolycus, a name which afterwards grew to be the only one by which he was known. This (Eolycus was the father of jEgeus, from whom sprang the iEgidae, a great tribe ' in Sparta. The men of this tribe lost at one time aU their children, whereupon they were bidden by an oracle to build a temple to the furies of Laius and (Edipus;^ they complied, and the mortality ceased. The same thing happened in Thera to the descendants of these men.^ • land intended seems to have been the mountainous district between the Neda and the Alpheus, called by Strabo (viii. p. 504) Tripbylia, which is sometimes reckoned to Elis, but improperly, as is evident from Herod, viii. 73, and again from Thuoyd. v. 34, where Lepreum appears as an independent city. (See Jliiller's Dorians, ii. p. 465, E. T.) * The Caucons (KavKai/es) appear to have been among the most ancient in- habitants of Greece. They are placed upon a par with the Pelasgi and Leleges (vide Bupra, Bk. i. ch. 147, note ^), from whom they probably did not much differ. The district here mentioned was always looked upon as one of their earliest seats. (Strabo, viii. pp. 496- 502.) ' The site of these places can only be fixed conjecturally. Lepreum is probably the Palceokastro near Stro- vitzi, Macistus Mostizza, Pyrgus the acropolis near the sea, a little to the north of the Neda. (Cf. Miiller, 1. s. o. and Leake's Morea, vol. i. p. 56.) * Lepreum is the only one of the six which can be shown to have maintained its independence. (Thucyd. 1. o. c.) Probably it was always the chief town; whence its position at the head of the list. Two hundred Lepreans are named among the confederates at Platsea (infra, ix. 28). Dahlmann correctly observes that the war of the Eleana and Minyans is fixed by Herodotus tu his own day. (Life, p. 43, B. T.) ^ Herodotus uses the word "tribe ' (orian oracle should send a Pelasgic legislator to arrange the affairs of a Dorian state is what we should little have expected. Probably the personal character of Dem6nax pointed him out as the fittest man living for such a task. Diodorns calls him &)iSpa irvveau koL SiKauxrvvri SoKoiii'Ta SuupepeLv. (Fr. lib. viii. ad fin.) ' Demdnax, the Mantinean lawgiver, is but seldom mentioned by the an. cient writers. Hermippns, however, who wrote " concerning lawgivers," about B.C. 200, had a notice of him quite independent of this. Dem6nax, he said, introduced gladiatorial com- 136 LEGISLATION OF DEMONAX. Book IV. the citizens ; who, on his arrival at Cyrene, having first made himself acquainted with all the circumstances,^ proceeded to em-ol the people in three tribes.^ One he made to consist of the Theraeans and their vassals ; another of the Peloponnesians and Cretans ; and a third of the various islanders.^ Besides this, he deprived the king Battus of his former privileges, only reserving for him certain sacred lands and offices ; ^ while. bats {iJ.ovop.axia.s) at MantinEea, and the practice was then imitated by the Cyrenasans (3?r. 1.) Diodoms, in his account of this lawgiver (Fr. lib. viii. ad fin.), seems merely to follow Herodotns. The name has been fonnd on a coin of Cyrene, but the date of the coin scarcely seenas to be eo high as the time of this legislator (Bouhier's Dis- sertations, p. 143). ^ lliiller conjectures that the state of misgovernment, which Dem6nax was called in to remedy, arose from two causes. The kings, who had originally, like the other Dorian monarchs, very narrow powers, had greatly enlarged their rights, and were almost become tyrants. Also, the new colonists, who had flocked in under Battus the Happy, having never received full political privileges, were discontented. The changes ef- fected by Deni6nax were these ; — 1. He restricted the powers of the kings within their original narrow limits ; and 2. he imparted to the new colo- nists equal rights of citizenship with the ancient citizens. The latter re- tained certain privileges : as prece- dency, which is indicated by their being placed first in the list of tribes ; and the exclusive right of holding the aboriginals in vilienage. This is indi- cated by the mention of the vassals (TreploiKot) as belonging to the Thersean tribe, in which they were reckoned, without of course possessing any pohtical power. Miiller regards this constitution as wisely framed under the circumstances. (Dorians, vol. ii. pp. 63, 64, and 181, 182.) This view is no doubt partly con- jectural; but it is clear and in accord- ance with the general spirit of antiquity. The account of the vassals or Perioeci seems better than that of Niebuhr, that they were the original subjects of the Therasans in Thera, who in the colony stood on an equal footing with their masters. (Hist, of Eome, note 708, 2nd edit.) ^ It is probably this change to which Aristotle alludes (Pol. vi. 2), and which he compares with the legis- lation of Clisthenes. At least Muller's argument to the contrary (Dorians, vol. ii. p. 183, note) is very weak. He appears to forget that Ai"istotle is not speaking only of the CyrenEean, but also and chiefly of the Chsthenio constitution, and that all his expres- sions cannot be expected to apply to both. The tribes of Dem6nax were not certainly " more " than the origi- nal — which were the Hyllaei, Dymanes, and Pamphyles (see ch. 148, note ^) — but they were different from them, which is the main point. Thus they served, as Aristotle says, to break up old associations, and establish new in their place. ' Who would be principally lonians. Thus the fchi-ee tribes would consist of three different races : — 1. The The- raeans, who were of GriBoo-Phoenician extraction ; 2. The Lacedaemonians and Cretans, who were Dorians ; and 3. The islanders, who were lonians. A similar ethnic distinction is found, to a certain extent, at Sicyon (infra, V. 68; comp. vii. 94), and again at Thurii. (See the Introductory Essay, ch. i. p. 23, note '.) ' The early kings of the various Grecian states, like those of Rome, were uniformly priests likewise. (Hermann, Pol. Antiq. of Greece, Chap. 161-163. PHEEETIMA AT SALAMIS. 137 with respect to the powers which had hitherto been exercised by the king, he gave them all into the hands of the people. 162. Thus matters rested during the lifetime of this Battus, but when his son Arcesilaiis came to the throne, great disturb- ance arose about the privileges. For Arcesilaiis, son of Battus the lame and Pheretima, refused to submit to the arrangements of Demonax the Mantinean, and claimed aU the powers of his forefathers. In the contention^ which followed Arcesilaiis was worsted, whereupon he fled to Samos,* whUe his mother took refuge at Salamis ^ in the island of Cyprus. Salamis was at that time ruled byEvelthon, the same who offered at Delphi the censer which is in the treasury of the Corinthians,^ a work deserving of admiration. Of him Pheretima made request, that he would give her an army, whereby she and her son might regain Gyrene. But Evelthon, preferring to give her anything rather than an army, made her various presents. Pheretima accepted them all, saying, as she took them : " Good is this too, king ! but better were it to give me the army which I crave at thy hands." Finding that she repeated these words each time that he presented her with a gift, Evel- thon at last sent her a golden spindle and distaff, with the wool ready for spinning. Again she uttered the same speech as before, whereupon Evelthon rejoined — " These are the gifts I present to women, not armies." 163. At Samos, meanwhile, Arcesilaiis was collecting troops § 56, note 10.) At Sparta we find them still so regarded. (Infra, vi. 56.) Aristotle says (PoUt. iii. 9) that it was their nsnal fate to be left nothing but their priestly character. Compare the institution of the Spx'"" PaaiKevs at Athens, and the rex sacrijiculus at Eome. (Livy, ii. 2.) ' This is most likely the contention ((TTaffij) of which Aristotle speaks (Pol. vi. 2), and which he asci*ibes to the want of moderation on the part of those who established the democracy, whereby the nobles {yvdipifioi) were exasperated, and driven to attempt a counter -revolution. According to his view, Dem6nas had extended the rights of citizenship too far, and had thereby introduced disorders. * Vide supra, ch. 152, note '. ^ Concerning the site of Salamis, vide infra, v. 104, note. Pheretima may perhaps have applied for aid in this quarter on account of its Grxco. Phoenician character. ' See note ^ on Book i. ch. 14, and note ' on Book ii. ch. 167. It is not veiy clear why the offering should have been put into the treasury of the Cypselids. 138 ARCESILAUS CONSULTS THE ORACLE. Book IT. by the promise of granting them lands.' Having in this way drawn together a vast host, he sent to Delphi to consult the oracle about his restoration. The answer of the Pythoness was this : "Loxias grants thy race to rule over Cyrene, till four kings Battus, four Arcesilaiis by name,^ have passed away. ' It does not appear to me that ava^curfi6sf either in this place or where it occurred before (ch. 159), has the sense which Miiller assigns to it. (Doi-ians, ii. p. 63, E. T.) It does not signify " a new division of their lands," but simply an allotting of land. On the former occasion the land to be allotted to the new colonists was land previously unoccupied by Greeks, and considered by the nomade Libyans to belong to them (vide supra, ch. 159). On this occasion the estates of the opposite party would furnish the means of fulfilling the promise under which persons were enlisted. ^ That the Battiadse continued to reign at Cyrene till the eighth genera- tion is confirmed by Pindar, who calls the Arcesilaiis of his day (Arcesilaiis IV.) u-ySoov iiipos 'ApKeal\as. (Pyth. iv. 65, ed. Dissen.) The Scholiast (ad loc.) states the fact historically, de- claring that "four kings Battus, and four Arcesilaiis by name " reVcrapes fiiv BaTTot Tefftrapes Se 'ApKetriAoot) , actually reigned — that the line of descent was uninterrupted from father to son — and that the reign of the fourth Ai-cesilaiis was followed by a democracy. It may be conjectured that these events had already happened before Hero- dotus wrote this portion of his History. Heraclides Pontious (Fr. 4) confirms the Scholiast, adding that Battus; who appears to have been the son of Arcesilaiis IV., was compelled to fly, and took refuge at Buesperides. The chronology of the reigns pre- sents, however, certain difficulties. According to Solinus, Cyrene was founded B.C. 597 (xxvii. 44) ; but in that case Battus the Happy, who ascended the throne 56 years later (Herod, iv. 159), would be contem- porary, not with Apries, but Ama^is. Bnsebius gives a better date, viz. B.C. 631. This will make Battus the Happy ascend the throne B.C. 675, and be contemporary therefore with the last six years of the reign of Apries, who was succeeded by Amasis in B.C. 569. It will also accord tolerably with the statements, 1. of Theophrastns, that Cyrene was founded close upon 300 years before B. c. 311 (Hist. Plant. VI. iii. 3), and 2. of the Scholiast (ad. Pind. Pyth. iv.) , that the dynasty con- tinued for 200 years. These periods are manifestly round numbers; but they will perhaps enable us to approxi- mate to the true chronology. IITNASTY or THE BATTIAD* AT CYKKNE. B.C. B.C. Battus I. (founder of the city, reigned 40 years) 631 to 691 5J5 Arcesilaiis I. (his son, reigned 16 years) Battus TI. (the Happy, his son) Arcesilaiis II. (the Ill-tempered, his son) ... Battus III. (the Lame, his son) Arcesilaiis III, (his son) (Pheretima, regent) Battus IV. (the Fair, son of Arcesilaiis III.) Arcesilaiis IV. (his son), ascended the throne about 470 gained a Pythian victory 466 lived perhaps till nearly ... Thus Herodotus would be still add- ing touches to his history after the murder of Arcesilaiis IV., and the expulsion of his sou Battus. Arcesi. to 555 (?) f Amasis, king of Egypt, married KKK /J^ +« Kjn /A 1 Ladice, the daughter of one 655 (?) to 540 (?) I „^ ^j^^Y ^j j^^ J 2 ^.^^^ 540 (?) to 530 (?) ..Legislation of Demflnax. 530 (?) to 615 (?),.. Became tributary to CamhyeeB. 515 (?) to 514 (?)... Expedition of Aryandes. 614 (?) to 470 (?) «1(0 laiis IV. would be a young man in B.C. 466 (Pind. Pyth. v. 102, 103, Kp^ffaova fiev 7]\i nlas v&ov (pep^erai), and might continue to reign for five- Chap. 163, 164. ARCESILAUS OBTAINS SUPREME POWER. 139 Beyond this term of eight generations of men, he warns you not to seek to extend your reign. Thou, for thy part, be gentle, when thou art restored. If thou findest the oven full of jars, bake not the jars ; but be sure to speed them on their way. If, however, thou heatest the oven, then avoid the island — else thou wilt die thyself, and with thee the most beautiful buU." ^ 164. So spake the Pythoness. Arcesilaiis upon this returned to Gyrene, taking with him the troops which he had raised in Samos. There he obtained possession of the supreme power ; whereupon, forgetful of the oracle, he took proceedings against those who had driven him into banishment. Some of them fled from him and quitted the country for good ; others fell into his hands and were sent to suffer death in Cyprus. These last happening on their passage to put in through stress of weather at Cnidus, the Cnidians rescued them, and sent them off to Thera. Another body found a refuge in the great tower of Aglomachus, a private edifice, and were there destroyed by Arcesilaiis, who heaped wood around the place, and burnt them to death. Aware, after the deed was done, that this was what the Pythoness meant when she warned him, if he found the jars in the oven, not to bake them, he withdrew himself of his own accord from the city of Gyrene, believing that to be and-thirty years. Battue IT. being, as is evident from the position assumed by Pberetima, a minor at the death of his father, wonld be likely to have a long reign (44 years) . The 300 years of Theophrastus would be a little exceeded ; but his words are not precise. (jid^itrr a ire pi rptaKiffia err), 1. e. c.) Compare Bouhier's Dissertations (oh. xii.), and Clinton's F. H., Years 681, 597, 591, 575, 466, &c. It has been recently argued, from a Cyrenaic coin in the Biitish Museum, that the monarchy came to an end at least as early as B.C. 450. The coin is thought by its style to be " not later " than that date j and, as it bears the inscription K K {Kvpripalay Kow6v), it must have been struck under the republic. (See a, paper by Mr. Stuart Poole on a coin from the Cyre- na'ica.) The doubt, however, remains, whether the style of a coin can accurately fix a date. ' This oracle is given in prose, but evidently contains fragments of the hexameters in which it was delivered ; e. g. : 'Zv ii4vroL ^ffvxos elvai — airSireixire Kar' oipov — /x^ is rijy afi^i^^vrov i\6ris ; and the last line, which may be restored with an approach to cer. tainty : auriy yap 0ayeai, Kal ravpos & KaWuTTiiasy. The allusion here seems to be to Alazir, the father-in-law of Arcesilaiis. (See the next chapter.) 140 PHEEETIMA APPLIES TO AEYANDES. Book IT. the island of the oracle/ and fearing to die as had been pro- phesied. Being married to a relation of his own, a daughter of Alazir,^ at that time king of the Barcseans, he took up his abode with him. At Barca, however, certain of the citizens, together with a number of Cyrenean exiles, recognising him as he walked in the forum, killed him ; ^they slew also at the same time Alazir, his father-in-law. So Arcesilaiis, wittingly or unwittingly, disobeyed the oracle, and thereby fulfilled his destiny. 165. Pheretima, the mother of Arcesilaiis, during the time that her son, after working his own ruin, dwelt at Barca, continued to enjoy all his privileges at Gyrene, managing the government, and taking her seat at the council-board. No sooner, however, did she hear of the death of her son at Barca, than leaving Gyrene, she fled in haste to Egypt. Arcesilaiis had claims for service done to Cambyses, son of Cyrus ; since it was by him that Gyrene was put under the Persian yoke, and a rate of tribute agreed upon.^ Pheretima therefore went straight to Egypt, and presenting herself as a suppliant before Aryandes, entreated him to avenge her wrongs. Her son, she said, had met his death on account of his being so well affected towards the Medes.* ^ It is not very easy to see how either Cyrene or Barca could be regarded as islands. Perhaps the existence of sjirings on several sides of Cyrene may have been considered, in a country so scant of water, as what the word k^(pippvTov pointed at. At Barca there would not be even this approach to an insular character, for water is scarce there, if at least the site was at Merdj. ' This name is remarkable. It is clearly not Greek, and therefore is probably African. Hence it would seem that not only was Barca origin- ally an African town (see note ^ on ch. 160), but that while falling under Greek influence in the reign of Arcesi- laiis II., it had still retained its native princes, who intermaiTied with the Battiada3. It is no objection to this view that the daughter of Alazir is called a "relation" of Arcesilaiis, for she may have been so on her mother's side. However, it is certainly possible that, as Mr. Blakesley thinks, the Greek princes of Barca may have adopted African names to conciliate their native subjects. Battus, it must be remembered, was an African word. ' Vide snpra, iii. 13 and 91. ** It is not likely that there was any ground at all for this statement which however was plausible enough, and might easily impose upon the Persian governor, who would not care to investigate it. He would consider it his business to uphold the royal family which had treated with Cambyses, even apart from any such special Chap. 164-167. DAEIUS PUTS ARYANDES TO DEATH. 141 166. Now Aryandes had been made governor of Egypt by Cambyses. He it was who in after times was punished with death by Darius for seeking to rival him. Aware, by report and also by his own eyesight, that Darius wished to leave a memorial of himself, such as no king had ever left before,^ Aryandes resolved to follow his example, and did so, till he got his reward. Darius had refined gold to the last perfection of purity in order to have coins struck of it : Aryandes,^ in his Egyptian government, did the very same with silver, so that to this day there is no such pure silver anywhere as the Aryandic. Darius, when this came to his ears, brought another charge,' a charge of rebellion, against Aryandes, and put him to death. 167. At the time of which we are speaking Aryandes, moved with compassion for Pheretima, granted her all the forces which there were in Egypt, both land and sea. The claim; for the Persians, nntil after the Ionian rsTolt, ererywhere main- tained and supported the Greek despots. (See below, yi. 43; and compare the cases of Syloson, iii. 141-149, and Hippias, v. 96.) As an ambitions satrap, he may also have been glad of the opportonity for gaining territory. ° Two conclnsions have been drawn from this passage : — 1. That Darins was " the first Persian king who ever coined money'' (Grote, iv. p. 319); 2. That he was actually the first person who ever performed that feat (Bahr ad loo.) . The words of Herodo- tus justify neither statement. He tells us himself elsewhere that the Lydians were the first who coined money (i. 94) ; and here all that he asserts is that Darius coined gold of superior purity to any which had been known before. It is said to have been from the purity of his gold ooinage that the expression " Darius's gold " came to be used for gold with- out any alloy. (See Plutarch, Pacto- lus, p. 1152, A). Of course it is quite possible that Darius may, in point of fact, have been the first to coin Persian money; and the name "daric " (vide infra, vii, ch. 28) favours this view ; but no statement to this effect is here made by Herodotus. ^ Some silver coins have been found which are supposed to be of Aryandes : on the obverse is a. Persian archer on a hippocampus, beneath which is a zigzag for water with a dolphin; on the reverse an owl traversed by the two sceptres of Osiris, and dates in hieroglyphics of the years 5, 6, and 7. Another has a dolphin instead of the hippocampus, and being of older style throws a doubt on these coins being of Aryandes.— [G. W.] There are also some coins of a different type from either of these, which have been ascribed to this satrap. (See note on Book yii. ch. 28.) ' There would be no need of " another charge." Issuing a coinage, whether good or bad, would be con- sidered, and indeed would be, an act of rebellion. The ostentatious imita- tion of Darius might make the animus of the act still more apparent. 142 AFEICAN NATIONS — THE ADYRMACHID.E. Book IT. command of the army he gave to Amasis, a Maraphian ; ' while Badres, one of the tribe of the Pasargadse, was appointed to lead the fleet. Before the expedition, however, left Egypt, he sent a herald to Barca to inquire who it was that had slain king Arcesilaiis. The Bareasans replied 'that they, one and aU, acknowledged the deed — Arcesilaiis had done them many and great injuries.' After receiving this reply, Aryandes gave the troops orders to march with Pheretima. Such was the cause which served as a pretext for this expedi- tion : its real object was, I beheve, the subjugation of Libya.' For Libya is inhabited by many and various races, and of these but a very few were subjects of the Persian king, while by far the larger number held Darius in no manner of respect. 168. The Libyans dwell in the order which I will now describe. Beginning on the side of Egypt, the first Libyans are the Adyrmachidae.^ These people have, in most points, the same customs as the Egyptians, but use the costume of the Libyans. Their women wear on each leg a ring made of bronze,^ they let their hair grow long, and when they catch ^ The Maraphians were tlie Persian tribe next in dignity to the Pasargadse. (Vide supra, i. 125.) It is cnrions to find the Fgypiian name of Amasis in snch a connexion. ^ Dahlmann's remark is just ; " Here a human infirmity seems to hare stolen upon Herodotus. . Au exapcgerated representation, which does not correspond with the truth, of the real importance of this affair has imposed itself upon Herodotus, who was anxious to collect together his information concerning the Libyan nations. (Life, p. 123, E. T.) No attempt to subjugate Libya appears in the expedition itself. ^ The Adyrmachidae appear in Scy- lax in the same position, but are reckoned to Egypt (Peripl. pp. 10.5, 106) . They extend from the Cauopio mouth of the Nile to Apis, which, according to Strabo (xvii. p. 1133), is 11-|- miles west of Paraetonium (now Baretoun). They are mentioned like- wise by Ptolemy (p. 117), Pliny {v. 6), and Silius Italicus (iii. 279; ix. 224). The last of these calls them " gens aooola Nili," and says their arms were a variegated shield and a curved scymitar. " Bronze and silver bangles are often found in the Egyptian tombs, and they were very generally worn, as they still are, by the Egyptian, Ethiopian, Moorish, and other women of Africa.— [G. W.] Mr. Hamilton, speaking of the women of Benghazi (the ancient Euesperides) , says ■ — "The silver bracelets and anklets which complete their adornment, are sometimes of great weight. A Jewess in Benghazi wears a pair of anklets which weigh five pounds." (' Vfanderings,' p. 13.) Chap. 167-169. THE GILLIGAMMjE — THE SILPHIUM. 143 any vermin on their persons, bite it and throw it away. In this they dififer from all the other Libyans. They are also the only tribe with whom the custom obtains of bringing all women about to become brides before the king, that he may choose such as are agreeable to him.^ The Adyrmachidse extend from the borders of Egypt to the harbour called Port Plynus.* 169. Next to the Adyrmachidae are the Gilligammse,^ who inhabit the country westward as far as the island of Aphro- disias.^ Off this tract is the island of Platea, which the Cyrenseans colonised. Here too, upon the mainland, are Port Menelaiis,' and Aziris, where the Cyrenseans once lived. The Silphium ® begins to grow in this region, extending from ** Compare the middle age droit de cuissage. "* Plynag, according to Scylas, is two days' sail west of Apis, and belongs to Marmarica (Peripl. p. 106) . It is generally thought to be identical with the Panormns of Ptolemy (Fort BmdeaK). Thns the Adyrmachidse extend a degree further west in Hero- dotus than in Scylax. Herodotus, it is to be remarked, makes no mention of the Marmaridae, who are reckoned the chief nation in these parts by Scylax, Strabo, and Ptolemy. ^ The Gilligamm^ are unknown to any other independent geographer. Stephen merely echoes Herodotus. They appear to represent the Marma- ridae. ' Aphrodisias appears both from Scylax (Peripl. p. 109) and Ptolemy (it. 4) to be the little island which lies off the coast due north of Gyrene, opposite the ruins of Apollonia. Thus the Gilligammse dwelt partly within the Cyrenaica, where they were held in vassalage by the Greek inhabitants. (Tide supra, ch. 161, note ".) Kiepert, following Eennell (Geograph. p. 609), places Aphrodisias near Derna, mark- ing the island off Gyrene as Leia (Map XXII.). But Leia and Aphro- disias were two names of the same island (Ptolemy, 1. s. c). ' In the eastern part of the tract, not very far from Plynus (Scylax, Peripl. p. 106). By Ptolemy's time the port seems to have been blocked up, as the town is by him considered an inland one (p. 117). * This famous plant, the laserpitium of the Romans, which is figured upon most of the Cyrengean and Barctean coins, was celebrated both as an article of food and also for its medicinal virtues. It formed an important 144 THE ASBYST^. Book IV. the island of Platea on the one side to the mouth of the Syrtis^ on the other. The customs of the GilHgammse are like those of the rest of their countrymen. 170. The Asbystse ^ adjoin the GiUigammse upon the west. They inhabit the regions above Cj-rene, but do not reach to the coast, which belongs to the Cyrenseans. Four-horse chariots are in more common use among them than among any other Libyans. In most of their customs they ape the manners of the Cyrenseans.^ element in the ancient commerce of Cyrene. It was probably a, royal monopoly, and a main source of the great wealth of the Battiadfe (Find. Pyth. V, 1, &c.) ; as there is a repre- sentation of king Arcesilaiis upon an ancient vase, in the act of weighing out the drag to his customers (Annali deir Inst. Archeolog. di Eoma, vol. v. p. 56). Hence the expression in Aristophanes (Pint. 921), Wh 'Bo.ttov (rt\r]ot' ndtrat '\6fjvrl X^Tua^ Ixv^aXOV. ' II. vi. 297-301. ^ It is dif&cult to understand what is intended by this assertion. Herodo- tus can scarcely mean that the Cyre- nasans, having learnt the practice from the Libyans, communicated it to their countrymen ; for not only was the four-horse chariot known in Greece half a century before the founding of Cyrene, when it was first introduced into the games at Olympia (Paus. v. 8, § 3), but it was even known to Homer, and according to him, used by Chap. 189-191. SEPULTURE— THE MAXYANS. 'l6S . 190. All the wandering tribes bury their dead according to the fashion of the Greeks, except the Nasamonians. They bury thena sitting, and are right careful when the sick man is at the point of giving up the ghost, to make him sit and not let him die lying down.* The dwellings of these people are made of the stems of the asphodel, and of rushes wattled together.^ They can be carried from place to place. Such are the customs of the afore-mentioned tribes. 191. Westward of the river Triton and adjoining upon the Auseans,^ are other Libyans who till the ground, and live in houses : these people are named the Maxyans.' They let the hair grow long on the right side of their heads, ^ and shave it close on the left ; they besmear their bodies with red paint ; and they say that they are descended from the men of Troy.** Their country and the remainder of Libya towards the west is the Greeks in war in the very earliest ages. (H. viii. 185; Od. xiii. 81.) Can Herodotus intend to assert a con- nection between Greece and Libya Proper in the ante-Homerio times ? The fact probably is that the fonr- horse chariot first came into nse in Egypt (Minutoli, Abhandl. Termischt. Inhalts. ii. 1, pp. 129-139), and passed thence both into Libya Proper and into Greece. The Cyrenseans, however, may not have begun to employ the four -horse chariots for common nse till they settled in Africa, and may have adopted the cnstom from the Libyans. *We may compare with this the cnstom of the Gnanches, the primitive inhabitants of the Canary Isles, a genuine African people, who buried their dead stamMng, some with a staff in their hands. (Prichard, Nat. Hist, of Man, p. 267.) [The Shullnks of the White River bury their dead upright. The ancient Britons often bnried them in a sitting posture, the hands raised to the neck, and the elbows close to the knees. — [G. W.] ' Hellanicus (Fragm. Hist. Gr. i. p. 57, Pragm. 93), in relating this same feature, mentions that these " houses " were merely "to keep off the snn" (offov oKias eVcKa), by which they would appear to have been little more than huge parasols. ^ Vide supra, ch. 180. Herodotus here proceeds in his enumeration of the tribes of the coast. "^ This people had been mentioned under the same name by Hecataens (Pr. 304). It is doubtful whether they are distinct from the Machlyans of ch. 180. Some writers called them Mazyans. (Steph. Byz. ad voo.) The word, especially in this latter form, may be connected with the term Antu- zigh, which is the name given by the Shuluh, or Berbers of the Northern Atlas, to their dialect of the Berber language. Amazigh means " noble." (Prichard's Nat. Hist, of Man, p. 263.) ' The Egyptians left a tnf t of hair on the forehead of their children, and another sometimes on the back of their heads, as they still do ; but the long lock left on the right side of the head was the real emblem of childhood. (Compare Macrob. Saturn, i. 26, and seen, on Book ii. ch. 65.)— [G. W.]- ' The tradition was, that .Antenor, on his way to Italy, coasted along the African shore, and planted colonies. (Cf . Pind. Pyth. v. 78, ed. Diss.) i66 ANIMALS OF WEST AFKICA. Book I far fuller of wild beasts, and of wood, than the country of tl wandering people. For the eastern side of Libya, where tl wanderers dwell, is low and sandy, as far as the river Tritor but westward of that the land of the husbandmen is vei hilly, and abounds with forests and wild beasts.^ For this : the tract in which the huge serpents^ are found, and the lioni the elephants, the bears, the aspicks, and the horned asses ^ Ifc would be impossible, even with our present knowledge, to describe more accurately the general differences liotween the eastern and western rf fjiona of North Africa. While the western region, containing the coun- I ries of Morocco, Algiers, and Tunis, is mountainous, well wooded, and well watered, and consequently abounds with wild beasts (Humboldt's Aspects, i. p. 115), the eastern, comprising Tri- poli and Barka, is a low, flat, sandy tract, almost destitute of perennial streams, and admitting of cultivation only in certain favoured spots. It con- tains few wild animals, and those chiefly of a harmless character. The cause of this difference is to be found in the sudden sinking and con- traction of the mountain range which runs across North Africa, at about the 8th or 9th degree of longitude (E. from Greenwich). The contiauation of Atlas, which under the names of ^oudah and Harudsh extends from the liorders of Tunis to the Egyptian Natron lakes, is a low basaltic range of hills, rather than mountains, quite insufficient to collect moisture and form rivers. The consequence is that the desert extends north of this line, and is only prevented from reaching the sea by the abundant rains which fall upon the coast in consequence of the vicinity of the Mediterranean. (See Beechey's Narrative, pp. 17, .37, 11, 48, 59, Ac; Delia Cella, p. 46, E. T. ; Lyon, p. 232.) - These are of the Python tribe, still found in Africa (noted of old from one of them having stopped the army of Regulua), and common in our modem museums. The Greek name Python was probably Egyptian, Pi-Tan, and may be traced in the Ta or Tanin of Hebrew, translated " se pent," Exod. vii. 10 ; or " dragon Psa. xliv. 19 ; Isa. xiii. 22 and xxv 1 ; Jer. ix. 11 ; and " whale," in Ge: i. 21 ; Job vii. 12 ; Ezek. xxxii. i but which in Genesis might rathi apply to the Saurian monsters in tl early state of the world. It is sing lar that the Egyptians even behevt that it was inhabited by large moi stera. (See Lyell's Pr. Geology, p. 22.) The Python evidently corn sponded to the Giant "Aphophis or Apap, of Egypt, represented as tl " great serpent," who was sin, ar was pierced by the spear of Hon (Apollo) and other gods. The lai syllable of Satan (Shaytan) is ni related to Tan, as some might imagin the t being a D, not a n, in the H brew ; but Titan may be related to i — [G. W.] '' Elephants are not now found : the countries north of the desert, is doubted whether they could evi have been indigenous in those region but the testimony of Pliny (" El phantes fert Africa ultril Syrtici solitudines, et in Mauritania,," H. ] viii. 11) would seem to settle tl question. Hanno's voyage likewii mentions them as seen near Cai Soloeis (p. 6). Bears are rare, ai are not mentioned by Leo among tl animals of Africa. Shaw howevi speaks of them as occasionally foui in Barbary (Travels, p. 249). Se pents, both great and small, and lion are common. It is uncertain wh animal Herodotus intends by b "horned ass ; " probably some kii of antelope. Chap. 191, 192. ANIMALS OF EAST AFEICA. 167 Here too are the dog-faced creatures, and the creatures without heads, whom the Libyans declare to have their eyes in their breasts ; and also the wild men, and the wild women,* and many other far less fabulous beasts. 192. Among the wanderers are none of these, but quite other animals ; as antelopes, gazelles, buffaloes, and asses, not of the horned sort, but of a kind which does not need to drink f also oryxes,^ whose horns are used for the curved sides of citherns, and whose size is about that of the ox ; foxes, hyaenas, porcupines, wild rams, dictyes,' jackals, panthers, boryes, land-crocodiles about three cubits in length,^ very like hzards, ostriches, and little snakes, each with a single horn. AU these animals are found here, and likewise those belonging ■• Apes of some large species were probably intendedj pongos possibly, or chimpanzees. Compare Hanno's Nar- rative : * ' At the bottom of this bay lay an island like the former, having a lake, and in this lake another island, full of wild people (jieo-r^ avSpdiruv aypiav). Far the greater proportion were women, whose bodies were cov- ered with hair, and whom our inter- preters called Gorillae. Thongh we pursued the men, we could not catch any of them, since all fled from us, escaping over the precipices, and defending themselves with stones. However we took three women ; but they attacked their conductors with their hands and teeth, and could not he prevailed on to accompany us. We therefore killed and flayed them, and brought their skins with us to Car- thage." (pp. 13, 14.) Our early voyagers used much the same lan- guage : " We came to another yle, where the folk bin alle skynned roughe hear, as a rough best, saf only the face, and the pawme of the hand." (Man- deville's Voyages, p. 361.) ' The wild ass can live in the worst parts of the desert, and needs probably less water than almost any animal. Still, however, there are no doubt times when "the wild asses quench their thirst." (Ps. civ. 11.) Leo says, "Confertim incedunt cum vel pabu- lantnr, vel potant " (p. 292, B). ^ The antelopes, oryx, addax, beisa, and defassa (or bubalis ?) are common in Africa. Some Greek lyres have been found with the upright " cornua " made of, or in imitation of, the horns of the antelope addax, probably the oryx of Herodotus ; and many are so figured on the vases. Hence the name " ftrepara." " Phoenix," the word used here for " cithara," is supposed to have been applied to the lyre, or cithara, from its introduction from Phoenicia, in the same manner as many things are now called by the Arabs " Vene- tian : " thus a gun is hendnoMeh ; nuts, MnAooh ; a sequin, bdndoohee ; a deal plank, loh'bendoohee, &c. — [G. W.] ^ It is impossible to say what animal is here intended. No other writer mentions either the dictys or the horys. ^ This immense lizard, or monitor, is very common in Egypt and other parts of Africa. It is called in Arabic Wdran, or Wurran e' Gebel, "of the mountains," or W. el ard, " of the earth," to distinguish it from the Wurmn el bahr " of the river." The former is the Lacerta scincus ; the other L. Nilotica. It is generally about 3 ft. long ; and I have found one very large, which measured about 4 ft. The other is rather smaller. — [G. W. ] 1 68 ANIMALS OF EAST AFRICA. Book IV. to other countries, except the stag and the wild-boar ; but neither stag nor wild-boar are found in any part of Libya.^ There are, however, three sorts of mice in these parts ; the first are called two-footed ; ^ the next, zegeries,^ which is a Lybian word meaning " hills ; " and the third, urchins.' Weasels also are found in the Silphium-region,* much like the Tartessian. So many, therefore, are the animals belong- ing to the land of the wandering Libyans, in so far at least as my researches have been able to reach. ^ ^ This assertion is echoed by Aris- totle (Hist. Au. viii. 28), and, so far as regards the stag, by Pliny (H. N. viii. 33). Modem research does not entirely bear it out. Deer are com- paratively rare in Africa, where ante- lopes of various kinds supply their place ; but still they are found in parts of Barbary, in Guinea, and in Abys- sinia. The wild boar of Europe is entirely unknown, but other species, not very far removed from it, are met with (Pacho, p. 244). [Deer are represented on the Egyp- tian monuments in the early time of the Osirtasens. — G. W.] ' The jerboa (Dipus'jaculus oi Lin- Tiaeus) is undoubtedly intended. This animal is common in Korthern Africa (Shaw's Travels in Barbary, p. 321; Lyon, p. 272; Hamilton, p. 170). Its fore-legs are very diminutive, and, like the kangaroo and the squu'rel, it iisually sits upright. [The jerboa has the habit of sitting up on its hind legs, using its small forepaws as hands; it even drinks water as a man sometimes does, raising it to its month with both hands. The " mouse," or aifiCT- -0-5; of Isa. Ixvi. 17, and Levit. ix. 29, is supposed to be this animal. — [G. W.] '^ Perhaps the Gvntsha, described by Lyon as "an animal of the rat hpecies, having a bushy tail, and head resembling that of a badger" (p. 272). The native name, zegeries, has been derived from zigar, a kind of root (Bochart's Phaleg. ii. 4), and again compared with the Fezzanian dzidzira or zezeera, which is applied to spots on the desert where palm-trees grow (Lyon, p. 345 ; Jahn, Annal. viii. 3, p. 286) ; but no satisfactory explana- tion of it has really yet been dis- covered. ^ These three kinds of African " mice " are described in nearly the same terms by Theophrastus (ap. Phot. Bibl. cclxzviii.), and JEAiaxL (Hist. An. XV. 26). * The weasel is sometimes found on the Cyrenaic coins below the repre- sentation of the Silphium. ^ How accurate these researche-s were, will appear sufficiently from a single comparison. Lyon says, " The animals found in Fezzan are, the tiger- cat, hycEna, jackal, foT, huffaXo (of three kinds), antelope, wild cat, porcupvnr, hedgehog, rat, guntsha, mouse (of two kinds), jerboa, rabbit, hare, and camel" (Travels, pp. 271, 272). Here the additions are unitnportant, except the camel, which was probably introduced at a later period. The only omissions from the list of Herodotus worth notice are, the wild ass, the wild ram, the panther, and the great lizard or land-crocodile. Three of these are borne out by Leo Africanus, who notices the " Asinus sylvaticus," the " adimain," of which he says, " arietem forma refert," and the leopard, which is constantly confused with the pan- ther (see Leo's Africa, pp. 292-294) The fourth — the great lizard or moni- tor — also really belongs to the counti') (see above, note *) . Chap. 192-195. THE ZAVECIANS AND GYZANTIANS. 169 193. Next to the Maxyan Libyans are the Zavecians,'' whose wives drive their chariots to battle. 194. On them border the Gyzantians ; ' in whose country a vast deal of honey is made by bees ; very much more, how- ever, by the skill of men.^ The people all paint themselves red, and eat monkeys, whereof there is inexhaustible store in the hiUs.s 195. Off their coast, as the Carthaginians report, Hes an island, by name Cyraunis, the length of which is two hundred fm-longs, its breadth not great, and which is soon reached from the mainland.^ Vines and olive-trees cover the whole of it, and there is in the island a lake, from which the young maidens of the country draw up gold dust, by dipping into the mud birds' feathers smeared with pitch. If this be true, I know not ; I but write what is said.^ It may be even so, however ; since I myself have seen pitch drawn up out of the water from a lake in Zacynthus.^ At ' The Zavecians (or Zabycians, ac- cording to some MSS.) are not men- tioned by any other extant -writer. They were known, however, to Heca- taeus (Steph. Byz. in voc). It seems to have been from them that a great portion of tho Eomau province [of Africa, extending north as far as to the 36th parallel, was called Byzacium (Pliny, V. 4). A similar transposition has occurred in the case of their neigh- bours, the Gyzantians, or Zygantians. ' Many of the MSS. have "Zygan- tians," which was the form preferred by Hecatsens (Steph. Byz. in voc. Zv- yavris). They gave name to the northern division of fche Roman Africa, which reached from the river Tusca (the Zcuine) to Heraclea (Herlcla), and was called Zeugitania (IPlin. 1. s. c). It contained Carthage, Hippo, and TJtica. * Bees still abound in this country, and honey is an important article of commerce (Delia Cella, p. 198, B. T.). A substitute for honey is likewise pre- pared from the juice of the palm (Shaw, p. 225). ' Monkeys have always abounded in the Western division of North Africa (cf . Died. Sic. xx. 58 ; Leo Afric. p. 294!, B.). Diodorus says that there were three places named Pithecussae (Ape-town), because the houses were as full of apes as of men. ' Niebuhr (Geograph. of Herod, p. 20, B. T.) supposes Cyraunis to be the Cerne of Hanno, Scylax, and other writers, an island in the Atlantic, be- yond Cape Soloeis, commonly regarded as the modern Isle of Arguin. But probably Eennell (p. 638) is right in looking upon the Cyraunis of Herodotus as the Cercinna of Strabo (xvii. p. 1178) and Pliny (v. 7), which is un- doubtedly the KarJienna or KerMness the present day. The length given by Pliay (25 Roman roiles) exactly corre- sponds with theZOO stadia of Herodotus. Kiepert takes this view (Map II.). ^ Achilles Tatius (ii. 14) has the story ; but he is of no weight as an authority. ^ Zante still produces large quanti- ties of mineral pitch. Dr. Chandler thus describes the " tar-springs " (as he calls them) of that island : r/o PITCH-WELLS. Book IT. the place I speak of there are a number of lakes ; but one is larger than the rest, being seventy feet every way, and two fathoms in depth. Here they let down a pole into the water, with a bunch of myrtle tied to one end, and when they raise it again, there is pitch sticking to the myrtle, which in smell is hke to bitumen, but in all else is better than the pitch of Pieria.^ This they pour into a trench dug by the lake's side ; and when a good deal has thus been got together, they draw it oif and put it up in jars. Whatever falls into the lake passes underground, and comes up in the sea, which is no less than four furlongs distant.'' So then what is said of the island off the Libyan coast is not without likelihood. 196. The Carthaginians also relate the following :— There is a country in Libya, and a nation, beyond the Pillars of Her- cules,^ which they are wont to visit, where they no sooner arrive but forthwith they unlade their wares, and having dis- posed them after an orderly fashion along the beach, leave them, and, returning aboard their ships, raise a great smoke. " The tar is prodnced in a small valley, aboafc two hours from the town, hy the sea, and encompassed with mountains, except towards the bay. The spring, which is most distinct and apt for inspection, rises on the further side, near the foot of the hill. The well is circular, and 4 or 5 feet in diameter. A shining iilm like oil, mixed with scum, swims on the top. ~\'ou remove this ivith a hough, and see the tar at the bottom, 3 or 4 feet below t he surface. . . The water is limpid, and runs off with a smart current. . . . Wq filled some vessels with tar by letting it trickle into them from the houghs which ire im-mersed; and this is the method used to gather it from time to time into pits, where it is hardened by the sun to he barrelled, when the quantity is sufficient" (Travels, vol. ii. pp. 367, 368). ■* The pitch of Pieria was considered the best in Greece. Pliny says " Asia picem Idseam maxim^ probat, Grsecia Piericam" (H. N. xiv. 20). The quality of the Zante pitch is said now to be bad. It is unsuited for cordage ; and can only be applied to the outside of boats when mixed with a better article. * The seahas, apparently, encroached upon the coast in the vicinity of the " tar-springs." They are now only separated from it by a narrow morass and a thin strip of shingle (Walpole's Turkey, vol. ii. pp. 1, 2). The re- appearance in the sea of substances thrown into the lake is not confirmed by modern travellers. " The trade of the Carthaginians with the western coast of Africa (out- side the Straits of Gibraltar) has been fully proved ; and some suppose the glass objects still found there were brought by them. The name Carthage has been noticed in u. 2 to Book ii. ch. 32. The deriva- tion Cartha.hedith (or hedes) " new town," seems the most probable one. — [G. W.] Chap. 195-197. DUMB-TEADING. 171 The natives, when they see the smoke, come down to the shore, and, laying out to view so much gold as they think the worth of the wares, withdraw to a distance. The Carthaginians upon this come ashore and look. If they think the gold enough, they take it and go their way ; but if it does not seem to them sufficient, they go aboard ship once more and wait patiently. Then the others approach and add to their gold, till the Carthaginians are content. Neither party deals unfairly by the other : for they themselves never touch the gold till it comes up to the worth of their goods, nor do the natives ever carry off the goods tUL the gold is taken away.' 197. These be the Libyan tribes whereof I am able to give the names ; and most of these cared little then, and indeed care little now, for the king of the Medes. One thing more also I can add concerning this region, namely, that, so far as our knowledge reaches, four nations, and no more, inhabit it; and two of these nations are indigenous, while two are not. The two indigenous are the Libyans and Ethiopians, who dwell respectively in the north and south of Libya. The Phoenicians and the Greeks are in-comers.^ ^ The " dumb commerce of tlie African nations is now matter of no- toriety. It exists not only upon the western coast, but also to a consider- able extent in the interior (See Ren- nell, p. 717). Lyon thus describes it: — " An invisible nation, according to our informant, inhabit near this place (Soudan), and are said to trade by night. Those who come to traffic for their gold, lay their merchandize in heaps, and retire. In the morning they find a certain quantity of gold- dnst placed against every heap, which if they think sufficient, they leave the goods; if not, they let both remain till more of the precious ore is added " (p. 149). Shaw gives a, similar ac- count (Travels, p. 302). For further instances, see the Journal of the Asi- atic Society, vol. xviii. p. 348. ' The Egyptians are omitted, be- cause Egypt is reckoned to Asia (supra. ii. 17, iv. 89 and 41). Taking the Ethiopians to represent that type of man, which starting from the charac- teristics of the Egyptian, develops into the Negro, we shall find no reason to cavil at tlie enumeration of races in our author. The Libyans, the indi- genous inhabitants of the northern parts, are the modern Berbers, who, under various names, Berbers, Shuluks, Cabyles, and Tauriks, continue to form an important element in the popula- tion of North Africa, stretching from the mountains of Marocco to the oasis of Ammon. Southward of this race dwell an entirely different people. From Senegambia to Nubia, a type of man approaching more or less nearly to the Negro, is found to prevail (Prichard, Nat. Hist, of Man, p. 269). Even the southern races, Caffres and Hottentots, appear to belong to this same family (ibid. p. 314). In 172 SOIL. Book IV. 198. It seems to me that Libya is not to compare for good- ness of soil with either Asia or Europe, except the Cinyps- region,^ which is named after the river that waters it. This piece of land is equal to any country in the world for cereal crops, and is in nothing like the rest of Libya. For the soil here is black, and springs of water abound ; so that there is nothing to fear from drought ; nor do heavy rains (and it rains in that part of Libya ^) do any harm when they soak the ground. The returns of the harvest come up to the measure which prevails in Babylonia.^ The soil is likewise good in the country of the Euesperites ; ^ for there the land brings forth in these we have the Ethiopians of Hero- dotns. The other two Herodotean races have been absorbed, as likewise have the Romans and the Vandals. The only existing element in the popu- lation of Africa which does not appear in Herodotus, is the Arabian, the in- troduction of which is fixed historically to the period of the Mahometan con- quests, A.D. 639-710. " Delia Cella says of this region, " The extensive plain, which about an hour's march from the torrent (Ctnyps) , stretches out to the east as far as Cape Mesurata, is abundantly productive. . . . This extraordinary degree of .fruitful- ness is not owing to the industry of the inhabitants, but proceeds from the generous natm-e of the soil, sponta- neously covered with palm and olive- trees, which there require no sort of cultivation" (p. 37). Beechey ex- presses himself still more strongly : " From the summit appears," he says, " the whole plain of Lebida, stretching down in a gentle slope from the high ground to the sea ; and a more beau- tiful scene can scarcely be witnessed than that which is presented by this fine tract of country. Thick groves of olive and date-trees are seen rising above the villages which are scattered over its surface, and the intermediate spaces are either covered with the most luxuriant turf, or rich with abundant crops of grain " (Narrative, p. 51). Hence the force of the line in Ovid (Pont. ii. 7, 25) :— * Cinyphiffi segetie citius numerabis aristas." ' The " heavy rains " of this region are noticed by Beechey (pp. 37, 41.48, &c.) ; Lyon (p. 33^) ; Delia Cella (p. 46) ; and Hamilton (p. 150). They fall chiefly in the month of November. Compare note on ch. 158. - Vide supra, i. 193. ^ The Euesperites are the inhabit- ants of a town, called Hesperides by Scylax (p. Ill), Buesperides by Hero- dotus (supra, ch. 171), and Hesperis by Stephen (advoc). It was situated at the eastern extremity of the Greater Syrtis, between the Borean or Northern Promontory (Cape Tejones) and Tau- chira. The Ptolemies changed its name to Berenice (Stiub. xvii. p. 1181 ; Plin. H. N. V. 5), which has since been corrupted into Benghazi, It has been supposed that the famous gardens of the Hesperides were at this place ; but Pacho has observed (p. 173) that this is unlikely, as the whole country about Benghazi is bare of trees. He places the gardens considerably further to the east, near Cape Phycus (the modem Has Sem), and not far from Cyrene. The account in Scylax bears out this view (pp. 110, 111). Benghazi is still famous for its cereal crops, great quantities of which are carried to Augila and there oilered for sale, year by year (Homeman, p. 39). Mr. Hamilton says of the tract cnl- Chap. 198-200. CROPS. 173 the best years a hundred-fold. But the Cinyps-region yields three hundred-fold. 199. The country of the Cyrenaeans, which is the highest tract within the part of Libya inhabited by the wandering tribes,* has three seasons that deserve remark. First the crops along the sea-coast begin to ripen, and are ready for the harvest and the vintage ; after they have been gathered in, the crops of the middle tract above the coast-region (the hill- country, as they call it) need harvesting ; while about the time when this middle crop is housed, the fruits ripen and are fit for cutting in the highest tract of aU.^ So that the produce of the first tract has been all eaten and drunk by the time that the last harvest comes in. And the harvest-time of the Cyre- nseans continues thus for eight fuU months. So much con- cerning these matters. 200. When the Persians sent from Egypt by Aryandes to help Pheretima, reached Barca, they laid siege to the town, calling on those within to give up the men who had been guHty of the murder of Areesilaiis. The townspeople, however, as they had one and aU taken part in the deed, refused to enter- tain the proposition. So the Persians beleaguered Barca for tivated by the Benghazini : — " The soil is a rich loam, yielding, without any sort of tilling, abundant harvests of wheat and barley. It seems prob- able that, if a moderate amount of labour were expended in the husbandry of this country, its ample crops would vie with those of Egypt or Sicily" (Wanderings, p. 167). * Eiepert gives the height of the upper plateau of Cyrene at 1700 feet (Atlas, Map XSII.). Beechey esti- mated it at 1800 feet (p. 434, and note). It is probably, as Herodotus says, the loftiest region of North- Eastem Africa, thongh some pi the summits in the basaltic chain of Ha- rudtsh may attain a greater elevation. * Pacho observes in speaking of this passage — " L'heureuse disposition de cette partie de la Libye . . ., la gradua- tion de sea teiTaces boissees, et leur situation variee . . ., presentent autant de conditions favorables a cette fecon- dite successive, et mettent, on pent le dire, la merveilleuse tradition d'Hero- dote hors de tout soup^on d'exagera- tion" (Voyage dans la Marmarique, &c., oh. xvii. pp. 235, 236). Mr. Hamilton says : — " When I left Dema the grape season was long over ; in Grennah, on my return, not a cluster remained on the few vines grown by the Bedawin : here (at Belandsh) I bought white grapes with which the trellises were loaded, and which were not yet ripe. Herodotus speaks of the three climates of the Cyrenaica, in consequence of which the harvest is carried on during eight months of the year ; and it was interesting to meet with this practical confirmation of his remark" (Wanderings, p. 124). 174 THE BAEC^ANS, HOW CONQUERED. Book IV. nine months, in the course of which they dug several mines ^ from their own lines to the walls, and likewise made a number of vigorous assaults. But their mines were discovered by a man who was a worker in brass, who went with a brazen shield aU round the fortress, and laid it on the ground inside the city. In other places the shield, when he laid it down, was quite dumb ; but where the ground was undermined, there the brass of the shield rang. Here, therefore, the Barceeans countermined, and slew the Persian diggers. Such was the way in which the mines were discovered ; as for the assaults, the Barcseans beat them back. 201. When much time had thus been consumed, and great numbers had fallen on both sides, nor had the Persians lost fewer than their adversaries, Amasis, the leader of the land- army, perceiving that, although the Barcaeans would never be conquered by force, they might be overcome by fraud, con- trived as follows. One night he dug a wide trench, and laid light planks of wood across the opening, after which he brought mould and placed it upon the planks, taking care to make the place level with the surrounding ground. At dawn of day he summoned the Barcsans to a parley : and they gladly hearken- ing, the terms were at length agreed upon. Oaths were inter- changed upon the ground over the hidden trench, and the agreement ran thus — " So long as the ground beneath our feet stands firm, the oath shall abide unchanged ; the people of Barca agree to pay a fair sum to the king, and the Persians promise to cause no further trouble to the people of Barca." After the oath, the BarcEeans, relying upon its terms, threw open aU their gates, went out themselves beyond the walls, and allowed as many of the enemy as chose, to enter. Then the Persians broke down their secret bridge, and rushed at 5 Mining was no doubt practised from very early times. It is repre- sented in the Assyrian sculptures, where it is the substitute for the battering practised by the Greeks and Komans. The Persians seems to have been particnlarly fond of attempting it, wherever the nature of the ground made it practicable (vide infra, v. 115. and vi. 18 ; comp. Pol^asn. vii. 11, § B). In Eoman history we find it as early a.s the 5th century B.C. (Liv. iv. 22, i . V->) Chap. 200-203. PHEEETIMA'S CRUEL TREATMENT OF THEM. I7S speed into the town — their reason for breaking the bridge being, that so they might observe what they had sworn ; for they had promised the Barcseans that the oath should continue " so long as the ground whereon they stood was firm." When, therefore, the bridge was once broken down, the oath ceased to hold. 202. Such of the Barcseans as were most guilty the Persians gave up to Pheretima, who nailed them to crosses all round the walls of the city.' She also cut off the breasts of their wives, and fastened them likewise about the walls. The remainder of the people she gave as booty to the Persians, except only the Battiadae, and those who had taken no part in the murder, to whom she handed over the possession of the town. 203. The Persians now set out on their return home, carry- ing with them the rest of the Barcseans, whom they had made their slaves. On their way they came to Gyrene ; and the Cyrenseans, out of regard for an oracle, let them pass through the town. During the passage. Bares, the commander of the fleet, advised to seize the place ; but Amasis, the leader of the land-force, would not consent ; " because," he said, " they had only been charged to attack the one Greek city of Barca." * When, however, they had passed through the town, and were ' Compare the pnnishment of the Babylonians by Darins (supra, iii. 159), and see note ad loc. * This whole account of the danger and escape of Gyrene is exceedingly improbable. If Cyrene was not in rebellion, the Persians would pass through it, as a matter of course, on their way to and from Barca. If it was, they would have orders to reduce it no less than Barca. If the Cyre- nasang regarded their coming as hostile, they would not have been induced by an oracle to open their gates. If they had opened their gates and suffered no pnnishment, it is not likely that a hostile attack would dii'eotly afterwards have been made on them. Again the panic is sus- picions. And the presence of Bares, the commander of the fleet, is an im- probability. Probably the Cyrenaeans, who were under the government of Battus IT., established king by his grandmother before she sought the assistance of Aryandes (Menecles, Fr. 2) , received the Persians with due sub- mission, both on their way to Barca and on their return ; and incurred no further danger or loss than was in- volved in the necessity of furnishing supplies to the host. In after times vanity might induce them to declare that they had assumed an attitude of deiiance. 176 PERSIANS SEIZED WITH PANIC. Book IT. encamped upon the hill of Lyceean Jove,^ it repented them that they had not seized Gyrene, and they endeavoured to enter it a second time. The Cyrenjeans, however, would not suffer this ; whereupon, though no one appeared to offer them battle, yet a panic came upon the Persians, and they ran a distance of full sixty furlongs before they pitched their camp. Here as they lay, a messenger came to them from Aryandes, ordering them home. Then the Persians besought the men of Gyrene to give them provisions for the way, and, these consenting, they set off on their return to Egypt. But the Libyans now beset them, and, for the sake of their clothes and harness, slew all who dropped behind and straggled, during the whole march homewards.^ 204. The furthest point of Libya reached by this Persian host was the city of Euesperides.^ The Barcteans carried into slavery were sent from Egypt to the King ; and Darius assigned them a village in Bactria for their dwelling-place.^ To this ^ LycEean Jove "was worshipped es- pecially in Arcadia (Pausan. viii. ii. § 38) ; and we may snppose that liis worship at Gyrene is a trace of the inflnence of Demonax (snpra, i. 161). It is possible, however, that among the settlers who came to Gyrene jrom, Peloponnesus in the reign of Battns II. (chs. 159 and 161), some considerable nnmber may have been Arcadians. No remains have as yet been identified as those of this temple. 1 Although the wild tribes had sub- mitted to Cambyses (snpra, iii. 13), and continued to be reckoned in the sixth satrapy (iii. 91), yet it seems they could not resist the temptation to plunder afforded by the hasty return to Egypt of an army summoned thither by the governor. We are not however to snppose a disastrous re- treat, but only the loss of a number of stragglers. If there had been any- thing more than this, the Barcaean prisoners would no doubt have es- caped. * This place is said to have been first colonised by Aroesilaiis IV. (su. pra, ch. 171, note '). Perhaps Hero- dotus only means that the Persians proceeded to the point afterwards occupied by Buesperides. Or perhaps Aroesilaiis IV. in reality only collected a fresh body of colonists to strengthen an already existing settlement. Bues- perides lay about 620 stades (72 miles) W. of Barca (Soylax, Peripl. p. 109). It is certainly surprising that the Persians should have penetrated so far. ^ The transplantation of nations was largely practised by the Persians, as it had been at an earlier date by the Assyrians and Babylonians. Besides this instance, we iind noticed in Herodotus, the removal of the Pasc- nians to Asia Minor (v. 15), of the Milesians to Ampe (vi. 20), of the Eretrians to Susiana (vi. 119), and the proposed removal of the Phoenicians to Ionia, and of the lonians to Phoe- nicia (vi. 3) ; which last, if not really contemplated, was at least sufBciently probable to be believed. Chap. 203-205. DEATH OF PHEEETIMA. 177 village they gave the name of Barca, and it was to my time an inhabited place in Bactria. 205. Nor did Pheretima herself end her days happily. For on her return to Egyyt from Libya, directly after taking ven- geance on the people of Barca, she was overtaken by a most horrid death. Her body swarmed with worms, which ate her flesh while she was still alive.* Thus do men, by over -harsh punishments, draw down upon themselves the anger of the gods. Such then, and so fierce, was the vengeance which Pheretima, daughter of Battus, took upon the Barcseans. * Pheretima seems to bave been afraid of remaining in the Cyrenaica, and to have considered herself inse- cure except nnder Persian protection. The manner of her death cannot fail to recall the end of Herod Agrippa (Acts xii. 23). Por the succession of Cyrenean kings after Arcesijaiis III., see oh. 163, note *, VOL. m. APPENDIX TO BOOK lY. ESSAY I. ON THE CIMMERIANS OF HERODOTUS AliTD THE MIGRATIONS OF THE CYMRIC RACE. 1. Early importance of the Clmineriaiis — their geographical extent. 2. Identity of the Cimmerii with the Cymry — close resemblance of the two names. 3. Historical confirmation of the identity — connecting linli in the Cimbri. 4. Comparative philology silent but not adverse. 5. Migrations of the Cim- merians — westward, and then eastward. Existing Cimbric and Celtic races. 1. That a people known to their neighbours as Cimmerii, Gimiri,' or (probably) Gromerimi, attained to considerable power in Western Asia and Eastern Europe, within the period indicated by the date B.C. 800-600, or even earlier, is a fact which can scarcely be said to admit of a doubt. If the information gained by Herodotus in. Scythia were considered as not sufEciently trustworthy for the establishment of such a conclusion, yet the confirmation which his statements derive from Homer, from -i^Eschylns, from CaUinus, from Aristotle, and from geographical nomenclature, must be held to remove all uncertainty on the point. The Cimmerians of Homer have not indeed a very deiinite locality ■ they dwell " at the furthest limit of the ocean stream, immersed in darkness, and beyond the * The ethnic name of Qimiri first occnrs in the Cuneiform recordB of the time of Darius Eystaspes, as the Semitic equivalent of the Ariau name Saka (SaKni). The nation spoken of contained at this time two divisions, the Eastern branch, named Humurga (^A/ivpytoi of Herodotus and Hella- nicus), and the Tigrakhuda or " ar- chers," who were conterminous with the Assyrians. Whether at the same time these Gimiri or Halta are really Cymric Celts we cannot positively eay. Josephus identified the IDJ of Genesis with the Galatl of Asia Minor (Ant. Jud. i. 6), in evident allusion to the ethnic title of Cymry, which they, as so many other Celtic races, gave them- selves. But it must be observed that the Babylonian title of Gimiri, as applied to the SacEe, is not a verna- cular but a foreign title, and that it may simply mean " the tribes " gene- rally, corresponding thus to the He- brew D'iJ, and the Greek Tl6,ii.^y>^oi, In this case it would prove nothing concerning the ethnic character of the race designated by it. — [H. C. B.] Essay I. ANCIENT SEATS OF THE CIMMERIANS. 179 ken of tte light-giving snn," ^ — words wticli might perhaps be nnderstood of a region outside the Pillars of Hercules; but consider- ing the condition of Greek geographical knowledge and Greek navigation in Homer's day, it is far more likely that he intended by them some part of the northern coast of the Black Sea.' Here -Sischylus places Cimmerla * in close proximity to the Palus Moeotis and the Bosphorus; and here in the time of Herodotus were still existing a number of names, recalling the fact of the former settle- ment in these regions of the Cimmerian nation.^ The Greek colo- nists of the various towns planted upon the northern coast of the Black Sea, in the seventh and eighth centuries before our era, could not fail to form an acquaintance with the inhabitants of those parts, and would spread the knowledge of them among their countrymen. Turther, there are grounds for believing that during the period of which we are speaking, frequent invasions of the countries towards the south were made by this same people, who, crossing the Danube and the Thracian Bosphorus, sometimes alone, sometimes in com- bination with plandering Thracian tribes,^ carried their arms far and wide over Asia Minor, and spread the terror of their name through- out the whole of that fertile region. Of one at least of these incur- sions the poet Callinus appears to have been a witness.'' It was universally recognized by the Greeks that these incursions pro- ceeded from a people dwelling north of the Danube, in the tract between that river and the Tanais, and there seems no reason to doubt this location. From the Cimmerians of this region it appears to have been that certain permanent settlements of the same race in Asia Minor were derived. Sinope, on occasion of one of their raids, was seized and occupied,* while probably on another the town of Antandros fel- i. xi. 13-22. H i €5 TTctpaB' 'iKave ^aBvppoov 'Queavolo' Lvda Se Kifx^epidyy avipwv 6riii6i re ttoKi^ tc, Hep( /fat v£0eXf7 (ce/caXv/iyLtevor oi/ie nor aitroii? HeXior tpaeOijiv Karadtpnerat uKrii/ecrati', K.r.\. ^ Comp. Enstath. ad Horn. Od. loc. cit. and Eicoii Digs&rt. Homeric, p. 432. See also Mr. Gladstone's ' Homer and the Homeric age,' vol. iii. p. 294. < Prom. Vinot. 748-750. " Herodotns mentions, besides the Cimmfirian Bosphoms and a Cimme- rian Perrj, some Cimmerian forts or castles and a tract called Cimmeria (iv. 12). HeoatEens spoke of a town Cimmeris (Fr. 2). Strabo has a " Mons Cimmericug " (opos Kifiij.4ptoi>) in Tanrica, a " Vicns Cimmericns " (Kd/iTt Ki/i/iepiKii) on the Asiatic sido of the Straits of Kertoh, and an old town " Cimmericnm " (vii. p. 447, and xi. p. 721). ^ The Treres especially. See the Essays appended to "Vol, I. Essay i pp. 354-358. ' See Callinns, Fr. 2, and comp. the remarks of Bach, pp. 9-13. 8 Herod, iv. 12. I So THE ASIATIC GIMIKI. App. Book IT. into tiieir possession.' In the first- mentioned of these two places the Cimmerians were after a while superseded by Greek colonists ; but it is conjectured, with some reason,^ that they still, under the name of Chalybes (or " Iron- workers "), remained the principal race in the vicinity. In Antandros they retained their position for a century,^ when the ^olians recovered it from them. Further, there is evidence to show that more to the east, in Armenia and Central Persia, a race known nearly by the same name existed about this same time — a race whom we may probably connect with the Cimmerians of our author. The Prophet Ezekiel, who writes about B.C. 600, speaks of Gomer as a nation,^ and couples it with Togarmah, which he places in " the north quarter," i.e. Armenia ; and similarly the Armenian historians speak of Qamir as the ancestor of their Haichian race of kings.* It is also very remarkable that in the Achsemenian inscriptions the Saoan or Scythic population, which was widely spread over the Persian empire, receives in the Babylonian transcripts the name of Gimiri,^ which looks as if this were the Semitic equivalent for the Arian name of Saka or Scyths. Perhaps both names originally meant " nomads " or " wanderers," ^ and only came in course of time to be used as ethnic appellatives. It is clear, however, that by Herodotus the term " Cimmerian " is used distinctly in an ethnic sense ; and the point to be now considered is, who these Cimmerians were, to what ethnic family they belonged, and whether they can be identified with any still existing race. When these questions have been settled, it will be interesting to trace the history and migrations of a people which has an antiquity of above twenty-five hundred years, and has spread from the steppes of the Ukraine to the mountains of Wales. 2. To buUd an ethnographical theory upon a mere identity of « Aristot. Fr. 190. ^ See Groto's Greece, vol. iii. p. 336. TMs connectii).^ is perhaps implied in the XaKv^os ^KvBiJov &ttoikos of ^schy- 1ns (Sept. c. Th. 725). " Aristofc. 1. s. c. ^ E/.(_-k. xxiviii. 6. "Gomer and all hie bands : the house of Togarmah of the north quarters, and all his bands : and many people with thee." ' Mos. Choren. i. 11, snb fin. ■> See Sir H. Eawlinson's Memoir on the Babylonian and Aasyi-ian Inscrip- tions in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, vol. xiv. part i. p. xxi., and compare above, note ^ on § 1. * According to Festns and Plutarch the name " Cimbri," which we shall find reason to identify with Cimmerii, in the old Celtic and German tongues meant " robbers " (Fest. de Verb. Signif. iii. p. 77, " Cimbri linguS, Galliot, latrones diountnr." Plut. vit. Mar. c. 11, " KifiLppovs iirovoiiiiCovfft Tep/xavol rohs \ritTTds "). But this meaning may have grown out of ite other, just as "robber" is connected with " rover." Essay I. IDENTITY OF CIMMERIANS AND CYMRY. I«I name is at all times, it m.iist be allowed, a dangerous proceeding. The Jazyges of modem Hungary are a completely different race from the Jazyges Metanastte who in ancient times occupied the very same country ; the Wends are distinct from the Veneti, the Persian Germanii from the Germans, the Iberi of Spain from those of Georgia — yet still identity of name, even alone, is an argument which requires to be met, and which, unless met by positive objec- tions, establishes a presumption in favour of connection of race. Now certainly there is the very closest possible resemblance between the Greek name Ki|Ufie'pioi and the Celtic Cijmry ; and the presump- tion thus raised, instead of having objections to combat, is in perfect harmony with all that enlightened research teaches of the move- ments of the races which gradually peopled Europe. 3. The Cimmerians, when the Scythians crossed the Tanais, and fell upon them from the east, must have gradually retreated west- ward. The hordes which from time to time have issued from Asia, and exerted a pressure upon the population of Europe, have uni- formly driven the previous inhabitants before them in that direction.^ Wave has followed wave ; and the current, with the exception of an occasional eddy,^ has set constantly from east to west. If the Cim- merians therefore fled westward about B.C. 650-600, where did they settle, and under what name are they next met with in history? Herodotus knows but of three nations inhabiting central and western Europe — the Sigynnes,^ the Cynetians,i and the Celts. ^ Of these the Sigynnes and Cynetians, weak tribes who so soon disappear altogether from history, can scarcely be the great nation of the Cimmerii, which, until driven from the Ukraine by the force of the Scythian torrent, was wont to extend its ravages over large tracts of Asia Minor.^ If then we are to find the Cimmerii, driven west- ward B.C. 650-600, among the known nations of central or western Europe in B.C. 450-430, we must look for them among the Celts. Now the Celts had an unvarying tradition that they came from the east ; * and it is a fact, concerning which there can be no question, that one of the main divisions of the Celtic people has always borne ' See Niebiihr's Researcliea, &c., p. 52. ' Such as the Cmiinerian inroad into Asia by the Caucasus, and the after wanderings of the Gauls. « Herod, v. 9. ' Ibid. i7. 49. ' Ibid. ii. 33, and iv. 49. ^ See Appendix to Book i. Essay i. ' On the Chronology and Early His- tory of Lydia,' pp. 354 et seqq. * Priohard's Physical History of Mankind, vol. iii. ch. 3 ; Amm. Mar- cell. XT. 9. l82 IDENTITY OF CIMMERIANS AND CYMKT. App. Book IV. the name of Oymry as its special national designation.^ Celts were undoubtedly tte primitive inhabitants of Gaul, Belgium, and the British Islands — possibly also of Spain and Portugal. In all these countries Cymry are found either as the general Celtic population, or as a leading section of it.^ These Cymry, or Cimbri (as the Romans called them'^), play on several occasions an important part in history : notices of them meet us constantly as we trace the pro- gress of the European peoples ; and in more than one place they have left their name to the country of their occupation as an enduring mark of their presence in it.^ Though the march of events, and especially the pressure upon them of the great Gothic or Teutonic race, has for the most part wiped out at once their nationality, their language, and their name, yet they continue to form the substratum of the population in several large European countries ; ' while in certain favoured situations they remain to the present day unmixed with any other people, retaining their ancient tongue unchanged, and, at least in one instance,^ their ancient appellation. The identity of the Cymry of Wales with the Cimbri ^ Niebuhr's conclusion, from an ela- borate analysis of all the materials which can be brought to bear on the early history of the Celtic people (Hist, of Rome, vol.ii. p. .520, B. T.), is, that *' the two nations, the Cymry and the Gael, may appropriately be comprised under the common name of Celts." ^ The Celts of the Spanish peninsula seem to have been Cimbri, for as Niebuhr shows (1. s. c), they formed the bulk of the Ganls who invaded Italy, and these are expressly said to have been of the Cimbric branch (Diodor. Sic. V. 32). The Belgae were exclu- siTely Cinibrians, as also wore the in- habitants of northern Gaul, who were supposed to have been British immi- grants. In the British islands, Cimbric Celts (Belgae) , at the time of Cassar's landing, occupied the south coast (Bell. Gall. v. 12). ' Strabo (vii. p. 426) and Tacitus (German. 37) speak of the Cimbri as Germans ; but this is probably a mis- take, consequent upon their holding large tracts east of the Rhine, which was considered to separate Gaul from Germany. Diodorus, who declares them to have been Gauls or Celts, probably follows the excellent autho- rity of Posidonius (see Niebuhr's Rom. Hist. vol. ii. p. 520, note 1157, E. T). Appian also identifies the Cimbri with the Celts (De Bell. Illyr. p. 758. Ke\- To7s To?y Kifx^pois Keyofieyois). The whole subject is well discussed by Dr. Prichard (Physical Hist, of Man- kind, vol. iii. ch. 3, § 8). ' Wales still continues to be known as Cambria, and one of our northern counties as Cwmber-land. In France Catnhrai and (possibly) Quim^er are a legacy of the Cymry. Spain has a small town, Camhrilla, and Portugal a city, Coimhra,, relics, probably, of the same people. In like manner the Cimmerii left their name to the Taurie peninsula, which has continued to be known as the Crimea and Orim-Tartary to the present day. * As (Miohelet, Hist, de France, vol. i. ch. iii.) France, Belgium, and Lom- bardy. ' The Cymric language is still spoken by the Bretons and by the Welsh. The latter call themselveB " Cymry. " I am not aware if the name is in use among the formei'. Essay I. TOTAL LOSS OF THE CIMMERIAN LANGUAGE. 183 of tlie Romans seems worthy of being accepted as an historic fact upon tlie grounds stated by Niebulir and Arnold.^ The historical connection of these latter with the Cimmerii of Herodotus has strong probabilities, and the opinion of Posidonius,^ in its favour ; but can- not, it must be admitted, in the strict sense of the word, be proved. 