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FACTS AND DOCUMENTS 
 
 ILLUSTRATIVE 
 
 HISTORY, DOCTRINE, AND RITES, 
 
 THE ANCIENT 
 
 ALBIGENSES & WALDENSES. 
 
 
 By the Rev. S. R. MAITLAND. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 C J G. AND F. RIVINGTON, ST. PAUL'S CHURCH-YARD, 
 AND WATERLOO PLACE; 
 
 STRONG, BRISTOL AND EXETER; JEW, GLOUCESTER; 
 AND TIMS, DUBLIN. 
 
 MDCCCXXXII. 
 

 
 : 
 
 4( u/Xcfe 
 
 ^9 
 
 Printed by Edward Power, 
 Gloucester. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Many writers have supposed the Albigenses 
 and Waldenses to be the Witnesses predicted in 
 the Apocalypse ; and one of the most recent and 
 popular advocates of this opinion is Mr. Faber ; 
 who, in his Sacred Calendar of Prophecy, has 
 endeavoured to maintain the high antiquity and 
 orthodoxy of these sects. That part of his work 
 being comparatively new, and only published by 
 him since I had ceased to think that any of the 
 systems, founded on the mystical interpretation 
 of the 1260 days, required minute examination, 
 remained almost unknown to me until my atten- 
 tion was recently called to it. Much as I had 
 seen of the manner in which historical facts have 
 been selected, distorted, and mis-stated, to sup- 
 port the system of the 1260 years, it was not 
 without surprise that I read the testimonies which 
 Mr. Faber has adduced in support of his opinion; 
 and I felt that it was due to the cause of truth, 
 and to those who, not having the means of judg- 
 
IV PREFACE. 
 
 ing for themselves, might be misled by positive 
 assertion, and the appearance of argument and 
 authority, to shew how utterly insufficient, and 
 even irrelevant those testimonies were. Finding, 
 however, that I could not do this satisfactorily to 
 myself, or with any hope of giving satisfaction to 
 such readers as are worth writing for, without 
 saying a good deal on the History, Doctrine, and 
 Rites, of the sects in question — and being aware 
 that some things were so much opposed to the 
 popular belief, that I could not expect them to 
 be received on my mere assertion — it appeared 
 to me, that the best way would be to lay before 
 the reader, the statements of such early writers 
 as were within my reach — following, principally, 
 the order of time. 'This I have done, and I can- 
 not but hope that, by so doing - , I shall not only 
 execute my original design in the most satisfac- 
 tory manner, but also contribute, in some degree, 
 to illustrate a very interesting part of ecclesias- 
 tical history, which has been, perhaps, more than 
 any other, misrepresented. Viewed in this light, 
 I trust that this volume may not be considered 
 entirely useless, or unworthy of perusal, by some 
 who are not interested in the question which 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 gave rise to it. L am sensible that I might have 
 made my cause more specious, by giving the work 
 a more systematic form, — that is, by common- 
 placing the testimonies of writers, and selecting, 
 under each head, just the words that suited my 
 purpose. This would, in a great degree, have 
 saved the reader the trouble of thinking, remem- 
 bering, and judging — which, to say the truth, 
 are just the things to which I wish to lead him, 
 and for which I have endeavoured to supply 
 materials. By the chronological arrangement 
 which I have adopted, the subject will gradually 
 open before him — he will see how far each ex- 
 tract confirms or contradicts the preceding — and 
 will be better able to judge of the value of each 
 testimony, taking it as a whole, and considering 
 it with its circumstances, than he would be if it 
 were broken into parts, and dispersed through 
 the volume. 
 
 1 could not discover any disadvantage suffi- 
 cient to counterbalance these obvious benefits; 
 but I am not insensible of one evil, which 1 have 
 attempted to remedy. The same points are 
 naturally taken up by various writers, and there- 
 fore necessarily lie scattered in various places, so 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 that it might give the reader some trouble to 
 form an opinion on the concurrence, or discre- 
 pancy of testimony on any given point. This 
 inconvenience, will, I trust, be removed by the 
 index. 
 
 To what I have said, p. 443 of translation, 
 I feel it due to myself and my printer, to add, 
 that in printing all extracts, and throughout the 
 authorities, I have not only followed the text 
 when evidently corrupt, (with the exception of 
 some obvious misprints in more modern books) 
 but preserved the punctuation, which will be 
 found extremely faulty. I have often departed 
 from it in translating, but when professing to 
 quote the words of others, I have thought it best 
 to give them as I found them. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Sect. I. — Review of Mr. Faber's Testimonies 1 
 
 Sect. II. — Remarks on Milner's Church History. ... 43 
 
 Sect. III. — The Paulicians 61 
 
 Sect. IV. — The Origin of the Albigenses 82 
 
 Sect. V.— On the Names Albigenses and Waldenses 94 
 
 Sect. VI. — On the Genuineness of the Waldensian 
 
 Manuscripts 114 
 
 Sect. VII. — Extracts from Public Documents. ...;.. 135 
 
 Sect. VIII. — The Book of Sentences of the Inqui- 
 sition of Thoulouse 213 
 
 Sect. IX. — Extract from Limborch's History of the 
 
 Inquisition 228 
 
 Sect. X. — Sentences and Culpae from the Book of 
 
 Sentences .270 
 
 Sect. XI. — Notices of the Albigenses and Waldenses 
 
 by Historians and other writers 342 
 
 Sect. XII. — On the Religious Character of the Albi- 
 genses and Waldenses 451 
 
 Authorities 483 
 
 Index 543 
 

 ERRATA. 
 
 
 '. 21 line 14 for 
 
 five read 
 
 a few 
 
 92 n. . . 6 . . 
 
 Antisiod. 
 
 Autisiod. 
 
 100 n. . . 2 . 
 
 . Gaudavo 
 
 Gandato 
 
 104 .. 12 .. 
 
 Fallens is 
 
 Valdemis 
 
 109n. penult. .. 
 
 Wantuo, Wants . . 
 
 Wantus, Wanto 
 
 202 .. 11 .. 
 
 we 
 
 they 
 
 253 n. . . 18 . . 
 
 in which 
 
 in each case in which 
 
 368 ult. .. 
 
 must 
 
 ought to 
 
 391 .. 1 .. 
 
 decipiendoi 
 
 decipiendum 
 
 405 2 .. 
 
 three 
 
 there 
 
 449 .. 6 .. 
 
 Toni-Saint 
 
 Tout-Saint 
 
 463 .. 14 .. 
 
 saltern 
 
 salutem 
 
 467 n. .. 1 .. 
 
 Sleidam 
 
 Sleidan 
 
Section I. 
 
 REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 
 
 Mr. Faber says, that from the prediction 
 respecting- the Apocalyptic witnesses, 
 
 " we learn, that, throughout the entire period of the 
 " latter 1260 years, while the outer court and the holy 
 " city were trodden down of the Gentiles, there should 
 " always be a considerable body of measured or faithful 
 " worshippers within the precincts of the allegorical tem- 
 " pie, and that two whole churches should be eminent and 
 " remarkable for synchronically prophesying in sackcloth 
 " and for bearing their testimony to the truth with a sound 
 " and enlightened conscience." Sac. Cal. in. 22. 
 
 He afterwards adds, that the 
 
 " two churches must be two distinct ecclesiastical com- 
 " munities, taken out of the great collective body of the 
 " measured worshippers, which should, eminently and in 
 " their corporate capacity as churches, bear their testi- 
 " mony, though in a depressed and persecuted condition, 
 " throughout the entire period of the latter 1260 years. 
 
 " What, then, are the two distinct churches which 
 " answer to this description ? Where are we to find two 
 " churches or two ecclesiastical communities which, stand- 
 " ing upon the geographical platform of the Western 
 
 B 
 
2 REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect. I. 
 
 " Roman Empire, have testified against the demonolatrous 
 " apostacy, not at this time or at that time merely, like 
 " many individuals before the Reformation and like vari- 
 " ous national churches after it, but unintermittingly during 
 " the whole period of the latter 1260 years ?"' p. 23. 
 
 Considering that, according to Mr. Faber's 
 system, this latter period of 1260 years began 
 a. D. 604, and has not yet run out, one would 
 think that the matter was quite hopeless ; but 
 Mr. Faber is not daunted, and says, boldly, 
 
 " To this question I reply, that exactly two churches, and 
 " only two churches, can be found, which correspond with 
 " such a description : the church of the Vallenses and the 
 " church of the Albigenses." 
 
 He then adds, that " the origin of these two 
 " venerable churches is buried in the most remote 
 " antiquity" p. 24, and speaks of " the unanimous 
 " testimony to their high antiquity, which is borne 
 " even by writers of the twelfth and thirteenth 
 " centuries." p. 2o. 
 
 In order to prove these statements, he ad- 
 duces certain Testimonies, which I proceed to 
 examine in order. 
 
 I. The first Testimony is that of an Inqui- 
 sitor, which Mr. Faber extracts from a document 
 printed in Allix's book on the Ancient Churches 
 of Piedmont. He says, 
 
 " This person states, that, when in the thirteenth century 
 " the Albigenses were driven by the Crusaders from the 
 " south of France, they fled to the valleys of the Alps. 
 
Sect. I.] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 3 
 
 " Here they joined themselves to a community professing 
 " the same religious sentiments as their own : which com- 
 " munity is described by the Inquisitor, as having then 
 " existed, in the Piedmontese Valleys of the Diocese of 
 " Turin, from a period far beyond the memory of 
 " man." p. 26. 
 
 Afterwards, referring to this same testimony, 
 he says, 
 
 " The remnant of the Albigenses were, in the thirteenth 
 " century, compelled by the Crusaders to emigrate from 
 " the land of their ancestors. Thus circumstanced, they 
 " sought refuge, as we learn from the direct testimony of 
 " an ancient contemporaneous Inquisitor, among their Val- 
 " lensic brethren : and thus the two churches became ter- 
 " ritorially and ecclesiastically united, so that the one 
 *' could not be extirpated without the other." p. 39. 
 
 In a note on this passage, he adds, 
 " The testimony, to the emigration of the Albigenses and to 
 " their junction with the ancient church of the Piedmontese 
 " Valleys, is so important, in regard to the accomplishment 
 " of prophecy, that I shall give it at large in the precise 
 " words of the original."' 
 
 This testimony might be briefly disposed of, 
 by saying, that, so far from being that of " an 
 ancient contemporaneous inquisitor," it is, on the 
 face of it, the work of some person living in, or 
 after, the year 1489; for it recites matters which 
 occurred in that year 1 — that whoever the writer 
 
 ' I do not know why Allix should have called this 
 document " Scriptum Inquisitoris cujuspiam anonymi do 
 
4 REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES [Sect. I. 
 
 may have been, and whatever opportunity he 
 might have had of obtaining 1 exact information 
 respecting what had happened (even on Mr. 
 Faber's supposition that he spoke of the Albi- 
 genses) more than two centuries and a half 
 before, he does not in fact say anything of Albi- 
 genses or Crusaders — or of any community, of 
 any kind, joining any other community. He 
 simply charges the inhabitants of a certain valley 
 with being heretics at that time, (certainly as late 
 as A. D. 1489,) and with having been so from 
 time immemorial, or (as he explains the phrase) 
 upwards of a century ; and he traces the origin 
 of the sect in those parts, to some fugitive Wal- 
 densians who had been formerly driven out of 
 Lyons. 
 
 Valdensibus." Leger, as will be seen, attributes it to 
 Albertus de Capitaneis ; and Perrin quotes it as his ; and 
 I cannot help thinking that I have seen something to that 
 effectin Morland, though I cannot find it. In his account, 
 however, of the manuscripts contained in the volume en- 
 titled Codex G., Morland places this one as No. 3, and 
 entitles it " A Latin Treatise called Origo Valdensium, et 
 processus contra eos facti, a.d. 1501." I can scarcely 
 suppose that, by the word " contemporaneous," Mr. Faber 
 meant us to understand a contemporary of his own ; yet it 
 would really be less incorrect to predicate that of the In- 
 quisitor, than to represent him as " contemporaneous" 
 with Simon de Montfort's Crusaders. The year 1501 was 
 longer after the death of Simon de Montfort, than before 
 the birth of Mr. Faber. 
 
Sect. I.] REVIEW OF MR. FABERS TESTIMONIES. 5 
 
 As however I cannot expect or wish that the 
 reader should believe, on my mere assertion, that 
 Mr. Faber has so completely misunderstood a 
 document on which he lays so much stress, I 
 will here reprint all, and rather more than all, 
 that he has extracted; and though the text is 
 manifestly corrupt, and badly stopped, I will 
 give it as it stands in Allix's book, from whence 
 Mr. Faber professes to have taken it. 
 
 By the side I will add Sir Samuel Morland's 
 translation. Leger has inserted in his history 
 what appears to be merely a French version made 
 from Morland's translation without reference to 
 the original, and which he entitles " Translation 
 " d'un Manuscrit Latin, intitule Origo Walden- 
 " sium, c'est a dire, l'Origine des Vaudois, et les 
 " Proces faits contr'eus, compiles par Albertus de 
 " Capitaneis, dont l'original est conserve a Cam- 
 " brige." 
 
 In fact, it is obviously one of the papers 
 which fell into the hands of " the Sieur de Ca- 
 lignon of happy memory," at the taking of Am- 
 brun in 1585, as Perrin relates in the second 
 book of his history ; and whoever reads it will 
 scarcely doubt that it was written when " there 
 " were nominated for Apostolical Commissioners, 
 " a certain Confesscr of the King's, and the Gffi- 
 " cial of Orleans, who arrived at Ambrun, upon 
 ** the fourth day of July, and in the year X501." 
 
6 
 
 REVIEW OF MR. FABERS TESTIMONIES. [Sect. I. 
 
 THE INQUISITORIAL DOCUMENT, 
 
 As given by A llix on the Churches 
 of Piedmont. Oxford Edition, 
 p. 324.— Orty. Ed. p. 297. 
 
 Scriptum Inquisitoris cu- 
 juspiam anonymi de Valden- 
 sibus, ex Codice MS. G. in 
 publico. Bibliotheca Canta- 
 brig. 
 
 Ut vobis Reverendissimo 
 in Christo Patri et Domino, 
 Domino Rostagno Ebredu- 
 nensi Archiepiscopo, vobis 
 que Reverendis Patribus et 
 Dominis Fratri Laurentio 
 Cistaricensi Episcopo, et 
 Thomae Pascalis, 
 
 Orlianensi Offi- 
 ciali, Commissariis Apos- 
 tolicis, Regia et Dalphin- 
 
 As given by Sir Samuel Morland 
 in his History of the ClmrcJies of 
 Piemont, Book 2, ch. i. p. 215. 
 
 Translate of a Latin Ma- 
 nuscript intituled Origo Val- 
 densium, f(c. The Original 
 of the Waldenses and the 
 process against them. The 
 true original whereof is to 
 be seen, together with the rest 
 in the Public Library of the 
 famous University of Cam- 
 bridg. 
 
 Vobis Reverendissimo in 
 Christo Patre et Domino, 
 Domino Rostagno Ebre- 
 dunensi Archiepiscopo, vo- 
 bisque Reverendis Patri- 
 bus et Dominis, Fratri Lau- 
 rentio Cistavicensi Episco- 
 po, et Thomae Paschali, &c. 
 
 To you the Right Rever- 
 end Father in Christ, and 
 Lord, the Lord Rostagnus 
 Archbishop of Everenx, 
 and to you Reverend Fa- 
 thers and Lords, Brother 
 Laurence, Bishop of Cis- 
 tow, and Thomas Pascal, 
 Official of Orleance, the 
 Apostolical Commissary, 
 under the authority of the 
 
Sect. I.] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 
 
 ali auctoritate suffultis ad 
 causam eorum pauperum 
 de Lugduno, quos vulgus 
 "Valdenses appellat, dictos 
 a Valdeo,cive Lugdunen- 
 si, in loco dicto vulgariter 
 Val grant 2 moram facienti, 
 qui homo dives hrcresiar- 
 cha primus heeresis sectee 
 Valdensium inventor fuit, 
 secundum Scripturam, qui 
 bonis temporalibus renun- 
 cians, coepit cum suis com- 
 plicibus vitam Apostolicam 
 cum cruce et paupertate 
 ducere. Et experrectis 3 
 
 King, and the Daulphinate, 
 sendeth greeting. 
 
 As concerning the cause 
 of those poor men of 
 Lyons, commonly called 
 Waldenses, from Waldo, 
 citizen of the said chief 
 city of Lyons, depending 
 in the town Val -grant, 
 know that the said Waldo 
 being rich, and the prince 
 of heresie, was according 
 to writers, the first authour 
 of the heresie of the sect 
 of the Waldenses, who re- 
 nouncing temporal goods, 
 
 2 Mr. Faber seems to think that there is much to be learned from 
 this word, but I confess I do not see how. " The truth slips out even 
 " in the Inquisitor's own account. He tells us that the name of Valden- 
 " ses was borrowed from Valdo ; but then he speaks of Valdo himself 
 " having taken up his abodein the Val grant. It was from his occasional 
 " sojourn in the Valleys of Piedmont, and from his intercourse with the 
 " ancient Vallenses that he himself borrowed his own name, &c." (page 
 27. note.) A truth of this sort, which does not appear to have slipped 
 out till more than three hundred years after the death of Waldo, is per- 
 haps of no great weight : but I would fain know on what ground Mr. 
 Faber assumes that Val Grant is in Piedmont. He speaks indeed as if 
 this were a known and indisputable fact; and so it may be for anything 
 I can tell ; but I have not been able to find any such place in Pied- 
 mont. 
 
 3 It is evident that Morland did not read experrectis, which, as 
 far as I can understand, makes no sense. I have no doubt that it should 
 be expretis, and that Allix, or some transcriber whom he employed, or 
 followed, not being acquainted with the word, (as might easily be the 
 case if he was not conversant with dog-latin,) knew not what to suppose 
 but that it was a contraction for experrectis, and then, like some greater 
 critics, he mended the language at the expence of the meaning. 
 
8 
 
 REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect. I 
 
 viris ecclesiasticis, multos 
 sibi discipulos sociavit, qui 
 inde dicti sunt Pauperes 
 de Lugduno, qui dicenles 
 vivere sub obedientia apos- 
 tolica, ab ilia tamen se 
 separantes pertinaciter re- 
 spondebant cum redargu- 
 erentur, Magis esse Deo 
 obediendum quara homini- 
 bus : fuerunt tandem et 
 merito per militantem ec- 
 clesiam damnati, sed non 
 Tadicitus extirpati, quia 
 Lugduno fugientes ad ul- 
 timas Dalphinatus partes, 
 se transferentes in Ebre- 
 dunensi et Taurinensi dioe- 
 cesibus in Alpibus et intra 
 concava montium accessu 
 difficilia, plures ibi ex ip- 
 sis habitaverunt, 4 ubi paula- 
 
 began with his complices 
 to lead an Apostolick life, 
 with the cross, and poverty, 
 and despising ecclesiastical 
 men, associated many disci- 
 ples to himself, who there- 
 upon were called Poor Men 
 of Lyons, and pretending 
 to live under apostolical 
 obedience, (yet separating 
 themselves from it,) did 
 stubbornly answer, when 
 reproved, that they onght 
 rather to obey God than 
 man ; for which they were 
 at last, (and deservedly) 
 condemned by the church 
 militant. But not being 
 fully extirpated, flying from 
 Lyons, they betook them- 
 selves to the utmost parts 
 of Dauphiue, in the Dio- 
 
 * It is, I presume, on this passage that Mr. Faber grounds his no- 
 tion, that the fugitive Lyonese found persons like themselves in the ca- 
 verns and wild places, where they went to hide themselves, by whom 
 they " were cordially received as brethren." I suppose Morland took 
 it in the same way ; for he could hardly be so absurd as to imagine that 
 his readers would believe a story of 50,000 persons being expelled from 
 Lyons, and footing it over France to Piedmont — almost equalling the 
 ten thousand in their retreat, though less happy in an historian. This 
 were rather too romantic ; but the reader will observe that the Latin 
 says nothing of the " fifty thousand." Whether Morland put in or 
 Allix left out, 1 do not know; but the Latin merely says, that "plures 
 ex iptif — of these persons of whom he was speaking — dwelt there- and 
 " by degrees" (not as Morland says, " in a short space of time") in- 
 creased to a copious number. But, in fact, the obvious purpose of the 
 
Sect. I.] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 
 
 9 
 
 tim procurante satore ziza- 
 nise, in copioso nuraero 
 excreverunt, et demum 
 palmites suos tristes in Li- 
 guriam, Italian), et ultra 
 Romam in Apuliam trans- 
 miserunt : 
 
 et quemadmo- 
 dum Christus Redemptor 
 nosterdiscipulos suos binos 
 mittebat ad prsedicandum ; 
 sic et idiota et bestialis illi- 
 us sectae 5 niagniscius alios 
 
 ceses of Evereux and Tu- 
 rin, among the Alps, and 
 in the caves of the moun- 
 tains, (places exceeding 
 difficult to approach) where 
 more than fifty thousand 
 of them did inhabit. In 
 these places through the 
 great diligence of the sow- 
 er of tares, they became so 
 numerous in a short space 
 of time, that they sent out 
 thence their colonies into 
 Liguria, Italy, and beyond 
 Rome, into Puglia. And 
 as Christ our Redeemer 
 sent his disciples by two 
 and two, to preach, so was 
 the master of that cursed 
 and beastly sect, wont to 
 
 Inquisitor is to shew how the heresy in question, originally got into 
 these Vallies. If there was an" ancient church" professing these doctrines, 
 and containing 50,000 members, before these poor fugitives came there, 
 why should he mention the fugitives at all ? If such an event did occur 
 in the history of the ancient church, what had it to do with the " Origin 
 of the Valdenses ?" It is, however, a mere waste of words to argue the 
 matter ; for there can be no pretence for maintaining that the " plures 
 ex ipsis" were people whom the fugitives themselves found in the vallies ; 
 and such an interpretation would I believe never have been thought of 
 except to support n system, and make the Inquisitor say just the con- 
 trary of his real meaning. When properly examined, his testimony 
 (whatever may be its value) certainly amounts simply to this — that the 
 Waldensian heresy was brought into the Vallies of Piedmont and France 
 by the dispersed disciples of Waldo, and was not there till they brought it. 
 
 6 I do not know why Morland should translate " cursed and beastly 
 sect." Supposing Magniscius to mean Master (for I confess I do not 
 
 C 
 
10 
 
 REVIEW OF MR. FABERS TESTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. 
 
 magistros inferiores per ip- 
 sum creatos et probatos, 
 quos vulgo Barbas dicimns, 
 ad docendum et praedican- 
 dum hnjusinodi sectae doc- 
 trinam, hinc inde binos 
 mittere solitus fait, hi si- 
 quidem Barbae creari solent 
 per eorum supremum in 
 civitate Acquilae in reg- 
 no Neapolitano ; et in eo- 
 rum creatione qnaedam so- 
 let fieri solennitas. Nam in 
 derisum Romani Pontificis, 
 eis nomina mutantur cum 
 ad magisterium hnjusmodi 
 afficiuntur, cujus siqui- 
 dem 6 damnatissimae haeresis 
 cultores quibus 7 viri et mu- 
 lieres Vallis Clusionis Tau- 
 rinensis dicecesis, et o nines 
 mares et foeminae Vallis 
 Frayxineriat, ac plures val- 
 
 send other inferior pastors, 
 created and approved by 
 himself, (whom commonly 
 we call Barbes) by two and 
 two, to preach and teach 
 the abovesaid Doctrine. 
 
 Now these Barbes were 
 wont to be created by their 
 Great Master (or Chair- 
 man)^ tbecityof Acquila, 
 in the kingdom of Naples, 
 and in the creation of them 
 there was wont to be great 
 solemnity ; they had their 
 names changed, when they 
 were admitted to this office, 
 in derision to the Bishop 
 of Rome, to whose doc- 
 trine and worship the fol- 
 lowers of this most dam- 
 nable heresie, namely, the 
 men and women of the 
 Valley of Clusone, in the 
 
 know the word, and I believe it was unknown to Du Cange and his suc- 
 cessors) I apprehend the translation should be "so also this layman (or 
 " private person, having no ecclesiastical orders — or perhaps, what was 
 " much the same in those days, this illiterate person, knowing only the 
 " ' sermo idioticus,' or vulgar tongue) and master of his beastly sect." 
 Surely this is bad enough, without cramming curses into the Inquisitor's 
 mouth. 
 
 6 It seems evident that " doctrinse" is omitted, and that Morland 
 read it. 
 
 ' For " quibus," of which I can make nothing, and which seems to be 
 only in the way, I should like to read " quidam" as opposed to " omnes," 
 and " plures," which follow. 
 
Sect. 1.] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 
 
 11 
 
 Hum Argenteriae et Loy- 
 siffl Ebredunensis dioecesis 
 a tanto tempore quod non 
 est memoria hominum, in 
 contrarium fuerunt proni 8 
 plusquam centum numero 
 ex ipsis sponte confessi 
 fuerunt, sequentes articn- 
 los contra fidem nostram, 
 tenuerunt, tenentque, et 
 immobiliter observant. 9 
 
 Et 
 ut de eo constet et liqui- 
 ds us appareat, Procurator 
 fidei 10 juncto Procuratore 
 patriae et locorum circura- 
 vicinorum patriae Brian- 
 tonensis et Ebredunensis 
 pro manutentione fidei 
 Christianas et honoris pa- 
 triae relevatione contra om- 
 nes et singrulos dictae Vallis 
 
 Diocese of Turin, with all 
 the males and females of 
 the Valley of Fraissiniere, 
 Argenteria, and Loysia, in 
 the Diocese of Everenx, 
 have time out mind, been 
 contrary (as more than an 
 hundred of them have con- 
 fessed, and that of their 
 own accord) in the follow- 
 ing articles which are con- 
 trary to the faith which 
 they confess to have held, 
 and which they inviolably 
 observe. And that this may 
 be evident and more clearly 
 appear, the Procurator of 
 the place and places there- 
 abouts in the parts of Bri- 
 anson and Evereux, for the 
 maintenance of the Chris- 
 tian faith, and for the ex- 
 alting of his native coun- 
 tries honour, against all 
 and every one of the said 
 
 3 1 think we cannot doubt that Morland read, and was right in read- 
 ing, " prout" instead of "proni." 
 
 9 Mr. Faber's quotation ends. 
 
 10 Morland seems to have read Procurator loci ; or else to have 
 omitted this title altogether. I do not know what it means ; not having, 
 that I recollect, met with a Procurator Fidei in any proceedings, or 
 account, of the Inquisition ; however this may be, it is obvious that 
 he was the person who on this occasion sustained the office of Promoter 
 Fiscal. 
 
12 REVIEW OF MR. FIBER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. 
 
 Frayxineriae, dat et facit, 
 seqnentes titulos, qnos pe- 
 tit admitti ad probandum, 
 citra tamen onus super- 
 fluas probationis, ad quod 
 se astringere non intendit, 
 de quo et de expensis con- 
 tra eos omnes et singulos 
 solenniter protestatur. 
 
 Imprimis ponit et dicit, 
 ac probare intendit, quod 
 ipsi homines vallis Fray- 
 xineriae fuerunt a centum 
 annis citra ultra ac per 
 tempora ipsa et alia a tan- 
 to tempore eujus initii me- 
 moria hominum non existit 
 fuerunt et de praesenti 
 sunt haeretici, et seqnentes 
 articulos contra Catholi- 
 cam fidem tenuerint et te- 
 nent ; et hoc est verum, no- 
 torium, publicum, et maui- 
 festum. 
 
 Item et quod fuerunt et de 
 
 V alley of Fraissiniere gives 
 in and exhibiteth the fol- 
 lowing articles, which he 
 desires may be admitted for 
 proof (to avoid the burden 
 of superfluous proof, to 
 which he intends not to 
 tie himself) ; in reference 
 whereunto, by way of 
 charge, he solemnly pro- 
 tests against them all, and 
 each particular person. 
 
 Imprimis, ponit et dicit 
 et probare intendit, quod 
 ipsi homines Vallis Fraxi- 
 ninierae fuerint a centum 
 annis, citra et ultra, ac, &c. 
 Imprimis, he allegeth, and 
 saith, and intends to prove, 
 that the said men of the 
 valley of Fraissiniere have 
 been there this hundred 
 years or thereabouts, for 
 the said term, and beyond 
 that, even time out of in in do, 
 have been, and for the pre- 
 sent are, heretics, and have 
 held, and do hold the fol- 
 lowing points of doctrine, 
 contrary to the catholic 
 faith. And this is a truth, 
 notorious, public, and ma- 
 nifest. 
 
 2. Item, that at the pre- 
 
Sect. 1.] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 
 
 13 
 
 praesenti sunt pro heereticis 
 et Valdensibus habiti, tenti 
 et reputati commaniter, et 
 ab omnibus de eisdem et 
 eorum vita, moribus, et 
 conversatione notitiam ha- 
 bentibus ; et hoc fuit et est 
 verum, notorium, publicum 
 et manifestum. 
 
 Item et quod de pnemis- 
 sis fuit et est publica vox et 
 fama, nedum apud cireum- 
 vicinos, imo et apud omnes 
 a centum leucis et ultra" 
 distantes a dicta valle; et 
 hoc fuit et est verum, no- 
 torium, publicum, et mani- 
 festum. 
 
 sent they are commonly 
 held, esteemed, and reput- 
 ed for heretics and Wal- 
 denses, and that by all who 
 have knowledg of them, 
 their life, manners, or con- 
 versation. This also hath 
 been, and is a truth notori- 
 ous, public, and manifest. 
 3. Item, that this hath 
 been, and is the common 
 voice and fame, not onely 
 among their neighbours, 
 but even among those that 
 are more distant from the 
 said valley, for the space 
 of an hundred leagues 
 round about, and upwards. 
 This also is true, notorious, 
 public, and manifest. 
 
 11 It is observable, that when the Procurator, just before, speaks 
 of " time immemorial," Mr. Faber catches at the words, and says 
 nothing of the qualifying " hundred years or upwards ;" and Leger 
 writes in bis margin " Antiquite des Vaudois derechef avoiiee ;" though 
 he, I should think, must have understood enough of the document to 
 know that the avowal was not worth a farthing, except when thus used 
 to catch the eye of a careless reader. But when, in the same rhodomon- 
 tade style of special pleading, the Procurator goes on to declare that 
 this was publicly reported " among all persons for the distance of a 
 hundred leagues" round the valley of Fraissiniere, Mr. Faber stops 
 short and says nothing about it ; and Leger smooths it into " ceus qui 
 sont eloignes de ces lieus-la." 
 
14 REVIEW OF MR.FABER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. 
 
 Now let me ask the reader, how far this do- 
 cument warrants such statements as I have already 
 quoted from Mr. Faber's work ? or such as the 
 following : 
 
 " It is tone, that the Inquisitor imagines the name of 
 " Valdenses to have been derived from the name of Peter 
 " Valdo : but then he ascribes this name, thus derived, 
 " not to the ancient Church in Piedmont, but to those of 
 " the Alliigenses, who joined themselves to that church when 
 " they had been expelled from the south of France by the 
 " Crusaders of Simon de Montfort." 13 
 
 Where, I repeat, does the Inquisitor say 
 any thing of any persons but fugitive Walden- 
 sians (not Albigensians) driven out of Lyons, by 
 ecclesiastical persecution, (not from the south of 
 France by the Crusaders,) and where does he 
 even insinuate that they "joined themselves" to 
 any church, or found any man, woman, or child, 
 in the caverns where they went to hide them- 
 selves ? 
 
 Again, at p. 28, Mr. Faber says, 
 
 " The above mentioned Inquisitor represents Valdo as the 
 " founder, not of the Vallensic church of Piedmont, 
 " (which he states, in the way of a public and notorious fact, 
 " to have existed in its alleged heretical state, from a time 
 " beyond the memory of man,) but of the Albigensic church 
 " of the south of France, the members of which he describes 
 " as being vulgarly called Valdenses, from their asserted 
 " founder Valdo." 
 
 12 Sac Cal. p. 27. 
 
Sect. 1.] REVIEW OF MR. FABEU'8 TESTIMONIES. 15 
 
 Is there any ground for this ? The Inqui- 
 sitor says nothing of Albigenses ; 13 and I appre- 
 hend that whatever pains Mr. Faber, and others, 
 may take to confound the Albigenses with the 
 Waldenses, the Inquisitor looked upon them as 
 entirely distinct sects ; and I trust that the evi- 
 dence which I shall hereafter adduce will lead 
 the reader to do the same. The Inquisitor says 
 nothing of any junction between these sects ; and 
 this point, so important to Mr. Faber's argu- 
 ment, is assumed without any ground whatever. 
 Indeed it is not only assumed, but is argued upon 
 as a conclusive fact. At p. 44, Mr. Faber says, 
 
 " The identity of the tenets of these two ancient commu- 
 " nities is established, if I mistake not, on the fullest tes- 
 " timony. When the Albigenses in the thirteenth century 
 " were partly extirpated and partly driven out of the south 
 " of France by the crusade of De Montfort, and the oper- 
 " ations of the Inquisition, the chief part of the fugitives 
 " emigrated to the valleys of Piedmont, where by the 
 " Vallenses they were cordially received as brethren : and, 
 " henceforth, the two hitherto distinct churches became in- 
 " separably united, the name of the Vaudois swallowing up 
 " the now obsolete name of the Albigeois. I am inclined 
 " to deem this single fact more than a counterpoise for all 
 " the Bishop's very ingenious attempts to confound the 
 
 13 I do not mean to cavil about words, and merely to 
 state that the Inquisitor does not use the word Albi- 
 genses; but where does he allude to any persons belonging 
 to the Albigeois country or any person coming from any 
 place but Lyons ? 
 
16 REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. 
 
 " genuine Albigenses with those Manicheans, to whom, 
 " through Popish malevolence, the name of Albigenses may 
 " have been most improperly applied. The expelled Albi- 
 " genses were received,as brethren, by the Vallenses, who 
 " are described as having already flourished in their native 
 " Tallies from a period far beyond the memory of man." 
 
 Let me beg the reader just to look back at the 
 words of the Inquisitor, and see what is to be 
 found of Simon de Montfort, and the Inquisition, 
 and the cordial reception of the expelled Albi- 
 genses, by persons who had already flourished in 
 their native vallies, from a period far beyond the 
 memory of man j and then we will call the next 
 witness. 14 
 
 14 It is right to notice that, after quoting the passage 
 already extracted from the work of the Inquisitor, Mr. 
 Faber adds " Testimony to the same effect, though not so 
 " copious and precise; is given by the historian Thuanus, 
 " ' Petrus Valdus, locuples civis Lugdunensis, anno Christi 
 " circiter mclxx, Valdensibus nomen dedit — Cam jam 
 " multos geetatores exiguo tempore circa se haberet, eos 
 " tanquam discipnlos, ad evangelium promnlgandum, in 
 " omnes partes ablegat — Armis victi, in Provinoiam apud 
 " nos et Gallicae ditionis Alpes vicinas confugerunt, late- 
 " brasque vita? ac doctrinae sua? lis in locis repererunt.' 
 « Thuan. Hist. lib. vi. § 16. vol. 1. p. 221. Thuan. Prasf. 
 " ad Henric. iv. p. 7." Certainly the testimony of Thu- 
 anus is to the same effect as that of the Inquisitor; namely, 
 that when the disciples of Waldo were driven out of Ly- 
 ons, they came into Provence, and the neighbouring Alps ; 
 but what has this to do with remote antiquity, or any juiic- 
 
Sect. 1.] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 17 
 
 II. " My next collection of Testimonies," 
 says Mr. Faber, " respects the church of the 
 " Albigenses prior to its final junction with that 
 " of the Vallenses ; and it goes distinctly to 
 " prove the fact, that Valdo was no more the 
 " founder of the one church than of the other." 
 p. 28. 
 
 As to the " final junction" of the churches, 
 perhaps enough has been said ; but I must re- 
 mind the reader, that the present question is not 
 whether Waldo was the founder of either the 
 Albigensian, or Waldensian, sect ; but, whether 
 both those sects existed, and " eminently, in their 
 " corporate capacity as churches, bore their testi- 
 " mony" — that is, " testified against the demono- 
 " latrous apostacy unremittingly during the whole 
 " period of the latter 1260 years"--or for more 
 than five hundred years before the time of Wal- 
 do. 
 
 Supposing then, that the testimony adduced 
 should exclude Peter Waldo, that is doing but 
 little towards establishing the required antiquity. 
 It should be something, and Mr. Faber says it 
 
 tion with an ancient church in Piedmont ? Thuanus is 
 not a great authority in this matter ; but, such as he is, he 
 is a most unfortunate one for Mr. Faber ; for after thus 
 deriving the Waldenses from Peter Waldo, and assigning 
 his date, he goes on to derive the Albigenses from the 
 Waldenses. 
 
 D 
 
18 REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. 
 
 is something 1 , which proves the Albigenses to 
 have existed " many ages anterior to the twelfth 
 century." p. 33. 
 
 It is this— the fourth canon of the Council of 
 Tours, held in a. d. 1163, "expressly declares 
 " the then well known high antiquity of the Albi- 
 " genses." And how does it express this " high 
 antiquity?" Why, it says, according to Mr. 
 Faber, that, " in the parts of Tholouse, a damna- 
 " ble heresy long since sprang up" — that is, 
 " dudum emersit." 
 
 The testimony is dudum — and I must anti- 
 cipate a little by telling the reader, that, after the 
 pompous announcement, which has been quoted, 
 " about " unanimous testimony to their high anti- 
 " quity which is borne even by writers of the 
 " twelfth and thirteenth centuries," this unfortu- 
 nate dudum is the only word brought from any 
 writing of the twelfth century. Dudum has to 
 represent the writers of the twelfth century, and 
 to bear the burden of" many ages," all by himself. 
 Whether, however, he can sustain " tot et tanta 
 negotia solus," may be doubted. 15 
 
 15 Ainsworth, says " Dudum, adv. (1 .) But late, a while 
 " ago, not long since, (2.) heretofore, (3.) also, a great while 
 " since, long ago. ( 1 .) Dixi dudum materiam aliam esse joci, 
 " aliam severitatis, Cic. (2.) Incertior sum quam dudum, 
 " Ter. (3. ) Ut beneficium verbis initum dudum , re comprobes, 
 " 7rf." Morell, however, thinking (I apprehend very justly) 
 that Ainsworth's authority did not bear out his third 
 
Sect. 1] REVIEW OF MR. FAUER'S TESTIMONIES. 19 
 
 I acknowledge, however, that anything like 
 verbal criticism on the latinity of writers of the 
 twelfth century, would be absurd; and freely 
 admit that this very word dudum is used with im- 
 proper laxity by writers of a low age. I grant 
 too (if we use the expression in a common-sense 
 way) that heresy had " long since" sprung up in 
 the parts about Tholouse. Sixteen years before 
 the time of this Council it had risen to such a 
 height, that, Bernard said, " the churches are 
 " without people, the people without priests, the 
 " priests without due respect, and in short the 
 " Christian people are without Christ. The 
 " churches are reckoned synagogues, and the Holy 
 " Place of God itself is counted an unholy thing ; 
 " the Sacraments are no longer held sacred, and 
 " the holy days are deprived of their solemnities;" 16 
 and that even when Bernard was called to Tho- 
 louse to oppose it, heresy had " long since" sprung 
 up in that neighbourhood, I will not deny ; but 
 to talk of " high antiquity" and " many ages" is 
 
 sense has added the following note — " N. Vox vitanda est 
 cum pro jampridem; signifieat enim paulo ante. T. M." 
 
 16 " Basilicse sine plebibus, plebes sine sacerdotibus, 
 eacerdotes sine debita reverentia sunt, et sine Christo deni- 
 que Christiani. Ecclesiae Synagog* reputantur ; Sanctu- 
 ariura Dei sanctum esse negatur : sacramenta non sacra 
 censentur: dies festivis frustrantur solemniis." Ep. 241. 
 vol. i. 237. 
 
20 REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. 
 
 altogether out of the question. I believe that Mr. 
 Faber can produce no evidence, that any heresy, 
 which he can identify with the doctrine of the 
 Albigenses, sprang up in the parts about Tholouse 
 before the twelfth century. I know of no in- 
 timation that heresy of any kind had sprung up 
 in those parts earlier than a canon of the Council 
 of Tholouse, which was held A. D. 1056 ; from 
 which, however, it does not at all appear what 
 kind of heresy was referred to. 
 
 III. " If we descend a few years later," says 
 Mr. Faber, " we shall find the same unvarying 
 " testimony borne tothehigh antiquity of the church 
 " of the Albigenses. The Archbishop of Narbonne, 
 " in his letter to the King of Arragon, written in 
 " the year 1213, bitterly laments the prevalence of 
 " that heretical pest ; but confesses, at the same 
 " time, that it had been sown from remote 
 
 " ANTIQUITY." p. 29. 
 
 On this I would remark, 
 
 1. As to unvarying testimony — 
 
 The reader will bear in mind, that as yet we 
 have had only two witnesses. First, the Inqui- 
 sitor, who says nothing of any sect but that which 
 he traces up to Peter Waldo ; and, secondly, the 
 Council of Tours, which says " dudum." 
 
 2. The letter in question (which is not from 
 the Archbishop of Narbonne to the King of 
 Arragon, but from the Archbishops, Bishops, and 
 
Sect. 1] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 21 
 
 Prelates, assembled at the Council of Lavaur to 
 the Pope) does certainly say that the heresy of 
 which it speaks was " antiquitus seminata." 
 
 But let it be observed, in the first place, that, 
 whether right or wrong, these prelates, like many 
 other people, called the Albigenses, Avians; 17 and 
 that the Arian heresy was " antiquitus seminata," 
 in the strictest sense of the term, nobody will 
 dispute. 
 
 But even setting this aside, it would be ab- 
 surd to build upon their use of the word " anti- 
 quitus," and to fetch out of it all that an English 
 reader understands by " remote antiquity," when 
 we find them only five lines farther on, stating 
 that Count Raymond (a man then living) had 
 been a favourer of these heretics, " ab antiquis 
 temporibus." Surely it is right to see how 
 writers use words before we pick them out of 
 their context to make them the basis of argument. 
 1 have no intention to deny that the Albigensian 
 heresy was older than Count Raymond. 
 
 IV. " To the same purpose," says Mr. Faber, 
 " speaks also Louis IX. of France, in his letter 
 " to the citizens of Narbonne, written in the year 
 " 1228," — " he describes those heretics, as having 
 
 17 " Pauci Catholici infinitam Arrianorum multitudi- 
 nem effugarunt " are their words in speaking of a repulse 
 which the Albigenses had met with. 
 
22 REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. 
 
 " now poured forth their venom during a long 
 
 " PERIOD OF TIME." p. 30. 
 
 So he does — but the question obviously is, 
 what did his majesty, or those who wrote in his 
 name, consider as a long period of time ? what 
 did they mean by " longo tempore ?" 
 
 I have already mentioned the state in which 
 Bernard found Tholouse more than sixty years 
 before his majesty was born ; and would not that 
 justify the use of such an expression ? As long 
 a period had elapsed, between Bernard's visiting 
 Tholouse, and the king's writing this letter, as 
 that which, beginning in the last years of queen 
 Elizabeth, stretched through the reigns of our first 
 Charles and James, and the civil wars beyond 
 the Restoration ; and if it had been notorious, that 
 any sect of heretics had been flourishing during 
 the whole of that period, surely we should not be 
 surprised to find Charles the Second describing 
 them, in any letter or proclamation, as " having 
 " poured forth their venom during a long period 
 " of time." 
 
 I am willing, however, to admit that St. 
 Louis referred to a still longer period ; for during 
 a longer period the churches of Narbonne had 
 certainly been afflicted. Why did Mr. Faber 
 pass over the first paragraph of the letter, and 
 quote the second ? If he had quoted both, it would 
 have been obvious what the " long time" was of 
 which the king spoke. He begins his letter by 
 
Sect. 1.] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 23 
 
 saying-, " Cupientesinprimis eetatis, et regni nos- 
 " tri primordiis, Illi servire a quo regnum recog- 
 " noscimus, et id quod sumus : desideramus ad 
 " honorem Ipsius, qui nobis culmen dedit honoris, 
 " quod Ecclesia Dei, quae in partibus vestris longo 
 " tempore fuit afflicta, et tribulationibus innume- 
 " ris conquassata, in nostro dominio honoretur et 
 " feliciter gubernetur, &c." 13 
 
 It is most wonderful to find Mr. Faber, 
 at this stage of his argument, breaking forth com- 
 placently, " from such concurrent testimonies, no- 
 " thing I think can be more demonstratively cer- 
 " tain than the high antiquity of the Albigensic 
 " church even during the ministry of Peter Valdo 
 " himself." 
 
 V. Mr. Faber states that his next " Testi- 
 " mony is that of the Inquisitor General Reine- 
 " rius Saccho, once himself a Vallensian, and 
 
 18 If this be not enough let the reader turn back two 
 pages from Mr. Faber's reference, and he will find that in 
 a treaty made with the younger Raymond, (the son of the 
 gentleman whose longevity helped us before,) apparently 
 at the same time that this letter was written, the king 
 vouched for the " high antiquity" of the said Raymond by 
 declaring that he had been contumacious for "a long 
 " period of time"- -" quod cum Raimundus filius Raimun- 
 " di quondam Comitis Tolosani diu in excomunicatione 
 " persistens, Ecclesiss et Dei volens esse longo tempore 
 " contumax," &c. Cone. xi. P. i. 415. 
 
24 REVIEW OF MR. FABERS TESTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. 
 
 " afterward an apostatic persecutor of his former 
 " brethren : and," he adds, " this testimony, 
 " which was given in the middle of the thir- 
 " teenth century, subsequent to the final union of 
 " the two churches in the valleys of Piedmont, 
 " relates, I apprehend, to the joint antiquity of 
 " them both." p. 31. 
 
 Here 1 must just remark, by the way, that 
 Reinerius, according to his own account, was 
 not a Waldensian, but one of the Cathari ; and 
 as to any " union of the two churches," he seems 
 to have known nothing of it. Nothing can be 
 more distinct than the Albigenses, and Walden- 
 ses, in the work of Reinerius, as I shall have 
 occasion to shew — but in the mean time let us 
 have his testimony as it is given by Mr. Faber. 
 
 " Reinerius, the apostate persecutor in question, who 
 " could not but have been well acquainted with the history 
 " of his former associates, and who, as an Inquisitor 
 " General, could have no possible object in ascribing to 
 " them a fictitious diuturnity, states expressly that one of 
 " the three causes which rendered the Vallenses 19 more 
 " dangerous to the Church of Rome than any other sect 
 
 " Was THEIR MUCH HIGHER DEGREE OF ANTIQUITY. 
 
 " Now Reinerius flourished not more than about 
 " seventy or eighty years after the time of Peter Valdo. 
 " Hence, both from that circumstance and from the cir- 
 
 19 1 must guard the reader against supposing that Reinerius 
 called the Waldenses, or Valdenses, Vallenses. I have not found this 
 name in any ancient writer as a title of the Waldenses. What is said 
 by Ebraidus will be noticed priscntly. 
 
Sect. 1.] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 
 
 25 
 
 " cumstance of having been once himself a Vallensian, 
 " the renegade must have known to a certainty, whether 
 " Valdo was, or was not, the founder of the Valdensic 
 " Churches. Such being the case, if Valdo were indeed 
 " their founder, Reinerius could not possibly have described 
 " the Valdenses, as being more dangerous to the Church 
 " of Rome than any other sect on the specific ground of 
 " their higher antiquity : for it were absurd to talk of the 
 " high antiquity of a sect, an antiquity confessedly superior 
 " to that of any other known sect ; if, all the while, this 
 " sect had not been in existence more than about seventy or 
 " eighty years, and if every person were fully aware that 
 " it had been founded by Peter Valdo of Lyons. Yet 
 " this is the language employed by Reinerius. Therefore, 
 " 1 think, it indisputably follows, that Peter Valdo could 
 " not have been the founder off)he united churches of the 
 " Vallenses and the Albigens&F p. 31. 
 
 To all this I might ma&e a very short reply, 
 which would probably surmise some readers; 
 and I hope and believe, would surprise Mr. Faber ^y-; 
 himself: for though he twice quotes the work of "x 
 Reinerius, without any acknowledgment that hTS\^ 
 references are borrowed, yet I cannot but believe 
 that he had never seen the book itself, and was\yv <** 
 in real ignorance of its contents. He has, I 
 suppose, been misled by carelessly copying other 
 writers ; and as the authority of Reinerius has 
 been cited by one after another, for two centuries, 
 and among others by one whose name must com- 
 mand respect, and might almost excuse blind 
 confidence, it may be worth while just to trace the 
 matter as far as I have at present the means of 
 
 E 
 
26 REVIEW OF MR.FABER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. 
 
 doing it ; and I wish that, in conjunction with 
 many other cases of a like nature, it may tend to 
 put writers on their guard how they adopt au- 
 thorities, especially in matters of controversy, 
 and so make themselves responsible for the false- 
 hoods and mistakes of their predecessors. 
 
 I imagine that this testimony of Reinerius 
 to the " diuturnity" of the Leonists was first 
 alleged by Ulyricus ; but I have not at present 
 the means of ascertaining this point. It was, 
 however, afterwards adduced by Mornay du 
 Plessis, in his Mystery of Iniquity, which was 
 published, I believe, in 1607. Speaking of the 
 antiquity of the Waldenses, he says, " Lest we 
 M should be left to guess as to this antiquity, our 
 u opponents themselves vouch for it. Among 
 " others, Friar Reinerius, who wrote about the 
 " year 1250; * Among all the sects which are, 
 " ' or have been, there is none more pernicious 
 " ' to the church of God than that of the Poor 
 " ' Men of Lyons, for three reasons : First, be- 
 " ' cause it is older; some say that it has existed 
 " ' from the time of Sylvester, others say from 
 " * the time of the Apostles,' &C." 20 
 
 20 " Huic autem antiquitati, ut divinare non sit opus, 
 " adversarii ipsi fidem perhibent ; Frater Reinerius inter 
 " alios, qui annum circa 1250 scripsit; ' Inter omnes 
 " ' sectas quae sunt, vel fuerunt, non est pernitiosior Ec- 
 " < clesiae Dei, quam Pauperuni de Lugduno, tribus de 
 
Sect. 1.] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 27 
 
 On this Gretser, the Jesuit, in his Prolego- 
 mena to the work of Reinerius, (which he pub- 
 lished in the year 1613, 21 ) observed, " It is vain 
 " for Du Plessis to cite Reinerius as an advocate 
 " for the fictitious antiquity of the Waldenses, 
 " since in his fourth chapter he gives it, not as 
 " his own opinion, but, as that of others, that the 
 " Waldenses had existed from the time of St. 
 " Sylvester the Pope, or from that of the Apos- 
 " ties." 22 
 
 To this (if I may trust Sir Samuel Morland, 
 for I have not the Archbishop's book,) Usher 
 replied in a manner which will appear from 
 the following extract : " The Friar Reinerius 
 " Saccon," says Morland, " writing against the 
 " Waldenses, above four hundred years ago, 
 " namely 1254, confesses the antiquity of their 
 " religion, which he calls a sect; see his very 
 " words, taken out of the Bibliotheque des Peres, 
 
 " ' causis. Prima quia diutnmior ; quidam dicunt quod 
 " ' duraverit a tempore Sylvestri, alii dicunt a tempore 
 " < apostolorum.' " Myst. Iniq. p. 328. 
 
 21 And which was reprinted in the Bibliotheca Patrum, 
 from whence I quote Tom. iv. part ii. col. 715. Ed. 1644. 
 
 82 " Frustra autem est Plessaeus cum fictitia? Walden- 
 " sium antiquitati advocatum adsciscit Reinerum ; non 
 " enim ex sua, sed ex aliorum sententia cap. 4. ait, sectam 
 " Waldensium a temporibus S. Sylvestri Papae, vel etiara 
 " ipsorum Apostolorum, durasse," Ubi supra, col. 739. 
 
28 REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect.1. 
 
 " printed at Paris, 1624, the author whereof was 
 " Jac. Gretsero, ' Inter omnes sectas quae sunt 
 " ' vel fuerunt, non est perniciosiorEcclesiae Dei 
 " * quam pauperum de Lugduno; tribus de causis, 
 " « Prima, quia diuturnior, quidam dicunt quod 
 " ' duraverit a tempore Sylvestri, alii dicunt quod 
 " ' a tempore Apostolorum,' &c. That is to say, 
 " ' Amongst all the sects which are, or ever 
 " ' were, there is none more pernicious to the 
 " ' church of God, than that of the Poor people 
 " ' of Lyons, for three reasons, First, because it 
 " ' is of a longer duration. Some say that it has 
 " ' remained from the time of Sylvester, others 
 " ' from the time of the Apostles ;' and although 
 " Gretserus endeavours to shift off the force of 
 " the foregoing passage by this evasion, namely, 
 " that what Reinerius there speaks, he speaks 
 " not as his own opinion, but as the opinion of 
 " others. For if Reinerius had not believed 
 " that sect (as he calls it) had not been more an- 
 " cient than the preaching of Waldo, (which was 
 " not, as Gretserus himself says, above 94 years 
 " before his writing that book) it had been a 
 " very ridiculous thing to have at all mentioned 
 " the antiquity thereof in such a manner as he 
 " there do's. This is the learned and famous 
 " Bishop Usher's own observation, and com- 
 " ment, upon the place of Reinerius, in his book 
 " De Christianarum Ecclesiarum successione et 
 " statu, chap. 8. fol. 211, in the following ex- 
 
Sect. 1.] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 29 
 
 " pressions." — Morland then proceeds to quote 
 a passage which the reader will find below, and 
 which is to the following effect : — " It is how- 
 " ever vain for Gretser to urge ' that Reinerius 
 " ' did not assert as his own opinion, but that of 
 " ' others, that the sect of the Waldenses had 
 " ' existed from the time of Pope Sylvester, or 
 " ' even from that of the Apostles ;' for if we 
 " grant that he stated this as the opinion of 
 " others, yet it appears that he stated, as his own 
 " opinion, ' that of all sects, which are or have 
 " ' been, none had been more ancient than 
 " ' that of the Leonists or Waldenses ;' which 
 " sufficiently shews that their first origin was 
 " most remote from all memory, and certainly 
 " proves (which is the point on which the Jesuit 
 '•' demands proof) that it was no new doctrine 
 " which was first brought into the world by the 
 " Waldenses and Albigenses, about a.d. 1160, 
 " and afterwards spread by a wonderful increase; 
 " since only 94 years had intervened between 
 " a.d. 1160, and a.d. 1254, when (as Gretser 
 " himself tells us, on the authority of the Biblio- 
 " theca of Antonius Senensis,) Reinerius flou- 
 " rished. He would have made himself ridiculous 
 " to every body who should have talked of the 
 " ' diuturnity' of a sect which had not existed 
 " above a century." 23 
 
 23 « Frustra autem est Gretserus cum opponit, Reine- 
 
30 REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. 
 
 Leger thus triumphantly adduces the testi- 
 mony of Reinerius. After quoting from the 
 account given by the Monk Belvedere, in 1636, 
 he says, " Mais voyons encore le temoignage 
 " d'un autre tres-fameux lnquisiteur, aussi ex- 
 " pressement etabli contre les Vaudois, c'est 
 " celuy de Reinerus Sacco, qui n'a rien omis 
 " tant pour descoler les Vaudois es Vallees, et 
 " dans tout le reste de 1' Italie, que pour cher- 
 " cher jusques au fonds tout ce que pouvoit estre 
 " de cette pretendue heresie et secte, qui faisoit 
 " tant de mal au Pape, et qui fieurissoit a son 
 
 " rium non ex sua sed ex alioram senteutia affirmare sec- 
 " tam Waldensium a temporibus Silvestri Pap*, vel etiam 
 " ipsorum apostolorum durasse. Nam, ut hoc demus, ex 
 " aliorum sententia fuisse dictum : illud tamen apparet 
 " eum dixisse ex sua ; inter omnes sectas, qua sunt vel 
 " fuerunt, nullam fuisse diuturniorem quam Leonistarum 
 " hanc sive Waldensium : quod satis ostendit, primam 
 " eorum originem ab omni memoria fuisse remotissi- 
 " mam, evincit certe (quod ostendi sibi postulat Jesuita) 
 " novam doctrinam non fuisse a Waldensibus et Albigen- 
 " sibus circa annum Christi mclx primitus in mundum 
 " introductam et postea miris incrementis multiplicatam. 
 " Cum enim inter annum Christi mclx et annum mccliv 
 " quo fratrem Reinerium claruisse ex Antonii Senensis 
 " Bibliotheca docet ipse Gretserus, tantum 94 annorum 
 " spatium intercesserit : omnibus ludibrium debuisset, qui 
 " talia de diutumitate proferret sects, quam non amplius 
 " uno ante seculo exortam constitisset." Morland's His- 
 tory of the Churches of Piedmont, Book i. c. iv. p. 28. 
 
Sect. 1.] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 31 
 
 " dire, ily avoil environ 500 ans™ Cet Inqui- 
 " siteur dans un livre expres qu'il a compose sur 
 " ce sujet, rapporte par le Jesuite Gretserus en 
 " la Bibliotheque des Peres, n'a par le front de 
 " nier que les Vaudois ne soient des les tems des 
 " Apotres ; son temoignage merite d'estre icy 
 " transcrit de mot a mot en original. Inter 
 " omnes sectas," &c. ffi He had before spoken of 
 
 24 1 suppose it is on the authority of this statement, 
 that Madame has said in his translation of Mosheim's 
 History, (Cent. xn. part ii. §. xi. note) " The bloody In- 
 " quisitor Reinerius Saccho, who exerted such a furious 
 " zeal for the destruction of the Waldenses, lived but 
 " about 80 years after Valdus of Lyons ; and must there- 
 " fore be supposed to know whether he was the real 
 " founder of the Valdenses or Leonists ; and yet it is 
 " remarkable that he speaks of the Leonists (mentioned by 
 " Dr. Mosheim in the preceding page as synonimous with 
 " Waldenses) as a sect that had flourished above five 
 " hundred years ; nay mentions authors of note who make 
 " their antiquity remount to the apostolic age." See how 
 the story improves. Reinerius now vouches in Leger for 
 about, and in Maclaine for above, five hundred years. 
 The latter of these writers too has discovered that the 
 Inquisitor "mentions authors of note" as vouchers for 
 still higher antiquity. I have never been able to find any 
 thing about 500 years in Reinerius ; nor any reference to 
 any author, of any kind, about the Waldenses — nothing, 
 in fact, but the " quiftam dicunt," and the " alii dicunt," 
 which the reader has had in the extract already more than 
 once quoted. 
 
 ^Liv. I. ch. xxviii. p. 169. 
 
32 REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. 
 
 " Un fameux Inquisiteur nomme Reynerus Sac- 
 " cone, qui dit que les Vaudois ou Albigeois sont 
 " du tems de Sylvestre, ou memes des le tems 
 " des Apotres ." Ibid. p. 15. 
 
 Allix, after quoting the passage of Reinerius, 
 already repeatedly cited, says, " Now it is clearer 
 " than the sun, that Raynerus would never have 
 " talked at this rate, if he had known, that the 
 " first rise of this sect was not above seventy 
 " years before he wrote this treatise ; as we must 
 " acknowledge, if we suppose Waldo to be the 
 " founder of it." p. 193. Will the reader be- 
 lieve that Reinerius does expressly state — and 
 that Allix was fully aware that he does so state 
 — that this " diuturnior" sect of Leonists was 
 founded by Peter Waldo ? Will he believe 
 that, in speaking of the Waldenses, only seven 
 pages after the passage just quoted, Allix himself 
 says of the Bishop of Meaux, " He pretends they 
 " owe their rise solely to Peter Waldo, a mer- 
 " chant of Lyons, wherein he follows Raynerus, 
 « cap. 5."? 
 
 What shall we say to this ? Was it dis- 
 honesty, or stupidity ? Which ever it was, God 
 forbid that I should charge it upon all those who 
 have made themselves partakers of other men's 
 sins, when carelessness, or vanity, has led them 
 to appropriate authorities which they had never 
 verified; but it is a sad thing, that error and 
 falsehood should be handed down from one to 
 
Sect. 1] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 33 
 
 another till, after frequent repetition, they assume 
 a tone of dogmatism, and authority, which seems 
 to preclude all doubt. After reading what I 
 have quoted from Mr. Faber, who refers gene- 
 rally, at p. 36, to " Reiner, cont. heeret. c. iv. v." 
 implying, surely, that he knew both the fourth 
 and fifth chapters — who states respecting the 
 Albigenses, and Waldenses, that " the best in- 
 " formed Romanists of that period pretended not 
 " to affix any certain date to their origination. 
 " They were unable to pitch upon any specific 
 " time when these venerable churches existed 
 " not. All that they certainly knew was that 
 " they had flourished long since" and adds (I 
 presume with a direct reference to " diuturnior," 
 as the preceding words which he prints in italics, 
 refer, I suppose to " dudum") " that they were 
 far more ancient than any mere modern sects" — 
 after all this, 1 say, would any reader believe 
 that the title and beginning of this very fifth 
 chapter of Reinerius, so referred to by Mr. Faber, 
 are as follows : 
 
 De sectis modernordm haereticorum. 
 
 Cap. V. 
 
 " Nota, quod secta Pauperum de Lugduno, qui etiam 
 " Leonistw dicuntur, tali modo orta est. Cum cives 
 " majores pariter essent in Lugduno, contingit quen- 
 " dam ex eis mori subito coram eis. Unde quidam 
 " inter eos tantum fuit tertius (1. territus) quod statim 
 " magnum thesaurum pauperibus erogavit," &c. 
 F 
 
34 REVIEW OF MR. FABERS TESTIMONIES. [Sect. I. 
 
 and then he goes on to tell the well-known story 
 of Peter Waldo. 
 
 Now, if by thus exposing what may appear 
 to be an inconsistency, I seem, as Usher suggests, 
 to make this poor monk Reinerius Saccho, ridi- 
 culous, let me be allowed to add two remarks, 
 which justice seems to demand ; and from which 
 I think it will appear that he is not so absurd as 
 his misrepresenters would make him. 
 
 First — " Diuturnior," whether we write it 
 plain, or translate it into "far more ancient" 
 or " higher antiquity" is still only compara- 
 tive ; and it is obvious that Reinerius's idea of 
 " diuturnity," as applied to the Leonists, was 
 much less magnificent than Mr. Faber's; for 
 just before, in reckoning up the characteristic 
 excellencies which distinguished the true church 
 from all heretical sects, he says, " The sixth is 
 " diuturnity; for it has existed from the times 
 " of the apostles ; but the authors of heresies are 
 " new men, as the Ortlibenses, Runcarii, and the 
 " others." * One of these " novelli" he might 
 suppose to be " diuturnior" than another ; and 
 he might be right or wrong in his supposition ; 
 but he considered the Leonists as the oldest 
 among the modern sects, and accordingly put 
 
 25 " Sextum est diuturnitas, quia duravit a tempore 
 " Apostolorum. Sed auctores hscresnm sunt norelli,sicut 
 " Ortlibenses, Runcarii, et cateri." Cap. i. 
 
Sect. 1.] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 35 
 
 them first in his chapter " De sectis modernorum 
 haereticorum." 
 
 Secondly — 1 see no reason to suppose that 
 Reinerius was particularly well informed as to 
 the history of the Waldenses. I have already 
 said that he did not belong to that sect. In fact 
 he distinctly tells us that he belonged to the 
 Cathari, a sect which I believe to have differed 
 widely in doctrine from the Waldenses, and to 
 have had little or no intercourse with them, 
 except as their companions in peril and in arms, 
 during the Albigensian crusade. This I hope 
 to make apparent hereafter ; but, in the mean 
 time, I would observe, that it seems to me very 
 unlikely that Reinerius had any knowledge of 
 the Waldenses, except such as he might gain 
 either by public report, or through his office of 
 Inquisitor; and I should not be surprised therefore 
 to find him mistaken in any point relating to 
 their history, which was probably unknown to 
 his own sect, and into which it was not his official 
 business to enquire. He knew that some pre- 
 tended that the Waldenses had existed as a 
 distinct sect from the time of Pope Sylvester; 
 and perhaps he believed it in pure ignorance of 
 the time when that Pope lived : and that others 
 said they had existed from the times of the 
 Apostles; and that he certainly did not believe. 
 He as certainly did believe, that they sprang from 
 a certain rich citizen of Lyons, whom we cannot 
 
36 REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. 
 
 doubt to have been Peter Waldo ; but he does 
 not seem to have known either his name, or 
 date ; and, therefore, conceding what he probably 
 could not contradict, he admitted that they were 
 " diuturnior" than those other modern sects with 
 which he had a better acquaintance. 
 
 I wish the reader to understand that I make 
 these remarks only with a view to put the matter 
 in its right light j and that I am fully aware that 
 their tendency is to lessen the weight of a testi- 
 mony which, when properly examined, is de- 
 cidedly in my favour ; but I believe that, though 
 a most valuable witness, and one of whom I shall 
 avail myself, as to that sect to which he was 
 attached for seventeen years, Reinerius is no 
 great authority respecting any other. If my ob- 
 ject had been simply to carry my point, I might at 
 once have taken Mr. Faber's words, " having been 
 " once himself a Vallensian, the renegade must 
 " have known to a certainty whether Waldo 
 " was, or was not, the founder of the Valdensic 
 " Churches ;" and might have replied, " Well, 
 " then, this indisputable renegade does plainly 
 " state that the Leonists were a modern sect who 
 " sprung from Peter Waldo." 
 
 Such are the testimonies adduced by Mr. 
 Faber, and if there were a hundred more, I think 
 that, after the specimen which we have had, I 
 might be excused from examining them in detail. 
 They are, however, all ; and of them Mr. Faber 
 
Sect. 1.] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 37 
 
 triumphantly says, (I give the passage with his 
 own capitals and italics) 
 
 " The evidence, which I have now adduced, distinctly 
 " proves, not only that the Vallenses and the Albigenses ex- 
 " isted anterior to Peter of Lyons ; but likewise, that at 
 " the time of his appearance in the latter end of the twelfth 
 " century, they were already considered as two communi- 
 " ties of very high ANTIQUITY. Hence it follows, that, 
 " even in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the Vallen- 
 " sic and the Albigensic Churches were so ancient, that 
 " their remote commencement was placed, by their inqui- 
 " sitive enemies themselves, far beyond the memory of 
 " man. The best informed Romanists of that period pre- 
 " tended not to affix any certain date to their origination. 
 " They were unable to pitch upon any specific time, when 
 " these venerable churches existed not. AH, that they cer- 
 " tainly knew, was, that they had flourished long since, that 
 " they were far more ancient than any mere modem sects, that 
 " they had visibly existed from a time beyond the utmost me- 
 " mory of man. 
 
 " This, then, is the important fact, which has now been 
 " ascertained : and its obvious consequence is, that no ac- 
 " count or theory of the rise of the two churches, which 
 " contradicts our well ascertained fact, can for a moment be 
 " admitted." 
 
 After what has been said, this magnificent 
 statement may perhaps require no remark ; but 
 Mr. Faber proceeds — 
 
 {' Now, since the Romanists are constrained to ac- 
 " knowledge their own ignorance in regard to the origin 
 " of the two churches ; and since those among them, who 
 «■ had the best means of information, will only venture to 
 " say, that these heretical communities had, in the twelfth 
 
38 REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. 
 
 " century already existed from a period far beyond the 
 " memory of man : I see not what more unexceptionable 
 " testimony we can resort to, than that of the two ancient 
 " churches themselves." 
 
 " They, then, constantly asserted, we are told, from 
 " the twelfth century down to the sixteenth, that, when the 
 " Emperor Constantine, in the days of Pope Sylvester, 
 " corrupted the church by the magnitude of his donations, 
 " one of the companions of that prelate, anticipating the 
 " Apqstacy of which he then beheld the commencement, 
 " withdrew himself from the communion of the Roman 
 " Pontiff. He was joined by several persons, who held 
 " the same primitive sentiments as himself, and who wish- 
 " ed to preserve unspotted the purity of the early church. 
 " These pious men formed henceforth a separate society, 
 " out of which sprang the two churches of the Vallenses in 
 " Piedmont and of the Albigenses in France." p. 34. 
 
 I feel that it would be an insult to the read- 
 er's understanding, to offer any laboured refuta- 
 tion of the idle legend about Pope Sylvester. If 
 he does not at once see the absurdity of attempting 
 to maintain that two churches, now in being, 
 have existed for fifteen hundred years, in France 
 and Piedmont, out of communion with the See of 
 Rome ; and that ever since the year 604, they 
 have " testified against the demonolatrous apos- 
 tacy ;" and this too, " eminently, and in their 
 corporate capacity as churches;" I should scarce- 
 ly hope to convince him by any arguments which 
 could be offered. 
 
 It is notorious that there is a silly vanity in 
 some menbers of almost every sect, which leads 
 
SBCT. 1.] REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. 39 
 
 them to exaggerate the antiquity of their peculi- 
 arities 5 and that most ecclesiastical communities, 
 whatever they may say, of apostolical succession, 
 have no objection to number the Apostles among 
 their members. 87 What but this same feeling 
 could have induced some Protestants to shew so 
 much anxiety to tack themselves on the Albigen- 
 ses ? to deny — or where they could not deny, to 
 palliate their errors and heresies— to reject, or 
 tacitly pass by, overwhelming evidence, — to gar- 
 ble, pervert, and put a false colour upon printed 
 and written documents — and to publish, and 
 republish, and triumph over, the clumsy forgeries 
 
 27 In a little book, entitled " Questions on Protestant 
 Nonconformity answered, with Notes," which the author 
 appears to have intended to be "generally used as a Cate- 
 chism,"" and which I believe is, or lately was, so used in 
 more than one Independent congregation, I find the 
 following question ; " Do we read of any dissenters in 
 the New Testament ?" — the answer is, "all the apostles 
 were dissenters, and so were all the primitive chris- 
 tians." Such pretensions in the case of the Waldenses, 
 if not perfectly excusable, are easily accounted for ; as it 
 appears that their original design was to revive the apos- 
 tolical life, (or what they considered as such) and by strict 
 and voluntary poverty, by perpetual migration, and indeed 
 in all things, to imitate the Apostles. They were, however, 
 , satisfied to go back to the New Testament ; but the cate- 
 chism asks, " Who are amongst the -prominent dissenters 
 recorded in the Old Testament ? 
 
40 REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. 
 
 which modern Vaudois have put forth ? v Why 
 have they taken all this trouble ? Was it really 
 that they might answer fools according to their 
 folly ? " They will certainly henceforward blush" 
 says Morland, " and be ashamed to upbraid us as 
 "formerly, by demanding where our religion was 
 " before the days of Calvin and Luther ? If they 
 " do, we call Jonas Aurelianensis, Prior Rorenco, 
 " Samuel de Cassini, Rainerius Sacon, Belvedere, 
 " Bellarmin, and other most renowned Catholics 
 " to witness for us that it was in the vallies of 
 "Piemont." 28 
 
 I suspect that some of these witnesses would 
 not answer when called ; that few of them would 
 stand a cross-examination ; and that all put 
 together would not produce the effect which 
 Morland anticipated. I apprehend that blushing 
 is quite out of fashion in the society to which " Jac. 
 
 57 Should this language appear too strong, I would beg 
 the reader to suspend his judgment for the present; and, 
 in the mean time, let ine disclaim any intention of apply- 
 ing it to all the writers who have maintained the extrava- 
 gant claims of the Waldenses. 
 
 23 Introd. p. vii. Maclaine, in a very erroneous note, in 
 which he undertakes to correct Mosheim, says, " When 
 " the Papists ask us where our religion was before Lather ? 
 " we generally answer, in the Bible ; and we answer well. 
 " But to gratify their taste for tradition and human authority, 
 " we may add to this answer, and in the tallies of Piedmont.'" 
 Cent. xii. P. n. ch. v. § xi. 
 
Sect. 1.] REVIEW OF MR. SABER'S TESTIMONIES. 41 
 
 Gretsero" belonged, though I cannot tell what 
 might be the effect of so unusual a thing as their 
 being beaten at their own weapons ; but I rather 
 believe that the papists will go on misrepresent- 
 ing us, and we shall go on misrepresenting 
 them, as long as the world lasts ; and bad as that 
 is, it is better than misrepresenting God, and his 
 truth, and all distinctions between right and 
 wrong, by the cant of liberality. At all events, 
 let us not imitate them by catching at idle 
 legends and forged documents, in order to meet 
 nonsensical questions. " Our religion," such as 
 it is, is either right or wrong. Whether it was 
 taught by Peter Waldo, at Lyons, and Peter 
 Auterius, at Thoulouse, or not, is nothing to the 
 purpose ; and if any papist were silly enough to 
 tell me that it was not to be found before the days 
 of Calvin and Luther, I should feel it quite 
 enough to answer, " so much the worse for the 
 Church of Rome." 
 
 Of this, however, I shall have occasion to say 
 more presently ; and strictly speaking, it has no- 
 thing to do with Mr. Faber's Testimonies. His 
 object is not to maintain the antiquity of protes- 
 tantism as a sect ; but to find out some particular 
 and special witnesses against the papacy who 
 have, from the year 604 hitherto, fulfilled, and 
 are now fulfilling, the prophecy, in such a way as 
 his system requires. I think it must be evident 
 
 G 
 
42 REVIEW OF MR. FABER'S TESTIMONIES. [Sect. 1. 
 
 to every reader, that he has not succeeded ; but I 
 should feel that I had done but little in shewing 1 
 that a cause had been badly argued, unless I 
 could make it appear that it was bad in itself; 
 and this I hope to do. 
 
Section II. 
 
 REMARKS ON MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. 
 
 The sources of information respecting ecclesias- 
 tical history, which some, even of the clergy, 
 think it necessary to provide, are so limited, that 
 many readers may possibly have no other book of 
 reference on the subject, than Milner's History 
 of the Church of Christ. 1 As, however, that 
 writer has given what appears to me a totally erro- 
 neous view of the Paujlicians, in which he is, 
 as far as I know, unsupported by any other his- 
 torian ; and as he has ventured to tell us that 
 with regard to the Waldenses, (under which 
 name he comprehends the Cathari and Albigen- 
 ses,) Mosheim's information is " scanty, con- 
 
 1 The author of the Christian Student has given a list 
 entitled "The Curate's Library." Under the head of 
 " Ecclesiastical History," we find only " Milner and Scott's 
 " History of the Church of Christ— Burnet's History of the 
 " Reformation — Whiston's Josephus." p. 415. 
 
44 MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. [Sect. 2. 
 
 fused, andERRONEOUS ;" 2 it seems necessary to 
 enquire, what the authority of Milner really is ; 
 and what right he has to talk of the " mental 
 imbecility," 3 or the " temerity and self-sufficiency 
 of Mosheim. 4 
 
 I can truly say, that I have no desire or dis- 
 position to undervalue Milner. His devoted 
 piety, and general talents, are unquestioned. 
 The classical learning, which gave honour to his 
 youth, was not likely to be lost, or diminished, 
 during a life of tuition ; and the " immense read- 
 ing," and very extraordinary memory, which his 
 biographer ascribes to him had, I doubt not, fur- 
 nished him with a great fund of knowledge. It 
 is, however, most evident that his knowledge was 
 not of that description which would have qualified 
 him for the task which he undertook ; and with- 
 out which, neither piety nor talents, could render 
 him respectable as a writer of church history — 
 especially of such a history as he projected. I 
 grant also, most willingly and fervently, that the 
 design was noble ; and feel as strongly as he did, 
 that such a work as he proposed to write, was 
 much to be desired; and that he who would gather 
 up those materials which are not wanting, though 
 never hitherto fully collected, would be doing a 
 real service to the christian church. 
 
 2 Vol. in. p. 111. 3 Vol. ii. p. 478. ' Vol. in. p. 371 
 
Sect. 2.] MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. 45 
 
 I have just said that if any papist should tell 
 me that our religion was not to be found before 
 the time of Calvin and Luther, I should be satis- 
 fied to answer him according to his folly ; but I 
 would by no means be understood to admit the 
 truth of his statement, for 1 believe it to be as 
 false as it is foolish ; and feel no doubt, that, in 
 the darkest age, there were many true, and ac- 
 cepted, worshippers of God. Not formed into 
 churches, and eminently bearing their testimony 
 in corporate capacities as churches, against the 
 See of Rome (for then I think we should have 
 heard more about them) ; but as the sheep of 
 Christ dispersed abroad in the midst of this 
 naughty world — known, perhaps, by this or that 
 name of reproach — or, perhaps, the obscure and 
 unknown, whose names were never written any- 
 where but in heaven. I doubt not that there 
 were such, living a life of faith and prayer and 
 communion with God ; overlooked in the bustle 
 of cities, and the solitude of cottages, and even 
 shut up in what modern systems require us to 
 consider as the strong holds of Antichrist, the 
 cell, and the cloister. I will not shrink from 
 avowing my belief, that many a tonsured head 
 now rests in Abraham's bosom ; and that many 
 a frail body, bowed down with voluntary humi- 
 lity, and wasted with unprofitable will-worship — 
 clothed in rags, and girt with a bell-rope, was a 
 temple of the Holy Ghost ; and that one day — a 
 
46 MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. [Sect. 2. 
 
 day when the follies of system, and the sins of 
 party, and man's judgment of his fellows, will 
 have come to an end — these, her unknown child- 
 ren, will be revealed to the astonishment of a 
 church, accustomed to look back, with a mixture 
 of pride and shame, to the days of her barren- 
 ness. She may ask, " Who hath brought up 
 " these ? Behold, I was left alone ; these, where 
 " had they been ?" — but she will have learned to 
 know the seal of the living God, she will embrace 
 them as her sons, and will find better matter of 
 discourse, than their superstition and her illumi- 
 nation. 
 
 In the mean time, however, they are hidden 
 — perhaps more completely hidden than they 
 need be, if due pains were taken to look after 
 them, and gather what might be known. 
 
 This is what Milner undertook; and the 
 design was as noble, as the execution was feeble 
 and defective. Every reflecting christian must, 
 I think, concede to him that such a work was 
 wanted in the church ; though, perhaps, few may 
 be prepared to go with him in all that he says 
 respecting ecclesiastical history, even as it had 
 been already written. " A history," he observes, 
 " of the perversions and abuses of religion is not 
 " properly a history of the church ; as absurd were 
 " it to suppose an history of the highwaymen that 
 " have infested this country to be a History of 
 " England." Why, happily for this country, the 
 
Sect. 2.] MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. 47 
 
 highwaymen have never been the most numerous, 
 and influential, class of society ; but if they had 
 been pretty commonly, the dominant power in 
 the state, and had so carried matters that, during 
 a course of ages, common honesty was high- 
 treason, and day-labour a capital offence — if the 
 rogues had been so many and so powerful, that 
 a suspected disaffection to plunder was enough to 
 hang a man ; it seems to me that a History of 
 England which did not notice, and indeed was 
 not considerably occupied with, the proceedings 
 of the highwaymen, would be a very defective 
 performance. Supposing ecclesiastical history, 
 as it has generally been written, to be absolutely 
 nothing more than secular history, yet, surely, of 
 all secular history, it is to a christian, the most 
 interesting, and instructive ; and " the perversions 
 and abuses of religion" are matters which we are 
 at least as much concerned to know, as the exploits 
 of Alexander or Caesar. Yet I grant that what 
 Milner denominates " real church history," — 
 what may be called the history of God's grace — 
 being the history of God as well as man, and 
 looking backwards and forwards through eternity, 
 is the noblest of all histories ; and that to trace 
 out, and commemorate, the manifestations of 
 God's light in a world of darkness, is a work of 
 higher style and interest, than any other in which 
 the historian can be engaged. 
 
 He, however, who undertakes it, will find 
 
48 MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. [Sect. 2. 
 
 that it is a work of no common labour. If he is 
 satisfied to go to Alban Butler's Lives of the 
 Saints, and to copy from the Centuriators, and 
 Dupin — to dilate upon Augustine, and Gregory, 
 and Bernard, or wherever else the learned care 
 of ages has prepared matters to his hand — and to 
 dwell upon those scenes which have been detailed 
 in history, and sifted in controversy — if he is satis- 
 fied, and expects his readers to be satisfied with 
 this, he may soon make a book ; and if he has 
 the piety and talent of Milner, a popular and use- 
 ful book. But surely " the real church" historian, 
 supposing him to have all, and more than all, the 
 qualifications of Milner, must go to work in an- 
 other fashion, if he would do any thing like even 
 such imperfect justice, as uninspired man can do, 
 to such a subject. If his object is to trace the 
 true light shining in darkness, he is not to wait 
 till persecution has fanned up a flame, and then 
 to run just where he sees a blaze, to warm him- 
 self at the stake, and rake in the ashes for relics 
 — much less is he to trust to picking up those 
 relics at second hand from pedlars, and to give 
 his account of the Auto-da-fe from the newspaper. 
 He must be out at nights, creeping under the 
 hedge and beside the ditch, in darkness and dirt, 
 to catch the glow-worm — or, to speak plainly, he 
 must toil through much that is useless, worthless, 
 and repulsive — much offence to taste, logic, and 
 common sense ; much ignorance, and much su- 
 
Sect. 2.] MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. 49 
 
 perstition — he must be strong in mind, in body, 
 and in purpose — his daily task must be " the read- 
 ing that was never read ;" and half his books what 
 where not thought worth printing — he must tuck 
 up his sleeves, and bid defiance to dirt, and dog- 
 latin, and all the tricks of monkish penmanship — 
 he must have free access to old and large libraries, 
 and full permission to ransack their stores — and 
 he must not (however useful and honourable 
 those employments may be, he must not) write 
 basketfuls of sermons, and spend six hours a 
 day in teaching greek and latin. 5 
 
 Suppose a man should tell us that wood and 
 hay, corn and cattle, and all that is maintained on 
 earth's surface, is mean and perishable ; and that 
 true riches consist in gold and silver, the diamond 
 
 5 " During the first twenty-three years of his life, we 
 " find him exerting every nerve to acquire knowledge ; 
 " and during a great part of the last thirtyfyears, he is daily 
 '■'■five or six hours in his school ; then, besides his frequent 
 " preachings and visitations of the sick, his poetical compo- 
 " sitions, and many baskets full of Sermons committed to the 
 " flames, on account of the Author's disapprobation of their 
 " contents, there are now in existence eight or nine hundred 
 " Sermons in manuscript, composed after the Author's sen- 
 " timents had changed and were fixed." Dean Milnefs 
 life of Milner prefixed to his Sermons, p. lix. If these are, 
 as the Dean states, and as I most fully believe, " undoubted 
 facts" — and if there is another fact which I think no reader 
 of Milner's History can doubt ; namely, that he had very 
 
 H 
 
50 MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. [Sect. i. 
 
 and the pearl— we may, perhaps, be inclined to 
 think that bread, and beef, and broad cloth, and 
 all the staple of the farmer, and the manu- 
 facturer, are not bad things for common purposes; 
 but acknowledging his nobler taste in accu- 
 mulation, we keep our low conceits to ourselves, 
 and visit his collection with respect and curiosity. 
 It is very scanty ; and he feels that it is so, while 
 he exhibits this, and the other, morsel, and can- 
 didly states his uncertainty whether this piece of 
 ore is really gold, and that rough stone really a 
 diamond ; and he tells us often, and with much 
 feeling, that gold is scarce, and gems are not 
 easily come by. We feel disappointed; but 
 knowing the truth of his apology, and not ques- 
 tioning his diligence, we join in his lamentation, 
 and make the most of the little before us. 
 
 Suppose, however, it should appear that this 
 collector never went farther than the high-road, 
 the ploughed field, and the market-place, to 
 gather his stores ? We know, to be sure, that 
 travellers may drop coins, and trinkets,, on the 
 highway — that road-makers may hit upon a vein 
 
 limited access to such books as his undertaking required 
 him to consult — if, as the Dean also states," the Scriptures 
 were his constant study, and profane history his amusement, 
 how could he think of undertaking an ecclesiastical history, 
 especially on a plan which rendered the works of all his 
 predecessors, if not entirely useless, at least very insufficient 
 and unsafe guides ? 
 
SEcr. 2.] MILNERS CHURCH HISTORY. 5 1 
 
 in cutting down a hill, and road-menders may 
 accidentally bring scraps of ore among their 
 materials — that the plough may turn up minerals, 
 and that those who have dredged for nothing but 
 oysters, have often fished up pearls — but, even 
 knowing all this, should we wonder that his collec- 
 tion was scanty, while he was content to be a pen- 
 sioner on the accidental help of persons engaged 
 in pursuits quite different from his own — many 
 of whom did not know the things which he was 
 seeking, when they saw them — never thought of 
 looking for them — and even if they came in their 
 way, threw them aside, as things not to their pur- 
 pose ? He might, to be sure, tell us that it would be 
 very tiresome and laborious to be digging in mines* 
 and diving in the ocean ; and that he had neither 
 the means, nor the leisure, for such undertakings. 
 This, might be true beyond dispute; and what 
 must we answer? May We compliment him by 
 •saying, as Milner does, " in magnis voluisse 
 sat est ?" I really feel that I could not ; for it 
 does not appear to me that every attempt at great 
 things is praiseworthy ; and however magnificent 
 the projected tower may be — whatever plans and 
 elevations the architect may shew — surely we 
 cannot commend him if he begins to build with- 
 out a due estimate of his means; and trusts that 
 the excellency of his design, will atone for what- 
 ever he may do or leave undone. 
 
 This seems to me the more important, because 
 
52 MILKER'S CHURCH HISTORY. [Sect. 2. 
 
 I cannot help thinking, that Milner's work is lia- 
 ble to encrease, rather than to diminish, the evil 
 which he proposed to remedy. Referring to the 
 way in which ecclesiastical history has generally 
 been written, he says, " the evils which have 
 " been practised in christian countries, seem even 
 " greater than they really were ; and the disagree- 
 " able inference which the reading of Mosheim 
 " produced in my own mind, is probably no sin- 
 " gular case, viz. — that real religion appears 
 «' scarcely to have had any existence. Infidel 
 " malice has triumphed though very unreasonably 
 " on account of these things," 6 &c. I must say 
 that, to my own mind, the evil which Milner 
 states, does not appear so important as he seems 
 to have considered it ; and I am inclined to think, 
 that those who have written on religious subjects, 
 with a professed view of removing, or under a 
 pressing fear of creating, offence in infidels, have 
 too often exposed themselves, and, as far as they 
 could, their cause. Yet, I grant that it is an evil, 
 and one that ought to be met ; but how ? In 
 fact how did the case stand before, and how does 
 it stand at present ? When Milner heard the 
 infidel unjustly triumphing, he might have told 
 him that the ecclesiastical historians of whom 
 he spoke, were the annalists of a secularized 
 church, and made no profession of seeking out, 
 
 1 Introd. p. v. 
 
Sect. 2.] MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. 53 
 
 and drawing to light, those whose characteristic 
 it is, that the world knoweth them not; but were 
 we now to tell him this, he would answer, " well, 
 " I grant this, but here is a writer of real church 
 " history — one whose mind was affected as my 
 " own is — and who went to work on that very 
 " account, and with a special view to meet this 
 " objection — and what is the result ?" 
 
 Let me, however, be more specific — for I 
 should be sorry to be thought guilty of falsely 
 accusing, or even underrating any man, especially 
 one, on many accounts, so respectable. 
 
 If there ever was a period, with reference to 
 which the infidel's objection might seem to be 
 plausible, and when he might pretend that real 
 religion was not to be found, and the real church 
 not in existence, surely it was in the tenth cen- 
 tury, commonly called the sjecu:lum obscur- 
 um. For such a period, the writer of " real 
 church history," whose express object it was to 
 meet this objection, would surely exert himself ; 
 and would think nothing of picking over a bushel 
 of chaff, if perad venture he might find two grains 
 of wheat. Though he might learn from Baro- 
 nius, that it was " a dark age, remarkable above 
 " all others for the scarcity of writers and 
 " men of learning," 7 he would be anxious to get 
 hold of whatever writers there were ; and though 
 
 7 Milner. vol. in. 245. 
 
54 MILNERS CHURCH HISTORY. [Sect. 2. 
 
 he might take the Cardinal's word that they 
 were not men of learning, would not feel satisfied 
 without examination, that some of them might 
 not be such persons as he was in search of. Du- 
 pin would furnish a list of eighty-six writers of 
 this century — some of them to be sure little more 
 than names, some hard to get at, and some, per- 
 haps, quite out of reach — but does it appear that 
 Milner ever saw one ? that he ever looked into 
 a single writer of the tenth century, to see whether 
 there might not be something to his purpose, 
 which the defective historians had passed over ? 
 I think not — he does not speak as if he had ever 
 seen, or sought after, or thought of looking at, 
 one ; though the extracts which he found in the 
 Centuriators, might have tempted him. 9 Mosheim 
 
 " From whom," says Mibier, (though Dupin was a 
 Roman Catholic, and one of the authors whose deficiences 
 he was writing to supply) " I derive particular information 
 on subjects of this nature." Vol. n. p. 529. 
 
 9 As they did on another occasion, "All the accounts 
 " of antiquity are full of the praises of Vicelinus ; and his 
 " character is briefly, but very strongly celebrated by 
 " Mosheim, with such unqualified commendations, that I 
 " cannot but wish that very learned historian had favoured 
 " us with an abridgment of bis life and actions, taken from 
 " the sources of information, which he quotes but which seem 
 " to us inaccessible. I have consulted the Centuriators, and 
 " find matter there sufficient to excite, but not to satisfy our 
 " curiosity. The little to be collected from them shall be 
 
Sect. 2] MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. 55 
 
 alone, would have furnished him with references 
 to a host of historians, and other writers relative 
 to the period — did he refer to them ? Let the 
 reader compare the references of the two histo- 
 rians, and judge. In fact, Milner has disposed 
 of the whole century — one, not only requiring - , 
 as I have said, his utmost exertion from its ob- 
 scurity, but one that offered to the apologist of 
 christian missions, a fair prospect of reward for 
 his labours — in thirty-eight octavo pages, of which 
 Jive are an apology for christian missions ; and 
 his references shew the sources from whence he 
 derived what information he had. They are 
 thirty-two in number — nineteen to the Centu- 
 riators, who "omit, or very lamely recount, 
 some most important Christian facts," l0 —five to 
 Alban Butler, " a zealous Roman Catholic" " 
 
 " mentioned in the next chapter. And here is an instance 
 " of that which I have had but too frequent occasion to re- 
 " mark, namely, an extreme scantiness of information on 
 " subjects most worthy of our researches [researches ?] 
 " How willingly would the evangelical reader have excused 
 " the omission of many pages in Mosheim, if he had grati- 
 " fied us with an orderly account of one of the best and 
 " wisest christian missionaries of the age." Vol. in. p. 431. 
 If he had written without prejudice, could Milner have 
 helped seeing, that such a detailed account of an individual, 
 however excellent, was not Mosheim's business, and that it 
 was most particularly his own ? 
 
 10 Introd. p. v. u Vol. in. 195. 
 
56 iMILNERS CHURCH HISTORY. [Sect. 2. 
 
 —four to Mosheim, whose deficiencies it was 
 his object to supply — one to Baronius, almost, 
 1 apprehend, as zealous a Roman Catholic, as 
 Alban Butler, and as defective a historian as 
 Mosheim — one to Bishop Newton — one to 
 Gibbon — and (we must go if possible a step 
 farther from orthodoxy) one to the King of 
 Prussia. 
 
 Now people who ever smile, must surely be 
 tempted when they see such a motley group as- 
 sembled, to lend their aid to a writer of " real 
 church history," and to enable him to supply the 
 defects of former historians, respecting the state 
 of true religion, in an obscure, but very interest- 
 ing, period of history ? Yet I feel that it is no 
 laughing matter, when we couple it with Mil- 
 ner's pretensions — with his constant reproach of 
 others — and, above all, with his own plain and 
 positive statement, " I have all along, however, 
 " to the best of my ability, and opportunity, con- 
 " suited original records, and have never 
 " contented myself with copying the sentiments of 
 " modern historians." What original re- 
 cords of the tenth century — I do not mean auto- 
 graph manuscripts — but what writer of the tenth 
 century, or that was not modern by five hundred 
 years did he consult ? I suppose that all we can 
 say is, that this declaration (though prefixed to 
 subsequent editions of the whole work) was 
 made when he had written only the first volume, 
 
Sect. 2.] MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. 57 
 
 and that by original records, he meant the New 
 Testament, and the works of the most commonly 
 known fathers of the first three centuries; and 
 that when he got farther, and original records 
 became more difficult to obtain, he changed his 
 plan. This may have been the case ; but it is a 
 pity that if his ability, and opportunity, for con- 
 sulting original records, did not extend farther 
 than his references seem to indicate, he did not 
 desist when such references became not only 
 more difficult, but more necessary. But of the 
 possibility of getting almost any, but the com- 
 monest books, he seems to have had scarcely any 
 idea, and it is hard to imagine with what stock 
 of church-history-reading, and books, he set out 
 upon his arduous undertaking. The Centuriators, 
 to whom more than half the above references are 
 made, he " did not meet with" until he had 
 finished his first volume, 12 and if he had ever seen 
 the Councils, he managed, I believe, to get into 
 the ninth century, and to the 209th page of his 
 third volume, without a single reference to them. 
 This, however, is the writer who, in regard 
 to the Waldenses, tells us that " the information 
 " of Mosheim concerning this people, seems very 
 
 12 1 do not mean that they were necessary to that part of 
 his undertaking, where, in fact, they would have been of less 
 use than in any other — but what he says (Introd. p. v.) seems 
 to imply, that he did not know the book, until after he 
 had written the history of three centuries. 
 
 I 
 
58 M1LNERS CHURCH HISTORY. [Sect. 2. 
 
 " scanty, confused, and erroneous."™ The Chan- 
 cellor of Gottjngen, pleading the privilege of 
 age, 14 was inclined to boast, that after the greatest 
 part of a life devoted to the study of ecclesiastical 
 history ; and a course of reading which even, 
 when we give him credit for unusual diligence, 
 and extraordinary means, seems almost incredi- 
 ble ;" he was able to throw fresh light on some 
 
 "Vol. in. p. 444. 
 
 14 " Liceat mihi jure senectutis uti, et pauca queedam 
 de me gloriari/' Prof. 
 
 15 It must be observed, that the innumerable references 
 of Mosheim, (at least according to his statement, which I 
 have never found reason to doubt) were not collected at 
 second hand ; but that in every ease, he had the books before 
 him, and read, and compared, for himself — " omnes quos 
 " testatus sum, ipse ante oculos habui, tractavi, legi, inter 
 " se contuli, alienaeque fidei me committere nolui." Poor 
 man — he little thought that his numerous references would 
 be turned into a ground of accusation. " The learned 
 Dr. Mosheim," says the editor of the fifth volume of Milner's 
 History, " in his compendium, refers to a long list of emi- 
 " nent authors, who, he says, are to be consulted in confir- 
 " mation of his brief statements. Now such an intimation 
 " appears to me, to have the effect of at once over- 
 " whelming the courage and resolution of any ordinary 
 " student of ecclesiastical history." I really do not see 
 this, unless the ordinary student is compelled by force, or 
 law, to look out the references, and made an extraordinary 
 student against his will ; supposing it to be true, as to ordi- 
 nary students, what should the effect have been on one who 
 professed to be something more than an ordinary writer of 
 Church History ? 
 
Sect. 2.] MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. 59 
 
 few subjects, which he specified in his preface. 
 Among these were the Cathari, and Albigenses, 
 as he denominates persons of whom Milner 
 speaks under the name of Waldenses. Respect- 
 ing these persons we might, therefore, especially 
 doubt whether Mosheim's information was 
 " scanty," even if it should turn out to be (unlike 
 his information on other subjects) " confused and 
 erroneous." For brevity's sake, however, as well 
 as to cut off all possibility of cavil, let us take 
 the word Waldenses, not as it is generally used 
 by Milner, but in the restricted sense in which 
 Mosheim (following, I believe, every ancient 
 writer who had any knowledge of the sect) em- 
 ployed it. Did any body ever suppose for a 
 moment, that Milner had ever seen the outside 
 of one half the works which Mosheim quotes at 
 one opening of his book ? w I must say — an)d I 
 
 say it sincerely — that I have such confidence in 
 
 -1 / 
 
 16 pp. 486, 487. They are, du cangk Gloss. — ni6ol. ey- 
 merici Direct. Inquis. — steph. de borbone de Sept. Donis 
 Sp.S. in JAC. ECHARD eiQUETiF Bib. Scrip. Dominic.^- anon. 
 de hceresi Paup. de Lug. in martene Thesaur. Anecdot. — 
 REINERIUS Sacho — moneta Sum. cont. Cath. et Vald. a KI- 
 CHINIO ed. — PILICHDORFIIJS con. Vald. — JO. PAUL. PERRIN 
 
 Hist. f(c. — jo. leger Hist. gen. des Eg. Vaud. — jac. usserii 
 de SuccessioneEcc. — jac basnage Hist, des Egl. Ref.—i.A. 
 richinius Diss, de Wald. — boulay Hist. Acad. Paris, — and 
 on the next page, he adds what is certainly one of the most 
 important authorities, " Codex Inquisitionis Tolosana a lim- 
 borchio editus. 
 
CO MILNER'S CHURCH HISTORY. [Sect. 2. 
 
 Milner's good sense, and sound judgment, as 
 renders me almost certain that, if he had done so, 
 his own account of the Waldenses would have 
 been, I do not say less scanty, (for it is just one 
 of the faults of his history, that he dilates where 
 information is the most plentiful and easily ob- 
 tained) but certainly less " confused and errone- 
 ous" than it undoubtedly is. 
 
Section III. 
 
 THE PAULICIANS. 
 
 In order to form a right opinion of the Albi- 
 genses, and their claim to be considered as 
 persons of eminent piety, and real reformers 
 of the church, it seems needful to take some 
 notice of the faith, and history, of the Pauli- 
 cians, a sect who arose in the East, in the seventh 
 century ; and I am the more inclined to do this 
 because, as I have elsewhere stated, an attempt 
 has been made to maintain their orthodoxy, and 
 to set them up as the witnesses. 1 The truth is, I 
 believe, that those who maintain the doctrine of 
 the 1260 years, have been so hard pressed in their 
 attempts to find witnesses, that they have been 
 glad to seize hold of any persons, who have been, 
 or whom they can pretend to have been, in any 
 way opposed to that power, whom their system 
 compels them to consider as the Man of Sin. What 
 
 1 Letter to the Rev. W. Digby. p. 59. 
 
62 THE PAULICIANS. [Sect. 3. 
 
 has been already cited from Mr. Faber's work, 
 sufficiently evinces how difficult it is to obtain 
 anything in the shape of witnesses against the 
 Papacy, in the West, before the twelfth century ; 
 and therefore some writers have endeavoured to 
 shew, not only that the Paulicians were eminently 
 orthodox, but also, that they were persecuted by 
 the See of Rome. 
 
 On these two points, then, it would be worth 
 while to say a few words, were it only to expose 
 the erroneous statements by which that system, 
 which it is my object to oppose, is maintained — 
 but beside this, some notice of this sect will, I 
 think, greatly conduce to our taking a proper 
 view of the Albigenses. 
 
 As to the Paulicians, I do not know of any 
 historian, before Milner, who has not considered 
 them as heretics ; and why he thus departed 
 from the course of his predecessors, unless he 
 was led by mistake, or prejudice, does not ap- 
 pear. He does not pretend to have any authority. 
 He tells us that he drew his materials from Gib- 
 bon, and Mosheim. The original writers not 
 having fallen into his hands, he says, " by the 
 " assistance of the two modern authors, 1 shall 
 " state the few facts which are known, and give 
 " as impartial a judgment, concerning the sect in 
 " question, as I can." How far he really has fol- 
 lowed these authors, as to the facts of the case, 
 remains to be seen ; but I must first notice what 
 
Sect. 3.] THE PAULICMNS. 63 
 
 he adds in this place, and what, perhaps, suggested 
 to him a course which is, I believe, in direct oppo- 
 sition to that of every other historian. 
 
 After thus mentioning the authors, by whose 
 assistance he meant to state the facts respecting 
 the Paulicians, he adds, " the candour of Gibbon 
 " is remarkable in this part of his history. O si 
 " sic omnia !" 
 
 Gibbon's candour on such a subject remark- 
 able ? Why, had Milner ever known an infidel, 
 who was not affectionately candid towards here- 
 tics, who had been persecuted by the orthodox ? 
 Surely the " victims of spiritual tyranny," were 
 just the objects to excite the candour of Gibbon, 
 and this Milner, of all men, ought to have known. 2 
 Gibbon had been obliged, in his xvi chapter, to 
 exhibit the mild virtues of paganism, as sullied 
 by something almost amounting to persecution ; 
 and to admit those sufferings, which " the primi- 
 " mitive christians lamented, and perhaps magni- 
 " fied" — he had been obliged to suggest, that 
 
 2 " The very little leisure, which the laborious employ- 
 " ment of teaching a school, and other still more important 
 " cares, have left me, I studiously devote to the reading of 
 " history. Mr. Gibbon's performance falling in my way, I 
 " read it with avidity, delighted as I went along, to find a 
 " new light and order given to subjects, which T had read 
 " indeed when young, but had never seen arranged 
 " with such perspicuity and philosophical precision. In 
 " one point of view only, truth and impartiality, seemed 
 
64 THE PAULICIANS. [Sect. 3. 
 
 " these transient sufferings, served only to revive 
 " the zeal, and to restore the discipline, of the 
 " faithful" — to smooth down the persecution of 
 Marcus Antoninus, into " the hardships which 
 " they endured under the government of a virtuous 
 
 " prince who had despised the christians 
 
 " as a philosopher, and punished them as a sove- 
 " reign" — to point out in the " mitigated persecu- 
 tion" of Severus, " the indulgent spirit of Rome 
 and Polytheism" — to shew that the proceedings 
 of Maximin, have " improperly received the 
 name of persecution" — and that " the effects of 
 " his resentment against the christians, were of a 
 " very local and temporary nature" — to palliate 
 " the rigorous treatment which they experienced 
 under the short reign of Decius," and to tell us 
 that " the virtues of that prince, will scarcely 
 " allow us to suspect that he was actuated by a 
 " mean resentment against the favourites of his 
 " predecessor ; and it is more reasonable to be- 
 " lieve that, in the prosecution of his general 
 
 " evidently to be wanting. The reader will be beforehand 
 " with me in supposing I mean, whatever has any relation 
 " to Christianity. The following sheets, perhaps, may 
 " convince him, that it would not be wrong to add, any 
 " relation to Christianity, direct or indirect. The sagacious 
 " author, scents the despised religion at an immense dis- 
 " tance, and steadily pursues his game, through the most 
 " intricate thickets, with unwearied assiduity." Milner's 
 Gibbon's account of Christianity considered. Pref. p. 4. 
 