4. It is to be regretted that we have no means of submitting the question of this connection to the test of comparative philology. Of the Cimmerian language wc know absolutely nothing beyond the single word Cimmerii. No names of Cimm.erians even, on which any reliance can be placed,* have come down to us ; and although some of the Scythian river-names, which have a close connection with Celtic roots,^ may be conjectured to belong to Cimmerian rather than Soythic times, yet this is only a surmise ; and though an argument of some slight weight, as it accords with what we should have expected if the people driven out by the Scyths were Celts, yet it is scarcely sufficient to put forward as a distinct ground on which to rest the identification. All perhaps that can be said is that com- parative philology is not adverse to the identification, which, if regarded as historically probable, would help to explain the forma- tion of certain words, whereof it would otherwise be difficult to give a satisfactory account.^ 5. It is probable that when the Cimmerians fled westward before the Soyths,'' they found the central and western countries of Europe ^ Hist, of Rome, vol. i. pp. 521-529. ^ Ft. 75. b Kififji4pios BStriropov oiov Kifi^piKhsj Kifjifjiepiovs tous Kifi^povs ovofxaadifTcav rijov "E.W-i)voiu. Compare Pint. Tit. Mar. c. ii. tUv ^ap^apuiv, Kiji- ix^ptoiv fjihv e| apx^^j rffre Se Kif^fipaiy vpoffayopevo/jLevaip, * The name Lygdamis, given by Callimaclins (Hymn, ad Dian. v. 252) as that of the Cimmerian general who headed the great irruption into Asia Minor, is so manifestly a Greek name that nothing can be gathered from it. Strabo's Madys (i. p. 91) might furnish a basis for speculation, if we could be sure that he had not by mere inad- vertence transferred the name of a Soythic leader (Herod, i. 103) to a prince of the Cimmerians. Madys might well represent the Modoc of the Eritish Cymry. ' As Hypan.is with Avon, Ta/ Herod, iv. 71. " Hippoorat. De Aere, Aqu^, et Loois, c. 47 (p. 559, ed. Kiihn). ^'' Herod, iv. 75. " Ibid. ch. 2 ; Eph. Pr. 76 ; Nic. Dam. Fr. 123. " Herod, iv. 75. 190 EESEMBLANCE OF MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. App. BookIV. fhoronglily Mongolian ; ^ and some of tliem are so strange and peculiar as to indicate at least connection, if not absolute identity. Humboldt, who rejects the ethnic affinity of the Scyths and Mongols, nevertheless observes that the " cruelties practised at the funeral of the grand khans of the Mongols hear a complete resemhlance to those vrhich Herodotus describes as obtaining among the Scyths of the Borysthenes ; ^ and M. Hue bears witness to the continuance of similar customs to the present day.^ And the worship of the naked Bcymitar, another most remarkable custom, very strongly indicative of a connection of one kind or another between the races practising it, was certainly in use among the Huns (who were true Mongols) in the days of Attila.* Identity of race, however, is not proved by similarity of manners and customs, even when it extends much further than can be shown in this instance. Nations, especially those which are in immediate contact with one another, adopt each other's usages ; and if the Mongolians, as is probable, absorbed the ancient race of the Scyths at the time of their great migration west- ward,^ they may well have begun the practice of certain Scythio customs at that period. At any rate, however we may account for the resemblance which undoubtedly exists between the manners and customs of the Mongols and the Scyths, it is decidedly (as Mr. Grote confesses ") insufficient to establish a real ethnic connection. 4. One thing only will enable us to decide the ethnographical position of the ancient Scythic people, and that is their language. It is only by an accurate analysis of the remains of the ancient Scythic speech which have corae down to us that any satisfactory conclusion can be drawn. And this also is confessed by Mr. Grote. " To enable us to affirm," he observes, "that the Massagetas, or the Scythians, or ^ See Niebutr's Untersnohnngen, pp. 46, 47, B. T. ^ " Les crnautea lors de la pompe funebre des grand-khans ressemhlent entierement k oelles que nous tronvons decrites par Herodote .... Chez les Scythes dn Gerrhus et dn Borysth&ne." Aaie Centrale, vol. i. p. 244. ^ See note ' to Book iv. ch. 71, where the passage is quoted at length. As, however, cnstoma very similar are found in Southern Africa and in Pata- gonia, it is plain that similarity in this respect does not prove connection. Mr. Blakesley well observes (note 205 on Book iv.) that " such proceedings were not merely a traditional custom, but rested on that common feeling of humanity which ascribes to the de- parted similar tastes and pursuits to those which have been valued by them in their lifetime." * Jomandes de B,ebus Geticis, u. 35. 5 About A.D. 1235-1215. See Gib- bon's Decline and Fall, vol. vi. ch. 64. * History of Greece, vol. iii. p. 321, note. Essay II. SCYTHIAN LANGUAGE INDO-EUEOPEAN. 191 the Alani, belonged to the Indo-European family, it would he re- quisite that we should know something of their language."' But, he maintains, "the Scythian language may be said to be wholly unknown " to us, and therefore this test cannot be applied in the present instance. "A very few words " have indeed been brought to our knowledge ; but these, he thinks, " do not tend to aid the Indo-European hypothesis." 5. It is the opinion, however, of the best comparative philolo- gists " that the fragments of the Scythic language which remain to us are amply suiScient to determine the family of nations to which the people who spoke it must have belonged. Dr. Donaldson in his ' Varronianus,' ^ and more recently Jacob Grimm, in his ' History of the German Language,' ^have shown by an elaborate examination of Scythic roots that there are the strongest grounds for believing the Scythians of Herodotus to have been an Indo-European people. As the weight of this argument depends entirely on the number and character of the instances, and as, independently of their value in determining the question of ethnography, speculations upon the language of an ancient nation possess intrinsically a high interest, the following analysis of Scythic words, drawn chiefly from the two writers above mentioned, is appended as sufficient evidence of the position here maintained, viz., that the Scythians of Herodotus belonged ethnically to the Indo-European, and not to the Mongolian family of nations. 6. The Scythic words of which the meaning is certainly known to us are the following : Oior, pata, arima, spu, temerinda, graucasus, exam/poBUS, trixaba, phryxa, araxa, halinda, and sacrium or satrium. These will be first considered. Oior,' "a, man," is undoubtedly the Sanscrit vira, the Zend' vairya, the Greek FiJ/xu?, the Latin vir, Gothic vair, Celtic gwr, Lithuanian vyras. It may be connected likewise with the ancient Persian ariya, which primarily signified "men," "heroes," and thence was adopted as an ethnic appellative by the great Medo-Bactric or Arian. race.' ' History of Greece, vol. iii. p. 321. ^ To the names mentioned in the text may be added that of the late lamented Dr. Trithen, Professor of Modern Languages in the University of Oxford, who privately expressed to me the same conviction. » Pp. 30-40. ' Geschichte der Dentschen Sprache, Leipzig, 1848. ^ Herod, iv. 110. olbp yap KuAeovffi Thy &vSpa (^Kvdai). ^ See Sir H. Bawlinson's Ancient Persian Vocabulary, snb voc. Ariya, note ^. 192 ANALYSIS OF SCYTHIC WOEDS. Afp. Book IV. Fata,*' " to kin," is probably tte Sanscrit vadha, "to strike, Idll, destroy ; " for tlie Scythian language, as is plain from tlie Thesmo- phoriazus(B of Aristophanes, affected the lenis in the place of the aspirate. It may also be compared with the Latin " bafuere," and so with onr verbs "to beat," "to batter;" perhaps also with "to pat.'' Arvma,^ "one," would seem to be for V^pi/xa, a form almost iden- tical with the Latin, Gothic, and Lithuanian ordinals, prviiuis, frimia, pinna, and connected with the Sanscrit prathamd, Zend frathema, Greek npHros. The initial sound may have been dropped by Hero- dotus, because in his time the Greeks had no letter to express it ; or it may have been absent from the Scythic word just as it is from the old High German erister and the modern German erst, which are nevertheless identical with the Gothic frumist and onr first.'^ Spu^ " the eye," is manifestly cognate to the Latin spic- or spec-, the root of the words spccio, specio, specular, aspicio, &c., and may be compared with the German sp then, French epier (espier), and our own spy. Teinermda,^ "mother of the sea," is a compound word, the analysi of which is uncertain. Tt is probable that tVie ending -inda is a mere feminine termination, which is found again in halinda,^ and has a parallel in the Anglo-Saxon termination -ende, which appears occa- sionally in the later period of that language.-' If then we are to seek for "mother of the sea " in Temer, it may be conjectured that Te was "mother" in Scythic, and mer "sea." Te would then resemble the gipsy dei, dai, and the Greek eda, "aunt;"^ and mer would be the Latin mare, German meer, French mer, our mere or m,eer. Graucasus,^ "white with snow," was the name by which the Scythians knew the Caucasus, and may be regarded as the true original of that word. There can be little doubt that the Grau here ^ Herod, iv. 110. rb irara Kniv^iv (/caXeoucri "ZKuOai). * Herod, iv. 27. ''Aptp.ayap %v KoK^ovai 'S.KvBai. ® See Bopp's Comparative GrammaTj vol. i. p. 416 (English translation) . ' Herod, iv. 27. SttoC ric o(pBaXfj}iv \_KaX^ov(Ti. 2k.] » Plin. Hist. Nat. vi. 7. " Ma30tin [Soythse] Temerinda [vocant], qno fiignificant matrem maris." s See the next page. ' GrimmquotesfromanAnglo-Saxon docmnent of later times the fommla '* on land and on sirendaj" as equiva- lent to tcrrS, inarique. (Geschichte, vol. i. p. 234, note.) ^ It is possible that Te may be the final syllable of /i^T7/p. Sansc. mO.iA. Initial syllables sometimes, though rarely, disappear. Compare ja-XaKTos, lac — av-unculus, oncle, uncle — ca-pnt, pate, &o. ^ Plin. Hist. Nat. vi. 17. " Scythae Caucasnm montem, Graucasuui, i.e. nive candidnm [appellavere.] " Essay II. ANALYSIS OF SCYTHIC WORDS. I93 is the Greek Kpu- in icpios, Kpia-raKKos, KpvuSs, whence perhaps the Latin cruor, crudelis, the German graus, grausam, our cruel, &o. ; and also by the change of r into I, the Latin gehi, glades ; Germ, kalt; our cool, cold. It will therefore mean " snow," and casus will be the Scythic word for " white." Compare with this latter the Sanscrit kas-, Greek KaBaphs, Latin castus, canus, candidus, perhaps the Oscan casnar, and the German keusch. Exampceus,'^ " holy roads," the name, according to Herodotus, of a bitter spring near the Hypanis, divides probably into the two roots exan or hexan, and pai or pais, the former of which may be connected with the Sanscrit accha, which (according to Grimm) is the Greek ayla and the Latin sacra; while the latter is mani- festly the Sanscrit paiha, Greek iriTos, German pfad, and our own path? Brixaha,^ "a ram's forehead," seems to be composed of irix, "a ram," and aha, " the head or forehead." Brix appears in the Latin berhex or vervex, Italian ierhice, ProTen9al herhitz, French Ireiis. Aha is caput (Sanscrit Jeapala, German haupt), without the initial guttural, which is lost also in Tialinda ^" caulis." Phryxa,'' " hatev of evil," compared with araxa, "hater of dam- sels," gives xa as the verb "to hate," and phry or phru as "evil." Xa is compared by Dr. Donaldson with the German soheifi (our shy) ; but this identification is a very doubtful one. Phru may with more confidence be connected with the Latin pravus, and the German frevel frevler. Araxa,^ "hater of damsels," contains the roots xa, "to hate," and a/ra, "a maiden." This latter word appears in the Greek 'Aprejuis, Etruscan Ari-timis, the virgin goddess. It occurs also in the Scythic name for Celestial Venus, Artimpasa. Halinda,^ " a species of cabbage," may be the Latin caulis (our " cauli-Q.oweT "), the initial guttural having become an aspirate, and the feminine suffix -inda (compare Temerinda) having taken the place of the Latiu -is. ^ Herod, iv. 52. OHyo/ut 5e rp Kp-f^vTj (cai, '60eif peel, tm x^Pfi 'E^afiTTolos, Kara 8c T^v 'EW-fiyuy yXaiturav, IpaX 65oi. ' It may be doubted whether Rexen. pfai, " witches' path," be not the truer reading of the Scythic JExampxus. (Cf , fitter's Vorhalle, p. 345 ; Donaldson's Tarronianus, p. 39 ; Bahr ad Herod, iv. 52.) But Bexe itself (Spanish JiecM. zera, our "hag") is perhaps only a, variant of the same root, ac-, sac-, 07-, signifying primarily a sacred person. 6 Plutarch, ii. p. 1158. ' Ibid. ^ Varronianus, 1. s. 0. » Plutarch, ii. p. 1162. 1 Ibid. p. 1158. VOL. III. 194 NAMES OF GODS, ETC. App. Book IV. Satrium,^ " amber," if it may be read for sacrium, will be the Let- tisb siUers, or dsinters, wbicb is the Lithuanian gintaras or gentaras, and the Russian jantar. In addition to these words with determined meanings we possess a number of Scythian appellations, the probable meaning of which may to some extent be surmised. These likewise tend to bear out the Indo-European theory. They may be divided into (1), names of gods; (2), names of men; (3), geographical names. 7. The names of the Scythian gods, according to Herodotus, are the following : — Tahiti, Papseus, Apia, Oitosyrus, Artimpasa, and Thamimasadas. These he identifies respectively with the Grecian Vesta, Jupiter, Earth, ApoUo, Aphrodite, and Poseidon.^ Tahiti (Vesta), the fire-goddess, derived her name apparently from the root tap, " to bum," which is found both in Sanscrit and Zend, and which runs through a vast number of the Indo-European lan- guages, forming tep-idus, tep-ere, in Latin, teply in Bohemian, cieply in Polish, tdften and tdhan in Persian, eiir-Teiv (irupl eavT^w, Hom.) in G-reek, and so rv), and Snpra, iv. 97. ^ The site of Myrcinus cannot be fixed with certainty. It was near the Strymon (infra, ch. 23) on the left bank (Appian, Bell. Civ. iv. p. 1041), and not Chap. 9-12. P^EONIAN WOMAN BEFORE DAEIUS. 217 of the Edonians,^ Avhere he wished to build him a city. Such was the choice that Histiaeus made. Goes, on the other hand, as he was a mere burgher, and not a liing, requested the sovereignty of Mytilene. Both alike obtained their requests, and straightway betook themselves to the places which they had chosen. 12. It chanced in the meantime that King Darius saw a sight which determined him to bid Megabazus remove the Pffionians from their seats in Europe and transport them to Asia. There were two Paeonians, Pigres and Mantyes, whose ambition it was to obtain the sovereignty over their country- men. As soon therefore as ever Darius crossed into Asia, these men came to Sardis, and brought with them their sister, who was a tall and beautiful woman. Having so done, they waited till a day came when the king sat in state in the suburb of the Lydians ; and then dressing their sister in the richest gear they could, sent her to draw water for them. She bore a pitcher upon her head, and with one arm led a horse, while all the way as she went she span flax.' Now as she passed by where the king was, Darius took notice of her ; for it was neither like the Persians nor the Lydians, nor any of the dwellers in Asia, to do as she did. Darius accordingly noted her, and ordered some of his guard to follow her steps, and watch to see what she would do with the horse. So the very near the sea. Stephen (ad voo. 'Aju(/>t7roA£s) believed it to have occu- pied the site of AmphipoUs ; but it ia clear that this was not the case ; for Aristagoras attacked A mphipolis from Myrcinus (compare Herod, v. 126, with Thucyd. iv. 102), and Myrcinus con- tinued to be a town of some conse- quence after Amphipolis had obtained its greatest extent jj(Thucyd. iv. 107). Colonel Leake places Myrcinus to the north of Pangseum, and very near Ain- phipolis (Travels in Northern Greece, iii. p. 18). * The Bdonians appear in history as a very ancient Thracian people (infra, vii. 110 ; Soph. Ant. 956 ; Strab. x. p. 686; ApoUod. iii. 5, § 1). They seem to have dwelt originally in Mygdonia, where they were dislodged by the Macedonians (Thucyd. ii. 99). They possessed at this time a small tract east of the Strymon, where they had the two cities Myrcinus and Ennea-Hodoi (Nine-Ways) . Afterwards Drabisous (Dhrama) is called theirs (Thucyd. i. iOO) ; but it is doubtful if they extended so far at this period. ' Nicolas of Damascus told the same story of a certain Thracian, who thus exhibited his wife to Alyattes, king of Lydia (Fragm. Hist. Grasc. iii. p. 413) . The repetition of such tales is a common feature of ancient legendary history. 2l8 PjEonian woman before daeius. Book V. spearmen went ; and the woman, when she came to the river, first watered the horse, and then filHng the pitcher, came back the same way she had gone, with the pitcher of water upon her head, and the horse dragging upon her arm, while she still kept twirling the spindle. 13. King Darius was full of wonder both at what they who had watched the woman told him, and at what he had himself seen. So he commanded that she should be brought before him. And the woman came ; and with her appeared her brothers, who had been watching eyerything a little way off. Then Darius asked them of what nation the woman was ; and the yoxmg men replied that they were Paeonians, and she was then- sister. Darius rejoined by asking, " Who the Pseonians were, and in what part of the world they lived ? and, further, what business had brought the young men to Sardis ? " Theii the brothers told him they had come to put themselves under his power, and Psonia was a country upon the river Strymon, and the Strymon was at no great distance fi-om the Hellespont. The Pffionians, they said, were colonists of the Teucrians from Troy.^ When they had thus answered his questions, Darius asked if aU the women of their country worked so hard ? Then the brothers eagerly answered. Yes ; for this was the very object with which the whole thing had been done. 14. So Darius wrote letters to Megabazus, the commander whom he had left behind in Thrace,^ and ordered him to remove the PaBonians from their own land, and bring them ^ Herodotas, it mnst be remembered, brought the Teucrians with the My- sians out of Europe into Asia, at a time anterior to the Trojan war (vii. 20). He probably therefore intends here to represent the Paeonians as an offshoot from the Tenorians hejore they left their ancient abodes in Europe (cf. Niebnhr, E. H.vol. i. p. 51). To what ethnic family the Paeonians really belonged is very uncertain. That they were neither Thracians nor lUy- rians, we may perhaps, with Niebuhr, consider to be "unquestionable." But can we say, with Mr. Grote (vol. iv. p. 19), that they were not Macedonians ? They may have been a remnant of the ancient Pelasgic race to which the early Macedonianslikewise belonged (of. Nie. buhr, 1. s. 0. and Appendix to Bk. vi. Essay i.) ; or they may have been a remnant of the primitive Turanian population, which first spread over Europe. There are some circumstances which favour this latter view (se& below, ch. 16, note ^) . ^ Supra, iv. 143 j and v. 1. Chap. 12-16. P. on ch. 30. Chap. 30-33. AID GIVEN HIM. 233 wealthy island not less in size than Cyprus,* and very easy to bring under. A hundred ships were quite enough to subdue the whole." The other answered — " Truly thou art the author of a plan which may much advantage the house of the king ; and thy counsel is good in all points except the number of the ships. Instead of a hundred, two hundred shall be at thy disposal when the spring comes. But the king himself must first approve the undertaking." 32. When Aristagoras heard this he was greatly rejoiced, and went home in good heart to Miletus. And Artaphemes, after he had sent a messenger to Susa to lay the plans of Aristagoras before the king, and received his approval of the undertaking, made ready a fleet of two hundred triremes and a vast army of Persians and their confederates. The com- mand of these he gave to a Persian named Megabates, who belonged to the house of the Achsemenids, being nephew both to himseK and to King Darius. It was to a daughter of this man that Pausanias the Lacedaemonian, the son of Cleom- brotus (if at least there be any truth in the tale^) was affianced many years afterwards, when he conceived the desire of becoming tyrant of Greece. Artaphernes now, having named Megabates to the command, sent forward the armament to Aristagoras. 33. Megabates set sail, and, touching at Miletus, took on board Aristagoras with the Ionian troops and the Naxians ; ^ Cyprus is really more tlian twice the size of Bnboea {Negropont). The ancieats, howeTer, in general, regarded them as nearly equal. Scylax placed them together, assigning a mere pre- ference to Cyprus. (Peripl. p. 131.) Agathemer allowed a greater interval (ii. 8, p. 233), but even he estimated the length of Eubcea to exceed con- siderably that of Cyprus (i. 5, p. 195), whereas Cyprus is in reality much (nearly half a degree) the longer of the two. Pliny, according to one measurement of Cyprus, brought them nearly to an equality. (Compare iv. 12, p. 215, with V. 31, p. 302.) The error arose from under-estimating the size of Cyprus, not from over-estimat- ing that of Euboea. * For the true account of these proceedings of Pausanias, cf. Thucyd. i. 128.130. By the documents there brought forward — which, however, Thucydides shows by a casual phrase {ws liffrepov avevpeOrj) not to have be- come known to the Greeks till some time afterwards, and which, therefore, Herodotus may very well never have seen — it appears that the marriage which Pausanias desired to contract was, in reality, with one of the daugh- ters of Xerxes. 234 AEISTAGORAS QUARRELS WITH MEGABATES. Book V. after which he steered, as he gave out, for the Hellespont ; but when he reached Chios, he brought the fleet to anchor off Caucasa,^ being minded to wait there for a north wind,' and then sail straight to Naxos. The Naxians however were not to perish at this time; and so the following events were brought about. As Megabates went his rounds to visit the watches on board the ships, he found a Myndian ^ vessel upon which there was none set. Full of anger at such carelessness, he bade his guards to seek out the captain, one Scylax^ by name, and thrusting him through one of the holes in the ship's side,^" to fasten him there in such a way that his head might show outside the vessel, while his body remained within. When Scylax was thus fastened, one went and in- formed Ai-istagoras that Megabates had bound his Myndian friend and was entreating him shamefully. So he came and asked Megabates to let the man off; but the Persian refused him ; whereupon Ai'istagoras went himself and set Scylax free. When Megabates heard this he was still more angry than before, and spoke hotly to Aristagoras. Then the latter said to him — " What hast thou to do with these matters ? Wert thou not sent here by Artaphernes to obey me, and to sail whither- soever I ordered ? Why dost meddle so ? " Thus spake Aristagoras. The other, in high dudgeon at ° TMs place does not appear to be mentioned by any other ancient writer. Strabo omits it, though he gives a care- ful description of the coast (xiv. p. 924) . ' Such a wiad might be looked for with confidence, as the Etesian galea blew during the greater part of the summer months from this quarter. (Vide supra, ii. 20.) * Myndus was a town in Caria (Hecat. Fr. 229). It lay upon the coast, between Halicamassus and Bargylia (Scylac. Peripl. p. 91 ; Strab. xiv. p. 941), and is probably identified with the ruius at GumishlUf nearly at the extreme west of the Halicarnassian peniuBuIa (Leake's Asia Minor, p. 228). ' Scylax is known to us altogether as a Carian appellative. The most famous of the name was the navigator mentioned iv. 44. He was of Cary- anda, a city a little north of Myndus (Strab. 1. s. c). Another well-known Scylax, the friend of Panaetius, was of Halicamassus, on the southern side of the peninsula. 10 :jnjg a holes in the side " of a Greek vessel were, of course, for the oars. The term used by Herodotus (SoAajiiT)) is literally " the hole for the oar of a 6oA.a;HiTT)s," the Sa\a;ixiTai being the rowers on the third or lowest benches of the trireme. Chap. 33-35. FAILURE OF THE EXPEDITION. 23s such language, waited till the night, and then despatched a boat to Naxos, to warn the Naxians of the coming danger. 34. Now the Naxians up to this time had not had any sus- picion that the armament was dkeoted against them; as soon, therefore, as the message reached them, forthwith they brought within their walls all that they had in the open field, and made themselves ready against a siege by provisioning their town both with food and drink. Thus was Naxos placed in a posture of defence ; and the Persians, when they crossed the sea from Chios, found the Naxians fully prepared for them. However they sat down before the place and besieged it for fom- whole months. When at length all the stores which they had brought with them were exhausted, and Aristagoras had likewise spent upon the siege no small sum from his private means, and more was still needed to insure success, the Persians gave up the attempt, and first buUding certain forts, wherein they left the banished Naxians,^ with- drew to the mainland, having utterly failed in their under- taking. 35. And now Aristagoras found himself quite unable to make good his promises to Artaphernes ; nay, he was even hard pressed to meet the claims whereto he was hable for the pay of the troops ; and at the same time his fear was great, lest, owing to the failure of the expedition and his own quarrel with Megabates, he should be ousted from the govern- ment of Miletus. These manifold alarms had already caused him to contemplate raising a rebellion, when the man with the marked head^ came from Susa, bringing him instructions ^ This was tte common practice in such cases (cf. Thncyd. iii. 85, iv. 52, 75, &c.). The exiles expected either by perpetual warfare to force an accommodation, or to find an oppor- tanity of seizing the town. Does the story told by Parthenius (Erotic. 19), after Andriscus, relate to this war? ^ Herodotns introdnces this circum- stance as one well known to his hearers. The tale is related by Gellius (Noct. Att. xyii. 9), Polyasnns (Strat. i. 24), and Tzetzes (Chil. iii. 512), the two former of whom appear to derive their facts from some other writer besides Herodotus. According to Gellius, the slave's head was shaved and punctured, ostensibly on medical grounds, so that he himself was not aware that he carried any message. 236 THE MESSAGE OF HISTI^US. Book V. on the part of Histiaeus to revolt from the king. For Histiseus, when he was anxious to give Aristagoras orders to revolt, could find but one safe way, as the roads were guarded, of making his wishes known ; which was by taking the trustiest of his slaves, shaving all the hair from off his head, and then pricking letters upon the skin, and waiting till the hair grew again. Thus accordingly he did ; and as soon as ever the hair was grown, he despatched the man to Miletus, giving him no other message than this — " When thou art come to Miletus, bid Aristagoras shave thy head and look thereon." Now the marks on the head, as I have already mentioned, were a command to revolt.^ All this Histiaeus did because it irked him greatly to be kept at Susa, and because he had strong hopes that, if troubles broke out, he would be sent down to the coast to quell them, whereas, if MUetus made no movement, he did not see a chance of his ever again retm-ning thither. 36. Such, then, were the views which led Histiaeus to de- spatch his messenger ; and it so chanced that all these several motives to revolt were brought to bear upon Aristagoras at one and the same time. Accordingly, at this conjuncture Aristagoras held a council of his trusty friends, and laid the business before them, telling them both what he had himself j)urposed, and what message had been sent him by Histiseus. At this council all his friends were of the same way of thinking, and recommended revolt, except only Hecatasus the historian.* He, first of all, advised them by all means to avoid engaging in war with the king of the Persians, whose might he set forth, and whose subject nations he enumerated. As however he could not induce them to listen to this counsel, he next advised that they should do all that lay in their power to make themselves masters of the sea. " There was one only way," he said, " so far as he could ' Polysenus professes to give the exact words of the message. " His- ti^ns to Aristagoras — raise revolt in Ionia.'' ('ItrTiaios * ApiffraySpa— ^ Tide supra, ii. 143, note '. Chap. 35, 36. A COUNCIL HELD. 237 see, of their succeeding in this. Miletus was, he knew, a weak state — but if the treasures in the temple at Branchidse,'' which Crcesus the Lydian gave to it,*^ were seized, he had strong hopes that the mastery of the sea might be thereby gained ; at least it would give them money to begin the war, and would save the treasures from falling into the hands of the enemy."' ^ A general description of tie Tem- ple of Apollo at Branchiclae has been given in the foot-notes to Book i. (ch. 157, note"). In addition to what was there stated, it may be observed that the building was probably of great antiquity, some of its accessories having a peculiarly archaic character. A straight road led from the sea to the temple, " bordered on either side with statues on chairs, of a single block of stone, with the feet close to- gether and the hands on the knees — an exact imitation of the avenues of the temples in Egypt." (Leake's Asia Minor, p. 239, note. Compare the representation of an Egyptian temple, supra, vol. ii. p. 236.) On one of these statues (some of which are now in the British Museum) an in- scription was found by Sir W. Gell, also very archaic in type. It was written honstrophedon, and the forms of the letters marked an extremely early period. It is read, a little doubt- fully, thus — ['Ep]jur](nai'a| Ti^ias av^Qri- K^v []B^pa[i'/<:]i5ea> t&j 'ttoWoivi. On another of the statues — now in the British Museum — are two inscriptions, both evidently very ancient, which seem to show that the practice of scribbling one's name in a conspicuous place can boast a respectable an- tiquity. One of these inscriptions, written from right to left, may be read thus — Xap7)| ei'fi! 6 KAeVios, Teixiilxnis SpxoS' The archaic form &PXOS is interesting. Te£X(ctJ(r?7S is for Teix'oiffarjs — Teichiussa being a well- known place in the Milesian territory. (Thucyd. viii.- 26, 28 ; Athen. Deipn. viii. p. 391 ; Steph. Byz. ad voc.) Another curious inscription may be seen on a hon brought from the same temple. (See vol. iv. Appendix to Book ix. Note A.). The earliest his- torical notice which attaches to the building is that coniiained in Herod, ii. 159, which shows the celebrity of the shrine at the close of the 7th century. The original temple appears to have been burnt by the Persians on putting down this revolt (infra, vi. 19). A second temple was then built, which was plundered and destroyed by Xerxes (Strab. xiv. p. 910). Einally, a third temple (that of which the plan is given, vol. i. p. 236) was erected by the Milesians ; but the avenue of statues undoubtedly belongs to the first temple. StralDO speaks of the third temple as still very magnificent in his own day (1. s. c.) . * The name Branchidas, as the name of a place, is curious. The term pro- perly applied to the priestly family to which was committed the superin- tendence of the oracle, and may be compared with such names as Eumol- pidse, lamidse, &c. Hence even Hero- dotus has in one place ot B/)a7X'5ai (supra, i. 158; cf. Strab. xiv. p. 910). According to the local tradition they were descended from Branchus, a Thessaliau, or according to others a Delphian, the original founder and priest of the temple, of whom a legend was told similar to that of Hyacinthus (Strab, ix. p. 611 ; xiv. p. 910 ; Metro- dor. Pr 7a; Aristag. Miles. Fr. 11). ^ Bishop Thirlwall regards this ad- vice as the best that could be given, and reproaches the lonians with their folly in neglecting it. Mr. Grote sees, that " the seizure of the treasures would have been insupportable to the pious feelings of the people, and would thus have proved more injurious than beneficial." (Vol. iv. p. 382.) May we not say, without taking too high a ^38 SEIZURE OE THE TYRANTS. Book V. Now these treasures were of very great value, as I showed in the first part of my History.^ The assembly, however, rejected the counsel of HecatEeus, while, nevertheless, they resolved upon a revolt. One of their number, it was agreed, should sail to Myus,^ where the fleet had been lying since its return from Naxos, and endeavour to seize the captains who had gone there with the vessels. 37. latragoras accordingly was despatched on this errand, and he took with guile Oliatus the son of Ibanolis the Mylas- sian,^ and HisHasus the son of Tymnes ^ the Termerean,^ — Goes likewise, the son of Erxander, to whom Darius gave Mytilene,* and Aristagoras the son of Heraclides the Cymaean, and also many others. Thus Aristagoras revolted openly from Darius; and now he set to work to scheme against him in every possible way. First of all, in order to induce the Milesians to join heartily in the revolt, he gave out, that he laid down his own view of the Greek religion, that it would have been a real act of sacrilege, unless done in the last resort, and then with the intention of restoration ? (Compare the unexceptionable advice of Pericles, Thncyd. ii. 13.) ^ Supra, i. 92. They were (accord- ing to our author) of the same weight and value as the offerings made by Croesus to Delphi (cf. i. 60, 51). We learn from Strabo, that the treasures at BranchidsB did in fact fall a prey to the Persians ; not, however, according to him, till after the return of Xerxes to Asia from Greece, and even then with the connivance of the priests. Afraid of the indignation which their sacrilege would excite, they accom- panied him to his couii:, and were settled by him in Bactria, where Alex- ander found and punished them. (Strab. xi. p. 753, 751, and xiv. p. 910. Of. Quint. Curt. vii. 5.) The statue of Apollo was carried oif at the same time with the treasures, and was found at Agbatana, whence Seleucus sent it back to Miletus (Pausan. viii. 46, § 2). " Myns was one of the twelve cities of Ionia (supra, i. 142) . It lay on the Mgeander, not far from Miletus. Ori- ginally on the coast, in Strabo's time it was three or four miles up the stream of the Marauder (Strab. xiv. p. 912), and is now still further inland. Its site appears to have been correctly determined by Chandler. (Travels, i. p. 213.) Vide supra, i. 142, note''. ^ Mylasa or Mylassa was an inland town of Caria (Strab. xiv. p. 942). It is still a large place, and is called Melasso (Chandler, vol. i. p. 234 ; Leake's Asia Minor, p. 230). Its famous temple to the Carian Jupiter has been mentioned already (i. 171). ^ This Histasus afterwards accom- panied the expedition of Xerxes (infra, vii. 98). ■'* Termera, like Mylasa, was a Carian city (infra, vii. 98 ; Pliny, H. N. v. 29, p. 292). It lay on the coast, a little west of Halicarnassus, opposite to the island of Cos (Strab. xiv. p. 940). Stephen of Byzantium has confused the name with the native appellation of the Lyoians, Tramilae, or Termite. * Supra, ch. 11. Chap. 36-39. HISTORY OP SPAETA — ANAXANDEIDAS. 239 lordship over Miletus, and in lieu thereof established a com- monwealth : after which, throughout all Ionia he did the like ; for from some of the cities he drove out their tyrants, and to others, whose goodwill he hoped thereby to gain, he handed theirs over, thus giving up all the men whom he had seized at the Naxian fleet, each to the city whereto he belonged. 38. Now the Mytileneans had no sooner got Goes into their power, than they led him forth from the city and stoned him ; the Cymaeans, on the other hand, allowed their tyrant to go free ; as likewise did most of the others. And so this form of government ceased throughout all the cities. Aristagoras the Milesian, after he had in this way put down the tyrants, and bidden the cities choose themselves captains ^ in their room, sailed away himself onboard a trireme to Lacedsemon ; for he had great need of obtaining the aid of some powerful ally. 39. At Sparta, Anaxandridas the son of Leo was no longer king : ^ he had died, and his son Cleomenes had mounted the throne, not however by right of merit, but of birth. Anaxan- dridas took to wife his own sister's daughter,'' and was tenderly attached to her ; but no children came fi-om the marriage. Hereupon the Ephors® called him before them, and said — "If thou hast no care for thine own self, nevertheless we cannot allow this, nor suffer the race of Eurysthenes to die out from among us. Come then, as thy present wife bears thee no children, put her away, and wed another. So wilt thou do what is well-pleasing to the Spartans." Anaxandridas how- ever refused to do as they required, and said it was no good advice the Ephors gave, to bid him put away his wife when ' This is the literal rendering of the Greek word ; but, no doubt, as Laroher and Bahr observe, the persons so called were, like the arparT^yol of Athens (infra, vi. 103), civil magistrates no less than military commanders. They had limited powers, and were elected, most probably, for a limited period. * As he was when Spartan affairs were last treated of, at the time of the embassy sent by Crcesus (i. 65-70). ? Marriages of this kind were com- mon at Sparta. Leouidaa married his niece, Gorgo (infra, vii. 239) ; Archi- damus his aunt, Lampito (infra, vi. 71). " Concerning the Ephors at Sparta, vide supra, i. 65. This passage is very important, as marking their power over the kings. (Compare infra, ch. 40, vi. 82, ix. 9, 10, and Thucyd. i. 131-134.) 240 ACCESSION OF CLEOMENES. Book V. she had done no wrong, and take to himself another. He therefore dechned to obey them. 40. Then the Ephors and Elders ^ took comisel together, and laid this proposal before the king : — " Since thou art so fond, as we see thee to be, of thy present wife, do what we now advise, and gainsay us not, lest the Spartans make some un- wonted decree concerning thee. We ask thee not now to put away thy wife to whom thou art married — give her still the same love and honour as ever,- — but take thee another wife beside, who may bear thee children." When he heard this offer, Anaxandridas gave way — and henceforth he lived with two wives in two separate houses, quite against all Spartan custom.^ 41. In a short time, the wife whom he had last married bore him a son, who received the name of Cleomenes ; and so the heir to the throne was brought into the world by her. After this, the first wife also, who in time past had been barren, by some strange chance conceived, and came to be with child. Then the fi'iends of the second wife, when they heard a rumour of the truth, made a great stir, and said it was a false boast, and she meant, they were sure, to bring forward as her own a supposititious child. So they raised an outcry against her ; and therefore, when her full time was come, the Ephors, who were themselves incredulous, sat round her bed, and kept a strict watch on the labom-.^ At this time then she bore ^ The coTmcil of twenty-eight men- tioned, with the Ephors, in Book i. eh. 65, and again spoken of in Book vi. oh. 57. It seems that when the Ephors and the Elders agreed to- gether, the king had no power to with, stand them. 1 Pansanias says (iii. 3, § 7) that this was never allowed to any other Spar- tan. (^Ava^avdpiS-qs AaKeSaifx-ovlaiy ijl6uos yvvaiKas re hvo afjia effxe, Kal oiKtas 5vo afia wKTjtre.) The acconnt in Herod, vi. 61-63, does not conflict with these statements, as Col. Mure thinks (Lit. of Greece, vol. iv. p. 542), since Ariston is not said to have had two wives at one and the same time. (See the Introdno- tory Essay, vol. i. p. 103, note ^'.) ' Compare with this, the practice in onr own conntry of summoning the great officers of state to the queen's apartments at the birth of a prince or princess. With the Spartans there was a religious motive at work, in addition to the political one which alone obtains with ourselves. It was necessary for them, in a religious point of view, to preserve the purity of the blood of Hercules. Mr. Grote justly observes of the Spartan kings : — " Above all, their root was deep in the religions feelings of the people. Chap. 39-12. BIRTH OF DORIEUS. 241 Dorieus, and after him, quickly, Leonidas, and after him, again quickly, Cleombrotus. Some even say that Leonidas and Cleombrotus were twins. On the other hand, the second wife, the mother of Cleomenes (who was a daughter of Prine- tadas, the son of Demarmenus), never gave birth to a second chHd. 42. Now Cleomenes, it is said, was not right in his mind ; indeed he verged upon madness ; while Dorieus surpassed all his co-mates, and looked confidently to receiving the kingdom on the score of merit. When, therefore, after the death of Anaxandridas, the Spartans kept to the law, and made Cleo- menes, his eldest son, king in his room, Dorieus, who had imagined that he should be chosen, and who could not bear the thought of having such a man as Cleomenes to rule over him, asked the Spartans to give him a body of men, and left Sparta with them in order to found a colony. However, he neither took counsel of the oracle at Delphi as to the place whereto he should go,^ nor observed any of the customary usages ; * but left Sparta in dudgeon, and sailed away to Libya, under the guidance of certain men who were Therasans.^ These men brought him to Cinyps, where he colonised a spot, which has not its equal in all Libya, on the banks of a river : '^ but Their pre-eminent lineage connected the state with a divine paternity. Nay, the chiefs of the Heracleids were the special grantees of the soil of Sparta from the gods — the occupation of the Dorians being only sanctified and bleat by Zeus for the pnrpose of establishing the children of Hercules in the valley of the Eui-otas." (Vol. ii. p. 476.) 2 Vide supra, iv. 159, note, and compare Miiller's Dorians (iii. p. 282, E. T.), and Hermann's Political An- tiquities of Greece (§75, note 4) . The sanction of some oracle or other was required for every colony ; the sanction of the oracle at Delphi, when the colony was Dorian. The passage in Cicero (De Div. II. i. § 3) is important : " Quam ver6 Graacia coloniam misit iu j3iloliam, loniam, Asiam, Siciliam, Italiam, sine VOL. III. Pythio aut Dodona30 ant Hammonis oraculo ? " '' The taking of fire from the Pry- taneum of the parent city was one of these. (Hermann, § 74, note 1.) Compare note * on Book i. ch. 146. 5 Thera, as a Spartan colony (supra, iv. 147) , would be likely to keep up a connection with the mother country. Again, the connection of Thera with Gyrene (iv. 150-159) would explain the choice of Cinyps as a settlement. * This place, which Herodotus re- garded as the most fertile spot in Africa, has been already described (iv. 198 ; compare ch. 175) . Scylax only calls it X^piov ica\6v (Peripl. p. 112) . Perennial streams aresorareinthispartof Africa, that the highest praise wag containedin the words, " on the banks of a river." K 242 ADVENTURES OF DOEIEUS. Book V. from this place lie was driven in the third year by the Macians,'' the Libyans,^ and the Carthaginians. 43. Dorieus returned to the Peloponnese ; whereupon Anti- chares the Eleonian ^ gave him a counsel (which he got from the oracles of Laius^), to "found the city of Heraclea in SicUy; the whole country of Eryx^ belonged," he said, "to the Heracleids, since Hercules himself conquered it." On receiring this advice, Dorieus went to Delphi to inqufre of the oracle whether he would take the place to which he was about to go. The Pythoness prophesied that he would : whereupon Dorieus went back to Libya, took up the men who had sailed with him at the first, and proceeded upon his way along the shores of Italy. 44. Just at this time, the Sybarites ^ say, they and their ^ Cinyps "R'as in the country of the Macians (iv. 175 ; Soyl. Peripl. L a. c), who would therefore be likely to resist the settlement. * That is, "the other Libyans." The Macians were Libyans (iv. 168, 175, 197). ^ Eleon was a village in the territory of Tanagra (Strabo, ix. pp. 587, 637). 1 Proposals have been made to change the name here either to lamus {men- tioned Find. 01. vi. 7J), or to Bacis, a, native of Eleon (Schol. Aristoph. Pac. 1071) ; as we do not hear of any pro- phet Laius. But no change is needed. We may understand, with Larcher, " oracles given to Laius." (Cf . Soph. CEd. T. 898, Aatou iraXaia eeiT4>aTa. - Eiyx is said by Thucydides to have been a Trojan settlement (vi. 2). It lay at the western point of the island, a little to the north of Drepanum, the modem Trapani. (See Plin. H. N. iii. 8 ; Strab. vi. p. 393.) Its site is fixed by the remarkable mountain, the " mons Eyrx" of antiquity, which can only be the modem Jlount St. Juhan. The conquest of this district by Her- cules is related at length by Diodorus (iv. 22), ^ Sybaris was one of the most im- portant towns of Magna Graecia. Ac- cording to Strabo, it was founded by the Achseans (vi. p. 378), probably about B.C. 720. (Clinton's F. H., vol. i. pp. 168, 174'.) The colonisation was most likely connected with the gradual con- quest of the Peloponnese by the Dorian invaders. Its site is marked by the junction of the Cratbis (Orati) with the Sybaris [Cossile). Sybaris flourished 210 years (Seym. Oh. 1.360). Its walls were 50 stadia in circumference ; it had twenty -five sub- ject cities, and ruled over four neigh- bouring tribes. In the great war with Crotona, it is said to have brought into the field 300,000 men (Strab. 1. s. c). Its excessive luxury is jjroverbial (vide infra, vi. 127). It was taken (B.C. 510) after a siege of 70 days by the Croto- niats ; who turned the river upon the town, and in this way destroyed it (Strab. ut supra). A second Sybaris arose upon the ruins of the first, but it never flou. rished, and was finally merged in the Athenian colony of Thurii (B.C. 443), which was built on a spot in the neigh- bourhood. Herodotus was one of the colonists (Suidas). In this place by "Sybarites" he probably means the inhabitants of Laiis and Soidrus, places to which the Sybarites retired when the Crotoniats took their city (infra, vi. 21). Chap. 42-45. HE AIDS CEOTONA AGAINST SYBARIS. 243 king Telys were about to make war upon Crotona,* and the Crotoniats, greatly alarmed, besought Dorieus to lend them aid. Dorieus was prevailed upon, bore part in the war against Sybaris, and had a share in taking the town. Such is the account which the Sybarites give of what was done by Dorieus and his companions. The Crotoniats, on the other hand, maintain that no foreigner lent them aid in their war against the Sybarites, save and except Callias the Elean,^ a soothsayer of the race of the lamidae ; ^ and he only forsook Telys the Sybaritic king, and deserted to their side, when he found on sacrificing that the victims were not favourable to an attack on Crotona. Such is the account which each party gives of these matters. 45. Both parties likewise adduce testimonies to the truth of what they sa,y. The Sybarites show a temple and sacred pre- cinct near the dry stream of the Crastis,' which they declare that Dorieus, after taking their city, dedicated to Minerva Cras- tias. And further, they bring forward the death of Dorieus as the surest proof ; since he fell, they say, because he disobeyed the oracle. For had he in nothing varied from the directions given him, but confined himself to the business on which he was sent, he would assuredly have conquered the Erycian ter- ritory, and kept possession of it, instead of perishing with all his followers. The Crotoniats, on the other hand, point to the numerous allotments within their borders which were assigned to Callias the Elean by their countrymen, and which to my day remained in the possession of his family ; while Dorieus < Snpra, iii. 136, note "- 5 Sapra, iii. 132, note =. ^ The lamidse were one of the sacred families which ministered in the temple of Jupiter at Olympia. (Miiller's Do- rians, vol. i. p. 281, B. T.) Pindar calls them iroXvKKeirov Ka& "'KWai^as yivoi (01. Ti. 120). They were mythi- cally descended from lamus the son of Apollo. Pansanias makes frequent mention of them (ill. xi. 6, xii. 7 ; fi. ii. 4, iv. 3 ; viii. x. 4). ' It has been proposed to read " Crathis " here for " Crastis," and " Crathias " for " Crastias." But the MSS. are without variation. There seems to be no doubt that the stream commonly called the Crathis (supra, i. 145; Strab. vi. p. 378) is intended, but Crastis may have been the Italian form of the name. The " dry stream " is probably an old bed. 244 C03IPAXI0XS OF DOKIEtrS. Book X. aud his descendants (they remark) possess nothing. Yet if Dorieus had really helped them in the Sj^baritie war, he would have received very much more than Callias. Such are the testimonies which are adduced on either side ; it is open to every man to adopt whichever view he deems the best.® 46. Certain Spartans accompanied Dorieus on his voyage as co-founders, to wit, Thessalus, Parsbates, Celeas, and Eury- leon. These men and aU the troops under their command reached Sicily ; but there they fell in a battle wherein they were defeated by the Egesteans ^ and Phoenicians, only one, Em'yleon, sm-viving the disaster. He then, collecting the remnants of the beaten army, made himself master of Minoa, the Selinusian colony,^ and helped the Sehnusians to throw o£f the yoke of their tyrant Peithagoras. Having upset Peithagoras, he sought to become tyrant in his room, and he even reigned at Selinus for a brief space — but after a while the Selinusians rose up in revolt against him, and though he fled to the altar of Jupiter Agorseus,^ they notwithstanding put him to death. ^ Thia chapter is clearly the writing of Herodotus i/ie Thurian. (Arist. Rhet. iii. 9.) Other specimens of the same intimate knowledge of the cities of Magna Gr^oia occnr, iii. 131, 136-138, iv. 15 J infra, chs. 46, 47, vii. 170, &c. ' Egeata, or Segesta (the native name, as appears from the coins) was a sister settlement of Eryx (Thuc. vi. 2). It was situated at some little distance from the sea, and had a port known as Emporium Segestanum. (Strab. vi. p. 393 ; Ptol. Geograph.iii.4; Plin. H.N. iii. 8.) The latter seems to have oc- cupied the site of the modem CasteM-d- mare (lat. 38° 2' long. 12° 52'). A temple and theatre mark the site of the former, about six miles inland from Castell-d-rnare. ' Minda was said to have derived its name from ilinoa (Heracl. Pont. Ft. xxix.), who was reported by tra- dition to have visited Sicily (iafra, vii. 170). But it seems more probable that the Megarians, who colonised Selinus (Thucyd. vi. 4), brought the name with them from their former country (Thucyd. iii. 51). Minda was afterwards called Heraclea. It is uncertain when thia change was made — perhaps on its occupation by Enryleon. Sometimes both names were used ('HpaK\dav riiv Mivdiav, Polyb. i. 25 ; of. Liv. xxiv. 35); bat commonly we find only Heraclea. The town lay at the month of the Halycus (Platani), where some slight ruiua still remain (Smyth's Sicily, p. 216). Heraclea ia mentioned by various writers, among them by Ptolemy (Geo- graph. iii. 4), Stejjhen (ad voc), and Cicero (adv. Verr. ii. 50). Selinus was founded from Megara Hyblasa, about B.C. 630 (Thucyd. vi. 4). It was a place of great importance until its destruction by Hannibal (Died. Sic. xiii. 59). Prom that time it fell into decay (Strab. vi. p. 394). Very extensive ruins mark the site, which ia in the Terra dei Pulci between the rivers Madhma and Belici (Smyth's Sicily, pp. 219, 220). - That is, the altar of Jupiter, Pro- tector of the Forum (iiyopii). It pro- bably stood in the market-place. Chap. 45-49. AEISTAGOEAS AT SPAETA. 245 47. Another man who accompanied Dorieus, and died with him, was Philip the son of Butacidas, a man of Crotona ; who, after he had been betrothed to a daughter of Telys the Syba- rite, was banished from Crotona, whereupon his marriage came to nought ; and he in his disappointment took ship and sailed to Cyrene. From thence he became a follower of Dorieus, fm-nishing to the fleet a trireme of his own, the crew of which he supported at his own charge. This Philip was an Olympian Yictor, and the handsomest Greek of his day. His beauty gained him honours at the hands of the Egestteans which they never accorded to any one else ; for they raised a hero-temple oyer his grave, and they still worship him with sacrifices.* 48. Such then was the end of Dorieus, who if he had brooked the rule of Cleomenes, and remained in Sparta, would have been king of Lacedsemon; since Cleomenes, after reign- ing no great length of time, died without male offspring, leaving behind him an only daughter, by name Gorge* 49. Cleomenes, however, was still king when Aristagoras, tyrant of Miletus, reached Sparta. At their interview, Arista- goras, according to the report of the Lacedfemonians, produced a bronze tablet, whereupon the whole circiiit of the earth was engraved, with all its seas and rivers.^ Discourse began between the two ; and Aristagoras addressed the Spartan king in these words following : — " Think it not strange, King Cleomenes, that I have been at the pains to sail hither ; for the posture of affairs, which I will now recount unto thee, made it fitting. Shame and grief is it indeed to none so much ' EustathiuB reports the same (ad Horn. U. i.) ; but he derives his know- ledge from Herodotus. ■• She became the wife of Leonidas, her uncle, according to a usual Spar- tan custom (infra, vii. 239 ; compare note 5 on ch. 39 of this Book). The noble character of Gorge is evidenced by the anecdote related below (oh. 51) , and by the praises of Plutarch (ii. p. 145). Her acuteness appears, vii. 239. ' Maps, according to Strabo and others (Strab. i. p. 10; Agathem. i. 1; Diog. Laert. ii. 1), were invented about this time by Anaximander. Hecatseus appears to have made use of them. (Compare iv. 36, and note' on the passage.) The map of Aristagoras was probably the iirst which had beerL seen in European Greece. 246 SPEECH OF AEISTAGORAS. Book Y. as to US, that the sons of the lonians should have lost their freedom, and come to be the slaves of others; but yet it touches you likewise, Spartans, beyond the rest of the Greeks, inasmuch as the pre-eminence over all Greece apper- taias to you. We beseech you, therefore, by the common gods of the Grecians, dehver the lonians, who are your own kins- men, from slavery. Truly the task is not difficult ; for the barbarians are an unwarlike people ; and you are the best and bravest wai-riors in the whole world. Their mode of fighting is the following : — they use bows and arrows and a short spear ; they wear trousers in the field, and cover their heads with tm-bans.^ So easy are they to van(][uish ! Know too that the dwellers in these parts have more good things than all the rest of the world put together — gold, and silver, and brass, and embroidered garments, beasts of burthen, and bond-servants — all which, if you only wish it, you may soon have for your own. The nations border on one another, in the order which I will now explain. Next to these lonians " (here he pointed with his finger to the map of the world which was engraved upon the tablet that he had brought with him) " these Lydians dwell ; their soil is fertile,' and few peojDle are so rich in silver.^ Next to them," he continued, "come these Phrygians, who have more flocks and herds than any race that I know,^ and more plentiful harvests. On them border the Cappadocians, whom we Greeks know by the name of Sy- ^ Yide infra, yii. 61. A representa- tion of tlie ordinary Persian dress has been already given, vol. i. p. 261. Their vi'ar costume will be seen by reference to the notes on Book vii. oh. 61. ~' The valleys of the Hermns, Cayster, Caicus, and Evenns, are all of extreme fertility. Fellows's Asia Minor, pp. 21, 26, 278 ; Leake's Tour, pp. 255, 265.) The intermediate country is mountain, ous and barren, especially the district called Catakecaumene. (Hamilton's Asia Minor, i. pp. 132-141.) ^ Mount Tmolus, eiSai/j-ou opos, as Strabo calls it (xiii. p. 897), is said to have j)roduced gold in abundance, but not silver, so far as I am aware. Was the silver the product of those mines between Pergamus and Atarneus, to which some writers ascribed the im- mense riches of Gyges, Alyattes, and Cro3sus ? (Strab. xiv. p. 969.) ' The high table-land of Phrygia is especially adapted for pasturage. Flocks and herds, even under the present miserable system of govern- ment, are numerous (Leake, pp. 19, 36 ; Hamilton, i. pp. 415-418 ; ii. pp. 218-221, &o.). The Angora wool has a world-wide reputation. The land is in many places very rich, but is wretchedly cultivated (Leake, p. 94) . Chap. 49. SPEECH OF AEIStAGORAS. 247 rians : ^ they are neighbours to the Cilicians, who extend all the way to this sea, where Cyprus (the island which you see here) lies. The Cilicians pay the king a yearly tribute of five hundred talents.^ Next to them come the Armenians, who live here — they too have numerous flocks and herds.^ After them come the Matieni,* inhabiting this country ; then Cissia, this province, where you see the river Choaspes marked, and likewise the town Susa upon its banks, where the Great King holds his court, ^ and where the treasuries are in which his ' Tide snpra, i. 72, and infra, vii. 72. " Supra, iii. 90. ^ Armenia is, even more than Pkcy- gia, tt pasture conntry. Phrygia has many wide plains, capable of bearing ample harvests ; bnt Armenia is all moraitaui and valley (of. vol. i. Essay ix. § 10). * Not the Matieni of Asia Miaor, but those of the Kurdish hills. (Com- pare i. 72, 189, 202, &o.) ° That Susa had by this time cer- tainly become the Persian capital, has been already admitted (supra, iii. 30, note ') . It was the ancient capital of Elam or Susiana, the country between Mount Zagros and the lower Tigris. It was situated on the edge of the great ilesopotamian plaiu, 25 or 30 miles from the mountains, in a luxu- riant region abundantly watered, and famous for its beautiful herbage. The city does not now lie directly upon the Choaspes (KerkJiah), but upon a small stream, called the Sh(i2yur, which rises about 10 miles to the north of the ruins, and flows into the Earun near Ahwaz. The Choaspes is at present a nule and a half to the west of the town (Journal of Geograph. Society, vol. ix. part i. p. 71 ; compare Herod, v. 52, and Strab. xv. p. 1032), and the Karun or river of Dizful, about six miles to the east. It is thought, however, that anciently the Choaspes bifurcated a little above the rnius of Badaca, and flowed in part east of Susa (supra, vol. i. p. 588, note'.) The citadel, so often noticed (supra, iii. 68 ; Polyb. v. xlviii. § 14 ; Strab. XV. p. 1031 j Arrian. iii. 16 j Plin. H. N. vi. 27, p. 362), lay at the western extremity of the place, close to the Sha]p^ir, and opposite to the modem " tomb of Daniel." It occu- pied the highest part of the great mound, which is even now 120 feet above the level of the Sliapur. The town extended from this point in an easterly direction ; it was of an oblong shape, and had a circuit which we find diiierently estimated at 200 and 120 stades (cf. Strab. 1. s. c, and Polyclit. ap. Strab. xv. p. 1032). The ruins seem at present to be confined vrithin a circumference of 7 miles or about 60 stades (Geograph. Joum. 1. s. c). They extend considerably beyond the limits of the accompanying plan. The material used in the construc- tion of the city was baked and sun- dried brick, like the Babylonian. It was probably built originally by the Scythic people whose language is found on all the most ancient of its remains ; but it was no doubt enlarged and beautified when Darius transferred to it the seat of empire (cf. Plin. H. ]Sr. vi. 27, p. 361) . The magnificent palace which had so great a fame in antiquity (infra, ch. 53 ; Ar. de Mund., p. 398 ; Strab. 1. s. 0. ; Died. Sic. xvii. 65; Cassiodorus, vii. Ep. 15), and of which the best account is to be found in the book of Esther (i. 5, 6), occu- pied the northern portion of the great mound (supra, iii. 68, note^), an irre- gular rectangle, two sides of which measure 1200 feet, while the remain- ing two fall somewhat short of 1000. It has been recently exhumed in a 248 SUSA, Book V. Scale of Feet. 500 1000 Ruins of Susa. 1. The High Mound, or Citadel (?)• 2. The Palace. 3. The Great Platform. 4. Euins of the City. •000000 000000 I 0^ cQ U G a a ^^■f°. --0 oc. C;q n n a a O-i a D n □ □ □ c Q □ n n □ a □ n □ □ n D ,D a n a c D Chap. 49. THE GEEAT TEEASURE-OITY. 249 ■wealth is stored.^ Once masters of this city, you may be bold to vie -with Jove himself for riches. In the wars which ye great measure by Sir W. Williams and Mr. Loftus, and is found to have con- sisted of a great hall of stone pillars, of the same size and on the same plan as that of Xerxes at Persepolis (Ker Porter, vol. i. PI. 30, and compare PI. 45), and of a number of inferior buildings behind the hall, the material of which is brick. The pUIars are arranged into a central group of 36, standing in six rows of six each, so as to form an exact square, 145 feet (nearly) each way; and iuto three outlying groups or porticoes, flanking the central group on three sides, the east, the north, and the west. These porticoes, which are exactly parallel to the sides of the inner square, are formed of two rows of six pillars each, in line with the pillars of the central group, the distance between the outer- most pillars of the central group and the inner pillars of the porticoes being 64 feet. The pillars are of two kinds — those of the central group or phalanx have square bases, while those of the porticoes have round or bell- shaped bases, as given in the woodcut (No. 2) . Both sorts appear, however, to have been surmounted by the same capital, the form of which is repre- sented in the woodcut (No. 1). The central group is supposed to have been covered with a roof, but the space be- tween that group and the porticoes was probably only shaded by curtains (see Loftus's Chaldsea, pp. 373-375, and compare the description in the book of Esther, i. 5, 6). It appears by a trilingual inscription upon four of the pillars (1, 2, 3, and 4 in the plan) that the palace was commenced by Darius and finished by Artaxerxes Mnemon. The town is said to have been un- walled (Polyclit. ap. Strab. 1. o. c), and certainly appears as an open place in the wars of the successors of Alexander (Polyb. 1. s. c). It is un- fortunate that we have no description of ancient Susa from an eye-witness, since it doubtless exceeded in magni. ficenoe both Persepolis and Ecbatana. With regard to the residence of the Persian king at Susa, there are con- flicting accoimts. Xenophon was the first to relate that the kings of Persia had no fixed court, but divided the year between Babylon, Susa, and Ecbatana (Cyrop. viii, vi. § 22; com- pare Anab. in. v. § 15). From him the statement was repeated, with va- riations, by later writers. Xenophon assigned the three months of spring to Susa, the two of summer to Ecba- tana, and the rest of the year to Babylon. Plutarch (de Bxil. ii. p. 604) followed this account in its outline, Zonaras in its details (iii. 26, p. 302). Athenseus (xii. p. 513, F.) introduced a change, for which it may be questioned if he had any authority, assigning the winter to Susa, the summer to Ecbatana, the spring to Babylon, ancZ the autumn to Persepolis. From him apparently j3illian derived the notion, very absurd to one who knows the looaUties, that Susa was the summer and Ecbatana the winter residenceof the Persian monarch (Hist. Animal. X. 6). It may be doubted whether there is more than a slight basis of truth even in Xeuophon's ac- count. Susa appears in ^schylus and Herodotus, as in Scripture, to be the ordinary residence of the court ; and indeed there is abundant testimony to this point from various writers (Ctes. Bxc. Pers. passim ; Strab. xv. p. 1031 ; Pausan. in. ix. § 3 ; Joseph. Ant. X. sub. fin. si. 5). It is impossible therefore to believe the statement of Xenophon, that it was only occupied for three months out of the twelve. Probably it was the ordinary court residence except for the two or three hottest months in the summer, when there was a removal to the mountains, perhaps commonly to Ecbatana, but no doubt sometimes to PersepoUs, where Darius and Xerxes both built palaces. Visits to Babylon would occasionally be paid, especially in the winter, but Ecbatana and Susa would constitute, as Aristotle seems to have 250 ANSWER OF CLEOMEXES. Book T. ■wage with your rivals of Messenia,' with them of Ai-gos like- wise and of Arcadia, about paltry boundaries and strips of land not so remarkably good,^ ye contend with those who have no gold, nor silver even, which often give men heart to fight and die. Must ye wage such wars, and when ye might so easily be lords of Asia, will ye decide otherwise?" Thus spoke Aristagoras ; and Cleomenes replied to him, — "Milesian stranger, three days hence I will give thee an answer." 60. So they proceeded no fm'ther at that time. "When, how- ever, the day appointed for the answer came, and the two once more met, Cleomenes asked Aristagoras, "how many days' journey it was from the sea of the lonians to the king's residence?" Hereupon Aristagoras, who had managed the rest so cleverly, and succeeded in deceiving the king, tripped in his speech and blundered; for instead of concealing the truth, as he ought to have done if he wanted to induce the Spartans to cross into Asia, he said plainly that it was a journey of three months. Cleomenes caught at the words, and, preventing Aristagoras from finishing what he had begun to say concerning the road, addressed him thus: — "Milesian stranger, quit Sparta before sunset. This is no good proposal that thou makest to the Lacedaemonians, to conduct them a distance of three months' journey fi-om the sea." When he had thus spoken, Cleomenes went to his home. 51. But Aristagoras took an olive-bough in his hand, and been aware (de Mnnclo, 1. b. c), the only regular stations of the court, the one in the height of summer, the other during the remainder of the year. (For a representation of Susa, as it now appears, see the woodcut, Bk. iii. ch. 68, note *.) " According to Strabo, the principal treasuries were in Persepolis and Pasar- gada3, which were regarded as places of greater strength than Snsa (xv. p. 1032) ; and it is certain that Alexander found considerable wealth at Pasar- gadae (Arrian, Exp. Alex. ui. 18). Still the great treasury appears even at that time to have been at Susa, where the silver captured amounted to 50,000 talents, or more than twelve millions sterling (Arrian, iii. 16). Ecbatana had its ovni small treasury, from which Darius carried away 7000 talents (ib. 0. 19). ' This is the only distinct reference in Herodotus to the two early Messe- nian wars, of which so full an account has been left us by Pausanias (iv. iv.-xxii.). He alludes to what is called the third war, ix. 35. » Of. i. 66-68, and 82. There seems to be a special allusion to the dis. puted district of Cynuria. Chap. 49-52. AEISTAGOKAS TRIES THE POWER OF GOLD. 2SI hastened to the king's house, where he was admitted by reason of his suppliant's guise. Gorgo, the daughter of Cleomenes, and his only child, a girl of about eight or nine years of age, happened to be there, standing by her father's side. Arista- goras, seeing her, requested Cleomenes to send her out of the room before he began to speak with him ; but Cleomenes told him to say on, and not mind the child. So Aristagoras began with a promise of ten talents ^ if the king would grant him his request, and when Cleomenes shook his head, continued to raise his offer till it reached fifty talents ; whereupon the child spoke :—" Father," she said, "get up and go, or the stranger will certainly corrupt thee." Then Cleomenes, pleased at the warning of his child, withdrew and went into another room. Aristagoras quitted Sparta for good, not being able to discourse any more concerning the road which led up to the king. 52. Now the true account of the road in question is the following : — Eoyal stations ^ exist along its whole length, and excellent cararanserais ; and throughout, it traverses an in- habited tract, and is free from danger. In Lydia and Phrygia there are twenty stations within a distance of O-ij parasangs. ' On the readiness of the Spartans to yield to bribery, vide supra, iii. 148, note ^. ^ By "royal stations" are to be an. derstood the abodes of the king's couriers (ay yapii'toi), who conveyed de- spatches from their own station to the next, and then returned (infra, viii. 98) . The route described is probably at once the post-route and the caravan- route between the two capitals. If Herodotus visited Babylon, he would have travelled along this road, at least as far as the Gyndes, where this great highway was crossed by the route leading from Babylon to Agbatana (cf . i. 189) . The road is nearly that which would now be followed by travellers between Smyrna and Baghdad. It bears away out of the straight line, towards the north, in order to avoid the vast arid tract between the Upper Tigris and Upper Euphrates, the Great Desert of Sinjar. It also, by this de- viation, is able to take in the Armenian capital, Diarbekr. It passes by 8art (Sardis), Allah Shehr (Philadelphia), Afiom Ka/ra Hissar, Ah-Sliehi', Kaisa- riyeh, Guroun, Malatiyeh, Diarbekir, Jezireh, 3Iosul (Nineveh), Arhil (Ar- bela), and Kirlcuk. There are two other great roads, or rather routes, connecting Asia Minor with Persia : the Erzeroum route, which leads, how- ever, into what was rather Upper Media, debouching upon Tabriz and Teheran ; and the Aleppo route, by far the most direct line, but which runs mainly through the Syrian and Arabian deserts, and so must at all times have been very unsafe, on ac- count of the Arab plunderers. 252 THE EOTAL EOAD FROM Book T. On leaving Phi-ygia the Halys has to be crossed ; and here are gates through which you must needs, pass ere you can traverse the stream. A strong force guards this post. When you have made the passage, and are come into Cappadocia, 28 stations and 104 parasangs bring you to the borders of CUicia, where the road passes through two sets of gates, at each of which there is a guard posted. Leaving these behind, you go on through Cilicia, where you find three stations in a distance of 15|- parasangs. The boundary between Cilicia^ and Armenia is the river Euphrates, which it is necessary to cross in boats. In Armenia the resting-places are fifteen in number, and the distance is 56|- parasangs. There is one place where a guard is posted. Pour large streams intersect this district,^ all of which have to be crossed by means of boats. The first of these is the Tigris ; the second and the third have both of them the same name,* though they are not only different rivers, but do not even run from the same place. ^ For the one which I have called the first of the two has its somce in Armenia, while the other flows afterwards out of the country of the Matienians. The fourth of the streams is called the Gyndes, and this is the river which - This description gives Cilicia an ex- tension towards the north, which no other writer allows to it. I have en- deavonred to express this in the Map of the Satrapies which accompanies the present volume. ^ Armenia is here given an extra- ordinary extension to the south, and so made to include a large tract ordinarily reckoned either to Assyria or Media. '' Undoubtedly the two Zabs, the Greater and the Lesser. These rivers, which gave the appellation of Adiabene to the region watered by them (Am- miaju. Marcell. xxiii. 6 ; Bochart, Sac. Geog. iv. 19, p. 213), seem to have re- tained their names unchanged from the earliest times to the present. The Greater Zab, at any rate, appears under that title in the Assyrian In- scriptions (passim); it is also, un- doubtedly, the Zabatus of Xenophon (Anab. ii. v. 5, and iii. iii. 6), and the r)iava or Diaba of Ammianus (1. s. c). The Lesser Zab is a less famous stream ; but its continuity of name appears from this passage, combined with the mention of it by Ammianus as the Adiava or Adiaba, and with the fact of its present appellation. The word Zab, Diab, or Diav (xan), according to Bochart (1. b. c), signifies "a wolf" in Chaldee. Hence the Greater Zab is called Amos (Lycus) in Strabo, Ammianus, and Pliny, and Aevfchs (by mistake) in Ptolemy (Geogr. vr. i.). * What Herodotus here states is ex- actly true of the two Zabs. The Greater Zab has its source in Armenia between the lakes of Van and Urumiyeh — the Lesser rises in the Koordish mountains (his Matienian hills) at a, distance of nearly two degrees to the S.S.E. Chap. 52, 53. SAEDIS TO SUSA. 253 Cyrus dispersed by digging for it three hundred and sixty channels.® Leaving Armenia and entering the Matienian country, you have four stations ; these passed, you find your- self in Cissia, where eleven stations and 42|- parasangs bring you to another navigable stream, the Choaspes, on the banks of which the city of Susa is built. Thus the entire number of the stations is raised to one hundred and eleven; and so many are in fact the resting-j)laces that one finds between Sardis and Susa. 53. If then the royal road be measured aright, and the parasang equals, as it does, thirty furlongs,'' the whole dis- tance from Sardis to the palace of Memnon (as it is called), amounting thus to 450 parasangs, would be 13,500 furlongs.^ Travelling then at the rate of 150 furlongs a day,^ one will take exactly ninety days to perform the journey. ^ Vide supra, i. 189, note ', where the Gyndes is identified with the IHyaleh. ' Snpra, ii. 6. This was the ordinary estimate of the Greeks. (See Xen. Anab. ii. 2, § 6 ; Snidas in voc. Hesyoh. in voc, &c.) Strabo, however, tells ns that it was not universally agreed upon, since there were some who considered the parasang to equal 40, and others 60 stades (xi. p. 754). The truth is, that the ancient parasang, Hke the modem farsakh, was originally a measure of time (an hour), not a measure of distance. In passing from the one meaning to the other, it came to mark a different length in different places, according to the nature of the country traversed. The modern farsakh varies also, but not so much as the parasang, if we can trust Strabo. It is estimated at from 34 to 4 miles, or from 30 to 35 stades. * As usual, there is a discrepancy ia the numbers. The stations, accord- iug to the previous small sums, are 81 instead of 111, and the parasangs or farsakhs, 328 instead of 450, as will be seen by reference to the subjoined table : — Stations. Farsakhs In Lydia and Phrygia ... 20 . . 94J In Cappadocia .. ... 28 . . 104 In Cilicia ... 3 , . 154 In Armenia ... 15 . . 66* In the Matienian country 4 (say) 15' In Cissia ... 11 . . 421 Total 81 328 The subsequent arguments of Hero- dotus are based upon his totals; we must conclude, therefore, that errors have crept into some of the smaller sums. The distance from Sardis to Susa by the Armenian route does not seem to be over-estimated at 13,500 stades (between 1500 and 1600 miles). " Herodotus takes here the rate at which an army would be likely to move. Elsewhere (iv. 101) he reckons the journey of the ordinary pedestrian at 200 stades (about 23 miles). It appears, by the account which Xeno- phon has left of the expedition of Cyrus the younger (Anab. i.), that a some- what longer day's march was usual. (The average is about 6 farsakhs or 180 stades.) But this rate, apparently, cannot be continued without resting the army, at intervals, for several days at a time. If the days during which the army of Cyrus rested be counted. 254 DISTANCE BETWEEN THE GREEK SEA AND SUSA. Book T. 54. Thuf3 when Aristagoras the Milesian told Cleomenes the Lacedsemonian that it was a three months' journey from the sea up to the king, he said no more than the truth. The exact distance (if any one desire still greater accuracy) is somewhat more ; for the journey from Ephesus to Sardis must he added to the foregoing aecoimt ; and this will make the whole distance between the Greek Sea and Susa (or the city of Memnon, as it is called ^) 14,040 furlongs ; since Ephesus is distant from Sardis 540 furlongs.^ This would add three days to the three months' journey. 55. When Aristagoras left Sparta he hastened to Athens, which had got quit of its tyrants in the way that I will now describe. After the death of Hipparchus (the son of Pisistra- tus, and brother of the tyrant Hippias),^ who, in spite of the tte real rate of motion is reduced leUw the estimate of our author. ' The fable of Memnon is one of those in which it is difBcnlt to discover any germs of truth. Memnon, the son of Tith6nns, and Eos (Dawn), or H^mera (Day), is, according to most accounts, an Ethiopian king. His father Tithonus, however, reigns at Susa, and he himself leads a combined army of Susianiana and Ethiopians to the assistance of his father's brother, Priam, king of Troy (cf. Strabo, xv. p. 1031; Pausaru X. xxxi. 2 ; Died. Sic. ii. 22 ; iv. 75). We seem here to have nothing but the wildest imaginations of pure romancers. Homer makes very slight and pass- ing allusions to Memnon (Od. iv. 188 ; xi. 522) . Hesiod calls him king of the Ethiopians (Theogon. 984). So Pindar (Xem. iii. 62, 63, Dissen.). This seems to have been the first form of the legend, from which all mention of Susa was omitted. The earliest author who is Iciiown to have connected Mfm- non with Susa is ^■Eschylus, who made his mother a Cissian woman (Strab. 1. s. c). It is clear, however, that by the time of Herodotus, the story that he built Susa, or its great palace, was generally accepted in Greece. Perhaps the adoption of this account may be regarded as indicating some knowledge of the ethnic connection which really existed between Ethiopia and Susiana. (See vol. i. pp. 440 and 679.) ^ Bennell (Geography of Western Asia, i. p. 290) says that this is " less than the direct distance," which he estimates at 45 geographical (or about 52 English) miles. But if we reckon the stade at its true length of 606 feet 9 inches (English), the distance given will be rather more than 62 miles (English), so that a distance of about 10 miles will be allowed for the deflec- tions of the route. ^ It has been commonly supposed that there is an opposition between Herodotus and Thucydides with respect to the relative age of the two brothers, and to the fact involved in their rela- tive age, whether Hipparchus was king at the time of his assassination. But if the narrative of Herodotus be care- fully examined, it wall be foimd that he confirms, instead of opposing, the well-known view of Thucydides, that Hippias was the elder of the two. Not only is Hipparchus never called king, but here at his first introduction he is brought forward as "brother of the tijrrviit Hippias." With respect to the fact, which is disputed by Larcher, I agree with Chap. 54-57. ARISTAGORAS GOES TO ATHENS. 