Sect. 3.] THE FAUUCIANS. 65 
 
 " design to restore the purity of Roman manners, 
 " he was desirous of delivering the empire from 
 " what he condemned as a recent, and criminal, 
 " superstition. The bishops of the most consi- 
 " derable cities were removed by exile or death" 
 — and with regard to Diocletian's persecution, to 
 soften down matters as much as might be, and 
 give prominence to " the circumstances which 
 " insinuate that the general treatment of the 
 " christians, who had been apprehended by the 
 " officers of justice, was less intolerable than it is 
 " usually imagined to have been." 
 
 Gibbon had been compelled to notice the 
 persecution of the christians by pagans, in his 
 xvi chapter, and, in his nv, he found and took 
 his revenge. Here was an event in the history 
 of " the prostrate Greeks, who were content to 
 " fast, and pray, and believe, in blind obedi- 
 " ence to the patriarch and his clergy" — things 
 requiring no " energy, or exercise of the mental 
 faculties" — which gave him an opportunity of 
 talking of " the two religions of Zoroaster and 
 Christ," and setting forth the " equal and unre- 
 lenting hatred," with which they both persecuted 
 the innocent Manichseans. No doubt he was 
 "candid" towards those who rejected the Epistles 
 of St. Peter, when it gave him an opportunity of 
 stating, that they were "justified by some of the 
 most respectable of the ancients, and moderns ;" 
 and of hinting at " a sham quarrel, a pious fraud," 
 
 K 
 
66 THE PAULICIANS. [Sect. 3. 
 
 between the Apostles. He was candid to * those 
 who " overlooked" the Apocalypse, because it 
 enabled him to suggest that, as this. Was not 
 charged upon them as heresy, the Greek church 
 probably did the same. In short, let any man 
 read this fifty-fourth chapter of Gibbon, and I 
 think he must see that all this talk about the 
 Paulicians, was only intended to introduce an 
 invective against Christianity ; and that the art- 
 ful infidel dilated through twenty quarto pages, 
 on a subject which might have been dispatched 
 in one, merely because it gave him an opportu- 
 nity for sneer, and sarcasm, against the religion, 
 which both the Paulicians, and their persecutors, 
 professed. What had the historian of the ninth 
 century — or even of the whole decline and fall — 
 to do with " the character and consequences of 
 the Reformation" — with Calvin and Servetus — 
 and with the " modern clergy" who subscribe 
 " the forms of orthodoxy, the articles of faith" with 
 " a srnile or a sigh?" " The candour of Gibbon 
 is remarkable in this part of his history !" Yes, 
 truly, so remarkable that I wonder Milner did 
 not reject the Grecian gift. 
 
 The well-read historian of the Decline and 
 Fall, might afford to say, that the work of Photius 
 had not fallen into his hands ; but the echo from 
 Milner, is very sad. " Photius and Peter have 
 not fallen into my hands." No, indeed, it seems 
 as if none of the books which a historian of that 
 
Sect. 3.] THE PAT'LICIANS. 67 
 
 period ought to have consulted, had fallen into 
 his hands, except Gibbon, and Mosheim ; and he 
 says, " by the assistance of the two modern au- 
 " thors, I shall state the few facts which are 
 " known, and give as impartial a judgment con^ 
 " cerningthe sect in question, as I can." 
 
 Well then, with all this remarkable candour, 
 what is the account which Gibbon has given of the 
 Paulicians ? He tells us that " a branch of Mani- 
 " chaeans were selected as the victims of spiritual 
 " tyranny" — " their founders rejected the two 
 Epistles of St. Peter" — " they agreed with their 
 " Gnostic brethren in the universal contempt far 
 " the Old Testament, the books of Moses, and the 
 " prophets, which have been consecrated by the 
 " decrees of the Catholic Church" — " in the prac- 
 " tice, or at least in the theory, of the sacraments, 
 " the Paulicians were inclined to abolish all visi^ 
 " ble objects of worship, and the words of the 
 " gospel were, in their judgment, the baptism, 
 " and communion, of the faithful. They indulg- 
 " ed a convenient latitude for the interpretation 
 " of Scripture ; and, as often as they were pressed 
 " by the literal sense, they could escape to the in- 
 " tricate mazes of figure and allegory. Their ut- 
 " most diligence must have been employed to 
 " dissolve the connexion between the Oid and the 
 " New Testament, since they adored the latter as 
 " the oracles of God, and abhorred the former as 
 
68 THE PAWL1CIANS. [Sect. 3. 
 
 " the fabulous and absurd invention of men or 
 " daemons. We cannot be surprised that they 
 " should have found in the Gospel the orthodox 
 " mystery of the Trinity ; but, instead of confess- 
 " ing the human nature and substantial sufferings 
 " of Christ, they amused their fancy with a celes- 
 " tial body that passed through the Virgin, like 
 " water through a pipe ; with a phantastic cruci- 
 " fixion, that eluded the vain and impotent ma- 
 " lice of the Jews. A creed thus simple and 
 " spiritual, was not adapted to the genius of the 
 " times ; and the rational christian, who might 
 " have been contented with the light yoke and 
 " easy burden of Jesus and his Apostles, was 
 " justly offended that the Paulicians should dare 
 " to violate the unity of God, the first article of 
 " natural and revealed religion. Their belief 
 " and trust was in the Father of Christ, of the 
 " human soul, and of the invisible world. But 
 " they likewise held the eternity of matter; a 
 " stubborn and rebellious substance, the origin of 
 " a second principle, of an active being, who has 
 " created the visible world, and exercises his 
 " temporal reign till the final consummation of 
 " death and sin." 
 
 Such is the account of the Paulician creed 
 which is given by the remarkably candid histo- 
 rian ; and on what authority did Milner contra- 
 dict it ? Was it on the authority of his other 
 
Sect. 3.] THE PAULICIANS. 69 
 
 professed guide ? Certainly not. Mosheim tells 
 us that the Faulicians were " a sect that may be 
 considered as a branch of the Manicheeans ;" 
 (secta Manichseis cognata) and proceeds to give 
 an account, so much like that already quoted, that 
 it is not worth while to tire the reader with what 
 would be little more than repetition. It may be 
 enough to observe, that he says, " they were not 
 " altogether Manichees (germani Manichsei) 
 " though they embraced some opinions that re- 
 " sembled certain tenets of that abominable sect" 
 — and he afterwards adds, in a note, "it is evi- 
 " dent, beyond all contradiction, that the Paulici- 
 " ans, in imitation of the oriental philosophers 
 " from whom the Gnostics and Manichaeans de- 
 " rived their origin, considered eternal matter as 
 " the seat and source of all evil ; but they believed, 
 " at the same time, like many of the Gnostics, 
 " that this matter, endued from all eternity with 
 " life and motion, had produced an active prin- 
 " ciple, which was the fountain of vice, misery, 
 " and disorder. This principle, according to 
 " them, is the author of all material substances ; 
 " while God is the Creator and Father of Spirits. 
 " These tenets resemble, no doubt, the Manichsean 
 " doctrine ; yet they differ from it in several 
 " points. It appears most probable, that the 
 " Paulicians were extremely numerous and 
 " diversified, and which, though persecuted and 
 " oppressed from age to age in the most rigorous 
 
70 
 
 THE PAULICIANS. [Sect. 3- 
 
 u manner, by many emperors, could never be en- 
 " tirely suppressed, nor totally extirpated. 8 
 
 Milner's objections, for they cannot be called 
 arguments, are really scarcely worth noticing; 
 and it will be more to the purpose to discover, if 
 we can, what induced him to dress up the Pau- 
 licians in eminent orthodoxy; and, in defiance 
 
 3 Cent. ix. P. ii. ch. v. § 6. I quote Maclaine's trans- 
 lation because Milner has said, at p. 373 of this Volume, 
 " As Mosheim's work, translated by Maclaine, is better 
 " known than the original in England, I always quote the 
 " former, and would be understood, both here and else- 
 " where, to refer to that rather than to the latter." It is 
 therefore only fair to him that I should do the same ; but 
 that it is not safe, this single note may shew. The transla- 
 tor has taken the liberty to put in, and put out, important 
 matter. Mosheira does not say, that the Paulicians " were 
 extremely numerous," or at all " diversified;'' and he does 
 say, that he was inclined to believe that they were the off- 
 spring of the Gnostics. His words (professedly translated 
 above) are " Affiniu hcec sunt Manichseorum dogmati : sed 
 " ab eo etiam diversa. Crediderim, hanc sectam sobolem 
 " esse unius ex antiquis Gnosticorum familiis : quae, mul- 
 " tis licet Imperatorum legibus et supplicibus misere vex- 
 f atae, numquam tamen opprimi et extirpari potuerunt" 
 p. 352. It will be obvious to any body who takes the trouble 
 to compare them, that some of Milner's unjust censures of 
 Mosheim, arose from his using the translation, instead of 
 the original. It might be well to refer to the translation in 
 common cases, but when he took upon him to censure 
 Mosheim, he should surely have looked to see whether the 
 translation was correct. 
 
Sect. 3.] THE PAULICIANS. 7 1 
 
 of his two professed guides, (and, I believe, of 
 every other ecclesiastical writer) to discover in 
 them " one of those extraordinary effusions of the 
 " Divine Spirit, by which the knowledge of 
 " Christ, and the practice of godliness, is kept 
 " alive in the world." 
 
 How came he to differ so widely from all his 
 predecessors, Greek, Papal, and Protestant — 
 Infidel, and Christian ? 
 
 I do not wish to be uncharitable to him, or 
 to those of his protestant predecessors to whom 
 the remark may apply, but I cannot help think' 
 ing that a circumstance may be noticed which 
 will go far towards explaining the matter. It 
 is this — he did, and they did not, suppose that 
 the Pope was concerned in the persecution of the 
 Paulicians. The discovery that Rome had any- 
 thing to do with the business, was, I believe, re- 
 served for Milner ; for I find no hint of it in 
 Mosheim, or Gibbon, or in any other writer 
 whose works I have met with. The fact seems 
 to be, that in writing his chapter on the Pauli- 
 cians, Milner strayed away from his professed 
 guides, and got hold of a letter of Pope Nicolas 
 which he misunderstood. The Councils, appa- 
 rently for the first time, fell irito his hands, just 
 when he was engaged with a subject on which 
 they could give him no information, and they 
 only led him astray. From this letter, which he 
 found there, he gathered that the Paulicians were 
 
72 THE PAULICIANS. [Sect. 3. 
 
 persecuted by the " antichristian tyranny" of 
 Rome. This put the matter in quite a different 
 light The Paulicians were, in all probability, 
 very excellent people — no doubt all insinuation 
 of heresy was slander — they were reformers, 
 martyrs, confessors, witnesses, the witnesses — and 
 it seemed but justice to believe, that their only 
 crime was, that they would not receive the mark 
 of the beast. 
 
 This letter of Pope Nicolas, was not un- 
 known to the predecessors of Milner, but they 
 understood it ; and I do not say that, if they had 
 misunderstood it as widely as he did, they woidd 
 have gone as far as he has done in dressing up 
 the Paulicians. Several of them however, would 
 have been under great temptation. Some of 
 those who quietly set down the Paulicians as 
 heretics (such as the Centuriators, F. Spanheim, 
 Venema, and Peter Allix) had as sharp a scent 
 for witnesses, as Matthew Hopkins had for a 
 witch ; and if they had not discovered in the 
 Paulicians an " extraordinary effusion of the Di- 
 vine Spirit," would at least have said what they 
 could for them. 
 
 Let us, however, see how far there is any 
 ground for connecting the Pope with the Paul- 
 icians. Milner says, 
 
 " Theodora was succeeded by her son Michael. Her crn- 
 " elties and superstitions deserved the applause of Nicolas, 
 " who became Pope of Rome in 858. Iu a letter, he highly 
 
Sect. 3.] THE PAULICIANS. 73 
 
 " approved her conduct, and admired her on account of her 
 " implicit obedience to the Holy See. We learn from the 
 " biographer of the Emperor Michael what Theodora had 
 " done to call forth the encomiums of this pontiff. ' She 
 " resolved,' says he, ' to bring the Paulicians to the true 
 " faith, or cut them all off root and branch' — a resolution 
 " worthy of a truly catholic princess ! — ' pursuant to that 
 " resolution, she sent some noblemen and magistrates,' not 
 " preachers or missionaries, — ' into the different provinces 
 " of the empire; and, by them, some of those unhappy 
 " wretches were crucified, some put to the sword, and 
 " some thrown into the sea and drowned.' Thus were they 
 " slaughtered to the number of one hundred thousand, and 
 " their goods and estates confiscated. 4 
 
 " The pope alluded to this bloody massacre, when he 
 " commends Theodora in the same letter for the manly 
 " vigour she exerted, the Lord co-operating (Domino co- 
 " operante) as he blasphemously adds, against obstinate 
 " and incorrigible heretics. Nicolas, at the same time ob- 
 " serves, that the heretics, experiencing in her all the reso- 
 " lution and vigour of a man, could scarcely believe her to 
 " be a woman. Indeed zeal for religion had changed in 
 " Theodora, as it did in our queen Mary, the tender and 
 " compassionate heart of a woman into that of a merciless 
 " and blood-thirsty tyrant. And here I am not disposed 
 " to suppress, that from the pope's own words, it appears, 
 " that the Apostolic See had its share in the glorious exploit 
 " just mentioned; for the pope, after telling her that the 
 " heretics dreaded, and at the same admired, her resolution 
 " and steadiness in maintaining the purity of the catholic 
 " faith, adds, ' and why so, but because you followed the direc- 
 « tions of the Apostolic See?' " 5 
 
 1 Porphyrog. 6 Concil. Lab. Nic. Ep. XIV. 
 
74 THE PAULICIANS. [Sect. 3. 
 
 " So truly was Antichristian tyranny now established 
 " at Rome. '" vol. hi. p. 208. 
 
 Now suppose we grant the utmost that 
 Milner could desire to prove — that the Paulici- 
 ans were the special witnesses of God — that 
 Theodora persecuted them — that she did this by 
 direction of the pope — and that, therefore, the 
 pope was Antichrist. Suppose, I say, that for 
 the sake of argument we admit this ; will not 
 these things, which prove the pope of Rome to 
 be Antichrist, equally prove the patriarch of 
 Constantinople to be Antichrist ? 
 
 " Oh dear, no," says the reader of Milner, 
 " what had the patriarch to do with it ? His name 
 " is never once mentioned in the business." Very 
 true — his name is not mentioned by Milner, but 
 it is mentioned in " the pope's own words," a 
 half sentence of which Milner has unfairly trans- 
 lated. The pope's " own words" are "Cur hoc 
 " nisi quia Sedis Apostolicse dogmata sequebaris, 
 " et Constantinopolitani monita Pontificis, cui Ro- 
 " mana Ecclesia communicabat, amplectebaris ?" 
 I need hardly observe how unfair it is to trans- 
 late " dogmata" by " directions" — but let the 
 dogmata of the pope have been what they might, 
 surely they were no worse than the monita of the 
 patriarch. 
 
 To come, however, to the point. Does this 
 letter of pope Nicolas, to the empress Theodora, 
 relate to the Pauliciansctf all? I believe it does not. 
 
Sect. 3.] THE PAULICIANS. 75 
 
 " We learn," says Milner, " from the biogra- 
 " pher of Michael, what Theodora had done to 
 " call forth the encomiums of the pontiff." Why, 
 sm-ely, Milner must have known, that Theodora 
 had done something else, far more likely to call 
 forth the encomiums of the pontiff, than her per- 
 secution of the Paulicians, of whom, as far as I 
 know, no pope ever took any notice whatever. 
 He must surely have known, that the great event 
 of her life — that event for which she has been 
 magnified, and extolled, by every papal historian 
 — for which she was placed, and still stands, as a 
 saint in the Greek calendar — was, that following 
 the dogmata, (that is, holding the doctrine) of the 
 Apostolic See, which her husband had renounced, 
 she had restored, and triumphantly established, 
 the worship of images in the eastern church, 
 after the long and fierce struggle, which had rent 
 asunder Rome and Constantinople. 
 
 Theophilus (her husband) had been an active 
 adversary of the image worshippers. On his 
 death, their son, Michael III. being a child, the 
 reins of government were assumed by Theodora. 
 She, whether from her own personal attachment 
 to image-worship, or terrified by the threats of 
 the most powerful persons of the court — or, as 
 the pope's letter seems to suggest, following the 
 monita of the patriarch — moved by some, or, 
 perhaps, by all these motives, the fact is unques- 
 tionable, that on her coming into power, she set 
 
76 THE PAULICIANS. [Sect. 3. 
 
 to work so energetically to put down the Icono- 
 clasts, that the pope might well say that those 
 " heretics, experiencing in her all the resolution, 
 " and vigour, of a man, could scarcely believe 
 " her to be a woman." 6 
 
 The reader will observe, that the pope speaks 
 of " communicating," or being in communion 
 with, the patriarch, whose monitions the empress 
 had followed ; and he had, in fact, (whether we 
 take the word in its ordinary, or in its ecclesias- 
 tical sense) " communicated" with Nicephorus, 
 the exiled patriarch, whose monita, while he lived, 
 were in strict accordance with the actions of 
 
 '' In fact her vigour in this business is described in 
 these very terms, by Theophanes, who says, " in pietatis 
 " stadium curamque maxime incubnit fcemina, vere Dei mu- 
 " nere (utnomen ejus indicat) data ex omnibus praeclaris et 
 " magnis facinoribus, qnibusprincipes probari solent, nul- 
 " lam prsestantius existimans, quo tutius sibi imperium con- 
 " firmaret, autvirilem in faeminea persona fortitudinem exer- 
 " ceret, quam si pietatis et religionis cultus Deum sibi pro- 
 " pitium redderet. Id autem nullo pacto facilius aut com- 
 " modius posse contingere, quam si perturbationem in Ec- 
 " clesia jam din excitatam sedaret," &c. cited Baron. Ann. 
 842. §.12. In pursuance of this conviction, she deposed the 
 Iconoclast patriarch John, and pnt in his place, Methodius. 
 The reader who wishes for more information as to this his- 
 tory, may find it in Gibbon, c. 54 ; and the authorities which 
 he cites. But a minute, and elaborate, investigation of the 
 points here referred to may be found in Walchs Historie 
 der Kezereien. Vol. x. p. 728. 
 
Sect. 3.] THE PAULICIANS. 77 
 
 Theodora after his death. He had also commu- 
 nicated with Methodius, whom it was one of the 
 first acts of Theodora to raise to the patriarchal 
 dignity, and who had, in fact, resided for some 
 years at Rome, as the legate, or (whatever may 
 he the exact meaning of the title at this time, and 
 under these circumstances) as the Apocrisiarius 
 of Nicephorus. With these the Pope was in 
 ecclesiastical communion, while others were ex- 
 communicated for opposing the doctrines, or 
 " dogmata, of the Apostolic See," which they fol- 
 lowed ; and, with them, he was in what may be 
 called political, or personal, communication, as to 
 the means which should be used to restore image- 
 worship in the east— on this subject the Romish 
 See (which, as far as I can find, knew nothing 
 about the Paulicians) was deeply interested, and 
 warmly engaged — in this matter Rome gained a 
 signal triumph, when Theodora, " following the 
 dogmata of the Apostolic See," re-established the 
 worship of images, and showed herself, as Baro- 
 nius speaks, " sanctarum imaginum fortissima 
 " propugnatrix, potentissima restitutrix, atque 
 " tenacissima conservatrix" 7 
 
 After governing for thirteen years, the em- 
 press Theodora was deposed, and shut up in a 
 convent by her brutal son, Michael III. The 
 pope having occasion, eleven years afterwards, 
 
 ' Ann. 866. §. xix. 
 
78 THE PAULICIANS. [Sect. 3. 
 
 to send legates to Constantinople, wrote the letter 
 in question to the empress ; and it was one of 
 seven with which his messengers were charged. 
 All these letters relate to the deposition of the 
 patriarch Ignatius, and I do not find, or believe 
 that any unprejudiced reader could find, any 
 allusion to the Paulicians. In fact, I do not 
 know that any body but Milner ever dreamed of 
 such a thing, though these letters could scarcely 
 be unknown to his predecessors, and professed 
 guides, Gibbon and Mosheiin ; neither of whom 
 would have been under any temptation to sup- 
 press the fact, that the church of Rome had in- 
 stigated a bloody persecution, though they might 
 not have agreed with him in supposing the suf- 
 ferers to be persons of eminently pure faith. 
 
 The reader may, however, like to see what 
 the pope really did say to the empress, and there- 
 fore I will translate, as literally as I can, all which 
 can possibly be supposed to be connected with 
 the matter in question. 
 
 " Nicholas, Bishop, Servant of Servants, to the most 
 " beloved daughter of God, Theodora, once an earthly 
 " empress, but now spiritually united to Him who is the 
 " Heavenly Potentate. 
 
 " Accurately and carefully calling 1 to mind your ex- 
 " cellencies, endowed with which you have appeared in 
 " these days second to none of the empresses who have 
 " preceded you ; and in which, especially in the cause of 
 " religion, you are found inferior to none ; we cease not 
 " to offer unbounded thanks to Almighty God by whose 
 
Sect. 3.] THE PAULICIANS. 79 
 
 " gift you have received these things, and to bless His Holy 
 " Name. And we continually set forth, in our converse 
 " with the faithful, the praise of your pious proceedings for 
 " the imitation of the hearers. You, indeed, even in the 
 " lifetime of your husband, who held opinions contrary to 
 " the laws of the church, did not fear to believe what was 
 " sound, and to maintain what was right. You, I say, per- 
 " severing in orthodox religion, instructed your only son 
 " to follow, not the steps of his earthly, but of his heavenly 
 " Father. Bat who is sufficient to set forth the excellency 
 " of your proceedings, or the brave acts of your reforma- 
 " tions ? For when you ruled alone, the Lord co-operating, 
 " you protected the church not only from a visible enemy, 
 " but also, with not less than masculine vigour, from an 
 " invisible enemy, that is from error ; and like a sun-beam 
 " drove away the cloud of false doctrine from the face of 
 " the church. The heretics found in you a manly courage ; 
 " and astonished at your invincible strength, doubted whe- 
 " ther you were a woman. Why was this but because you 
 " followed the doctrines of the Apostolic See and received 
 " the admonitions of the patriarch of Constantinople with 
 " whom the Romish Church was in communion," &c. 
 
 In the rest of the letter, there is not, I think, a 
 word which the most ingenious, or prejudiced, 
 reader, could twist into a reference to the Pauli- 
 cians; and it appears to me equally plain, that 
 there is none in that part which I have trans- 
 cribed. 
 
 I must, however, add, that there seems to me to 
 be a manifest absurdity, in supposing that the pope 
 could intend to refer to the Paulicians, or think 
 of selecting such a topic for his letter of congra- 
 tulation, and consolation, to the cloistered, and, in 
 
80 THE PAULICIANS. [Sect. 3. 
 
 fact, imprisoned, empress. If he had written to 
 her some twenty years before, when in the ple- 
 nitude of her power, she had just sent forth her 
 agents to convert or destroy the heretics — or, if 
 at a later period, he had been chronicling her 
 acts for the menology — some encomium would 
 not have been unnatural ; but to write to her about 
 the Paulicians, when, whether they had once been 
 martyrs or no, they had certainly become rebels — 
 while they were unsubdued, rampant and terri- 
 ble — when her son, still living, had been defeated, 
 and disgraced, and obliged to fly before their arms 
 — to have written to her of the Paulicians, in such 
 circumstances, would surely have been going out 
 of his way, to refer to a painful topic. Whether 
 at her first interference with the Paulicians, she 
 found them, or made them, rebels — that is, whe- 
 ther she had excited, the fierce and threatening 
 war which then raged, or whether she had only 
 been unable to prevent it — in either case, " the 
 glorious exploit," as Milner terms it, must have 
 been touched, if necessary, with some delicacy ; 
 and not by the broad mockery of telling her 
 that the terrified heretics were " astonished at 
 her invincible strength," and that, like a sun- 
 beam, she had chased away the cloud from the 
 church. 
 
 Thus far of the Paulicians, as to their claim 
 to be considered as the witnesses of God against 
 Antichrist; and of the supposed interference of 
 
Sect. 3.] THE PAULICIANS. 81 
 
 the pope, in the persecution which they suffered. 
 I proceed now to enquire whether the Albigenses 
 of Lombardy, and the south of France, were not 
 (as some writers have supposed) their descend- 
 ants ; and, with this view, I have stated the doc- 
 trine of the Paulicians more fully than might 
 have been necessary, either to remove the false 
 colouring of Milner, or the absurd attempt to set 
 them up as witnesses against the papacy. This 
 statement of their doctrine, I wish the reader to 
 keep in mind, and to compare, with what will 
 be hereafter laid before him. 
 
 M 
 
Section IV. 
 
 THE ORIGIN OF THE ALBIGENSES. 
 
 " I cannot," says Mr. Milner, in reference to 
 Gibbon's account of the Paulicians, " follow the 
 " learned author, to whom I owe much for this 
 " account, in his conjectures concerning' this peo- 
 " pie's dispersion through the European provinces. 
 " Nor does there seem any good evidence of the 
 " Waldenses owing their origin to the Paulicians. 
 " Such speculations are too doubtful to satisfy the 
 " minds of those, who prefer the solid evidence of 
 " facts to the conjectural ebullitions of a warm 
 " imagination." 
 
 Milner does not appear to have considered, 
 that what, if he had stated it, must have proceeded 
 from a warm imagination, might, in Gibbon's 
 case, be the offspring of learning, and sound 
 judgment j because Gibbon was familiarly ac- 
 quainted with facts, respecting which it would be 
 too much to say, that Milner was even imperfectly 
 
Sect. 4] ORIGIN OF THE ALBIGENSES. 83 
 
 informed. However, having dismissed one of 
 his guides with this flippant remark, and said 
 not a word of the other, who maintained the same 
 opinion, Milner seems to think it only necessary 
 to add his belief, that there is no proof that the 
 Waldenses were descended from the Paulicians. 
 
 Now, this was not asserted by either of his 
 guides, both of whom understood the matter 
 somewhat better than he did ; and, certainly, it 
 is not my intention to maintain it. I do not 
 believe that the Waldenses were so descended ; 
 but it seems to me quite impossible, for any man 
 who reads merely what is advanced by Gibbon, 
 and Mosheim, to doubt that the sect, popularly 
 called Albigenses, were descendants of the Pauli- 
 cians ; and, like them, (that is to the same, or 
 about the same, extent — for there is no use in 
 quibbling about words) Manicheans. 
 
 The works of both Gibbon, and Mosheim, are 
 probably accessible to most readers; but, as I 
 am afraid that very few would turn to them, if 
 I were merely to refer ; and, as the extracts need 
 not be very long, and are, 1 think, very much to 
 the purpose, I shall lay them before the reader. 
 Gibbon's " speculations," as Milner is pleased to 
 call them, are as follow : — 
 
 " About the middle of the eighth century, Constantine, 
 " surnamed Copronymus by the worshippers of images, had 
 " made an expedition into Armenia, and found, in the cities 
 " of Melitene and Theodosiopolis, a great number of Pauli- 
 
84 ORIGIN OF THE ALBIGENSES. [Sect. 4. 
 
 " cians, his kindred heretics. As a favour or punishment, 
 " he transplanted them from the banks of the Euphrates to 
 " Constantinople and Thrace ; and by this emigration, 
 " their doctrine was introduced and diffused in Europe. 
 " If the sectaries of the metropolis were soon mingled 
 " with the promiscuous mass, those of the country struck 
 " a deep root in a foreign soil. The Paulicians of Thrace 
 " resisted the storms of persecution, maintained a secret 
 " correspondence with their Armenian brethren, and gave 
 " aid and comfort to their preachers, who solicited, not 
 " without success, the infant faith of the Bulgarians. 
 
 " In the tenth century they were restored and multi- 
 " plied by a more powerful colony, which John Zimisces 
 " transported from the Chalybian hills to the vallies of 
 " Mount Hsemus. The oriental clergy, who would have 
 " preferred the destruction, impatiently sighed for the ab- 
 " sence, of the Manichaeans : the warlike emperor had 
 " felt and esteemed their valour; their attachment to the 
 " Saracens was pregnant with mischief; but, on the side 
 <' of the Danube, against the Barbarians of Scythia, their 
 " service might be useful, and their loss would be desira- 
 " ble. Their exile in a distant land was softened by a free 
 " toleration : the Paulicians held the city of Philippopolis 
 " and the keys of Thrace ; the catholics were their subjects; 
 " the Jacobite emigrants their associates : they occupied a 
 " line of villages and castles in Macedonia and Epirus ; 
 " and many native Bulgarians were associated to the com- 
 " munion of arms and heresy. As long as they were 
 " awed by power, and treated with moderation, their volun- 
 " tary bands were distinguished in the armies of the em- 
 " pire ; and the courage of these dogs, ever greedy of war, 
 ft ever thirsty of human blood, is noticed with astonishment, 
 " and almost with reproach, by the pusillanimous Greeks. 
 " The same spirit rendered them arrogant and contumaci- 
 " ous : they were easily provoked by caprice or injury ; and 
 
Sect. 4.] ORIGIN OF THE ALBIGENSES. 85 
 
 " their privileges were often violated by the faithless 
 " bigotry of the government and clergy. 
 
 " In the midst of the Norman war, two thousand five 
 
 " hundred Manichaeans deserted the standard of Alexius 
 
 " Comnenus, and retired to their native homes. He dis- 
 
 " sembled till the moment of revenge ; invited the chiefs 
 
 " to a friendly conference, and punished the innocent and 
 
 " guilty by imprisonment, confiscation, and baptism. In 
 
 " an interval of peace, the emperor undertook the pious 
 
 " office of reconciling them to the church and state : his 
 
 " winter quarters were fixed at Philippopolis ; and the thir- 
 
 " teenth apostle, as he is styled by his pious daughter, 
 
 " consumed whole days and nights in theological contro- 
 
 " versy. His arguments were fortified, their obstinacy 
 
 " was melted, by the' honours and rewards which he be- 
 
 " stowed on the most eminent proselytes ; and a new city, 
 
 " surrounded with gardens, enriched with immunities, 
 
 " and dignified with his own name, was founded by 
 
 " Alexius, for the residence of his vulgar converts. The 
 
 " important station of Philippopolis was wrested from 
 
 " their hands ; the contumacious leaders were secured in 
 
 " a dungeon, or banished from their country ; and their 
 
 " lives were spared by the prudence, rather than the mer- 
 
 " cy, of an emperor, at whose command a poor and soli- 
 
 " tary heretic was burnt alive before the church of St. 
 
 " Sophia. But the proud hope of eradicating the preju- 
 
 " dices of a nation was speedily overturned by the invinc- 
 
 " ible zeal of the Paulicians, who ceased to dissemble 
 
 " or refused to obey. After the departure and death of 
 
 " Alexius, they soon resumed their civil and religious 
 
 " laws. 
 
 " In the beginning of the thirteenth century, their 
 " pope, or primate (a manifest corruption) resided on 
 " the confines of Bulgaria, Croatia, and Dalmatia, and 
 " governed, by his vicars, the filial congregations of Italy 
 
86 ORIGIN OF THE ALBIGENSES. [Sect. 4. 
 
 « and France. From that sera, a minute scrutiny might 
 " prolong and perpetuate the chain of tradition. At the 
 " end of the last age, the sect or colony still inhabited the 
 " vallies of mount Haeinus, where their ignorance and 
 " poverty were more frequently tormented by the Greek 
 " clergy than by the Turkish government. The modern 
 " Paulicians have lost all memory of their origin ; and 
 " their religion is disgraced by the worship of the cross, 
 " and the practice of bloody sacrifice, which some captives 
 " have imported from the wilds of Tartary. 
 
 " In the west, the first teachers of the Manichsan 
 " theology had been repulsed by the people, or suppressed 
 " by the prince. The favour and success of the Paulicians 
 " in the eleventh and twelfth centuries must be imputed 
 " to the strong, though secret, discontent which armed the 
 " most pious Christians against the church of Rome. Her 
 *' avarice was oppressive, her despotism odious : less de- 
 " generate perhaps than the Greeks, in the worship of 
 " saints and images, her innovations were more rapid and 
 " scandalous : she had rigorously defined and imposed the 
 " doctrine of transubstantiation : the lives of the latin clergy 
 " were more corrupt, and the eastern bishops might pass 
 " for the successors of the apostles, if they were compared 
 " with the lordly prelates, who wielded by turns the crosier, 
 " the sceptre, and the sword. 
 
 " Three different roads might introduce the Pauli- 
 " cians into the heart of Europe. After the conversion 
 " of Hungary, the pilgrims who visited Jerusalem, might 
 " safely follow the course of the Danube : in their jour- 
 " ney and return they passed through Philippopolis ; and 
 " thes ectaries, disguising their name and heresy, might 
 11 accompany the French or German caravans to their 
 " respective countries. The trade and dominion of Venice 
 " pervaded the coast of the Adriatic, and the hospitable 
 
Sect. 4.] ORIGIN OF THE ALBIGENSES. 87 
 
 " republic opened her bosom to foreigners of every climate 
 " and religion. Under the Byzantine standard, the Pau- 
 " licians were often transported to the Greek provinces of 
 " Italy and Sicily ; in peace and war they freely conversed 
 " with strangers and natives, and their opinions were 
 " silently propagated in Rome, Milan, and the kingdoms 
 " beyond the Alps. It was soon discovered, that many 
 " thousand catholics of every rank, and of either sex, had 
 " embraced the Maniehaean heresy ; and the flames which 
 " consumed twelve canons of Orleans, was the first act 
 " and signal of persecution." Ch. liv. vol. v. p. 530. 
 
 Mosheim, after reciting some of the historical 
 facts, which have been already given in the 
 words of Gibbon, says — 
 
 " Many of the Paulicians, either from a principle of 
 " zeal for the propagation of their opinions, or from a 
 " desire of getting rid of the persecution and oppression 
 " they suffered under the Grecian yoke, retired from Bul- 
 " garia and Thrace, and formed settlements in other 
 " countries. Their first migration was into Italy ; from 
 " whence, in process of time, they sent colonies into 
 " almost all the other provinces of Europe, and formed 
 " gradually a considerable number of religious assemblies 
 " who had adhered to their doctrine, and who were after- 
 " wards persecuted with the utmost vehemence by the 
 " Roman pontiffs. It is difficult to fix the precise period of 
 " time when the Paulicians began to take refuge in Europe ; 
 " it is, however, undoubtedly certain, from the most au- 
 " thentic testimonies, that a considerable number of that 
 " sect were, about the middle of this century, settled in 
 " Lombardy, Insubria, and principally at Milan ; and 
 " that many of them led a wandering life in France, Ger- 
 " many, and other countries, where they captivated the 
 
88 ORIGIN OF THE ALBIGENSES. [Sect. 4. 
 
 " esteem and admiration of the multitude, by their sanc- 
 " timonious looks and the uncommon air of piety, which 
 " they put on with much affectation." 1 Cent. xi. P. u. ch. 
 v. §. 2. 
 
 On this he adds the following note : 
 
 " See Lud. Ant. Maratori, Antiquitat. Ital. medii a;vi. 
 " Tom. v. p. 83. Limborch. Historia Inquisitionis, p. 31. 
 " Thorn. Aug. Richinii Dissertatio de Catharis, which is 
 " prefixed to the Summa B. Monetae contra Catharos p. 17, 
 " 18. We might also refer upon this occasion, to Glab. 
 " Rodulph. Histor. Lib. m. c. via. To Matth. Paris and 
 " other ancient writers. Certain Italian authors, and 
 " among others Richini, seem unwilling to acknowledge, 
 " that the Paulicians arrived first in Italy, and proceeded 
 " from thence into the other provinces of Europe ; and 
 " maintain, on the contrary, that their first settlement was 
 " in France, and that from thence they came into Italy. 
 " These writers look upon it as ignominious to their country, 
 " to be considered as the first European nation which fos- 
 " tered such a pernicious and impious sect in its bosom. 
 " Be that as it may, their hypothesis is favoured by Petr. de 
 " Marcahimself a Frenchman, who in his Histoire de Beam, 
 " Livr. viii. cap. xiv. p. "28, declares it as his opinion, 
 " that the Paulicians joined themselves to the Gallic armies 
 " that returned from the Holy War in Palestine, by the Pro- 
 " vince of Bulgaria, and were thus conducted into France. 
 " But that learned author alleges no proof to support this 
 " opinion : it appears on the contrary from the records of 
 
 1 So Maclaine is pleased to translate Mosheim's words, « non pau- 
 cos de plebe magnae pietatis, quam pra? se ferebant, specie cepisse." 
 A most lamentable thing it is, that if, to the disgrace of our church, 
 and our country, the English reader is to have nothing that can be 
 called a church history but Mosheim's, there should not be a better 
 translation. 
 
Sect. 4.] ORIGIN OF THE ALBIGENSES. 89 
 
 " the Inquisition of Thoulouse, published by Limborch, 
 " and from other authentic pieces, that the Paulicians set- 
 " tied first in Sicily, Lombardy, Liguria, and the Milanese, 
 " and sent from thence their doctors and missionaries into 
 " France. See the Codex Tolosanus, p. 13, 14, 32, 68, 
 " 69 and passim. We learn also from the Code of Thou- 
 " louse, that the French Paulicians who were called Albi- 
 " genses, had no bishop to consecrate their Anciani (such 
 " was the title they gave to their presbyters), so that such 
 " of them as were desirous of being placed in the order of 
 " presbyters, were obliged to repair to Ifaly, in order to 
 " their being regularly installed." 
 
 That the Albigenses, whether justly or not, 
 were called Manicheans, and that they were said 
 to hold the same doctrines which were charged 
 upon the Paulicians, is not disputed. Now I 
 cannot find, before that burning of the canons of 
 Orleans, which is referred to by Gibbon, and 
 which is said to have taken place in a.d. 1017, 
 or a.d. 1022, any instance of any person having 
 been charged with Manicheism, or any notice of 
 the existence of that heresy in Europe, for more 
 than four hundred years. Whether these canons 
 of Orleans really were Manicheans has been 
 doubted ; and perhaps the same doubt may ex- 
 tend to the persons condemned by the Council of 
 Charroux, in 1028 or 1031, of whose faith we 
 have no account but Ademar's assertion that they 
 were Manicheans — by the council of Rheims, in 
 1049, where they are only characterised as " the 
 new heretics which had arisen in France" — and 
 
 N 
 
90 ORIGIN OF THE ALBIGENSES. [Sect. 4. 
 
 by the council of Thoulouse, in 1056, where there 
 is no specification of the nature of the heretics 
 against whom its thirteenth canon is pointed. 
 
 It is a matter of little consequence to the 
 argument; but, as to the fact, I think we may 
 doubt whether these persons were of the same sect 
 as those who were afterwards called Albigenses. 
 Be this, however, as it may ; I do not, from the 
 time which I have mentioned, until the Council 
 of Thoulouse, in 1119, (a period of sixty-three 
 years) meet with any notice of Manicheans, or 
 any thing which seems as if it could relate to 
 such heretics as we are in search of. There, 
 however, the 3rd canon, though it gives no name 
 to the heretics, is too express to be mistaken — 
 " Moreover we condemn, and expel from the 
 " church of God, as heretics, those who, putting 
 " on the appearance of religion, condemn the 
 " sacrament of the body and blood of our Lord, 
 " the baptism of children, the priesthood and 
 " other ecclesiastical orders, and the bonds of 
 " lawful marriage." 
 
 The reader will observe that hitherto the 
 heretics have never been called by any particular 
 name, in the acts of any Council ; and the first 
 heretics to whom I find any distinctive appellation 
 applied, are those who were condemned in the 
 Council of Oxford, in 1160. The account given 
 of their opinions, by a contemporary historian, 
 sufficiently identifies them as belonging to those 
 
Sect. 4.] ORIGIN OF THE ALBIGENSES. 91 
 
 who were charged with Manichean heresy ; and 
 this writer tells us that they were Germans, and 
 were helieved to belong 1 to those who were com- 
 monly called Publicans; who, having taken 
 their rise in Gascony, from some unknown au- 
 thor, had multiplied, like the sand of the sea, in 
 France, Spain, Italy, and Germany. It is not 
 surprising that the English monk should not 
 know the origin of the name which he quoted ; 
 but I think no reader to whom it is once sug- 
 gested, can doubt that it is a corruption of Pau- 
 Mciani, or, more properly speaking, a western pro- 
 nounciation of Ua.vkixia.voi, and that these Publi- 
 cans, were the same as the Publicans whom 
 the Crusaders met with in the east. 2 
 
 2 " Populicani, Poblicani, Publicani. Haeretici Mani- 
 " chaeorum sectarii, qui Grecis Ha.u\ix.ia.voi Latinis scrip- 
 " toribus Pauliciani : sic appellati a Paulo Samosateno 
 " haeresis autore, sive a Paulo et Joanne, ut observatum a 
 " nobis ad Alexiadem p. 4 1 2 Poplicani lib. 4. Hist Vezeliac. 
 " p. 644. qui Pauliani apud Liberatum Diacon. cap. 2 et 
 " autorem Praedestinati. Ita porro appellaruntnostri Ma- 
 " nichaeos qui Franciam nostram aliquandiu erroribus suis 
 " inquinarunt, maxime in Aurelianensi provincia, Roberto 
 " Rege regnante, de quibus Gesta Synodi Aurelianensis 
 " an. 1017 editato. 2. Spicilegii Acheriani et excerpta ex 
 " Tabulario S. Petri Carnot. edita a Labeo to. 2. Miscellan. 
 " p. 562. Hacce postea appellatione Valdenses haereticos 
 " donarunt, quod quaedam ex dogmate Manicbaei quaedam 
 " ex erroribus Origenis, plurima etiam de suo confinxissent, 
 " ut est in Magno Chronico Belgico an. 1208 quod scili- 
 
92 ORIGIN OF THE ALBIGENSES. [Sect. 4. 
 
 It is not worth while to endeavour to trace 
 these Publicans at present ; and of the names, 
 borne by the Albigenses and Waldenses, I shall 
 hereafter have occasion to speak. In the mean 
 time, I must remind the reader that my object 
 is, to shew that the persons called Albigenses, in 
 the south of France, were Paulician emigrants ; 
 and I think we have seen, that they did in fact 
 appear at a time, and bring with them a name, 
 which strongly countenances the idea. There is 
 a third point, however, more important, and 
 which, coupled with the other two, seems to 
 
 " cet duo principia, ut Manichaei, agnoscerent, ut est apud 
 " Ermengardum contra Valdenses cap. 2. Vide Concilium 
 " Lateranense III. an. 1179, c. 27. Populicanorum crebra 
 " est mentio apud Albericum in Chron. MS. an. 1 148. In 
 " Chronico Vezeliacensi ap. Labenm ix>. I. Bibl. an. 1167, 
 " 1181 et 1198. In Chron. S. Mariani Antisiod. an. 1181 
 " et 1198. inM. Chron. Belg. an. 1147 et 1197. ex eodem 
 " Alberico, ut et apud alios scriptores quos laudamus 
 " in notis ad Villharduinum pag. 342 ubi etiam de Publi- 
 " cants quorum meminere iidem scriptores." Du Cange 
 in v. where he also adds, " Publicanorum etiam crebra est 
 " mentio apud scriptores expeditionum Hierosolymitanarum, 
 " a quibus inter gentes, qua Saracenis ac Persia erant eonter- 
 " mince, recensentur : qua voce intelligunter Manichcei, qui in 
 " hi see provinciis habitabant : de quibus Cedrenus p. 541, 
 " 542, 546, 665. Vide Tudebodum p. 782, 792, 794, 814. 
 « Robertum Monachum p. 42, 44, 56, 109, 111. Baldri- 
 " cum Dolensem p. 111. Henricuin Huntindon. lib. 7. p. 
 " 374. &c." 
 
Sect. 4.] ORIGIN OF THE ALBIGENSES. 93 
 
 me to be decisive ; and to furnish all the proof 
 of identity that can be imagined. This is their 
 doctrine j and to this point I shall request the 
 reader's attention, begging him to keep in mind 
 what has been already stated of the doctrine of the 
 Paulicians, by those whom Milner professed to 
 adopt as his guides ; and to compare it with what 
 will be laid before him, respecting the doctrine 
 of the Albigenses. 
 
Section V. 
 
 ON THE NAMES, ALBIGENSES AND 
 WALDENSES. 
 
 Before we proceed to enquire into the doctrine 
 of the Albigenses, and Waldenses, it may be 
 worth while to offer a few remarks on these 
 names ; because they have been brought into the 
 argument, and have contributed not a little to 
 perplex the matter. 
 
 This has been done in the first place, under 
 colour of the lax, and ambiguous, use of the name 
 Albigenses; and some have argued for the iden- 
 tity of the Albigenses, and Waldenses, from the 
 fact that Waldenses were, by some early writers, 
 classed as a part of the Albigenses ; and that, by 
 some late writers, the Albigenses have been called 
 Waldenses. 
 
 All this, however, admits of an easy solution. 
 The confusion arises very much from our popular 
 use of the words, each of which is with us the de- 
 nomination of a religious sect ; and, therefore, if 
 
Sect. 5] ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. 95 
 
 they are equivalent, they, of course, indicate one 
 and the same sect. But this use of words has 
 not the sanction of antiquity. " It may be pro- 
 per to remark," says Mr. Faber, "that those 
 " whom we now call Albigenses, did not receive 
 " that name until after the session of the Council 
 " of Albi." p. 61. This has been stated by many 
 writers ; but I doubt whether any religious sect, 
 was, as such, known by the name of Albigenses, 
 until long after the Council of Albi ; and, I ap- 
 prehend, the truth to be this — namely, that, 
 somehow or other, heresy prevailed in the coun- 
 try round about Albi, called Albigesium, in the 
 twelfth century — we are not now enquiring when 
 or how it got there; but there it was, and, for 
 the most part, it was, I believe, uniform; and 
 though with some shades of diversity, yet gene- 
 rally what may be termed (if we use the word 
 with the latitude which 1 have claimed) Ma- 
 nichean, or such as we have seen attributed 
 to the Paulicians — that matters went on thus, 
 until some of the followers of Peter Waldo came 
 as missionaries or fugitives, from Lyons to the 
 south of France — that these Waldenses were 
 not numerous in comparison of the native here- 
 tics, and did not unite with them in any way, 
 except so far as to settle in the country which 
 they inhabited — that the children of these settlers 
 were, strictly speaking, both Albigenses and Wal- 
 
96 ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. [Sect. 5. 
 
 denses ; the one by nation and the other by sect 
 — that, in the indiscriminate attack made by the 
 Crusaders against heresy, these Albigenses (by 
 birth) who where Waldenses (by communion) 
 were confounded with the rest ; and considered 
 as a part of the great body of heretics or enemies 
 of the Romish Church, who all went under the 
 name of Albigenses — a name which was in its na- 
 tional sense applicable to all. I repeat, however, 
 that this name was not used, as far as I can find, 
 as a discriminating title of a religious sect until 
 long after the Council of Albi. I believe that 
 I speak much within compass, and state only 
 what may be fairly inferred from evidence which 
 will be adduced, when I say, that the name 
 of Albigenses was not given to those heretics 
 whom we now describe by that title, until more 
 than a century after the Albigensian Crusades. 
 
 The followers of Waldo, who settled in the 
 south of France, were called Waldenses, and by 
 various other names; but I believe that those 
 whom we now term A Ibigenses, and who formed 
 the great bulk of the heretical population of Pro- 
 vence, and Lombardy, were generally (except 
 when it was thought necessary in any edict, or 
 anathema, to set down a long string of names, 
 in order to be sure of including all sorts of here- 
 tics) called in decrees of councils, writings of his- 
 torians, and acts of the inquisition, simply " the 
 
Sect. 5.] ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. 97 
 
 heretics." I hope to give sufficient proof of this ; 
 and with this explanation I shall, for the sake of 
 brevity and distinction, use the word Albigenses 
 in its popular sense, to signify those who were, 
 in such documents as I have specified, called " the 
 heretics," as distinguished from Waldenses, and 
 other heretics designated by proper names. To 
 avoid circumlocution, I shall also ask for the same 
 indulgence which Limborch felt it necessary to 
 claim, if I sometimes (as indeed I have once or 
 twice done already) use the terms " heretic," and 
 " heresy," without meaning to assert that the per- 
 son, or doctrine, in question was really heretical ; 
 but only to designate the person, or doctrine, 
 treated as such, in any particular transaction by 
 the Church of Rome. 
 
 A second ground of confusion has been found 
 in attempts (sometimes not very happy ones) at 
 etymology. This indeed applies only to the Wal- 
 denses ; for, whatever other difficulties we may 
 find in treating of the Albigenses, we cannot 
 doubt the origin of their name. As to the other 
 sect, however, Mr. Faber goes so far as to say 
 that they did not dream of having received their 
 name from Peter Waldo ; and he, and some other 
 writers, endeavour, by calling them Vallenses, to 
 connect them with a church which is supposed to 
 have existed in the Vallies of Piedmont. 
 
 To this however, I think there are three 
 
 objections — 
 
 o 
 
98 ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. [Sect. 5 
 
 I. If the name was originally Vallensis, how 
 did the d get in ? What was the motive or mean- 
 ing of those who inserted it ? As far as I can see 
 it must have been to convert a word which is as- 
 sumed to have had a plain, and obvious, meaning, 
 into a word having no meaning at all. I have 
 never seen any reason assigned for such a pro- 
 ceeding, and cannot conceive of any. I can ima- 
 gine that Valdensis might have been softened 
 into Vallensis (though I do not believe it ever 
 was j for every ancient writer whose works I 
 have seen has preserved the d) but how are we 
 to account for such a change as that of Vallensis 
 into Valdensis? 
 
 Mr Faber, indeed, in a passage to which I 
 have alluded, says, " So little did the old Vallenses 
 " dream of having received their name from this 
 " holy man, that at least as early as the year 1 212, 
 " they themselves derived it in point of etymology 
 " from the word Vallis. The appellation indeed 
 " they spiritualized, if I may use the expression, 
 " for according to the testimony of Ebrard of 
 " Bethune, who wrote in that year, 1 they called 
 
 1 1 wish that Mr. Faber had given some authority for 
 this assertion. I know that other writers have affirmed, 
 as dogmatically as himself, that Ebrardus wrote in 1212; 
 but I can find no sufficient ground for their statement, or, 
 indeed, for fixing the date of this writer at all. The only 
 reason which I have seen assigned for supposing that 
 Ebrardus wrote in 1212 is, that there was an Ebrardus of 
 
Sect. 5.] ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. 99 
 
 " themselves Vallenses, because they abode in the 
 " valley of tears ; 'Vallenses se appellant eo quod 
 " in valle lachrymamm maneant' Ebrard. Bath. 
 " Antihaer. c. xxv. ; but still they derived their 
 " title not from the name of Peter of Lyons, who 
 " had been dead only about twenty years, but 
 " from the word Vallis, or Valley." p. 25. 
 
 This is really another instance of what I have 
 already had such frequent occasion to expose — 
 the picking 1 out a few words from an author, and 
 making- him, for want of his context, say what 
 he never meant. The reader, of course, under- 
 
 Bethune, who wrote a book entitled Graecismus. The date 
 of this writer is uncertain — at least it has been disputed — 
 and I believe, the only authority on the point is a distich 
 which has been considered ambiguous. According to Du 
 Cange (praef. p. 37.) it has been thus given by Anthonius 
 Sanderus, and Valerius Andreas ; and is as follows 
 Anno Milleno centeno bis duodeno 
 Condidit Ebrardus Graecismum Bethuniensis. 
 It is necessary, therefore, for Mr. Faber's position to 
 assume — first, that Ebrard who wrote against the Wal- 
 denses was the same person as the author of the Graecismus ; 
 though I do not see why so considerable a place might not 
 furnish two writers, in two different ages, on subjects 
 totally different, and only resembling each other in bear- 
 ing the very common name of Ebrard, or Everhard. Se- 
 condly, that bis refers to centeno, and not to duodeno ; for 
 otherwise instead of 1212, we get the year 1)24; which, in 
 fact, I suppose that the writer meant to indicate. There is, 
 however, another reason why I doubt whether the writer 
 against the Waldenses, was the author of the Gra&cismus — 
 
100 ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. Sect. 5.] 
 
 stands, from the foregoing statement, that " the 
 old Vallenses," in general, and as a body, called 
 themselves Vallenses ; and that neither they, nor 
 Ebrardus, thought of putting in a d, or knew of 
 any such name as Waldenses. Now, in fact, 
 Ebrardus does himself call them Waldenses, 
 when speaking of the body generally ; and, as to 
 the passage referred to, I believe the truth is 
 simply this — having concluded his twenty-fourth 
 chapter, which is a defence of the spiritual inter- 
 pretation of scripture, with a rambling allusion 
 to christians being denominated the salt of the 
 
 This latter work seems to have attained some celebrity ; 
 and Henriens de Gaudavo (who was not born till some- 
 time after 1212) calls it librum grammaticis non ignotum, (in 
 cat. scrip, eccles. c. 60.— cited Fab. Bib. Gr. vol. vn. Lib. 
 v. c. 7. p. 60.) Now 1 grant that the writer against the 
 Waldenses does once, or twice, refer to the text of the 
 Greek Testament ; but, though free of quotations from 
 Bede, Leo, Rabanus Maurus, &c. — and the (then) less 
 known writers, Cato, Horace, Virgil, Ovid, Persius and 
 Claudian — though, in short, evidently a man of unusual 
 reading in Latin (if he belonged to the beginning of the 
 thirteenth century) he only mentions, I believe two Greek 
 books, Aristotle and the Sibylline Oracles, which were 
 doubtless Latin books to him ; and in that language he 
 quotes them, without hinting that they existed in any other. 
 But, waiving all this, will the reader believe that the fol- 
 lowing sentence was written by the author of a respected 
 work on the Greek language ? " Quid enim hceresis nisi 
 dubitatio, ab h<Breo haresis dicta ? In hoc enim quod du- 
 bitatis h&retici estis." Bib. Pat. Tom. iv. P. i. col. 1135. 
 
Sect. 5. ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. 101 
 
 earth, he gets away to David's slaying the Edo- 
 mites, in the vallies of salt ; and this seems to 
 have reminded him of these Vallenses, who, as 
 far as I know, had not been mentioned before, 
 and are not mentioned afterwards. To them he 
 devotes his twenty-fifth chapter ; and does not 
 return again to the Waldenses, but the whole 
 remainder of his work consists of a general list or 
 catalogue of heretics, chiefly taken from Isidore 
 — a disputation against the Jews — and a list of 
 eighty-six questions, framed principally on appa- 
 rent discrepancies in the scriptures, for the pur- 
 pose of puzzling heretics. This twenty-fifth 
 chapter he begins by saying, " Some, however, 
 " who call themselves Vallenses, because they so- 
 " journ in a valley of tears, having the apostles in 
 " derision : and also they choose to be called Xaba- 
 " tatenses, from Xabatata? rather than Christians 
 " from Christ ;" and it will be obvious, 1 think, 
 
 2 There seems to be something omitted ; but I will 
 give the passage as it stands with its context, which is evi- 
 dently corrupt ; " Nos ergo, quibus dictum est ' Vos estis 
 " sal terrse ;' in nobis salitis sal intelligamus, et sub lingua. 
 " Intueamur David, qui percussit Edom, id est terrenum, 
 " et xn. in Valle Salinarum. David enira xn. percussit, 
 " id est, duodecim prsedicationibus Apostolorum auditis, 
 " in Valle Salinarum, id est, in Scriptura verborum bene 
 " salita, perfectus esse promeretur. Sic enim cum ipso 
 " David Sobal evertemus, id est, vanam vetustatem ; Syriam, 
 " id est, sublimes : et convertemus Joab, quod interpre- 
 
102 ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES Sect. 5. 
 
 to every one who reads this chapter, that the per- 
 sons referred to in it were not supposed by the 
 author to be the same as those against whom the 
 twenty-four preceding chapters had been levelled. 
 On this point, it may be, perhaps, sufficient to 
 say, that he charges the former class with a sordid 
 love of gain, and with unceasing toil after riches ; 
 while he describes the latter, as given up to sloth, 
 and living in idle mendicity; — he occupies a 
 whole chapter in proving to the former the law- 
 fulness of eating meat ; and reproaches the latter, 
 with running to feasts, " like flies to a honey- 
 comb." 3 I shall have occasion hereafter to refer 
 
 " tatur inimicus. Serviamus ergo in novitate spiritus, non 
 " in vetustate literae, ut ait Paulus ad Romanos. 
 Contra eos, qui dicuntur Xabatati. 
 Cap. XXV. 
 " Quidam autem qui Vallenses se appellant eo quod in Valle 
 " lachrymarum raaneant, apostolos habentes in derisnm : 
 " et etiam Xabatatenses, a Xabatata potins quam Christiani a 
 " Christose volant appellari." ubi supra col. 1167. 
 
 3 Ch. xx. is entitled " Quod gloriari non debent in 
 jejuniis : et licitnm sit carries comedere" and he therein says, 
 " O parce viventes putatisne a carnalibus desideriis (vos) 
 abstinere, quia carnes non comeditis ?" To the Vallenses 
 he says, in ch. xxv. « Vos autem libentius ad domuin 
 " comestionis acceditis, quam ad domura jejunii, cum 
 " Ecclesiastes dicat; ' Melius est ire ad domum luctus,' &c. 
 " Vos autem ad convivia curritis, tanquam muscse ad fa- 
 " vum mellis." In ch. xxn. he says of the heretics, " Omi- 
 " serunt enim ludicra, sed non lucra : abjecerunt olia 
 
Sect. 5.] ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. 103 
 
 to Ebrardus, and to shew that he knew very 
 little of the sects, whom, like some other writers, 
 he confounded together, and called by the gene- 
 ral name of Waldenses. In the mean time, the 
 point to be observed is, that he did, in fact, use 
 the name of Waldenses ; and that whoever these 
 persons were who called themselves Vallenses, 
 Ebrardus considered them as distinct from the 
 Waldenses; and that, therefore, his testimony 
 does not support Mr. Faber's broad dogmatical 
 assertion, which even if it had the sanction of a 
 score of such writers as Ebrardus, might be shewn 
 to be erroneous. To say the truth, however, I 
 believe that by these persons who called them- 
 selves Vallenses, Ebrardus did, in fact, mean 
 Waldenses, some individuals of whom had proba- 
 bly thus quibbled on the name of their sect ; and, 
 
 " sed non negotia. Si pauper enim fneris, et mendicus, 
 " moram cum illis facias, statim exies opulentus, quippe 
 " a diluculo ad crepusculum in mundanis operosi mercaturis, 
 " manus non permittant otiarV On the other hand, he says 
 " of the Vallenses, " Sedent enim tota die ante solem. Hora 
 " autem ccenae, per plateas se exponunt. De quibus ait Paulus 
 " ad Thessalonicenses, ' Audimus enim inter vos quosdam 
 
 " ambulare inquiete nihil operantes, &c Paulus autem 
 
 " eos otiari non jubet, dicens ad Ephesios, " magis autem 
 " laboret operando manibus suis quod bonum est ;" ' " and, 
 after quoting many of the proverbs against idleness, he 
 says, " Omnia ista vobis objiciuntur a Salom. O Vallenses. 
 Vos enim neque colligitis ut formica?," &c. 
 
104 ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. [Sect. 5. 
 
 perhaps, with good reason, by the time when 
 Ebrardus wrote ; though why the vallies of 
 Piedmont should have been called " the valley of 
 tears," till long after the time of Peter Waldo, 
 I do not see. I think, however, it will appear 
 to any one who takes the trouble to read the 
 work of Ebrardus, that by these Vattenses, he 
 meant some WaldensHS, and that by Waldenses 
 he meant Albigenses, and that he knew very 
 little about either. 4 
 
 II. Though when the word Waldmsis or 
 VaUensis had once come into existence, itjnight 
 be readily quibbled into Vallensis, (especially in 
 an age when no word was safe) yet I do not 
 think that if the people of the middle ages, had 
 wished to indicate that Peter of Lyons, or any- 
 body else, had been born, or had lived in a valley, 
 they would have thought of calling him Vallensis. 
 
 4 1 believe that no other writer can be found who has 
 spoken of Val lenses at all. Bernard, Abbot of Fontcaud 
 (of whom I shall have occasion hereafter to speak — and 
 who does appear to have known something of the Wal- 
 denses) while he indulged his fancy, and played upon this 
 very word vallis, did not venture to get rid of the d ; which 
 he seems to have considered as an integral part of the 
 word- — " quodam praesagio futurorum sortiti vocabulum, 
 " dicti sunt Yaldenses ; nimiruin a Valle densa ; eo quod 
 " profundis et densis errorum tenebris involvantnr." Bib. 
 Pat. Tom. iv. P. i. col. 1195. 
 
Sect. 5.] ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. 105 
 
 It was indeed likely enough that, if such had 
 been his birth-place, or his residence, he should 
 have derived a surname from it; but, I think, 
 we should then have found him called de Valle, 
 or de Vallibus, as, in fact, plenty of other people 
 were named. 6 
 
 III. It seems to me, that if his contempo- 
 raries had meant to express, that Peter of Lyons 
 came from, or had to do with, a valley or vallies, 
 they would have called him, as they did other 
 people, de Valle, or de Vallibus ; but that they 
 would not have considered the word Vallensis as 
 conveying that meaning at all. It may sound 
 well to modern ears, to say, " Vallensis from 
 Vallis;" 8 and the etymology may seem easy and 
 natural, but I verily believe, that if Peter of 
 Lyons had been called Vallensis, during his life- 
 
 s If the reader will only turn over Dugdale's Monas- 
 ticon, he will find Michael de Valle, Gilbert de Valle, 
 Beatrix de Valle, Sefredus de Valle, Oliver de Vallibus, 
 Richard de Vallibus, Robert de Vallibus, Ethardus de 
 Vallibus, John de Vallibus, Roger de Vallibus, William 
 de Vallibus, Eustace de Vallibus, Godard de Vallibus, Ru- 
 dolph de Vallibus— in short, names enough from Val, and 
 Faux, to satisfy him how commonly names were derived 
 from this source, and in what manner they were formed. 
 
 6 Or, as Spanheim, " a voce Italica Valdensi, quase Val- 
 lenses, habitantes in convallibus.''' 1 Hist. Chr. Ssbc xii. c. vi. 
 §. 1. 
 
 P 
 
106 ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. [Sect. 5. 
 
 time, nobody would have understood it to mean 
 anything but that he was a Welshman — that js, 
 a native of Wallia or Vallia. In fact, we had a 
 Bishop of St. David's, within a century of the 
 time of Peter Waldo, who received the surname 
 of WaUensis on that very account. 7 By VaUensis, 
 then, I think, a Frenchman (who would certainly 
 get rid of the W, though he might probably have 
 preferred changing it into Gu, and writing 
 Guallensis) would have understood nothing but 
 a native of Wales ; and, at all events, would 
 never have thought of its being given to any set 
 of persons, in order to signify that they were in- 
 habitants of vallies. 8 
 
 7 « Magister Thomas cognomento WaUensis eo quod 
 in Wallia fait oriandus." See Richardson's Godwin, p. 
 580. 
 
 8 Buchanan, speaking of Wales, which he calls Vallia, 
 says, " Id ejus nomen, qni ad Germanici sermonis sonum 
 " propius acced unt , per W, propriam unis Germanis liter- 
 " am, efferunt, quam literam reliqui vicini qui utuntur ser- 
 " mone prisco, nullo modo pronnnciare possunt. Imo ne 
 " tormentis qnidem a Kernicovallo, Hiberno, ant prisco 
 " Scoto, exprimes, at earn proferat. Gallis vero qui VaL- 
 " Ham nominare volant, G semper prima est litera. Nee 
 " in hoc nomine solo id observare licet," &c. This may 
 be true, especially as to the time when Bnchanan wrote ; 
 but instances of the interchanged V and W in earlier 
 periods are plentiful ; and in fact the question here is, not 
 whether such a word as Vallenses was likely to be made 
 (which I believe it was not) but, what would have been 
 understood by it, if it had been made. , Would not every 
 
Sect. 5.] ALBIGENSES AND WALDEN8ES. 107 
 
 The question, however, remains — How came 
 Peter of Lyons to be called Waldo ? Was it 
 because, as some say, he was born at Vaux, or, as 
 others, at Waldum ? or, as Mr. Faber suggests, 
 (p. 27) from his " having taken up his abode in 
 Val Grant ?" or, was he, from his intercourse 
 with the people of the vallies of Piedmont, " con- 
 temptuously denominated le Vaudes,or le Valdo?" 
 p. 47. 
 
 I can see no ground for believing any of these 
 reasons ; and shall venture to offer one, which I 
 have not seen assigned by any writer ; but which, 
 I believe, to be the true one. If the reader can- 
 not agree with me, I trust he will at least acquit 
 me of fanciful etymology. I believe that Peter 
 of Lyons, was called Waldo, because that was 
 his name; and for no other reason whatever. 
 Why were other people called Waldo ? I doubt 
 not that if we had a list of his contemporaries, 
 we should find the name often enough. I 
 pretend to no extensive acquaintance with the 
 French, or Germans, of the middle ages ; but I 
 have met with the name quite often enough to 
 convince me that it was far from being uncom- 
 mon. 
 
 one have supposed the Vallenses to be the same persons as 
 William of Malmsbury (p. 89, b.) and Henry of Hun- 
 tingdon (p. 217. b. 42.) called Wallenses, Walenses and 
 Gualenses ? 
 
108 ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. [Sect. 5. 
 
 In a.d. 739, Waldo, Abbot of St. Maxi- 
 
 min, at Treves. 9 
 765, Waldo, Abbot of St. John's, 
 
 was present at the Synod of 
 
 Attigny, in Champagne. 10 
 786, Waxdo, Abbot of Richenow, 
 
 and afterwardsof St.Denys." 
 848, Waldo, Abbot of Fulda, was 
 
 at the Synod of M ayence. 12 
 881, Waldo, a bishop, subscribed 
 
 a diploma of Charles the 
 
 Gross. 13 
 895, Waldo, Bishop of Frisingen, 
 
 was at the Council of Tri- 
 
 bur. 14 
 907, Valdo, abbot, was present at 
 
 the Synod of Vienne." 
 960, Waldo, Bishop of Como. 16 
 1047, Gualdo, a monk of Corby." 
 
 9 Mabillon, Acta Sanct. Ord. Ben. Saec. v. p. 339. 
 
 10 Cone. v. 1702. 
 
 » Mab. ubi. sup. Saec. iv. 259, 265. 
 
 12 Baron, in an. § 4.' 
 
 13 Baron, in an. §. 3. 
 
 14 Cone. ix. 467, 224. 
 
 15 Baluz. App. in Act.. Yet. in Capital. Reg. Franc. 
 ji.1527. 
 
 16 Baron, in an. §. 3. Ceillier xix. 608. 
 
 17 Mab. ubi sap. Saec. i v. 78. 
 
Sect. 5.] ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. 109 
 
 These instances may be sufficient to shew 
 that there was nothing very uncommon, in a 
 man's being named Waldo. 18 Those who could 
 not manage a W, spelt it Vualdo, or Gualdo, or, 
 by a change common in those days, might make it 
 Walto ; and one of these names, or perhaps all 
 of them, according to the fancy of those who 
 wrote it, seems to have been borne by this citizen 
 of Lyons, whose zeal for true religion, and against 
 the superstitions of the times, brought upon him, 
 
 18 Beside these I have seen Walda, as the name of 
 both a man and a woman. Wdlda, wife of the Viscount 
 Ratburn, 941 (Mab. ubi sup. Saec. v. 315) ; and a noble 
 matron named Walda (lb. Saec. n. 1035). Fulco Walda is 
 mentioned as a wif.ne.ss to a charter of William the Con- 
 queror (Dug. Mon. i. 553). In fact, names formed, or com- 
 pounded, from Wald are plentiful ; and perhaps there is no 
 word more likely to have furnished them. Waldum, Wal- 
 dus, Walda, Waldora, Gualdus, Gaudus, almost bring us 
 both to the German word Wald,a.nd its English equivalent 
 Wood, of which they were all representatives in the middle 
 ages. Perhaps, indeed, there is no word which may be 
 said to be more thoroughly German, (if one may so speak) 
 or more suited from its derivatives and compounds, and 
 its multiplied connexions and associations with the country, 
 the laws, the habits, the history and the poetry of the nation, 
 to stand as the representative of the German language. If 
 the reader refers to Heinsius's German Dictionary, he will 
 find more than three hundred words derived, or compound- 
 ed, from Wald. A close parallel to the case of Waldum 
 may be found in Wantuo, Wants, Vantus, Gvvantus, Ganlus, 
 by which we arrive at the French Gant. See Du Cange. 
 
110 ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. [Sect. 5. 
 
 and his followers, the censure, and persecution, 
 of the church of Rome. Before he began his 
 career as a reformer, (and I believe he was truly 
 one, in the best sense of the word,) I do not find 
 that he had ever had any thing to do with woods, 
 or v allies, or heretics. It does not appear that he 
 joined himself to any sect then in existence ; nor 
 do I believe that it can be shewn that he ever had 
 any intercourse with, or derived any peculiarity 
 of doctrine from any sect. There was, in- 
 deed, one peculiarity (and there were not many) 
 in which the Waldenses agreed with the Albi- 
 genses — which was of itself enough to stamp 
 them as heretics, in the eyes of the Romish 
 church — and which, of all points of doctrine, 
 seem to have been made most prominent, and to 
 have been most insisted on by the Waldenses — 
 and it is. curious that this point had been held, 
 and publicly avowed, by an Archbishop of Lyons, 
 before Waldo was born. He needed not to go 
 to Val Grant (wherever that might be) or even 
 to go out of his own city, to hear the doctrine of 
 the unlawfulness of oaths ; a doctrine which, as 
 I have said, was, I believe, more frequently and 
 more urgently insisted on than any other by the 
 Waldenses." 
 
 19 1 say this, because some W aldensian confessions 
 made before the Inquisition of Thoulouse, to which I shall 
 have occasion to call the reader's attention, may be classed 
 in the following manner. They are in number 92. Of 
 
Sect. 5.] ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. 1 1 1 
 
 As the story of the Archbishop is rather curi- 
 ous, and not altogether impertinent, I will trans- 
 late it as literally as I can from his biographer, 20 
 and I think it will appear that what was after- 
 wards treated as heresy in Peter Waldo* must 
 have been a doctrine pretty generally known to 
 exist, even at Lyons, in the year 1046, as it 
 was thus publicly avowed by an archbishop, sup- 
 ported by three bishops. After relating how 
 Kalinardus, when Abbot of the Monastery of St. 
 Benignus, had been called to the Archiepiscopal 
 See of Lyons, his monkish biographer proceeds — 
 
 " Therefore, on account of the gift of the 
 " bishopric, the Lord Halinardus elected thereto 
 " went to the,, court of the Emperor Henry, and 
 " with him some of the bishops who were suflfra- 
 " gans, the archidiaconal legates, and the clergy 
 " of Lyons, who sought to have him for their 
 " pastor. The emperor, according to custom 
 " required from him, the oath of due fealty, for 
 " the episcopal dignity conferred. Hugh, Arch- 
 
 these, 28 contain no specification of doctrine, 1 does specify 
 some doctrine, but is silent as to oaths. The remaining 
 63, all specify their unlawfulness, as a doctrine taught on 
 the occasions referred to, and 27 of them state this doc- 
 trine only. 
 
 20 The anonymous author of the Chronicle of St. Benig- 
 nus of Dijon : He was a monk (and the Archbishop had 
 formerly been Abbot) of that Monastery. See Mab. A. S. 
 Ord. Bened. Ssec. vi. p. 33. 
 
112 ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. [Sect. 5. 
 
 " bishop of Besancon, was the person who deli- 
 " vered the requisition. Halinardus, hearing 
 " these words, replied, ' If I set aside the pre- 
 " cepts of the eternal King, and of the rule to 
 " which I have bound myself by an oath, what 
 " confidence can be placed in me that I should 
 " keep the oath of the emperor ; for the Lord 
 " says, in the gospel, " swear not at all," and the 
 " rule of Father Benedict directs a monk not to 
 " swear, and to estrange himself from secular 
 " affairs.' These things being reported to the 
 " king, he was astonished, and approving in his 
 " own mind his consistency, but yet wishing to 
 " try his perseverance, he said, that he would by 
 " no means give him the archbishopric, if he did 
 " not obey his commands. But, he said, ' It 
 " were better for me never to receive the priestly 
 " office, than to transgress the command of God.' 
 " Upon this, the bishops of those parts, and 
 " especially Sigebaud, Bishop of Spires, where 
 " this took place, insisted, saying * who is this, 
 " that in the palace of a prince, presumes to 
 " disobey his commands, which none of us ever 
 " dared to do. Either let him swear fealty to 
 " the king, or be rejected.' But Theodoric, 
 " Bishop of Metz, and Bruno, Bishop of Toul, 
 " and Richard, Bishop of Verdun, being his 
 " friends, persuaded the emperor that he ought 
 " not for this to give trouble to an ecclesiastic, 
 " whose mind they knew to be firm in the faith, 
 
Sect. 5.] ALBIGEPJSES AND WAEDENSES. 113 
 
 " and in other virtues. To this the emperor re- 
 " plied, ' Persuade him, if he will not take the 
 " oath, at least to come forward, so that he may 
 " appear to have done it, lest the custom of our 
 " country should be made void.' He answered, 
 " ' It is the same thing 1 , if I pretend, as if I do 
 " it — far be it from me.' The emperor seeing 
 " him so firm, would not farther disturb him, 
 " and, confiding in his mere word and promise, 
 " gave him what was desired, and caused him to 
 " be ordained in his own presence, giving him 
 " whatever was necessary for the sacerdotal be- 
 " nediction. And, not only for him and the 
 " other bishops, but also for the levites and minis- 
 " ters of the altar, he so prepared all things, 
 " namely, vestments, books, cloths, and whatever 
 " was necessary, as if he had not been a prince, 
 " but a servant. For that religious king was 
 " very ecclesiastical ; and very devout in matters 
 " concerning divine worship." 
 
 P. 1 04, 1. 12. for Vallensis, read Valdensis. 
 
 a 
 
Section VI. 
 
 ON THE GENUINENESS OF THE WALDEN- 
 SIAN MANUSCRIPTS. 
 
 I must say, and I may as well say it at once, 
 that I do not believe the various documents, pub- 
 lished by Morland, and others, as Waldensian 
 writings of the twelfth century, to be genuine. 
 It may be hard (to me it is at present impossible) 
 to prove that all of them are forgeries ; but it 
 would not be difficult to shew, that there are 
 among them, so many, and such manifest, forge- 
 ries, as throw discredit on the whole matter; 
 and render it almost unnecessary to say a single 
 word in reply, to those who argue on the assump- 
 tion of their genuineness. Some of these treatises, 
 indeed, are merely such pieces of popular and 
 common-place instruction, as could never be un- 
 seasonable. For instance, the " Discourse on 
 Dancing and Balls," from which I will give an 
 extract, might have been written, so far as re- 
 gards the subject matter, at any time ; and one 
 
Sect. 6.] WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. 115 
 
 can only wonder that Morland (or any man whom 
 Cromwell was content to employ) should have 
 thought it worth while to print such rubbish. I 
 give the extract in the words of his translation ; — 
 
 " Item, at the balls they violate the Ten Command- 
 " merits of God — viz. the First ; ' Thou shalt have no 
 " other Gods but me:' but, at the ball they adore that per- 
 " son whom they study to serve ; and therefore St. Hierome 
 " saith, that the God of every one, is that which he serveth, 
 " and loveth above all things. 
 
 " They sin in balls against the Second Commandment, 
 " when they make idols of that which each one loveth. 
 
 " Against the Third Commandment, ' Thou shalt not 
 " take the name of the Lord thy God in vain' : when at 
 " the balls they serve the vanity of sin. 
 
 " Against the Fourth, for by balls the Sabbath Day 
 '• is profaned. 
 
 " Against the Fifth, ' Honour thy Father and thy 
 " Mother ; for in dancing the parents are often dishonour - 
 " ed, while many contracts and agreements are there made 
 " without their knowledge or consent. 
 
 " Against the Sixth, ' Thou shalt not kill,' for per- 
 " sons are often killed at balls ; since every person who 
 " studieth to please another, killeth the soul in moving 
 " her to lust. 
 
 " They sin in baHs against the Seventh, * Thou shalt 
 " not commit adultery,' for the person, male or female, 
 " commits adultery so often as they lust: for he that look- 
 " eth upon a woman to lust after her, hath already com- 
 " mitted adultery with her. 
 
 " Against the Eighth, ' Thou shalt not steal.' They 
 " sin at the ball against this commandment, when one 
 " steals the heart of another from God. 
 
 " Against the Ninth, ' Thou shalt not bear false wit- 
 
116 WALDENS1AN MANUSCRIPTS. [Sect 6. 
 
 " ness,' when one speaketh falsely at the ball, contrary 
 " to truth. 
 
 " The Tenth, ' Thou shalt not covet.' They sin 
 " against this, when the women covet the ornaments of 
 " others, and when men covet the wives, daughters, and 
 " servants of their neighbours." Morland, p. 90. 
 
 I have already said that such matter as this 
 might be written at any time ; for I apprehend 
 that there never was a period, within " the utmost 
 memory of man," when the inhabitants of Pied- 
 mont and France would have been the worse for 
 some exhortation on the subject of dancing. ' 
 
 1 Can anything be more characteristic of the French 
 nation, than the xxx canon of the Council held at Bayeux, 
 in Normandy, about the year 1 300, which prohibits danc- 
 ing in churches, and church-yards ? If, " at the ball, - ' 
 they did not violate all the ten commandments, these 
 light-heeled wretches trampled on all decency. Neither 
 the altars of God, nor the graves of their kindred, were 
 safe from the desecration of their fantastic toes. Surely 
 this was outdoing the intrusive abomination of their own 
 national device — surely the frogs of Egypt were less out 
 of place in the bed-chamber of Pharoah. " Prohibeant 
 " sacerdotes, sub poena excommunicationis choreas in ec- 
 " clesiis, vel coemeteriis duci.'' Cone. xi. P. I. ] 454. 
 
 It was not until after this note was written, and, (lest 
 I should be suspected of any allusion where it could not 
 be intended) I will add, not until the 104th page of this 
 work had been printed, that I obtained Mr. Gilly's " Nar- 
 " rative of an Excursion to the Mountains of Piemont, in 
 " the year 1823." It seems that by the time he visited 
 them, the Waldenses had forgotten, or learned to neglect. 
 
Sect. (>.] WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. 1 17 
 
 With regard to such compositions, the great, 
 if not the only, criterion is their language ; and 
 
 the good advice of their forefathers. He gives the fol- 
 lowing account of a " festive party" and " Alpine dance." 
 
 " The time passed so imperceptibly with the good pastor of La Torre, 
 " that it was late before we remembered, that we were engaged to look 
 " in upon the little festive party, which was collected at the house of one 
 " of the family of the Vertus. M. Bert's son and daughter, and one of his 
 " English pupils, had set out long before us, and I began to fear, lest 
 " I should have the appearance of forgetting the early habits of these 
 " simple mountaineers. My venerable friend quieted my scruples, by 
 " assuring me, that upon occasions like the present, amusements were 
 " extended to long past midnight. 
 
 " We found the house, to which we were invited, as full as it 
 " would hold. All the principal families of La Torre were assembled 
 " together, young and old, and the largest room was set apart for the 
 " the use of the dancers. One or two adjoining apartments were cra- 
 f< ployed as rooms, to which the company might adjourn for refreshments, 
 " or conversation. In the most complete sense of the word, it was a 
 " rustic assembly, where all was good humour, cheerfulness, and 
 *' frankness. The music consisted of a flute, and a couple of violins: 
 " the dances were those of the country ; the refreshments were a thin 
 " wine, and cakes ; and the dress was principally the costume of the 
 " Alps. Two or three young girls, and among them the charming girl to 
 " whom the younger M. Vertu was engaged, were dressed in white ; but 
 " colours, and chiefly red, were conspicuous. The young men were at- 
 " tired without any regard to the fashions of Turin; and the movements 
 " of their steps were regulated by nature, and a good ear ; and not by the 
 " studied lessons of a ballet-master. The elder personages looked oil 
 " with unfeigned satisfaction ; and the youthful actors in this happy 
 " scene, performed their parts with all that gaiety of heart, and sim- 
 " plicity of manners, which distinguish the inhabitants of remote 
 " villages. It was, indeed, a genuine, unmingled delight to witness the 
 " innocent happiness of the hour ; for if the sight of pain be itself pain, 
 " the sight of pleasure is no less pleasure, where the heart is pure, and 
 " the mind is uncorrupted. 
 
 " I was interested in observing how much M. Bert entered into , 
 " the spirit of the amusements of the evening. Austerity forms no part 
 
118 WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. [Sect, ft 
 
 of this I have not such a knowledge as would 
 enable me even to form an opinion of what has 
 
 u of the religious character of the Vaudois ; and this worthy minister 
 ** thought it not at all inconsistent with his sacred profession, to be 
 ** present at an assemblage of his flock, where music and dancing 
 " were admitted. ' I love,' said he, ' to see cheerfulness and happiness 
 " under every form : and where can be the harm of young persons thus 
 " recreating themselves under their parents'* eyes, where nothing inde- 
 " corous is done ; or of my being the spectator of their innocent revels ?' 
 " Formerly, dancing was prohibited among the Vaudois ; but it was in 
 " those dark and dismal times, when these poor people were scarcely 
 ■* ever secure of their lives, and when any indication of merriment 
 " agreed but ill with their miserable condition. In days of active per- 
 " secution, piety will naturally assume something of the gloomy tinc- 
 ** ture of the period ; and when the heart ought to be sad, every move- 
 " ment of levity is ill-timed, and unbecoming." p. 241. Fourth Ed. 
 
 I should really like to see some account of the 
 " active persecutions" which gave rise to the " Discourse 
 on Dancing and Balls," which I have quoted. Morland 
 gives it as one of the pieces " extracted out of divers au- 
 " thentic manuscripts, written in their own language, several 
 "■ hundreds of years before either Calvin or Luther ;" and 
 some history of the persecution of the inhabitants of these 
 vallies at such a period, is a desideratum in ecclesiastical 
 history. However, my object in making this extract (as 
 indeed it was my motive for writing on the subject at all) 
 is to enable the reader to judge how far the Albigenses, 
 and Waldenses, ought to be considered as the special, and 
 predicted witnesses of God ; and with the same view 
 (without intending, in the slightest degree, to question the 
 strict truth of Mr. Gilly's statement) I shall add another 
 account of a " festive party," which leads me to doubt 
 whether the " revels'" of the Vaudois are always quite as 
 " innocent" as they were in his presence. In a letter 
 
Sect. 6.] WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. 1 H> 
 
 been said on the subject by others. I would, 
 however, offer one remark on a circumstance 
 which, obvious and important as it is, has not 
 always been attended to. If, upon examination 
 by competent persons, the language of these 
 compositions should turn out to be more modern 
 than the date which they bear, the question will 
 be settled ; but, on the other hand, if the lan- 
 guage should be ancient, it would be no proof of 
 
 which I received from a clergyman, dated Lyons, 22nd 
 Oct. 1825, he says— 
 
 " In coming home this summer, I spent a few days among the Walden- 
 " ses. Their ancient piety seems to have heen reduced to its last em- 
 u bers, when the intercourse with England has begun, I trust, to revive 
 " it. The mass of the people play at cards, for example, all Sunday ; 
 " as well as spare time on week days. I went to a festival at Angrogna 
 " on Sunday by desire of the pastor. The pastor of the place dined that 
 " day with the R. C. priest. There was a grand shooting at a mark, 
 " and the pastor took his turn. There was dancing and drunkenness, 
 " (and remember there is little or no distinction of classes in their so- 
 " ciety) before I came away, at four o'clock. The chief pastor of all 
 " their clergy sent an excuse, that his daughters were hindered being at 
 " the fair by an accident ; but he sent his pupil, a youth of ten or 
 " twelve, to take care of himself. Every house had been supplied by 
 " our Bible Society with a Bible or Testament ; and I hope the power 
 " of the Spirit may accompany the word, and cause these dead bones to 
 " live." 
 
 I ought, perhaps, to add, that the letter was merely writ- 
 ten in the course of correspondence, between two school- 
 fellows, who were interested in each other's movements ; 
 and not in reply to any enquiry on my part, or under any 
 idea that I felt any particular interest in the Waldenses ; 
 or that I was collecting information, respecting them, 
 which, in fact, I had not then thought of doing. 
 
120 WALDEXSIAX MANUSCRIPTS [Sect 0. 
 
 the antiquity of the compositions. A man who 
 is so far acquainted with, and interested in, any 
 such subject as to meditate any forgery of the 
 kind, may be supposed to have some knowledge 
 of the language in which he pretends to write, 
 and some power of imitating it. 
 
 Suppose, that in an alleged letter of Cicero, 
 we should find him telling Atticus, that a certain 
 criminal had been detected in a design to escape 
 from prison, and expressing himself in the follow- 
 ing terms : — " Item, postmodum tractavit ali- 
 " quociens, et cum tractantibus consenciit, quod 
 " ipse et quidem alii, quos nominat clam recede- 
 " rent et fugerent de muro ; et ad hoc dedit opem 
 " et operam operando et cooperando ilia quee 
 " erant necessaria ad corda facienda, et pro scala 
 " ad exeundum ; nee per eum stetit quin ipse, et 
 " alii, auffugerent, set fuerunt ipse, et alii, pre- 
 " venti et deprehensi in tractatu suo, et impe- 
 "diti;" 2 should we hesitate to pronounce it a 
 forgery ? Yet there have been many persons, 
 much farther removed from the time of Cicero 
 than the author whose words I have just quoted 
 — and, indeed, there are many persons now living 
 — who could frame such a piece of latinity, as 
 might be interpolated among Cicero's letters 
 without any possibility of proof from internal evi- 
 dence that it was not genuine ; and, undoubtedly, 
 
 ^Lib. Sentent. p. 231. 
 
Sect. 6.] WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. 121 
 
 a man in the fourteenth, or fifteenth, century 
 might imitate the language of the twelfth, at 
 least so well as that a critic of the eighteenth, or 
 nineteenth, should not be able to detect the for- 
 gery. Of the language, then, of these manu- 
 scripts, I say nothing, except that I am no judge 
 of it. 3 
 
 As to some of these pieces, however, there are 
 other criteria — and let us just look at one of them. 
 We will take that which comes first in Morland's 
 History, and ask one or two questions respecting it. 
 
 It is a Confession op Faith; and one 
 writer after another ushers it in with great pomp, 
 and sounds his trumpet before it in due form. 
 
 Morland entitles it, 
 
 " An ancient Confession of Faith of the 
 " Waldenses, copied out of certain Manuscripts, 
 
 3 Since this was written, 1 have seen Mr. Gilly's " re- 
 marks on the ancient language of the Vaudois," in which 
 he says, " a comparison between the words in the brief 
 " vocabulary subjoined, and those in the original of the 
 " ' Noble Lesson,' which will be found in Appendix No. 
 " ii., will shew how little the language of this secluded 
 " community has varied for the last seven hundred years." 
 App. No. ix. p. Ii. He who is satisfied that the " Noble Les- 
 son" was written in 1100, may argue that the language has 
 (unlike most other languages) remained unchanged for 
 seven centuries ; but he, who, on other grounds, suspects 
 it to be a forgery, will feel his suspicions most powerfully 
 confirmed, by the admission that it is written in language 
 not materially different from that which is now spoken. 
 
 R 
 
122 WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. [Sect. 6. 
 
 " bearing date Anno Dom. 1120. That is to 
 " say, near 400 years before the time of either 
 " Luther or Calvin." p. 30. 
 
 Leger says, 
 
 " Je eommenceray par une piece admirable, 
 " et pour son antiquite, et pour sa matiere, qui 
 " se trouve dans le vieux manuscript sus-nomme, 
 " et rapporte par Perrin en la page 225 de son 
 " Histoire. Elle est dattee de l'an 1120. 60 ou 
 " 80 ans devant que parut Valdo de Lyon." p. 92. 
 
 Mr. Faber ushers it in thus — 
 
 " The most full and systematic account of the 
 " doctrines, taught and maintained by the an- 
 " cient Vallenses, will be found in their Confes- 
 " sion of Faith, preserved among the Cambridge 
 " Manuscripts, and bearing the date of the year 
 " 1120;" and then proceeds to give a translation 
 of it, beginning thus — " We believe, and firmly 
 " hold, all that is contained in the twelve articles 
 " of the symbol, which is called the Apostles' 
 " Creed, accounting for heresy whatsoever is dis- 
 " agreeing and not consonant to the said twelve 
 " articles. We do believe that there is one God ; 
 " Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. We acknow^ 
 " ledge, for the Holy Canonical Scriptures, the 
 " books of the Holy Bible : and we read the 
 " books called apocryphal for the instruction of 
 " the people, but not to confirm the authority of 
 " the doctrine of the church." On this, Mr. 
 Faber adds, in a note, " Here is inserted a list 
 
Sect. C .] WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. 123 
 
 " of the canonical books, exactly corresponding 
 " with our common English Bibles." p. 50. 
 
 Yes, indeed, it does correspond very exactly ; 
 and the resemblance was observed by Milner, 
 who says, " they acknowledged the same canon 
 " of scripture, which the church of England does 
 " in her sixth article; and, what is very remark- 
 " able, they give the same account of the apocry- 
 " phal books, accompanied with the same remark 
 " of Jerome, which the reader will find in 
 "the same sixth article." 4 It seems to me also 
 " very remarkable," that this " remark of St. 
 Jerome," is, as far as I know, peculiar to this do- 
 cument, and our Article ; and, when I consider 
 that our Article had been published long before 
 there is any evidence of the existence of this con- 
 fession, I cannot help thinking that the coinci- 
 dence is somewhat more than accidental. This 
 however is of no great consequence ; and it may 
 be more important, to ask a' few questions which 
 the confession itself suggests. 5 
 
 1. If it was written in the year 1120, as a 
 Confession of Faith by a public body, which had 
 then long existed, and which continued, and still 
 
 4 Vol. m. p. 462. 
 
 5 The Confession may be found at length in the Ap- 
 pendix to Mr. Gilly's Narrative, No. xn. p. lix. Fourth 
 Edition. 
 
124 VVALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. [Sect. 6. 
 
 does continue, to exist as a church, how comes it 
 that such a document — so ancient, so explicit, so 
 " full and systematic," in every view so important 
 — should never have been noticed in any subse- 
 quent confession of faith, made either by that, or 
 by any kindred church ? Shortly after the Re- 
 formation, confessions of faith sprang up in such 
 numbers, that the reformers were taunted with 
 the name of Confessionists ; and surely this vene- 
 rable document, which had testified point blank 
 against popery, for four hundred years, could 
 hardly have been overlooked, if it really existed. 
 If the reformers of Germany, France, Switzer- 
 land, Scotland, and England, knew nothing of 
 it, surely the Waldenses themselves would have 
 appealed to it. Should we not, for instance, find 
 some reference to it, in the Confession of Sendo- 
 mir, which was framed by a synod convened in 
 1570, to clear up some points of difference, be- 
 tween the reformed churches of Poland and the 
 Waldenses ? 6 Nay, Morland himself, only a few 
 pages farther on, gives us " another Confession 
 
 6 See the " Consensus Sendomiriensis'' in Augusti's 
 Corp. Lib. Symbol, p. 255. The full title is as follows ; "Con- 
 " sensus mutuus in religionis christians capitibns inter ec- 
 " clesias majoris et minoris Poloniae, Lithuania?, et Samo- 
 " gitise, quae juxta Confessionem Augustanam, fratrum 
 " Waldensium, ut vocant, et Helveticam, aliquo modo a 
 " se dissentire videbantur, factus in Synodo Sendomiriensi. 
 « Anno 1570, April 14. - ' 
 
Sect. 6.] WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. 125 
 
 of Faith of the Waldenses," 7 which makes no 
 reference to this one. Shall we account for this 
 by saying, " Oh, no doubt, that was of still more 
 remote antiquity ?" To say the truth, I really 
 believe it was the olde** of the two ; and that, 
 if there had been fair play, it ought to have been 
 noticed in that before us. To proceed, however, 
 the very next article in Morland's History, is 
 " A brief Confession of Faith, made with general 
 " consent, by the Ministers and Heads of Fami- 
 " lies, of the Churches of the Vallies of Piedmont, 
 " assembled in Angrogne, the 1 2th of September 
 " of the year 1532." This, to be sure, is a great 
 jump from the year 1120; but these ministers 
 and heads of families, seem to have known no- 
 thing of what Mr. Faber calls the " most full 
 " and systematic account of the doctrines taught 
 " and maintained by the ancient Vallenses" — at 
 least they make no reference to it, and speak only 
 of " doctrine which was taught them from father 
 to son according to the word of God." Morland 
 next gives us (p. 41.) " A declaration of the 
 Waldenses," &c. made in the year 1603, and be- 
 ginning, " Whereas our predecessors, from father 
 " to son, time out of mind, have been taught and 
 " brought up in the doctrine and religion of 
 " which we, from our childhood, have made 
 " open profession, and in the same have instructed 
 
 Morland, p. 37. 
 
126 WALDENSUN MANUSCRIPTS. [Sect. fi. 
 
 " our families," &c. and then going on to say, 
 " We request the reformed churches to hold and 
 "acknowledge us, as true members of theirs, 
 " being ready to sign with our own blood, (if 
 " God calleth us to it) the confession of faith, by 
 " them made and published, [why in the world 
 did not they refer to their own confession of 
 1120? It had been made long enough; and 
 if it had not been published, it was high time 
 that it should be] which we acknowledge agree- 
 " ing with the doctrine taught and registered by 
 " the holy apostles, &c." — how could they help 
 saying, " with our own ' most full and systematic 
 account,' of our faith ?" Surely there is no need 
 to pursue this argument ; or to say that these 
 Waldenses, in 1603, knew nothing of this most 
 ancient confession of 11 20. 8 
 
 8 If the reader, however, is not satisfied, and wishes to 
 pursue the enquiry, he may find more in Morland ; and let 
 him also look at the " Oratio excusatoria atque satisfactiva 
 Fratrum Waldensium," presented by them to Vladislaus, 
 King of Hungary — would it not have been natural to quote 
 some of these ancient documents, after having said, " magno 
 " desiderio fuimus, si se facultas obtulerit, de religionis 
 " nostra arcanis (quorum causa diversas angustias sustine- 
 " mus) simpliciter rationem regulamque pandere, quo 
 " suffulti auxilio, omnium etiam calumniatorum objectis 
 " delationibus mansuetum et pium semper experiamur re- 
 " gem,'* &c. Fascic. Rer. expet. etfugiend. vol. I. p. 162. 
 
Sect. 6.] WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. 127 
 
 2. Let me ask — if Peter Waldo used occa- 
 sionally to " sojourn in the valleys of Piedmont" 
 — if, " it was from his intercourse with the an- 
 " cient Vallenses, that he himself borrowed his 
 " own name" — if, " on the most liberal computa- 
 " tion, he did not commence his christian la- 
 " bours anterior to the year 1160" — and, if these 
 " ancient Vallenses" had this confession, cut and 
 dry, at least forty years, before he began his 
 christian labours, why, in all the world, did that 
 good man trouble himself to make a translation 
 of the scriptures ? Yet, that he did this is, per- 
 haps, one of the best authenticated facts of his 
 history. " Enlightened," says Mr. Faber, " by 
 " the perusal of Holy Scripture, and clearly 
 " perceiving that the Bible and the Church of 
 " Rome were utterly at variance, Peter of Lyons, 
 " as Thuanus remarks, was anxious that the peo- 
 " pie should have the writings of the prophets 
 " and the apostles, in their own tongue." 9 Why 
 
 9 Sac. Cal. Vol. in. p. 48. The words of Thuanus, 
 as given by Mr. Faber, are " Is totum se evangelicse pro- 
 " fessioni devoverat, et prophetarum atque apostolorum 
 " scripta populari lingua vertenda curaverat. Thuan. Hist. 
 " Lib, vi. §. 16." The assertion of Thuanus is not merely 
 that Peter Waldo wished the people to have the scriptures, 
 but that he caused the scriptures to be translated into the 
 vulgar tongue ; and of this we have other, and better, evi- 
 dence than that of Thuanus. Le Long (Bib. Sac. Cap. v. 
 §. 1.) says that there was no French version of the whole 
 
128 WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. [Sect. 6. 
 
 had they not had them for at least forty years on 
 the evidence of this confession, which talks in an 
 
 Bible before the time of the Waldenses ; and that the per- 
 sons first employed in making one, were those referred to 
 by Pope Innocent III. in a letter written abont the year 
 1200 (Lib. ii. Ep. 421. p. 432. Ed. Baluz.) " To all the 
 " faithful of Christ, as well of the city as of the diocese, 
 " of Metz. Our venerable brother the Bishop of Metz, 
 " has signified to us by his letters, that no small number 
 " of laymen and women, both in the diocese and city of 
 " Metz, being led by a certain love of the scriptures, have 
 " caused the Gospels, Epistles of Paul, Psalter, Morals of 
 " Job, and other books to be translated into French." Le 
 Long then gives, as the first article of this section, " Certain 
 " books of the scriptures (especially the New Testament) 
 " translated into the vernacular, that is, the French, language 
 " by Stephanus de Ansa, or, de Emsa, a priest of Lyons, by 
 " the procurement and at the charge of Peter Valdensis, 
 w after the year 1170, or 1180;" and he adds, as his au- 
 thority for this statement, " Stephanus de Borbone, or de 
 " Bellavilla, a Dominican, who died in 1261, describing 
 " the origin of the Valdenses (in his book ' de 7 donis 
 " SpiritusSancti,' part 4. tit. 7. cap. 30.) says, < They were 
 " ' called Valdenses from the first author of this heresy, 
 " ' who was named Valdensis. They are called also 
 " ' " Poor men of Lyons," because there they began in 
 
 " ' the profession of poverty That sect, however, began 
 
 " ' in this manner, according to what I have heard from 
 " * many persons who had seen the earlier members of it, 
 " ' (qui priores eorum viderunt) and from that priest Ber- 
 " ' nardus Ydros who was held in considerable respect (satis 
 " < honoratus) and rich in the city of Lyons, and a friend 
 >■• ' of our Order ; who, when he was young, and a scribe, 
 
Sect. 6.] WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. 129 
 
 off-hand way, of reading even the apocryphal 
 books, for the instruction of the people ? Milner 
 
 " ' wrote the earlier books which they had, for the said 
 " ' Valdensis, in the Provengal language (in Romano) for 
 " ' money, from the dictation of a certain grammarian 
 " ' called Stcpkanus de Ansa (by others de Emsa) who after- 
 " < wards while he held a benefice in the greater church of 
 " ' Lyons (another MS. reads, being appointed a priest) 
 " ' falling from an upper chamber of a house which he 
 " ' was building, was suddenly killed ; and whom I have 
 " * often seen. A certain rich man of the said city called 
 " ' Valdensis, hearing the Gospels, and not having much 
 " * learning (cum non esset multum Iiteratus) yet, being 
 " ' desirous to know what they contained, made an agree- 
 " * ment with the said priests, that the one should translate 
 " ' into the vulgar tongue, and that the other should write 
 " ' what he dictated, and this they did. In like manner, 
 " ' many books of the Bible, and authorities of the Fathers, 
 " ' which they called Sentences. This sect, however, be- 
 " ' gan about the year of our Lord 1170, under John, sur- 
 " ' named Bolesmanis, Archbishop of Lyons (another MS. 
 " ' says 1 1 80, under John, called Bolesmanis).' " So far 
 Stephanus de Borbone whom Le Long quotes from 
 Echard's Sancti Thomce Summa, &c. p. 540. 
 
 Le Long has indeed another chapter on the transla- 
 tions of the Scriptures into the Provencal language, in 
 which he enumerates the Bibles of the Waldenses in the 
 languages of Piedmont and Provence ; but the whole chap- 
 ter is made up of little more than extracts from Leger's 
 account of Morland's Manuscripts, and so only brings us 
 where we were before. In fact, there are only two excep- 
 tions — one, a quarto volume, containing part of the Scrip- 
 tures, which Le Long refers to the fourteenth century ; 
 
180 WALDENsrAN MANUSCRIPTS. [Sect. G. 
 
 says, " whether Waldo himself entirely performed 
 " the work, or encouraged others to do it, or, what 
 " is most probable, executed it himself with the 
 " assistance of others, it is certain that the christ- 
 " ian world in the west was indebted to him for 
 " the first translation of the Bible into a modern 
 " tongue, since the Latin had ceased to be a living 
 " language ;" 10 and he afterwards adds, that, 
 when driven from Lyons, Waldo, " himself, re- 
 " tired into Dauphiny, where his tenets took a 
 " deep and lasting root. Some of his people did, 
 " probably, join themselves to the Vaudois of 
 
 the other, a duodecimo, of which he only says, " N. Test- 
 " amentum lingua Pedemontano-Vallensi per Barbetun 
 " quemdam sen ministrnm Vallensem translatum. Codex 
 " in 12. Scriptus post annum MC. Bibl. Civica Tigurina, 
 " Ottius." That this MS. was written after the year 1 100, 
 I fully believe ; and if the writer styles himself a Barbe, 
 and a ValUnsian minister, I should imagine, a good while 
 after. It does not appear that Le Long knew any more 
 about it than I have extracted from ch. vm. p. 162. 
 
 As to versions in the vernacular language of Italy, I 
 believe nothing earlier has been talked of, than one which 
 many writers have stated to have been made by Jacobus 
 de Voragine, after the middle of the thirteenth century — 
 this version if it ever existed is far too modern to affect 
 our question ; but who would not doubt the existence of 
 any book — especially of such a book — if it was unknown 
 to Le Long, Muratori, and Magliabecchi ? See Le Long. 
 Cap. vi. p. 120. 
 