255 clear warning he had receiyed concerning his fate in a dream, was slain by Harmodius and Aristogeiton (men both of the race of the Gephyrseans), the oppression of the Athenians continued by the space of four years ; * and they gained nothing, but were worse used than before. 56. Now the dream of Hipparchus was the following : — The night before the Panathenaic festival, be thought he saw in his sleep a tall and beautiful man, who stood over him, and read him the following riddle : — " Bear thou unbearable woes with the all-bearing heart of a lion ; Never, be sure, shall >vrong-doer escape the reward of wrong-doing." As soon as day dawned he sent and submitted his dream to the interpreters, after which he offered the averting sacrifices, and then went and led the procession in which he perished.^ 57. The family of the Gephyrsans,^ to which the murderers Thirlwall, that "the authority of Thucydides is more convincing than his reasons " (Hist. Greece, vol. ii. p. 65 ; of. Thucyd. vi. 55) . His authority, backed as it is by Herodotus, seems to me decisive. Plato (if it be he), the only early writer on the other side (Hipparoh.), as a historical authority, is valueless. CKtodemus, who has been quoted against Thucydides by Meursius and others, in reality takes the same view (Frag. Hist. Gr., vol. i. p. 364). As for Heraclides Ponticua and Diodorus Siculus, on such a matter they are writers of no account. "• Prom B.C. 514 to B.C. 510. Compare Thucyd. vi. 59 ; Plat. Hipparch. The fourth year was not quite complete Clinton's P. H. ii. p. 18). ^ Pull details of this whole transac- tion are given by Thucydides (vi. 54-58 ; compare Ar . Pol. v. 8 and 9) . The time of the Panathenaic festival was chosen because the citizens might then appear in arms. * Bochart (Geog. Sacr. i. xxi.) be- lieves the Gephyr^i to have got their name from the fact that they were settled at the bridge (ye| 30 40 50 60 VO 80 90 100 200 300 Greek. J ^ This is strong evidence to the fact, that European Greece got its alphabet direct from the PhcEnioians. Other- wise, there is so great a similarity between the varions alphabets of Western Asia and Southern Europe (the Lycian, Phrygian, Etruscan, Um. brian, &o.), that it would be difficult to prove more than their common origin from a single type, which might be one anterior to the Phoenician. ^ That is, before the estabhshment of a regular commerce with Egypt, which was perhaps scarcely earlier than the reign of Amaais. ^ This is a remarkable statement. Among the " barbarians " alluded to, VOL. III. we may assume the Persians to be included, on the authority of Ctesias, who declared that he drew his Persian history " from the royal parchments " (e/c rwv ^a(ri\iKuy 5i(pd€pojVf ap. Died. Sic. ii. 32) . But we have (I believe) no distinct evidence of parchment be- ing used at this early date by any other "barbarous" nation. Stone and clay seem to have been the common material in Assyria and Babylonia wood, leather, and paper in Egypt the bark of trees and linen in Italy stone, wood, and metal among the Jews. Parchment seems never to have been much used, even by the Greeks, till the time of Eumenes II. (b.c. S 2S8 CADMEIAN CHAEACTEES. Book V. 59. I myself saw Cadmeian characters^ engraved upon some tripods in the temple of Apollo Ismenias^in Boeotian' Thebes, most of them shaped like the Ionian. One of the tripods has the inscription following : — " Me did Amphitryon place, from the far Teleboans ^ coming." 197-159), to whom the invention w&s ascribed by Varro (Plin. H. N. xiii. 21). * The old Greek letters, like the Phoenician, were written from right to left, and were nearer in shape to those of the parent alphabet. (See the table in p. 315, Ch. v. of the App. to Bk. ii., and n. ch. 30, Bk. ii.) They continned to be so written tOl a late time on vases ; bnt this appears to have been then merely the imitation of an old fashion ; for already, in the age of Psammetichns, the 7th century Ti.c, inscriptions were written from left to right, and the double letters *, X, V, were introduced, as well as the germ of the long vowels, H, Xl, a century before Simonides. The hous. trophedon style succeeded to that from right to left, when the lines were written alternately one way and the other, like the ploughing of oxen — whence the name ; and at last the method followed to the present day, from left to right, was adopted. And while the Phoeuician method is common to all the Semitic nations, it is curious that the later Greek should have be- come the same as the Sanscrit method, — the Greek being of the Sanscrit, and not of the Semitic family of langnages : see 11. p. 316, in App. to Bk. ii. Of the age of Greek vases nothing is certain ; so that they lead to no exact conclusion respecting the use of Greek letters, especially as the old form of them continued to be imitated in later times. In Millino-en's monuments (Ancient Unedited Monuments, plate 1) is a very ancient bas-relief, bearing some re- semblance in the style of the letters to the inscription at Aboosimbel, but without any double letters, and rather more archaic in character, which he only considers somewhat anterior to the 69th Olympiad, B.C. 500; there is also a prize vase, from its inscription supposed to date before 582 B.C., of which the letters are very similar to those at Aboosimbel, though they are written from right to left. (Millingen, plate 1, Vases.) If the Psammeti- chns of Aboosimbel were the third, this date would agree very well with 582 B.C. ; but he was probably the first (as stated in n. ch. 30, Bk. ii.). The inscription of Menecrates at Corfu is supposed to be about 600 B.C., written from right to left, with the aspirate and digamma, and old form of letters. The introduction of the double letters and long vowels was earlier in some phices (as in Asia Minor) than in others. At first i was used for ei, and o for a> (as o was for u in ancient Italy) ; 9 was a hard K used in Corinth, Hector, and other names, and afterwards replaced by Ic. It was the Latin Q. The aspirate H. and the digamma F are both found in archaic inscriptions, the latter answer- ing to the Latin / in many Etruscan names ; the former a soft aspirate. The X was a harder h, like the Arabic ^, but not guttural like the ^, which is proved by its modern Romaic pro- nunciation, and by the fact of the Copts being obliged to make a new letter J-v for the guttural 7A.— [G. W.] « Cf. i. 52. ' Bwotlan Thebes is here distin- guished from Egyptian. ^ Strabo identifies the Teleboans with the Taphians, who were among the most ancient inhabitants of Acar- nania (vii. p. 4jG6). He mentions the expedition of Amphitryon (x. 664, 673), which is likewise spoken of by Pherecydes (Frag. Hist. Gr. i. p. 77 and ApoUodorus (ii. iv. 6, 7). Chap. 59-61. PHCENICO-GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 259 This would be about the age of Laius, the son of Labdacus, the son of Polydorus, the son of Cadmus.^ 60. Another of the tripods has this legend in the hexameter measure : — " I to far.shooting Phosbus was offered by Soaeus the boxer, When he had vron at the games — a wondrous beautiful offering." This might be Scseus, the son of Hippocoon ; ^ and the tripod, if dedicated by him, and not by another of the same name, would belong to the time of QEdipus, the son of Laius. 61. The third tripod has also an inscription in hexameters, which runs thus : — " King Laodamas gave thia tripod to far-seeing Phoebus, When he was set on the throne — a wondrous beautiful offering." It was in the reign of this Laodamas, the son of Eteocles, that the Cadmeians were driven by the Argives out of their country,^ and found a shelter with the Encheleans.^ The Gephyrseans at that time remained in the country, but after- wards they retired before the Boeotians,* and took refuge at Athens, where they have a number of temples for their sepa- rate use, which the other Athenians are not allowed to enter — among the rest, one of Aehfean Ceres, ^ in whose honour they likewise celebrate special orgies. ' It may be doubted whether this tripod belonged really to so early an age (see Wolf's Prolegomena, p. Iv.). The inscription, at any I'ate, must have been later, and can at best only have expressed the belief of the priests as to the person who dedicated the tripod. The same remark will apply to the two other inscriptions. ' Hippocoon was the brother of Tyndareus and Icarion. Assisted by his twelve sons, he drove his two brothers from Lacedsemon. After- wards Hercules slew him and his sons, and restored Tyndareus. One of his sons was named Scsens (Apollod. III. X. 5). ^ Tide supra, ch. 57, note '. Lao- damas succeeded his father Eteocles upon the throne of Thebes. According to the legend, he reigned ten years, and was slain by the Bpigoni (Apollod. III. vii. 2). ' The Encheleans were an Illyriau tribe. They dwelt on the coast above Epidanmus (Syclax, Peripl. p. 19 ; Steph. Byz. ad voc. ; Hecatseus, Er. 73) . There was a legend that Cadmua assisted them against the other Illy, riana (Apollod. iii. v. 4). Hence per- haps it was thought likely that the Cadmeians would take refuge with them. * Thucyd. i. 12; supra, ch. 57. ^ Bochart believes that the Phoeni- cians introduced the worship of Ceres iato Greece (Geog. Sac. i. xii.), and supposes the Gephyrgeans to have been the first by whom the worship was brought into Attica (ib. ch. xxi.). Cer- 26o TYRANNY OF HIPPIAS. Book V. 62. Having thus related the dream which Hipparchus saw, and traced the descent of the Gephyrseans, the family whereto his murderers belonged, I must proceed with the matter whereof I was intending before to speak ; to wit, the way in which the Athenians got quit of their tyrants. Upon the death of Hipparchus, Hippias, who was king, grew harsh towards the Athenians ; " and the Alcmseonidse,'' an Athenian family which had been banished by the PisistratidsB,^ joined the other exiles, and endeavoured to procure their own return, and to free Athens, by force. They seized and fortiiied Leipsydrium^ above Paeonia,^ and tried to gain their object by arms ; but great disasters befell them,^ and their purpose remained unaccomplished. They therefore resolved to shrink from no contrivance that might bring them success ; and accordingly they contracted with the Amphictyons^ to build tainly the Eleuainian mysteries appear to have been thoroughly Oriental in their character. It is difficult to explain the epithet "Achaean" here. The grammarians say that it has no connection with the well-known Hellenic tribe, but is formed either from ^xos (grief) or i]x^ (sound), because Geres grieved fertile loss of Proserpine, or because of the cymbals used in her worship (Etym. Mag. ad voc. 'Axaro). ^ The great change in the character of the government after the murder of Hipparchus is noticed again, vi. 123, as it was before in ch. 55. Thuoydides confirms this (vi. 59). He commends the virtue and vrisdom of the family up to this time (vi. 54). Compare Plat. Hipp. p. 229, B. and HeracHd. Pont. i. 6. ' Vide infra, vi. 125-131, where the earlier history of the AlcTna3onid£e is given : and see note on ch. 131. ^ That is by Pisistratus himself, who is included among the Pisistratidse (vide supra, i. 64) . ' This was no doubt an iTnmx^aiJi.6s, lite that of Agis at Decelea (Thuc. vii. 19), which was in the same neighbour- hood. 1 This is the reading of all the MSS. Some have proposed to change Pasonia into Fames ; but vsdthout necessity. There was probably a region called Pseonia in Attica, the abode of the Pseorddse mentioned by Harpocration (sub voc. nonacicis) , and Pausanias (ii. xviii. 7) . Lepsydrium was above this, and on the flanks of Pames (Schol. Aristoph. Lysist. 665; Hesych. twice, ad voc. AenpuSpioi', and ad voc. Ai^vhpLOv) . Colonel Leake recognises the abode and name of the PEOonidse (naiof/Sai) in Menidhi, and the site of Leipsydrium in the monastery of St. Nicholas (Demi of Attica, p. 38). If this view be taken, the site " near the right bank of a remarkable torrent, which descends dii'ectly from the sum- mit of the mountain and flows along a broad gravelly bed to the Cephissus," will favour the derivation of the word Leipsydrium from \e(;8oD, not Aeiivai (cf. Oyrill. Lex. ined. sub voc, and the notes to Albert's Hesychius) . " Hence the famous Scolium (in Athenseus, xv. 15, p. 695, and Suidas ad voc. A^L^vSpioy) : — ai, at, Aeti/fiiSpioi' irpo&oiTe-raipovt o'lovs i^vbpa.^ aTrwA.eo'ar, judxefffa i afadoOv Te Kal evwaTpiias, o'l t6t t'5eifav, oV&jv Trarepwv ^cav. ^ Tide infra, vii. 200, note. Chap. 62, 63. SPAETA SEEKS TO EXPEL THE PISISTRATID^. 26 1 the temple whicii now stands at Delphi, but which in those days did not exist.* Having done this, they proceeded, being men of great wealth, and members of an ancient and distin- guished family, to build the temple much more magnificently than the plan obliged them. Besides other improyements, instead of the coarse stone whereof by the contract the temple was to have been constructed, they made the facings of Parian marble.^ 63. These same men, if we may believe the Athenians, during their stay at Delphi persuaded the Pythoness by a bribe® to teU the Spartans, whenever any of them came to constdt the oracle, either on their own private affairs or on the business of the state, that they must free Athens. So the Lacedemonians, when they found no answer ever retm-ned to them but this, sent at last Anchimolius, the son of Aster — a man of note among their citizens — at the head of an army against Athens, with orders to drive out the Pisistratidae, albeit they were bound to them by the closest ties of friend- ship. For they esteemed the things of heaven more highly than the things of men. The troops went by sea and were conveyed in transports. Anchimolius brought them to an anchorage at Phalerum;'' and there the men disembarked. But the Pisistratidae, who had previous knowledge of their intentions, had sent to Thessaly, between which country and Athens there was an aUiance,^ with a request for aid. The * The old temple had been • biimt (vide supra, ii. 180) ; according to some, by the machinations of the Pisistratidae (PMloohor. Er. H. G. vol. i. p. 395). ° The Alom^onidse had already re- ceivedthe praise of Pindar for this piece of munificence (Pyth. vii. ot re6y re d6fioj/ IlvQwvi 5ic( 6a'i]TbV€rev^ay). ^ The Delphic oracle is again bribed by Cleomenes, infra, vi. 66. ' Phalerum is the most ancient, as it is the most natural, harbour of Athens. It is nearer than Piraeus to the city (Leake's Demi, § 9, p. 397), and the two rivers (Cephiesus and Ilis- sus), betiveen which Athens is placed, lead into it. The Piraeus seems not to have been used as a port until the time of Pericles (Pausan. i. ii. 3). ^ As Bceotia is found generally on the Spartan, so Thessaly appears on the Athenian side. Mutual jealousy of Bo3otia would appear to be the chief ground of the alliance. It was broken by the Persian invasion, renewed B.C. 461, when hostilities with Sparta threatened (Thuc. i. 102), infringed by the expedition of B.C. 453 (Thuc. i. Ill), renewed partially before B.C. 431 (ibid. ii. 22), and fully re-established in B.C. 423 (ibid. iv. 132). 262 FIRST EXPEDITION OF CLEOMENES. Book V. Thessalians, in reply to their entreaties, sent them by a public vote 1000 horsemen," under the command of their king, Cineas, who was a Coniaean.^ When this help came, the Pisistratidas, laid their plan accordingly : they cleared the whole plain about Phalerum, so as to make it fit for the movements of cavahy, and then charged the enemy's camp with their horse, which fell with such fm-y upon the Lacedaemonians as to kill numbers, among the rest Anchimolius, the general, and to drive the remainder to their ships. Such was the fate of the first army sent from Lacedsemon, and the tomb of Anchi- mohus may be seen to this day in Attica ; it is at Alo- pecffi^ (Foxtown), near the temple of Hercules in Cynosargos.^ 64. Afterwards, the Lacedaemonians despatched a larger force against Athens, which they put under the command of Cleomenes, son of Anaxandridas, one of their kings. These troops were not sent by sea, but marched by the mainland. When they were come into Attica, their first encounter was with the Thessahan horse, which they shortly put to flight. ^ The Thessalians were still in thnt ** early stage of society" mentioned by Arnold, " when the ruling order or class has fonght on horsehacl-, their subjects or dependents on foot'' (Hist, of Rome, vol. i. p. 71). "The cavalry service under these circumstances has been cultivated, that of the infantry neglected." In Thessaly the bulk of the population were held in the con- dition of serfs (Trej/eWai) — the ruling class, however, was large and warlike. Hence we constantly hear of the ex- cellence of the Thessalian horse, while it is seldom that we have any mention of their infantry. (Compare Herod, vii. 28, 29 ; Thucyd. i. Ill ; Ephor. Fr. 5 ; Pausan x. i. 2 ; Polyb. iv. 8 ; Pint. Men. p. 70, A. ; Hipp. Maj. p. 281, A.) The country was favourable for pas- turage ; and Thessalian horses were of special excellency (vide infra, vii. 196, and note ad loc). ' Wachsmuth proposes to read a " Gonnsean " (Toi/vaiov), for m. " Coni- 8ean" {Koyioiov) here. And certainly there is no known town in Thessaly, from which the word " Coniajan " could be formed. It is impossible to under- stand, with Larcher, Conium or Ico- nium, the modem Koniyeli, in Phrygia. I should incline, therefore, to adopt the emendation of Wachsmuth. Gon- nus, or Gonni, is a well-known Thessa- lian town (Strab. ix. p. 638 ; Porphyr. Tyr. 8; Steph. Byz. ad voc; Ptol. Geograph. iii. 13 ; Liv. xlii. 54). It lay north of the Penena, a little above the commencement of the pass of Temp^ in the modern valley of DereU (Leake's Northern Greece, vol. iii. pp. 381, 382). ^ It is curious to find that the Spartans had passed Athens, and penetrated to this place, which lay to the north-east of the city, at the dis- tance of about u, mile and a half (^sch. Timaroh. p. 119). We may suspect that Herodotus has ill-under- etood the Spartan plan of campaign. The site of Alopeca3 is marked by the modern village of Ambelokipo (Leake's Demi of Attica, p. 31). ^ Vide infra, vi. 116, and note ad loc. Chap. 63-65. THE PISISTEATID^ LEAVE ATTICA. 263 killing above forty men; the remainder made good their escape, and fled straight to Thessaly. Cleomenes proceeded to the city, and, with the aid of such of the Athenians as ■wished for fi'eedom, besieged the tyrants, who had shut them- selves up in the Pelasgic fortress.* 65. And now there had been small chance of the Pisistra- tidse falling into the hands of the Spartans, who did not even design to sit down before the plaee,^ which had moreover been well provisioned beforehand with stores both of meat and drink, — nay, it is likely thai after a few days' blockade the Lacedfemonians would have quitted Attica altogether, and gone back to Sparta, — had not an event occurred most unlucky for the besieged, and most advantageous for the besiegers. The children of the Pisistratidae were made prisoners, as they were being removed out of the country. By this calamity all their plans were deranged, and — as the ransom of their children — they consented to the demands of the Athenians, and agreed within five days' time to quit Attica.® Accordingly they soon afterwards left the country, and withdrew to Sigeum on the Scamander,' after reigning thirty-six years over the Athenians.® By descent they were Pylians, of the family of ■' That is, the Acropolis, which the Pelasgi were said to hiave fortified for the Athenians (see below, vi. 137). According to Clitodemns, all that the Pelasgi did was to level the surface of the rock at the sirmmit, and bnild a wall round the space so obtained (Frag. 22, ed.Didot.). ' Aware, apparently, of their in- ability to conduct sieges (vide infra, ix. 70). That the Acropolis was not at this time very strong appears from the account of its siege by Xerxes (viii. 52, 53). It was afterwards fortified by Cimon (Pint. Vit. Cim. c. 13). ^ All the chief points of this nar- rative are confirmed by Aristotle, who relates the contract of the Alcmaeo- nidas to rebuild the Delphian temple, the importunity of the oracle in their favour, the expedition of Anchimolias ly sea, his defeat, the expedition of Cleomenes " with a larger force," his victory over the Thessalians, the re- treat of Hippias into " the Palasgic fortress," and the capture of the children as they were being conveyed out of the country (Pr. 17). '' Vide infra, ch. 94, 95. ^ It appears from Aristotle (Polit. V. 9) that this period is exclusive of the time passed by Pisistratus in exile after his first seizure of the sovereignty. Prom the beginning of the reign of Pisistratus, to the final expulsion of his sons, was a period of fifty-one years (Arist. 1. b. c. ; Scholiast, ap. Ariatoph. Vesp. 500). Pisistratus seized the sovereignty, B.C. 560 ; died, B.C. 527, having reigned nearly 17 years out of the 33. Hippias reigned 14 years before the deatli of Hippar- chus (B.C. 514), and four afterwards. He was expelled B.C. 510, perhaps in the same year with the Tarquins. 264 POLICY OF CLISTHENES. Book V. the Neleids,^ to which CocLras and Melanthus likewise belonged, men who in former times from foreign settlers became kings of Athens. And hence it was that Hippocrates ^ came to think of.caIling his son Pisistratus : he named him after the Pisis- tratus who was a son of Nestor. Such then was the mode in which the Athenians got quit of their tyrants. What they did and suffered worthy of note from the time when they gained their freedom until the revolt of Ionia from King Darius, and the coming of Aristagoras to Athens with a request that the Athenians would lend the lonians aid, I shall now proceed to relate. 66. The power of Athens had been great before ; but, now that the tyrants were gone, it became greater than ever. The chief authority was lodged with two persons, Chsthenes, of the family of the Alcmaeonids, who is said to have been the persuader of the Pythoness,^ and Isagoras, the son of Tisander, who belonged to a noble house, but whose pedigree I am not able to trace fui'ther. Howbeit his kinsmen offer sacrifice to the Carian Jupiter.^ These two men strove together for the mastery ; and Clisthenes, finding himself the weaker, called to hie aid the common people.* Hereupon, 8 The tale went, that Melanthns (the fifth in descent from the Homeric Nes- tor, son of Keleus, and king of Pylos), was king of Messenia at the time of the retnrn of the Heraclidse. Being expelled, he sought a refuge in Attica, ■where he was kindlj» received, and even placed upon the throne — Thy- moetes, the existing monarch, being forced to abdicate in his favour. This will explain the terms " Pylians," and " Neleids " (cf. Hellan. Fr. 10, and Demo, Fr. 1, ed. Didot.). ^ Supra, i. 59. 2 Supra, oh. 62. ^ That the Carians were once widely spread through the Cyclades, is wit. nessed both by Herodotus (i. 171) and Thucydides (i. 4). There would be nothing surprising, therefore, in an ancient settlement of Carians upon the Attic peninsula. Strabo notices descents of Carians upon the coasts of Attica (ix. p. 577). '' We seem here to meet again with the old triple division of parties — the Pedi^i, Parali, and Diacrii, of fifty years back (supra, i. 59). Isagoras had, apparently, revived the party of Lyourgus (the Pedieei), which was that of the ancient landed aristocracy : Clisthenes had taken his father's place at the head of the Parali, or wealthy middle class, who were attached to the timocratical constitution of Solon : while the Diacrii, or democrats, were without a leader, but had strength sufficient to turn the scale either way. Clisthenes, it seems, was not a demo- crat by choice, but from necessity. It was only when he found himself unable to contend successfully with Isagoras, that he had recom-se to the democrati- cal party. (Vide infra, ch. 69, note '.) Chap. 65, 66. CLISTHENES ALTERS THE TRIBES. 265 instead of the four tribes ^ among which the Athenians had been divided hitherto, Clisthenes made ten tribes, and par- ' That is, the Geleontes or Teleontes, Hopletes, j3i)gicoreis, and Argadeis, the ancient hereditary tribes of Attica. Mr. Grote (Hist, of Greece, vol. iii. p. 69) denies that there is any sufficient ground for believing that a division into castes, such as the names of these tribes has been thought to indicate, ever prevailed in Attica. In this he opposes, among the ancients, Plato, Strabo, and Plutarch ; among the modems almost all who have written upon the subject (C. E. Hermann, § 9-4; Thirlwal], vol. ii. p. 7 ; Boeckh, Corp. Inso. 3655 ; Hlgen, p. 38-50; Schomann de Com. Ath. p. 351, &c.). It seems inconceivable that names, three out of four of which read so clearly Warriors (Hopletes), Goatherds (jSJgicoreis), and Artisans (Ai'gadeis), can have been given except to classes formed accord- ing to professions, ai least at the outset. The difficulty and uncertainty that attaches to the fourth name, which appears under three forms — Geleontes, Gedeontes, and Teleontes — cannot invalidate the argument derived from the other three. Teleontes, which rests upon decent authority (Enrip. Ion. 1579; Pollux, viii. 109; Steph. Byz. ad voc. AiyiKSpeus'), is certainly the form most easy of explanation, for this would be etymologically con- nected with TcAeo), T6A05, T€A.€T^, and would give the excellent sense of Priests or Consecrators (cf. Strabo, viii. p. 556). Geleontes, which has far the greatest weight of authority, since it is the form of the Inscriptions as well as that of the best MSS. of Herodotus, may possibly only be a variant from this, according to the notice which we find in Hesychius,. that yeAea was in use for reAea (Hesych. ad voc. yeXea). The form Gedeontes ha,s the least authority (Plutarch only), and maybe safely set aside as having arisen from ill-written MSS., in which FEAEONTES might easily be mistaken for rEAE0NTE2. It would seem therefore that at Athens in very early times there were four castes : 1. Priests ; 2. Warriors ; 3. Herdsmen; and 4. Mechanics. This may be considered as tolerably certain from the appellations themselves. It is also confirmed by several writers of fair name and note. The passages in Plato (TimEBus, p. 24, A. ; Critias, p. 110, 0.), where ancient Athens is compared to Egypt in respect of its castes, are well known. They are the more valuable, because, so far as ap- pears, the fact recorded is not based upon the etymology of the names of the tribes, or indeed connected con- sciously with the tribes at all. Plu- tarch's statement is distinct and positive (Tit. Solon, ch. 25) ; and the error in detail — the substitution of husbandmen for priests — arises from his having the false form yeSeocres, for TeAeovres. Strabo also, who is a re- spectable authority, has no doubt of the four tribes having been castes. His account exactly accords with the view taken above ; for it is of no importance that he uses the term husiatidmen {yeupyoi) for goath&t'ds (atyLKop^is)^ to designate the caste which got its hving from the soil. If we admit the fact of the existence of castes in Attica in the earliest times, it becomes a matter of importance to inquire, whence did these castes come ? — were they of home growth, or intro- duced from abroad p They have been regarded as favouring the notion of a special connection of Athens with Egypt (Diodor. Sic. i. 28 ; Thirlwall, vol. ii. p. 67) ; and in Plato they cer- tainly appear in this shape ; but it is difficult to say whether this is the true account of them, or whether the fact is not, that the same spirit which pre- vailed in early times in Egypt and India, also independently sprang up in Greece. The nature of the special connection, if any, between Egypt and Athens, is not agreed on. Plato gives no account of it ; and Phanodemus and Callisthenes, the eaiiiest writers who propounded a theory, derived Sais from Athens (ap. Procl. Comment, 266 HIS GEANDSIEE, CLISTHENES OF SICYON. Book T. celled out the Athenians among them. He likewise changed the names of the tribes ; for whereas they had till now been called after Geleon, iEgicores, Argades, and Hoples, the four sons of Ion/ Chsthenes set these names aside, and called his tribes after certain other heroes,'' all of whom were native, except Ajax. Ajax was associated because, although a foreigner, he was a neighbour and an ally of Athens.® 67. My belief is that in acting thus he did but imitate his maternal grandfather, Clisthenes, king of Sicyon.^ This king, when he was at war with Argos, put an end to the contests of Plat. Tim. p. 30). The Egyptian colony to Attica seems to have been a late invention of the Egyptians themselves. It appears first in Dio- dorus (1. B. c), whence it passes to Eusebins (Chron. Can. ii. p. 280), Tzetzes, SnidaSj &c. Still there is, undoubtedly, a resemblance in reUgion and artj as well as in political institu- tions, between Athens and Egypt, which favours the notion of some special early connection. (See Thi- ersch's Epochen der Bildenden Kunst, The chief objection to the view which would derive the Athenian castes from 'Egypt, is the fact, of which there seems to be good evi- dence, that the four tribes were not peculiar to Athens, but common to all the Ionian Greeks. The tradition which makes Teleon and his brothers sons of Ion, embodies this fact ; and it is proved, not only by the statement of Herodotus (infra, ch. 69), but also by inscriptions from the Ionian towns of Asia Minor (Boeckh, Corp. Ins. 3078, 3079, 3665), which show the existence of these divisions in them. It is also important to observe that remnants of caste divisions and caste prejudices appear through Greece generally, which seem to indicate the entire and universal prevalence of caste in earlier times. Of this nature are the hereditary priesthoods com. mon to ma,ny states ; and the descent of offices and employments from father to son, which is known to have pre- vailed at Sparta and elsewhere, and of which Herodotus himself gives instances in the next Book (infra, vi. 60, and note ad loc. ; see also Her- mann's Pol. Ant. § 5). It is astonish- ing to find an assertion in Clinton (F. H. vol. i. p. 54), that of the institution of castes "there are no vestiges in any part of Greece " ! * The same names are given, but with the reading of Teleon for Geleon, in Euripides (Ion. 1579-1581, ed. Din. dorf.). In accordance with this, Julius Pollux (viii. 9, p. 931), and Stephen of Byzantium (ad voc. A-iyucdpeus), give the tribes as Teleontes, Hopletes, .^gi- coreis, and Argadeis. 'The Inscriptions of Cyzicua contain the full list, but with the form Geleontes. ' The names of the Attic tribes were Erechtheis, JEgeia, Pandionis, Leontis, Acamantis, Q5neis, Cecropis, Hippo, thoontis, -Mantis, and Antiochis ; the heroes being Erechtheus, ^SUgeus, Pan- dion, Leos, Acamas, Qineus, Cecrops, Hippothoon, Ajax, and Antiochus. The order given is that observed upon the monuments. ^ Ajax was the tutelary hero of Salamis (vide infra, viii. 64 and 121). According to Homer, his troops at Troy were drawn up next to those of Athens. At'ac 6' Ik SaXajuIco? ti-ye ivoKaiicKa vtjatt ST»;(7e 6' ^7(1)1', I'v' 'AOrivaiwv itnavTO 0aXa77ef . n. ii. 651, 568. * Concerning this king, see below, vi. 126. Chap. 66, 67. ADRASTUS AND MELANIPPUS. 367 the rhapsodists at Sicyon, because in the Homeric poems Argos and the Argives were so constantly the theme of song. He likewise conceived the wish to drive Adrastus, the son of Talaiis, out of his country/ seeing that he was an Argive hero. For Adrastus had a shrine at Sicyon, which yet stands in the market-place of the town. Clisthenes therefore went to Delphi, and asked the oracle if he might expel Adrastus. To this the Pythoness is reported to have answered — "Adrastus is the Sicyonians' king, but thou art only a robber." So when the god would not grant his request, he went home and began to think how he might contrive to make Adrastus with- draw of his own accord. After a while he hit upon a plan which he thought would succeed. He sent envoys to Thebes in Boeotia, and informed the Thebans that he wished to bring Melanippus,^ the son of Astacus, to Sicyon. The Thebans consenting, Clisthenes carried Melanippus back with him, assigned him a precinct within the government-house, and built him a shrine there in the safest and strongest part. The reason for his so doing (which I must not forbear to mention) was, because Melanippus was Adrastus' great enemy, having slain both his brother Mecistes and his son- in-law Tydeus.^ Clisthenes, after assigning the precinct to Melanippus, took away from Adrastus the sacrifices and festivals wherewith he had till then been honoured, and transferred them to his adversary. Hitherto the Sicyonians had paid extraordinary honours to Adrastus, because the country had belonged to Polybus,* and Adrastus was Polybus' daughter's son ; ^ whence it came to pass that Polybus, dying ^ Adrastus, king of Argus and leader of the first (mythic) attack upon Thebes (Bnrip. Phosniss. ; Apollod, III. vi. § 3-7), was worshijaped as a hero in seyeral places : among the rest at Me- gara (Pausan. 1. xUii. 1) and Athena (ibid. I. XXX. 4). " A statue of Melanippus is probably intended. See below, ch. 80. ^ Melanippus, the son of Astacus, is mentioned among the defenders of Thebes by Pherecydes (Fr. 51), Apol- lodorus (III. ri. § 8), and Pausanias (ix. xviii. § 1). He is said to have lost his own life at the siege, being slain by Amphiaraus (Pherecyd. 1. s. c). '' Polybus was king of Corinth, and Sicyon was included in his dominions (Apollod. HI. T. § 7). * The Scholiast on Pindar (Nem. ix.) follows the same tradition. According to him Talaus married Lysimaohe, the 268 MOCK NAMES OF THE SICYONLiN TRIBES. Book V. childless, left Adrastus his kingdom. Besides other cere- monies, it had been their wont to honour Adrastus with tragic choruses, which they assigned to him rather than Bacchus, on account of his calamities." Clisthenes now gave the choruses to Bacchus, transferring to Melanippus the rest of the sacred rites. 68. Such were his doings m the matter of Adrastus. With respect to the Dorian tribes, not choosing the Sicyonians to have the same tribes as the Argives, he changed all the old names for new ones; and here he took special occasion to mock the Sicyonians, for he drew his new names from the words "pig," and "ass," adding thereto the usual tribe- endings ; only in the case of his own tribe he did nothing of the sort, but gave them a name drawn from his own kingly office. For he called his own tribe the Archelai, or Eulers, while the others he named Hyatse, or Pig-folk, Oneatffi, or Ass-folk, and Choereatee, or Swine-folk.' The Sicyonians kept these names, not only dming the reign of Clisthenes, but even after his death, by the space of sixty years : then, how- ever, they took counsel together, and changed to the well- known names of HyUseans, Pamphylians, and Dymanatse,^ daughter of Polybus, and their issue was Adrastns. Apollodoms gives a different aoconnt (i. ix. § 13). * Besides the destrnction of his army and friends in the first expedition against Thebes, Adraatna was said to have lost his sou ^gialeus in the second (Hellanicne, Fr. 11 ; Apollod. III. vii. § 2). ' The dynasty of the Orthagoridas, to which Chstheues belonged, was not Dorian, but Achsean. CUsthenes aimed at depressing the Doric population, and elevating the Achseans — his own kinsfolk. His arrangement of the Sic- yonian tribes may be thns compared with the older (and later) division — Achieans ArcheUi ... JJgialeis. _ . ( HyatSE. ) ( Hyllaii. Donana I (ineatas. ) ... ' Pamphyli. ( Choereata;. ) ( Dymanatie. 8 Thst thcte were the three ancient tribes of the Dorians is now nniveraally acknowledged. Miiller (Dorians, vol. ii. pp. 76, 78, E. T.) has collected the principal testimonies. The most di- rect is that of Stephen of Byzantium (ad VOC. Au^ay) ; Avfj.af, (pvKov AwpUwp' iiaav 8€ rpeis, 'TWeh, Kal Ud/jL ^'^- Ciol- ^00) than elsewhere. A vase of oil from the sacred olives of Academus was the prize given to victors at the Panathe- naic games (Aristot. Fr, 266 ; oomp, Find. Nem. x. 61 et seqq,). 9 By " Minerva Polias " we are to understand the Minerva who presided over the city {n6Xis) . Her temple in later times was a portion of the build- ing known to the Athenians by the general name of Erechtheium, which stood on the north side of the acropolis, nearly opposite the spot afterwards occupied by the Parthenon, and was traditionally regarded as founded by Brechtheus, the tutelar hero of Attica, and as the place of his burial. This building contained, towards the west, the Pandroseium, or temple of Pan- drosus ; towards the east, divided only 282 CAUSE OF THE FEUD. Book V. rians agreed, and having obtained what they wanted, made the images of olive wood, and set them up in their own country. Henceforth their land bore its crops ; and they daly paid the Athenians what had been agreed upon. 83. Anciently, and even down to the time when this took place, the Eginetans were in all things subject to the Epidau- rians,^ and had to cross over to Epidaurus for the trial of all suits in which they were engaged one with another.^ After this, however, the Eginetans built themselves ships, and, gi'Gwing proud, revolted from the Epidaurians. Having thus come to be at enmity with them, the Eginetans, who were masters of the sea, ravaged Epidam'us, and even carried off these very images of Damia and Auxesia, which they set up in their own country, in the interior, at a place called (Ea,^ about twenty furlongs from their city. This done, they fixed a worship for the images, which consisted in part of sacri- fices, in part of female satiric choruses ; * while at the same time they appointed certain men to furnish the choruses, ten for each goddess. These choruses did not abuse men, but only the women of the country. Holy orgies of a similar kind were in use also among the Epidaurians, and likewise another sort of holy orgies, whereof it is not lawful to speak. by a party-wall, the temple of Minerva Poliag. In the former, most probably in the southern projection, supported by the Caryatides, was the sacred olive (infra, viii. 55). In the latter was an altar to Erechthens, who was identified with Neptune at Athens. (See Col. Leake's very judicious re- marks in his ' Athens and Demi of Attica,' vol. i. pp^ 338-345, and Appen- dix, § 17.) 1 Egina had been colonized from Epidaurus (infra, viii. 46 j Pausan. ii. xxix. 5), but seems to have been less independent than most colonies. (Her- mann, Pol. Ant. § 73.) 2 Compare the ease of the Athenian sabject-allies. (Sen. de Eep. Ath. i. 16-18.) 3 Ko sufficient materials exist for ilsiiig the situation of QEa, which is not mentioned by any other writer. It was prohabVy where Kiepert places it, near the centre of the island, on the site of the modern Egina. (Chandler, vol. ii. oh. iv. p. 18.) Bahr is cer- tainly wrong in supposing it to have been near the temple of Minerva, at the north-eastern corner of the island ; for that is more than double the proper distance from the capital (45 stades instead of 20). ^ Compare the similar customs at the Eleusinian festival, which gave rise to the peculiar meaning of the words y£tpvpl^€Lyj yetpvpicr-fiSj and to the expression, llxnrfp e'l a^i^|7;s. (See Bentley upon Phalaris, p. 180.) There too we hear that the women " abused one another " (4\oiS&po\iv aW-liAais. Suid. in ra i^ a/j.a^wv.') Chap. 82- ATHBNIAN DISASTER IN EGINA. 283 84. After the robbery of the images the Epidaurians ceased to make the stipulated paym.ents to the Athenians, wherefore the Athenians sent to Epidaurus to remonstrate. But the Epidam-ians proved to them that they were not guilty of any wrong: — "While the images continued in their country," they said, "they had duly paid the offeiings according to the agreement ; now that the images had been taken from them, they were no longer under any obligation to pay : the Athe- nians should make their demand of the Eginetans, in whose possession the figm-es now were." Upon this the Athenians sent to Egina, and demanded the images back ; but the Eginetans answered that the Athenians had nothing whatever to do with them. 85. After this the Athenians relate that they sent a trireme to Egiaa with certain citizens on board, and that these men, who bore commission from the state, landed in Egina, and sought to take the images away, considering them to be their own, uiasmuch as they were made of their wood. And first they endeavoured to wrench them from their pedestals, and so carry them off; but failing herein, they in the next place tied ropes to them, and set to work to try if they could haul them down. In the midst of their hauling suddenly there was a thunderclap, and with the thunderclap an earthquake ; and the crew of the trireme were forthwith seized with madness, and, hke enemies, began to kill one another; until at last there was but one left, who returned alone to Phalerum.^ 86. Such is the account given by the Athenians. The Eginetans deny that there was only a single vessel: — "Had there been only one," they say, "or no more than a few, they would easily have repulsed the attack, even if they had had no fleet at all ; but the Athenians came against them with a large number of ships, wherefore they gave way, and did not hazard a battle." They do not however explain clearly ° Similar stories are frequent in Pansauiaa. (See i. xviii. 2 ; 111. xvi. 6 ; 711. six. 3, &o.) Compare also the tale in Athensens (xv. xii. p. 672 B.), and the story of the preservation o£ Delphi (infra, viii, 37). 284 ATHENIAN DISASTER IN EGINA. Book. V. whether it -was from a conviction of their own inferiority at sea that they yielded, or whether it was for the purpose of doing that which in fact they did. Their account is that the Athenians, disembarking from their ships, when they found that no resistance was offered, made for the statues, and fail- ing to wi'ench them from then* pedestals, tied ropes to them and began to haul. Then, they say, — and some people will perhaps believe them, though I for my part do not, — the two statues, as they were being dragged and hauled, fell down both upon their knees ; in which attitude they still remain.^ Such, according to them, was the conduct of the Athenians ; they meanwhile, having learnt beforehand what was intended, had prevailed on the Argives to hold themselves in readiness ; and the Athenians accordingly were but just landed on their coasts when the Argives came to their aid. Secretly and silently they crossed over from Epidaurus, and, before the Athenians were aware, cut off their retreat to their ships, and fell upon them ; and the thunder came exactly at that mo- ment, and the earthquake with it. 87. The Argives and the Eginetans both agree in giving this account ; and the Athenians themselves acknowledge that but one of their men returned alive to Attica. According to the Argives, he escaped from the battle in which the rest of the A.thenian troops were destroyed by them.'' According to the Athenians, it was the god who destroyed their troops ; and even this one man did not escape, for he perished in the following manner. When he came back to Athens, bringing word of the calamity, the wives of those who had been sent out on the expedition took it sorely to heart, that he alone should have survived the slaughter of all the rest ;— they ^ The 'statues trere etill shown in the days of Pansanias, who says he saw them (tt. xxx. 5, ei56v ts to. ayJ.\ij.aTa, KoL ^8v(rd (T(pL(n). He does not, how- ever, mention their attitude, which was very nmisnal. ' Pnris of Samoa (the pupil of Theo- phrastus) preferred the Argive account. He considered the war to have origin, ated in the naval aggressions of Egina upon Athens. His habitual careless- ness has made him call the Argives Spartans. (Cf. Fragm. Hist. Gr. ii. pp. 481 and 488.) Chap. 86-88. AEGIVE AND EGINETAN BEOOCHES. 285 therefore crowded round the man, and struck him with the brooches by which their dresses were fastened — each, as she struck, asking him, where he had left her husband. And the man died in this way. The Athenians thought the deed of the women more horrible even than the fate of the troops; as however they did not know how else to punish them, they changed their dress and compelled them to wear the costume of the lonians. Till this time the Athenian women had worn a Dorian dress, shaped nearly like that which prevails at Corinth. Henceforth they were made to wear the hnen tunic, which does not requh-e brooches.^ 88. In very truth, however, this dress is not originally Ionian, but Carian ; ^ for anciently the Greek women all wore the costume which is now called the Dorian. It is said further that the Argives and Eginetans made it a custom, on this same account, for their women to wear brooches half as large again as formerly, and to offer brooches rather than anything else in the temple of these goddesses. They also forbade the bringing of anything Attic into the temple, were it even a jar of earthenware,^ and made a law that none but native drinking vessels should be used there in time to come.^ ^ The large horseshoe brooch with which ladies in onr times occasionally fasten their shawls, closely resembles the ancient irepinr], which was not a buckle, bnt " a brooch, consisting of a pin, and a cnrved portion, furnished with a hook." The Dorian tnnic was of woollen ; it had no sleeves, and was fastened over both the shoulders by brooches. It was scanty and short, sometimes scarcely reaching the knee. The Ionic tunic was of linen : it had short loose sleeves, as we see in statues of the Muses, and so did not need brooches ; it was a long and full dress hiding the form, and reaching down generally to the feet. (Cf. Diet, of Ant., Articles Fibula, and Tunica.) The poets frequently represented the vep6i/ri as made use of to blind per- sons. (Cf. Soph. CEd. Tyr. 1269; Eurip. Heo. 1152; Phoen. 60, &o.) Duris said (1. g. c.) that the Athenian women on this occasion first blinded the man, and then slew him {i^ervtpAo)^ car, e?Ta aireKTetvai^) . 5 This is another proof of the close connection of the Carian and Greek races. (Tide supra, vol. i. p. 693.) ^ The pottery of Athens was the most celebrated in ancient Greece, One whole quarter of the city was called Cerameicus, or " The Potteries." Earthenware was exhibited at the Panathenaic festival ; and earthen vases were often prizes at the games, Athens, from her superior skill in the art of pottery, was sometimes repre- sented as its inventor. (PUn. H. N. vii. 57.) ^ This law perhaps amounted to a prohibition of the Attic pottery, and was really for the protection of native industry, though it may have been pro. 286 EGINA MAKES WAR ON ATHENS. Book Y. From this early age to my own day the Argive and Eginetan women have always continued to wear their brooches larger than formerly, through hatred of the Athenians. 89. Such then was the origin of the feud which existed between the Bgiaetans and the Athenians. Hence, when the Thebans made their application for succour, the Eginetans, caUing to mind the matter of images, gladly lent their aid to the Boeotians. They ravaged all the sea-coast of Attica ; and the Athenians were about to attack them in return, when they were stopped by the oracle of Delphi, which bade them wait till thirty years had passed from the time that the Eginetans did the wi'ong, and in the thirty-first year, having first set apart a preciact for ^acus, then to begin the war.^ " So should they succeed to their wish," the oracle said; "but if they went to war at once, though they would still conquer the island in the end, yet they must go through much suffering and much exertion before taking it." On receiving this warning the Athenians set apart a precinct for ^acus — the same which stUl remains dedicated to him in their market- place * — but they could not hear with any patience of waiting thirty years, after they had suffered such grievous wrong at the hands of the Eginetans. 90. Accordingly they were making ready to take their revenge when a fresh stii- on the part of the Lacedaemonians hindered theu' projects. These last had become aware of the truth — how that the Alcmeeonidse had practised on the Pytho- ness, and the Pythoness had schemed against themselves, and against the Pisistratidae ; and the discovery was a double grief to them, for while they had driven their own sworn friends fessedly a war measure, like a block- ade or an embargo. Ancient probec- tionists, like modern ones, songht to exclude superior manufactures, some, times by a bigb duty, sometimes by absolute prohibition. ^ Did the Delphian priests foresee the probability of a Persian invasion, and wish to prevent the two great maritime poTvers from wasting each other's strength P Or was it only their wish to protect a Dorian state ? ■• This would be the ancient ayopi., between the Acropolis and the Areo- pagus, where the statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton stood (Leake's Athens, p. 215) ; not the new one, which was north of the city, towards the church of Megdli Panhag^a. Chap. 88-91. THE SPAETANS RECALL HIPPIAS. 287 into exile, they found that they had not gained thereby a particle of good wiU from Athens. They were also moved by certain prophecies, which declared that many dire calamities should befaU them at the hands of the Athenians. Of these in times past they had been ignorant; but now they had become acquainted with them by means of Cleomenes, who had brought them with him to Sparta, having found them in the Athenian citadel, where they had been left by the Pisis- tratidae when they were driven from Athens : they were in the temple,^ and Cleomenes having discovered them, carried them off. 91. So when the Laeedsemonians obtained possession of the prophecies, and saw that the Athenians were growing in strength, and had no mind to acknowledge any subjection to their control, it occurred to them that, if the people of Attica were free, they would be Ukely to be as powerful as them- selves, but if they were oppressed by a tyranny, they would be weak and submissive. Under this feeling they sent and recalled Hippias, the son of Pisistratus, from Sigeum upon the Hellespont, where the Pisistratidae had taken shelter.^ Hippias came at their bidding, and the Spartans on his arrival summoned deputies from all their other allies,'' and thus addressed the assembly : — ■ " Friends and brothers in arms, we are free to confess that we did lately a thing which was not right. Misled by coun- terfeit oracles, we drove from their country those who were our sworn and true friends, and who had, moreover, engaged to keep Athens in dependence upon us; and we delivered the government into the hands of an unthankful people — a people who no sooner got their freedom by our means, and grew in power, than they turned us and our king, with every token of ^ The temple of Minerva Polias (vide supra, chs. 72 and 82). ^ Vide supra, ch. 65. ' This was, so far as we know, the commencement of what afterwards be- came the regular practice — the estab- lished system on which Sparta treated her allies. Mr. Grote has some good remarks on the importance of the occa- sion (vol. iv. pp.. 231, 232). The dis, persion of the allies at the time of the last expedition (supra, ch. 75) had, made the consultation necessary, 288 SPEECH OF SOSICLES. Book V. insult, out of their city. Since tlien they have gone on con- tinually raising their thoughts higher, as then- neighbours of Bceotia and Chaleis have already discovered to their cost, and as others too wiU presently discover if they shaU offend them. Having thus erred, we will endeavour now, with your help, to remedy the evUs we have caused, and to obtain vengeance on the Athenians. For this cause we have sent for Hippias to come here, and have summoned you likewise fi-om your several states, that we may all now with heart and hand unite to restore him to Athens, and thereby give him back that which we took from him formerly." 92. (§ 1.) Such was the address of the Spartans. The greater number of the allies listened without being persuaded. None however broke silence, but Sosicles the Corinthian, who exclaimed — " Sm-ely the heaven wiU soon be below, and the earth above, and me-h will henceforth live in the sea, and fish take their place upon the di-y land, since you, Lacedaemonians, propose to put down free governments in the cities of Greece, and to set up tyrannies in their room.^ There is nothing in the whole world so unjust, nothing so bloody, as a tyranny. If, however, it seems to you a desirable thing to have the cities under despotic rule, begin by putting a tyrant over yourselves, and then establish despots in the other states. While you continue yourselves, as you have always been, unacquainted with tyranny, and take such excellent care that Sparta may not suffer from it, to act as you are now doing is to treat your aUies unworthily. If you knew what tyranny was as well as ourselves, you would be better advised than you now are in regard to it. (§ 2.) The government at Corinth was once an " Hennatm remarks (Pol. Ant. § 32), tliat " it was chiefly by overthrowing the tyrants in the cities of Greece, that Sparta obtained her superiority over her neighbonrs ; " and undoubtedly both Thucydides (i. 18) and Herodotus bear witness to the face of her having pnrsned this policy. But it is diificnlt to collect many instances milesa we re- gard the list in Plutarch (de Malign. Herod, ch. 21) as authentic. The ex- pedition to put down the tyranny of Polycrates is the best attested case, and certainly proves that they would make great efforts with this object (supra, iii. 44-56). Chap. 92. HISTORY OF CORINTH. 289 oKgarchy — a single race, called Bacchiadse, who intermarried only among themselves,^ held the management of affairs.^ Now it happened that Amphion, one of these, had a daughter, named Labda,^ who was lame, and whom therefore none of the Bacchiadffi would consent to marry ; so she was taken to wife by Aetion, son of Echecrates, a man of the township of Petra, who was, however, by descent of the race of the Lapi- thee,^ and of the house of Cseneus. Aetion, as he had no child, either by this wife or by any other, went to Delphi to consult the oracle concerning the matter. Scarcely had he entered the temple when the Pythoness saluted him in these words — ' No one honours thee now, Aetion, worthy of honour ; — Labda shall soon be a mother — ^her offspring a rock, that will one day Fall on the kingly race, and right the city of Corinth.' By some chance this address of the oracle to Aetion came to the ears of the Bacchiadse, who till then had been unable to perceive the meaning of another earlier prophecy which like- wise bore upon Corinth, and pointed to the same event as Action's prediction. It was the following : — ^ Compare the case of the Roman patricians (Niebuhr's R. H. vol. ii. p. 280, &c.). ' The tradition said, that after the Dorian conquest of Corinth (ab. B.C. 1040), the descendants of Aletes, the Heracleid conqueror, reigned for ten generations, when the monarchy was changed into an oligarchy by a process somewhat Uke that which may be traced at Athens, annual magistrates (Prytaneis) being substituted for mon. arohs, but the magistracy being con- fined to the royal family. About half- way in the list of kings, which is given by Busebius (Chron. Can. i. oh. xxxiv.), Syncellus (p. 179) and others, occurs the name of Bacchis, from whom the royal family is considered to have de- rived its appellation of Bacohidee, or Bacchiadae. (Heraol. -Pont. v. ; Pau- VOL. III. san. II. iv. §§ 3, 4 ; Diod. Sic. ap. Sync. 1. B. c.) The whole history, previous to the annual Prytaneis, must be con- sidered as in the highest degree un- certain. Mr. Clinton, however, adopts it as authentic into his chronology. (Tables, OL 9, 1, and vol. i. p. 129, note m.) ' Labda, according to the Etymolo- gioum Magnum (ad voc. /SActicrds), is the same as Lambda, and is n nick- name given to indicate lameness (per- haps because the two legs of the old Greek lambda are of unequal length — / — this, at least, seems a better rea- son than that given in the Etym. — 6 Tohs irSSas eiri Ta e|w SieCTpajtijueVos). ^ The mythic antagonists of Hercules (ApoUod. II. vii. V), whose king Cseneus is mentioned by Homer (II. i. 264 ; Schol. ad loo. ). U 290 SPEECH OF SOSICLES. Book V. ' Wien mid the rocks ' an eagle shall bear a camivorons lion, Mighty and fierce, he shall loosen the limbs of many beneath them — Brood ye well npon this, all ye Corinthian people, Te who dweU by fair Peirene, and beetling Corinth.' * (§ 3.) The Bacchiadse had possessed this oracle for some time; but they were quite at a loss to knowwhat it meant until they heard the response given to Aetion; then however they at once perceived its meaning, since the two agreed so well together. Nevertheless, though the bearing of the first prophecy was now clear to them, they remained quiet, being minded to put to death the child which Aetion was expecting. As soon, there- fore, as his wife was delivered, they sent ten of their number to the township where Aetion lived, with orders to make away with the baby. So the men came to Petra, and went into Aetion's house, and there asked if they might see the child ; and Labda, who knew nothing of their purpose, but thought their inquiries arose fi-om a kindly feeling towards her husband, brought the child, and laid him in the arms of one of them. Now they had agreed by the way that whoever first got hold of the child should dash it against the ground. It happened, however, by a providential chance, that the babe, just as Labda put him into the man's arms, smiled in his face. The man saw the smile, and was touched with pity, so that he could not kill it ; he therefore passed it on to his next neighbour, who gave it to a third ; and so it went through all the ten without any one choosing to be the murderer. The mother received her child back ; and the men went out of the house, and stood near the door, and there blamed and re- proached one another ; chiefly however accusing the man who had first had the child in his arms, because he had not done ' There is a double pun here. Aetion's name is glanced at in the word aiETiis (eagle), the place of his abode, Petra, in the expression 4p TreVpTytri (among the rocks). ^ The fountain of Peirene is described by Pausanias (11. iii. 3) ; it was on the low ground, at the base of the Acro- Corinthus. The name, however, was sometimes applied to a spring of water in the citadel, which was supposed to communicate with the lower source (ib. V. 1.) Perhaps in this place the in- habitants of the lower town are indi- cated by the former, those of the upper by the latter part of the hexa- meter. Chap. 92. HISTORY OF COEINTH. 291 as had been agreed upon. At last, after much time had been thus spent, they resolved to go into the house again and all take part in the murder. (§ 4.) But it was fated that evil should come upon Corinth from the progeny of Aetion ; and so it chanced that Labda, as she stood near the door, heard all that the men said to one another, and fearful of their changing their miad, and returning to destroy her baby, she carried him off and hid him in what seemed to her the most unhkely place to be suspected, viz., a 'cypsel' or corn-bin." She knew that if they came back to look for the child, they would search all her house ; and so indeed they did, but not finding the child after looking everywhere, they thought it best to go away, and declare to those by whom they had been sent that they had done their bidding.'' And thus they reported on their return home. (§ 5.) Aetion's son grew up, and, in remembrance of the danger from which he had escaped, was named Cypselus, after the corn-bin. When he reached to man's estate, he went to Delphi, and on consulting the oracle, received a response which was two-sided. It was the following : — ' See there comes to my dwelling a mam mnch favonr'd of fortune, Cypselus, son of Aetion, and king of the glorions Corinth, — He and his children too, bnt not his children's children.' ^ Such was the oracle ; and Cypselus put so much faith in it that he forthwith made his attempt,^ and thereby became * Pansanias saw a corn-bin, said to have been that wherein. Cypselus was hidden, in the temple of Jnno at Olympia (v. xvii. § 2). It was of cedar, beantifnlly carved, and inlaid with gold and ivory. Perhaps the story grew np, in part ont of this offering, in part out of the name, Cypselna. ' Nicolas of Damascus makes the men repent of their errand, warn Aetion, and then quit the country (Ft. 58). * Yet Psammetichus, the grandson of Cypselus, mounted the throne. (Arist. Pol. V. 12.) He reigned how- ever only three years, and then the tyranny was put down by Sparta (Plut. de Malig. Her. 21) or by a revolution (Nio. Damaso. Frag. 60) : so that he could not be called properly "much favoured of fortune " (iX;8ior). * A long account is given by Nicolas of Damascus, of the mode in which Cypselus established his power. Ac- cording to this narrative, it was chiefly in the office of Polemarch, that he found means to ingratiate himself with the people. It was a part of the Polemarch's duty to exact legal fines, and former polemarchs had kept the 292 SPEECH OF SOSICLES. Book V. master of Corinth. Having thus got the tyranny, he showed himself a harsh ruler — many of the Corinthians he drove into banishment, many he deprived of their fortunes,^ and a still greater number of their lives. (§ 6.) His reign lasted thirty years, and was prosperous to its close ; insomuch that he left the government to Periander, his son. This prince at the beginning of his reign was of a milder temper than his father;^ but after he corresponded by means of messengers with Thrasybulus, tyrant of Miletus, he became even more san- guinary. On one occasion he sent a herald to ask Thrasybulus what mode of government it was safest to set up in order to rule with honour. Thrasybulus led the messenger without the city, and took him into a field of corn, through which he began to walk, while he asked him again and again concerning his coming from Corinth, ever as he went breaking off and throwing away all such ears of corn as over-topped the rest. In this way he went through the whole field, and destroyed all the best and richest part of the crop ; then, without a word, he sent the messenger back. On the retm'n of the man to Corinth, Periander was eager to know what Thrasybulus had coudeirmecl in prison until they were paid ; but Cypselas would imprison no one. Sometimes he took secm-ity, sometimes he himself became security, and he always remitted the portion of the tine which belonged to him. Hay- ing thus made himself popular, he proceeded to extremities, slew Patro- clides, the reigning Bacchiad, and was at once chosen king by the Corin- thians (Fr. 58). ^ In the " iiconomics " ascribed to Aristotle, there is a story (ch. ii.) that Cypselus had vowed the whole pro- perty of the Corinthians to Jupiter, if he obtained soTereign power; and that he acquitted himself of his vow by imposing a 10 per cent, property tax for ten years. But the authority of the Economics is very weak. ^ This account of the characters of Cypselus and Periander is not, perhaps, altogether at variance with the narra- tive of Aristotle. Aristotle (I. s. c.) informs us that Cypselus (like Pisis- tratus) was a leader of the popular party {dijfjiayuiySs), and that his accept- ability to the people enabled him to dispense with a body-guard ; but that Periander was of a tyrannical disposi- tion [TvpavviK6s). We may understand him to speak of Periander in his later years, and to give us one side of the character of Cypselus, to which Hero- dotus furnishes the other. Like the Pisistratidffi, the tyrants of Corinth were studiously mild towards the middle and lower classes (supra, ch. G2) ; but like them also (infra, vi. 39), they had to keep down the aristocracy by severe measures. These Sosicles would naturally regard as atrocities, and would perhaps a little exaggerate. Nicolas says that Cypselus banished the Baoohiads, and confiscated their properties (1. s. c). Chap. 92. HISTORY OF CORINTH. 293 counselled, but the messenger reported that he had said nothing ; and he wondered that Periander had sent him to so strange a man, who seemed to have lost his senses, since he did nothing hut destroy his own property. And upon this he told how Thrasyhulus had behaved at the interview.^ (§ 7.) Periander, perceiving what the action meant, and knowing that Thrasyhulus advised the destruction of aU the leading citizens, treated his subjects from this time forward with the very greatest cruelty. Where Cypselus had spared any, and had neither put them to death nor banished them, Periander completed what his father had left unfinished.* One day he stripped all the women of Corinth stark naked, for the sake of his own wife Melissa. He had sent messengers into Thes- " According to Aristotle (Pol. iii. 8, p. 98, ed. Tauch.) it was Thrasybulus ■who sought, and Periander who gave this advice. The tale was transferred by some of the early annalists into Roman history. See Livy i. 54, where the annalist has componnded his story from this narrative and the history of Zopyms. (Comp. Niebnhr's Rom. Hist. i. p. 503, E. T.) That Periander and Thrasybnlns were really on very intimate terms, appears from i. 20. ■* The cmel tyranny of Periander is agreed on by all writers. There is some difference of detail. He set np a body-gnard of 300 men, made severe snmptnary laws, kept the citizens poor by means of fines and confiscations, shed abundant blood, and was fre- quently guilty of the grossest outrages. His private relations, which throw a light on the remainder of the chapter, have been already narrated (supra, iii. 50-53) . He was engaged in frequent wars ; and the power of Corinth was never so great as in his day. (Compare Bph. Frag. 106; Ar. Pol. v. 12 ; Hera- clid. Pont. V. ; Nic. Damasc. Prag. 59 ; Diog. Laert. Tit. Periandr.) The fol- lowing scheme of the Gypselid family may be gathered from Nicolaus Dama- scenus. He differs from Herodotus in telling of Nicolas what the elder histo- rian relates of Lyoophron. Cypselus, I I Pylades Echiades (founder of Leucas). (founder of Anactorium). Evagoraa Lycopbron Gorgus Nicolas (founder of Potidiea). I (governor of Corcyra). Psammetichus or Cypselus H. Strabo adds another member of the family — Tolgus, the founder of Am- braoia — whom he calls a son of Cypse- lus (vii. p. 471). According to Aris- totle the dynasty last 73 years and 6 mouths, probably from about B.C. 655 to B.C. 581. The three reigns were — Cypselus . . 30 years . b.c. 655-625. Periander . . 40 years . „ 625-585. Psammeticlius 3^ years. „ 585-581 294 SPEECH OF SOSICLES. Book V. protia to consult the oracle of the dead upon the Acheron ^ concerning a pledge which had been given into his charge by a stranger, and Melissa appeared, but refused to speak or tell where the pledge was,—' she was chill,' she said, ' having no clothes ; the garments buried with her were of no manner of use, since they had not been burnt. And this should be her token to Periander, that what she said was true — the oven was cold when he baked his loaves in it.' When this message was brought him, Periander knew the token ;^ wherefore he straightway made proclamation, that all the wives of the Corinthians should go forth to the temple of Juno.' So the women apparelled themselves in their bravest, and went forth, as if to a festival. Then, with the help of his guards, whom he had placed for the pm-pose, he stripped them one and all, makuig no difference between the free women and the slaves ; and, taking their clothes to a pit, he called on the name of Melissa, and bm-nt the whole heap.^ This done, he sent a second time to the oracle ; and Melissa's ghost told him where he would find the stranger's pledge. Such, Lace- demonians ! is tyranny, and such are the deeds which spring from it. We Corinthians marvelled greatly when we first ' The Acheron is the modem Souli or Mawro rivPr, which falls into the sea in lat. 39° 15', long. 20° 31'. The name Thesprotia was applied to the whole tract between the Charadnis {Lvru, or lUigus) and the Thyamis {(Jalamas), It is micei'tain where the oracle of the dead was situated. There seems to have been one at Aor- nus, a city and lake (?) somewhere in these parts (Pansan. ix. xxx. 3 ; Plin. H. N. iv. 1 ; Steph. Byz. ad voc. ; Etym. Magn. ad voc), the site of which it is impossible to &s. Oracles of this kind were not nncommon in Greece. (Crenz. Symb. i. p. 189.) Some light may be thrown on their nature by the narrative in 1 Sam. xxviii. 7-20. ^ "Quippe qui cum mortu^ coiisset Melissa." (Cf. Nic. Dam. Frag. 59 ; Senec. de Iri, ii. 36.) ' Pausanias describes this temple (ii. iv. § 7). It was situated a little below the summit of the Aoro-Corinthus, on a mound or hill {Povvds) , whence the Corinthian Juno had the epithet of ^ouvala. ^ It is probably this same story which appears in Ephorus (Pr. 106) under a different form. There Peri- ander is said to have vowed a golden statue to Jupiter if lie won the Olym. pic chariot.race ; and needing gold for this purpose, to have taken the gold ornaments worn by the Corinthian women at a festival. If the stories are regarded as identical, it may fairly be supposed that " the clothes were burnt to obtain the in-wrought gold " (Blakesley ad loc). This has been recently done on a large scale in India. Chap. 92-94. HIPPIAS RETIKES TO SIGEUM. 295 knew of yoiir having sent for Hippias ; and now it surprises us stUl more to hear you speak as you do. We adjure you, by the common gods of Greece, plant not despots in her cities. If however you are determined, if you persist, against all justice, in seeking to restore Hippias, — know, at least, that the Corinthians will not approve your conduct." 93. When Sosicles, the deputy from Corinth, had thus spoken, Hippias replied, and, invoking the same gods, he said, — " Of a surety the Corinthians will, beyond all others, regret the Pisistratidae, when the fated days come for them to be dis- tressed by the Athenians." Hippias spoke thus because he knew the prophecies ^ better than any man living. But the rest of the allies, who till Sosicles spoke had remained quiet, when they heard him utter his thoughts thus boldly, all together broke silence, and declared themselves of the same mind; and withal, they conjm'ed the Lacedaemonians " not to revolutionise a Grecian city." And in this way the enter- prise came to nought. 94. Hippias hereupon withdrew ; and Amyntas the Mace- donian offered him the city of Anthemus,^ while the Thessa- lians were willuig to give him lolcos : ^ but he would accept neither the one nor the other, preferring to go back to Sigeum,^ which city Pisistratus had taken by force of arms from the MytilenEeans. Pisistratus, when he became master of the * Prophecies forged probably after the affairs of Bpidamnus and Potidasa (Thncyd. i. 24-65), or at least after the battles in the Megarid (lib. 105, 106). The bitter hostility of Corinth to Athens in the Peloponnesian war (ib. i. 119 ; V. 25, 27, 32, 48) contrasts remarkably with the friendly spirit here exhibited. It had its origin, first, in commercial jealousy, and secondly in the soreness engendered by the con. duct of Athens on the aboTO-mentioned occasions. ^ Anthemlis was a city of some note, on the borders of Macedonia, above Chalcidice. It is difficult to fix with certainty its exact site. (See Leake's Travels in Northern Greece, iii. p. 450.) Stephen and Pliny (iv. 10) both mentioned it as a city; but Thucydides applies the name to a district (ii. 99, 100). ^ lolcos, the port from which the Argonauts were said to have sailed, was a place of still greater note than An- themiis. It lay at the bottom of the Pagasean gulf (Scylax, Peripl. p. 60) in the district called Magnesia. All the geographers mention it (Ptol. p. 92 ; Strab. ix. p. 632 ; Plin. H. N. iv. 9, &c.) Its modem name is Volo (Leake's N. G. iv. p. 380). •* Supra, ch. 65. 296 THE ATHENIANS EETAIN POSSESSION OF SIGEUM. Book V. place, established there as tyrant, his own natural son, Hege- sistratus, whose mother was an Argive woman. But this prince was not allowed to enjoy peaceably what his father had made over to him ; for during very many years there had been war between the Athenians of Sigeum and the Mytilenseans of the city called AchUleum.* They of Mytilene insisted on having the place restored to them : but the Athenians refused, since they argued that the Cohans had no better claim to the Trojan territory than themselves, or than any of the other Greeks who helped Menelaiis on occasion of the rape of Helen. 95. War accordingly continued, with many and various incidents, whereof the following was one. In a battle whicH was gained by the Athenians, the poet Alcseus took to flight, and saved himself, but lost his arms, which fell into the hands of the conquerors. They hung them up in the temple of Minerva at Sigeum ; ^ and Alcaeus made a poem, describing his misad- venture to his friend Melanippus, and sent it to him at My- ^ AchilleTim, so called because it contained the tumulna of Achilles (Strab. xiii. p. 859), was within a very- short distance of the town of Sigeum, on the promontory of the same name (Strab. 1. s. c. ; Steph. Byz. ad voc. ; Plin. H. N. V. 30). See the plan of the country around Troy (infra, vii. 43). According to Demetrius, Achil- leum was an iTnT€lxi(rfA.a, or fort built near Sigeum hy the Mytilenagans, for the purpose of vexing and harassing Sigeum, in the hope of ultimately re- covering it. It appears that Mytilene had, at an early date, made herself mistress of the Troad (Strab. xiii. p. 869). Athens, about B.C. 620, sent out a colony under Phrynon, an Olympic victor (Strab. 1. s. 0. ; Euseb. T. xxxvi.), to occupy SigSum, a town already built by the Mytilenseans. Phrynon took the place, and established himself in it ; but a war followed of many years' duration between the Mytile- nceans and the new colony, Achill^um being foi-tified by the former as a place from which to make their attacks. According to one aoconnt (Timseus, Fr. 49) , Periander at this time assisted the Mytilenaeans, and helped to fortify AchillSnm by means of stones brought from Troy. Pittacus commanded on the side of the Mytilenaeans ; and it was in the course of this war that Al- CEeus lost his shield. Phrynon, B.C. 606 (Euseb.), challenged Pittacus to a single combat ; the challenge was ac- cepted, and Pittacus was victorious by means of the arts practised in later times by the retiarius. After this Periander was called in to arbitrate, and assigned Sigeum to Athens (Strab. 1. s. c. ; Diog. Laert. i. 74 ; Polyaen. i. 25 ; Plutarch, ii. p. 858 ; Suidas ad voc. TlLTTaKSs, &c.). It would seem that the Mytilensans must have after- wards recovered Sig^nm, which was taken from them a second time by Pisistratus, probably about B.C. 535. This occasioned a renewal of the war. ^ This temple is mentioned in the famous Sigean inscrii^tion, belonging to the reign of Antiochus Soter (Chis- huU's Insor. Asiat. p. 52, § 35). Ghap. 9i-97. ARTAPHERNES THREATENS THE ATHENIANS. 297 tilene.^ The Mytilenjeans and Athenians were reconciled by Periander, the son of Cypselus, who was chosen by both parties as arbiter — he decided that they, should each retain that of which they were at the time possessed ; and Sigeum passed in this way under the dominion of Athens. 96. On the retm-n of Hippias to Asia from Lacedsemon, he moved heaven and earth' to set Artaphernes against the Athenians, and did all that lay in his power to bring Athens into subjection to himself and Darius. So when the Athenians learnt what he was about, they sent envoys to Sardis, and ex- horted the Persians not to lend an ear to the Athenian exiles. Artaphernes told them in reply, " that if they wished to remain safe, they must receive back Hippias." The Athenians, when this answer was reported to them, determined not to consent, and therefore made up their minds to be at open enmity with the Persians. 97. The Athenians had come to this decision, and were already in bad odour with the Persians, when Aristagoras the Milesian, dismissed from Sparta by Cleomenes the Lacedas- monian, arrived at Athens. He knew that, after Sparta, Athens was the most powerful of the Grecian states.^ Ac- cordingly he appeared before the people, and, as he had done at Sparta,^ spoke to them of the good things which there were in Asia, and of the Persian mode of fight — how they used neither shield nor spear, and were very easy to conquer. All this he urged, and reminded them also, that Miletus was a colony from Athens,'-'' and therefore ought to receive their succour, since they were so powerful — and in the earnestness of his entreaties he cared little what he promised — till, at the last, he prevailed and won them over. It seems indeed to be easier to deceive a ^ Strabo seems to have quoted the first line of this poem, but the passage \is hopelessly corrupt (xiii. p. 864). Compare with the fact of AlcEena writing on such a subject, the well- known ode of Horace (ii. 7). ' Literally " he moved everything " — an expression, the strength of which can only be given by some such idiom as that used in the text. * Compare i. 56. * Supra, oh. 49. 1° Supra, i. 147, and infra, ix. 97. The colonies, notwithstanding their political independence, counted on the aid of the mother city in time of need (see Thucyd. i. 24). 298 AHISTAGORAS SAILS FOE MILETUS. Book V. multitude than one man — for Aristagoras, though he failed to impose on Cleomenes the Lacedasmonian, succeeded with the Athenians, who were thirty thousand.^ Won hy his persua- sions, they voted that twenty ships should be sent to the aid of the lonians, under the command of Melanthius, one of the citizens, a man of mark in every way. These ships were the beginning of mischief both to the Greeks and to the barbarians. 98. Aristagoras sailed away in advance, and when he reached MUetus, devised a plan, from which no manner of advantage could possibly accrue to the lonians ; — indeed, in forming it, he did not aim at then- benefit, but his sole wish was to annoy King Darius. He sent a messenger into Phrygia to those Pseonians who had been led away captive by Megabazus from the river Strymon,^ and who now dwelt by themselves in Phrygia, having a tract of land and a hamlet of their own. This man, when he reached the Peeonians, spoke thus to them : — ' It has been generally supposed that this number is an exaggeration (Dahl- mann's Life of Herod., p. 42, E. T. ; Boeckh's Econ. of Athens, i. p. 48, E. T., &c.). Certainly in later times the actual number seems scarcely ever to have much exceeded twenty thousand. It was 19,000 in the year B.C. 444 (Plutarch. Pericl. c. 37 ; Philochor. ap. Schol. Arist. Vesp. 716), when Psam- metichus sent the Athenians a present of corn, and 21,000 in B.C. 317, when Demetrius Phalereus made his census (Athenseus, vi. p. 272, B.) Aristo. phanes, in B.C. 422 (Tesp. 716), Plato, about B.C. 350 (Critias, p. 133, ed. Tauch.), and Demosthenes, in B.C. 331 (Aristog. i. p. 785), make the same estimate, which is confirmed by the account given in Thucydides (ii. 13) of the military force of Athens at the commencement of the Peloponnesian war. Still the estimate of Herodotus may be true far the period to which he refers. Clisthenes, it must be remem. bered, had recently admitted all the foreign inhabitants {^4i/oi /xerotKoi) and enfrancliised slaves of the same rank (SoiKot fifToiKoi) into the number of citizens ; and these in after-times usually amounted to 10,000 (Atheu. 1. s. c) . No such general enfranchise- ment ever took place afterwards ; and it is quite possible that the number of the citizens may have fallen, between B.C. 500 and B.C. 444. from thirty to twenty thousand. The vast number of colonists and cleruchs sent out from Athens during this interval would fully account for such a diminution. Ten thousand Athenians and, allies were sent to Amphipolis in B.C. 465; 500 Athenians colonised Naxos a year earlier ; 1000 went to the Chersonese between that date and B.C. 465 ; 250 went to Andros and 1000 to Chalcidice about the same time ; 600 to Sinope, some years afterwards ; and a colony (number unknown) to Enboea in B.C. 445. The whole policy of Pericles was to get rid of the superabundant popu- lation by encouraging the emigration of the poorer sort (see Plut. Vit. Pericl. o. 9, and 11, 20, 23, &c. &c.) On the general question of the popula- tion of Attica, see Clinton's P. H., vol. ii. App. ch. 22. ^ Vide sunra. c\is. 15.17 Chap. 97-99. ESCAPE OF THE P^ONIANS. 299 " Men of Paeonia, Ai'istagoras, king of Miletus, has sent me to you, to inform you that you may now escape, if you choose to follow the advice he proffers. All Ionia has revolted from the king ; and the way is open to you to return to your own land. You have only to contrive to reach the sea-coast ; the rest shall be our business." When the Pseonians heard this, they were exceedingly rejoiced, and, taking with them their wives and children, they made all speed to the coast ; a few only remaining in Phrygia through fear. The rest, having reached the sea, crossed over to Chios, where they had just landed, when a great troop of Persian horse came following upon their heels, and seeking to overtake them. Not succeeding, however, they sent a message across to Chios, and begged the Pseonians to come back again. These last refused, and were conveyed by the Chians from Chios to Lesbos, and by the Lesbians thence to Doriscus;* from which place they made their way on foot to Paeonia. 99. The Athenians now arrived with a fleet of twenty sail, and brought also in their company five triremes of the Ere- trians ; * which had joined the expedition, not so much out of goodwill towards Athens, as to pay a debt which they already owed to the people of Miletus. For in the old war between the Chalcideans and Eretrians,^ the Milesians fought on the Eretrian side throughout, while the Chalcideans had the help 2 Herodotus gives the name of Doris - ens to the great alluvial plaiu through which the river Hebrus (Maritza) empties itself into the sea. Darius at the time of ihis invasion of Scythia had built a fortified post to command the passage of this river, to which the name Doriscus was also given (infra, vii. 59). It was a place of great strength (vii. 106), and continued to be known as an important stronghold down to the time of Philip, son of Demetrius (b.c. 200 ; cf. Liv. xxxi. 16). ^Bretria lay upon the coast of Euboea, 12 or 13 roiles below Chalcis. Its site is marked by extensive ruing (Leake, p. 286). The better situation of Chalcis prevented Eretria from com- peting with it sucoeaaf uUy. By Strabo's time the superiority of the former city was clear and decisive (x. p. 653) j and at present Jlgripo, which occupies its site, is the only place of any import- ance in the whole island. * See Thuoyd. i. 15, for the import- ance of this contest. Almost all Greece was said to have been engaged in it. We learn from Plutarch (ii. p. 760, E.) that the Eretrian horse was at first superior, and that Chalcis had to rely for this arm on the Thessalians. 300 CHAROPIXUS MARCH ON SAEDIS. Book V. of the Samian people. Aristagoras, on their arriTal, assembled the rest of his allies, and proceeded to attack Sardis, not however leading the army in person, but appointing to the command his own brother Charopinus, and Hermophantus, one of the citizens, while he himself remained behind in Miletus. 100. The lonians sailed with this fleet to Ephesus,^ and, leaving their ships at Coressus ' in the Ephesian territory, took guides fi-om the city, and went up the country, with a great host. They marched along the course of the river Cayster,* and, crossing over the ridge of Tmolus, came down upon Sardis and took it,^ no man opposing them ; — the whole city fell into their hands, except only the citadel, which Arta- phernes defended in person, having with him no contemptible force. 101. Though, however, they took the city, they did not suc- ceed in plundering it ; for, as the houses in Sardis were most of them built of reeds, and even the few which were of brick had a reed thatching for their roof, one of them was no sooner fired by a soldier than the flames ran speedily from house to house, and spread over the whole place.^" As the fire raged. ^ The Pseado-Plutarch says (De Ma- lign. Herod, ii. p. 865) that the fleet first sailed towards Cyprus, and gained a naval victory over the Cyprians in the Pamphylian sea ; bnt this is pro- bably a mere misrepresentation of the battle mentioned below, ch. 112. ' The Coressns here spoken of must have been a town upon the sea-coast. (So Steph. Byz. KopT]aahs ttoXis ttjs 'Ee(rlas.) It lay probably at the base of the mountain of the same name (Diod. Sic. xiv. 99), somewhat south of Panormus, the port of Ephesus. (Compare Strab. xiv. 909, 917 ; Athe- naaus, viii. 16; Xen. Hell. i. ii. 7; ^schin. Ep. 1, ed. Baiter.) ^ The Cayster, now the Little Meu- dere, washed Ephesus on the north, and formed its harbour (Strab. p. 919) . This river, one of thef our great streams emptying themselves into the Bgean sea, drains the valley lying between the Eisilja Musa Dagh (Messogis) and Kesta'ni Dagh (Tmfilus) ranges. It brings down a considerable deposit, and has probably augmented the alluvial land at its mouth very greatly since the time of Herodotus. (See Chandler's Asia Minor, ch. xxxvii. end.) * The Psendo-Plutarch says that the Persians were at this time besieging Miletus, and that the object of the attack upon Sardis was to force them to raise the siege (De Malign. Her. 1. B.C.); bnt the silence of Herodotus is conclusive against these statements. '" In Eastern capitals the houses are still rarely of brick or stone. Eeeds and wood constitute the chief building materials. Hence the terrible confia- grations which from time to time devastate them. Chap. 99-101. BURNING OF SARDIS. 301 the Lydians, and such Persians as were in the city, inclosed on every side by the flames, which had seized all the skirts of the town, and findiag themselves unable to get out, came in crowds into the market-place, and gathered themselves upon the banks of the Pactolus. This stream, which comes down from Mount Tmolus, and brings the Sardians a quantity of gold-dust, runs directly through the market-place of Sardis, and joins the Hermus, before that river reaches the sea." So [Rums of Sardis. — From a sketch by Rev. S. C. Malan.] the Lydians and Persians, brought together in this way in the market-place and about the Pactolus, were forced to stand on their defence ; and the lonians, when they saw the enemy in ^^ Two email streams descend from Tm61ns, one on eacli side of the rnins of Sardis : " the western, which comes down the broader valley, and passes by the Ionic temple of Cyb^le, has gene- rally been considered as the gold -bear, ing Paot61ns" (Hamilton's Asia Miaor, vol. i. pp. 146, 147) . Like most gold- fields, that of the PactMus, so cele- brated at an early peiiod (Soph. Phil. 393 ; Strab. xiii. p. 897), was soon ex- hausted. By the time of Augustus it had ceased to produce gold (Strab. 1. s. c.) 302 KETREAT AND DEFEAT OF THE GREEKS. Book T. part resisting, in part pouring towards them in dense crowds, took fright, and drawing off to the ridge which is called Tmolus, when night came, went back to their ships. 102. Sardis however was burnt, and, among other buildings, a temple of the native goddess Cybele was destroyed ; ^ which was the reason afterwards alleged by the Persians for setting on fire the temples of the Greeks.^ As soon as what had hap- pened was known, aU the Persians who were stationed on this side the Halys drew together,^ and brought help to the Lydians. Finding however, when they arrived, that the lonians had already withdrawn from Sardis, they set off, and, following close upon their track, came up with them at Ephesus. The lonians drew out against them in battle array ; and a fight ensued, wherein the Greeks had very greatly the worse.* Vast ' CybSbe, Cybele, or Rhea, was the Magna Mater, or Mother of the Gods, a principal object of worship among all the Oriental nations. (Vide supra, i. 131, note «, and Essay x. pp. 624-627; and cf . Soph. 1. s. c. ; Catnll. Ixi. ; Yirg. .^n. vi. 785 ; ix. 617, &c. See also Selden, de Dis Syris, ii. 2.) She may be identified with the Beltis of the Assyrian inscriptions, the Mylitta of Herodotus (1. s. c), the Demeter of the Greeks, and the Ceres or Ops of the Romans. Her worship from very early times in Lydia is marked by the antique fi^re on Mount Sipylus, mentioned by Pausanias as the most ancient of statues (^apxa^^ToiTot/ inrdifTwy S-yaAjUa, III. xxii. § 4), and lately rediscovered by Mr. Strickland (Hamilton's Asia Minor, vol. i. p. 50, note). Her temple at Sardis was probably the magnificent structure, situated be- tween the Pactdlus and the citadel, of the remains of which so many travellers have given a description. When Chis- huU (Travels, p. 16) in 1699, and even when Peyronnel, in 1750, visited the site, six columns were stiU standing. Chandler, in 1764, found only five (Asia Minor, vol. i. p. 295), Cockerell, about 1820, three (Leake'sAsia IMinor, p. 342) , Hamilton, in 1836 (Asia Minor, vol. i. p. 149), and Fellows, in 1838 (Travels, p. 289), no more than two. This temple was a building of the Ionic order, formed of blocks of white marble of an enormous size. It appears to have been never finished (Cockerell, Fellows), but bears marks (Cockerell) of a very high antiquity. It was 144 feet in width, and probably 251 long, Mr. Cockerell's description (Leake, 1. tj. c.) is by far the most complete that has yet been given. ^ The Greeks, who did notunderstand the iconoclastic spirit which animated the Persians (supra, iii. 29 and 37), sought for some special motive to ex- plain the outrages on their religion (infra, riii. 33, 53, 55; ix. 13, &o.) during the war ; and found such a motive in retaliation of the injury done to this temple. But it may be doubted whether this circumstance had really any influence on the subse- quent hostilities. ^ On the size and organization of the Persian standing army, see above, vol. ii. p. 565. But the expression here used is an exaggeration. ■^ Charon of Lampsacus, a writer con- temporary with Xerxes, made no men- tion of this defeat in his account of the expedition (Pint, de Malig. Herod, p. 861, C. D.) There is reason, how- Chap. 101-104. EEVOLT OF CAHIA, CAUNUS, AND CYPRUS. 303 numbers were slain by the Persians : among other men of note, they killed the captain of the Eretrians, a certain Eval- cidas, a man who had gained crowns at the games, and received much praise fi-om Simonides the Cean.^ Such as made their escape from the battle dispersed among the several cities. 103. So ended this encounter. Afterwards the Athenians quite forsook the lonians, and, though Aristagoras besought them much by his ambassadors, refused to give him any further help." Still the lonians, notwithstanding this deser- tion, continued unceasingly their preparations to carry on the war against the Persian king, which their late conduct towards him had rendered unavoidable. Sailing into the Hellespont, they brought Byzantium, and all the other cities in that quarter, under their sway. Again, quitting the Hellespont they went to Caria, and won the greater part of the Carians to their side ; while Caunus, which had formerly refused to join with them, after the burning of Sardis came over like- wise.'' 104. All the Cyprians too, excepting those of Amathus, of their own proper motion espoused the Ionian cause.* The ever, to believe that this author was inclined to gloss over unpleasant facts in his history. (See Dahlmaim's Life of Herod, p. 88, E. T.) * That Simonides the Cean, Uke Pin- dar, wrote odes in praise of those who carried off prizes in the games, we know from Aristotle (Ehet. iii. 2). He is said to have been one of the men of letters invited to Athens by the Pisis- tratidae (Pint. Hipparch. vol. iv. p. 174, ed. Tauohn.). He must not be con- founded with Simonides of Amorgos, who was greatly his senior. * Mr. Grote conjectures that the Asiatic Greeks must have been guilty of some "glaring desertion" of their allies, which justified this withdrawal ' (Hist, of Greece, vol. iv. p. 390). There is no evidence to sustain such a view, which seems based upon a notion that the Athenians could not possibly do wrong. The truth seems to be. that on the first reverse Athens backed out of the war. Such conduct was cer- tainly far more " open to censure " than the original embarking in the war, which was a very politic act. It is perhaps not going too far to say that if Athens and the other maritime states of Greece had given a hearty and resolute support to the Ionian cause, the great invasions of Darius and Xerxes might have been prevented. ' The Caunians had been brought under the Persian yoke by Harpagus with difficulty (supra, i. 176.) For the situation of their country, see Appen- dix to vol. i. (Essay ii. p. 383). It is surprising that the Lycians did not take the opportunity, which now offered, to throw off the Persian yoke. * Mr. Grote considers this revolt to have been confined to "the Greek cities in Cyprus," among which he even reckons AmathAs (Hist, of Greece, vol. 304 DAHIUS HEAHS OF SAEDIS BEING BURNT. Book V. occasion of their revolting from the Medes was the following. There was a certain Onesilus, younger brother of Gorgus, king of Salamis, and son of Chersis, who was son of Siromus,' and grandson of Evelthon.^ This man had often in former times entreated Gorgus to rebel against the king ; but, when he heard of the revolt of the lonians, he left him no peace with his importunity. As, however, Gorgus would not hearken to him, he watched his occasion, and when his brother had gone outside the town, he with his partisans closed the gates upon him. Gorgus, thus deprived of his city, fled to the Medes ; and Onesilus,^ being now king of Salamis, sought to bring about a revolt of the whole of Cyprus. All were prevailed on except the Amathusians, who refused to listen to him ; whereupon Onesilus sate down before Amathus,^ and laid siege to it. 105. While Onesilus was engaged in the siege of Amathus, King Darius received tidings of the taking and burning of Sardis by the Athenians and lonians ; and at the same time iv. p. 391) ; but Herodotus distinctly states that the Cyprians revolted gene- rally. No doubt there had been a, considerable Greek immigration into Cyprus before this period (vide infra, vii. 90), but the bulk of the population continued Phoenician till long after- wards. This is plain from Scylas, who calls all the inhabitants of the interior " barbarians," and notices as excep- tional even the cases of Greek cities upon the coast. It would seem that in his time (the time of Philip of Macedon) there were in Cyprus no more than three Greek cities of note. These were Salamis, Sob, and JIarium. We must therefore consider the revolt to have extended in a great measure to the Phoenician irihabitants, although the non-participation in it of the im- portant and thoroughly Phcenician town of AmathUs (Scylax, Peripl. p. 97 ; Theopomp. Pr. Ill ; Steph. Byz. ad voc.) would seem to imply that the Phcenician population entered into it less thoroughly than the Greek. ' This name is clearly Phoenician, being identical with the Hiromns (E'lpaifios) of Josephus, and the Hiram (^70) of Scripture. (Compare rii. 98.) It is probable that the Greek princes of Cyprus intermarried with the Phoenicians. 1 The Evelthon of Bk. iv. ch. 162, seems to be meant ; but it is difficult to understand how, within the space of thirty years, he could have been suc- ceeded by a grown-up great-grandson. Still it is possible, if Evelthon at the time of Pheretima's visit (about B.C. 530) was a very old man. ^ The initial element of this name appears in that of the king of Limenia (Bima2i35rMtsM),whosuppliedlabourers to Esarhaddon (supra, vol. i. p. 491, note ^.) ^ AmathAs, one of the most ancient Phcenician settlements in Cyprus (apxaiOTdrr], Steph. Byz.), was situated on the south coast, about 35 miles west of Citium (Larnaka). Its ruins still exist near the village of Limasol (Engel's Kypros, vol. i. p. 109 et seqq.). Chap. 104^106. HISTIvEUS SUMMONED TO HIS PRESENCE. 305 he learnt that the author of the league, the man by whom the whole matter had been planned and contrived, was Aristagoras the Milesian. It is said that he no sooner understood what had happened, than, laying aside all thought concerning the lonians, who would, he was sure, pay dear for their rebellion, he asked, " Who the Athenians were ?"* and, being informed, called for his bow, and placing an arrow on the string, shot upward into the sky,^ saying, as he let fly the shaft — " Grant me, Jupiter,^ to revenge myself on the Athenians ! " After this speech, he bade one of his servants every day, when his dinner was spread, three times repeat these words to him — " Master, remember the Athenians." 106. Then he summoned into his presence Histiseus of Miletus, whom he had kept at his court for so long a time ; and on his appearance addressed him thus — " I am told, Histiffius, that thy lieutenant, to whom thou hast given Miletus in charge, has raised a rebellion against me. He has brought men from the other continent to contend with me, and, prevailing on the lonians — whose conduct I shall know how to recompense — to join with this force, he has robbed me of Sardis ! Is this as it shoidd be, thinkest thou ? Or can it have been done without thy knowledge and advice ? Beware lest it be found hereafter that the blame of these acts is thine." HistisBus answered — "What words are these, king, to which thou hast given utterance ? I advise aught from which unpleasantness of any kind, little or great, should come to thee ! What could I gain by so doing ? Or what is there that I lack now ? Have I not all that thou hast, and am I not thought worthy to partake all thy counsels? If my lieutenant has indeed done as thou sayest, be sure he has done it all of his own head. For my part, I do not think * Compare i. 153, and supra, ch. 73. ^ Compare with this what is said of the Thraciana (supra, iv. 94). The notion here seems to be to yend the message to heaven on the arrow. VOL. ni. * That is, " Ormazd." The Greeks identify the sitpr&me God of each nation with their own Zeus (vide supra, i. 131 ; ii. 55, &o.). 3o6 HISTIiEUS SENT DOWN TO THE COAST. Boos. Y. it can really be that the Milesians and my lieutenant have raised a rebeUion against thee. But if they have indeed com- mitted aught to thy hurt, and the tidings are true which have come to thee, judge thou how ill-advised thou wert to remove me from the sea-coast. The lonians, it seems, have waited till I was no longer in sight, and then sought to execute that which they long ago desired ; whereas, if I had been there, not a single city would have stirred. Suffer me then to hasten at my best speed to Ionia, that I may place matters there upon theii- former footing, and deliver up to thee the deputy of Miletus, who has caused all the troubles. Having managed this business to thy heart's content, I swear by all the gods of thy royal house, I will not put off the clothes in which I reach Ionia, till I have made Sardinia, the biggest island in the world,^ thy tributary." 107. HisticEus spoke thus, wishing to deceive the king ; and Darius, persuaded by his words, let him go ; only bidding him be sm-e to do as he had promised, and afterwards come back to Susa. 108. In the mean time — while the tidings of the burning of Sardis were reaching the king, and Darius was shooting the arrow and having the conference with Histiaeus, and the latter, by permission of Darius, was hastening down to the sea — in Cyprus the following events took place. Tidings came to Onesilus, the Salaminian, who was still besieging Amathus, that a certain Artybius, a Persian, was looked for to arrive in Cyprus with a great Persian armament.' So Onesilus, when ' See note ' on Bk. i. ch. 170. Sar- dinia, it appears, ia really a little larger than Sicily (see Smyth's Memoir on the Jtediterranean, pp. 28, 29), and thns the largest island known to He- rodotus. His opinion of its size was also that of Soylax (Peripl. p. 131) and of Tima3n3 (ap. Strab. xiv. p. 936). Strabo was the first of the geographers who reversed the judgment and declared Sardinia to be smaller than Sicily (ii. p. 162). In this he was followed by Ptolemy (Geograph. vii. 5, p. 182), Enstathius (ad Dionys. Perieg. 565), and a long series of sub- sequent writers. The supposed size of the Mediterranean islands was recorded in the following lines : — TMv k^TTU vrjauiv, a? ^5e(f eii r] Of' OiKiiTfii^ y fTTJ riZ&e Xfipiv icai KvSot OTra^oi £it(^\oi^, Kai voCTQv jrarpid' ep i^pLtr^prtv. Chap. 112-117. CYPRUS ENSLAVED A SECOND TIME. 3" take down the head and bury it, and thenceforth to regard Onesihis as a hero, and offer sacrifice to him year by year ; so it would go the better with them." And to this day the Amathusians do as they were then bidden. 115. As for the lonians who had gained the sea-fight, when they found that the affairs of Onesilus were utterly lost and ruined, and that siege was laid to all the cities of Cyprus excepting Salamis, which the inhabitants had surrendered to Gorgus,^ the former king — forthwith they left Cyprus, and sailed away home. Of the cities which were besieged, Soli held out the longest ; the Persians took it by undermining the wall ^ in the fifth month from the beginning of the siege. 116. Thus, after enjoying a year of freedom, the Cyprians were enslaved for the second time. Meanwhile Daurises, who was married to one of the daughters of Darius, together with Hymeas, Otanes,^ and other Persian captains, who were like- wise married to daughters of the king,^ after pursuing the lonians who had fought at Sardis, defeating them, and driving them to their ships, divided their efforts against the different cities, and proceeded in succession to take and sack each one of them. 117. Daurises attacked the towns upon the Hellespont, and took in as many days the five cities of Dardanus, Abydos, Percote, Lampsacus, and Psesus.^ From Paesus he marched * GorguB is still king at the time of the expedition of Xerxes (infra, vii. 98). " Compare iv. 200, note ". ^ Probably the Otanes mentioned above (chs. 25 and 26) as the son of Sisanmes. ^ The prartice of marrying the king's daughters to the most distinguished of the Persian nobles had in view the consolidation of the empire and the strengthening of the royal power by attaching to the throne those who would have been most likely to stir np revolts. The tendency of the Persian empire, as of other Oriental monarchies, to disintegration has been already noticed (supra, iii. 120). This system served in some measure as a check. (See vol. ii. Essay iii. § 3.) In modern times the king's (Shah's) daughters are bestowed chiefly upon the rich, and are made the means of replenishing an empty treasury or of ruining an individual. The honour, when offered, may not be declined ; and an enormous sum has to be paid by the bridegroom, as a wedding- present to the bride's relations. ^ These cities are enumerated in their order from south to north (Strab. xiii. pp. 850-858 ; Scyl. Peripl. p. 85), in which order a force advancing from Ionia would naturally attack them. 312 DAURISES ATTACKS THE CAEIANS. Book T. against Parium ; * but on his way receiving intelligence that the Carians had made common cause with the lonians, and thrown off the Persian yoke, he tm-ned round, and, leaving the Hellespont, marched away towards Caria. 118. The Carians by some chance got information of this movement before Dam'ises arrived, and drew together their strength to a place called " The White Columns," which is on the river Marsyas,^ a stream running from the Idrian country, and emptying itself into the Mseander. Here, when they were met, many plans were put forth ; but the best, in my judg- ment, was that of Pixodarus, the son of Mausolus, a Cindyan," Dardanus was an insignificant town {evKaTa(pp6vi]Tos, Strabo) dependent npon Abydos, situated inside the Hel- lespont or Dardanelles (to which it gave that name), about ten miles from the southern opening of the strait. The modem Kippis Bouroun nearly occu. pies the site. Eight or nine miles higher up lay Abydos, somewhat above the point where the castles of the Dardanelles now stand. Its situation is marked by some trifling ruins (Toumefort, vol. i. p. 342). Still higher, and at some little distance from the sea, was Perc6te (now Burgas), a place of some consequence (Horn. II. ii. 83.5; Scyl. Peripl. p. 84; Strab. xiii. p. 852; Plin. H. N. v. 32; Steph. Byz. advoc). Lampsacus (the modem iam. pmM) lay near the mouth of the Pro- pontis, almost opposite Callipolig (GallipoU). The anciont town was a little to the north of the modem vil- lage (Castellane, Lettres sur la Grfece, vol. i. p. 134). Paesus was built upon the river of the same name, between Lampsacus and Parium. It had ceased to exist in Strabo's time (xiii. p. 850). Except Dardanus these cities are all said to have been Milesian colonies (Strab. ut supra ; Steph. Byz. makes Lampsacus a Phocasan settle- ment, but this is improbable). "* Parium seems to have occupied the site of the modern Kamares (long. 27° 3', lat. 40° 25'). It was a joint colony from Miletus, Erythrjo, and Pares. Scylax (Peripl. p. 84), Strabo (xiii. p. 849), and Ptolemy (Geograph. V. 2, p. 135) mention it. ^ Bahr (ad loo.) imagines this Mar- syas to be the well-known stream near CelEBnae, the Catarrhactes of our author (infra, vii. 26), which joins the Mse- ander within a very short distance from its source (Liv. xxxviii. 13 ; Xen. Anab. i. ii. § 8). But this river was in Phrygia, above a hmidred miles from the Carian frontier, whither it is quite absurd to suppose the Carians to have marched. There can be little doubt that the Marsyas here mentioned is the river (now the Cheena Chi) which joins the Meeander from the south in long. 28°. The Idrian country, from which it flowed, is undoubtedly the country about Stratonicaaa (Eshi-Ris- sar), which was called at different periods Idrias, Chrysaoris, and Heca- tesia. (Compare Steph. Byz. ad voces 'ISpias, K. T. \. with Strab. xiv. p. 944 ; and for the identity of Eski-Hissar with StratonicEea see Chandler, ch. Ivii., whd found inscriptions there to Hecate and Jupiter Chrysaoris; and cf. Leake's Asia Minor, pp. 234, 235.) ® Cindys or Cindya (Strab.) was a small town near Bargylia. It appears to have fallen into decay at an early date, but the name remained in the title of Minerva Cindyas, whose temple and image were regarded with particu- lar reverence by the Bargylians. Rain and snow, it were said, never fell on them (Polyb. xvi. 12; Strab. xiv. p. 941, with the note of Casaubon, ad loo.) Chap. 117-119. BATTLE OF THE MAESYAS. 313 who was married to a daughter of Syennesis,'' the CiHcian king. His advice was, that the Carians should cross the Meander, and fight with the river at their back ; that so, all chance of flight being cut off, they might be forced to stand their ground, and have their natural courage raised to a still higher pitch. His opinion, however, did not prevail ; it was thought best to make the enemy have the Masander behind them ; that so, if they were defeated in the battle and put to flight, they might have no retreat open, but be driven head- long into the river. 119. The Persians soon afterwards approached, and, cross- ing the Masander, engaged the Carians upon the banks of the Marsyas ; where for a long time the battle was stoutly con- tested, but at last the Carians were defeated, being over- powered by numbers. On the side of the Persians there fell 2000, while the Carians had not fewer than 10,000 slain. Such as escaped from the field of battle collected together at Labranda,^ in the vast precinct of Jupiter Stratius ^ — a deity worshipped only by the Carians ^ — and in the sacred grove of ' On the name Syennesis, see vol. i. p. 199, note «. ^ Labranda was on the monntain range wMch eeparated the valley of the Marsyas from that of Mylasa (Strab. xiv. p. 943). It was a strong position. The site nsnally assigned is the modem village of laldee, where there are important remains (Chandler, ch. Iviii. p. 226). Col. Leake's con. jectm:e, however (Asia Minor, p. 234), that these are the ruins of ETiromns, and that Labranda is to be sought for on the high ground between Melasso (Mylasa) and Arah-Hissa/r (Alabanda), which was probable enough in itself, has received a striking coniirniation from the researches of Sir C. Fellows. This traveDer, on his way from Arab- Hissar to Melasso, discovered in the position anticipated by Col. Leake, some important ruins, evidently the remains of an ancient town ; and also found considerable traces of an ancient paved road, leading from this town to Melasso (Lycia, p. 67) . The latter cir- cumstance exactly agrees with the ac- count of Strabo, whose words are 65hs Se €{XTpUTai £i)Ku\t5eu)' Ae/jtot Kanoi' oux o ^ei/, navTer, irX?;v npoK\60i'r' Kai IlpoKXetlc Aefjios. The Lerians were colonists of the Mile- sians (Anaximen. ap. Strab.xiv. p. 910). * Aristagoras, it is evident from this, had not really divested himself of the supreme authority in his native town (vide supra, ch. 37). Little regard seems, however, to have been paid to his nominee and successor. ^ It appears from Thucydides (iv. 102), that this city was on or near the spot called Nine-Ways ("Ej/j/ea 'OSoi), where AmphipoHs was afterwards built (infra, vii. 114). The Thracians who defeated Aristagoras, were the Edo. nians. It would seem they not only succeeded in protecting their own cities, but made themselves masters of Myrcinus, which is called in Thucy- dides an Edonian city CHSaviich Tr6\ii-, iv. 107). APPENDIX TO BOOK V. ESSAY I. ON THE EARLY HISTORY OF SPARTA. 1. Spartans, immigrants into the Peloponnese. (2. J Suppoeed migrations of the Dorians. 3. Their occnpation of the PeKfponnese according to the ordinary legend. 4. The true history unknown. 5. Probable line of march. 6. Date of the occnpation. 7.J The conquest gradual. ' S.^Spartan Dorians — Sparta and Amyclse — early wars. 9. Internal history — origin of the double monarchy — troubles of the early period. 10. Condition of Sparta before Lyourgus — the three classes — (i.) Spartans — (ii.) Perioeci — (hi.) Helots. 11. Succession of the early kings. 12. Original constitu. tion of Sparta — Kings — Senate — Eoclesia. 13. Constitutional changes of Lycurgns, slight. (^^T) His discipline — question of its origin. 15. Causes of its adoption. 16r~Bupposed equalization of landed property. 17. Argu- ments which disprove it. ^1^ Effects of Lycurgus' legislation — conquests, and increase of Perioeci. 19./MeBBenian wars. 20. Causes of the rupture. 21. Outhue of the first warT' 22. Date and duration. 23. Internal changes consequent on the first war — "Peers" and "Inferiors" — "Small" and " Great Assembly " — colonization of Tarentum. 24. Interral between the wars. 25. ^Outline of the second war. 26. Its duration. 27. War with Pisatis. '2S^ War with Arcadia. ^.'-, Gradual diminution of the kingly power at Sparta, and continued rise"of the Ephors. 30. Rapid decrease in the number of Spartan citizens. 1. That the Spartans of Mstory were not original inhabitants of the Peloponnese, but invaders from northern Greece, who esta- blished their dominion over a large portion of the peninsula by a conquest of its previous occupants, is a fact which even the most, sceptical of modem historians has not hesitated to admit as certain. i' A uniform tradition,^ siipported by the representation of antique ' See Mr. Grote's History of Greece, vol. ii. part ii. oh. 4 (pp. 408-442). 2 Cf. Hesiod. Fr. vii. ; TyrttEus ap. Strab. viii. p. 526 ; Pind. Pyth. v. 92-96, and Fragm. ed. Bockh, vol. i. p. 577 ; Herod, i. 56, vi. 52, viii. 43 and 73 ; Thncyd. i. 12, 18, 107 ; Isocrat. Panath. p. 256; Archidam. p. 194; Aristid. Orat. 46, vol. ii. p. 284; Ephor. Frs. 10-20 ; ApoUodor. ii. 8 ; Scymn. Ch. 528 et seqq. ; Strab. viii. p. 530, &c. ; Died. Sic. iv. 37-60 ; Pansan. iii. i. , &c., IT. iii. § 3, &o.; OSnom. ap. Euseb. Prsep. Ev. v. 20, p. 210, 0. The only writer who gives an account essentially different is Plato, by whom the Dorians are represented as expelled Achaeans returning to their own country under the conduct of one Dorieus (Leg. iii. p. 682, E.). 3i8 MIGRATIONS OF THE DORIANS. App. Book V. times contained in the earliest Greek writer,^ and remarkably in unison with the actual condition of the population of the country when its circumstances first become known to us,* constitutes evidence the weight of which is altogether irresistible. It may be assumed, therefore, that the Dorian Spartans, whose history is now to be traced, unlike their rivals, the Athenians, were immigrants into an occupied country— settlers among a people from whom they differed to a greater or less extent,^ whom they conquered and held in subjection. Regarding thus much as allowed on all hands, we have in the first instance to consider — 1. whence they came, and why they left their primitive seats ; 2. in what way they effected the conquest. 2. According to Herodotus, the Dorians, whom he identifies with the Hellenes, had dwelt originally in Acheea Phthiotis," the country immediately east of the Pagasaean Gulf, lying both north and south of the chain of Othrys. Hence they had removed to a tract called HistiiBotis in Upper Thessaly, which Herodotus seems to place near Temp6, since he tells us that it lay " at the base of Ossa and Olympus." ' From this region they had been driven by the Cad- meians, whereupon they had fled into Pindus ; and while there had taken the name of "Macedni" (or Macedonians).^ After a time they had quitted this refuge and gained possession of Dryopis, the tract between Parnassus and Callidromus, consisting of the valleys of the Pindus and certain other streams which form the head- waters of the great Cephissus river. Prom this country, which in the historical age was known as Doris, they had entered the Pelopon- nese, and subjugated the previous inhabitants. It has been observed by K. 0. Miiller in reference to this account ^ Homer haa no Dorians in the Pelo- ponnese, the inliabitants of which, ac- cording to hiTn, are Achssans, Argivea, or Danaans. He has, indeed, a single insignificant town Dorinin (II. ii. 594) on the west coast near Pyloa ; but the Dorians only appear in hia writings aa a Cretan race. (Od. xix, 177.) ^ See below, pp. 332-335. ^ Widely different opiniona have been held on this point. Mr. Grote says (Hist, of Greece, vol. ii. p. 451), " So little is known of the previous inhabi- tants of the Peloponneae, that we cannot at all measure the difference between them and their Dorian in- vadera, either in dialect, in habits, or in intelhgence.'* He inclinee, how- ever, to think, at least with regard to their language, that it " did not differ materially from the Doric" (p. 452). K. 0. Miiller, on the other hand, speaks of " the difference between the lan- guage, religion, and customs of the two nations " aa " strongly and pre- cisely marked." (Dorians, vol. i. p. 56.) « Herod, i. 56. ^ Ibid. T71V virh TTiv "Offffau re Kot rhv OijKvfjLTTOv x^PV^' ' Ibid. loo. cit., and compare viii. 43. Essay I. SETTLEMENT OF THE DORIANS IN DEYOPIS. 319 of the early migrations of tlie Dorian race, that " no one can con- sider it as flowing immediately from ancient tradition ; it can only be viewed as an attempt of tlie father of history to arrange and reconcile various legends and traditions."^ This remark appears to he just. Whatever value we may be inclined to attach generally to the account which a nation without a literature gives of its origin, it is impossible to imagine that a people driven about in the way described would orally preserve for centuries so exact an account of its many wanderings. Herodotus, or those from whom he drew his information, must be considered to have thrown together and blended into a single narrative stories current in different parts of Greece, which it required some ingenuity to harmonise. The Dorians had to be placed originally in Phthiotis, because that was in Homer 1 the country of the Hellenes, with whom the Dorians were identified : they must be given seats in Histiaaotis, since Upper Thessaly was the abode of the Lapithee, with whom Mgj. mius, their mythic ancestor, was said to have contended ;2 and since, according to some accounts,^ the Dorian colonies in Crete proceeded from that region : they must descend Pindus that they might reach Dryopis, their well-known habitation in later times ; and they must be called Macedonians, in order to give a foundation to those claims of Hellenism which the Macedonians were in the habit of preferring, not only for their royal family, but for their whole nation.* The very lowest degree of credit must be considered to attach to these legends, which receive no support from Homer,^ and are full of internal improbabilities. All that can be said to be ascertained of the Dorians before they settled in the Peloponnese, is the fact that they previously inhabited the "small and sad region"^ known in historical times as Doris, or the Doric metropolis, where they had a confederacy of four townships, Pindas, Boeum, Citinium, and Erineus,'' all situated in the valley of the Pindus river. Of this ^ Dorians, vol. i. pp. 21, 22. 1 Iliad, ii. 683, 684. * Apollod. II. fii. 7; Diod. Sic. iv. 37; Strab. ix. p. 637. An ancient epic, ascribed to Hesiod, and entitled ' .ZEgimius,' probably described this contest. (See Miiller's Dorians, vol. i. pp. 33-35, B. T.) " Andron, Er. 3; Diod. Sic. iv. 60; T. 80. '' See Miiller's Dorians, vol. i. p. 40. " Homer does not know of Dorians anywhere bnt in Crete (Od. xix. 177). They do not appear among the com- batants of the Iliad. ^ Mr. Grote (Hist, of Greece, vol. ii. p. 388) thus happily renders the '7r6\€is /xtKpal Koi \uirp6x(^po^t of Strabo, ix. p. 620. ^ Erinetts seems to be the correct form of this name, not BriueMm, which Mr. Grote gives (Hist, of Greece, loc. sup. cit.). See Andron. ap. Strab. x. p. 693 (Fr. 4), riji' 'Eptyeov; Scylac. Peripl. 320 DORIAN CONQUEST OF THE PELOPONNESE. App. Book T. oountry they were reported to have gained possession by the expul- sion of the Dryopes, one of the most ancient races of Greece, which may be regarded as a sister-tribe to the Pelasgi, Leleges, Oauc6nes, Dolopes, &c. ; but this expalsion does not seem to rest upon such evidence as entitles it to take rank among the established facts of history.^ 3. According to the prevailing legend, the Dorians vi^ere induced to leave their seats under Parnassus by the entreaties of a band of fugitives from the Peloponnese, who begged their aid in order to effect a return to their native country. These fugitives were the Heraclidis, or descendants of Hercules, by hereditary right the royal family of Argos, but expelled from the Peloponnese by a usurper of their own house (Eurystheus), and at his death super- seded by another ancient Peloponnesian family, the Pelopidae, or descendants of Pelops. Received with open arms by the Dorians and adopted into their body, the Heraolidea became the ruling family of the nation whose aid they had sought, and imparted the name of Hylleans to their principal tribe.^ After various attempts to force their way into the peninsula by the Isthmus of Corinth, which were met and defeated by the inhabitants,-' the Dorians under their Heracleid leaders at last effected the passage of the Corinthian Gulf near its mouth, in ships which they had built at ISTaupactus, a port granted to them by the Ozolian Locrians. They were accom- panied on their expedition by Oxylus, an ^tolian chief,^ who was p. 53 ; Ptol. iii. 15 ; Tzetzea ad Ly- cophr. 741, and 980 ; Steph. Byz. ad voc, &c. * K. 0. Miiller regards the evidence as sufficient (Dorians, vol. i. pp. 46-49) ; but he confesses that " the expulsion of the Dryopians is related in a manner entirely fabulous." , Herodotus in one place ascribes it to Hercules and the Malians (riii. 43. Compare Strab. viii. p. 542 ; Pausan. IT. xxxiv. § 6 ; Diod. Sic. iv. 37; Etym. Magn. ad voc. 'Ao-iveiy), elsewhere apparently to the Dorians (i. 56). ^ ^gimins, the Dorian chief vfho re- ceived the Heraclidffi, was made to have two sons of his own, Pamphylus and Dymas. On the arrival of the Eeraclidte, he adopted Hyllns, whence the names of the three Dorian tribes, Hylleans, Pamphylians, and Dyma- natae. (See ApoUod. it. viii. § 3, ad fin.; Ephor. Fr. 10; Steph. Byz. ad voc. Av/iait ; Schol. ad Pind. Pyth. i. 121.) ^ Three such attempts are narrated : the first under Hyllns, after the death of Enrysthens, in which Hyllua was slain by Echemus (Herod, ix. 26 ; Schol. Pind. 01. x. 79) ; the second under Cleodseus, the sou of Hyllua, who also fell in an engagement (Qilnom. ap. Euseb. Prasp. Bv. v. 20, p. 210, C; Schol. ad Pind. Isth. vii. 18) ; and the third under Aristomachus, the son of Oleodaeus, which had the same ill success (ApoUod. II. viii. § 2 ; Qilnom. 1. s. 0., &c.). ^ The legend ran — ^that the Delphic Oracle bade Temenus take as guide for his army a three-eyed man. Soon after, chancing to meet Oxylus, who Essay I. LEGENDAEY CHABACTER OF THE NAKRATIVE. 321 desirous of possessing himself of the rich country of Elis, where he had recently passed a year of exile ; and who was thus qualified by acquaintance with this part of the Peloponnese to serve as guide to the invaders. He conducted the fleet from Naupactus to Molycrium at the mouth of the gulf, and thence crossing to Panormus, led the Dorians through Arcadia against the Achaean force, which was coUeoted under Tisamenes, the son of Orestes, near the isthmus. A battle was fought in which the Dorians were completely vic- torious, and the inheritance of the Heraclidaa was recovered. As the family of Hyllus had now divided into three branches,^ a three- fold division of the ancient Achsean territory was made. Lots were drawn for the kingdoms of Argos, Sparta, and Messenia, the first of which fell to Temenus (the eldest of the sons of Aristo- machus), the second to Eurysthenes and Procles, the infant children of Aristodemus (the second son), and the third to Cresphontes (the third son), who had craftily contrived to obtain this fertile terri- tory for himself by placing in the urn an unfair lot.* Elis was given to Oxylus, according to previous agreem.ent. A portion of the Achseans refused to submit to the conquerors, and leaving their country entered Ionia — the northern tract of the Peloponnese ex- tending along the gulf of Corinth — where they overcame and expelled the inhabitants, who sought a refuge in Attica. Thus the new arrangement of the Peloponnese was complete : the country previously held by the Ach^ans passed into the hands of the Dorians ; Ionia became Achsea ; the Epeans of Elis were merged had lost an eye, riding on horseback, he at once recognised in him the neces- sary " three-eyed guide." (ApoUod. 11. viii. 3.) Another account assigned the loss of an eye to the animal on which Oxylns rode (Pansan. v. iii. § 5), ' The mythic genealogy of the Hera- clidse was as follows : — Hercules had four sons by Deianira, of whom Hyllna was the eldest. Hyllns left a son, Cleodeens, who was the father of Aris- tomachus. Aristomaohus had three children, Temenns, Aristodemus, and Cresphontes. Aristodemus, according to some accounts, reigned at Sparta (Herod, vi. 52) ; according to others, he was killed by lightning at Nanpao- tus, leaving behind him twin sons, Eurysthenes and Procles. (Apollod. II. viii. § 2, ad fin.) The genealogy may be thus exhibited ;. — Hercules. Hyllus. Cleod«u6. Aristomachus. ! I I Aristodemus. Cresphontes. I Eurysthenes. I ^ The three parties were to draw lots for the three kingdoms by placing each their pebble in a jar of water, from which an indifferent person was to draw them forth. The first whose 322 TRUE HISTORY UNKNOWN. App. Book V. in the -(S!toUaiis ; only the Arcadians and Cyntirians remained undisturbed in their ancient abodes, the former in the central mountain tract, the latter in a sequestered valley on the eastern shore.* 4. Such is, in outline, the legendary story that has come down to us concerning the mode whereby the Dorian conquests in the Peloponnese were effected. It is related consecutively by Apol- lodorus ^ and Pausanias,^ with whose statements the fragmentary notices in Herodotus, Thucydides, and other early writers appear in the main to agree.^ Certain isolated traditions have, however, descended to us, which are thought to militate against the general truth of this tale, and to indicate that the conquest was the result of at least two separate and independent attacks, one proceeding from the Maliac Gulf by sea against Argos and the eastern coast, the other directed from JEtolia by way of Elis against Messenia and Sparta.' But the writers from whom these notices come appear themselves to have been entirely unconscious of any discrepancy between the traditions in question and the common legend, which they accept and adopt unhesitatingly ; ^ and the facts which they record, even if admitted to be true, would seem to be quite insuffi- cient for the establishment of any definite hypothesis.^ Perhaps stone was drawn out was to receive Argos, the second Sparta ; Messenia would then fall to the third. Cres- phontes, in order to obtain the third lot, which he preferred to the others, instead of a stone placed in the jar a lump of clay, which forthwith dis- solved. (ApoUod. II. viii. § 4.) = Cf. Herod, viii. 73. " Bibhothec. ii. viii. ' Eliac. iii. § 5, iv. § 1. 8 See Herod, i. 56, vi. 52, ix. 26 ; Thucyd. i. 9, 12 ; Tyrtasus ap. Pausan. VII. XXV. § 3 ; Find. Pyth. i. 61, &c. ^ Pausanias, in speaking of the isolated hill on the Argivo coast, called the Temenion, says that it was occu- pied by the Dorians in their war with Tisamenus, and formed the stronghold from which they made their attacks upon Argos (ll. xxxviii. § 1). And Thucydides mentions a similar occu- pation by the Dorians of the height called Solygins, near Corinth, from which their attack was carried on against that place (iv. 42). From the position of these two heights, it is argued that the assailants must have come by sea, and the assumption is made that they left the Maliac Gulf in ships, and effected their conquests, like the Normans, by descents upon the coast from their vessels (Miiller's Dorians, vol. i. p. 90, B. T. ; Grote's History of Greece, vol. ii. pp. 416.419). ^ Pausanias is one of the chief au- thorities for the common legend (see above, note ''). Thucydides, by speak- ing of the conquest as a single event, and assigning to it u. particular year (i. 12), shows that he did not view it as the result of a series of separate and unconnected attacks. ° Mr. Grote says (Hist, of Greece, vol. ii. p. 416) " it is difEioult to see how the Dorians can have got to the Temenium in any other way than by sea." But if they had defeated the Aohaeans in battle, and were masters of the open country, while the natives Essay I. PLACE OF INGRESS. 323 we must be content to acquiesce in ttie conclusion of Niebuhr that the conquest of the Peloponnese by the Dorians is a fact, but that " we do not possess the slightest historical knowledge of the circumstances accompanying it." ^ The legendary tale above given seems to be the invention of poets, who, when all memory of the mode wherein the conquest was effected had faded away, composed a narrative which might seem to account for the state of things existing at the time when they wrote. 5. The tradition of the place at which the Dorians effected their entrance may, however, be accepted, since it is one which would not be likely to be invented, as the Isthmus is the natural door of ingress to the Peloponnese,* and since it accords with certain cir- cumstances in the character of the people, and in the position of their earliest settlements. The Dorians were at all times unskilful in the attack of walled places;^ and if the Pelasgio population of the Peloponnese, so famous for its Cyclopian architecture, had estab- lished (as is not impossible ") a rampart across the isthmus at this early date, or even if they had blocked with walls the difficult passes of the Oneia,'' it may readily be conceived that the Dorians still maintained themselves in their fortified cities, they might fix on any suitable position for an emTelx'o-iJ.a affaiust each place. That the Teme- ninm lay between Argos and the sea is no proof that the Dorians advanced from the sea, any more than the fact that Decelealay tothe north of Athens is a proof that the Spartans attacked Athens from the north. With respect to the hill Solygins, which, Mr. Grote says, " is the nearest and most con- venient holding-ground for a maritime invader," it may be observed that it is equally convenient for an enemy who attacks Corinth by land from the Peloponnese. It is a spur of the Oneia, which protects Corinth upon the south, on which an enemy from that quarter must effect a lodgment before he could descend into the sandy plain of the isthmus. ^ Lectures on Ancient History, vol. i. p. 230, E. T. ^ See Thucyd. i. 13, and note in this connection the inability of the Spartans to conceive of the Persians entering in any other way (Herod, viii. 40, ix. 7, 8, &c.). The word " Isthmus " is by some derived from the root »-, which appears in the Greek Uvat, the Latin ire, &c. (See Scott and Liddell's Lexicon, ad voc. 'lirBix6s, and Smith's Diet, of Gk. and Eom. Geog., ad voc. Coeikthus.) ^ Cf. Herod, ix. VO, and note, as illus- trations, the long siege of Ith6me (Thucyd. i. 103) and the ilockade of Platfea (ibid. ii. 78). * It is true that " the first Isthmian wall mentioned in history, was the one thrown up in haste by the Pelopon- nesians when Xerxes was marching into Greece " (Diet, of Gk. and Eom. Geograph. i. p. 684) ; but we may sus- pect that this was really the restora- tion of an old defence. Could the Spartans otherwise have accomplished the task — a battlemented wall, at least 34 miles in length — within the space of a few months ? ' There are remains of walls in these passes (Chandler's Travels, ii. ch. 58, p. 273) ; but I am not aware if they are Cyclopian. That passes were early guarded by walls is shown in Herod, vii. 176. 324 PROBABLE LINE OF MARCH. App. Book T. would have found it impossible to force an entrance. And the settlements at Stenyclerus and Sparta, wHcli are certainly among tlie very first in whicli the conquerors established themselves, are (as has been shown ^) readily accessible from the western side of Greece, by a route which passes through Elis and Pisatis, up the vaUey of the Alpheus, and thence into that of the Eurotas, over a pass of no great height. It appears to be on the whole more pro- bable that the entire migration took this direction than that two distinct lines were followed, as Mr. Grote supposes. The theory that the Dorians were " the Normans of Greece," and setting out in fleets of "piratical canoes," proceeded from the Maliac Gulf by sea against the distant Peloponnese,' has great difficulties, and is desti- tute of any soHd foundation.^ The Dorians, despite some brilliant examples to the contrary in later times, are an essentially un- nautical people. Their towns are built at a distance from the coast — they are slow to colonise — at sea they feel out of their element — their system discourages voyaging : they are thorough landsmen, and if it be said that nevertheless they are found at a very early period in situations which they could only have reached in ships, we may reply that, in the first place, the evidence of the fact is doubtful ; and, secondly, that at best the oases adduced are so rare as to present all the appearance of exceptions to a general rule.^ An examination of the supposed parallel case of the Dryo- pians ■' shows very strikingly the improbabihty of the Dorian con- ' See Grote's History of Greece, vol. ii. p. 439. ' Grote, ii. p. 417 ; Miiller's Dorians, i. p. 90, E. T. 1 Mr. Grote (ii. p. 41fi, note 2) finds a foundation for, it not only in the supposed colonisation of Crete from DSris, but also in the explanation which Aristotle gave of the proverb, MnKiuKhv -wXoiov. (See Phot. Lex. Synag. p. 594, 9.) He considers Axis, totle to represent Hippotes (the father of Aletes — the mythic founder of Corinth), as "having crossed the Ma- liac Gulf in ships for the purpose of colonising." But Aristotle makes no mention at all of the llaliac Gulf; and it is quite uncertain to what time he meant the story to refer. (See C. Miiller's note in the Fragm. Hist. Gr. vol. ii. p. 150.) ' The mention of Dorians in Crete by Homer (Od. xix. 177) shortly after the Trojan war is the most remarkable notice bearing on this subject. If we believe the fact, we must suppose either that the Dorians had sailed at this early time from Greece proper to Crete, or else that at a still more remote era they had passed into Crete from Asia. They may have done so on their way to Europe. Perhaps, however, Homer is guilty of an anachronism, and assigns to the time of the Trojan war what did not really take place till some time after the Dorian conquest of the Peloponnese. There was no settled tradition concerning the colon- isation of Crete (see Strab. x. p. 693). ^ See Grote's History of Greece, vol. ii. p. 417. Essay I. TIME OF THE INVASION. 325 quests liaTing been efPected by sea. The Dryopiana undoubtedly started on shipboard from their original country upon the Maliac Gulf, and the consequence is that we find their settlements widely dispersed, and universally upon tlie coasts. They are found at Her- mione, Eion, and Asine on the coast of Argolis, at Styra and Carystus of Eubcea, in Cythnos, in Cyprus, and again in the Mes- senian Asine, inhabiting either actual seaports, or towns removed but a very short distance from the shore. The Dorians, on the contrary, occupy a single continuous territory, and all their chief cities are inland, as Sparta, Stenyolerus, Argos, Troezen, Corinth, Megara, and Sicyon. Results so widely different can only be accounted for by a difference in the manner of the two migrations. 6. With respect to the time at which the conquest was made, the tradition usually followed * — which first appears in Thuoydides * — placed the event in the eightieth year after the Trojan war, and the twentieth after the migration of the Boeotians from Arne in Thessaly. No great reliance can be placed on a tradition of this sort, which even if accepted fails to furnish a definite date, since the Trojan war, though probably a real event, is one the time of which cannot be fixed within two centuries.^ The question whether the Greets had any means of accurately estimating the lapse of time before the institution of the Olympic festival is one of great difilculty ; and the answer to it will vary according to the belief that is entertained of the nature of those public records which were preserved from a remote period in many Greek cities.^ If the anagraphs of the Spartans, for instance, contained, besides the names of their kings, the number of years that each king reigned — which is a probable conjecture of Ottfried Miiller's ^ — a means of calcu- lating back with exactness to the first settlement of the Dorians in * The interval of eighty years was adopted by Eratosthenes (ap. Clem. Alex. Strom, vol. i. p. 402) , by ApoUo- doms (ap. Died. Sic. i. 5), by Crates (ap. Tatian. 49, p. 107) , by the Pseudo- Plutarch (De vit. Hom. ii. 3, p. 720, ed. Wytt.), by Telleius Pateronlus (i. 2), by Syncellns (pp. 321 and 335), by Tzetzes (Chil. xil. 193) and others. There were, however, conflicting ac- counts. Clemens tells us (1. s. c.) that some reckoned 120 and others 180 years between the two events. ' Thncyd. i. 12. ' See note' on Book ii. ch. 145. ' See the Essay on the Life and Writings of Herodotus, prefixed to vol. i. (ch. ii. pp. 50-52). 8 Dorians, vol. i. p. 150, E. T. Mr. Clinton thinks that, if the years had been registered, "there would have been less uncertainty in the date of the Trojan war" (P. H. vol. i. p. 332). But the uncertainty might partly arise from different estimates of the time between the fall of Troy and the set- tlement of the Dorians at Sparta (see above, note''), partly from the calcu- lations being based upon other and conflicting data. 326 APPROXIMATE DATE, B.C. 1046. App. Book V. Sparta would have existed. Even if the names only were pre- served, together with the relationship of each king to the preceding monarch, it would have been easy to make a rough estimate, which could not be far wrong, of the date in question. The number of generations from Aristodemus to the invasion of Grreece by Xerxes, is given by Herodotus (who traces the descent of both the Spartan kings at that time ') as seventeen ; and hence we obtain as an approximate date for the Dorian conquest, the year B.C. 1046.^ The establishment of the Olympic contest about midway in the list of Spartan kings, which is an independent tradition,^ confirms this estimate, since it furnishes a date for the reign of Theopompus, the ninth ancestor of Leotychides, almost exactly 300 years before Leotychides ; whence we might conclude that the ninth ancestor of Theopompus would reign about 300 years earlier, or B.C. 1080. On the whole it may be assumed as probable that the first lodg- ment of the Dorian invaders in the Peloponnese belongs to the middle or the earher half of the eleventh century before our era, and that it followed on the Trojan war within one, or at most two centuries. 7. Various tales were current concerning the manner of the con- quest. According to the most poetical (which was also the most popular) legend, a single defeat produced the general submission of the Achfeans ; and the realms of the Atridas were at once par- titioned out among the three sons of king Aristomachus, Temenus, Cresphontes, and Aristodemus, the last-named being represented by his infant-children. Other accounts, however, told of a longer and more doubtful contest. The story of the Temenium, however we understand it,^ seems to show that even in Argolis there was a prolonged resistance to the invaders ; and in Laconia it would appear that the conquest was only effected after a fierce and bloody struggle, which lasted for above three centuries. The independence of Amyclae, a strong town little more than two miles distant from Sparta, till within fifty years of the first Olympiad, is a fact estab- lished upon ample evidence;* and this fact, even if it stood ' See Herod, vii. 20 1-, and yiii. 131. ' Seventeen generations, calculated according to the estimate of Herodotus at three to the century, will produce a total of 566 years. This sum, added to the date of the battle of Salamis (b.c 480 -I- 566 = B.C. 1046), gives the year mentioned in the text. ^ Diod. Sic. ap. Buseb. Chron. Can. Pars. i. c. 35. ^ Supra, p. 322. '' Pausan. iii. ii. 6, xii. 7, &c. Comp. Ephor. Er. 18; Conon. 36; Nic. Damasc. Er. 36 ; Serv. ad ^n.x. 564, &c. Essay I. DORIAN SETTLEMENT AT SPARTA. 327 alone, would sufficiently indicate that the Spartan Dorians were confined within very narrow limits during the first two or three centuries after their estabhshment in the valley of the Eurotas. We learn, however, from Pausanias and other writers ^ that many cities of Laconia besides Amyclee were first reduced to subjection about the same period ; Pharis and Geronthrae in the reign of the same monarch who captured Amyclfe, -^gys on the borders of Arcadia in the reign of his father, Helos in the plain near the mouth of the Eurotas in that of his son. In Messenia too there were independent towns tiU near the close of the eighth century B.C., as is evidenced by the list of Olympic victors preserved in Eusebius.^ It thus appears that the Achteans, instead of yielding upon a single defeat, and either quitting their country or becoming the willing subjects of the conquerors, maintained with great tenacity their hold upon the territory, and were only dispossessed by slow degrees and after centuries of contest. 8. The Dorian settlement at Sparta was the lodgment of a band of immigrants, forced to seek new abodes, by the straitness of their own limits, in a portion of a valley easily defensible, which at once gave them a secure home, and eiiabled them to threaten a city of importance, the metropolis of a considerable kingdom. This was Amyclae, which is with reason believed to have been " the ancient capital of Lacedasmon," '' being in tradition the home of Tyndareus and his family,* and the seat of the court of Agamemnon ; ^ and possessing the tombs of that monarch and of Cassandra, as well as all the most ancient and venerated sanctuaries.-' Whether a foreign invitation coincided with the desire of the Dorians to emigrate, and determined their settlement to the particular site actually preferred, which is a conclusion drawn by some modern writers from a tradi- tion mentioned in Ephorus,^ or whether the position itself decided them, is open to question. The site of Sparta, though not so striking as that of Athens, Corinth, or even Thebes, was one pos- 5 The captnre of Pharis and Geron- thrae ia mentioned by Pausanias (ill. ii. 7), that of ^gys by the same wiiter (ibid. § 5), that of Helos by him (ibid. § 7), and Phlegon of Tralles (Ft. i.). « Ohron. Can. Pars. I. c. 33. Oxy- themis the Coronean is a native of Cor6ne in Messenia, not of Coronsea in Boeotia. (See Grote's Greece, vol. ii. p. 444, note.) ' Niebuhr's Lectures on Ancient History, vol. i. p. 233, B. T. Compare Thirlwall's History of Greece, vol. i. ch. vii. p. 267, and Miiller's Dorians, vol. i. pp. 106-108, E.T. * Pausan. ill. i. § 3, 4. ' Simonides, Er. 177 ; Stesiohor. ap. Sohol. Eurip. Orest. 46. ' Cf. Pausan. iii. xix. 2 Fr. 18. See Grote, vol. ii. p. 441 328 DOEIAN SETTLEMENT AT SPAHTA. App. Book V. sessing most of the features regarded as important in ancient times. The Eurotas, whicli, from its source on the sonthem flank of the Arcadian highland to its junction with the (Enns a little above Sparta, is a mere rapid mountain-stream running in a narrow valley, emerges shortly after the junction upon an open space, the modern plain of Mistra, which is again closed towards the south by the approach of the mountains on both sides to the edge of the stream, at a distance of about six miles from the point where the plain commences. In this open space, surrounded on all sides by lofty mountains, the flanks of which are scarped and precipitous, stands a cluster of lesser elevations, from 50 to 60 feet above the level of the plain, guarded on the north and south by torrent- courses, and on the east protected by the stream of the Eurotas, in this place rarely fordable.^ Here, upon these hills, at the upper end of this remarkable basin — the " hollow Lacedeemon " of Homer * — was built the cluster of villages, Limnfe, Pitane, Mesoa, and Cynosura, which formed in the aggregate the town of Sparta.^ Near the lower extremity of the plain — most probably on an isolated hill overlooking the Eurotas, where now stands the church of Aid, Kyriald'^' — was the strong citadel of Amyclae, the city itself extend- ing to the north and west amid groves and gardens,'' nearly to the stream called the Tiasus. The settlement at Sparta was clearly an iTnTiixiaixa, or position occupied for purposes of offence, against Amyclfe, standing in nearly the same relation to that place in which the original Rome upon the Capitoline and Palatine hills stood to the Sabine settlement upon the Quirinal. That Amyolse succeeded m maintaining its independence for three centuries — a fact con- cerning which there can be httle doubt ^ — was owing, in part to ' This description is taken chiefly from Col. Leake (Morea, vol. i. pp. 150- 1801, -whose account of the localities difiers considerably from that given by Ottfried Miiller, and represented in the map attached to -the English translation of his work, which map is repeated in the second volume of Mr. Crete's History of Greece. ^ See Od. iv. 1, &c., and compare the ejqjression of Strabo (viii. p. .527), ccrn fJ-^V oZv 4v KO IXOT € p Cfl x^P^V "^^ "^V^ iToXeciis eSatpos. '"' Pausan. III. xvi. 6 ; Strab. viii. p. 528 ; Bockh, Corp. Inscrip. Vet. 1211, 1338, 1347, and 1425 ; Steph. Byz. ad voc. MeffSa. ^ Leake's Morea, vol. i. p. 141'. ' Polyb. Y. xix. 2. 8 The statement of Pindar (Pyth. i. 65) that " the Dorians, on their descent from Pindus, occupied Amyclaa," is a mere poetical exaggeration, to which no weight can be attached. The cir- cumstantial story told by Ephorus (Fr. 18), that "Philonomns the Aohasan, having betrayed Sp,arta to the Dorians, and persuaded the inhabi- tants to retire without a struggle into Ionia, received Amyclae as a recom. Essay I. ORIGINAL LIMITS OF THE TERRITOEY. 329 the strengtli of its position, in part to its walls and the inexpertness of the Dorians at sieges. So long as it withstood the attacks of the Spartans, it would block against them the lower valley of the Eurotas, the whole of which, down to the sea-coast, must have remained in the hands of the Achseans.^ At the same time the scarped chains of Pamon and Taygetus would confine the Spartans on the right and on the left, so that they could expand freely only towards the north, where the upper valleys of the Eurotas and the (Bnus gave them a ready access to the territories of their neigh- bours. Accordingly we find wars with these northern neighbours distinctly assigned to this period of the Spartan history by writers of high authority.! The possession of Cynuria was disputed with Argos ; 2 distant expeditions were conducted into Arcadia ; ^ and quarrels began with the sister state of Messenia, between which and Sparta there had existed at first very close relations of friend- ship.* The stubborn resistance of the Achasan capital, while it checked the progress of Sparta towards the south, favoured perhaps, rather than hindered, its growth in the opposite direction. 9. The internal history of Sparta during these centuries is in- volved in great obscurity, and presents, indeed, difficulties of no co mm on kind. The peculiarity of the double monarchy is the first thing that attracts attention when the early Spartan constitution is brought under review. It is obvious that the popular tradition ^ furnishes no satisfactory explanation of this remarkable anomaly, to which the annals of the world do not present a parallel.' We can scarcely doubt that the arrangement either arose out of a pence for hia services," is an attempt to gloss over the nnpalatable fact that the city resisted the Spartan attacks, and to reconcile its known independ- ence with the theory of the immediate and complete conquest of Laoonia by the invaders. ^ Ephorus (1. o. c.) made Helos fall into the hands of Sparta as early as the reign of Agis, and spoke of Pharis and Las among the conqnests of Eu- rysthenes and Procles; bnt Pharis is found to be independent in the reign of Teleclas, who reduces it (Pausan. HI. ii. § 6), and Helos has to be taken by his sou Aloamenes (ibid. § 7). ^ Aristot. Pol. ii. 6, and compare the ensuing notes. 2 Pausan. iii. ii. § 2, 3, and vii. § 2. ^ PlutarchjVit.Lycurg. c. 2; Polyaen. ii. 13. '' As is evidenced by the existence of the ancient temple of Minerva Limnatis near the summit of Mount Taygetus, and. on the con- fines of Sparta and Messenia, which was common to the two nations (Pausan. iv. ii. 2). * Herod, vi. 52. * Mr. Grote notices the "peculi- arity" of this institution, but attempts no explanation (Hist, of Greece, vol. ii. p. 464). Neither Miiller nor Bishop Thirlwall appears to be struck by the anomaly. 330 THE DOUBLE MONAHCHY. App. BookV. struggle for tlie crown between two families of almost equal power and influence, or was a contrivance of the nobles to weaken the royal authority. In either case the real history of the institution is lost, and has been superseded by fables which furnish no clue to the truth. Again, great doubt is thrown even upon the bare genealogy of the early kings, by the fact that the two royal houses were known in actual history, and from very remote times, by the names of Agids and Eurypontids, instead of Eurystheneids and Prooleids. The explanations attempted of this circumstance are con- flicting, while no one of them is very probable ; '' and it cannot but be suspected that Agis and Eurypon were respectively the first kiugs of their houses, and that their predecessors in the genealogy, Eury- sthenes in the one case, Procles and Soils in the other, were either of .a different race, or else belong to the class of purely fictitious personages. Thirdly, it is difficult to understand what exactly was that state of sedition or lawlessness (o-Tao-is or dyo/i(a ^) under which the Lacedsemonians are said to have groaned during these centuries, and from which they were delivered by the legislation of Lycurgus. The explanation offered by some writers,' that it was merely a departure from the ancient Dorian institutions — a casting off, under the influence of success, of the rigid discipline which had originally prevailed, and through which a clan of mountaiueers had had strength and energy enough to overthrow the mighty kingdoms of the Atridee — can scarcely be received as true, since it is based upon an unproved and very questionable supposition, viz. that the institutions of Lycurgus were the mere revival of a primitive system,! and it is far from harmonising with the expressions by which the ancient writers describe the condition of things anterior to the Lycurgean legislation. That condition is distinctly declared ' According to Ephorns, Euryathenes and Procles offended the Dorians by the favour which they showed to foreigners {Se^nfiivovs iir^n^^vSas avSpd- Tcovs, Bph. Fr. 19), and were there- fore not honoured as fonnders. Ac- cording to Pansanias, Procles was so regarded, and the kings of his house were called Procleids until Eurypon (ill. vii. § 1), whose glory eclipsed that of his predecessors. Plutarch regards Soils as a more glorious king than Eurypon, and accounts for the latter giving his name to the lower line of kings by his concessions to the mob {Srifiayuiyuj/ koI x^P^C^t^^^^^ ''"o*^ TToWoLs. Vit. Lycurg. c. 2). 8 Herod i. 65 ; Heraclid. Pont.Fr. 2; Thucyd. i. 18 ; Plut. Lye. 1. s. u. » Thirlwall, vol. i. ch. 8, p. 301 ; Heeren's Manual of Anc. Hist. p. 133 ; Hermann's Pol. Ant. of Greece, §23. ' This point will be further con- sidered below, see pp. 340-843. Essay I. SPARTA UNDER THE EARLY KINGS. 331 to have been one of tumult and disturbance,^ not merely one of luxury and relaxed discipline. So far indeed from discipline having been relaxed under the early kings, we have the direct testimony of Aristotle to the fact that the way was prepared for the strict regulations of Lycurgus by the hardy life and warlike habits to which the Spartans had been accustomed for some time previously.^ According to some accounts, the disorders in question consisted in the main of struggles between the "people"' — by which we are probably to understand the Dorian inhabitants of Sparta — and their kings,* who at one time made rash concessions, and at another stiffly maintained, or even unduly exalted, their prerogative.^ If we accept this view, they would resemble in some measure the disturbances in Cyrene, which Demonax was called in to end,^ but which his legislation, less felicitous than that of the Spartan lawgiver, only tended to aggravate. 10. According to some writers, however, the early disputes at Sparta were not so much between the kings and their Dorian subjects, as between the Dorian conquerors and the submitted Achseans. These last were, we are told, admitted in the first in- stance to full or qualified citizenship ; but after a while a jealousy against them arose, and they were deprived of their rights, and reduced to the condition of freemen without political privilege.^ Great discontent followed, sometimes bursting out into revolts,^ which furnished an excuse for fresh severities, rebellion being punished by loss of freedom.^ Thus it would seem that the three ^ See especially Thucyd. i. 18. ri Aa- KeSaifioty fiera ttjv ktI^lv roiv vvf 4yoi- KoijVTOiv auTTjv A(opt€o:y eTri 'jr\etaTOV ^v ifTfiey XP^^°^ ffraffLaffaffa. 3 Pol. ii. 6. * The fullest acconnt is that of Plutarch (Lycurg. c. 2), Ao/ceT irpcSros hvpviT^v Th ^ya^ ^ovapx^Kbv aveivai Tris fiaartKsias . . . e/c 54 ttjs Toia.vT'qs av4(T^o>s Tov fjL€y S'fif/.ov BpaffwofJiivov^ rwv 5e vtTT^pov ^acriXeoiV to. ^ey aivex^avofxevoiv TijJ ^La^eadai Tohs ttoTO^ovs, to Se irphs X^-P^y 5i' affdivGiav iiiro(pepOfieywyf ayofila Kal ara^ia Kareax^ T^y 'Ziraprriv eiri iroKvv xp^vov- ® Thus we EQay best explain the "tyranny" of Charilaiis (Ar. Pol. v. 10; Heraclid. Pont. 1. s. c). « Herod, iv. 161. ' Isocrates and Ephorna are the authorities for this view. Ephorus makes the Perioeoi receive full citizen, ship (jjLeT^xoyTas Kal iroMreias leal apXi''a>v, Er. 18); Isocrates assigns them a lower position {kolvwvovs airdyTwy TiK^y Tuv apxoiy teal Ttov Ti^y, Panath. p. 270). The latter writer appears distinctly to regard the disturbances which arose on the loss of rights as the aracris which was generally said to have preceded the establishment of ehvofda. ' The revolt of Heloa, which Ephorus made the consequence of the discon- tent, cannot be accepted as historical, since Helos was still Ach^an (infra, p. 289), but that of ^aSgys (Pansan. iii. 2, § 5) may well have occurred in this connection. ^ 'HySpctTToS/travTO KXyvy (Pausanias, I. s. c). 332 THE THREE CLASSES — 1. SPARTANS; App. BookV. classes were formed into wHcli the LacedEemonians are divided m the Mstorical age — 1. Spartans, 2. Perioeci, and 3. Helots — the first the sole possessors of political rights and privileges, the second free but without franchise, the third serfs attached to the soil, cnltivating it for the benefit of their masters. It is unnecessary to describe at length the condition of these three classes. Bishop Thirlwall in the eighth chapter of his History,! Mr. Grote in his second volume,^ and writers of repute in various works upon Greek antiquities,^ have treated the subject in such a way as to exhaust it, and are agreed in the main as to the facts. A few leading points, however, may be noticed, which have not always been given sufiicient prominence. (i.) The Spartans were the free inhabitants of Sparta itself, not all the Dorian population of the country.* They were themselves chiefly, but not exclusively, of Doric blood, having among them ^gidffi from Thebes, who were probably Cadmeians,^ Heraclidss '' and Talthybiadse,'' who were Achseans. They were originally all landed proprietors, possessed of considerable estates in the richest part of the territory,^ which they cultivated by means of their serfs or Helots. They were gentlemen and soldiers, it being impossible for them — at least from the time of the Lycurgean legislation — to engage in trade, or even to superintend their estates, their whole lives being passed in the performance of state duties, either with the arm.y or in the capital. (ii.) The PericBci were the free inhabitants of the towns and country districts around Sparta.^ Their share of the territory was 1 Vol. ;. pp. 306-314. = Pp. 488-511. ^ See particularly Dr. Smith's Dic- tionary of Greek and Roman Antiq. ad voc. Helotes and Peekeci. * Geronthrae was certainly colonised by Dorians, \\'ho thenceforth became Periceci (Pansan. iii. 22, § 5). The same is concluded with much probability of Pharis and Amyclse (cf. Pausan. iii. 2, § 6, and iii. 19, § 5). Mr. Grote as- sumes that every PerioBcic town was, at least in part, so colonised ; but for this there is no authority, and it is very unlikely (vide note * in the next page). 5 Find. Isth. vii. 21 ; Herod, iv. 149, * Hence Cleomenes declared himself to be " not a Dorian but an Achaean " (Herod, v. 72). !■ Herod, vii. 134. ' Isocrat. Panath. 1. s. o. Compare Arist. Pol. ii. 6 ; Aia rh rtov 'S.-irapTiaTwv elvaL T'r]v Tr^eitrrTjy yTjVj oi/K e^erd^ovcnv, k. t. A. ^ I see no grounds for confining the Periceci to the country-iowms, as Mr. Grote does. They are called ol in ttjs X^ po.s TraiSey, and are as likely to have lived in scattered farms as in towns or villages. The fact that there were a hundred townships of the Peri- ceci does not prove that there were no and note ad loo. ; Ephor. Frs. 11 and Perioeci besides the inhabitants of the 13 ; Ariet. Fr. 75. j towns. Essay I. 2. PERICECI ; 3. HELOTS. 