 10 Vol. in. p. 441. 
 
Sect. 6.] WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. 131 
 
 " Piedmont, and the new translation of the Bible 
 " was, doubtless, a rich accession to the spiritual 
 " treasures of that people."" Why, surely, these 
 poor men of Lyons were carrying coals to New- 
 castle ; and it would have been more to the pur- 
 pose, to have taken their " new translation of the 
 Bible" into any other part of the world where it 
 could be read ; unless we are to suppose, that the 
 translation read to the people, (apocrypha and all) 
 according to the confession of 1120, had been 
 made in such very, very, remote antiquity, that 
 by the time of Peter Waldo, it had become obso- 
 lete and unintelligible — and this, indeed, seems 
 to me quite as probable, as that there was any 
 such translation of the Bible (or, in fact, any 
 Waldensic church) before the time of Peter 
 Waldo. 
 
 3. I do not know, and shall be much obliged 
 to any one who will inform me, how early the 
 two books of Samuel and the books of Chronicles, 
 came to be so called, after having been commonly 
 (as they still are in Romish versions) entitled the 
 first, and second, of the four books of Kings, and 
 Paralipomenon. I do not remember to have 
 seen the books of Samuel referred to, otherwise 
 than as books of Kings ; or the books of Chroni- 
 
 11 Vol. hi. p. 443. 
 
132 WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. [Sect. 6. 
 
 cUs, otherwise than as Paralipomenon, by any 
 writer of Latin, or any modern language, before 
 the sixteenth century. Waiving this, however, 
 what shall we say, when we find this confession 
 of 1120, speaking of "the tenth chapter of 
 Esther ;" when it is notorious that, the Bible was 
 'first divided into chapters, in the middle of the 
 thirteenth century ? It not only proves that the 
 document was written long after L120, but so 
 long after these divisions had been made, that 
 they had ceased to be considered as novelties, 
 and were commonly and familiarly used, as a 
 means of reference. Allix has rejected the Ca- 
 techism, published by Morland among these 
 pieces, on this very account. " I do not," he 
 says, " intend here, in order to prove the opinions 
 " of the diocese of Italy, to make use of a Cate- 
 " chism published by Sir Sam. Morland, and by 
 " Leger, as written about the year 1 1 00, nor of 
 " another treatise of the Invocation of Saints, 
 " which they pretend was written about the year 
 " 1120 j my reason is, because it seems to me 
 " that that Catechism quotes the scripture as dis- 
 " tinguished into chapters, which was not till 
 " after the midst of the thirteenth century. And 
 " as for the Treatise concerning the Invocation 
 " of Saints, it quotes the Millehquium of St. 
 " Austin, which was not composed by Fr. Bar- 
 " tholomeus, of Urbin, till about the midst of the 
 
Sect. 6.] WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS. 133 
 
 " fourteenth century. 12 So that it seems these 
 " gentlemen founded their judgments of the anti- 
 " quity of these pieces on too weak grounds." 
 Ch. of Piedm. p. 185. 
 
 Is it not surprising that, with his eyes thus 
 far opened, Allix should still maintain that the 
 " Noble Lesson" was written in 1100? Yet he 
 refers to it as of undoubted genuineness, and, 
 after abstracting and extracting, exclaims tri- 
 umphantly, " Now I defy the impudence of the 
 " devil himself to find therein the least shadow of 
 " Manicheism." No, to be sure — what writer 
 who knew anything of the Waldenses ever charg- 
 ed them with Manicheism. It is easy to make 
 men of straw, and vanquish them — but while he 
 was making objections and answering them, why 
 did he not explain one circumstance which he 
 has himself noticed, and which, to me at least, 
 looks very suspicious. In his abstract he tell us, 
 that the author of the Noble Lesson " exhorts to 
 
 12 I do not find the Milleloquiura quoted in this Trea- 
 tise, unless it be under some of the references to St. Au- 
 gustine ; but it is expressly named in the Treatise on Pur- 
 gatory (Morland, p. 164), and, by the way, I shall be 
 obliged to anybody who can tell me when the word Purga- 
 tory (Purgatorium, not ignis purgatorius, &c.) came to be 
 used, in its present sense. I suspect not until after the 
 date of the ancient confession, though it is therein men- 
 tioned. 1 do not think I have seen it in any writing ear- 
 lier than the thirteenth century. 
 
134 WALDENS1AN MANUSCRIPTS. [Sect. 6. 
 
 the reading of Holy Scripture ;" so he does — and 
 I wish that Allix had explained, how it could 
 have come into any man's head to give such an 
 exhortation in the year 1100, and who he expect- 
 ed to comply with it — but it was not my inten- 
 tion to have gone farther than the Ancient Con- 
 fession ; and perhaps I have said enough for the 
 present about the Waldensian Manuscripts. 
 
Section VII. 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. 
 
 Rejecting, for the reasons which I have stated, 
 the testimony appealed to by the modern Vau- 
 dois, I shall glean what I can from other sources, 
 respecting 1 the doctrine and rites of the ancient 
 Albigenses and Waldenses. These sources it 
 may be found convenient to divide into two 
 classes ; though it may not perhaps be easy, or 
 even possible, to draw a proper line of discrimi- 
 nation between them. The first class will in- 
 clude what may be termed Public Documents ; 
 such as the Canons, Decrees, Letters, Edicts, 
 and Acts, of Councils, Popes, Princes, and In- 
 quisitors — the second will consist of extracts 
 from the works of historians, and other writers, 
 who have noticed these sects. Both classes I 
 shall arrange, as nearly as I can, in chronological 
 order. 
 
136 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 Much (but I think not all) of what I am 
 about to lay before the reader has been quoted, 
 or more frequently only referred to, by various 
 writers; and it has generally been accompanied 
 with the remark, that it is " the testimony of 
 their enemies." I do not know that this remark 
 can be fairly extended (at least in the strong 
 sense in which the word " enemies" is generally 
 used on such occasions) to all the testimonies 
 which I shall have occasion to quote ; but it cer- 
 tainly does apply to some ; and, whenever it does, 
 it must be borne in mind. It were obviously 
 unfair to receive entirely, and without scruple, 
 all that is said against these sects by their oppo- 
 nents ; and I beg the reader most fully to under- 
 stand, that I do not lay these extracts before 
 him in order that he may implicitly receive them 
 as the testimonies of well-informed, and unpre- 
 judiced, persons — but, that he may take them, 
 and after having, like a reasonable being, weighed 
 and compared them, may form his own judg- 
 ment on the case. " We only know what their 
 enemies said of them." True — it is much to be 
 regretted that we have none of their own writ- 
 ings by which to check the accounts of their 
 enemies — but, in default of this, let us see what 
 their enemies did say, and let us judge, as well 
 as we can, how much of it was true, and how 
 much false. I must say, that it appears to me, 
 
Sect. 7] PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. 137 
 
 after making every fair rejection and deduction, 
 to prove two things, beyond the possibility of 
 dispute. 
 
 First, that the Albigenses and Waldenses 
 were, originally, entirely, and continually, distinct 
 sects, differing essentially in their doctrine and 
 rites ; and, 
 
 Secondly, that, whatever opinion we may 
 form of the Waldenses, (and my own is certainly 
 very favourable) the Albigenses were either hy- 
 pocritical impostors, or misguided fanatics. 
 
 I proceed, then, in this section, to offer some 
 extracts from the Councils, 1 and other public 
 documents, only premising, that, as my object 
 was to look for what might throw light on the 
 doctrine, and rites, of these sects, I have extracted 
 nothing but what seemed to me to have that 
 tendency, either by direct reference to them, or 
 by illustrating other documents, having such a 
 reference. I say this, because, without some such 
 previous information, the reader may not perceive 
 why some of the extracts in this section have been 
 made; their object being only rendered apparent 
 by subsequent references to them. 
 
 1 The references to the Councils are made to the Edi- 
 tion of Labbe and Cossart, Paris, 1671. 
 
138 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 Council of Thoulouse. A. D. 1119. 
 
 This Council, which condemned some here- 
 tics (though under no specific name) for errors 
 very similar to those charged upon the Albi- 
 genses, has been already noticed at page 90. 
 
 Council of Oxford, a. d. 1160. 
 
 Some account of the persons called Publicans, 
 who were (as I have already stated, page 90) 
 condemned by this Council, will come more pro- 
 perly in a subsequent section ; as no acts of the 
 Council are known to be in existence, and the 
 particulars which are known are derived from 
 historians only. 
 
 Council of Tours, a. d. 1 163. 
 
 The fourth canon of this Council (as already 
 stated, page 18) declared that heresy had " long 
 since sprung up in the parts about Thoulouse ;" 
 but without giving any name to the heretics, or 
 specifying the nature of their errors. The word 
 Albigenses, occurs only in the title of the canon, 
 which was probably prefixed to it at a later pe- 
 riod ; " Ut cuncti Albigensium hsereticorum 
 
Sect. 7.] COUNCIL OF LOMBERS. a. d. 1165. 139 
 
 consortium fugiant." I do not mean to dispute, 
 that the persons referred to, were those whom 
 we now call Albigenses, but I believe the name 
 was not used so early. 
 
 Council of Lombers. A. D. 1165. 
 
 This Council was held at a little town two 
 leagues from Albi, for the examination of those 
 whom Roger Hoveden calls Avians; but who 
 seem, by his account, and from other sources, to 
 have called themselves Boni homines, or " good 
 men." I shall give an extract from the pro- 
 ceedings as they are related in the Councils, 
 (x. 1470) because the account is fuller than that 
 of Hoveden, though substantially the same ; and 
 apparently the source from whence he derived 
 his information. 2 
 
 On this occasion, the Archbishop of Nar- 
 bonne, several bishops, abbots, and other eccle- 
 siastical persons, as well as the magistrates of 
 Thoulouse, and Albi, and other laymen of dis- 
 
 2 Labbe says, " ubique verbis iisdem servatis ;" but 
 this is not strictly true. Moreover, Hoveden places the 
 council in 1176, and Labbe (in compliment to I3ini who 
 had followed Hoveden) does the same, but tells us that 
 the copy which he used, dates the transaction as of 1 165, 
 and I have therefore placed it under that year. 
 
Y 
 
 140 FOLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 tinction; together with the wife of Raymond, 
 Count of Thoulouse, and almost all the people 
 of Lombers, and Albi, and other towns, were 
 present. 
 
 " The Bishop of Lodeve, by command of the Bishop 
 of Albi, and of his assessors, asked those who caused them- 
 selves to be called ' good men' — 
 
 "I. If they received the law of Moses, and the Pro- 
 phets, or the Psalms, and the Old Testament, and the doc- 
 tors of the New Testament. They answered before all 
 the multitude, that they did not receive the law of Moses, 
 nor the Prophets, nor the Psalms, nor the Old Testament ; 
 but only the Gospels, the Epistles of Paul, and the seven 
 canonical Epistles, the Acts of the Apostles, and the 
 Apocalypse. 
 
 " II. He asked them of their faith, that they might set 
 it forth. They answered that they would not say unless 
 they were compelled. 
 
 " III. He interrogated them concerning the baptism 
 of children, and if they will be saved by baptism ? They 
 said, that they should say nothing ; but would answer out 
 of the Epistles, and Gospels. 
 
 " IV. He questioned them as to the body, and blood of 
 Christ ; where it was consecrated, or by whom, and who 
 received it, and if it was more, or better, consecrated by a 
 good, than by a bad, person ? They answered, that those 
 who received worthily were saved ; and those who received 
 unworthily, procured to themselves damnation ; and tbey 
 said that it was consecrated by every good man, whether 
 an ecclesiastic, or a layman ; and they answered nothing 
 else, because they would not be compelled to answer con- 
 cerning their faith. 
 
 " V. He ask id them what they thought of matrimony ; 
 and if a man, and a woman, who were so joined together, 
 
Sect. 7.] COUNCIL OF LOMBERS. a. d. 1165. 141 
 
 could be saved ? They would not answer, except this only 
 — namely, that man, and woman, were united to avoid lux- 
 ury, and fornication, as St. Paul has said in his Epistle. 
 
 "VI. He asked them concerning repentance, — whether 
 when it took place at the time of death, it availed to sal- 
 vation ; or if soldiers who were mortally wounded, could 
 be saved if they repented at the point of death ; or if every 
 person ought to confess his sins to the priests, and minis- 
 ters, of the church, or to any layman, or of whom it was 
 that St. James spoke, when he said ' Confess your sins 
 one to another ?' They said in reply, that it was sufficient 
 for sick persons, to confess to whomsoever they pleased ; 
 but of soldiers they would not speak, because St. James 
 says nothing, except of sick persons. 
 
 " He asked also of them, whether the contrition of the 
 heart, and the confession of the mouth alone, were neces- 
 sary to repentance ? or, if it was necessary that after repen- 
 tance, they should make satisfaction by fastings, mortifi- 
 cations, and alms, bewailing their sins, if they had the 
 means ? They answered, and said, that James had said 
 only, that they should confess, and so be saved ; and they 
 did not wish to be better than the Apostle, and to add any 
 thing of their own, as the Bishops do. 
 
 " They said also, many things without being asked. 
 That it is altogether unlawful to swear any oath, as Jesus 
 said in the Gospel, and James in his Epistle. 
 
 " They said also, that Paul stated in his Epistle, what 
 sort of persons were to be ordained in the church, as 
 Bishops and Presbyters ; and that if such persons were 
 not ordained as St. Paul directed, they were not Bishops 
 nor Priests, but ravening wolves, and hypocrites, and se- 
 ducers, loving salutations in the market-places, the chief 
 seats, and highest places in feasts, desiring to be called 
 Rabbi and Master, contrary to the commands of Christ, 
 dressed in albs, and white garments, and wearing on their 
 
J 
 142 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 fingers, gold rings with gems, which their master Jesus 
 had not commanded ; and pouring forth many other re- 
 proaches. And therefore since they were not Bishops and 
 Priests (except as those were priests who had betrayed 
 Christ) they ought not to obey them, because they were 
 evil men ; not good teachers, but hirelings. 
 
 " In answer to what they said, many authorities of the 
 New Testament were produced, by the Lord Pontius 
 Archbishop of Narbonne, and by Arnold Bishop of Nismes, 
 and Peter Abbot of Sendres, and the Abbot of Fontfroid. 
 
 " The allegations, and the authorities, of the New Tes- 
 tament, having been heard on both sides (for they would 
 not receive judgment except by the New Testament) the 
 Bishop of Lodeve, after silence had been made, by com- 
 mand of the Bishop of Albi, and the assessors above- 
 named, gave the following sentence, according to law, 
 and from the New Testament, in the presence of all the 
 persons aforesaid. 
 
 " I, Joceline, Bishop of Lodeve, by command of the 
 Bishop of Albi, and his assessors, adjudge those who call 
 themselves ' Boni homines' to be heretics, and I condemn 
 the sect of Oliverius, and of his companions, and those 
 who hold the sect of the heretics of Lombers wheresoever 
 tbey may be ; and this we judge by authority of the New 
 Testament, that is, the Gospels, and Epistles, and Psalms, 
 and Acts of the Apostles and the Apocalypse." 
 
 The Bishop then proceeded to enforce what 
 he considered the catholic doctrine ; and, to prove 
 it by authority of scripture, as to those points, 
 which have been already stated. It is not to our 
 purpose to recite all that he said; and it may 
 easily be imagined how he maintained the autho- 
 rity of the Old Testament, the necessity of bap- 
 
Sect. 7.] COUNCIL OF LOMBERS. a.d. 1165. 143 
 
 tism, the lawfulness of marriage, &c. ; but I must 
 remark, with regard to the latter point, that the 
 parties seem quite to have changed places ; and 
 that it is somewhat strange to find Antichrist con- 
 demning the Witnesses as heretics for "forbidding 
 to marry." After this discourse, 
 
 *' The heretics answered, that the Bishop who had 
 given sentence was a heretic, and not they ; and that he 
 was their enemy, and was a ravening wolf, and a hypocrite, 
 and an enemy of God, and had not judged rightly ; and 
 they would not answer concerning their faith, because they 
 were aware of him, as the Lord had commanded them in 
 the Gospels, * Beware of false prophets,' who come unto 
 you in sheeps' clothing, but inwardly they are ravening 
 wolves ; and that he was a fraudulent persecutor of them ; 
 and they were prepared to shew by the Gospels and Epis- 
 tles, that he was not a good shepherd, neither he, nor the 
 other bishops, and priests ; but rather hirelings. 
 
 " The Bishop answered, that the sentence had been 
 given against them agreeably to law ; and that he was pre- 
 pared to prove, in the court of the Lord Alexander, the Ca- 
 tholic Pope, and in the court of Louis, King of France, and 
 in the court of Raymond, Count of Thoulouse, or of his 
 wife, who was present, or in the court of Trencavel, 3 then 
 present, that the cause had been rightly judged ; and that 
 they were manifestly, and notoriously, heretics ; and he 
 promised that he would accuse them of heresy, in every 
 catholic court, and would submit to the decision of a 
 trial. 
 
 " Seeing themselves however to be convicted, and con- 
 founded, they turned themselves to all the people saying, 
 
 3 Viscount of Beziers. 
 
144 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 ' Hear, O good men, our faith, which we confess— we 
 now confess out of love to you, and for your sakes.' The 
 aforesaid Bishop replied ' You do not say that you will 
 speak for the Lord's sake ; but for the sake of the people ;' 
 and they said ' We believe in one living and true God, 
 trine and one, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit,— that the 
 Son of God took flesh, was baptised in Jordan, fasted in 
 the desert, preached our salvation, suffered, died, and was 
 buried, descended into hell, rose the third day, ascended 
 into heaven, sent the Spirit, the Paraclete, on his disciples 
 on the day of Pentecost, will come at the day of judgment 
 to judge the quick and the dead, and that all will rise. 
 We acknowledge also that what we believe with the heart, 
 we ought to confess with the mouth. We believe that he 
 is not saved who does not eat the body of Christ, and that 
 it is not consecrated except in the church, and also not 
 except by a priest, and that it is not better done by a good, 
 than by a bad, priest. We believe also, that no one is 
 saved except by baptism ; and that children are saved by 
 baptism. We believe also, that roan and wife are saved, 
 though carnally united ; and that every one ought to re- 
 ceive penance in the heart, and with the mouth, and to be 
 baptised by a priest, and in the church.' And, indeed, if 
 any thing more in the church, could be shewn by the Gos- 
 pels, or Epistles, they would believe, and confess it. 
 
 " The aforesaid Bishop also asked them, if they would 
 swear that they held, and believed, that faith ; and if there 
 was any thing else which they ought to confess, that they 
 had improperly believed, or taught, or not. In reply, they 
 said that they would not in any-wise swear ; because they 
 should do contrary to the Gospels, and Epistles. Author- 
 ities of the New Testament were however brought against 
 them by the aforesaid catholic persons ; and thus the 
 authorities on both sides having been heard, the aforesaid 
 Bishop rising up gave judgment in the following manner — 
 
Sect. 7.] COUNT RAYMOND'S LETTER, ad. 1178. 145 
 
 " I, Joceline, Bishop of Lodeve, by authority and 
 mandate of the Bishop of A Ibi, and of his assessors, judge 
 and give sentence, that these heretics are in error as to 
 the matter of oaths ; and ought to swear if they will re- 
 pent, and that an oath is to be tendered where the faith is 
 in question ; and since they are of evil report, and accused 
 of heresy, they ought to clear themselves from the charge ; 
 and returning to the unity of the church, they ought to 
 affirm their faith by an oath, as the catholic church holds 
 and believes, lest the weak who are in the church should 
 be corrupted, and lest sickly sheep should infect the 
 whole flock." 
 
 The Bishop then went on to prove the 
 lawfulness of oaths, after which the account pro- 
 ceeds — 
 
 " Seeing, therefore, they were convicted on this point, 
 they said that the Bishop of Albi had made an agreement, 
 that he would not force them to swear ; which the Bishop 
 of Albi denied." 
 
 The sentence was therefore confirmed by the 
 Bishop of Albi, and most of the principal per- 
 sons present. 
 
 Letter of Raymond, Count of Thoulouse, to the 
 Abbot and Chapter General of Citeaux. a. d. 
 1178. 
 
 The state of things in Thoulouse, and its 
 neighbourhood, about thirteen years after the 
 Council of Lombers, may be in some degree 
 judged of, from a letter of Raymond, Count of 
 
146 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS [Sect. 7. 
 
 Thoulouse j and from the proceedings to which 
 it gave rise. 
 
 It has been preserved by Gervase, who intro- 
 duces it in the following manner : — " There had 
 "broken out in these days, 4 in the territory of 
 "the Count of Thoulouse, a malignant heresy; 
 " which, making void the faith, and ecclesiastical 
 " discipline, of the orthodox fathers, destroyed, 
 " with its abominable poison, not only the igno- 
 " rant vulgar, but also the priests, and bishops of 
 " the church of God, and the chief men of the 
 " laity. The detestable perverseness of this he- 
 " resy will be better understood from the letter 
 " of the Count of Thoulouse, which the said 
 " Count sent to the Chapter General of Citeaux. 
 " The letter is as follows : — 
 
 4 " Pu 11 ulaverat his diebus." Gervase does not seem to 
 have been one of the " best informed Romanists." (See 
 before, p. 37.) Indeed, I should like to know who they 
 were — for, in several cases, 1 shall have occasion to shew, 
 that contemporary historians used language very incon- 
 sistent with the notion of " remote antiquity ;" and such 
 as completely refutes the assertion that " the Romanists 
 " are constrained to acknowledge their own ignorance, in 
 " regard to the origin of the two churches ;"and thaf'those 
 " among them who had the best means of information, will 
 " only venture to say, that these heretical communities had, 
 " in the twelfth century, already existed from a period far 
 " beyond the memory of man.'''' As this point is so important, 
 and so broadly and positively stated, I trust the reader 
 will excuse my repeatedly calling his attention to it. 
 
Sect. 7.] COUNT RAYMONDS LETTER, a.d. 1178. 147 
 
 " To his Lord, and the Venerable A. Abbot of 
 Citeaux, and to all the Convent, in a General Chapter 
 assembled, the Count of Thoulouse, Duke of Narbonne, 
 Marquis of Provence, being desirous, as one ready to 
 make shipwreck of the faith, to be strengthened, and sup- 
 ported by their blessings and prayers. 
 
 " Since it is manifest, amidst the treasures of your 
 wisdom and knowledge, that, in our parts, the little foxes 
 destroy the vineyards, which the right hand of the Most 
 High has planted ; s and the fountains without water, and 
 clouds driven by whirlwinds, endeavour to make void 
 the fountain which is open to the House of David for sin, 
 and for uncleanness, and pour forth streams of po.ison, 
 
 5 In allusion to Canticles ii. 15. " Take us the foxes, the little foxes 
 that spoil the vines." Such an application of the text is very ancient. 
 Jerome (on Ezek. i.) says, " Porro juxta septuaginta hie sensus est ; omnes 
 " haeretici, propter fraud ulentiam ac nequitiam vulpium similes sunt : 
 " de quibus Salvator loquitur: ' Valpes foveas habent: et volucres call 
 " nidos? Et de Herode scriptum est : ' Diciie vulpi liuicS Et de iisdem 
 " vulpibas quse parvulos simplicesque decipiunt, et popnlantur vineam 
 " Christi, Salomon loquitur : ' Capite nobis vulpes parevlas dissipantes 
 " vineas. ' " Bernard, on this passage of Canticles, says, "si juxta 
 " allegoriam ecclesias vineas, vulpes hcereses, velpotius htereticos ipsos, 
 " intelli gamut." Serra. in Cant. lxiv. and we shall find it in the letter 
 of his successor Henry. This figure, which was a favourite one, natur- 
 ally led some writers of the middle ages, to allude to Sampson's foxes; 
 and to represent the heretics as resembling them, because, though they 
 were distinct, and had separate heads, yet they were joined together by 
 their tails — that is, were united by the fact of heresy and opposition 
 to the catholic church. Thus Reinerius Saccho says, " Sicut in Judi- 
 " cum libro legitur quod vulpes Samsonis fades diversas habebant, sed 
 " caudas sibi invicem colligatas ; sic haretici, in sectis sunt divisi in 
 " se, sed in impugnatione Ecclesiee, sunt uniti. Quando in uno domo 
 " sunt h<Eretici turn [I. triuni] sectarum qutelibet, quorum qualibet 
 " damnat alteram, simul Romanam Ecclesiam impugnat. Et sic 
 " subdolte vulpeculte, vineam Domini, id est, Ecclesiam erroribus 
 " demoliuntur." Cap. IV. 
 
148 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7 
 
 that they may destroy the trees planted by the water courses, 
 I ask, and I entreat, that yon would rise up to oppose them ; 
 and that, to prevent their discourse, which eats as doth a 
 canker, from farther prevailing, yon would set yourselves 
 as a wall for the house of Israel. In fact, this abominable 
 pest of heresy has so far gained ground, that almost all 
 who agree with it, think they are doing God service ; and 
 that W icked One, who now worketh the mystery of iniquity 
 in the children of unbelief, so transforms himself into an 
 angel of light, that alas ! the wife is divided against the 
 husband, the son against the father, the daughter-in-law 
 against the mother-in-law. Moreover, in onr parts of the 
 country, the fine gold has so become dim, that it is trod- 
 den down like dirt under the feet of the devil. For even 
 the priests are infected with heresy ; and the ancient, and 
 once venerated, places of 4he church lie waste, and ruinous ; 
 baptism is denied, the eucharist abominated, penance made 
 light of, the doctrines of man's creation and the resurrec- 
 tion of the flesh, altogether rejected, all the sacraments of 
 the church annulled, and (what is horrible to say) even 
 two principles are introduced. 
 
 " And now what shall I say ? Are there not some 
 who will consider, and say in their hearts, " What do we, 
 when these men do so many evil things ? If we let them 
 thus alone, all men will believe in them ; and he who thus 
 drinketh up a river and hasteth not, will, in the boldness 
 of his presumption, draw up Jordan into his mouth." 6 I, 
 indeed, who confess that I am girded with one of the two 
 divine swords ; and that I am appointed an avenger, to 
 execute the wrath of God, and a minister of God for this 
 very thing, while I endeavour to restrain, and put an end 
 to such infidelity, feel that 1 have not sufficient power to 
 effect such, and so great, a work. For the more noble 
 
 Job, xl. 23. 
 
Sect. 7.] COUNT RAYMOND'S LETTER, a. d. 1178. 149 
 
 inhabitants of my country have been already withered, by 
 imbibing this poison of infidelity ; and a very great multi- 
 tude of men, falling away from the faith with them, have, 
 in like manner, failed ; so that I have not the power to do 
 it, and dare not attempt it. Now, therefore, flying to your 
 help, I implore, with humble devotion of heart, that you 
 wonld stretch forth the hand of your counsel, and help, 
 with the power of your prayers, for the extirpation of so 
 great an evil of infidelity. For know that this virulent 
 heresy has become so inveterate, that it cannot be extir- 
 pated, except by the strong hand, and stretched out arm, 
 of God. For the heads of these persons are as hard as 
 stones ; so that ' the sling stones are turned into stubble.' 
 Since, therefore, we know that the power of the spiritual 
 sword is not sufficient to accomplish the extirpation of 
 such great heretical pravity, it is fit that it should be driven 
 out by the attack of the material sword. To perform 
 which, I recommend that the King of France should be 
 brought from your parts ; because, I suspect, that these 
 great evils would be put an end to by his presence. To 
 him, in person, I will open the cities, I will place the towns 
 and villages under his authority, I will shew him the here- 
 tics, and I will assist him, even unto blood, in any way 
 that he may want my services, for the destruction of the 
 enemies of Christ." Gerv. inter X. Script, c. 1441. 
 
 Roger de Hoveden tells us, that when that 
 which he calls the Arian heresy, had thus revived 
 in the province of Thoulouse, the Kings of France 
 and England, being excited by zeal for the 
 christian faith, determined to go there in person, 
 and drive out the heretics; but, after a little 
 while, it appeared to them that it would be more 
 
150 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 to the purpose' to send some wise men, who 
 might convert the heretics by preaching, than to 
 go themselves. They sent, therefore, Peter Car- 
 dinal, of the title of St. Chrysogonus, and Legate 
 of the Apostolic See, the Archbishops of Bourges 
 and Narbonne, Reginald Bishop of Bath, John 
 Bishop of Poictiers, and Henry .Abbot of Clair- 
 vaux, and many other ecclesiastics, that they 
 might either convert the heretics, or, having con- 
 victed them of heresy, might excommunicate 
 them. He then goes on to give an account of 
 their proceedings on the occasion ; but, as the 
 Legate and the Abbot, have each left a letter on 
 the subject, it may be most satisfactory, and, I 
 think, most interesting, to give the story as they 
 have related it ; and, as I think that the facts of 
 the case have been misrepresented, and false con- 
 clusions have been drawn, from a partial view of 
 these documents, I shall give them at full length. 
 For the sake, however, of making them more in- 
 telligible, I shall take the liberty of inverting 
 the order in which Roger de Hoveden has placed 
 them, and give the Abbot's letter first. 
 
 ' " Videbatur eis plus posse proficere.*' Milner, in his 
 account of the matter, vol. in. p. 482, says, they "thought 
 it more prudent to employ preachers.*' I suppose there 
 is some meaning in this which I do not discover. 
 
Sect. 7.] ABBOT HENRYS LETTER, a. d. 1178. 151 
 
 The Letter of Henry Abbot of Clairvaux, a. d. 
 1178. 
 
 " Hear, O Heaven, our complaint ! let tbe Earth 
 know the groaning of our heart ! Let catholic christians 
 lament for the wrongs done to Christ ; and let the faithful 
 people mourn over the injuries sustained by the faith. Let 
 all who are of the human kind — of the sons of men — deplore 
 the damage to human salvation, and let the general sub- 
 version of that which is our life be generally bewailed by 
 all living ! 
 
 " There stands up against the armies of Israel, a new 
 Philistine of our time ; an order of heretics ; a host of 
 wicked ones, which irreverently insults the armies of the 
 living God ; and, with the highest presumption, blasphemes 
 the God of Majesty himself. Why dost thou doubt, O 
 David ? Why dost thou fear, O faithful man ? Take to 
 thyself the sling and stone. Immediately shall the blas- 
 phemer be smitten in his forehead, and that wicked head, 
 which he has impudently raised, shall be cut off by thy hands, 
 with his own sword. For, if in this contest any part of 
 Christ should be overcome — if even in the least, and in 
 any one point, the mother church should be borne down, 
 we know, for certain, that it is not the merit, but the ad- 
 vocate, of the cause that is deficient. We know that a 
 triumph will not be denied to our champion, if he goes 
 forth to the war, ready to fight for the love of the truth. 
 But since, according to the word of truth, the harvest is 
 great, and the labourers are few, if those who lay waste 
 thy fields, good Jesus ! have impudently entered them, like 
 subtle workmen, prepared rather to pluck up what is green, 
 than to gather in what is ripe, and to anticipate, by their 
 tearing up, the day of thy harvest, where are then tby hus- 
 
152 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 Landmen, placed over thy field, fertile and beautiful, florid 
 with thy blood, and watered with the blood of thy saints ? 
 Let them rise, and help us, and protect us in our need, 
 and oppose themselves as a wall of defence for us against 
 the sanguinary beasts. Rise ! I say, rise ! men, fathers, 
 leaders of the nations, princes of the people, drive away 
 these evil beasts which we see, which we shew you ; or at 
 least it were something to catch the little foxes. But who 
 is sufficient for this ? They have no certain place — they 
 walk in circling paths — and, in the labyrinth of their 
 frauds, monsters most cruel lie hid. Like the wild roe, 
 they flee from the hand ; and, like the twisted snake, the 
 more firmly they are grasped, the more easily do they 
 escape. Nevertheless, thanks be to God ! that although 
 they cannot be taken, they may be driven away, so that 
 when they are no longer supported by that which they 
 could destroy in us, they may be confounded, and perish 
 of themselves. What this is we may easily learn, from 
 what we have seen, and considered ; so that, if it has not 
 been already done, we have to deplore, not so much their 
 wickedness as our own deficiency, and the negligence of 
 our own people. 
 
 " For, lately, by the command of our Lord the Pope, 
 and by the exhortations of the most pious princes, Lewis 
 King of France, and Henry King of England, the Lord 
 Peter, Legate of the Apostolic See, and the venerable the 
 Bishops of Poictiers, and Bath, and ourselves with them, 
 went to the city of Thoulouse ; which, as it is a city of 
 great population, so it was also said to be the mother of 
 heresy, and chief seat of error. We went, therefore, to it, 
 that we might know whether its evil was according to the 
 cry that had gone up, and behold ! its stroke was found to 
 be very great ; so that from the sole of the foot, even to 
 the crown of the head, there was scarce any soundness in 
 it. For, truly, even the third part of all its evil abomina- 
 
Sect. 7.] ABBOT HENRY'S LETTER, a.d. 1178. 153 
 
 tion bad not been told us, which tbat noble city cherished, 
 in the bosom of its infidelity. The abomination of desola- 
 tion had there fonnd itself a place ; and the likeness of the 
 prophetic reptiles had made their home in its dark places. 
 There the heretics held sway among the people, and ruled 
 among the clergy ; so that, as was the people, so was the 
 priest ; and the very life of the pastor was fashioned for the 
 destruction of the flock. The heretics spoke, and all 
 admired — did a catholic speak, they said, ' Who is this ?' 
 making it a matter of wonder, and astonishment, if there 
 was any man among them who dared so much as to whisper 
 anything of the word of faith. To such a degree had the 
 pestilence prevailed in the land, that they had not only made 
 , to themselves priests, and bishops, but I also add, evange- 
 lists ; who, corrupting and cancelling evangelical truth, 
 might frame for them new gospels, and preach new doc- 
 trines, out of their own wicked hearts, to the seduced people. 
 I am a liar, if there was not among them, a certain man of 
 great age, large property, encircled by brethren and friends, 
 and in every way a great man, amongst the principal per- 
 sons of the city, whom, for his sins, the devil had so 
 blinded, that he called himself John the Evangelist ; and 
 separated the Word, which was in the beginning with God, 
 from a certain other Creator of all things, as from another 
 God. He was, in that city, the head of those that perish, 
 and the chief of the heretics ; who, although as a lay and 
 private person, he knew nothing, nevertheless, like a 
 fountain of diabolical wisdom among them, he poured 
 forth bitter waters of death, and perdition. The owls of 
 darkness came to him by night ; and he, clothed in a gar- 
 ment like a tunic, or Dalmatic, 8 when he sat among them, 
 
 8 " Iudumento quodam ad instar tunica? Dalmaticaeque vcstitus." 
 This garment, so called from the country where it was first used, was 
 worn, not only by Bishops and Priests, but by Kings, and Emperors. 
 See Du Cange, in v. Dalmatica. 
 
 X 
 
154 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Ssct. 7. 
 
 like a king surrounded by his army, and was the teacher 
 of fools. He had filled almost all the city with his disci- 
 ples, and his doctrine, as being one whom, on account of 
 his power, none in the city dared to resist. 
 
 " At our very entrance into the city, such was the 
 insolence of the heretics every where, that when we were 
 going straight-forward through the streets, and squares, 
 they pointed at us, and mocked us with abusive words, 
 crying out that we were apostates, hypocrites, and heretics. 
 In process of time, however, and after we had had a few 
 days' rest, one of us was enjoined to take up the word of 
 exhortation, and to discuss the rule of the true faith before 
 the infidel multitude. This orthodox sermon having been 
 preached to the people, the sinners in Zion were afraid, 
 and fear took hold on the hypocrites ; so that those who 
 before stopped the mouths of the speakers, did not now 
 dare to appear before them when they spoke. Hearing, 
 therefore, or rather seeing, that the foxes were transformed 
 into moles, so that those who before publicly went about 
 with impunity, now hid themselves in hollow burrows, and 
 dark places of the earth ; and, underground, gnawed and 
 destroyed God's husbandry, which they no longer ventured 
 openly to devour. As also the variegated leopard might 
 betray himself by the spots upon his skin, they guarded 
 their wicked discourse with crafty inventions ; so that, 
 being brought to a feigned similitude to our propositions, 
 they might, in set disputation, falsely declare themselves 
 to believe as we do. 
 
 " From that day, therefore, the Lord Legate, and we 
 others, who proposed to fight with those wild beasts in 
 public, made it our sole object, and business, to discover 
 those whom, like vile creatures, fear and confusion had 
 driven down into the lowest parts of the earth, that they 
 might be compelled to come forth publicly, and cast off 
 their works of darkness in the light. By command, there- 
 
Sect. 7.] ABBOT HENRY'S LETTER, a. d. 1178. 155 
 
 fore, of the Legate, the Bishops, and some of the clergy, 
 and the Consuls of the city, and other orthodox inhabi- 
 tants, who had not been suspected of any taint of heresy, 
 took an oath that they would give us the names of all 
 whom they then knew, or should afterwards know, to have 
 been authors, or associates, of this heresy, without sparing 
 any, for love, or money, or any private regard. 
 
 " When, every day, an innumerable multitude was 
 added to the list of this conscription, it happened that, 
 amongst the rest, this great man, Petrus Moranus, whom 
 they called (as we have before said) John the Evangelist, 
 was named ; concerning whom, having communicated toge- 
 ther, we determined to begin the execution of justice upon 
 him, in order that the multitude, who were heretical in other 
 respects, might be led to fear, when the simplicity of the 
 true gospel should have condemned the craftiness of their 
 false evangelist. Having sent apparitors, therefore, the 
 Count of St. Gilles, who is our faithful associate, com- 
 manded him to be brought ; but he, trusting in the multi- 
 tude of his riches, and the number of his relations, avoided 
 this first citation, eluding it by haughty delay. The next 
 day, therefore, the aforesaid Count, using allurement rather 
 than fear, cited the said Peter less formally, by means of 
 his friends, and acquaintance ; and, after coaxing and 
 threatening, produced him to us at length, with much 
 difficulty. 
 
 " Then one of us, who was the speaker, began thus 
 to admonish him ; ' Well now, Peter ! your fellow-citizens 
 lay to your charge, that, departing from the rules of the 
 sound faith, you have fallen into the sin of the Arian heresy; 
 and farther, that you lead others, and allow others to lead 
 you, through the devious mazes of diversified error.' Upon 
 this, sighing deeply, and inwardly touched with grief of 
 heart, he falsely declared, at the outset, that ' he was no 
 such sort of person ;' and, being required to confirm this 
 
156 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 by an oath, he contended, that, as a man of rank, and 
 credit, he ought to be believed on his simple assertion. 
 However, when we were all equally urgent in requiring 
 an oath, he promised that he would swear directly, lest he 
 should be convicted as a heretic on that point ; if, accord- 
 ing to the custom which prevailed in his sect, he should 
 obstinately refuse to swear. The relics of the saints, 
 therefore, were presently brought forth with honour, and 
 received with such reverence, and devotion, that the faith- 
 ful people were moved to tears ; and the heretics who had 
 assembled, wished themselves in their hiding places, rather 
 than at such a spectacle. In the canticle which we sang, 
 with many tears, invoking the presence of the Holy Spirit, 
 an evident paleness, and trembling, came upon Peter ; so 
 that the colour left his countenance, and the powers of his 
 mind failed. For, when the Holy Spirit came, how should 
 the spirit of his adversary remain within him ? The man 
 appeared like one paralysed ; and retained neither speech, 
 nor sense, though he was universally said to be a person 
 of such eloquence as that, in that respect, he surpassed all 
 others. What need of many words ? The unhappy man, 
 before all, swore to tell the truth of his belief as to 
 all articles of faith on which we should require it. It 
 was a wonderful thing, and, in such a scene, productive of 
 pious joy — the book, on which he had sworn, was open, 
 and one of the bystanders, in a sort of religious pleasantry 
 (religioso quodam joco) looking for an omen of the event, 
 from the words which should first occur, fell upon this 
 text of scripture, * What have we to do with thee, Jesus, 
 thou Son of God ? Art thou come to torment us before 
 the time.' Truly, Lord Jesus ! thou hadst nothing to do 
 with those whom thy heavenly father had cut off, as un- 
 fruitful branches, from Thee, the True Vine ; and had cast 
 them forth that they might wither. But to us, gathered 
 together in thy name, the increase of joy was multiplied ; 
 
Sect. 7.] ABBOT HENRY'S LETTER, a. d. 1178. 157 
 
 and the glory of thy power resounded in giving of thanks, 
 with the voice of praise. 
 
 " At length, Peter being simply required, by virtue of 
 his oath, to confess to us without any fraud, his faith con- 
 cerning the Sacrament of the Altar, did not confess with 
 his mouth unto salvation, that which he did not believe 
 unto righteousness ; but, contrary to his intention of falsi- 
 fying on all points, he betrayed the truth, and went on to 
 assert, by the new doctrine, that the holy bread of eternal 
 life, consecrated by the ministry of the priest, according to 
 the word of the Lord, is not the body of the Lord. Then 
 all rose up, opposing him as it were by their tears, which 
 were partly drawn from them by the contempt of the Sa- 
 craments of Christ, and partly by christian compassion for 
 the miserable man. No more was said ; he was delivered 
 to the Count. He was adjudged to be guilty, and a here- 
 tic ; and, immediately, by the earnest solicitation of his 
 friends, delivered to the public custody. The report of 
 the matter flew through the streets, and squares, of that 
 most extensive city. The mouths of the faithful were 
 opened, and the lips of the catholic people were loosed, to 
 set forth thy praise, O Christ! as if then for the first 
 time, the splendour of the faith broke forth in that city ; 
 and it seemed, after long despair, again to breathe with 
 the hope of eternal life. From this time, and forward, 
 the word of God encreased, and multiplied daily; so that 
 the whole face of the city appeared more cheerful as it 
 rose out of the darkness of error, into the clear light of 
 truth. In the mean time, Peter, being come to himself, 
 and being touched when the Lord looked upon him, and 
 perceiving that he was worthy of present, as well as of 
 eternal, death, having sent many mediators, sought an 
 opening for reconciliation ; and made promise of his con- 
 version, that so he might be freed from the destruction 
 then impending, to bring forth the fruits of a better life. 
 
158 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Skct. 7. 
 
 He came — he was received — he stood in the sight of all 
 the sorrowing people, putting off, as it were, the pravify 
 of his former heresy, in the nakedness of his body. There, 
 before all, he confessed himself a heretic. There he gave 
 his hand to the faith. There he renounced his error, 
 taking an oath before all, and giving sureties, as well to 
 the Count himself, as to the soldiers, and to his principal 
 fellow-citizens, that he would submit to the command of 
 the Lord Legate, and obey his orders in all things. 
 
 " Then notice was given to the people to meet the 
 next day, at the church of St. Saturninus, solemnly to bear, 
 and see, what description of penance would be imposed 
 upon the said Peter. On the following day, therefore, 
 being thus directed, so many — such an immense multitude 
 — assembled, that there scarcely remained a vacant place, 
 except at the very horns of the altar, which was reserved 
 that the Lord Legate might celebrate mass, without being 
 overwhelmed by the crowd. 
 
 " And behold ! before that very great multitude, this 
 Peter, now one of us, was brought in naked, and barefoot, 
 through the doors of the church ; the Bishop of Thoulouse, 
 and the Abbot of St. Saturninus, from time to time beating 
 him, until he was placed on the steps of the altar, at the 
 feet of the Legate. There, in the face of the churoh, he 
 was reconciled with the sacraments of the church, having 
 abjured all heresy, and anathematized heretics. 
 
 " Soon after, his whole possessions having been con- 
 fiscated, this penance was enjoined him — that, within 
 forty days, he should banish himself from his country, and 
 for the service of the poor should go to Jerusalem, 
 there to remain three years. That, in the mean time, he 
 should make a circuit of all the churches in the city of 
 Thoulouse every Sunday, naked, barefoot, and with the 
 rods of discipline — that he should restore the goods of 
 the church, which he had taken away, make restitution in 
 
Sect. 7.] ABBOT HENRY'S LETTER. ±.r». 1178. 159 
 
 all matters of usury in which he had been concerned, 
 make reparation to the poor whom he had injured, and 
 totally destroy a certain castle of his, which he had pro- 
 faned by assemblies of the heretics. Good God ! how 
 many tears were then shed by holy joy ! What thanks- 
 givings, and praises, did the devout and jubilant people 
 add to those of the heavenly choirs, when such a mole was 
 brought from the caverns of perfidy, and such a ravening 
 wolf was transformed into one of the sheep of Israel. 9 
 
 " Afterwards, when he was dismissed, the Lord Le- 
 gate put forth his hand to excommunicate those also, who 
 in great numbers had been indicated to him, either by pub- 
 lic suspicion, or private accusation. We, however, when 
 gladness had scarcely sprung up after our tears, having 
 asked permission to return home (for the urgent request 
 of our chapter required it) obtained leave on this condition 
 only ; that we would go to the diocese of Albi, to admonish 
 the prince of the country — namely, Roger of Beders— to 
 release the Bishop of Albi, whom he held in chains, under 
 the custody of the heretics ; and to cleanse his whole 
 country by driving out the heretics, according to the com- 
 mand of the Lord Legate. We, therefore, with the afore- 
 said Bishop of Bath, went to that most abandoned coun- 
 try ; which, like a sink of iniquity, had received the whole 
 filth of the heresy which had flowed into it. The aforesaid 
 Roger had departed into the most distant, and inaccessible, 
 parts of his country ; flying, as well by reason of an evil 
 
 9 The account of the whole matter given by Roger de Hoveden, 
 seems to be chiefly, and indeed almost entirely, taken from this and 
 the following letter. The only additional circumstance which I have 
 observed, is, that if Peter returned after his three years service in Jeru- 
 salem, he was to be reinstated in, his possessions, (except the castle 
 which was to be destroyed) on payment of &00 pounds of Silver, to his 
 Lord, the Count of Thoulouse. 
 
160 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 conscience, as because he justly despaired of his cause. 
 For this author of wickedness hated the light of truth ; 
 and, having altogether given himself up to the works of 
 darkness, he could not bear that we should be admitted to 
 conference with him. We came, nevertheless, to a cer- 
 tain castle of his, which was very strongly fortified ; and 
 which the inhabitants particularly, and specially, called by 
 the name of the Castle. There lived his wife, with a large 
 body of soldiers, and a very numerous family. Almost 
 all the inhabitants of this castle were either heretics, or 
 associates of the heretics ; yet, though repressed only by 
 the Divine Power, they did not presume even so much as 
 to whisper anything against the faith which we preached. 
 For although we were placed in their hands, and, as it were, 
 in the bonds of their power, being surrounded on every 
 side by the heretical multitude, nevertheless the word of 
 God was not bound ; but, we attacked them with continual 
 invectives, and rebukes. Moreover, when we saw that 
 they did not presume to make any answer whatever, we 
 adjudged the aforesaid Roger to be a traitor, a heretic, and 
 (as concerning the violated security of the Bishop) a per- 
 jured person ; and confidently challenged him in the name 
 of Christ, as one condemned by a public excommunication, 
 on the part of the Lord Pope, and the aforesaid Kings, in 
 the presence of his wife, and of his soldiers. 
 
 " See now from this, how evidently it appears, how 
 great, and manifest, a door is opened for christian princes 
 to avenge the injuries of Christ, and to make the desert 
 like the garden of the Lord, and the solitary places thereof 
 like the delights of Paradise. Lest, however, it should be 
 objected, that little or nothing can be done against them, 
 let all persons know, that it was the common opinion of 
 the city of Thoulouse, that, if that visitation had been de- 
 layed for three years, there would scarcely have been 
 found anybody there who would have called upon the 
 
Sect. 7.] PETER CHRYSOGONUS. A. d. 1178. 161 
 
 name of Christ. Upon all this, however, the aforesaid 
 Count of St. Gilles declared, with an oath, before all the 
 people of the city, that he would not favour the heretics, 
 either for love or money.'" 
 
 The Letter of the Cardinal Legate, on the same 
 subject. 
 
 " Peter, by the grace of God, Cardinal Priest of the 
 title of St. Chrysogonus, Legate of the Apostolic See, to 
 all the sons of the holy mother church, keeping the catho- 
 lic and apostolic faith, health in the Lord ! 
 
 " The Apostle witnesses, that as there is one God, 
 so there is one faith, to be acknowledged ; from the in- 
 tegrity of which, none can depart without danger. The 
 foundation whereof (beside which none can lay any other) 
 the apostles, and the apostolical men who succeeded them, 
 by the inspiration, and teaching, of the Holy Spirit, laid so 
 firmly and circumspectly, with sound doctrines as with 
 living stones, that neither the force of the noisy tempest, 
 nor the engines of the wicked, though brought against it 
 with frequent assaults, have been able to shake it. Where- 
 fore, although in these days, certain false brethren, namely, 
 Raymond de Baimiaco, Bernard, the son of Raymond, and 
 certain other heresiarchs (transforming themselves into 
 angels of light, while they are of the devil) before now 
 teaching things contrary to the christian and apostolic 
 faith, have deceived the minds of many by their venomous 
 preaching, and drawn them with themselves to ruin ; yet 
 at length he who reveals mysteries, and who gave spirit to 
 Daniel to confute the elders of Israel, looking down on the 
 souls deceived by the Devil, would not allow their perfidy to 
 remain concealed ; nor the purity of the christian faith, to 
 
 Y 
 
162 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [See-r.7. 
 
 be corrupted by their preaching; but, by his admirable 
 power, in the sight and hearing of many, exposed the 
 poison of their perfidy before concealed, for the increase, 
 and joy, of the christian faith. When, therefore, the 
 aforesaid Raymond, and Bernard, and others, came before 
 our venerable brother, Reginald, Bishop of Bath, and 
 the noble persons, the Viscount of Turenne, and Raymond 
 of Castelnau, who, by our advice, had come into the 
 country of Roger of Bediers, for the liberation of our 
 venerable brother, the Bishop of Albi ; and confessed them- 
 selves, to have been unjustly treated, by the noble person 
 the Count of Thoulouse, and other Barons, who had ab- 
 jured them for ever — when, for defence of their faith, they 
 proposed to come before us, if they could have security 
 for coming and returning, the aforesaid Bishop, and Vis- 
 count, (lest the minds of the simple, who had been im- 
 bued with their false doctrine, should suffer offence, and 
 ascribe it to our diffidence, if we should deny them an 
 audience) did on our behalf, and that of the aforesaid Vis- 
 count, consent to their request ; so that, with all security, 
 they might come before us, and our venerable brother, the 
 Bishop of Poictiers, Legate of the Apostolic See, and other 
 discreet persons, and in presence of the whole people; 
 and that they might be tried whether they believed rightly, 
 and soundly. And that, after being examined by us, they 
 should, in any case, be allowed to return home safely ; 
 lest they should seem to be induced to a confession of the 
 true faith by fear, or any kind of violence. It being, 
 however, understood that, after the eight days, specified in 
 the edict which had been pablished, should have elapsed, 
 they should, unless they returned to our faith, be expelled 
 from the countries of those princes who bad abjured them. 
 We, therefore, in pursuance of the indulgence granted to 
 them by the Bishop, and the Viscount, (although, as we 
 hare said, an edict had already been issued by the said 
 
Sect. 7.] PETRR CHRYSOGONUS. ad. 1178. 163 
 
 Count of Thoulouse, and other noblemen, to expel them 
 from their countries) enjoined them, which the said Bishop 
 of Poictiers and Count of Thoulouse, and others of the 
 clergy and laity, to the number of about three hundred, 
 had assembled with us in the church of St. Stephen, to 
 explain to us their opinions ; and, returning to the truth 
 of the catholic faith, to remove, by a wholesome confession 
 of it, that infamy which the whole country, as well as 
 themselves, had incurred by their pernicious preaching. 
 They, however, among other words, which came from one 
 and another, put in a certain document, in which they had 
 written the articles of their faith ; and, when they had read 
 it at full length, as we discovered certain words which 
 appeared suspicious, and which, without further explana- 
 tion, might conceal the heresy which they had preached, 
 we requested that they would defend their faith, making 
 their answers in latin ; as well because their language was 
 not sufficiently understood by us, as because the Gospels, 
 and Epistles, by which alone they desired to prove their 
 faith, are known to be written in that language. When, 
 however, they would not venture to attempt this, for they 
 were entirely ignorant of the latin language — as appeared 
 by the words of one of them, who, when he would have 
 spoken latin, could scarcely put two words together, and 
 entirely failed — it was necessary for us to condescend on 
 account of their ignorance, and (though it was absurd 
 enough) to hold a discourse on the sacraments of the 
 church in the vulgar tongue. 
 
 They, therefore, denying the doctrine of two princi- 
 ples before us, and the aforesaid persons, confessed and 
 stoutly maintained, that one Most High God created all 
 things, visible and invisible ; and this (it being indeed the 
 truth) they proved by passages from the Gospels, and 
 Epistles. They confessed also, that one of our priests, 
 good or bad, just or unjust, and even such as they knew 
 
164 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 undoubtedly to be an adulterer, or otherwise criminal, 
 could make the body and blood of Christ ; and that by 
 the ministry of such a priest, and by the power of the di- 
 vine words uttered by our Lord, the bread and wine were 
 truly transubstantiated into the body and blood of Christ. 
 They asserted, also, that children, and adults, baptized with 
 our baptism, are saved ; and, that without that same bap- 
 tism, none can-be saved ; altogether denying that they had 
 another baptism, or imposition of hands, as was laid to 
 their charge. They affirmed, moreover, that a man, and 
 woman, joined in marriage, are saved (unless other sin 
 prevent) although they are carnally united ; being excused, 
 by the benefit of marriage, and that they are not damned 
 on that account. Also, they said that Archbishops, Bishops, 
 Priests, Monks, Canons, Hermits, Templars and Hospital- 
 lers, would be saved. They said too, that it was right, and 
 proper, that they should visit, with the highest devotion, 
 churches that were founded in honour of God, and of 
 the Saints ; and that they ought to pay tithes, and first- 
 fruits, shewing honour and reverence, to the priests, and 
 other ministers of such churches ; and to answer devoutly, 
 and faithfully, concerning all parochial matters. Also, 
 among other things, they laudably asserted, that alms were 
 due to the church, to the poor, and to Almighty God. All 
 these things, though they had been charged with denying 
 them, they affirmed that they understood, according to 
 our right understanding of them. 
 
 " After they had been thus examined by us, and had 
 confessed what we have stated, of their own free will, we 
 went to the church of St. James ; where an innumerable 
 multitude of people had come together, as if prepared for 
 a spectacle ; and heard, in the vulgar tongue, that con- 
 fession of their faith which was written in the document 
 already mentioned. Moreover, when they had been heard by 
 us, and by all the people, who had assembled there, with 
 
Sect. 7.] PETER CHRYSOGONUS. A. d. 1178. 165 
 
 all patience, and without any disturbance, and had, of 
 their own accord, ceased to speak, forasmuch as their con- 
 fession of faith seemed to be sufficiently laudable, and 
 catholic, we again asked them, in the hearing of all the 
 people, if they believed with the heart, what they had con- 
 fessed with the month ? and whether they had at any 
 time, as had been often laid to their charge, preached that 
 which was contrary ? 
 
 " They, however, replying that they did so believe ; 
 and totally denying, that they had preached otherwise, 
 the noble person, the Count of Thoulouse, and many other 
 of the clergy, and laity, who had heard them preaching 
 otherwise, being moved with great astonishment, and in- 
 stigated by zeal for the christian faith, rose up, and mani- 
 festly convicted them of falsehood. For some constantly- 
 declared, that they had heard from some of them, that 
 there were two Gods, one good and the other evil — that, 
 the good one, had made only the things invisible, and such 
 as were not changeable, or corruptible ; the evil one, had 
 made heaven and earth, mankind, and all visible things. 
 Others affirmed, that in their preaching they had heard, 
 that the body of Christ could not be made by the ministry 
 of an unworthy priest, or one involved in any crimes. 
 Many, in like manner, testified that they had heard them 
 altogether denying that a man and wife could be saved, 
 if they were carnally united. Others, firmly withstood 
 them to the face, that they had heard from themselves, that 
 Baptism did not profit children ; and had heard them bring 
 forth many other blasphemies against God, and the Holy 
 Church, and the catholic faith, which for their abominable 
 enormity, we had rather pass over in silence than relate. 
 Whatever there might be in the above confession (which 
 appeared to be sufficient for salvation, if they had thus 
 believed with the heart, unto righteousness, and had spoken 
 in the heart, and from the heart) yet, like men of per- 
 
166 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 verted mind, and crooked purpose, they wonld not leave 
 their heresy, where the first view of a certain passage ap- 
 peared, to favour their dull, and stupid, understanding, by 
 reason of those words, which our Lord is recorded in the 
 Gospel to have spoken, ' swear not at all ;' and ' let 
 your communication be yea, yea, and nay, nay ;' saying, 
 that they ought not to swear. Whereas, God Himself, is 
 often said to have sworn ; as it is written, ' the Lord hath 
 sworn,' &c. ; and elsewhere ' by Myself have I sworn, 
 saith the Lord ;' and the Apostle says ' an oath is the end 
 of all controversy.' And many things of this sort offer 
 themselves in reading the scriptures, by which, on account 
 of the infirmity of those whom we would convince of any 
 matter, we are permitted to swear. 
 
 " Moreover, these persons, like simple men, not 
 understanding the scriptures, fell into the snare which 
 they had laid ; because, though they had before expressed 
 their abhorrence of an oath, as a thing execrable, and for- 
 bidden by God, they were convicted of having sworn, in 
 the very document of their confession, when they said, 
 • In truth, which God is, we thus believe, and declare that 
 this is our faith ;' not knowing that to adduce the truth, 
 and word, of God, in testimony of our assertion, is, beyond- 
 all donbt, swearing ; as we read of the Apostle, when he 
 said ' This I say unto you, in the word of the Lord' — 
 elsewhere, ' God is my witness' — other similar things also 
 concur to prove this ; which, by those who have read, and 
 understand, the scriptures, may be easily found. 
 
 When, however, they had been convicted by many 
 and sufficient witnesses, and many more were ready to 
 give evidence against them, forasmnch as the church is 
 not wont to refuse her bosom of mercy to those who desire 
 to return, we diligently admonished them, that, laying 
 aside all heretical pravity, they should return to the unity 
 of the faith ; and that since, on account of their perverse 
 
Sect. 7] PETER CHRYSOGONUS. a. d. 1178. 167 
 
 preaching, ami sect, they had been excommunicated by 
 the Lord Pope, and our venerable brethren, the Arch- 
 bishops of Bourges, and Narbonne, and the Bishop of 
 Thoulouse, and by ourselves, they should come to us to be 
 reconciled, according to the form of the church. But, 
 when they, turning aside like a broken bow, and hardened 
 in their abandoned disposition, refused to do this, we, 
 together with the aforesaid Bishop of Poictiers, and the 
 other ecclesiastics, who were engaged with us, in the 
 whole affair, having lighted candles, and in the sight of 
 all the people, who continually clamoured and raged 
 against them with great fury, again denounced them as 
 excommunicate, and condemned them, and their author 
 the Devil. 
 
 " For these reasons, we admonish you all, and exhort 
 you in the Lord, and enjoin upon you, for the remission 
 of your sins, that, as to the said Raymond, and Bernard, 
 and their associates, you should carefully avoid them, as 
 persons excommunicate^ and delivered over unto Satan ; 
 and that, if they shall presume to preach anything else 
 than that which> (as we have already written) they con- 
 fessed in our presence, you should reject it as false,, and 
 contrary to the Apostolic faith, and should drive them 
 far away, from association with your integrity, and from 
 your country, as heretics, and precursors of Antichrist." 
 
 It appears to me, as I have already stated, 
 that the facts related in these letters have been 
 misrepresented ; and that false conclusions have 
 been drawn from them. 
 
 That the reader may judge, let him turn to 
 Milner's account of this business. 10 He professes 
 
 10 Vol. in. p. 483. 
 
168 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 to have derived his information from Baronius, 
 " a very determined enemy of the Waldenses j" 
 and he tells us, that " the account of our English 
 " historian, Hoveden, is similar to that of Baro- 
 " nius." This is not to be wondered at, as the 
 account of Baronius is merely, and professedly, 
 an extract from Hoveden's Annals ; but it does 
 not appear to me to warrant Milner's statement, 
 on one very important point. He says, that, after 
 the condemnation of Peter Moranus, " many 
 " others abjured their heresies ; but some, refus- 
 " ing to take the oaths of subjection, were ex- 
 " communicated." It may suit the character 
 of the Witnesses, to put the matter in this light ; 
 but, I apprehend, it is done at the expense of 
 truth ; for I cannot find that they were required 
 to take any " oaths of subjection." From the 
 foregoing letters, indeed, it does not clearly ap- 
 pear what was the nature of the oath required 
 of these persons ; though we might guess, from 
 what took place on other similar occasions. At 
 the Council of Lombers, of which we have just 
 had an account, the heretics were called upon 
 to swear that they believed as they professed j u 
 the same had just been required from Peter 
 
 " See before, p. 144, " Interrogavit etiam eos Epis- 
 " copus praedietus, si jurarent se tenere fidem istam et 
 " credere." 
 
Sect. 7.] PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. 169 
 
 Moranus j 12 and we might naturally suppose 
 (especially as we see that the Cardinal did not 
 give them credit for sincerity in their confession) 
 that it was a similar oath which was required 
 from these persons. Indeed, Roger de Hoveden 
 (to whom we are indebted for the letters, and 
 who is, I believe, the only authority on the sub- 
 ject) expressly says that it was so — that the Car- 
 dinal, and Bishops, " directed that they should 
 " swear that they believed with the heart, what 
 " they had confessed with the mouth." 13 It is 
 evident, I think, that when their examiners found 
 these alleged heretics, making a confession, which 
 appeared to them (as the Cardinal himself ex- 
 presses it) " sufficiently laudable and catholic," 
 they suspected them of dissimulation ; and, in- 
 deed, I do not see how those who look upon them 
 as the Witnesses, can avoid admitting that they 
 made a confession highly agreeable to Anti- 
 christ ; and only incurred his displeasure, because 
 they would not confirm it with an oath. If 
 Antichrist persecuted these Witnesses, it was 
 not because he disapproved of their testimony ; 
 but, because he did not give them credit for be- 
 lieving it themselves. 
 
 In fact, this document, if it proves anything, 
 
 12 See before, p. 156. 
 
 13 " Praeceperunt, quod ipsi jurassent se ita corde cre- 
 dere, sicut ore confitebantur." p. 238. 
 
 z 
 
170 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 proves too much; for (to say nothing of " sub- 
 jection," or any other point) the heretics expressly 
 declared their belief in the doctrine of transub- 
 stantiation, as held by their judges. After Peter 
 Moranus had just been condemned on that very 
 point, can we doubt that it was closely pressed, 
 and explicitly answered ? Indeed, looking at the 
 whole matter, in what one point of view do these 
 alleged heretics, appear as witnesses against the 
 false doctrines of the Papacy, or as champions of 
 any one truth that was not maintained by the 
 church of Rome ? " They answered," says Roger 
 de Hoveden, " concerning all the articles of faith, 
 as soundly, and circumspectly, as if they had 
 been most christian people."" Truly, it seems 
 that the Cardinal, and his companions, thought 
 so. Did these Witnesses say an offensive word, 
 about the arrogant folly — the impious usurpation 
 — of him who called himself Christ's Vicar on 
 earth ? a word about the worship of saints and 
 images ? about the fiction of purgatory, or the 
 idolatry of the mass ? Strange witnesses ! 
 
 Yet, if we suspect them of dissembling, we 
 are charged with wronging good men ; and that 
 too, most inexcusably, when we have such au- 
 thentic documents as the Waldensian records 
 
 14 " De articnlis fidei Christians examinati, respon- 
 " derunt super omnibus articnlis fidei ita sane et circum- 
 " specie ac si Chrisfianissimi essent." 
 
Sect. 7.] PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. 171 
 
 before us. Milner thus lectures Mr. Berington : 
 " on this occasion, I cannot but disapprove of the 
 " rashness or the prejudices of an able historian, 
 " who has already fallen under our notice. He 
 " says, that the Albigenses, being examined, de- 
 " nied the Manichean doctrine of the two prin- 
 " ciples, though charged on that account with 
 " falsehood by their enemies : and this author 
 " believes these same enemies, who gave no proof 
 " of sincerity, that we know of, and accuses the 
 " Albigenses of dissimulation, though such nun> 
 " bers of them were suffering continually for their 
 " principles. The man, who undertakes to be 
 " an historian, ought to be acquainted with the 
 " writings and evidences which are produced on 
 " both sides of a controverted subject, so far as 
 " materi als can be procured. If the author before 
 " us had read with the least attention the Wal- 
 " densian records, he would never have asserted, 
 " that the Waldenses were legitimate descendants 
 " of the sect of Manes." Vol. in. p. 484. 
 
 Whether Mr. Berington charges the Wal- 
 denses with being descendants of the sect of 
 Manes, or whether Milner only means that he 
 brings that charge against persons, whom he does 
 himself call Waldenses, I do not know j for I 
 have not the opportunity of referring to his book ; 
 but I must remind the reader, that I bring no 
 such charge against the Waldenses; and that, 
 although (as I cannot be responsible for the Ian- 
 
172 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 guage of others) the name of Waldenses may 
 have been used in reference to this business, I 
 believe it had no more to do with them, than it 
 had with the Brahmins of India. 
 
 As to Mr. Berington's accusing the Albigen- 
 ses of dissimulation, I have already said, that it 
 seems to me to be the only way by which their 
 friends can clear them of being part and parcel 
 of Antichrist ; and as to the proof of their sin- 
 cerity, it may suit the character of witnesses 
 prophesying in sackcloth, to say that " such, num- 
 " bers of them were continually suffering for their 
 " principles ;" but is it true that they were so 
 suffering ? Count Raymond's letter gives rather 
 a different view of the matter ; and the Abbot 
 Henry represents them as the dominant power 
 in Thoulouse. 15 Had Milner got any other " ori- 
 ginal records," whereby to refute the " modern 
 historian," except the " Waldensian records ?" 
 and would not they, in his estimation, convict 
 these persons of most grievous falsehood, in pro- 
 fessing their belief of the popish doctrine of tran- 
 substantiation ? Had be any " original records" 
 of the persecutions in which such members were 
 " continually suffering" for a faith which (unless 
 they belied it) was considered " sufficiently laud- 
 able, and catholic," by their enemies? If he 
 had, I wish he had referred to them. 
 
 " " Principabantur in populo, dominabantur in clero. 
 
Sect. 7.] PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. 173 
 
 But Mr. Berington " believes these same 
 " enemies, who gave no proof of their sincerity 
 " that we know of." I really do not know what 
 Milner means, by their " sincerity." Does he 
 mean to doubt, that they were sincere, in their 
 belief of the popish principles, which they pro- 
 fessed ? or that they could be suspected of any 
 insincerity at all analogous to that which has 
 been (whether justly or not) charged on these 
 Albigenses ? I think that could not be his mean- 
 ing. Does he mean then, that, being persons of 
 whose love of truth we have no proof, we ought 
 not to believe what they say ? This, to be sure, 
 is going a good way, and looks a little like pre- 
 judice ; but suppose that, for sake of argument, 
 we grant it ; what would he have us disbelieve ? 
 Did he think their letters, a mere romance, and 
 that they never went to Thoulouse at all ? No- 
 he believes " the account of the barbarous treat- 
 ment of the rich old gentleman of Toulouse," 
 which " confirms the truth of Perrin's narrative 
 " of the like persecutions, and demonstrates, from 
 " the testimony even of Roman writers, that the 
 " horrors of papal tyranny, have not been mis- 
 " represented in general, by protestant authors" 
 — Well, then, so far, we are to believe — and, I 
 repeat, what does he want us to disbelieve ? Is 
 it the fact, that these persons made any confession 
 at all, or that they made such a confession as 
 their enemies record, or that, having made such 
 
174 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 a confession, they were dealt with as their ene- 
 mies represent ? Does he mean that these Albi- 
 genses made a truly protestant confession, " tes- 
 tifying against the demonolatrous apostacy," and 
 that their false enemies, instead of ordering them 
 off to the stake, told them it was sufficiently 
 laudable, and catholic ; and contented themselves, 
 with excommunicating them, because they would 
 not swear ? 
 
 Or, by " their enemies," does he mean the 
 Count of Thoulouse, and the others, who confront^ 
 ed them ? They " gave no proof of sincerity, 
 that we know of" — Well, but on the other hand, 
 do " we know of" any reason why they should 
 bring such charges against innocent persons, 
 who, really held such purely popish opinions as 
 these persons professed ? Why should they per- 
 secute people who were as good papists as 
 themselves ? 
 
 In short, if we believe their enemies, they 
 were Manicheans — if we believe themselves, they 
 were Papists — which are we to believe? perhaps, 
 as we are not called upon immediately to decide, 
 it may be as well to suspend our belief of either 
 party, until we have made some farther progress 
 in our enquiry. 
 
Sect. 7.] COUNCIL OF LATERAN III. a. d. 1179. 175 
 
 Council of Later an III. a. d. 1179. 
 
 Matthew Paris, on this year, speaks of this 
 Council, as being (among other things) concern- 
 ing the Albigensian heretics, and their various 
 names — " de haereticis Albegensibus et diversis 
 eorum appellationibus." 
 
 The name of Albigenses, does not, however, 
 occur in the acts of the Council ; but, as some 
 names which I have noticed, or shall have occa- 
 sion to notice, are mentioned in the twenty- 
 seventh canon, I shall extract it : and it is all 
 that I find in that Council, which is to our pre- 
 sent purpose. 
 
 " Can. xxvn. Although, as the blessed Leo says, the 
 ecclesiastical discipline, content with sacerdotal judgment, 
 takes no sanguinary vengeance, it is, nevertheless, assisted 
 by the laws of Catholic Princes ; that men may be led to 
 seek their eternal salvation, by the fear of being visited, 
 with temporal punishment. Therefore, since in Gascony, 
 the Albigeois, and the parts about Thoulouse, and in 
 other places, the damnable error of the heretics, whom 
 some call cathari, others patrini, and others publicani, 
 and others by o,ther names, has so prevailed, that they do 
 not now, like some others, carry on their mischief secretly, 
 but publicly display their error, and draw to an agreement 
 with them, the simple, and the weak. We decree that 
 they and their defenders, and those who receive them, do 
 lie under an anathema ; and, under pain of anathema, we 
 forbid all persons, from presuming to keep or harbour them 
 
176 DECREE OF POPE LUCIUS ill. ad. 1183. [Sect. 7. 
 
 in their houses, or on their land, or to have any dealings 
 with them. Moreover, if they shall die in this sin, there 
 shall not, under any pretence of privileges, granted by us, 
 to any one, in the way of indulgence, be any offering 
 made for them, nor shall they receive christian burial." 16 
 
 Decree of Pope Lucius III. a.d. 1183. 
 
 This decree is worth reading, on several ac- 
 counts; and not least so, because it seems to 
 have laid the foundation, and marked out the 
 plan, of the Inquisition. It is as follows — 
 
 " In order to put an end to the evil of various here- 
 sies which has begun to break forth in modern times (mo- 
 dernis ccepit temporibus pullulare) in most parts of the world, 
 the power of the church ought to be aroused ; when, in- 
 deed, with the sanction of imperial power, both the inso- 
 lence of heretics, in their attempts to promote falsehood, 
 may be put down, and the truth of Catholic unity, shining 
 forth in the Holy Church, may display her, free from all 
 charge of false doctrine. 
 
 " We, therefore, supported by the power, and pre- 
 sence, of our most dear son Frederic, the illustrious Em- 
 peror of the Romans, semper Augustus, with the common 
 consent of our brethren, and of other Patriarchs, Arch- 
 bishops, and many Princes, who have assembled from vari- 
 ous parts of the world, have, with the general sanction of 
 this present decree, risen up against those heretics, to 
 whom divers names have ascribed the profession of vari- 
 
 16 Cone, x. 1523. 
 
Sect. 7.] DECREE OF POPE LUCIUS III. A .n. 1183. 177 
 
 ous errors, and, by the tenor of this constitution, with 
 apostolical authority, we condemn all heresy, howsoever 
 it may be named. 
 
 " In the first place, therefore we lay under a per- 
 petual anathema, the cathari, patarini, and those who 
 falsely call themselves humiliati, or poor men of Lyons, 
 passagini, josepini, and arnaldist,e; and since some, 
 having a form of godliness, but, as the apostle has said, 
 denying the power of it, have assumed to themselves the 
 office of preaching — though the same Apostle says, ' how 
 shall they preach, except they be sent ?' — we include, in 
 the same perpetual anathema, all who shall have presumed 
 to preach, either publicly, or privately, either being for- 
 bidden, or not sent, or not having the authority of the 
 Apostolic See, or of the Bishop of the diocese ; and, 
 also, all who presume to think, or to teach, concerning 
 the Sacrament of the body and blood of our Lord Jesus 
 Christ, or of Baptism, or of the Remission of Sins, or of 
 Matrimony, or of the other Sacraments of the Church, 
 otherwise, than as the Holy Roman Church teaches and 
 observes ; and, generally, all persons whom the said Ro- 
 man Church, or the individual Bishops in their dioceses, 
 with the concurrence of their clergy, or the clergy them- 
 selves, if the see be vacant, with the consent, if need be, 
 of the neighbouring Bishops, shall have adjudged to be 
 heretics. 
 
 " And we decree, that their receivers, and defenders, 
 and, in like manner, all who shew any countenance, or 
 favour, to the aforesaid heretics, to encourage them in 
 their heretical pravity— whether they be consolati, or cre- 
 dentes, or perfecti, or by whatever superstitious names 
 they may be called, shall be subjected to a similar sentence. 
 
 " Since, however, it sometimes happens, that the 
 severity of ecclesiastical discipline which is required by 
 offences, may be condemned by those who do not under- 
 
 2 A 
 
178 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 stand its benefits, we farther decree, by this present ordi- 
 nance, that, whosoever shall be manifestly convicted of 
 the errors aforesaid, if he be a clerk, or in any pretended 
 Holy Orders, shall be stripped of all .the prerogatives of the 
 ecclesiatical order ; and being thus deprived of all ecclesi- 
 astical office, as well as privilege, he shall be left to the 
 discretion of the secular power, to receive due punishment ; 
 unless, immediately after the detection of his error, he 
 shall consent, voluntarily to return to the nnity of the 
 catholic faith, and publicly to abjure his error, as the 
 Bishop of the diocese shall direct, and shall make such 
 satisfaction as shall be fitting. A layman, however, to 
 whom the guilt of the aforesaid pests shall, either publicly 
 or privately, attach, (unless, as before said, he immediately 
 returns to the orthodox faith, abjuring his heresy, and 
 making satisfaction) shall be left to the discretion of the 
 secular judge, to receive due punishment, according to 
 the nature of his offence. 
 
 " Those who shall be found to be only suspected by 
 the church, shall be subjected to a like sentence, unless 
 they shall demonstrate their innocence by a sufficient 
 proof, at the discretion of the Bishop, according to the 
 nature of the suspicion, and the quality of the person. 
 Those, however, who, after the abjuration of error, or 
 after they have (as we have said) cleared themselves under 
 the examination of their own Bishop, shall be convicted 
 of having relapsed into their abjured heresy, we decree to 
 be left to the secular judgment, without any farther hear- 
 ing ; and that the goods of the condemned persons shall 
 be applied to the service of those churches to which they 
 belong, under proper regulations. 
 
 " Moreover, we decree that the aforesaid excommu- 
 nication, under which we desire that all heretics should 
 lie, shall be renewed by all Patriarchs, Archbishops, and 
 Bishops, on the principal festivals, and as often as public 
 
Sect. 7.] DECREE OF POPE LUCIUS III. ad. 1183. 179 
 
 solemnities, or any other occasion, shall offer, for the glory 
 of God, and the rebuke of heresy ; ordaining, by aposto- 
 lical authority, that, if any member of the episcopal order 
 shall be found negligent, or slothful, in this matter, he shall 
 be considered as suspended from his episcopal dignity, 
 and ministry, for the space of three years. 
 
 " To these things we add, with the concurrence of 
 the Bishops, and by the suggestion of the Emperor and 
 his Princes, that every Archbishop or Bishop, by himself, 
 or his Archdeacon, or by other trustworthy and fit persons, 
 shall twice, or once, in the year, go round any parish in 
 which it shall have been reported that heretics reside ; and 
 there call upon three or more persons of good credit, or, 
 if it seem expedient, on the whole neighbourhood, to take 
 an oath, that if any one shall know that there are heretics 
 in the place, or any persons holding secret conventicles, 
 or diifering in life and manners from the common con- 
 versation of the faithful, he will make it his business to 
 point them out to the Bishop or Archdeacon. Moreover, 
 the Bishop, or Archdeacon, shall cite the accused to ap- 
 pear before him, who, unless they shall clear themselves 
 from the charges brought against them to their satisfaction, 
 according to the custom of the country — or if, after such 
 clearance, they shall relapse into their error, they shall be 
 punished by the judgment of the Bishop. If, however, 
 any of them, through damnable superstition, denying the 
 lawfulness of oaths, shall refuse to swear, they are, from 
 that very circumstance, to be adjudged heretics, and to be 
 subjected to the punishment aforesaid. 
 
 " Moreover, we ordain that Counts, Barons, Rectors, 
 Consuls of Cities, and other places, being called upon by the 
 Archbishops and Bishops, shall bind themselves with an 
 oath, that, in all the matters aforesaid, they will stoutly and 
 effectually aid the church against heretics, and their asso- 
 ciates, when they shall be called upon so to do ; and will, 
 
1 80 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 bona fide, endeavour, according to their office and power, 
 to put in execution the ecclesiastical,, and, at the same 
 time, imperial, statutes of which we have spoken. If, 
 however, they fail to observe this, let them be deprived of 
 that honour which they possess ; and on no account be 
 raised to any other ; their persons being bound by excom- 
 munication, and their lands subjected to an interdict. 
 Also, let any city which shall think fit to resist these 
 decretal ordinances, or which, when called upon by the 
 Bishop, shall neglect to punish those who do so, be cut off 
 from intercourse with other cities, and understand that it 
 is deprived of its episcopal dignity. 
 
 " We also decree, that all favourers of heretics, as 
 being condemned to perpetual infamy, are not to be ad- 
 mitted as advocates, and witnesses, or to other public 
 offices. If, however, there should be any who, being 
 exempt from the controul of diocesan jurisdiction, are 
 subject only to the anthority of the Apostolic See, let them, 
 with regard to all matters hereinbefore ordained respecting 
 heretics, submit to the judgments of the Archbishops and 
 Bishops, and obey them on this behalf, as Legates of the 
 Roman See, notwithstanding their privileges of exemp- 
 tion. 17 
 
 The Edict of Ildepkonsits, King of Arragon. 
 a.d. 1194. 
 
 I only know this Letter by AUix's transla- 
 tion, which I give, as it stands at p. 285 of his 
 book on the churches of Piedmont. I extract it 
 
 17 Cone. X. 1737. 
 
Sect. 7] EDICT OF IRDEPHONSUS. a. d. 1194. 181 
 
 principally because it is the earliest document in 
 which I can find the name of Waldenses ; and 
 it seems to furnish an answer to those who tell 
 us, that the enemies of that sect changed the 
 name Vallensis into Valdensis, in order to make 
 it appear that they were followers of Waldo. 
 According- to Mr. Faber, 18 however, Peter Waldo 
 had been dead only about two years when this 
 edict was published against a sect already called 
 Waldenses, and identified by their other title of 
 Poor of Lyons. The reader will also observe 
 that it is entirely Waldensian — that is, it says no- 
 thing of Cathari, Patrini, Passagini, &c. nothing 
 of consolation, imposition, and other matters, of 
 which he has heard something already, and will 
 soon hear more— nothing that looks towards Man 
 nicheism — in short, nothing Albigensian. 
 
 " Ildephonsus, by the grace of God, King of Arragon, 
 Earl of Barcelona, Marquess of Provence, to all Arch- 
 bishops, Bishops, and other Prelates of the Church of 
 God, Earls, Viscounts, Knights, and to all people of 
 his kingdom, or belonging to his dominions, wisheth 
 health, and the sound observance of christian religion. 
 
 " Forasmuch as it has pleased God to set us over his 
 people, it is but fit and just, that according to our might 
 we should be continually solicitous for the welfare and de- 
 fence of the same; wherefore we, in imitation of our 
 ancestors, and obedience to the canons, which determine 
 and ordain heretics, as persons cast out from the sight of 
 God and all catholics, to be condemned and persecuted 
 
 13 Sac. Cal. in. 25. 
 
182 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 every where; do command and charge the Waldenses, 
 Inzabbati, who otherwise are called the Poor of Lyons, 
 and all other heretics, who cannot be numbered, being ex- 
 communicated from the holy chnrch, adversaries to tbe 
 cross of Christ, violaters and corrupters of the christian 
 religion, and the avowed enemies of us and our kingdom, 
 to depart out of our kingdom, and all our dominions. 
 Whosoever, therefore, from this day forwards, shall pre- 
 sume to receive the said Waldenses and Zapatati, or any 
 other heretics, of whatsoever profession, into their houses, 
 or to be present at their pernicious sermons, or to afford 
 them meat, or any other favour, shall incur, thereby, the 
 indignation of Almighty God, as well as onrs, and have 
 his goods confiscated, without the remedy of an appeal, 
 and be punished as if he were actually guilty of high 
 treason. And we strictly charge and command, that this, 
 our edict and perpetual constitution be publicly read on 
 the Lord's days by the Bishops and other Rectors of 
 churches, in all the cities, castles, and towns of our king- 
 dom, and throughout all our dominions : and that the same 
 be observed by Vicars, Bailiffs, Justices, Merins, and 
 Zenalmedins, and all the people in general; and the 
 aforesaid punishment be inflicted upon all transgressors. 
 
 " We will further, that if any person, noble or igno- 
 ble, shall in any part of our dominions find any of these 
 wicked wretches, who shall be known to have had three 
 days' notice of our edict, that do not forthwith depart, but 
 rather obstinately staying or lingering, shall any way 
 plague, despitefully use, or distress them, (wounding unto 
 death, and maiming of them only excepted) he will, in so 
 doing, act nothing but what will be very grateful and 
 pleasing to us, and shall be so far from fearing to incur 
 any penalty thereby, that he may be sure rather to deserve 
 our favour. Furthermore, we do afford to these wicked 
 miscreants respite (though this may in some sort seem con- 
 
Sect. 7.] COUNCIL OF MONTPELLIER. A. d. 1195. 183 
 
 trary to our duty and reason) till the day after All Saints 1 
 day ; but that all those who either shall not be gone by 
 that time, or at least preparing for their departure, shall 
 be spoiled, beaten, cudgelled, and shamefully and ill-en- 
 treated." 
 
 Council of Montpellier. a. d. 1195. 
 
 In this council, convened by Michael, Legate 
 of the Apostolic See, the only part worth extract- 
 ing 1 is the statement that after the other things 
 which had engaged his attention and that of the 
 Council, — 
 
 " He added last of all, that because in many places of 
 the province of Narbonne there were heretics, it should 
 be taken into consideration of the Archbishops and Bishops, 
 in what manner Interdicts should be issued on account of 
 the transgression of former ordinances ; lest, by a general 
 and long interdict, occasion should be given to the here- 
 tics for seducing the simple from the catholic faith," 1B 
 
 Constitutions of Odo, Bishop of Paris, a. d. 
 1196. 
 
 I notice the 43rd constitution of chapter viii. 
 because I would not appear to pass it by — it is 
 as follows, " Let them," that is, the priests, " ear- 
 
 w Cone. x. 1796. 
 
184 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 " nestly and constantly admonish their parishion- 
 " ers to exert themselves against the Albigensian 
 " heretics, and they shall again have the same in- 
 dulgence which they before had." This is 
 surely language of a later period — but I put it 
 under this year, because Cossart does so (Cone. 
 x. 1810) and corrects Baronius who had made 
 these Constitutions still older. 
 
 Council of Sens. A. D. 1 198. 
 
 I find no account of this Council except that 
 which is given from the Chronicle of Robert, 
 Monk of St. M arianus, of Auxerre; 20 and which is 
 as follows, " A. D. 1198, the Publican heresy (hse- 
 " resis Populicana) the sink of all heresies at 
 " this time propagated its virulent roots ; widely, 
 " indeed, but secretly. In the city of Nismes, 
 " the Abbot of St. Martin, and the Dean of the 
 " greater Church, being denounced as infected 
 " with this pestilent error, were brought before 
 " a council, convened at Sens ; and there, the 
 " Abbot being deposed, and the Dean suspended, 
 " they were delivered over to the Apostolic See." 
 I mention it here, however, because there are 
 two letters of Pope Innocent, 21 which relate to the 
 
 20 Cone. xi. P. i. col. 3. 21 Lib. ii. Ep. 63, 99. Ed. Balnz. 
 
Sect. 7.] COUNCIL OF SENS. a. d. 1198. 185 
 
 matter ; though they throw but little light on the 
 nature of the heresy, and give it no name. In the 
 second, which is addressed to the Cardinal Le- 
 gate, and Odo Bishop of Paris, the Pope speaks 
 of his having been then informed, by a letter 
 from the Archbishop of Sens, and by his mes- 
 sengers, that the heresy had spread in those parts 
 of France which had been before free ; for that 
 on his coming to a city called Charite, in which 
 many of those heretics were said to be hidden, 
 being asked by the Bishop of Auxerre (in whose 
 diocese it was) he investigated the matter; 
 and found that Raynald, Abbot of St. Martin's 
 of Nismes, and many others, were publicly charg- 
 ed with it. The attestations, however, the Pope 
 complains, had not been sent to him, and he states 
 that he had been made acquainted with only two 
 important points of heresy, which seemed to 
 have been sufficiently proved. One of these was, 
 that the consecrated wafer being eaten, passed 
 through the same changes as common food ; and 
 the other that, according to the opinion of Origen, 
 all mankind would ultimately be saved. 22 
 
 I may add that this Pope, whose " unexcep- 
 
 22 " Duo gravia satis probata esse videntur : videlicet 
 " earn serio et assertive dixisse disputando, et defendendo 
 " heereticorum errorem, quod corpus Domini mittitur in 
 " secessum : et juxta verbum Origenis omnes tandem fore 
 
 " salvandos." 
 
 2 B 
 
186 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 tionable contemporary evidence" is appealed to 
 by Mr. Faber (Vol. in. p. 45) certainly was not 
 one of those " best informed Romanists" who 
 did not venture to limit the antiquity of the 
 Albigensian sect. He begins this letter by say- 
 ing, " What we have read as prophecy in the 
 "• Apocalypse, we now see fulfilled, for the locusts 
 " have come forth from the smoke of the bottom- 
 Mess pit," &c. 83 
 
 Letter of Innocent III. a. d. 1198. 
 
 This letter would be scarcely worth referring 
 to, if it had not been cited as saying much more 
 than it really does. 
 
 Mr. Faber, speaking of the Albigenses and 
 Waldenses, and of the junction, which, from mis- 
 understanding the document of the Inquisitor, 
 he supposes to have taken place between those 
 sects, says, (I give his own capitals and italics) 
 " Both alike must clearly have been either 
 "friendly or hostile to the Manichean system: 
 " for, otherwise, the Albigenses could never have 
 " been received as brethren by the Vallenses, 
 " nor could an union of the two churches have 
 
 23 " Quod legimus in Apocalypsi prsedictum, ecce 
 " nune videmus impletum, quia de fumo putei abyssi exie- 
 " iiunt locastae," &c. 
 
Sect. 7.] COUNCIL OF SENS. a. d. 1198. 187 
 
 " been forthwith effected, without the intervention 
 " of a single recorded doctrinal impediment. 
 " Such is the necessary inference from this re- 
 " markahle fact : and it is expressly corroborated 
 " by the unexceptionable contemporary evidence 
 " of Pope Innocent the Third. In the year 
 " 1198, this Pontiff addressed a letter to the 
 " Bishops of southern France and northern 
 " Spain, where the persecuted and maligned Al- 
 " bigenses had many followers : and, in this letter, 
 " he declares, that the Vallenses and the Albi- 
 " genses were equally heretics, because they 
 " maintained the very same doctrinal system." 
 Vol. hi. p. 45. 
 
 I wish Mr. Faber had supported this asser- 
 tion by quoting the Pope's words ; but, instead 
 of this, he refers to Allix, who had cited the 
 letter, to shew that the Pope considered both 
 the Albigenses and Waldenses as heretics ; and 
 who unwarrantably (though not in such strong 
 language as Mr. Faber's) adds as "being engaged 
 in the same doctrine." I see nothing in the letter 
 which can give the slightest colour to such a 
 statement, except that the Pope uses the figure 
 relating to Samson's foxes, which has been al- 
 ready explained. In fact, he begins his letter 
 by complaining of the heretics ; — " diversas sibi 
 " Ecclesias, immo potius Satbanae synagogas con- 
 's fingunt." 
 
 I must again remark (as to antiquity) that 
 
188 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 the Pope introduces his notice of the Valdenses, 
 Catari, and Patareni, with a reference to the pre- 
 diction that, in the latter times, some should de- 
 part from the faith ; and speaks of these heretics 
 as fulfilling the prediction. 
 
 Letter of Pope Innocent III. a. d. 1207. 
 
 It appears from this letter, addressed to the 
 faithful in those parts, that the heresy of the Pa- 
 tarenes was then eminent in Viterbo. The author 
 of the Gesta Innocentii (No. cxxiii. p. 79.) tells 
 ns that the Pope went there ; and, having con- 
 voked the Bishop and clergy, set on foot a dili- 
 gent enquiry after the heretics ; and issued what 
 that writer calls a statute, but what stands among 
 the Pope's letters. (Lib. x. No. 1 30. Vol. n. p. 74. 
 Ed. Baluz.) It may be enough, for our present 
 purpose, to quote the beginning — 
 
 " In order altogether to remove from the patrimony 
 of St. Peter the defilement of heretics, we decree, as a 
 perpetual law, that whatsoever heretic, especially if he be 
 a Patarene, shall be found therein, shall immediately be 
 taken, and delivered to the secular court, to be punished 
 according to law. All his goods also shall be sold, so 
 that he who took him shall receive one part, another shall 
 go to the court which convicted him, and the third shall be 
 applied to the building of prisons in the country wherein 
 he was taken. The house, however, in which a heretic 
 had been received shall be altogether destroyed ; nor shall 
 
Sect. 7.] COUNCIL OF LATERAN IV. a. d. 1215. 189 
 
 any one presume to rebuild it ; but let that which was a 
 den of iniquity, become a receptacle of filth. Moreover, 
 their believers, and defenders, and favourers, shall be fined 
 one fourth part of their goods ; which shall be applied to 
 the service of the public." 
 
 Council of Lfdteran IV. a. d. 1215. 
 
 The first canon of this Council is on the Car 
 tholic Faith (De Fide Gatholica) and consists of 
 a pretty full confession, much of which is evi- 
 dently pointed against the errors which were 
 then said to prevail, and with which the Albi- 
 genses were charged. Thus, after stating the 
 doctrine of the Trinity, it proceeds to say that the 
 Persons of whom it consists are consubstantial 
 and co-equal, co-omnipotent and co-eternal, one 
 Origin of all things, Creator of all things, visible 
 and invisible, spiritual and material, who, at once, 
 by his omnipotent power, made both species of 
 creatures, spiritual and material, that is to say, 
 angelical and mundane, from nothing ; and then 
 formed that which is human ; which is, as it 
 were, common, consisting of both spirit and body ; 
 for the devils, and other daemons, were indeed 
 created by God. good in their nature, but they 
 became evil of themselves. 
 
 Speaking of the descent of Christ into hell, 
 it says, ? but he descended in Spirit, he arose in. 
 
190 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 " flesh, and ascended equally in both*. He will 
 " come at the end of the world, to judge the 
 " quick and the dead, and to render to every one 
 " according to his works, as well to the reprobate 
 " as to the elect, who shall all rise with their 
 " own proper bodies which they now have." 
 
 Of Baptism, it says, " the sacrament of Bap- 
 " tism, which is performed with water, in the 
 " name of the undivided Trinity, namely, of the 
 " Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, 
 " being rightly performed by any one in the form 
 " of the church, is profitable for salvation, as well 
 " for children as for adults ; and if, after receiv- 
 " ing baptism, any man shall have fallen into sin, 
 " it may always by true penitence be repaired." 
 
 " Moreover, not only virgins, and persons 
 " continent, but also married persons, pleasing 
 " God by a right faith and good practice, are 
 " worthy to come to eternal blessedness. 
 
 Canon in. which is " of heretics," says, " We 
 " excommunicate and anathematize every heresy, 
 " exalting itself against the holy, orthodox, and 
 " Catholic Faith, which we have above set forth," 
 &c. It gives, however, no farther light as to the 
 heresies themselves, but repeats, in substance, the 
 directions which had been already given with 
 respect to the inquisition of heresy. 
 
 Canon xxi. directs that " all persons, of either 
 " sex, who shall have arrived at years of discre- 
 * tion, shall faithfully confess all their sins, in 
 
Sect. 7.] LETTER OF CONRAD, a. D. 1223. J91 
 
 " private, to their proper priest, and do their ut- 
 " most to fulfil the penance enjoined, receiving 
 " the Sacrament of the Eucharist reverently, at the 
 " least at Easter ; unless it shall appear to their 
 " own priest, that there is sufficient ground to 
 " the contrary, on pain of exclusion from the 
 " church while they live, and from christian burial 
 " when they die." 
 
 Letter of Conrad, the Pope's Legate, a. d. 1223. 
 
 The following letter of Conrad, Bishop of 
 Porto, Legate of the Apostolic See, to the Arch- 
 bishop of Rouen, is given by Matthew Paris, 
 under this year. The subject to which it refers 
 has been noticed already at p. 85. 
 
 " To the venerable Fathers, by the grace of God, the 
 Archbishop of Rouen, and his suffragan Bishops, health 
 in the Lord Jesus Christ — 
 
 " While forced to implore your aid for the spouse of 
 him who is the Truth, and the Crucified One, we cannot 
 restrain our convulsive grief, and tears. Behold, we speak 
 that which we have seen, and testify that which we know. 
 The Son of Perdition, who is exalted above all that is wor- 
 shipped, and that is called God, has now a heresiarch as the 
 forerunner of his sin, whom the Albigensian heretics call 
 their Pope, dwelling in the confines of the Bulgarians, of 
 Croatia, and Dalmatia, near the nation of the Hungarians. 
 To him the Albigensian heretics resort, that he may give 
 them advice ; for one Bartholomew, Bishop of the heretics, 
 
192 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 being a native of Carcassone, and vicar of this antipope, 
 shewing an impious respect for him, has yielded to him 
 his place and see, in a town called Porlos, and has betaken 
 himself to the parts of Thoulouse. This Bartholomew, in 
 his letters, which are every where current, entitles himself, 
 at the beginning of his salutation, in the following manner, 
 ' Bartholomew, servant of the servants of the holy faith, 
 to such an one health' — He also among other enormities 
 creates bishops and perfidiously proceeds to govern the 
 churches. We earnestly entreat, therefore, by the blood- 
 shedding of Jesus Christ, and solemnly adjure you, strictly 
 enjoining you by authority of the Lord Pope, with which 
 we are empowered in this behalf, that you come to Sens in 
 the next octaves of St. Peter and St. Paul, where also 
 other Prelates of France, if God permit, will be assembled, 
 with a view to give advice in the aforesaid business ; and, 
 with others who shall be there, to take measures respect- 
 ing the Albigensian business, otherwise we shall take care 
 to signify your disobedience to the Lord Pope." Vol. 11. 
 p. 317. 
 
 Matthew Paris adds, that this tumult was 
 quickly put an end to, by the death of the Anti- 
 pope. 
 
 Council of Thoulouse. a.d. 1229. 
 
 The greater part of the Canons of this Coun- 
 cil have a reference to heretics ; but, for our pre- 
 sent purpose, it may be sufficient to extract the 
 following. 
 
 1. " We appoint, therefore, that the Archbishops and 
 Bishops shall swear in one priest, and two or three laymen 
 
Sect. 7.] COUNCIL OF THOULOUSE. a. d. 1229. 193 
 
 of good report, or more if they think fit, in every parish, 
 both in and out of cities, who shall diligently, faithfully, 
 and frequently, seek out the heretics in those parishes, by 
 searching all houses, and subterranean chambers, which lie 
 under any suspicion. And looking out for appendages, or 
 outbuildings, in the roofs themselves, or any other kind of 
 hiding places ; all which we direct to be destroyed." 
 
 Canon vi. " Directs that the house in which any 
 heretic shall be found shall be destroyed." 
 
 Canon x. " Also we decree that if any lueretici ves- 
 titi, having voluntarily abandoned their heresy, shall return 
 to the catholic faith, acknowledging their error, they shall 
 not remain in the town in which they previously dwelt, if 
 that town be suspected of heresy ; but shall be placed in 
 a catholic town, which lies under no suspicion of heresy. 
 Moreover, in detestation of their ancient error, they shall 
 thenceforth wear' two conspicuous crosses, of a different 
 colour from their garments ; nor shall any such person be 
 allowed to discontinue these crosses, without letters testi- 
 monial of his reconciliation from his Bishop. Nor in 
 future shall any public office be intrusted to any such per- 
 sons, nor shall they be admitted in any matters of law, 
 unless they shall have been restored to unity, with a 
 sufficient penance by the Lord Pope, or by his Legate a 
 latere." 
 
 Canon xi. " Heretics, however, who, through fear 
 of death, or from any other cause, so that it be not done 
 voluntarily, shall return to catholic unity, are to be 
 imprisoned by the Bishop of the place, to perform pen- 
 ance, with proper caution, to prevent their having the 
 power of corrupting others ; they are to be supported, as 
 the Bishop shall direct, by those who shall obtain their pro- 
 perty ; or, if they had no property, the Bishop shall pro- 
 vide for them." 
 
 Canons xn. and xm. require an oath against here- 
 2 c 
 
194 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 sy. and regular confession to a priest three times in the 
 year, from all persons who have arrived at years of dis- 
 cretion. 
 
 Canon xiv. " We prohibit also that the laity should 
 be permitted to have the books of the old, or the new, 
 testament ; unless any one, from motives of devotion, 
 should wish to have the Psalter, or the Breviary for divine 
 offices, or the hours of the blessed Virgin ; but we most 
 strictly forbid their having any translation of these books." 
 
 Canon xv. " We decree, also, that whosoever shall 
 be considered as a heretic, or be marked with suspicion, 
 shall not henceforth exercise the profession of a physi- 
 cian f and when any sick person shall have received the 
 holy communion from the hand of his priest, let him be 
 vigilantly looked after until his death, or recovery ; lest 
 any heretic, or person suspected of heresy, should get 
 access to him ; for we have understood, that wicked and 
 abominable things have often occured from the access of 
 such persons." 
 
 24 After I had so translated the Canon, I was surprised to find it 
 thus given in the translation of Sismondi's History of the Crusades 
 against the Albigenses, published in 1826. " The following article 
 " merits also attention. ' We command that whosoever shall be accused 
 " ' of heresy, or noted with suspicion, shall be deprived of the assistance 
 "' of a physician,'' " p. 227. Sismondi refers to the Councils, and to 
 Fleury. From the former I had translated, and the words are " Statui- 
 " mus etiam, quod quicumque f uerint infamati de hxresi, vel suspicione 
 " notati, officio medici de coetero non ulantur." Which Fleury (Liv. lxxix. 
 n. 57) translates " ne pourra desormais exercer la medecine." If the 
 reader has any doubt, let him consult the xii. Canon of the Council of 
 Beziers (Vol. xi. P. i. col. 680) and the xiv. Canon of the Council of 
 Albi, which seem to me to place the matter beyond dispute. The 
 latter of these will be given presently, under the year 1254. The reason 
 of the precaution is obvious, and will be still more evident as we proceed ; 
 as will also my motive for noticing the canon at all. 
 
Sect. 7.] STATUTES OF RAYMOND, a. d. 1233. 195 
 
 Canon xvi. " When also any one shall wish to 
 make a will, let it be witnessed by his priest, or by some 
 other ecclesiastic if his own priest cannot be had, together 
 with such men of good credit as he shall choose to call in ; 
 and wills otherwise made, shall be invalid and of no force." 
 
 Statutes of Raymond, Count of Thoulouse. 
 A.D. 1233. 
 
 So far as regards our enquiry (which is not 
 so much how the heretics were to be dealt with, 
 as what was really the nature of their heresy) 
 these statutes are of little use ; for they do not 
 contain much more than what we have already 
 had from the Council of Thoulouse, with respect 
 to the seeking- after heretics, searching out sus- 
 pected places, confiscating property, and requir- 
 ing the oath of the abjuration of heresy; but it 
 may be worth while to extract the following : — 
 
 " Also, we decree that the goods of those who have 
 been hteretici vestiti, although they shall have voluntarily 
 abandoned their heresy, shall be confiscated, unless they 
 shew letters testimonial of their reconciliation, or shew 
 and prove it, by other catholic and honest persons. And 
 even if there shall be proof of their reconciliation, unless 
 they shall put on the crosses, being thereof admonished by 
 their Bishop ; or if, having put them on, they shall leave 
 them off without permission, or shall be detected in con- 
 cealing them under their garments, when they ought to 
 carry them outside, prominently, on the front of their 
 
196 PUBUC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 breasts, they shall be punished in like manner. And, 
 whether they have goods or not, they shall be compelled to 
 this by due measures. 
 
 " Also, we ordain that, whereas we understand that 
 believers in the heretics, when they propose to make them- 
 selves perfect heretics according to their detestable rite; 
 before the time appointed, sell, or give away, or mortgage, 
 or in some other way alienate, their possessions, and in- 
 heritances, and so defraud the government, their goods 
 shall be confiscated, such invalid contracts notwithstanding, 
 if, on consideration of the circumstances of such contracts, 
 and of the parties contracting, it shall appear to us that 
 the persons to whom the goods were transferred were 
 parties to the fraud. 
 
 " Also, since we understand that some believers, under 
 pretence of merchandize, or pilgrimage, betake themselves 
 to the heretics, that by such absence they may withdraw 
 their goods, and defraud the treasury," the statute goes on 
 to enact that the Bishop shall make enquiry of their re- 
 lations and others, and that if it shall be found that they 
 are absent without reasonable cause, their goods shall be 
 confiscated. Cone. xi. P. 1.449. 
 
 Council of Beziers. a. d. 1233. 
 
 Canon iv. declares, that " those who are re- 
 " conciled from heresy, who will not, at the com- 
 " mand of the Bishop, wear two prominent crosses, 
 " shall be taken for heretics, and their goods shall 
 " be confiscated." Cone. xi. P. i. 454. 
 
Sect. 7.] COUNCIL OF NARBONNE. A. D. 1235. 197 
 
 Council of Narbonne. a. d. 1235. 
 