333 small and of little value.^ Trade, however, and commercial enter- prise generally, manufactures, art, &o., were altogether ia their hands ; and thus they often acquired wealth,^ and occasionally were even employed by the Spartans in offices of considerable dignity.^ They formed an important element in the Spartan army, where they served not only as light-armed but also as heavy-armed ; * and thus they must have been called upon to undergo a good deal of severe exercise and training, though they were free from the oppressive burthen of the Lycurgean discipline. They were probably for the most part descendants of the conquered Achseans, but with a slight Doric infusion,^ and perhaps some further intermixture of races foreign to the Peloponnese.'' (iii.) The Helots were the slave population of Laconia. Their name may best be regarded as equivalent to Saloti (aKaroOt '' captives." '' Their existence is probably coeval with the conquest of the country by the Dorians, who would retain as slaves those whom they took prisoners in battle.. At first they would be insig- ^ Mr. Grote speaks of their possess- mg " the smaller half" (Hist, of Greece, vol. ii. p. 502), bnt Aristotle's words allow, and Isocrates asserts, a far greater disproportion. ^ Xenophon speaks of Periceoi, who were KaAoKayaSol, or " gentlemen " (Hell. V. 3, § 9). ' Thncyd. viii. 6, and 22. 4 Herod, ix. 28 ; Thucyd. iv. 38, &c. ^ Mr. Grote holds the exact con- verse to this, viz., that they were Dorians, with a slight Achaean in- fusion (Hist, of Greece, vol. ii. p. 500, &c.) ; but the ordinary view seems to me far more probable. The Dorians, who issued from the narrow valley of the Pindus, cannot be con- ceived of as very nnmerous, or as bearing more than a small proportion to the Achseans whom they conquered (comp. Thuc. iv. 126). Indeed it is sufficiently surprising that they should have entered the Peloponnese in such numbers as to found three kingdoms and gradually establish themselves as the dominant race. The supposed migration of the Achseans into the Peloponnesian Ionia can refer only to a small section of the nation ; for that narrow region cannot possibly have received more than a portion of the great race which was spread through the three countries of Argohs, Lace- dsemon, and Messenia. Herodotus, it must be allowed, seems to regard the Perioeci as Dorians when he mentions the several nations of the Peloponnese in his eighth book (oh. 73) ; but it is not quite certain that he does not merely omit them from his list as not forming, like the Gynurians, a separate people ; and further, it is worthy of remark that his early Spartan history is very indifferent (cf. i. 65, and note ad loo.) . " See Bphorus, Fr. 18; Herod, iv. 145. ^ Harpocration (ad voc. ei\wTeueir) and Pausanias (iii. 20, § 6), derive Helot from the town "EAos ; but this is wrong both historically and etymo- logically. The derivation given above — which was known to the ancients (see Schol. ad Plat. Alcib. i. p. 78, ed. Euhnk. ; Apostol. vii. 62) — is approved by K. 0. MuUer (Dorians, ii. p. 30) and by Drs. Liddell and Scott. 334 THE HELOTS. Afp. BookV. nificant in niunber ; but the conquest of rebel towns,^ and perhaps in some cases of Acbsean cities wliicli made a prolonged resistance,^ greatly increased tbem ; and finally, upon tbe reduction of Messenia and tbe general enslavement of its inhabitants, they became the preponderating element in the population.^ A considerable number of them dwelt in Sparta, where they were the attendants ^ of their masters, and were subject to their caprices ; but by far the greater portion lived scattered over the country, cultivating (Uke the Russian serfs) their masters' lands, but paying (instead of a definite amount of labour) a certain proportion of the produce of the land — ^probably one half' — as rent to the owner. Happier than the Russian serfs, these rustic cultivators were not brought into any direct contact with their masters, who dwelt at Sparta ; but enjoyed their homes and indulged their family affections in security. With hearths inviolate and self-respect intact ; with free social inter- course among each other, and no cold shadow of neighbouring greatness to awe or oppress them ; with a firm hold on their lands from which they could not be ejected ; with a fixed scale of rent which the lord had no power of augmenting ; with a possibility of acquiring property by industrious exertion, and some prospect of obtaining freedom by purchase * or by services to the state,^ the Spartan Helots must be considered, as a rustic class, to have been singularly favoured, and to have occupied a position which will in many respects compare favourably with that of the modem day- labourer. Had it not been for one terrible institution — the bar- barous practice of the " Crypteia " — by which the bravest and most aspiring of the Helot class were from time to time secretly made away with, at the mere will of the government,^ their position might have been envied by the peasantry of almost any other country. 8 As ^gys (Pausan. iii, 2, § 5). ^ As is related of Helos (Pansan. iii. 2, sub fin., and iii. 20, § 6. Compare Ephor. Fr. 18). ^ Clinton calculates the Helots at 170,000, and the rest of the popula- tion at 99,000 (P. H. ii. p. 501) ; K. 0. Miiller makes the former 22 i, 000, the latter 156,000. These calculations cannot, of course, pretend to be more than rough guesses; but they suffi- ciently express the fact noted in the text (On the number of the Helota, cf. Thucyd. viii. 40). ^ Xen. Eep. Lac. vi. 3 ; Arist. Pol. ii. 2, &c. ^ This was at any rate the proportion paid by the Messenians (Tyrtseus, Ft. 5), who were probably placed on the same footing with other Helots. 1 Plut. Cleom. c. 23. 5 Thucyd. iv. 26, and 80 ; Xen. Hell, vi. 5, § 28; Myron, ap. Athen. vi. p. 271, P. « Thucyd. iv. 80 ; Aristot. Fr. 80 ; Heraclid. Pont. Fr. II. 3; Plut. Tit. Lycurg. c. 28. Essay I. SUCCESSION OF THE EAELY MONAECHS. 335 This cruel and inliumaii system, sanctioned by law '' and frequently carried out in act,* must have greatly diminished from that comfort in which the country Helot would otherwise have lived ; and, while devised to lesson the danger of a servile rising, must in reality have been the chief cause of that hostile feeling which the Helots enter- tained against their Spartan lords, and which showed itself on various occasions in disafEection and even in open revolt.^ 11. The order of succession in the two royal houses at Sparta, from Agis I. in the one, and from Eurypon in the other, may be regarded as tolerably certain ;i but the characters of the early kings and the events assigned to their reigns cannot be considered to have much historic foundation. The anagraphs of the Spartans, even if they commenced as early, would be likely to contain at most a bare notice of the wars,^ and would neither descend to per- ' Aristotle's statement that the Ephors, as a part of the regular formula on entering office, proclaimed war upon the Helots (Pr. 80), has teen need- lessly called ia question by Miiller (Dorians, ii. p. 41), Thirlwall (Hist, of Greece, vol. i. p. 311), Grote (vol. ii. p. 510), and others. On such a point Aristotle's authority is decisive ; and all difficulty is removed if we regard the proclamation as secret, being in- tended (as Aristotle said) merely to (i.) ^GID^ : — Eurysthenes Agis (his son) Echestratua (his son) Labotas (his son) DoryssuB (his son) Agesilaus (his son) Archelaiia (his son) Some suspicion attaches to the name of Eunomus, whose position in the list is not altogether settled. It is thought to have been originally » mere epithet applied to the king who was reigning when Lycurgus intro- satisfy the oonacienoea of those in power in case they thought it expe- dient to have recourse to the Crypteia during the year of office (Sirass eiiayts ^ rh ai/eXeTi^). 8 See Thucyd. iv. 80 ; Plat. Leg. i. p. 633 ; and the authorities quoted in the last note but one. Thucyd. i. 101, iv. 41 ; Sen. Hell, vii. 2, § 2, &o. ' The line of descent is commonly given as follows : — (ii.) EUBYPONTID^ : — Procles I Soiis (his son) Eurypon (his son) I Prytanis (his son) [Eunomus (his son)] •I Polydectes (his son) I Charflaiis (his son) duced his emoiiia. (See Clinton's F. H. vol. i. p. 144, note.) ^ They would not be likely to con- tain more than the primitive Roman Fasti, such as we see them in the frag- ments dug up on the site of the Forum. 336 ORIGINAL CONSTITUTION — App. Book V. sonal traits, nor even give the details of military operations. And tradition on such points would be a very unsafe guide, more espe- cially during a time admitted to have been one of continued struggle and disturbance. Spartan bistory, in its connection witb real and genuine personages whose deeds and characters are known to us, must be considered therefore to begin with Lycurgus, who, though presented to us in somewhat mythical colours,^ is to be accounted an actual man, the true founder of the greatness of his coufttry. What Sparta became was owing entirely to the institutions of this famous lawgiver, who stands without a rival in the history of the first state in Greece, as the author of a system which endured nearly unaltered for five centuries, and which raised a small and insignifi- cant country to a proud and wonderful eminence. 12. Great as were the services of Lycui-gus to Sparta, they have undoubtedly been in one respect exaggerated. Not contented with viewing him as the introducer of the discipline known by his name, and as the improver in certain points of the previously existing constitution, the ancient writers are fond of ascribing to him the entire constitution of Sparta as it existed in their own day. Thus Herodotus and Plutarch speak of his " establishing the Senate ; "* and in one of the Rhetrse which he was said to have pro- cured from Delphi, all the main points of the constitution are made to be of his institution.* As however Sparta certainly existed as a separate state for several centuries before Lycurgus, there must have been an established form of government anterior to him ; and hence, before we can determine how much or how little of the framework existing in later times was of his creation, we must endeavour to find out what the constitution of the Spartan state was in the interval between the original settlement and the Lycur- ' Herod, i. 65. Aifw ij l3hs a>0d(eiv is "to make the Obae," so vXas tpvXiffanv in this archaic Greek is probably " to make the tribes." Essay I. THE KINGS. 337 gean legislation. Now it is evident from the Homeric poems that in all really Hellenic states the form of government was from the earliest times a species of limited monarchy." A royal race, gene- rally regarded as possessing a divine right/ stood at the head of the nation ; and the crown descended from father to son according to the ordinary law of primogeniture. But the Greek king, unlike the Asiatic despot, was controlled and checked by two powers co- ordinate with himself, and equally a part of the established consti- tution. A council of chiefs or elders (yepovres} is invariably found in attendance upon the monarch, with a power to offer advice which he cannot safely disregard ; and all decisions of imiportance must be submitted to the assembly of the people (ayopd), whose consent was generally presumed, but to whose dissent, when plainly mani- fested, it was absolutely necessary to yield.* It is impossible to suppose that the Spartan monarchy was without these checks in the early times, more especially as the device of a double royalty is indicative of the successful exertion, at the period when it origi- nated, of aristocratic jealousy and influence. When therefore Hero- dotus and Plutarch tell us that Lycurgus " instituted the Senate," we must either disregard altogether their authority, or at least look upon them as greatly exaggerating the real facts of the case.^ A senate in Sparta must have been coetaneous with the monarchy ; and even the details of number, which have been ascribed to Lycurgus in modern times,^ being in all probability based upon the primitive divisions of the people, may with more reason be regarded as original than as later arrangements. The Spartan Senate appears to have consisted from the first of thirty members, iaclusive of the two kings, who acted as its pre- sidents. This number is reasonably connected with the ancient threefold division of the people into tribes — Hylleans, Pamphylians, and Dymanians or Dymanatse — which was com m on to aU Dorian ^ Compare the description of the most ancient governments in Thucy- dides — -npSTepov 5e -fjo-av iirl pTirols y e p a(T t TTarptKal jSacriAeiai, i. 13. ^ Hence the common expression Alo- rpecphs ^acnKries (Horn. II. i. 176, et passim). Compare Tyrtseus, Fr. 2, 1. 5 ; Callimach. Hymn, in Jov. 79 ; Sohol. Pind. Pyth. iv. 313, &0. * Aristotle says of the old mon- archies, 01 $aatXe7s & Trpo4\oivTO avi\y- TOL. in. yeKov Ttf S-lifup (Eth. Nic. iii. 3, § 18). ]3ut Weisse seems to be right in sup- posing that when the opinion of the people declared itself distinctly against a proposition, the kings had neither the power nor the right to force it upon them. (See Hermann's Pol. Ant. § 55, note 13.) ' See note ^ on Book i. ch. 65. ' Grote's Hi&tory of Greece, rol. ii. p. 463. 338 THE SENATE. App. Book V. settlements.^ In Sparta we know that besides this division there was another into Obee, the number of which was thirty ^—^rolably ten to each tribe. We may conclude, from the identity of number and from numerous analogies, that these Obse, called also Phratrise,* had the right — possessed at Rome by the Gentes'^ — of each fur- nishing a member to the Senate. As two Obee of the Hylleans were represented on the hereditary principle by the two kings, so it is likely that the other Obte were originally represented each by its hereditary chief or head. The Senate, thus composed, formed a perpetual council which the kings were bound to consult, and through which alone they could exercise any great political influ- ence. As its presidents they convoked, dissolved, or adjourned its meetings, proposed measures and put them to the vote, and other- wise took the lead in its proceedings ; but the actual powers which they possessed above other members were limited to the right of voting by proxy," and giving a casting vote in case of an equal division.' The Ecclesia, or general assembly at Sparta, must be considered to have contained originally all the free males who dwelt within the city and were of the legal age. Its proper name was " Apella." * All changes in the constitution or the laws, and all matters of great public import, as questions of peace or war, of alliances, and the like, had to be brought before it for decision ; but it had no power of amending, nor even of debating a proposition, the right of addressing the assembly being probably limited in the early times to the kings. It met once a month — on the day of the full moon, or more frequently if summoned ; and decided the questions put to it by acclamation. ^ These tribes can be distinctly traced at Argos (Steph. Byz. ad too. Avjiav), Sicyon (Herod, v. 68), Troezeu (Steph. Byz. ad voc. 'TAXcis), Megara (Bockh, 1073), and Corcyra (Bockh's Staatsaushaltong, vol. ii. p. 404), as well as at Sparta. A triple division, probably the same, appears also in Crete (Odyss. xix. Ill) and Ehodea (Iliad, ii. 668). ^ See note ^ on page 336. Mr. Grote (History of Greece, vol. ii. page 461, note'') prefers the punctuation which connects rpi6.K0VTa with yepov- aioLv (Tvv apxo-y^TaiS. But this is verv harsh, and contrary to the best critics. (See MuUer's Dorians, vol. ii. p. 87, E. T. ; B8ckh, ad Corp. Ins. Pars. iv. § 3, p. 609; Hermann's Pol. Ant. § 24, note ^, Ac.) Had -rpiiKovra referi'ed to the later clanse yipovTas wonl(^ certainly have taken the place of y^povaiav. * Athenaens, iv. p. 141, F. ^ See Niebnhr's Hist, of Rome, vol. i. p. 333, B. T., where the Roman and Spartan Senates are compared. « Herod, vi. 57, ad fin. ' Ibid. ' Hesy ch. ad voc. aireAXo ; Plut. Lye. c. 6 (see page 336, note*). Essay I. CHANGES MADE BY LYCURGUS. 339 13. If sucli was — as there is every reason to believe — the consti- tution of Sparta before Lycnrgns, it is evident that he introduced no sweeping or fundamental changes into the government. He may have fixed the legal age of a senator at sixty, and have intro- duced the principle of election by the general assembly from the Oba in lieu either of hereditary right or of appointment by the Oba ; but otherwise he can have made scarcely any alteration even of detail respecting the Senate, whose number, functions, and posi- tion with regard to the kings, remained such as above described throughout the whole of the historical period. The two slight changes which have been oonjecturally assigned to him would tend, the one to increase the weight and influence of the Senate by making them the representatives of the whole body of the citizens, the other to strengthen the conservative character of the govern- ment by patting the entire direction of the state into the hands of men of advanced age — both objects in complete harmony with the general spirit and intention of Lycnrgus's legislation. With respect to the Apella, or general assembly of the citizens, if Lycurgns made any change, it was probably to increase the weight and importance of this element in the state. In the famous Rhetra already so often quoted, which was regarded as embodying his institutions, a special stress is laid upon the authority to be exercised by the people.' And the assembly, as if it had gained strength by his legislation, soon afterwards proceeded to assert rights, which it was found necessary to restrict by new enactments.^ The unusual limitation of age too, by which Spartans only became entitled to take part in the public assemblies on the completion of their thirtieth year,^ is likely to have been instituted by him, since it plainly stands connected with that prolonged education which was one of the leading features of the Lycurgean system. The institution of the Ephoralty, which is ascribed to Lycurgns by Herodotus ^ and Xenophon,^ and which may fairly be regarded as in all probabiUty a part of his system,* offers an apparent rather 9 Sifjuj, 56 ajiayhv (ijiev (to! Kpiros (Plntaroli, 1. s. c). ' Infra, p. 351, note '. 2 Pint. Lycnrg. c. 25. ^ Herod, i. 65, ad fin. ^ Xen. de Rep. Laced, viii. §. 3. ° See note ' on Book i. oh. 65. It is not Kkely that Theopompna, one of the kings who checked the encroachments of the Assembly by the law which for- bade its amending a bill, shonld have instituted the Ephoralty, which had certainly from the first somewhat of a popular character. (See Miiller, Dorians, vol. ii. p. 121 ; Grote, Hist, of Greece, vol. ii. p. 467.) 340 GEOUNDS OF LYCURGUS' EEPUTATION. App. Book V. than a real exception to the general character of insignificance which marks (as has been observed above) all his constitutional innovations. Important as this element in the state ultimately became, it was in its origin harmless and trivial enough. The Ephors of Lycurgus were petty magistrates, empowered to hold a court, and to punish by fine and imprisonment ; and probably appointed for the special purpose of watching over the Lycnrgean discipline, and punishing those who neglected it." From this general supervision or superintendence they received their name, and to it their powers were confined in the earlier times. Their political influence had an entirely different source, and grew out of circumstances which arose later, and were probably little foreseen by the iaventor of the magistracy. The election by the assembly, the number five, and even perhaps the monthly oath interchanged between them and the kings,'^ may have dated from Lycurgus ; but the origin of their political power must be sought in events which happened a century after his decease. 14 It is not, therefore, in the political changes introduced by Lycurgus — however well adapted to put an end to the internal troubles from which Sparta was suffering — that we must look for traces of that originality and genius which entitle him to his repu- tation as one of the master minds of Greece.^ His true glory is to be found in the introduction of that extraordinary system of training ^ Miiller says the Spartan Ephors were originally " Inspectors of the market" (Dorians, ii. p. 120), and qnotes an old etymologist, who gives this meaning to the word " Ephor." But it has been commonly concluded on good grounds that they had a gene- ral superintendence from very early times (see Thirlwall, vol. ii. p. 355 ; Dictionary of Antiq. ad too. Ephoei, &o.).T he sense of the edict which they put forth on entering office, ordering the citizens " to shave the moustache and obey the laws " (Kslpea-- 6ai rhi^ fivffraKa Ka\ 'jrpo(Te-)(^eiv toIs v6iiois. Pint. Cleom. c. 9), indicates this wide scope as embraced by their powers, while the symbolical character and archaic quaintness of the expres- sion show the remote age at which these powers must have been con- ferred. ' The kings swore to rule according to law (/caret Tohs rij trSKei K€ifj.€yovs v6iwv$ 0ain\evcr€iv), the Ephors to maintain the royal authority unshaken so long as the king observed his oath {iH-neSopKOvfros ^Keivov a(rTv(peKiKTOf t^v kcunXdaf irape'|€ii/). See Xeu. de Bep. Laced, xv. § 7. ^ Plutarch says of Lycurgus that he " deservedly surpassed in reputation all other Grecian lawgivers (eiKciTais vwep-^pe TTJ 5(J|t? tovs TrunroTe iro\tT€V(ra- lievavs iv toTs "EA\T)eri. Vit. Lycurg. sub fin.) . Xenophon speaks of him as " wise in the very highest degree " {^is TO ecxaTa ix6Xa ffotpSv). Aristotle thought that he had not been suffi- ciently honoured at Sparta, though (as Plutarch observes, 1. s. o.) he had had a temple built to him, and was wor- shipped there as a god. Essay I. ORIGIN OF THE LYCURGEAN DISCIPLINE. 341 and discipline by which the Spartans were distinguished from all the nations of continental Greece, and through which there can be no doubt that they attained their vast power and influence. Whether this system was originally conceived in his own mind, or whether it (or something like it) had been in force from a remote period among all Greeks of the Doric stock, or whether finally it was copied by the Spartan lawgiver from institutions which had pre- viously existed only in Crete, there is scarcely sufiicient evidence to determine. While the hypothesis that the Lycurgean legislation was a mere revival of primitive Dorian customs, tends to lessen in some degree the marvel of its successful establishment, and has some of the greatest of modern names in its favour,^ the fact — noted by Mr. Grote ^ — that no traces of such a system appear in any other Dorian state, unless it be in Crete, and the further fact that not a single ancient writer views the matter in this light, interpose almost insuperable obstacles to its reception. The balance of ancient authority is strongly in favour of the derivation of the whole Spartan system from Crete ; ^ but it may be questioned whether on such a point a balance of authority is of much value, and whether probability is not upon the whole a better guide. Granting the close resemblance of the Cretan and Spartan systems, which it seems over-bold to deny,^ it would appear to be at least as likely 9 As Ottfried MuUer, Heeren, Nie- bnhr, K. F. Hermami, and Bishop Thirlwall. ^ Hist, of Greece, vol. ii. p. 456. NiebTLhx anticipates this objection, and to meet it declares he considers it more probable that the ancient Doric insti- tutions had been given np by the other Dorians than that they were newly invented and instituted by the Spar- tans (Lectures on Ancient History, vol. i. p. 259, E. T.). But the opposite view may be maintained with at least as much reason. - This is the view of Herodotus (i. 65), who expressly gives it as the Spartan tradition, of Aristotle (Pol. ii. 7, ad init.), of Bphorus (Fr. 64), of Plutarch (Tit. Lyourg. u. 4), and of Strabo (x. p. 704 ; comp. xvi. p. 1084). The last-mentioned writer regards it as an admitted fact (S/xoAoyenaj.). Tyr- taeus, however, the most ancient au- thority, by assigning the Lycurgean institutions to the Delphic oracle, seems to ignore their Cretan origin. ^ Mr. Grote says the Cretan institu- tions were " dissimilar " to the Spartan "in those two attributes which form the mark and pinch of Spartan legis- lation, viz. the military discipline and the rigorous private training" (Hist, of Greece, 1. s. c). But these are exactly the points in which all the ancient writers declare the resemblance to have been most close. (See Pint. Leg. i..iii. ; At. Eth. i. 13, § 3 ; Pol. vii. 2, § 5 ; Ephor. Fr. 64 ; Heraclid. Pont. Fr. 3 ; Nic. Damasc. Pr. 115.) Even Polybius, who maintains the dissimi- larity of the Cretan and Spartan insti- tutions (vi. 45) by his silence with regard to these points, is a witness in favour of their being common to the two systems. 342 ITS ORIGIN QUESTIONED. App. Book X. that the institutions travelled from the continent to the island as from the island to the continent. Very little is really known of early Cretan history;* and it may be doubted whether the Dorian cities in Crete were not, one and all, colonies from the Pelopon- nese,^ who carried with them into their new homes institutions and practices found beneficial in the mother-country. In this way the spread of the system is natural, and has numerous analogies ; while the contrary story, that Lycurgus sought and found in the remote, insignificant, and scarcely Hellenic Crete ^ a set of institutions which he transferred bodily to his native Sparta, is — to say the least — as improbable a tale as any that has come down to us on respectable authority. 15. But from whatever quarter the Lycurgean discipline was derived, whether from Crete, from Delphi, or (as is most probable) from the genius of Lycurgus himself, it must always remain one of the most astonishing facts of history, that such a system was suc- cessfully imposed upon a state which had grown up without it. To change the customs of a nation, even in single points, is proverbially difficult ; to introduce strictness of living in the place of laxity, unless under the stimulus of strong religions feeling, is almost unprecedented ; but vsdthout such stimulus, or at least with a very low degree of it, to induce a nation voluntarily to adopt an entirely ''"Crete," says Niebuhr, "is the most myaterioTis of all the countries that belong to the empire of Greece " (Lectures, vol. i. p. 251, B.T.). Epho- rus seems to have been the first writer who distinctly treated of Cretan cus- toms and history, and his judgment was very defective. ^ The earliest notice of Dorians in Crete is the well-known passage in the fci' jUf !■ Axaiot, AuJpiter re Tpix^»K€9, 6loi re YleXacyoi. od., xix. ns-iv?. But the value of this must depend on the date of the Odyssey, which is probably a good deal later than the Iliad, and perhaps little, if at all, anterior to Lycurgus. Andron'a story of a migration of Dorians to Crete from Histiaeotis, which K. 0. Miiller admits to be " wonderful," and to " present a striking anomaly in the history of the ancient colonies " (Do- rians, vol. i. p. 37, E. T.), is quite un- worthy of credit, the minute "accu- racy " of its statement betraying its origin. Even the colony of Althse- menee (Eph. Fr. 62) is open to grave doubts; and it may be questioned whether the Lacedasmonian colonies of Lyctus and Lampe were not really the first settlements made by the Dorians in the island. ^ Niebuhr has remarked on the strangeness of the Cretan inscriptions (Lectures, voL i. p. 252). They mark the presence in the population of a large barbaric element, probably in part Pelasgic, in part derived from Asia. The 'ETeSKpnirei, or "true Cre- tans," of the Odyssey appear to repre- sent the Asiatic inhabitants to whom Herodotus alludes (Book i. ch. 171- 173). Essay I. CAUSES WHICH LED TO ITS ADOPTION. 343 new set of institutions, and those of so strict and self-denying a character as the Spartan, is a triumph of personal influence exceed- ing anything with which ordinary experience makes ns acquainted, and one which could only have been possible under very peculiar circumstances. Nothing less than the combination of great genius and great personal weight on the one hand, with imminent and extreme peril on the other, can account for the submission of the Spartans to a new and untried system, which compressed all within its iron grasp, and which to every man not bred up in it must have been felt as a scarcely endurable slavery. Perhaps the continued resistance of Amycte, and the hardships and miseries consequent on a perpetual warfare with so very near a neighbour, may have been found so intolerable as to render any change acceptable which held out a prospect of relief ; or it may be that the very existence of Sparta was threatened by the growing power of the unsubdued Achseans, and that the legislator made his appeal not so much to the desire of ease or the lust of conquest as to the instinct of self- preservation. The details of the Lycurgean discipline are so well known, they have been so fully discussed in the ordinary histories, and there is so little dispute concerning them, that it is unnecessary to swell the present Essay by introducing an account of them in this place. The reader is especially referred to the description given by Mr. Grote,'' as at once the most copious and the most exact which exists in our language. 16. On one point, however, in the legislation of Lycurgus a very important difierence of opinion exists, into which it will be neces- sary to enter. Most modern writers,^ following the detailed and circumstantial statements of Plutarch,' have represented Lycurgus as resuming the whole land of Sparta, and allotting it out afresh in equal portions to the inhabitants. According to this view, one of the chief objects of the lawgiver was to produce and maintain a general equalization of property ; and hence various provisions are ascribed to him having for their object to prolong the equality, which, without such provisions, would have disappeared in one or ' History of Greece, vol. ii. pp. 512- 529 8 As K. F. Hermaim (Pol. Ant. of Greece, § 28), Manso (Sparta, i. 1, § 110), Bp. Thirlwall (Hist, of Greece, vol. i. pp. 302-305), Schomann (Ant. Jiir. Pnbl. p. 116), Tittmann (Grieoh. Staatsalterthumer, § 28), and Clinton (F. H. vol. ii. p. 495, note ^). 1 Plat. Vit. Lycarg. c. 8. 344 SUPPOSED EQUALITY OF LANDED POSSESSIONS. App. Book V. two generations. He is supposed to liave forbidden the subdivision or alienation of lots, entailing them strictly upon the eldest son, or the eldest daughter, if there were no son; in the case of childless per- sons to have only allowed their lots to be bequeathed to citizens not possessed of any land ; and in the case of heiresses to have provided that they should be married only to such persons. ^ By these means it is thought that the number of the lots was maintained intact, and the near equality of possessions preserved, from the original insti- tution of Lycurgus down to the close of the Peloponnesian war. 17. Against this view, which had come to be generally received, Mr. Grote has argued with irresistible force in the second volume of his History.^ He has shown, first, that no knowledge of any such equalization, or of the provisoes to maintain it, is possessed by any of the earlier writers, Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon, Plato, Isocrates, or Aristotle, whose statements are often in direct opposi- tion to the theory ; ^ secondly, that in the historic times there is as much inequality of property in Sparta as elsewhere* in Greece; thirdly, that the provisoes assumed as part of the Lycurgean system are for the most part pure modem inventions, and rest upon no ancient authority ; and fourthly, that the account in Plutarch is 1 Thirlwall, vol. i. p. 321.; Manso's Sparta, i. 1, § 121, andi. 2, § 129-134 ; MiiUer's Dorians, vol. ii. pp. 202-205. 2 Pp. 530-560. ^ Aristotle calls Phaleas of Chalce- don, and not Lycnrgus, the inventor of Com'mnnism (Pol. ii. 4). He also makes the levelling tendency of the Lycurgean legislation consist entirely in the system of syssitia (ri ire/)! riis KTTjaeis eV AaK^Bai^ovL to7s ffvffai- riois d vofioBeTTis iKoiuafft, ibid. ii. 2. Compare Theophrastus, ap. Pint. Lycurg. u. 10). Instead of regarding Lycurgus as having established equality of possessions, he complains that he had not taken sufficient pre- cautions against the accumulation of property in a few hands. Xenophon, who is the unqualified eulogizer of Lycurgus' legislation, knows nothing about his having established any forced equality of property, but praises him for removing the motives which lead men to seek wealth, by his laws with regard to diet and dress (Eep. Lac. o. vii.). Isocrates mentions "the re-division of lands " among the evils from which Sparta had always been free (Panath. xii. p. 287). The silence of Plato as to Lycurgus in his Laws is also of great importance. * Herodotus seems to consider that wealth was distributed at Sparta as unequally as elsewhere. He speaks of the wife of AgStus as " the daughter of wealthy parents " [avdpdiraiv 6\0laiv Bvyarepa, vi. 61), and of Sperthias and Bulls as " among the wealthiest men in the place " (xp^^u-acri av-fjKovTes is ra TTpHra, vii. 134). Thucydides, refer- ring to a more distant date, observes that " the richer Spartans, in the sim- plicity of their dress and in their whole style of Uving, conformed themselves to the ordinary standard" (i. 6). Xenophon contrasts the "opulent" with the other Spartans (Eep. Lac. v. 3, and Hell. vi. 4, § 11). Plato says that there was more gold and silver in Sparta than in all the rest of Greece (Aloib. i. p. 122, E.). Essay I. ARGUMENTS AGAINST LYUURGUS ARRANGEMENT. 345 absurd on the face of it, since it assumes an extent of Spartan dominion in the time of Lycurgus which was not acquired till some centuries later.^ He also with great ingenuity accounts for the original formation of the story which we find in Plutarch and for the currency obtained by it, attributing the former to certain antiquarian dreamers contemporary with Agis III. (b.c. 250), and the latter to the enthusiastic partisans of that monarch, who perished in an attempt to carry into effect at Sparta a communistic scheme almost identical with that ascribed by Plutarch to Lycurgus. The whole notion then of Lycurgus having interfered with pro- perty requires to be set aside.'' Whatever the principle on which the Dorian conquerors had originally partitioned among themselves the lands of the Ach^ans — which may or may not have been that of equality, and whatever the changes which time had wrought in this original distribution — Lycurgus made no new arrangement. We are not entitled to assign to him the credit or discredit — as we may regard it — of inventing communism. He did not seek to de- prive the rich of their wealth, which has never yet been attempted without its leading to a bloody struggle. He left propei-ty as he found it, contenting himself with imposing, alike on rich and poor, the same strict system of training and discipline — the same stem round of perpetual toil and privation — the same simple dress, plain fare, hard couch, unceasing drill, life-long restraint. He prevented any very rapid accumulation of wealth by forbidding his citizens to engage either in commerce or in the pursuit of agriculture ; and, by attaching citizenship to the due payment of the prescribed quota to the public mess-table (or perhaps by an express law),'^ he made ' Plutarch makes Lyourgna divide the land about Sparta into 9000 equal lots for the Spartans, and the rest of Laconia into 30,000 similar lots for the Perioeci. The modem -writers who profess to follow him, almost all admit that the latter statement cannot be true, as the Peri oeci cannot possibly have been then so numerous (see Miiller's Dorians, vol. ii. p. 20, and p. 200; Thirlwall, vol. i. p. 304). ^ The force of the argument against the common view cannot better be shown than by a simple exhibition of the authorities on which it rests upon the one hand, and of those whose ignorance of it disproves it upon the other. Its supporters are — Polybius B.C. 180 to B.C. 122 Trogus Pompeius 30 to a.d. 14 Plutarch a.d. 70 120 MUan 220 240 Its ignorers — Herodotus B.C. 460 to B.C. 425 Thucydides 425 391 Xenophon 420 356 Plato 410 34V Isocrates 415 338 Ephorus . 310 340 Aristotle 365 322 Heraclides Pont. 340 320 ' See Arist. Polit. ii. 6, p. 56; HeracL Pout. Rep. Lac. § 7. 346 EESULTS OF THE LYCUEGEAN LEGISLATION. App. Book T. it disgraceful to alienate the land from which that quota could alone be drawn ; but, having thus furnished some checks against the extremes of riches and penury, he left the citizens free within those limits to indulge their natural tastes, not aiming at an imprac- ticable equality, but satisfied if wealth could be deprived of its power to enervate. 18. The immediate effect of the Lycurgean legislation was to enable the Spartans to rise with a sudden bound ^ from comparative insignificance to great power and prosperity. In the century fol- lowing Lycurgus a most rapid advance may be traced. Teleclus (who succeeded Archelaiis, the contemporary of Lycurgus) besieged' and took Amyclse,^ which had so long resisted the Spartan arms ; received the submission of Pharis and Geronthree, whose Acheean inhabitants quitted the Peloponnese ; ^ and thus opened a way for further conquests on the lower Eurotas and the sea-coast. Alca- menes, his son, reduced Helos, defeated the Argives, and began the first war with Messenia.^ We do not know by whom, or exactly at what time, the other towns upon the Laconian Gulf — Gythium, Teuthrdne, Acrise, Asopus, &c. — were brought under, nor when the country to the east of Parnon, and that immediately to the west of Taygetus, became Spartan territory ; but probably the conquest of these tracts followed closely upon the full possession of the Eurotas valley, which was completed by the capture of Helos. Thus it would seem that Sparta, within the space of a century after Lycur- gus, more than quadrupled her territory, and acquired nearly those limits which constituted Laconia Proper through the whole period of Grecian independence. It is the opinion of Mr. Grote that " the formation of the order of Periceci " was subsequent to the introduction of the Lycurgean system at Sparta, and arose entirely out of the career of conquest sketched in the preceding paragraph. He conceives that in the time of Lycurgus there were in Lacedremon two classes only — Dorian warriors and their Helot subjects — and that it was not until after the successes of Teleclus that Pericecic tovraships were formed, and a new class introduced between the full citizen and the Helot. But m this view he runs counter alike to tradition and to proba- bility, which unite in throwing back the order of Periceci to the ' Herod, i. 66. avti re eSpafiov avrlKa I ' Pausan. ill. ii. § 6. ' Ibid Kal iidfiviie-noav. \ s Paosan. ill. ii ad fin. Essay I. INCREASE OF THE PERICECI. 347 time of the original conquest. Lsocrates' and Ephorua,* differing in many particulars, agree in this ; while the circumstances of the case are such as almost to necessitate the early establishment of the class in question. Whatever view we take of the Perioeoi, whether we regard them, with the great bulk of modern authorities, as sub- mitted Achisans, or, with Mr. Grote, conceive of them as consisting m the main of Dorian subjects of Sparta occupying the towns and villages throughout her territory, they will equally date from the time of the first settlers. The original Spartan territory must not be confined to the tract in the immediate neighbourhood of the city: it included undoubtedly the valley down which the invaders came, and probably extended up the courses of all those streams which unite above Sparta with the Eurotas. Thus Belemna, Pellana, -^gys, (Enus, Sellasia, Sciros, Caryse, &c., would be within the Spartan dominion from the first ; and the free dwellers in those places would hold the rank and condition of Periaeci during the centuries which intervened between the invasion and the legislation of Lycurgus. Nor is there any reason why we should set aside the concurrent testimony of Isocrates and Ephorus, that these primitive Perioeoi were in the main submitted Ach»ans. Mr. Grote has clearly shown — and no one will now attempt to deny — that a Doric element was intermixed with an Achaean in certain Perioecic town- ships ; but it is too much to argue from the few known cases of this kind ^ that a similar element existed in a greater or less proportion in all of them. Sparta, where the Dorian race was always inclined to dwindle,* can scarcely have furnished colonists for the hundred dependent townships ^ which were scattered through her territory, or even for that portion of them which belonged to Laconia Proper ; and the probability is that the Doric element in the Perioecic class was really very small, and but slightly affected the general cha- racter of the body. 8 Although, however, the order of Perioeci must date from the time of the first settlement made in Sparta by the Dorians, it is of course ' Panathen. p. 270, 271. * Fragm. 18. * The only known oases are those of Arayclffi (Pansan. iii. ii. § 6), Pharis (ibid.), and Gerouthrae (ib. xxii. § 5). " Vide infra, pp. 359, 360. ' Strabo is the chief authority for this number (viii. p. 526). He is perhaps only copied by Stephen. Mr. Clinton has collected the names of 63 (F. H. vol. ii. pp. 491-495). ' See Kopstadt's Dissertation " De Eerum Laconicarum Constitutionis Lycnrgeae Origene et Indole," pp. 31, 32. 348 EUPTURE WITH MESSENIA. App. Book V. quite true that its great development belongs to the century imme- diately following Lycurgus. By the conquests of Teleclus and Alcamenes the Spartan territory was, as has been observed, quad- rupled ; and the Perioecic must have ■ increased proportionately; while the subjugation of Messenia, which belongs to the succeeding reigns, again nearly doubled the habitable tei-ritory, and caused a further extension of the Perioeci element, though not in the same proportion. The inhabitants of Messenia were for the most part Helotized, their principal cities being destroyed ; but some seem to have been more favourably treated, sLace places in Messenia are occasionally reckoned among the Pericecic townships.^ 19. The history of the Messenian wars has only come down to us in anything Kke a detailed or complete form in the work of Pau- sanias. The authorities which this vsriter followed were (as he tells us ^) Myron of Priene, who had written a prose history of the earlier war, and Rhianus of Bene in Crete, who had made the later one the subject of an epic. Neither of these two writers can be regarded as an authority of much weight, the poet being absolved by the nature of his work from any obligation to respect historical truth, and the prose writer being expressly declared untrustworthy by Pausanias himself.^ How little dependence can be placed on accounts derived from these sources appears from the circumstance that the two writers were not agreed as to which war it was wherein Aristomenes took part, each claiming him as the leader in that portion of the struggle which he had undertaken to commemorate. From this circumstance, and from the fact that the details assigned to the two wars have so great an amount of resemblance, it might naturally have been suspected that there was but a single contest, a,nd that the process of dupKcation, whereto the early fabulists had recourse so often ■' to complete the meagre outline of history, which was all that tradition furnished, had formed two wars out of one. The Fragments, however, of the contemporary poet Tyrtaeus dis- prove this conclusion, and make it absolutely certain that there were two distinct struggles — divided by an interval, which seems to have been of about forty years. 20. The causes assigned for the rupture between Sparta and Messenia are of a trivial nature — especially those immediately pre- ' As Cardamyle, Cypariasa, Methone, 1 ^ Ibid. § 2. Thalamae, Thuria, and others. ^ Compare Niebuhr'sEomanHistory, ' Pausau. IV. vi. § 1. | vol. ii. pp. 452, 453. Essay I. FIEST MESSENIAN WAK. 349 ceding it. A dispute between two herdsmen upon the frontier, followed up by a murder on the one part, and then by reprisals on the other, is made by Pausanias the actual provocative of hostilities.* We know, however, that border-quarrels do not involve nations in war unless they are .otherwise disposed to it ; and we may be sure that neither the violence of Polychares, nor even the slaughter of kingTeleclus at the temple of 'Diana Limnatis ^ (which act had evi- dently been condoned by Sparta)," would have produced an out- break, had not Sparta been disposed, as a matter of policy, to attack her neighbour. The Messenian version of the matter — which was, that these private wrongs were mere pretexts, and that Sparta only brought them forward to cloke her covetousness '' — may be the whole truth; or possibly, the lust of conquest may have been sharpened by political animosity, the policy of conciliation pursued by the Dorian conquerors of Messenia * standing in marked contrast with the exclusiveness of Sparta, and tending to rouse a spirit of discontent among the subject population of the latter country. '21. Sparta is accused of having opened the war by an act of treachery, similar to that by which the Boeotians commenced the great Peloponnesian struggle,^ or to that by which Louis XIV. in 1681 began his attack upon Germany.^ Ampheia, a Messenian town upon their borders, was seized in time of peace, a Spartan army having entered by night through the open gates, and mas- sacred the inhabitants in their beds.^ The war was then carried on from this basis. Sparta ravaged the open country and besieged the towns,* but met with the ill-success which always marked her • Pansan. iv. iv. § 4. ■' Ibid. III. ii. § 6, and iv. iv. § 2. " Pausanias places a generation (30 years) between the murder of Teleclns and the comniencenient of hostilities (IT. iy. § 3). ^ Pansan. IV. v. § 1. AaKiSai/xoifiovs 5e ov Sih ravra ■noXe^rjtxa.i (paffLV {ol Meffff^j/iOi), inrh ir\eove^ias Se t^ (r(f)eT4pt^ eTrijSouXeiJfrai. ' Cresphontes is said to have been the victim of an aristocratic conspiracy brought about by his favouring the popular party, i. e. the conquered Aohaeans (Pausan. iv. iii. § 4. Comp. Eph. ap. Strab. viii. pp. 529, 530). -Slpytus, his son, and Glaucus, his grandson, appear to have pursued a similar policy (Pausan. iv. iii. §§ 5, 6. Cf. Thirlwall's Hist, of Greece, vol. i. p. 343). Unless we suppose a ground of political animosity, it is difficult to account for the hitter spirit which animated the Spartans from the very commencement. Note particularly the oath which they are said to have taken, "Never to cease from the war till Messenia was their own " (Pausan. iv. V. § 3 ; Ephor. ap. Strab. vi. p. 403). ' The attack on Plataea (Thucyd. ii. 2. Comp. iii. 56, where the Platseans characterize the act). ^ The capture of Strasburg (Russell's Modern Europe, voL iv. p. 114). ^ Pausan. iv. v. § 3. •• Ibid. IV. vii. § 1. 350 FIRST MESSENIAN WAE. App. Book V. attempts upon walled places.^ MeanwMle the Messenians, wto were superior at sea, plundered the Lacedsemonian coasts. In tne fourth, year of the war the Messenian monarch ventured to take the field for the protection of his territory ; and the Spartans, unwilling to assault the position where he had entrenched himself, were forced to retire without their usual booty. Reproached on their return home for this failure, they made in the next year a great effort : both kings took the field, and a desperate battle was fought, but without any decided result, neither party even claiming the victory.® However, about this time the strength and resources of the Messe- nians are said to have been so exhausted, that they were forced to adopt the plan of abandoning most of their cities and occupying the high mountain of Ithdme, where they fortified themselves.'^ At the same time they sent to Delphi to ask advice, and were bidden to offer to the infernal gods a virgin of the royal race of ^pytus. In obedience to this oracle, Aristodemus, an ^pytid, sacrificed his daughter;^ and the Spartans, alarmed at such bloody rites, made no further attack upon the Messenians for the space of six years.^ At last, in the twelfth year of the war, they took heart, and marched against Ithome. A second battle was now fought, which was as little decisive as the former, though the Messenian king (Euphaes) was slain in it. Another pause followed. During the first four years of Aristodemus, the successor of Euphaes, no operations of importance were attempted on either side ; ' his fifth year, however, was signalised by a third engagement, in which the Spartans were assisted by the Corinthians, while Arcadia, Argos, and Sicyon gave their aid to the Messenians ; and after a stoutly contested fight the Spartans were completely defeated, and forced to retreat in confu- sion to their own country.^ Sparta now in her turn sent for advice to Delphi, and was recommended to have recourse to craft — a counsel which she was not slow to follow. No particular success attended her efforts ; ' but at last, in the twentieth year of the war, the Messenians being hard pressed for provisions, and alarmed by portents and oracles, gave up all hopes of resistance, and, deserting Ithome, scattered themselves to their homes, or took refuge in * See note on Book ix. cli. 70. ' Pausan. i¥. oh. viii. ' Panean. iv. ch. ix. § 1. Thirlwall (Hist, of Greece, vol. i. p. 348) regards Ithome as occnpied for the purpose of " covering the region which lay beyond it," i, K. the rich vale of the Pamisns. But Pansanias has no snch notion. « Ibid. ch. ix. § 5. » Ibid. oh. x. § 1. ' Ibid. ch. xi. § 1. ^ Ibid. ch. xi. § 3. ^Ibid. ch. xii. §§1,2. Essay I. DATE OF FIRST MESSENIAN WAR. 3SI foreign states.* The Spartans razed Itli6md to the ground, and rapidly overran the whole country ; the inhabitants were treated with extreme severity; the entire population was reduced to the condition of Helots, becoming serfs upon the land, which was re- garded as forfeited, and paying to their masters as rent a full half of the produce.^ 22. The first Messenian war, which lasted (as Tyrtasus declared^) exactly twenty years, began certainly, and probably ended, within the single reign of Theopompus.^ According to Pausanias, it com- menced iu the second year of the ninth Olympiad,* or B.C. 743, and consequently terminated in B.C. 724. These dates cannot be con- sidered to have any high historical value, but they harmonise suf- ficiently with all that is known on the subject. There can be little doubt that the war fell into the latter half of the eighth century B.C., following wit hiTi a century the legislation of Lycurgus. 23. It is conjectured, with a good deal of probability,^ that im- portant internal changes grew out of this war and conquest, which so greatly altered the external position of Sparta. Political acts of no small consequence are assigned to both the kings engaged in it ; ^ and it seems certain that the unusual circumstance of the founding by Sparta of a real colony out of her own citizens belongs to the * Arcadia and Argos received the bnlk of the refugees (Pausan. iv. xiv. § 1). Some of the priestly families are said to have taken np their abode at Blensis (ibid.). ^ See the well-known fragment (Fr. 5) In which Tyrtaeos describes their condition : — • AetnrofTvvQKTi IpepoVTes ava'^KalrfS iItto XuYpIj? HfjLitrv jrav, oi7(rov Kapirov &povpa ipepei- This cannot be considered a very op- pressive burthen. In our own country the rent is commonly reckoned at one- third of the produce. In Russia the serf gives half his Ume to his lord, and in addition pays an annual tax of eight rubles for each male in his family (De Hell, p. 109). ^ TyrtseuB, Fr. 4:— 'A|10' auTf;!' 5' ifiaxovr' evvea Kal SeK' ?tti, NwXcjUeur, alet raKaffL^pova lfvfi6v ?X0fT6C» ^^Xt^VT^i, iraTepatv np-erepoiv iraTfpei' EiKoirrip d o'l fxiv Kara iriova epya Xijroi/Ter 4>€i/70V 'IHutp^aiuiv €K fieydXtav bpeiav. ' See Pansan, iv. iv. § 3, and § 6. As Mr. Grote observes, Pausanias's authority, Tyrtaeua, does not positively affirm that Theopompus brought the war to a close (Hist, of Greece, vol. ii, p. 570, note^). His words, however, certainly convey that impression : — 'H/ieTep(f> /3afft\r}'i 0eoi o p o s & v. '« Ibid. V. 36, vi. 88, viii. 6 and 12. Eemark also that while the Ephors' names are essential to a treaty those 358 CONTINUED RISE OF THE EPHOES. App. Book T. the monarcli on foreign expeditions by means of a body of council- lors.^ It is clear that by a slow and silent process of continual usurpation the Ephors had, by the time of Thucydides, completely superseded the kings as the directors of affairs at Sparta; while the longs' military pre-eminence — which was the last of their preroga- tives that remained to them — had begun to be viewed with jealous eyes, and was already in danger of passing from them.^ If it be asked how this gradual change was brought about — what inherent strength there was in the Ephoralty enabling it to make and maintain these usurpations — the answer is to be found, first of all in the fact that the Ephors were annually elected by the whole mass of Spartan citizens, and thus felt themselves the representa- tives of the nation ; and, secondly, in the misconduct of the kings on various occasions,' which caused them to be regarded with con- tinually increasing distrust. The Ephors, it is probable, first as- sumed royal functions during the Messenian wars, when in the absence of both kings from the city it would naturally fall to them to convoke the assembly and the senate, to receive embassies and reply to them, to send out troops, and in fact to take the chief con- duct of public affairs. They were able to establish themselves above the kings by means of their general right of supervision and correction of offenders, which entitled them to summon the kings of the kings are not {v. 19 and 24) . The kings, however, still have a supe- rior dignity, and T?hen they sign, sign before the Ephors. 1 Thncyd. v. 63. ^ It appears that, as early as B.C. 479, Ephoi-s accompanied the king (or rather the regent) on a military expe- dition (Herod, ix. 76). They do not, however, appear then to have exer- cised any actnal control. The next instance is in B.C. 445, when Clean- dridas, the father of Gylippns, accom- panied Plistoanax, as conncillor, in his invasion of Attica (Pint. Vit. Pericl. c. 22). The fact that Pericles regarded him as the special person to bribe, would indicate that he possessed a large share of the chief authority. The appointment of ten councillors to con- trol Agis (B.C. 418) is the next step. Finally, before B.C. 403, it became the regular custom to send out two Ephors with the king when he proceeded on foreign service (Xen. Hell. ii. iv. § 36). ^ The kings of both houses miscon- ducted themselves about the time of the Persian and Peloponnesian wars. Cleomeues was discovered to have bribed the oracle, and, having fallen into disgrace, plotted an Arcadian rising (Herod, vi. 74). Pausanias was willing to have betrayed Greece to Persia (Thucyd. i. 128-131). Plisto- anax, his son, was tempted by a bribe to forego the opportunity of conquering Athens (Thucyd. i. 114, and v. 16). He also bribed the oracle to obtain Ms recall. Of the other house, Leotychi- das took a bribe from the ThessaUans (Herod, vi. 72), and Agis was strongly suspected of having had similar deal- ings with the Argivea (Thucyd. v. 63). Essay I. DIMINUTION OF CITIZENS. 359 themselves before their tribunal,* to censure and to fine them; and especially by their power of intermeddling with the king's domestic concerns,* under pretence of watching over the purity of the race of Hercules, with which the existence of Sparta was supposed to be bound up. The humiliating subjection in which the kings were thus kept, led naturally to their entertaining from time to tinae treasonable projects ; and the discovery of these projects favoured the further advance of the Ephors, who in transferring to them- selves the royal prerogatives seemed to be adding to the security of the commonwealth. 30. Another gradual change in the Spartan state — and one which ultimately destroyed the Lycurgean constitution — was effected by the working of regulations which Lycurgus had himself instituted. The perpetual diminution in the number of citizens, which is to be traced throughout Spartan history,^ arose in part from the infanti- cide which he enjoined, in part perhaps from the restraints which he placed upon the free intercourse of young married persons, but chiefly from the disqualification under which he laid all those whose means did not allow them to furnish from their estates the necessary quotas for the syssitia, which acted as a discouragement to marriage,^ and gradually reduced, not only the number of the * It was Tirged in later times that the constitntional power of the Ephors was not above that of the kings because the latter were not bound to attend to the first or second summons of the former (Pint. Tit. Cleomen. u. 10) ; but the fact that they were bound to obey the third summons is the really important point. Their power of fining the ting appears in Thuoyd. v. 63, and is, of course, included in the general statement of Xenophon — iKavol fiev eJfftv (oi e^opot) ^T}fiiovv t>y Uv ^ovXavrai (Rep. Lao. viii. 4). * Herod, v. 39-41. * The original number of the full Spartan citizens was, according to one account, 10,000 (Ar. Pol. ii. 6) . In the division of the territory, ascribed by some to Lycurgus, by others to Poly- dorus (Plut. Vit. Lycurg. c. 8), they are estimated at 9000. Demaratns (B.C. 480), describing their numbers to Xerxes, and probably exaggerating a little, laid them at 8000 (Herod, vii. 234). If the 5000 sent to Platsea were. as is generally supposed, ra Suo ji^fyti (comp. Thucyd. ii. 10), they would have amounted reaUy at that time to 7500. After this they rapidly dimin. ished. Not more than 700 Spartans were engaged at Leuctra (Xen. Hell. Ti.iv. § 15). Isocrates probably gives the number in his own time, when (Panath. p. 286, C.) he estimates the original conquerors at 2000 (see Clin- ton, P. H. i. p. 498, noteP). This would be about B.C. 350. Aristotle (about B.C. 330) declares that they did not amount to 1000 (ouSe ;(fA.ioi rh TXriSoi ?t(raii, Pol. ii. 6). Eighty years later, in B.C. 244, the whole number was 700 (Plut. Vit. Agid. c. 5). ' Polybius notes that in his time three or four Spartan brothers had often the same wife (Collect. Vet. Script, vol. ii. p. 384), the truth being, probably, that only the eldest brother could afford to marry (see Miiller's Dorians, vol. ii. p. 205, E. T., and Grote's Greece, vol. ii. p. 536, note '). 36o DIMINUTION OF CITIZENS. App. Book Y. full citizens, but that of tke whole Dorian body, to a mere handful in the population of the city.^ An exclusive possession of poHtical rights, which (according to Greek ideas) was fairly enough enjoyed by a Demus of some 10,000 men controlling an adult male popular tion of 50,000 or 60,000,^ became intolerable, when its holders had dwindled to a few hundreds, and were scarcely a visible element among the inhabitants,^ or an appreciable item in the strength of the country.^ The general disafiection which arose from this dis- proportion, first showed itself at the time of the conspiracy of Cinadon, B.C. 397, which was with difficulty suppressed.^ It after- wards caused Perioeci as well as Helots to join with the Thebans in their invasion of Sparta.* Finally it robbed the community of all real national spirit, producing a state of internal struggle and dis- union which took away from Sparta all her influence in Greece,^ and tempted the young and enthusiastic Agis to his great experiment — fatal at once to himself and to what remained of the Lycuigean system. ' It is the whole Spartiate body which is in the reign of Agis 700. Of these not more than 100 were full citizens (Pint. Tit. Agid. 1. s. c.). ' See Clinton on the Population of Ancient Greece, F. H. vol. ii. Appen- dix, ch. 22, pp. 491-505. ' Xen. HeUen. iii. iii. § 5. 2 Thirty Spartans only accompanied Agesilaua into Asia (Xen. Hellen. in. iv. §§ 2, 3). The same number went with Agesipolis to the Olynthiac war (ibid. V. iii. § 8). The 700 who fought at Leuotra are an unusually large con. tingent for the time. 3 Xen. Hellen. m. iii. §§ 8-11. ^ Ibid. VI. V. § 25 ; Ages. ii. 24. * Pint. Tit. Agid. c. 5, et seqq. Essay II. EARLY HISTORY OF ATHENS. 36 1 ESSAY II. ON THE EARLY HISTORY OE THE ATHENIANS. 1. Obsonrity of early Athenian history. 2. Primitive inhabitants of Attica unwarlike. 3. Causes of her weakness — no central authority — Pelasgio blood. 4. Eirst appearance of the Athenians in history — stories of Melan- thns and Codms. 5. Blank in the external history. 6. Ionian migration condnoted by sons of Codrns. 7. Internal history. 8. Early tribes — • Teleontes, Sopletes, ^gicoreis, and Argadeis. 9. Clans and phratries — im- portance of this division. 10. Trittyes and Naucraries. 11. Political distribntion of the people — Eupatridce, Geomori, and Demiurgi. 12. Eirst period of the aristocracy — from Codms to Alcmseon, B.C. 1050-752. 13. Second period — from Alcmseon to Eryxias, B.C. 752-684 — rapid advance. 14. Mode in which the usm?pations were made — substitution of the Eupa- trid assembly for the old Agora. 15. Power of the old Senate. 16. Pull establishment of oligarchy, B.C. 684. 17. First appearance of the demo- cratical spirit — legislation of Draco. 18. Revolt of Cylon, crushed. 19. Sacrilege committed — widespread discontent. 20. Solon chosen as medi- ator — his proceedings. 21. Date of his archonship. 22. His recovery of Salamis. 23. His connection with the Sacred War. 24. His legislation — the SeisachtJieia and debasement of the currency. 25. Prospective measures. 26. Constitutional changes — introduction of the four classes, Peiitacosifmiedimnij JBippeis, 2eugitce, and Tlietes. 27. Arrangement of bur- thens — income tax — military service. 28. Pro-Bouleutic council. 29. Im- portance of these changes — Dicasteries. 30. Solon the true founder of the democracy. 31. Solon confined citizenship to the tribes. 32. Laws of Solon — (i.) Penalties for crimes — (ii.) Stimulus to population — (iii.) Law against political neutrality. 33. Results of his legislation — time of repose — revival of discontent — Solon leaves Athens. 34. Re-appearance of the old parties — Pedieis, &c. — return of Solon — his courage. 35. Tyranny of PisistratuB. 1. The early history of Athens is involved in even greater obscu- rity than that of Sparta, owing to the comparative isolation and seclusion, which were the consequence of its geographical position, and of the character of its soil.^ Lying, as Attica did, completely out of the path of the armies which proceeded from Northern Greece to the Peloponnese by way of the Isthmus or the Straits of Rhium, and possessing little to tempt the cupidity of conquerors, it scarcely came into contact with the other nations of Greece till just ^Compare Thucyd. i. 2. rijv yovv I \eT7T6y^(av atrraalaarov odffav liv- 'ATTiKT^i/ iK Tov iirl irXuffTOV 5 t o t i ] BpwTroi ^kovv ol avTol ad. 362 CAUSES OF ATTIC WEAKNESS. App. Book V. before the Persian war, and is consequently almost unheard of througli tlie opening scenes of tlie Hellenic drama. No doubt this security might have tended with some races to foster a great power, which would have forced itself into notice by aggressions upon others ; but the primitive Athenians appear to have been an unwar- like people, who were quite content to be left to themselves, and had no thought of engaging in foreign enterprises. The genius of the nation was from the first towards luxury and towards the arts ; when they engaged in war, it was forced upon them, and for many centuries they were content to repel the aggressions which, at long intervals, were made upon their independence. 2. A marked indication of this temper is to be found in the part which they are made to play in. the Trojan war by Homer. Menes- theus, the Athenian chief, commands a contingent of 50 , ships '^ — a number which is surpassed by only six of the confederates ; ' yet neither he nor his troops are ever spoken of as earning the slightest distinction in the field. On the contrary, in the only place where the war roUs his way, Menestheus " shudders," and' hastily invokes the aid of the Ajaces, who come and save him from his danger.* "Athens and Arcadia," as it has been well observed,^ "may justly be regarded as the only two undistinguished in Homer among those states of Greece which afterwards attained to distinction." They alone " fail in exhibiting to us signs of early pre-eminence in the arts of war." ^ Thus Athens neither made a history for herself in the primitive times, like Sparta and Argos, nor was brought into notice, like the ]\Iessenians, Arcadians, and others, by being mixed up with the history of more powerful countries. 3. One cause of the weakness of Athena — or, to speak more accu- rately, of Attica — in the early ages, may be found in the want of a common centre, and single governing authority; another, in the inferior character of the Pelasgio race. "Attica," we are told, " until the time of Theseus, was divided into a number of petty states, each under its own ruler, which in ordinary times were quite independent of one another. It was only when danger threatened that a certain precedency and authority was conceded to the Athe- nian king, who was then placed at the head of a species of con- 2 Horn. n. ii. 556. ' Namely, Argos, Jlycens, Sparta, Arcadia, and Crete. ■* II. xii. 331, et seqq. Pylos, ^ See Mr. Gladstone's Homer and the Homeric Age, vol. i. p. 139. « Ibid. 1. a. c. Essay II. PELASGIC ORIGIN OF THE ATHENIANS. 363 federacy."^ Twelve of ttese little communities are named by a writer of fair repute,^ viz. : — Cecropia (by wbicb we must under- stand Atbens berself), Tetrapolis, Epacria, Deceleia, Eleusis, Aphydna, Thoricus, Branron, Cytherus, Sphettus, Cephisia, and Phalerus ; and of tbese one, Tetrapolis, was itself a confederacy of four towns or villages — OEnoe, Marathon, Probalinthus, and Trico- rythus* — like the " Three Leagues " of the Grisons, which together form a Swiss Canton. According to the legend, Theseus, who is made a little anterior to the Trojan war, put an end to this state of things, compelling or persuading the several communities to forego their independence, and to elevate Athens into the position of a real capital. It may however be doubted whether the consoli- dation of the Athenian power was really effected at this early date. There are not wanting indications ^ of the continuance of cantonal sovereignty to times long subsequent to Theseus ; and considering the strong affection of the Greeks for autonomy,'* and the special love of the Attic race in the historical age for their country towns,5. it may fairly be suspected that the rise of Athens to the headship which she ultimately obtained, was far more gradual than either Thucydides or-Ehilochorus imagined. The Pela;§g4c origin of the Athenians is stated as an undoubted fact by Herodotus,* and is fairly regarded as implying a certain de- gree of military incapacity.^ Whatever we take to be the difference ^ Thucyd. ii. 15: eiri y^p KeKpoiros Kal Twv Trp^Tojy ^av€Sj as participating in the same sacred rites {opyiaC). See Hai'pocra- tion, Suidas, the Lex. Rhetoric, and the Etymolog. Magn. For proof of the special borial-place, cf. Marcellin. Vit. Thnc. p. ix. ; Dem. c. Eubulid. p. 1307; and Oic. de Leg. ii. 26. Essay H. PRIVILEGES OF THE CLANS. 371 it ; 8 if a man died witlioiit children, Ms clansmen succeeded neces- sarily to all the property that he left behind him. Even after Solon, they enjoyed this privilege, if any one died intestate.^ They could also claim the right of marrying any heiress of the clan, who had the misfortune to be left an orphan ; though this privilege was counterbalanced, after the time of Solon, by a corresponding obli- gation upon them to marry poor orphans, or provide them with suitable portions.^ Some clans, moreover, certainly, and perhaps all, had common property, which was administered by a treasurer of their own.^ There was also a general duty on the part of all mem- bers of the clan to help, defend, support, and, in case of need, avenge other members who required their assistance ; ^ which, though not exactly a privilege, was a strong bond of union, and, in an unsettled state of society, must have been felt rather as an advantage than as a burthen. It resulted in part from the m.aterial advantages accruing to the members of a clan from their membership, in part from the religious feeling which regarded rites as polluted by the participation in them of persons of a different blood, that admission to a clan was jealously guarded by the law, and narrowly watched by the existing members.* Foreigners admitted to citizenship did not thereby become ymvTjTaL, or ippdropes ; ^ nor did their descendants, unless born of women who were citizens. In that case they were enrolled in the clan and phratry of their mother. The children of foreign women, or of any women who were not citizens, were also excluded.^ Thus " the preservation of legitimacy and purity of descent among the citizens " may be considered as the main " political object and import " ' of the whole organisation ; though, even apart from this, it must have possessed a high value in the eyes of a wise statesman, as tending to establish a close union of difierent classes, based upon the double foundation of rehgious communion and consanguinity. 8 Plntaroh, Vit. Solon, c. 21. » Ibid. 1 Dem. c. Macart. p. 1068 ; Diod. Sio. xii. 18 ; Terent. Phorm. i. ii. 75 ; Isffius, de Pyrrh. 51. ^ See the inscription in Ross's At- tischen Demen, p. 26, where the treasurer (rafiias) of the Amynandridse is mentioned. ^ The obligation was moat definite in the case of bloodshed, when the clansmen and the phrators were bound by law to prosecute (Dem. u. Macart. p. 1069). In other cases it was matter of feeling and usage. * Note the expression in Isseus (de Ciron. Haered. 19), rSiv tfipaTipaiv . TTOWSllf ivTOlV KoX aK p t ^ U S TO. TO lau r a '^(r k o tv v ^ 4 v u> v- s Dem. c. Neasr. p. 1376. * IsffiUS, 1. S. 0. ' See Hermann's Pol. Ant. § 100. 372 TRITTTES AND NAUCRAEIES. App. Book V. 10. The other ancient division of the tribes was that into Trittyes and Naucraries. As each tribe ((puXii) contained three Phratries, or " Brotherhoods," so it also contained three Trittyes, or " Third- ings.'' It is uncertain whether these divisions were really distinct and separate ; according to some writers the Phratry and the Trittys were two names of the same body.^ But if so, the identity of the classifications ceased at this point, the Nancraries having no con- nection whatever with the ■yeyri, or " clans." While in each Phratry there were thirty " clans," in a Trittys there were but four Naucra- ries. The Naucraries existed solely for political, and not at all for relio'ious or social purposes. They are properly compared with the later c-viifioplat,^ and consisted of a number of householders (mvKpa- pai, or valiKX-npoi) associated together for the purpose of undertaking state burthens, as the providing of soldiers, of money, and in later times of ships.' Each Naucrary had its head, or Prytanis, who, until the institution of the Polemarch, were the chief military oiEcers.^ Nothing is known as to the manner of their appointment ; but the probability is that, like the (fuXo/SacnxeTs, or heads of the tribes, they were nominated by the nobles,^ not elected by the people. Of the two distributions here considered, it is evident that the former was by far the more important. The Naucraries existed merely for state purposes, and touched nothing but material inte- rests. The Phratries and Clans were private as well as public unions, and had the closest connection with all the deepest feelings and most sacred associations of the people. With the one the Athenian came into contact on rare occasions, and merely in the way of business ; the other was an element of his daily life, and entwined itself with his social and domestic affections, with his ordinary duties, and with his religious feelings. Hence the latter outlived the Clistheuic constitution,'' and continued to exist and 8 Ai-istotle (Fr. 3), Pollux (viii. Ill), and Harpocration (ad voc. yivvrtrai)^ all identify the rpiTTus with the (ppa.- Tpia. Pollux adds that there was a third term (efi^os), which was equiva- lent, and Harpocration (ad voc. Tpirrvs) ascribes this view to Aristotle. Mr. Grote seems to assume that the rpir. ries and the c^parpfai were wholly diSerent divisions. 5 Phot. Lex. Synag. p. 288 {va.vKpa.pia bTroi6v Tl 7] (rvfJLtJ.opia) . 1 Pollux, viii. 108; but to derive their name from this circumstance, as Pollux does, is wrong (see note ' on Book V. ch. 71). ^ This is perhaps the meaning of Herodotus when he says in connection with Cylon's revolt (1. s. c.) that " the Heads of the Naucraries at that time bore rule in Athens." 3 Pollux, viii. Ill and 120. ■* See the many passages above quoted from the orators, especially Dem. e. Macart. p. 1054, and Isseus, de Ciron. Haered. u. 19. Essay n. POLITICAL POWER CONFINED TO EUPATEIDS. 373 flourisli tlirougli the whole period of the subsequent history, while the former, if not formally abolished, sank at any rate very shortly into entire desuetude.^ 11. It is remarkable that political privilege does not appear to have been attached in the early times to either of these two organis- ations. In that of the Clans and Phratries, a rough resemblance may be traced to the old Boman organisation into Gentes and Curies ; but nothing in ancient Athens corresponds to the Comitia Curiata of antique Rome, nor to the original Senate of 300, one from each of the 300 gentes.^ Again, in the Trittyes and Naucra- ries we seem to have a division analogous to that of the Roman Centuries (which had reference at once to taxation and to military liability) ; but Athens has no Comitia Centuriata, where privilege is apportioned to service, and the citizen who has done most for the state compensated by the largest share of power. All important political privilege is engrossed by the Eupatrids, who consist of a certain number of " clans " claiming a special nobility, but not belonging to any single tribe, or distinguishable from the ignoble clans, otherwise than by the possession of superior rank and riches.'' The rest of the citizens constitute an unprivileged class,* personally free, but with no atom of political power, and are roughly divided, according to their occupations, into yeoi/iSpoi (yeomen-farmers) and Snfiiovpyo'i (artisans).® 12. The union of the Eupatrids in the same tribes and phratries with the Geomori and Demiurgi, seems to show that the aristocracy of Athens was not original, like that of Rome, but grew out of an earher and more democratical condition of things — such, in fact, as ^ Photins Bays (s. v. NauKpapta) that Clisthenes raised the nnniber o£ Nan- craries from 48 to 50, making 5 in each of his 10 tribes ; and the fact of the Athenian navy amounting soon after to 50 ships (Herod, vi. 89) is some confirmation of this. But with the rise of the system of trierarchy, all trace of the Naucraries disappears. ^ I mean that neither the early Senate at Athens, nor the early As- sembly, was based upon the organisa- tion of the clans. No doubt the Assembly of the Eupatrids did in some degree resemble the Comitia Curiata. ' The author of the Etymologicum defines the Eupatrids as ol air rh 6.ffTV otKovyTeSj koI fieTcxofres rod fiaa'iXiKOv yeyovs^ Koi r^if roil/ UpQJv iirtfj.€\€iay iroiovfxeuou But these are rather the consequences than the sources of their pre-eminence. * Dionysius of Halicarnassns seems to be right in recognising but two real orders in ancient Athens (ii. 8). There was no difference of rank or privilege between the yew/wipoi and the ^fifiiovpyoi. ' Pollux, viii. Ill ; Hesych. ad voe. 'A.ypiSna.1 ; Etym. Magn. ad toc. Eutto- TpiSai. Of. Arist. Fr. 3. 374 APPOINTMENT OF ABCHONS. App. Book V. we find depicted in the Homeric poems. A real monarcliy, like that of the heroic age, tends to level other distinctions ; for kings always use the people to check the power and insolence of the nobles. Thns at Athens, as elsewhere, in the heroic times, there was undoubtedly the idea of a public assembly (ayopd), consisting of all freemen; but this institution seems entirely to have disap- peared during the centuries which intervened between Codrus and Solon.i The power of the nobles gradually developed itself during this period, increasing at the expense of the kingly prerogative on the one band, and of popular rights upon the other. We are told that at the death of Codrus, the Eupatrids, in pretended honour to that monarch's self-sacrifice, formally abolished the name of king, substituting that of Archon, or Ruler.^ Such a change undoubtedly implied more than it asserted. The alteration of title would symbolise, and thereby tend to produce, a diminution of authority ; and the nobles, who had made the change, would, by that very fact, have set themselves up above the sovereign, and asserted their right to control and limit his prerogatives. Still the royal power appears to have been but slightly diminished. The Archons held their office for life,^ and though nominally responsible," can have been subject to no very definite restraints, and, when once appointed, must have ruled pretty nearly at their pleasure. The old royal family was moreover maintained in a quasi-royal position, the archonship being confined to the Medontidse, or descendants of Medon, the son and successor of Codrus. On the other hand, here- ditary right, as previously understood, was abolished ; and at the death of an Archon, the Eupatrids chose his successor out of those descendants of Medon who were of an age to govern. It is remarkable that, according to the traditions, this state of things maintained itself, without further change, for three centu- ries. Medon had twelve successors in the office of life-archon,^ whose united reigns are said to have covered the space of 296 years. ^ This period is a blank in Athenian history. Nothing is ' Mr. Grote speaks of there being " traces " of the continued existence of " general assemblies of the people with the same formal and passive character as the Homeric Agora," in the interval between Thesens and the Solonian legislation (vol. iii. p. 97). Bnt I can find no proof of this assertion. ^ Justin, ii. 7 ; comp. Lye. c. Leocr. 20. 3 Pausan. iv. v. § 10. '' Pausan. iv. ix. § 4, and Tii. ii. § 1. * These were Aoastus, Archippns, Thersippns, Phorbas, Megacles, Dio- gn^tus,PherecleB,Ariphron, Thespiene, Agamestor, jEschylns, and Alcmaeon. * Euseb. Chron. Can. pars. ii. p. 306- 320. Bnt comp. pars. i. c. 30, where the number of years is only 272. Essay II. ADVANCE OF THE ARISTOCRACY. 37S known of the life-arclioiis beyond their names ; and we can only gather from the silence of ancient authors, that the time was one of peace abroad, and of tranquillity — perhaps of comfort and conteat- ment — at home.^ The Asiatic colonisation, it must be remembered, had carried off unruly spirits, and left the land with a deficient rather than a surplus population ; labour was probably well paid ; above all, the yearning after free institutions and the excitement of political life, had not yet commenced. The state was in its boyhood, unconscious, satisfied with life ; free from those fierce cravings — in part noble, in part selfish and brutalising — which in the nation, as in the individual, mark the period of adolescence. 13. On the terraination of this long interval of almost complete rest and inaction, the advance of the aristocracy was rapid. In the first year of the seventh Olympiad (b.c. 752), the life-archonship was brought to an end, and the duration of the office was limited to ten years, ^ but without infringement on the right of the Medontidee to its exclusive possession. By this change, not only was the dig- nity diminished, but the responsibility of the Archon was rendered a reality ; for he could be actually called to account for any abuse of his authority at the close of his ten years of office. Thus the Eupatrids obtained a power over the nominal sovereign, which they were not slow to use ; and we find that in the reign of the fourth decennial Archon (b.c. 714) they took advantage of an act of cruelty which he had committed,' not only to depose him individually, but to declare that the Medontidse had in him forfeited their claim to rule ; upon which it naturally followed that the office should be thrown open to all Eupatrids. The decennial term of ofiice was ' Bishop Thirl wall doubts (Hist, of Greece, vol. ii. p. 17) whether the " long period of apparent tranquillity " which intervenes between Theseus and Draco was really " one of public hap- piness." His doubts rest, in part, on the story of Hippomenes (see below, note'), and partly on the condition of the Athenians at the era of Draco. The remarks in the text refer only to the period between Medon and Ale- mason (B.C. 1050-752). « Dionys. Hal. i. 71. ' Hippomenes (it is said), the fourth decennial Archon, had a daughter named Leim6ne or Leimdnis, who was taken in adultery with one of the citizens. Both were punished with death. The man was fastened by Hippomenes to his chariot, and so killed ; the adulteress was shut up in a building with a wild horse ; no food was given to either, and the horse shortly devoured the lady. Afterwards the scene of the crime was held ac- cursed ; the building was razed ; and the site known as " the Place of the Horse and the Damsel." (See Hera- chd. Pont. i. 3 ; Nic. Damasc. Fr. 51 ; Ovid. lb. 461 ; Soidas, ad voc. 'Ittito- lievr\s\ Photius, Lex Synag. sub voc. Trap' 'Uttov; Diogenian. Gent. Prov. iii. 1, &c.) 376 SUBSTITUTION OF EUPATEIDS FOR THE AGORA. App. BookV. still continued for tMrty years longer ; ^ but at the end of tLat time (b.C. 684) the mask was altogether thrown off, and the last remnant of the monarchy disappeared before the assaults of the aristocrats. The decennial (sole) archonship was abolished ; and in lieu of it a governing board was set up, consisting of nine persons, who were to share am.ong them the kingly functions, and to hold office only for a year. Thus was a form of government established, such as an oligarchy especially affects, with numerous magistrates and a short term of office, whereby that equality among its own members is best produced, which is as dear to an exclusive aristocracy as the destruction of all antagonistic powers. 1-1. Such are said to have been the steps whereby the Athenian Eupatrids obtained the complete possession of the sovereign power. The means and instruments wherewith they worked are more obscure, and require investigation. It has been noticed ^ that from the earliest times there was in every Greek monarchy an Assembly, or Agora, which exercised a certain amount of control over public affairs. This assembly rightfully consisted, according to the idea nniversally prevalent, of all the freemen capable of bearing arms in the state. It would seem, however, that at Athens the Eupatrids contrived gradually to substitute for this body the mere assembly of those of their own order. The effect was as if at Rome the Patricians had at any time succeeded in suppressing the Centuries, and replacing them on all occasions by the Curies. The Eupatrids thus certainly obtained the power of nominating the Phylo-Basileis, or Tribe- Kings,8 who must have originally received their appoint- ment from the whole people; and they probably also named the Prytaneis of the Naucraries,* as they undoubtedly did afterwards both the decennial and the annual Archons. Through the Phylo- Basileis they would at once exercise a very important influence over the monarch ; for the Phylo-Basileis were from the first asses- sors of the king, without whom he could not deliver sentence in the Prytaneum.5 They would also, if they appointed the Prytaneis of the Naucrarles, have had a hold both over the military force and over the revenue, which would fully account for the inability of the monarchs to resist their aggressions. ^ The predecessors of Hipporaenes were Charops, ^simides, and Cleidi- cus ; }iis snccessors, Leocratea, Ap. pander, and Eryxias. Their rule lasted from B.C. 752 to B.C. 684. ^ Snpra, Essay i. pp. 336, 337. 5 See Pollux, vili. Ill and 120. ^ Grote, Tol. iii. p. 96. 'Pollax, Tiii. Ill, and Pint. Vit. Solon, c. 19. Essay II. EUPATRID SENATE. 377 15. Still another institution remains to be noticed, by means of which it is probable that their power was mainly advanced. A Council (povK-q), or Senate {yepovaia), is as essential an element of the ancient monarchy as an Assembly (ayopd),'' and must have existed at Athens from the i-emotest times. There ia no reason to think that the Athenian kings ever acquired such a pi-eponderance in the state as could have alone enabled them to abrogate this primitive institution. Weakness is the characteristic of the Athenian monarchy, in which the king was never much more than " the first of the nobles ; " '' and we may therefore assume that throughout the monarchical period there' was from first to last a Senate, possessing as much weight as the Eoman, and acting as a most influential check upon the king, and a raost powerful instrument for the aggrandise- ment of the Eupatrids. It is with reason that naany critics and historians identify this primitive council with the " Senate of Areo- pagus,"^ which, after the time of Solon, was distinguished by that affix from the new Council established by him. The bulk of ancient writers, indeed (if we may believe Plutarch ^) , ascribed the institu- tion of both Senates to Solon ; but we have already seen, in con- nection with Lycurgus,^ how little stress can be laid in such a case upon a preponderance of authority. To the first known lawgiver of a country all its ancient institutions are popularly assigned, how- ever antique and primitive they may in fact be ; and this is done the more uniformly the further men are removed from the period. Against the authority of Plutarch's " majority of writers," most of whom were undoubtedly of a late date, may be set as an equipoise the single name of ^schylus, who, coming within a century of Solon, was so far from making him the author of the Areopagite Council, that he represented it as already existing in the time of Orestes — more than 500 years earlier.^ If Solon had instituted the Areopagus, it is probable that its powers would have been more definite and its weight less. It is also very unlikely that it would have borne the name of fiovxi)^ since from his time its functions were far more those of a court than of a council.^ But if it was an ancient institution, continued with diminished powers by Solon, we can « Supra, Essay i. pp. 336, 337. ? See Thirlwall, vol. ii. p. 11. 8 As Meier (Der Attische Process, Binleitung, p. 10), Schomann (ibid.), Matthiae (De Jud. Ath. pp. 142.148), and Mr. Grote (vol. iii. p. 97). 9 Tit. Solon. ,,. 19. ' Supra, Essay i. p. 337. 2 Eumen. 651 et seqq. Aristotle, it must be added, made the Areopagus anterior to Solon (Pol. ii. 9). ' See Hermann's Pol. Ant. § 105. 378 ESTABLISHMENT OF OLIGABCHY. App. Book V. easily understand its retaining its ancient name, even when that name had become inappropriate, and we can account for the inde- finiteness of its powers, the vastness and vagueness of its claims, and the strong hold which it had upon great numbers of the Athenians. If we regard it as almost the sole relic of the ancient constitution which survived the sweeping reforms of Solon and Clisthenes, we can understand how it should draw to itself the aifeotionate regard of the more conservative portion of the Athenian people ; how the traditions of the past should cling around it ; and how it should finally become the watchword and the rallying point of thatparty which was the determined opponent of democratic progress.* 16. Such then would seem to have been the instruments whereby the Athenian Eupatrids effected their usurpations — usurpations which issued in the estabHshment, about the year B.C. G84, of an oligarchy even closer ^ than that which existed at Rome before the institution of the Tribunate. The noble clans not only monopolised office, but confined even the franchise to members of their own body ; " they both furnished and elected the Archons, Phylo-Basileis, and heads of the Naucraries ; they also occupied all the priesthoods of any account ; "^ and there is reason to believe that they held almost exclusive possession of the territory of the state, either directly, in their own names, or indirectly, as mortgagees of the small properties belonging to the poorer landowners.^ The unre- strained power which they enjoyed had the effect — seen commonly to result from it — of stimulating their selfishness, and rendering them harsh and unjust towards all those who were beyond the charmed circle of their own order. We may gather from a name afterwards borne by the democratical party in Attica,^ that in the "* In the time of Ephialtes and Peri- cles. (See Arist. Pol. ii. 9 ; Diod. Sic. xi._27 ; Plutarcl], Vit. Pericl. o. 9, &o.) ° Aristotle (1. s. c.) calls the oligar- chy Kiav &.KpaTop, and speaks of the people as held in slavery nnder it (SouXewofra) . ^ Wherea.s at Home, in the worst times, the Plebeians had a voice in the election of one consul. ^ So much, at least, may be gathered from the definition of the Etymologic. Magn. EuTraTpiScii, oi alirh rh Hittv oiKoii/Tes, KciX lifTfxovres Pa(n\iKov 76i/ouy, Kal ri]v rwv UpG>v ^TrtixeKaav noiovfievoi. Compare Pint. Vit. Thes. V. 24, where Theseus is said to have made the Eupatrids dctav Kal Upwv * The poverty which Solon was re- quired to remedy must have been an evil of long standing, which very gradually came to a head. It appears that in his time the whole land was covered with mortgage pillars, whence he himself represents the earth itself as reduced to slavery (Pr. 28, quoted at length, p. 390). ' " Highlanders " (SiaKpwi or imepd- Kpioi). The aristocrats were at the same time known as "Lowlanders" (ireSicis or treSitucoi). It is plain that ESSAT II. REIGN OF THE OLIGAKCHY. 379 distributions of territory wHoli were made from time to time under Eupatrid influence, as Athens passed from the pastoral life to the agricultural,! it was only the poorer and less desirable lands that were allotted to the small cultivators. Again, the demand for written laws, which is the first symptom of life manifested on the part of the unprivileged classes, is indicative of suiferings arising from an abuse of powcr,^ and seems to imply that undue severity was shown towards the humbler criminals, while those of a higher grade were allowed comparative impunity. The universal poverty, moreover, which it was one of the objects of Solon's legislation to remedy, proves incontestably the prevalence of a tyrannical and oppressive spirit, which had ground down the humbler classes to the lowest point whereat existence was possible, and which was prepared to ruin the state by enforcing the primitive law of debt in the full rigour of its archaic severity. 17. It appears that during the space of nearly sixty years (from B.C. 684 to B.C. 624), the Eupatrids continued in the undisputed possession of all the powers of the state, and disposed almost at their will of the lives and properties of the citizens. The Archons — their representatives — not only administered, but made the laws, deciding all matters by their eecrixo), or edicts ; ^ they tried causes of every kind,* and punished the accused at their discretion. We have no means of measuring the sufferings or the patience of the unprivi- leged Athenians during this interval ; but we find that towards its close discontent at the existing condition of things began to manifest itself in a shape felt to be dangerous, and the oligarchy became con- in allotting teixitory, the nobles had taken to themselves all the rich and fertile plains, while they had assigned the hilly tracts, with their light and shallow soil (ri AeTrrSyeay, Thnc. i. 2), to the unprivileged classes. ^ If the ancient tribes' names be taken to signify priests, warriors, goatherds, and mechanics, the goat- herds alone will represent those who got their living by the land ; and the transition from the pastoral to the agricnltnral life will be marked by the snbstitntion, after Theseus, of the term 7€£o/i((poi for the earlier aiytKope7s. ^ Compare the similar demand in Home (Liv. iii. 9), and see Niebuhr's remarks on it (Hist, of Eome, vol. ii. pp. 278, 279, E. T.). ' The name "Thesmothetes"' applied to every Arohon ; only as the iirst three were ordinarily designated by other titles, the six who had no special designation came to be regarded as 0ecrjUo0€Tai rear' e^ox'^T^- 0€(r/xJ)s is pro- perly a law (oomp. fle/udmjs), and was so used by Solon (Fr. xxiv. 1. 2) . In early times the distinction between laws and decrees or edicts is unknown. ■• The "Apxai' eirdwixos judged all disputes connected with the family and with the geutilitial and phratric ties ; the $affiKehs decided cases of sacrilege and homicide ; the Pole- naarch was judge in disputes between citizens and non-citizens ; the other six archons had a general jurisdiction. 380 LAWS OF DEACO. App. Book V. vinced that, in order to secure the maintenance of their power actire steps must be taken. The popular discontent assumed the shape, which is not unusual under similar circumstances, of a demand for ■written laws — i. e. of a requirement that the penalties of offences shall no longer be fluctuating and arbitrary, dependent upon the caprice or interest of the presiding magistrate ; but be fixed by a positive enactment, to which all judges shall be bound to conform their sentences. When this demand became so general and so urgent that it could no longer be safely met by a mere passive resistance, the Eupatrids resolved to deal with it in another way. Professing to consent to what was required of them, they appointed one of their body — a noble who has come down to us as Draco ^ — to the ofiice of chief Archon, and empowered him to produce a written code of laws, according to which justice should thereafter be administered. The legislator was, however, no doubt instructed, instead of mitigating the severity of the ancient and traditional scale of punishments, to heighten and aggravate it ; and so thoroughly did he act in this spirit, that his laws were said in later times to have been written, not with ink, but with blood." Death was made the penalty, not only for murder and sacrilege, but for adultery, for homicide in self-defence, and even for petty thefts, while idleness, or the attempt to change one of his laws, was to be visited with per- petual disfranchisement.^ It was probably thought that ''such a code was likely to be a convenient instrument in the hands of the ruling class, for striking terror into their subjects and stifling the rising spirit of discontent which their cupidity and oppression had provoked." ^ To crush by terror, or drown in blood, the nascent democracy, which at its very birth they at once feared and hated, seems to have been the aim and intention of the Eupatrids at this crisis : that they did not succeed was perhaps owing rather to casual circumstances than to any miscalculation on their part, either of their o^^•n strength, or of the weakness of their adversaries. 18. The spirit which had murmured at the "whips " of the ante- Draconic government was not very likely to submit tamely to the '• scorpions " of Draco. Discontent, if repressed, must have burnt ^ The name is suspicions from its peculiar aptness. It is perhaps really a nickno.iue which has ousted the true appellation. * Demades ap. Plutarch. (Tit. Sol. c. 17). ' See Lysias de Csed. Eratosth. c. 11 ; Demosth. c. Aristocrat, p. 637 ; Aul. Gell. xi. 18 ; Pint. Vit. Solon, c. 19 ; Pausan. ix. xxxvi. § 4. 8 Thirlwall, vol. ii. p. 19. Essay II. EEVOLT OF CYLON. 381 still more fiercely in men's hearts; and probably it was soon evident that there would be an outbreak. Unfortunately our authorities for this period — one of the very greatest interest — are scanty and frag- mentary; ^ and in default of trustworthy guides we are thrown to a great extent on conjecture and probability for the interpretation which we shall assign to the mere outline of facts which has come down to us. It is certain that within twelve years of Draco's archonship, a violent commotion took place at Athens, which was near destroying the whole framewoi'k of the constitution, and which had permanent results of a most important nature. Cylon, a Eupa- trid of the highest rank and position,' a victor at the Olympic games,^ and a man of such wealth and eminence, that he had been selected by Theagenes, tyrant of Megara, as a fitting husband for his daughter, suddenly appeared in arms against the government, and made himself master of the Acropolis. He is said to have been assisted by a body of troops lent him by his father-in-law ; ^ but it is evident that his real strength lay in the discontent of the Athenians themselves with their existing constitution, which led great numbers to welcome any change. Whether the motives of Cylon were selfish or patriotic ; whether (Hke Spurius Cassius and Titus Manlius) he was urged to his enterprise by real sympathy with the sufferings of the lower orders, or, like Pisistratus, and his own father-in-law, Theagenes,* merely sought to make the advocacy of popular rights a stepping-stone to power, is perhaps open to question. Most modern writers decide the doubt unfavourably to the character of Cylon, and it must be admitted that in the brief accounts of the ancients the same view seems to be taken ; * but on the other hand, it appears that the statue of Cylon was preserved to the close of the Republic, among those of other public benefactors, in the Acropolis ; ^ so that the Athenians of the democratic times must certainly have regarded ' They are priBcipally Herod, v. 71 ; Thncyd. i. 126; and Plutarch. Yit. Solcn. 0. 12. All three writers treat of the history merely incidentally. ' Ihncydides saya he was aviip 'ABri- vaios T(ov TraKaL evyeviis re Kai Swaros (1. s. c). ^ He had gained the Siav\os, or double foot-race (Pint. 1. B. c). ' Thncyd. 1. s. c. ■• Arist. Pol. V. 4 ; Rhet. i. 2. * Herodotna declares of Cylon, odros lirl TvpmniSi iK6fi.ijae (1. s. c). Thuoy- dides a little modifies the accusation' and only says /careXajSe ttjz/ aKpStroXw us cTri TvpcLvviSi. Heraclides Ponticus speaks of the tyranny as achieved (Pr. 1, § 4). The Scholiasts generally follow Thucydides, but miss the deli- cacy of his phrase. * Pausan. i. xxyiii. § 1. It may well be doubted whether the Delphic oracle, which sanctioned the attempt of Cy- lon, would have encouraged a purely selfish enterprise. 382 EEVOLT OF CTLON. App. Book V. his attempt witli favour, and have considered its bearing to have been on the side of progress.^ At the rnmour of revolt the Enpa- trids and their supporters flocked from all parts of Attica to the capital,^ and invested the Acropolis, which long resisted their efforts. The siege had to be turned into a blockade, which was conducted by the heads of the ISTaucraries under the direction of the nine Archons,' and pressed to a successful issue. Provisions and water alike failed the besieged ; and, despairing of success, Gylon secretly escaped,'^ while his partisans still continued the defence ; till at length, when several had actually died of starvation, resist- ance was abandoned, and the remnant of the besieged, quitting the walls, took refuge in the temple of Minerva Polias, and assumed the sacred character of suppliants. Megacles,^ the chief Archon, on entering the citadel, found these persons ready to perish of hunger in the holy ground, and, anxious to avoid the pollution of the place by their death, induced them to remove from it by entering into an engagement that at least their lives should be spared.^ The prisoners do not seem to have felt much confidence in the pledge given them ; but, having only the alternative of starving where they were or of accepting it, they agreed "to quit their shelter, and began to descend from the height. In order, however, to keep themselves still under the protection of the goddess, they tied a long rope to the image, and holding this in their hands commenced the descent.'' They had ^ In ancient, as in modem times, extremes met ; and the most violent democrats were often the apologists or the abettors of tyranny. As Her- mann remarks, " the commonalty was generally favourable to a tyranny which was more immediately dii-ected against the rich and noble " (Pol. An t § 63). They saw in the tyrant their own protector and champion (irpo- (TTctTTjs), who not only saved them from present suffering, bnt avenged their past wrongs npon the oligarchs. Often, too, they acquiesced in a tyranny on account of its strength, from a feeling that in no other way could they pre- vent the nobles from retaining or re- gaining their power. ^ Oi 'AdT}i'a7Qi ataQSp-evoi i^oriQ-r^aav irapSTj/xel €K rijiiy aypwy i-w avTovs. (Ihucyd. 1. s. c.) ^ This is perhaps the best mode of reconciling Herodotus and Thucydides. The former says that the heads of the Prytanies, the latter that the nine Archons, "then governed Athens." It can scarcely be right, with Harpocra- tion, to identify the two offices. 1 So Thucydides (i. 126), and the Scholiast onAristopbanes (Equit. 443); bnt Herodotus appears to regard Gy- lon himself as among the slain (t. 71). ^ Plut. Vit. Solon. 0. 12 ; HeraoUd. Pont. (Fr. 1, § 4). ^ Herod. (1. s. o ', toutous ij/iffreWi vTreyyvovs ttKt) v 6 ay dr ov. Thucy- dides goes further, and says, iip' ^ 117} dey KaKhv TrotTjffoucn. ■•Plut. Vit. Sol. c. 12; Schol. ad Aristoph. Eq. 443. Mr. Grote thinks that the silence of Thucydides with regard to the story of the cord dis- proves its truth (Hist, of Greece, vol. iii. p. Ill, note ') ; but he admits that it was contained in the defence which the Alcmaeonidas made before their ESS.VY II. CURSE INCUEEED BY SACRILEGE. 383 not gone far when the rope broke, or was cut, and immediately their foes fell upon them.^ Many were slain on the spot ; the rest fled to the altar of the Enmenides, which was at hand," and to various other shrines in the neighbourhood. But the sword once drawn, rehgious scruples lost their force, and the fugitives were pursued and slain wherever they could be found ; even the Enmenides were not permitted to screen those who had sought their protection ; a universal massacre was commanded or allowed; and the blood of their suppliants stained the altars even of the "Awful Goddesses."^ 19. The victory was complete. Cylon, though he had escaped, undertook no fresh enterprise ; and all the boldest and bravest of the party which had supported him had suffered death in the massacres. The Eupatrids probably congratulated themselves on having annihilated their opponents, and looked forward to the quiet enjoyment of a fresh lease of power. But if so, they had miscal- culated. In Athens, at all times religious almost to excess,* the spiritual had far greater weight than the physical. Their enemies were fled or dead ; but in smiting them the Eupatrids had done a deadly injiiry to themselves. They, or at least many of them, had incurred the guilt of sacrilege, and in this way brought themselves under a curse, which was believed to rest, not on the actual criminals only, but on the remotest generation of their descendants.' Moreover, as the government for the time being, they had in- volved the state in their guilt ; and gloomy apprehensions settled down upon the mass of the people,^" combined with a bitterness of feeling against those whom they regarded as the authors of their disquietude. It shortly became evident that, unless active steps were taken to quiet the superstitious fears which had obtained judges some ten or twelve years after the event. I cannot conceive the invention of so remarkable a featnre, and its solemn assertion in a court, when the oecnrrence was still fresh in men's memories, unless it was true, or at least unless there was a founda- tion for it. And to me the silence of Thucydides, considering the brevity of his narrative, does not appear to be an argument of much weight. * Both Plutarch and the Scholiast on Aristophanes say that they were stoned. This would at least imply that the treachery was not premeditated. ^ At the north-eastern foot of the hill of Areopagus (Leake's Athens, p. 356). ' Ai (reiifal Beai (Thuoyd. 1. s. c). ^ AetffiSai/j.oi'^cTTepoi, Acts xvii, 22. Compare Herod i. 60; Thucyd. vi. 27; &c. ' The guilt incurred by the archon Megacles, B.C. 612, was brought for- ward against his great - grandson, Clistheues, about B.C. 510 (Herod, v. 70), and against his fifth descendant, Pericles, B.C. 432 (Thucyd. i. 126, 127). Cf. Soph. Antig. iras ovdkv cAAeiVei yei/eSs i tt I TrAfjdos epiroi' (588). 1" Plut. Vit. Solon. V. 12. 384 SOLON. App. Book V. possession of men's minds, and at; the same time to remove the causes of that settled aversion with which they regarded the existing constitution of their country, an outbreak of a desperate character was to he expected. Already dissensions of an alarming nature manifested themselves ; and parties were formed whose geographic basis threatened the state with disruption. The men " of the High- lands," "of the Plain," and " of the Coast," became banded together, and formed factions of a novel kind,i with which it was most difficult to deal. The great body of the Eupatrids must have been convinced of the seriousness of the danger when they put themselves into the hands of Solon, and allowed him to prescribe and apply the remedies which in his judgment were necessary to meet the crisis. 20. Solon was indeed a Eupatrid, and descended from the royal line of Codrus ; ^ but the extravagance of his father, Execestides, had so reduced his inheritance, that in his youth he was forced to engage in trade,' a circumstance which could not but tend to weaken in his mind those exclusive notions in which persons of his class were ordinarily nurtured. He had also shown himself in his writings the fearless denouncer of the wrongs committed by his own order, and the energetic advocate of the just claims of the people.'' In common times he would have been actively persecuted for such conduct, or at least punished by scorn and neglect ; but, amid the perils which now beset the state, he presented himself to the terrified nobles as their best protection — perhaps as their only possible saviour. For some time it appears that his advice was sought and adopted, and he was allowed to have the main direction of affairs, without being invested with any distinct ofl&ce, or placed in a position to act with real authority. It was while he occupied this ambiguous position 1 Plut. Vit. Solon, i;. 13. Mr. Grote says these factions " had prevailed before " (vol. iii. p. 12.5) ; but I know- no authority for such a statement. The divisions of the territory men- tioned by Pollux (supra, p. 367, note''), even if regarded as authentic, would be far from a proof. On the character of these factions, see below, pp. 403-405. 2 Ibid. c. 1. The relationship of Pisistratus to Solon, and the connec- tion of the former with tlie Codridse, are generally admitted (Herod, v. 65, and note ad loc). ^ Ibid. Hence Aristotle regards him as belonging to the " middle classes." (Pol. iv. 9 : ^T}^e7ov 6e . . . t5 tous ^e\Ti(Trous vo/xod^ras elyat twv /xecwj/ ■noKfToiV. ^6kojv t6 yap ^f ro^Ttuif.) •* The scanty fragments of Solon were edited by Dr. Gaisford in his Poetae Minores Grasci, vol. i. They have been published in a separate form by Bach (Bonn, 1825). His strong language on the subjects mentioned in the text is particularly remarkable in Fr. xv. of Gaisford's edition. Essay II. DATE OF HIS AECHONSHIP. 38s that he is said to have " persuaded " ^ Megacles and his accomplices to stand their trial on the charge of sacrilege, and to submit to the decision which made them exiles from their country. This step (if really taken) not proving sufficient to allay the general disquietude, he seems, while still without office, to have devised his second measure — the purification of the city by Epimenides.'' Finally, after this proceeding had been attended with a very large amount of success, and the religious apprehensions of the community had been tranquillized thereby, but the political horizon continued still clouded, it was resolved to put all power formally into his hands ; he was invested with the dignity of chief archon, and given full authority to arrange the state at his pleasure, to frame a new con- stitution, and to repeal, confirm, or modify the Draconian code of laws.'' 21. The archonship of Solon is fixed by most chronologists to the year B.C. 594,* eighteen years after the insurrection of Cylon, and thirty from the attempt of Draco to crush the rising spirit of demo- cracy by severity. Before proceeding to consider the enactments by which Solon met the dangers of the crisis, it is important to 5 Plut. Sol. c. 12 : 6 'S6\o>y e ire I ere Tovs eva/yets ZiKT]v imocrxelv. The tale, however, is somewliat apocryphal, and perhaps grew out of proceedings under Pisistratus. At any rate, if the Alc- mseonidse made a show of submission, and retired, they soon returned, and were as powerful as ever. Alcmseon, the son of the guilty archon, com- manded in the sacred war (infra, p. 321), which was from about e.g. 600 to I.e. 591. And Megacles, his son, ap- pears at the head of a political party in B.C. 560 (Herod, i. 59). ^ The invitation to Epimenides is not distiuctly said to have proceeded from Solon ; but there can be little doubt that it was in fact his doing. Plutarch mentions the friendly terms on which Epimenides was with Solon while at Athens (1. s. c.) ; and Laertius (i. 110) notes that the intermediary upon the occasion was the Delphic oracle, be- tween which and Solon there was evi- dently a good understanding. On the history and character of Epimenides see the treatise of Hein- rioh, JSpimenides aus Kreta, Leipsio, VOL. ni. 1801 ; and compare ThirlwaU, vol. ii. pp. 27-30 ; Grote, vol. iii. pp. 112-117; and the article on the subject in Smith's Biographical Dictionary.' On his prescription of human sacrifices, asserted by Neanthes of Cyzicus (Pr. 24), and denied by Polemo (Pr. 53), see Mr. Grote's note ^, p. 114. The time of his visit to Athens cannot be exactly fixed, but it was probably in or about the year B.C. 600. (See Clin- ton's P. H. vol. i. p. 225 ; 01. 46.) ^ TJpedrj &PX01V . . . dfjLOV Kal StaWa- KTTis Kal vo^oQertis {Plut. Yit. Solon. c. 14). Cf. Herod, i. 29. ^ Clinton's Fasti Hellenici, vol. ii. Appendix, ch. 17. But it must be remembered that Demosthenes — by far the earliest authority — gave a much later date, viz., B.C. 583 (De Pals. Leg. p. 420). I cannot agree with Mr. Clinton that Demosthenes distin- guishes Solon's aKpA} from his archon- ship, and coimts from that. Solon's archonship was his aKp-i). (Cf. Diog. Laert. ^Kjxa^e irepl r^v TeaaapaKoffTi^v eKTTjv 'OKvfXTrtdSa, ^s rca rplrcft erei ^p^ev 'Aflrjraiois, i. 62.) 2 c 386 SOLON'S POLICY. App. Book T. review the circTunstances whereby he had acquired weight in the state, more especially as those circumstances bring before us in a tolerably distinct manner the external position of Attica and her relations with neighbouring countries, of which we have obtained no glimpse since the date of Codrus. 22. It appears that, during the troubles of the Draconian and Cylonian period, the little state of Megara on the western borders of Attica took advantage of her internal disorders to commence an aggressive war, and succeeded in it so well as to dispossess their rivals of the island of Salamis, to which they had, or professed to have, a claim of long standing.^ Repeated attempts were made by the Athenians to recover their lost dependency ; but on these occa- sions they were so roughly handled by the Megarians that they had at last desisted from the war, and, convinced of its impolicy, had even passed a decree forbidding, under penalty of death, any pro- posal to renew the struggle.-' Solon, however, himself a Sala- minian,^ took a different view of the course proper under the circumstances ; and making up his mind to risk the consequences, he one day feigned madness, and rushing into the forum, where the people (i.e. the nobles) were assembled, he recited in an impassioned tone a poem of his own composition, in which the Athenians were exhorted to make another effort for the reconquest of the island. The venture succeeded. Many of the nobles — among them Pisis- tratus,^ who was his kinsman — seconded his efforts ; and the decree ' Plut. Vit. Sol. u. 8-. It is likely enough that the Megarians may have held possession of Salamis during a considerable portion of the time inter, veuing between Codrus and Solon, since Megara was a powerful naval state from the middle of the eighth to the middle of the seventh century B.C. During this period she founded colonies in Sicily, in the Propontis, on the Bos- phoms, and (probably) in the Black Sea. That she had really possessed the island in ancient times is indicated by her appeal to the traces of her peculiar method of interment as ap- parent in many of the old tomba (Plut. Tit. Sol. u. 10). ^ Demosth. de Fals. Leg. (1. s. c.) ; Diog. Laert. i. 46 ; Plut. Tit. Sol. c. 8. ^ According to Diogenes Laertius (i. 45), who says that the fact was re- corded on his statue at Athens. Mr. Grote suggests that he was not really bom at Salamis, but only received an allotment there after the conquest of the island (Hist, of Greece, vol. iv. pp. 210,211). The story of the dispersion of his ashes over the island seems to be connected with the tradition of its being his true country (Plut. Tit. Sol. ad fin. ; Diog. Laert. i. 62 ; Aristid. p. 230, ed. Dindorf.). 3 So Plutarch (L B.C.). Yet, as Mr. Grote observes (p. 121), at this time (about B.C. 600-594, according to the ordinary chronology) he could scarcely have been more than a boy. He died B.C. 527, and as he is never said to have attained to an extreme old age, we can scarcely suppose him bom be- fore B.C. 607. Yet he is represented by Plutarch as aiding Solon in getting Essay II. WAR WITH MEGARA. 387 was repealed, an expedition voted, and Solon himself appointed to the command of it. The details of the expedition by which Solon carried out his project are varionsly related,^ and rest on no very good authority. It seems certain that Pisistratus, though very young at the time, was engaged in the war,* and gained considerable distinction in it ; and there is no doubt that Salamis was recovered ; but more than this bare outline can scarcely be said to be known. The war was terminated by an appeal to Sparta on the chief matter in dispute between the combatants, namely, the possession of Salamis, which was adjudged to Athens on the combined evidence of oracles and mythic traditions.^ 23. Solon shortly afterwards engaged Athens in another dispute, which he likewise carried to a successful issue. Perhaps he thought by involving his countrymen in foreign wars to make them forget their domestic differences. A quarrel had arisen between the Del- phians and the people of Cirrha, the port from which Delphi was ordinarily reached by travellers from the west. In a meeting of the Amphictyonic Council, Solon, as Athenian deputy, urged the armed interference of the League on behalf of the Delphians,^ and per- suaded the Council to adopt his proposition. A force consisting of Thessahans, Sicyonians, and Athenians, was collected,^ and the first Sacred War commenced, probably in the year B.C. 600.' It was the war voted, and by Herodotus (i. 59) as greatly distingnishmg himself in it. These are gronnds, however, not for distrnsting the facts, but for questioning the ordinary dates, which rest only upon late authority (Sosi- crates, Laertius, Clemens, &o.). The diificulty would be to a great extent removed by adopting the chronology of Demosthenes (see above, p. 385, note *) . '* According to one authority he was not persona,lly engaged in the war at all (Daimach. Fr. 7). According to others (Plutarch, Laertius, PolyEenus, .3)lian, &o.) he had the sole manage- ment of it ; and took the city of Sala- mis by stratagem in the first year. The stratagem, moreover, is reported variously. (Compare Polyeen. i. 20, with ^lian, V. H. vii. 19.) The Me- garians, again, gave a completely different account of the mode by which they lost this island (Pausan. 1. xl. § 4). ^ Herod, i. 59, and note ad loc. The testimony of Herodotus would be de- cisive on such a point, even if more weight attached to the ordinary chro- nology than I should be inclined to assign to it. « Plut. Vit. Sol. c. 10. Compare Ar. Rhet. i. 15 (p. 63, ed. Tauchn.). '' Aristot. Fr. 265. 8 Plut. Tit. Sol. c. 11 ; .aisch. c. Ctes. p. 69 ; Schol. ad Pind. Pyth. Prolog. ; Schol. ad Pind. STem. iz. 2 ; Pausan. 11. ix. § 6, and X. xxxvii. § 4. ' See Clinton's F. H. vol. i. p. 224 ; 01. 46, 2 ; and vol. ii. pp. 239, 240. This date depends chiefly on the Parian marble, which makes the capture of Cirrha fall into the year B. c. 591. According to Clisthenes (ap. Athen. xiii. p. 560, C), the war lasted ten years. 388 SOLON S LEGISLATION. App. Book T. conducted by Enryloclms the Thessalian/ with, the assistance of Clisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon,^ and of Alcmseon, son of the Arohon Megacles, who commanded the Athenian contingent.' According to one account,^ Solon himself accompanied the army in the capacity of connsellor, and actually contrived the stratagem through which Cirrha was captured ; ° but such a position does not belong to the simplicity of the time,^ and the part taken by Solon in the war was probably limited to a warm advocacy of it in the first instance, and a recommendation at its close that Cirrha should be destroyed and its lands given to the Delphians. 24. Such were the chief public actions of Solon at the time of his selection as " lawgiver." He was known as a skilful leader, a bold man, and a warm patriot. Connected by birth with the high aristo- crats, by occupation with the commercial classes, and by sympathy with the oppressed commons, he had friends in every rank, and might be expected to deal fairly by all. His abilities were great, his moderation greater ; and probably Athens possessed at the time no other citizen half so fitted for the difficult office which he was urged, and at last consented, to undertake. The nobUity felt that he would not sacrifice his own order ; the commons knew that he approved their cause, and would have the courage to see justice done them ; the trading class, which was just beginning to feel its strength,' had hopes from one who had been personally engaged in commerce, and did not regard it as a degradation. The task, how- ever, which had been committed to him, was one of no ordinary difiiculty. He had not only to remodel a barbarous code, and frame a constitution suitable to the existing state of the community, which were the usual duties of a lawgiver ; * but he had to meet a financial crisis in the shape which such matters commonly took in ancient ' Schol. ad Find. Pyth. Proleg. ; Strab. ix. pp. 418-421 ; Polyaen. vi. 13 ; comp. Pansan. II. ix. § 6. ^ Pausan. x. xxxvii. § 4 ; Frontin. Strateg. iii. 7. 3 Flut. Yit. Sol. c. 11. '' Pausan. 1. s. c. * The poisoning of the river Pleistns, wiiioh supplied Cirrha with water (Pausan. s. xxxrii. § 5) . Polysenus and Frontinus (1. s. c.) ascribe this strata- gem to Clisthenes ; Thessalus, to a certain Nebrus. * To send a tJin^ovXos or ^ifi^avXoi with a general, was a practice com- menced by Sparta about the year B.C. 445. 7 The Parali of Plutarch (Vit. Sol. c. 13) and Herodotus (i. 59) seem to represent this trading class. They dwelt chieily along the southern sea- board, where the principal ports lay, and perhaps included the workers of the silver mines towards the extremity of the peninsula. ^ Nti^uous di(r6ai nai TroMreiav KaTa- a-rricrai (cf. Arist. Pol, ii. 9, &c.). Essay II. HIS SEISACHTHEIA. 389 tlmes^he had to acknowledge and relieve a widespread insolvency, to prevent a war between rich and poor, to put a stop to the oppres- sion of the one, and to save, so far as practicable, the just rights of the other. The measure by which he effected these objects — his SeisacMlieia — has been differently understood and estimated. Accord- ing to some ' it consisted of two points — a reduction in the rate of interest, which was made retrospective, and thus extinguished a number of debts — and a debasement of the currency to the extent of above one-fourth, whereby all outstanding obligations were dimi- nished in that proportion. According to others ' its chief proviso was the positive and complete abolition of all debts, or at least of those where the debtor had borrowed on the mortgage of his estate or the security of his person. The old Athenian law of debt, like the Roman,^ and indeed like the primitive law of debt in almost all countries," allowed the poor man to borrow " on his body." * In this case, if he did not repay the debt at the stated time, he became the slave of his creditor, and was thenceforth employed by him in servile labours. His children, too, and even his unmarried sisters, passed with him into slavery, unless he had sold them previously, which the law allowed him to do.'' Such sales and forfeitures had, it is said, taken place to a large extent in Attica before Solon's appoint- ment, while the lands of the small proprietors were almost uni- versally mortgaged, and the whole class of free agriculturists was in imminent danger of becoming absorbed into the slave population, or being forced to emigrate. It is certain that Solon's legislation effectually remedied this wretched condition of things ; that it freed all those who were in slavery for debt ; that it Swept off the mort- ^ As Androtion among the ancients (I¥. 40) ; K. F. Hermann (Pol. Ant. § 106) and Bp. Thirlwall (Hist, of Greece, vol. ii. p. 34) among the moderns. ' Pint. Vit. Sol. c. 15 ; Dion. Hal. v. 65; HeracKd. Pont. i. 6; Dio Chry- sost. xxxd. p. 333, A. Hermann con- fesses (§ 106, note ^) that " most Greek writers " take this view. It is adopted, in a modified form, by Mr. Grote (vol. iii. p. 132). 2 Niebnhr, vol. i. pp. 565-569, E. T. ; Von Savigny, System des hentigen Eomisohen Eechts, vol. v. § 219, &c. ^ Niebnhr says, " In all countries men in need have had the wretched right of selling themselves and their families : it obtained among the northern nations, as well as among the Greeks and in Asia" (vol. i. p. 564, E. T.). Compare Gaas. Bell. Gall. vi. 13 ; Died. Sic. i. 79 ; Grimm. Dentsche Eechts Alterthiimer, pp. 612-615 ; and for the cnstom among the Jews, Lev. XXV. 39 ; Nehem. v. 8. ^ 'Ett! t$ (T^iiaTi. Pint. Tit. Sol. V. 15. ^ Solon made such sales illegal (Pint. Sol. c. 23), which shows that they were legal previously. According to Plu- tarch (c. 13) the practice had prevailed widely. 390 HIS DEBASEMENT OF THE CURRENCY. App. Book V. gage pillars from the lands, and entirely cleared them of all burthens." A mere diminution in the rate of interest, even though retrospec- tive, would not have done this, for it would have affected recent debts but very slightly : there is, moreover, distinct evidence that Solon did not reduce the legal rate of interest, but by a distinct enactment declared it free.' We are therefore necessitated to con- clude that the relief which Solon's legislation confessedly gave was not effected in this way; and consequently we must regard the Seisaclitlteia as (at least to some extent) an actual abolition of debt, which is what the word itself, notwithstanding its euphemistic cast,' evidently means. Solon regarded the circumstances of the time as justifying, or rather requiring, a departure from the ordinary law of contracts, a relaxation of hard and strict justice, a concession to poverty and necessity, with which moderns cannot consistently find fault, so long as no objection is made to insolvent debtor courts and bankruptcy courts, which render such general abolitions of debts unnecessary among ourselves, by continually doing on a small scale for individuals what otherwise has to be done from time to time on a grand scale for the community. On the other hand, Solon evidently took care not to go beyond the needs of the occasion. He was far from abolishing all debts ; otherwise there would have been no object at all in that debasement of the currency, which is an un- doubted portion of his scheme.' Where and how he drew the line we have no evidence to show ; it is quite possible that, as at Rome on one occasion,^ proof of insolvency may have been required on the part of the debtor ; or debts of a particular kind and class may (as Mr. Grote thinks ^) have been excused, being known to be such as ^ See the famous fragment of Solon (xrriii. ed. Gaisf.) — ^ufx/j-apTvpoit) Tavr' av hv diKrJ X[i6vov tJ.i]Tt]p, fiefitTTr] 6aifx6vtav 'OXujUTrt'wi', aptffra, Th )Ue\a(i'a, Tfjc ^701 TroTe opovi uvei\ov TTavTaxn JreTTflYOTa?, irpoaQev 5e 6ov\fvtTa9epa, avrjfayov wpaOevTas, HWov iKdiKwr, fiWov 6tKaiiii?t TOW d' avayKaitiz vtto Xpnfr^iOv X^yovTa^, -fXwirffav ouKer' ^ATTiKijv levTur, tur av iroWaxn irXavta^evovs' TOiT fc"i/^(id' aiiTOv dovXiTiv uciKEa kKevd^pov^ ^drtHa. ^ Lysias c. Theomnest. c. 18 — rh kpyiptov (TTtiffifiov elvat e<^* '6<7ov Uv pov. » Plat. Tit. Sol. § 15— ris twv Tpa- Xoixiv ' Liv. viii. 28 ; Dionys. Hal. xvi. 8, 9 ; Cic. de Bep. ii. 34. Even then it was perhaps only the power of pledg- ing the person for the interest of a debt which was abolished. Slavery on account of the principal of a loan appears to have continued down to the empire, and to have only given way before Christianity. (See Mr. Grote's note to vol. iii. ch. 11, Appen- dix.) 8 Pint. Tit. Solon, c. 23. There was one exception only, which would have very rarely come into play, {ofjre dvyarepas iraiXuv, ofjr' aSeXcp^s filSwCi, irAiiv till ju)) \ci/3?) Traf^lvov aySpl (ni776- 392 SOLON S CLASSES. App. Book V. countries, and compelled the immediate emancipation of such as were stiU in Attica.' To obviate a return of the general poverty, which had required such severe remedies, he thought it enough in the first place to incline the burthen of taxation upon the rich,i and in the second to turn the attention of the Athenians to manu- factures, requiring every father, on pain of losing his claim to be supported by his sons in old age, to teach them in their youth a handicraft,^ and empowering the Areopagus to examine into every man's means of subsistence, and to punish those who had no definite occupation.' It may be questioned whether these provisions would have been very effectual for their purpose had the general condition of Greece continued unchanged ; the rapid advance in the material prosperity of Athens, which commenced soon afterwards, arose from causes wholly unconnected with the Solonian legislation ; first, from the vast increase in the yield of the Attic silver mines ; * secondly, from the value of the Persian plunder ; ^ thirdly, and mainly, from the establishment of the empire of Athens over her subject allies ; and the prosperity thus produced prevented Solon's safeguards against poverty from beiag subjected to any searching test. It also precluded all temptation to repeat the process which he had sanc- tioned — a process necessary perhaps once or twice in the lifetime of a state, but ruinous if allowed to become a habit — and thus enabled Athens to enjoy the benefits without suffering the evils which usually attend upon the repudiation of money engagements.* 26. Having thus met and remedied the principal difficulty of the time, the lawgiver applied himself to the comparatively easy tasks of framing a constitution and introducing a code of laws. The tlmooratiaal constitution of Solon is too well known to require more than the briefest notice here. He divided the whole body of Athenian citizens — i.e. all the members of the old hereditary tribes— into four classes, according to their property.'' Those whose income ' Sol. Fragm. 28, qnoted in note ", page 390. 1 See below, p. 393. - Pint. Vit. Solon, o. 22 : -n-phs Tas Tc'xi'as eTpe Of. Dem. c. Timocr. pp. 706, 707, and p. 746 ; ^sohin. o. Ctes. p. 429 ; c. Leptin. o. 21 ; Andocid. de Myst. i. p. 13, &o. ESSAI II. BIKTH OF DEMOCRACY UNDEE SOLON. 397 doubt tliere is in such statements more or less of incorrectness — a tendency to concentrate under one name wliat was really scattered over a larger surface, and at the same time to dignify with antiquity what the speakers regard as important in the demooratical system ; in many instances too it is clear (as Mr. Grote has well shown') that the particular points of the system which are ascribed to Solon belong to a far more refined and advanced age ; but on the other hand it seems over bold to set aside the direct, positive, and cir- cumstantial statements of writers like Aristotle and Plutarch, who both make the establishment of the law-courts a leading feature in the Solonic changes, and to pronounce that he did absolutely nothing in this matter, because the entire complex system which existed in the time of Pericles cannot have come from him. We are bound to believe, on two such authorities," that the idea of popular trial originated with Solon, and that some machinery was introduced by him for the purpose. It would thus appear that the entire demo- cratical system of later times had its germs in his legislation, with only two exceptions of any importance — viz., ostracism and election by lot. 30. If the democratic character of the Solonian constitution has been insufficiently apprehended by some of our writers, by others it has undoubtedly been exaggerated to a still greater extent. To ascribe to Solon (as Bishop Thirlwall does') the full organiza- tion of the Helisea, as it appears in the time of the orators, the institution of the Heliastic oath, of the Nomothets and Syndics, and of that bulwark of the later constitution, the ypacjiii irapavi/xay, is to misunderstand altogether his position in Athenian con- stitutional history, and to fail in distinguishing the spirit of his legislation from that of Clisthenes. The democracy is bom under Solon, but it is bom an infant — not, like Minerva, full grown. Under Clisthenes it attains to adolescence, under Pericles to matu- rity. It is an error of the most serious kind to ascribe to the simple ^ Hist, of Greece, Vol.iii. pp. 162-166. * It should also be borne in mind, that (according to Aristotle, 1. s. c.) there was a general agreement on the subject. The only question between Solon's critics was, whether he had done well or ill in establishing the Dicasteries. Mr. Grote regards Hero- dotus as " positively contradicting the supposition " (vol. iii. p. 167) ; but the passage adduced in proof (v. 69) is misquoted and mistranslated. Hero- dotus does not say rbi' 'ABijva'mv S?]ij.oy, irporepoy hiT(a(T^4tfov irivrui/, but Thv 'Ad. Srjfioy^ irpir^pov airucrpLevov, tSts TravTtt irphs t^v eaiuTou ixoipav TtpoffeQi]- KaTO, and airaio-fiEvov does not mean " excluded from oiEoe," but " con- temned by him." ' Hist, of Greece, vol. ii. pp. 44-46. 398 CITIZENSHIP CONFINED TO THE TRIBES. App. Book V. and comparatively rude time of Solon what have truly heen called " the last refinements and elaborations of the democratical mind of Athens."® These refinements no doubt grew up gradually between the ages of Olisthenes and Pericles, being the inventions of various authors during the gradual development of the democratic idea. 31. It may be doubted whether in one respect even Mr. Grote has not given Solon credit for a more liberal legislation than can be rightly assigned to him. He considers him to have recognized as citizens, not the members of the four old tribes only, but all the free inhabitants of Attica, except actual aliens. Such persons, he says, though not eligible for councillors, nor for archons, and there- fore incapable of entering the Areopagus, " were citizens, and could give their votes for archons and senators, and also take part in the annual decision of their accountability, besides being entitled to claim redress for wrongs in their own persons."^ To me it seems that the admission of these persons to citizenship at this time is highly improbable, and that, if it had been a part of the Solonian scheme, we must have found distinct mention of it.^ I cannot but regard it as one of the main differences between the Solonian and Clisthenic constitutions, that the former left untouched the condi- tions of citizenship, and merely made alterations in the rights and privileges of those already acknowledged to be citizens ; while the latter admitted into the citizen body classes never before recognized as worthy of belonging to it. Mr. Grote in his account of the Clisthenic legislation seems to admit all that is here contended for ; but his statements in that place appear to me wholly inconsistent with those contained in his account of the Solonian laws and con- stitution.^ The point is one of importance in any estimate that we * Grote's Hist, of Greece, vol. iii. p. 164. 9 Ibid. pp. 175, 176. ^ As we do find in tiie case of Clis- thenes, tliongh so much less is told ns of him than of Solon. (See Arist. Pol. iii. 1 : KA€l(T0el/?7S fiera t)]V toiv Tvpdv- Kal dou\ovs fieroiKOvs.) ^ In the elcTenth chapter of his third volume, Mr. Grote discnsses the " status, under the Solonian constitu- tion, of persons not included in the gentes and phratries " — and haying decided that they could not be mem- bers of the Pro-Bouleutic Council, nor Archons, nor (consequently) members of the Court of Areopagus, he says — " There remained only the pubho assembly, in which an Athenian, not a member of these tribes, could take part ; yet lie was a citizen, since he could give Ms vote for arclwns and senators, and could take part in the annual decision of their accountability, besides being entitled to claim redress for wrong from the archons, in his own person, while the alien could only do so through the intervention of an avouching citizen or Prostates. It seems, therefore, that all persons not included in the four tribes, whatever Essay II. LAWS OF SOLON. 399 attempt to form of the true character of either system, and it is to be regretted that without necessity a doubt should be allowed to rest upon it. 32. To give a complete account of the laws of Solon would ex- pand this Essay beyond all reasonable limits. It is also entirely unnecessary, as an admirable digest is contained in the work of Mr. Grote.^ Reference will here be made only to those cases where his enactments had a special bearing upon the existing condition of parties, or had otherwise a political rather than a social import. (i.) The outcry raised by the severity of Draco's laws was met by their abolition, except in the case of homicide, where his enact- ments were maintained.* Capital punishment was probably limited to this single case, or, if extended beyond it, was attached only to one or two other crimes of especial heinousness.* Solon's penalty for theft was to force the robber to restore twofold.^ Inferior ofiences, as libel, seduction, &c., were punished by fines of greater or less magnitude.' Even rape was only made punishable by a fine ; ' but adulterers might be killed by any one who caught them in the act.' Adulteresses also were placed under certain disabilities, constituting a species of infamy {aniiia)} their grade of fortime might be, were on the same level in respect to political ]yrivileges as the fourth and poorest class of the Solonian census'' But in the thirty-first chapter of his fourth Tolmne (p. 169) Mr. Grote expresses himself as follows : — " The political franchise, or the character of an Athenian citizen, both before and since Solon, had been confined to the primitive fou/r londc tribes, each of which was an aggregate of so manj close corporations or qnasi-famihes — the gentes and the phratries : none of the residents in Attica, therefore, ex- cept those included in some gens or phratry, had any pa/rt in the political franchise'* Bp. Thirlwall is consistent, but (as I think) wrong. He regards Solon's system as having made " room for all freemen " (vol. ii. p. 39) ; and Clis. thenes as only having enfranchised a number of "aliens" and "slaves" (ibid. p. 74). On the tme meaning of the passage in Aristotle to which he refers (quoted above in note '), see Mr. Grote's note, vol. iv. pp. 170, 171. ^ Hist, of Greece, vol. iii. pp. 177-194. ■» Pint. Vit. Sol. c. 17. ^ According to ^schines (o. Ti- march. p. 40) the procurer in a case of seduction was punished by death. Perhaps sacrilege was so punished, as it certainly was both earher and later (comp. Pint. Sol. u. 17 with Lys. pro Call. p. 185). « Aul. Gell. xi. 18. The old Roman law was the same (Cat. de Ee Ruat. Proem.). ^ Seduction by a fine of twenty drachms, as some understand Plutarch (Vit. Sol. c. 23. See Mr. Grote's Greece, vol. iii. p. 185, and Langhome's Plutarch, vol. i. p. 278) ; libel, by a fine of five drachms (Pint. Sol. Vit. o. 21). *• Pint. Vit. Sol. c. 23. The fine in this case was 100 drachms, or one mina, a fifth of the yearly income of a Pentacosiomedimnus. » Ibid. 1. ». c. ' .iSlschin. c. Timarch. pp. 176, 177, ed. Reiske. 400 LAWS OF SOLON. App. Book Y. (ii.) A certain number of Solon's regulations seem to have been aimed especially at increasing tbe population of Attica. Marriage was encouraged by a law wHcb released illegitimate children from the necessity of supporting their parents.^ Cohabitation after mar- riage was made compulsory in certain cases.^ Dowries were secured to females as a matter of right.* That Attica might be able to support a larger population, no agricultural produce was allowed to be ex- ported, except olive-oil ; all the rest was to be consumed at home.* Trade and manufactures were honoured and encouraged, to furnish a means of subsistence to a larger number than could have drawn their living from the soil.' Foreigners were invited to settle per- manently in Attica by the hope of enfranchisement, if they entirely gave up their native country, and brought with them a useful trade.' It is evident that the legislator sought both to attract settlers from abroad and to stimulate the growth and increase of the native population. He saw that Attica, with her narrow limits and poor soil, could never be great so long as she was purely or even mainly agricultural. He conceived the idea of a manufacturing and commercial development of his state, being aware, from the example of Corinth, and perhaps of Megara, that by such means a scant territory might be made to shelter a great power. (iii.) The law of Solon which has provoked most comment" is that which punished with infamy (aTi/im) the man who remained neuter in a sedition. In the free states of modern Europe partisan- ship is viewed generally with disfavour, and the public safety is supposed to depend in a great degree on the number of moderate citizens who eschew party and look with a dispassionate eye on the strife of those engaged in poUtioal hfe. But the case was different in the communities of ancient Greece. There indifference was dis- liked ; to keep aloof from state affairs was considered a dereliction = Pint. Tit. Sol. c. 22. 3 Ibid. u. 20. ■• Isasns de Pyrrh. c. 39 ; Harpocrat. ad TOO. kindness of the Milesians. For these last, when Sybaris was taken by the Crotoniats,^ made a great mourning, all of them, youths as well as men, shaving their heads ; since Miletus and Sybaris were, of aU the cities whereof we have any knowledge, the two most closely united to one another.^ The Athenians, on the other hand, showed themselves beyond measure afQicted at the fall of Miletus, in many ways express- ing their sympathy, and especially by their treatment of Phrynichus.* For when this poet brought out upon the stage his drama of the Capture of Miletus, the whole theatre burst into tears ; and the people sentenced him to pay a fine of a thousand drachms,^ for recalling to them their own misfor- tunes. They likewise made a law, that no one should ever again exhibit that piece. 22. Thus was Miletus bereft of its inhabitants. In Samos, the people of the richer sort were much displeased with the doings of the captains, and the dealings they had had with the Medes ; they therefore held a council, very shortly after the sea-fight, and resolved that they would not remain to become the slaves of ^Eaces and the Persians, but before the the ruins at Sapri, six miles east of Policastro. (See the article on Scidrus in Smith's Geograph. Diet.) '■^ Supra, V. 44. ~ The historian Timseus (Pragm. 60) asserted, that this close union resulted from the commercial intercourse be- tween the two cities. According to him the wool of MUetus was the chief mate- rial used by the Sybarites in their dress ; and as they thus depended on Miletus for one of their most valued luxuries, the Sybarites regarded its inhabitants with special affection. But Timaeus has the air of exaggerating the Sybaritic luxurionsness (vide infra, ch, 127). •* Phrynichus, the disciple of Thespis (Suidas, ad voc), began to exhibit tra- gedies about the year B.C. 511. He is said to have been the first who " dropt the light and ludicrous cast of the ori- ginal drama, and dismissing Bacchus and the Satyrs, formed his plays from the more grave and elevated events re- corded in the mythology and history of his own country." His tragedies were of great merit. (Aristoph. Thesmoph. 164.) j3ischylus, his junior by about ten or fifteen years, was accused of bor- rowing largely from them. (Aristoph. Ban. 1228, ed. Bothe ; Glauc. Rheg. in Introduct. ad ^sohyl. Pers.) His, Phcenissas was on the same subject as the PersEe of .^schylus, and appears to have gained the tragic prize in the year B.C. 476. He was especially famed for the excellency of his choruses. (Aristoph. Av. 716 ; Vesp. 220, 269 ; Aristot. Prob. xix. 81.) ^ Twice the income of a Pentacosio- medimnus. The same story is told by Strabo (xiv. 911), .Lilian (xii. 17), Plu- tarch (Prsecept. Eeipubl. ger. ii. p. 814, B.), Libanins (i. p. 506), Ammianua Maroellinus (xxviii. 1), and others. Chap. 21-23. ZANCL^ANS INVITE COLONISTS FROM IONIA. 419 tyrant set foot in their country, -would sail away and found a colony in another land. Now it chanced that about this time the Zanclseans of Sicily had sent ambassadors to the lonians, and invited them to Cale-Acte,^ where they wished an Ionian city to be founded. This place, Cale-Acte (or the Fair Strand) as it is called, is in the country of the Sicilians, and is situ- ated in the part of Sicily which looks towards Tyrrhenia.'' The offer thus made to all the lonians was embraced only by the Samians, and by such of the Milesians as had contriYed to effect their escape. 23. Hereupon this is what ensued. The Samians on their voyage reached the country of the Epizephyrian Locrians,^ ^ This place became afterwards kno-wn as Calacte, or Oalacta. (Cic. in Terr. 11. iii. § 43 ; Ptolem. Geograph. iii. 4, p. 78 ; Sil. Ital. xiv. 251.) It lay on the north coast of Sicily, be- tween Halaesa and Haluntiiim. The probable site is the modern Caronia (long. 14° 27', lat. 38° nearly). The coast in this part is very beautiful, thickly wooded with oak, elm, pine, and ash, clothing a series of rocky hills. (Smyth's Sicily, pp. 96, 97.) Perhaps, however, the "Fair Strand" derived its name rather from the pro- ductiveness of its fisheries. Silius Italicus (1. s. o.) calls it " littus piscosa Calacte." ' That is, on the north coast. Mr. Blakesley, who strangely enough iden- tifies Cale-Aote, and even Calacta, with Zanole itself, is puzzled by this expres- sion (note ad loc). ^ The Epizephyrian, or Western Lo- criana, are the Locrians of Italy, who possessed a city, Locri, and a tract of country, near the extreme south of the modem Calabria. Locri lay upon the eastern coast, about five miles from the modem village of Gerace (lat. 38° 10', long. 16° 8'). It was situated at some little distance from the shore, upon the brow of a hill called Es6pis. (Strab. vi. p. 372.) Swinburne observed some ruins which seem to have belonged to it (Travels, vol. i. p. 340) ; but they have now almost entirely disappeared. (See Lear's Journal of a Laudscape-Painter, pp. 89, 90.) The coins, however, which are constantly dug up on the spot, suf- ficiently identify the site. According to Ephorus (Frag. 46), the Epizephyrian Locrians were colonists of the Locrians of Opus. Pausanias (ill. xix. §. 11) and Virgil (^n. iii. 399) seem to have believed the same. Strabo, however, positively asserts that they came from the Locris on the Crissseau Gulf, the country of the Lo- cri OzolsB. DionysinsPeriegetes(364) confirms this; and his account is probably derived from Aristotle, with whom he agrees as to the fact that the origin of the colony was the intermar- riage of certain slaves of the Locrians with their mistresses during the pro- longed absence of their lords upon an expedition. On hearing that their masters were about to return home, they took ship, and with the women sought a home in Italy. (Cf . Aristot. ap. Polyb. xii. 9.) The Locrians of Italy derived their special designation either from their position relatively to the other Locrians, or from Cape Zephyrium (the modem Cape Brassano), which lay within their territory. (Strab. 1. a. c.) Their famous lawgiver, Zaleucus, is too well- known a personage (of. Arist. Pol. ii. 9 ; Polyb. xii. 16 ; Strab. 1. b. u. ; Schol. ad Pind. 01. xi. 17, &c.) to need more than a passing allusion. 420 THE SAMIANS SEIZE ZANCLE. Book. VI. at a time when the Zanclaans and their king Scythas were engaged in the siege of a Sicilian town which they hoped to take. Anaxilaiis, tyrant of Ehegium,^ who was on ill terms with the Zandaeans, knowing how matters stood, made appli- cation to the Samians, and persuaded them to give up the thought of Cale-Acte, the place to which they were bound, and to seize Zancle itself, which was left without men. The Samians followed this counsel and possessed themselves of the town ; which the Zanclseans no sooner heard than they hurried to the rescue, calling to their aid Hippocrates, tyrant of Gela,^ who was one of their allies. Hippocrates came with his army to their assistance ; but on his arrival he seized Scythas, the Zanclaean king, who had just lost his city, and sent him away in chains, together with his brother Pythogenes, to the town of Inycus ; ^ after which he came to an imder- standing with the Samians, exchanged oaths with them, and agreed to betray the people of Zancle. The reward of his treachery was to be one-half of the goods and chattels, includ- ing slaves, which the town contained, and all that he could find in the open country. Upon this Hippocrates seized and bound the greater number of the Zanclseans as slaves ; deliver- ing, however, into the hands of the Samians three hundred of the principal citizens, to be slaughtered; but the Samians spared the lives of these persons. 24. Scythas, the king of the Zanclasans, made his escape from Inycus, and fled to Himera ; ^ whence he passed into ® Rhegium retains its name almost unchanged. It is the modem Reggio, a town of some consequence upon the Strait of Mussina. The land distance from Locri is about 28 miles. Ehe- gium was founded about B, c. 668. Ifc was a joint colony of Chalcideans and Messenians. The latter had the su- premacy. (Strab. vi. p. 370.) 1 Infra, vii. 153, 154. - Inycus was an insignificant place (X^ptoj/ TTovu (TfitKp6v, Plat. Hipp. Maj. 282, E.), in the neighbourhood (as it would seem) of Agrigentum. Some writers (as Charax, and Pausanias) made it the capital city of king Co- calus, with whom, accordipg to this tradition, Minos warred in Sicily (vide infra, vii. 170, and cf. Pausan. vii. iv. § 5 ; Steph. Byz. ad voc. Kd/i^Kos) . It was probably, therefore, not far from Camicus (his capital, according to others), which was in the territory of the Agrigentines. The country round Inycus produced a wineof some repute. (Hesych. ad voc. 'Ippuxtyos; Steph. Byz. ad voc. "Ivvxop.) ^ Himera was an important place. Chap. 23-26. SCYTHAS, THE ZANCLiEAN KING. 421 Asia, and went up to the court of Darius. Darius thought him the most upright of all the Greeks to whom he afforded a refuge ; for with the king's leave he paid a visit to Sicily, and thence returned back to Persia, where he lived in great comfort, and died by a natural death at an advanced age. 25. Thus did the Samians escape the yoke of the Medes, and possess themselves without any trouble of Z ancle,* a most beautiful city. At Samos itself the Phoenicians, after the fight which had Miletus for its prize was over, re-estab- lished ^aces, the son of Syloson, upon his throne. This they did hj the command of the Persians, who looked upon .^aces as one who had rendered them a high service, and therefore deserved well at their hands. They likewise spared the Samians, on account of the desertion of their vessels, a.nd did not burn either their city or their temples, as they did those of the other rebels. Immediately after the fall of Mile- tus the Persians recovered Caria, bringing some of the cities over by force, while others submitted of their own accord. 26. Meanwhile tidings of what had befallen Miletus reached Histiaeus the Milesian, who was still at Byzantium, employed and the only Greek colony on the north coast of Sicily. The modern Termivi, which has arisen from its warm baths (Thermfe Himerenses, Ptol.), marks the site (lat. 38°, long. 13" 12'). It was colonized from Zancle, the colon- ists being in part Ghalcideans, in part exiles from Syracuse. (Thucyd. vi. 5 ; Strab. vi. p. 394.) The Carthaginians are said to have destroyed it, in re- venge for their defeat by Gelo, about the year B.C. 417 (Diod. Sic. xi. 49, and see infra, viL 167). The city had certainly disappeared by the time of Strabo (vi. p. 394) ; but the name re- mained in the river Himera, the modem Fiume di S. Leonardo (Ptolem. iii. 4, p. 78). Scarcely any vestiges can be now traced of the ancient city. (Smyth's Sicily, p. 95.) ^ Zancle, the modem Messina, is too well known to need description. It is still the second city in Sicily, having a population of 70,000 souls. Accord- ing to Thucydidee it was a Chalcidean settlement, founded in part from Chalcis herself, in part from Cyme (Cuma), one of her colonies (vi. 4). The same writer derives the name Zancle from a Sicilian word, " zan. don," " a sickle," which well expressed the curved projection from the coast at the spot where the city stood. Thncydides ( 1. s. c. ) confirms the account of this transaction given by Herodotus, and further informs us, that the Samians enjoyed their prize but a very short time. Anaxilaiis, who had invited them to seize the place, soon afterwards dispossessed them of it, and colonised it with men of various nations (vide infra, vii. 164). The narrative of Pausanias (iv. xxiii. § 3) is completely at variance with the narrative of Herodotus, and equally so with the brief notice of Thuoydides. It seems to be a mere misrepresenta- tion of the events here narrated. 422 WARXIXGS BEFORE MISFORTUNES. Book. VI. in intercepting the Ionian merchantmen as they issued from the Euxine.^ Histisus had no sooner heard the news than he gave the Hellespont in charge to Bisaltes, son of Apollophanes, a native of Abydos, and himself, at the head of his Lesbians, set sail for Chios. One of the Chian garrisons which opposed him he engaged at a place called " The Hollows," situated in the Chian territory, and of these he slaughtered a vast number ; afterwards, by the help of his Lesbians, he reduced all the rest of the Chians, who were weakened by their losses in the sea-fight, Pohchne, a city of Chios," serving him as head-quarters. 27. It mostly happens that there is some warning when great misfortunes are about to befall a state or nation ; and so it was in this instance, for the Chians had previously had some strange tokens sent to them. A choir of a hundred of then- youths had been despatched to Delphi ; and of these only two had returned ; the remaining ninety-eight having been carried off by a pestilence. Likewise, about the same time, and very shortly before the sea-fight, the roof of a school-house had fallen in upon a number of their boys, who were at lessons ; and out of a hundred and twenty children there was but one left alive. Such were the signs which God sent to warn them. It was very shortly afterwards that the sea-fight happened, which brought the city down upon its knees ; and after the sea-fight came the attack of Histiaeus and his Lesbians, to whom the Chians, weakened as they were, furnished an easy conquest. 28. Histifeus now led a numerous army, composed of lonians and ^olians, against Thasos,' and had laid siege ^ Supra, ch. 5. From the time that Miletus refused to receive Histiseus back (supra, ch. 5), his policy seeuis to have become purely selfish. His proceedings at Byzantium must have injured the Greeks far more than the Persians. And now he proceeds openly to attack his own countrymen. Contrast his conduct with that of Dionysius (ch. 17). * There were two other places of this name, one in Crete, and one in the Troas (Steph. Byz. ad voc). The site of the Chian Polichne is unknown. ' The gold mines of Thasoa perhaps formed the chief attraction. (Vide infra, oh. 46, and supra, ii. 41.) Chap. 26-30. HISTIJiUS TAKEN PRISONEB. 423 to the place when news arrived that the Phoenicians were about to quit Miletus and attack the other cities of Ionia. On hearing this, Histiseus raised the siege of Thasos, and hastened to Lesbos with all his forces. There his army was in great straits for want of food ; whereupon Histiseus left Lesbos and went across to the mainland, intending to cut the crops which were growing in the Atarnean territory,® and likewise in the plain of the Caicus,^ which belonged to Mysia. Now it chanced that a certain Persian named Harpagus ^ was in these regions at the head of an army of no little strength. He, when Histiaeus landed, marched out to meet him, and engaging with his forces destroyed the greater number of them, and took Histiseus himself prisoner. 29. Histiseus fell iato the hands of the Persians in the following manner. The Greeks and Persians engaged at Malena,^ in the region of Atarneus ; and the battb was for a long time stoutly contested, till at length the cavalry came up, and, charging the Greeks, decided the conflict. The Greeks fled; and Histiseus, who thought that Darius would not punish his fault with death, showed how he loved his life by the following conduct. Overtaken in his flight by one of the Persians, who was about to run him through, he cried aloud ui the Persian tongue that he was Histiseus the Mile- sian. 30. Now, had he been taken straightway before King Darius, I verily beheve that he would have received no hurt, * As master of Chios, he would consider the Atarnean plain his own (i. 160). ' The whole valley of the Caicus was most rich and beautifnl (tre/xJSpo eiSai/jiOva yijv, (rxeShv t^v aplaTi]V t^j yivaias, Strab. xiii. p. 895 ; compare Fellows, Asia Minor, p. 29); but the part near Pergamnm, about the junc- tion of the Oeteius with the Caicus, was called kcit' et,oxhv "the Caician plain," and is probably the tract here indicated (Strab. 1. s. u. and xv. p. 984). This plain is not more than ten or twelve miles from the coast. ^ This is a not unusual name among the Arians. Harpagus the Mede, in Book i., was clearly a different per- son ; and both are probably distinct from the Harpagus of the Lycian in- scriptions. ^ This place is wholly unknown to the geographers. Wesseling would read " Carina," from the mention of that place in vii. 42 ; but that passage shows Carina to have been beyond the limits of Atarneus. 424 histIjEtjs put to death. Book VI. but the king would have freely forgiven him. Artaphemes, however, satrap of Sardis, and his captor Harpagus, on this very account, — because they were afraid that, if he escaped, he would be again received into high favour by the king, — put him to death as soon as he arrived at Sardis. His body they impaled at that place,^ while they embalmed his head and sent it up to Susa to the king. Darius, when he learnt what had taken place, found great fault with the men engaged in this business for not bringing Histiseus alive into his pre- sence, and commanded his servants to wash and dress the head with all care, and then bury it, as the head of a man who had been a great benefactor to himself and the Persians.