 The date of this Council rests on the autho- 
 rity of Spondanus ; who tells us, as, indeed, is 
 evident from the acts of the Council itself, that 
 it was held for the instruction of the Dominicans, 
 as to the mode of dealing- with heretics. There 
 are twenty-nine canons, from which I will make 
 one or two extracts. They are thus prefaced : — 
 
 " Peter, by the grace of God, Archbishop of Nar- 
 bonne, John Archbishop of Aries, Raymond Archbishop 
 of Aix, and the other Prelates, whose seals are affixed 
 to this instrument, to our beloved and faithful sons in 
 Christ, the Brethren of the order of Preachers, appointed 
 Inquisitors of heretics in the aforesaid, and the adjacent, 
 provinces, health in the Lord." 
 
 The sixth canon is as follows : — 
 
 " The clergy and people being assembled, you shall 
 cause all [the heretics] publicly to confess and abjure their 
 offences (culpas) and to swear, as is more fully contained 
 in the apostolical mandates, and in the statutes of the 
 Roman Lord ; except where the trifling nature of the 
 offence, and the enormity of the scandal, may suggest some 
 deviation from the strictness of the rule. And concerning 
 each, public instruments shall be made, containing their 
 offences (culpas), abjurations, promises, and penances; 
 lest the truth, long concealed, but now as wonderfully as 
 mercifully revealed by the Lord, should hereafter perish 
 or be hidden." 
 
198 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 Then follow many other regulations,' which 
 are curious as it regards the history of the Inqui- 
 sition ; but with which, as they are not exactly 
 to our purpose, I will not tire the reader. The 
 twenty-ninth canon, however, must not be omitted 
 — it is entitled, " De quibus, et ex quibus credentes 
 possunt judicari," and is as follows: — 
 
 " Among the offences by which the believers may be 
 judged, so as to leave no doubt, we are clearly of opinion 
 that these may be mentioned : — 
 
 " If they have done reverence (reverentiam fecerant) to 
 the heretics, where the believers imploring their prayers, 
 and acknowledging them as good men, in a manner adore 
 them (quasi adorant illos) — if they have been present at 
 their consolations, where, by the imposition of hands, they 
 treacherously pretend to save him whom they console, re- 
 ceiving him as a heretic — or in their service, where their 
 major holding an open book, by it, as by a general con- 
 fession, they understand remission of sins to be made. 
 
 " Or at a Waldensian supper (where, on the day of the 
 supper, the table being placed, and bread put upon it, one 
 Waldensian blessing, and breaking, and giving to the 
 by-standers, believes, according to their damnable sect, 
 that he makes the body of Christ) not with a view to 
 betray, or reprove them, or for any other commendable or 
 excnsable reason. If they have confessed their sins to 
 the said Waldenses, as one is wont, and ought, to confess 
 to one's priest — if they have knowingly and wickedly, re- 
 ceived peace from the Heretics, or Waldenses, or bread that 
 has been blessed by them, by whomsoever it may have 
 been sent, or given to them — if they believed that they 
 might be saved in their sect, or that they were good and 
 holy men, or friends of God, or messengers, or of good 
 conversation or life, or that their persecutors sinned ; or if 
 
Sect. 7] COUNCIL OF NARBONNE. ad. 1235. 199 
 
 they thus commended them, or if, in any way, or by any 
 sign, or word, they confessed, either legally or otherwise, 
 that they had faith and credence in them — if they have 
 voluntarily and repeatedly received, heard, and visited, 
 them ; given or sent them victuals, or other things ; or 
 have learned prayers, epistles, or gospels, from them. 
 
 " These, and the like things, though not proofs if 
 taken singly, weigh collectively; especially since John 
 says, in his epistle, ' If any one come unto you, and 
 bring not this doctrine, receive him not into your house, 
 neither bid him God speed, for he that biddeth him God 
 speed is partaker of his evil deeds.' 
 
 "We speak of all these things, however, on the sup- 
 position that those who are found so offending, knew that 
 those to whom, or by whom, they were done, were Heretics 
 or Waldenses ; and were not ignorant, that on account of 
 their peculiar errors, and damnable sects (sectasque suas 
 damnabiles) the holy church denounces such as separate 
 from the unity of the catholic faith, and excommunicates, 
 persecutes, and condemns them. Nor is any one who may 
 profess ignorance on this point to be readily believed ; for 
 what single stranger even, is there, who does not know of 
 the condemnation of the Heretics and Waldenses for many 
 years past, so justly executed, so notorious, so public, so 
 preached about ; followed up by so many and great ex- 
 pences, labour, and pains, of the faithful, and so firmly 
 sealed by the death of so many unbelievers, solemnly con- 
 demned and publicly executed ? So that such an evident 
 disciple of the masters of lying, who denies a truth so no- 
 torious, is not to be tolerated ; but rather to be condemned 
 with those already condemned, because the very nature of 
 the thing shews, and proves, that he could not be ignorant. 
 For wishing to be hidden, and seeking concealment, the 
 Heretics and Waldenses entrust themselves only to their 
 believers, perpetrating with them the aforesaid, and the 
 
200 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS, [Sect. 7. 
 
 like, evil deeds in their hiding places.' Which things, 
 although some of these persons may, in like manner, deny 
 that they have heard their errors, or that hearing they 
 believed them, do not allow of their being considered as 
 free from at least an implied participation in the belief of 
 those errors. For though they may say nothing expressly 
 against any specific article, nevertheless they may impugn 
 it silently, and by inference when they say, or express, by 
 word or sign, their approbation of those who are known 
 to be reprobated by the church. At least there can be no 
 doubt that they were in error, when they believed that the 
 things aforesaid could profit to the salvation of their souls, 
 or that salvation was to be had out of the church, or by 
 believing that it might be obtained by those whom the 
 church condemns. 
 
 " However, since the Lord Pope, as well as the Lord 
 Legate, has seen fit to commit this business, as relates to 
 most of the provinces, to your discretion, beloved brethren 
 in Christ, we write these things to you, not to restrict you 
 or to bind you to our plans, since it were improper that 
 the discretionary power granted to you should be limited 
 by the counsels, forms, or regulations, of any other per- 
 sons than the apostolic see, to the prejudice of the busi- 
 ness ; but we wish, as indeed we are commanded, by the 
 apostolic see itself, to help forward your zeal ; that by the 
 exercise of mutual kindness, you, who bear our burdens, 
 may receive in return from us counsel and help, in that 
 which is in fact our own affair." Cone. xi. P. u 487. 
 
 Decretal of Pope Gregory IX. a. d. 1236. 
 
 It begins thus, " We excommunicate and 
 " anathematize all heretics, Cathari, Patareni, 
 
Sect.?.] LETTER OF POPE GREGORY IX. ad. 1238. 201 
 
 " Poor Men of Lyons, Passagini, Josepini, Ar- 
 " naldistae, Speronistae, and others, by whatsoever 
 " names they may be known, having, indeed, 
 " different faces, but being united by their tails, 
 " and meeting in the same point through their 
 « vanity." M 
 
 Letter of Pope Gregory IX. a.d. 1238. 
 
 The Pope, in writing to the Prior of the Do- 
 minican Friars, in Lombardy, begins thus : — 
 
 " That inflexible enemy of the human race, the insti- 
 gator of all evil, whom his pride cast down from the highest 
 to the lowest estate, not content that, by the wickedness 
 of his fraud, he led man to a fall, beset with cares and mi- 
 sery, craftily endeavours to ensnare him in his pestilential 
 nets, artfully contriving against him, lest he should rise 
 again to obtain that place from which he had fallen. Very 
 lately, however, in these days (novissime antem diebus istis) 
 perfidiously endeavouring to destroy the faith by his minis- 
 ters of iniquity, he has spread deadly poison ; rebelliously 
 considering that domestic enemies would be efficacious in 
 doing mischief, who, putting forth fair appearances, sting 
 with their tails like scorpions, and would, at length, infuse 
 their pestilential poison in the golden cup of Babylon. 
 
 25 1 translate this as it stands in the Councils. Vol. xr. 
 P. i. 334. In the Decretals, Lib. v. Tit. vii. 15. we find 
 Patharenos and Tossepinos ; both of which I suppose to be 
 merely errors of the transcriber. 
 
 2 D 
 
202 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 For although the heretics hitherto for a long while being 
 concealed (hactenus diutius latitantes) have spread like a 
 cancer in secret, and, like foxes, have rejoiced to demolish 
 the vineyard of the Lord of Hosts, now, however, led on 
 by their sins, they presume avowedly to rise up against it 
 in open day, like horses prepared for the battle, publicly 
 preaching in some places, seeking food in the simple, and 
 a prey in the unlearned. Moreover, desiring to ensnare 
 some of the faithful by their artifices, they have become 
 masters of error, who never were disciples of truth. It is 
 expedient, therefore, that we should rise up manfully 
 against them."&c. Cone. xi. P. i. 335. 
 
 Council of Tarragona, a. d. 1242. 
 
 Bzovius states that this Council was held in 
 consequence of an irruption of the Waldenses into 
 Arragon. It is, in fact, completely Waldensian, 
 and as it professes to giye definitions with respect 
 to terms, of which it is desirable to have a clear 
 understanding in this enquiry, I will make some 
 extracts. 
 
 " In the first place, it is enquired, who are to be 
 called heretic* ? who suspected ? who believers ? who favour- 
 ers? who receivers? who defenders? and who relapsed V 
 and this is explained in the following manner : — 
 
 " Heretics are those who persist in their error, like 
 the Inzabbatati, who say that we ought in no case to swear 
 — that obedience is not due to the ecclesiastical or secular 
 powers — and that corporal punishment is not to be inflicted 
 on any one, and the like. 
 
Sect. 7.] COUNCIL OF TARRAGONA. A. d. 1242. 203 
 
 " Believers in the said heresies are, in like manner, to 
 be called heretics. 
 
 " He may be called Suspected of heresy, who hears 
 the preaching or reading of the Inzabbatati, or who has 
 knelt in prayer with them>or who has kissed them, or who 
 believes those Inzabbatati to be good men, or other things 
 which may probably induce suspicion. And he may be 
 said to be simply suspected who has even once prayed, or 
 done any of the aforesaid things with them. If, however, 
 he has frequently heard their preaching and reading, or has 
 prayed, or has done any of the aforesaid things with them, 
 he may be said to be vehemently suspected. But, if he has 
 done all the aforesaid things, especially if it be frequently, 
 he may be said to be most vehemently suspected. We state 
 the matter in this way, in order that a discreet judge may 
 increase or diminish the required proof of innocence, as 
 may appear expedient. 
 
 " Concealers, (celatores) we understand to mean, those 
 who have seen Inzabbatati in the street, or in a house, or 
 in any other place, and knew that they were Inzabbatati, 
 and did not inform against them, when they had the oppor- 
 tunity of discovering them to the church, or to the magis- 
 trate, or to others who might apprehend them. 
 
 " By Hiders (occultatores) we understand those who 
 have entered into an agreement not to discover the here- 
 tics, or Inzabbatati, or who have otherwise prevented their 
 being discovered. 
 
 Receivers, are those who have twice or more received 
 heretics, or Inzabbatati, knowing them to be such, in their 
 house, or in any other place belonging to them. A recep- 
 tacle, we understand to be a house or inn, where here- 
 tics or Inzabbatati have twice, or more, assembled for 
 preaching or reading ; or even where heretics, or Inzabba- 
 tati have been frequently entertained. 
 
204 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 " Defenders, we understand to be those who knowingly 
 defend heretics, or Inzabbatati, by word, or deed, or any 
 other device, in their lands, or elsewhere, so that the 
 church may be the less able to perform its duty, of extir- 
 pating heretical pravity. 
 
 " Favourers, we understand to mean, all the foregoing 
 classes in a greater or less degree ; and even those who 
 otherwise, in any manner, have given them counsel, help, 
 or favour. And all favourers we consider to be so far sus- 
 pected that they ought to clear themselves, and to abjure 
 heresy, and all favouring, and ought to be reconciled to 
 the holy Mother Church. 
 
 " The relapsed, are those who, after having abjured and 
 renounced heresy, return to their former belief of it. In like 
 manner we say, that those have relapsed into the favouring 
 of heresy, who, after having abjured heresy, or the favour- 
 ing of it, do good to the heretics, or conceal them ; and 
 all the persons aforesaid in case they shall be found, except 
 those who are suspected without favouring, we anathema- 
 tize with the greater excommunication. 
 
 " A doubt also arises with some whether those who 
 have relapsed into belief, and heretics who are teachers, 
 if after apprehension they desire to repent, should be deli- 
 vered to the secular judgment ? And it appears to us that 
 they should not, but that in every case such persons should 
 be sentenced to imprisonment." 
 
 Having thus defined these various classes, 
 the Council goes on to assign various penances, 
 and, in so doing, speaks of " perfecti hseretici," 
 and of " rnulieres vestitae ;" but the only part, 
 perhaps, worth extracting, is the form by which 
 a person suspected of heresy was required pub- 
 licly to clear himself: 
 
Sect. 7.J EDICTS OF FREDERIC II. a. d. 1244. 205 
 
 " I, N. swear by Almighty God, and by these holy 
 gospels of God, which I hold in my hands, before yon, 
 the Lord N. Archbishop, or Bishop, and before you others, 
 his assessors, that I am not, and have not been, an Insab- 
 batized Waldensian (Inzabbatatus Waldensis) or Poor 
 Man of Lyons ; nor a heretic in any sect condemned by 
 the church ; nor do I, nor did I, believe their errors ; nor 
 will I, as long as 1 live believe them ; moreover, I profess 
 and protest that I believe, and always will believe, the 
 catholic faith, which the holy and apostolic Roman church 
 publicly holds, teaches, and preaches ; and which you, Lord 
 Archbishop, or Bishop, and the other prelates of the uni- 
 versal church, publicly hold, teach, and preach." Cone, 
 xi. P. i. 593. 
 
 The chief point to be observed in our present 
 enquiry is, that, as this council was professedly 
 held to oppose the Waldenses, so it is, as I have 
 already said, purely Waldensian, and makes no 
 charge of Manichean doctrine, or any reference 
 to those rites and practices of the Albigenses, 
 which have been already hinted at by the words 
 imposition, adoration, consolation, &c. ; and which 
 will be more fully explained hereafter. 
 
 Edicts of the Emperor Frederic II. a. d. 1244. 
 
 In the second of these edicts, the Emperor 
 says, " In imitation of the martyrs who have suf- 
 *' fered for the catholic faith, they name them- 
 
206 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 " selves Patarenes ; as being exposed to suffering 
 " — in exemplum martyrum, qui pro fide catholica 
 " martyria subierunt Patarenos se nominant, velut 
 " expositos passioni." 
 
 The third edict begins with a condemnation 
 of the Cathari, Patareni, Speronislce, Leonistce, 
 Arnaldistee, Circumcisi, Passagini, Josepini, Ga- 
 ratenses, Albanenses, Francisi, Bagnaroli, Com- 
 mixti, Waldenses, Roncaroli, Communelli, Warini, 
 and Orioleni, and those of Aquanigra, and all 
 heretics of either sect, by whatsoever name they 
 may be distinguished. 
 
 " It throws, however, no light on their tenets 
 or practices, except by directing that " the houses 
 " of Patarenes, their receivers, defenders, and 
 " favourers, or where they have taught, or where 
 " they have laid hands on others (ubi aliis manus 
 " imposuerint) shall be destroyed and never 
 "rebuilt." 26 
 
 26 Cone. xi. P. i. 619. These edicts are also given at 
 length in Limborch's History of the Inquisition. Lib. i. 
 c. 12. I place them in the year 1244, because Limborch 
 there says, that Paulus Servita, in his History of the In- 
 quisition of Venice, assigns them to that year; while 
 Raynaldus and Bzovius date them in 1225. The latter 
 date seems most probable ; and it is not of much conse- 
 quence which is the true one. 
 
Sect. 7.] COUNCIL OF BEZIERS. a. d. 124fi. 207 
 
 Council of Beziers. a. d. 1246. 
 
 Among' the forty-six canons of this Council 
 there are many which relate to heretics ; but most 
 of them are little more than a repetition of former 
 decrees, with regard to the inquisition of heresy, 
 and the mode of apprehending- and dealing with 
 heretics and their favourers. One or two things 
 however, are worth noticing. 
 
 " Canon vi. Since, according to the words of our 
 Saviour, sinners are to be called to repentance, we ought 
 to rejoice when they willingly receive and perform the 
 penance imposed on them. 
 
 " Wherefore, we decree, and in the power of the 
 Holy Spirit, command, that there be no derision of those 
 penitents who are sentenced to wear crosses ; and that 
 they be not excluded from their own places, or from the 
 general intercourse of society ; lest the conversion of 
 sinners be retarded, or, by reason of such offence, those 
 who are converted should renounce their penance and 
 relapse ; and those who will not desist, being admonished, 
 are to be compelled by ecclesiastical censures." 
 
 Canon xn. directs that the medical attendants of 
 heretics and their favourers, shall, if called on by their 
 respective Bishops, take an oath faithfully and efficaciously 
 to assist the church against heretics, according to their 
 office and power. 
 
 Canon xm. directs that persons who have been hare- 
 tici vestiti shall be removed from any public office that 
 they may hold, and shall not be eligible to any other. 
 
208 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 This Council also drew up a set of rules for 
 the guidance of the Inquisitors, consisting of 
 thirty-seven chapters j but, as nearly ail that is 
 to our purpose has been already anticipated, or 
 will be hereafter more briefly and deaf ly stated, 
 I will confine myself to one or two extracts : 
 
 " Chap. iv. From those who, being thus cited, appear 
 before yon, within the time prescribed, you shall take 
 an oath that they will speak the troth to the best of their 
 knowledge, simply and freely, with regard to the crime of 
 heresy, as well concerning themselves as others, whether 
 living or dead. And afterwards, being diligently examin- 
 ed by yon, or your scribes, concerning all things respect- 
 ing which enquiry should be made, you shall cause their 
 confessions and depositions to be faithfully written, and de- 
 posited among the acts of the Inquisition, by some public 
 person (if that be in your power) or else by some fit person 
 who shall be sworn, and to whom some other fit person, 
 sworn in like manner, shall be joined, in order that a docu- 
 ment of this kind, written by a public hand or (as we have 
 suggested) by two fit persons, and deposited in the acts, and 
 also recited to the person confessing or deposing before 
 the Inquisitor and Notary, or the two fit persons aforesaid, 
 may obtain the fullest authority." 
 
 Chap. xvi. directs the Inquisitors to examine the 
 perfecti, and vestiti, privately before certain discreet and 
 faithful persons. 
 
 Chap, xxviii. directs that persons who have been 
 convicted of heresy, shall not follow the profession of a 
 physician or notary. 27 
 
 27 Cone. XI. P. I. 676. 
 
Sect. 7.] COUNCIL OF AI.BI. a. d. 1254. 209 
 
 Letter of Pope Innocent IV. a. d. 1252. 
 
 The Constitutions of this Pope, addressed to 
 the authorities of Lombardy, for the guidance of 
 the secular magistrates in the business of extir- 
 pating heresy, contain many curious particulars 
 relating to the inquisition ; but I do not know that 
 the}' give any information that is to our purpose, 
 except that, by their existence, they shew that 
 heresy was at that time so prevalent in Lom- 
 bardy, as that it was thought to require such 
 interference. 
 
 Council of Albi. a. d. 1254. 
 
 This Council refers to the Council of Thou- 
 louse of 1229, and, so far as relates to our purpose, 
 does little more than repeat and add to its de- 
 crees, respecting the mode of apprehending and 
 dealing with heretics. In fact, among its seventy- 
 one canons, I do not know that it is worth while 
 to notice any but the following : — 
 
 Can. x. qualifies the canon of the former council, 
 which excluded converts from heresy from all public offices 
 — or rather, perhaps, states expressly what must surely 
 have been understood before — that they shall not hold any 
 such office, unless they shall have been first entirely re- 
 stored by the Pope, or his Legate. 
 
 2 E 
 
210 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. [Sect. 7. 
 
 Can. xiv. is as follows : — " Moreover, adding to the 
 Council of Thoulouse (by which it is provided that whoso- 
 ever shall be marked with the evil report, or suspicion, of 
 heresy, shall not, in future, exercise the office of a physi- 
 cian) we decree that no physician shall hereafter presume 
 to practice in any part of the country that is suspected of 
 heresy, unless he shall have been first approved by the 
 Bishop of the place, as to his life and morals and especially 
 as to his faith." Cone. xi. P. i. 720. 
 
 Letters of Pope Innocent IV. a. d. 1254. 
 
 A letter addressed to all the faithful, and 
 dated the 15th of June, in this year, begins thus : 
 
 " Know all men, that, in imitation of our 
 " predecessor, Pope Gregory, we excommunicate 
 " all heretics, Cathari, Paterini, Poor Men of 
 " Lyons, Passagini, Josepini, Arnaldistee, Spero- 
 " nistcc, and others j by whatever names they 
 " may be distinguished," &c. 
 
 A letter dated four days afterwards, and ad- 
 dressed to the Dominican Friars, on the extirpa- 
 tion of heresy, shows its prevalence in Lombardy, 
 but neither of these letters throw any light on 
 its peculiar nature. 
 
 A third letter, belonging to about the same 
 time, is directed to the authorities of Lombardy, 
 Romagno, and the Marquisate of Trevisano; 
 and its object is to sanction, and to call upon 
 
Sect. 7.] LETTERS OF INNOCENT IV. a. d. 1254. 211 
 
 them to enforce the edicts which had been issued 
 by the Emperor Frederic, and which have been 
 already mentioned. Ep. xi. xn. xm. Cone. 
 xi. P. i. 616. 
 
Section VIII. 
 
 THE BOOK OF SENTENCES. 
 
 We have seen that by the rules framed for the 
 Inquisitors, at the Council of Narbonne, in 1235, 
 they were directed, in every case, to cause public 
 instruments to be made,' containing- the offences 
 (eulpee), abjurations, promises, and penances; 
 and, that the Council of Beziers, in 1246, directed 
 that the depositions and confessions of the here- 
 tics should be written out by some person sworn 
 for that purpose, and then deposited, and pre- 
 served, among- the archives of the Inquisition ; 
 and it must naturally occur to the reader, that, 
 if we could get at some of these records, much 
 light would be thrown on the subject. 
 
 Now the fact is, that a volume of these docu- 
 ments, containing the proceedings of the ; Inqui- 
 sition of Thoulouse, for about sixteen years, (from 
 1307 to 1323) by some means or other, fell into 
 the hands of Limborch, who printed it in the 
 
Sect. 8.] BOOK OF SENTENCES. A.u. L307— 1323. 213 
 
 year 1693. He does not tell us how he came by 
 it ; but informs us that it was a folio parchment 
 book, of more than, two hundred leaves. These 
 must have been well filled, as they occupy, in the 
 printed copy, more than four hundred close-printed 
 folio pages ; though Limborch (whose only praise 
 seems to have been strict fidelity, and abstinence 
 from tampering with his text) has not given one 
 line of annotation of any kind whatever. The 
 consequence of this has been that the book (which, 
 as Gibbon remarks, deserved a more learned 
 and critical editor) is not very inviting to some 
 readers, and. is less known than it deserves to be. 
 It may, perhaps, be hard to decide whether jit 
 should be called a public, or a private, document; 
 and, therefore, it is not unfitly placed between 
 those which are, strictly speaking, public docu- 
 ments, arid those accounts which rest on the au- 
 thority of individual writers. Beside this, how- 
 ever, I have another reason for placing it in a 
 distinct section — indeed, for devoting more than 
 one section to it — and that is, its superior im- 
 portance. In fact, I have brought forward, the 
 public documents hitherto noticed, very princi- 
 pally with a view to authenticate and illustrate 
 this one, which I consider to be the fullest, and 
 the most decisive. 
 
 Of its genuinenes, I believe there never has 
 been, and never can -be,; any doubt : and its value 
 
214 BOOK OF SENTENCES, aid. 1307— 1323. [Sect. 6. 
 
 will, I hope, be in some degree apparent from 
 what I shall lay before the reader. 
 
 It is generally called " the book of sen- 
 tences ;" a because on one of the covers was writ- 
 ten "L. sentenciarum ;" but this name would 
 give the reader but little idea of its contents. It 
 is, in a great degree, a register of the proceedings 
 of the Inquisition, during the sixteen years which 
 I have mentioned ; and, beside the sentences on 
 the condemned, contains an account of the pen- 
 ances imposed, and remitted — of the persons im- 
 prisoned, and discharged — of those delivered to 
 the secular arm — and a variety of other matters. 
 
 I am not writing an account of the Inquisi- 
 tion ; but I must take leave to make one or two 
 remarks on its mode of proceeding, which may 
 be of use to illustrate this Book of Sentences. 
 
 Though the Inquisition was constantly en- 
 gaged in the investigation of heresy, and in 
 receiving information, by testimony, or confes- 
 sion, yet its public proceedings (or something 
 like what we should call sessions, or assizes) 
 appear to have been held at irregular periods, 
 whenever circumstances seemed to render it ex- 
 pedient. They were uniformly opened by a 
 
 28 M osheim calls it " Codex Toldsanns," which Mac- 
 laine, absurdly enough, translates by " the Code of Thou- 
 louse." See before, p. 89. 
 
Sect. 8.] BOOK OF SENTENCES, a.d. 1307— 1323. 215 
 
 sermon ; and, from that circumstance, the whole 
 proceeding (or as we ,have ; learned from the 
 Portuguese to call it, Auto-da-fe) came to be 
 called a sermo. The book in question is a re- 
 cord of what took place on fifteen such occasions, 
 between the years 1307 and 1323. Some of 
 these Sermons were for a special purpose (sermo 
 particularis) and others rather in the nature of a 
 general goal-delivery, at which persons who had 
 been imprisoned were discharged,, and others 
 imprisoned, sentences of penance were passed 
 or remitted, relapsed heretics were delivered to 
 the secular arm, &c. These fifteen sermons were 
 held at the following times and places : 
 
 1. a. D. 1307, March 3, at Thoulouse. 
 
 2. — 1309, May 25, 
 
 3. — 1310, April 5, '■*■ 
 
 4. — 1312, April 23, £ 
 
 5. — 30, 1 
 
 6. — 1313, Sept. 20, 
 
 7. — 1315, Mar. 7, 
 
 8. — 1319, Sept. 30, 
 
 9. — Dec. 8, at Carcassone. 
 
 10. — 1321, June 29, at Cordua. 
 
 11. — July 14, at Carcassone. 
 
 12. — Aug. 2, at Pamiers. 
 
 13. — 1322, , July 4, 5, 
 
 14. — Sept. 12, at Thoulouse. 
 
 15. — 1323, June 19, at Pamiers. 
 
216 BOOK OF SENTENCES, a. d. 1307— 1323. [Sect. ft. 
 
 Of the business transacted on these occasions, 
 the following statement may perhaps give some 
 idea. 29 
 
 Persons sentenced to wear crosses, or dou- 
 ble crosses, or (as false witnesses) 
 crosses and tongues of red cloth, on 
 their clothes, or to make perigrina- 
 tions to one or more churches, or to 
 do other acts of penance 174 
 
 89 That the numbers are perfectly accurate I dare 
 not affirm ; for the book is printed in such a form and 
 manner, as to render mistake very easy — and I am afraid 
 that calculations founded on hunting among four hundred 
 pages of close-printed matter, where persons and places 
 sometimes are, and sometimes are not, honoured with a 
 capital letter — where proper names are so variously spelt, 
 and the same places are so variously described, as some- 
 times to make their identity doubtful — where one person 
 appears under various descriptions, and several persons 
 have the same name — where one broad folio page, or 
 mass of type, is just the reflection of the other ; and the 
 editor has given no note or reference of any kind — where 
 these things meet, I should be afraid to speak positively ; 
 but I feel pretty confident that there is no material error 
 in my numbers, or any which can in the slightest degree 
 affect the question. Minute accuracy, though always de- 
 sirable, is not in this case essential ; and certainly could 
 not be obtained, without more trouble and loss of time, 
 than the thing is worth. 
 
Sect. 8.] BOOK QF SENTENCES. A. D. 1307—1333. 217 
 
 Persons sentenced to imprisonment, whether 
 
 more or l§ss. severe — " ad.murum j 
 largum," or " ad murum strictum".. 318 
 
 condemned after death, as having 
 
 been heretics, or favourers of heresy, 
 
 during their lives 90 
 
 • fugitive, condemned as heretics 38 
 
 ■ — delivered, as relapsed heretics, to the 
 
 secular arm 30 40 
 
 — released from various penances 133 
 
 — discharged from imprisonment 139 
 
 The whole number of cases reported (if I 
 may use the expression) appears by this state- 
 ment to be 932 ; but it is obvious that the same 
 individual might (and, in fact, a great many did) 
 appear before the Inquisition more than once in 
 the course of sixteen years. Having confessed 
 some connexion with heresy, he might be ordered 
 
 30 Gibbon, speaking of this book of Sentences, in a 
 note on his 54th chapter, says, " of a list of criminals 
 " which fills nineteen folio pages, only fifteen men and four 
 " women were delivered to the secular arm." Vol. v. p. 
 535. I believe he should have said thirty-two men and 
 eight women ;• and imagine that he was misled by the fact, 
 that the index-maker most commbnly (but by no means 
 always) states the nature of the sentence passed on each 
 person. From the book, however, it appears that forty 
 persons were so delivered, — viz. 29 Albigenses, 7 Wal- 
 denses, and 4 Begnins. 
 
 2 V 
 
218 BOOK OF SENTENCES, a. d. 1307— 1323. [Sect.8. 
 
 to wear a cross on his garments — for neglecting 
 to do this, he might, at the next sermon, be im- 
 prisoned — he might break out of gaol, and be 
 condemned while a fugitive; and, being after- 
 wards apprehended, he might be again impri- 
 soned, or delivered over to the secular arm. 
 The number, however, of individuals who were 
 brought under the notice of the Inquisition dur- 
 ing the period in question, and who are men- 
 tioned under one or other of the classes which I 
 have specified, I believe to be 638 — that is, 373 
 men, and 265 women. Of these persons, 11 are 
 merely mentioned at the beginning of the book, 
 as having punishments remitted, their sentences 
 having probably been entered in the preceding 
 volume ; and 20 are only named as having re- 
 ceived sentence of penance, or imprisonment, at 
 the fifteenth sermon, the brief account of which 
 seems to be only a postscript, and not properly 
 to belong to the volume. Of these persons, there- 
 fore, as to the nature of their heresy, we learn 
 nothing whatever ; and they may be dismissed 
 at once. The remaining 607 may be classed as 
 follows : 
 
 Waldenses 92 
 
 Beguins 15 
 
 Jews, and other heretics, obviously neither 
 
 Albigenses nor Waldenses 5 
 
Seci. 8.] BOOK OF SENTENCES. AD. 1307—1323. 219 
 
 Persons not called Albigenses, but who ap- 
 pear to have been of one and the same 
 sect; and who were obviously what 
 are popularly called Albigenses 495 
 
 The sentences being in general (except in 
 the case of relapsed heretics) very short and 
 summary matters, classing together a number of 
 delinquents, and making only a general refer- 
 ence to their offences, the culpa (or more strictly 
 culpe — for there is not, I believe, a diphthong in 
 the book) form the most valuable, and, in fact, 
 the greatest, part of the volume. The offence of 
 each person is stated principally, and I believe 
 always, from his confession. 
 
 In fact, what Petrus de Claveriis, (publicus 
 Tholose notarius,) who " scripsit et ingrossavit" 
 the first ninety-six leaves of the volume, contain- 
 ing the eight first sermons, calls merely " Culpe," 
 GulielmusJulianus (ClericusLemovicensis Dyo- 
 cesis,) who ingrossed the acts of the fourteenth 
 sermon, calls " Culpe extracte de confessionibus" 
 (p. 340, et seq.). These culpe, however, are in 
 many cases very brief; but, as I shall give the 
 reader an opportunity by translating some, both 
 of the longer, and more curious, and some of the 
 brief and common-place culpe, he will be en- 
 abled, in some degree, to judge for himself, and, 
 in the mean time, I need only observe, that, lay- 
 ing out of the question a great number which 
 
220 BOOK OF SENTENCES. A. D. 1307—1323. [Sect. 8. 
 
 afford little or no information, there still remains 
 such evidence as appears to me (as, indeed, it 
 did to Limborch and Mosheim) quite irresistible. 
 
 Having given this slight account of the Book 
 of Sentences, I should proceed at once to lay 
 before the reader a chapter of Limborch's His- 
 tory of the Inquisition, in which he may be said, 
 in some degree, to have given a digest of its con- 
 tents, so far as relates to our present subject of 
 enquiry ; but that, before I do this, I think it right 
 to meet an objection which has been made to the 
 book itself by Allix, whose only excuse is, that he 
 had never seen it. He had indeed received some 
 account of it, and such as should have made him 
 hesitate, if he had not been resolved to carry his 
 point through thick and thin; but it was not 
 printed when he wrote, and if it had been, I 
 doubt whether he would have bestowed sufficient 
 pains to understand its real value and import- 
 ance. He says, " that nothing ought to be more 
 " suspected, than the acts of the Inquisition ; for 
 " he that is a murderer is certainly a liar and a 
 " knave." On the Albigen. p. 187. 
 
 Such an argument could not, of course, be 
 used by Mr. Faber, who, as we have seen, lays 
 great stress on the testimony of inquisitors ; but 
 as I am anxious, as far as I can, to remove every 
 unfounded prejudice against a witness, whose 
 evidence seems to me to be very weighty, I must 
 observe, 
 
Sect.8.] BOOK OF SENTENCES. A. D. 1307— 1323. 221 
 
 First, that supposing all inquisitors to have 
 been murderers, it does not follow that we are 
 entirely to reject all that they say. It does not 
 follow, that because a man is a murderer we 
 should believe nothing that he tells us, even re- 
 specting his own crimes — on the contrary, mur- 
 derers are often admitted as witnesses in courts 
 of justice. 
 
 Secondly, though we may suspect what a 
 murderer tells us respecting his own crimes, when 
 he is detected and apprehended, yet we are apt 
 to believe what he may have previously written 
 concerning them for his own use, or between 
 himself and his partners in guilt. If the wretched 
 men who have lately been executed for the mur- 
 der of the Italian boy, and whose career of guilt 
 is believed, on their own confession, to have been 
 long and desperate, had kept from time to time, 
 during sixteen years, a minute and circumstan- 
 tial register, purporting to contain an account of 
 their atrocities — of the names, ages, and personal 
 appearance of their victims — of the circumstances 
 which led to their fixing upon them, the conver- 
 sation which passed with them, and the mode by 
 which they destroyed them — of the way in which 
 they disposed of their bodies, and concealed their 
 clothes — if, after their execution, such a document 
 had been found, should we allow any person 
 whom it might inculpate to tell us, that we ought 
 to throw it aside at once, for that, as the writers 
 
222 BOOK OF SENTENCES, a. D. 1307— 1323. [Sect. 8. 
 
 were murderers, they were certainly liars and 
 knaves ? Would it not be more reasonable to 
 say, " Let us take the document, bearing 1 in 
 mind that it is the work of murderers, liars and 
 knaves, and what you will — let us look at its con- 
 tents, and see what internal evidence it contains 
 of having been written sincerely, or with a view 
 to deceive — let us endeavour to find out what 
 they aimed at in writing, and what motives they 
 might have for writing truth or falsehood, and 
 how far what they have written is corroborated 
 by other evidence — at any rate, let us look at it, 
 for supposing this great mass of matter to consist 
 of nothing but lies, yet, perhaps, we may learn from 
 them, what the writers did not mean to tell us." 
 
 Thirdly, it may be said that in the sentences 
 the Inquisitors stated whatever they thought 
 would render the heretics odious, and that, in the 
 confessions, the poor simple people were entrap- 
 ped, or tormented, into bringing charges against 
 themselves, and their teachers, and made to say 
 (at least in this written account) just what the 
 Inquisitors pleased. 31 
 
 31 Perrin has made such a charge against the Inquisi- 
 tors of Ambrun, which he founds on the papers in his 
 possession. He says (at least in the translation of 1711, 
 which is all that I have at present access to) " We may 
 " observe a remarkable piece of villainy in the process 
 " formed by this monk Veileti : For having the said pro- 
 
Sect. 8.] BOOK OF SENTENCES, a.d. 1307—1323. 223 
 
 To this I reply, that the supposition is con- 
 tradicted by the obvious facts of the case. 
 
 First, however agreeable it may be to some 
 writers to call, indiscriminately, all persons con- 
 
 " cess in our hands, we have discovered certain little bills, 
 " wherein the said commissioner us'd to take the answers 
 " of the persons accused, simply and nakedly, as they came 
 " out of their mouths, but we found them afterwards 
 " stretch'd and extended in the process, altogether contrary 
 " to what they were in the Sumptum, as they call'd it, al- 
 " tering therein the intention of the said person, making 
 " him to say, that which he never thought of." Part ir. 
 Book ii. Ch. 3. It is a great pity that, when these curious 
 documents fell into Perrin's hands, he did not print them 
 verbatim (as Limborch did with the book before us) in- 
 stead of merely telling us what he thought of them, or sup- 
 posed them to mean. No one who reads Perrin's book 
 will, I think, give him credit for being a man of more 
 learning, or acuteness, than Mr. Faber ; yet, what idea 
 should we have formed of the " Inquisitorial document" 
 (which, by the way, was one of these very papers), if we 
 had only Mr. Faber's account of it, without having the 
 document itself to refer to ? How far the papers in question 
 might support Perrin's charge, I know not ; nor can I 
 tell what tricks the Inquisitors of Ambrun might play in 
 the fifteenth century. Of this part of Waldensian history, 
 I hope, at a future time, to give farther information than 
 has yet been made public ; but, in the mean while, I feel 
 compelled to say, that the Inquisitors of Thoulonse do not 
 appear to me, to have proceeded in this manner. The 
 culpee seem to me to contain internal evidence that they 
 were not got up in this way. Of this, the reader may in 
 
224 BOOK OF SENTENCES, a. d. 1307—1323. [Sect. 8. 
 
 nected with the Inquisition, " bloody Inquisi- 
 tors," and " murderers," and to represent them as 
 thirsting only for the blood of their victims, and 
 leaving no means untried to bring them to the 
 stake, yet it appears that, in the course of sixteen 
 years, during which time 638 persons were in 
 the hands of the Inquisition, only 40 persons 
 were sentenced to death ; and it does not appear 
 that all of these were executed. If the slaughter of 
 their victims was their object, they must have 
 been bunglers at their trade to let 598 escape out 
 of 638, when they had them " coram nobis in 
 judicio." I do not mean to palliate the proceed- 
 ings of the Inquisition ; but it is as truly a sin, 
 (though it may not be so great a one) to bear 
 false witness against one's neighbour, even when 
 that neighbour is as wicked as the worst Inquisi- 
 tor, as it is to commit a murder. 
 
 Secondly, the supposition is contradicted by 
 this fact, which I consider very remarkable ; and 
 which I would beg the reader to weigh. I do 
 not find, in any one of these hundreds of sentences, 
 and confessions, either as a matter of charge by 
 the Inquisitor, or self-accusation, or charge by a 
 
 some degree judge, from those which I shall extract ; but, 
 of coarse, the strongest proof would arise from the multi- 
 tude of stupid, uninteresting confessions, which are not 
 worth extracting, and for which I must refer the reader to 
 the book itself. 
 
Sect. 8] BOOK OF SENTENCES. A. d, 1307—1323. 225 
 
 confessor, any the slightest attempt, directly or in- 
 directly, to impeach the character of any Albigen- 
 sian, or Waldensian, with respect to chastity, tem- 
 perance, or honesty? This, I repeat, appears to 
 
 32 The translator of Sismondi's account of the Albi- 
 gensian Crusade, already referred to, cites Venema as 
 saying, " the Acts of the Inquisition at Toulouse, by Lim- 
 " borch, paint these men in the blackest colours, as not only 
 " Manicheans but of the worst lives and manners." Jntrod. 
 Essay, p. xxxiii. And Venema certainly does say, after 
 mentioning other writers, " Acta Inquisitionis Tolosanse 
 " apud Limburgium, alii, bos homines depingunt atris ad- 
 " modum coloribus, tanquam Manichaeos non tantum, sed 
 " et pessimce vitee ac morum.'''' Instit. Hist. Eccles. Saec. 
 xii. §. cxxii. What could lead Venema to make such an 
 assertion, I am at a loss to conceive ; for though there may 
 be many things in the book which have escaped me, yet I 
 have such an acquaintance with it as enables me to say that 
 the assertion is grossly false. I did not make the state- 
 ment in the text until after a good deal of examination ; 
 and, to shew how strictly I mean the reader to understand 
 my words, I will here mention the only two things that I 
 have met with, which might seem in any degree, or by the 
 strictest construction, to contradict what I have said. In 
 a confession (which will be laid before the reader) an Al- 
 bigensian, named Peter Andrew, certainly does incidentally 
 speak of a certain woman as being his concubine ; but the 
 confession of such a 'connexion was not in those days, 
 what it would now be. If the moral guilt was the same, 
 the scandal would be nothing ; and it is with that point 
 that we are at present concerned. The connexion im- 
 plied by a name now altogether scandalous, may be said 
 
 2 G 
 
226 BOOK OF SENTENCES, i. d. 1307—1323. [Sect. 8. 
 
 me to be very important, because such charges 
 are to be met with elsewhere ; and it certainly 
 goes far towards disproving them. At the same 
 time, it is important in another point of view 
 
 to have been sanctioned, not merely by the state of society 
 in general, but by a positive decree of the church. The 
 xvii. Canon, of the Council of Toledo, had long ago de- 
 creed, " Si quis habens uxorem fidelem, si concubinam 
 " habeat non communicet. CaBteruna qui non habet uxorem, 
 " et pro uxore concubinam habet, a communione non repel- 
 " latur ; tantum ut unius mulieris, aut uxoris, aut concubines 
 " (ut ei placuerit) sit conjunctione contentus ; alias vero vi- 
 " vens abjiciatur, donee desinat, et per poenitentiam re- 
 " vertatur.'' Cone. n. 1226. A very slight acquaintance 
 with the state of society in the age of the Book of Sen- 
 tences, will shew, that such an offence against morals, was 
 not likely to be a matter of which any inquisitor would be 
 anxious to convict any man, in order to bring him into 
 public odium ; or such as that the man himself conceived 
 that he was stating anything which might be discreditable 
 to him, or to his sect. The other case also occurs in a 
 confession which will be laid before the reader, and in 
 which he will see that Peter Auterins, a very principal 
 leader of the Albigenses, is stated by an old woman, whose 
 son-in-law he visited in his illness, to have told a boy in 
 the house, in case any one should enquire who had been 
 there, to say it was a physician. This was certainly telling 
 a falsehood ; but these two points, incidentally mentioned 
 in confessions, are all that I know of, which can give any 
 kind of colour for pretending that the character of any 
 Albigensian, or Waldensian, is impeached, in any way or 
 degree, as tothe points which I have mentioned. 
 
Sect. 8.] BOOK OF SENTENCES. A. d. 1307—1323. 227 
 
 (and for that reason I notice it in this place) as 
 shewing that whether such charges, true or false, 
 were then afloat or not, the Inquisitors minded 
 their own business of investigating heretical pra- 
 vity, and did not employ themselves in inventing 
 or publishing slanders against the heretics with 
 whom they had to do. I venture to add, that as 
 far as I have seen (and I have bestowed a good 
 deal of pains on the book) there is nothing, but 
 the mere matter of heresy, in any Sentence or 
 Culpa, which, being publicly read in the " Ca- 
 " thedral Church of St. Stephen, at Thoulouse, 
 " the Royal Court, and the Consuls of Thoulouse, 
 " and the whole body of the clergy and people, 
 " being, according to custom, assembled in a 
 " great multitude," could excite popular indig- 
 nation, or odium, against the heretics ; and that, 
 if it was the design of the Inquisitors to produce 
 such an effect, they certainly set about it in a way 
 which shews that the world has given them credit 
 for more wit than they possessed. 
 
Section IX. 
 
 EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCHS HISTORY OF 
 THE INQUISITION. 
 
 I now proceed to extract what Limborch has 
 said on the subject of the Albigenses and Wal- 
 denses ; and I shall do this from Chandler's 
 translation, published in the year 1731. Though 
 in some places not quite accurate, I shall print it 
 just as it stands, except as to the following parti- 
 culars — to make it more plain, I shall break 
 it into some minor divisions — omit some few 
 things which the translator has thought fit to 
 insert, and which are not in the original ; and 
 take the liberty, now and then, to interpolate a 
 word or two in the text between brackets — in- 
 stead of putting all quotations in italics as he has 
 done, I shall reserve that type to indicate some 
 parts to which I wish to call the reader's atten- 
 tion, and shall mark quotations in the usual way 
 — his references, which he places in the margin, 
 I shall insert in the text, in order that they may 
 not be confounded with some notes which I shall 
 add — the reader will also observe, that his refer- 
 
SiCT. 9.] EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. 229 
 
 ences are to the/o/io, that is (copying Limborch 
 who wrote his history before the Book of Sen- 
 tences was printed) to the leaf of the original 
 manuscript, the number of which stands in the 
 margin of the printed copy : presuming, however, 
 that the reader is not likely to have access to the 
 original, my references are made to the page of 
 the printed copy, which, as it contains scarcely 
 more than half as much as a leaf of the manu- 
 script, and is of course regularly numbered at 
 the corner, seems to me to be the most convenient 
 way. 1 
 
 Chapter VIII. 
 
 Of the Albigenses and Valdenses. 
 
 " About the same time the Valdenses, or the Poor Men 
 of Lyons, appeared at Lyons, whose original hath been 
 largely shewn by the most Reverend and learned Usher, 
 Archbishop of Armagh, in his book De Successione, &c. 
 ch. vm. I shall therefore only enquire, whether the Val- 
 
 1 In order still farther to facilitate reference, I shall 
 give the christian name of the person whose sentence, or 
 culpa, is referred to, with the page, thus, Petrus, 206, Guili- 
 elmus, 256, &c. ; but I must caution the reader against 
 supposing that the same name, even if it has the same 
 number, always indicates the same person ; for of the name 
 of Petrus there are more than seventy, and very near a 
 hundred named Guilielmus and Guilielma, and it sometimes 
 happens that two of the same name are mentioned on the 
 game page. 
 
230 EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. [Sect. 9. 
 
 denses and Albigenses were the same people, according 
 to the common opinion of protestants, or different from 
 one another. It cannot be doubted but that they had 
 some opinions in common. But there is nothing more 
 evident, than that there was amongst them a great variety 
 of doctrines, and difference of rites and customs, as ap- 
 pears from the book of the Sentences of the Inquisition at 
 Tholouse, which I have published [I now publish], in 
 which are to be found many of the sentences pronounced 
 against the Albigenses and Valdenses, which discover 
 some very curious and uncommon things, concerning their 
 doctrines and rites ; and which are such evident proofs of 
 their difference in opinions and customs that [whoever has 
 read some of the sentences pronounced against the Albi- 
 genses and Valdenses, as soon as he meets with any sen- 
 tence 2 ] from the reading of a few lines, one may easily 
 know whether the sentence pronounced was against the 
 Albigenses or Valdenses ; which manifest difference hath in- 
 duced me to believe that they were two distinct sects; 
 though 1 have hitherto been in the common opinion that they 
 were but one. And, that this may appear more clearly, I 
 shall here give out of the Book of Sentences, the doctrines 
 common to both, and those in which they differed, and 
 describe their particular rites and customs. 
 
 [Doctrines common to both the Albigenses and Waldenses.] 
 
 " The opinions common to them both were these :-r- ! 
 
 " Every oath is unlawful and sinful ; and therefore 
 they would never, upon any occasion, 3 take an oath. f. 
 39. b. f. 96." 
 
 2 These words were, I suppose, accidentally omitted by the translator. 
 
 3 Limborch only says " ac proinde, quod in judicio constituti, et 
 requisiti ut jurarent de veritale dicenda, juraie noluerunt." 
 
 4 One of these references is to an Albigensian, the other to a Wal- 
 densian, confession. 
 
Sect. 9] EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. 231 
 
 " Concerning penance and the confession of sins : the 
 Albigenses are said to believe that confession, made to the 
 priests of the church of Rome, signifies nothing : that 
 neither the Pope nor any other of the church of Rome 
 can absolve any one from his sins ; but that they have 
 the power of absolving from their sins, all 6 those who be- 
 come of their sect, by the imposition of hands, f. 40.° 
 
 " Almost the same things are ascribed to the Valden- 
 ses, 7 that they teach that they have power from God only, 
 even as the Apostles had, of confessing men and women 
 of their sins, who believe them, and are willing to confess 
 to them : that they hear their confessions, and enjoin them 
 penance for their sins ; although those who hear their con- 
 fessions, are not ordained by the church, are not priests or 
 clerks, but laicks only ; and though they confess that they 
 have not, in the least, received this power from the Church 
 of Rome. f. 96. And farther, in most of the Sentences 
 against the Valdenses, we find, that they confessed their 
 sins to one of the Valdenses, and received absolution and 
 penance from him, and believed that the said confession 
 and absolution, and penance, as much availed to the salva- 
 tion of the soul, as though they had been confessed to a 
 proper priest. But their doctrine is best understood by 
 
 6 Rather, "from all their sins those who become," &c. — " a peccatis 
 omnibus illos," &c. 
 
 6 So Hugo, 138, " quod capellani nullum poterant absolvere a 
 peccato, set tantummodo ipsi heretici." — Lombarda, 106, "quod capel- 
 lani non poterant aliquem absolvere a peccatis." — Petrus, 84, " quod 
 " Papa et alii de Ecclesia Romana nullum poterant absolvere a peccatis, 
 " set ipsi haeretici poterant dare remissionem peccatorum."— Bernardus, 
 248, " quod per imposicionem manuum ab eis factam suis credentibus 
 " salvabatur homo, et remittebantur omnia peccata, sine confessione et 
 " satisfactione." 
 
 1 Not this ceremony of imposition of hands— of which more pre- 
 sently. 
 
232 EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. [Sect. P. 
 
 the sentence of Hngueta, the wife of John of Vienna: 
 ' that God only can absolve from sins ; and that he who 
 ' receives confession, can only advise what a man ought 
 ' to do, and enjoin penance ; and that a wise and prudent 
 ' person may do this, whether he be a priest or not.' f. 
 147. 8 
 
 8 The similarity in this case is rather verbal, than real. Certainly 
 it appears from this book, that the Albigenses and Waldenses agreed in 
 denying that the Priests of the Church of Rome conld give absolution, 
 in the sense in which the doctrine was held by that Church ; and that 
 each sect assumed the power of giving absolution to its members, 
 though in a manner widely different. I do not imagine that the Albi- 
 genses had any custom analogous to that of confession to a Priest ; nor 
 do I remember a single instance of an Albigensian confessing his sins 
 to one of his teachers. Their absolution was general, and performed by 
 the imposition of hands, in the ceremony of heretication, which will 
 be more fully explained, hereafter. On the contrary, it seems to have 
 been a general custom of the Waldenses, to make confession of their 
 sins to their teachers, and to receive absolution and penance from them. 
 Such confession is mentioned in more than fifty of the Waldensian sen- 
 tences and eulpae ; and, in a great part of these, the persons concerned 
 state that they received penance and absolution. There are, I believe, 
 however, only four cases in which the nature of the penance is stated. 
 Heli/as, 353, says, " he coufessed his sins to the said Waldensian, being 
 " instructed for that purpose by his father, and the said Waldensian ab- 
 " solved him from his sins, and imposed upon him penance for them, 
 " prayers and fastings." Johanna, 356, says, " she confessed her sins 
 " to the aforesaid John de Cerao, the Waldensian, and received absolu- 
 " tion and penance from him— namely, that she should fast on certain 
 " Fridays, and should say a certain number of times the prayer Pater- 
 " Noster." Huga, 357, says, " being instructed and admonished by her 
 " mother she confessed her sins to the aforesaid Waldensian, and received 
 " absolution and penance from him, that she should fast certain days, 
 " and should say a certain number of times, Pater.Noster." Bernardo, 
 358, says, " the said John de Cerao asked her if she was willing to con- 
 " fess her sins ? And she agreed to de it, and confessed her sins to him, 
 " and he absolved her, and enjoined her penance of fasting, and of say- 
 " ing, a certain number of times, the prayer Pater-Noster." 
 
Sect. 9.] EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. 233 
 
 " As to the Church of Rome, the Albigenses are said 
 to believe, ' that there are two churches, one merciful, \be- 
 nigna] namely, their's and the church of Christ ; which re- 
 tains that faith in which every one, and without which no 
 one, can be saved : the other a cruel one [maligna], namely 
 the church of Rome, which is the mother of fornications, 
 the temple of the Devil, and Synagogue of Satan ; and 
 that no one can be saved in the faith of that church.' f. 40. 
 And elsewhere we read, ' that no man can be saved, that is 
 not received by them, and unless he die of their sect.' f. 3. 
 
 " The Valdenses are said to have taught almost the 
 same things : ' that they are not subject to the Roman Pon- 
 tiff, nor to the prelates of the Church of Rome : that they 
 cannot be excommunicated by the Pope, nor the other pre- 
 lates of that church : that they ought not to obey the Pope, 
 when he commands them to forsake and abjure their sect, 
 as condemned by the church : [but] that the Church of 
 Rome sins, and acts unlawfully and unjustly against them, 
 because it persecutes and condemns them.' f. 96. And 
 that they further taught ' that the prelates of the Church of 
 Rome, are blind leaders of the blind ; do not preserve the 
 truth of the Gospel, nor imitate the Apostolic poverty ; and 
 that the very Church of Rome is an house of lies.' fol- 
 129. b.» 
 
 [Doctrines peculiar to the Albigenses.] 
 
 " The opinions that are ascribed to the Albigenses but 
 never to the Valdenses are these: ' That there are two 
 Gods and Lords ; the one good and the other evil. That 
 the creation of all things visible and corporeal, was not 
 from God our heavenly Father, and the Lord Jesus Christ, 
 but by the Devil and Satan, the evil God, who is the God 
 
 9 To what then does the agreement between these sects amount > 
 I see nothing, but that each refused to swear, and opposed the Church 
 of Rome ? 
 
 2 H 
 
234 EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH [Sect. 9. 
 
 of this world, and the maker and prince of it:' f. 40 — 
 which they express elsewhere in this manner : ' that it 
 was not God that caused the earth to yield seed and bring 
 forth fruit:' f. 68— and elsewhere: 'that the good God 
 made all things [that are] invisible and incorruptible ; and 
 that the evil Prince, namely Lucifer, made all things [that 
 are] visible and corruptible, and even human bodies. 1 And 
 in another place : ' that there were two Gods, one good, 
 the other bad ; and that the bad God created all things vi- 
 sible." f. 121. 10 
 
 " Since these things are to be met with in the sentence 
 of Petrus A uteri ns one of their famous doctors, I am apt 
 to think, not only that some of the Manicheans, who were 
 banished from Asia, and came into Bulgaria, and after- 
 wards went into the country of Tholouse, lurked amongst 
 them ; but that they had, many of them at least, embraced 
 the Manichean opinions. And indeed, we ought not to 
 conceal the truth. For although they are to be com- 
 mended for having discovered many of the Romish errors 
 in doctrine, and for their forsaking the communion of that 
 church ; yet we ought ingenuously to own their mistakes. 
 
 10 So Guilielmus, 148, " quod Deus non faciebat florere, nee ger- 
 minare."— Gera/rfa, 159, "quod princeps hujus mundi Diabolus fecerat 
 omnia corruptibilia." — Hugo, 138, " quod Deus non faciebat florere, 
 nee germinare." — Bernardus, 132, " quod Deus non babebat in isto 
 " mundo nisi spiritus ; et residuum erat de parte Luciferi ; et quod 
 '* Deus non faciebat florere, nee germinare, nee fructificare, set virtus 
 " terre." — See also, Petrus, 131. — But the reader will understand, that I 
 do not profess, in these notes, to give all the places where a doctrine, or 
 rite, is mentioned, but only such as may afford additional support, 
 or illustration, to those quoted in the text. On some poiuts, this does 
 not seem worth while ; and be will not, therefore, suppose that when no 
 note is added, the doctrine rests simply on the references in the text. I 
 need hardly remind him of what has been already said of the Paulicians 
 (see before, p. 67, et seq.), and request him to keep it in mind while lie 
 reads this statement of Albigensiau doctrine. 
 
Sect. 9.] EXTRACT FROM L1MBORCH. 235 
 
 And as their recommending to those they received into 
 their communion, what they called the Endura, that is 
 fasting themselves to death, was certainly an error in prac- 
 tice ; so that we need not be ashamed to own that they 
 sometimes erred in matters of faiths 'Tis rather to be 
 wondered at, that in so barbarous an age, they should 
 throw off so many errors, than that they should retain 
 some." 
 
 " The translator has made this passage even more absurd and un- 
 true than it is in the original. Limborch says, " non tan turn aliquos 
 
 " Manichaeos inter ipsos latuisse, sed et Manichaeorum senten- 
 
 " tiam ab ipsis, aut saltern pluriniis ipsorum fuisse receptam. Mt sane 
 "non est quod manifesto contradicamus veritati." But how 
 could he talk of Manichseans lurking among them, or of Manichaean 
 doctrine being held by even the greatest part of them ? Of whom ? 
 Of the genuine Albigenses ? Well, but who were they, and where did 
 they live, and what do we hear of them 1 Whether the persons whom 
 the Inquisitors called " heretics," and whom Limborch calls Albigenses, 
 were Manichseans or not, people may dispute if they please ; but, that 
 they were all of one and the same sect, seems to admit of no doubt. In 
 fact, the monstrous supposition which Limborch requires us to make, 
 in order to save the credit of the Albigenses, is — that during sixteen 
 years, the activity of the Inquisition laid hold of nearly five hundred of 
 the " lurking Manichseans," or heterodox Albigenses ; and never once 
 had the good fortune to fall in with one single genuine Albigensian. 
 Surely, though lie did not venture to "contradict manifest truth," 
 Limborch might have felt that he was sacrificing it to piejudice, when 
 he made such a suggestion. " We need not be ashamed to own that 
 they sometimes erred in matters of faith." Certainly not — what busi- 
 ness is it of our's ? We may be sorry for their sin, or their folly, but 
 what have we to do with the shame ? " We ought ingenuously to own 
 their mistakes:' Yes, to be sure; — there ip nothing particularly inge- 
 nuous in owning other peoples' mistakes — but we ought no more to sup- 
 press, than to contradict, manifest truth, even when they fell into such a 
 mistake as to recommend what they called the "Endura," which was 
 most " certainly an error in practice:' Of the horrible suicide, not only 
 " recommended," but required, in this sect, the reader will find more 
 
236 EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. [Sect. 9. 
 
 " Bnt besides, they are said also to have held the fol- 
 lowing opinions. 
 
 " That all the sacraments of the church of Rome are 
 vain and unprofitable, namely, the Eucharist, Baptism, Con- 
 firmation, Order, and Extreme Unction, f. 40.'* 
 
 presently ; I now only call his attention to the language. The fasts of 
 the Church of Rome are said to prove, that the Papacy is Antichrist ; 
 but when the Albigensian required his disciple, on the peril of his soul, 
 to "abstain from meats" until he killed himself, and forbade the mother 
 to give milk to her starving babe, it was " an error in practice ;" and 
 we ought not to wonder that these good people were a little incorrect in 
 some trifling matters. The absurdity, however, which represents them 
 as " retaining" the Manichsean errors, as if they had formed a part of 
 the Romish creed, belongs to the translator. Limborch says, " quam 
 quod quibusdam implicati fuerint." 
 
 " This charge is very commonly brought only in general terms, 
 and it seems as if those who confessed, had, in a great many cases, very 
 little idea of what their teachers said, except, that they preached against 
 the faith and sacraments of the church. Such a general statement 
 (though in a great variety of expression— «s " contra fidem Ecclesie 
 Romane" — " contra fidem catholicam"— " contra fidem et sacramenta 
 Ecclesie"— in fact, in twenty-three different forms of words) is con- 
 tained in thirty-seven sentences or culpe, to which it is not worth while 
 to refer. I was led to observe this variety of phraseology, in attempt, 
 ing to discover whether the confessions were answers to any regu- 
 lar series of questions, and whether they had that uniformity of phrase- 
 ology which we might expect if the answers were framed by the 
 notary, or even much coloured by him. I think, however, there is strong 
 evidence, that, though much of the confession was probably elicited by 
 what men " bred to the law" would call " leading questions," yet the 
 form of expression used was preserved— at least as much as it could be 
 when translated into Latin— and that if the scribe had felt at liberty, 
 merely to give what he considered as the sense of the answer, there would 
 have been less variety of phraseology. For instance— several persons, of 
 course, confess merely that they had heard the heretics " teaching and 
 preaching." This simple fact was naturally expressed by all in nearly 
 the same words; but yet these words occur in eight different forms. 
 
Sect. 9.] EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. 237 
 
 " As to the Eucharist, they are reported to have be- 
 lieved that there was not the body of Christ, and that there 
 was nothing but mere bread, f. 39. b. f. 121. 13 
 
 " As to the Baptisms [de Baptismo] : * that they con- 
 demned the baptism of water, saying : that a man was to 
 be saved by the laying on of hands upon those who be- 
 lieved them ; and that their sins were to be remitted with- 
 out confession and satisfaction:' f. 121 — that 'no bap- 
 tism availed any thing, no not their own.' 14 f. 68. a. 
 We read also in the sentence of Petrus Raymundus Dom- 
 ini cus de Borno, that he heard Peter Auterii teach- 
 ing, amongst other things, ' that the baptism of water 
 made by the church, was of no avail to children ; because 
 they were so far from consenting to it, that they wept.' 
 f. 176. 1S 
 
 13 Geralda, 159, " audivit .... specialiter quod in hostia consecra- 
 ta non erat corpus Christi." — Poncius, 191, " audivit errores, . . .contra 
 sacramentum altaris." — Johanna, 245, says, " reprobabant . . . . ecclesie 
 " sacramenta et specialiter sacramentum altaris, de quo audivit eos di- 
 " centes quod ibi non poterat esse corpus Christi."— Hugo, 138, " au- 
 divit verba .... contra .... hostiam consecratam." — Arnaldus, 133, 
 " contra fidem ecclesie Romane specialiter de Sacramento altaris."— 
 Raymunda, 137, " expresse contra hostiam consecratam."— Bernardus, 
 132, " vidit ibidem Petrum Auterii et Petrum Sancii hereticos et audi- 
 " vit errores eorum, scilicet quod dicebant quod capellani faciunt plu- 
 " res Deos de pasta, et postea comedunt eos." 
 
 14 It should be, " except their own." The words are, " nisi ille quern 
 ipsi dabant;" but the translator has been misled by its being incorrectly 
 quoted in Limborch's History, " nee ille," &c. 
 
 16 So also Geralda, 159, " audivit verbt. et predicationem .... contra 
 baptismum." — Pontius, 191, "audivit errores hereticorum .... contra 
 baptismum." — Hugo, 138, " audivit verba et doctrinam dicti heretici 
 
 contra baptismum."— Arnaldus, 121, " audivit .... quod baptismus 
 
 ecclesie Romane nichil valet." — Lombarda, 105, "quod baptismus 
 ecclesie qui fit in aqua nichil valebat."— Petrus, 84, " quod baptismus 
 
238 EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH [Sect. 9. 
 
 " As to Extreme Unction : ' that the order of St. 
 James, or Extreme Unction upon the sick, made by 
 material oil, signified nothing ; and that they prefer im- 
 position of hands' which the Inquisitors call execrable. 
 f.3. 
 
 " As to Orders : l that they reproach and condemn the 
 Constitution of the whole church of Rome, and deny all 
 the prelates of it the power of binding and loosing; say- 
 ing ; that they cannot loose or bind other sinners, since 
 they themselves are greater sinners [magis peccatores] ; 
 bnt that they [the heretics] can give to those they receive, 
 the Holy Spirit, in order to their salvation.' f. 3. 
 
 " As to Matrimony : that ' it is always sinful and can- 
 not be without sin ;' and ' was never appointed by the good 
 God.' f. 40. Also, ' that carnal matrimony between a man 
 and woman, is not true matrimony, nor good, nor lawful, 
 nor appointed by God ; but a quite different spiritual 
 matrimony.' f. 82. b. 16 
 
 " ecclesie Romaue nichil valebat, quia fit in aqua corrupla, nee illi 
 " de ecclesia Romana poteraut dabant Spiritual Sanctum scd ipsi lien- 
 " tici faciebant veruin baptismnm, et dabant Spiritum Sanctum." 
 
 16 The first of these references is to the sentence of Peter Avferivs, 
 the " famous doctor' 1 before mentioned ; the other from that of Petrus, 
 178, " quod matrimonium carnale inter virum et mulierero non est ve- 
 " rum matrimonium, nee bonnm, nee licitum, nee Deus ipsum instituit, 
 u et quoddam asseris aliud spirituale matrimonium sicul ab hereticis 
 " didicisti." Beside these, and the confessions which relate to a denial of 
 all the sacraments, this is expressly stated in some. Geralda, 159, 
 " audivil verba & predicationem et doctrmam erroueam dicti heretici 
 . . . . contra matrimonium."— Poncitw, 191, " audivit errores hereticorum 
 contra. . ..matrimonium.'* — Lombarda, 106, "quod baptismus eccle- 
 sie qui fit in aqua nichil valebat nee matrimonium." — Petrus, 84, " quod 
 matrimonium carnale non erat licitum nee inslitutum." — Bcrnardtu, 
 248, " item darapnabant matrimonium dicentes quod semper erat pec- 
 catum." See also Pontius, 197, aud Petrtu, 347. 
 
Sect. 9] EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. 239 
 
 " As to the Incarnation of Christ: 'that the Lord did 
 not take a real human body, nor real human flesh of our 
 nature; and that he did not really arise with it, nor do other 
 things relating to our salvation ; nor sit down at the right 
 hand of the Father with it, but only with the likeness of it.' 
 They affirm also, ' that the most holy Virgin Mary, the 
 mother of our Lord, neither is, nor was, a carnal woman, 
 but their church, which they say is true penitence ; and 
 that this is the Virgin Mary.' f. 40. I7 Or, as we read 
 elsewhere : ' that God never entered into the womb of the 
 blessed Virgin Mary ; and that he only is the mother, 
 and brother, and sister of God, that keeps the commands 
 of God the Father.' f. 82. b. Likewise, 'that it was im- 
 possible for God to be incarnate ; because he never hum- 
 bled himself so much, as to put himself in the womb of 
 woman.' f. 120. b. 
 
 " Concerning the Resurrection of the dead : they are 
 charged with denying the resurrection of bodies ; f. 120. b. 
 — or : ' there will be no future resurrection of human 
 bodies, and although the souls of men shall come to judg- 
 ment, they shall not come in their bodies;' f. 146 — which is 
 elsewhere more distinctly explained : 18 ' that they imagine 
 
 17 The passage referred to is in the sentence on Peter Aaterias, 
 92, and is as follows, " Incarnationem quoque Domini Jesu Christi, ex 
 " Maria semper virgine, quam superficietenus fantastice proffiteris, la- 
 " biis impiis, in rei veritate, blasfemas, cum verum corpus humanum, 
 " et verum carnem hominisex nostra naturaipsumdenegasassumpsisse, 
 " nee in ea vere, set solum in similitudine, resurrexisse et alia nostre sa- 
 '' lutis opera peregisse, nee cum ea ad patris dexteram ascendisse, sanc- 
 " tam quoque Mariam matrem Dei et Domini Jesu Christi non esse nee 
 " fnisse mulierem carnalem asseris et mentiris, set tuam ac tuorum ec- 
 " clesiam quam dicis esse veram penitentiam de impietate ac vanitate 
 " sensus tui mentiendo confingis, ethane esse Mariam virginem in tene- 
 " bris dogmatizas." 
 
 18 It is not however explained away ; the passage will be noticed 
 presently. 
 
240 EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. [Sect. 9. 
 
 a sort of spiritual bodies, and a sort of an inward man ; in 
 which bodies, persons are hereafter to rise.' f. 40. One of 
 the Albigenses is said to have believed, that ' when the 
 souls of wicked men are gone out of their bodies, before 
 and after judgment, they go through los bausses, and los 
 tertres, that is, over rocks and precipices ; and that the De- 
 vil throws them [dsemones praecipitarent] headlong from 
 the rocks.' Also, ' that the souls of men, even after their 
 separation from the body, have flesh and bones, hands and 
 feet, and all members ; which though they are thrown by 
 devils headlong from the rocks, and by this means tor- 
 mented, yet can never die.' f. 146. 
 
 " As to the adoration of the Cross : ' that no man ought 
 to adore the cross :' f. 68 — which in another place is very 
 odiously represented, namely, ' that the sign of the Holy 
 Cross, which the universal church worships as the emblem 
 of our salvation, and the representation of our Lord's Pas- 
 sion, is a detestable emblem of the Devil.' f. 3. And 
 the reason of this is added elsewhere : ' that the cross of 
 Christ ought not to be adored ; because no man worships 
 the gallows upon which his father was hanged.' f. 176. 19 
 
 " As to the human soul : that souls were spirits ba- 
 nished from heaven because of their sins. f. 121 . 
 
 " These are said to be the principles [dogmata] of the 
 Albigenses, and they are not one of them ascribed to the 
 Valdenses, who had quite different tenets, which are never 
 mentioned in the sentences of the Albigenses. They are such 
 as these : 
 
 19 Guilielmus, 148, " quod homo non debebat adorare crucem."— 
 Pontius, 191, " audivit errores hereticorum . . . . contra venerationem 
 cruris." — Bernardus, 132, " quod nullos debebat adorare crucem." — 
 Johanna, 42, " audivit. . . . special iter quod crux non debebat adorari." 
 — Arnaldus, 112, and Arnaldus, 121, "quod crux non debebat ado- 
 rari." 
 
Sect. 9.] EXTRACT PROM LIMBORCH. 241 
 
 [Doctrines peculiar to the Waldenses.~\ 
 
 " That all judgment is forbidden by God, and that of 
 consequence 'tis a sin, and contrary to what God hath for- 
 bidden, for any judge to condemn any man to punishment 
 or death, in any case, or for any cause whatsoever. And 
 for this they apply these words of the Gospel, ' Judge 
 not that ye be not judged.' f.96. 
 
 " That the Indulgences given by the Prelates of the 
 Church of Rome are of no avail, that there is no purgato- 
 ry for souls after this life ; and ' that [consequently] the 
 prayers and vows [suffragia] of the faithful for the dead 
 cannot profit them.' f. 96. This is elsewhere more dis- 
 tinctly explained : ' that this life is the only purgatory 
 and place for repentance for sins ; and that when the soul 
 goes from the body, it goes either to Paradise or Hell ; 
 and that therefore the Valdenses make no prayers or vows 
 for the dead, because say they, those who are in Paradise 
 do not need them, and those that are in Hell cannot reap 
 any advantage by them.' f. 92. 
 
 "That in the church there are but three Orders, 
 namely of Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, f. 146. b. It 
 is imputed to them also as a crime, that though they 
 were laymen, they preached from the gospels, epistles, 
 and other books of the Holy Scriptures ; whereas the 
 preaching and exposition of the Scripture is entirely for- 
 bidden the Laity, f. 129. 
 
 " From these instances it appears, that the opinions of 
 the Albigenses and Valdenses were different. However, 
 'tis not to be doubted, but that oftentimes their enemies 
 gave very vile and odious accounts of the doctrines they 
 held ; as will appear by comparing the several places in 
 which they describe them. For the same opinion, which 
 in one place appears extremely erroneous; in another, 
 
 2 I 
 
242 EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. [Sect. 9. 
 
 when tis more fully explained and without spite, is harm- 
 less enough ; of which the single instance of the resurrec- 
 tion of the dead is full proof. For sometimes [alibi enim] 
 the Albigenses are accused, that they deny the resurrection 
 of human bodies; as though they quite denied the resur- 
 rection of the dead ; which yet in another place is more 
 distinctly explained thus, that the dead shall arise with spi- 
 ritual bodies. 20 And that their opinions have been mis- 
 represented elsewhere, there can be no doubt, and it will 
 appear upon a comparison of the several places, wherein 
 they are recorded. But that the opinions of the Albigenses 
 and Waldenses were very different, cannot be denied. For 
 
 IF THEY HAD HELD THE SAME, NO REASON CAN BE AS- 
 SIGNED, WHY DIFFERENT ONES SHOULD HAVE BEEN AS- 
 CRIBED TO them. One would rather be inclined to believe, 
 that as their persecutors greedily sought after every occa- 
 
 20 Limborch does not go so far as his translator, who says, that 
 the doctrine when fully explained is " harmless enough ;" he only says, 
 " eadem doctrina quae uno loco adxnodum est depravata, alio paulo ple- 
 nius et minus maligne proponitur." The passage to which he refers is 
 in the sentence of Peter Auterius, which will be given in the next sec- 
 tion ; and it asserts, as explicitly as any other, that he altogether denied 
 the resurrection of the body. The Inquisitor's words are " Resurrec- 
 " tionem quoque corporum humanorum negas penitus, confingens que- 
 " dam spiritualia corpora et quendam interiorem hominem, in quibus 
 " te et tuos resurrecturos," &c. It sounds very well to say that they ex- 
 pected the dead to rise in " spiritual bodies ;" but perhaps we shall see 
 reason to doubt whether they meant what we should understand by that 
 expression ; not only because such a belief would scarcely have been 
 considered by the Church of Rome as a total negation of the resurrec- 
 tion, but because it will more fully appear what the doctrine was with 
 which they are here charged. It may be added, that the same charge, in 
 almost the same words, is brought against the sect in the sentence on 
 Amelius, 36, " Resurrectionem quoque corporum humanorum negant 
 " penitus, confingentes quedam spiritualia corpora in qnibus resurreo- 
 " tnros se dicunt." 
 
Sect. 9.] EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. 243 
 
 sion to punish them, they would have fastened on every 
 one of them all the heretical opinions of the Valdenses 
 and Albigenses ; that so being burthened with numerous 
 crimes, the Inquisitors might seem to have the more just 
 pretence for condemning them. 
 
 " For this very cause it may be justly concluded, that 
 many other of those impious tenets that are ascribed by 
 Baronius, Bzovius, and others, to the Albigenses and Val- 
 denses, were invented out of mere hatred to them, and to 
 render them detestable to the people ; especially that im- 
 pious opinion, which Eymericus Direct. Inquis. Par. n. 
 queest. 14, imputes to the Valdenses, * Quod melius sit 
 satisfiere libidini, quocunque actu turpi, quam carnis sti- 
 mulis fatigari : sed sit futdicuntet ipsi faciunt) in tenebris 
 licitum, quemlibet cum qualibet indistincte carnaliter com- 
 misceri, quandocunque et quotiescunque carnalibus desi- 
 deriis stimulentur.' For if this had been their tenet, would 
 there not have been one of that vast number of prisoners, 
 that they condemned to snch various punishments, to be 
 found, that was infected with it ? Or, if it could have been 
 proved upon them, was the equity, humanity and com- 
 passion of the Inquisitors so very great, as to have con- 
 cealed a crime, that would have been condemned by the 
 common voice of mankind, and exposed those that were 
 guilty of it to the most severe punishment and death ? 
 Would they by such a method of acting, have given the 
 world occasion to censure them for persecuting, and 
 cruelly punishing men merely for the sake of holding 
 opinions different from the Roman Faith, though consist- 
 ent with a due regard to a good conscience, when at the 
 same time they might have accused them of so horrid an 
 impiety ? if they had been really such execrable persons, 
 their crimes ought to have been publicly exposed ; and 
 thus they themselves would have sunk under the weight of 
 infamy, and their prosecutors would have been so far from 
 
244 EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. [Sect. 9. 
 
 being charged as bloody Inquisitors, that they would have 
 deserved the universal applause. 21 
 
 " Hence we may learn what credit is to be given to 
 popish writers, when they give us an account of the opinions 
 and practices of those they call heretics. 'Tis their way 
 to charge all that separate from their communion with im- 
 purity and Inst, as though the only cause of their leaving 
 the communion of the Church of Rome, was a dishonour- 
 able and vile love of women, and they have most impu- 
 dently dared to reproach with this vice, persons that have 
 been remarkable for their chastity and continence. 22 
 
 [Rites peculiar to the Albigenses.'] 
 
 " Besides the above-mentioned differences of doc- 
 trines between the Albigenses and Valdenses, they dif- 
 fered also in their rites and customs. For at first [in the 
 first place] there were two sorts of Albigenses. Some 
 professed their faith and used their customs and were called 
 Perfecti, «eu Consolati, perfect or comforted, f. 40. Others 
 only entered into a covenant with these perfect ones, which 
 
 21 Common honesty must carry the argument one step farther, 
 and ask — if the Inquisitors " greedily sought after every occasion to 
 punish them" — if they were all " hloody Inquisitors," and " murderers," 
 and therefore " liars and knaves" — why in the world did they refrain 
 from charging upon the Waldenses what other people said of them ? If 
 they had not the wit to invent calumnies, here were ready-made lies 
 precisely to their purpose — why did not they use them ? 
 
 22 I here omit a long recrimination in which Limborch has in- 
 dulged — first, because the vices which have arisen from the constrained 
 celibacy of the Romish clergy are quite as notorious as they are 
 abominable — secondly, because the subject, which is not very delicate, is 
 treated in rather coarse language — and, thirdly, because it has nothing 
 to do with our present purpose : which is not to set forth the notorious 
 wickedness of the Romish priests, but to enquire how far those whom 
 they called heretics were really the defenders of evangelical truth. 
 
Sect. 9.] EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. 245 
 
 they call la convenensa,® the agreement, that at the end of 
 life they would be received into their sect. ff. 1 5. b. 62. 70. 
 
 23 It would be tedious even to refer to all the cases of the persons 
 who confessed that they had entered into this agreement ; but a few ex- 
 tracts may illustrate its nature. The reader will observe that, in some 
 cases, the heretics asked it of those whom they wished to proselyte, and 
 I do not find that ihey required of them anything else. Sapta, 29, says, 
 " Item fecit pactum hereticis, quod ipsi vocant la convenensa, quod 
 " peteret hereticos in infi imitate sua, ut reciperent earn et salvarent ani- 
 " mam ipsius, et si evadeiet quod servaret et teneret vitam et sectam 
 " ipsorum et observaucias." — Petrus, 51, " fecit pactum, seu conveni- 
 enciam, hereticis ; quod reciperetur in tine suo ad sectam eorum." — 
 Petrus, 41, " fecit pactum seu conrentionem eisdem, quod vellet recipi 
 in fine ad ordinem eorum." — Bona, 43, " fecit pactum, seu convenien- 
 " ciam, dictis hereticis ; quod haheret eos, si posset, in fine suo, ut reci- 
 " perent earn ad sectam suam." — Aycelina, 44, " fecit convenienciam et 
 promissionem hereticis," — Guilielma, 71, " fecit dicto Petro Raymundi 
 " heretico pactum, seu convenienciam, quod reciperetur, si esset infiima, 
 "ad sectam eorum.... Item in quadam infirmitate de qua convaluit, 
 " venit ad earn quidam homo, de quo perpendit quod erat hereticus, et 
 " petivit at ea si volebat meliorari, et ipsa quod non."— Bernarda, 75, 
 " petiverant ab ea dicti heretici, quod promitteret eis, quod requiieret 
 et haberet eos in fine suo, ut reciperent earn id sectam suam." — Alazayt, 
 123, " Item Petrus Auterii petiit ab ipsa et a viro suo predicto, si vole- 
 " bant facere convenienciam sibi, quod in fine suo vellent recipi per ip- 
 " sum vel aliquem de sociis suis ad sectam suam et dictus vir suus res- 
 " pondit, pro se et pro ipsa, quod sic.'' — Beatrix, 134, " fecit eidem 
 " heretico convenienciam quod in infirmitate sua, vel in fine suo, vellet 
 " eum ut juvaret earn ad salutem." — Johannes, 136, " Item Petrus Au- 
 " terii hereticus, prima vice qua vidit eum, petivit ab ipso Johanne si 
 " volebat sibi facere convenienciam, cui concessit quod sic ; sed non re- 
 " cordatur de verbis conveniencie." — Beatrix, 144, " genuflexit coram 
 " dicto Petro Auterii heretico, et ibidem ad requisitionem dicti heretici, 
 " concessit et promisit eidem heretico, quod volebat in fine suo recipi 
 " et indui per eundem ad sectam et ordinem suum." — Raymundus, 198, 
 says, " tunc unus illorum hereticorum petivit ab eo quod faceret eis 
 " reverenciam seu convenienciam, et ipse respondit quod paratus erat 
 " facere omne bonura, sed tarde erat et volebat recedere," &c. Raymun- 
 
246 EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. [Sect. 9. 
 
 This reception is often called heretication, and was per- 
 formed after this manner to Benedictus Molinerii, in a 
 certain illness that he laboured under : Bernard de Goch, 
 one of the Albigenses, held the hands of the sick person 
 between his own, and held a certain book over him, in 
 which he read the Gospel of St. John, ' In the beginning 
 was the Word,' and delivered to him a fine thread, with 
 which he was to be tied [cingeretur] for heresy, f. 120. b. 
 The rites administered to a sick woman were somewhat 
 different : Petrus Auterii said, in the presence of the sick 
 woman, ' Praise God ;' either instructing the woman to 
 say so, or saying so by himself. Then he laid his hand 
 upon the woman, holding a certain book, and reading some 
 words, but first put a white linen cloth upon her, and after 
 he had read in the book, Peter and Aurelius [read Amelius] 
 made many bows [genuflexiones] near her bed. ff. 86. a. 
 43. a. For this reception they were prepared by certain 
 abstinences, which I gather from the sentence of Peter 
 Raymundus Dominicus de Borno, wbo is said to have seen 
 Peter Auterii with Peter Sancii, who [that is, Petrus 
 Sancii] then kept those fasts, which they are obliged to 
 do, who are to be admitted to the sect of the heretics. 
 f.l76.b. 24 
 
 da, 100, says, of herself and her mother, " item tunc dicti heretici dix- 
 " erunt eis ' si volebant stare id conreniencia eorum,' et ipsa respondit 
 " ' quod volebat stare in conveniencia Dei ;' et aliter dicti heretici non 
 *' declaraverunt eis quid volebat dicere predicta conveniencia. 1 ' 
 
 24 1 apprehend there is some mistake here, owing to Limborch's 
 not having observed, that this Peter Sancius was undergoing these fasts 
 preparatory to his reception into the sect as a teacher— or, as we may 
 call it, to his ordination. These persons were required to fast before 
 their admission ; but I believe, that, beside the case in question, there 
 are only two others. Durandut, 81, states, that he lived many weeks 
 at Florence (in the diocese of Auch), with certain believers, " cum qui- 
 " busdam aliis credentibus, et cum Raymundo Fabri qui tunc faciebat 
 
Sect. 9.J EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. 247 
 
 " This admission was believed to save the soul of the 
 person admitted, and was called spiritual baptism, the con- 
 
 " abstinencias hereticorum, et volebat recipi in online eorum.'' This 
 Raymund seems to have performed what was required, and to have be- 
 come one of the sect (not merely one of the credentes, as the great ma- 
 jority were, having only entered into the convenensa that they would be 
 consolatl, or hereticati, at the point of death) for Bernardus, 89, con- 
 fesses that " vidit pluries Raymundum Fabri hereticum, in domo patris 
 " sui jacentem, et comedentem, et bibentem, et in pluribus aliis locis, 
 " et associavit eum pluries de loco ad locum, et de villa ad villain, et 
 " cum eo vidit Arnaldum Martini in domo patris sui qui incipiebat fa- 
 " cere abstinencias hereticorum ut fieret hereticus." Beside these, I 
 am not aware of any similar case, except that of Peter Sancius, to which 
 Limborch refers. There Petrus, 347, confesses that he saw Peter Aute- 
 rius " cum Petro Sancii qui tunc faciebat abstinencias quas faciunt illi 
 " qui debent recipi ad sectam hereticorum, ad quam sperabat recipi in 
 " brevi, et salutavit dictum hereticum modo hereticali, videlicet j unctis 
 " manibus, inclinato capite, dicendo ' benedicite.' Comedit cum dicto 
 " heretico et Petro Sancii de pane benedicto ipsius heretici." From 
 these cases, it seems quite clear that those who were to be received into 
 the class of perfecti, as teachers, were required to fast before their ad- 
 mission ; but I do not find that this was required of others. On the con- 
 trary, many cases shew that it was not. Sometimes the heretics were 
 sent for suddenly to receive sick persons who knew nothing about it, 
 and who refused to be hereticated when they came— sometimes, the 
 heretics when they came, refused to do it, but never on the ground of 
 any such preparation being wanting, and I believe never on any but 
 one of two grounds— either that the patient's recovery seemed possible, 
 or that it was not known (and from the weak state of the patient could 
 not be ascertained) whether there had been a previous agreement, or 
 convenensa, with any of the perfecti, who were capable of making such 
 agreements with the credentes. Beside this, however, there is another 
 curious and very striking difference. It appears above, that Raymund 
 Faber was seen eating and drinking after his reception ; and Peter San- 
 cius, perhaps, even while performing his preparatory fasts ; whereas, 
 those who were hereticated in the common way (though not as it seems 
 required to fast before), were enjoined a perpetual fast ever after. Of this 
 the reader will see more when we come to speak of the endura. I may 
 here add, however, that this Petrus Sancius was afterwards admitted to 
 
248 EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. [Sect. 9. 
 
 solution, the reception, and good end. f. 86. a. 55 f. 3. a. So 
 that they were believed to be so sanctified by it, as that after- 
 wards it was unlawful for them to be touched by a woman. 
 Thus we read in the sentence of a woman, whose father 
 had been received amongst the Albigenses [in ordinem 
 Albigensium] ; ' that she was forbid by her father to touch 
 him, because after his reception no woman ought to touch 
 him, and from that time she never did touch him.' f. 49. 
 And in another woman's sentence ; ' that 'twas unlawful 
 for her to touch Petrus Sancii, and that she heard that 
 
 the sect fArnalda, 49, says, " vidit, et interfuit, et consenciit, quando 
 Petrus Sancii fait factus hereticus, seu receptus ad ordinem, et sectam, 
 hereticorum per Petrum Auterii in domo ipsius et viri sui;" and Bona, 
 49, to the same effect) and makes a considerable figure in this book, as 
 a leader of it. He seems, however, at length to hare destroyed himself. 
 Hugo, 138, says that he saw him, and adds,'* qui Sancius tunc procura- 
 " bat et accelerabat sibi mortem per minutionem, et balneationem, et 
 " frigidationem ipso vidente." 
 
 ^The case referred to, is Bernardus, 185, who, describing the 
 heretication of his mother, says, " receperant tunc dictam matrem suam, 
 et salvaierant sibianimam." Petrona, 190, saw Peter Auterius, "et 
 " fecit, eidem heretico requirente, pactum et promissionem, quod vole- 
 " bat eum habere in fine suo, quod salvaret sibi animam sicut hereticus 
 " dedit sibi inlelligere." — Raymundus, 155, when his father was dying, 
 saw the said Peter, u et scivit ibidem quod vocabatur Petrus, et quod 
 " erat hereticus, et quod venerat ad mandatum patris, qui petivcrat 
 " eum ut veniret ad absolvendum dictum infirmum a peccatis suis." 
 Poncius, 95, confessed that, in a certain illness which he had had twenty 
 years before, his son Peter, " duos hereticos, quos dictus Petrus bono* 
 " homines apellabar, ad ipsum Poncium tunc infirmum adduxit, dicens 
 " sibi quod ipsi herelici redderent animam ejus Deo." He! is, 188, says, 
 of Peter Auterius, "dictus homo petivit ab infirma, si volebat fieri bona 
 " Christiana, et si volebat facere bonum finem." In the sentence on 
 Stephana, 5, the Inquisitor says, " impositionem manuum, quam ipsi 
 " vocant buptismum spiritualem, seu consolamentum, vel reccptionem, 
 " et' bonum finem." 
 
Sect. 9] EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. 249 
 
 'twas reported amongst them, that they neither touch a wo- 
 man, nor suffer themselves to be touched by one.' f. 68. b. 2s 
 " But inasmuch as it was possible that the person 
 received might return to his former pollutions, his reception 
 was delayed to his last sickness, when there was no more 
 hopes of recovery, that so he might not lose the good he 
 had received ; 27 for which reason some were not admitted, 
 though one of the Albigenses was present ; because 'twas 
 not believed they would immediately die. Thus 'tis re- 
 ported of Petrus Sancii, f. 68, that being called ' to hereti- 
 cate a certain sick woman, she was not then hereticated ; 
 because he did not think it proper upon account of her not 
 being weak enough' [adhac erat fortis]. And afterwards, 
 though the distemper grew more violent, Petrus Sancii did 
 not hereticate her, because she recovered. 28 
 
 26 So Grazida, 115, ' vidit quendam hominem in domo Petri Ysabe 
 " de Verduneto, cum Raymunda filiadicti Petri, de quo dicta Raymunda 
 " dixit eidem Grazide, postquam recesserant de dicta domo ambe simili- 
 " ter, quod erat multum bonus homo, et quod pro toto mundo non tan- 
 " gat mulierem, et quod salvabat animas, et quod aliquis non poterat 
 " salvari nisi ipse esset in fine ipsius ; et tunc dicta Grazida suspicata 
 " est quod dictus homo esset hereticus." 
 
 27 When the reader considers that these " pollutions" were, the 
 touching, or being touched by, a female; and the swallowing a morsel 
 of solid food, be will not perhaps wonder that the credentes did not de- 
 sire to be fully admitted to the sect, as long as the hope of life remained; 
 and I must add, that, so far as I can learn from these confessions, the 
 teachers appear to have held out to their believers, that it was quite 
 sufficient for them to " die the death of the righteous." I find in many 
 confessions that they reprobated the vices of the priests, the supersti- 
 tious rites and idolatry of the church, and taught the unlawfulness of 
 oaths ; but I do not learn that, in any single case, they propounded one 
 scripture doctrine, or enforced one moral precept. The reader will re- 
 member that I speak of the Albigenses. 
 
 28 Bernardo, 20, says, " set dictus maritus tunc convaluit, et ideo 
 tunc non fuit hereticatus." — Stephanus, 20, " set non fuit factum tunc 
 quia convaluit innrmus.'' 
 
 2 K 
 
250 EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. [Sect. 9. 
 
 " As for those who were received daring their illness, 
 they were commanded to make use of the Endura, [ut se 
 ponerent in Endura] that is fasting [inedia] ; and to hasten 
 their death by the opening a vein and bathing. Thus 'tis re- 
 ported of a certain woman ; that ' she persevered in the absti- 
 nence which they call the Endura, many days; and hastened 
 her bodily death, by losing her blood, frequent bathing, and 
 greedily taking a poisonous draught of the juice of wild 
 cucumbers, mixing with it broken glass, that by tearing of 
 her bowels she might sooner die.' f. 14. b. 29 Of another, 
 'tis said, ' that she was forbidden by her mother-in-law to 
 give her little daughter, that had been hereticated by Peter 
 Sancii, any milk to drink, by which it died.' f. 46. Another 
 confesses, ' that she had not seen her father, since his hereti- 
 cation, eating or drinking anything but cold water.' f. 49. 
 But one Hugo, who continued several days in the Endura, 
 did afterwards, by his mother's persuasion, eat and recover, 
 f. 63. The same year, Peter Sancii invited him ' to enter 
 into the Endura, and so make a good end ; but he would 
 not agree to it till he came to die.' *° The same Hugo saw, 
 
 29 This is the case of Guilielma, 33 ; and the confessions relating 
 to it will be given hereafter ; but, in the mean time, it is but justice to 
 the Albigenses to say, that the poisoning seems to be peculiar to it ; and 
 not to have formed any part of the system — at least I have met with no- 
 thing like it in any other case. The fact seems to be pretty much as 
 Limborch has stated it — that after the ceremony of reception, or hereti- 
 cation, the person received was required to abstain from food (or 
 from every kind of food but water) and was permitted to seek earlier 
 relief from the state of suffering this produced, by bleeding, and bath- 
 ing; we have seen that this was practised by Peter Sancius himself, 
 and I find no reason to suppose that it was disapproved by any leader, 
 or member, of the sect. 
 
 30 That is, he would not make any other agreement, than that 
 when he should be at the point of death, he would enter into the sect 
 " non consentiit tunc, set quando esset in ultimo vite sue." p. 138. 
 
Sect,8.J EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. 251 
 
 ' that Sancius procured and hastened his own death, by 
 bleeding, bathing, and cold.' Petrus Auterii is said to have 
 received another woman ; ' and after her reception, to 
 have forbid, that any meat should be given to the said 
 hereticated sick woman ; and there were two women who 
 attended her, that watched that there should be neither 
 meat nor drink given her the whole night, nor following 
 day, lest she should lose the good she had received, and 
 contradict the order of Peter Auterii ; although the said 
 sick woman desired that they would give her meat. But 
 the third day after she eat and grew well.' f. 65. b. In 
 the sentence of Peter Raymnndus, of the Hugos, we read 
 these things concerning the Endura. ' You voluntarily 
 shorten your own corporal life, and inflict death upon 
 yourself; because you put yourself in that abstinence, 
 which the heretics call Endura, in which Endura you [have 
 now] remained six days, without meat or drink, and wouldst 
 not eat, neither wilt, though oftentimes invited to it.' 
 f. 82. b. However, all of them did not care to subject 
 themselves to so severe a law. For we read of a certain 
 woman, 'that she would not suffer her sick daughter, 
 although near death, to be received ; because then her said 
 daughter must be put in the Endura.' f. 71. There is 
 also an instance of a woman, who for fear she should be 
 taken up by the Inquisitors, put herself in the Endura ; 
 and sending for a chirurgeon, ordered him to open one of 
 her veins in a bath ; and after the chirurgeon was gone, 
 she unbound her arm in the bath, that so the blood running 
 out more freely, she might sooner die. After this she 
 bought poison in order to destroy herself. Afterwards 
 she procured a cobler's awl, which in that barbarous age 
 they call alzena, intending to run it into her side : but the 
 women disputing among themselves, whether the heart was 
 
252 EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. [Sect. 9. 
 
 on the right side or the left, she at last drunk up the poison, 
 and died the day after, f. 30. b. 31 
 
 " They had also a peculiar manner of saluting each 
 other, by embracing, putting their hands to both sides, and 
 turning their head three times to each shoulder, saying 
 every time, ' Praise the Lord' [benedicite] : which manner 
 of salutation seems to have been very common among 
 them ; because we find it mentioned in the sentences of 
 many of them, [plurimorum] and was performed sometimes 
 with bended knees ; sometimes by putting their hands down, 
 even to the ground, ff. 59. b. 176. b. 120. b. 9. b. Some- 
 times also this custom was insisted on : so we read of a cer- 
 tain person, f. 91, 'being required by the said heretic, to 
 bend the knee before him, and say, ' Praise ye the Lord' 
 [benedicite] ; he bent on his knee, and said before him, 
 ' Praise ye the Lord 1 [benedicite]. The heretic answered ; 
 ' May God bring you to a good end.' And of a certain 
 woman, f. 89, < that she saw a certain person bowing 
 [genuflectentem] before Peter Auterii, in her aforesaid 
 house ; and then she was required to make her amendment 
 [melioramentuni] 31 before the said heretic, as the other did. 
 
 31 This is the same case of Gvilielma, 33, as has been before referred 
 to, p. 250. The confessions relating to it (as I have said) will be given 
 hereafter ; but as I there stated, that the poison was no part of the 
 Albigensian system, so I must here make the same remark respecting 
 the alzena. The reader will see why it was bought ; and also see that 
 the statement in the text is not quite correct. It was not " for fear she 
 should be taken by the Inquisition," but in compliance with the rules 
 of the sect, that she placed herself in endura ; but having placed herself 
 in endura, and finding that she did not die so soon as she had expected, 
 she was afraid the Inquisition would discover what she had done, and 
 wasted to use more violent means of self-destruction. 
 
 32 This does not seem to have been a term in general use among 
 
Sect. 9.J EXTRACT FROM UMBORCH. 253 
 
 And then she also began to bend the knee before the said 
 heretic, and knew not how to make the aforesaid amend- 
 ment; upon which, they who were present began to 
 laugh, which made her blush and go away. We read of 
 another, f. 70 — that he agreed with Peter Auterii, ' that he 
 would commend himself to him ; that he might pray to 
 God for him ; and began to bow the knee before him : 
 and that Peter Auterii said, " Ye may not do it; for this 
 is not the place ;" and so sent him away, that he might not 
 bow the knee before him, which he was willing and had 
 began to do.' Nor was this manner of salutation required 
 only from those who were admitted, but also made use of 
 by those who were called perfect ; and admitted others, as 
 often as they met one another. Thus we read in the sen- 
 tence of Amelius de Perlis, that he and Peter Auterius 
 saluted each other with mutual adoration before the Inqui- 
 
 them — at least I do not find it any where else among the hundreds of Al- 
 bigensian confessions, or anything like it, except in one case (Guilielma, 
 71, cited before, p .245, n.) where the heretic asked the sick person " si 
 volebat meliorari," and here the word used had obviously a different 
 meaning. In this case it meant hereticatlon, in the former only that 
 genuflexion, or adoration as it is called, which is mentioned in the greater 
 part of the confessions. I mention the word, however, because it occurs 
 in one other place in the book— and that is in a Waldensian sentence. 
 The Inquisitor tells the heretic {Johannes, 262) that he had sinned, " ab- 
 solucionem ac penitenciam quam melioramentum vocant recipiendo." 
 This is the only instance that I know of, which looks as if the Albigen- 
 ses, and Waldenses, had any peculiar religious term (if I may so speak) 
 in common ; and the reader will observe that it occurs only once in 
 an Albigensian confession, and once in a Waldensian sentence, and 
 even then with widely different meaning. Considering the number of 
 confessions, and the frequency with which the thing implied in each case 
 is mentioned, it seems most probable that the term employed thus singu- 
 larly in which it was used at all, was one not common, and perhaps 
 misapplied. Except in the two places here mentioned, I do not recollect 
 to have seen the word melioramentum in any other than its legal sense, 
 or barbarously used to signify an increase, or addition. 
 
254 EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. [Sect. 9. 
 
 sitors; and that they both adored each other, after an 
 heretical manner, before them, by falling on their faces on 
 the ground ; and said that they were of the same sect ; 
 and acknowledged that they had elsewhere oftentimes 
 adored one another after the same manner, f. 16. b. 33 
 
 33 1 apprehend, that if it were worth while to cite all the cases, it 
 would appear, that this statement confounds together salutation, and 
 adoration, which seem to have heen different things. The words of one 
 or two confessions may shew this— Guilielmut, 61, says, " Item, quando 
 " salutabat hereticos amplexabatur eos, et vertebat caput ad utrumque 
 " latus, dicendo 'Benedicite, 1 sicut fuerat doctus per eos; et idem vidit 
 " fieri ab aliis credentibus quos nominat. Item, semel adoravit Jacobum 
 u Auterii hereticnm, junctis manibus, inclinando se ter super unam 
 " bancam coram eo, et dicendo qualibet vice 'Benedicite.' " — Guilielmut, 
 62, says, " pluries salutavit hereticos, extracto capncio, inclinando 
 " caput, junctis manibus. Item, adoravit semel Petrum, et Jacobum, 
 "Auterii hereticos, dicendo 'Boni Chiistiani, benedictionem Dei et 
 " vestram,' inclinando se ter et flectendo genua coram eis, et dicendo 
 " qualibet vice ' Benedicite.' Item quando veuiebant heretici salutabat 
 " eos aliqnociens modo hereticali, ponendo manus suas super humeros, 
 " et vertendo caput ad utrumque humerum ipsorum.'' These cases 
 may, perhaps, be sufficient to shew, that there was a real difference 
 between the salutation and adoration which are so constantly men- 
 tioned ; but I believe there is in some cases a laxity of expression, in 
 the confessions of those who did not know much of the language, or 
 practices, of the sect, with which they had had, perhaps, only a short and 
 slight intercourse. In this way of asking the blessing of the heretics 
 fpetens benedictionem), various forms of expression were used — thus, 
 Raimonda, 12, " Boni Christian!, rogate Dominum pro nobis, quod 
 perducat nos ad bonum finem." — Bernardus, 29, " salutavit hereticos 
 " amplexando, amoto capucio. Item una vice, quando recedebat ab 
 " hcreticis, capite inclinato, et manibus junctis, reverenler et humiliter 
 " se inclinans, dixit, * Domine commendate nos Deo, et orate Dominum 
 " quod perducat nos ad bonum finem, et del nobis de bono suo.' Item, 
 " alia vice, in recessu ab eis, inclinando se, et capucio abstracto, dixit 
 " ' Boni Chiistiani, orate Deum pro nobis.' " — Bernardo., 29, " semel, 
 " cum aliis personis, coram Pctro, et Jacobo, Auterii hereticis, fecit rcve- 
 " rentiam eis, sicut vidit alios facientes, inclinando se piofunde coram 
 
Sect. 9] EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. 255 
 
 " They fasted three days a week on bread and water, 
 f. 120. b. 34 A certain sick man was told, ' that he must 
 have no food unless he could repeat the Pater Noster. 1 
 f. 49. 30 
 
 [Rites peculiar to the Waldenses.] 
 
 " We read of the Valdenses that they had certain el- 
 ders, (Majores) of their sect, f. 147. Thus John of Lorain 
 was called Majoralis of that sect ; and Christian, and J ohn 
 of Chabley [Chalons], majores. 
 
 " 'Tis reported of them also, ' that they prayed on 
 their knees before and after dinner, leaning on a table.' 35 
 
 " eis, dicendo, ' Boni Christian], benedictionera,' et ipsi respondebant. 
 " 'A Deo habeatis et a nobis.' '"— Arnaldus, 46, "pluries fecit reveren- 
 " ciam hereticis, inclinando caput, junctis manibus, dicendo 'Domini 
 " rogatcDeum pro nobis.'"— Raymundus, 101, saw Peter Auterius and 
 " Araelius, " et salutavit eos, capucio cxtracto, dicens, sicut fuerat 
 " edoctus, ' Boni Christiani, Deus teneat vos in gratia sua.' " 
 
 34 I do not find this fasting mentioned anywhere else ; and appre- 
 hend, that what is here said applies only to the Perfectly or leaders of 
 the sect. Their diet, at all times, seems to have been peculiar. As 
 their followers appear to have been in the constant habit of sending them 
 presents of food, marketing and cooking for them, and, indeed, in a good 
 measure to have supplied them with what one of them calls, " necessaria 
 in victualibus," we meet with almost innumerable notices on the subject. 
 Fish, very frequently— fish-pies, cakes, fine bread, meal, vegetables, 
 vegetable-broths, fruit, wine, &c. — but I find no mention whatever of 
 milk, cheese, butter, eggs, or any kind of flesh. My reason for making 
 this remark, if not obvious, will appear hereafter. 
 