* Such was the sequel of the history of Histiseus. 31. The naval armament of the Persians wintered at Miletus, and in the following year proceeded to attack the islands off the coast, Chios, Lesbos, and Tenedos,^ which were reduced without difficulty. Whenever they became masters of an island, the barbarians, in every single instance, netted the inhabitants. Now the mode in which they practise this netting is the following. Men join hands, so as to form a line across from the north coast to the south, and then march through the island from end to end and hunt out the inhabitants.*' In like manner the Persians took also the Ionian towns upon the mainland, not however netting the inhabitants, as it was not possible. 32. And now their generals made good all the threats ^ According to the Persian custom ■with rebels. See Behistun Inscrip- tion, col. ii. pars. 13, 14, col. iii. pars. 8 ; and supra, iii. 159, infra, vii. 238. ^ Of a piece with this mildness is the treatment of Meticchus (infra, ch. 41), of the Milesian prisoners (supra, ch. 20) and of the Eretriajis (infra, ch. 119). A still more signal instance of clemency on the part of Darius is recorded by^Elian (Hist. Var. vi. 14). Compare Caesar's conduct on receiving the head of Pompey. ° Xothing had been said of the par- ticipation of Tenedos in the revolt ; but as the lonians had had the com- mand of the sea, it is probable that all the islands of the coast had taken part in it. Tenedos retaius its name abso- lutely unchanged to the present day. It is a small but fertile island, pro- ducing an excellent wine. Its situa- tion ofi the mouth of the Hellespont, and its safe port, have at all times made it a place of some consequence. (See Chandler, ch. vi. vol. i. p. 19.) * Supra, iii. 149. Chap. 30-33. PUNISHMENT OF THE HELLESPONTINES. 425 wherewith they had menaced the lonians before the battle.^ For no sooner did they get possession of the towns than they chose out all the best favoured boys and made them eunuchs, while the most beautiful of the girls they tore from their homes and sent as presents to the king, at the same time burning the cities themselves, with their temples.^ Thus were the lonians for the third time reduced to slavery ; once by the Lydians, and a second, and now a third time, by the Persians. 33. The sea force, after quitting Ionia, proceeded to the Hellespont, and took all the towns which lie on the left shore as one sails into the straits. For the cities on the right bank had already been reduced by the land force of the Persians. Now these are the places which border the Hellespont on the European side ; the Chersonese, which contains a number of cities,^ Perinthus,^ the forts in Thrace,^ Selybria,^ and Byzan- tium.* The Byzantines at this time, and their opposite neighbours, the Chalcedonians, instead of awaiting the coming of the Phoenicians, quitted their country, and sailing into the Euxine, took up their abode at the city of Mesembria.® The ' Snpra, ch. 9. ^ Mr. Grote (Hist, of Greece, iv. p. 414) observes, -srith reason, that the account of these severities must be exaggerated. The islands continue to be occupied by a Greek population ; and the towns upon the mainland appear shortly as flourishing as ever. Within fourteen years the Greeks of Asia are found famishing 290 ships (which would imply near upon 60,000 men) to the fleet of Xerxes (infra, vii. 93-95). ' Scylax (Peripl. p. 67) enumerates no fewer than eleven, of which the most important are Cardia, Elseus, Sestus, and Pactya. Herodotus adds a city which he omits, viz. Madytus (infra, vii. 33). Xenophon says the Chersonese contained, in B.C. 398, eleven or twelve cities (Hellen. in. ii. 10). He speaks highly of its fertility. ' Supra, V. 1. ^ Herodotus has here inverted the geographical order. The Thracian strongholds intervened between the Chersonese and Perinthns, as is plain from Soylax, who says, fxeTa Se tV X-ep^oyfitroy ecrri Qpc^Kia T€ixi} TctSe' TrpcD- rov AevK^ a/crr/, TetpiffTaffis, 'HpoiKX^ia, ravos, Taviai, Ne'oc Teixos' UtpivBos ttSMs Kal Xipi-iiv- ^ Selybria, or Selymbria, still exists in the modem Silivri, a small town upon the Sea of Marmora, about 40 miles from Constantinople (long. 28° 14', lat. 41° 5'). It is said to have been founded by the Megarians, a little before Byzantium, about B.C. 660 (Scymn. Ch. 713). The site is very beautiful (cf. Annal. Yienn. vol. Ixiii. p. 41). * Supra, iv. 144. ^ Another reading makes the By- zantines and Chalcedonians " /ow"^ " Mesembria ; but this is contrary to the 426 HISTORY OF THE CHERSONESE. Book VI. Phoenicians, after burning all the places above mentioned, proceeded to Proconnesus '^ and Artaca,' which they likewise dehvered to the flames; this done, they retm-ned to the Chersonese, being minded to reduce those cities which they had not ravaged in their former cruise.^ Upon Cyzicus^ they made no attack at all, as before their coming the inhabitants had made terms with CEbares, the son of Megabazus, and satrap of Dascyleium,^ and had submitted themselves to the king. In the Chersonese the Phoenicians subdued all the cities, excepting Cardia.^ 34. Up to this time the cities of the Chersonese had been under the government of Miltiades, the son of Cimon, and grandson of Stesagoras, to whom they had descended from Miltiades, the son of Cypselus, who obtained possession of them in the foUowiag manner. The Dolonci,^ a Thi-acian statements both of Scymnus Chius and of Strabo (vide supra, iv. 93, note ''). « Supra, iv. 13. ' Ibid. ^ The bitter spirit of the Phceni- cians is very apparent here. No doubt they were glad to cripple their com- mercial rivals (cf. ch. 6, note'). " Cyzicus was close to Artaca, which (as iSrdek) has now superseded it (supra, iv. 14, note^). It was situ, ated at the point of the island which approached nearest to the shore, and in early times was joined by two bridges to the mainland (Strab. xii. p. 831). The island had become a penin- sula by the time that Scylax wrote ^Peripl. p. 84), a low sandy isthmus having grown up between it and the shore. Extensive ruins remain, which have been fully described by Mr. Hamilton (Asia Minor, vol. ii. pp. 100- 104), and which are known to the Turks under the name of Bal Kiz (iraKaia Kv^lkos). Cyzicus was a colony of the Mile- sians (Anaximen. ap. Strab. xiv. p. 910 ; Plin. H. N. v. 82), or, according to others, of the Megarians (Lydus de Mag. Rom. iii. 70). The date of its colonisation is variously fixed (see Clinton's F. H. vol. i. 01. vi. 1, and 01. xxvi. 2). 1 Vide supra, iii. 120, note ^. ^ Cardia probably escaped at this time from its position deep in the Gulf of Xeros (Sinus Melas). It was situated on the western side of the Thraeian Chersonese, at the narrowest part of the isthmus (Scyl. Peripl. p. 68 ; Strab. vii. p. 482). It is said to have been a joint colony of the Mile- sians and Clazomenians (Scymn. Ch. 11. 699, 700). When Lysimachus built Lysimachia, halfway across the isth- mus, Cardia shrank into insignificance. The place was thought by some to have derived its name from its shape, which they said resembled a heart (Plin. H. N. iv. 11; Solin. 10); but Stephea's explanation seems the best, that it was the old Scythic (i.e. Cymric) ap- pellation (Steph. Byz. ad voc. KapSla). Accordingly we may trace in the word the Celtic Caer, which is so common in the Welsh names, and which is found likewise in Carcinitis (supra, iv. .55) and Cardesus (Hecat. Fr. 157), both Scythian cities. ^ The Dolonci almost disappear from among the Thraeian tribes. No fur- ther mention of them is made by the Chap. 33-35. THE DOLONCI CONSULT THE ORACLE. 427 tribe, to whom the Chersonese at that time belonged, being harassed by a war in which they were engaged with the Apsinthians,* sent their princes to Delphi to consult the oracle about the matter. The reply of the Pythoness bade them " take back with them as a colonist into their country the man who should first offer them hospitality after they quitted the temple." The Dolonci, followuig the Sacred Eoad,^ passed through the regions of Phocis and Bceotia; after which, as still no one invited them in, they turned aside, and trayelled to Athens. 35. Now Pisistratus was at this time sole lord of Athens ; but Miltiades, the son of Cypselus, was likewise a person of much distinction. He belonged to a family which was wont to con- tend in the four-horse chariot-races,^ and traced its descent to Greek historians. The only trace, I "believe, which we possess of their con- tinned existence is the occurrence of their name in the catalogues of Pliny (H. ]Sr. ir. 11), and Solinus (c. 10). They may perhaps have been ethni- cally connected with the Doliones of Cyzicus, and the Dolopes of Thessalia (cf. Marcellin. Tit. Thncyd. p. viii., where the Dolonci are called " Do- lopes "). * The Apsinthians or Apsynthians were a Thracian people who occupied the tract immediately north of the Chersonese, as is plain both from ch. 37, and from a fragment of Hecatseus (Fr. 135). It is impossible to fix their limits with exactness, either eastward or westward. Stephen of Byzantium (ad voces Ahos and KopiriA.01) seems to extend them westward to the He- brus. They are but little known in history. Stephen and Snidas (ad voc. "Axjivi/- Bos) have a town Apsynthus, which they confuse with the QSnus of Hero- dotus (infra, vii. 58). Dionysius Perie- getes has a Thracian river of the same name (1. 575), from which Eustathius (ad loc.) says that the Apsynthians derived their appellation. ^ By " the sacred road " is meant apparently the road which led from Delphi easHvard, in the direction of Lebadeaand Orchomenus. Along this road would come all the processions from the principal states of Greece. ^ As the keeping of a horse indi- cated some considerable wealth, both in Greece and Eome, whence the social rank of 'nnreTs, linro^oTai, equites, &c., so still more did the maintenance of such a stud as could entitle a man to contend with any chance of success in. the great games, mark the owner as a person of ample fortune. Hence the constant allusions in Pindar to the wealth and munificence of those who had won the chariot-races (01. ii. 53 ; Pyth. i. 50, 90, v. 1, 99 ; Nem. ix. 32 ; Isth. i. 42), and hence the force of what Herodotus says below of Callias (ch. 122). Pirst-rate horses sold at enormous prices, as appears by the well-known instance of Bucephalus, who fetched a sum equal to 30001. sterling (Aul. Gell. v. 2). Skilful charioteers were highly paid ; and no expense was spared in the decoration of the chariots and equipment of the coursers. The expensiveness of the pursuit is put forward very promi- nently by Aristophanes at the opening of the Nubes, where Phidippides — a 428 MILTIADES INVITED TO BECOME KING. Book TI. ^acus' and Egina, but -which, from the time of Philseas, the son of Ajax^ -who -was the first Athenian citizen of the house, had been naturalised at Athens.^ It happened that as the Dolonci passed his door, Miltiades -was sitting in his vestibule, -which caused him to remark them, dressed as they -were in outlandish garments, and armed moreover -with lances.^ He therefore called to them, and, on their approach, in-vited them in, offering them lodging and entertainment. The strangers accepted his hospitality, and, after the banquet -was over, they laid before him in fuU the directions of the oracle, and be- sought him on their o-wn part to yield obedience to the god. Miltiades -was persuaded ere they had done speaking ; for the government of Pisistratus -was ii-ksome to him, and he -wanted to be beyond the tyrant's reach. He therefore -went straight- ■way to Delphi, and inquired of the oracle -whether he should do as the Dolonci desired. 36. As the Pythoness backed their request, Miltiades, son of Cypselus, -who had already -won the four-horse chariot-race at Olympia, left Athens, taking -with him as many of the Athe- nians as liked to join in the enterprise, and sailed a-way -with the Dolonci. On his arrival at the Chersonese, he -was made scion, on the mother's side, of another oiKia T€6pnnrorp6cl)os, that of the Alc- niEeonidce (infra, ch. 125) — ruins his father by indulgence in it. ^ The descent of Miltiades from i^^acug was thus traced by Pherecydes and Hellanicns (ap. Marcell. Vit. Thn- cyd. ) : — ^acns, Ajax, Philaaas, Dalclns, Epidycns, Acestor, Agenor, Olius, Ly- ces, Typhon, La'ius, Agamestor, Tisan- der, Miltiades, Hippooleides, Miltiades. In the latter part of this genealogy there seem to be some palpable mis- takes, as the interposition of a Mil- tiades between Tisander and his son Hippocleides (infra, ch. 127), and the omission of Cypselus. The earlier part is of course purely mythical. 8 So Plutarch (Vit. Sol. o. 11), Ste. phen (ad voc. ^lAaiSai), and the au. thorities mentioned in the last note. Pausanias interposes an Eurysaces be- tween Philseas and Ajax (i. xxxv. § 2). Plutarch makes Eurysaces a brother of Philasas. ' The tale went that Philseas (Pau- san.), or Philseas and Eurysaces toge- ther (Pint.), had surrendered Salamis to the Athenians, and received the right of citizenship as a reward. It is certain that there was a dome named Phila'idse in Attica, which was tra- ditionally connected with Philseas (Steph. Byz.) ; but it is remarkable that the deme belonged to the tribe j3Egeis, not to the tribe Mantis (see Leake's Denoi of Attica, p. 75 and p. 194). ' The wearing of arms had gone out of fashion in Greece some little time before (cf. Thucyd, i. 5, 6), Chap. 35-37. HIS WAR WITH THE LAMPSACENES. 429 king by those who had invited him. After this his first act was to build a wall across the neck of the Chersonese from the city of Cardia to Paetya,^ to protect the comitry from the incursions and ravages of the Apsinthians. The breadth of the isthmus at this part is thii-ty-six fm-longs, the whole length of the peninsula within the isthmus being four hundred and twenty furlongs.* 37. When he had finished carrying the wall across the isthmus, and had thus secured the Chersonese against the Apsinthians, Miltiades proceeded to engage in other wars,* and fh-st of all attacked the Lampsacenians ; ^ but falling into an ambush which they had laid, he had the misfortune to be taken prisoner. Now it happened that Miltiades stood high m the favom" of Croesus, king of Lydia. When Croesus therefore heard of his calamity ,he sent and commanded the men of Lampsaous to give Miltiades his freedom; "if they refused," he said, " he would destroy them like a fir." Then the Lam- psacenians were some while in doubt about this speech of Croesus, and could not tell how to construe his threat "that he would destroy them like a fir ; "® but at last one of their ^ Pactya was upon, the Hellespont, abont ten miles above OallipoU. Like Cardia, it was swallowed up in the city built by Lysimaohns. Vestiges of it are found not ' far from Hexamili (Kruse, TJeber Herodots Ausmessung des Pontns, p. 49). It is said also to be possible to trace an ancient wall across the isthmus. ^ These measurements are said to be very accurate (Kruse, ut supra) . Soy- lax, writing a century later, is far less ezact. He gives the length of the peninsula as 400 stades, the breadth of the isthmus as 40 (Peripl. p. 68). In this he is followed by Strabo (vii. p. 482) . Senophon relates that Dercylli. das measured the distance, and found it 37 stades (Hist. Gr. in. ii. 10). The circumstances of the peninsula at that time (B.C. 898) were exactly similar to those here spoken of ; and Dercyllidas protected the inhabitants in the same way. It is remarkable, however, that, so far as can be gathered from Xeno- phon, the former wall had entirely disappeared. ^ One of these was commemorated by an offering at Olympia, which Pau- sanias saw thus inscribed : — Ztivi fM S-yaX/x' aveOt^Kav 'OXy/iTrt'ift Ik Xe- povrjaov Tcixos IXovxey 'ApaToV Ijrj^pxe 5e MiKTtddrjs Cf. Pausan. vi. xix. § 4. * For the position of Lampsacus, which was on the Asiatic side of the Hellespont, vide supra, v. 117. * The words of Croesus may have contained a, double allusion, one ele- ment of which escaped Herodotus. Lampsacus, it appears from various writers (Char. Lamps. Fr. 6 ; Deich. Procon. Pr. 10; Strab. xiii. p. 840; Steph. Byz. ad voc. ; Etym. Magn. ad vcc. niTiieia), had once borne the name 430 EEIGN OF STESAGOEAS. Book VI. elders divined the true sense, and told them that the fir is the only tree which, when cut down, makes no fresh shoots, but forthwith dies outright.' So the Lampsacenians, being greatly afraid of Croesus, released Miltiades, and let him go free. 38. Thus did Miltiades, by the help of Croesus, escape this danger. Some time afterwards he died childless,^ leaving his kingdom and his riches to Stesagoras, who was the son of Cimon, his half-brother.^ Ever since his death the people of the Chersonese have offered him the customary sacrifices of a founder ; and they have further established in his honour a gymnic contest and a chariot-race, ^ in neither of which is it lawful for anyLampsacenian to contend. Before the war with Lampsacus was ended, Stesagoras too died childless : he was sitting in the hall of justice when he was struck upon the head with a hatchet by a man who pretended to be a deserter, but was in good sooth an enemy, and a bitter one. 39. Thus died Stesagoras ; and upon his death the Pisistra- tidae fitted out a trireme, and sent Miltiades, the son of Cimon, and brother of the deceased, to the Chersonese, that he might undertake the management of affairs in that quarter. They had already shown him much favour at Athens, as if, forsooth, they had been no parties to the death of his father Cimon — a matter whereof I will give an account in another place.^ He upon his arrival remained shut up within the house, pretending to do honour to the memory of his dead brother ; whereupon the chief people of the Chersonese gathered themselves together of Pitynsa, or Pifcyeia, a name given to it on acconnt of the abundance of its fir-trees, and nnderwhi chit was known exclusively in ancient times (Horn. II. ii. 829). The threat therefore involved a pun. ' StaphyluB said the same of the Te^Ki) as Herodotus of the tt/ti/j (Fr. 13 ; of. Zenob. Prov. v. 76, and Tzetz. Chil. ix. 833). Both are species of fir. 8 Marcellinns relates that he lost a son in the Chersonese (Vit. Thucyd. p. viii.). ' Literally, "his brother on the mother's side." According to Hero. dotuB, the mother of Miltiades and Cimon was married sncceseively to Cypselus and to a Stesagoras. Mil- tiades was the issue of the former, Cimon of the latter marriage (of. infra, ch. 103). Maroellinns makes Stesa- goras, tiie successor of Miltiades, him- self the half-brother of that king (Vit. Thucyd.). ' See i. 167, and compare the similar honours paid to Brasidas at Amphi- polis (Thucyd. v. 11). 2 Infra, ch. 103. Chap. 37-41. MILTIADES, THE SON OF CIMON. 431 from all the cities of the land, and came in a procession to the place where Miltiades was, to condole with him upon his mis- fortune. Miltiades commanded them to be seized and thrown into prison ; after which he made himself master of the Cher- sonese, maintained a body of five hundred mercenaries, and married Hegesipyla,^ daughter of the Thracian king Olorus. 40. This Miltiades, the son of Cimon, had not been long in the country* when a calamity befel him yet more grievous than those in which he was now involved : for three years earlier he had had to fly before an incursion of the Scyths. These nomads, angered by the attack of Darius, collected in a body and marched as far as the Chersonese.^ Miltiades did not await their coming, but fled and remained away until the Scyths retired, when the Dolonei sent and fetched him back. An this happened three years before the events which befel Miltiades at the present time. 41. He now no sooner heard that the Phcenicians were attack- ' The Thracian princes were not averse to giving their danghters in marriage to the Greeks upon the coast. Teres, the founder of the great king- dom of the Odrysse, married one of his daughters to Nyraphodorus, a Greek of Abdera (Thucyd. ii. 29). Hegesi- pyla, the daughter of Olorus, is said to have accompanied her husband to Athens, and after his death to have married another Athenian, by whom she had a son who was named Olorus, after his grandfather. This Olorus was the father of Thuoydides, who seems to have inherited, through his grandmother, the Hegesipyla here mentioned, a considerable property in Thrace (Thucyd. iv. 104 ; compare MarceDinus, Tit. Thucyd., whose ac- count, however, is very confused). Hegesipyla was probably, by her name, a half Greek, the daughter of a Greek mother. (Compare the case of Scylas, iv. 78.) •* There is here a curious laxity of expression, or a curious forgetfulness of dates. Miltiades cannot have entered upon his government much later than B.C. 512 ; for not only did he take part in the Scythian expedition of Darius, which was at latest in B.C. 507-506, but we are expressly told that he was sent from Athens to the Cher- sonese hy the Pisistratidce, who ceased to reign B.C. 510. Now his expulsion from the Chersonese by the Scyths falls, according to the account here given, into the year B.C. 495, so that he had been at least fifteen years in the country when the Scythians drove him out. ' This appears to have been a ma- rauding expedition, to which the Scy- thians were encouraged by the success of the Ionian revolt up to that time. It took place the year before the fall of Miletus. This date explains the mistake, if mistake it be, of Strabo (xiii. p. 853), who thought the burning of the towns about the Hellespont, in B.C. 493 (supra, ch. 33), to have arisen from fear of a Scythio invasion of Asia. The anxiety of the Scythians to avenge the invasion of their land is indicated by the embassy to Sparta mentioned below (ch. 84). 432 FLIGHT OF MILTIADES TO ATHENS. Book VI. ing Tenedos, " than he loaded five triremes -with his goods and chattels, and set sail for Athens. Cardia was the point from which he took his departure ; and as he sailed down the gulf of Melas,' along the shore of the Chersonese, he came suddenly upon the whole Phoenician fleet. However, he himself escaped, with four of his vessels, and got into Imbrus,® one trireme only falling into the hands of his pursuers. This vessel was under the command of his eldest son Metiochus, whose mother was not the daughter of the Thracian king Olorus, but a different woman. Metiochus and his ship were taken; and when the Phcenicians found out that he was a son of MUtiades, they resolved to convey him to the king, expecting thereby to rise high in the royal favom-. For they remembered that it was Miltiades who counselled the lonians to hearken when the Scyths prayed them to break up the bridge and return home.^ Darius, however, when the Phcenicians brought Metiochus into his presence, was so far from doing him any hurt, that he loaded him with benefits. He gave him a house and estate, and also a Persian wife, by whom there were children born to him who were accounted Persians. As for Miltiades himself, from Imbrus he made his way in safety to Athens. 42. At this time the Persians did no more hurt to the lonians ; but on the contrary, before the year was out, they carried into effect the following measures, which were greatly to then- advantage. Artaphernes, satrap of Sardis, summoned deputies from all the Ionian cities, and forced them to enter into agreements with one another, not to harass each other by force of arms, but to settle their disputes by reference.-"' He « Supra, ell. 31. ^ The modem gulf of Xeros, on the ■vrestem side of the peninsula. It re- ceived its name from the river Melas, the small stream which flows into the gulf near Kavatcli, called by the Turks the Kavatch Su. ^ Imbrus is not more than ten or twelve miles from the coast. It is mentioned above (v. 26). s Supra, iv. 137. ^^ These provisoes were common in the Greek treaties (compare Thucyd. i. 145, V. 18, 79, &c.) ; but it is difBi. cult to imagine that the cities of Asiatic Greece had np to this time possessed the right of carrying on war with one another. Such a right seems incompatible with the Persian domi- nation ; and no instance appears of its exercise. Chap. 41, 42. TRIBUTE FIXED ON GREEK CITIES. 433 likewise took the measurement of their whole country in para- sangs — such is the name which the Persians give to a distance of thirty furlongs ^ — and settled the tributes which the several cities were to pay, at a rate that has continued unaltered from the time when Artaphernes fixed it down to the present day.^ The rate was very nearly the same as that which had been paid before the revolt.^ Such were the peaceful dealings of the Persians with the lonians. ■' Snpra, ii. 6, and v. 53. " Mr. Grote (Hist, of Greece, vol. v. pp. 454-456, note) denies that the Greek cities upon the coast paid any tribute to Persia from the date of the fnll organisation of the Athenian con- federacy (B.C. 476) till after the disas- ters at Syracuse (B.C. 413). He thinks this passage only means that there was an assess'i}2^nt of the Ionic cities in the king's books, not that there was any payment oi tribnte. He supposes that Herodotus knew this fact of the assess- ment, from having access to the books themselves, and " inight or 'might not Icnow " "whether the tribute was real- ized. To me it appears quite incon- ceivable that Herodotus should be ignorant of such a point, and very unlikely that he should have mentioned the continuance of the assessment in the way which he has, if all pay- ment of it had ceased from the time when he was eight years old. There is, however, more direct evidence that the tribnte continued to be paid. Mr. Grote admits that " Greek towns in the interior" paid their quotas, consider- ing that point to be proved by the case of Magnesia, which Artaxerxes gave to Themistocles ; but he has apparently forgotten that the revenues of Myus and Lampsacus, both cities of the coast, were assigned to the illustrious exile, in exactly the same way as those of Magnesia (Thucyd. i. 138). It is manifest therefore that Lampsa- cus and Myus were not only rated, but paid tribute, down to B.C. 465. Indeed this is confessed by Mr. Grote in a previous note (vol. v. p. 385, note^), strangely at variance with the later VOL. IIL one. If so, there can be no reason for supposing that any of the towns upon the mainland were free from tribute. The expressions of Thuoydides (i. 18, 89, 95, &c.), which Mr. Grote quotes, concerning the Hellespontine and Ionian Greeks who had " revolted from Persia," and been " liberated from the king," must be understood, I think, of the cities on the Hjuropecm side of the Hellespont, and of the islands, Pro- oonnesns, Cyzicus, Lesbos, Chios, Sa- mos, &c. It seems to me probable that the practical exemption from tribute of the Greek cities on the mainland com- menced in B.C. 449, and was an express provision of the treaty of Cyprus. It was the equivalent which the Greeks received for agreeing to leave the Per- sians in undisputed- possession of Cy. prus and Egypt. Herodotus had per- haps at this time completed the first draught of his History. The facts were, therefore, at the time of his writing, as he stated them. After- wards at Thurii he neglected to alter the passage, which is not surprising, for he seems to have done little more than make additions to his History in his later years. ^ Supra, iii. 90. What necessitated the new rating and measurement was the alteration of territory which had taken place in consequence of the revolt. Miletus we know had been punished for its share in the outbreak by the loss of a tract of mountain land which was given to the Carians of Pedasns (snpra, ch. 20) ; and probably the remainder of the guilty cities had 2 p 434 EXPEDITION TINDER MABDONIUS. Book VI. 43. The next spring Darius superseded all the other generals, and sent down Mardonius, the son of Gobryas,* to the coast, and with him a vast body of men, some fit for sea, others for land service. Mardonius was a youth at this time, and had only lately married Artazostra, the king's daughter.^ When Mardonius, accompanied by this numerous host, reached CUicia, he took ship and proceeded along shore with his fleet, whUe the land army marched under other leaders towards the Hellespont. In the course of his voyage along the coast of Asia he came to Ionia ; and here I have a marvel to relate which will greatly surprise those Greeks who cannot believe that Otanes advised the seven conspirators to make Persia a commonwealth.^ Mardonius put down all the despots through- out Ionia, and in heu of them established democracies. Having so done, he hastened to the Hellespont, and when a vast multitude of ships had been brought together, and like- wise a powerful land force, he conveyed his troops across the strait by means of his vessels, and proceeded through Europe against Eretria and Athens.'' 44. At least these towns served as a pretext for the expedi- tion, the real purpose of which was to subjugate as great a number as possible of the Grecian cities; and this became plain when the Thasians,^ who did not even lift a hand in their been treated in the same way. On the other hand, cities which abstained, as Bphesns (supra, ch. 16, note), may have received an increase of territory. * This is another instance of the alternation of names among the Per- sians. (Compare iii. 160, &c.) Go- bryas was the son of a Mardonius (Beh. Ins. col. iv. par. 18.) ^ On marriages of this kind, see above v. 116, note ^, and compare vol. ii. p. 558, note ^. * It would seem that the tale related by Herodotus in Book hi. (chs. 80-83), had appealed incredible to the Greeks themselves. Herodotus undoubtedly believed it to be ti-ue ; but the story does not really derive any support from the policy here pursued by Mar- donius. That policy was decidedly wise. The Persians had learnt, by dint of experience, that they lost more, through unpopularity, by up- holding the tyi'ants, than they gained by the convenience of having the government of the Greek states assimi- lated to their own. To allow Greeks, in order to conciliate them, democratic institutions, was a very different thing from contemplating the adoption of such institutions among themselves. ' The aggressors in the late war (supra, V. 99). ' Thasos had hitherto escaped sub- jection. Megabazus, who carried his arms even farther west, seems to have Chap. 43-45. ATTACKED BY THE BRYGI. 435 defence, were reduced by the sea force, while the land army added the Macedonians to the former slaves of the king. All the tribes on the hither side of Macedonia had been reduced previously.^ From Thasos the fleet stood across to the mainland, and sailed along shore to Acanthus,'- whence an attempt was made to double Mount Athos. But here a violent north wind sprang up, against which nothing could contend, and handled a large number of the ships with much rudeness, shattering them and driving them aground upon Athos. 'Tis said the number of the ships destroyed was little short of three hundred ; and the men who perished were more than twenty thousand.^ For the sea about Athos abounds in monsters beyond all others ; and so a portion were seized and devoured by these animals,^ while others were dashed violently against the rocks ; some, who did not know how to swim, were en- guKed ; and some died of the cold. 45. WTiile thus it fared with the fleet, on land Mardonius and his army were attacked in their camp dm-ing the night by the Brygi,* a tribe of Thracians ; and here vast numbers of had no fleet at his disposal. Otanes, who reduced Lemnos and Imbms (supra, V. 26, 2V), did not venture so far as Thasos. ° Supra, Y. 18. ^ Acanthus lay on the eastern side of the peninsula of Athos, as is plain both from this passage and from the account of the march of Xerxes (infra, Tii. 115-121). It probably occupied the site of the modem Tillage of Krisso (Leake's Northern Greece, vol. iii. p. 147) . The territory of the Acanthians, however, extended across the isthmus, and they may have had a port on the Singitic Gulf, which perhaps misled Ptolemy (iii. 13, p. 92) and Strabo (vii. p. 481) as to the site of the place. Scylax (p. 63), Scymnus Chius (U. 645, 646), and Mela (ii. 2), agree with Herodotus. ^ The navigation of this coast is still full of danger. " Such is the fear," say s Colonel Leake, "entertained by the Greek boatmen of the strength and uncertain direction of the currents around Mount Athos, and of the gales and high seas to which the vicinity of the monntain is subject during half the year, and which are rendered more formidable by the deficiency of har- bours in the Gulf of Orfana (Sinus Strymonicus), that I could not, so long as I was in the peninsula, and though offering a high price, prevail upon any boat to carry me from the eastern side of the peninsula to the western, or even from Xiropotami to Vatopedhi." (Nor- thern Greece, vol. iii. p. 145. Com- pare Sir G. Bowen's Diary, p. 57.) ^ Mr. Grote, I know not on what grounds, transforms these sea-mon- sters into "wild beasts" inhabiting the " tongue of land " (Hist, of Greece, vol. iv. p. 422). * The Greeks believed these Brygi to have been ethnically connected with the Phryges or Phrygians of Asia Minor (infra, vii. 73 ; Strab. vii. p. 427) . At this time they seem to have 436 THE THASIANS SUSPECTED. Book VI. the Persians were slain, and even Mardonius Jhimself received a wound. The Brygi, nevertheless, did not succeed in main- taining their own freedom : for Mardonius would not leave the country till he had subdued them and made them subjects of Persia. Stih, though he brought them under the yoke, the blow which his land force had received at their hands, and the great damage done to his fleet off Athos, induced him to set out upon his retreat ; and so this armament, having failed disgracefully, returned to Asia. 46. The year after these events, Darius received informa- tion from certain neighbours of the Thasians that those islanders were making preparations for revolt ; he therefore sent a herald, and bade them dismantle their walls, and bring all their ships to Abdera.^ The Thasians, at the time when Histiaeus the Milesian made his attack upon them,^ had re- solved that, as their income was very great, they would apply their wealth to building ships of war, and surrounding their city with another and a stronger wall. Their revenue was derived partly fi-om their possessions upon the mainland,' partly from the mines which they owned. They were masters of the gold-mines at Scapte-Hyle,^ the yearly produce of which dwelt in the region above CHalcidice, or perhaps a little inore to the west, between the Chalcidio peninsula and Pieria (infra, vii. 185). Afterwards they were pushed very much further westwa,rd, and appear a3 neighbours to the Ulyrians upon the Adriatic (Scymn. Ch. 1. 433 ; Strab. vii. p. 473 ; Steph. Byz. ad toc. Bpu|). ' Megabazua had subdued the entire coast (supra, v. 10, ad fin.), and Ab- dera had probably been occupied by a Persian garrison, like Bion and Doris- 0U3 (infra, vii. 106, 107). On its site, vide infra, vii. 109. « Supra, ch. 28. ' The Thasians possessed a number of places on the coast opposite their island, as is plain from Thucydides (i. 100). One of these was Datum (Eu- stath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 517 ; Zenob. Prov. Gr. Cent. iii. 71), a ulace which combined so many advantages that it passed into a proverb for an abundance of good things (Zenob. 1. s. c. Harpo- cration in voo. ; Strab. vii. p. 481 ; see also infra, ix. 75, note) . It possessed gold-mines, and was also a place of great fertility. 8 Scapte-Hyle is said by Stephen (ad voo.) to have been a town upon the Thracian coast, opposite Thasos. It was probably near Datum, to which its gold-mines seem sometimes to be ascribed. The wife of Thucydides was, we are told, a native of this place, and the owner of some of its mines (Mar- celliu. Tit. Thucyd. p. ix.); and hither Thucydides himself retired when ex- iled from Athens, and wrote his his- tory (ibid. p. X. ; Plutarch, de Bxil. ii. p. 605, C). The name is sometimes written ^KaiTTTicriKTi (Steph. Theophr.), a,Tlfl in Tint.in Rf.n'nt.a^Ml.n (T ,r\n-rc^i. \ Chap. 45-4.9. DAEIUS DEMANDS EAKTH AND WATER. 437 amounted in all to eighty talents. Their mines in Thasos ^ yielded less, but stiU were so far prolific that, besides being entirely free from land-tax, they had a surplus income, derived from the two sources of their territory on the main and their mines, in common years of two hundred, and in the' best years of three hundred talents. 47. I myself have seen the mines in question : by far the most emious of them are those which the Phoenicians dis- covered at the time when they went with Thasus and colonised the island,^ which afterwards took its name from him.^ These Phcenician workings are in Thasos itself, between Coenyra and a place called Mnjia,, over against Samothrace : ^ a huge mountain has been turned upside down in the search for ores. Such then was the source of their wealth. On this occasion no sooner did the Great King issue his, commands than straightway the Thasians dismantled their walls, and took their whole fleet to Abdera. 48. After this Darius resolved to prove the Greeks, and try the bent of their minds, whether they were inclined to resist him in arms or prepared to make their submission. He therefore sent out heralds in divers directions roimd about Greece, with orders to demand everywhere earth and water for the king. At the same time he sent other heralds to the various seaport towns which paid him tribute, and required them to provide a number of ships of war and horse- transports. 49. These towns accordingly began their preparations ; and the heralds who had been sent into Greece, obtained what the king had bid them ask from a large number of the states upon the mainland, and likewise from all the islanders whom ' Thasos is said to have been called Chrysa by the early Greeks, on ac- count of its gold-mines (Arrian, Fr. 67 ; Bnstath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 528). 1 Supra, ii. 44. Compare ApoUod. in. i. 1, § 7, 8. Thncydides makes Thasos a colony of the Parians (iv. 104). 2 Bochart (Geograph. Sao. i. xi. p. 393) derives the word Thasos from the Syriao tas, " an armlet." ^ That is, on the south-east side of the island. Ccenyra still remains in the modern Einyra. The site of JEnjTS, cannot be fixed. 438 CLEOMENES ATTACKS THE EGINETANS. BooK'\a. they visited.* Among these last were included the Eginetans, who, equally with the rest, consented to give earth and water to the Persian king. When the Athenians heard what the Eginetans had done, believing that it was from enmity to themselves that they had given consent, and that the Eginetans intended to join the Persian in his attack upon Athens, they straightway took the matter in hand. In good truth it greatly rejoiced them to have so fair a pretext ; and accordingly they sent frequent embassies to Sparta,^ and made it a charge against the Eginetans that their conduct in this matter proved them to be traitors to Greece. 50. Hereupon Cleomenes, the son of Anaxandridas, who was then king of the Spartans, went in person to Egina, intending to seize those whose guilt was the greatest. As soon however as he tried to arrest them, a number of the Eginetans made resistance, a certain Crius, son of Polycritus, being the foremost in violence. This person told him " he should not carry off a single Eginetan without it costing him dear — the Athenians had bribed him to make this attack, for which he had no warrant from his own government — other- wise both the kmgs would have come together to make the seizure." This he said in consequence of instructions which he had received from Demaratus." Hereupon Cleomenes, find- ing that he must quit Egina, asked Crius his name; and when * Eubcea is probably to be excepted from the list, and also Naxos, which it was intended to pnnish (infra, oh. 96). The rest of the Cyclades, with- out donbt, made their submission. * Mr. Grote has some excellent ob- servations on the great importance of this appeal (Hist, of Greece, vol. iv. pp. 427-430). It raised Sparta to the general protectorate of Greece. Hitherto she had been a leading power, frequently called in to aid the weaker against the stronger, but with no defi- nite hegemony, excepting over the states of the Pelopcnnese (supra, v. 91). Now she was acknowledged to have a paramount authority over the whole of Greece, as the proper guard- ian of the Grecian liberties. It gave additional weight to the appeal that it was made by Athens, the second city of Greece. * This was the seconcZ time thatDema- ratus had thwarted Cleomenes (vide supra, V. 75). The kings of the younger house had an inferior position ; and their jealousy of the elder house found a natural vent in such petty aimoyances as those which are recorded of Demaratus. Chap. 49-52. DOUBLE ROYALTY AT SPARTA. 439 Crius told him, " Get thy horns tipped with brass with all speed, Crius!"' he said, "for thou wilt have to struggle with a great danger." 51. Meanwhile Demaratus, son of Ariston, was bringing charges against Cleomenes at Sparta. He too, hke Cleomenes, was king of the Spartans, but he belonged to the lower house — not indeed that his house was of any lower origin than the other, for both houses are of one blood — but the house of Eurysthenes is the more honoured of the two, inasmuch as it is the elder branch. 52. The Lacedaemonians declare, contradicting therein all the poets,^ that it was King Aristodemus himself, son of Aristo- maohus, grandson of Cleodffius, and great-grandson of Hyllus, who conducted them to the land which they now possess, and not the sons of Aristodemus. The wife of Aristodemus, whose name (they say) was Argeia, and who was daughter of Autesion,^ son of Tisamenus, grandson _ of Thersander, and great-grandson of Polynices, within a little whUe after their coming into the country, gave birth to twins. Aristodemus just lived to see his children, but died soon afterwards of a disease. The Lacedsemonians of that day determined, accord- ing to custom, to take for their king the elder of the two children ; but they were so alike, and so exactly of one size, 7 Cleomenes pima upon the name Crins, which signifies " a ram " in Greek. Cicero indnlges in facetiw of the same kind with respect to "Verres, verres being Latin for " a hoar pig." (Cf. Cio. in Verr. Act. ii. ii. 78, iv. 25 and 43. " Aiebant in labores Hercnlis non minils hnnc immanissimum Yer- rem, qnam illam aprum Erymanthi- num referri oportere.") ^ These poets are not those of the Epic cycle, which concluded with the adventures of Telegonus, the son of Ulysses, but either " those who carried on the mythological fables genealo- gically, as Cin^thon and Asins," or else " the historical poets, such as Eumelus the Corinthian" (Miiller's Dorians, vol. i. p. 58, E. T.). Their views were adopted by the mytho- logical prose-writers, as, for instance, ApoUodorus (ii. viii. 2, § 9) and Pau- sanias (ill. i. 5), who both declare the death of Aristodemus to have taken place before the invasion of the Pelo- ponnese. Herodotus follows the local Spartan tradition, as he himself states, which was that Aristodemus actually reigned at Sparta. Of this tradition we iind another trace in Xenophon (Ages. viii. 7), the friend of Agesilaiis, and- BO long a refugee in Laconia. ^ Sister therefore, according to the myth, of Theras, the coloniser of Thera (supra, iv. 147). 440 FEUD BETWEEN THE TWO HOUSES. Book VI. that they could not possibly tell which of the two to choose : so when they found themselves unable to make a choice, or haply even earlier, they went to the mother and asked her to tell them which was the elder, whereupon she declared that '•' she herself did not know the children apart ; " although in good truth she knew them very weU, and only feigned ignor- ance in order that, if it were possible, both of them might be made kings of Sparta. The Lacedaemonians were now in a great strait ; so they sent to Delphi and inquired of the oracle how they should deal with the matter. The Pythoness made answer, " Let both be taken to be kings ; but let the elder have the greater honour." So the Lacedaemonians were in as great a strait as before, and could not conceive how they were to discover which was the first-born, till at length a certain Messenian, by name Panites, suggested to them to watch and see which of the two the mother washed and fed first ; if they found she always gave one the preference, that fact would tell them all they wanted to know ; if, on the contrary, she herself varied, and sometimes took the one first, sometimes the other, it would be plain that she knew as little as they ; in which case they must try some other plan. The Lacedsemonians did according to the advice of the Messenian, and, without letting her know why, kept a watch upon the mother; by which means they discovered that, whenever she either washed or fed her childi-en, she always gave the same child the preference. So they took the boy whom the mother honoured the most, and regarding him as the first-born, brought him up in the palace ; and the name which they gave to the elder boy was Eurysthenes, while his brother they called Procles. When the brothers grew up, there was always, so long as they hved, enmity between them ; and the houses sprung from their loins have continued the feud to this day.^ ' It may be snspected that the fre- quent prosecutions and pnnishments of the Spartan kings were fomented and encouraged by the hostility be- tween the rival honses. Besides the degradation of Demaratns narrated below fch. 67), we know that Leoty- chides was banished from' Sparta (eh. 72) — that Cleomenes fled through fear (ch. 74) — that Pansanias, the son of Chap. 52-54. EGYPTIAN DESCENT OF THE PEKSEIDjE. 441 53. Thus much is related by the Lacedsemonians, but not by any of the other Greeks ; in what follows I give the tra- dition of the Greeks generally. The kings of the Dorians (they say) — counting up to Perseus, son of Danae,^ and so omitting the god — are rightly given in the common Greek lists, and tightly considered to have been Greeks themselves ; for even at this early time they ranked among that people.^ I say " up to Perseus," and not fm-ther, because Perseus has no mortal father by whose name he is called,* as Hercules has iu Amphitryon ; whereby it appears that I have reason on my side, and am right in saying, "up to Perseus." If we follow the line of Danae, daughter of Acrisius, and trace her progenitors, we shall find that the chiefs of the Dorians are really genuiue Egyptians.^ In the genealogies here given I have followed the common Greek accounts. Cleombrotus, was pnt to death (Thu- cyd. i. 134) — that Plistoanax, the son of Pausanias, remained iu exile for nineteen years (Thuoyd. v- 16) — and that PansaniaSj the son of Plistoanax, was tried on a capital charge, and had to quit the country (Xen. Hell. III. v. 7-25) . It seems to have been for the pnrpose of weakening the monarchy by the introdnction of such a state of things, that the double royalty was established and maintained at Sparta. See the statement of Aristotle (Pol. ii. 6), (Twrripiav ev6jxi^ov rp Trti/cet ^Ivai rh araaid^etif tovs ^ao'i\e7s. ^ It is strange that Herodotus should speak of Perseus as a " king of the Dorians." Perseus, according to the legend, was a progenitor of Hercules, and therefore an ancestor of the Spar- tan monarchs ; but the Heracleids did not come into connection with the Dorians till at least a generation after Hercules. ^ This cannot be held to be strictly true, since the name Hellene first entered the Peloponnese with the Dorians. If, however, we understand only that the earlier Peloponnesian princes were of no foreign race, but of one closely akin to the Hellene, the statement may be accepted. ■* That is to say, he is uniformly declared to be the son of Jupiter. * Supra, ii. 91. Herodotus believes in the tale which brings Danaiis from Egypt. [Many writers besides him ascribe the colonisation of parts of Greece to the uncolonising Egyptians. Danaus led a colony from Egypt (Died. i. 2) ; and not only was Danaus said to have fled from Egypt to Argos, but Pau- sanias thinks the Naupliang a colony from that country in old times. (Bk. iv.) Diodorus and others say colonies went from Egypt to Athens, led by Cecrops from Sais. Cadmus (the per- sonification of the Bast) generally reported to have gone from Phoenicia to Boeotia (Her. v. 57), is said by Euse- bius to have migrated from Egyptian Thebes with Phoenix, and to have founded Athens and Boeotian Thebes ; and both he and Cecrops have the merit of leading a colony of Sa'ites to Athens. (Schol. on Lycoph. Diod. i. 28.) Triptolemus again gave laws to Athens (Porph. de Abstin. iv. ; Diod. i. 18, 20); and Erechtheuswas also said to be an Egyptian. (Diod. i. 29.) But without giving full credit to these and 442 PREROGATIVES OF SPARTAN KINGS — IN WAR. Book VI. 54. According to the Persian story, Perseus was an Assy- rian who became a Greek ;" his ancestors, therefore, according to them, were not Greeks. They do not admit that the fore- fathers of Acrisius were in any way related to Perseus, but say they were Egyptians, as the Greeks likewise testify. 55. Enough however of this subject. How it came to pass that Egyptians obtained the kingdoms of the Dorians,'' and what they did to raise themselves to such a position, these are questions concerning which, as they have been treated by others,** I shall say nothing. I proceed to speak of points on which no other writer has touched. 56. The prerogatives which the Spartans have allowed their kings are the following. In the first place, two priesthoods. similar statements, it is possible that some settlers, probably refugees, occa- sionally went from Egypt to Greece, and that, as Herodotus positively as- serts, a great number of barbarous people became united with them (Bk. i. c. 58) ; though no particular portion of the Greek race can be said to be of Egyptian, or any other foreign origin, subsequently to the great immigra- tions from Asia. — G. W.] * It has not been commonly seen that this is an entirely distinct story from that related below (vii. 150) — that Perseus, son of Danae, had a son Perses, the progenitor of the Achas- menian kings — which latter the Greeks generally adopted (Plat. Alcib. i. p. 120, E. ; Xen. Gyrop. I. ii. 1 ; ApoUod. II. iv. 5, § 1). This tale denies any birth connection between Perseus and the Greeks, bringing him originally from the East (strangely enough from Assyria), and making him settle in Greece and become naturalized. Both sturies seem to me pure in- ventions, based merely upon the simi- larity of name which the Persians found to exist between their own na- tional appellation and a Greek mytholo- gical personage. They were willing to take advantage of this circumstance to encoui'age the belief in an early connection between themselves and the Greeks ; and they did not much care in what way the connection was made out. It is of course possible that the Greek hero Perseus may have come down to them from those primitive timea when the Arian race had not yet split into sections, and thus the simi- larity of name may not be accidental. It may even indicate a real connection of race, but not one of which either of the two tales is a proper exponent. ' That is to say, the kingdoms of the Peloponnese, afterwards conquered by the Dorians. ^ It is uncertain to what class of writers Herodotus here alludes. He may intend the poets of the Epic cycle, with whom the adventures of Danaiis and his daughters were a recognized subject. (A poem, Aafal's, is quoted by Clemens Alex. Strom, iv. p. 618, and referred to by Harpocration, ad voc. aitrSx^y') It is more probable, however, that he speaks of prose- vrriters, such as Acusilaiis, HecatEeus, and Hippys of Rhegium. The " gene- alogies " of the two former, and the ArgoUca of the latter author, might treat of the matters in question. Colonel Mure suggests that the refer- ence is to the " Spartan magistrates " of Charon (Lit. of Greece, vol. iv. p. 306) ; but it is very unlikely that he went further back than the Dorian conquest. Chap. 54^57. PREROGATIVES OF SPARTAN KINGS — IN PEACE. 443 those (namely) of Lacedemonian and of Celestial Jupiter;'' also the right of making war on what country soever they please,^ without hindrance from any of the other Spartans, under pain of outlawry ; on service the privilege of marching first in the advance and last in the retreat, and of having a hundred^ picked men for their body-guard while with the army ; likewise the liberty of sacrificing as many cattle in their expeditions as it seems them good, and the right of having the skins and the chines of the slaughtered animals for their own use. 57. Such are their privileges in war ; in peace their rights are as follows. When a citizen makes a public sacrifice the kings are given the first seats at the banquet ; they are served before any of the other guests, and have a double portion of everything ; they take the lead in the libations ; and the hides of the sacrificed beasts belong to them. Every month, on the first day, and again on the seventh of the first decade,^ each king receives a beast without blemish at the public cost, ' These are probably Ach^an ratber tban Doiian priestboods, and may baye belonged to the Heracleid kings before their expulsion. The worehip of Apollo specially characterized the Do- rian tribes, that of Jupiter and Juno the Ach^an (see Miiller's Dorians, i. pp. 409-411, B. T.). Zeus Lacedsemon and Zeus TJranius would be respect- ively Jupiter the lord of the Lacedse- monian territory, and Jupiter the supreme god, or king of heaven. The necessary union of the priestly with the kingly office was an idea almost universal in early times (Muller, ii. pp. 101-104). ' Not the right of declaring war, which rested with the assembly, and might, we know, be exercised against the will of the king (Thucyd. i. 87), but the right of determining the gen- eral course and character of each campaign (ib. viii. 5). ^ This is perhaps an error. The number of the knights who formed the king's body-guard is always else- where declared to be 300 (infra, vii. 205, viii. 124; Thucyd. v. 72; Xen. de Rep. Lao. iv. 3) ; and this number accords better with the other numerical divisions at Sparta, as, for instance, the three tribes, the thirty Obse, the thirty senators, &c. Possibly, how- ever, the knights of the Hyllean tribe, who would be 100, were attached in a special way to the persons of the kings, and accompanied them as a body-guard on all expeditions, whereas the whole 300 may not have gone out unless upon special occasions. ^ On the division of the Greek month into decades, n^i/ iard^Evos, fXT]V fiecrwy, and ^V y, see Smith's Diet, of Antiq. ad voo. Calendaeium, and comp. Hesiod, Op. et Dies, 798, &c. The seventh day of each month was sacred to Apollo, who was believed to have been boru on the seventh of Thargelion (May). See Diog. Laert. iii. § 2, and comp. Hes. Op. et D. 771. 444 HONOURS DURING LIFE. Book VI. which he offers up to Apollo ;* likewise a medimnus of meal,^ and of wine a Laconian quart. In the contests of the games they have always the seat of honour; they appoint the citizens who have to entertain foreigners f they also nominate, each of them, two of the Pythians,' officers whose business it is to consult the oracle at Delphi, who eat with the kings, and, like them, live at the public charge. If the kings do not come to the pubHc supper, each of them must have two choenixes of meal and a cotyle of wine ^ sent home to him at his house ; if they come, they are given a double quantity of each, and the same when any private man invites them to his table. They have the custody of all the oracles which are pronounced ; but the Pythians must likewise have knowledge of them. They have the whole decision of certain causes, which are these, and these only : — When a maiden is left the heiress of her father's estate, and has not been betrothed by him to any one, they decide who is to marry her f in all matters concern- ■* The kings were at the head of the wliole national religion, the Dorian Apollo-worship, as well as the Achaean cultus of Jupiter. * On the size of the medimnus, and also of the choenix, see vol. i. p. 313, note ^. ^ The Proxeni, whose special duty was to receive and entertain ambassa- dors from foreign states. The chief states of Greece had generally a ProxenuB at all the more important towns, who undertook this duty. He was always a native of the place, and, except at Sparta, was nominated to his office by the state whose proxenus he was. At Sparta, in consequence of the greater jealousy of foreigners, the state insisted on itself appointing the proxeni ; and as the department of foreign afiairs belonged, in an espe- cial way, to the kings, committed to them the selection of fit persons. ^ The Pythians at Sparta correspond to the i^-njTiTal Tlv86xp-ri<'"''oi at Athens, and to the permanent Becapoi of other states (Jliiller's Dorians, ii. p. 15, E. T.). They are mentioned as mess- mates of the kings by Senophon (Eep. Lac. XV. § 4) and Suidas (ad voc. no(- 6ioi). Many inscriptions place their names immediately after those of the kings (Memoires de 1' Academic des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, torn. xv. p. 396). Muller thinks (1. s. c.) that they had seats in the senate. ^ The cotyle is one of the Attic liquid measures : it contained about half a pint. Two cotylea made one xestes or pint. The Attic quart (tc- Taprov) was the fourth part of a xestes — consequently only a quarter of a pint ; but it may be suspected that the " Laconian quart " was a quarter amphoreus, or above two gallons. ' So at Athens the Archou Epony- mus, who specially represented the ancient office of the king, had the guardianship of all orphans and heiresses (Pollux, viii. 89). The dis- posal of heiresses and adoption of children were of more than common importance at Sparta, since the state looked with disfavour upon an undue accumulation of property. Chap. 57, 58. HONOURS AFTER DEATH. 445 ing the public highways they judge ; and if a person wants to adopt a child, he must do it before the kings. They likewise have the right of sitting in council with the eight and twenty senators; and if they are not present, then the senators nearest of kin to them have their privileges, and give two votes as the royal proxies, besides a third vote, which is their own.^ 58. Such are the honours which the Spartan people have allowed their kings during their lifetime ; after they are dead other honours await them. Horsemen carry the news of their death through all Laconia, while in the city the women go hither and thither drumming upon a kettle. At this signal, in every house two free persons, a man and a woman, must put on mom'ning,^ or else be subject to a heavy fine. The Lacedaemonians have Hkewise a custom at the demise of their kings which is common to them with the barbarians of Asia — indeed with the greater number of the barbarians everywhere — namely, that when one of their kings dies, not only the Spartans, but a certain number of the country people from every part of Laconia are forced, whether they will or no, to attend the funeral. So these persons and the Helots, and likewise the Spartans themselves,^ flock together to the 1 The meaniQg of this passage is very obscure. Miiller (ii. p. 106, note ^, B. T.) thinks that Herodotus shared in the opinion which Thucydides says (i. 20) was current through Greece, and supposed each king to have the right of giving two votes. He would therefore consider Herodotus to mean that in the absence of the kings, the two senators nearest of kin to the two monarchs respectively, gave each a double vote for the monarch whose kinsman he was, after which he gave a third vote for himself. Schweig- hsBuser regards Herodotus as speaking only of one senator, and using the plural distributively, meaning that the senators who were on each occasion most nearly related to the royal house, gave the royal votes (one for each king) and then gave their own. TVhat- ever Herodotus means, there is little doubt that such was the actual prac- tice (cf. Thucyd. 1. s. o. ; Plat. Leg. iii. 692, A.). ^ That is to say, " wear squalid un- washed garments, or even cover them- selves with mud and dirt ; " for the Greeks, when they mourned at all, mourned in the Oriental fashion (see Horn. II. xxiv. 164, 165). It is un- certain whether this mourning at the death of the Spartan kings was con- irued to the Periceoi, or whether it ia- cluded the Spartans, who were forbid- den by the laws of Lycnrgus to mourn at the death of their own relatives (Plutarch, Inst. Lao. p. 238, D.). ^ The three classes of which the Lacedaemonian population consisted are here very clearly distinguished from one another : — 1. The Periceoi, or free inhabitants of the country dis- tricts, the descendants in the main of 446 REMISSION OF DEBTS BY THE NEW KING. Book VI. number of several thousands, men and women intermingled ; and aU of them smite their foreheads violently, and weep and wail without stint, saying always that their last king was the best. If a king dies in battle, then they make a statue of him, and placing it upon a couch right bravely decked, so carry it to the grave. After the burial, by the space of ten days there is no assembly, nor do they elect magistrates,^ but continue mourning the whole time. 59. They hold with the Persians also in another custom. When a king dies, and another comes to the throne, the newly-made monarch forgives all the Spartans the debts which they owe either to the king or to the pubhc treasury. And in like manner among the Persians each king when he begins to reign remits the tribute due from the provinces.^ 60. In one respect the Lacedaemonians resemble the Egyp- tians.^ Their heralds and flute-players, and likewise their cooks, take their trades by succession from their fathers. A flute-player must be the son of a flute-player, a cook of a cook, a herald of a herald; and other people cannot take advantage of the loudness of their voice to come into the profession and shut out the heralds' sons; but each follows his father's business.'' Such are the customs of the Lace- daemonians. the submitted Achaeans ; 2. The He- lots, or serfs who tilled the soil upon the estates of their Dorian lords, de- scended in part from Acheeans taken with arms in their hands, but chiefly from the conquered Jlessenians ; and 3. The Spartans, or Dorian conquerors, who were the only citizens, and who lived almost exclusively in the capital. ■* Compare the Roman jvstitiwm usual at the death of an emperor or other great personage (Tacit. Aon. i. 16, ii. 82; Suet. Calig. 24; Lucan. Phars. ii. 16, &c.). 5 The Psendo-Smerdis, therefore, in remitting the tribute for three years, merely extended a species of largess, to which the subjects of Persia were already accustomed in some degree (supra, iii. 67). ^ On the classes of the Egyptians see note on Book ii. oh. 164. 7 The bearing of this passage upon the question of the existence of caste in Greece has been already noticed (supra, V. 66, note'). Priesthoods were hereditary in a large number of the Grecian states. Herodotus him- self mentions the lamids and Telliads of Elis (ix. 33, 34), the Talthybiads of Lacedaemon (vii. 134), and the Teli- nids of Gela in Sicily (vii. 153). Other writers furnish a very much larger catalogue of priestly families (cf. His- toire de I'Academie des Inscriptions, torn, xxiii. p. 51, et seq.). Nor are the indications of caste confined to the priesthood. Arts and sciences, too, often descended from, father to son. Hence we hear nf the fa.milv nf the Chap. 58-61. DEMAEATUS JEALOUSY OF CLEOMENES. 447 61. At the time of which we are speaking, while Cleomenes in Egina was labouring for the general good of Greece, De- maratus at Sparta continued to bring charges against him, moved not so much by love of the Eginetans as by jealousy and hatred of his colleague. Cleomenes therefore was no sooner returned from Egina than he considered with himself how he might deprive Demaratus of his kingly office ; and here the following circumstance furnished a ground for him to proceed upon. Ariston, king of Sparta, had been married to two wives, but neither of them had borne him any children ; as however he stiU thought it was possible he might have offspring, he resolved to wed a third ; and this was how the wedding was brought about. He had a certain friend, a Spartan, with whom he was more intimate than with any other citizen. This friend was married to a wife whose beauty far surpassed that of all the other women in Sparta ; and what was still more strange, she had once been as ugly as she now was beautiful. For her nurse, seeing how iU- favoured she was, and how sadly her parents, who were wealthy people, took her bad looks to heart, bethought her- self of a plan, which was to carry the child every day to the temple of Helen at Therapna,^ which stands above the Phoe- Asolepiads (physicians) in Cos and Cnidns (Theopomp. Fr. Ill), and of tlie Homerids in Chios (Hellan. Fr. 55 ; Acnsil. Fr. 31) ; while iarpai' •jraiSeSj ^mypa^cev TotSes, and the like, are common periphrases for iarpoij (o>yp(i(poi, &o. Thus the facts which are here mentioned with respect to Sparta have parallels in a nnmber of other similar facts in various parts of Greece, all tending to establish the early prevalence of caste, of which the four Ionic tribes are the most marked and decisive indication. * Therapna was a place of some im- portance on the left bank of the Euro- tas, nearly opposite Sparta, from which it was distant probably about two miles. It was strongly situated on the fiat top of a high hOl, and its towers made it a conspicuous object (Pind. Isth. i. 31, v^iirsBov &€pd-nvas '4Sqs ; Alcman. Fr. 1, eijirvpyos B^pdirva). Some think that it was the ancient metropolis of the Achteans, before Sparta became a great city (Bahr ad loc. ; Miiller's Dorians, i. p. 108, B. T.) ; but the claims of Amy else to this position are superior. (See the Essays appended to Book v. Essay i. p. 274.) There was a local tradition that Helen had been buried at The. rapna (Pausan. iii.xix. § 9) ; and both Helen and Menelaus were certainly worshipped there down to the time of Isoorates (Encom. Hel. xxvii. p. 231 ; compare Athenag. Leg. pro Christ, xii. p. 50). It is not clear whether the temple of Helen was distinct from thatof the Dioscuri, which undoubtedly 448 STORY OF AEISTON. Book VI. beum,^ and there to place her before the image, and beseech the goddess to take away the child's ugliness. One day, as she left the temple, a woman appeared to her, and begged to know what it was she held in her arms. The nurse told her it was a chUd, on which she asked to see it ; but the nurse refused ; the parents, she said, had forbidden her to show the child to any one. However the woman would not take a denial ; and the nurse, seeing how highly she prized a look, at last let her see the child. Then the woman gently stroked its head, and said, " One day this child shall be the fairest dame in Sparta." And her looks began to change from that very day. When she was of marriageable age, Agetus, son of Alcides, the same whom I have mentioned above as the friend of Ariston, made her his wife. 62. Now it chanced that Ariston fell in love with this person; and his love so preyed upon his mind that at last he devised as follows. He went to his friend, the lady's husband, and proposed to him that they should exchange gifts, each taking that which pleased him best out of all the possessions of the other. His friend, who felt no alarm about his wife, since Ai'iston was also married, consented readily; and so the matter was confirmed between them by an oath. Then Ariston gave Agetus the present, whatever it was, of which he had made choice, and when it came to his turn to name the present which he was to receive in exchange, required to be allowed to carry home with him Agetus's wife. But the other demurred, and said, "except his wife, he might have anything else : " however, as he could not resist the oath which he had sworn, or the trickery which had been practised on him, at last he suffered Ariston to carry her away to his house. stQod in the sacred enoloBnie called the Phcebemn (Pausan. ill. xx. § 1). Therapna was regarded as their burial- place also (Piad. Nem, x. 55). ' A precinct sacred to Apollo, at a little distance from the town itself (Pausan. 1, s. c. ©epaTrvy^s 5e ov Tr6p^u ^OL^aXov Ka\ovfj.€v6v iffTLv), but scarcely so far as Kiepert places it (Atlas von Hellas, Map xix. Plan of Sparta). Hence the (S^pawvaiov Aids vXa of Apol- lonius fAra-on. ii. 1621. Chap. 61-64. STORY OF AHISTON. 449 63. Ariston hereupon put away his second wife and took for his third this woman ; and she, in less than the due time — when she had not yet reached her full term of ten months,^ — gave birth to a child, the Demaratus of whom we have spoken. Then one of his servants came and told him the news, as he sat in council with the Ephors ; ^ whereat, re- membering when it was that the woman became his wife, he coimted the months upon his fingers, and having so done, cried out with an oath, " The boy cannot be mine." This was said in the hearing of the Ephors; but they made no account of it at the time. The boy grew up ; and Ariston repented of what he had said; for he became altogether convinced that Demaratus was truly his son. The reason why he named him Demaratus was the following. Some time before these events the whole Spartan people, looking upon Ariston as a man of mark beyond all the kings that had reigned at Sparta before him, had offered up a prayer that he might have a son. On this account, therefore, the name Demaratus^ was given. 64. In course of time Ariston died ; and Demaratus re- ceived the kingdom : but it was fated, as it seems, that these words, when bruited abroad, should strip him of his sove- reignty. This was brought about by means of Cleomenes, whom he had twice sorely vexed, once when he led the army home from Eleusis,* and a second time when Cleomenes was 1 Tide infra, ch. 69, note ». The birth ordinarily takes place in the tenth lunar month. We are told below (ch. 69) that the wife of Ariston gave birth to Demaratus at the close of the seventh month. ° So Pansanias (1. s. c), even more plainly, since he uses the expression €v fiovKfi Ka6ri/j.4v for the more am- biguous eV fltu/cw Ka9i]ti.ivtf of our author. The "council" intended would seem to be the Ephors' ofBce \{itpope!ov, or simply apx^'iov, Pausan. III. xi. § 8 ; Xen. Ages. i. § 36), where they held their daily meetings, which were at- tended occasionally by the kings them- selves. (Of. Xen. 1. s. c, who says of Agesilaiis, that when he was recalled from Asia to Laced^mon, he " obeyed as readily as if he had been standing without retinue in the Ephors' office before the Five " — oiSet/ SiatpepSfTois ?} ei €1/ T^ ''Etpopcicf} €TVX€V eaT'r]tcii>s fi6vos irapa tovs TreWe.) ^ Dem-aratus ((i rS S^/j-ifi aparis') is the "People-prayed-for " king. Com- pare the Louis le Desire of French history. ^ Supra, T. VS. 450 REVENGE OF CLEOMENES ON DEMARATUS. Book VI. gone across to Egina against such as had espoused the side of the Medes.^ 65. Cleomenes now, being resolved to have his revenge upon Demaratus, went to Leotychides, the son of Menares, and grandson of Agis,^ who was of the same family as De- maratus, and made agreement with him to this tenor follow- ing. Cleomenes was to lend his aid to make Leotychides king in the room of Demaratus ; and then Leotychides was to take part with Cleomenes against the Eginetans. Now Leotychides hated Demaratus chiefly on account of Percalus, the daughter of Chilon, son of Demarmenus : this lady had been betrothed to Leotychides ; but Demaratus laid a plot, and robbed him of his bride, forestalhng him in carrying her off,', and marrying her. Such was the origin of the enmity. At the time of which we speak, Leotychides was prevailed upon by the earnest desire of Cleomenes to come forward against Demaratus and make oath "that Demaratus was not rightful king of Sparta, since he was not the true son of Ariston." After he had thus sworn, Leotychides sued De- maratus, and brought up against him the phrase which Ariston had let drop when, on the coming of his servant to announce to him the birth of his son, he counted the months, and cried out with an oath that the child was not his. It was on this speech of Ariston's that Leotychides relied to prove that Demaratus was not his son, and therefore not rightful king of Sparta ; and he produced as witnesses the ' Snpra, ohs. 50 and 51. * The entire genealogy is given be- low (viii. 131), but with the difference that the grandfather of Leotychides is called Agesilaiis instead of Agis. It is impossible to say -which of the two is the i-ight name. Biihr (ad loc.) prefers Agesilaiis, and thereupon asserts that Demaratus and Leoty- chides were first cousins, since Agesi- laiis was, he says, the grandfather of Demaratus also ; but the grandfather of Demaratus was Agesicles (supra, i. 65). The two lines of descent really parted at Theopompus, the eighth progenitor of Leotychides, and the seventh of Demaratus. (See Clinton's Table, P. H. vol. i. p. 255.) ' The seizure of the bride was a necessary part of a Spartan marriage. The young woman could not properly, it was thought, surrender her freedom and virgin purity unless compelled by the violence of the stronger sex. (Cf. Plutarch, Lyourg. c. 15 ; Lac. Apophth. ii. p. 228, A. ; and see Miiller's Do- rians, ii. p. 299, E. T.) Chap. 64-67. DEPOSITION OF DEMARATUS. 45 I Ephors who were sitting with Ariston at the time and heard what he said. 66. At last, as there came to be much strife concerning this matter, the Spartans made a decree that the Delphic oracle should be asked to say whether Demaratus were Ariston's son or no. Cleomenes set them upon this plan; and no sooner was the decree passed than he made a friend of Cobon, the son of Aristophantus, a man of the greatest weight among the Delphians ; and this Cobon prevailed upon Perialla, the prophetess, to give the answer which Cleomenes wished.^ Accordingly, when the sacred messengers came and put their question, the Pythoness returned for answer, "that De- maratus was not Ariston's son." Some time afterwards all this became known ; and Cobon was forced to fly from Delphi ; while Perialla the prophetess was deprived of her office. 67. Such were the means whereby the deposition of De- maratus was brought about; but his flying from Sparta to the Medes was by reason of an affront which was put upon him. On losing his kingdom he had been made a magistrate ; and in that office soon afterwards, when the feast of the Gym« nopaedise ^ came round, he took his station among the lookers- on ; whereupon Leotychides, who was now king in his room, sent a servant to him and asked him, by way of insult and mockery, " how it felt to be a magistrate after one had been * The venality of the Delphic oracle appears both by this instance, and by the former one of the Alomaeonidse (v. 63). Such cases, however, appear to have been rare. ' The feast of the Gymnopasdise, or naked youths, was one of the most im- portant at Sparta (Pausan. iii. xi. § 7). It lasted several days, perhaps ten. It was less a rehgione festival than a great spectacle, wherein the grace and strength of the Spartan youth was exhibited to their admiring coimtry- men and to foreigners. The chief ceremonies were choral dances, in which wrestling and other gymnastic exercises were closely imitated, and which served to show the adroitness, activity, and bodily strength of the performers. These were chiefly Spar- tan yonths, who danced naked in the forum, round the statues of Apollo, Diana, and Latona. Songs in celebra- tion of the noble deeds performed by the youths, as the exploits of Thyrea and Thermopylae, formed a portion of the proceedings at the festival. (See Btym. Mag. ad voc. ; Athen. xv. p. 678; Pausan. 1. a. c. ; Sen. Mem. i. ii. 61; Pint. Ages. c. 29; and compare Miiller's Dorians, ii. p. 351, E. T.) 452 DEMAEATUS' EXHORTATION TO HIS MOTHER. Book VI. a king?"" Demaratus, who was hurt at the question, made answer—" Tell him I have tried them hoth, but he has not. Howbeit this speech will be the cause to Sparta of infinite blessings or else of infinite woes." Having thus spoken he wrapped his head in his robe, and, leaving the theatre,^ went home to his own house, where he prepared an ox for sacri- fice, and offered it to Jupiter,^ after which he called for his mother. 68. When she appeared, he took of the entrails, and placing them in her hand, besought her in these words following : — "Dear mother, I beseech you, by all the gods, and chiefly by om- own hearth-god ^ Jupiter, tell me the very truth, who was really my father. For Leotychides, in the suit which we had together, declared, that when thou becamest Ariston's wife thou didst akeady bear in thy womb a child by thy former husband ; and others repeat a yet more disgraceful tale, that om- groom * found favour in thine eyes, and that I am his son. I entreat thee therefore by the gods to tell me the truth. For if thou hast gone astray, thou hast done no more than many a woman ; and the Spartans remark it as strange, if I am Ariston's son, that he had no children by his other wives." 69. Thus spake Demaratus ; and his mother replied as follows: "Dear son, since thou entreatest so earnestly for the truth, it shall indeed be fully told to thee. When Ai'iston brought me to his house, on the third night after my coming, there appeared to me one like to Ariston, who, after staying with me a while, rose, and taking the garlands from his own brows placed them upon my head, and so went away. M Compare i. 129. ' On the last day of the Gymno- psedise, choruses and dances were per- formed by men in the theatre. (Xen. HeU. Ti. iv. 16.) - Snpra, ch. 56, note. ^ The Spartan king has an altar to Jupiter, whereon he sacrifices, within the walla of his own house. Hence Jupiter is his " hearth-god.'' (Of. Ser- vius ad Virg. JEn. ii. 506 ; and Festus de Verb. Sign. viii. p. 174.) ^Literally "ass-keeper," or "don- key-man." The name Astrabacue (see the next chapter) is connected with a(rTpd$7i^ " a mule or aes" (according to some), and with atrTpa^itxiTris, "a muleteer." The scandal of the court gossips suggested that the pretended stable-Rod was in realitv such a, Tpr.son. Chap. 67-69. THE MOTHERS REPLY. 453 Presently after Ariston entered, and when he saw the garlands which I still wore, asked me who gave them to me. I said, 'twas he ; but this he stoutly denied ; whereupon I solemnly swore that it was none other, and told him he did not do well to dissemble when he had so lately risen from my side and left the garlands with me. Then Ariston, when he heard my oath, understood that there was something beyond nature in what had taken place. And indeed it appeared that the garlands had come from the hero-temple which stands by our court gates — the temple of him they call Astrabacus ^ — and the soothsayers, moreover, declared that the apparition was that very person. And now, my son, I have told thee all thou wouldest fain know. Either thou art the son of that hero— either thou mayest call Astrabacus sire ; or else Ariston was thy father. As for that matter which they who hate thee urge the most, the words of Ariston, who, when the messenger told him of thy birth, declared before many witnesses that 'thou wert not his son, forasmuch as the ten months were not fully out,' it was a random speech, uttered from mere ignorance. The truth is, children are born not only at ten months, but at nine, and even at seven." Thou wert thyself, my son, a seven-months' child. Ariston acknowledged, no long time afterwards, that his speech sprang from thought- lessness. Hearken not then to other tales concerning thy birth, my son : for be assured thou hast the whole truth. As 5 The hero-temple {■ripSoi'') of Astra- bacus is mentioned by Pausanias in his description of Sparta (iii. xvi. § 5). An obscnre tradition attaches to him. Astrabacus, we are told, and Alopecua his brother, sons of Irbus, grandsons of Amphisthenes, great-grandsons of Am- phicles, and great-great-grandsons of Agis, found the wooden image of Diana Orthia, which Orestes and Iphigenia had conveyed secretly from Tauris to Lacedsemon, and on discovering it wera stricken -nath madness (ib. § 6). The worship of Astrabacus at Spartais men- tioned by Clemens (Cohort, ad Gentes, p. 35). It is conjectured from his name, that he was " the protecting genius of the stable." See the foregoing note. ^ Supra, oh. 63. Hippocrates gives it as the general opinion of his time, that children are bom at seven, eight, nine, ten, and eleven months (jiKTeiv KoX kT^rd^riVCL, koX OKrdfMTjva, Kal ivvea- lJ.7)va, Koi SeKcifiT^va, Kal kj/^€Kcifj.7]Va), but that the child born at eight months was sure to die (/cai tovt^uv ra oKTafxtiva ov irepiyli/eadaL. De Septimestr. i. p. 447, ed. Kiihn.). This is perhaps the reason why no mention is made here of an eight -months' child. 454 DEMAEATUS FLEES TO ASIA. Book VI. for grooms, pray Heaven Leotychides and all who speak as he does may suffer wrong from them ! " Such was the mother's answer. 70. Demaratus, having learnt all that he wished to know, took with him provision for the journey, and went into Elis, pretending that he purposed to proceed to Delphi, and there consult the oracle. The Lacedsemonians, however ,_ suspecting that he meant to fly his country, sent men in pursuit of him ; but Demaratus hastened, and leaving Elis before they arrived, sailed across to Zacynthus.'' The Lacedaemonians followed, and sought to lay hands upon him, and to separate him from his retinue ; but the Zacynthians would not give him up to them : so he escaping, made his way afterwards by sea to Asia,^ and presented himself before King Darius, who received him generously, and gave him both lands and cities.^ Such was the chance which drove Demaratus to Asia, a man dis- tinguished among the Lacedaemonians for many noble deeds and wise counsels, and who alone of all the Spartan kings ^ brought honour to his country by winning at Olympia the prize in the fom'-horse chariot-race. " Zacynthns is the modem Zante. It lay opposite Elis, at the distance of thirteen or fourteen miles. The enter- prise of the Zacynthians is marked by their colonies in Crete (supi-a, iii. 59) and in Spain. Saguntnm is said to have derived both its name and origin from Zacynthus (Liv. xxi. 7). 8 In B.C. 486 (infra, vii. 3). Ctesias (Persic. Exe. § 23) made Demaratus first join the ]?ersians at the Helles- pont (B.C. 480), on occasion of its pas- sage by Serxes ; but no Tveight attaches to this statement, which clearly con- tradicts Herodotus (cf. infra, vii, 3, and 239). ^ Compare the treatment of Themis- tocles (Thucyd. i. 138), who received from Artaxerxes the revenues of three cities, Magnesia, Myus, and Lampsacus. The places given to Demaratus seem to have been Pergamns, Teuthrania, and HalisnrTia which xvpfa in t}iAr»n«Bv fj.€Ta KAeo/teVous rod AaKiovos, 'qvayKdrrdrja'ai^ Trapab^^aadaL T (a V irepioiKcov nvas'). ' Phigalea (or Phialia, as it vraa sometimes spelt, Pansan. viii. iii. § 1, &c.) was an Arcadian town, in the valley of the Neda, near its junction with a small stream called the Lymaz (Pausan. viii. xli. §§ 2-4 ; Strab. viii. p. 506). Its site is marked by the little village of PauUtzo, where on a steep hill overlooking the river Bmi the circuit of the ancient walls may be distinctlv traced. fSee Gell's Itin. r>. 79 ; Leake, vol. i. pp. 489, 490.) Com- pare Mr. Clark's description (Pelopon- nesus, pp. 254-257). ^ Arcadia, which was purely Achsean, would desire to see the AchsBan popu- lation of Argolis raised in the social scale, and would therefore naturally encourage the " slaves " in their re- sistance. It is perhaps surprising that no more substantial aid was given. But Arcadia is always timorous. ^ By the route which Herodotus be- lieved to have been traversed by the Cimmerians (supra, i. 104). Its im- practicability has been already spoken of (vol. i. p. 233, note ^). If any such offer as that here recorded was made, the proposal must have been to invade Media through the central pass, the Pyh.'j Caucasem of the ancients. Chap. 83-85. CLEOMENES INTEMPEEANCE. 46s one. When the Seyths came to Sparta on this errand Cleo- menes was with them continually ; and growing somewhat too familiar, learnt of them to drink his wine without water,^ a practice which is thought by the Spartans to have caused his madness. From this distance of time the Spartans, according to their own account, have been accustomed, when they want to di-ink pui-er wine than common, to give the order to fill " Scythian fashion." The Spartans then speak thus concerning Cleomenes ; but for my own part I think his death was a judgment on him for wronging Demaratus. 85. No sooner did the news of Cleomenes' death reach Egina than straightway the Eginetans sent ambassadors to Sparta to complain of the conduct of Leotychides in respect of their hostages, who were still kept at Athens. So they of Lacedsemon assembled a court of justice ® and gave sentence upon Leotychides, that whereas he had grossly affronted the people of Egiua, he should be given up to the ambassadors, to be led away in place of the men whom the Athenians had in their keeping. Then the ambassadors were about to lead him away ; but Theasides, the son of Leoprepes, who was a man greatly esteemed in Sparta, interfered, and said to them — "What are ye minded to do, ye men of Egina? To lead away captive the king of the Spartans, whom his countrymen have given into your hands ? Though now in their anger they have passed this sentence, yet belike the time will come when they will punish you, if you act thus, by bringing utter destruction upon your country." The Eginetans, when they heard this, changed their plan. ^ Conoeming this practice of the Scythians, of. Platon. de Leg. i. p. 20, ed Tauchn. 5/cij0at a Kpdr tij iravrd- iraffi ;(;paJjuei/oi, K-r.\. The northern nations require a stronger stimulant than the southern. « MuUer (Dorians, ir. p. 123, E. T.) considers this high court of justice to have been composed of " the council- lors {yepoi/ns), the ephors, the other king, and probably several other magis- trates." Pausanias, however, his chief authority, seems to limit it to the first three elements (iri. v. § 3, ^atriAei t^ AaKsSaLuoyiojv SiKaaTijpLov euddi^ov 0% tc 6vojj.a^6^^voL yepovres vicrM Hal elKomv yfTes dpidfihv^ Kal rj tuu etpSpaiv apxv, <^^v 5t avTOis KoL 6 T9JS otKias ^aoiAevs t^s krepas). The ephors were at once ac- cusers and judges in it. 466 THE STORY OF GLAUCUS. Book VI. and, instead of leading Leotychides away captive, agreed with him that he should come with them to Athens, and give them back their men. 86. When however he reached that city, and demanded the restoration of his pledge, the Athenians, being unwilling to comply, proceeded to make excuses, saying, "that two kings had come and left the men with them, and they did not think it right to give them back to the one without the other." So when the Athenians refused plainly to restore the men, Leo- tychides said to them — "Men of Athens, act which way you choose — give me up the hostages, and be righteous, or keep them, and be the contrary. I wish, however, to tell you what happened once in Sparta about a pledge. The story goes among us that three generations back there lived in Lacedsemon one Glaucus, the son of Epicydes, a man who in every other respect was on a par with the first in the kingdom, and whose character for justice was' such as to place him above all the other Spartans. Now to this man at the appointed season the following events happened. A certain Milesian came to Sparta, and having desired to speak with him, said, — ' I am of Miletus, and I have come hither, Glaucus, in the hope of profiting by thy honesty. For when I heard much talk thereof in Ionia and through all the rest of Greece, and when I observed that whereas Ionia is always insecure, the Peloponnese stands firm and unshaken, and noted likewise how wealth is con- tinually changing hands in our country,' I took counsel with myself and resolved to tm-n one-half of my substance into money, and place it in thy hands, since I am well assured that it wiU be safe in thy keeping. Here then is the silver — take it — and take likewise these tallies, and be careful of them ; remember thou art to give back the money to the person who shall bring you their fellows.' Such were the words of the MUesian stranger ; and Glaucus took the deposit <■ CoBnect this insecurity of property I which were in the third generation with the Lydian and Persian conquests, | from Leotychides. Ch.\j. 85, 86. THE STORY OF GLAUCUS. 467 on the terms expressed to him. Many years had gone by when the sons of the man by whom the money was left came to Sparta, and had an interview with Glaucus, whereat they produced the tallies, and asked to have the money returned to them. But Glaucus sought to refuse, and answered them : ' I have no recollection of the matter ; nor can I bring to mind any of those particulars whereof ye speak. When I remem- ber, I will certainly do what is just. If I had the money, you have a right to receive it back ; but if it was never given to me, I shall put the Greek law in force against you. For the present I give you no answer ; but four months hence I will settle the business.' So the Milesians went away sorrowful, considering that their money was utterly lost to them. As for Glaucus, he made a journey to Delphi, and there consulted the oracle. To his question if he should swear, ^ and so make prize of the money, the Pythoness returned for answer these lines following : — ' Best for the present it were, O Glaucus, to do as thou wishest. Swearing an oath to prevail, and so to roake prize of the money. Swear then — death is the lot e'en of those who never swear falsely. Yet hath the Oath-God a son who is nameless, footless, and handless ; Mighty in strength he approaches to vengeance, and whelms in destmction All who belong to the race, or the honse of the man who is perjured. Bnt oath.keeping men leave behind them a flonrishing offspring.' ' Glaucus when he heard these words earnestly besought the god to pardon his question ; but the Pythoness replied that it was as bad to have tempted the god as it would have been to have done the deed. Glaucus, however, sent for the Milesian strangers, and gave them back their money. And now I will tell you, Athenians, what my purpose has been in recounting to you this history. Glaucus at the ° The Greek law allowed an accnsed person, with the consent of the ao- cnser, to clear himself of a crime im- puted to him, by taking an oath that the charge was false. (See Arist. Rhet. i. 15, p. 66, ed Tauchn.) ' The oracle, in this last line, quoted Hesiod (Op. et Dies, 285), or, rather, concluded with a well-known Greek proverb, older, perhaps, than Hesiod himself. The story of Glaucus is alluded to by Plutarch (ii. p. 556, D.), Pansanias (it. xviii. § 2), Juvenal (xiii. 199-208), Clemens (Strom, vi. p. 749), Dio Chrysostom (Or. Ixiv. p. 640), and others. 468 THE EGINETANS REVENGE. Book VI. present time has not a single descendant ; nor is there any family known as his — root and branch has he been removed fi-om Sparta. It is a good thing, therefore, when a pledge has been left with one, not even in thought to doubt about restoring it." Thus spake Leotychides ; but, as he found that the Athenians would not hearken to him, he left them and went his way. 87. The Eginetans had never been punished for the wrongs which, to pleasure the Thebans, they had committed upon Athens.^ Now, however, conceiving that they were themselves wronged, and had a fair ground of complaint against the Athenians, they instantly prepared to revenge themselves. As it chanced that the Athenian Theoris,^ which was a vessel of five banks of oars,^ lay at Sunium,* the Eginetans con- trived an ambush, and made themselves masters of the holy vessel, on board of which were a number of Athenians of the highest rank, whom they took and threw into prison. 1 Vide supra, v. 81, 89. ^ Tlie Athenian theoris was the ship which conveyed the sacred messengers (flewpoi) to Delos and elsewhere (of. Pint. Phasd. 58, B. C). The Salamiuia (Thncyd. iii. 33 j vi. 53, 61) is said to ha,ve been specially set apart for this service (Suidas, sub voc. 'S.a.Xaixivla vavs). ^ If the reading Trej/T^pTjs (which is acquiesced in by Gaisford, Schweig- hajuser, and Eahr) is allowed to be correct, we have here a proof that quin- qneremes, or vessels of five banks of oars, were invented a century before the time usually assigned for them, which is the reign of the elder Diony- sins (B.C. 400-368). See Diodor. Sic. xiv. 41, 12 ; BiJcKh's Urknnden iiber die Seewesen des Att. Staates, p. Tfi ; Smith's Diet, of Antiq. p. 785. It is certainly remarkable, if quinqueremes were in use at Athens so early as B.C. 491, that no further mention of their employment by the Athenians occurs till the year B.C. 325. Perhaps the reading Trej/reTT^fiiy, which is found in two MSS., should be adopted, which would give a very diiierent sense. The passage, with this change, would have to be translated thus: — "It chanced that the Athenians were cele- brating at Sunium a festival that re- curred every fifth year : so the Egine- tans, hearing it, set an ambush for them, and captured their holy vessel," ttc. A irevTiTTjpis would be a festival recurring at intervals of ibur years, like the Olympic and Pythian games. There is not, however (I believe), any other trace of this quadriennial festi- val at Sunium. ^ The sitna tion of Sunium, on the ex- trerae southern promontory of Attica, has been already noted (supra, iv. 99, note^). Besides the remains of the Doric temple from wliich the cape de- rives its modem name of Cape Colonna, there are considerable traces of the ancient walls, the whole circuit of which may be distinctly made out (Leake's Demi of Attica, p. 63). The temple was sacred to Minerva Sunias (Pausan. j. i. § 1 ; Eurip. Cyol. 292). Sunium was a place of great import- ance in the time of the Peloponnesian war (Thucyd. viii. 4). Chap. 86-89. OVERTURES OF NICODROMUS. 469 88. At this outrage the Athenians no longer delayed, but set to work to scheme their worst against the Eginetans; and, as there was in Egina at that time a man of mark, Nico- dromus by name, the son of Cnoethus, who was on ill terms with his countrymen because on a former occasion they had driven him into banishment, they listened to overtures from this man, who had heard how determined they were to do the Egiuetans a mischief, and agreed with him that on a certain day he should be ready to betray the island into their hands, and they would come with a body of troops to his assistance. And Nicodromus, some time after, holding to the agreement, made himself master of what is called the old town.^ 89. The Athenians, however, did not come to the day ; for their own fleet was not of force sufficient to engage the Egine- tans, and while they were begging the Corinthians to lend them some ships, the failure of the enterprise took place. In those days the Corinthians were on the best of terms with the Athenians ; ^ and accordingly they now yielded to their request, and furnished them with twenty ships ; ' but, as their law did not allow the ships to be given for nothing, they sold them to the Athenians for five drachms a-piece.* As soon then as the Athenians had obtained this aid, and, by manning also then.' own ships, had equipped a fleet of seventy sail,' * Not (as Bahr says, not. ad. loc.) CEa, thongh that is very likely to have been the ancient capital, since all the early Greek capitals were built at some little distance from the shore (vide supra, V. 83) ; but rather a portion of the actual Egina, the part of the town which was the earliest settled and the most strongly fortified. Otherwise Nicodromus could scarcely have made his escape by sea (infra, oh. 90). 8 Supra, V. 75 ; 92, 93. Perhaps Co- rinth was anxious to uphold Athens, as a counterpoise to Sparta. She may have feared Sparta becoming toopower- ful, and crushing the independence of her subject allies. Her own private wrongs induced her afterwards to abandon this policy (see note ^ on v. 93) ; but it was maintained even as^ late as B.C. 440 (Thucyd. i. 41) . ^ This is confirmed by Thucydides (1. S.C.). * In this way the letter of the law was satisfied, at an expense to the Athenians of 100 drachms (about 41. of our money). ^ Thus it appears that Athens at this time maintained a fleet of 50 ships. This number is supposed to be con- nected with that of the Nauoraries, anciently 48, and increased to 50 by Clisthenes (supra, v. 71, note '). 470 FLIGHT OF NICODROMTJS. Book. VI. they crossed over to Egina, but arrived a day later than the time agreed upon. 90. Meanwhile Nicodromus, when he found the Athenians did not come to the time appointed, took ship and made his escape from the island. The Eginetans who accompanied him were settled by the Athenians at Sunium, whence they were wont to issue forth and plunder the Eginetans of the island. But this took place at a later date. 91. When the wealthier Eginetans had thus obtained the victory over the common people who had revolted with Nico- dromus/ they laid hands on a certain number of them, and led them out to death. But here they were guilty of a sacrilege, which, notwithstanding all their efforts, they were never able to atone, being driven from the island ^ before they had appeased the goddess whom they now provoked. Seven hundred of the common people had fallen alive into their hands ; and they were all being led out to death, when one of them escaped from his chains, and flying to the gateway of the temple of Ceres the Lawgiver,^ laid hold of the door- handles, and clung to them. The others sought to di'ag him from his refuge ; but, finding themselves unable to tear him away, they cut off his hands, and so took him, leaving the hands still tightly grasping the handles. 92. Such were the doings of the Eginetans among them- selves. When the Athenians arrived, they went out to meet them with seventy ships ; * and a battle took place, wherein ' In Egina, as in most Dorian states, the constitution was oligarchical. The Athenians, it appears, took advantage of this circumstance, and sought to bring about a revolution, which would have thrown the island, practically, into their hands. This is the first in- stance of revolutionary war in which Athens is known to have engaged. ^ Herodotus refers to the expulsion of the Eginetans by the Athenians in the first year of the Peloponnesian war, B.C. 431 (Thucyd. ii. 27). ^ Ceres Thesmophorus, in whose hon- our the feast of the Thesmophoria was celebrated in almost all parts of Greece (supra, ch. 16, note '). Ceres was termed " the Lawgiver," because agri- culture first forms men into communi- ties, and so gives rise to laws. Hence Virgil calls this goddess Legifera {^n, iv. 58. Compare Ovid, Wet. v. 341; Calvus ad Serv. JEu. iv. 58 ; Claudian, de Rapt. Proserp. i. 30). * The collocation of the words seems to me to require this rendering, which is quite in accordance with probability, though no translator, so far as I know, Chap. 89-92. NAVAL WAR BETWEEN EGINA AND ATHENS. 471 the Eginetans suffered a defeat. Hereupon they had recourse again to their old allies/ the Argives ; but these latter refused now to lend them any aid, being angry because some Eginetan ships, which Cleomenes had taken by force, accompanied him in his invasion of Argolis, and joined in the disembarkation.® Tlie same thing had happened at the same time with certain vessels of the Sicyonians ; and the Argives had laid a fine of a thousand talents upon the misdoers, five hundred upon each : whereupon they of Sicyon acknowledged themselves to have sinned, and agreed with the Argives to pay them a hundred talents,' and so be quit of the debt ; but the Eginetans would make no acknowledgment at all, and showed themselves proud and stiff-necked. For this reason, when they now prayed the Argives for aid, the state refused to send them a single soldier. Notwithstanding, volunteers joined them from Argos to the number of a thousand, under a captain, Em-ybates, a man skilled in the pentathUc contests.^ Of these men the greater part never retmmed, but were slain by the Athenians in Egina. Em-ybates, their captain, fought a number of single combats, and, after killing three men in this way, was himself slain by the fourth, who was a Dece- lean,^ named Sophanes.-^ has adopted it. AH suppose the 70 ships to be those of the Athenian assail- ants (snpra, oh. 89, end). * Supra, v. 86. ^ Cleomenes, it appears, when he fell back upon Thyrea (supra, oh. 76), col- lected a fleet from the subject-allies of Sparta — among the rest from. Egina and Sicyon — with which he made his descent upon Nauplia. ' A sum exceeding 24,0O0Z. of our money. * The -nivToldhxtv, or contest of five games, consisted of the five sports of leaping, running, throwing the quoit or discus, hurling the spear, and wrestling. Hence the celebrated line, ascribed to Simonides, which enumerates as its elements — ciX/ia, Trodiiinelrtv, dlaKOV, iiKOVTa, 7rd\i]i'. It was introduced into the Olympic games at the 18th Olympiad, B.C. 708 (Pausan. v. viii. § 3 ; Euseb. Chrou. Can. I. xxxiii. p. 144), and thence passed to the other Panhellenic fes- tivals. Eurybates won a pentathlic con- test at the Nemeau games (Pausan. i. xxix. § 4). ^ Decelea was situated on the moun- tain-range north of Athens (Parnes), within sight of the city, from which it was distant 120 stades, or about 14 miles (Thucyd. vii. 19). The road from Athens to Oropus and Tauagra passed through it (infra, ix. 15) . From these circumstances there can be little doubt that it was situated at or near the mo- dern Tatoy. (See Leake's Demi of Attica, p. l8.) 1 SSphanes, twenty-six years later (B.C. 465), was one of the leaders of the 472 EXPEDITION OF DATIS AND ARTAPHERNES. Book VI. 93. Afterwards the Eginetans fell upon the Athenian fleet when it was in some disorder and beat it, capturing four ships with their erews.^ 94. Thus did war rage between the Eginetans and Athe- nians. Meantime the Persian pursued his own design, from day to day exhorted by his servant to " remember the Athe- nians,"^ and likewise urged continually by the PisistratidsB, who were ever accusing their countrymen. Moreover it pleased him well to have a pretext for carrying war into Greece, that so he might reduce all those who had refused to give him earth and water. As for Mardonius, since his expedition had succeeded so ill, Darius took the command of the troops from him, and appointed other generals in his stead, who were to lead the host against Eretria and Athens ; to wit, Datis, who was by descent a Mede,^ and Artaphernes, the son of Artaphernes,^ his own nephew. These men received orders to carry Athens and Eretria away captive> and to briag the prisoners into his presence. 95. So the new commanders took their departure from the court and went down to Cilicia, to the Aleian plain,'' having first expedition sent out by Athens to colonise Amphipolis (Thucyd. i. 100). He was slain at the battle of Drabescus (Pausan. i. xxix. § 4). ^ The QaKaffaoKparia of the Eginetans was dated by some from this battle. Hence we read in Eusebins (Ciiron. Can. II. p. 33V) — " Decimo septimo loco maris imperium tennemnt JSjgmetgd usque ad Xerxia transmissionem annis decern." (Compare Syncellus, p. 247, C.) ^ Supra, V. 10.3. '* The occasional employment of Medes in situations of command has been already noticed (Appendix to Book iii. Essay iii. p. 568, note ^). This is the most remarkable instance. Other in. stances are Mazares (i. 156), Harpagus (i. 162), Armamithres andTithaeus, sons of Datis (vii. 88), Tachamaspates (Beh. Inscrip. II. xiv. 6), Intaphres (ib. ill. xiv. 3). No other conquered nation is considered worthy of such trust. The last two cases seem to haye been un- known to Mr. Grote when he wrote, " We may remark that Datis is the first person of Median lineage who is mentioned as appointed to high com- mand after the accession of Darius " (Hist, of Greece, iv. p. 442). ^ Artaphernes the elder was a son of Hystaspea and half-brother of Darius (supra, V. 25). His son had probably now succeeded him as satrap of Sardis (infra, vii. 74). * The situation of this plain is most clearly marked by Arrian, who says that Alexander sent his cavalry under Philotas from Tarsus across the Aleian plain to the river Pyramus (Exp. Alex, ii. 5. Compare Strab. xiv. p. 963, and Steph. Byz. ad voc. TapcSs). It is the tract between the Sarus (Syhun} and the ancient course of the Pyramus {Jij- lii'in'), which lay westward of Cape Karadash. The name had been already given to it in Homer's time (II. vi. 201). Captain Beaufort describes it Chap. 93-96. COURSE TAKEN BY THE PERSIAN FLEET. 473 with them a numerous and well-appointed land army. En- camping here, they were joined by the sea force which had been required of the several states, and at the same time by the horse-transports which Darius had, the year before, com- manded his tributaries to make ready.' Aboard these the horses were embarked ; and the troops were received by the ships of war ; after which the whole fleet, amounting in all to six hundred tru-emes,^ made sail for Ionia. Thence, instead of proceeding with a straight course along the shore to the Hellespont and to Thrace,^ they loosed from Samos and voyaged across the Icarian sea^ through the midst of the islands ; mainly, as I believe, because they feared the danger of doubling Mount Athos, where the year before they had suffered so grievously on their passage ; but a constraining cause also was their former failure to take Naxos.^ 96. When the Persians, therefore, approaching from the Icarian sea, cast anchor at Naxos, which, recollecting what there befell them formerly, they had determined to attack before any other state,' the Naxians, instead of encountering them, took to flight, and hurried oif to the hills.^ The Per- as " a plain of great magnitude, ex- tending in shore as far as the eye conld discern, consisting entirely of dreary sandhills, interspersed with shallow lakes " (Karamania, p. 282) . He no- tices, however, that Abulfeda (Tab. Syr. p. 135) speaks of it as " distin- guished for its beanty and fertility." This, he says, may still be true of its more inland portion. Perhaps, before it was desei'ted by the river, the whole of it may have been rich and fertile. ' Supra, ch. 48. 8 Plato (Menex. 240 B., p. 190 ed. Tauchn.) makes the number of triremes only 300. Cornelius Nepos (Milt. o. 4) says 500. Cicero (Verr. II. i. 18) and Valerius Maximus (i. i.) declare that the whole fleet contained a thousand vessels. Transports are included in this estimate. ' Coasting voyages were so much the established practice in ancient times that to Herodotus making the detour along shore from Samos to Attica ap- pears the natural and the straight course. ' The Icarian sea received its name from the island of Icaria (now Nikaria), which lay between Samos and Myconus (Strab. xiv. p. 915) . It extended from Chios to Cos, where the Carpathian sea began (ib. ii. p. 164 ; Agathemer, i. iii. p. 182). ^ Supra, V. 34. ^ The interior of the island of Naxos (Axia) is very mountainous. Mount Zia, which seems to have retained an ancient name of the island, Dia (Plin. H. N. IV. xii. p. 217), is the highest summit. Mount Corono and Mount Fana/ri also attain a considerable alti- tude. (See Tournefort's Travels, Lett. V. p. 172.) Ross says Oorono is above 2000 feet (Inselreise, vol. i. p. 38), and agrees in regarding Zia as " the highest mountain in Naxos " (ib. p. 43). 474 DATIS AT DELOS. Book. TI. sians however succeeded in laying hands on some, and them they carried away captive, while at the same time they burnt all the temples together with the town.* This done, they left Naxos, and sailed away to the other islands. 97. ^Vhile the Persians were thus employed, the DeUans likewise quitted Delos, and took refuge in Tenos.'' And now the expedition drew near, when Datis sailed forward in advance of the other ships ; commanding them, instead of anchoring at Delos, to rendezvous at Ehenea,^ over against Delos, while he himself proceeded to discover whither the Dehans had fled ; after which he sent a herald to them with this message : — " Why are ye fled, holy men ? Why have ye judged me so harshly and so wrongfully ? I have surely sense enough, even had not the king so ordered, to spare the country which gave birth to the two gods,''— to spare, I say, both the country and its inhabitants. Come back therefore to your dwellings ; and once more inhabit your island." Such was the message which Datis sent by his herald to the ■* The Naxians pretended that they had repulsed Datis (Pint, de Malign. Herod, ii. p. 869). Naxos, the capital, was situated on the north-west coast of the island. Its site is occupied by the modem city of Axia. ^ Tcnos (the modern Tino) was dis- tant about 13 miles from Delos, in a direction almost due north. It lay in the direct line from Naxos to Euboea, but the Delians might suppose that Datis would shape his course towards Attica by the islands of Pares, Siphnos, Seriphos, Cos, and Ceos. 5 The name of Deles (Dili) is now given to the island anciently called Rhenea, as well as to the rocky islet upon which the temple stood. Rhenea is styled " Great Delos" Qitegali-Dili), and Delos itself " Little Delos " {Mikri- Dili). The two islands are separated by a channel which in some places is not so much as half a mile wide. Con- siderable remains of the town and temple of Delos still exist (Tum-nefort, Lett. VII. pp. 240, 241 ; Ross's Insel- reise, vol. i. p. 30, et seqq.). Opposite Delos, on the island of Rhenea, are the ruins of what seems to have been the necropolis of Delos (Strab. x. p. 709). Rhenea had been conquered by Poly- crates, tyrant of Samos, and presented by him to the Delians (Thuoyd. i. 13). It once possessed a capital city, whence PHNmN and PHNIflN MHTPOnOAIS appear upon ancient coins ; but by the time of Strabo it had ceased to be in- habited (1. s. c), and has so remained probably ever since (Tournefort, p. 242; Ross, p. 36). ' Apollo and Diana, whom the Per- sians may have thought it prudent to identify with the Sun and Moon, objects of reverence to themselves (supra, i. 131, and compare the Essays appended to Book i. Essay v. § 6). The mytho- logical fable of their birth in Delos is found in Callimaohus (Hymn, in Delum), ApoUodorus (i. iv. § 1), and other writers. Chap. 96-98. PRODIGY OF THE EARTHQUAKE. 475 Delians. He likewise placed upon the altar three hundred talents' weight of frankincense, and offered it. 98. After this he sailed with his whole host against Eretria, taking with him both lonians and Cohans. When he was departed, Delos (as the Delians told me) was shaken by an earthquake, the first and last shock that has been felt to this day.^ And truly this was a prodigy whereby the god warned men of the evils that were coming upon them. For in the three following generations of Darius the son of Hystaspes, Xerxes the son of Darius, and Artaxerxes the son of Xerxes, more woes befell Greece than in the twenty generations pre- ceding Darius ; ^ — woes caused in part by the Persians, but in * It seems to me impossible that this can be the shook to which Thucydides alludes in the second book of his His- tory (ch. 8). He would never have spoken of an event as recent {6\iyov irph TovToiv) which happened at a distance of sixty years. I should suppose that the Delians, whose holy island was believed to be specially exempt from earthquakes (Find. Frag. p. 228 ed. Dissen) , thought it to the credit of their god, that he should mark by such a prodigy the beginning of a great war. Accordingly, when Herodotus visited them, which must have been earlier than B.C. 443, they informed him that their island had experienced a shock a little previous to the battle of Mara- thon, but never either before or since. Twelve or thirteen years later, at the commencement of the Peloponnesian struggle, they again reported' that a shock had been felt, and, forgetting what they had previously said, or trust- ing that others had forgot it, they, to make the prodigy seem greater, &poke of this earthquake as the first which had been felt in their island. Thucy- dides is unacquainted with the former, Herodotus with the latter stoiy. (Cf . Miiller's Dorians, i. p. 332, note '', E. T.) ' This passage is thought to have been written after the death of Arta. xerxes, which was in B.C. 425 (Thucyd. iv. 50). If so, it is perhaps the last addition to his History made by the au- thor : at least there is no event known to be later than the decease of Arta- xerxes, to which Herodotus can be shown to make any clear reference. Dahlmann (Life of Herod, pp. 31-33, E. T.) brings forward three such — the occupation of Decelea by Agis in B.C. 413, the revolt of the Medes from Darius Nothus in B.C. 408, and the death of Amyrtseus in the same year. With respect to the second of these, it has been shown (supra, i. 130, note ^) that the revolt alluded to, is not that which took place in the reign of Darius Nothus, but the revolt from Darius the son of Hystaspes, in B.C. 518 ; with respect to the third, it has been re- marked that Herodotus makes no men- tion of the death of Amyrtgeus, but only alludes to his flight in B.C. 455 (supra, iii. 15, note '). The passage which re- mains (ix. 73) is perverted from its plain meaning by Dahlmann. It alludes imly to the sparing (actual or supposed) of Decelea from ravage during the earlier years of the Peloponnesian war (vide infra, note ad loc). While, however, I dissent from Dahl- mann so far, I cannot assert positively with Mr. Grote (Hist, of Greece, iv. p. 306, note) that Herodotus alludes to no event in his history later than the second year of the Peloponnesian war. 1 think Herodotus does apparently " speak in this passage of the reign of 476 SIEGE AND CAPTUEE OF CAEYSTUS. Book VI. part arising from the contentions among their own chief men respecting the supreme power. Wherefore it is not surprising that Delos, though it had never before been shaken, should at that time have felt the shook of an earthquake. And indeed there was an oracle, which said of Delos — ■ " Delos' self will I shake, whioli never yet has been shaken.'' Of the above names Darius may be rendered "Worker," Xerxes " Warrior," and Axtaxerxes " Great Warrior." And so might we call these kings in our own language with propriety.-^ 99. The Barbarians, after loosing from Delos, proceeded to touch at the other islands, and took troops from each,^ and likewise carried off a number of the children as hostages. Going thus from one to another, they came at last to Carystus ; ^ but here the hostages were refused by the Cary- stians, who said they would neither give any, nor consent to bear arms against the cities of their neighbours, meaning Athens and Eretria. Hereupon the Persians laid siege to Carystus, and wasted the country round, until at length the inhabitants were brought over and agreed to do what was required of them. 100. Meanwhile the Eretrians, understanding that the Persian armament was coming against them, besought the Athenians for assistance. Nor did the Athenians refuse their aid, but assigned to them as auxiliaries the fom* thousand landholders to whom they had allotted the estates of the Artaxerzes as past " (Dahlmann, p. 31, E, T.) ; I think, also, that several of the events to which he alludes, e. g. the flight of Zopyrns to Athens (iii. 160), and the cruel deed of Amestris in her old age (vii. 114), happened in all probability quite at the end of Artaxerxes' reign. And I should under- stand him to allude here in part to the calamities which befell Greece in the first seven or eight years of the Pelo- ponnesian struggle, from B.C. 4.31 to B.C. 42.5 or 424. (See the Introductory Essay, vol. i. pp. 29-32.) ^ On these and other Persian and Median names, see Appendix, Note A. 2 Vide infra, ch. 133. ^ Carystus was one of the four prin- cipal cities of the ancient Euboea (the Egrijpo of our maps). These were Clial- ois, Eretria, Carystus, and HistiiBa (Scylax, Peripl. p. 50 ; cf. Strab. x. pp. 649652). Carystus lay at the fur- ther end of a deep bay, with which the southern coastof the island is indented. It was celebrated for its marble quar- ries, and its temple of Apollo Marmo- reus (Plin. H. N. iv. 12, p. 215 ; Strab. X. p. 630) . The name Karysto still at- taches to the village which occupies Chap. 98-100. CONFUSION OF THE ERETEIANS. 477 Chaleidean Hippobatse.* At Eretria, however, things were in no healthy state ; for though they had called in the aid of the Athenians, yet they were not agreed among themselves how they should act ; some of them were minded to leave the city and to take refuge in the heights of Euboea,^ while others, who looked to receiving a reward from the Persians, were making ready to betray their country. So when these things came to the ears of Jischines, the son of Nothon, one of the first men in Eretria, he made known the whole state of affairs to the Athenians who were already arrived, and besought them to retm-n home to their own land, and not perish with his countrymen. And the Athenians hearkened to his counsel, and, crossing over to Oropus,^ in this way escaped the danger. its site (Leake's Northern Greece, vol. ii. p. 254.) ' Supra, V. 77. ^ A high moTintain cliain traverses Enboeafrom its northern to its southern extremity, leaving in the whole island only three plains of any considerable extent. One of these is on the northern coast, near Histisea and Artemisium ; another opens ont on the eastern near Port Mandhuvi, the harbonr of Cerin- thus ; while the third is that which has been already mentioned (supra, v. 77, note ') between the cities of Chal- cis and Eretria. The highest part of the mountain tract is near the centre of the island, between Chalcis and the nearest part of the opposite coast. The summits here attain an elevation of above 5000 feet. * There has been some doubt about the exact site of Oropus. Col. Leake was formerly inclined to place it at the modern OropS, a small inland village situated. on the right bank of the Aso- pus, at its issue from the rocky gorges of the hills which separate the plain of Oropus from that of Tanagra, where are the remains of a town of some con- siderable antiquity (Demi of Attica, 1st edition ; Northern Greece, ii. p. 446). More recently, however (Demi of Attica, p. 116, 2nd edit.), he has admitted the weight of Mr. Finlay'a arguments (Topography of Oropia, pp. 4-7) against this site. It seems cer- tain that Oropns was anciently upon the coast. The present passage of Herodotus, several in Thucydides (iii. 91, viii. 60, 95), one in Strabo (ix. p. 585), one in Pausanias (i. xxxiv. § 1), and one in Diodorus (xiv. 77) indicate this. The last two passages are con- clusive upon the point (compare also Ptolem. Geograph. iii. 15, p. 97, where Oropns is enumerated among the 'maritime cities of Attica). The true site then would seem to be not the modern Oropo, but the place called " the Holy Apostles," which is on the coast about two miles from Oropo. Oivpd may have arisen from the later Oropus, the place to which the Thebans in B.C. 402 removed the inhabitants (Diod. 1. s. c.). Oropus had originally belonged to Bceotia (Pausan. 1. s. o. ; Steph. Byz. 'npoiwds, ■k6Ki^ BoiwTtas). We do not know at what time Athens got posses- sion of it. It was for many years a per- petual bone of contention between the two states (Thuoyd. viii. 60; Xen. Hell. VIT. iv. § 1 ; Pausan. 1. s. c. ; Strab. i. p. 98), till at last Philip formerly assigned it to Attica (Pausan. 1. s. c. ; Demad. Frag. iii. p. 488, Bekker.). 478 SIEGE OF ERETRIA. Book VI. 101. The Persian fleet now drew near and anchored at Tamynffi/ Choerese, and iEgilia,* three places in the territory of Eretria. Once masters of these posts, they proceeded forthwith to disembark their horses, and made ready to attack the enemy. But the Eretrians were not minded to sally forth and ofifer battle ; their only care, after it had been resolved not to quit the city, was, if possible, to defend their walls. And now the fortress was assaulted in good earnest, and for six days there fell on both sides vast numbers, but on the seventh day Euphorbus, the son of Alcimachus, and Philagrus, the son of Cyneas, who were both citizens of good repute, betrayed the place to the Persians.^ These were no sooner entered within the walls thaii they plundered and burnt all the temples that there were in the town, in revenge for the burning of their own temples at Sardis ; moreover, they did according to the orders of Darius, and carried away captive all the inhabitants.^ 102. The Persians, having thus brought Eretria into sub- jection after waiting a few days, made sail for Attica, greatly ^ Tamynse or Tamjna is mentioned by Demosthenes (cont. Moid. p. 567, Eeiske), by ^schines (c. Ctes. p. 480, Eeiske), Strabo (x. p. 653), and Stephen (ad voc. Ttip-uya). No materials exist for fixing its site. ^ Neither ChoereEe nor .<33gilia is mentioned by any other author. The geographical notices of Euboea, left ns by ancient writers, are very scanty, ^gilia, the seaport town, must not be confounded with iEgileia the island, mentioned below (ch. 107). ^ Xenophon, when giving an account of the expedition of Thimbron, speaks of a person named Gongylus as the only Eretrian who medised (ji6vos ''EperpUwy fj.7}5iffa^ €(puy€v, Hellen. ITI. i. § 6). This person received as a reward from the Persians a district in >3Solis con- taining foii.r cities ; but his medism cannot possibly have been at this time, since he was alive in B.C. 399, and joined in Thimbron's expedition. Pau- sanias (yii. x. § 1), and Plutarch (ii. p. 510, B.) agree with Herodotus. ' Some writers (Plato, Menex. p. 191, ed. Tauchn. Leg. iii. p. 101 ; Strabo x. p. 653 ; Diog. Laert. iii. 33) declare that the territory of Eretria was swept clean of its inhabitants by the process called "netting," which has been already spoken of (supra, iii. 149, vi. 131). But this process would have been futile unless applied to the whole of Euboea, which is not pretended ; and the whole story is discredited by the silence of Herodotus. No doubt a considerable number of the Eretrians escaped, and returning to their city after Marathon, raised it up once more from its ruins. Hence, in the war of Xerxes, Eretria was able to furnish seven ships to the Grecian fleet (infra, viii. 1, 46), and with its dependency Styra, 600 hop- lites to the army (ix. 28). In former times, her hoplites had been at least 3000, and she had possessed 600 cavalry (Strab. x. p. 653). Chap. 101, 102. PERSIANS LAND AT MAEATHON. 479 straiteniBg the Athenians as they approached, and thinking to deal with them as they had dealt with the people of Eretria. And, because there was no place in all Attica so convenient for their horse as Marathon,^ and it lay moreover quite close ^ Attica has bat three maritime plaius of any extent, the Athenian, the Thriasian, and the plain of Marathon. The last of these is the clearest of trees, and the fittest for the move- ments of cavalry. Mr. Finlay's de- scription of it is perhaps the best which has been given : — " The plain of Marathon," he says, " extends in a perfect level along this . Position of the G-reeks on the day of the battle. Position of the Persians on the day of the battle. Mouut Argaliki. Mount Aforismo. Mount Kotroni. Mount KoraTci. Mount DhraJconera. Plain of Marathon. 6. Small marsh. 7. Great marsh. 8. Fountain Macaria. 9. Silt lake of Dhrakonera. 10. First position of the Greeks. 11. Templeof AthenaHeIlotia(?). 12. Village of Lower Suli. 13. (StoT-OfOrtumulusof Athenians. 14. Pyrgo, or monument of Mil- tiades. Roads. a a. To Athens between mounts Pentelicus and Hymettiw, through Pallene. 66. To Athens, through Ce- phisia. cc. To Athens, through Aphidna. d d. To Rhamnus. 48o ATHENIANS MARCH TO MARATHON. Book VI. to Eretria,^ therefore Hippias, the son of Pisistratus, con- ducted them thither. 103. When intelligence of this reached the Athenians, they likewise marched their troops to Marathon, and there stood on the defensive, having at their head ten generals,* of whom one was Miltiades.^ fine bay, and is in length about bix miles, its breadth never less than a mile and a half. Two marshes bound the extremities of the plain : the southern is not very large, and is almost dry at the conclusion of the great heats ; but the northern, vphich generally covers considerably more than a square mile offers several parts which are at all seasons impassable. Both, however, leave a broad, firm, sandy beach between them and the sea. The uninterrnpted flatness of the plain is hardly relieved by a single tree ; and an amphitheatre of rocky hills and rugged mountains separates it from the rest of Attica, over the lower ridges of which some steep and difficult paths communicate with the districts of the interior.'' (Trans- actions of the Eoyal Society of Litera- ture, iii. p. 364.) Col. Leake (Demi of Attica, § 4, pp. 8J, 85) remarks, that "as to the plain itself, the circumstances of the battle incline one to believe that it was an- ciently as destitute of trees as it is at the present day ; " and relates, that " as he rode across the plain with a peasant of Vrana, he remarked that it was a fine place for cavalry to fight in. He had heard that a great battle was once fought here, but this was all he knew" (ib. App. i. page 205, note). ^ Much closer, that is, than either of the other plains upon the coast. The distance by sea between the bay of Marathon and Eretria, is not less than five and thirty or forty miles. Hippias probably thought that valuable time would have been, lost by rounding Sunium, and that Marathon united, more than any other place, the re- quisite advantages for a landing. The large bay was capable of Bhelfceriug the entire fleet, the extensive beach allowed a rapid disembarkation, the rich plain aiiorded excellent pasture for horses, and its open character was most favourable for the operations of a cavalry force. Besides, he had him- self already landed once upon this spot from Eretria, and made a suc- cessful march upon Athens (supra, i. 62), which he no doubt thought it would be easy to repeat with his hundred thousand or two hundred thousand Persians. * The Ten Generals (Strategi) are a part of the constitution of Clisthenes, who modelled the Athenian army upon the political division of the tribes, as Servius Tullius did the Roman upon the centuries. Each tribe annually elected its Phylarch to command its contingent of cavalry, its Taxiarch to command its infantry, and its Strate- gus to direct both. Hence the ten Strategi, who seem immediately to have claimed equality with the Pole- march or War-Archon. The steps by which the Strategi he- came civil officers, nolessthan military, and the real directors of the whole policy of Athens, are well traced by Mr. Grote (Hist, of Greece, iv. pp. 180, 181, and 189-197). As representatives of the new system, they were able to encroach upon the Arohons' office, which, sinking in importance, was first thrown open to all the citizens, and then determined by lot. This last step necessarily threw all matters of importance upon the Strategi, who were chosen for their personal merit by the free voice of the citizens. ^ Stesilaiis (infra, ch. 114) and Aris. tides (Plut. Vit. Aristid. u. 5) were also generals ; and, ]oerha2>s, Themiatocles (Plut. 1. s. c). CliAP. 102-104 FAMILY HISTORY OF MILTIADES. 48 1 Now this man's father, Cimon, the son of Stesagoras, was banished from Athens by Pisistratus, the son of Hippocrates. In his banishment it was his fortune to win the four-horse chariot-race at Olympia, whereby he gained the very same honom- which had before been carried off by Miltiades,^ his half-brother on the mother's side. At the next Olympiad he won the prize again with the same mares ; upon which he caused Pisistratus to be proclaimed the winner, having made an agreement with him that on yielding him this honour he should be allowed to come back to his country. Afterwards, stiU with the same mares, he won the prize a third time ; whereupon he was put to death by the sons of Pisistratus, whose father was no longer living. They set men to lie in wait for him secretly ; and these men slew him near the government-house in the night-time. He was buried outside the city,' beyond what is called the Valley Eoad ; ^ and right opposite his tomb were buried the mares which had won the three prizes.^ The same success had likewise been achieved once previously, to wit, by the mares of Evagoras the Lacedae- monian, but never except by them. At the time of Cimon's death Stesagoras, the elder of his two sons, was in the Cher- sonese, where he lived with Miltiades his uncle ; the younger, who was called Miltiades after the founder of the Chersonesite colony, was with his father in Athens. 104. It was this Miltiades who now commanded the Athe- nians, after escaping from the Chersonese, and twice nearly losing his life. First he was chased as far as Imbrus by the ^ Miltiades, the son of Cypselns, the first king of the Chersonese. His Olym- pic victory is mentioned in ch. 36. ' The tomb of Cimon was outside the gate of Melite, on the road leading through the demns Ccele, north of the city. The place was known under the name of " the Cimonian monuments " (ra KL/j.di'm livijixara). Here Thucy- dides, whose connection with the family of Cimon has been already^ mentioned (supra, ch. 39, note ^), was VOL. III. said to have been buried (Marcellin. Vit. Thucyd. p. xi., and p. xv. j Anon. Vit. p. xviii. Bekker). * Or " the road through Coele." Ccele appears to have been the name of one of the Attic domes (Bockh, Corp. Inscr. 158, 275, etc. ; .^sch. contr. Ctes. p. 584, Eeiske). ' Compare ^lian (Hist. An.xii. 40), who mentions this fact, and likewise the honourable burial which Evagoras gave hia mares. 2 I 482 MILTIADES JIADB GENERAL. Book VI. Phoenicians,^ who had a great desire to take him and carry him up to the king ; and when he had avoided this danger, and, having reached his own country, thought himself to be altogether in safety, he found his enemies waiting for him, and was cited by them before a court and impeached for his tyranny in the Chersonese. But he came off victorious here hkewise, and was thereupon made general of the Athenians by the free choice of the people.^ 105. And fii-st, before they left the city, the generals sent off to Sparta a herald, one Pheidippides,^ who was by birth an Athenian, and by profession and practice a trained runner. This man, according to the account which he gave to the Athenians on his retm-n, when he was near Mount Parthe- nium,* above Tegea, fell in with the god Pan, who called him by his name, and bade him ask the Athenians "wherefore they neglected him so entirely, when he was kindly disposed towards them, and had often helped them in times past, and would do so again in time to come ? " The Athenians, en- tirely believing in the truth of this report, as soon as their affairs were once more in good order, set up a temple to Pan under the Acropolis,^ and, in return for the message which I ' Supra, oh. 41. ^ It is thonght by some that the Strategi -were not elected by their re- spective tribes, but by the whole mass of the citizens (Pollux, viii. 87 ; Her- mann's Pol. Ant. § 152). This pas- sags TTould favour such an opinion. ^ Or Philippides, vrhich is the read- ing of some MSS., and which has the support of Paueanias (i. xxviii. §4). ■• Mount Parthenium bounded the Tegean plain upon the east and north- east. It was crossed by the road which led from Argos to Tegea (Pausau. Tin. liv. § 5) . The modem name of this mountain is Bnani ; but the pass through which the road goes is still called PartMni (Leake's Morea, ii. p. 329). No remains have yet been discovered of the temple of Pan, built upon this spot in commemoration of this (supposed) appearance (Pansan. 1. B. c). ^ The temple or rather chapel of Pan was contained in a hollow in the rock (^y (Tirn\atai) , just below the Pro- pylaea, or entrance to the citadel (Pausan. i. xxviii. § 4). The cavern still exists, and has in it two niches, where the statues of Pan and Apollo (who was associated with Pan in this temple, as we learn from Pauaanias) may have stood. In a garden, a little way from the cavern, a statue of Pan (now at Cambridge) was found (Leake's Athens, p. 170). This may be the statue dedicated upon this occasion, which was erected by Mil- tiades, and had the following inscrip. tion written for it by Simonides : — Tov TpatOTTOvv ^/j,^ nai>a rov 'Ap/cdda, Tov Ka- ra M»j3a)i', Chap. 104^106. PHEIDIPPIDES AT SPARTA. 483 have recorded, established in his honour yearly sacrifices and a torch-race. 106. On the occasion of which we speak, when Pheidippides was sent hj the Athenian generals, and, according to his own account, saw Pan on his journey, he reached Sparta on the very next day after quitting the city of Athens.^ Upon his arrival he went before the rulers, and said to them — " Men of Lacedsemon, the Athenians beseech you to hasten to their aid, and not allow that state, which is the most ancient' in all Greece, to be enslaved by the barbarians. Eretria, look you, is already carried away captive ; and Greece weakened by the loss of no mean city." Thus did Pheidippides deliver the message committed to him. And the Spartans wished to help the Athenians, but were unable to give them any present succour, as they did not hke to break their established law. It was then the ninth day of the first decade ; ^ and they could not march out of The caye of Pan appears in coins re- presenting the entrance to the Acro- polis. (See the annexed figure.) Care of Pan. 5 The distance from Athens to Sparta by the road is reckoned by Isocrates (Orat. Paneg. § 24, p. 171) at 1200 stades, by Pliny (H. iST. vii. 20, p. 425), more accurately at 1140. Modems estimate the direct distance at 135 or 140 miles. Pheidippides must therefore have travelled at the rate of 70 English miles a day. Kinneir says that this is a rate attained by the modern Persian foot-messengers (Geo- graph. Memoir, p. 44, but see above, vol. i. p. 196, note ') ; and Pliny re- lates that two persons, Anystis a Lacedaemonian, and Philonides a courier employed by Alexander the Great, performed the extraordinary distance of 1200 stades (nearly 140 miles) in a single day (H. N. 1. s. c). ' It was the favonrite boast of Athens that her inhabitants were avT6xOoves — sprung from the soil. Hence the adoption of the symbol of the grasshopper (Thucyd. i. 6 ; Aris- toph. Eq. 1231; Nub. 955, edBothe). Her territory had never been overrun by an enemy ; and so her cities had never been overthrown or removed, like the cities in other countries (com- pare Herod, i. 56, vii. 171 ; Thucyd. i. 2; Plat. Tim. p. 10, ed. Taachn. ; Menex. pp. 186, 198 ; Isocrat. Paneg. § 4, p. 166). ^ The Greeks divided their month of 29 or 30 days into three periods : — 1. The juV la'Tafifvos, from the 1st day to the 10th inclusively ; 2. The /i^jv 484 DEEAM OF HIPPIAS. Book. YI. Sparta on the ninth, when the moon had not reached the full.^ So they waited for the full of the moon. 107. The barbarians were conducted to Marathon by Hippias, the son of Pisistratus, who the night before had seen a strange vision in his sleep. He dreamt of lying in his mother's arms, and conjectured the dream to mean that he would be restored to Athens, recover the power which he had lost, and afterwards live to a good old age in his native country. Such was the sense in which he interpreted the vision.^ He now proceeded to act as guide to the Persians; and, in the first place, he landed the prisoners taken from Eretria upon the island that is called ^EgUeia,^ a tract belonging to the Styreans,^ after which he brought the fleet to anchor off Marathon, and marshalled the bands of the barbarians as they disembarked. As he was thus employed it chanced that he sneezed and at the same time coughed with more violence li€ is the participle iere«-aii<, "shining." — P. Baesaentes (Arrian) ) BoGES appears to be either Baga simply, as M. Oppert thinks (Journ. As. 4™" Serie, torn, xviii. p. 341), or the Zend heghe, Sanscr. hha^t, "for- tunate." Btjbares is probably from Vhu, " the sacrificial fire " (Sanscr.), and hara, "bearing." Compare Zend lere, "ferre." The word would properly have been Bhiimbara ; but the m has lapsed before the cognate labial. Bubares is "the bearer of the sacrificial fire." Compare Aetembakes, which had probably the same meaning. — H. C. E. Cambyses (old Pers. Kalnijiya) is thought to be from the Sanscr. kab, "to praise," and uji, "a speaker ;" its signification, according to this view, is " a bard." — (R. Voc.) The n in the Greek Kan^ia-ns arises from the difficulty which the Greeks have always experienced in expressing the sound of a real B. Hence we have Smerdis and Merdis for Bardiyaj Megabyzus, Megadostes, Megasidres, for Bagabukhslia, Bagadaushta, BagacMtra, &c. Hence, too, in modern Greek we have such words as (pdfiTTpiKa for fahrica, Mireri for Bei, and the like . Casph. — The name of this people is thought to be derived from old Pers. 'u (which is the Sanscr. su, the Zend hu, and the Greek cB), " good," and agpa, a horse. — P. It may be doubted, however, whether the initial letter would not in that case have been x instead of k. Choaspes (river) is the old Persian word 'uvaspa, which is found in, an inscription at PersepoUs, and is an exact equivalent of the Greek etfiiriroj. Its derivation from 'u (= hu), "good," and "agpa," may be regarded as certain. — R. Voc. CoMBTES (Justin) is no doubt the old Persian Gaumata, which would have been better rendered by Gomatus or Gomates. The word is equivalent to the Sanscr. gomat, Zend gaomat, and means "possessing herds." It is derived from jfao, "bos" (which is the German huh, and owr cow), and the common suffix -m,at, " with " or " possessing." — R. Voc. Ceanaspes is, perhaps, "possessing active horses," from Sanscr. ten'ji, "active" (compare Zend here, "to do"), and agpa. Ctaxaees (old Pers. 'Uvahshafara) seems to be the comparative of ' Uvakh- sha, in which we have the element 'ii, "good" (compare Choaspes) joined with a root alchsha, which is perhaps the modem Persian akkah, Sanscrit akshan, Zend arstm, " oeulus." The word would thus mean " beautiful-eyed," or literally, " more beautiful-eyed (than others)." 544 ON THE DERIVATION AND MEANING OF App.BookVI. Compare the name of the father of Kai Khusru, who is called Siyd- vakhsh in PersiBM, Cyavarsna in Zend, i.e. "black-eyed." — E. Voc. Cyrtjs (old Pers. Kurush). Thia word was generally supposed by the Greeks to mean "the sun" (see Ctes. Pers. Bxc. § 49 ; Plut. vit. Artaxerx. Etym. Mag. ad voc. Kipos, &o.) ; that is, it was identified with the Sanscr. Surya, Zend hware, modern Persian Ichur. It is now suspected that this identification was a mistake, as the old Persian h never replaces the Sanscr. 5. The name is more properly compared with the Sanscrit Kuru, which was "a popular title among the Arian race before the separation of the Median and Persian branches," but of which the etymology is unknown. — R. Voc. Dadaesbs (old Pers. Dddarshish) is probably a reduplicated formation from the old Pers. darsh, "to dare," which appears in Sanscrit as drish, in Zend as darsh, and in Greek as eapa-itv. — R. Voc. Dadarses would thus represent the Greek Tliraso, Thraseas, or Thrasius. Dakius, or Dari^us (Ctes.) is in old Persian Daryavush, a form well represented by the Hebrew C'l^TI'lj Daryavesh, and (if it be the true reading) by Strabo's Aapiairqs. It does not appear to mean either ep^etris, "the worker," as Herodotus states, or (pp6viiios, "the wise," as Hesy- chius asserts, or TTo\efim6s, "the warlike," as the author of the Btymo- logicum says. The root seems to be the old Persian " dar," "to hold," or "possess," which is dere in Zend, dliri in Sanscrit, and dar in modern Persian. The remainder of the word is thought to be a mere appellative suffix, elongated on euphonic grounds ; but no very satis- factory account can be given of it. — R. Voc. Damaspia, mul. (Ctes.) is probably equivalent to the Greek 'iTnroSa/neia, being formed from a root dam, "to subdue," which is found in that exact form in Sanscrit, and appears in Greek as Sai^-oM, in Latin as doin-o, in German as zdhm-en, and in English as "tame." The other element is the well-known ajpa, "equus." — P. Datames (Arrian) is perhaps the same as Madates, the two elements being merely transposed. Thus we have in Greek both Dorotheus and Theo- dorus. The word will mean on this hypothesis " given by the Moon," from data, the past participle of da, "to give," and Mdha or Mah, ' ' the Moon. " (See Madates.) Datis is probably an adjectival form from da, and may compare with the Sanscrit dadt, "apt to give, liberal." Deioces is best regarded as the Zend dahaka "mordens," which forms an element also in the name Astyages (q. vide). The Persian Dhohdk, Arabicised mto Zohak, represents this name, or rather title. (See above, vol. i p. 395, note '.) Etjphbates (old Pers. 'Ufrata) is explained as either equivalent to the Sanscrit su^ratlia, which corresponds to the Greek cS TrAoTiir (0.), or as formed from 'u, " good," fra, the particle of abundance, and a suffix of attribution. According to this latter explanation, the meaning of the word woidd be "the good and abounding (river)."— R. Voc. Note A. PROPER NAMES OF MEDES AND PERSIANS. S45 GoBAHES (Plin.). Pott suggests that Gobares is the Zend Jiovara, Sanscr. suvara, "valde desiderabilis " (Forschung. p. Ixiv.). But this is very unlikely. At least there is no other known instance where the Greek y replaces the Zend h and Sanscrit s. It may be doubted whether Gobares is a man's name at all. Pliny says he was the satrap who made the great canal (Aahr-Mahha). But as that canal was made by Nebuchadnezzar (Abyden. Fr. 9), and as its Semitic name was Ghohar (cf. Ezek. i. 1), it is tolerably clear that Pliny has given to an imaginary satrap, what was in reality the appellation of the work ascribed to him. The Chobar was the "great" stream. Compare Heb. y2^, and the Cabiri, or "great gods " of the Phoenicians. GoBRTAS (old Pers. Oauharuva). Of this word variovis etymologies have been given. Pott (Forschung. pp. xxxv.-vi.) derives it from th« modern Persian hhub, " pulcher," and rvi, " facies ; " but this conjecture is open to many objections. Sir H. Rawlinson suggests the Sanscrit go, "speech," and bru, "to say," regarding the meaning of the word as "a speaker" (Voc. p. 135). M. Oppert makes the meaning "bull- browed," considering the elements to be the Zend gao, Sanscrit jfo, "bos" or "taurus,"and Zend brvat, Sanscr. hrhu, " supercilium." (Joum. As. 4°"' Serie, torn. xvui. p. 353.) GOMATES (vid« COMETES), BliBPAGTTS is probably from an old Persian root akin to the Greek apw- in apiii(eiv, and the Latin rap- in rapere. The adoption of the ap-n-'n, or ap- TTajT), as the dynastic emblem of the Harpagi on the Lycian coins (see vol. i. p. 296, note ^) seems to indicate this connection. The name is probably equivalent to the Greek apirci^. Hatjstajtbs (Q. Curt.) is a name which appears under many forms. It is probably identical with the Ostkanes of Pliny, the Ostanes of Tatian, the Eystanes of Herodotus, and even the Histanes of Arrian. There can be little doubt that the second element of the word is the Zend and Sanscrit tanu, modem Pers. ten, "corpus," which appears in Otanes, Tanyoxarces, &c. The first element is doubtful, but may compare with the modem Pers. hlmsli, "good" — the name thus mean- ing "of good or strong body." — P. (Compare Otajses ; and for the use of a preixs us instead of the ordinary \i, see Sir H. Rawlinson's 'Cuneiform Inscriptions,' vol. i. pp. 344, 345.) Bjekamenes (Thucyd.) is probably a Grecisedform of a name derived from Sanscrit vairya (whence vir, virtus, &c.), "noble, manly," and "maiuis," " mind," as in Achsemenes, Arsamenes, &c. HyiABiras (old Pers. Vidarna) is said by M. Oppert (Joum. As. ut supra, p. 544) to signify " a subduer." He does not give any derivation, but I presume he intends to suggest the common Sanscrit prefix vi- and dharna, from dhfi, "to hold." Hymbas is perhaps the same with Imceus (iEschyl.). Both words may be compared with the hero Yima so often mentioned in the Zendavesta, who, as Yimo-khshaeta (or Yima the brilliant), became in Persian romance Djemshid. The etymology of the name ia unknown.— P. VOL. III. 2 N 546 ON THE DERIVATION AND MEANING OF App. Book VI. Htst^chmes (^3ohyl.) may be compared with Artochmea, the second element being the Zend tahhma, " strong," while the first, which we have already seen in Haitstanes, is us, used intensitively. Hystaspbs (old Pers. YisUaspa) is. "the possessor of horses," from the Zend vista, participle of vid, to " acquire," and (Zend a<;va) Sanscr. a'ypa, "a, horse." — B. and Br. Iniaphbes (old Pers. Tidafra), or Intaphbrnes (old Pers. Vidafrana), is probably derived from Sanscr. irida {=veda), "knowledge " (compare the Greek olSa, ftSria-is; Lat. video), and pri, "to protect." (See Arta- PHERNES.) The name therefore means "protecting knowledge."— H. C. R. Ith.vjiatres ) is probably from the old Persian titi/ia, which meant "house" or > or "palace," and mitra or mitlira, " a friend," as in Aspa- Ithamitres ) mitras, q. v. — 0. Madates (Q. Curt.)is "given by (or to) the moon," from old Persian ilfd/ia or ma, "the Moon." Compare Sanscr. rnasa, Zend maogha, mod. Pers. ritah), and data, the participle of da, "to give." — O. and P. Hamme- datha (Esth. iii. 1) is perhaps this name in a. Hebrew form, with the article ha prefixed. (See Gesenius, Thesaurus, ad voc.) Mag^xjs (Plut.) ia probably only another form of Bagmus, q. v. — 0. Mardonius (old Pers. Marduniya) has been thought to represent an ad- jective like the modern Persian mrrdAneh, which is "virilis, strenuus," from the root incrd or mard, " vir," which appears in Mardi, Amardi, Ariomardus, &c. — P. But it is more probably from the Sanscrit root mridh, "to luirt," or "kill," from which is formed mridfcct", "battle;" and thus the signification of the name will be a "warrior." — H. 0. R. MaedOhtes will also be from mridh, with the adjectival suffix -vent or -vant (see above, ad voc. Artaynta) ; and will have nearly the same meaning as Marduniya. — H. C. R. Masistes exactly renders the old Persian mathida, which is used through- out the Inscriptions for "a leadur," but which is etymologicaUy a superlative equivalent to the Zend mazista, and the Greek iiijurros, "greatest."— P. Maspii (a Persian tribe, Herod, i. 12.5). In this name we seem certainly to have the root ai;pa, "a hone." (See vol. i, p. 412.) It is con- jectured that the initial letter represents the Sanscrit me/i, "great" (Oppert), so that the Maspii are "those who have big horses," or possibly "the Big Horses," just as the Hyrcani are "the Wolves," the Persse "the Tigers," the Medes "the Snakes," the Sacaa "the Dogs," the Cushites "the Eagles," the Maka or Myei "the Flies," the Derbices "theWasps," and the Aswas of the Puranas "the Hor,ses." , seem to be names formed from the root maz, " great" Mazaces (Arrian) I (compare Zend nws, Sanscrit malmt, Greek iid^-wv), MAZiEUS (Arrian) / which appears again in Oromasdes, q. vide. Mazaces M AZA RES \ has the Scythic termination hx (supra, ad voc. Ariacbs) ; ' Mazfeus is Uke Bagseus, &c. Note A. PROPER NAMES OF MEDES AND PERSIANS. 547 Megabatbs is perhaps "enlightened by God," (0.), from haga "God," and Sansor. hlidta, "shone on," past participle of hha, "to shine. " — H. C. R. Megabaztjs is probably "a worshipper of God" from haga, "God," and the Sanscrit hhaj, "venerari, colere." Megabtzus (old Pers. Bagahukhsha) contains also the element haga, which is here joined with (Zend and Sanscr.) hahhsh, " donare." The name means " God-given," and is equivalent to Theodotus and Theodoretns. — H. 0. R. Megadostes (in old Pers., probably Bagadaushta), from haga, "God," and daushta which is fonnd in the Behistun Inscription in the sense of "friend," would be " a lover of God," the Greek (pik6eeos. — O. Mbgapanus appears to be a mere variant of the name which Quintus Curtius gives as Bagophanes, q. vide. Megasidras is thought to represent an old Persian name Bagachitra, which would mean "heaven-descended," or "of the seed of the Gods," from haga, and cliitra, " e stirpe, ortus, satus." — 0. Mbhekbates (Tacitus) is a late form of the name which commonly ap- pears as Mithridates, or Mitradates. — 0. (The Mithra of the Achse- menian Persians became with their descendants first Mitra, and then Mihr. Similarly chitra became chehr, as in the name Mniuchthr. See Sir H. Rawlinson's Cuneiform Vocabiilary, ad voo. chitra.) MiTHREKES (Q. Curt.) ') Seem to be names formed from Mithra, each with MiiHurNES (Arrian) > an appellative suffix. (Compare J.i!r«»!es, iJcK/a?(s, MiTK.a;us (Xenoph.) ) &c.) MiiHRAUSTES (Arrian) means " worshipper of Mithras," from Mithra, and Zend Alias, " to worship." — O. (Compare Zend -auesto.) MiTHKOBABZAiTES (Arrian), from Mithra, and herez, "resplendent" — therefore "resplendent as the Sun." — P. (Compare Aetabarzanes. ) MiTEOBATES (or less correctly Meteobates, Xen.), according to M. Oppert (Joum. As. 4" Serie, torn. xix. p. 52), signifies " enlightened by Mithras," from Mithra and Sansor. hhdta, " shone on." (Compare Mbgabates.) NabAHZANes (Arrian) is thought to be " with new splendour, newly splendid," from Zend nava (Greek vios, Latin novus), " new,' and herez "resplendent." — P. OCHUS (Plut.) is thought to be either from the Zend vohu, " rich " (0.), or from \i, and a root resembling the modern Persian Wmj, temper or " disposition." In the hitter case the name would mean of a good disposition, amiable." - P. 548 ON THE DEEIVATION AND MEANING OF App. Book VI. ffisAEES was no doubt in old Persian 'OTara. Its signification is declared by Nicolas of Damascus, who renders it i.yaBdyy€\os. It is therefore derived from 'm (Zend 7m, Greek el), "good," and bara (Zend here, Greek ^spei;/, Latin ferre), our " bear." Its exact signification is " the bearer of good," i.e. of good tidings. (EoBAZTJS is explained as Vahyahazush, "strong-armed," from vahya, which in Zend is " superior, better," and hazu which is " the arm." — O. Omaxes (Arrian) which in old Pers. would be 'Umanish, is well com- pared with the Greek Evfi4vri^ (0.), to which it exactly answers. OjIAHtes (AthenKus) would undoubtedly have been in old Persian 'Umartiya. It corresponds with the Greek Evander, and, as the name of a man, probably meant no more than " brave " or "manly." It is applied to Persia in the Inscriptions (E. Voc), and then means " having brave inhabitants." Obmis DATES (Agathias) is clearly from Ormazd, a contracted form of the name of the great god Oromasdes or Auramazdd (see the next word), and data, the past participle of da, " to give." The ancient form of the word would be Aurumazdata, and the signification " given to Ormazd." Oromasdes (old Pers. Auramazdd) has been variously derived, but is perhaps best regarded as composed of the three elements Aura (Sanscr. asura), from usu, "life," »)!az, which in Zend is "great," and das (from rfa, "to give"), "the giver" — the whole word thus meaning "the Great Giver of Life." Okxiiv-es (Arrian) is derived from M. Oppert from varlcsha, "a bear,'" with a suffix -ina, as in Athines, Mithrines, &c. — O. Otanes (old Pers. 'Utana) is from the old Pers. 'u, Zend hu, Sanscr. s-ii, " well" or " good," and tanu (Zend and Sanscr.), " the body." The word thus signifies " strong of body" (evaii/iaros). — P. Otaspes is thought to be from the Sanscr. loata, " wind," and aspa, " a horse ; " and the sense assigned to the word is " Storm-horse " (P.) ; but this is scarcely satisfactory. OxATHEES (Diod. Sic.) is probably derived from the old Pers. 'u, Zend fin, " well, good," and khshathra, which in Zend is " a king," or " chief." The word would have the sense of "good lord. " — P. Paeetaceni (Median tribe, Herod, i. 101) are probably "moun- taineers," from Sanscr. jjarvata, "a mountain," with an ethnic suffix -Jcina. — O. Paeysatis, muh (Xen.), is conjectured to be from paru, which is com- pared with the Sanscr. piiru, "much," and shiti, which in Zend is "land, earth." Parysatis would thus be "she who has much land."— O. Patieamphes may be "lord of pleasure," from pati, "lord," and Zend rafno, " joy, pleasure." Patizeithes is perhaps "powerful lord," from pati, and Zend zyat, "powerful." NoiE A. PROPER NAMES OF MEDES AND PERSIANS. 549 ''This name, taken in conjunction with Pharnabazus, and one or two others, suggests the notion that the genius Bahram, or Yarahran, was known even to the Achse- Phaeand^tbs ™^''^^'i Persians. (See Pott's ' Forschvmgen,' p. xlv.) / He may have presided over the planet Mars, whose Phttrend VTES \ '^"^''^ title is otherwise unknown to us. In later times his name certainly appears in Varanes. Pharandates must be compared with Mithridates, Madates, Ormis- dates, &c. ; and must be explained as "given," or \" dedicated to Varahran."—'EL. C. R. Phaenabazus seems to contain as its first element the same name Varah- ran, the second element being that which appears also in Megabazus, viz. bhaj " colere, venerari." Its meaning is "Worshipper of Varah- ran." Phatinaces. It is probable that frana — whatever its derivation, which was perhaps from fra ( = Sanscr. pro), the particle of abundance, and ni, "to lead" was used simply as an intensitive, like arfa. In Phar- naces, and again in Pharnuches, we have this element, with the Scythic guttural suffix -ia. (Compare Artycas, and perhaps Artacfeas.) The signification would be " chief," or " leader." Phaenapates (Justin) is either from frana intensitive, and pati, " lord " (compare Aetapatas) ; or from Varahran and p&ta, the past participle of pii-, " to protect." In the one case it would mean " excellent lord ; " in the other " protected by Varahran " (Mars'!). Phaknaspes is probably from the same frana intensitive, and aspa, with the meaning of " having excellent steeds ; " or it may be simply from fra (= pro), the particle of abundance, and aspa, with n euphonic interposed ; in which case it would mean " having many steeds." Phaknazathees may compare with Arta-lihshatra, the true form of Arta- xerxes. The roots will be frana intensitive, and Jehshatra (Zend khsha- thra) a " king," or " warrior." (Compare Aktaxerxes.) Pharnuches is perhaps only a variant of Pharnaces, q. vide. Phuadasmestes (Aorian) is probably from fradas = Zend frddat, "liberal " (which is itself bora fra, the particle of abundance, and da, "to give"), and rnanas ( = Greek /levos), as in Achoimenes, Arsamenes, &c. The word wiU thus mean " liberal-minded. " Pheadates (Arrian) is simply fradat, "liberal." (Compare Pheadas- menes.) Pheaoetes (old Pers. Frawartish) contains certainly in its first syllable the element fra, which is equivalent to the Greek irpo-, the Latin pro-, and the German ver-. The other root is thought to be a verb equiva- lent to the German waAreji in venuahren{0.), which corresponds to the French garder, and the English ward. The meaning would thus be "a protector." Pebxaspes is probably the same name with Pourusagpa, the father of Zoroaster. The derivation of this latter word is imdoubtedly from Zen pmiru, Sanscr. puru, "abounding," and agpa, "a horse;" and the meaning is, " abounding in horses." — O. and P. 5 so ON THE DERIVATION AND MEANING OF App. Book VI. Rheomithres (Arrian) is fairly enough explained as " fond of splendour," from tlie Zend raya, " splendour," and mithra, which has the sense of the Greek iplxos. — O. EoxANA, mul. (Arrian,)may compare with the Zend raz, "splendere,"and with the modern Persian rushnd, "lucidus." — P. SAPTimE, mill. (Q. Curt.), is probably Septima, from the Sanscr. saptan, " seven." Sataspes maybe translated "hundred-horsed," from Zend cata ( = Greek eXaTop, Latin centum), " a hundred," and aspa, " a horse." — P. Satibakzanes (Arrian) is thought to be derived from the Sanscrit jdti, "race," or "stock," and herez, as in Barsines, Barzanes, &c. The name would thus signify " of splendid or illustrious race." — P. Sateopates (Q. Curt.) is almost certainly from old Pers. khshatrain, "the crown " (see Sir H. Rawlinson's Vocabulary, p. 115), and pdta, the past participle of ^la, "to protect." The name signifies "protected by the crown." SiEOMiTBAS is perhaps from the Zend grira, "beautiful," and mitra, or mithra, which corresponds to the Greek (pl\os. The word might thus be rendered by