 35 This is the same case (Bona, 110,) as has been already referred 
 to. I do not know of anything in the book which resembles, or explains, 
 it. 
 
 36 Or rather kneeling over a bench, or form ; the expression com- 
 monly used is " flexis genibus inclinati super bancam." Nearly sixty 
 persons confess having prayed with them ; and more than half of that 
 number state, that it was " before and after" dinner, or supper. It is 
 repeatedly mentioned that they used the Lord's prayer ; but I do not 
 
256 EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. [Sect. 9. 
 
 This occurs in almost all the sentences of the Valdenses. 
 'Twas also customary with them to say grace over their 
 
 find mention of any other ; and know not whether it is to be inferred 
 from the case of Agnes, 359, " post cenam dictus Bartholomeus dixit, 
 " quod orarenl pro illis qui ilabant eis ad comedendum, et benefaciebant 
 " eis ; et postea sederunt, et dictus Bartholomeus dixit multa verba, 
 " que videbantur sibi bona ;" but it does not appear that he prayed at 
 that lime, or meant more than that they would pray for their benefac- 
 tors generally. Several cases shew that their prayers were followed by 
 preaching, or exhortation ; and I believe only one (Jacobus, 345) speaks 
 of their praying after teaching. One or two extracts may illustrate 
 this part of the subject. Martina, 365, " oravit pluries, in diversis 
 " temporibus, cum pluribus Valdensibus, secundum modum orandi 
 " dictorum Valdensium, videlicet, flexis genibus, inclinata super ban- 
 " cam, dicendo pluries Pater Noster, secundum doctrinam, et informa- 
 " cionem, Valdensium." Helyas, 354, " post prandium dictus Valdensis 
 " dixit, quod debebant orare, et quod facerent sicut ipse, et dicerent 
 " Pater Noster ; et dictus Valdensis, flexis genibus, posuit se coram 
 " quadam banca, inclinatus super earn, et ipse et alii quos nomiuat 
 " fecerunt similiter, orando cum eodem, et dicendo Pater Noster ; et, 
 " post oracionem, dictus Valdensis sedendo predicavit eis multa verba 
 " de Evangeliis, et Epistolis," &c. Stephamis, 354, " oravit cum eis 
 " secundum modum eorum, dicendo Pater Noster pluribus vicibus, 
 " flexis genibus, inclinatus. Et post oracionem, audivit verba el mo- 
 " niciones dicti Johannis de Cernone," &c. Bartholomeus, 355, says, 
 " jacuerunt in domo sua, et cenaverunt, et post cenam oraverunt incli- 
 " nati super quandam cayssiam [fr. caisse, chest] flexis genibus, secun- 
 " dum modum ipsornm ; et ipse oravit cum eis, et slelerunt in dicta 
 " oracione tarn diu quod potuerunt dixisse lxii, vel c, vicebus oracio- 
 " nem Pater Noster." Petrus, 368, says, " post prandium dicti Val- 
 " denses dixerunt quod debebant orare, et quod facerent sicut viderent 
 " eos facientes, et dicerent oracionem Pater Nosier. Et tunc Valdenses, 
 " flexis genibus coram quadam banca inclinati, steterunt super earn 
 " dicendo Pater Noster, tarn diu quod potuerunt dixisse X vicibus 
 
 " oracionem Pater Noster, et post oracionem audivit verba, et 
 
 " moniciones, predicti Stephani Bordeti Valdensis." Petrus, 367, " cum 
 " aliis personis quas nominat, oravit cum eis secundum modum orandi 
 " ipsorum ; videlicet, flexis genibus inclinati, et apodiati [fr. appuyei', 
 " to support] super aliquam banram dicendo Pater Noster multis 
 " vicibus." 
 
Sect. 9.] EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. 257 
 
 meat [mensse benedicere] ; because Perrin Faber 37 was 
 accused, ' that he eat and drank with the Valdenses, at the 
 same table that he had been blessed by them.' f. 109. b. 38 
 
 " ' They used to compare themselves with the Apos- 
 tolical life and perfection ; and boast that they were equal 
 to them in merit ; and that they preserved and imitated the 
 Evangelic and Apostolic poverty;' f. 129. b — on which 
 account they obtained the name of the poor men of Lyons. 
 
 " Besides this, they had other customs different from 
 the common way of living. Thus we read, f. 1 29. b. that 
 ' the said sect of the Valdenses, separated and differed in 
 other things from the common life and manners of the 
 faithful.' 39 
 
 And, lastly, we read in the sentence of John Phili- 
 bert, a Presbyter, ' that the Valdenses preached to their 
 believers sometime [sometimes] after supper, in the night, 
 out of the Gospels and Epistles, in the vulgar language.' 
 f. 123. b. 
 
 37 This should be Gerardus de Vincendat. f. 110, or p. 231. 
 
 38 This benediction of the table has been already referred to in the 
 xxix. Canon of the Council of Narbonne, p. 198. It is mentioned in 
 several confessions; but with little, or no explanation. Gerardus, 231, 
 " comedit et bibit, cum eis in mensa quam ipsi benedixerant." — Agnes, 
 359, "vidit eos benedicentes mensam." Much the same is stated by 
 Perreta, 235 — Huguetus, 240 — Petrus, 352 — Bertmrda, 358 — Helys, 
 365— Martina, 365 — Johannes, 373. 
 
 39 I do not imagine that the Inquisitor meant more by this, than 
 what we should familiarly express by saying, that they were a singular 
 set of people who had some odd ways of their own — his words are, 
 " Item, dicta, secta Valdensium, in nonnullis aliis, a communi conversa- 
 " cione fidelium, vita et moribus dissidet, et discordat ; sicut per inqui- 
 " sicionem, et examinacionem, turn ipsorum Valdensium, quam creden- 
 " tium eorundem, et precipue per confessiones illorum qui ab ilia secta 
 " et heresi convertuntur, inquisitoribus conpertum est et apertum." 
 
 2 i 
 
258 EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. [Sect. 9. 
 
 " Since therefore there is so great a diversity in the 
 opinions and customs of the Albigenses and Valden- 
 ses, ''tis very evident that they were two distinct sects, both 
 of them abhorring the communion of the Church of Rome : 
 but in many things differing from each other. This [differ- 
 ence] appears most plainly from these acts ; for all those 
 that received sentence, to page 92, are Albigenses: Stephen 
 Porcher is the first of the Valdenses, mentioned in the 
 same page. Page 96. follows the sentence against J ohn 
 Braysse, the Valdensian. After that, the Albigenses and 
 Valdenses are condemned promiscuously, but in such a 
 manner, as that at first view, one may know one from the 
 other. The principal persons of the Albigenses, who re- 
 ceived others, and are mentioned in the several sentences, 
 are Petrus Auterii, James, his Son ; and William, Peter's 
 brother ; Petrus Raimundi de Sancto Papulo, Aimericus 
 Barrotti, Amelius de Perlis, Andreas de Padris, Octavius, 
 Peter Sancii de Garda, Bernardus Audoyni de Monte 
 Acuto, [Poncius of Axs, Poncius de Rica of Avignon, 
 and also, f. 119. b. among others is named Aymericus de 
 Colleto, Bishop of the Albigensian heretics. The princi- 
 pal Valdenses who are named are Christinns and Johannes 
 de Chalo, or Chabillone, Majores of that sect. Johannes 
 Moran, Petrus and Rotbertus Fochardi, Girardus Provinci- 
 alis, Girardus Burgundus, or Viennensis ; Perrinus Belys, 
 Stephanas Porcherius, Johannes Breyssan,] 40 and a great 
 
 40 The passage inserted in brackets seems to have been accident- 
 ally omitted by Chandler. I have translated it as it stands, though I 
 think Limborch was mistaken in calling Aymericus de Colleto, a 
 " bishop of the Albigensian heretics" — his words are, " episcopus 
 hsereticorum Albiensium •" but, in the passage referred to, (I believe 
 the only one in which the person is mentioned) he is called " episcopus 
 hereticorum Albensium.'' This, if Albigensian were meant, is a mistake 
 which the notary was not likely to have made ; and it is more probable, 
 
Sect. 9.] EXTRACT FROfa LIMBORCH. 259 
 
 number of others, mentioned fol. 93, 101, 106,123, 146. b. 
 From hence I conclude, that they were not only two distinct 
 sects originally, but that they were not united into one church 
 afterwards, at least in the year 1320, that is half an age' [an 
 age and a half] after their first rise. 
 
 " I cannot however deny, that Ivonetus, who lived 
 about those times, attributes many things to the Valdenses, 
 which in these acts are ascribed to the Albigenses, namely, 
 that they are divided into two parties. * There are some,' 
 says Ivonetus, 'who are accounted perfect: these are 
 properly called the Poor men of Lyons. All are not 
 taken in under this character, but are first instructed them- 
 selves, a long while, that they may know how to teach 
 others. These perfect declare that they have nothing of 
 their own, neither houses nor possessions, nor certain 
 dwellings. And if they had any wives before, they put 
 them away. They say they are the true successors of the 
 apostles, and are the masters and confessors of others; go 
 visiting about the countries, and confirming their disciples 
 in their error : these disciples bring them all things neces- 
 sary. Into whatever place they come, they give notice of 
 their arrival : they are met by great numbers in some safe 
 
 (especially as he constantly used similar abbreviations) that he meant it 
 as a contraction for Albanensium. If there had been a bishop of the 
 Albiyensians, I think we should have heard more of him, and should not 
 have found than going to Lombardy for orders. Reinerius Saccho, as 
 we shall see, divides the Catliari into three principal sects, or bodies, of 
 which he places ihe Albanenses first ; and he states that the heretics of 
 Thoulouse were a branch of that sect. " Nota, quod Cathari JEecletia 
 " Tolosante, et Corozenses, tenent errores Gelosimaze et Albanenniuw," 
 and, as the person who speaks of Ayrneiicus de Colleto states, that he 
 had frequently visited the heretics in Lombardy, it is hot unlikely that 
 he had seen an Albanensiaii bishop; who, if hehadbeen an Albigensian 
 bishop, must, I think, have been seen by a good many others, and have 
 made a greater figure in this book. 
 
260 EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. [Sect. 9. 
 
 and 1 secret place, lo see and hear them. They send them 
 the best of meat and drink. They appoint collections for 
 support of their poor, their masters and students, who have 
 nothing of their own ; or else to inveigle others, who are 
 drawn over to their party by the love of money.' Pegna 
 in Direct, par. 2. com. 25. Most of these things are 
 ascribed in these acts to the Albigenses ; so that they 
 sometimes seem to have been confounded with one ano- 
 ther. 41 
 
 " On the other hand, Pegna and Eymericus seem to 
 have acknowledged a difference between them. For 
 Pegna, upon Eymericus's Directory of the Inquisitors, 
 par. 2. comment. 38, calls the Sacrament of the Albigenses, 
 consolamentum, 43 the consolation ; and adds, that their other 
 
 41 1 do not know what lvonetus said, except from what is here 
 quoted ; but it does not appear to me, that he did confound the two sects. 
 He states, indeed, that the Waldenses, like the Albigenses, and like most 
 other sects, were divided into leaders and followers ; and he adds what is 
 corroborated by other evidence, that in each sect the leaders were called 
 perfect. This to be sure is a resemblance ; but all the rest seems to me 
 to shew, not so much that they were similar, as, that they were similarly 
 situated ; and is only what one might expect to find stated respecting 
 any sect that was persecuted by the Church of Rome. The leaders of 
 both sects went about privately amongst their followers ; and were 
 secreted and supported by them. I see nothing that can be called pecu- 
 liarly Albigensian; but there are three points which were, I believe, 
 peculiar to the Waldenses. The Albigenses did not, that I know of, 
 claim to be the true successors of the Apostles in the same way as the 
 Waldenses — they were not, as we have seen, like them, the confessors of 
 others— and that they did not profess to have nothing of their own, will, 
 I think, appear hereafter. 
 
 *? Limbo roll's meaning is, that Pegna calls the consolamcntum " a 
 sacrament of the Albigenses ;" thereby representing it as something 
 peculiar to them ; and such it undoubtedly was ; at least it did not be- 
 long to the Waldenses. His words are " Consolamcntum vocat Albi- 
 gensium sacrament um ." 
 
Sect. 9.] EXTRACT FROM UMBORCH. 261 
 
 sacrament was the blessing of bread. ' This,' says he, f. is 
 a sort of breaking bread, which they daily use at dinner 
 and supper : 'tis performed after this manner. When the 
 Puritans [Cathari sive Cathara?] (so he calls the Albigen- 
 ses) are come to the table, they all say the Lord's Prayer ; 
 in the mean while, he who is the principal person amongst 
 them, either as to riches or dignity, takes in his hand one 
 or more loaves, according to the number of those that are 
 present ; and saying, " the Grace of our Lord Jesus Christ 
 be with yon [us] all always ;" he breaks the loaf or loaves, 
 and distributes to all that sit down, whether they are Puri- 
 tans [Cathari] or only their believers. And in this they 
 differ from the Poor Men of Lyons ; for they perform 
 this ceremony or blessing [conficiunt seu benedicunt] only 
 once in a year.' 43 
 
 43 This consecrated bread, panis hcnedictus, is very frequently 
 mentioned in the Book of Sentences ; and I was led to pay particular 
 attention to it, in endeavouring to discover whether the Albigenses 'had 
 any rite analogous to the Eucharist. I cannot, however, find that they 
 had. Whether the form which is here given (and which agrees pretty 
 much with the statement of Reinerius Saccho, and was probably taken 
 from him by Pegna) is correct, I do not know ; for though fifteen per- 
 sons state, that they had seen the benediction of the bread, yet none of 
 them give any detailed account of the manner in which it was perform- 
 ed. Indeed it is somewhat remarkable, that this bread should be men- 
 tioned in only 118 confessions ; and that, of the persons making these, 
 so small a number should state that they had seen the rite performed. 
 Raymundus, 28, " comedit de illo pane quem heretici tenent in maiii- 
 bus, et dicunt aliqua verba, in principio mense."— Kaymunda, 119, 
 says, "dictus hereticus antequam poneret se ad mensam fecit de pane 
 benedicto." — Sapta,W, "comedit de pane hereticorum quem vocant 
 panem sancte orationis"— and Bernardus, 30, uses the same words. 
 The Inquisitor in passing sentence on Petrtts, 34, says, " Item come- 
 " disti pluries de pane benedicto per eos (seu potius maledicto) quam 
 " ipsi panem sancte orationis appellant." It seems to have been con- 
 sidered as a sort of curiosity, or relic, by the members of the sect ; and 
 
262 EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. [Sect. 9. 
 
 " Of the Faldenses, Eymericus tbns writes^ P. 3. Num. 
 112 — ' Those among them that are perfect, put in the 
 
 to have been given sometimes by the leaders to their followers, and 
 sometimes by them to one another. Guilielmus, 152, " comedit semel 
 " de pane benedicto per Jacobum Auterii hereticum predictum, quern 
 " dictus hereticus dedit ei." — Sibilia, 67, " comedit de pane, quem 
 " Petrus Auterii hereticus dedit sibi semel; et aliquando Sancius Bo- 
 " relli, socer suus, dedit sibi de pane quem aportabat de mensa hereti- 
 " corum."— Bernardus, 132, says, "mater sua dedit sibi aliquaiUolum 
 tl de pane, dicens quod erat de pane benediclo hereticorum ; et ipse ac- 
 " cepit, et comedit."— Johannes, 135, " accepit, et tenuit, de pane bene- 
 dicto hereticorum." — Petrona, 1HP, " comedit semel de pane benedicto 
 ab heretico ; et conservavit de dicto pane multis annis." — Guilielma, 
 161, " soror sua aportavit sibi quaudam petiam panis dicens quod erat 
 " panis benedictus, seu signutus, per dictum hereticum, quem mittebat 
 "sibi; et accepit et conservavit in archa sua, per aliquos menses." — 
 Johanna, 112, "quadam vice victa Petrona portavit dicte Johanne, 
 " unam pan am petiam panis, dicens quod erat panis de Deo, et Pe- 
 " trus Auterii mittebat eum sibi, ut comederet ; et ipsa accepit, et 
 " posuit in quodam loco."— Bsclarmunda, 193, " aliquociens accepit 
 " de pane benedicto per hereticum, et comedit, et dedit aliis ad come- 
 ** dendum." — Bernarda, 192, " portavit eidem mulieri quandam petiam 
 panis de quo audivit quod erat panis benedictus per hereticus." — 
 Guilielma, 71, " comedit semel de pane benedicto hereticorum ; et 
 habebat in eo magnam devotioncm.'' 1 do not know that anything else 
 in the book throws light on the subject. 1 have already said, that it is 
 mentioned in 118 confessions — that is, sentences and culpe ; both of 
 which being recitals of confessions, I take the liberty here, and else- 
 where, to include under one general terra, for brevity's sake; audi 
 mention it, that I may not mislead I be reader, (as I am afraid I may have 
 already done) by speaking of confessions, as if they were distinct from 
 the sentences and culpe, which are in fact oniy extracts fi-om them, aud 
 tell us all that we know of the confessions. Of the persons makirg these 
 118 confessions, — 6 only stated that they had seeu or received the bread ; 
 and not that they had eaten — 13, that they had eateu without saying how 
 ofteu — 35 used the various expressions, bis, bis vel ter, ter vel quater, 
 quater vel quinquies, sexies et amplius, aliquociens, aliquando, pluries, 
 frequenter, multociens and (in only one case) tociens qnod nescit uume- 
 rum— 34, that they had eaten but once. I mention these numbers, that 
 
Sect. 9.] EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. 263 
 
 upper part of the shoe, or Zabbata, a sort of a Escutheon, 
 as a sign, from which they are called Inzabbatati. They 
 have one among them, superior to the rest, whom they call 
 Majoralis or Elder, to whom alone, and to no other, they 
 yield obedience. When they sit at table, they bless in 
 this manner : " He who blessed the five barly loaves and 
 two fishes, in the desert, to his disciples, bless this table to 
 us." And when they rise, they repeat those words of the 
 Revelation ; " Blessing, and honour, and wisdom, and 
 thanks, and glory, and strength, be unto our God for ever 
 and ever. Amen." Always holding their eyes and hands 
 lift up to heaven.' This account is agreeable to what we 
 read of the Valdenses, in the Book of Sentences of the 
 Thoulouse Inquisition, but much more explicite and dis- 
 tinct. 44 
 
 " The same Eymericus, Num. 88, &c. charges these 
 heretics, of his time, with many equivocations and tricks, 
 by which they endeavour to deceive the Inquisitors, when 
 they interrogate them concerning their faith, viz. ' If they 
 are asked, " do you believe the sacrament of Baptism, ne- 
 cessary to salvation ?" they answer; "I believe." By 
 which, they mean their own private faith, [quod ipsi ha- 
 beant fidem] and not their believing the doctrine they are 
 asked about : or, " if it pleases God, I believe well;" mean- 
 ing, that it is not pleasing to God, that they should believe 
 as the Inquisitors would have them : or, by returning the 
 question, " Sir, how do you believe ?" and when the In- 
 
 the reader may judge (as far as one can frorn such scanty materials) 
 whether it was a rite, or practice, which was generally observed, or re- 
 quired of the members of the sect. As to what is here said of the Wal- 
 denses, it may be more properly noticed hereafter. 
 
 44 That is, it is not contradicted ; but I do not think the Book of 
 Sentences contains anything which confirms it, except what is already 
 before the reader. 
 
264 EXTRACT FROM LIMBORCH. [Sect. 9. 
 
 quisitor answers, " I believe the faith of the Church of 
 Rome," they reply, " I believe so ;" meaning that they be- 
 lieve the Inquisitor believes as he says; not that they be- 
 lieve as he doth.' These and other like things he affirms 
 that he observed, during the administration of his office. 
 
 " I have been the longer on this account of the Albi- 
 genses and Valdenses, that every one may judge whether 
 they were one or two different sects. To speak my own mind 
 freely, they appear to me to have been two distinct ones : and 
 that they were entirely ignorant of many tenets, that are 
 now ascribed to them. Particularly the Valdenses seem 
 to have been plain men, of mean capacities, unskilful and 
 unexperienced : and if their opinions and customs were 
 to be examined without prejudice, it would appear, that 
 amongst all the modern sects of Christians, they bare the 
 greatest resemblance to that of the Mennonites.*' 
 
 This long extract from Limborch seems to 
 me sufficiently to prove, that the Albigenses and 
 Waldenses were distinct sects ; and this fact I 
 shall also endeavour still more full)' to establish, 
 by the testimony of some authors who wrote both 
 before and after the time of the Book of Sen- 
 tences. There is, however, one more point in 
 the book itself, which I wish first to notice ; 
 because it seems clearly to shew, that the Albi- 
 genses and Waldenses treated cf in it, not only 
 held very different opinions, but were two classes 
 of persons who were so far from fellowship or 
 making common cause, that they were not drawn 
 together even by persecution, and, in fact, had 
 little or no intercourse with each other. 
 
Sect. 9] BOOK OF SENTENCES. 265 
 
 It seems that the Waldenses, with whom 
 the Inquisition of Thoulouse was concerned 
 during the period in question, were a colony 
 from Burgundy. Perrin, 230, is described as 
 " a Burgundian, born in a town which is called 
 " Cortena, in the diocese of Besancon, and then 
 " living in the diocese of Auch." In his confes- 
 sion, made before the Inquisition of Thoulouse, on 
 the 21st of August, 1312, he refers to his having 
 been formerly examined before the Inquisitor of 
 heretics in Burgundy. He afterwards ( 15th of 
 May, 1314,) confesses, that since that former 
 confession, " he had many times visited some 
 Waldenses in the diocese of Auch, in Gascony." 
 It also appears by the sentence on Perrin, 264, 
 who is described as a native of the diocese of 
 Besancon, but then living in the diocese of 
 Auch, that he had formerly made a confession 
 of Waldensian heresy, before the Inquisitor of 
 heretical pravity, in Burgundy. 
 
 John Philibert, 252, a priest, who is described 
 
 as a native of Burgundy, at that time resident in 
 
 the diocese of Auch, states, in his confession 
 
 (29th of Oct. 131 1), that " about twenty-eight 
 
 " years had elapsed since he was sent from Bur- 
 
 " gundy, with another person whom he names, 
 
 " with letters of the Inquisitor, to seek for a cer- 
 
 " tain Waldensian fugitive called Ruffus Jau- 
 
 " bertus, and they came to the diocese of Auch ; 
 
 " and afterwards, he returned from Gascony into 
 
 2 M 
 
266 BOOK OF SENTENCES. [Sect. 9. 
 
 " Burgundy, to those who had sent him. After 
 " some time, he returned, of his own free will, 
 " into Gascony, where he remained afterwards 
 " for many years in the diocese of Audi; and 
 " while he stayed there, he was led by some 
 " Burgundians, whom he names, to the love and 
 " society and communion of the Waldenses." — 
 Stephen, 354, described as the son of a Burgun- 
 dian dwelling 1 at Alzonne, states, that twenty-five 
 or thirty years before his confession (26th of 
 May, 1320,) he saw two men at his father's 
 house; and his mother conjured him not to say 
 that he had seen them, because " the Inquisi- 
 tors persecuted them in Burgundy." — Peter, 368, 
 in a similar case, about seven years before the 
 12th of July, 1320, was told by his mother not 
 to betray some strangers, " because the King, 
 " and the people, persecuted them, because they 
 " were of those men who, in Burgundy, were 
 " called Waldenses." — John, 373, confesses (6th 
 of Aug. 1320,) that thirty years and more ago, 
 his mother, or grandmother, gave him a similar 
 charge, " because they were of those who were 
 " called Waldenses ; and in Burgundy they 
 " were taken by the Inquisitors, and burned 
 " when they could be found." 
 
 From these extracts, we learn that there had 
 been a persecution of the Waldensians in Bur- 
 gundy, some years before the period of the Book 
 of Sentences ; and that some of the fugitives had 
 
Sect. 9.J BOOK OF SENTENCES. 267 
 
 found refuge in Gascony. That they remained 
 undiscovered till this period, seems improbable ; 
 but (whether it was the first or not) it appears 
 that search was made for them about this time ; 
 and a considerable number were taken. — Ade- 
 mar, 217, confesses that he remained in the 
 Waldensian faith " until the time in which the 
 " Burgundians began to be apprehended in Gas- 
 " cony, by the mandate of the Inquisitor of 
 " Tholouse ;" and we may reasonably suppose, 
 that as he thought that a sufficient reason for 
 renouncing his faith, he lost no time in coming 
 to confess ; and it appears that he did this, 18th 
 of May, 1312. Others refer to this search also ; 
 William, 217, in a confession made 14th of Nov. 
 of the same year, speaks of meeting two fugitives 
 " at the time when the Burgundians were appre- 
 hended in Gascony, for the Waldensian heresy ;" 
 and Peter, 375, confesses (9th of Feb. 1312,) 
 that he had been of the sect " ten years or there- 
 " abouts, until he heard that the Burgundians 
 " were being apprehended in Gascony, by com- 
 " mand of the Inquisitor of Thoulouse." 
 
 These testimonies might lead us to sup- 
 pose, that the Waldenses in question were 
 Burgundians, or their descendants, or connex- 
 ions ; but, in fact, this is distinctly stated with 
 respect to almost all of them. I have already 
 said that the number of persons charged with 
 
268 BOOK OF SENTENCES [Sect. 9. 
 
 Waldensian heresy is ninety-two. Of these there 
 can be no doubt whatever respecting - more than 
 eight ; and with regard to them, though it is not 
 obviously certain that they were Burguudians by 
 birth, or descent, there is, in no case, anything to 
 contradict that supposition ; and I am inclined 
 to think, that further search (were it worth 
 while) among various confessions, in which these 
 eight persons may be incidentally named, might 
 remove the uncertainty which exists respecting 
 them. 
 
 Indeed the probability that they were all, 
 even without this slight exception, Burgundians, 
 is encreased by another fact which is curious. 
 The persons mentioned in the book, are arranged 
 in the index, neither alphabetically, nor chrono- 
 logically ; but according to the places in which 
 they were residing at the time of their apprehen- 
 sion. The number of persons in the index is 
 619," and the number of places is 132. Some 
 of these places furnished a considerable number 
 of heretics ; as for instance — Verdunetum, 43 — 
 Bornum, 42 — Alzonne, 32 — Thoulouse,2o — Gar- 
 da, 21 — Prunetum, 19 — Maseres, 18, and so 
 
 46 The index does not contain the names of the per- 
 sons mentioned in the 15th Sermo, which, as I have said, 
 does not seem properly to belong to the book. See be- 
 fore, p. 218. 
 
Sect. 9.] BOOK OF SENTENCES. 269 
 
 on ; but it is remarkable that, though seventeen 
 places furnished Waldenses, and more than a 
 hundred places furnished Albigenses, yet there is 
 no instance in which the same place furnished a 
 member of each sect. Of the places just men- 
 tioned those in italics furnished only Waldenses, 
 and the others furnished none ; and to this there 
 is no exception in all the 132 places. 
 
 To this I must add, that although it seems to 
 have been a constant and regular part of the ex- 
 amination of heretics, to make the person confess- 
 ing, name all the heretics whom he had ever seen, 
 or had any kind of communication with — and 
 although they do this constantly, and minutely 
 describe even the slightest intercourse which they 
 may have incidentally had with any person whom 
 they were afterwards led to suppose was a heretic 
 — yet I find no reason to believe, or the slightest 
 hint which should lead me to suppose, that of 
 this large number of Albigenses and Waldenses, 
 living in the same part of the country, and meet- 
 ing at the same period in the Inquisition of the 
 same district, any one single individual of the 
 one sect, had heard of the existence of the sect to 
 which the other belonged, or knew the name, or 
 person, of any individual member of it. 
 
Section X. 
 
 SENTENCES AND CULPE FROM THE BOOK 
 OF SENTENCES. 
 
 I now proceed to lay before the reader some of 
 the Sentences, and Culpe, from which many ex- 
 tracts have already been given. My object in 
 translating and printing them is two-fold ; but it 
 is not so much to furnish statements of doctrine, 
 (for that has been so fully done already,) as to give 
 some idea of the book itself, and enable the reader 
 to judge of its contents. For this reason, I shall 
 give them entire ; and it will be obvious which 
 of them are given as elucidating the doctrine of 
 the sects, and which are only offered as charac- 
 teristic specimens of the books. The reader will 
 already have seen the name of Peter Auterius so 
 often, and he was in fact so eminent a person in 
 the Albigensian sect, that it is natural to assign 
 the first place to his sentence ; as to the others, 
 he will be at no loss to discover to which sect the 
 parties confessing belonged. 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 271 
 
 No. I. Sentence on Peter Auterius, 92. 
 
 " In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ. Amen. 
 We, Brother Bernard Guido, and Brother Geoffry de 
 Ablusiis, of the Dominican order, Inquisitors of heretical 
 pravity in the kingdom of France, deputed by the Apostolic 
 See, and Stephanus de Portu, Canon of Bazas, Official of 
 St. Gaudens, and Arnaldus de Villario, Vicars deputed by 
 the Reverend Father in Christ the Lord Galhardus, by the 
 grace of God bishop of Thoulouse, in the city and diocese 
 of Thoulouse. 
 
 " Since by enquiry it most evidently and lawfully 
 appears to us, as well by many witnesses examined by us 
 upon oath, as by your confession (or rather your wicked 
 and profane profession) that you Peter Auterius, formerly 
 a notary, and an inhabitant of Axs in Savartesium, in the 
 diocese of Pamiers, who have been taken, and arrested, in 
 the diocese of Thoulouse, in which for many years you 
 have been guilty of heresy, by hereticating many persons 
 now deceased, and by otherwise infecting many persons, 
 and drawing them to your errors, by corrupting the Catho- 
 lic faith with your false doctrines — that you, I say, Peter 
 Auterius, as a notorious heretic, for many years past have 
 held and kept, and now hold, and profess yourself to hold, 
 the way of life, sect, rites and faith (or rather perfidy) of 
 those men who assert that they alone are good christians 
 whom the most Holy Roman Church persecutes, and con- 
 demns, and calls perfecti, or consolati (more properly desolati) 
 heretics — you who maintain, assert, and confess two Gods 
 and Lords — that is to say a benevolent, and a malignant 
 being ; affirming that the creation of all visible and ma- 
 terial things, was not the work of God, the Heavenly 
 Father and the Lord Jesus Christ, but of the Devil, and 
 Satan, the evil deity whom you call the God of this world 
 (seculi) the Creator and Prince of this world (mundi). 
 
272 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 " You also make two Churches ; one benign, and 
 which you say your sect is, and the Church of Jesus Christ ; 
 and that it has the faith in which every one, and without 
 which no one, is saved — the other malignant, being the 
 Roman Church, which you impudently call the mother of 
 fornications, the Church of the Devil, the Synagogue of 
 Satan, which is in fact the mother, and mistress, of all the 
 faithful ; all whose degrees, and orders, and its laws, and 
 statutes, you malign by your impertinent falsehoods ; and 
 on the other hand, you call all those who hold its faith, 
 heretics, and misled persons, and wickedly, and impiously, 
 teach, that none can be saved in the faith of the Roman 
 Church. 
 
 " Moreover, with your wicked mouth, you particu- 
 larly and in detail, assert horribly and impiously, that all 
 the Sacraments of the Romish Church of Jesus Christ our 
 Lord — namely, the Eucharist, in which is the true and life- 
 giving body of Christ ; baptism which takes place in ma- 
 terial water ; confirmation ; orders ; and extreme unction ; 
 are null and void. 
 
 "The sacrament of matrimony you also condemn, 
 and say that it is always sinful ; that it cannot exist with- 
 out sin, and you altogether deny that it was instituted by a 
 good God. 
 
 " The Incarnation also of our Lord Jesus Christ, of 
 Mary ever Virgin, although you may nominally profess it 
 in outward appearance, you do, as to the truth of the thing, 
 blaspheme with impious lips, when you deny that he 
 assumed a true human body, and true flesh of man of our 
 nature ; and assert, and falsely state, that he did not truly, 
 but only in appearance, arise therein, and perform the 
 other works of our salvation ; and did not therewith 
 ascend to the right hand of the Father, and that the holy 
 Mary, mother of God, and our Lord Jesus Christ, is not 
 and was not a real woman ; but dogmatising in the dark, 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 273 
 
 you falsely pretend, through the impiety and vanity of your 
 mind, that your Church, and that of your sect is meant ; 
 which you say is true penitence, and that this is the Virgin 
 Mary. 
 
 " You impudently assert, that the confession of sins, 
 which is made to the priests of the Roman Church, is of no 
 avail ; and that neither the Pope, nor any one else of the 
 Roman Church, can absolve any one from sins ; but you 
 declare and assert, that you and your followers like your- 
 self, have power to absolve from all sins, those who enter 
 into, and maintain, your sect, by the imposition of hands. 
 
 " The resurrection of human bodies also you entirely 
 deny ; fancying some spiritual bodies, some inward man, 
 in which bodies you, and your associates, will not rise 
 though you may assert it, nor will you have a part in the 
 resurrection of the saints with the just, with whom the im- 
 pious shall not rise in the judgment to glory, but to pun- 
 ishment. 
 
 " These and other errors and horrors, as abominable 
 as they are wicked, you Peter Auterius heretically profess, 
 as we have heard with horror from your own mouth ; and 
 many other persons have oftentimes heard from you the 
 aforesaid errors; nor are you willing to depart from those 
 errors, nor to abandon them, nor to believe with your heart, 
 and confess with your month, the faith of the Roman 
 Church ; but rather basely deny it, although by us, and 
 by many other good men, both ecclesiastical and secular, 
 you have been often admonished, and required, to abandon 
 your errors, and to acknowledge, and hold, the true faith 
 of the Roman Church. 
 
 " Therefore, since you Peter Auterius are not willing 
 to be converted from the errors of heresy, and to return 
 to the true catholic faith of the holy Romish Church of 
 our Lord Jesus Christ, having been often required, and 
 invited, and long waited for, but you persevere in your 
 
 2 N 
 
274 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 perfidy and error with a hardened mind — we the aforesaid 
 Inquisitors, and Vicars, having first diligently taken coun- 
 sel of several wise men, lest like a sickly sheep you should 
 farther infect the healthy sheep of our Lord's flock, having 
 God before our eyes and the purity of the orthodox faith, 
 the holy gospels being placed before us, that our judgment 
 may go forth from the face of God, and that our eyes may 
 see equity — sitting as a tribunal, by our definitive sentence 
 in these presents contained, do declare and pronounce you, 
 the aforesaid Peter Auterius now present, and refusing to 
 be converted to the faith (this day and place having been 
 peremptorily assigned you for hearing the definitive sen- 
 tence) to be a heretic ; and, as a, heretic, we leave you to 
 the secular court; saving, and reserving, to you, that if 
 you choose to be converted, and to return to ecclesiastical 
 unity, your life shall be spared ; in which case we reserve 
 to ourselves full and free power of imposing upon you 
 punishment, and penance, for your heretical proceedings. 
 
 " This sentence was delivered at the Sertno of the 
 Inquisitor, publicly held in the Church of St. Stephen at 
 Thoulouse, on the Thursday before Palm Sunday ; namely, 
 the ninth of April in the year of our Lord 1310, in the 
 presence," &c. 
 
 Then follow a list of various persons, ecclesiastical and secular, 
 and the attestations of the notaries. I hare already said that he was a 
 principal leader of the sect ; and, indeed, he seems to have been the 
 most active and influential person in it. Guilielmus, 220, who had 
 confessed and received absolution on the 21st Sept. 1305, in a subse- 
 quent confession, made the 5th Dec. 1309, states that, during the inter- 
 val, Peter Auterius had been at his house, " aud remained there a day 
 " and a night, and that he did not apprehend him, or cause him to be 
 " apprehended, and promised that no mischance should come to him by 
 " his means — yet he said that it displeased him that the heretic had come 
 " there, and that he admonished him that he should leave the sect of the 
 " heretics — but the heretic replied to him that he would by no means 
 " leave it, though all his friends should be flayed alive before his face." 
 To say the truth, 1 am afraid that Peter Auterius cared more for himself 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 275 
 
 than for his friends ; and though they seem in innumerable instances to 
 have received and secreted him, and I do not find that any of them ever 
 betrayed him, yet there is good evidence that, after his apprehension, he 
 betrayed them. This appears from the following memoranda of the 
 Inquisitor, appended to various culpa; : Petrus, 72, " Predictus P. adhuc 
 " habetur suspectus quod celet aliqua de facto heresis propter ilia que 
 " contra eum inveniuntur per Petrum Auterii revelata."— Arnalda, 73, 
 " Contra istam Arnaldam habetur per Petrum Auterii quod vidit et 
 " recepit eum in domo sua et viri in quadam innrmitate dicti viri, et 
 " venerat ad hereticandum ipsum." — Raymundus 73, " Predictus Ray- 
 " mundus adhuc creditur celare aliqua de hospicio suo prout Petrus 
 " Auterii dixit et scripsit." — Arnaldus, 74, and Bermunda, 74, have 
 similar notes. — Raymundus, 155, " Predictus Raymundus negat se 
 " fecisse adorationem et convenienciamheretico, set Peter Auterius dixit 
 " quod fecit sibi pactum seu convenienciam." — Bernardus, 132, Pre- 
 " dictus Bernardus negat adorationem et convenienciam seu pactum et 
 " credenciam hereticorum, et reputatur male confessus quia Petrus 
 " Auterii et Jacobus Alius ejus dixerunt, et scripserunt, quod dictus 
 " Bernardus et alii fratres sui fecerunt eis pactum, et audiverunt predi- 
 " cationem ipsorum et adoraverunt eos," &c. — Arnaldus, 174, " Contra 
 " predictum Arnaldum dicit P. Auterius quod ipse Arnaldus dedit sibi 
 " pecuniam pro elemosina, et illud supertunicale de blauo quod ipse 
 " Petrus Auterii porlabat quando fuit captus et condempnatus." 
 Whether Peter Auterius thought to save his life by thus betraying those 
 who befriended him, 1 do not know ; but if so, he seems to have failed. 
 This sentence was passed, as we have seen, on the 9th of April, 1310, 
 and it will be observed that he was offered the alternative of reconcili- 
 ation, which was not generally, I think, allowed to those who were de- 
 livered to the secular arm. On the 11th of Jan. 1311, however, Guiliel- 
 mus, 146, confessed certain heretical offences, committed within half a 
 year past, and stated that when he committed them he had heard of the 
 burning of Peter Auterius, not long before — " quamvis audivisset dici 
 " cominuniter, quod Tolosa, fuerat conbustus, non erat diu Petrus 
 " Auterii hereticus." 
 
 No. II. Culpa— Condors, 59, 
 
 " Condors, daughter of Johannes de Podio Lobri, 
 
 wife of Espanhol Faber, living at Vaquiers in the diocese 
 
 of Thoulouse, (as by her confession lawfully and judicially 
 
 [that is, not in the way of confession to a priest] made to 
 
276 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 us, appears) was induced to join the heretics by her hus- 
 band, and by Guilielma her sister; and in the house of the 
 Spaniards, her husband's brothers, she saw, and heard two 
 heretics, of whom one was called Amelias, and the name 
 of the other she did not then know, but afterwards heard, 
 and knew, that he was called Peter Auterius. Also, in a 
 house where she and her husband lodged in Vaquiers, she 
 saw two heretics, of whom one was called Peter Raymond, 
 and the name of the other she did not know, but he was a 
 young man with red hair. Also, at another time, in the 
 same house, she saw Peter Sancius the heretic, who stayed 
 there one day and two nights ; and she knew that he was a 
 heretic, and she served him with bread and wine and pot- 
 tage, and made his bed. Also, she and her husband by 
 their words inclined, and induced, Dominica her mother to 
 wish to be received into the sect, and order, of heretics in 
 that sickness of which she died ; and Peter Auterius the 
 heretic was brought to the said sick person, and hereticated 
 her, she herself being present, and seeing, and hearing, and 
 assisting, and consenting ; and she waited on the said here- 
 ticated sick person according to the manner which the said 
 heretics told to her, Condors — namely, that she should not_ 
 give her any food with fat, or any thing but water to drink 
 [non daret sibi aliquem cibum cum pinguedine nisi aquam 
 ad bibendum]. Also, after the said heretication, she per- 
 suaded her said sick mother to be again reconciled to the 
 sect of the heretics, because she had sinned against it by 
 eating after the said heretication, contrary to the ordinance 
 of the said heretic. Also, after the heretication of the said 
 sick person, she would not at the request of the said sick 
 person, go for a Priest, to whom she said she wished to 
 confess concerning the things aforesaid. Moreover, she 
 forbad her by any means to confess concerning this mat- 
 ter; because, if she did, she would be burnt by the Inqui- 
 sitors. And this last, namely, concerning the heretication 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 277 
 
 of her mother, she concealed knowingly against her own 
 oath, in her first confession. Also, she heard from a cer- 
 tain person, a believer in the heretics, their doctrine and 
 faith, contrary to the Catholic faith, and the sacraments of 
 the Church of Rome. Also, she believed the heretics to 
 be good men, and true ; and to have a good faith in which 
 they might be saved ; and was in that belief two years, until 
 she heard that the believers in the heretics were taken, and 
 harassed by the Inquisitors. Committing the things afore- 
 said, at periods of five, four, three, two, years, and within 
 one year before making her confession of the aforesaid ; 
 nor would she confess the things aforesaid till she was de- 
 tained in prison." 
 
 This culpa was recited at the third Sermo, 5th of April, 1310 ; 
 and Condors was then sentenced to perpetual imprisonment. Indeed, I 
 believe this was in all cases the form of the sentence, though the persons 
 imprisoned might be detained ever so short a time—the Inquisitors 
 wisely considering, that they could let them out when they pleased, and 
 that therefore it was unnecessary to specify any period. She remained 
 in confinement (the murum largum, however) till the eighth Sermon, 
 30th of Sept. 1319; when she was set at liberty, on condition of her 
 wearing the crosses, and making peregrinations to the churches of Thou- 
 louse (educta de muro cum crucibus) as were many others, of whom the 
 notary says, somewhat quaintly (but certainly without intending to be 
 pleasant, for it was the usual phrase), that they had been " dudum 
 nomine penitencie iumurati et inmurate." Her crosses were afterwards 
 taken off at the fourteenth Sermon, 12th Sept. 1322. She was proba- 
 bly treated with the more rigour from her belonging to a family who 
 seem to have been very obnoxious to the Inquisition. Her husband, 
 Hyspanus, 29, was in prison at the time when she was sentenced, having 
 been committed, with three of his brothers, at the second Sermon, 25th 
 May, 1309; and one of them, Guilielmus, 28, having relapsed, was 
 burned at the time when she was sent to prison. Her husband escaped 
 from prison soon after 24th April, 1310, and at the same time that she 
 was released, he was, being still fugitive, declared a heretic. Beside 
 this, it appears that Aycelina, 163, the mother of these four brothers, 
 (and of » fifth, Johannes, 260, afterwards condemned as fugitive) had 
 been hereticated by Peter Auterius ; and her bonps, with those of Domi- 
 nica (the mother of Condors), were ordered to be burned at the fourth 
 
278 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 Sermon, 23rd April, 1312. At the same time, the house in which these 
 brothers lived, and in which another woman beside their mother had 
 been hereticated, was ordered to be destroyed, p. 168. It is there called 
 " domus et campmarium/" and this latter term (which may perhaps be 
 best translated by what may be almost called its derivative, " capital 
 messuage") seems to indicate the respectability of this Spanish family; 
 and it appears from various confessions to have been a place much re- 
 sorted to by the heretics . 
 
 No. 111. Culpa — Guilielmus, 13. 
 
 " Guilielmus Falquetus of Verdunetum, as appears 
 to us by his own confession, lawfully and judicially made, 
 saw the heretics frequently, and in many places, and adored 
 them, bending his knees thrice, with joined hands, bowing 
 himself profoundly before them, and saying thrice, "bene- 
 dicite," according to the mode, and rite, of the heretics ; 
 and saw the heretics adored in like manner by other per- 
 sons ; and this he did so many times, and in so many places, 
 that he cannot remember the number. Also, he heard the 
 words, and admonitions, and preaching, and noxious doc- 
 trine, of the heretics ; and their errors,contrary to the or- 
 thodox faith of the Romish Church, and against the Sacra- 
 ments of the Church ; and this many times, and in many 
 places. Also, he ate of the bread blessed by the heretics 
 frequently ; and saw the mode of blessing the said bread. 
 Also, he made the agreement with the heretics which they 
 call la convenensa, that he would be received by them at his 
 death, according to their most evil custom. Also, he 
 wished, and sought, to be received by the heretics into 
 their sect, and order ; and it was not his fault that he was 
 not then received. Also, he went with some other per- 
 sons into Lombard}", to Como, to seek for the heretics, and 
 found, and saw them, and heard their preaching, and 
 brought back from thence a letter for other heretics of this 
 country, and the salutations of the heretics. Also, a se- 
 cond time, he returned to the heretics, to Como, in Lorn- 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 279 
 
 bardy ; and carried them salutations, and news of other 
 heretics, and their believers. Also, a third time, being 
 sent by the heretics, he went into Lombard)- to the here- 
 tics, at Como and Quercura, and carried them letters of 
 the heretics, and brought back letters in answer, and mu- 
 tual salutations. Also, a fourth time, being sent by the 
 heretics, he went into Lombardy, and as far as Sicily ; and 
 from thence conducted two heretics, namely, Poncius 
 Bavilus of Axs, and Poncius de Narica of Avignon, to the 
 heretical Major (ad majorem hereticum) who was in 
 Sicily, where he left the said heretics, and where he saw 
 heretics male and female [hereticos et hereticos — which 
 should be I presume hereticas,'] and believers of heretics, 
 and fugitives for heresy. Also, he frequently com- 
 mended the life, and sect, and doctrine, of the heretics, to 
 many persons ; and inclined, and induced, and attracted, 
 by his words, many persons to the love and belief of the 
 heretics, as much as he could, and knew how. Also, he 
 frequently accompanied the heretics from place to place. 
 Also, he believed the heretics to be good men, and to have 
 a good life, and sect, and order, and good doctrine, and a 
 good faith, and that a man might be saved in their doctrine 
 and faith. Also, he fled on account of heresy, and was in 
 flight with others who had fled for the same reason, for 
 two years, or thereabouts ; and, while thus fugitive, he 
 frequently saw, and visited, Philip the heretic, who was a 
 fugitive, and concealed [him] and other believers of the 
 heretics. Also, while fugitive, and persevering in heresy, 
 and taking measures to procure that a heretic should come 
 to hereticate a certain sick person, he was taken, and de- 
 tained. Also, in his confession, he at first knowingly con- 
 cealed and suppressed many things relating to heresy, as 
 well concerning himself, as other persons, contrary to his 
 own oath ; which he afterwards judicially acknowledged. 
 Also, he saw altogether, in this country, in Lombardy, and 
 
280 SENTENCES AND CTJLPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 in Sicily, the following heretics male and female — namely, 
 Peter Auterius, William Auterius, James Auterius, and 
 Poncius Bavilus of Axs; also Amelias de Perlis, and An- 
 drew de Pradis, in Savartesium, in the diocese of Pamiers ; 
 also, Peter Raymund of St. Paponl, Bernard Audoynns of 
 Montacute, Poncius de Narica, Matthew grandson of the 
 said Bernard Audoynns of the diocese of Thoulouse; also, 
 Philip of Constantianum, in the diocese of Narbonne; 
 also, Raimund Ysarnus Diaconus Major, and Raimund 
 Magister, and William Salas, in Sicily ; also two perfect 
 female heretics in Sicily; and Andara Borrola, who caused 
 herself to be called Jacoba, a perfect heretic (heretica per- 
 fecta) of Limoux, with whom he went the first time into 
 Lombardy to the heretics, before she was a consoled here- 
 tic (heretica consolata). He is convicted, moreover, of 
 seeing heretics, and of adoring, accompanying and visiting, 
 them, and of the journies which he made into Lombardy, 
 for the heretics, by many concurring witnesses." 
 
 For these offences, which it appears that he confessed on 30th 
 Nov. 1307, he was sentenced on the 25th of May, 1309, to close con- 
 finement (murum strictum). This, to a person who had evidently such 
 a taste for locomotion, must have been highly disagreeable ; and so I 
 suppose he found it ; for it appears, that in less than a twelvemonth 
 (24th April, 1310) he broke out of prison ; and the most urgent and 
 persevering invitations, conld not persuade him to return. Soon after 
 his escape he was publicly excommunicated in the church of Verdune- 
 tum. He was then repeatedly cited, both at his customary dwelling, 
 and in the church. Having borne this sentence of excommunication 
 more than five years, he was again cited in the year 1315. As he did 
 uot appear, he was, on the last day of August, 1316, found, and decreed 
 to be contumacious. Wherefore, afterwards, some time being allowed 
 for his appearance, which he did not make, (unde postmodum, diudius 
 expectatus) he was excommunicated as a fugitive for the crime of heresy ; 
 and was, thereupon, canonically, and peremptorily, cited to appear at the 
 General Seimo, on whatsoever day it should take place in the year 1319. 
 And not appearing at that Sermo (30th Sept. and the eighth in this book) 
 he was again excommunicated, p. 256. 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 281 
 
 Farther than this I do not find; and 1 cannot tell why the Inqui- 
 sitors gave themselves so much trouble. The next case, Raimundus, 
 14, is very similar as to that point for which I was led to extract the 
 preceding — namely, as shewing the connexion and intercourse between 
 the alleged heretics of Thoulouse, and those of Lombardy . This, indeed, 
 appears from a variety of confessions, beside those which will be given 
 hereafter. This Raimund " ivit in Lombardiam quatuor vicibus, missus 
 " per hereticos ad hereticos, tanquam nuncius eorundem, portans, et 
 
 " reportans, rumores, et nunciationes mutuas, et literas eorundem 
 
 " Item, in altera vice, de predictis, portavit cuidam herctico in Lom- 
 " bardiam ex parte aliorum hereticorum, de pecunia ecclesie heretico- 
 " rum xx" marabotinos aureus et vestes." He was condemned to the 
 same punishment, at the same time, with Guilielmus Falquetus; and 
 they escaped together ; but though they took so much pains to recap- 
 ture the one, I cannot find anything whatever respecting the other, ex- 
 cept a brief marginal note on his culpa ; " Iste Raimundus de Verduno 
 " aufugit de muro anno Domini M. cccx. vm Kalendas Maii, feria 
 " sexta, rupta cathena infra Octabas Pasche ;" that is, as far as I can 
 see, the same day that he and several others — Hyspanus, the husband of 
 Condors among them — escaped ; and why it is stated in this two-fold 
 form I do not know. 
 
 As these confessions mention Verdun, and Avignon, I should, 
 perhaps, caution some readers not to suppose that they are the places 
 which are most commonly known under those names. Beside the Ver- 
 dun which is too well known to many of our countrymen, and that on 
 the Saone, there are two towns so called — one on the Garonne, somewhat 
 less than twenty miles below Thoulouse, and the other (a place still 
 inferior) near St. Papoul. The former of these I suppose to be the place 
 from whence Raimund took his name ; and the latter (where Guilielmus 
 Falquetus lived) I understand to be designated by Verdunetum, in this 
 book, to distinguish it from the former — but of this I do not feel certain 
 — for with respect to the Avignon here mentioned, (which was a town 
 on the Garonne, about as much above Thoulouse as Verdun was below 
 it,) I find on the same page (100) " de Avinione," and "de Avinioneto," 
 where the same place is certainly meant. I must, however, say— and 
 this is a good opportunity— that I feel unable to translate many of the 
 names of places, and of coins, which constantly occur. The former 
 would require a more accurate knowledge of the parts about Thoulouse 
 than I can pretend to, or know where to obtain ; and the latter, were I 
 to attempt it, would only lead to disquisitions, not very useful ; as I 
 should scarcely hope to be able to settle their value with ten times the 
 
 2 o 
 
282 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 labour which it would be worth while to bestow on such a subject. If 
 the reader wishes to puzzle himself with the different names representing 
 the same value — the various sums designated by the same name at dif- 
 ferent periods — and the speculations respecting what are now only 
 names — let him read what has been written merely on such names of 
 money as will occur in the course of these extracts, and which I shall 
 give just as they stand. Perhaps Du Cange may supply enough to 
 produce the effect on the single word moneta. 
 
 No. IF. Culpa— Guilielma, 22. 
 
 " Guilielma Sentgelia wife of Raymond St. Egidius 
 [or St. Giles — corrupted, as appears by his wife's name, 
 into Sentgelius] as appears to ns by her own confession, 
 lawfully and judicially, made, saw and received in her 
 house, Peter, and James his son, heretics ; and knew them 
 to be such ; and the said Peter the heretic then told her, 
 that he had seen Amald Al agister her brother, in the city 
 of Genoa ; and the said two heretics supped, and slept, 
 that night in her house ; and, the following morning, she 
 gave Peter the heretic ten albtis' of Tours, asking him, if 
 he should see her aforesaid brother, to give him a part of 
 them. Also, another time afterwards, she saw the aforesaid 
 James the heretic, in her house, with a certain man, whom 
 she joyfully received, and asked them after the other here- 
 tic, where he then was } Also, she delivered to a certain 
 person, money to the amount of eighteen albus of Tours, 
 that he might deliver it to Bernard Audoynus. to whom 
 she owed it when he left the Country; and she believes 
 that he left for heresy. Also, a certain person came to her 
 on the part of the said Bernard Audoynus asking for more 
 than she had paid ; and told her that he was a heretic, or 
 one of the heretics whom they called good men : and that 
 he was then in Thoulouse. Also a certain person praised, 
 and commended, to her the heretics, that tbey were good 
 men, and kept the way of God, as friends of God, and 
 Apostles. Also, when she heard that the aforesaid James 
 
Sect. 10] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 283 
 
 the heretic, who bad been in her house, was taken at Car- 
 cassone, she was very much frightened. Also, she believed 
 the heretics to be good men, and true, and that one might 
 be saved in their faith ; and was in that belief from the 
 time when she first saw the aforesaid two heretics in her 
 house, up to the day when she was taken and brought to 
 Thoulouse, and that may be four years." 
 
 No. V. Culpa — Lombarda, 189. 
 
 " Lombarda, wife of Arnaldus Letgerius of the parish 
 of St. Martin in Prunetum, as legally appears to us by her 
 own confession, judicially made the 16th of May, A. D. 
 1314, saw in the house of Sibilia of Prunetum, in a cor- 
 ner of the house, two or three men whom she did not 
 know; of whom, afterwards, when she heard that the 
 aforesaid Sibilia, and certain other women who were there, 
 were cited and punished for heresy, she suspected that 
 those aforesaid men were heretics. Also, in a certain ill- 
 ness which she had, of which she recovered, the said Sibilia 
 told her that in case she should die of that illness, if she 
 wished to have a good man (probum hominern) she would 
 bring her one, who would be to her a physician of soul, 
 and body ; and then she understood that she said this with 
 reference to a heretic ; and told the said Sibilia, that if the 
 husband of her the said Lombarda were to know of such a 
 thing, he would suffocate her ; and she would not consent 
 to it. The aforesaid things she saw and heard eight years 
 before she made a confession respecting them, nor did she 
 come to confess until she was accused, cited, and arrested, 
 and when under examination she at first denied the truth." 
 
 Excused the crosses ; but sentenced to make peregrinations to 
 certain churches iu and out of Thoulouse, which were to be specified in 
 her letter of penance. No farther mention in the book that I know of; 
 but the index-maker observes, after her name, " complevit ad arbitrium 
 Inquisitoris." 
 
284 SENTENCES .AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 No. VI. Culpe and Sentences relating to the case of 
 Guilielma, 33, already mentioned p. 250, 252. 
 
 Culpa — Alasaytz, 70. 
 
 " Alasaytz, the wife of Martin de Proaudo de Posa- 
 nila of Thoulouse, who was born at Assam (as appears by 
 her own confession lawfully and judicially made before us) 
 heard from Martin de Proaudo her husband, whom she had 
 married after the death of his first wife Guilielma, that the 
 said Gnilielma had induced him to go and see a certain 
 man in the cellar of his house, concerning whom she gave 
 him to understand that that man was a heretic, and that the 
 said Guilielma was privy to the proceedings of the heretics. 
 Also, she heard say, that Esclarmunda, who had waited on 
 the same Gnilielma in the sickness of which she died, was 
 of the sect of the heretics. 
 
 " Also, the said Guilielma de Proaudo in her life- 
 time commended to her Alasaytz herself, the life, and sect, 
 of the heretics, often, and in many places ; and asked her 
 to be kind to them, and to believe in, and befriend them ; 
 and she agreed, and several times asked the said Guilielma 
 to point out heretics to her. Also, she frequently sent to 
 the heretics by the said Guilielma, of the fruit which she 
 had to sell. Also she sent to the said heretics by the said 
 Guilielma two cakes and two loaves of fine bread [panes 
 mofletos — Jr. moufflets]. Also, the said Alasaytz induced 
 William de Bosco her [late] husband, in the sickness of 
 which he died, to consent to be hereticated ; and afterwards 
 went to the aforesaid Guilielma, and urgently asked her to 
 procure, and have ready, some heretic who might receive 
 the said sick man ; and she agreed that she would do so ; 
 and then Alasaytz herself managed that those persons who 
 were in her house, and who were not parties to the hereti- 
 cal proceedings, should be absent ; and she herself, under 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 285 
 
 pretence of going to the Gilded Church, to pray for the 
 sick man, took those persons with her ; that, while they 
 were absent, the sick man might be conveniently received 
 by the heretic ; and she afterwards heard from the said 
 Guilielma, that she had taken the heretic to the sick man, 
 but the sick man would not consent. Also, the aforesaid 
 Guilielma informed her, that she was much afraid of being 
 taken by the Inquisitors, because she believed they would 
 know what she had done. 
 
 " Also, she saw, and knew, that the said Guilielma 
 placed herself in Endura, that she might die in it; and 
 bathed herself, and in the said bath caused herself to be 
 bled. And she, the said Alasaytz, brought the barber-sur- 
 geon to her, and after the departure of the barber-surgeon, 
 the said Guilielma untied her arm in the bath, that the 
 blood might flow out, and so she might be weakened, and 
 the sooner die, because she feared being taken by the In- 
 quisitors ; and she knew, and heard, that the said Guili- 
 elma, after the bathing, and bleeding, placed herself upon 
 the cold ground. Also, she twice asked the said Alasaytz 
 to buy her some poison, that she might hasten her death 
 thereby ; but she did not buy it for her : and then the said 
 Guilielma declared and revealed to the said Alasaytz, that 
 she was received to the sect, and order, of the heretics, 
 and vestita by the said Peter the heretic, who had received 
 her, and directed that Esclarmunda should wait upon her, 
 and keep her in Endwra ; and for this purpose she had sent 
 for her from Rabastens ; and she saw the said Esclarmunda 
 waiting upon the said Guilielma. And then, upon a cer- 
 tain day, she saw a certain potion, which the said Esclar- 
 munda was holding in a certain cup, in which there was 
 broken glass which she wished to give to Guilielma that 
 she might die. 
 
 " Also, a certain woman told her from the said 
 Esclarmunda, that she must buy a cobler's awl, to kill the 
 
286 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 said Guilielma, who desired it ; but she would not buy it ; 
 but that woman bought it ; and shewed it to her ; and then 
 she, and that woman who had bought the awl, went to the 
 said Guilielma, who in their presence, and hearing, asked 
 the said Esclarmunda to pierce her, with the said awl, in 
 her side, in that part where the heart was ; and there was a 
 discussion among them where the heart lay, and they were 
 of opinion that it must be on the left side ; but they did 
 not then do what they had intended. She also saw that 
 the said Esclarmunda gave the said Guilielma to drink in 
 a certain cup, in which she had put something black, and 
 she believes it was some poison, because she had before 
 said that she had some. And the following day the said 
 Guilielma died. And she heard, from a certain girl whom 
 she names, that the said Guilielma was placed in a bath 
 that night, and the said Esclarmunda gave her the juice of 
 wild cucumbers. 
 
 "Also, the said Guilielma, before she died, asked her, 
 after her death, to marry the said Martinus de Proaudo ; 
 her husband, which also she did. Also, she had before 
 heard from the said Guilielma, that she and another Guili- 
 elma de Proaudo, and Philippa were receiving heretics. 
 And she named to her, in particular, the said Peter, and 
 James his son, whom she much commended ; and concern- 
 ing whom she was much grieved that he was taken. Also 
 the said Alasaytz once sent twelve denarii regales that they 
 might be given to the heretics for her. Also, at another 
 time, she sent an albus of Tours to a certain person, to 
 give, and deliver, to the heretics. Also she believed the 
 heretics to be good men ; and to have a good life, and 
 sect, and faith, in which a man might be saved ; and she 
 was in that belief from the time when she began to consent 
 to the words of the said Guilielma, respecting the heretics, 
 until she was cited before the Inquisitor for the first time, 
 on the 13th of August, 1307. And then she concealed 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 287 
 
 the truth concerning the matters aforesaid, against her 
 own oath taken before the Inquisitors, being frequently 
 enquired of, although she was then detained, yet afterwards 
 being liberated, and hearing that the Inquisitor was to 
 make a Sermon, she fled, and remained in flight some 
 months, and was at length taken and detained in gaol, be- 
 cause she had been previously accused by other persons 
 who were accomplices ; nor would she confess the matters 
 aforesaid until she was the second time arrested ; and heard 
 that those persons who were accomplices had confessed. 
 Committing the aforesaid things from five years, to within 
 four years, previous to the last confession concerning the 
 matters aforesaid." 
 
 Sentenced " ad murum largum," 5th April, 1310, and 1 believe 
 nothing more is said of her. 
 
 Culpa — Serdana, or Esclarmunda, 76. 
 
 " Serdana, who caused herself to be otherwise called 
 Esclarmunda, daughter of the late William Faber of Ver- 
 dunetum, near Saxacum (as appears by her confession 
 lawfully and judicially made before us) went into Lom- 
 bardy with Serdana her aunt, and Bertrandus Egilbaudus 
 her uncle, to the heretics. And in Como she frequently 
 saw Bernardus Audoynus of Montacute, and Peter Ray- 
 mond of St. Papoul, heretics ; and heard their words, and 
 preaching, and adored them, bowing three times before 
 them, with bended knees and joined hands, and saying 
 each time, ' Benedicite,' asking their blessing. And she 
 knew that Serdana, her aforesaid aunt, was there hereti- 
 cated, when at the point of death, by Peter Raymond, of 
 St. Papoul ; and she was present at the said heretication. 
 Also she heard, and knew, that the aforesaid Bertrand, 
 her uncle, and William son of Peter Auterius, were here- 
 ticated just before their death; but she was not present 
 when they were hereticated. And also in Como many 
 
288 SENTENCES AND «D1PE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 times and with many persons whom she names (fugitives 
 for' heresy, and believers in the heretics) she spoke of 
 the heresy as a believer. Also, she departed from Como 
 with William Faber her father, wishing to go into Sicily 
 to the hereties ; but she conld not get there. Also, in 
 Genoa, where she remained some years, she knew some 
 believers of the heretics, and saw their messengers. Also, 
 she departed from Genoa, and came to this country, with 
 Philip of Talayraco of Constanciannm the heretic, and 
 with Auda Borella of Limoux, a heretic, who caused her- 
 self to be called Jacoba, and some other believers ; and 
 many times adored both the male, and the female heretics, 
 in the manner aforesaid ; and many times ate of bread 
 that had been blessed by a heretic. At Thoulouse she 
 lived in the same bouse with them, serving, and adoring 
 them ; and there also saw and adored other heretics — 
 namely, Peter Auterius, and James his son, Bernard Au- 
 doynus, and Peter Raymond of St. Papoul, and saw that 
 they were visited, and adored, by other persons who were 
 believers in them. Also, she waited upoii the said heretic 
 in the illness of which she died, and was present at her 
 burial, and knew that the said heretic hastened her death. 
 " Also, at Thonlouse, she frequently saw heretics, 
 and adored them, and knew that Guilielma Martina de 
 Proaudo put herself in endura, and was hereticated ; and 
 she waited upon her as a heretic, and saw the heretic Ber- 
 nard Audoynus before the said Guilielma in bed, who had 
 come to reconcile her after the manner of the heretics ; 
 and knew that the said Guilielma urgently besought her, 
 and some other persons, whom she names, that her death 
 might be hastened, fearing to be taken by the Inquisitors 
 for heresy. And the said Serdana gave the said Guilielma 
 to drink, a deadly potion of the juice of wild cucumbers, 
 with '-broken glass: and saw an iron instrument, which is 
 railed alzena, which the said Guilielma had caused to be 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CUJLPE. 289 
 
 bought, that she might therewith be suddenly pierced in 
 the side, if the messengers of the Inquisitors should come. 
 
 " Also, she frequently heard the discourses of the 
 heretics against the faith, and sacraments, of the Romish 
 Church of our Lord Jesus Christ; and commended the 
 life, and sect, and faith, of the heretics to other persons, 
 and ate of the consecrated bread of the heretics, so often 
 that she does not know the number of times. 
 
 " Also, she believed the heretics to be good men, and 
 true ; and to have a good faith in which a man might be 
 saved ; and had been in that belief eleven, or twelve, years. 
 
 " Also, the aforesaid Serdana concealed in her first 
 confession, contrary to her own oath, many things concern- 
 ing the matter of heresy, which she had lately learnt; 
 which if she had then revealed the heretics might have been 
 easily taken. 
 
 " Also, the said Serdana, being in flight, for the mat- 
 ter of heresy, in which she had continued many years, was 
 apprehended with Peter Bernerius her husband, who was a 
 great believer, and leader, of heretics, and a fugitive for 
 heresy, and had fled from the prisons of the Inquisitors 
 twice." 
 
 Sentenced " ad murum slrictum" 5th of April, 1310. Her husband, 
 here mentioned, had been delivered to the secular arm, as a relapsed he- 
 retic, at the preceding Sermo, 25th of May, 1309. 
 
 Culpa — Alazayt, 114. 
 " Alazayt, wife of the late Arnaldus Auriolus of 
 Assum, (as legally appears to us by her own confession 
 judicially made, 15th of June, 1309) in the sickness of 
 William de Bosco, her son in law, of which he died at 
 Thoulouse, she visited him; and, on a certain day, Alazayt 
 her daughter, wife of the said William, told her, that there 
 would come to the said sick person, a gentleman with a 
 certain lady ; and then she suspected that her daughter 
 meant to say this of some heretic, and asked her if she 
 
 2 P 
 
290 SENTENCES AND COLPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 meant to say this of au heretic. And her said daughter 
 subjoined that she should hold her tongue. And then she 
 remonstrated with her, and forbad her to do it. And her 
 said daughter, on the contrary said " Yes it shall be done." 
 And then she went away from the house, and after a while 
 returned. And when she was in the house of the said sick 
 person, there came in after a certain woman, who she 
 afterwards heard was named Guiiielma de Proaudo, wife 
 of Martin de Proaudo, and a certain man with her, and 
 asked, how the said sick person did. And the said Guiii- 
 elma, and that man, went into the chamber where the sick 
 man lay. And the said Alazayt remained without ; and 
 after awhile, the said Guiiielma, and that man, went out, 
 and went away. And the said man said, as he was going 
 away, to John, son of the said Alazayt, that if any one 
 should ask, who that man was who had been there, he 
 should answer that he was a Physician. 
 
 " Having seen, and heard these things, the said Ala- 
 zayt more strongly, and fully, than before, suspected and 
 believed, that that man was a heretic, because of the words 
 she had heard,, and understood, from her said daughter, 
 and because thai^ man did nothing to the sick person in 
 the way of a Physician. And she believes that her said 
 daughter had procured that man to come to the sick per- 
 son, to do that which the heretics do to the sick. 
 
 " The matters aforesaid had happened about four years 
 before the time when she made a judicial confession of the 
 things aforesaid -, nor did she come to make known the 
 things aforesaid until her daughter was taken, and made a 
 confession of the things aforesaid, and the said Alazayt was 
 cit$d, and named, and detained in prison, and at first 
 denied the truth contrary to her own oath." 
 
 Sentenced 23rd of April, 1312, to wear double crosses, and make 
 peregrinations and visitations to the churches of Thoulouse, and perform 
 such other acts as should be specified in her letters of penance. 
 
Sect. 10] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 291 
 
 Sentence on Guilielma, 33, deceased in heresy. 
 
 " Also, since by legal inquisition thereupon made we 
 have found, and by witnesses legally sworn in Court, it 
 appears to us, that Guilielma, wife of the late Martin de 
 Proaudo of Thoulouse, now deceased, in her lifetime, 
 visited, and saw frequently, heretics in divers places and 
 also at her own house, often received them, and heard their 
 words, and admonitions, and preaching, and pestilential 
 doctrine, against the faith and sacraments of the Church 
 of our Lord Jesus Christ, adored them with bended knees, 
 and joined hands, bowing down profoundly before them, 
 saying their accursed ' Benedicite' — sent them gifts, pre- 
 sents, and changes of raiment, inclined other persons 1 to 
 the friendship, and belief^ of them, and'- by praising, ap- 
 proving, teaching, and commending, thefr life, sect, and 
 faith, to other persons. ,H ' 1 " 
 
 " Also, that in her last illness, being of sound mind, 
 she was received into the damnable sect of heresy By the 
 heretics, asking, and receiving from them, the consolation 
 (or more properly desolation) by the imposition of hands 
 — -and left them a legacy and paid it them herself — and 
 being thus received by the heretics, keeping the rite de- 
 livered to her, and their sect, and persisting many days in 
 that abstinence which they call endura, she caused herself 
 to be adored as a heretic after their damnable manner, 
 and hastened her bodily death by bleeding, and frequent 
 bathing, and at length by taking greedily a deadly draught 
 of the juice of wild cucumbers, in which broken glass had 
 been put, to tear her bowels, which she had desired in 
 order that she might be more quickly destroyed, she hast- 
 ened to eternal death while she damnably died in the error 
 and horror of heresy." 
 
 The sentence, which includes a number of persons, directs that, 
 if their bones can be distinguished from those of the faithful, they shaU 
 
292 SENTENCES -4ND COLPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 be disinterred, and burned. The falsehood of Peter Auterius bas been 
 already noticed, p. 226 ; and the reader is requested to compare what 
 is said about physicians, p. 194, 210. The only facts stated by the In- 
 quisitor which do not appear in the confessions, are, that she caused 
 herself to be heretically adored, and that she left a legacy to the heretics, 
 and paid it herself. How he learned this I do not know ; but tbe first 
 seems only consistent with the rest of the story, and I shall have occasion 
 to shew that the latter is not an improbable circumstance. I find 
 nothing else referring to this business, except that Veriada, 94, con- 
 fesses, among her various offences, that she was concerned in procuring 
 the wild cucumbers — " Item ipsa portavit cucumeres silvestres cnidam 
 " persone, ad dandnm cuidam infirme, scilicet Gnilielme uxori Martini 
 " de Proaudo ut citius moreretnr; de qna Raymunda Graneta, que sibi t ra- 
 " didit cucumeres, dixit sibi quod erat tunc recepta per hereticos, et posu- 
 " erat se in endura." 
 
 No. VII. Culpa — Guilielmus, 61. 
 
 " Guilielmus Mercaderius, Notary of Garda Viridi 
 Folesii (as appears by his confession legally and judicially 
 made to as) heard Peter Sancius commending to him the 
 life, and sect, of the heretics, inducing him to believe, and 
 adhere to the heretics ; and afterwards, on one occasion, 
 saw in his house James, and William Peter of Linioux, 
 land another person whose name he did not know. He 
 then knew that the said James was a heretic, spoke with 
 him, and heard his words from the epistles, and gospels. 
 Also, in the house of Baranhone of St. Solpice, he saw 
 Peter Auterius, and James Auterius his son, and Amelias, 
 the heretics, and knew them to be such, and there with 
 other persons whom he names, heard the preaching of the 
 said James Auterius. Also, in the house of the said Peter 
 Sancias de Garda, and his brothers, he saw twice, at 
 different times, the aforesaid two heretics, by night, at the 
 fire .with some other persons, believers of the heretics 
 whom he names, and each time he heard their preaching, 
 and doctrine ; and especially of the said James, whom he 
 saw reading, in a book, and heard their errors expressly 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 293 
 
 against the catholic faith, and the sacraments* Also, when 
 he saluted the heretics he embraced them, and turned his 
 head to each side, saying, ' Benedicite,' as he had been 
 taught by them ; and he saw the same thing done by other 
 believers, whom he names. Also, he once adored James 
 Auterius the heretic, with his hands joined, bowing him- 
 self, three times, upon a bench before him, and saying each 
 time, ' Benedicite.' Also, on one occasion, with Vitalis 
 Sancius of Garda, he led, and accompanied, by night, 
 James Auterius the heretic, from the house of the said 
 Vitalis, to the house of Stephana wife of the late Ychertus 
 de Sinilh near Garda, who was ill, and desired to have the 
 said heretic, that he might receive her ; and, when they 
 were there, he saw the aforesaid sick person, who rose up, 
 and placed herself before the said heretic, with her knees 
 bent, and her hands joined, and with other persons whom 
 he names, adored the heretic, in the heretical manner ; 
 and made an agreement, or covenant with him, that she 
 would be received into the sect and order of heretics, when 
 she came to die. And there he, and orders, heard the 
 preaching of the said heretic, who read in a certain book ; 
 but the said sick person was not then received, by the said 
 heretic, because she was not ill enough. And from thence 
 he, with the said Vitalis, led back, and accompanied the 
 heretic to the house of the said Vitalis, and that fact he 
 had knowingly concealed in his first confession, contrary 
 to his own oath. And had denied, having been, many 
 times questioned before the Inquisitor for about three 
 years. Also, in his first confession, he had knowingly 
 concealed three persons believers in the heretics, whom he 
 had seen with the heretics, whom he names. Also, he 
 made a covenant, or agreement, with James Auterius 
 the heretic, that he would be received into their order at 
 the time of his death on that occasion when he adored him 
 in his house. Committing the aforesaid, from a period of 
 
294 SENTENCES AND CUUPE. [Sbct. 10. 
 
 three years arid a half, from two years, and from one year, 
 before he made confession of the things aforesaid, nor did 
 he come to confess till he was cited. 1 ' 
 
 Sentenced to imprisonment, 5th of April, 1310 ; discharged, 30th 
 of September, 1319, and sentenced to wear the crosses, which were taken 
 off 12th of September, 1322. 
 
 No. VIII. Culpa— Guilielmus, 342. 
 " Guilielmus de Bayssanis, son of Peter de Bays- 
 sanis, of Bornum, in the diocese of Montauban (as legally 
 appears by his judicial confession, made 21st of Sept. 1321 ) 
 eighteen years, or thereabouts, before the time of his con- 
 fession, on a certain night, while bis father, and Petrona 
 his mother, and John his brother, were sitting near the 
 fire, his father asked him, ' If he wished to see the good 
 men? 1 And he asked ' What sort of men they were ?' 
 And his mother gave him a box on the ear. And then his 
 said father, and he, and his brother, went tip to a certain 
 loft of his house, and found there two men ; of whom 
 afterwards his father told him, that one was called Peter 
 Auterius, and the other Amelius. And they sat with them. 
 And the said Peter Auterius said, ' You are welcome— do 
 not be afraid, for we will do yon no harm ;' and said some 
 words, which he stated that he did not remember. And 
 after the matters aforesaid, he, and his father, and his 
 brother, came, down from the loft, and left them there. 
 The said Guilielmus de Bayssanis was at that time, as he 
 says, of the age of eight or nine years. Also, the third 
 night after the matters aforesaid, while he Guilielmus, and 
 other persons whom he names, were sitting in the aforesaid 
 honse near the fire, the aforesaid two, Peter Auterius and 
 Amelius, came down from the loft, and sat with them. 
 And one of them said, ' Maynada, we are good men, and 
 are of those whom people call heretics, but we are not 
 heretics', 1 and he began to read in a certain book some 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 295 
 
 words which he said that he did not remember. Also, on 
 the following night, he, and his father, went up to the said 
 loft, and found there the aforesaid two, Peter Auterius 
 and Amelias ; and while they were there, two other men, 
 whom he names, came up ; and then his father told him 
 to go to bed ; and he went, and left them there. Also, on 
 the following nigbt, or another night after, while he and 
 his father, and his mother, and his brother, were sitting in 
 his house, near the fire, the aforesaid two, Peter Auterius, 
 and Amelius, the heretics, came from out of doors, and 
 Guilielmus Mercaderius of Bornum with them ; and then, 
 when they were in the house, the said Guilielmus Merca- 
 derius bowed his knees, two or three times, before the 
 said heretics, saying some words which he did not under- 
 stand, and afterwards went away. The heretics remained 
 there ; and then his aforesaid father, and mother, and John 
 his brother, one after the other, adored the said heretics, 
 by bowing their knees three times upon the ground, and 
 putting their hands upon a bench, with their heads unco- 
 vered, saying certain words which he did not understand. 
 And after them he Guilielmus adored the aforesaid heretics 
 in the aforesaid heretical manner. Being asked concern- 
 ing his belief of the heretics, he answered that he was then 
 of the age of eight or nine years ; and did not know what 
 to believe about them ; and had not faith in their sect, and 
 was led to do what he did by his father, and mother. Being 
 interrogated why he so long deferred coming to confess the 
 matters aforesaid, he answered that when his father was 
 cited by the Inquisitor to come to the Sermon, at which he 
 was imprisoned, he said to him, ' Son, I do not know whe- 
 ther 1 shall see you again ; but take care that, as long as 
 I and your mother live, you do not tell any body what 
 you have seen, and known, of the proceedings of the here- 
 tics.' And this he said was the cause why he had deferred 
 so ( long to come and confess the matters aforesaid." » 
 
296 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 I give this confession merely for its simplicity ; in which respect 
 it is a specimen of a great many. There can be little doubt that the 
 father and mother are the Petrus de Bayssas, and Petrona, his wife, whose 
 confessions (p. 119, 120) agree with what is here stated, and who were 
 sentenced to imprisonment at the Sermo, 23rd of April, 1312 — between 
 nine and ten years before the son's confession. The Guilielmus Merca- 
 derius mentioned, was not the same person whose culpa has just been 
 given : but another of the same name (82) who was delivered to the 
 secular arm, as a relapsed heretic, at the same time that the other was 
 imprisoned. 
 
 No. IX. Culpa — Petrona, 11. 
 " Petrona, wife of Petrus Sicardus of Villemur, (as 
 appears to us by her confession, legally and judicially made) 
 frequently saw the heretics, in her own house, and else- 
 where, and adored them with joined hands, and bended 
 knees, bowing herself profoundly three times, saying, 
 ' Benedicite.' Also, she was present at the heretication of 
 William, the son of Gerald Ysarnus of Villemur, and saw, 
 and heard, and at the end adored, James Auterius the here- 
 tic, who hereticated the said William. Also, she twice 
 ate of the consecrated bread of the heretics. Being asked 
 if she believed the heretics to be good men, she answered, 
 that she did not. The heretics whom she saw are these ; 
 James Auterius, Amelius de Perlis, Guilielmus Auterius, 
 and Peter Auterius." 
 
 A marginal note, by the Inquisitor, states that, " because she 
 " had many little children, and because her husband, whom she 
 " feared, made her do it, she was let off without imprisonment." This 
 was at the second Sermo, the 25th of May, 1309, at which time her hus- 
 band, under whose influence she is supposed to have acted, was im- 
 prisoned. His " culpa" on that occasion is not worth extracting ; but 
 a marginal note states that he had confessed in 1305, " pluries set male 
 Item 1307 pluries," &c. ; and the culpa itself states that when he was, 
 " captus et detentus," he made " unam fictam confessionem," p. 26. 
 He was then sentenced to the milder imprisonment, but, at a subsequent 
 Sermo, the 5th of April, 1310, he was delivered as a relapsed heretic to the 
 secular arm. His culpa, as recited on that occasion, will be given next. 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 297 
 
 As to Petrona, being as we have seen excused from imprisonment, she 
 was ordered to wear the crosses, which were taken off (that is, she was 
 admitted " ad gratiam de crucibus") at the next Sermo. but one, 23rd 
 of April, 1312. 
 
 No. X. Culpa — Petrus, 83. 
 
 " Petrus Sicardus otherwise called De la Boyssa, 
 living 1 in Villemur, a native of Bomum, (as appears to us, 
 by his confession legally and judicially made, after he had 
 made another confession of the crime of heresy, three 
 years before that time) on the Vigil of St. Michael last past, 
 a certain man whom he did not then know because it was 
 night, asked him if he would take him into his house for 
 the night, and he answered that he would not ; and, the 
 next morning, a certain youth, who lived with Sancins 
 Mercaderius, asked him if he had seen Amelius the here- 
 tic that night ? And he answered, ' Not that he knew of; 
 but a certain man had come, and asked him to take him 
 in ;' and the other replied, that he was Amelius the here- 
 tic, and was in Villemur, but he did not tell him in what 
 place he was. And he asked and required of him to pay- 
 to him, the money which he owed to Vitalis, the brother 
 of that Amelius, who was dead. And he answered, that he 
 had it not ready ; but when he had it he would willingly 
 pay it to the said Amelius. Also, after the aforesaid, Ar- 
 naldus Sicardus, the brother of the said Peter, many times 
 told him that he did wrong, in not paying that money to 
 the said Amelius the heretic. And once the said Arnaldus 
 told him, that the said Amelius the heretic, remained in 
 the country on that account, and it caused him to labour 
 (propter hoc stabat in ista terra et faeiebat eum labotare) and 
 afterwavdsj he told the said Arnaldus that he should receive 
 fifty albus^s of Tours, from a certain man whom he named 
 to him, and that he would deliver them to the said heretic, 
 which he had before delivered to that man. And the fol- 
 
 2 Q 
 
298 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 lowing day the said Arnaldns told him, that Peter Auterius, 
 and Amelius, the heretics, charged him, that what remained 
 of the money, he held at the peril of his soul, because he 
 did not hold it with their consent. And that he should go 
 to them, and should pay them the said money. And he, 
 Arnald, said that he would bring them at night to a place 
 that he might speak to them ; and he answered that he did 
 not want to see them. Also, about three years before last 
 Whitsuntide, he visited Petrona his mother, in that illness 
 of which she afterwards died ; and then Stephana, the sis- 
 ter of the said Petrona, told him that a certain man whom 
 she named to him might have one of these heretics, who 
 would receive the said sick person into their Order, or 
 would direct how they might have one, and that they 
 were in the house of Raymond Durand. And then he 
 saw him talking witb his said mother. And, afterwards, 
 on another day, the said sick person was very weak, and 
 then the said Stephana told Bernard Sicardus, her brother? 
 to go quickly for the said heretics, and he went. And 
 when the said sick person became more weak, the said 
 Stephana told him, Peter Sicardus, to go to the wife of 
 that man of whom she had said that he would direct them 
 to get one of the heretics ; and that he should go quickly 
 for this. And he doubts whether he went, or not, to the 
 Said Petrona ; but, if he went, he found her in the road ; 
 and told her the aforesaid words, and thereupon the said 
 Petrona went away. And he believes that she, and the 
 said Bernard, went to the house of Raymond Durand, for 
 one of the heretics to come and receive the said sick per- 
 son. And after a little while, Peter Auterius, the heretic, 
 came to the house where the sick person lay ; and he, 
 Peter Sicardus, was there present, and saluted the said 
 heretic. And then the said sick person had already lost 
 her speech. And he [Peter Auterius] asked if she had 
 previously made the agreement, or covenant ; and he, 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 299 
 
 [Peter Sicardus] and the said Stephana, answered, that they 
 did not know. And then the heretic said he would not 
 receive her, but yet she would be saved in another tunic, 
 and in another body (set adhuc in alia tunica, et in alio eor- 
 pore salvaretur). And, afterwards, the heretic drank there, 
 and went away. And he, Peter Sicardus, went to Arnald 
 Mercator, and told him to accompany the said heretic. 
 He did not apprehend the said heretic, nor cause him to be 
 apprehended, nor tell anybody that might have appre- 
 hended him." 
 
 No. XI. Sentence — Poncius, 95. 
 
 " In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ the Crucified. 
 Amen. Some time since Poncius Arnaldus de Puiolibus, 
 of the parish of St. Faith, near Taravellum, in the Diocese 
 of Thoulouse (coming 1 , uncalled for, before us, Brother 
 Bernard Guido, of the Dominican Order, Inquisitor of 
 heretical pravity in the kingdom of France, deputed by 
 the Apostolic See, and being judicially placed before us, 
 and sworn to speak the truth) spontaneously, and of his 
 own free will, confessed and said, that about twenty years 
 before, while he was ill in a sickness from which he after- 
 wards recovered, Peter Arnald, his son, brought to him, 
 Poncius, then sick, two heretics, whom the said Peter 
 called good men, telling him that those heretics would de- 
 liver his soul to God (redderent animam ejus Deo) and that the 
 same Peter invited him, Poncius, to eat of the consecrated 
 bread of the heretics, which he then shewed him. More- 
 over, that so far as in him lay, he induced him when thus 
 sick, to the love, and belief, of the heretics ; and that the 
 above mentioned Poncius believed, that the aforesaid Peter 
 had in like manner induced Bruna, the daughter of him, 
 Poncius, and sister of the aforesaid Peter, to the belief of 
 the heretics. 
 
300 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 " We, therefore, Brother Bernard, Inquisitor afore- 
 said, justly presuming that Poncius the Father had not de- 
 posed what was false, or with a design to slander his son Pe- 
 ter, caused the said Peter Arnald, son of the said Poncius, to 
 be called before us ; and he, being judicially before us, and 
 sworn to speak the truth, we required him to tell the whole 
 truth, and nothing but the truth, concerning the matters 
 aforesaid. He constantly denying the aforesaid matters, 
 and persisting long and steadily in his denial, from this, 
 and from certain probable conjectures, justly suspecting 
 that the above-mentioned Poncius, maliciously, and calnm- 
 niously, deposing falsehoods against his own son Peter, 
 was endeavouring to involve him in a crime so nefarious, 
 we caused the said Poncius to be cited and brought to our 
 presence. Poncius the Father, and Peter his son, afore- 
 said, we caused to be confronted ; and since, after having 
 been sworn to speak the truth, the said Poncius constantly 
 persisted in his affirmative, and the said Peter in his nega- 
 tive, we had the said Poncius detained until we should 
 become, as it was our duty to be, more fully informed re- 
 specting the matters aforesaid. And, finding that the said 
 Poncius, at the time mentioned in his deposition, was not 
 lying ill of any sickness, but was in good health ; and that 
 at that time and place the heretics were not active (quod 
 Mis loco et tempore heretici minime discurrebant) we caused 
 the above-mentioned Poncius to be brought out of prison ; 
 and when he was judicially placed before us, and sworn, 
 we again admonished, and canonically required, him to 
 tell us, whether there was any truth in those things which 
 he had deposed against his aforesaid son Peter ; and then 
 this Poncius, being conscious of his malice, and coming 
 to his right mind, and being judicially placed before us, 
 spontaneously and freely acknowleged, that all, and every 
 thing, which he had confessed, and deposed, against bis 
 aforesaid son Peter, was false, and containing no truth, 
 
Sect. 10] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 301 
 
 either in whole, or in part ; and that he had deposed such 
 things being moved with hatred against the said Peter his 
 son, as these matters are more fully contained in the 
 processes thereupon had. All which things we caused to 
 be intelligibly recited in the vulgar tongue to the afore- 
 said Poncius, in the presence of the venerable men Domi- 
 nus Petrus de Lacu, Official of Thoulouse, and Dominus 
 Barranus de Perhissacho, Vicars of the Reverend Father 
 in Christ and Lord, the Lord G. by the grace of God 
 Bishop of Thoulouse, and of us, and of Brother Geoifry 
 de Ablusiis, our Co-inquisitor ; and Poncius (by virtue of 
 the oath which he had then and previously taken) sponta- 
 neously, freely, and without force, acknowleged and 
 affirmed, that all and singular the matters aforesaid, were 
 true ; humbly praying that a salutary penance might be 
 enjoined him on account of the matters aforesaid. 
 
 " We, therefore, Inquisitors and Vicars, above men- 
 tioned, having considered the premises, and other circum- 
 stances by which the decision of our mind, and of every 
 person giving judgment, could be rightly informed — being 
 convinced that the aforesaid Poncius Amaldus, as far as in 
 him lay, would have deceived our Court, destroyed that 
 truth which is the only object to be sought after in matters 
 of faith, and corrupted the sincerity of the office of the 
 Inquisition which we hold, to the prejudice of the Catholic 
 faith, and the scandal of an innocent son, whom he ma- 
 liciously and falsely endeavoured to involve in so detest- 
 able a crime, by knowingly bearing false witness, when 
 judicially placed before us, contrary to his own oath, as 
 has now been recited and read to him intelligibly in the 
 vulgar tongue — that the punishment of this Poncius may 
 afford an example to others, and deter them from the like 
 proceedings — this day and place being peremptorily as- 
 signed to the said Poncius for the hearing our definitive 
 sentence— sitting as a tribunal, the Holy Gospels being 
 
302 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 placed before ns,that onr judgment may go forth from the 
 face of God, and that our eyes may see equity— having 
 taken counsel with persons both regular, and secular, 
 learned in either law — by virtue of the authority which 
 we exercise, do by these presents sentence, and condemn, 
 the said Poncius Araaldus, false witness or accuser, to 
 perpetual imprisonment, therein to do salutary penance, 
 with the bread of affliction, and the water of affliction, 
 leaving him out of pity only his life. And moreover, 
 that the aforesaid false witness shall publicly stand with 
 his hands bound, raised up on a ladder in an elevated place 
 before the door of this Cathedral Church of St. Stephen 
 to day, and to-morrow from early in the morning until nine 
 o'clock, with his head bare, in his tunic without a girdle, 
 with two red tongues, a palm and a half long, and three 
 fingers broad, on his breast, and two hanging between his 
 shoulders ; so that he may be seen, and recognised, by the 
 by-standers; and that in the same manner he shall be 
 placed, and stand, before the doors of the Church of St. 
 Saturninus on the following Sunday ; and the Sunday after 
 before the door of the Gilded Church 1 — canonically ad- 
 monishing the same Poncius, and enjoining and command- 
 ing him by the oath which he has taken, that he shall con- 
 stantly wear the said tongues on every upper garment ; 
 and shall not go about, either in or out of doors or of prison, 
 without having them prominent and apparent ; and shall 
 repair them if they are torn, and renew them if, and so 
 often as, they shall be worn out ; and that immediately on 
 
 1 " Ecclesie deaurate." I have called this, " the gilded church," 
 because Chandler has done so in translating this place where it is quoted 
 by Limborch. I have done the same at the top of page 285 ; though, I 
 imagine, it is incorrect, as it there stands '■ ecclesiam deaurate," which 
 seems as if the epithet applied not to the church, but to something in or 
 belonging to it. 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 303 
 
 his coming, or being taken, down from the ladder, he shall 
 betake himself without delay to the prison near the Castle 
 of Narbonne, and put himself in there, to remain for ever 
 (se ad carcerem .... transferat et intrudat ibidem perpeluo 
 moraturus). And if he shall contemn or neglect to fulfil 
 these our injunctions, and commands, by not wearing the 
 said tongues, or by not going into the said prison, or by 
 rashly quitting it without the leave of us or our successors 
 in this office, or by acting at any time contrary to his oath, 
 we do, by the authority which we exercise, excommunicate 
 him by these presents, for this, and all future times, and 
 occasions (ex nunc et ux tunc, et ex tunc ut ex nunc), as a 
 person perjured, impenitent, and liable for his former 
 crimes— canonically admonishing all and singular, that no 
 person of whatsoever condition, or state, he may be, shall 
 knowingly afford counsel, help, or favour, to the said 
 Poncius, if he neglects the matters aforesaid, or to assist 
 him to avoid them ; and let them know, that if they shall 
 do otherwise, we do by these presents excommunicate 
 them. These things however we have enjoined upon the 
 aforesaid Poncius, retaining to ourselves, and our successors 
 in this office, full power of adding, diminishing, changing, 
 aggravating, or alleviating, this penance, or punishment, or 
 otherwise sentencing, as often as to us, and our successors 
 in this office, by the advice of good men, it shall be deemed 
 expedient. 
 
 " This sentence, and that which immediately precedes 
 it, was given in the Church of St. Stephen at Thoulouse, 
 on Saturday, the 22nd of April, in the year 1312, in the 
 presence of," &c. 
 
 This case (according to I.imborch, Hist. Inq. Lib. IV. c. 19) is re- 
 ferred to by Eymericus, Direct. Part in. §. 3. comm. 122. In the short 
 notice of the 13th Sermo, which, as I have said, seems rather a poslcript 
 to the book, six persons are mentioned (two of them priests) as false wit- 
 nesses, or accusers ; but their punishment is only indicated by the words 
 
304 SENTENCES .AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 " cruces et lingve" placed against their names. Beside these, I know of 
 no other case, bat that of Johannet, 180, who charged certain persons 
 with being in the company of Peter Auterius, at a certain time and place, 
 when the Inquisitors (who seem to have kept a sharp eye on that heretic) 
 knew that he could not have been there. His sentence was similar to 
 this of Poncius ; and I cannot find that either was afterwards remitted 
 or mitigated. Whether such a course was likely to encourage persons 
 to bring charges which they could not prove, let the reader judge for 
 himself; if, on such a point, he can venture to do so. Limborch is much 
 scandalized at the lenity of the Inquisition towards false witnesses. 
 After referring to these cases, he says, " Raro tamen falsi istiusmodi testes 
 puniuntur poena aliquatenus gravitati criminis ipsorum proportionata, 
 procul dubio, ne nimium homines a testimonio ferendo deterreantur." 
 
 No. XII. Culpa— Galhardm, 1 44. 
 
 " Galhardcs Faber, weaver, Son of the late Arnald 
 Faber of Soricinium [Soreze, in the diocese of Lavaur] as 
 legally appears to ns by his confession judicially made 
 25th Sept. 1310, frequently heard the heretics commended 
 confidentially, and secretly, by certain persons whom he 
 names in his confession ; and agreed with them that he 
 would see one of them. And, afterwards, on a certain 
 day, they brought to his house, a certain heretic who was 
 called Peter Auterius, who dined in his house, with certain 
 other persons who accompanied him (ibant cum eo) ; and 
 there he saw the aforesaid heretic adored by some of those 
 who then accompanied {qui tunc ibanf) the said heretic ; 
 and there the said heretic drew him, Galhardus, apart, and 
 told him, that no one could be saved unless he was received 
 by them at the time of his death, and made the agreement 
 {convenienciam*) with them. And he asked him if he 
 would enter into the agreement with them ? and he an- 
 swered him ' yes.' Also he heard, and knew, that the said 
 heretic then went to receive a certain sick person, whom 
 be did not hear named, nor the place. Also he believed 
 the heretics to be good men, and true ; and that a man 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 305 
 
 might be saved in their faith, and sect ; and was in that 
 belief for half a year. The things aforesaid he committed 
 six years before he made a judicial confession of them ; 
 nor did he confess until he was apprehended and detained 
 in prison." 
 
 Imprisoned at the fourth Sermo, 23rd of April, 1312, and dis- 
 charged with the crosses at the ninth Sermo, 8th of Dec. 1319. 
 
 No. XIII. Culpa— Guilielmus, 340. 
 
 " Guilielmus de Bosco, Son of the late Guilielmus 
 de Bosco, of Bornura, in the diocese of Montauban fas bv 
 his confession judicially made the 22nd of August, in the 
 year of our Lord 1321, legally appears) on one occasion 
 was led by his mother, Johanna, at night, after supper, to 
 the house of Petrus de Bayssanis, where they found the 
 said Peter, and his wife, and sons whom he names, sitting 
 by the fire — and there were there with them two strangers 
 (homines extranei) whom he did not know, and whose 
 names he did not hear. And one of them asked of him who 
 be was ? And Ricarda, his grandmother, answered that he 
 was the son of the aforesaid Johanna her daughter. And 
 there cameSancius Mercaderius, who talked with one of the 
 two strange men apart, and afterwards they called the 
 other, and those three went away together, and he did not 
 know where they went to, or why they went away. And 
 afterwards, when he and his mother had returned home, he 
 asked his mother what sort of men they were ? who an- 
 swered that they were of the good men ; but he did not 
 understand her to say this of heretics, and knew nothing 
 else about them. The things aforesaid he saw and heard 
 sixteen, or eighteen years before he came to reveal them. 
 Being asked why he had so long delayed to reveal, and 
 confess, the things aforesaid, when his mother had been 
 imprisoned on account of heresy, and P. his brother sen- 
 
 2 R 
 
306 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 tenced to wear crosses, he answered that ' It was his sim- 
 plicity, and he wished he had come before to reveal the 
 the things aforesaid. 1 " 
 
 He was sentenced, for the above offences, at the fourteenth Senno, 
 12th of September, 1322, to make the " Peregrinationes minores" — that 
 is, to visit a certain number of churches. At the same time his brother 
 Jtaj/mundiu, 341, was sentenced to wear crosses. His grandmother, 
 Ricarda, 4, mentioned in his confession, appears to have been hereti- 
 cated at the time of her death. — Johanna, 120, his mother, had been 
 imprisoned 23rd of April, 1312. She was the sister of Raymundus, 27, 
 who, with his wife, Guilielma, 27, had been imprisoned at the second 
 Sermo, 25th of May, 1309, and who was afterwards, at the third Senno, 
 5th of April, 1310, delivered over to the secular arm, p. 83. His 
 brother, Petrut, 28, also mentioned in the confession, had been im- 
 prisoned at the second Sermo, in 1309. 
 
 No. XIV. Culpa— Arnaldus, 109. 
 
 " Arxaldus SiCreduS, son of the late Petrus Sicre- 
 dus, of Salietb, near Seguervilla (as legally appears to us by 
 his own confession judicially made on the 5th of February, 
 in the year of our Lord 1311) heard and knew from Gui- 
 lielmus Sicredus, his brother, that Petrus Sicredus, their 
 father, had been hereticated in the sickness of which he 
 died, by a certain heretic, which heretic was still in the 
 house of their father. And the said Guilielmus asked if 
 he would see the heretic, and speak with him, and he con- 
 sented. And, afterwards, on two occasions by night, the 
 said Arnaldus came to the said house, where he saw the 
 said heretic, who was called Petrus Sancius, and heard the 
 words Of the preaching of the said heretic which he was 
 reading in a certain book, with other persons whom he 
 names in bis confession. Also, afterwards, at the request 
 of Raymundus de Morovilla, he granted and agreed that 
 the said heretic should return to the same house ; and he, 
 Arnaldus, with Guilielmus and Petrus, his brothers pre- 
 pared a certain secret place in which the said heretic might 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 307 
 
 remain concealed ; and made a. hole in the wall, by which 
 the heretic might go in and out secretly. And afterwards 
 the said heretic was brought to the said house by Ray- 
 mundus de Morovilla, in which house the said Arnaldus 
 saw the aforesaid heretic on a certain night, and heard his 
 words and preaching, with other persons whom he names. 
 And the same night, having heard that the said Raymundus 
 de Morovilla was taken by the Inquisitor of Thoulouse, 
 the said heretic went away by night, fearing lest he should 
 be taken. And on the following day, the messengers of 
 the Inquisition came to apprehend the said heretic ; and 
 the said Arnaldus, though frequently asked, and though 
 he was offered grace on the part of the Inquisitor, if he 
 would give up the heretic, or direct how he might be taken, 
 would not disclose any of the matters aforesaid. Being 
 interrogated as to his belief of the heretics, he denied any. 
 The things aforesaid he committed three months before he 
 judicially confessed them ; nor did he confess till he was 
 detained in prison, and at first he denied the truth." 
 
 Sentenced to imprisonment, 23rd of April, 1312 ; discharged, 7th 
 of March, 1315. The case of his father, here stated to liavebeen herer 
 ticated, has been already referred to, p. 250. Bona, 110, (there cited) 
 was his sister, and she, with five brothers, and two sisters-in-law, are 
 among the persons confessing, and receiving sentence. 
 
 i" 'V.U 
 
 No. XV. Culpa— Geralda, 159. 
 
 " Geralda, wife of Vitalis de Tholosa, of Castel- 
 sarazin, daughter of the late Arnaldus de Podio Armerio 
 (as legally appears to us by her own confession judicially 
 made 5th of May, 1309) heard the life, an4 sect, and, mat- 
 ter of the heretics (factum hereticorum) commended; by 
 Guilielmus de Proaudo de Coquinis ; and he shewed her 
 one of them who was called Jacobus, the first time, when 
 the said Geralda gave two silver pieces of Tours (tottronen- 
 ses argentei) for charity ; and the same day, in a certain 
 
308 SENTENCES AND CULPE [Sect. 10. 
 
 house which she names, she saw the said Jacobus, the he- 
 retic, and heard bis preaching, with some other persons 
 whom she names. Also she made an appointment with 
 certain women whom she names, that they would watch in 
 the church of the Holy Cross at Thonlonse, that they might 
 there more secretly discourse and speak about the here- 
 tics, for which purpose she had then come to Thoulouse. 
 And they had with them that night in the said church, 
 Jacobus, the heretic before mentioned, and there she heard 
 the words, and preaching, and erroneous doctrine of the 
 said heretic, with other persons whom she names ; in par- 
 ticular, that the body of Christ is not in the consecrated 
 host, and that the Prince of this world, the Devil, had 
 made all things that are corruptible. Also against Baptism, 
 and Matrimony, and against the Romish Church. And 
 there the said Geralda adored the said heretic, bowing her- 
 self three times before him, saying each time, ' Benedicite." 
 Also she there caused the consecrated bread to be made by 
 the said heretic, by reason of devotion and of the belief 
 which she bad, that it was possible to be saved in the faith 
 of the said heretic. And she received some of the said 
 bread, and ate of it, and reserved a part, and kept it many 
 years, and sometimes ate of that bread. Also she made a 
 promise and agreement with the said heretic, that at the 
 lime of her death, she would he received to the order of 
 the heretics. Also there were given to the said Geralda 
 some gloves, of which she was told that a certain female 
 heretic had made them, which she preserved for many 
 years; and kept in them some of the consecrated bread, 
 and preserved them in her box. Also, before all the things 
 aforesaid, at many different times, Guilielmus de Podio 
 Armerio, her Uncle, commended to her, Geralda, the life 
 and sect, and matter of the heretics, inducing her to the 
 love, and belief, of them ; and that she should do good to 
 the friends, and believers, of that sect — namely, heresy — 
 
Sect. IO.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 309 
 
 and she, Geralda, gave and sent many things in money and 
 in cloth, to such persons as she heard were friends of the 
 sect of the heretics, and who were punished for what- they 
 had done, whom she names in her confession. Also she 
 commended and praised the life, and sect, and matter of 
 the heretics, to some persons connected with her, whom 
 she names in her confession, inducing them to the love, 
 and belief, of them. Also she believed the heretics to be 
 good men, and to have a good life, and to hold and teach 
 the way of salvation, and that a man might be saved in 
 their faith ; and she began to be of the said belief fifteen 
 years before she judicially confessed the things aforesaid ; 
 and she was more confirmed in the said belief when she 
 heard the preaching of the said Jacobus, the heretic, and 
 made the agreement with him, and continued in the said 
 belief until she was cited, and began to confess- the things 
 aforesaid, and at first denied the truth concerning the 
 matters aforesaid, when judicially examined." 
 
 It appears that she did not live until the Sernio, 23rd Of April, 1312, 
 at which this culpa was recited ; and at which it was declared, that if 
 she had lived she would have, been imprisoned. 
 
 No. XVI. Culpa— Petrus, 10. 
 
 " Petbus Gilabertcs, the son of Vitalis Gilabertus 
 of Ferrus (as appears to us by his confession legally and 
 judicially made) saw many times heretics in his father's 
 house, and adored them with bended knees, and joined 
 hands, bowing himself profoundly and thrice saying, ' Bene- 
 dicite ;' and heard their words, and admonitions, and 
 preaching. Also, he accompanied them from place to 
 place. Being asked if he believed the heretics to be good 
 men, he answered he did not. The heretics whom he saw 
 are these — namely, Peter Auterius, James his son, Amelius 
 de Perlis, Peter Sancius of Garda, whom he once conducted 
 from St. Sulpice to Ferrus, being sent to fetch a heretic, 
 
310 SENTENCES AND GULPE. [S*ct. 10. 
 
 and they came by night. Also, he would not confess the 
 aforesaid until he was apprehended, and detained ; and at 
 first he denied the truth. Also, in his confession which 
 he made at first, he knowingly concealed some things as 
 to the matter of heresy, contrary to his own oath, as 
 he afterwards judicially acknowledged. He is convicted 
 of seeing and adoring heretics, by two concurring wit- 
 nesses." 
 
 A marginal note by the Inquisitor, says, " he was then a youth, 
 and therefore more mildly dealt with, and he had the crosses " But it 
 does not appear that they were taken off until 1322 — that is thirteen 
 years afterwards. 
 
 No. XF1I. Culpa — Raimondus, 11. 
 
 " Raimondus Yvernatus, son of Poncius Vverna- 
 tus of Bornum, (as appears to us by his confession legally 
 and judicially made) saw two heretics in a certain loft, 
 of the house of Gnilielmus Espanhol of Bornum, whom 
 Guilielma the wife of Guilielmus Espanhol shewed him, 
 whose names he did not know ; but he knew them to be 
 such, because they themselves said that they were of those 
 who were called heretics, but they did not consider them- 
 selves such ; and he there heard some of their discourse. 
 
 " Also, after three days the said Guilielma asked him 
 if he wished to see them again ; and he answered, ' No.' — 
 Committing the aforesaid two years before his confession 
 of the aforesaid." 
 
 At the second Sermou, 25th of May, 1309, he was for this offence, 
 sentenced to wear a cross. At the seventh Sermon, (7th of March, 1315,) 
 he was sentenced to imprisonment, for having laid aside his cross, and 
 fled from Thoulouse, and contumaciously remained absent under a sen- 
 tence of excommunication, as well as for various matters which he con- 
 fessed on his apprehension. I give this, and some other short common- 
 place culpe, as specimens of a large class ; my object being to enable 
 the reader to form a judgment of the book which contains them. 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 311 
 
 No. XVIII. Culpa^—Jrnaldus, 11. 
 
 " Arnaldus Ysarnus, son of Geraldus Ysarnus of 
 Villemur (as appears to us by his own confession legally 
 and judicially made) saw James the heretic, and adored 
 him with bended knees, and joined hands, bowing himself 
 profoundly over a bench, as his father and mother had 
 taught him to do, who there did the same thing, and he 
 was then fifteen years of age." 
 
 A marginal note by the Inquisitor, says, " let his crosses be taken 
 off at the next Sermon, on account of his age.' 1 But he seems to have 
 laid them aside, and fled, before that time ; and after having been ex- 
 communicated while fugitive, and declared to be a heretic, he was taken 
 in 1321, and sentenced to imprisonment. The reason which he assigned 
 for laying aside his crosses, was, that he knew not how to get his living 
 while he wore them. " Quia non inveniebat ubi, et cum quibus, posset 
 " lucrari victum suura portando cruces ; et sic stetit, sine crucibus, 
 " apud Moysiacum x annis, eundo et redeundo versus Burdegalam cum 
 " navibus, lucrando victum suum." Compare the yi. Canon of the 
 Council of Beziers, already given, p. 207. 
 
 No. XIX. Culpa — Jacobus, 1 1 . 
 
 "Jacobus Mercaderius, son of Jacobus Mercade- 
 rius of Bornum, (as appears by his confession legally and 
 judicially made) saw Peter Auterius, and James Auterius, 
 the heretics, and adored them with bended knees, and 
 joined hands, and saying three times < Benedicite ;' and 
 knew them to be such, in the house of himself and his 
 brothers in Bornum. 
 
 " Also, he believed that there had frequently %een 
 heretics concealed in a certain loft of the said house ; but 
 be did not see them himself; because, as he says, his bro- 
 thers were on their guard against him. jHe, bad com- 
 mitted these things three years before he made his con- 
 fession." 
 
312 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 The marginal note of the Inquisitor, says, " he is a youth of about 
 " eighteen, let him be discharged of the crosses at the next Sermon, as he 
 tt was young when he did it." And they were taken off accordingly. 
 
 No. XX. Culpor—Petnu, 22. 
 
 " Petrus Tardinus, of Cabanile, as appears to us by 
 his own confession, legally and judicially made, confessed 
 before Brother John Vigorosns, Inquisitor of heretical 
 pravity, deputed by the Apostolic See, on the 15th of Sept. 
 a.d. 1288, that be had once seen in a certain copse two 
 men, one of whom was called Arnaldus, the name of the 
 other he did not know ; and he heard from them, that they 
 were of those good men whom other people call heretics. 
 And another person, whom he names, brought bread, and 
 wine, and apples, and nuts, to the aforesaid copse, where 
 they ate, and he with them. And he saw that one person, 
 whom he names, bowed himself before the aforesaid men, 
 and said some words which he did not understand; and 
 afterwards he himself, being admonished by somebody who 
 was there, bowed his knees three times before the said 
 heretics, and joined his hands, and does not remember 
 what words he said. Being asked if he believed the here- 
 tics to be good men, and true, and that a man might be 
 saved in their sect, he answered that he did, and was in 
 that belief for a year afterwards. Being asked concerning 
 the time, and the years, he answered that it might be twenty 
 years, or thereabouts. 
 
 " The aforesaid Petrus Tardinus being judicially 
 brought before Brother Bernard Guido, Inquisitor of 
 heretical pravity, and sworn, on the 2nd of December, 
 1308, acknowledged, that he had been absolved by the 
 aforesaid Brother John, from the sentence of excommuni- 
 cation which he had incurred for the said matters which 
 he had confessed concerning heresy before him in the 
 Church of Cabanile ; and he believes that he there abjured 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULFJJ. 313 
 
 heresy in his presence. The aforesaid Petrus Tardinus 
 of Cabanile (as appears to us by his own confession le- 
 gally and judicially made) saw in his house a certain man 
 who had a disorder in his leg, with a certain other man 
 who had brought him, and they supped, and slept there 
 that night ; and he saw him reading in a certain book, in 
 a certain chamber. And by what he saw, and heard, of 
 him, he then suspected him to be a heretic. And, after- 
 wards, the said man came from the chamber to the fire, 
 and asked him if he would hear some good words ; but 
 he did not hear him then, but went to bed. Then he be- 
 lieved that man to be a heretic, or believer of the heretics. 
 And he lay there that night and he would not receive any- 
 thing for his lodging. And the following morning he 
 went to Auriac, to the house of Andrena; and the said 
 Andrena sent a messenger to Petrus Tardinus the follow- 1 
 ing night, to fetch him ; but he did not go ; and, on the 
 third day, he heard from a certain person who had been 
 present, that that aforesaid man, and his father, had been, 
 in the house of the said Andrena ; and he had heard him 
 speaking excellently concerning God, and the Epistles, and 
 Gospels. And the following day the said Andrena blamed 
 Petrus Tardinus, that he had not come there ; saying, that 
 if he had come, he would have heard so many good words, 
 that he would have been the better as long as he lived. 
 And she told him that that man who had been as a guest in 
 his house, with a certain other, were in the house of her 
 Andrena when she sent for him ; and one of them was 
 called Jacobus, and they were both of those who were 
 called heretics, but yet they were good men, as the said 
 Andrena said; and she greatly commended, and praised 
 them, to him, that they were friends of God, and induced 
 him by her words to the love of them. Also, afterwards, 
 about Michaelmas, the said Andrena told him weeping, 
 that that man who had been his guest, whom she called her 
 
 2 s 
 
314 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 most dear friend, was apprehended at Carcassone by the 
 Inquisitors. Also, after the said Andrena had spoken to 
 him in commendation of the heretics, and after he heard 
 from her that the heretics had been lodging in her house, 
 he believed the heretics to be good men, and true, and 
 that one might be saved in their faith ; and was in that 
 belief from the time when the said Andrena spoke to him 
 about the heretics, up to the time when she told him that 
 the said heretic was taken at Carcassone. Also, he knew 
 the said Andrena to be a believer of the heretics ; but he 
 did not reveal any of the aforesaid matters to the Inquisi- 
 tors, nor did he confess them till he was by means of an- 
 other person discovered, apprehended, and detained. 
 
 Sentenced " ad murum largum" at the second Sermo, 25th of 
 May, 1309, and I do not see anything more about him. I quote the 
 confession as containing almost the only (certainly the strongest) indi- 
 cation of anything like religious feeling, which I hare met with in any 
 Albigensian confession. 
 
 No. XXI. Culpa and Sentence — Petrus, 68. 
 
 " Petrus Raymundus de Hugonibus, son of Ray- 
 mund de Hugonibus (as appears by his own confession 
 legally and judicially made before us) went to seek for 
 heretics at Limoux, with Guilielmus Falquetus, where 
 they found Peter A uteri us, and James his son, heretics, 
 in the house of Guilielmus Petrus Cavalerius, and heard 
 their words and preaching. And, as he was taught, he 
 adored them, saying, ' Good Christians, God's blessing 
 and yours, 1 bending his knees three times, with his hands 
 on a certain bench, bowing before them, and saying each 
 time, ' Benedicite ;' and he saw them adored in the same 
 way by others. Also, on one occasion, in the house of 
 Martinus Franciscus, of Limoux, he saw five heretics to- 
 gether — namely, Peter Auterius, James his son, William 
 Auterius, and Amelius, and Peter Raymund of St. Papoul ; 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 315 
 
 and he heard their words and preaching, and adored them 
 in the aforesaid heretical manner, and saw them adored 
 by other persons whom he names. Also he received, and 
 kept in his house, Peter Auterius, and James, the heretics, 
 two days and two nights ; and heard their preaching ; and 
 when they went away he accompanied them for a small 
 space. Also, in the house where Raymundus Sartor, 
 brother-in-law of Peter Auterius lived, in Thoulouse, he 
 saw and visited Peter and James, the heretics, and ate there 
 with them, and with certain persons whom he names, and 
 there saw the heretics adored. Also, he once went with 
 Peter Raymund, the heretic, to Bornum to the house of 
 the Spaniards (ad campmasium Hyspanorum) where they 
 found Peter Auterius, and James, and Amelius, the here- 
 tics, and certain of their believers, whom he names. And 
 a certain contention which there was between Peter Ray- 
 mund, the heretic, and Amelius, was there terminated ; 
 and afterwards he returned with the said Peter Raymund, 
 the heretic, to Thoulouse. Also, another time, he accom- 
 panied Peter Auterius from Thoulouse, as far as St. Sul- 
 pice, to the house of Barabona, where they found James 
 Auterius, and Amelius, and he saluted them in the here- 
 tical manner — namely, by embracing, putting his hands on 
 each shoulder, and turning his head this way and that, 
 three times, and saying each time, ' Benedicite.' And the 
 heretics mutually adored each other. And then it was 
 appointed that Amelius, the heretic, with Martinus Fran- 
 ciscus, should go into Lombardy, to Bernard Audoynus, 
 the heretical Ancianus (heretieum Ancianum) that he might 
 reconcile the said Amelius, who had transgressed in the 
 sect (qui peceaverat in secta). And then he gave Martinus 
 Franeiscus fifteen albus's of Tours for that journey. And 
 then and there he saw with the heretics, many believers 
 whom he names. Also, in the house of Guilielma, wife 
 
316 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10 
 
 of Martinus de Proando, he saw four heretics together — 
 namely, Peter Anterius, and James, and Peter Raymond, 
 and Amelias, at one time. Also, in the house of Bernard 
 Leretus, of Thoulouse, at another time, he saw three here- 
 tics together, and saluted them in the heretical manner 
 aforesaid, and then there was a contention among them, 
 concerning a certain sum of money (triginta librarum Tu- 
 ronensium farvorum) which a certain woman of Cabarde- 
 sium had bequeathed to them ; which the said Bernard 
 held in trust, and which was to be divided among them. 
 Also in the house of Raymund Bernerius of Verdunetum, 
 he saw Peter Raymund, and Bernard Audoynus heretics ; 
 to whom he delivered some fish which he had carried for 
 the heretics from St. Denis, which Johanna, daughter of 
 Bernardus Guilielmus, sent to the heretics. Also he kept 
 for fifteen days, sixty pieces of gold (marabocinos auri) and 
 three other pieces of gold (denarios aureos) which P. Ray- 
 mund the heretic of St. Paponl gave into his charge, and 
 afterwards had back from him. Also in the house of Pon- 
 cius de Ugonibus, his brother, he saw frequently Peter 
 Auterius, and James his son, and Peter Raymund, and 
 A melius, the heretics ; not at once, but by turns, and ate 
 there with them. Also, he once took Peter Auterius, and 
 James, to a certain garden near the place St. Cyprien 
 (juxta Ciprianum) of Thoulouse ; and caused certain per- 
 sons, believers of the heretics, whom he names, to come 
 thither that they might hear the discourses of the heretics. 
 Also, in Verdunetum, in the house of Peter Andrew, be 
 saw Peter Raymund, and Amelias, the heretics, and adored 
 them, with some other persons whom he names. Also, 
 on one occasion, he accompanied Peter Raymond the 
 heretic, into Savartesium to Tarascon ; and adored him, 
 and saw him adored by Guilielmus Ugo. Also, another 
 time, he accompanied Peter Auterius to Saverdun, to the 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 317 
 
 house of Guilielmus Ugo, and there adored the heretic. 
 Also, in the Bolhacum 2 of Sancius Borrellus, he saw, and 
 heard, Peter Auterius, and Amelius, the heretics, and 
 adored them, and saw them adored by others. Also he 
 once conducted Peter Auterius, and James, the heretics, 
 to the house of Gentilis of Thoulouse, and left them there, 
 with the books which he carried for them. Also in the 
 house of Bemardus Leretus, he frequently saw heretics. 
 Also he commended the life, and sect, of the heretics to 
 many persons ; inducing them to the love and belief of 
 them. Also, frequently, and in many places, and with 
 many persons, he heard the words, and preaching, and 
 errors, of the heretics, against the Catholic faith, and 
 against the Sacraments of the Lord Jesus Christ of the 
 Romish Church expressly. Also, he many times ate of 
 bread blessed by the heretics, and saw the manner of bene- 
 diction. Also he was a great benefactor, and gave much 
 to the heretics. Also he believed the heretics to be good 
 men, and true ; and that a man might be saved in their 
 faith. Committing the things aforesaid five years, four, 
 three, two, and one, before his confession of them. 
 
 " The aforesaid Peter Raymond is found, by many 
 witnesses, to have concealed many things concerning 
 heresy ; of which, being afterwards frequently enquired of 
 in general terms, he would confess nothing ; whereby he 
 deserved to lose all favour if any had been at first promised 
 him." 
 
 He appears to have confessed in 1306. For these offences he was 
 imprisoned at the third Sermo, 5th of April, 1310. At a special Sermo 
 
 2 I do not know the meaning of this term, which is, perhaps, 
 the same as Bolagium, or Bolhagium, which has been supposed to 
 mean a place for catching or keeping fish. It very frequently occurs, 
 as if it were the proper name of a place, and certainly many persons 
 seem to have lived there. I have elsewhere translated it as a proper 
 name, and do not feel sure that I ought not to do so here. 
 
318 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 ("Sermo particiUarisJ held on the 20th of September, 1313, he was de- 
 livered to the secular arm as a relapsed heretic, under the following 
 sentence ; — 
 
 Petrus Raymundus de Hugonibus — 178. 
 
 " In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ. We brother 
 Raymond de Jumato, of the order of Dominicans, locum 
 tenens of the ecclesiastical person brother Bernard Guido, 
 of the same order, Inquisitor of heretical pravity in the 
 Kingdom of France, deputed by Apostolical authority, now 
 absent from Thoulouse, and Arnaldus de Villario Canon in 
 the church of Cahors, and Barravus de Perhyssaco Canon 
 of Bazas, representatives in this matter of the Reverend 
 Father in Christ the Lord Galhardus by divine providence 
 Bishop of Thoulouse — Whereas it legally, and evidently, 
 and judicially, appears to us that yon Peter Raymond de 
 Hugonibus, son of the late Raymond de Hugonibus, an 
 inhabitant of Thoulouse, born at Hugones, near Caravel- 
 lnm, after you had formerly made confession of those 
 things that you had committed in heresy, by receiving 
 heretics, by frequently accompanying them from place to 
 place, by adoring in the heretical manner, by hearing 
 their pestiferous preaching and teaching, by believing in 
 their errors, and by committing other things which are 
 contained more at large in your confession — and you had 
 been punished for these things, and had received penance, 
 and had promised correction, and amendment, and had 
 abjured heresy judicially, as appears to us by your con- 
 fession judicially made, and by the proceedings and acts of 
 the Inquisition — since that time, like a dog returning to 
 his vomit, not fearing to add new crimes to your old 
 ones, and in no wise dreading the Divine judgment, you 
 have returned to your abjured heresy (if indeed you ever 
 heartily renounced it) which heresy you yourself, con- 
 fessed before us, and do also both impiously, and wickedly, 
 
Sect. 10] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 319 
 
 profess before us ; for you have said, and asserted, and do 
 pertinaciously say, and assert, judicially before us, that you 
 believe, and maintain, the errors and horrors, following — 
 namely, 
 
 " That carnal matrimony, between man and woman, 
 is not true matrimony, nor good, nor lawful, nor insti- 
 tuted by God ; and you maintain another sort of spiritual 
 matrimony, as you have learned from the heretics. 
 
 " Item, That baptism performed in material water, as 
 the Romish Church performs, and holds, and teaches, is 
 altogether worthless. 
 
 " Item, That in the sacrament of the altar, there is 
 not the true body of Christ, but only mere bread. 
 
 " Item, That there will not be a resurrection of human 
 bodies, nor will any one rise in the judgment with his 
 visible, and material, body. 
 
 " Item, That a benevolent God made all invisible, 
 and incorruptible, things ; and that an evil ruler, namely 
 Lucifer, made all visible, and corruptible things, and even 
 human bodies. 
 
 " Item, That confession made to the priests of the 
 Roman Church, and absolution given by them to those who 
 confess, are altogether worthless. 
 
 " Item, That every oath, whether for truth or false- 
 hood, is a sin, and unlawful ; and you yourself being fre- 
 quently judicially required to swear by us, have refused, 
 and do pertinaciously refuse, so to do. 
 
 " Item, That the sign of the Holy Cross avails no- 
 thing, nor will you sign yourself with that sign, but you 
 altogether object, and refuse. 
 
 " Item, You say, and assert, that the late Peter 
 Auterius, a notorious heretic condemned by the judgment 
 of the Church, and delivered to the fire, and burnt, by the 
 secular court, and all others his companions holding the 
 sect and faith of the said Peter A uterius, are good men, 
 
320 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 and good christians, and have a good faith, and good sect, 
 in which you say that you wish to live and die ; but all 
 others who do not hold the faith of the said Peter Auterins, 
 and who hold the faith of the Romish Church, you say and 
 assert, do not hold the way of salvation, and safety, and 
 that you believe the said Peter Anterius the heretic to be 
 saved. 
 
 " Item, You deny the sacrament of extreme unction, 
 and say that it is of no avail to salvation. 
 
 " Item, Impiously blaspheming the sacrament of the 
 Incarnation of the Son of God, you say and assert, that 
 God never entered into the womb of the blessed Virgin 
 Mary, and that he only is the mother, brother, and sister, 
 of God, who keeps the commandments of God the Father. 
 " Item, You yourself voluntarily take away your own 
 bodily life, and inflict death upon yourself, because you 
 have put yourself into that abstinence which the heretics 
 call endura ; in which endura you have already remained 
 six days without meat and drink, nor would you eat, nor 
 will you now, although you have been many times invited, 
 and thus yon hasten to eternal death with the damned. 
 
 " Item, You have said that if you could come at 
 Peter Sancius, the notorious heretic, or any other of his 
 sect, you would wish to be received to their order, and 
 sect, according to their manner, and rite, which the holy 
 Romish Church holds to be damnable, and pestiferous, 
 and, as such, condemns. 
 
 " Item, You have said, and asserted, many times, and 
 still do assert, before us, that yon never will depart from the 
 aforesaid belief or rather unbelief, but that you wish to 
 persevere to live and to die in it. 
 
 " These and other errors, and horrors, and so great 
 perfidy, which you have so shamefully confessed, and do 
 pertinaciously confess, before us, you have refused to re- 
 voke, or to depart from ; bat you persist in yonr perfidy, 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 321 
 
 with an obdurate mind, although you have been admon- 
 ished concerning your salvation, by many good men, 
 ecclesiastics and others, and have been often invited to 
 confession, and penance, and at length have been by us a 
 first, second, and third time, canonically, and peremptorily, 
 required. And therefore we the aforesaid locum tenentes 
 of the Inquisitor, and Lord Bishop, aforesaid, having the 
 Lord before our eyes, and the purity of the Orthodox 
 faith — the holy gospels being placed before us, that our 
 judgment may go forth, from the face of God, and that 
 our eyes may see equity — sitting as a tribunal, having 
 first consulted many good men learned in the law and 
 ecclesiastics, lest like a sickly sheep you should infect 
 the healthy sheep of the Lord's flock, do by these pre- 
 sents, pronounce, and declare, and sententially decree, 
 you Peter Raymund, now present before us, in this time 
 and place peremptorily assigned you for the hearing your 
 definitive sentence, to be a public heretic, and also one 
 relapsed into heresy, which you had formerly judicially 
 abjured. And since the holy mother Church has nothing 
 more that she can do against you, for your demerits, we 
 do, in and by this present writing, leave you to the secu- 
 lar arm, and court. 
 
 " This Sentence was passed in the Cathedral Church 
 of St. Stephen at Thoulouse, on Friday the Eve of St. 
 Matthew, the Apostle and Evangelist, namely, the 20th of 
 September, in the year of our Lord 1313, at a public Ser- 
 mon ; the clergy and people being convoked, and collected, 
 in a great multitude in the presence of," &c. 
 
 No. XXII. Culpa— Uwnardus, 232. 
 
 " Uwnardus de Alusio, a Burgundian, an inhabit- 
 ant of Maseres near Castelnau de Barbazenches in the 
 diocese of Atich (as appears to us by his confession legally 
 and judicially made on the 7th of November, 131 1) saw, 
 
 2 T 
 
322 SENTENCES AN& CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 and received iato his house, the following Valdenses, not 
 all at once, but on different occasions, times, and days, — 
 namely, Perrinus Savorellus, Hymbertus his companion, 
 Perrinus Belys, Perrinus de Gaudo, Johannes Clericus, 
 Johannes de Cerno, Stephanus Porcherius, Petitus, Ge- 
 rardus de Vienna, Johannes Martinus, Stephanus Bor- 
 detus ; knowing the aforesaid to be Valdenses or Poor 
 Men of Lyons, and he gave them to eat and drink of the 
 provisions of his house, and sometimes some of the afore- 
 said slept there. Also, in other places and houses, he 
 saw and visited certain of the aforesaid. Also, he gave of 
 his money to certain Valdenses ; and received as a gift 
 from some of them gavinetos, and needles. Also, he 
 several times sold in the market corn which had been 
 given to the Valdenses, and paid them the money. Also, 
 he many times prayed with the Valdenses, before and 
 after dinner, bending his knees and leaning upon a bench 
 according to their manner of praying. Also, he confessed 
 his sins to certain Valdenses, although he knew that they 
 were not priests ordained by a Bishop of the Church of 
 Rome. Also, he heard their words, and preaching ; 
 among which he heard that a man ought not to swear, be- 
 cause it was a sin. Also, he believed the Valdenses to be 
 good men, and true; and to have a good faith, and a 
 good sect, in which they, and others who held it, might 
 be saved; although he knew that the Inquisitors, and 
 those of the Romish Church, persecuted them ; and he 
 was in the said belief, for fifteen years. The aforesaid 
 things he committed eighteen years before he judicially 
 confessed them, neither would he confess until he was 
 taken into custody, and detained in prison ; and at first he 
 denied the truth when under examination against his own 
 oath." 
 
 Sentenced " ad murum largura." The word " gavinetos,'' which 
 (lande untranslated, is one that I have not seen elsewhere — It seems to 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 323 
 
 come nearest to Gabinetum (fr. Cabinet, ital. Gabinettoj though I do 
 not know that that word was ever used in any sense which can apply to 
 this case ; if so it may signify little boxes, such as pedlars might carry 
 for sale. It appears, however, more probable that it is derived from 
 Gavinum, or Gavina, both of which signified articles of dress; the for- 
 mer, " toga, la veste ;" and the latter, " species vestimenti super hume- 
 ros habens purpurum." See the words in Adelung's Gloss. Man. 
 
 No. XXIII. Culpa— Johannes, 234. 
 " Johannes, son of Wunardus, a Burgundian, an in- 
 habitant of Maseres in the diocese of Anch (as appears 
 to us by his confession legally and judicially made on 
 21st of January, 1311) saw in the house of his father, at 
 different times and days, Cristinus, Johannes Chapayro, 
 Gerardus, Mondonus Burgundus, Johannes de Cerno, 
 Johannes son of Martinus de Monte Gansio, and Stepha- 
 nus, and another Gerard, of whom he heard his father 
 and mother say, that they were good men, and among 
 themselves called each other brethren ; and they conjured 
 him that he would not discover them, neither tell any one 
 that they came there, because they knew they should be 
 taken, and as to this matter the said Cristinus also con- 
 jured him. Also, he ate and drank with the said Valden- 
 ses, at the same table. Also, he prayed with them with 
 bended knees, and leaning upon a bench, according to 
 their manner of praying. Also, he heard their words and 
 admonitions; amongst which he heard from them, that a 
 man ought not to swear, because it is a great sin. Also 
 that they were able to hear confessions, and to absolve 
 from sins. Also, he thrice confessed his sins to certain 
 of the Valdensian men, who called themselves brethren 
 of Lyons, although he knew that they were not priests 
 ordained by any bishop of the Romish Church, and re- 
 ceived absolution, and penance, from them ; and he 
 believed that it would profit him to salvation, as much as 
 if he had confessed to his priest. Also, after he was cited, 
 
324 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 and bis father taken in custody, on account of the matter 
 of the aforesaid men, he saw and visited twice the aforesaid 
 Stephen of the brethren, or Poor Men of Lyons ; and 
 asked counsel of him what he should do about himself, 
 and his father. Also, the aforesaid men, although he 
 knew they did not wish to be discovered to others, he be- 
 lieved to be good men and true ; and to have a good faith, 
 and a good sect, in which they and others might be saved, 
 and he was in this belief for four years. He committed 
 the aforesaid things four years before he judicially con- 
 fessed them, neither wonld he confess until he was taken 
 into custody, and detained in the prison of Thoulouse, and 
 when first examined he denied the truth against his own 
 oath." 
 
 Imprisoned at the same time as his father (3rd of Sept. 1319), and 
 released 12th of Sept. 1322. On that occasion he is mentioned as Johan- 
 nes Unnardus ; and the reader will see that, in the above confessions, 
 the name is given in two other different ways. 1 mention this only as a 
 specimen of what I have before stated, respecting the book generally, at 
 p. 216. n. 
 
 No. XXIF. Culpa— Petrus, 352. 
 
 " Petrus Aymos, a Burgundian, son of the late 
 Michael, a native of Torum, in the diocese of Besancon, 
 now living in Alzonne, in the diocese of Rodez (as ap- 
 pears by his confession, legally and judicially made on 1st 
 of August, 1320) forty-five years or thereabouts before the 
 time of his confession, received into his house Johannes 
 de Grandi-Valle, knowing him to be of the sect of the 
 Valdenses, of whom he had before heard in Burgundy ; 
 that the Inquisitors of heretical pravity persecuted the 
 Valdenses, and that they were taken, and burnt, when ever 
 they could be found. And he received the said J ohn the 
 Valdensian many times into his house, to sleep there, and 
 to eat and drink of the provisions of his house ; and he saw 
 him blessing the table after the manner of the Valdenses, 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 325 
 
 and praying with his knees bent, and leaning on a bench, 
 according to the manner of praying of the Valdenses; 
 and he and his wife, Martina, prayed in the like manner 
 with them. Also, forty years, or thereabouts, before the 
 time of his confession, he received into his house Gerardus 
 Provincialis, a Valdensian, knowing him to be suchj on 
 many occasions, and at different times, to sleep there, and 
 to eat and drink of the provisions of his house ; and he 
 saw hira blessing the table at dinner, and at supper, and 
 praying according to the Valdensian manner of praying, 
 and he prayed in like manner with him. Also, about the 
 same time, he received in his house Perrinus Savorellus, 
 a Valdensian, and gave him to eat and to drink, and prayed 
 in like manner with him. Also, thirty-five years before 
 the time of his confession he received into his house John 
 Chapayro, a Valdensian, knowing him to be such, and he 
 gave him to eat and to drink of the provisions of his house, 
 and he saw him praying according to the manner of the 
 Valdenses, and he prayed in like manner with him. Also 
 thirty years, and more, before the time of his confession 
 he received into his house Johannes Moran, a Valdensian, 
 knowing him to be such, to whom he gave to eat and to 
 drink of the provisions of his house, and he saw him pray- 
 ing according to the manner of the Valdenses, and he 
 prayed in like manner with him. Also, twenty years, or 
 thereabouts, before the time of his confession, he received 
 into his house to sleep, and to eat and drink of the provi- 
 sions of his house, John de Cerno, and Peter de Cerno, 
 brothers, Valdenses, knowing them to be such, and he saw 
 them praying in their manner, and he prayed in like man- 
 ner with them. Also, on another occasion, eight years 
 before the time of his confession, he received the two 
 Valdenses aforesaid into his house, and prayed with them. 
 Also, fifteen years, or thereabouts, before the time of his 
 confession, he received into his house Bartholomew 'd© 
 
•S26 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 Caiarco, a Valdensian; with Huguetns Gafinus, to whom 
 he gave to eat and to drink, and he prayed' with the said 
 Valdensian. Also, twelve years and more, before the 
 time of his confession, Umbertus, a Valdensian, son of 
 Johannes Odetus of Alzonne, came to his house, and he 
 spoke with him there, knowing him to be a Valdensian. 
 Also, six years, or thereabouts, before the time of bis con- 
 fession, he received into his house, to sleep and to eat 
 and to drink of the provisions of his house, two Valden- 
 sians, knowing them to be such, of whom the one was 
 called Garnerius, and he did not know the name of bis 
 companion, or bad forgotten it, but his father was called 
 Daninus, and he prayed with the said Valdenses, after 
 their manner. Also, in the Lent last past before the time 
 of his confession, he received into his house, to sleep and 
 to eat and to drink, Arnaldus de Cerno, a Valdensian, 
 and he saw him praying, and he prayed in like manner 
 with him. Also, he heard the words and admonitions 
 and exhortations of the Valdenses and their reading 3 out 
 of the Gospels and Epistles, and he heard them saying, 
 among other things, that a man ought not to swear, or 
 kill, because to swear and to kill in all cases was a mor- 
 tal sin. Also, he believed the Valdenses to be good men, 
 and true ; and that they had a good faith, and a good sect, 
 in which they, and others who hold it, may be saved, 
 and he was in that belief for forty years, or thereabouts — 
 namely, from the time he first saw them, until the time 
 when he was brought in custody to Thoulouse. Of the 
 aforesaid things he did not make confession, neither re- 
 veal them, until he was taken, neither would he confess 
 
 3 "Piedicationes eoruiu de Evangeliis et Epistolis.'' I do not know 
 whether this means " preaching concerning" or " reading out of." — 
 The language of this book would certainly justify the latter translation ; 
 but I am not sure that it would authorize the former. 
 
Sect. 10] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 327 
 
 until he was detained in prison, and he denied the truth 
 when first examined contrary to his own oath, and he 
 abjured all heresy." 
 
 Sentenced to imprisonment. His two sons (the culpa of one of 
 whom follows) received sentence of milder punishment at the same time. 
 
 No. XXV. Culpa— Helyas, 340. 
 " Helyas, son of Petrus Aymon, living at Alzonne 
 in the diocese of Rodez (as legally appears by his con- 
 fession judicially made on the 13th of September, a. d. 
 1320) six years before his confession, saw in the house of 
 his father aforesaid, at Alzonne, a certain stranger, of 
 whom John Aymon his brother said to him, that he was 
 called John de Cerno, and was of their kindred, and he 
 commended him that he was good ; and the said John de 
 Cerno advised him, that he should be an honest man ; and 
 he heard him, Helyas, swearing, and then he reproved 
 him for swearing, saying to him that he was not as good 
 as he ought to be (quod non erat satis probus homo) but 
 at that time he did not know of the said John de Cerno 
 that he was of the sect of the Valdenses, until afterwards he 
 heard said, and there was a rumour at Alzonne, that Hu- 
 guetus Garinus was taken at Avignon, and burnt as a 
 Valdensian ; and from that time he began to think with 
 himself of the said John de Cerno that he was of the same 
 sect or society. Also, after the aforesaid things, and three 
 years before the time of his confession, he saw in the house 
 of John Aymon his brother, two strangers whom he did not 
 know, nor their names, who supped there with Guilielma 
 wife of the aforesaid John Aymon his brother ; concerning 
 whom the said Guilielma told him, that they were friends of 
 their's, whom he did not know then to be Valdenses ; but, 
 afterwards, when he heard that the said Huguetus Garinus 
 was taken, and burnt, as a Valdensian, because the said 
 Guilielma was sister to the before-mentioned Huguetus> 
 
328 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 and that the family of the father of the said Guilielma and 
 the said Hnguetns were involved in the matter of the Val- 
 denses, he suspected the aforesaid men to be of some bad 
 sect. Also, he knew that John his brother sometimes re- 
 ceived certain strangers in his father's house, in which be 
 then lived with his brother John, of whom he said that 
 they were related to the aforesaid Guilielma his wife ; and 
 one of them whose surname he did not know, was called 
 Gerardus, and the other was called P. de Cerno, of whom 
 the aforesaid John, his brother, told him that he was bro- 
 ther, or relation, to John de Cerno. Of the aforesaid 
 things he did not come to confess, nor to reveal them, 
 until he was cited to Thoulouse, but he did not come but 
 went to Avignon, where he confessed the aforesaid things 
 before the Inquisitor of Thoulouse, who was then there." 
 
 For these offences he was sentenced to perform the lesser pilgrim- 
 ages (peregrinationes minora sine crucibusj that is, to visit seventeen 
 churches, which are specified. He was to begin within three months, 
 faithfully to persevere until he should have completed his task, and to 
 bring from each place a certificate that he had been there. 
 
 No. XXVI. Culpa—Stepkanus, 343. 
 
 " Stephanits de Vineis, otherwise surnamed de 
 na Bernarda, inhabitant and native of Alzonne in the 
 diocese of Rodez, son of the late Peter de Vineis, native 
 of Montinhacum in the diocese of Perigueux (as appears 
 to us by his confession legally and judicially made on the 
 11th of July, 1320) ten years or thereabouts before the 
 time of his confession, on a certain night coming from out 
 of doors into his house, he found there Bartholomew de 
 Vineis bis brother, and a certain man whom he did not 
 otherwise know, who slept there that night ; of which man 
 the aforesaid Bartholomew his brotner told him, that he 
 was called John de Cerno, and he commended him that he 
 was a good man, and if he would be of his mind, he would 
 
Sect. 10] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 329 
 
 teach him what would save his soul; and he conjured him 
 not to tell any one of him that he had come there, and 
 that he had seen him, because the said John was of those 
 who were called Poor Men of Lyons, and they call them- 
 selves brethren. Also, six or seven years or thereabouts, 
 before the time of his confession, he saw at a certain time 
 in the house of Guilielmus Garinus of Alzonne, Huguetus 
 Garinus, and a certain other man of whom he heard and 
 knew, that he was the master of the said Huguetus, and 
 that he was called Bartholomew, and of whom he knew 
 that they were of those who are called Poor Men of Lyons, 
 and he heard the words and admonitions of the said Bar- 
 tholomew ; among which he heard the said Bartholomew 
 say, that to swear was in all cases a sin, and that God had 
 forbidden swearing, and that he should take heed to him- 
 self not to swear, and he drank with them there. Also, 
 three years, or thereabouts, before the time of his confes- 
 sion, on a certain night, he found a certain man in the 
 road in the town of Alzonne, of whom he heard and knew 
 that he was called Stephanus Bordetus, and that he was 
 of those people who are afraid to go about by day (de illis 
 gentibus que non audebant ire de die) because they were 
 harassed by the people. Also, in the present year of his con- 
 fession, before Lent, on a certain night, a man came to 
 his house, and knocked at the door, and asked him if 
 he would take him in ; and he brought him in, and he 
 slept there that night, and he heard from him that he was 
 called Arnaldus, and he knew and understood that he was 
 of those who are called Poor Men of Lyons, and he heard 
 his words and admonitions. Also, he believed the afore- 
 said Poor Men of Lyons, who are otherwise called Val- 
 denses, to be good men, and that they have a good faith, 
 and a good sect, in which they, and others who hold it, 
 may be saved, on account of the words which he heard 
 from them, and on account of that which his brother had 
 
 2 v 
 
330 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 said to him of them, although he knew that they were 
 harassed by other people. And he was in the said belief 
 from the time when he first saw them, until that time in 
 which he had heard say that Hngnetns Garinus aforesaid 
 was burnt, and he was in that belief for eight years or 
 thereabouts. The aforesaid things de did not confess, 
 neither did he come to reveal them, until he was called, 
 and judicially required, and by others accused or named." 
 
 No. XXVII. Culpa— Raymunda, 344. 
 
 " Raymitnda, wife of Stephanus de Vineis, otherwise 
 called de na Bernarda, inhabitant of Alzonne, in the dio- 
 cese of Rodez, daughter of Peter Aymon, a Burgundian 
 (as legally appears by her own confession judicially made 
 the 29th of January, 1321) about ten years, or thereabouts, 
 before the time of her confession, Bartholomeus de Vineis, 
 the brother of her husband, brought to her house two men, 
 of whom one was called Johannes de Cerno, and the other 
 Peter, and they were brothers. And they supped there, 
 she seeing them, but she did not know, nor hear it then 
 said, that tbey were Valdenses. Also, after the aforesaid, 
 four years or thereabouts before the time of her confession, 
 John Aymon, her brother, told her that there was a certain 
 man in his house, who wished to speak with her. And he 
 brought the said man to her house, of whom he said that 
 he was called Arnald, and that he was a clerk. And there 
 went with him a certain young man, and they sat down 
 there with her, and with other persons whom she names. 
 And then the said Arnald admonished her, and her sister 
 Agnes, that they should do good and avoid evil. And 
 afterwards they drank, and went away; nor did she then 
 know of the said Arnald, or of his companion, that they 
 were Valdenses. Also, two years since or thereabouts, 
 the said John Aymon her brother came, another time, to 
 her house with the said Arnald, and his companion, and 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 331 
 
 they saluted her, and staid there a little while, and after- 
 wards went away. Also in the present year in which she 
 made her said confession, she heard it said by Bartholo- 
 nieus de Vineis, the brother of her husband, after he had 
 returned from Thoulouse, where he had been confined in 
 the prison of the Inquisitor, that the said Johannes de 
 Cerno, and Peter, his brother, and the above-mentioned 
 Arnald, were of those who were called Valdenses. 
 
 " The aforesaid Raymunda denies that she had known, 
 or done, any thing in the matter of the Valdensian heresy 
 (de facto Valdesie) and is not considered as having fully 
 confessed, nor was she reconciled nor absolved ; but be- 
 cause of a little sucking child, which she then had, she was 
 dismissed to return home, that she might be examined at 
 another time. Against the said Raymunda, Huguetus 
 Garinus deposes, that he, and Bartholomeus de Caiarco, 
 the Valdensian, were in the house of her and her husband ; 
 and she, and Agnes her sister, saw and knew them to be 
 there, and that they were friends and believers of the Val- 
 denses." 
 
 Stephanus and his wife, for the offences here confessed, were sen- 
 tenced to wear single crosses. Bartholomew, 353, here mentioned, and 
 his wife Agues, 359, were at the same time sentenced to imprisonment. 
 Raymunda calls this Agnes her sister ; and so she was, as well as her 
 sister-in-law, for both were daughters of Peter Aymon, whose confes- 
 sion has been already given. I mention this as one of the numerous 
 indications which the book affords, that the Buigundians, though 
 settled in various places, were, to a considerable extent, a distinct 
 people from those of the country. 
 
 No. XXVIII. Sentence— Johannes, 262." 
 " In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, Amen. 
 We the foresaid Inquisitors of heretical pravity, and de- 
 
 4 This sentence having been translated by Chandler, and printed 
 by him, in his translation of Limborch's History of the Inquisition^ I 
 give it as it there stands, p. 47. , , .. u 
 
332 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 legated commissaries of the venerable Persons, the Vicars 
 General and Chapter of the Church of Aix, [Auch] during 
 the Vacancy of the See. Whereas it evidently and le- 
 gally appears to us, as well by the Inquisition made in 
 general against all who are infected with heretical pravity, 
 and by the Public Acts and Process of the said Inquisi- 
 tion, as well as by thy Answers, and Assertions, and 
 proper Confessions made in Judgment, that you John 
 Cbauoat, Son of [the late] Peter Chauoat, of the Village 
 of Mulsia, near Urgeletum, in the Diocese of Besan<jon, 
 usually dwelling at Vienne in the Diocese of Aix, 
 [Auch] was long since taken up, and have been found by 
 process, to be of the Sect and Heresy of those, who are 
 called Valdenses, or poor men of Lyons ; which Sect and 
 Heresy the holy Roman Church hath many years ago con- 
 demned as heretical, and hath persecuted and condemned 
 the followers and professors of it as heretics; which sect 
 thou hast held and maintained for nine years past, partici- 
 pating and communicating with the Valdenses, knowing 
 them to be sncb, by eating and drinking according to 
 their manner, praying with them on jour bended knees, 
 by hearing their words and preachings which they make in 
 their conventicles to their believers, and by receiving them 
 in thy house, and also by often [aliquociens] confessing 
 thy sins to them, and humbly receiving from them abso- 
 lution and penance, which they call the amendment [guam 
 meliar amentum vocani] ; and whereas being apprehended, 
 and at the beginning, being judicially required, would'st 
 not swear, but didst several times refuse to abjure the said 
 sect and heresy, affirming that you believed it to be good, 
 and that the followers of it were good men, and might be 
 saved in it. And finally, whereas you have feignedly and 
 falsly said with your mouth, but not with your heart, that you 
 would depart from it, and abjure it, and hast in word but not 
 with the heart judicially abjured it; of which feignedness 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 333 
 
 and falshood, and the doubleness of thy heart there is legal 
 proof, by those things which you have plainly and fully 
 since recognized, asserted and confessed in judgment. 
 And farther, whereas you have manifested your treachery 
 after your feigned tho' judicial abjuration of the said sect 
 and heresy, by having denied, and still denying with an 
 obstinate mind, tho' oftentimes required in judgment, to 
 swear that you would speak the truth, and dost as before, 
 and much more evidently, approve and commend the 
 errors and heresies of the said sect, and assertest, that the 
 followers of it are just and good men ; and that the Pre- 
 lates of the Roman Church, and the Inquisitors of hereti- 
 cal pravity, who persecute them, do unjustly and un- 
 righteously, in apprehending and detaining them, because 
 unwilling to forsake the said sect, and by delivering them 
 over to the secular power. Particularly, whereas the 
 erroneous followers and profane professors of the sect and 
 heresy of the Valdenses hold 5 and affirm, that they are 
 not subject to our Lord the Pope, or the Roman Pontiff, 
 or to other Prelates of the Church of Rome, because it 
 unjustly persecutes and condemns them. Item, They 
 assert that they cannot be excommunicated by the said 
 Roman Pontiff and Prelates, and that no one of them is 
 to be obey'd, when they order and command the followers 
 and professors of the said sect to desert and abjure 
 it, altho' condemn'd as heretical by the Roman Church. 
 Item, The foresaid sect and heresy, and followers and 
 professors of the same, hold and dogmatize, that every 
 oath, without exception or exposition, is prohibited of God, 
 and is unlawful, and a sin ; and this we have heard from 
 your own mouth, that you so believe and hold, by applying 
 
 5 The^words are " Picfate siquidem secte et hcresis Valdensium 
 dcvii sectatores et piophani professores tencnt et dogmatizant," &c. 
 
334 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 to this purpose the words of the holy gospel, and of St. 
 James the Apostle, of not swearing, tho' in a mad and 
 mistaken sense : Whereas, according to the sound doc- 
 trine of the Saints, and Doctors of the church, and tradition 
 of the said holy Catholic Church, 'tis not only lawful but 
 necessary to swear for attesting the truth in judgment, and 
 also by a statute long since published against the foresaid 
 error, 'tis appointed, that those who by a damnable super- 
 stition refuse an oath, and will not swear, shall be for this 
 reason declared heretics, and subjected to the penalties 
 ordered by the Canon. Item, Thou thyself hast oftentimes, 
 and before many of us, being canonically and judicially 
 required to swear for the truth [to speak the truth — de 
 veritate dicenda] wholly refused to swear, and yet refusest 
 it, asserting that you believe that 'tis prohibited by God, 
 and unlawful, and a sin to swear at all. Item, From the 
 same fountain of error, and mistaken understanding, the 
 foresaid sect and heresy asserts, that all judgment is pro- 
 hibited of God, and by consequence that 'tis a sin, and 
 against the divine prohibition, that any judge, in any case, 
 or for whatsoever cause, should judge any man to bodily 
 punishment, or to death ; applying, without a proper expo- 
 sition, the words of the holy gospel, where it is written, 
 Judge not, that ye be not judged ; Item, Thou shalt not 
 kill, [and the like] not understanding nor receiving them 
 as the holy Roman Church understands and delivers them 
 to the faithful, according to the doctrine of the Fathers 
 and Doctors, and canonical sanctions ; which said sanctions 
 the said sect, departing from the right path, neither receives 
 nor accounts valid, but despises, renounces, and contemns. 
 Item, Most perniciously erring about the sacrament of 
 true penance, and the keys of the church ; they say, and 
 teach, and hold, that they have power from God, as the 
 Apostles had, of hearing the confessions of the sins of all 
 that are willing to confess [confessiones peccatorum sibi 
 
Sect. 10] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 335 
 
 volencium confiteri] and of absolving and enjoining 
 penances : and they do hear the confessions of such, and 
 enjoin those who confess to them penances for their sins, 
 tho' they are not ordained clerks or priests by any Bishop 
 of the Roman Church, but are mere laicks, and con- 
 fess they have not any such power from the Roman 
 Church, but rather deny it, and indeed have it not from 
 God, nor from his Church, since they are without the 
 Church, and cut off from the Church, out of which there 
 is no true penance or salvation. Item, Thou thyself hast 
 confessed in judgment, that long since thou hast confessed 
 thy sins severally to four of the Valdenses, [quatuor Val- 
 densibus cuilibet singillatim] viz. John Moran, Peter de 
 Cernone, John Brayssan, and Stephen Porcherii, and hast 
 received penance from them, knowing them to be Val- 
 denses, and that they were not Priests ordained by any 
 Bishop of the Roman Church. Item, The foresaid sect 
 and heresy of the Valdenses make a jest of the indul- 
 gences which are granted by the Prelates of the Church, 
 asserting that they are not valid. Item, It denies that 
 there is after this life any purgatory for souls, and of con- 
 sequence that prayers, and alms, and masses, and other 
 vows of piety, which are made by the faithful for the dead, 
 can at all profit them. Item, Detracting from the Pre>- 
 lates of the Church of Rome, they deny and condemn their 
 state, saying, that they are blind, and leaders of the blind, 
 and that they do not preserve the Gospel truth, nor follow 
 the Apostolic poverty. They also obstinately and falsly 
 affirm, that the Church of Rome is the house of a lye. 
 Item, Comparing themselves with the Apostolical life 
 and perfection, and equalling themselves to them in merit, 
 they vainly glory in themselves, boasting that they hold 
 and preserve the evangelick and apostolick poverty. 
 Item, These and other things, as well erroneous as mad, 
 they privately dogmatize to their believers in their Con- 
 
336 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 venticles. Item, They preach from the gospels and 
 epistles, and other sacred writings, which by expounding 
 they corrupt, as masters of errors, who know not how to 
 be disciples of the truth, because [whereas — cum] the 
 preaching and exposition of the sacred Scriptures is 
 wholly forbidden to the laity. Item, The said Sect of the 
 Valdenses differs and disagrees in several things, in life 
 and manners, from the common conversation of the faith- 
 ful, as is found and plainly appears by the Inquisition 
 and examination as well of the Valdenses themselves, as 
 their believers, and especially by the confessions of those 
 who are converted by the Inquisitors from that sect and 
 heresy. Moreover, thou John hast judicially before us 
 and elsewhere, oftentimes approved and praised the said 
 sect and heresy of the Valdenses, and dost yet approve and 
 commend it, nor wilt depart from it, nor abjnre and for- 
 sake it, but rather perseverest in it with an obstinate mind, 
 altho' by us and several other good men thou hast been 
 oftentimes invited to conversion, and hast been canonically 
 admonished and judicially required by us, that in heart 
 and deed thou shouldst turn from it, and with thy mouth 
 and soul wholly abjure it."' 
 
 For these offences he was, as a relapsed heretic, delivered over to 
 the secular arm, in the usual form, which has been already given. 
 
 No. XXIX. Culpa— Petrus, 169. 
 " Peter Andrew native of Verdunetum near Sais- 
 sac, living at Castelnaudarry (as lawfully appears to us by 
 his own confession judicially made on the 8th of July, 
 1307, also on the 13th of June, 1309, also a.d. 1305, the 
 fourth of the Indiction on the 12th of October, before the 
 Penitentiary of our Lord the Pope) saw and received 
 many times into his house Peter Auterius, and James 
 Auterius, of whom he had heard that they were of those 
 who are called heretics ; and he gave them to eat and drink 
 
Sect. 10] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 337 
 
 of the provisions of his house, and they were there visited 
 by certain other persons whom he names. Also, in differ- 
 ent houses and places which he names, he saw and visited 
 many times the aforesaid heretics; and he heard their 
 words and preaching and doctrines, and he saw many 
 other persons whom he names in his confessions seeing 
 and visiting the said heretics ; and he accompanied them 
 sometimes from place to place. Also he adored the said 
 heretics, and received benediction from them many times 
 and so often that he cannot remember the occasions, say- 
 ing three times ' Benedicite,' with his knees bended, and 
 his head bowed, and he saw them adored in like manner 
 by persons whom he names. Also, he believed in the sect 
 of the heretics. Also, he believed the heretics to be good 
 men and true, and that they had a good life, and good sect, 
 in which they and others believing them might be saved, 
 and he was in that belief two or three years ; and after he 
 left it, he went to confess to the Lord Cardinal of Bourges. 
 Also he gave two or three turonenses grossos to Martin 
 Franciscus, who was consenting with the heretics. The 
 aforesaid things he committed two years and a half, and 
 one year, before he judicially confessed the aforesaid. 
 The aforesaid Peter took an oath before the Penitentiary 
 of our Lord the Pope, to obey the commands of the 
 Church, and he renounced, and disclaimed, and abjured, 
 all heretical pravity, and was absolved from excommuni- 
 cation by the same. 
 
 The aforesaid Peter Andrew (as legally appears to us 
 by his confession judicially made on the 10th of February, 
 a. d. 1311, after he had made other confessions of the fact 
 of heresy, as well before the penitentiary of our Lord the 
 Pope, as afterwards before the Inquisitor of Thoulouse, 
 and had judicially abjured all heresy before the above men- 
 tioned Lord Penitentiary) after that he saw many times 
 Petrus Filius de Taravello, whom he knew to be a be- 
 
 2x 
 
338 SENTENCES .AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 liever in the heretics, and a fugitive for the fact of heresy ; 
 and he many times was in conversation with him, and re- 
 ceived him into his house, and he gave him five silver 
 pieces of Tours (turonenses argenteos), and allowed him 
 clothes belonging to the honse to sleep upon, which he 
 did. Also with the said Petrns Filius he saw certain 
 others whom he knew to be believers in the heretics. 
 Also he spoke with Guilielmus More of Taravellum about 
 the matter of heretics, hearing them commended, and 
 their life, and sect, and he heard from him that one of 
 them whom he named, Petrus Sancius de Garda, was 
 in that country ; and of him he said that he was hereti- 
 cus vestitus, and he begged him Peter Andrew that 
 he would do something for the said Petrus Sancius de 
 Garda, and he answered that he was not able then, but 
 he would willingly do something for him when he was 
 able. Also a certain woman of Verdunetum, who is 
 called Bonassias, asked him if any ' of those good men' 
 (by whom he understood ' of the heretics') was in that 
 part of the Country ? because a certain person whom he 
 names, had told her that she might know this from the 
 said Peter Andrew, 6 and he answered the said woman, that 
 he had heard say that some of the heretics were in that 
 part of the country. And, some days afterwards, he talked 
 with the said woman, who told him that that man had a cer- 
 tain book concerning the matter of the heretics, and there 
 were two leaves of the said book wanting, and he wished 
 to send it to that heretic that he might make it perfect if 
 
 6 I have given what I suppose to be the meaning, but it seems as 
 if something had been omitted in the text, which stands thus : — " Item 
 " quedam mulier de Verduneto que vocatur Bonassias petivit ab eo si 
 " aliquis de illis bonis hoxninibus per quos intelligebat de hereticis erat 
 " in ten's ista qui quidam quern nominat eum quod sciiet hoc a dicto 
 " Petro Andree et ipse respondit," &c. 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 339 
 
 he knew how, or might get it done by somebody who did 
 know how ; and she replied to him, that she believed that 
 the said heretic did not know how to read or write. And, 
 after some days, the said Peter Andrew told the aforesaid 
 Guilielmus More, and the said Guilielmus More answered, 
 that he would know that from the said heretic, and after- 
 wards he would speak with him Peter Andrew ; and after- 
 wards the said Guilielmus More asked him for the said 
 book, and afterwards the said Peter Andrew had that book 
 from the said woman, and delivered it to the said Guiliel- 
 mus More, who told him that he would deliver it to the 
 said Petrus Sancius the heretic. Also, afterwards he 
 heard that the said Guilielmus More, and Raymundus de 
 Moro villa had words between them about the said book ; 
 and he heard from the said Raymundus that ' that gentle- 
 man, 1 (Me Dominies) by whom he understood Petrus 
 Sancius, was afraid he should be betrayed with that book, 
 and that a certain person (whom he named) might have 
 sent that book in order to know where the said heretic 
 was, and that he might inform against him. And then 
 the said Peter Andrew told the said Raymundus, to tell 
 the said heretic from him, that he need not fear, because 
 such an one (whom he named to him) had sent the said 
 book. Also, he said to the aforesaid woman, when she 
 wished to remove from Verdunetum to Thoulouse, that 
 she should say to that man who delivered the said book to 
 her, that he might trust Guilielmus More in the said mat- 
 ter of the heretics. Also the said Bonassias delivered 
 to him seven, or nine, albus 1 of Tours (turonenses albos) 
 with the said book, and afterwards told him, that that 
 gentlemen (ilk Dominus) who sent the said book, sent 
 also the said Turonenses to the aforesaid heretic, and then 
 he delivered the value of the said Turonenses, to the 
 aforesaid Guilielmus More, for bim to deliver that money 
 to the said heretic. Also he knew, and understood, 
 
340 SENTENCES AND CULPE. [Sect. 10. 
 
 that Petrus Filius with Petrus Sancius the heretic, had 
 been in the house which he Peter Andrew rented at 
 Thonlouse, where the said Bonassias dwelt ; and he heard 
 from the said Petrus Filius, that he had bled himself 
 there; to whom he answered that he pleased himself (cui 
 respondit quod placebat sibi). Also the said Peter Filius 
 told him, that year, at the time of vintage, that that gentle- 
 man (by whom he understood Petrus Sancius the heretic) 
 was badly cloathed ; asking him that he would give him 
 aliquant raubamf and afterwards he Peter Andrew caused 
 a coat to be made for the said heretic, and delivered it 
 to the said Bonassias, that she should deliver it to Petrus 
 Filius for the said heretic. Also, another time in that 
 year, the said Petrus Filius asked him to do something 
 for the aforesaid Petrus Sancius the heretic ; to whom he 
 answered that it was not then in his power, but in the 
 following Lent, he would do something for him ; and 
 it was agreed between them, that in the following Lent 
 he would bring the said Petrus' Sancius the heretic to 
 Thoulouse, to the house in which he Peter Andrew 
 
 ? I confess that I know not how to translate these words. Rauba, 
 as used by writers of the middle ages, might mean that in which persons 
 were robed, or that of which they were robbed. The former seems more 
 suited to the matter in hand ; yet I doubt whether Peter Sancius was 
 likely to wear a robe, or his friend to ask for one for him, and I do not 
 think the word was used laxly for any other article of dress ; and Peter 
 Andrew does not seem to have understood it so, for he " fecit fieri quan- 
 dam tunicam ad opus dicli heretici." From the latter sense, of spoil or 
 plunder, (in short, whatever people raubaverunt from one another) it 
 came to have a more general meaning, and was sometimes used for 
 stuff of any sort, without any reference to its derivation, and I should 
 think it was probably so used on this occasion. There may, however, 
 have been some common phrase to express the making a gift to a per- 
 son (letting him as it were share the spoil) of which this may be a literal 
 translation into what was then considered latin. 
 
Sect. 10.] SENTENCES AND CULPE. 341 
 
 lived. Also, he heard, and understood, from the said 
 Petrus Filius that he would become a good Christian, if he 
 had the means of living, by which he understood that 
 he would become a heretic ; and he promised him, that in 
 whatever condition he might be, he would provide for him 
 for one year. Also, a certain sick person asked him to 
 procure one of the heretics, and he promised that person 
 that he would if he could, and he sent to a certain heretic 
 but he could not have him. Also, in that year on a cer- 
 tain occasion Petrus Filius sent him some pence (denarii) 
 to buy fish, to send to him, at the house in which the said 
 Bonassias lived, where he then was, which he did ; and he 
 understood and believed, that he wished to have those fish 
 for Petrus Sancius the heretic ; and the same day he went 
 thither, and then he understood, and knew that the said 
 Petrus Sancius the heretic, was there in a certain room of 
 the said house which he Peter Andrew rented for the 
 said Bonassias, which Bonassias was his concubine. The 
 aforesaid things he committed two years, and one year, and 
 half a year, and less, persevering in them, before he came 
 to confess judicially the things aforesaid. 
 
 For these offences he was delivered to the secular arm. 
 
Section XI. 
 
 NOTICES OF THE ALBIGENSES AND WAL- 
 
 DENSES BY HISTORIANS AND 
 
 OTHER WRITERS. 
 
 After what has been already laid before the 
 reader, I feel that such notices of the Albigenses 
 and Waldenses as it is proposed to extract from 
 the works of early historians and other writers, 
 require little or no preface ; and I only feel it 
 necessary to remind him that I do not offer them 
 as the statements of well-informed and unpre- 
 judiced persons. I do not call upon him to be- 
 lieve — I only ask him to consider — what they 
 say ; and if he should be led to believe (as I do) 
 that they sometimes made mistakes, and some- 
 times invented or repeated lies, still let him en- 
 deavour to form an impartial judgment of the 
 whole, and consider how far their statements do 
 in fact corroborate those which have been already 
 given. 
 
Sect. 11.] EVERVINUS. a. d. 1147. 343 
 
 Letter of Evervinus to St. Bernard. 
 
 A.D. 1147. 
 
 About the year 1147, St. Bernard received a 
 letter from Evervinus, Propositus of Steinfeld, 
 near Cologne, respecting some heretics who had 
 been recently discovered, and burned, in that 
 city. He gives them no name, except that he 
 says they called themselves apostles ; and Ber- 
 nard seems to imply that they did not assume, 
 and were not known by, any particular appella- 
 tion. 1 This abbot directed two sermons against 
 the errors of these heretics, which seem to have 
 been evidently suggested by the letter of Ever- 
 vinus ; though, from some expressions, I am led 
 to think that he was not indebted to that letter 
 exclusively for his knowledge of the sect. 
 
 The letter has been printed by Mabillon, 2 
 and as it may throw light on our present subject, 
 I shall give that part which has been translated 
 by Allix 3 in his words. He omits the introduc- 
 tion, and I see nothing in it worth noticing for 
 
 1 Quaere ab illis suae sectse auctorem ; neminem da- 
 bunt quo nomine istos titulove censebis ? nullo. 
 
 Serm. in Cant. lxvi. vol. I. 1494. He says, indeed, in the 
 same discourse, " se. .. .apostolicos nommant;" but it 
 does not seem clear that they took this title. At all events 
 they were distinct from the sect of the Apostolics. 
 
 2 Op. Bern. Vol. i. c. 1487. 
 
 3 Ch. of Pied. 153. 
 
34A EVERV1NXJS. : a.». U47. [Sect. 1L 
 
 our purpose, except that Evervinus calls upon 
 Bernard to come forward against " the new 
 
 heretics." 4 
 
 " There have been lately some heretics discovered 
 amongst us, near Cologne, whereof some with satisfaction 
 returned again to the Church : two of these, viz. one that 
 was a Bishop amongst them, and his companions, openly 
 opposed us in the assembly of the clergy and laity, the 
 Lord' Archbishop himself being present, with many of the 
 nobility, maintaining their heresy from the words of Christ 
 and the Apostles. But when they saw they could go no 
 further, they desired that a day might be appointed for 
 them, upon which they might bring along with them 
 men skilful in their belief, promising to return to the 
 church, provided they should find their masters defective 
 in answering what was opposed to them ; but that other- 
 wise they would rather die than depart from their judg- 
 ment. Upon this their declaration, after that for three 
 days together they had been admonished, and found 
 unwilling tp repent, they were seized by the people, being 
 incited by overmuch zeal, and put into the fire and 
 burnt; 5 and (what is most wonderful) they entered to 
 
 * " Contra novos hereticos, qui circumquaque jam 
 u fere per omnes ecclesias ebulliunt deputeo abyssi quasi 
 * jam princeps illorum incipiat dissolvi, et instet dies 
 « Domini." 
 
 5 Allix has omitted Everviuus's declaration that this was done 
 against his will. His words are, " rapti sunt a populis nimio zelo per- 
 motis, nobis tamen inviti* : et in ignem positi, atque cremati." Milner, 
 who refers to Allix for the story, and who seems to have taken his ex- 
 tracts of the letter from Allix's translation, with such verbal alterations 
 as he saw fit to make, follows implicitly on this point. Vol. III. 378. 
 His, following the " modern historian,'' and not the "original record," 
 in. tljis case was the less excusably, because he seems to hare had access 
 to it. He tells us, p. 331, " I use the Parisian edition, of Mabillon^,,, 
 
Skct.11.] EVERVINUS. a. d. 1147. 345 
 
 the stake, and bare the torment of the fire, not only 
 with patience, but with joy and gladness. In this case, O 
 Holy Father, were I present with you, I should be glad to 
 have your answer, how these members of the Devil could 
 with such courage and constancy persist in their heresy, 
 as is scarcely to be found in the most religious in the faith 
 of Christ. 
 
 " Their heresy is this : they say that the Church is 
 only amongst them, because they alone follow the steps of 
 Christ, and continue in the imitation of the true apostolic 
 life, not seeking the things of this world, possessing neither 
 house, lands, nor anything in propriety, according as Christ 
 did, who neither possessed any himself, nor gave leave 
 to his disciples to possess anything. Whereas ye (say 
 they to us) join house to house, and field to field, seeking 
 the things of this world ; so that even they also, who are 
 looked upon as most perfect amongst you, such as are 
 your Monks and Regular Canons, though they do not pos- 
 sess these things as proper, but as common, yet do they 
 possess all these things. And of themselves they say, We 
 the poor of Christ, who have no certain abode, fleeing from 
 one city to another, like sheep in the midst of wolves, do 
 endure persecution with the Apostles and Martyrs : not- 
 withstanding that we lead an holy and strict life in fasting 
 and abstinence, persevering day and night in prayers and 
 labours, and seeking only from thence what is necessary to 
 support our lives, we maintain ourselves thereby, because 
 we are not of the world. 8 But as for you lovers of the 
 world, ye have peace with the world, because ye are of 
 
 6 Rather, " and seeking only from thence what is necessary to sup- 
 " port our lives. We undergo this, because we are not of the world ; 
 " but ye lovers of the world," &c. The words are " tantum neces- 
 " saria ex eis vitae quaerentes. Nos hoc sustinemus quia de mundo non 
 " sumus : vos autem mundi amatores," &c. 
 
 2 Y 
 
346 EVERVINUS. a. d. 1147. [Sect. 11. 
 
 the world. False Apostles, who adulterate the word of 
 Christ, seeking their own, have misled you and your fore- 
 fathers ; whereas we and our fathers, being born Apostles, 
 have continued in the grace of Christ, and shall continue 
 so to the end of the world. To distinguish us from one 
 another, 7 Christ saith, ' By their fruits ye shall know them :' 
 our fruits are the footsteps of Christ. In their diet 8 they 
 forbid all manner of milk, and whatsoever is made of it, 
 and all that is procreated by copulation. This is that 
 which they oppose to us concerning their conversation. 
 As to the Sacraments, they conceal themselves; yet did 
 they openly confess to us, that daily at their tables, when 
 they take their meals, they, according to the form of 
 Christ and his Apostles, do consecrate their meat and 
 drink into the body and blood of Christ, by the Lord's 
 Prayer, to nourish themselves therewith, as being the 
 members and body of Christ. But as for us, they say we 
 hold not the truth in the Sacraments, but only a kind of 
 shadow, and tradition of men. They also openly confess, 
 that besides water, they baptized also with fire and the 
 Holy Ghost, and had been so baptized themselves ; alleg- 
 ing to this purpose the testimony of St. John the Baptist, 
 baptizing with water, and saying concerning Christ, ' He 
 shall baptize you with the Holy Ghost and with fire :' and 
 in another place, ' I indeed baptize you with water, but 
 there stands one in the midst of you, whom you know not, 
 who shall baptize you with another baptism besides that of 
 water.' And that this other baptism was to be performed 
 by the imposition of hands, they endeavoured to make out 
 by the testimony of St Luke, who, in the Acts of the 
 Apostles, describing Paul's baptism, which he received from 
 
 " Rather, " between us and you" — " ad distinguendos nos et vob." 
 8 See before, p. 255, n. 34. 
 
Sect. llj EVERVINUS. a. d. 1147. 347 
 
 Ananias, at the command of Christ, makes no mention 
 of water, but only the laying on of hands ; and whatsoever 
 else we find, whether in the Acts of the Apostles or in St. 
 Paul's Epistles, they apply to this baptism ; and they say 
 that every elect (for so they call all those that are baptized 
 amongst them) hath power to baptize others whom they 
 find worthy, and to consecrate the body and blood of 
 Christ at their meals. For first, by their laying on of 
 hands, they receive some of their auditors into the number 
 of believers, and then they have leave to be present at their 
 prayers, until that, after having had sufficient trial of them, 
 they make them elect. They contemn our baptism, con- 
 demn marriage ; but the reason why, I could not get out 
 of them, either because they durst not own it, or rather 
 because they knew none. , 
 
 " There are also some other heretics in our country, 
 who are altogether different from these, by whose mutual 
 discord and contests they were both of them discovered to 
 us. These deny that the body of Christ is made on the 
 Altar, because all the Priests of the Church are not conse- 
 crated. For the apostolical dignity say they, is corrupted, 
 by engaging itself in secular affairs, and the sitting in the 
 chair of Peter ; yet because it does not wage God's war- 
 fare as Peter did, it has deprived itself of the powefcof 
 consecrating, which was so great in Peter ; 9 and what.it 
 has not itself, the Archbishops and Bishops, who live like 
 
 9 Rather " For the Apostolic dignity (say they) is corrupted, en- 
 " gaging itself in secular affairs ; and, in the chair of Peter, not waging 
 " God's warfare, like Peter, it has deprived itself of the power of con- 
 " secrating, which was given to Peter." AUix professed to translate 
 from the letter as given by Mabillon, where the passage stands thus : — 
 " Apostolica enim dignitas (dicunt) corrupta est implicans se negotiis 
 ". ssecularibus ; et in cathedra Petri non militans Deo, ,sicut Petrus, 
 " potestate consecrandi, quae data fuit Petio, se privavit : et quod," &c. 
 
348 EVERVIMJS. A. D. 1147. [Sect. 11. 
 
 men of the world, cannot receive from it, viz. the power 
 of consecrating; others : to this purpose alleging these 
 words of Christ, ' The Scribes and Pharisees sit in Moses's 
 chair; what therefore they bid yon do, that do.' As if 
 such as these had only the power of preaching and com- 
 manding, but nothing more. Thus they make void the 
 Priesthood of the Church, and condemn the Sacraments 
 besides Baptism only ; and this only in those who are 
 come to age, who, Iftley say, are baptized by Christ him- 
 self, whosoever be the Minister of the Sacraments. They 
 do not believe infant baptism ; alleging that place of the 
 Gospel, 10 ' Whosoever shall believe, and be baptized, shall 
 be saved.' Aft marriage they call fornication, besides that 
 which is between two virgins, male and female ; quoting 
 ■ for this the words of our Saviour, wherewith he answers 
 the Pharisees, ' What God hath joined let no man sepa- 
 rate ;' as if God did only join such together, as he did our 
 first parents : as likewise those words of our Saviour, 
 which he speaks to the Jews, in answer to what they ob- 
 jected to him about the bill of divorce, ' From the begin- 
 ning it was not so ;' and the following words, ' Whosoever 
 marrieth her that is divorced, commits adultery ;' and that 
 of the Apostle, ' Let marriage be honourable to all, and 
 the bed undefiled.' 
 
 " They put no confidence in the intercession of the 
 Saints ; they maintain that fasting, and other afflictions 
 which are undertaken for sin, are not necessary to the 
 just, nor to sinners ; because at what time soever the sin- 
 ner repents of his sin, they are all forgiven to him ; and all 
 other things observed in the Church, which have not been 
 
 10 " De Baptismo parvulornm fidem non habent, prater illud de 
 Evahgelio Qui crediderit, &c. So the passage stands— but should we 
 not 'react propter J '■ 
 
Sect. 11.] EVERVINUS. A. 0.1147. 349 
 
 established by Christ himself or his Apostles, they call 
 superstitions. They do not admit of any purgatory fire 
 after death ; but that the souls, as soon as they depart out 
 of the bodies, do enter into rest or punishment ; proving 
 it from that place of Solomon, ' Which way soever the 
 tree falls whether to the south or to the north, there it lies :' 
 by which means they make void all the prayers and obla- 
 tions of believers for the deceased. 
 
 " We therefore desire you Holy Father, to employ 
 your care and watchfulness against these manifold mis- 
 chiefs, and that you would be pleased to direct your pen 
 against these wild beasts of the reeds; not thinking it 
 sufficient to answer us, that the tower of David, to which 
 we may take our refuge, is sufficiently fortified with bul- 
 warks, that a thousand bucklers hang on the walls of it, 
 all shields of mighty men. For we desire, Father, that 
 for the sake of us simple ones, and that are slow of under- 
 standing, you would be pleased by your study to gather ajl 
 these arms in one place, that they may be the more ready 
 to be found, and more powerful to resist these monsters. 
 I let you know also, that those of them who have returned 
 to our Church, told us that they had great numbers of 
 their persuasion scattered almost every where: and, that 
 amongst them were many of our Clergy and Monks. 
 And as for those who were burnt, they, in the defence 
 they made for themselves, told us, that this their heresy, 
 had been concealed from the time of the Martyrs until 
 these times ; and that it had been preserved in Greece, 
 and some other countries. These are those heretics who 
 call themselves Apostles, having a Pope of their own ; 
 whereas the other despise our Pope, and yet own them- 
 selves to have no other besides him. These Apostles of 
 Satan have amongst them continent women, (as they call 
 them) widows, virgins, their wives, some of which are 
 amongst the number of their elect, others of their bejievejs ; 
 
350 ECKBERT. a. d. 1160. [Sect. 11. 
 
 as in imitation of the Apostles, who had power to lead 
 about women with them. Farewell in the Lord.'" 
 
 I need hardly request the reader to observe 
 that these persons, so far from professing to have 
 formed a whole church, " eminent and remark- 
 able" for testifying against the Papacy, stated 
 that their doctrine " had been concealed from 
 the time of the martyrs j" and that it " had been 
 preserved in Greece, and other countries." 
 
 Eckbert, Abbot of Schonauge. a. d. 1160. 
 
 According to Trithemius," Eckbert was the 
 second abbot of the Benedictine Monastery called 
 Schonauge, in the diocese of Treves, about the 
 middle of the twelfth century. His work against 
 the Cathari consists of thirteen discourses ad- 
 dressed to Reginold, rector of the Cathedral of 
 Cologne. 
 
 In the dedication, he says — 
 
 " It often happens in your Diocese, that certain He- 
 retics are apprehended of those who are most notorious 
 for their errors in these days. These , are those who are 
 most commonly called Cathari ; a race most pernicious to 
 
 11 Cited, Bib. Pat. Tom iv. P.n. p. 75. He also 
 states, that Eckbert had previously been a Canon frf 
 Bonn, and adds, " claruit in Cwnobio praefato S. Flonrii, 
 ^ quod Schonaugia dicitur, in Dicecesi Treverensi, sub 
 " Frederico Imperatore I. anno mclx." 
 
Sect. 11.] ECKBERT. a. d. 1160. 351 
 
 the Catholic faith, which, going about with, great subtilty, 
 they destroy like moths. They are furnished with words 
 of Holy Scripture which seem in a certain way to coun- 
 tenance their sect, and by means of these they know how 
 to defend their own errors, and abuse the Catholic faith. 
 Of the right sense however which is contained in the 
 words, and which is not to be come at without great dis- 
 cretion, they are extremely ignorant. I have therefore 
 thought it worth while to describe their errors, and to set 
 down the authorities of Scripture by which they defend 
 themselves, and to shew their real meaning ; and, at the 
 same time, to state those parts of our faith which they 
 oppose, and by the help of God to shew by what authori- 
 ties of Scripture, and by what arguments, they may be 
 defended, in order that those who read these things, and 
 take pains to remember them, may be somewhat better 
 prepared to dispute with these persons ; if, as frequently 
 happens, they shall be detected among the people. For 
 they are very talkative, and are always prepared with what 
 they have to say against us, and it is no small disgrace to 
 us who are learned, that we should be mute and have 
 nothing to say in reply to them. When I was a Canon in 
 the church of Bonn, I and my like-minded friend Bertol- 
 phus frequently disputed with such persons, and 1 paid 
 great attention to their errors and defences. Many things 
 also concerning them became known by means of those 
 who had left their sect, and had been delivered out of the 
 snares of the devil. I have, therefore, by the exhortation 
 of my Abbot, the Lord Hildelinus, put together in this 
 book the more fully both their opinions, and what may be 
 opposed to them ; and I have sent it to your Highness 
 (yestrae celsitudini) for old friendship's sake; so that if 
 it should happen that such persons are examined before 
 you, your prudence may be assisted by these discourses in 
 stopping the mouths of those who speak wickedly, and in 
 
352 ECKBERT. a.d. 1160. [Sect. 11 
 
 confirming the unstable minds of persons easily seduced ; 
 who, being deceived by their artful discourses, believe that 
 they walk according to truth. 1 ask therefore that if you 
 approve of this work, and foresee that it will be useful in 
 any way to the Christian religion, you will cause it to be 
 made public that it may be a stumbling block to that most 
 wicked generation for all time to come." 
 
 As the titles and beginnings of the Dis- 
 courses will give the reader an idea of the errors 
 which were charged upon those whom Eckbert 
 was opposing, it may be sufficient to extract 
 them. Indeed I believe they contain all that 
 throws any light on the subject ; for, in general, 
 having brieflly stated the error of the heretics at 
 the beginning of the discourse, he occupies the 
 whole remainder in confuting it. 
 
 The first discourse, which is introductory, 
 begins thus — 
 
 "o 
 
 " The Virgin Church hath received one pearl of 
 great price as her dowry from Jesus Christ her spouse, 
 namely, the Catholic faith ; and this, alas ! has in these 
 days many enemies, who attempt its destruction. I believe 
 that those perils of the last times have begun to come 
 upon us, concerning which our Saviour prophesied in the 
 Gospel ; when, speaking to his disciples of the signs which 
 should precede the day of judgment he said, according to 
 St. Matthew, among other things, ' Then if any one shall 
 say, " lo here is Christ" or " lo there" believe it not, for there 
 shall arise false Christs, and false prophets, and shall per- 
 form great signs, and wonders, so that if it were possible 
 even the Elect shall be deceived ; behold ! I have foretold 
 you ; if therefore they shall say to yon, " Behold ! he is here 
 
Sect. 11.] ECKBERT. A.,p,H60. 3£3 
 
 in the desert ;" go not forth ; " Behold he is in the secret 
 chambers," believe it not.' And, indeed, if hitherto any 
 one hath come who was so insane as to call himself Christ, 
 we have not heard of it ; but concerning false prophets, 
 who say that Christ is in the secret chambers, we now see 
 much. For, behold, many persons affecting concealment, 
 seduced and seducers, who for a long time have been hid- 
 den, and have secretly corrupted the Christian faith in 
 many persons of foolish simplicity, are so multiplied in all 
 lands, that the church of God suffers great danger from 
 the most wicked poison which they pour forth against her 
 on every side. For their discourse eats as doth a canker, 
 and flies far and wide, like an infectious leprosy, conta- 
 minating the precious members of Christ. These are 
 called with us in Germany Cathari, in Flanders Pipkles, 
 in France Texerant, because they are weavers. As our 
 Lord predicted concerning them, they say that Christ is in 
 the secret chambers ; because they say that the true faith 
 of Christ, and true worship of Christ, exist no where except 
 in their conventicles, which they hold in cellars, in work- 
 shops, and such like under-ground places. They say that 
 they lead the life of the Apostles, but they are contrary to 
 the holy faith, and sound doctrine, which has been de- 
 livered to us by the holy Apostles, and by the Lord the 
 Saviour himself. For they are the persons of whom St. 
 Paul thus speaks, in his Epistle to Timothy, ' Now the 
 Spirit speaketh expressly, that in the latter times some shall 
 depart from the faith, giving heed to seducing spirits, and 
 doctrines of devils, speaking lies in hypocrisy, having their 
 conscience seared with a hot iron, forbidding to marry, 
 and commanding to abstain from meats, which God hath 
 created to be received with thanksgiving.' And truly these 
 are they to whom this discourse belongs, since they repro- 
 bate and condemn marriage, so that they assign to : those 
 who remain until death in a state of marriagej nothing less 
 » 2 z 
 
354 ECKBERT. a. d. 1160. [Sect. 11. 
 
 than eternal damnation. Some of them, indeed, say that 
 they approve of the marriage of those who are both virgins ; 
 bat they say that even these cannot be saved unless they are 
 separated before death, and by this also they forbid such 
 marriage. They who have become ■perfect members of the 
 sect avoid all flesh ; not abstaining from the same reason 
 as monks, and other persons living a religious life do, but 
 they say that the eating of flesh is to be avoided on account 
 of the means by which it is produced, and on account of 
 which they consider it unclean ; and this is the reason which 
 they publicly give : but in secret they say what is worse — 
 namely, that all flesh is made by the devil, and therefore 
 they never taste it even in the greatest extremities. Con- 
 cerning baptism they speak variously. They say that bap- 
 tism profits nothing to children who are baptized, for they 
 cannot seek baptism by themselves, because they can make 
 no profession of faith. There is also another thing which 
 they say more generally, but more privately — namely, that 
 no water baptism is profitable to salvation ; for which 
 reason they re-baptize those who enter their sect, in a certain 
 secret manner of their own ; which baptism they say is 
 done in the Holy Ghost and fire. 
 
 " Concerning the souls of the dead they hold, that at 
 the time of their death they pass either to everlasting 
 blessedness, or to eternal damnation, for they do not re- 
 ceive what the universal Church believes — namely, that 
 there are certain purgatorial punishments, in which the 
 souls of some of the elect are for a time tried for their sins, 
 from which they are not fully purified in this life by due 
 satisfaction. On this account therefore they think it vain, 
 and superfluous, to pray for the dead, to give alms, to say 
 masses — and they ridicule the tolling of bells which we 
 make, which is nevertheless done by our Church from pious 
 motives, namely that the living may be admonished to pray 
 for the dead, and be led to consider their own mortality. 
 
Sect. 11.] ECKBERT. a. d. 1160. 355 
 
 " They altogether despise, and consider as of no value, 
 the masses which are celebrated in the Churches ; for if it 
 happens that they go with the rest of their neighbours to 
 hear masses, or even to receive the eucharist, they do this 
 in mere dissimulation lest their infidelity should be dis- 
 covered. For they say that the order of the Priesthood is 
 altogether lost in the Church of Rome, and in all the 
 Churches of the Catholic faith, and the true Priests are 
 not to be found except in their Sect. They believe that 
 the body and blood of Christ can be by no means made by 
 our consecration, or received by us in our communion ; 
 but they say that they alone make the body of Christ 
 at their tables ; but in those words there is this deceit 
 — for they do not mean that true body of Christ which 
 we believe to have been born of the Virgin, and to have 
 suffered on the cross, but they call their own flesh the 
 body of the Lord ; and forasmuch as they nourish their 
 bodies by the food on their tables, they say that they make 
 the body of the Lord. 
 
 " Nor will I pass over what I heard from a certain 
 faithful man, who, having discovered their infidelity, and 
 some secret wickednesses, left their Society ; for he affirmed 
 that they so erred respecting the Lord the Saviour as to 
 say, that he was not truly born of the Virgin, nor had true 
 human flesh, but only an appearance of flesh, and that he 
 did not rise from the dead, but only pretended his death 
 and resurrection. On which account, if they are among 
 Christians who are celebrating Easter, they either con- 
 form in a negligent manner, or they seek occasions of be- 
 ing absent from their own home, lest they should be com- 
 pelled to keep the feast with their neighbours. Instead of 
 this however they celebrate another festival, in which their 
 Heresiarch Manichsus was slain, whose heresy without 
 doubt they follow which St. Augustine, writing against the 
 Manichaeans says was called Beina. My informant, however, 
 
356 ECKBERT. id. 1160. [Sect. 11. 
 
 says that among those with whom he was connected, it 
 was called Malilosa, and was celebrated in the Autumn. 
 
 " Beside these things, we have discovered a new, and 
 hitherto unheard of, madness of their's, which some of 
 them when they were examined by the Clergy in the 
 City of Cologne (where by the people full of fervent zeal 
 they were burned) openly confessed — for they said that 
 human souls were no other than those apostate spirits who in 
 the beginning of the world were cast out of the Kingdom 
 of Heaven, and that they might obtain salvation in human 
 bodies, by means of good works ; but this only among 
 those who belonged to their Sect. 
 
 " Such things as these they have for a long while pri- 
 vately whispered, going about everywhere to the houses 
 of such persons as were liable to be seduced ; and we have 
 heard that these most wicked whisperers do in these times 
 lead captive many unhappy souls in their bonds. They 
 compass, if 1 may so speak, sea and land that they may 
 make one Catharus, and asperse every other mode of reli- 
 gion by impious detraction, and affirm that no one can be 
 saved unless he joins their sect. It is therefore necessary 
 that all who have zeal for God and their senses exercised 
 in the holy scriptures should watch with all diligence in 
 order to take these most wicked little foxes which destroy 
 the vineyard. Their errors indeed are so many that no 
 one can number them ; but I have distinguished and set in 
 order those which appeared to me the most dangerous, 
 because I intend by God's help to write against them in 
 particular." 
 
 Eckbert then proceeds in the rest of this 
 discourse to give an account of the Manichsean 
 heresy . 
 
 The second discourse is entitled, " That the 
 Christian doctrine ought not to be hidden," and 
 
Sect. 11.] ECKBERT. a. d. 1160. 357 
 
 after shewing this from various passages of scrip- 
 ture, he says — 
 
 " You never openly preach your doctrine without 
 which you believe that no one can be saved, though our 
 Lord says, ' Him that confesseth me before men I will also 
 confess before my Father which is in Heaven.' If it hap- 
 pens that any one of you is apprehended for his error, you 
 either altogether deny your faith, or then first confess 
 some of your errors when you have no longer any hope 
 of life. That confession, however, is not to your praise 
 but is like the confession of a thief, who, when he despairs 
 of life, impudently confesses his crimes under the gallows, 
 and the death which some of you sometimes suffer, from 
 a people zealous for the law of God, is not like the martyr- 
 doms of Apostles, but like the executions of thieves and 
 robbers." 
 
 The third discourse is " On the increase, and 
 manifestation, of the Catholic faith ;" and is in- 
 tended to shew the benefits arising from the open 
 preaching of the faith, as contrasted with the 
 secret practices which he charges on the heretics. 
 
 The fourth discourse is entitled " Concern- 
 ing that which is written, ' Faith without works 
 is dead ;' " and is intended to shew, that the im- 
 morality which the heretics charged upon the 
 priests of the Romish Church, when admitted to 
 the fullest extent, did not destroy the faith of 
 that church, or render it a dead faith in such a 
 sense as that it should cease to be true. 
 
 The fifth discourse is " Concerning mar- 
 riage." Though it is very long it contains little 
 
J 
 
 358 ECKBERT. a. d. 1160. [Sect. 11. 
 
 more than what he had before stated in his in- 
 troduction, which I have already given, except 
 that he calls those of whom he had before said 
 that they admitted of a certain species of mar- 
 riage, the followers of Hartwinus. 
 
 The sixth discourse is " Concerning the eating 
 of flesh ;" and is wholly occupied in proving that 
 it is lawful, and refuting their objections, which 
 have been already stated. 
 
 The seventh discourse is " On the baptism of 
 children ;" and is merely a defence of infant 
 baptism. 
 
 The eighth discourse is *' On water-baptism ;" 
 and begins thus, 
 
 " I am not ignorant however that you hold as great 
 a heresy concerning the baptism of Adults, as that which 
 has now been discussed concerning infant-baptism ; for 
 you say, that a man is indeed to be baptized when he 
 comes to years of discretion, not however in water, but in 
 fire ; and that the baptism of watfer is of no use to any 
 body. You defend this error by the words which John 
 spoke with reference to the Lord the Saviour ; ' He shall 
 baptize you in the Holy Ghost and fire.' Hence it is 
 that those whom you receive into your Catharist Society 
 (as I have heard from one who had been initiated into 
 your mysteries) you re-baptize in the following manner — 
 assembling yourselves in some obscure chamber, your 
 first care is, lest there should be any window, or door, 
 through which those who are without might see or hear 
 what is going on within. Since it is written he that 
 doeth evil hateth the light, lamps are placed in great num- 
 bers in all the walls. The company stand arranged in a 
 
Sect. 11.] ECKBERT. A. d. 1160. 359 
 
 circle, with great reverence, for they are engaged in a 
 holy service, though certainly one more pleasing to the 
 devil than to God. The unhappy person who is to be bap- 
 tized, or Catharized, is placed in the middle, and the Archi- 
 catharus stands by him, holding in his hand a book ap- 
 pointed for this purpose. Placing it upon his head, he 
 utters benedictions (which might more properly be called 
 maledictions) while the rest of the company pray ; and 
 they make a child of hell, and not of the kingdom of 
 God, and thus this baptism is performed. It is said more- 
 over to be made in fire, on account of the fire of the lights 
 which burn all around." 
 
 The ninth discourse is " Against the heresy 
 concerning the souls of the dead j" and consists 
 only of a long defence of Purgatory. 
 
 The tenth, discourse is " Against the heresy 
 with regard to the priesthood," and is occupied 
 in proving the validity of the orders of the Romish 
 Church. 
 
 The eleventh discourse is " Against the 
 " heresy respecting the body and blood of the 
 " Lord;" and is, of course, a defence of tran- 
 substantiation, which he introduces by saying, 
 
 " You lie under an evil report also on this account, 
 that you do not hold that faith concerning the body and 
 blood of our Lord Jesus Christ which the Catholic Church 
 confesses [and, after stating the doctrine of the Church of 
 Rome, he adds] this is our faith; and it is said that you 
 altogether refuse to believe that the body of the Lord can 
 be made by any priest, either good or bad, by any conse- 
 cration, or that it can be received to be eaten by any man. 
 And this I believe ; and that you are now in this error, 
 
360 ECKBERT. a. d. 1160. [Sect. 11. 
 
 since you hold in contempt all the priests of the church, 
 who administer the Sacraments of the Lord, and make no 
 account of any of their services. I remember that I once 
 saw, in the presence of Arnold Archbishop of Cologne, a 
 certain man of no little name, who had returned from the 
 sect of the Cathari to his own church, who when we dili- 
 gently enquired respecting their heresies, thus answered, 
 ' I will make a very brief reply to your enquiries — all 
 that you believe, all that you do, in the church they con- 
 sider false and nugatory.' When, therefore, he had said 
 this, the Archbishop thought his answer sufficient ; and did 
 not see fit to enquire any further." 
 
 Proceeding then to defend the Popish doc- 
 trine of transubstantiation, he says, in the course 
 of his argument, 
 
 " It once happened to me to have a dispute on this 
 subject, in my house at Bonn, with a certain man whom 
 we suspected of belonging to the Cathari ; and it happened 
 that we came to speak about evil priests ; and he said of 
 them ' How can it be, that those who live in a way contrary 
 to reason, should distribute the body of the Lord in the 
 the church ?' and I said to him, ' Do we not read that 
 Pilate, who crucified the Saviour, and was an infidel, had 
 it in his power to give his body to whomsoever he would, 
 and he gave it to Joseph, who was a just man ? The Lord 
 is even now in the same state of endurance, and bears with 
 evil priests, and suffers them to have power in the church, 
 and to distribute his body and blood, as well to the good, 
 as to the evil.' He immediately replied, ' After that time 
 of his passion he himself did not come into their hands ;' 
 and by these words I sufficiently understood his infidelity, 
 which I before suspected — namely, that he did not believe 
 that the body and blood of Christ could be handled by any 
 man, or received in the church ; and I said to him with 
 
Sect. 11.] ECKBERT. a. d. 1160. 361 
 
 indignation, ' Oh ! Catharist, now I will plainly confute 
 you ;' and I turned over the Epistles of Paul, which I had 
 at hand, and shewed him that place where, writing to the 
 Corinthians, he says, ' whosoever shall eat the bread, or 
 drink the cup, of the Lord, unworthily, shall be guilty of 
 the body and blood of the Lord ; let a man therefore try 
 himself, and so let him eat of that bread, and drink of 
 that cup, for whosoever eateth and drinketh unworthily, 
 eateth and drinketh judgment to himself, not discerning 
 the Lord's body.' When I had expounded these words to 
 him, I convicted him by saying, ' If it is as you say — 
 namely, that from the time when our Lord left this world, 
 his body has not come into the hands of any one, the con- 
 sequence is, that no one since that time can have eaten 
 his body or drank his blood, either worthily or unworthily, 
 and if it cannot have been taken unworthily by any one, 
 none can thereby have brought judgment on themselves. 
 When, therefore, the Apostle said " he that unworthily 
 receives the body and blood of the Lord eateth and drink- 
 eth judgment to himself," he said that which had no mean- 
 ing.' When I said this he was silent, neither denying the 
 infidelity with which I charged him, nor admitting the 
 truth with which I had confuted him." 
 
 Eckbert then goes on to argue upon the text 
 just quoted, applying it to his adversaries gene- 
 rally ; and he charges them with receiving the 
 sacrament unworthily at the time of Easter, in 
 order that those whom they procured to defend 
 their orthodoxy might be able to say, 
 
 " ' What fault have we to find with these men ? they 
 are good, and just, and do all that christians ought to do. 
 I wish we were like them.' From one man who came 
 out of your hiding places I heard this piece of your wis- 
 
 3 A 
 
362 ECKBERT. a.d. 1160. [Sect. 11. 
 
 dom — your body is the Lord's ; and therefore you make 
 the body of the Lord when you bless your bread, and sup- 
 port your body with it. It is to this that you secretly 
 refer, when, on being asked whether you have a true faith 
 concerning the body of the Lord, you reply that you have 
 a good faith concerning the body of the Lord." 
 
 After such arguments against this as the 
 reader may imagine, he says — 
 
 " There was a certain man of our time of whom it was 
 reported, that he had imbibed your Catharism, and who, 
 when he was asked just before his death if he wished to 
 receive the body of the Lord, is said to have replied ' If 
 the body of the Lord had been as large as the rock of 
 Erenbertus it would have been long ago consumed, con- 
 sidering how long it is since it began to be eaten.' " 
 
 The twelfth discourse is " Against the heresy 
 respecting the human nature of the Saviour ;" 
 and he begins it by saying, 
 
 " It seems to me that I have been building a house 
 without a foundation ; for those who know you well say, 
 that you deny the humanity of the Saviour. If it be so I 
 have lost my time in disputing with you about the body 
 and blood of the Lord. I can however believe, that the 
 disciples of an insane teacher, may be themselves insane ; 
 for Manes, the leader of your error, taught that our 
 Saviour so far appeared in human nature that he seemed 
 to be, but was not truly, a man ; and that he was not truly 
 born of the Virgin, and did not truly suffer, or die, or 
 rise from the dead," &c. 
 
 The rest of the discourse is occupied in re- 
 futing these errors. 
 
Sect. 11.] HISTOR1A VIZELIACENSIS. A. D. 1167. 363 
 
 The thirteenth discourse is " Against the 
 heresy concerning human souls;" and it begins 
 thus, 
 
 " As to the heresy to which 1 have before assigned 
 the tenth place, 1 know not whether it universally prevails 
 in this sect, because in many things they differ among 
 themselves ; so that what is asserted by some of them is 
 denied by others ; I mean that heresy by which they say 
 that human souls are nothing but those apostate spirits 
 who in the beginning of the world, fell from the kingdom 
 of God ; and that these may, in human bodies, come to 
 merit salvation ; not however unless they belong to their 
 Sect. This indeed is not to be found among the Mani- 
 chsean errors ; but another, not less insane, respecting souls 
 is to be found ; and therefore I am, as I have said, in 
 doubt whether these men generally hold this error or not." 
 
 I do not see that these discourses of Eckbert, 
 contain anything else that is to our purpose. 
 
 The History of the Monastery of Vezelai, 
 a.d. 1167. 
 
 This history was written by Hugo Pictavi- 
 nus, Notary of William Abbot of the Monastery 
 of Vezelai, in Burgundy, who began it by com- 
 mand of the Abbot Pontius, in the year 1156, 
 and finished it in 1167. I have not yet been 
 able to see this work ; 12 but the kindness of a 
 
 12 It is contained in the Second Volume of Dachery's 
 Spicifcgium. 
 
364 HISTORIA VIZELIACENS1S. A. D. 1167. [Sect. 11. 
 
 friend has furnished me with an extract which 
 I shall give at length, among the authorities, 
 translating here only what immediately relates 
 to our subject. 
 
 The author tells us that some heretics, such 
 as were called Telonarii, or Poplicani, were ap- 
 prehended at Vezelai ; and that, being put to the 
 torture, they endeavoured to conceal their heresy 
 by evasion, and subterfuge — that upon this the 
 Abbot ordered them to be separately confined ; 
 and for more than sixty days various methods 
 were used to convict or convert them — and that 
 at length, after much fruitless labour, they were 
 convicted by the Archbishops of Lyons, and Nar- 
 bonne, with the Bishop of Nisnies, and many 
 Abbots, and other learned men, of the following 
 heresies : — 
 
 " That confessing with their mouths the being of a 
 God, they entirely make void all the Sacraments of the 
 Church — namely, the baptism of children, the Eucharist, 
 the sign of the lifegiving Cross, the sprinkling of holy 
 water, the building of Churches, the payment of tithes 
 and oblations, marriage, monastic institutions, and all the 
 duties of Priests and Ecclesiastics. And when Easter 
 drew on, two of them, having heard that they were shortly 
 to be destroyed by the judgment of fire, pretended that 
 they believed what the Catholic Church believes, and that 
 to be reconciled to the Church they would give satisfac- 
 tion by the trial of water. In the procession, therefore, of 
 the Easter solemnity, they were brought forth in the midst 
 of a great multitude, which filled the whole court [of the 
 Monastery] in the presence of Guichard Bishop of Lyons, 
 
Sect. 11.] GUIL1ELMUS NEUBRIGENSIS. a. d. 1197. 365 
 
 Bernard Bishop of Nismes, and Master Walter Bishop of 
 Laon, with William Abbot of Vezelai. Being enquired of 
 as to the several articles of faith, they said, that they be- 
 lieved as the Catholic Church believes. Being asked respect- 
 ing the execrable mystery (de execrabili Sacramento) of 
 their heresy, they said that they knew nothing except what 
 has been already stated respecting a disbelief of the Sacra- 
 ments of the Church. Being asked whether they would 
 give proof that they believed as they had professed, and 
 had no further knowledge of the secrets of their heresy, 
 by the trial of water, they freely, and without its being 
 imposed upon them, answered that they would. Then all 
 the assembly with one voice exclaimed ' Thank God !' 
 and the Abbot answering said to all who were present 
 ' What then my Brethren does it appear to you that we 
 ought to do with those who persevere in their obstinacy ? 
 They all answered * Let them be burnt ! Let them be burnt !" 
 
 It is not to our purpose to pursue the story; 
 but the reader who turns to the authorities will 
 see that one of those, who submitted to the trial 
 by water, was acquitted ; and that the other, 
 after having twice undergone that ordeal, nar- 
 rowly escaped being burned, with the seven who 
 remained obdurate. 
 
 Guilielmus Neubrigensxs. a.d. 1197. 
 
 The account which this writer has given of 
 the Publicans, who were condemned at the 
 Council of Oxford, in 1160, has been already 
 
366 GUIL1ELMUS NEUBRIGENSIS. A. d. 1197. [Sect. 11. 
 
 referred to, at pages 90 and 138. With the short 
 statement of John Brouipton (who appears 
 merely to have abridged from William of New- 
 bury) and a still shorter notice by Radulphus de 
 Diceto, it forms, I believe, the only account which 
 we have of the matter. I shall give all that I 
 can find on the subject in these writers among 
 the authorities; and here only translate what 
 immediately refers to the point in question — 
 namely, the opinions which are said to have been 
 held by these alleged heretics. I must first, how- 
 ever, remark' upon the way in which they have 
 been misrepresented by some modern historians. 
 Henry, in his history of England, says — 
 
 " A company of about thirty men and women, who 
 spoke the German language, appeared in England at this 
 time, and soon attracled the attention of government by 
 the singularity of their religious practices and opinions. 
 It is indeed very difficult to discover with certainty what 
 their opinions were, because they are recorded only by 
 our monkish historians, who speak of them with much 
 asperity. They were apprehended and brought before a 
 Council of the Clergy at Oxford. Being interrogated 
 about their religion, their teacher, named Gerard, a man 
 of learning, answered, in their name, that they were chris- 
 tians, and believed the doctrines of the Apostles. Upon 
 a more particular enquiry it was found, that they denied 
 several of the received doctrines of the Church, as purga- 
 tory, prayers for the dead, and the invocation of Saints ; and, 
 refusing to abandon those damnable heresies, as they were 
 called, they were condemned as incorrigible heretic;-, and 
 delivered to the secular arm to be punished. The King, 
 
Sect. 11.] GUILIELMUS NEUBRIGENSIS. a. d. 1197. 367 
 
 at the instigation of the clergy, commanded them to be 
 branded with a red hot iron on the forehead, to be whipped 
 through the streets of Oxford, and having their clothes 
 cut short by their girdles, to be turned out into the open 
 fields, all persons being forbidden to afford them any shelter 
 or relief under the severest penalties. This cruel sentence 
 was executed in its utmost rigour ; and it being the depth 
 of winter, all these unhappy persons perished with cold 
 and hunger." Book in. ch. n. §. 3. 
 
 Milner, who seems to have followed the 
 " modern historian" implicitly, without troubling 
 himself about the " original records," which were 
 referred to, relates the story in much the same 
 way ; 13 and then adds — 
 
 " They had made one female convert in England, 
 who, through fear of similar punishment, recanted. The 
 whole number of the Germans remained, however, patient, 
 serene, and composed, repeating, ' Blessed are those, who 
 are persecuted for righteousness' sake ; for their's is the 
 Kingdom of Heaven.' Their teacher Gerard, that he 
 might be distinguished from the rest, had an additional 
 stigma on his chin. 
 
 13 Vol. in. p. 424. I have not the edition of Henry's 
 History, to which Milner refers ; but, in the fourth edition 
 (8vo. 1805.) the authorities stand thus, " W. Neubrig. 1. 2. 
 c. 13. Item, p. 631. J. Brompt. col. 1050 ;" the latter 
 reference being to the column of the Decern Scriptores, 
 edited by Twysden. Milner's reference is, " Neubrig. 
 Brompt. Collect. See Henry's Hist, of Eng. Vol. m. 
 p. 240." For the particulars mentioned by him, which 
 are not contained in Henry's History, I suppose that Mil- 
 ner was indebted to Mr. Berington. 
 
368 GUILIELMUS NEUBRIGENSIS. A. d. 1197. [Sect. 11. 
 
 " What a darkness must at that time have filled 
 this island ! A wise and sagacious King, a renowned 
 university, the whole body of the clergy and laity, all 
 united in expelling Christ from their coasts .' Brief as is 
 the account of the Martyrs, it is sufficiently ■ evident that 
 they were the martyrs of Christ. Driven most probably 
 from home by the rage of persecution, they had brought 
 the light and power of the Gospel with them into England ; 
 and so totally senseless and corrupt was our nation, that 
 none received it." 
 
 Let me say, that I heartily detest, and abhor 
 the cruelty with which these persons were treated ; 
 and, that if I had been one of the Bishops who 
 examined them (or what makes the story better, 
 " a renowned university," and " the whole body 
 of the clergy and laity,") I hope I should have 
 been so far from recommending, or sanctioning, 
 such barbarity, that I should willingly have risked 
 my own life to prevent it — but supposing that 
 these persons denied " purgatory, prayers for the 
 dead, and the invocation of saints," and that they 
 " remained patient, serene, and composed," when 
 threatened with punishment, are we at once to con- 
 clude that they had brought with them, " the light 
 and power of the gospel ?" — that " they were the 
 martyrs of Christ?" — and that to drive them 
 away, was " expelling Christ ?" Speaking of 
 Jovinian (and censuring Mosheim for the fault 
 of his translator) Milner says, " before I dare 
 " call him ' a worthy opposer of the reigning 
 " superstitions' I must know his motives. He 
 
Sect. 11.] GUILIELMUS NEUBRIGENSIS. a. d. 1197. 369 
 
 " might be influenced by the pure love of God, 
 " the faith of Jesus, and unfeigned humility. He 
 " might be moved by a spirit merely prudential, 
 " worldly, or even profane. For true christians 
 " and deists will unite in opposing superstition, 
 " from motives very opposite. We are, indeed, 
 " always strongly inclined to think well of those 
 " persons in past ages, who happened to favour 
 " our peculiar sentiments or prejudices ; and, on 
 " the contrary, we are apt to judge harshly of 
 " those who thought in a different manner. 
 " Does this propensity account for Mosheim's 
 " hasty approbation of the character of Jovi- 
 " nian ? Whether it does or not in this in- 
 " stance, I cannot but observe, that this sort of 
 " mental imbecillity forms one of the most capital 
 " defects of that ecclesiastical historian : As to 
 " myself, I can only say, I endeavour to guard 
 " against it." " How far this endeavour was 
 
 14 See Milner, Vol. n. p. 477. The pompous mar- 
 ginal announcement, " Mosheim censured," is very ridi- 
 culous, and only exposes the prejudice of the writer ; 
 who really seems to have tried to say what he could 
 against Jovinian, because, from carelessly reading the 
 translation, he was led to suppose that Mosheim had 
 spoken too well of him. " I admire," he says, " the 
 " positiveness of Mosheim, in deciding so peremptorily for 
 " the character of a man, of whose writings nolhing has 
 " come down to us, but a single sentence so barbarous and 
 " doubtful." Now, what had Mosheim so positively, and 
 
 3 B 
 
370 GUILIELMUS NEUBRIGENS1S. A. D. 1197. [Sect. 11. 
 
 successful, let the reader of Milner's History 
 judge. In the present case, all that he supposed 
 himself to know of these people was, that they 
 denied the doctrines of purgatory, prayers for the 
 dead, and the invocation of the saints, and that 
 they were "patient, serene and composed," (which 
 latter is, as far as I know, an addition of his own) 
 and on this he built his judgment. 
 
 But what evidence have we, that these per- 
 
 peremptorily, said ? I really think that a reader of Mil- 
 ner would be more likely to form a favourable opinion of 
 Jovinian, than a reader of Mosheim. The former writer, 
 indeed, states the matter as doubtful, but finds " that 
 which strongly inclines him to hope 1 ' that the real charac- 
 ter of Jovinian was good ; the latter is so far from posi- 
 tively, and peremptorily, deciding in his favour, that he 
 expresses suspicion, bnt gives no opinion at all ; and 
 Milner should have known, before he " censured" 
 Mosheim, that the " worthy opposer" and the "judicious 
 opinions," and "judicious reasonings,'' of Jovinian, were 
 merely flourishes of the translator, who was wont thus to 
 embellish his author, though sometimes at the expence of 
 fidelity and truth. Mosheim, speaking of Aerius, says, 
 " Videtur vir hie religionem ad priscam simplicitatem revo- 
 " care volaisse : quod consilium in se speclaium pulchrum 
 " est, tametsi in causis et agendiratione forte qusdam repre- 
 " hendi possint Plures hujus generis homines hac aetate 
 " erant, qui, progressum superstitionum et errorum de vera 
 " religionis natura moleste ferentes, ei sese objiciebant, 
 " sed laboris hunc unum fructum capiebant, ut infamia 
 " notarentur. Eminet inter eos Jovinianus, monachus Ita- 
 " lus," Stec. IF. P. ii. Cap. iii. §. 22. p. 173. 
 
Sect, ll.j GU1LIELMUS NEUBRIGENSIS. a. d. 1197. 37 1 
 
 sons said anything - about purgatory, or prayers 
 for the dead, or the invocation of saints? 15 If, 
 indeed, they were Publicans, we may suppose 
 that they rejected these doctrines ; but was this 
 all? Was it for " those damnable heresies" 
 only, that they were condemned? Except from 
 a general statement that they were examined 
 respecting the articles of the holy faith in order, 
 it does not appear that they were asked one 
 
 15 The only colour (it is no authority) for Henry's 
 statement, is a note of Picard's, in Hearne's edition of 
 William of Newbury, which Henry refers to by " Item, 
 p. 631." Picard quotes a MS. of Ralph of Coggeshall, 
 in which he speaks of the persecution of the Publicans 
 generally ; and, among others, of these. He afterwards 
 (but with no special reference to them) details the doc- 
 trines of the Sect. His statement (which will be found 
 among the authorities) agrees generally with those already 
 given respecting Manichean doctrine. From it the points 
 in question may certainly be picked out ; but there is no 
 pretence for asserting, that these persons were con- 
 demned, or even examined on these points; or for sup- 
 pressing William of Newbury's statement of the more 
 heterodox points on which he says that they were con- 
 demned. Having occasion to mention Ralph of Cog- 
 geshall (who flourished about 1228) I may add his 
 testimony respecting the " high antiquity" of the Pub- 
 licans in France. He was not one of those " best 
 informed Romanists who pretended not to affix any cer- 
 tain date ;" for he says briefly, but expressly, in his 
 Chronicle, under the year mclxxiv, " Oritur hsresis per- 
 niciosa Publicanorum in Francia." Mariene, Vet. Scrip. 
 Man. Tom V. col. 810. 
 
372 BERNARD, a d. 1200. [Sect. 1 t. 
 
 question, or said one word, on those points. 
 Their leader, indeed, said that " they reverenced 
 the apostolic doctrine ;" but this with the fol- 
 lowing statement of William of Newbury, to 
 whom Henry refers, is all that I can find re- 
 specting 1 their opinions — 
 
 " Being interrogated concerning the articles of the 
 Holy Faith in order, they answered, indeed, what was 
 right respecting the nature (rfe substantia) of the Heavenly 
 Physician; but as to his remedies whereby he condescends 
 to heal man's infirmity, that is, the divine Sacraments, 
 they said that which was erroneous; detesting the holy 
 baptism, the Eucharist, marriage, and impiously en- 
 deavouring to impair the catholic unity, which is sup- 
 ported by those divine aids. When they were urged with 
 divine testimonies taken from the holy Scriptures, they 
 answered that they believed what they had been taught, 
 and would not dispute about their faith." 1 
 
 Whether this was " the light and. power of 
 the gospel," or the Paulician heresy, let the 
 reader judge — whichever way he may decide, I 
 think he must admit, that the account of it was 
 unfairly suppressed. 
 
 Bernard Abbot of Fontcaud. a. d. 1200. 
 
 The precise time when Bernard's work was 
 written cannot, perhaps, be ascertained ; but as 
 Dupin places him at the end of the 12th century, 
 I have assigned him at the date of 1200. He 
 wrote a tract against the Waldenses, which he 
 begins by saying — 
 
Sect. 11.] BERNARD, a. d. 1200. 373 
 
 " While the Lord Lucius, of famous memory, pre- 
 sided over the holy Roman Church, suddenly new heretics 
 raised their heads, who, choosing the word with a sort of 
 presage of the future, were called Valdenses — namely, 
 from Valle densa, because they are involved in the deep 
 and thick darkness of errors. These, although condemned 
 by the before-mentioned Pope, by their bold proceedings 
 spread the poison of their infidelity far and wide through 
 the world. On account of these things the Lord Bernard 
 Archbishop of Narbonne, a man remarkable for his re- 
 ligion, and godly sincerity, being jealous for the law of 
 God, set himself as a strong wall for the church of God. 
 Having therefore convoked many both of the clergy and 
 laity, as well regular as secular, he called them to trial 
 and (to make short of the matter) the cause being most 
 diligently investigated, they were condemned. Never- 
 theless, even after this they dared both publicly and pri- 
 vately, to sow the seeds of their wickedness. Wherefore 
 they were again, though it was more than was necessary, 
 called upon to dispute by some as well of the clergy as of 
 the laity ; and that the controversy might not be protracted, 
 a certain priest, Raymond of Deventer was elected judge 
 by both parties — a religious man, and one that feared God ; 
 of noble birth, and more ennobled by his conduct. On 
 the day appointed, therefore, the parties having met toge- 
 ther, with a great many others of the clergy and laity, they 
 were accused by the true Catholics as to certain points, on 
 which they held erroneous opinions ; and, they replying to 
 each, the matter was long disputed on both sides, and 
 many authorities were produced by each party. Having 
 heard, therefore, the allegations of the parties, the afore- 
 said judge gave his definitive sentence in writing, and 
 pronounced them to be heretics as to those points con- 
 cerning which they had been accused. 
 
 " The authorities and arguments by which they de- 
 
374 BERNARD, a. d. 1200. [Sect. 11. 
 
 fended their side of the question, and the answer of us 
 Catholics, and the passages of scripture by which we ought 
 to maintain the Catholic faith, we have put together in 
 this little work; adding also some other tracts against 
 other heresies. All this we have done chiefly for the in- 
 struction, and admonition, of certain of the clergy ; who 
 being deficient either in knowledge, or in books, by not 
 resisting the enemies of the truth, become a stumbling 
 block, and an offence, to the faithful who are committed 
 to their charge." 
 
 The work is divided into twelve chapters 
 under the following' titles : 
 
 Ch. I. " Against those who say, that we 
 ought not to obey the Pope, or other Prelates." 
 
 Ch. n. " Treats of the dignity of Prelates ; 
 and that we ought to defer to, and obey them. 
 
 Ch. in. " On those who slander spiritual 
 rulers." 
 
 Ch. iv. " Against this — that all, even lay- 
 " men, should preach ; and what they may say on 
 " this point, and what we may reply to them." 
 
 Ch. v. " That it is not lawful for them to 
 minister the word of God to the faithful." 16 
 
 16 He begins this chapter by saying, " And since the 
 " question is respecting laymen — whether they may dissemi- 
 " nate the word of God among the people — we must make 
 " a distinction, as to whether they are Catholics or not. For 
 " if they are Catholics, of approved life and conversation — 
 " if their discourse is seasoned with the salt of wisdom — if 
 " they know how to dispense the word according to their 
 " several capacities — and if they are set over any particular 
 
Sect.11.] BERNARD. A. d. 1200. 375 
 
 Ch. vi. " Contains a reply to the objection 
 " which they urge in the words of the apostle, 
 " * that we ought to obey God, and not men j' 
 " and some other things. 
 
 Ch. vii. " States who are, and who are not, 
 the persons whom they chiefly mislead." " 
 
 Ch. viii. " Against this— that they say that 
 women may preach." 
 
 Ch. ix. " Against this — that they say that 
 " the alms, fastings, masses, and other prayers of 
 " the living, do not profit the faithful dead." 
 
 " place or are under authority of a true catholic — according 
 " to their proficiency in knowledge, lor ability for the work, 
 " under the direction of the Bishop, or of the priests, in 
 " whose district they may be, I think they may do it — at 
 " least if they are not tied to wives, or oppressed with the 
 " burden of worldly cares. To be sure, if their life is repre- 
 " hensible, there is no need to listen to them. As to what 
 " our Lord says, ' What they say unto you do,' it is only 
 " said of those who sit in Moses' chair — that is, the rulers, 
 " and teachers of the divine law, whom God has set over 
 " his people ; ' but unto the wicked God saith, " what hast 
 " thou to do to declare my statutes, or that thou shouldest 
 " take my Covenant in thy mouth." Ps. 1. 1 6.' " 
 
 17 He says, " they first mislead women, and then 
 " through them, men ; as the Devil first deceived Eve, and 
 " through her, Adam." It seems however but just to the 
 female sex, to remind the reader, that of the 638 indivi- 
 duals mentioned in the Book of Sentences, 373 were men, 
 and 265 women ; and that those delivered to the secular 
 arm the women formed only one fifth. 
 
376 BERNARD, a.d. 1200. [Sect. 11. 
 
 Ch. x. " Against those who deny the pur- 
 " gatory fire, and say that spirits, when released 
 " from the flesh, go immediately to heaven, or 
 " hell." 
 
 Ch. xi. " Against those who say, that the 
 " same spirits of the dead do not enter either 
 " heaven, or hell, before the judgment ; but are 
 " contained in some other receptacles." 
 
 " Ch. xn. " Against those who refuse to 
 " pray in a church, and affirm that it ought not 
 " to be called a church — wherein is proved, that 
 " it ought to be called a church, and that we 
 " ought to pray therein, and to hold it in great 
 " veneration — where is also an answer to a cer- 
 " tain objection made by the same heretics, in 
 " the words of St. Stephen, ' that the Most High 
 " dwelleth not in temples made with hands,' and 
 " therefore not in the church." 
 
 I have given the titles of all the chapters of 
 this work, because I think they will convince 
 the reader that it was not directed against per- 
 sons charged with Manichean heresv, or such 
 errors as we have seen repeatedly imputed to the 
 Albigenses. There is nothing about the rejec- 
 tion of baptism, or marriage, — nothing about 
 imposition of hands, consolation, heretication, 
 &c. — nothing about abstinence from flesh — or, 
 in short, about any of the peculiar doctrines 
 which are classed by Limborch as being ascribed 
 to the Albigenses, and never to the Waldenses, 
 
Sect. 11] BERNARD, a.d. 1200. 377 
 
 in the Book of Sentences. I will not, however, 
 suppress one expression which seems to form an 
 exception to this; and which, if it had been 
 found in an Albigensian sentence, might have 
 been fairly considered as a charge of Manichsean 
 error. In the xn. Chapter, arguing against 
 those who spoke irreverently of churches, he says, 
 " they follow and imitate Antichrist ; who, as it 
 " is said in the Apocalypse, * opened his mouth in 
 " blasphemies, to blaspheme His name, and His 
 " tabernacle, and those who dwell in heaven.' " 
 Applying this, he says, " They blaspheme the 
 " tabernacle of God, when they say, that it is bet- 
 " ter to pray in chambers, and stables, than in the 
 " house of God ; they blaspheme the name of God, 
 " while they say that he did not create, and does 
 " not govern the world ; and they blaspheme those 
 " who dwell in heaven, when they say that the 
 " Apostles, and Martyrs, and the inhabitants of 
 " heaven, can give no help to faithful suppliants." 
 The statement, that they said that God did not 
 create, and does not govern the world, is one 
 which I really do not understand, when taken in 
 connexion with the whole work ; in which, as far 
 as I know, there is no other allusion to any such 
 opinion, and in which, if he really supposed 
 them to hold a doctrine so monstrous, we might 
 have expected that it would have been formally 
 stated and refuted. 
 
 3 c 
 
378 ERMENGARDUS. a.d. 1200. [Sect. 11. 
 
 Ermengardus. a. d. 1200. 
 
 This tract of Ermengardus was published by 
 Gretser, at the same time as the preceding 1 work 
 of Abbot Bernard, under the title of " Ermen- 
 gardus contra Waldensium Sectam •" 1S and I 
 assign its date on the same grounds as I did that 
 of Bernard. The work, however, is of a very 
 different character. The Waldenses are, I be- 
 lieve, never named, or even alluded to, except in 
 this title, which was most probably added by a 
 later hand — indeed, I think that from a very 
 slight notice of the tract, the reader will perceive 
 that it was pointed at those persons whom the 
 Book of Sentences calls " heretics," and that it 
 is as truly Albigensian, as the preceding tract 
 was Waldensian. When I say this, however, 
 the reader will not understand me as affirming 
 that either author (or any other of whom I may 
 speak in similar terms) fully understood the 
 tenets or rites of the sects which he opposed, or 
 said of it only that which was true ; but, merely, 
 that he meant to oppose this, or that sect, and 
 not the other, and did himself suppose that he 
 was doing so. Of this, the reader may judge 
 from the titles and beginnings of the chapters, 
 which I transcribe ; and which contain nearly 
 
 18 It is reprinted Bib. Pat. Tom. iv. P. i. col. J 235. 
 
Sect. 11.] ERMENGARDUS. A. D. 1200. 379 
 
 all that can throw any light on the opinions of 
 the heretics, as it was Ermengardus' method to 
 commence each chapter with a statement of the 
 doctrine which he meant to impugn, and then to 
 occupy all the rest of the chapter in its refutation. 
 He begins his work thus, 
 
 " May the grace of the Holy Spirit 
 be with us. 
 " Here begins the work of Ermengaudus, against the here- 
 tics who say and believe that this world, and all visible 
 things, were not created by God but by the Devil. 
 
 Chap. i. " That God is the Creator of all things. 
 
 " The heretics say and believe that this world, and all 
 things which are seen in it — namely, the heaven which 
 we see, and the sun, and moon, and stars — and the earth, 
 and all animals, and men, and whatever is seen in it — the 
 sea, and fishes, and all that is seen in it — they say in their 
 secret doctrine (in absconditis suis) were not made by 
 Almighty God, but by the Prince of evil spirits. To 
 which heretics, and this their malignant error, many 
 authorities of the New Testament are opposed," &c. 
 
 Ch. ii. " That there arenot two Gods. 
 
 " This which the heretics say — that there are two 
 Gods, one omnipotent, the other malign — they hold in 
 contradiction of all Holy Writ," &c. 
 
 Ch. in. " That the Law of Moses was truly given by 
 God. 
 
 " The heretics say that the Law of Moses, which we 
 call 'the Old,' was not given by Almighty God, but by 
 the Prince of evil spirits ; which error is contradicted by 
 many authorities of Holy Scripture," &c. 
 
 Ch. IV. " That Moses was not a Magician. 
 
 " Also, there are some heretics who assert that Moses 
 
380 ERMENGARDUS. a. d. 1200. [Sect. 11. 
 
 was a magician ; and that Almighty God did not speak to 
 him, nor give him the law ; against whom," &c. 
 
 Ch. v. " That marriage is lawful. 
 
 " The heretics, following Tatian the heretic, who 
 condemned all marriage of male and female uniting toge- 
 ther, say that they can by no means be saved," &c. 
 
 Ch. vi. " That the conception, and nativity, of John the 
 Baptist, were announced by a good Angel. 
 
 " Also, that John the Baptist was announced not by 
 a good, but by a demoniacal angel — and they believe that 
 he was not a good man," &c. 
 
 Ch. vn. " Of the Incarnation, Nativity, Passion, Death, 
 and Resurrection of Christ — and whether he really ate and 
 drank. 
 
 " Concerning the Incarnation of Christ, there are 
 some heretics among those who follow the ' Condo- 
 roanam bseresim,' who say that ' Christ was not born of 
 a woman, nor had true flesh, nor was truly dead, nor suf- 
 fered anything, but pretended to suffer ; nor do they be- 
 lieve that he ate, or drank, and that he had as it were a 
 phantastic body, and that he did not rise from the dead,' " 
 &c. 
 
 Ch. vm. " Of Churches made with hands. 
 
 [This is merely an argument for their lawfulness and 
 use, in which he does not state the objections urged by 
 the heretics.] 
 
 Ch. ix. " Of Altars. 
 
 " But since all the heretics set at nought the Church 
 made with hands, and the altars therein, and the Sacra- 
 ments which the ministers of God minister in them, and 
 all the ornaments of the Church, and despise them, and 
 say that they profit nothing to the salvation of souls, &c. 
 
 Ch. x. " Of the singing in the Church. 
 
 " Also the heretics find fault with the singing in the 
 
Sect. 11.] ERIWENGARDUS. a. d. 1200. 381 
 
 Church, and the praises which the ministers render to 
 God, out of the Old and New Testament," &c. 
 
 Ch. XI. " Of the sacrament of the body and blood of 
 Christ. 
 
 [This Chapter, which is a long defence of Transub- 
 stantiation, does not begin with any statement of the doc- 
 trine of the heretics — and I only find what follows — after 
 quoting the words " hoc est corpus, &c. he Says] 
 
 " But the heretics say that this hoc, the demonstrative 
 pronoun, does not refer to the bread, which he held in his 
 hands, and which he blessed, and brake, and distributed 
 to his disciples ; but refers to his body, which was per- 
 forming all these things. Hence their most abominable 
 error arose ; they being ignorant of the force of this pro- 
 noun," Ac. [and afterwards] " But there are some heretics 
 who believe that by hearing the word of God, they eat the 
 flesh of the Son of Man, and drink his blood," &c. 
 
 Ch. xii. " Of Baptism. 
 
 " For some of the heretics say that this sacrament of 
 Water-baptism, without their imposition of hands, does 
 not profit those who receive it, whether children or adults, 
 
 as to their obtaining eternal salvation" " the heretics 
 
 also say that it cannot profit any one, unless with his own 
 mouth and his own heart, he desires that Sacrament ; 
 thereby bringing in this error — that the baptism of infants 
 
 is unprofitable 1 ' "also you say, O heretic! that a 
 
 sinner cannot baptize — how then did the Apostles bap- 
 tize," &c " also you say that by the ministry of the 
 
 priest the Holy Spirit is not given which you falsely assert 
 that you give." 
 
 Ch. xiii. " On the Sacrament of Penance. 
 
 [This is merely a defence of the Romish doctrine of 
 penance, which throws but little light on the objections 
 
382 ERMENGARDUS. a. d. 1200. [Sect. 11. 
 
 raised against it. The only sentence worth extracting is, 
 perhaps, the following] 
 
 " But yon say that a person may be saved without 
 cpnfession, and yon bring forward that passage, ' At what 
 time soever a sinner shall repent, he shall be saved.' To 
 which it may be answered that the true invisible priest, 
 namely God, saves him who wishes to confess, thongh 
 he may not be able to do it, from the suffering of eternal 
 punishment; but while he is able, he does not absolve 
 bim unless he confesses with his month." 
 Ch. xiv. " Of the imposition of hands. 
 " Having treated of Penance, the imposition of hands 
 comes next, which they call Consolamentum ; which impo- 
 sition of hands they take upon them to practice among 
 themselves, contrary to the precepts of our Lord, and the 
 institutions of the Apostles. First we shall state, how, 
 and by whom it is performed, and the opinion which they 
 hold concerning it. The manner of the consolamentum is 
 this — He who is called Propositus, or Bishop, or Deacon, 
 is named Rector of the other heretics who are subject to 
 him ; and when they wish to perform the consolamentum to 
 any man, or woman, he who is called Major, or Ordinatus, 
 having washed his hands, and holding the Book of the 
 Gospels in them, admonishes him, or them, who may come 
 to receive the consolamentum, to put all their trust in that 
 consolamentum, and place the hope of the salvation of their 
 souls in God, and in that consolamentum. And the book 
 being placed npon their heads, they say the Lord's Prayer 
 seven times, and then he repeats to the hearers the Gos- 
 pel of St. John from ' In the beginning' to that place of 
 the Gospel where it is said ' Grace and truth came by 
 Jesus Christ ;' and thus the consolamentum is finished. 
 
 " Let us mention the persons by whom it is performed 
 — namely, by those who among them are called Ordinati ; 
 or if they are wanting by those who are called Consolati : 
 
Sect. 11.] ERMENGARDUS. A. D. 1200. 383 
 
 and, if men are not present, women perform it, at least to 
 the sick. 
 
 " Let us state their opinion of it — for in it generally 
 they all have their faith and hope of salvation, and that 
 they obtain in it the remission of all their sins, and the 
 purification of all their offences, without any satisfaction, 
 if they should immediately die. And they believe that in 
 it, God grants them pardon, not only for venial sins which 
 they may have committed, but also for crimes of which 
 they may have been guilty. They say also that no one, 
 great or small, man or woman, can attain to the kingdom 
 of heaven, and the society of angels, by any work or 
 well-doing or contemplation of religion (aliquo opere, vel 
 beneficio, vel contemplatione religionis), nor even by 
 martyrdom, though (what is impossible) he should abstain 
 from all sin and offence, unless he shall have received that 
 consolamentum from the eonsolati. 
 
 " They believe also this — that if he who performs the 
 consolamentum falls into any sin such as they term criminal 
 (in aliquo peccatorum quae ipsi criminalia vocant), as eat- 
 ing flesh, or an egg, or cheese — or killing a bird, or any 
 kind of animal, except such as creep — or even those sins 
 which the Romish Church calls criminal (as homicide, 
 false-witness, perjury, rapine), bis consolamentum does not 
 profit those who receive it. For they say, that one who 
 has thus fallen has not the Holy Spirit ; and they believe, 
 that what he has not, he cannot give to another; They 
 even believe it to be proper that such an one should again 
 receive the consolamentum 1 " from another, if he would be 
 saved ; and this, universally of all, as well men as women, 
 that they must do as is here stated." 
 
 [I do not find anything else in this chapter which 
 
 19 See the case of Amelius, near the bottom of page 315. 
 
384 ERMENGARDUS. a. d. 1200. [Sect. II 
 
 throws light on the extraordinary practice which it is 
 written to condemn; but it may be observed that the 
 author professes his own inability to discover whence the 
 heretics derived it — after stating that their consolamentum 
 differed from the imposition of hands practised by the 
 apostles, inasmuch as it was given indiscriminately to all 
 persons, great and small, men and women, and conclud- 
 ing from thence, that they had not received the rite from 
 the Apostles, he adds, that it is a matter much to be won- 
 dered at (valde assidue mirandum est), from whom this 
 custom of the consolamentum had its origin.] 
 
 Ch. xv. " On eating meat; and some other things. 
 
 " It is the faith of all the heretics, that no one who 
 after receiving the consolamentum eats meat, or cheese, or 
 eggs, can be saved, unless he receives penance from them 
 and is re-consoled."*' 
 
 Ch. xvi. " On the Resurrection of the dead. 
 
 " Having spoken of the eating of meat, let us speak 
 concerning the resurrection of the dead ; for the heretics, 
 imitating the error of the Sadducees, destroy [the doctrine] 
 
 of the resurrection of dead men. 1 ' "but here the 
 
 heretics object that flesh and blood cannot inherit the 
 Kingdom of God," &c. 
 
 Ch. xvn. "On the Invocation of Saints and Prayers for 
 the dead. 
 
 " Against the perverse opinions of some heretics, 
 who assert that the Saints and their prayers are of no avail 
 for those who are still in the service of Christ in this world ; 
 and that the dead are not assisted by the benefactions 
 
 and prayers of the living, we defend our faith,'' &c 
 
 " moreover there are those who say that no man can be 
 saved who does not repent, except in the article of death, 
 
 M See before, p. 346. n 8 
 
Sect. II.] EBRARDUS. a. d. 1212. 385 
 
 and that we are not to pray for him. But let them hear 
 what our Lord said to the thief, who repented in his last 
 moments, and was unable to make satisfaction, ' To-day 
 shalt thou be with me in Paradise.' Also, ' At what time 
 soever a sinner shall repent he shall be saved.' But you 
 say that you can cause a sinner to be saved without re- 
 pentance, and satisfaction ; wherein it is to be observed, 
 that you endeavour to detract from the divine power ; 
 since the Lord says, by the Prophet, ' I am he that 
 blotteth out the iniquities, and sins of the people ;' but 
 God does not blot out the sin of this sinner whom you 
 affirm that you save, because he does not repent. Take 
 care therefore that in future you do not presume to say 
 anything so detestable." 
 
 Ch. xviii. "Of Oaths." 
 
 [This chapter merely defends the lawfulness of oaths, 
 and states no other objections than those founded on the 
 words of our Lord, Matt. v. 34. " I say unto you swear 
 not at all," &c] 
 
 Ch. xix. " On the ■putting of men to death." 
 
 [So I presume, we should translate "de occisione 
 hominis," supposing the question to be respecting the 
 lawfulness of capital punishment — it may however be of 
 homicide — but the manuscript is imperfect, and the few 
 words which remain of the chapter give no explanation] 
 
 Ebrardus. a. d. 1212. 
 
 This writer has been already mentioned, 
 p. 98 ; and I have stated that his date is uncer- 
 tain ; as, however, after what has been said it is 
 of no consequence where he is placed, I have re- 
 tained the date which some have (I think erro- 
 
 3d 
 
386 EBRARDUS. A. D. 1212. [Sect. 11. 
 
 neously) assigned to him. His book as printed 
 by Gretser, (at least as reprinted from his edition 
 in the Bibliotheca Patrum") is entitled " Contra 
 Waldenses," and in the beginning 1 of his second 
 chapter he mentions that sect by name — yet I 
 think the reader will see reason to believe (as I 
 have already stated) that by Waldenses he meant 
 Albigenses, and that he was not very well ac- 
 quainted with either sect. 
 
 The titles of his chapters are as follow : — 
 Ch. I. " That the law is not to be rejected, 
 and that many were saved under the law." 
 
 Ch. i£. " That the Prophets and Patriarchs 
 were worthy of salvation, and were saved." In 
 this chapter he says, 
 
 " The Waldenses consign to damnation the Prophets 
 and the Patriarchs, and ail who died before the Passion ; 
 whereas it is written, ' Touch not mine anointed and do 
 my prophets no harm.' For this they pretend to have the 
 authority of our Lord, who says, ' All that ever came be- 
 fore me were thieves and robbers 1 (quotqnot venerunt ante 
 me, fures fuerunt et latrones). They misunderstand that 
 ante ; for who was ever before, that is prior to, him, when 
 he was in the beginning, and before all things ? of whom 
 it is said ' the first born of every creature,' and what 
 creature, then, was there before him ? None whatever. 
 Let us then read, as is better, and say as we ought to do, 
 ante eum, that is contra eum. For he who comes against 
 him, enters not into the sheepfold by the door, and is 
 
 \ 
 
 J1 Tom. iv. Col. 1074. 
 
Sect. 11.] EBRARDUS. a. d. 1212. 387 
 
 therefore a thief and a robber. For dvlt in Greek is the 
 same as contra in Latin." 
 
 I give this passage, partly because it im- 
 putes an opinion to the Waldenses, and partly 
 that the reader may form a judgment of the 
 author, particularly with reference to the points 
 already stated, p. 98, &c. 
 
 Ch. in. " That he who gave the Law to 
 Moses was the true, and Almighty, God." 
 
 Ch. iv. " That a building of stone ought to 
 " be called a church ; and of the ecclesiastical 
 " tonsure." 
 
 Ch. v. " That Almighty God created all 
 things visible, and invisible." 
 
 Ch. vi. " That children, even before they 
 can speak, ought to be baptized." 
 
 Ch. vn. "That marriage is lawful; and 
 appointed by God." 
 
 Ch. viii. "Of the Host ; that it is the very 
 body of the Lord." 
 
 Ch. ix. " That we shall rise in our own flesh, 
 and not in any other." 
 
 Ch. x. " That offerings ought to be made to 
 the priests, and in the church." 
 
 Ch. xi. " That the anointing with oil is 
 good, and profitable to the sick." 
 
 Ch. xn. " That the making of pilgrimages 
 is goofl, and of divine appointment." 
 
 Ch. xiii. " That John the Baptist was a 
 good man, (bene meruit) and is saved." 
 
388 EBRARDUS. a. d. 1212. [Sect. 11. 
 
 Ch. xiv. " That it is lawful to swear, and 
 to affirm the truth by an oath." 
 
 Ch. xv. " That we ought to punish male- 
 factors, and even to put them to death." 
 
 Ch. xvi. " That faith is of more avail than 
 " works ; and that faith is to be sought after in 
 " the first place." 
 
 Ebrardus begins this chapter by saying — 
 
 " Neglecting also the christian faith, they 
 " cause themselves to be called disciples of 
 " Christ, while they are rather disciples of Anti- 
 " christ — for confiding entirely in works, they 
 " pass over faith ; whereas faith should rather be 
 " placed before works. For in turning over the 
 " pages of Holy Writ, I have not found that 
 " works without faith are of any value; but I 
 " have frequently observed, that faith without 
 " works did avail." ** 
 
 22 " Fidem quoque negligentes Christianam, Christi 
 " discipulos se faciunt appellari, cum sint potins Anti- 
 " cbristi. In operibns enim solummodo confidentes, fidem 
 " praeterrnittunt, com fides operibns potius sit praeponenda. 
 " Revolvens etenim paginas scripturarum, opera prater 
 " fidem valere non reperi. Fidem vero, praeter opera, 
 " valere multotiens annotavi.'' In fact, Ebraid so strongly 
 maintains the doctrine of justification by faith, that Gret- 
 ser felt it necessary to give a preface, and notes, to this 
 chapter. He says, « Cave autem existimes, Ebrardum 
 " celebrare et decantare solam sea solitariam illam fidem 
 " Haereticorum nostri temporis, cui soli et nnicae justifica- 
 
Sec*. 11] EBRARDUS. A. D. 1212. 389 
 
 Ch. xvii. " That the cross of the Lord is to 
 " be venerated j and the wood of the cross to be 
 " venerated." 
 
 Ch. xviii. " That women will be saved in 
 the female sex." He charges the heretics with 
 maintaining 1 , that the sex of women will be 
 changed at the resurrection ; and with ground- 
 ing the error on a misunderstanding of two 
 texts of scripture. First, that in which our 
 Lord says, " Come, ye blessed of my Father" — 
 where " Venite benedicti dixit, non benedictce ;" 
 and secondly, where St. Paul says " 'Till we all 
 " come, in the unity of the faith, and of the 
 " knowledge of the Son of God, unto a perfect 
 " man, unto the measure of the stature of the 
 " fulness of Christ." Eph. iv. 13. " From this," 
 says he, " they affirm that we shall come to 
 "judgment as at the age of thirty, and that 
 " women will change their sex." 
 
 I beg the reader's pardon for quoting such 
 nonsense; but as Ebrard has been cited as an 
 authority, and I have spoken somewhat dis- 
 respectfully of him in a former section, I feel it 
 necessary to give some account of his book, 
 
 " tionem et salutem aeternam adscribunt," &c. This 
 chapter was evidently not much to the purpose of Ebrard's 
 argument against the Waldenses ; and therefore it is not 
 to our present purpose ; but it would have been quite in 
 place in Miner's History. 
 
390 EBRARDUS. A. D. 1212. [Sect. 11. 
 
 which I should otherwise have passed over, as 
 one from which little or no information is to be 
 obtained. 
 
 Ch. xix. " That there ought to be various 
 Orders, and various states of religion." This 
 seems to be the meaning of the title, which is 
 " Quod varii sint Ordines ; et variae religiones 
 salutis," for in the chapter he goes on to shew, 
 that the church consists of three orders, dis- 
 tinguished by marriage, continence, and virgin- 
 ity. 
 
 Ch. xx. " That they ought not to pride 
 " themselves on their fasting; and that it is law- 
 " ful to eat meats." 
 
 Ch. XXI. " That whatever they do secretly 
 is forbidden" — that is, that they ought to come 
 to the light, and not to conceal their doctrine. 
 
 Ch. xxil. " That the heretics do not give 
 up, but rather seek after, temporal things." 
 
 Ch. xxili. " A Proof that they are them- 
 selves heretics ; and no others." 
 
 Ch. xxiv. " That the Scripture ought to be 
 " understood spiritually ; and not according to 
 " the letter." 
 
 Ch. xxv. " Against those who are called 
 Xabatati." 
 
 Ch. xxvi. " On the various sorts of Heretics, 
 and their opinions." 
 
 Ch. xxvu. " A disputation against the 
 Jews." 
 
Sect. 11.] PETER OF VAUX-SERNAI. a.d. 1218. 391 
 
 Ch. xxvui. " Questions to catch (decipiendos 
 inarg. capiendos) heretics." 
 
 These questions, as I have stated, are chiefly 
 framed on apparent discrepancies of various 
 passages of scripture; and seem to have been 
 merely intended to puzzle heretics — for instance, 
 " Every plant which my Heavenly Father hath 
 not planted shall be rooted up ;" but St. Paul 
 says, " I have planted," &c. — Our Lord said, 
 " These are the words which I spake unto you 
 while I was yet with you ;" was he not " with 
 them" when he was saying this ? — Our Lord 
 said, " I have many things to say and to judge of 
 you ;" and again, " I judge no man" — he said, 
 " my doctrine is not mine" — "if Rachel wept, why 
 did she refuse to be comforted ? and, if she re- 
 fused to be comforted, why did she weep ?" — but 
 perhaps I have said more than enough of a book 
 which seems to have been principally written to 
 shew the author's learning, and his acuteness in 
 framing and answering objections ; and from 
 which we can learn but little of those whom he 
 opposed, because he knew but little himself. 
 
 Peter of Vaux-Sernai. a. d. 1218. 
 
 This monk of Citeaux, the eye-witness and 
 historian of the Albigensian Crusade, is suffi- 
 ciently known. I assign to him this year be- 
 
392 PETER, a. d. 12X8. [Sect. 11. 
 
 cause it is that with which his history ends. I 
 have not, at present, access to his work, but I 
 find the following extracts in the annals of 
 Raynaldus. 23 
 
 " First it is to be known that the heretics held that 
 there are two Creators ; viz. one of invisible things, whom 
 they called the benevolent God, and another of visible 
 things, whom they named the malevolent God. The New 
 Testament they attributed to the benevolent God ; but the 
 Old Testament to the malevolent God, and rejected it alto- 
 gether, except certain authorities which are inserted in the 
 New Testament from the Old ; which, out of reverence to 
 the New Testament, they esteemed worthy of reception. 
 They charged the author of the Old Testament with 
 falsehood, because the Creator said, ' In the day that ye 
 eat of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil ye shall 
 die;' nor (as they say) after eating did they die; when, in 
 fact, after the eating the forbidden fruit they were subjected 
 to the misery of death. They also call him a homicide, 
 as well because he burned up Sodom and Gomorrha, and 
 destroyed the world by the waters of the deluge, as because 
 he overwhelmed Pharaoh, and the Egyptians, in the sea. 
 They affirmed also, that all the fathers of the Old Testa- 
 ment were damned ; that John the Baptist was one of the 
 greater demons. They said also, in their secret doctrine, 
 (in secreto suo) that that Christ who was born in the visible, 
 and terrestrial Bethlehem, and crucified in Jerusalem, was 
 a bad man, and that Mary Magdalene was his concubine ; 
 and that she was the woman taken in adultery, of whom 
 we read in the gospel. For the good Christ, as they said, 
 never ate, nor drank, nor took upon him true flesh, nor 
 
 An. 1204, §. 59. 
 
Sect. 11.] PETER OF VAUX-SERNAI. a. d. 1218. 393 
 
 ever was in this world, except spiritually in the body of 
 Paul. I say in the terrestrial and visible Bethlehem, 
 because the heretics feigned that there was another new 
 and invisible country, and in that country, according to 
 some, the good Christ was born and crucified. Also the 
 heretics said that the good God had two wives Collant 
 and Colibant ; and from them begat sons, and daughters. 
 There were other heretics who said that there is one 
 Creator, but that he had for sons, Christ and the Devil. 
 These, also, said that all creatures were good ; but that by 
 the daughters of whom we read in the Apocalypse, [marg. 
 Genesis] all things had been corrupted." 
 
 In the next two Sections, Raynaldus gives 
 the following 1 extract : — 
 
 " They said that almost all the Church of Rome was 
 a den of thieves ; and that it was the harlot of which we 
 read in the Apocalypse. They so far annulled the sacra- 
 ments of the Church, as publicly to teach that the water of 
 holy Baptism was just the same as river water, and that 
 the Host of the most holy body of Christ did not differ 
 from common bread ; instilling into the ears of the simple 
 this blasphemy, that the body of Christ, even though it had 
 been as great as the Alps, would have been long ago con- 
 sumed, and annihilated by those who had eaten of it. Con- 
 firmation and Confession, they considered as altogether 
 vain and frivolous. They preached that Holy Matrimony 
 was meretricious, and that none could be saved in it, if 
 they should beget children. Denying also the Resurrection 
 of the flesh, they invented some unheard of notions, saying, 
 that our souls are those of angelic spirits who, being cast 
 down from heaven by the apostacy of pride, left their 
 glorified bodies in the air ; and that these souls themselves, 
 after successively inhabiting seven terrene bodies, of one 
 
 3 E 
 
394 PETER OF VAUX-SERNAI. a. d. 1218. [Sect. 11. 
 
 sort or another, having at length fulfilled their penance, 
 return to those deserted bodies. 24 
 
 " It is also to be known that some among the heretics 
 were called < perfect' or ' good men ;' others ' believers' of 
 the heretics. Those who were called perfect, wore a 
 black dress, falsely pretended to chastity, abhorred the 
 eating of flesh, eggs and cheese, 25 wished to appear not 
 liars, when they were continually telling lies, chiefly 
 respecting God. They said also that they ought not on 
 any account to swear. 
 
 " Those were called believers of the heretics, who 
 lived after the manner of the world, and who though they 
 did not attain so far as to imitate the life of the perfect, 
 nevertheless hoped to be saved in their faith ; and though 
 they differed as to their mode of life, they were one with 
 them in belief and unbelief. Those who were called be- 
 lievers of the heretics were given to usury, rapine, homicide, 
 lust, perjury, and every vice ; and they, in fact, sinned with 
 more security, and less restraint, because they believed 
 that without restitution, without confession and penance, 
 they should be saved, if only, when on the point of death, 
 they could say a Pater noster, and receive imposition of 
 hands from the teachers. 
 
 " As to the perfect heretics however they had a magis- 
 tracy whom they called Deacons and Bishops, without the 
 imposition of whose hands, at the time of his death, none 
 of the believers thought that he could be saved ; but if 
 they laid their hands upon any dying man, however 
 wicked, if he conld only say a Pater noster, they considered 
 him to be so saved, that without any satisfaction, and with- 
 out any other aid, he immediately took wing to heaven.'' 
 
 In his sixty-third Section, Raynaldus quotes 
 
 84 See before, p. 242, note. M See before, p. 355, 346, &c. 
 
Sect. 11.] PETER OF VAUX-SERNAI. a. d. 1218. 395 
 
 a passage, which will be found at length among 
 the authorities, and of which the following is a 
 part, 
 
 " This also they said among their extraordinary ab- 
 surdities — that if any one of the perfect should sin mortally 
 (namely, by eating the least morsel of flesh, or cheese, or 
 egg, or of any prohibited thing) all those who had been 
 consoled by him lost the Holy Spirit ; and it was necessary 
 for him to be re-consoled, and that even those who were 
 saved fell from heaven for the sin of him who had con- 
 soled them." 
 
 Another extract in the next Section is as 
 follows, 
 
 " There were besides, other heretics, who were called 
 Waldenses, from a certain person of Lyons named Waldius. 
 These indeed were bad, but in comparison with the other 
 heretics much less erroneous; for in many things they 
 agreed with us, in some things they disagreed. To omit 
 however most of their heretical opinions, their error con- 
 sisted chiefly in four things ; viz. in wearing sandals after 
 the manner of the Apostles, and saying it was not lawful 
 on any account to swear, or to kill, and moreover in this — • 
 that they asserted, that any individual of the sect, in case 
 of necessity, if he only had sandals, without having receiv- 
 ed Orders from a Bishop, could make the body of Christ. 
 
 " It may suffice for us to have extracted these things 
 briefly concerning the sects of the heretics. When any 
 one went over to the heretics, he who received him, said, 
 ' Friend, if you wish to be one of us, it behoves yon to re- 
 nounce the whole faith that is held by the Romish Church.' 
 He must answer, ' I renounce ;' — ' Then receive the Holy 
 Spirit from the good men' — And then he breathes seven 
 times in his face. Also he says to him { you must renounce 
 
396 GUILIELMUS BRITO. a. d. 1223. [Sect. 11. 
 
 that cross which the priest made on you in baptism, on 
 your breast, and on your shoulders, and on your head, 
 with oil and chrism.' He must answer, ' I renounce it' — 
 ' Do you believe that water could work your salvation.' 
 He answers, ' I do not believe it.' — ' You must renounce that 
 veil which the priest placed on your head when you were 
 baptized.' He must answer, ' 1 renounce it.' Thus he 
 receives the baptism of the heretics ; and denies the bap- 
 tism of the church. Then they all place their hands 
 upon him, and kiss him, and clothe him with a black gar- 
 ment, and from that hour he is as one of themselves." 
 
 Guilielmus Brito. a. d. 1223. 
 
 The poem which this writer (otherwise called 
 Guilhelmus Aremoricus, or Guillermus Brito 
 Armoricus) wrote on the exploits of Philip Au- 
 gustus, King - of France, I have not seen ; and 
 know only some lines which are quoted in the 
 Councils. As the precise date of his work is un- 
 certain, I have assigned to it that year in which 
 the reign of its hero terminated. The lines are 
 these ; and only repeat what has been already so 
 often stated as the heresy imputed to the Publi- 
 cans — 
 
 " Qui bona conjugii reprobant, qui carnibus uti 
 Esse nefas dicunt, aliasque superstitiones 
 Inducunt ; breviter quos tangit epistola Pauli, 
 Omnes qui fidei saperent contraria nostra : 
 Quos Popelicanos vulgari nomine dicunt." w 
 
 26 Philippidos, Lib. I. cited Cone. XI. 6. 
 
Sect. 11.] ANONYMOUS, a. d. 1225. 397 
 
 An Anonymous Writer, quoted by the Abbot of 
 Ursperg, about a. d. 1225. 
 
 A writer quoted by Conrad of Lichtenau, 
 commonly called Abbas Urspergensis, makes the 
 following- statement respecting - the Waldenses, 
 which the Abbot has inserted in his Chronicle, 
 under the year 1212 : — w 
 
 27 I translate from a note of Binius, in the tenth vo- 
 lume of the Councils (col. 1533), who gives the passage 
 as if the abbot was speaking in his own person, and had 
 himself witnessed the matters referred to — " testatur hu- 
 "jus temporis scriptor Abbas Urspergensis in Chronico 
 " Anno Domini mccxii. his verbis," &c. We have al- 
 ready seen, however (p. 177), that Pope Lucius issued a 
 decree against the Humiliati, and Poor Men of Lyons, 
 in the year 1 1 83 ; and it is not probable that the abbot, who 
 did not become a priest until 1202, was present at a trans- 
 action which appears to have taken place twenty years 
 before. In the works of most writers, indeed, the use 
 of the first person would be decisive ; but in this case it 
 affords no evidence whatever, for it was the abbot's way to 
 transfer into his Chronicle the statements of earlier writers 
 without altering the person. This habit, though it might 
 have its inconvenience by leading some of his readers into 
 mistakes, yet seems a sort of voucher that he did not make 
 other alterations, but transcribed documents just as he 
 found them. Vbssius, after expressing his surprise at this 
 custom, mentions several instances in which the abbot 
 speaks in the first person, and would lead any reader to 
 
398 ANONYMOUS. A. D. 1225. [Sect. 11. 
 
 " There arose two monastic orders in the church, 
 whose youth was renewed like the Eagle's, and which 
 were confirmed by the Apostolic See — namely those of 
 the Franciscans, and the Dominicans — and which were 
 approved of, perhaps, on this account ; because two sects 
 which still exist, had arisen in Italy, one of which called 
 itself the Humiliati, and the other the Poor Men of Lyons, 
 whom Pope Lucius formerly placed among the heretics, 
 because some superstitious doctrines, and rites were found 
 among them. Moreover, in their private discourses, 
 which they generally made in secret places, they spoke 
 disrespectfully of the Church of God, and of the priest- 
 hood. I saw, at that time, some of their number, who 
 were called Poor Men of Lyons at the Apostolic See, 
 with a certain leader of their's, I think Bernard : and they 
 were trying to get their sect confirmed and privileged by 
 the Apostolic See. They went about through the towns, 
 and villages, saying, forsooth, that they lived the life of 
 the Apostles, not desiring to have any possessions, or any 
 fixed dwelling-place. The Lord Pope, however, dis- 
 
 snppose that he had himself seen things which took place 
 long before he was born — as when, under the year 1099, 
 he says he was with the expedition of Godfrey of Bouillon 
 — that he was at Rome in 1102, when the Pope excom- 
 municated the Emperor — that, in 1106, he saw a comet, 
 &c. " Ubique de se in prima loquitur persona, Ego accepi, 
 Ego veni," &c. De Hist. Lat. 460. I know not, there- 
 fore, at what precise time this writer should be dated ; 
 but, as he speaks as if the Franciscan and Dominican 
 Orders were already become considerable, it may, per- 
 haps, be necessary to place him as late as 1225, which is 
 more than forty years after the transaction which he re- 
 lates. 
 
Sect. 11.] ANONYMOUS, a. d. 1225. 399 
 
 approved of some superstitious points in their way of life 
 — namely that they cut off the upper part of their shoes, 
 and walked apparently barefoot. Besides, though they 
 wore a kind of hoods, as if they belonged to some monas- 
 tic order, they did not cut their hair otherwise than as 
 laymen. This also appeared scandalous respecting them — 
 that men and women went travelling about together, and 
 commonly lived in the same house, and (it was said) 
 sometimes lay in the same bed. All which things, how- 
 ever, they asserted to have come down from the Apostles. 
 The Lord Pope therefore, instead of them, confirmed 
 some others who rose up in their place, who called them- 
 selves Poor Minors (Pauperes Minores) who rejected the 
 before-mentioned superstitious and scandalous matters, but 
 went really barefoot both in summer and winter, and re- 
 ceived neither money nor anything else but food, unless 
 it happened that some one might of his own accord offer 
 them some necessary garment, but they did not ask any- 
 thing from anybody. These, however, afterwards con- 
 sidering that sometimes too much talk of humility be- 
 comes boasting, and that the name of poverty, falsely 
 assumed by so many, was vain-glorious in the sight of 
 God, chose rather to be called Minor Friars (Minores 
 Fratres) than Poor Minors, being in all things obedient to 
 the Apostolic See. The others, namely the Dominicans, 
 are supposed to have come in the place of the Humiliati. 
 For the Humiliati, having no authority, or licence, from 
 the Prelates, but thrusting their sickle into the harvest of 
 others, preached to the people, and took upon them gene- 
 rally to regulate their lives, to hear their confessions, and 
 to bring into discredit the ministry of the priests. The 
 Pope, wishing to correct these things, instituted and con- 
 firmed the order of Preachers [or Dominicans] for the 
 former were uneducated and illiterate, and employed in 
 manual labour, and preached, obtaining what was neces- 
 
400 REINERIUS SACCHO. A. d. 1254. [Sect. 11. 
 
 sary for their support from their followers ; but these 
 latter, constantly occupied in study, and in reading the 
 sacred Scriptures, had no other occupation than that of 
 writing books, and most diligently hearing them from their 
 superiors, so that they could go forth with the arrows and 
 the bow, and all the armour of the mighty, and stand for 
 the defence of the holy mother church, and go up against 
 them, and place themselves as a wall for the house of 
 Israel. While they confirm faith, and instruct in virtue, 
 they teach and commend the statutes of the church, and 
 reprove and correct the sins and vices of men ; being 
 nevertheless obedient in all things to the Apostolic See 
 from which they derive their chief authority."' 
 
 Reinerius Saccho. a. d. 1254. 
 
 What has been already said respecting this 
 writer 28 may form a sufficient introduction ; but, 
 as he has been so frequently cited as an authority, 
 by writers who seem not to have been much 
 acquainted with his work, and as that work is 
 probably not in the hands of most of those who 
 read the more modern books, in which it is ap- 
 pealed to, I shall give rather copious extracts. It 
 was published by Gretser, and is reprinted in the 
 Bibliotheca Patrum, Tom iv. P. n. col. 746. 
 
 The first chapter is a commendation of the 
 christian faith ; shewing its superiority to the 
 faith of the heretics, in eleven points. 
 
 28 See before, p. 23—36. 
 
Sect.11.] RE1NER1US SACCHO. a. d. 1254. 401 
 
 The second chapter, in less than seven lines, 
 discusses the question " Who is a heretic ?" 
 
 The third, fourth and fifth chapters, I give 
 entire — 
 
 On the Causes of Heresy. 
 Chap. in. 
 
 " And thirdly observe that there are six causes of 
 heresy. 
 
 " The first is vain-glory — for, seeing that the doctors 
 receive honour in the church, they also covet to receive 
 honour for learning. 
 
 " The second is that all — namely, men and women, 
 small and great, night and day, do not cease to learn. 
 The workman who is employed all day, teaches or learns 
 in the night ; and therefore they pray but little, by reason 
 of study. They teach, and learn, without books ; and they 
 also teach and learn in the houses of the lepers. Also, by 
 way of introduction, they teach men to avoid the seven 
 mortal sins, and these three things — namely, lying, slan- 
 dering, and swearing. These they prove by many autho- 
 rities, and call them the ten commandments. Also by the 
 time that a man has learned for a week, he looks out for 
 a scholar, as one curtain draws another. To those who 
 would excuse themselves, as not being able to learn, they 
 say ' Learn only one word every day, and in a year's time 
 you will know three hundred, and you will get on.' What 
 I say is true. A certain heretic for this purpose only, 
 that he might turn away a person from our faith to his own, 
 swam to him in the night, in the winter time, through the 
 
 water which is called -. 29 Here we may blame the 
 
 negligence of the orthodox teachers, who are not so zealous 
 
 29 It appears that something is omitted in the text. 
 
 3f 
 
402 REINER1US SACCHO. a. 0.1254. [Sect. 11. 
 
 for the truth of the catholic faith, as these heretical Leon- 
 ists are for the error of their infidelity. 
 
 " The third cause of heresy is this — that they have 
 translated the New and Old Testament into the vulgar 
 tongue, and thus they teach and learn. I have seen and 
 heard a certain lay countryman, who repeated the book of 
 Job word for word ; many who perfectly knew the whole 
 New Testament. 30 And because they are uneducated 
 laymen, they expound the Scriptures falsely, and cor- 
 ruptly; as that passage, St. John, I. * He came unto his 
 own and his own received him nof — (In propria venit, 
 et sui eum non receperunt) — they say that sui means 
 swine, taking sui for sues. And that in the Psalms, 31 
 ' Rebuke the wild beasts of the reeds,'' they translate 
 ' Straffe die Thier der Schwalben' [of the swallows'] mis- 
 taking harundinis for hirundinis. Moreover they give 
 titles to the Psalms — thus, Eructavit [Ps. xlv.] they call 
 eT Maid Psalmi. Exurgat [Ps. lxviii.] they call der Rack 
 [the vengeance]. Be profundis, [Ps. cxxx.] they call der 
 re Psalm, and so of the rest 
 
 " They teach and learn at secret times and places ; 
 nor do they admit any one who is not a believer. When 
 they assemble, they say in the first place, ' Take care that 
 there is not a crooked stick among us' — that is, any 
 
 30 " I own," say« Allix, " that by Peter Waldo's taking care to 
 " hare the Holy Scripture translated into the vulgar tongue, the churches 
 " of Italy reaped much benefit from that version, whereof we have to 
 "this day some old copies in the Library of the University of Cam- 
 " bridge." Ch. of Pied. 192. If they are still there, it would be worth 
 while to see whether they contain these mistakes. If they do not it will 
 be no proof that they are not genuine (for the charge may be false) but 
 if they do, it will be something, though not decisive, in their favour ; 
 because if they are forgeries, he who made them might probably be 
 aware that they had been said to contain these error? 
 
 31 Ps lxvii. 31. Vulgate. 
 
Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. 403 
 
 stranger. They direct also that their doctrine shall be 
 concealed from the clergy ; so that some speak by signs, 
 which are intelligible only to themselves. Thus the here- 
 tics transform words so that none but themselves can 
 understand. The church they call Steinhauss?* [a house of 
 stones], the altar Steinhauff [a heap of stones], the clergy 
 Scribes, the monks Pharisees, and so with regard to many 
 other things. They never give a direct answer. 
 
 " The fourth cause of heresy, is the offence arising 
 from the bad example of some persons ; so that when they 
 see some persons leading an ill life, they say, ' The 
 Apostles did not live so — neither do we who are imitators 
 of the Apostles.' 
 
 " The fifth cause is the want of learning in some 
 persons, who preach sometimes what is frivolous, some- 
 times what is false ; wherefore, whatever a doctor of the 
 church preaches, which he does not prove by the text of 
 the New Testament, they look upon as a mere fable, 
 against the rule of the Church. 
 
 " The sixth cause is the want of reverence which some 
 ministers of the church manifest towards the sacraments. 
 
 " The seventh cause is their hatred against the Church. 
 I have heard from the mouths of the heretics, that they 
 intended to reduce the regular clergy to the state of day- 
 labourers, by taking away their tithes and possessions, 
 and by the power and multitude of their believers and 
 favourers. When a certain heresiarch named Hainricus, 
 a glover of Xeroin [marg. Cheron] was led to execution, 
 he said publicly, ' You are right in condemning us ; be- 
 cause, if we were not kept under, the same power which 
 
 32 Hartzheim, referring to this passage of Reinerius, says "nomi- 
 nabant Ecclesiam domum stramineam," which seems as if he had had a 
 different reading. Digress, ad Stec. xm. §. 15. Cone, Germ. Tom. IV. 
 p. 60. 
 
404 REINER1US SACCHO. A. D. 1254. [Sect. 11. 
 
 yon exercise against ns, we should use against you — that 
 is, against all tbe clergy, monks, and laity.' In all the 
 cities, however, of Lombardy and Provence, and in other 
 kingdoms and countries, there were more schools of the 
 heretics, than of Theologians, and more hearers, who dis- 
 puted publicly and assembled the people at solemn dispu- 
 tations, preached in the market-place and the fields, and in 
 houses, and there was no one who dared to hinder them, 
 on account of the power and number of their favourers. 
 
 " I have frequently been present at the inquisition 
 and examination of heretics ; and the schools 33 of the 
 heretics in the Diocese of Passau, have been reckoned at 
 forty one. In a place which is called Clemmate, were ten 
 congregations ; and the priest of that church was killed by 
 the heretics, and for that matter no trial followed. There 
 are however these churches which the heretics have — 
 Zengeuelde and schools there — also in Strouizingen, and 
 schools there — also in Zeuuhs — also in Drossendorff — also 
 at St. Oswald's — also Emzempach, and schools there, and 
 a bishop — also at St. Christopher's— also Pehaimjirchen — 
 also in Jbsia — also at St. George's — also at Dansteten— 
 also in Brachlaten — also in Meuustati — also in Ardach — 
 also in Sitensieten — also at St. Peter's in Auu, and schools 
 there — also in Aszpach — also in Bolszpach — also in Mitra 
 — also in Hage — also in Spunelburch — also at St. Valentine's 
 — also in Herdischhofen — also in Stehra, and schools there 
 — also at St. Florian's — also at Malszued — also in Sirnich, 
 and schools there — also Bezsensftrchen — also in Chememna- 
 
 33 " Scholae"'— which I should prefer translating by congregations 
 or assemblies, but that Reinerius seems to distinguish them from 
 churches, as if there were churches where there were no schools, but not 
 schools without churches. It seems best, therefore, to give the word 
 (especially when he speaks of tchola leprotorumj without attempting to 
 explain it. 
 
Sect. 11.] RE1NERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. 405 
 
 fen, and many schools there ; the priest was slain by them — 
 also in Neuuenhofen, and three schools of lepers (scholae 
 leprosorum) — also in Melsza — also in Eruuans — also in 
 Gimnecrochen — also at St. Mary's — also at Puppingen — 
 also in Griefzfirchen — also in Narden — also in Anaso, and 
 schools there — also in Buchfirchen — also in Acfergenn in 
 Chanter, and schools there — and Ninachleub.' 1 '' M 
 
 On the Sects of Ancient Heretics. 
 Chap. iv. 
 " In the fourth place, observe, that there have been 
 more than seventy Sects of heretics ; which, by the grace 
 of God, are all destroyed, except the Sects of the Manichse- 
 ans, Arians, Runcarii and Leonists, which' have infected 
 Germany. 35 Among all these Sects, which still are, or 
 
 34 These names are obviously mis-spelt, but I have thought it best 
 to print them just as they stand ; for I really know not how to correct 
 all of them. The reader will, of course, consider the w, as a v, or half a 
 w, wherever he pleases ; and any licence of conjectural emendation, is 
 warranted by the wretched manner in which the book is printed. 1 
 mention this, that in case the reader should find, among those authorities 
 which are taken from the Bibliotheca Patrnm, some words which he has 
 not seen before, he may not lay the blame on me, or my printer ; for 
 though I feel scarcely a doubt in any case that has occurred, yet it seems 
 quite as well to let the reader judge, by printing the text, both as to 
 letters and punctuation, just as it stands. If it is obviously misprinted, 
 it will give him no trouble; if that is not perfectly clear, he ought to 
 see for himself. 
 
 36 It is singular that Reinerius mentions Germany s in particular — 
 that he speaks as if the Leonists, of whom he wrote, used the German 
 language — and that he enters into detail only respecting the Diocese of 
 Passau. It leads me almost to suspect that there is some mistake as to 
 the person, or at least as to the date of the writer ; for it seems probable, 
 that if the heretics had been as numerous and powerful as he states, in 
 the Diocese of Passau, at the period when he is supposed to have writ- 
 ten, we should have some other account of them beside his. Crammer, 
 
406 REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. [Sect. 11. 
 
 have been, none is more pernicious to the Church than 
 that of the Leonists ; and this for three reasons. The first 
 is, because it is older ; for some say that it has existed 
 from the time of Sylvester, some from the time of the 
 Apostles. The second, because it is more general ; for 
 there is scarcely any country in which this Sect is not. 
 The third, because, while all other Sects excite the ab- 
 horrence of their hearers by the outrageousness of their 
 blasphemies against God, this (namely of the Leonists) 
 has a great appearance of piety; and they believe all 
 things concerning God, and which are contained in the 
 Creed, rightly — only they blaspheme the Romish Church ; 
 which blasphemy a great multitude of the Laity are easily 
 induced to believe. And, as we read in the Book of 
 Judges, that Samson's foxes had different faces, but their 
 tails tied together, so the heretics are divided into Sects 
 among themselves, but in attacking the Church they are 
 united. When there are, in one house, heretics of three 
 Sects, of which each condemns the other, each one at the 
 same time attacks the Romish Church ; and thus these 
 crafty little foxes destroy the vineyard of the Lord, that is 
 the Church, by their errors." 
 
 in his " Heiliges Passau," gives a chapter " On the Apostolical zeal of 
 the Church of Passau against various heretics and jews ;'' and slates, on 
 the authority of Hieronymus Pez (Script. Aust. Tom. I.) that near the 
 end of the time of Bernard, who was Bishop of Passau from the year 
 1285 to 1313, some heretics came into his neighbourhood of whom 
 twenty were burned for heresy. It is clear, however, that they were 
 charged with the doctrines imputed to the Albigenses, rather than those 
 which Reinerius assigns to the Leonists. He says they called themselves 
 " Lottards," which is, I suppose, a misprint, for Lollards, as he adds, 
 " that is those who praise God" (Diese Ketzer nannten sich Lottardos, 
 das ist Gottlobende) and they seem to have been of the same sect, if not 
 the same persons, as those " Lollardi, sive Deum laudantes," of whom 
 Mosbeim quotes Hocsemius, in his note Sa?c. xiv. P. II. Ch. ii. §. 
 xxx vi. 
 
Sect. 11.] RE1NERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. 407 
 
 Of the Sects of Modern Heretics. 35 
 Chap. v. 
 
 " Observe, that the sect of Poor Men of Lyons, who 
 are also called Leonists, arose in the following manner — 
 once when the principal citizens were assembled in Lyons, 
 it happened that one of them died suddenly, in the presence 
 of the company ; whereby one of them was so much 
 alarmed, that he immediately distributed a large property 
 to the poor. And from this cause a great multitude 
 flocked to him, whom he instructed to embrace voluntary 
 poverty, and to be imitators of Christ, and the Apostles. 
 And as he had some little learning (cum autem esset ali- 
 quantulum literatus) he taught them the text of the New 
 Testament, in the vulgar tongue ; and when he was re- 
 proved for this rashness, he derided it, and began to urge 
 his doctrine, telling his disciples that the clergy, who were 
 immoral persons, envied their holy life, and doctrine. 
 When the Pope excommunicated them, they persevered 
 in contempt of it, and so, to this day their rancorous doc- 
 trine flourishes everywhere. 
 
 " Observe three things — First, concerning the blas- 
 phemies wherewith they blaspheme the Romish Church, 
 and its statutes, and all the clergy — in the second part 
 their errors respecting the Sacraments of the Church and 
 the saints are stated — in the Third part, observe the abomi- 
 nation in which they hold the decent, and approved, cus- 
 toms of the Church. 
 
 " First, They say that the Romish Church, is not 
 
 36 The greater part of this chapter is inserted by Allix, in his book 
 on the Churches of Piedmont, p. 232; but with many variations which 
 shew that he had a different text; and some, which lead me to think that 
 he occasionally mistook the meaning. Some of the principal differences 
 will be pointed out in the notes. 
 
408 REINERIUS SACCHO. A. D. 1254, [Sect. II. 
 
 the Church of Jesus Christ, but a church of malignants 
 and that it apostatized under Sylvester, when the poison of 
 temporalities was infused into the church. And they say, 
 that they are the church of Christ, because they observe 
 both in word, and deed, the doctrine of Christ, of the 
 Gospel, and of the Apostles. 
 
 " 2. Their second error is that all vices and sins are 
 in the church, and that they alone live righteously. 
 
 " 3. That scarcely anyone in the church, but them- 
 selves, preserves the evangelical doctrine. 
 
 " 4. That they are the true poor in spirit, and suffer 
 persecution for righteousness and faith. 
 
 " 5. That they are the Church of Jesus Christ. 
 
 " 6. That the Church of Rome is the Harlot in the 
 Apocalypse, on account of its superfluous decoration which 
 the Eastern Church does not regard. 37 
 
 " 7. That they despise all the statutes of the Church, 
 because they are heavy and numerous. 
 
 " 8. That the Pope is the head of all errors. 
 
 " 9. That the Prelates are Scribes ; and the Monks, 
 Pharisees. 88 
 
 " 10. That the Pope and all Bishops are homicides 
 on account of wars. 
 
 "11. That we are not to obey Prelates ; but only 
 God. 
 
 " 12. That no one is greater than another in the 
 church. Matt. 23. " All of you are brethren." 
 
 37 " Sextus, quod Roraana Ecclesia sit meretrix in Apocalypsi 
 propter superflaum ornatum quem Ecciesia OrientaKs non curat." 
 Allix has, " 6. That the Eastern church doth not value or regard the 
 " Church of Rome : and that the Church of Rome is the whore in the 
 " Revelation." 
 
 38 " Quod Praelati sint scribae ; religiosi, Pharissei." Allix has, 
 " that the Prelates are the Scribes, and seeming religious Pharisees." 
 
Sect. 11.] RE1NERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. 409 
 
 " 1 3. That no one ought to bow the knee before a 
 priest. Rev. ii. where the Angel says to John ' See thou 
 do it not.' 
 
 " 14. That tithes are not to be given, because first 
 fruits were not given to the church. 39 
 
 " 15. That the clergy ought not to have possessions : 
 Deut. xviii. ' The Priests and all the tribe of Levi, shall 
 not have part and inheritance with the people of Israel, be- 
 cause "they eat the sacrifices, and they shall receive nothing 
 else.' 
 
 " 16. That the clergy, and monks, ought not to have 
 Prebends. 
 
 " 1 7. That the Bishops and Abbots ought not to have 
 royal rights.. 
 
 " 18. That the land, and the people, are not to be 
 divided into parts. 
 
 " 19. That it is a bad thing to found and endow 
 churches and monasteries. 
 
 " 20. That wills are not to be made in favour of 
 Churches — also, that no one ought to be a tenant of 
 the church — also, they condemn all the clergy for idleness, 
 saying that they ought to work with their hands as the 
 Apostles did — also, they reprobate titles of dignity such as 
 Pope, Bishops, &c. — also, that no one is to be forced into 
 belief — also, that they make no account of all ecclesiastical 
 offices — also, that they care nothing for ecclesiastical 
 privileges — also, they despise the immunity of the Church 
 and of ecclesiastical persons and things — also, they con- 
 temn Councils, Synods, and Assemblies — also, they say that 
 
 39 " Quod decimae non sint dandae, quia primitise ecclesias non 
 dabantur." Allix seems to have had what is probably the correct read- 
 ing (primitivtej and translates " That tithes are not to be given to 
 priests, because there was no use of them in the primitive church." 
 
 3 G 
 
410 REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. [Sect. 11. 
 
 all parochial rights are inventions — also, they say that 
 monastic rules are the traditions of the Pharisees. 
 
 " Secondly, they condemn all the Sacraments of the 
 Church; in the first place, as to baptism, they say that the 
 Catechism is nothing — also, that the ahlution which is 
 given to infants profits nothing 40 — also, that the Sponsors 
 do not understand what they answer to the priest — also, 
 that that offering which is called anwegen n is an invention 
 — also, they reprobate all exorcisms, and benedictions of 
 baptism — also, they reprobate the sacrament of confirma- 
 tion and wonder why Bishops only are allowed to confirm 
 — also, concerning the Sacrament of the Eucharist, they say 
 that Priests in mortal sin cannot consecrate 42 — also, they 
 say that transubstantiation does not take place in the hand 
 of him who unworthily consecrates, but in the mouth of 
 him who worthily receives ; and that consecration may be 
 made at a common table, Malachi, ' In every place there 
 shall be offered to my name a pure offering'' — also, they 
 reprobate this, that the faithful communicate once in a 
 year, because they communicate every day — also, they say 
 that transubstatiation may take place by words in the vul- 
 gar tongue — also, they say that the mass is nothing, be- 
 cause the Apostles had it not, and that it is done for the 
 sake of gain — also, they do not receive the canon of the 
 mass, except only the words of Christ in the vulgar tongue 
 — also, they call the singing in the Church an infernal 
 clamour — also, they reprobate the canonical hours — also, 
 they say that the offering which is made by priests in the 
 
 40 " Quod ablatio quae datur infantibus nihil prosit. 11 Allix has 
 " that the absolution pronounced over infants avails them nothing." 
 
 41 Allix, al icegen. 
 
 42 Allix has, in addition, " but that a good layman, yea, a woman 
 if she knows the sacramental words, may" — 
 
Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. 411 
 
 mass is nothing, and does not profit — also, they reprobate 
 the kiss of peace, and of the altar. 43 
 
 " Concerning the sacrament of Penance, they say, 
 that no one can be absolved by a bad priest — also, that a 
 good layman has the power of absolving — also, that they 
 can remit sins by the imposition of hands, and give the 
 Holy Spirit — also, that it is better to confess to a good 
 layman, than to a bad priest — also, that such penance as 
 is not heavy is to be enjoined ; by the example of Christ, 
 ' Go and sin no more' — also, they reprobate the public 
 penances, as chains, especially in the case of women — 
 also, that a general confession is not to be made every 
 year. 
 
 " Also, they condemn the sacrament of Marriage, 
 saying that married persons sin mortally if they come to- 
 gether without the hope of offspring — also, they disregard 
 compatemity — also, they despise the degrees of affinity, 
 carnal and spiritual, and the impediments of Orders, and of 
 public decency, and of ecclesiastical prohibitions — also, 
 they say that a woman after chiJd-bearing does not require 
 benediction, or introduction — also, they say that the church 
 has erred in prohibiting the marriage of the Clergy, while 
 even those of the East marry — also, they say that the con- 
 tinent do not sin in kisses and embraces. 
 
 " The sacrament of Unction, they reprobate, because 
 it is only given to the rich ; and because several priests 
 are required for it — also, they say that the sacrament 
 of Orders is nothing — also, they say that every good lay- 
 man is a priest, as the Apostles were laymen — also, that 
 the prayer 41 of an evil priest does not profit — also, they 
 
 43 AHix has, in addition, " of the priests' hands and pope's feet." 
 14 Allix has, " the preaching of a wicked priest" — in the text before 
 
 me it stands " Item, quod ratio mali sacerdotis," &c. — which, I suppose, 
 
 should be oratio. 
 
412 REINER1US SACCHO. AD. 1254. [SECT. 11. 
 
 deride the clerical tonsure — also, that Latin prayer does 
 not profit the vulgar — also, they make it a matter of ridi- 
 cule that illegitimate persons 46 and wicked sinners are 
 raised to eminence in the church — also, they say that every 
 layman, and even woman ought to preach, I. Cor. xiv. 'I 
 would that ye spake in tongues, that the church might re- 
 ceive edification' 46 — also, whatever is preached which can- 
 not be proved by the text of Scripture they consider as 
 fabulous — also, they say that the Holy Scripture has the 
 same effect in the vulgar tongue, as in Latin ; wherefore 
 they consecrate in the vulgar tongue and give the sacra- 
 ments — also, they know by heart the text of the New 
 Testament, and a great part of the Old — also, they reject 
 the Decretals and Decrees, and sayings and expositions of 
 the fathers, and adhere only to the text— also, they despise 
 excommunication, and care nothing for absolution 47 — 
 also, tbey reject the indulgences of the church, deride its 
 dispensations, and have no notion of irregularity — also, 
 they believe none to be a saint but the Apostles, and none 
 to be holy but God alone™ — also, they despise canonizations, 
 translations and the vigils of the Saints — also, they deride 
 those laymen who chuse saints by lot at the altar— alsOj 
 they never read the litany and laugh at the legends of the 
 saints 49 — also, they despise the relics of the saints — also, 
 they consider the cross as mere wood — also, they abhor the 
 sign of the cross on account of the passion of Christ ; 
 nor do they ever sign themselves- — also, they say that the 
 
 45 Allix inserts " boys." 
 
 46 The text, as quoted by Allix, is " For j ou may all prophesy, one 
 by one, that all may be edified." 
 
 47 Allix adds " which Ihey expect from God alone." 
 
 48 Allix omits the words in italics, and has instead "they pray to 
 no saint." 
 
 49 Allix adds, " and make a mock of the saints' miracles." 
 
Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACCHO. A. D. 1264, 413 
 
 doctrine of Christ and the Apostles is sufficient for sal- 
 vation without the statutes of the church — that the tra- 
 dition of the church is the tradition of the Pharisees ; and 
 that there is more made of the transgression of a human 
 tradition than of a divine law. Matt, xv, ' Why do ye 
 transgress the commands of God by reason of your tra- 
 ditions ?' Also, they reject the mystical sense in the holy 
 Scriptures, principally as it regards the sayings and doings 
 delivered in the Church by tradition ; as that the cock 
 upon the steeple signifies a doctor. 
 
 " As to the third point, observe, that with respect to 
 the customs of the Church, they hold these errors. All 
 the approved customs of the Church of which they do not 
 read in the Gospel, they despise ; as Candlemas, Palm 
 Sunday, the reconciliation of penitents, the adoration of 
 the cross on Good Friday, the festival of Easter— they 
 despise the feasts of Christ and of the saints, because of the 
 great number of them, and say that one day is like another ; 
 and therefore they privately work on the festivals — also, 
 they do not keep the fasts of the church ; Isaiah, Iviii. ' Is 
 this the fast as I have chosen ?' — also, all dedications, bene- 
 dictions and consecrations of candles, of meats, 50 of palms, 
 of chrism, of fire, of wax, of the -agnus Dei, of women 
 after childbirth, of pilgrims, of holy places, of holy per- 
 sons, garments, salt, and water — they deride the church 
 built with walls and look upon it as a barn, and call it 
 commonly Stainhauf 51 [a heap of stones] and say that God 
 does not dwell there, Acts, xvii. ' God dwelleth not in 
 temples made with hands, 1 and that prayers made there are 
 of no more avail than those made in a chamber, Matt. vi. 
 ' Thou when thou prayest enter into thy closet,' &c— also, 
 
 50 " Carnium" — Allix, reading 1 suppose " cineruin," has ashes. 
 
 51 Allix has " Steinhaus," a house of stones. 
 
414 REINERIUS SACCHO. A. D. 1254. [Sect. 11. 
 
 they care nothing about the dedication of the church or of 
 the altar — also, they say that the decoration of the church 
 is a sin and that it would be better to clothe the poor than 
 to ornament walls — also, of the altar they say that it is a 
 pity (quod damnum sit) that the cloth should rot upon the 
 stone, and that Christ did not give his disciples stoles, nor 
 scarves, nor surplices — also, they consecrate in a common 
 drinking vessel instead of a chalice — also, they say that the 
 cloth which covers the host is no more than the cloth of 
 their breeches — also, as to lights they say, that God, who is 
 true light, does not need light, and that the only nse of 
 them in the churches is that the priests may not break their 
 shins— also, they reprobate censing— they say that holy 
 water is like common water — images, and pictures, they 
 call idolatrous— also, they scoff at the singing in the church, 
 and say that there is no meaning in the mnsic, but only in 
 the words — also, they deride the noise made by the laity — 
 also, they reject the festive processions, as of Easter, and 
 the mournful ones, as of the Rogation days, and at funerals 
 — they say, also, that the chanting by day and night, which 
 the church had not had before, was instituted by Gregory 
 — also, they find fault that a priest is allowed to say many 
 masses in one day 52 — also, they rejoice during an inter- 
 dict because at that time they seduce many — also, they 
 say that men are compelled to go to church for the sake 
 of lucre ; and they also go in a hypocritical manner, offer, 
 confess, communicate, but all hypocritically — also, they 
 make pilgrimages, 53 and so going to Lombardy, visit their 
 
 5 - Allix adds " for several persons. They laugh at the custom of 
 bringing sick persons on a bench before the altar to make their suppli- 
 cations there for health." 
 
 53 Allix has " they dissuade people from going on pilgrimage to 
 " Rome, and other places beyond sea ; though they themselves pretend 
 " to go on pilgrimage," &c. 
 
Sect. 11.] RE1NERIUS SACCHO. A. D. 1254. 415 
 
 Bishops — also, they despise the sepulchre of Christ and 
 the sepulchres of the saints — also, they reprobate the eccle- 
 siastical burial, Matt, xxiii. ' Woe unto you that build se- 
 pulchres ;' they would even prefer being buried in a field, 
 to being buried in a church-yard, if they were not afraid of 
 the church — also, they say that the offices for the dead, the 
 mass for the defunct, oblations of funerals, testaments, 
 legacies, visitation of sepulchres, reading vigils, anniver- 
 sarius, trieesimus, Septimus, and other suffrages do not 
 profit the souls [of the dead] 64 — also, they discourage those 
 associations of the laity and clergy which are called Zeche, 
 and say that all these things are done for the sake of gain. 
 All these errors they hold because they deny Purgatory, 
 saying that there are only two ways — namely, one of the 
 elect to heaven, the other, of the damned to hell. ' Where 
 the tree falls, there it shall be.' For if he is good he wants 
 no suffrage — if not, it will be of no service to him — also, 
 they say that every sin is mortal, and none venial — also, 
 they say that one Pater noster is more efficacious than the 
 sound of ten bells, and more than the mass — also, they say 
 that every oath is a mortal sin. ' Swear not at all ; let 
 your communication be yea, yea, nay, nay.' To say 
 ' truly' or ' certainly^ they account swearing ; for the per- 
 fect among them would rather die than swear ; but the imper- 
 fect swear if compelled to do it, or even if the form of the 
 oath is recited to them ; excusing themselves from sin by 
 this, lest they should be forced, and should betray secrets 55 
 — also, they consider him who compels anyone to swear as 
 
 54 Allix adds " they condemn the watching with the dead by night, 
 " because of the follies and wickedness which are acted on these occa- 
 " sions." 
 
 65 Allix omits what is in italics, and has, "They think it is an oath 
 " to say verily or certainly, thereby to excnse himself from sin, that he 
 " may not divulge secrets," &c 
 
416 REINERIUS SACCHO. A. D. 1254 [Sect. 11. 
 
 worse than a homicide — as a confirmer, because in the 
 confirmation he requires an oath, 66 and a Judge from wit- 
 nesses, and an examiner in the faith, and a priest who 
 compels anyone to abjure his sins whereby many are per- 
 jured — also, they blame him who says, that he who breaks 
 faith given to a priest is guilty of seven perjuries — also, they 
 say that all Princes and judges are damned ; S7 and they 
 say that malefactors are not to be condemned, as it is 
 written ' Vengeance is mine, I will repay ;' ' let them both 
 grow' — also, they say that the ecclesiastical jurisdiction 
 which the priests have is exercised not . for the sake of 
 correction, but for gain." 
 
 In his sixth Chapter, Reinerius gives an 
 account of the Runcarii ; of whom he says that 
 they agreed for the most part with the Patrini — 
 he then goes on to speak of the Siscidenses ; of 
 whom he only says, that they " agree with the 
 " Waldenses in almost every thing except that 
 " they receive the sacrament of the Eucharist." 53 
 He then gives a short account of the Ortlibenses 
 — and proceeds — 
 
 " Also, if you wish perfectly to know the error of the 
 Patrini, consult the Summa of Brother Tonson. With 
 such, little can be done, except by witnesses, because the 
 imperfect swear, and lie — but the perfect, who are called 
 consolati in Lombardy, and boni homines in Germany, 
 would die before they would do any such thing/' 
 
 56 Allix has " as likewise he that confers confirmation, because he 
 enacts an oath from the party that is confirmed." 
 
 57 So Allix — in the text it stands dantur. 
 
 59 ''Nisi quod reeipiunt Eucharistise Sacrament urn" — where per- 
 haps we should read rejiciunt. 
 
Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. 417 
 
 He then speaks of the Ordinarii ; and, after 
 a second notice of the Ortlibenses, he comes to 
 the Cathari, of which sect he had been a leader, 
 and to which he had belonged for seventeen 
 years. His evidence, therefore, is worth trans- 
 cribing 1 . " What, then, is the testimony, which 
 " the Inquisitor-General bears to the well-known 
 " faith of those who had once been his breth- 
 ren?" 59 
 
 59 The question is Mr. Faber's — and he answers it by 
 printing in capitals, " They believe all things rightly con- 
 " cerning God with all the articles which are contained in 
 " the creed." This, however, as the reader has just seen, 
 is the testimony of Reinerius respecting the Leonists ; 
 whom Mr. Faber considers as including the Waldenses 
 and Albigenses. After quoting from the fourth chapter of 
 Reinerius, he says — 
 
 " This testimony I hold to be singularly valuable 
 " and important. At the precise time when Reinerius was 
 " decorated or disgraced with the persecuting functions of 
 " Inquisitor-General, the union of the Albigensic church 
 " with the Vallensic church, in the valleys of Piedmont, 
 " had recently been effected, through the operation of the 
 " crusade conducted by Simon de Montfort. In speaking, 
 " therefore, of the Leonists, Reinerius speaks jointly both 
 " of the Albigenses and the Vallenses : for, at this time, 
 " the two churches had become inseparably united and 
 " blended in one communion. That such is the case, is 
 " evident, both from the very necessity of the matter, and 
 " from the circumstance of his designating the reputed 
 " heretics by the appellation of Leonists. This name, in 
 " strictness of speech, was proper only to the Albigenses : 
 
 3 H 
 
418 REINERIUS SACCHO. A. D. 1254. [Sect. 11. 
 
 " The sect of the Cathari is divided into three parts, 
 or principal divisions (sectas principalis) ; of which the 
 first are called Albanenses, the second Concorezenses, the 
 third Bagnolenses, and these are all in Lombard}-. The 
 other Cathari, however, whether in Tuscany, the Marqui- 
 sate [of Trevisano], or in Provence, do not differ in their 
 opinions from the said Cathari, or some of them. For all 
 these Cathari have some common opinions in which they 
 agree, and there are some peculiar opinions in which they 
 disagree. The common opinions of all the Cathari are 
 these — namely, that the Devil made the world, and all 
 things in it. Also, that all the Sacraments of the church 
 — namely, the sacrament of Baptism of material water, 
 and the other sacraments, are not profitable to salvation, 
 and that they are not the true sacraments of Christ, and of 
 his church ; but delusive, and diabolical, and of the church 
 of the inalignants. Also, it is a common opinion of all 
 the Cathari, that carnal marriage is always a mortal sin, 
 and that the future punishment of adultery, and incest, 
 will not be greater than that of lawful matrimony ; nor 
 
 " for they received it from the town of Lyons, where they 
 " greatly abounded in the twelfth century, and whence 
 " they were familiarly denominated Leonists, or Poor 
 " Men of Lyons. But when they joined the Vallenses, 
 "■ in Piedmont, the appellation was extended to the whole 
 " communion: and henceforth it became one of the many 
 " titles, by which these faithful witnesses were accustomed 
 " to be described. Under the name, therefore, of Leonists, 
 " Reinerius jointly and collectively speaks both of the 
 " Vallenses and of the Albigenses ; certainly of the Albi- 
 " genses quite as much, if not more, than of the Val- 
 " lenses.'' Sac. Cal. in. 56. I venture to hope, that at 
 this stage of the enquiry, such a statement requires no 
 comment. 
 
Sect. 11.] REINER1US SACCHO. A. d 1254. 419 
 
 would any one among them be more severely punished. 
 Also, all the Cathari deny that there will be a resurrection 
 of the flesh. Also, they believe, that it is a mortal sin to 
 eat flesh, or eggs, or cheese, even in case of urgent neces- 
 sity. Also, that the secular powers sin mortally in punish- 
 ing malefactors, or heretics. Also, that no one can be 
 saved but by them. Also, that all children, even unbap- 
 tized, will be eternally punished with no less severity than 
 homicides, and thieves. The Albanenses, however, differ 
 on this point ; saying, that no creature of the good God 
 will perish. Also, they all deny Purgatory. Also, if is a 
 common opinion of all the Cathari, that whosoever kills a 
 bird, from the least to the greatest, or quadrupeds, from 
 the weasel to the elephant, commits a great sin ; but they 
 do not extend this to other animals. 
 
 " The Cathari (like apes who try to imitate the ac- 
 tions of men) have four Sacraments ; but such as are false, 
 nugatory, unlawful, and sacrilegious ; which are the impo- 
 sition of hands, the benediction of bread, penance, and or- 
 ders. Of each of these we shall speak in course. 
 
 " Imposition of hands, is called by them consola- 
 mentum, and Spiritual Baptism, and Baptism of the Holy 
 Spirit, without which, according to them no mortal sin is 
 remitted, nor is the Holy Spirit given to any one ; but by 
 it (only however as performed by them) both are granted. 
 On this point the Albanenses differ a little from them ; 
 for they say that the hands are of no efficacy in the mat- 
 ter because they hold them to have been created by the 
 Devil (as will be hereafter stated) but only the Lord's 
 Prayer, which they repeat at that time ; and that each is 
 necessary, namely, the imposition of hands, and the Lord's 
 Prayer. It is also a common opinion of all the Cathari, 
 that, by that imposition of hands, and Lord's Prayer, 
 there is no remission of sins, if they who perform the 
 imposition of hands are, at that time, in any mortal 
 
420 REINERIUS SACCHO. A. D. 1254. [SECT. 11. 
 
 sin. 60 This imposition of hands is performed by two at 
 least ; and not only by their Bishops (-pradatis), bat also 
 by the inferiors (subditis), and, in cases of necessity, even 
 by the female members of the sect (a Catharabus). 
 
 " The Benediction of the Bread of the Cathari, 
 is a certain breaking of bread, which they daily perform at 
 dinner and supper. This breaking of bread is performed 
 in the following manner — when the members of the sect, 
 male and female, go to the table, they all stand, and say 
 the Lord's Prayer. In the mean time, he who is first in 
 rank, or in orders, holding a loaf (or more than one if the 
 number present requires it), and saying, ' The grace of 
 our Lord Jesus Christ be with us all,' breaks the bread 
 in pieces, and distributes it to all who are at the table, not 
 only to the Cathari, but also to their believers, adulterers, 
 thieves, and homicides. The Albanenses, however, say 
 that that material bread is not blessed, nor capable of re- 
 ceiving any benediction, because, according to them, it is 
 in itself a creature of the Devil ; and in this they differ 
 from all the others, who say that that bread is actually 
 blessed. None of them, however, believe that from that 
 bread the body of Christ is made. 
 
 " The Penance of all the Cathari is, beyond all 
 doubt, false, vain, delusive, and noxious, as will be shewn 
 in what follows. For, in order to constitute true and fruitful 
 penance, three things are required — namely, the contrition 
 of the heart, the confession of the mouth, and the satis- 
 faction of works. But I, Brother Rinherus, once a here- 
 siarch, now, by the grace of God, a priest of the order of 
 the Preaching Friars, though unworthy, do unhesitatingly 
 say, and testify before God that I lie not, that there is no- 
 
 60 I presume this must be the meaning, the text is, •• si illi quibus 
 tunc munus imponunt, sunt tunc in aliquo mortali peccato." 
 
Sect. 11] REINERIUS SACCHO. A. D. 1254. 421 
 
 thing of those three things among the Cathari, or in their 
 penance. For the poison of error, which they have drunk 
 from the mouth of the old serpent, does not allow of their 
 having any sorrow for their sins. This error, however, is 
 four-fold — first, that eternal glory is not diminished for 
 any sin — secondly, that the punishment of hell is not in- 
 creased to the impenitent — thirdly, that there is no purga- 
 tory for anybody — fourthly, that, by the imposition of 
 hands, guilt and punishment is entirely remitted by God ; 
 for that a child of one day old, will be not less punished 
 than Judas the traitor, but all are (according to their be- 
 lief) equal, both in glory, and punishment — except, how- 
 ever, the Albanenses ; who say, that every one will be 
 restored to his former state, but not for his own deserts, 
 and that in each kingdom (that is, of God and of the 
 Devil), some are greater than others. I say also, that 
 many of them, who are infected with the before-mentioned 
 errors, often grieve when they recollect that they did not 
 give fall licence to their appetites before they made pro- 
 fession of the heresy of the Cathari ; and this is the reason 
 why many of the believers, both men and women, think 
 no more of incest than of lawful union. Some of them, 
 however, are, perhaps, restrained from sin of this kind by 
 its horrible nature, and by instinctive shame. 
 
 " Another proof that they do not grieve for the sins 
 which they committed before their profession of heresy, is 
 this — that they make no restitution of what they have 
 acquired by usury, theft, or rapine ; nay, they keep it, or 
 rather leave it to their children, and grand-children, who 
 are living in the world ; because they say that usury is no 
 sin. Moreover, I say that in the seventeen years during 
 which, alas ! I was in their society, I never saw any one 
 of them engaged in private prayer apart from others, or 
 manifest sorrow for his sins, or weep, or smite upon his 
 
422 REINERIUS SACCHO. A. d. 1254. [Sect. 11. 
 
 breast, and say, ' God be merciful to me a sinner ;' or 
 anything of the kind which could denote contrition. Nor 
 do they ever implore the patronage of angels or saints, or 
 of the blessed Virgin Mary, nor fortify themselves with 
 the sign of the cross. 
 
 " We come next to the confession of the Cathari — 
 what it is, and when, and to whom they make it. Their 
 confession is this — ' I am before God and yon, to make 
 confession, and to accuse myself of all my sins which are 
 in me in any way, and to receive from you all, pardon 
 from God, and from yourselves.'' This confession is made 
 publicly, before all who are assembled, where there are 
 often a hundred and more Cathari, male and female, and 
 their believers. And every one makes this confession 
 when he receives the said imposition of hands, and he 
 makes it especially to their Prelate, holding the Book of 
 the Gospels, or of the whole New Testament on his breast ; 
 who, having given absolution, places the said book upon 
 
 his head, and the other Cathari who are present 6l 
 
 his right band, immediately beginning the prayers. 
 
 " Whenever any one, who has received the said im- 
 position of hands, falls into any sin of the flesh, or any 
 which is in their opinion mortal, he is required to confess 
 that sin only, and not any others ; and again, privately, 
 to receive imposition of hands from his Prelate, and 
 from one other, at least with him. All bowing down to 
 the ground, before the prelate, holding the book on his 
 breast, one (speaking for all) says with a loud voice, ' We 
 come before God, and yon, confessing onr sins ; because 
 we have greatly sinned in word, and deed, in sight, and 
 thought,' and the like. Whence it evidently appears that 
 
 ' There is apparently some omission in the text. 
 
Sect. 11.] RE1NER1US SACCHO. a. d. 1254. 423 
 
 all the Cathari die in their sins, without confession. And 
 in this way they confess only once in the month, if they 
 conveniently can. 
 
 " The satisfaction of the Cathari comes next — wherein 
 it may be enquired, whether the Cathari perform their 
 works for the satisfaction of those sins which they had 
 committed before they had joined the sect ? To which 1 
 briefly answer, No — although it may appear strange to 
 the ignorant. For they frequently pray, and fast, and at 
 all times abstain from meat, eggs, and cheese ; all which 
 have the appearance of being works of satisfaction for 
 their sins, and of which they often vainly boast. There 
 is, however, a three-fold error in them, which prevents 
 their having the nature of satisfaction. The first is, that 
 all guilt and punishment of this kind, is remitted by their 
 imposition of hands and prayer ; or by prayer only, ac- 
 cording to the Albanenses, as has been already stated. 
 The second error is, that God does not inflict the punish- 
 ment of purgatory (which they altogether deny) on any 
 one ; or any temporal punishment in this life, which they 
 consider as inflicted by the Devil. This is also the reason 
 why they do not enjoin the penance of abstinence on any 
 one, either as penance, or for the remission of their sins. 
 The third error is, that every man is necessarily bound to 
 perform those works, as being commanded by God. Thus 
 even a child, of ten years old, who had never committed 
 any mortal sin before he became a Catharist, is punished 
 in the same way as an old man, who, during a long period, 
 bad never ceased from sin. For any Catharist among 
 them would not be more severly punished for having drunk 
 poison, intending to destroy himself, than for having eaten 
 a fowl, to save his life, either in the way of medicine, or 
 in any other case of necessity ; nor will, according to 
 them, be more severely punished hereafter. They say, 
 also, the same with regard to marriage, as has been already 
 
424 REINERIUS SACCHO. a. D. 1254. [Sect. It. 
 
 stated. Also they give little or no alms to strangers, ex- 
 cept, perhaps, to avoid scandal among their neighbours, 
 and that they may get credit from them. They give, also, 
 very little to their own poor, and the cause is two-fold — 
 the first is, that they do not hope to obtain by it an increase 
 of future glory, or the pardon of their sins ; the second is, 
 that almost all of them are very close, and avaricious. 
 
 " Next follows the prayer of the Cathari — this they 
 consider as absolutely necessary when they take food or 
 drink. Many of them, on this account, have directed 
 those who waited upon them in sickness, not to put any 
 food or drink into their mouths, if they (the sick person) 
 could not at least say a Pater Noster ; C2 whence it is very 
 probable that many of them kill themselves by these 
 means, or are killed by their heretical brethren (cohare- 
 ticis). 
 
 " From what has been said, it most clearly appears, 
 that the Cathari do not, in fact, perform any penance — 
 especially, as they have not contrition for their sins, nor 
 confess them, nor make satisfaction for them ; although 
 they afflict themselves much, and are most grievously 
 punished for their errors and sins. 
 
 " Orders, the fourth Sacrament of the Cathari, 
 
 62 See before, p. 255, n. 35. I have there said that I know of 
 nothing in the Book of Sentences to explain the single case referred to — 
 how far Reinerius does it, the reader will judge. The rule mentioned 
 by him seems to have been general, and applicable to all members of 
 the Sect, under all circumstances, and it would account for their not 
 allowing food to those who were in extremity — but it does not appear 
 that all the persons in endvra were so; or that, provided they had, or 
 recovered, the power of saying a Pater Noster, they were to be allowed 
 food. Yet this seems to have been the original doctrine, which the 
 heretics of the Book of Sentences either ignorantly and fanatically over- 
 strained, or wickedly perverted. 
 
Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACCHO. ad. 1254. 425 
 
 comes next — concerning which observe five things. First, 
 that they have Orders. Secondly, their names. Thirdly, 
 the office of each Order. Fourthly, how, and by whom, 
 they are conferred. Lastly, how many Churches of the 
 Cathari there are, and where they are situated. 
 
 " In the first place, then, observe that the Orders of 
 the Cathari are four. He who is in the first, and chief 
 Order, is called Bishop (Episcopus). He who is in the 
 second, the Elder Son (Filius Major). He who is in the 
 third, the Younger Son (Filius Minor). He who is in the 
 fourth and last, Deacon (Diaconus). The others among 
 those who are not in any Order, are called Christians 
 (Christiani et Christiana). 
 
 " Secondly, observe, that it is the office of the Bishop, 
 always to take the lead in whatever they do — namely, in 
 the imposition of hands, in the breaking of bread, and the 
 beginning of prayer ; which things are in his absence per- 
 formed by the Elder Son, or if he is not present, by the 
 Younger Son. Moreover, those two Sons go about either 
 singly, or together, to visit all the Cathari who are under 
 the Bishop, and all are bound to obey them. The same 
 in all respects is done by the Deacons, and each one with 
 regard to those who are under him, in the absence of the 
 Bishop, and his Sons. And observe, that the Bishop, and 
 his Sons, have Deacons of their own, in every city where 
 they reside. Also, observe, that it is the office of the 
 Deacons to hear confessions of venial sins, which are made 
 once in a month, as has been already stated ; and to give 
 absolution to those under their care, enjoining on them 
 three days of fasting, or a hundred bows with bended 
 knees (inclinationes flexis genibus) and that office is 
 called, if I may so speak, caregare servitium. 63 
 
 63 " Galli dicerent, Charger le service, id est augere." Du Conge. 
 
 3i 
 
426 REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. [Sect. 11. 
 
 " The Orders aforesaid are conferred by the Bishop, 
 and also, with the Bishop's licence, by his Sons. The or- 
 dination of a Bishop used to be performed in this manner. 
 On the death of a Bishop, the Younger Son ordained the 
 Elder Son Bishop; and he, afterwards, ordained the 
 Younger Son an Elder Son. After that, a Younger Son 
 was elected by all the Bishops and inferiors, who were 
 convened for this purpose by the Bishop, and was ordained 
 a Younger Son ; and this mode of ordaining a Younger 
 Son has not been altered among them. That, however, 
 which has been mentioned with reference to the Bishop, 
 has been changed by all the Cathari who dwell in the 
 neighbourhood of the sea ; saying, that by such an ordina- 
 tion, the Son seemed to appoint the Father, which had a 
 very incongruous appearance ; and therefore is now done 
 differently, in this manner — the Bishop, before his death, 
 ordains the Elder Son as Bishop ; and, if he dies, the Son 
 becomes Bishop, and the Younger Son becomes an Elder 
 Son the same day. Thus almost all the Cathari have, at 
 all times, two Bishops. Wherefore John of Lyons, who 
 is one of those who are thus ordained, styles himself in his 
 epistles ' John of Lyons, by the Grace of God, Elder Son 
 and ordained Bishop,' &c. Each ordination is, however, 
 manifestly reprehensible — for neither does a natural son 
 appoint his father, nor do we ever read of one, and the 
 same, church having two of its sons 64 Bishops at the same 
 time, any more than of a woman having two lawful hus- 
 bands. All the aforesaid Orders are conferred by imposi- 
 tion of hands, and this honour, namely, of conferring the 
 above-mentioned orders, and of giving the Holy Spirit, is 
 attributed to the Bishop alone ; or, to him who is the chief 
 
 w I suppose this is the meaning — hut iu the wretchedly printed 
 text, it stands " duos habuerit lios Episcopos." 
 
Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. 427 
 
 and principal person, in holding the book of the New 
 Testament on the head of him on whom hands are laid. 
 
 " Observe, moreover — that the Cathari are in a state 
 of great uncertainty, and peril of their souls — for instance, 
 if their prelate (especially a Bishop) has secretly committed 
 any mortal sin (and many such cases haie occurred among 
 them) all those on whom he has laid hands are deceived, 
 and, if they die in that state, perish. For the sake, there- 
 fore, of avoiding this danger, all the churches of the Ca- 
 thari (except one or two) receive the consolamentum, (that 
 is, the imposition of hands, which is their Baptism, as I 
 have already said) twice, and some thrice ; and what I 
 have here stated is matter of public notoriety among them. 
 
 " The Churches, however, of the Cathari amount to 
 sixteen; and blame me not, O Reader! that I use the 
 word Churches, but rather those who have assumed the 
 title. Their names are these — the church of the Albanen- 
 ses, or of Sansano — the church of Contorezo — the church of 
 the Bagnolenses, or of Bagnolo — the church of Vicenza, or of 
 the Marquisate [of Trevisano] — the church of Florence — 
 the church of the Valley of Spoleto — the church of France 
 — the church of Thoulouse — the church of Cahors (Cartha- 
 sensis, marg. Cadurcensis) — the church oiAlbi — the church 
 of Sclavonia — the church of the Latins at Constantinople — 
 the church of the Greeks, at the same place — the church 
 of Philadelphia of Romaniola — the church of Bulgaria — 
 the church of Dugranicia — and they all derive their origin- 
 from the two last. 
 
 " The first of these, namely the Jlbanenses, live at 
 Verona, and in many cities of Lombardy ; and are in 
 number about five hundred, of both sexes. Those of Con- 
 torezo are almost all over Lombardy, and are full fifteen 
 hundred, or even more. The Bagnolenses live in Mantua, 
 Brescia, Bergamo, and the Duchy of Milan (but few only) 
 and in Romaniola, and are about two hundred." The 
 
428 REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. [Sect. 11. 
 
 church of the Marquisate [of Trevisano] has nothing at 
 Verona; but they are about a hundred and fifty. The 
 church of Thoulouse, and of AIM, and of Cahors [Charcha- 
 gensis, marg. Cadurcensis], with some which formerly ex- 
 isted, as the church of Auch [Auzinensis, marg. Ausciensis] 
 which is almost destroyed, are about three hundred. The 
 church of the Latins in Constantinople consists of about 
 fifty. Also, the churches of Sclavonia, of the Greeks, of 
 Philadelphia, of Bulgaria, and of Dugranicia, 61 are composed 
 of all nations. O Reader ! you may safely say, that there 
 are not four thousand Cathari, of both sexes, in all the 
 world ; but believers innumerable ; and this computation 
 has often been made among them. 
 
 " We come next, to the peculiar opinions among the 
 Cathari ; and first, as to the church of the Albanenses 
 (which is otherwise called of Senzano) because they err on 
 more points than the rest of the Cathari. In the first 
 place, then, it is to be especially observed, that these Al- 
 banenses are divided into two parties, holding different, 
 and contrary opinions. The head of one party is Geles- 
 manza, their Bishop of Verona ; and most of the elder, 
 and a few of the younger belong to his Sect. The head 
 of the other party, is John of Lyons, their Elder Son, and 
 ordained Bishop of Bergamo ; and, on the other hand, the 
 younger ones, and very few of the elder, follow him. 
 And this party is considerably greater than the other. 
 The first party hold all the old opinions, which the older 
 Cathari held in the year of our Lord 1233. 
 
 " The opinions of these, beside the common ones 
 already mentioned, are the following — that there are two 
 principles from God, namely, of good, and of evil. Also, 
 
 65 Dugranicia I suppose to be Dobronicha, or Ragusa ; and 
 \\ is testimony to the origin of the Cathari is well worthy of notice. 
 
Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. 429 
 
 that the Trinity, namely, the Father, the Son, and the 
 Holy Ghost, is not one God ; but that the Father is greater 
 than the Son, and the Holy Ghost. Also, that each prin- 
 ciple, or each God, created his own angels, and his own 
 world; and that this world, and all that is in it, was 
 created, made, and formed bv the evil God. Also, that 
 the Devil and his angels ascended into heaven^andjhasing 
 there fought with the Archangel Mi chael, an angej of the 
 Good God, 66 he withdrew ftomih^c§ m gjgssLsLil^ m ^^^- 
 tures of God, and infusestaemdajlyjtt^^ 
 
 men, and brutes, ancTeven from one body to another, until 
 
 \_ . „— _, w ^^«« m ^»™»^----*«~™'™"~™*"™"'^ 
 
 the said creatures are restored to heaveru*- These creatures 
 
 of God, are called, according to them, ' the people of 
 God,' and ' souls and sheep o f the house of Israel,' and 
 by other names. Also, that the Son of God, did not really 
 assume human nature of the Virgin Mary, but one like 
 him, whom they state to have been an Angel ; and that he 
 did not truly eat, and drink, nor truly suffer, nor was dead 
 and buried, nor was his resurrection true, but only sup- 
 posed, as we read of himself, ' being, as was supposed the 
 Son of Joseph.' In like manner of all the miracles which 
 Christ wrought. Also, that Abraham, Isaac, and J acob, 
 Moses and many others of the ancient fathers, and St. 
 John the Baptist, were enemies of God, and servants to 
 the Devil. Also, that the Devil was author of the whole 
 of the Old Testament, except these books— namely, Job, 
 the Psalms, the books of Solomon, of Wisdom, Ecclesias- 
 ticus, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Daniel, and the twelve 
 Prophets ; of which some were written in heaven, namely, 
 those which were written before the destruction of Jerusa- 
 
 66 The text stands thus, " quod Diabolus cum suis angelis ascen- 
 dit in ccelum, et facto ibidem praelio cum Michaele Archangelo, Angelus 
 boni Dei extiaxit inde etiam partem creatuiaium Dei" — but, I suppose, 
 that what I have given is the meaning. 
 
430 REINERIUS SACCHO. A. D. 1254. [Sect. 11. 
 
 lem, which they believe to be the heavenly. Also, that 
 this world will never have an end. Also, that the Judg- 
 ment, is already past, and that there will be no farther 
 Judgment Also, that Hell, and eternal fire, or eternal 
 punishment, are in this world, and not elsewhere. Thus, 
 indeed, all the Albanenses in general held the above-men- 
 tioned opinions, at the period referred to ; except the more 
 simple, to whom some of these things were not revealed."' 
 
 Reinerius then goes oil to detail, at great 
 length, the opinions of John of Lyons, which he ' 
 extracted from a " certain great book, of the said 
 John," which he tells us that he had read. It is 
 not, however, to our purpose to investigate the 
 peculiar errors of an individual and his followers ; 
 especially as it will appear that those peculiari- 
 ties were not adopted by that portion of the sect, 
 with which we are concerned. On the same 
 ground we may pass over what he says of the 
 peculiarities of the Church of the Concorenzes, 
 and Bagnolenses — our business is with the Albi- 
 genses ; and with regard to these, he says, 
 
 " In the last place, observe, that the Cathari of the 
 Church of Thoulouse, and the Concorezenses, hold the 
 errors of Gelosimaza and of the Albanenses ; and all the 
 churches of Cathari beyond sea do the same. No church 
 of the Cathari, however, agrees in all points with the 
 Cathari of the Church of Concorezo. The church of 
 France agrees with the Bagnolenses. Those of the Mar- 
 quisate of Trevisano, Tuscany, and the Valley of Spoleto, 
 agree with the Bagnolenses, on more points than with the 
 Albanenses, but are gradually influenced by the Alba- 
 nenses. Also, all the churches of the Cathari, mutually 
 
Sect. 11.] RE1NERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. 431 
 
 receive each other, though they have different and contrary 
 opinions; and the Concorezenses, who condemn each 
 other as has been before stated. If, however, any Ca- 
 tharist, male or female, of whatever sect, does not confess 
 these particular doctrines, or at least those that are com- 
 mon, then we may say of him, that he speaks lies in hypo- 
 crisy ; (which, according to the Apostle, who prophesied this 
 in the most undisguised manner concerning them, is a cha- 
 racteristic of the Cathari) even if he is a simple man as a 
 novice ; otherwise in many of their sects, their secrets are 
 by no means revealed. 67 
 
 I cannot help thinking-, that the remainder 
 of this chapter is an interpolation; as indeed, 
 Gretser suggests, and as seems obvious enough, 
 with respect to the latter part of it. After what 
 I have extracted, comes an account of the Pa- 
 terini (not as Reinerius had hitherto uniformly, 
 and I believe, more properly, called them Pa- 
 trini) and of whom, he had already spoken, re- 
 ferring those who wished for farther information, 
 to the work of Brother Tonson. After that, we 
 have an account of the Manichseans ; and then 
 a rambling account of various heresies, such 
 as may frequently be found in early writers on 
 heresy, and which was sometimes, I apprehend, 
 added by the transcriber, to make the work more 
 complete. With these facts, however, if genuine, 
 
 W Et sive fuerit homo simplex, ut novitius." — Perhaps wc ought 
 to read " nisi." The meaning seems, probably, that a simple novice 
 might be ignorant of these things, and, therefore, might not be guilty 
 of speaking lies in hypocrisy if he did not confess them. 
 
432 REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. [Sect. 11. 
 
 we should have nothing 1 at present to do; be- 
 cause, our object is, to take the evidence of Reine- 
 rius, respecting the Albigenses, which he has 
 given plainly and fully. If this passage is genu- 
 ine, and he distinguished between the Cathari 
 and the Manichseans (which the reader will ob- 
 serve, that he does not at the beginning of his 
 third chapter, where he does not acknowledge 
 the existence of the Cathari at all, unless he 
 means them by the Manichesans) it would be un- 
 fair to give it under his name ; and for my own 
 part, I believe, that it is not his, but the work 
 of some person who intended to describe the 
 Cathari, but who knew less, or confessed more, of 
 them, than Reinerius did. Some part of it is, 
 however, so far confirmed by, and illustrative of, 
 the Book of Sentences, that I shall give an ex- 
 tract in a note ; and refer the reader for the rest 
 of it, to the authorities. 68 
 
 68 " Holy water they execrate as poison ; saying, that 
 " if any man of their sect should be sprinkled with it, it 
 " ought to be got out of his flesh with pins and probes. 
 *' They say, that pilgrimages beyond sea, or to the churches 
 " of saints, have no other effect than to tire men with vainly 
 " running about. They call the church of Rome a harlot ; 
 " whence they speak against the Lord Pope, the Bishops, 
 " the Priests, and the Catholic clergy, calling themselves 
 " the church of God, and them the seducers of the world. 
 " A Bishop of their sect is thus set apart — they take a male 
 " child, as soon as he is born, before he has tasted his 
 
Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. 433 
 
 The seventh and eighth chapters, are as fol- 
 low — 
 
 " Heretics are distinguished by their manners, and 
 their words ; for they are sedate, and modest, in their 
 
 " mother's milk, and bring him up with milk of almonds, 
 " et pecudis [which seems, by what follows, to be a mistake 
 " — but, I know not what to suggest, except pulmentis, 
 " which signifying properly, pottage made of vegetables, is 
 " certainly, a thing very likely to be meant] and at length, 
 " with fish. Care is taken, however, that he shall never 
 " taste flesh, nor things made of milk (lacticinia) nor any- 
 " thing that is produced by generation. When, at length, 
 " he arrives at years of discretion, he is Bishop of the 
 " Sect, for the time being. 
 
 " Moreover, when the believers assemble in a secret 
 " place, they fall down before the said Bishop, on their 
 " knees, adoring him, and say, * Spare us, Lord' (Farce 
 " nobis Domine) and each adds these words in German, 
 " ' Nimmer musse ich ersterben 
 " ' Ich musse umb euch erwerben 
 " ' Dasz mein End gut werde.' 
 " ' I can never die, without obtaining from you that I 
 " may have a good end ;' and he, laying his hands on 
 " each, says these words thrice, over each of those who 
 " are adoring, ' Du werdest ein gut Mann 1 — ' You shall be 
 " a good man.' They offer no hope of salvation to their 
 " believers, unless, having given up all things, they are 
 " converted to their sect ; or, at least, receive imposition 
 " of hands from them, in their last moments ; for they 
 " say, that all sins are remitted, and the Holy Spirit in- 
 " fused, by the imposition of hands, which they make. 
 " And this they endeavour to prove, by that authority of 
 " the Acts, ' Then they laid hands on them, and they re- 
 
 3 K 
 
434 REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. [Sect. 11. 
 
 manners. They have no pride in clothes, for they wear 
 such as are neither costly, nor mean. They do not carry 
 on business, in order to avoid falsehoods, oaths, and 
 frauds; but only live by labour, as workmen. Their 
 teachers also are shoemakers, and weavers. They do not 
 multiply riches, but are content with what is necessary ; 
 and they are chaste,- especially the Leonists. They are 
 also temperate in meat and drink. They do not go to 
 taverns, dances, or other vanities. They restrain them- 
 selves from anger, they are always at work, learning, or 
 teaching, and so they pray but little. Also, they go hypo- 
 critically to Church, offer, and make confession, and com- 
 municate, and they go to sermons, but it is that they may 
 catch the preacher in his discourse. 
 
 " They may also be known by the precision, and 
 moderation of their language. They also abstain from 
 scurrility, and detraction, and levity in discourse, and 
 lying, and swearing. Neither do they say, ' verily,' or 
 ' truly,' and the like ; because, they consider these as 
 oaths. Also, they very seldom give a direct answer to a 
 question. If, for instance, they are asked, ' Do you know 
 
 " ceived the Holy Ghost ;' when, however, they wish to 
 " receive any one who is at the point of death, they give 
 " him his option, whether he will be in the Kingdom of 
 " Heaven, with those Saints who are Martyrs, or with 
 " those who are Confessors. If he prefers the state of 
 " the Martyrs, they shut the door, and then strangle him 
 " with a cloth appropriated to that use, which is called 
 " in German, Bntertuch [so it stands, I presume, for Bin- 
 " tertuch, or Binder-tuch, a bandage]. If he chooses 
 " that of the Confessors, then, after the imposition of 
 " hands, they give him nothing to eat, nor [anything but] 
 " pure water to drink, and so destroy him with hunger." 
 
Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. 485 
 
 the Gospel, or the Epistles?' they answer, 'Who should 
 have taught me those things ?' or they say, ' Persons of 
 great and profound understanding, or those who have 
 leisure, and ability for it, ought to know such things as 
 
 these' — or they say, C9 is lawful for them ; because, 
 
 Christ said to the Jews, ' Destroy this Temple,' meaning 
 the Temple of his body, and they understood the Temple 
 of Solomon. They also say, ' yea, yea, nay, nay.' 
 
 How they introduce themselves to the 
 acquaintance of the great. 
 
 Chap. vm. 
 
 " The heretics craftily devise, how they may intro- 
 duce themselves to the acquaintance of the noble, and the 
 great ; and they do it in the following manner — they ex- 
 hibit to gentlemen and ladies, some kind of tempting 
 wares, such as rings, and kerchiefs, for sale. Having sold 
 them, if he is asked, ' Have you anything more to sell ?' 
 he answers, ' I have more precious gems than these — I 
 will give them to you, if you will satisfy me, that you will 
 not betray me to the clergy.' Having received security, 
 he says, ' I have a brilliant gem from God, whereby, man 
 may have the knowledge of God. I have another, which 
 shines so, that it kindles the love of God in the heart of 
 him who possesses it ;' and so of the others. He speaks of 
 gems, metaphorically. After that, he recites some devout 
 chapter, as that of Luke, ' The Angel Gabriel was sent,' &c. 
 — or, from our Lord's discourse, John, xiii. ' Now before 
 the Feast,' &c. When he has begun to interest his hearer, 
 
 69 It appears as if something was omitted in the text, which stands, 
 " vel qui ad hoc sunt otiosi vel idonei vel dicunt sibi liceie quia Christus 
 dixit," &c. 
 
436 REINERIUS SACCHO. a. D. 1254. [Sect. 11. 
 
 he adds, Matt, xxiii. ' in Moses' seat,' &c. ' Woe unto you, 
 who have taken away the key of knowledge, ye enter not 
 in yourselves, and ye forbid others to enter ;' and that of 
 Mark, xii. ' Woe unto you who devour widows' houses ;' 
 and what follows. When asked by bis hearer, of whom 
 these imprecations are to be understood? he answers, 
 ' The clergy and the monks.' 
 
 " After this, the heretic draws a comparison between 
 the circumstances of the Romish Church and those of his 
 sect; saying thus, ' The Doctors of the Romish Church 
 are proud in their dress and carriage,' Matt, xxiii. They 
 love the chief seats, and seek to be called of men Rabbi, — 
 but such Rabbies we do not desire to have. Also, they 
 are incontinent ; but each one of us has his wife, and lives 
 chastely with her. Also, they are the rich and covetous, 
 to whom it is said, Woe unto you rich, for ye have received 
 your consolation; but we, having food, and clothes to 
 cover us, are content therewith. Also, they are the volup- 
 tuous, to whom it is said, ' Woe unto you who devour 
 widows' bouses ;* we, however, live as we can. Also, they 
 fight, and make wars, and command the poor to be killed 
 and burned, to whom it is said, L He that taketh the sword 
 shall perish by the sword ; we, however, suffer from them 
 persecution for righteousness. Also, they eat the bread 
 of idleness, doing nothing ; but we work with our hands. 
 Also, they wish to be the only teachers — to whom it is said, 
 Matt, xxiii. ' Woe unto you that have taken away the key 
 of knowledge ;' but among us women teach as well as men ; 
 and a disciple of seven days instructs another. Also, there 
 is hardly a teacher among them who knows by heart three 
 connected chapters of the New Testament; but, among 
 us, there is scarcely a man or woman, who cannot repeat 
 the text in the vulgar tongue. And, because we have the 
 true faith of Christ, and all teach a holy life and doctrine, 
 i he Scribes and Pharisees, without cause, persecute us to 
 
Sect. 11.] REINERIUS SACCHO. a. d. 1254. 437 
 
 death, as they did Christ. Moreover, they only say, and 
 do not, and bind heavy burdens on men's shoulders, but 
 do not move them with their finger ; but we practise all 
 that we teach. Also, they are more urgent, in compelling 
 the observance of the traditions of men, than the com- 
 mandments of God — as fasts, festivals, going to Church, 
 and many other things, which are of human institution — 
 but we only persuade men to keep the doctrine of Christ, 
 and the Apostles. Also, they load penitents with most 
 grievous penances, which they do not move with one of 
 their fingers ; but we, by the example of Christ, say to the 
 sinner, ' Go, now, and sin no more,' and remit all his sins 
 by the imposition of hands, and transmit souls at death to 
 heaven ; but they send almost all souls to hell. 
 
 " Having stated these and other points, the heretic 
 says, ' Consider which state and which faith is the more 
 perfect — ours, or that of the Church of Rome— and make 
 choice of it ;' and thus he is turned away from the Catholic 
 faith, being seduced by their errors ; and thus, as a believer 
 of them, a receiver, a favourer, and defender, and hiding 
 him for several months, he learns respecting the sect in 
 his house." '" 
 
 70 These extracts from Reiaerius, I translated from the text 
 as it stands in the Bibliotheca Patrum ; and it was not until they were 
 almost entirely printed, that I had the power of comparing them with 
 the "Summa Fratris Renerii." This work, which is an abridgement of 
 the other, contains some various readings, which are worthy of notice ; 
 and which I propose to print, with the text of Reinerius among the 
 Authorities. In the mean time, I would just state that the "Johannes 
 de Lugduno," or John of Lyons, mentioned p. 426, 428, 430, stands in 
 the Summa, as Johannes de Lugio ; and the Church, which in deference 
 to the margin, I have denominated " of Cahors," stands (no doubt more 
 correctly) " of Carcassone." In the passage, extracted at p. 430, in- 
 stead of " the Church of Thoulouse, and the Concorezenses," the Summa 
 reads, " of Thoulouse, of Albi, and of Carcassone." 
 
438 STEPHANUS DE BORBONE. a. d. 1261. [Sect. 11. 
 
 The ninth chapter, is on the mode of ex- 
 amining, and the tenth, on that of punishing, 
 heretics — but, as I do not perceive that these 
 chapters contain anything new, or anything that 
 would contradict (though perhaps, some things 
 which would confirm) what has been already 
 stated, and as these extracts have now extended 
 to so great a length, I pass them over. 
 
 Stephanus de Borbone. a.d. 1261. 
 
 The testimony of this writer relates only to 
 the Waldenses, and I mention him here merely 
 to remind the reader of some points which have 
 been already stated. By turning to p. 128, it 
 will be seen that he expressly states, that they 
 were called Valdenses from " the first author of 
 this heresy," whom he describes as a rich citizen 
 of Lyons, named Valdensis — that he professes to 
 have been personally acquainted with the priest 
 who had been employed by Waldo to write down 
 the translation of the Gospels, and to have de- 
 rived his knowledge of the origin of the sect from 
 him, as well as from many others who had seen 
 the earlier followers of Waldo — and he also tells 
 us, that he had often seen the person who dic- 
 tated the translation, which his friend the priest 
 was employed to write. 
 
Sect. 11.] PETRUS DE PILICHDORF. a .d. 1395. 439 
 
 William of Puy- Laurens, a. d. 1271. 
 
 This writer, so called from a little town of 
 Languedoc, three leagues from Castres, of which 
 he was a native, was chaplain to Raymond the 
 younger, Count of Thoulouse. 71 He composed 
 a Chronicle, containing a history of the Albigen- 
 sian Crusades; thinking, as he says, that it was 
 meet to leave to posterity, some account of the 
 things which he had either actually seen, or learn- 
 ed from immediate information." His language 
 sufficiently shews, that he considered the Albi- 
 genses and the Waldenses as distinct, and even 
 opposed, sects of heretics — he says, 
 
 " And there were some Arians, some Manicbseans, 
 and also, some Waldenses or Men of Lyons ; who, al- 
 though disagreeing among themselves, yet all conspired 
 against the catholic faith, to the destruction of souls ; and 
 indeed those Waldenses disputed most sharply against the 
 others." 
 
 Peirus de Pilichdorf. a. d. 1395. 
 
 It was my intention to have given an ac- 
 count of this writer's book against the Wal- 
 
 " Morery in v. Puy-Laurens. 
 
 72 To the work itself, I have not at present access ; and, 
 for this quotation, I have to thank the same friend, who 
 favoured me with the extract from the History of the 
 Monastery of Vezelai. 
 
440 PETRUS DE PILJCHDORF. *. d.1395. [Sect. 11 
 
 denses (which was published by Gretser, and 
 which the reader may find in the Bib. Pat. Tom. 
 iv. P. in. 778) because it has often been referred 
 to in this controversy ; but, beside that he is a 
 writer of later date, than those to whom I pro- 
 posed to confine myself on the present occasion, 
 I do not know, that we could learn much from 
 him, that has not been already stated, and I fear 
 that I have, by this time, tired the reader with 
 extracts which necessarily contain so much repe- 
 tition — I content myself, therefore, with saying, 
 that as far as I can see, it is entirely Waldensian 
 — I find in it no charge of Manichean heresy, or 
 any allusion to those doctrines, or rites, which 
 have been alread stated as characteristic of the 
 Albigenses ; and I therefore transcribe only what 
 he says of the origin of the Sect. 
 
 " The rise and origin of the Waldensian heretics 
 was this ; although the sons of iniqaity deceive the sim- 
 ple, saying, that their sect has existed from the time of 
 Pope Sylvester— namely, when the Church began to have 
 property of its own. This, the heresiarchs consider as 
 unlawful, because, the Apostles of Christ were commanded 
 to live without property, Matt. x. ' Provide neither gold 
 nor silver/ &c. [after refuting the opinion he proceeds] 
 They lie, therefore, when they say that their sect has ex- 
 isted from the time of Pope Sylvester. Whence we must 
 observe, that about eight hundred years after Pope Syl- 
 vester, in the time of Pope Innocent II. 13 there was a cer- 
 
 53 That is, between 1130 and 1143, which is an earlier dale, I 
 believe, than is assigned by any other writer. If he had not calculated 
 
Sect. 11.] PETRUS DE PILICHDORF. a. d. 1395. 441 
 
 lain rich man in the city of Walden, which is in France, 
 who either read or heard that our Lord had said to the 
 young man, Matt. xix. ' If thou wilt be perfect, go and sell 
 all that thou hast, and give to the poor ;' and when he went 
 away sorrowful, because he was rich, having many posses- 
 sions, the Lord said, ' How hardly shall a rich man enter 
 into the kingdom of heaven' — and again, ' It is much easier 
 for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle, than for a 
 rich man to enter into the kingdom of heaven' — and, a 
 little farther on, Peter said to our Lord, ' Lo ! we have 
 left all and followed thee.' When Petrus Waldensis heard 
 or read this scripture, he thought that the apostolical life 
 was not to be found in the world, and therefore proposed 
 to renew it ; and having sold all things, and given to the 
 poor, he began to live a, life of poverty ; which some other 
 persons seeing, they were pricked to the heart, and did 
 likewise. Among these, one who was called John, and 
 who belonged to Lyons, joined himself to the said Peter. 
 
 " When they had remained a long time in poverty, 
 they began to think that the Apostles of Christ were not 
 only poor men, but preachers, and they began themselves 
 to preach the Word of God. News of this having reached 
 Rome, the Pope commanded that it should cease ; because 
 the preaching of the Word of God is not suitable for un- 
 educated, and illiterate, persons. They refused to obey ; 
 as if the Court of Rome bad forbidden them out of envy. 
 This being discovered, the Church excommunicated them ; 
 and, they contumaciously resisting, the Church condemned 
 them ; and, as they did not then dare to preach openly, 
 they preached only secretly. Wherefore they began, out 
 of hatred to the Clergy and Priesthood, from the errors of 
 ancient heretics, with new and damnable articles super- 
 
 tlie time from the period of Pope Sylvester, one would have supposed 
 that it was a mistake of the writer, or transcriber, for Innocent III. 
 
 3 I- 
 
442 NOTICES OF HISTORIANS. [Sect. 11. 
 
 added, to destroy, and condemn, and reprobate all things 
 (except only the sacraments) by which the clergy, like a 
 pious mother collects her sons, as a hen gathers her chick- 
 ens nnder her wings — whose errors, with some refutation 
 of them, will appear in the sequel. 
 
 " When, however, they had long preached clandes- 
 tinely, and had thus seduced many from the communion 
 of the faithful to their sect, under a false pretence of 
 sanctity, they thought that their preaching was of no use, 
 unless they also scrutinized the consciences of their be- 
 lievers, by hearing confessions, enjoining penance, and 
 absolving from sins. And since their believers have seen, 
 and daily see, that they are distinguished by external 
 sanctity, and that a great part of the Priests of the Church 
 are, alas ! devoted to sensual vices, they believe that they 
 can be better absolved from their sins by them, than by the 
 Priests of the Church. And unless the mercy of God 
 shall vouchsafe to inspire the Prelates of the Church with 
 greater vigilance, it is to be feared that they will usurp to 
 themselves still greater power. For it has been newly 
 discovered, that a certain heresiarch, although he was 
 merely a layman, made, as he thought, the body of Christ, 
 and himself and several of his accomplices, communicated ; 
 though for this he was somewhat blamed by the other 
 heresiarchs.'' 
 
 Notwithstanding the very positive manner 
 in which the contrary is asserted by various mo- 
 dern writers, I cannot help feeling some confi- 
 dence, that the reader will consider the facts, 
 and documents, which have been laid before him, 
 as fully proving the two points which I stated at 
 
Sect. 11.] NOTICES OF HISTORIANS. 443 
 
 page 137— namely, that the Albigenses, and 
 Waldenses, were distinct sects, differing essen- 
 tially in doctrine, and rites ; and that, whatever 
 opinion we may form of the latter, the former 
 were either hypocritical impostors, or misguided 
 fanatics. I do not pretend to have produced all 
 that might be collected on the subject, because, 
 all the sources of information were not within 
 my reach— but, I can truly say, that I have not 
 suppressed, and that, as far as 1 know, there 
 does not exist, any statement, in any early writer, 
 which would impugn those already given, on 
 any material poin^ To say the truth, however; 
 (while I am fully sensible, that the most valu- 
 able part of my book, is not that which I have 
 written myself) I am much more afraid of being 
 blamed for giving too much, than too little, from 
 authors whom persons of taste may consider as 
 tedious, and inelegant, and whom I have con- 
 scientiously translated with barbarous fidelity. 
 My endeavour has been " verbum reddere verbo," 
 as a faithful interpreter ; and, I have seldom per- 
 mitted any conceit of style, any rule of grammar, 
 or even any remonstrance of common sense, to 
 divert me from that purpose — feeling, that my 
 humble office was not to make others speak 
 well, or wisely ; but to report what they said — 
 not to transmute nonsense into sense, but to 
 translate Latin (or what, by a very extended 
 courtesy, is so called) into English, — and though, 
 
444 NAMES OF HERETICS. [Sect. 11. 
 
 I cannot but suppose, that in doing this, I have 
 fallen into many mistakes, which I shall be 
 thankful to have corrected, yet, I will beg the 
 reader, in case he should have met with anything 
 that is ungrammatical, ambiguous, or unintelligi- 
 ble, to turn to the authority before he condemns 
 me. While fully aware, however, that the cir- 
 cumstances which I have mentioned, might pre- 
 vent these extracts from being attractive to some 
 readers, still, when I reflected, that a few words, 
 picked out from various authors, and common- 
 placed in support of an opinion, was infinitely 
 less satisfactory to myself, than a copious extract, 
 giving the context — and also, that some of the 
 books, from which these extracts are made, are 
 not in the hands of many who may see them re- 
 ferred to in the popular works on the Prophecies, 
 or the Vaudois — I could not persuade myself to 
 abridge them — especially, considering (as a cer- 
 tain writer said of his book) that the reader may 
 make them as short as he pleases. 
 
 To this section I will add a few remarks on 
 some of the names of heretics already repeatedly 
 mentioned ; but which I could not make as 
 those names occurred, without anticipating what 
 was to follow, in a manner which could scarcely 
 have been made intelligible. 
 
Sect. 11] NAMES OF HERETICS. 445 
 
 I. Paulicians. — Whatever doubt there may 
 be, about the origin of the name, it seems suffi- 
 ciently clear, that they considered themselves, as 
 in an especial manner, the disciples of St. Paul. 
 That they denied the real incarnation of Christ, 
 has been already stated 74 — but, is any farther light 
 thrown on their name, and doctrine (as well as 
 on the extraction of the Albigenses) by the state- 
 ment of Peter of Vaux-Sernai, that the latter 
 sect maintained that Christ never was in the 
 world, " except spiritually in the body of St. 
 Paul?"" 
 
 Again, we have seen that Evervinus states 
 them to have obtained their idea that spiritual 
 baptism consisted in the imposition of hands, 
 from the account of St. PauTs baptism, in which 
 there is no mention of water ; 76 and I feel pretty 
 certain that I have somewhere read (though I 
 cannot at present recollect, or find, where) that 
 they were said to represent their imposition of 
 hands, as the baptism of St. Paul; meaning 
 thereby, not only that it was such as he received, 
 but such as he administered. 
 
 II. Patarenes — or, as the word is variously 
 
 74 See p. 68. 
 
 76 See before, p. 393. They grounded it, I presume, 
 on St. Paul's words, "yet not I, but Christ liveth in me." 
 Gal. iii. 21. 
 
 79 See p. 347. 
 
446 NAMES OF HERETICS. [Sect. 11. 
 
 written, Patrini, Palarini, Patareni, Paterini. 
 Of this name, various etymologies have been 
 offered ; but I have not met with any which ap- 
 pears satisfactory. That which the reader has 
 already seen, in the Edict of the Emperor Frede- 
 rick (p. 206), and which supposes the name to 
 have been given, or assumed, with reference to 
 their sufferings, has been, perhaps, most generally 
 adopted. But, whatever might be the case after- 
 wards, had they been so eminently distinguished 
 by their sufferings in the twelfth century ? Were 
 they a class of persons likely to have framed, or 
 obtained, a newly-made name of learned deriva- 
 tion ? and was it, in fact, a name which would 
 distinguish them from other sects who suffered 
 with them? Du Cange, on the word, gives two 
 other etymologies — one, which derives the name 
 from a heretic of Rome, called Paternus (which 
 is, perhaps, as satisfactory as Morland's referring 
 the Arnaldistae, Speronistse, Josepini, and Hen- 
 riciani, to his " Barbes, or ancient pastors of, or 
 belonging to, the evangelical churches of the 
 valleys of Piedmont — Mr. Arnoldo, Mr. Espe- 
 rone, Mr. Josepho, Mr. Henrico") and another, 
 which supposes the heretics to have received their 
 name from their using the Pater Noster. 
 
 Being unable to find anything more satis- 
 factory, I will take the liberty to offer a conjec- 
 ture. The reader may have remarked, that in 
 the Lateran Council of 1179 (which is the earli- 
 
Sect. 11.] NAMES OF HERETICS. 447 
 
 est notice that I remember to have seen of any 
 such heretics under any of these names) and, also, 
 in the work of Reinerius Saccho, who seems to 
 have known more of the sect than any other 
 writer whom I have met with, the name stands 
 Patrini. It seems, therefore, probable that 
 this is the most correct ; and, if so, is it necessary 
 to hunt after an etymology at all ? May we not 
 take the word in its plain, and obvious, meaning ? 
 I imagine that it properly belonged (like the 
 other names of sects) to the perfecti 11 — or to 
 such as were actually initiated, in contra-dis- 
 tinction to the credentes, or believers — that is, in 
 this case, (as we have seen from the various ac- 
 counts of their rites) to those who, as they termed 
 it, received others, in what they called their bap- 
 tism — and what does Patrinus mean, but the per- 
 son who receives another in baptism, that is, a 
 Godfather, or Sponsor P 78 The spiritual affinity, 
 which the Church of Rome supposed to arise 
 
 77 " Thus, the reader will perceive, that in the Book 
 of Sentences, the persons who were punished for heresy, 
 were not called " heretics," unless they belonged to the 
 class of perfecti. In like manner, the title of Valdensis, 
 is only given to the leaders of the sect, or, as they were 
 also called, the Perfecti. Reinerius makes the same dis- 
 tinction, when he says, that there were less than four thou- 
 sand Cathari, but innumerable credentes. See p. 428. 
 
 78 " Patrinus, AvaJo%oj, Sponsor, qui levat aliquem de 
 sacro fonte, vel intromittit in ecclesiam," &c. Du Cange. 
 
448 N.AMES OF HERETICS. [Sect. II. 
 
 from this act, and which was at one time, very 
 inconveniently extended to various degrees of di- 
 rect and indirect paternity, compaternity, and con- 
 fraternity, is sufficiently known ; and is it impro- 
 bable, that the members of this sect, should trans- 
 fer the idea, and the title, to those who received 
 them in their baptism ? There is something; 
 analogous in the titles of those who held the 
 second and third rank among their teachers, and 
 who, as we have seen, were called the elder, and 
 the younger, Sons; and this idea of spiritual 
 affinity, expressed in terms of natural relationship, 
 prevailed among the Waldenses, who, at a later 
 period, called their pastors Barbes. Was it not 
 even more natural for the Albigenses to call their 
 teachers Godfathers, than for the Waldenses to 
 give to their's the title of Uncle ? 79 
 
 Mosheim suggests that the Paterines of Italy 
 received their name from this sect. I cannot say 
 that I see reason to believe this ; though, under 
 all the circumstances, it is likely enough that the 
 names should be confounded, as, I believe, they 
 actually were. It is, however, of no importance 
 to our present enquiry, for we are only looking 
 for the derivation of the name, which he admits 
 
 79 " Si le lecteur me demande maintenant ce qui sio-. 
 " nifie ce nom de Barbe, je luy repons que c'est a dire 
 " Oncle; de sorte que d'appeller un Pasteur Barbe c'estoit 
 " l'appeller Oncle." Leger. Hist. Lib. l. c. xxxii. p. 105. 
 
Sect. 11.] NAMES OF HERETICS. 449 
 
 to have belonged originally to the Manicheans. 80 
 The question, therefore, is, how did they come 
 by it? 
 
 III. Passagini, or Passagii. Fleurysays, 
 " Leur nom semble venir du Grec Pasagios, 
 Tont-saint," 81 and the same unsatisfactory, not to 
 say absurd, etymology has been given by others. 
 Du Cange offers none. Spanheim says, " Passa- 
 " gieri, quod de loco in locum transirent, migra- 
 " rent." 8 This is, perhaps, nearer the truth ; 
 but I cannot think that they derived their name 
 merely from their wandering course of life. 
 Having seen reason to believe that their introduc- 
 tion into Europe was very principally at the time, 
 and by the means of, the Crusades, I am inclined 
 to suppose that they got their name from their 
 connexion with the Passagia, as those expedi- 
 tions were commonly called by contemporary 
 writers. 83 
 
 80 Sac.xi. P. ii. Ch.n. §.13. 
 
 81 Liv. lxxviii. §. 55. Vol. xv. p. 530. 
 
 82 Hist. Christ. Saec. xn. Cap. vi. §.3. col. 1596. 
 
 83 Du Cange cites Jacobus de Vitriaco, " Fecit treugas 
 usque ad magnum Passagium.'" Sanutus, of Peter the 
 Hermit, " Deinde per illas partes transcurrens, et ad passa- 
 gium cunctorum corda succendens;" and the Will of 
 Charles the Fair, " Je laisse a la Terre Sainte 50 mille 
 " livres a payer et delivrer quant passage general se fera, 
 
 3 M 
 
450 NAMES OF HERETICS. [Sect. 11. 
 
 IV. Arnaldist^. I do not remember to 
 have seen it noticed that the leader of heretics, 
 mentioned by Evervinus, as having been burned 
 at Cologne, was named Arnold; but it is mention- 
 ed by Eckbert, in his eighth discourse, where he 
 calls him the Archicatkarus. 
 
 M et este mon entente que se le passage se faisoit en mon 
 " vivant, de y aler en ma personne." 1 In the Book of 
 Sentences we find one which was passed on Magister 
 Gnillermas Garricus of Carcassone, Professor of Law ; 
 who, beside being guilty of heretical practices, had been 
 detected in a conspiracy with some other persons to get 
 possession of the books of the Inquisition, in order to 
 destroy them ; and who had also been frequently rebelli- 
 ous, and disobedient to the Inquisition. For these offences 
 he was ordered to serve in the next crusade, either per- 
 sonally or by substitute, so long as it should seem good 
 to the Inquisitors — " in primo generali passagio tenearis 
 
 " personaliter transfretare aut si legitime fueris in- 
 
 " peditus, tenearis transmittere loco tui sufficientem et 
 " ydoneum bellatorem in subsidium terra sancte tuis sump- 
 " tibus et expensis. Medio vero tempore ante passagium, 
 " predictum, - ' Ac. p. 284. 
 
Section XII. 
 
 ON THE RELIGIOUS CHARACTER OF THE 
 ALBIGENSES AND WALDENSES. 
 
 Unless we wholly reject the testimonies ad- 
 duced, especially those extracted from the Book 
 of Sentences, we must admit that some of the 
 doctrines and rites of the Albigenses, were as 
 contrary to the word of God as the worst super- 
 stitions of Popery; and shall feel some little sor- 
 row, if not disgust, at hearing those who held 
 and practised them, set forth as the salt of the 
 earth, the holy martyrs of Christ, the predicted 
 witnesses, who maintained the pure truth of God 
 in a great Antichristian Apostacy — but can we 
 fairly reject all these concurrent testimonies ? or 
 can we suppose that they are pure fictions, or in 
 general, and to any material degree, false ? 
 
 As to their being pure fictions, I think that 
 no one can imagine it, who seriously and dispas- 
 sionately considers them ; and that they are only 
 misrepresentations of what was really good and 
 
452 RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. [Sect. 12. 
 
 holy, is more than I can believe — the rather be- 
 cause in all the confessions (where so much is 
 intentionally stated, so much incidentally men- 
 tioned, and from which so much that is not stated, 
 may be inferred) I do not find anything that looks 
 as if the Albigenses were at all more religious 
 than their neighbours, or as if it was the object 
 of their teachers to make them so. It is true, 
 that a great many of those who confessed, seem 
 to have been simple and ignorant people, who 
 remembered more about the salutations, bowings, 
 and genuflexions, which they saw, than about 
 the doctrines which they heard ;' but yet they 
 
 ' The object being to investigate heretical pravity, 
 the actual belief of the party confessing, and its degree, 
 and (Titration, appear to have been uniformly matters 
 of enquiry. Some of those who make confessions, speak 
 on this point with amusing simplicity. Guilielmus, 220, 
 says, " quando audiebat verba hereticorum, et vitam quam 
 '■ ducebant, erat in dubitacione et errore ; et in istis per- 
 " severabat aliquando per mensem, aliquando per quin- 
 " denam, et aliquando statim recedebat a dicta creden- 
 " cia. "—Poncius, 196, "per aliquos annos stetit in dubio 
 '• utrum heretici haberent bonain fidem, et bonam sectam, 
 " et in parte credebat hoc, et in parte non credebat, donee 
 " fuit coram Petro Auterii heretico Tholose, et tunc sim- 
 " pliciter credidit hereticos esse bonos homines, et veraces, 
 " et habere bonam fidem, et bonam sectam, in qua ipsi et 
 " credentes ipsorum possent salvari, et fuit in dicta cre- 
 " dencia quamdiu stetit cum dicto Petro Auterii heretico, 
 " et recessit a dicta credencia eadem die postquam reces- 
 " serat ab heretico." 
 
Sect. 12] RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 453 
 
 were in number nearly five hundred, and many 
 did remember, and repeat, something of what 
 they had heard — they repeated it under circum- 
 stances which would naturally lead them to make 
 it as religious as they could ; while, at the same 
 time, they did not scruple to repeat what was 
 most offensive to their persecutors, and what was 
 really most heretical and blasphemous — and it is 
 strange that, with all this, not one should lead us 
 to know, either by statement or inference, that 
 any Albigensian teacher, on any occasion, ex- 
 plained or enforced any scripture doctrine, or 
 moral precept. I believe that the confession 
 already given, No. xx. p. 312, is (if 1 may so 
 speak) the most religious that can be found 
 among those of the Albigenses. 
 
 I do not mean to say that we should have 
 a right to expect a complete system of divinity, 
 or a notice of all the doctrines of Christianity. 
 It is likely that, in general, neither the teachers 
 nor the hearers were deep theologians ; but one 
 might expect to find at least some notice, and 
 rebuke, of the gross vices of the poor ; and that, 
 if doctrinal discourse had been above their com- 
 prehension, or had escaped their memory, they 
 would have recollected, and have been glad .to 
 repeat, something of this — some exhortations, for 
 instance, against lying and stealing — some admo- 
 nitions not to do or to speak evil- — not to do to 
 others what they would not that others should do 
 
454 RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. [Sect. 1*. 
 
 to them — something- like this we might have 
 expected, but nothing is, I believe, to be found. 
 
 If it be said, that such doctrines would have 
 reflected credit upon the sect, and therefore, the 
 malicious Inquisitor left them out, I would ask, 
 how came he to put those things, which he mali- 
 ciously suppressed in the confessions of the Albi- 
 genses, into those of the Waldenses ':' The points 
 which I have stated, are very commonly to be 
 found there ; and it seems from many confes- 
 sions, as if their teachers were in the habit of 
 speaking to their disciples privately, and person- 
 ally, on the subject of religion. For instance, 
 Gerardus, 223, tells us, that " he saw at Mirauda, 
 " a certain man, whom he afterwards knew to be 
 " called Perrinus Wudri, who said to him apart, 
 " that he ought not to swear, nor lie, and many 
 " other things, among which, he told him to tell 
 " him his sins, but he would not tell ; and after- 
 " wards, his father told him of that same Perrin, 
 " that he was a good man, and taught good 
 " doctrine" (bona documenta). — Ysabellis, 366, 
 " commended to Peter Michael, her son, two 
 " strangers, whom his said mother had received 
 " into her house, of whom she told her same son 
 " that they were good men, and taught people 
 " not to do evil." — Petrus, 367, (being the son 
 just mentioned, and having referred to those cir- 
 cumstances) adds, that, "the year after the things 
 " aforesaid, he heard from his mother that some 
 
Sect. 12.] RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 455 
 
 " of the said brethren were in the house of Gui- 
 " lielmus Garinus, and that he should go there to 
 " see them. And he went, and found there two 
 " men, of whom Helys, the wife of Guilielmus 
 " Garinus, told him that one of them was called 
 " Perrinus Clericus, and the name of the other 
 " he did not know. And she commended them 
 " that they were good men. And the aforesaid 
 " two men admonished him that he should not 
 " say or do evil, or do to any one what he would 
 " not have done to himself. And that he should 
 " not lie, nor swear ; because, in every case, it was 
 
 " a mortal sin to swear. Also, another time 
 
 " he found two of the said brethren and heard 
 
 " their words, and admonitions, that he should 
 " not say or do evil, and that he should not 
 " lie or swear, because it was a great sin. 
 
 " Also, another time he heard the words and 
 
 " admonitions of the said Stephen, on not doing 
 " evil, and not lying or swearing." — Petrus, 368, 
 " heard the words and admonitions of that man, 
 " that he should not do nor say evil, nor swear and 
 " the like. And they invited him to return- to 
 " them the next night, and he promised them that 
 " he would return ; but he did not return, because 
 " he could not. And two or three days after, 
 " Helys, the mother of the said Huguetus Gari- 
 " nus, said to him, ' You made us wait a long 
 " while the other night.' And then he asked her 
 " ' Who that man was ?' And she told him that 
 
456 PUBLIC CHARACTER. [Sect. 12 
 
 " he was called Bartholomew, and came from 
 " Caiarcum, and commended him that he was 
 " a good man, and holy ; and if he would believe 
 " him, he would teach him how he might save his 
 " soul. And then he said to the said woman, 
 " ' How could he be a good man when he did 
 " not dare to go about publicly, but was even 
 " lying hid ?' And the said Helys said, that her 
 " aforesaid son was much pleased with him. 
 " Also, after the matters aforesaid, three or four 
 " years before the time of his confession, Huga, 
 " his mother told him, that two men were to 
 " come to dinner at the house of her his mother, 
 " and of Peter Carrot [his father], and commend- 
 " ed the said men much, that they were good, 
 " and called themselves brethren, and taught to 
 " do good and avoid evil."* 
 
 ! Beside these, many other instances might be ad- 
 duced — Bertrandus, 238, " andivit ab eisdem quod homo 
 non debebat mentiri nee jurare." — Johanna, 343, " quod 
 " non faceret nee diceret malum nee juraret, quia jurare erat 
 " peccatum, et plura alia verba que videbantur sibi bona, 
 " de quibns dixit se non recordari." — Jacobus, 345, " quod 
 " homo non debebat facere, nee dicere, malum.'''' — Helyas, 
 353, " quod homo non debebat facere, nee dicere, malum, 
 " nee mentiri, nee jurare." — Stephanws, 354, " quod non 
 " faceret, nee diceret, malum ; nee mentiretur, nee juraret.'''' 
 Johanna, 356, says, " post aliqua verba communia monue- 
 " runt earn quod non faceret, nee diceret, malum ; et quod 
 " non mentiretur, nee juraret."' — Bernarda, 358, says, " die- 
 
Sect. 12.] RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 457 
 
 These notices, though not so full as might be 
 wished, contain abundantly more than is to be 
 found in the Albigensian confessions, of which 
 we have about five times the number ; and there 
 is, beside this, another very remarkable distinc- 
 tion. With the exception of the repetition of 
 the Pater Noster, in the ceremony of heretica- 
 tion, I do not remember, that it is stated in any 
 Albigensian confession, or can be in any way 
 inferred, that any teacher, or disciple, of that sect 
 — any one of either the perfecti, or credentes — ever 
 offered a prayer. On the other hand, out of the 
 ninety-two Waldensian confessions, prayer is not 
 only mentioned in about sixty, but mentioned, in 
 a way which shews that it was the common 
 custom of the Waldensian teachers, to pray with 
 their disciples, and to teach them to pray j 3 and 
 one woman states, that having learned this cus- 
 
 " tus Johannes de Cernone monuit earn quod non faceret, 
 " nee diceret, malum, nee juraret." — Agnes, 359, says, 
 " post cenam, dictus Bartholomeus dixit quod orarent pro 
 " ii lis qui dabant eis ad comedendnm, et benefaciebant eis ; 
 " et postea sederunt, et dictus Bartholomeus dixit mnlta 
 " verba que videbantur sibi bona, quod facerent bonum, et 
 " caverent a malo, et non mentirentur, necjurarent, et quedam 
 " alia de quibus non recordatur." 
 
 3 See, particularly, No. xxiv. p. 324, before, and the 
 extracts at p. 255. n. 36. 
 
 3 N 
 
458 RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. [Sect. 12. 
 
 torn from the Waldenses, it was afterwards kept 
 up in her family. 4 
 
 With regard, however, to the Albigensian 
 teachers, so far as I can perceive, their great ob- 
 ject was to get persons to enter into an agree- 
 ment, that they would send for them, when they 
 should be at the point of death ; and it does not 
 appear, that they sought that opportunity for ad- 
 ministering religious instruction, or consolation ; 
 for, unless the sick person was in extremity, they 
 would have nothing to do with him. The object 
 seems to have been simply to perform the cere- 
 mony of heretication ; and, in a case already 
 quoted, it appears to have formed no objection, 
 that the patient was speechless, and, we may in- 
 fer, insensible. In another case the ceremony 
 was performed on an infant. Alazayt, 190, says, 
 " Also, in the sickness of which a certain son 
 " of the said Alazayt, named Johannetus, died, 
 " being two years old, or thereabouts, her said 
 " mother asked her if she was willing that they 
 " should have Peter Auterius, the heretic, to re- 
 " ceive the said child into his sect, and order ; 
 " and the said Alazayt agreed that it would please 
 
 4 Agnes, 24 1, says, " Item ipsa et maritus suus serva- 
 " bant modum orandi predictum post cenam de sero, et 
 " aliquando de mane sicnt viderant, dictum Johannera 
 " facientem." 
 
Sect. 12] RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 459 
 
 " her, and the said Peter Auterius was brought 
 " to the said child, in the house of Raymund Du- 
 " rand. And the heretic asked her the child's 
 " name, and if she wished that he should receive 
 " him to his order, and save his soul ? and she 
 " answered, that she did. And the said heretic 
 " told her, that, from the time when he should 
 " have received him, she must not give him any 
 " flesh, or cheese, or eggs, or any animal fat 
 " (pinguedinem carnium) and, afterwards, the 
 " said heretic read in a certain book, and received 
 " the said child, who survived three or four 
 " days." 
 
 The reader has, however, had so much about 
 the convenensa, heretication, and endura, that I 
 need not enlarge on the nature of those rites ; 
 but it may well be asked, how they originated, 
 and what was their object ? — what could men in 
 their senses propose by such unscriptural, unrea- 
 sonable, and cruel practices ? We may readily 
 suppose that the ignorant vulgar, prepared by 
 the stultifying superstitions of popery, might be 
 induced to believe anything that was taught 
 them secretly, and with an air of mystery, by 
 persons who were a degree more learned than 
 themselves — but, could Peter Auterius really be- 
 lieve that he saved the souls of those whom he 
 hereticated P If he did, surely I have not spoken 
 too strongly in calling him a misguided fanatic ; 
 
460 RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. [Sect. 12. 
 
 and if he did not, why did he take such trouble, 
 and run such hazard to do it? What motive 
 can we assign for such an extraordinary pro- 
 ceeding ? 
 
 I am much inclined to think that this here- 
 ticating was practised, by some at least, from 
 sordid motives ; and, that with them, it is to be 
 traced to that which the Scripture declares to be 
 the root of all evil— the love of money. With 
 this they were certainly charged by their ene- 
 mies; and I must say that there are somethings 
 in the Book of Sentences, which seem to give 
 colour at least to that charge. It would be tire- 
 some, and almost endless, to quote all the con- 
 fessions which shew, that the followers of the 
 heretics supplied them with money, food, clothes, 
 &c. Those which relate to money only — and 
 even to what must then have been considerable 
 sums — are too numerous to be referred to. In 
 one case, something like an annual subscription 
 was promised, 5 and in another (as we have seen) 
 a believer undertook to provide for the mainte- 
 nance of a proselyte for one year. 6 From other 
 confessions, it appears that the heretics had money 
 
 5 Guilielmus, 101 , " concessit quod faceret eis bonum, 
 " et daret eis quolibet anno unam eminara frumenti vel 
 " valorem." 
 
 6 See before, No. xxix. p. 341 . 
 
Sect. 12.] RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 461 
 
 of their own, which they expended individually.' 
 And one confession mentions the " money of the 
 
 7 Bernardus, 50, says, " Item in Monte Albano, de 
 " pecunia Petri Auterii, emit pannum virgatum (striped 
 " cloth) et fecit inde fieri supertunicale pro dicto heretico." 
 " — Rotbertus, 51, " semel portavit ini or libras regalium, et 
 " parisiensium, Bernardo Vin de Blat, ut cambiaret dic- 
 " tam pecuniam in turonenses albis, et dicta pecunia erat 
 " Petri Auterii heretici." — Guilielmus, 82, says, " quidam 
 " (quern nominat) portavit sibi, ex parte dicti Petri Aute- 
 " rii, pecuniam de qua emeret pelles pro folratura (furs 
 " for the lining) dicti supertunicalis." — Bernardo,, 75, " Pe- 
 " trus Raymundi de Sancto Papulo bereticus, quadam 
 " vice, venit ad domum ipsius et viri sui, et bibit ibi, et 
 
 " dedit omnibus filiis et filiabus suis de pecunia sua 
 
 " Bernardus Audoyni dedit sibi xxv turonenses albos et 
 " tradidit marito suo denarios plicatos, et consutos, in 
 " quodara panno, ad custodiendum, quod erant denarii 
 " aicrei, quos postea recuperavit.'' — Sibilia, 21, says, " Ja- 
 " cobus Auterii predictus deposuit et abscondit in domo 
 " sua in quodam loco, quern sibi obstendit, c turonenses 
 " argenteos quos postquam Jacobus fuit captus ipsa red- 
 didit Petro Sancii de Garda." — Perrinus, 102, "semel 
 " emit pisces pro eis de pecunia quam dictus Sancetus tra- 
 " didit sibi." — Bernardus, 197, " una vice emit panem, et 
 " alia vice fecit emi, pro dicto heretico de pecunia quam 
 " tradebat sibi dictus hereticus." — Raymunda, 108, ivit 
 " duabus vicibus intra dimidium annum ad loquendum cum 
 
 " Petro Raymundi et fuit loquta cum eo specialiter 
 
 " de expeditione Bertrandi fratis ipsorum, qui tunc tene- 
 " batur captus Carcassone per Inquisitores ; et, in ultima 
 " vice, dictus Petrus Raymundi tradidit sibi pecuniam 
 " usque ad xxv libras, pro expeditione dicti Bertrandi et 
 
462 RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. [Sect. 12. 
 
 Church," as if they had a common fund. 8 From 
 some confessions, also, it appears, that they lent 
 money to their followers; 9 and there is one 
 
 " dedit sibi amplius xx sofafos." — Petrus. 68, " custodivit 
 " per xv dies, lx marabocinos auri et tres denarios aureos 
 " quos P. Raymundi de Sancto Papulo hereticus com- 
 " niendavit sibi, et postea recuperavit ab eodem." — Arnal- 
 dus, 125, "tenuit dictum Petrum Auterii hereticum in 
 " dicta borda in qua nunc morabatur, a Festo Beati Jo- 
 
 " hannis usque ad sequentem mensem Augasti 
 
 " item dixit quod dictus Petrus Auterii dedit sibi tres tu- 
 " ronenses argenti pro hostalagio quando recessit. 1 ' — Ber- 
 nardus, 152, "Petrum Sancii vidit aliquociens et fuit sibi 
 " loqutus et scambiavit sibi pecnniam." See also, Petrus, 
 83, No. x. p. 297, before. 
 
 8 See before, p. 281. 
 
 * Guilielmus, 149, " quodam vice Tbolosana Fizansa 
 " de Asso venit ad ipsum ad domum suam, ex parte Petri 
 " Sancii heretici predicti, dicens quod dictus hereticus 
 " mittebat ipsam pro hoc quod ipse Guilielmus sciebat, per 
 " quod dictus Guilielmus intellexit quod pro quadam pecu- 
 " nia quam sibi antea mutaverat [l.mutuaverat] sen acomoda- 
 " verat hereticus. Etiunc dictus Guilielmus respondit dicte 
 " Tholosane, quod tuncnon habebat in promptu ; set in cras- 
 " tino vel in alia die sequenti, ipse portaret earn dicte Tholo- 
 " sane ; et in crastino veltertia die, dictus Guilielmus misit 
 " dicte Tholosane xxv solidorum regalium per quendam 
 " quem nominat."'— Finns, 173, " portavit sibi agrestam 
 " (vinegar) et vm solidorum regalium, quos maritus suus 
 " debebat ei."— Guilielma, 22, " tradidit cuidam ad valorem 
 " xvm turonensium alborum in pecunia, ut redderet Bernardo 
 " A udonyni, cui debebat tempore quo recessit de ista patria." 
 
Sect. 12.] RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 463 
 
 case in which one of them seems to have bor- 
 rowed. 10 
 
 Looking 1 at all this with impartiality, and 
 putting on it a candid construction, there is, per- 
 haps, nothing but what we might expect to find 
 in the history of men who were living in a state 
 of outlawry, secreted and maintained by followers 
 who were attached to them. But still we are 
 left to enquire, why they should have so princi- 
 pally concerned themselves with the dying, and 
 should have required from them such abstinence 
 as must have ensured their speedy dissolution. 
 I am afraid their object was to obtain legacies ; 
 and there is a good deal in the Book of Sen- 
 tences which confirms the idea. Raynaldus (on 
 the authority of Peter of Vaux-Sernai) distinctly 
 charges them with this — " legata corradebant a 
 " morituris quibus certissimam saltern pollice- 
 " bantur," and there are a great many instances 
 recorded among the sentences and confessions. 11 
 
 10 Raymundus, S3, " stetit ibi cum eis loquendo de 
 " quadam pecunia quam debebat sibi Petrus Sancii, et de 
 
 " aliis verbis communibus et dictus Petrus Sancii 
 
 " solvit sibi aliquam pecuniam quam debebat." 
 
 11 Bernardus, 89, " item dictus hereticus misit ipsum 
 " ad quendam locum, unde apportavit sibi quasdam vestes, 
 " de quibus audivit a dicto heretico, quod fuerunt cujusdam 
 " mulieris deffuncte, quam dictus Raymundus receperat 
 " in fine ad ordinem suum ; et dictas vestes ipse vendidit 
 " pro dicto heretico, et custodivit sibi pretium, et fecit 
 
464 RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. [Sect. 12. 
 
 As to the Waldenses, I find nothing of the 
 sort. That they, like the Albigenses, were sup- 
 
 " fieri supertunicale et capucium, de alio panno, pro dicto 
 " heretico." — Vesiada, 94, " vidit quando Raymunda Gra- 
 " net a, soror dicti Raymundi Gach, tradidit dicto heretico 
 " m Jlorenos, et tnnicam dicti Raymundi Gach hereticati, 
 " que sibi legaverat predictus Raymundus Gach." — Ber- 
 nprda, 117, " ad dictum sen verbum J ohanne Gascha (sororis 
 " quondam dicti Bernardi mariti ipsius Bernarde) ipsa solvit 
 " quinque solidos Petro Sancii de Garda, de quibus post- 
 " modum credidit quod dictus maritus suus legasset eos 
 " hereticis." — Raymundus, 129, "dixit quod postea, ipse 
 " qui loquitur, tradidit cuidam persone xim solidos regales 
 " quos dimiserat dictus infirmus dicto heretico." — Gui- 
 lielmus, 132, " ipse Guilielmus solvit legatum post mortem 
 " uxoris quod fecerat hereticis.''— Galharda, 142, "audivit 
 " a Raymundo Bertrici quod Petrus de Lantario, maritus 
 " suus, legaverat dicto Petro heretico xvin solidos.'''' — 
 Bernardo, 143, " interfuit hereticationi Gulielme socrus 
 " sue, quam fecit Amelius hereticus, qui stetit in eadem 
 " domo aliquibus diebus pro dicta infirma hereticanda et 
 " ipsa servivit sibi, et ministravit necessaria, et ipsa audi- 
 " ente et presente, legavit dicta infirma heretico supertu- 
 '■ nicale suum ettunicam." — Michael, 156, says, "dictus pa- 
 " ter suus legavit dicto heretico xx solidorum regalium quos 
 " ipse Michael postea solvit.'" — Arnaldus, 159, solvit eidem 
 " heretico partem legati quod mater sua fecerat hereticis." 
 — Raymunda, 171, "tradidit sibi tres solidorum regalium 
 quos maritus suos legaverat Petro Auterii heretico." — I 
 feel no doubt that more instances might be adduced, but 
 these are only such as I have observed among the con- 
 fessions — those cases of legacy, mentioned in sentences, 
 1 have not noticed, because some of the deceased persons 
 
Sect. 12.] RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 465 
 
 ported at least in some degree, by their followers 
 is evident, and six persons speak of having given 
 money to them 12 — six, that they gave to, and 
 received from, them 13 — and three, that they 
 
 sentenced, certainly were those named, or alluded to, in 
 the confessions ; and though others clearly were not, yet 
 as the testimony of the confessions seems to me quite 
 sufficient, I have thought it better to let the sentences al- 
 together alone, rather than to run the risque of getting 
 some of the same persons twice over — an evil which could 
 not be avoided, without more trouble than the matter is 
 worth. 
 
 12 " Perrinus, 231, " dedit duos solidos duobus Val- 
 " densibus una vie (1. vice) et alios duos solidos obtulit 
 " aliis duobus Valdensibus alia vice, licet ipsi noluerunt 
 " accipere." — Bertrandus, 238, "semel dedit cuidam Val- 
 " densi v solidorum regaHum." — Bartholomeus, 355, " dedit 
 " Valdensibus, seu Pauperibus de Lugduno, de pecunia sua ; 
 " aliquando sex denarios, aliquando XII, aliquando duosso- 
 " lidos; et hoc fecit per mi" vices." — Jacqueta, 376, " dicto 
 Valdensi dedit unum turonensem argenti." — Guilielmus, 
 237, " aliquibus ex eis dedit de pecunia sua." — Johanneius, 
 238, " de pecunia sua dedit cuidam ipsorum, et cuidam 
 alteri voluit dare, set ipse noluit recipere." 
 
 13 Bernardus, 216, and Germanus, 225, merely say, 
 " dedit and recepit."— Uwnardus, 232 (see before, p. 322) 
 '•' dedit aliquibus Valdensibus de pecunia sua, et recepit 
 " dono ab aliquibus ex eisdem gavinetos, et acus." — Ste- 
 phanas, 239, " pluries dedit de pecunia sua diversis Val- 
 densibus, et recepit aliquando ab eis cultellos dono." — 
 Guilielma, 242, " dedit Valdensibus aliquid, et recepit ab 
 
 3 o 
 
466 RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. [Sect. 12 
 
 offered money which was refused." Of legacies, 
 I find no trace ; nor anything that could lead to 
 the suspicion of cupidity. 
 
 In fact I have met with nothing which 
 should lead to doubt that the early Waldenses 
 were sincere and well meaning men ; and that 
 if they retained some of the errors of the Church 
 of Rome, and added some of their own, they 
 were yet on the whole more enlightened, and 
 more religious men, than their neighbours. It 
 must, indeed, have struck the reader, that their 
 descendants have taken a great deal of trouble to 
 vindicate them from charges which their con- 
 temporaries never brought against them. Who, 
 for instance, charged them with Manichseism — 
 or, I might say, with almost any of the errors 
 from which they are most anxious to defend 
 themselves ? To be sure, if the modern Vaudois 
 will tack themselves on to the Albigenses, and 
 identify their ancestors with that sect, in order 
 that they may boast about antiquity, they must, 
 with the credit, take the disgrace of the pedigree 
 which they claim ; but that they should, in order 
 
 uno eorum acus." — Stephanus, 354, " dedit quinque solidos 
 " Caturcenses Johanni de Cernone Valdensis, et recepit 
 " acus ab eodem." 
 
 14 Perrinus, 23 1 , and Johannetus, 238 (see above, n. 12). 
 — Hug<minug,241, " semel voluit dare quidam Valdensi 
 xii denarios, set ille noluit recipere." 
 
Sect. 12.] RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 467 
 
 to gratify a silly vanity, contend, in the face of 
 all history, that their ancestors were the Albi- 
 genses, and that the Albigenses were quite ortho- 
 dox, is rather too much. The early history of 
 the Waldenses is indeed involved in some ob- 
 scurity ; but it seems clear, beyond all reasonable 
 doubt, that they owed their name, and their 
 origin as a sect, to a citizen of Lyons, who lived 
 in the latter half of the twelfth century. It ap- 
 pears also, that he caused the Scriptures to be 
 translated into the vulgar tongue — that he and 
 his immediate followers, drew upon themselves 
 the censure and persecution of the church of 
 Rome, not only by taking upon them the office of 
 teaching, but by some of the doctrines which they 
 taught — that, by means of this persecution, they 
 were scattered over various parts of Germany, 
 France and Lombardy, &c. — and that, having 
 renounced the authority of the Romish See for 
 that of the Scriptures, and rejected some rites of 
 the Romish church which were grossly idolatrous 
 or superstitious, they prepared the way for the 
 Reformation, and were themselves prepared to 
 embrace its doctrines. 15 
 
 " Sleidam says, very briefly, and, I believe, correctly, 
 " Sunt in Provincia Gallia qui dicuntur Valdenses : hi 
 " vetusta consuetudine neque Pontificem Romanum ag- 
 " noscunt, et aliquanto puriorem habuere semper doc- 
 
468 RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. [Sect. 1*. 
 
 It was my intention to have entered at some 
 length into the subject of the Waldensian doc- 
 trine, as developed in the extracts which I have 
 given ; but the extent to which this volume has 
 already run, makes me anxious to omit whatever 
 can be spared, and I will, therefore, at present, 
 notice only two points respecting the Waldenses; 
 and these with reference to their claim to the 
 character of the Witnesses. It was this 
 claim which led me to compile these pages ; and 
 against it I feel bound most earnestly to protest. 
 
 In the first place, it does not appear that 
 Waldo, and his immediate followers, contem- 
 plated a separation from the church of Rome ; 
 but rather a revival of personal religion within 
 its pale, and a removal of some abuses, and 
 superstitions. Indeed, if we believe the writer 
 already quoted (p. 398), it was their wish to 
 form a new order under the sanction of the 
 Romish See ; 16 but, however this may be, it seems 
 
 " trinam, et postqnam Lutherus innotuit, ampliorem cog- 
 " nitionem avide sibi compararunt." Comm. Lib. xvi. 
 an. 1545. p. 185. 
 
 16 The anonymous author of the Tractatus de Hceresi 
 Pauperum de Lugduno, which I could not obtain a sight of, 
 until nearly all the foregoing pages were printed, says, 
 " Apod Lugdunum fuerunt quidatn simplices laici, qui 
 " quodam spiritu inflammati et super ceteros de se prae- 
 " sumentes, jactabant se velle omnino vivere secundum 
 " evangelicam doctrinam, et illam ad litteram perfecte 
 
Sect. 12.] RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 469 
 
 clear from the statements, or (what is even more 
 important) the silence, of their persecutors, and 
 their own confessions (that is, from all the sources 
 of information which we possess) that their oppo- 
 sition was not directed against some of the pecu- 
 liar doctrines of the Romish church. Reinerius 
 says, " they believe all things rightly concerning 
 " God, with all the articles which are contained 
 " in the creed " and this, though Mr. Faber may 
 triumphantly print it in capitals," seems to me 
 a very suspicious testimony from a Dominican 
 Friar of the thirteenth century. Will any one 
 believe, that an Inquisitor General of heretical 
 pravity, would give such a character of any set 
 
 " servare : postulantes a Domino Papa Innocentio hi. 
 " hanc vivendi formam auctoriiate sua sibi et suis sequa- 
 " cibns confirmari : aclinic recognoscentes primaf.uni apud 
 " ipsum residere apostolicae potestatis." — Martene Thes. 
 Anecd. Tom. v. 1778. Of this tract, and of some others 
 which accompany it, I know neither the date nor the au- 
 thority ; but, if I had obtained possession of them earlier, 
 I should have said more about them in the present work. 
 I am not, however, aware that they contain anything 
 which can be considered as contradicting the opinions 
 which I have advanced, or the statements which I have 
 extracted, except on one point, which will be noticed pre- 
 sently ; but, when I say this, I wish it to be understood, 
 that I have not given them that attention, which would 
 enable me to speak with confidence. 
 17 See before, p. 417. 
 
470 RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. [Sect. 12. 
 
 of men, who denied the doctrine of transubstanti- 
 ation ? Or that Petrus de Pilichdorf would have 
 told us, that they condemned and reprobated 
 " all things except only the sacraments P" 18 In 
 truth, the charge of their enemies is, not that 
 they denied transubstantiation ; but, that they 
 assumed to themselves, the power of transubstan- 
 tiating. Thus the Council of Narbonne speaks 
 of a " Waldensian supper, where, on the day of 
 " the supper, the table being placed, and bread 
 " put upon it, one Waldensian blessing, and 
 " breaking, and giving to the by-standers, be- 
 " lieves, according to their damnable sect, that he 
 " makes the body of Christ."™ The account which 
 Reinerius gives of their doctrine on this point, 
 is, " that priests in mortal sin cannot consecrate 
 " — also, they say that transubstantiation does not 
 " take place in the hand of him who unworthily 
 " consecrates, but in the mouth of him who wor- 
 " thily receives."'" Peter of Vaux-Sernai charges 
 it as one of their four principal errors, that they 
 said, " that any individual of their sect, in case 
 " of necessity, if he only had sandals, without 
 " having received orders from a Bishop, could 
 " make the body of Christ."" In the Book of 
 Sentences, John Philibert, 252, a priest, who has 
 
 18 lb. p. 442. » lb. p. 410. 
 
 ] ' lb. p. 198. " lb. p. 395. 
 
Sect. 12] RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 47 1 
 
 been already mentioned 22 (and of whose degrada- 
 tion, and delivery to the secular arm, we have a 
 very curious account) confessed, that " during his 
 " connexion with the Waldenses, he had per- 
 " formed mass, and administered the Sacraments." 
 Hugueta, 290, also stated in her confession, that 
 " she believed, and had heard say by the Wal- 
 " deuses, that the said John of Lorraine, although 
 " he was not a priest, but a majoralis of the afore- 
 " said sect, could celebrate mass." In the pas- 
 sage respecting the Waldenses, appended to the 
 " Disputatio inter Catholicum et Paterinum haere- 
 ticum," 33 it is stated, that " the said Poor Men of 
 " Lyons consecrate only once in a year, namely, 
 " in the Supper of the Lord ; and then, towards 
 " night, he who is chief among them, if he is a 
 " priest, collects all his family, of either sex, 
 " causes a bench or table to be prepared before 
 " them, and covered with a clean table-cloth, on 
 " which they afterwards place a large cup of pure 
 " wine, and a cake of unleavened bread. After 
 " a while, he who presides says, ' Let us beseech 
 " our Lord, that he would forgive us our sins and 
 " our transgressions, for his mercy's sake — and 
 
 22 lb. p. 265. 
 
 23 This is one of the tracts already alluded to in note 
 16 (p. 468). The original of the passage will be found 
 among the authorities. 
 
472 RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. [Sect. 12. 
 
 " would, for his mercy's sake, fulfil those petitions, 
 " which we worthily offer — and that he may do 
 " these things, let us say the Pater Noster seven 
 " times, in honour of God, and of the Holy Tri- 
 " nity.' And then, all kneeling- down, say the 
 " Pater Noster seven times. Afterwards they 
 " rise, and then, he who consecrates crosses the 
 " bread, and the cup; and, having broken the 
 " bread, gives a piece to each of the by-standers ; 
 " and afterwards, he gives them all to drink with 
 " the cup, and they stand all the while on their 
 " feet, and thus their sacrifice is ended. And 
 " they firmly believe, and confess, that that is the 
 " body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ. And 
 " if anything should remain of the sacrifice, they 
 " would keep it till Easter, and then use it all 
 " up; but if there were there any who asked for 
 " it, they would freely give it to them." For the 
 truth of this statement, I do not vouch ; but the 
 reader will observe, that the charge in this (as 
 in all the other cases) is, not that they rejected 
 the doctrine of transubstantiation — not, that they 
 denied that the priests had power to transub- 
 stantiate — but, that they asserted that they 
 could, and did, do the same. Indeed, I know 
 of only one authority, which forms an excep- 
 tion ; and of the general value of that, I am not 
 (as I have already stated) able to form an opi- 
 nion. The anonymous tract, " On the Heresy of 
 
Sect. 12] RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 473 
 
 the Poor Men of Lyons," to which, I have before 
 referred/" says, " they do not believe it to be 
 " truly the body and blood of Christ, but only 
 " consecrated bread ; which, in a sort of figure, 
 " is called the body of Christ ; as it is said, 'and 
 " that rock was Christ,' and the like. This, how- 
 " ever, some say, is only performed by the good ; 
 " but others, by all who know the words of con- 
 " secration." 
 
 I should be very willing to believe, that this 
 was really the doctrine of the ancient Waldenses 
 — and I can suppose that, at some period, it 
 may have been the creed of some of them — but, 
 in the face of the evidence which has been ad- 
 duced, I know not how to make any farther ad- 
 mission. The doctrine of transubstantiation had 
 been so well defined — it was so prominent — so 
 much stress was laid upon it, in the inquisition 
 of heretical pravity — the various forms of what 
 the Romish church called heresy, on that parti- 
 cular point had been so sifted — that I cannot be- 
 lieve that the Waldenses got such testimonies of 
 orthodoxy, while maintaining what must have 
 been considered as mortal heresy. From the 
 days of Peter Moranus, 25 the doctrine of the real 
 presence has been " the burning article" of the 
 Romish creed ; and those whom the church of 
 Rome acquitted of heresy on this point, must, I 
 
 M See before, p. 468, note 16. M lb. p. 157. 
 3 P 
 
474 RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. [Sect. 12. 
 
 think, be considered as very indifferent witnesses 
 against the Papacy. 
 
 The other point, on which I will now only 
 briefly touch, is the military character of the 
 Waldenses ; and, in doing this, I beg the reader 
 to remember that I am not denying to them 
 whatever praise the world may be pleased to as- 
 sign to heroes and patriots ; I only ask how far 
 it agrees with their character as witnesses, and 
 martyrs of Christ. I grant them all the laurels 
 that earth can yield — but can any man, with the 
 New Testament in his hand, claim for them the 
 heavenly crown of martyrdom ? We are speak- 
 ing of those who are set forth as the special and 
 eminent disciples of Him who commanded his 
 followers not to resist evil — to love their enemies 
 — to bless those who cursed them — to pray for 
 those who despitefully used, and persecuted them 
 — who directed them when they were persecuted 
 in one city to flee to another, and warned them 
 that " all they that take the sword shall perish 
 with the sword." 
 
 On this occasion I will confine myself to a 
 few extracts from the work of Mr. Gilly, which 
 has been already referred to, 26 respecting that 
 part of the history of the modern Waldenses, 
 which christian writers have agreed to call their 
 " Glorious Recovery" of their Vallies, and 
 
 26 See before, p. 116. 
 
Sect. 12.] RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 475 
 
 which, if we adopt the system of Mr. Faber, was 
 the predicted resurrection of the witnesses. 
 
 " After the perfidy of Victor Amadeus the Second 
 had triumphed over his protestant subjects, and the Vau- 
 dois were driven out of their country in the year 1686, 
 the three vallies were repeopled by Savoyards and Pie- 
 montese of the Roman Catholic persuasion. The forts 
 which guarded the passes were garrisoned in part by Pie- 
 montese, and in part by French troops. The exiles them- 
 selves were dispersed among the Swiss Cantons, and in 
 the Protestant German States. Some of them had taken 
 refuge in Holland, and others in the Duchy of Branden- 
 burgh, where the Elector had received them with marked 
 attention. Under these circumstances nothing could be 
 more remote from all probability, than that this scattered 
 remnant should rally under a leader of their own, and 
 march sword in hand for the recovery of their possessions. 27 
 The success of such an enterprise must have appeared 
 still more improbable. 
 
 " Henri Arnaud thought otherwise. Patriotic, ar- 
 dent, and enthusiastic, his love for his native vallies would 
 not suffer him to be happy in a foreign land : his courage 
 would hear of no obstacles, and his warm imagination 
 represented the arm , of God, as lifted up to succour the 
 holy undertaking. Lux lucet in tenebris, the light shineth 
 in darkness, was the motto of his community, and the 
 words which were ever in his mouth. He thought he saw 
 the cloud, which was to go before him by day, and the 
 pillar of fire, which was to give him light by night, and he 
 was incessant in his importunities, until he had communi- 
 
 27 Certainly the thing was not likely— may we not say, that if they 
 had followed the commands of their Lord, and had been duly impressed 
 with gratitude to God, who had so mercifully provided them an asylum, 
 it would have been impossible ? 
 
476 RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. [Sect. 12 
 
 cated his own martial spirit to a few faithful friends, and 
 had girt on, what he called, the sword of the Lord and of 
 Gideon, which he solemnly swore never to resign, until the 
 crucifix should be torn down from the altars of the thir- 
 teen sanctuaries, which until this fatal epoch, had never 
 been so idolatrously decorated. In a short time, his little 
 troop was increased to upwards of eight hundred daring 
 adventurers, whom he had persuaded to join his standard, 
 from different parts of Germany and Switzerland." p. 1 74. 
 
 Such is Mr. Gilly's account of the pastor — 
 of his flock he elsewhere gives the following cha- 
 racteristic notice — 
 
 " The Vaudois have always been good marksmen, 
 and, upon this occasion, they exercised their skill most 
 successfully. From the summit of a mountain, from the 
 top of a crag, or, from behind a rock, or tree, a marksman 
 would frequently take his stand, and deliberately fire se- 
 veral shots before he could be dislodged : or, knowing 
 every pass and defile, a few of them would make a detour, 
 and pour in a volley upon a bivouacing party of their ad- 
 versaries, which never failed of causing dreadful slaughter 
 and consternation."' p. 182. 
 
 The pastor and his flock crossed the lake of 
 Geneva, on the 16th of August, 1689 ; and ob- 
 tained possession of the vallies, after a bloody 
 strife, which it is not my present purpose to de- 
 tail. Whether they were animated to this by 
 " the spirit of life from God," as Mr. Faber con- 
 tends 28 — or, as Mr. Gilly (I think more justly) 
 
 29 " The two Witnesses were slain, or the two churches 
 " were dissolved, on the 31st day of January, in the Year 
 
Sect. 12.] RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 477 
 
 suggests, by the pastor's " own martial spirit," 
 let the reader judge from one or two more brief 
 extracts. I must say that, to me, it seems rather 
 as if the unclean spirits of pride, ambition, and 
 revenge, had gathered them to battle. After de- 
 scribing their " glorious and decisive" victory, 
 Mr. Gilly proceeds — 
 
 " The conflict lasted two hours ; and the enemy were 
 so completely routed, that many of them, finding them- 
 selves intermixed pell-mell among the Vaudois, hoped to 
 escape, by being mistaken for them ; but they were all 
 put to the sword : the field of battle was covered with the 
 dead : several companies were reduced to seven or eight 
 men, without any officers. All the baggage, and ammu- 
 nition fell into the hands of the Vaudois ; and when the 
 moon arose that evening not an enemy was to be seen. 
 
 " The exiles might have re-established themselves at 
 once among the fastnesses of the valley of San Martino, 
 but these brave men were not satisfied with a secure retreat ; 
 they resolved to dispossess the Roman Catholics, and to 
 restore their brethren to their lands and habitations, or to 
 perish in the attempt. The valley of Luzerno was occu- 
 pied in great force by French and Piemontese troops, a 
 detachment of whom was ordered to sieze the passes of the 
 Col di Giuliano, and to prevent Arnaud's approach on that 
 
 " 1686; but exactly three years and a half after this marked 
 " epoch, or on the 16th day of August, in the year 1689, 
 " when the exiles in a body crossed the Lake of Geneva, 
 " and invaded Savoy, the spirit of life from God entered 
 " into them, and they stood upon their feet." -Sac. Cal. 
 Vol. in. p. 90. 
 
478 RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. [Sect. 12. 
 
 side of the valley. But nothing could check his im- 
 petuous attack. The heights were carried with scarcely 
 any loss on the part of the Vaudois ; and the enemy were 
 pursued from one summit to another, till they retreated 
 into the vale of Bobbio, and took shelter in that village. 
 Bobbio was, at this time, in the bands of the Papists, to 
 whom, the confiscated property of the Protestants bad been 
 assigned. It was taken by storm, and pillaged by the exas- 
 perated exiles, who, upon this occasion, forgot the moderation 
 by which they had hitherto been governed. 
 
 " After these successes, the gallant patriots took an oath 
 of fidelity to each other, and celebrated divine service in 
 one of their own churches, for the first time since their 
 banishment. The enthusiasm of the moment was irre- 
 pressible ; they chanted the "1 4th Psalm to the clash of arms ; 
 and Henri Arnaud, mounting the pulpit with a sword in one 
 hand, and a Bible in the other, preached from the \29th 
 Psalm f and once more declared, in the face of heaven, that 
 he would never resume his pastoral office in patience and peace, 
 until he should witness the restoration of his brethren to their 
 ancient and rightful settlements. Arnaud and his undaunted 
 band have been blamed for giving, what have been con- 
 sidered, too many proofs of this warlike spirit, and for for- 
 getting what belonged to their evangelical character ; but 
 the circumstances of the case, and the necessity of keeping 
 their minds worked up to the highest pitch of martial enthusi- 
 asm, MIGHT WELL JUSTIFY THEM. 
 
 " Another memorable anecdote is preserved of the 
 intrepid Arnaud. He was so often in front of his 
 troop, and the first in the fight, that his comrades found 
 themselves obliged to remonstrate with him upon this fear- 
 less exposure of his life. " I best know," was his reply, 
 " what the cause and occasion require of me : while I 
 
 -' Would not Rom. xii.19, have been a better text ? 
 
Sect. 12.] RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 479 
 
 advance follow me ; and, when I fall, revenge me !" 
 p. 180. 
 
 " The most shocking tale, relating to this extraordi- 
 nary war, remains to be told. The Vaudois had no means 
 of providing for the safe custody of prisoners. No pri- 
 soners, therefore, were to be taken ; no quarter was given 
 in the fight, and no mercy shewn afterwards. It was 
 literally a war of extermination. The Duke of Savoy, and 
 the King of France, would make no terms with the rebels, 
 as they termed them ; and they, in their turn, had no alter- 
 native but to destroy every man who was found in arms 
 against them. Some circumstances, attending this dreadful 
 system, were particularly lamentable. 
 
 " The French and Piemontese troops were often 
 thrown into confusion at the first onset, unles their num- 
 bers were very superior. They would turn their backs, 
 throw away their arms, and fly by the first road that pre- 
 sented itself. In many cases, their ignorance of the coun- 
 try led them to take the most narrow passes ; and, not 
 unfrequently, they strayed into rugged tracks, which 
 proved to have no outlets. The Vaudois pressed upon 
 their rear, the wretched fugitives were crowded together, 
 and a fearful massacre took place, to the regret of those, 
 who, in self-defence, were compelled to such severity. 
 The grief of Arnaud, and of his compatriots, under this 
 cruel necessity of shedding blood, is feelingly expressed in the 
 narrative, and oftentimes mercy was shewn to their perse- 
 cutors, when it was hardly consistent with a due regard 
 to their own safety. One anecdote will explain the 
 emergency to which these poor people were driven ; and 
 will shew that even their adversaries were willing to admit, 
 that they were justifiable in refusing quarter. 30 
 
 *> It is not surprising, that their irreligious adversaries should ju»- 
 tify the merciless cruelty of which they were themselves guilty— but the 
 
480 RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. [Sect. 12 
 
 " Several of the French officers were well known to 
 have expressed their dissatisfaction at the inglorious ser- 
 vice in which they were engaged, and their commiseration 
 for the victims whom they were commanded, by their 
 bigotted sovereign, Louis XIV. to hunt down. Among 
 these was the colonel of a regiment of infantry. After a 
 very sharp action, this colonel was left upon the field of 
 battle, dangerously wounded. He was found by the Vau- 
 dois, who knew his humane character, and endeavoured 
 to save his life : but they had no experienced surgeon, and 
 none of those necessaries which the wounded man requir- 
 ed. Some sort of communication was made with the 
 French General ; and the Colonel's own surgeon, and a 
 chest, containing several articles of apparel and provision, 
 were sent for his accommodation. He recovered, and 
 was detained by the Vaudois, and treated with all the ten- 
 derness which their situation permitted. Some more offi- 
 cers fell into their hands, and they too were spared. 
 
 " Unhappily, an attack was shortly afterwards made 
 upon the Protestants, which was partly successful, and 
 they were obliged to retreat with great precipitation. 
 ' Should we be surrounded,' said the commander of the 
 Vaudois to his French prisoners, ' we shall want the men 
 who guard you, and your lives must be sacrificed.' — ' I ac- 
 knowledge and submit to the necessity,' replied the colo- 
 nel, ' and I shall forgive you my death. My blood will be 
 upon the head of none, but the authors of this horrible war. 1 
 It happened as they had feared: the Vaudois were hard 
 pressed on all sides. At first, they presented the French 
 officers to the volleys of the enemy, under the hope that 
 
 sad reflection, as it respects the Vaudois, is, that neither their adversa- 
 ries, nor their admirers, will be their final judges — and how far we should 
 be influenced by either, in forming our judgment on the case, is a mat- 
 ter for the consideration of the christian reader. 
 
Sect. 12] KELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 481 
 
 their countrymen would not continue to fire at their risk ; 
 but the combat thickened, the prisoners all fell by the hands 
 of their captors, and not till then could the exiles succeed, 
 in cutting their way through the enemy's ranks. 
 
 " Such was the nature of the conflict between the 
 eight hundred, and the allied forces of France and Savoy. 
 It was a murderous system of warfare, in which the 
 regular troops suffered in proportion of twenty to one at 
 the least ; for they never could succeed in alluring the 
 mountaineers from their fastnesses, or in bringing them to 
 action except where the nature of the ground made up 
 for the inferiority of numbers." p. 185. 
 
 At present I add no farther comment on 
 these facts ; partly, because 1 think they will 
 speak for themselves — partly, because this volume 
 is already inconveniently large — and, principally, 
 because they more properly belong to the History 
 of the Modern Waldenses (as we may, perhaps, 
 call those who have lived since the commence- 
 ment of the Reformation) of which, if it please 
 God to grant me ability, and opportunity, and 
 such helps as 1 have reason to expect, I may, 
 perhaps, hereafter, find occasion to speak. 
 
 3 Q 
 
AUTHORITIES. 
 
 No. I. p. 78. 
 
 Nicolai Papa Ep. XIV. Ad Theodoram Augustam. 
 
 " NicoLAUS episcopus servus servorum Dei dilectissima? filiae Theo- 
 clorce, imperatori quondam terreno, nunc autem spiritualitercoelesti con- 
 jtmclae. 
 
 Virtutes vestras, quibus praeditae ante-cedentium vos Augustarum 
 uulli diebus istis apparuistis secundae, quibus etiam, et praecipue in causa 
 pietatis, earum nemini estis inferiores inventae, subtiliter atque, solicite re- 
 colentes, Deo cunctipotenli, cujus munere has percepislis, grates immensas 
 referie, et ejus sancto nomini benedicere non cessamus, atque piorum stu- 
 diorum vestrorum precoma pro hnitatione audientium inter fidelium collo- 
 quia jugiter enarramus. Tu quippe etiam principe marito tuo contra 
 leges ecclesiae sentiente superstite, sana sapere et recta defendere non for- 
 midasti. Tu inquam in orthodoxa religione perseverans, unicum, filium 
 non terreni patris, sed superecelestis iter aggredi docuisti. Quis autem 
 monim insignia, quis correctionum tuarum facta fortia narrare sufficiat ? 
 Cum enim sola principabaris, Domino co-operante non solum ab hoste 
 visibili, veium etiam nullo mare infirmior ecclesiam Domini ab hoste invi- 
 sibili (hoc est ab errore) texisti; et perversorum dogmatum nebulam, 
 tamquam solis radius ab ecclesiae facie depulisti. Senserunt in te haeretici 
 virile pectus, et mirantes insuperabile robur, quod femina fueris ambiguum 
 habnerunt. Cur hoe, nisi quia sedis apostolicae dogmata sequebaris, et 
 Constantinopolitani monita pontificis, cui Romana ecclesia communicabat, 
 amplectebaris ?" Cone. VIII. col. 384. 
 
 No. II. p. 128. 
 
 " Nuixus inter Gallos ante Valdensium tempora omnes sacros libros 
 in linguam veniaculam converterat. Francica enim Novi Testament! versio, 
 si unquam extiterit, qnam jussu Caroli Magni factam aliqui refernnt, ad 
 Teutonkas est amandanda ; primi ergo, qui hunc susceperunt laborem, 
 quorum notitia ad nos usque pervenit, illi sane fuerunt, quos denotavit 
 Innocentius III. Pont. Max. in epist. 141. lib. 1. Epistol. p. 432. editionis 
 Biluzianae scripta circa annum MCC. " Universis Christi fidelibus tam in 
 nrbe Metensi quam ejus Dicecesi constitutis. Significavit nobis Venera- 
 bilis Frater" (Bertramus) " Metensis Episcopus per litteras suas, quod 
 tam in Dicecesi quam in urbe Metensi laicorum et raulierum raultitudo 
 non modica, tracta quodammodo desiderio Scripturarum, Evangelia, Epis- 
 tolas Pauli, Psalterinm, Moralia Job, ct plures alios libros sibi fecit in 
 Gallico sermone transferri." 
 
 Bibliornm libri quidam (imprimis Novum Testamentum) in linguam 
 vernaculam, si:. Gallicam tianslati a Stephano He Ansa (vel de Emsa) Sa- 
 
484 AUTHORITIES 
 
 cerdote Lugduneiisi, studio et impeiisis Petri Valdensis, post annum 1170, 
 aut 1160. 
 
 Stephanus de Borbone sen de Bellavilla Old. Praedic. qui obiit 1261. 
 Valdensium ortum describens libro de 7 donis Spiritus Sancti part. 4, tit. 7, 
 cap. 30, hasc ait : " Valdenses dicli sunt » pi inio hujus haeresis auctore, 
 " qui uominatus fuit Valdensis. Dicuntur etiam pauperes de Lugduno, 
 "quia ibi cceperunt in professione paupertatis..« .Inccepit autem ilia 
 " secta per hunc modum, secuodum quod ego andivi a pluribus qui priores 
 " coram videruut, et a Saceidote illo, qui satis honoratus erat, et dives in 
 " civitate Lugdunensi et amicus Fratrum nostrorum, qui dictus fuit Ber- 
 ** nardus Ydros ; qui cmn esset juvenis et scriptor, scripsit dicto Valdensi 
 " priores libros pro pecuuia iu Romano, quos ipsi babuerunt, transfereute 
 " et dictaute ei quodam Giatuinatico, dicto Stephano de Ansa," (aliis •' de 
 Emsa") " qui postea beueficiatus in Ecclesia majore Lugdunensi" (alius 
 codex " praenotatus est in Sacerdotem et") "de solario domus, quam aedi- 
 " ticabat, corrueus morte subita vitam finivit, quern ego vidi saepe. Qui- 
 '* dam dives rebus. in dicta urbe dictns Valdensis audiens Evangelia, cum 
 " non esset multura literatus, curiosus intelligere quid dicerent, fecit pac- 
 " turn cum dictis Sacerdotibus altcri (sic) ut transferret ei in vulgari, 
 " alteri ut scriberet quae ille dictaret, quod fecerunt: Similiter multos 
 *' libros Bibliae et auctoritates Sanctorum multos quas sententias appel- 
 " labant. Inccepit autem haec secta circa annum Incarnationis Domini 
 " MCLXX sub Joanne dicto Bolesmanis Archiepiscopo Lugdunensi" (alius 
 codex " MCLXXX sub Joaune dicto Belesmanis.") Haec referuntur ex 
 codice msc. Sorbonico a R. P. Jacobo Echard sect. 4. libri quern inscripsit : 
 Sancti Thomae summa suo auctori vindicata, pag. 540." Le Long, Bib- 
 lioth. Sac. Cap. V. §. 1. 
 
 No. III. p. 140. 
 Concilium Lumbariense. 
 " Interrogavit Lodovensis episcopus eos qui faciunt se nuncupari 
 Boni homines jussu episcopi Albiensis, assessorumque ejus, iu primo capi- 
 tulo, si recipiebant legem Moysi ac Prophetas, seu Psalmos, et Vetus Testa- 
 meatum, et doctores Novi Testamenti. Responderunt coram omni multitu- 
 dine, quia non recipiebant legem Moysi, neqne Prophetas, neque Psalmos, 
 nee Vetus Testamenti, nisi solummodo Evangelia, Epistolas Pauli, et septem 
 canonicas Epistolas, Actusque apostolorum, et Apocalypsim. Secundo 
 interrogavit eos de fide sua uti earn apponerent. Respondentes dixemnt, 
 quod non dicerent, nisi cogerentur. Tertio interrogavit eos de baptismate 
 parvulorum, et si falvabuntur per baptisiuum. Dixerunt quod nibil dice- 
 rent, sed de Evangelio et Epistolis responderent. Quai'to interrogavit eos 
 de corpore et sanguine Domini, ubi consecrabatur, vel per quos, et qui 
 suinebant, et si magis, vel melius cousecrabatur per bonum, quam per 
 malum. Responderunt quia qui digne sumebant, salvabantur; et qui 
 indigne, acquirebant sibi damuationem. Et dixerunt quod ab omni bono 
 tarn clerico, quam laico consecrabatur. Et nihil aliud responderent, 
 quia non debebant cogi respondcre de fide sua. Quinto interrogavit eos 
 quid senliebant de matrimonio, et si poterant salvari, si carnaliter iungc- 
 
AUTHORITIES. 485 
 
 haul in- vir el mulier., Noluerunt rcspondere nisi hoc tantum, videlicet 
 quia vir et mulier jungebantur propter luxuriam alque fornicationem [R. 
 Hove, vitandam], sicut B. Paulus in epistola sua. Sexto interrogavit eos 
 de pcenitentia, an in fine fieret ad salutem ; vel si milites qui vulnerabantur 
 morlaliter, salvarentur si pcenitercnt in fine ; vel si deberet unusquisque 
 confiteri peccata sua sacerdotibus et ministris ecclesiae, vel cuilibet laico; 
 vel de quibus ait B. Jacobus, ' Confitemini alterutrum peccata vestra.' 
 Qui respondents dixerunt infirmis sufiicere si confiterentur cui vellent, 
 De militibus vero dicere noluerunt, quia non dicit B. Jacobus nisi de infir- 
 mantibus. Quaesivit etiam ab eis, si sutficiebat sola cordis contritio et 
 oris confessio, vel si erat necesse ut facerent satisfactionera post datatn 
 poenitentiam, jejuniis, atflictionibus, et eleemosynis, peccata sua lugentes, 
 si suppeteret eis facultas. Responderuntque atque dixerunt, quia Jacobus 
 non nisi hoc tantum ut confiterentur, et sic salvarentur : nee volebant 
 esse meliores Apostolo, ut aliquid de suo adjungerent sicut Episcopi fa- 
 ciunt. Dixerunt etiam multa non interrogati, quod non debebaut oranino 
 jurare per aliquod sacramentum, sicut dicebat Jesus in EvaiigeliOj et 
 Jacobus in Epistola sua. Dixerunt etiam, quia Paulus aiebat in Epistola 
 sua quales erant ordinandi in ecclesia episcopi et presbytcri : et si tales 
 non ordinabantur, quales ordinandos praecipiebat Paulus, non erant epis- 
 copi neque presbyteri, sed lupi rapaces ethypocritse et scductores, amantes 
 salutationes in foro, primas cathedras, et primos accubitus in ccenis, volen- 
 tes vocari rabbi et magistri contra praeceptum Christi, ferentes albas et 
 Candidas vestes, gestantes in digitis aureos annulos gemmates*: quod non 
 praecipit magister eorum Jesus. Et multa alia convicia improperantes. 
 Et idcirco quia non erant episcopi neque presbyteri, nisi tales quales fuerunt 
 presbyteri qui tradiderunt Jesuin : non debebant illis obedire, quia mali 
 eraut, non boni doctores, sed mercenarii. Contra ea qua3 dicebant inductse 
 sunt Novi Testamenti autoritates multa? a domino Pontio Narbonensi 
 Archiepiscopo, et Arnaldo Nemansensi Episcopo, et Petro Sendracensi 
 Abbate, et Abbate de Fontefrigido. Auditis itaque utrimque allegalioni- v 
 bus et Novi Testamenti autoritatibus, non enim volebant recipere judicium 
 nisi per novum Testamentum : talem diifinitivam sententiam de jure et ex 
 Novo Testameuto protulit Lodovensis Episcopus ex mandato Albiensis 
 Episcopi, et adsessorum supra nominatorum, coram omnibus praedictis 
 facto ab omnibus silentio. 
 
 Ego Gaucelinus Lodovensis episcopus ex prsecepto Albiensis episcopi 
 adsessorumque ejus judico istos, qui vocant se bonos hota/iic.s, haereticos 
 esse, et damno sectam Oliverii, sociorumque ejus, et qui tenent sectam 
 haereticorum de Lumbers, ubicumque sint. Atque hoc judicamus per 
 autoritates Novi Testamenti, id est Evangelia et Epistolas, atque Psalmos, 
 
 Actnsque Apostolorum et Apocalypsim Responderunthasretici, quia 
 
 ■episcopus qui dederat sententiam erat haereticus, et non ipsi : ct quod erat 
 inimicus eorum, alque erat lupus rapax, et hypocrita, ct inimicus Dei, ac 
 non bene judicaverat. Et noluerant respondere de fide sua, quia cavebant 
 se ab eo, sicut eis praeceperat Dominus in Evangelio : Attendile a falsis 
 prophetis, qui veuiunt ad vos in vestimentis ovium, intrinsecus sunt lupi 
 rapaces.' El quod ipse eral peisecutor eorum frandulcnlus, et paiali 
 
486 AUTHORITIES 
 
 eraut ostendere per Evaugelia atque Epistolas quod noil erat bonus pastor, 
 neque ipse, neque casteri episcopi vel presbyteri, sed polius mcrceDarii. 
 Respondit episcopus, quod senteutia in eos de jure erat dictata et paratus 
 erat probare in curia domini Alexandri Papae Catholici, et in Curia Ludo- 
 vici regis Franciae, et in Curia Raiiuundi Comitis Tolosani, vel uxoris 
 ejus, quae erat praesens, vel in Curia praesentis Trencaveli, quod recte 
 fuerat judicatum, et quod isti manifeste essent haerelici, et dehaeresi notati. 
 Atque promisit se eos accusare de haeresi in omni curia catholica, et se 
 subiturum judicii discrimcn. 
 
 Videntes vera se esse convictos atque confusos, courerterunt se ad 
 omneuj populum dicentes : Audite, O boni viri, (idem nostiain, quam cou- 
 fitemur, uuuc coufitemur autem propter dilectioneni et gratiam vestri, 
 Respondit Episcopus praedictus : 'Vos non dicitis, quod propter gratiam 
 Domini dicatis, atque dicitis, propter gratiam populi.' Et illi inquiuui ; 
 nos credimus uuum Deum vivum et verura, trinuiuque atque uuum, Pa- 
 trem, et Filium, et Spiritum sanctum: Filiumque Dei carnem suscepisse, 
 baptizatum fuisse in Jordane, jejuuasse in descrto, praedicasse salutem nos- 
 Iram, passum, mortuum, atque sepultum, ad inferos dcsceudisse, resur- 
 rexisse lertia die, ad caelos ascendissc, Spiritum Paraclitum in die Pente- 
 costes discipulis misisse, vnituruni in die judicii ad judicandos vivos et 
 morluos, omnesque resurrecturos. Ct.gnoscimus etiam quia quod corde 
 credimus, ore debemus confiteri r Credimus, quia non salvatur qui non 
 mauducat corpus Curisti : et quod non consecj'atur nisi in Ecclesia, atque 
 etiam uisi a sacerdote sive bono sive malo, nee melius fieri per bonum, quam 
 per malum. Credimus etiam quod non salvatur quis, nisi per baptismum, 
 et parvulossalvariper baptisma. Credimus etiam, quod viret mulier salvan- 
 tur, licet carnalitcr wisceantur. Et quod pcenitentiam debeat unusquisque 
 accipere ore et corde, atque a sarcedote et in ecclesia baptizari. Et qui- 
 dem si quid in ecclesia amplius posset ostendi per Evangelia vel Epistolas, 
 dlud crederenl et confiterentur. 
 
 Interrogavit etiam eos Episcopus pra?dictus, si jurarent se tenere 
 tideiu istam et credere. Et si quid amplius debeant confiteri, quod male 
 senst rant atque praedicaverant, an nou ? Respondentes dixerunt, quod 
 iiullo modo jurarent, quia contra Evangelium facerent, et Epistolas. Con- 
 tra eos \ero inductae sunt Novi Testament! autoritates a praedictis catho- 
 hcis persouis. Auditisitaque utrimque authoritatibus, surgeus praedictus 
 EpiMupus judicavit sic. 
 
 Ego Gaucelinus Episcopus Lodovensis, jussu et mandato Albiensis 
 Episcopi, adsessorunique ejus, judico et per setentiam dico, quod male 
 seutiunt hapretici isti (Je.jurejuraudo, et debent jurare, si ' resipicere volunt, 
 praestandumque est jusjurandum ubi fides periclitatur. Et quia iufames 
 sunt, et de haeresi notati, debent purgave suam innocentiam, et redeuntes 
 ad ecclesia? unitatem fidein suam debent jurejurando adstruere sicut tenet 
 rt credit Ecclesia Catholica, ue infirmi qui sunt in ecclesia corrumpantur, 
 
 et ne oves morbidffi universum gregeni ctiiitauiinent Videntes itaque 
 
 quod super hoc erant ronvicti, dixerunt quod episcopus Albiensis fecerat 
 eis pactum quod non cogeret ens jurare. Quod ipse Episcopus Albiensis 
 nrpavit. 1 ' Cone. X. 1471. 
 
AUTHORITIES. 487 
 
 No. IV. p. 147. 
 
 Km/mundi Comifis Tolosani Epittolu. 
 " Pullulaverat lira diebus in Tolosani Comitis territorio hseiesis 
 maligna quae fidem n orthodoxoruni patrum ecclesiastica iustiluta eva- 
 « nans, non solum vulgus simplex sed et ecclesiae Dei sacertfotes et epis- 
 copos aim principibus laicis tabe confecit nefanda. Hujus hseiesis detes- 
 tanda perversitas in litleris Comitis Tolosa; facilins poterit agnosci, quas 
 idem Comes general! capitulo misit Cisterciensi. Harum litterarum iste 
 est lextns. 
 
 Domino suo ae venerabili Cistereiensi Abbati A. nniversoque conven- 
 tui in generaii 'capitulo constitnto, naufragans circa superna Comes' Tolosa; 
 Dux Narboniae Marchio Provincise cum salute eorum benedictionibus con- 
 hrmari orationibusquc fulciri. Quoniam in scientiae et sapiential vestrs 
 thesauris clarescit quod nostris in partibtte vulpes parvulie vineas quas 
 plantavit dexlera Excelsi demoliuntur, et fontes sine aqua et nebula? tur- 
 binibus agitati, fontem qui patet domui David in ablutionem inmunditiae, 
 et menstrua: evacuare nituntuv, et rivuli virus diffundunt nt ligna quae 
 plantata sunt secus decursus aquaiunvevellant. Rogo et obsecro quatinus 
 ascendatis ex adverse Et ne istdi-um serrrio qui ut cancer serpit corivales- 
 cat, opponatis vos niurum pro domo Israel. In tantum equidem haec 
 putida hasresis tabes pfaevaluit, ut omnes fere illi consentientes arbitren- 
 tur obsequium se pisestafe Deo, et ipse iniquus qui misterium jam oper- 
 atur iniquitatis in filios diffidentias, sic transfigurat se in angeluni lucis, ut 
 uxor a viro, filius a patre, nurns a socvu discedant, proh dolor ! Insuper sic 
 in finibus nostris obscmatum est aurum, ut quasi lutum sub pedibus dia- 
 boli sternatur. Quoniam et qui sacerdotio funguntur haeresis' fceditate 
 depravautur, et antiq'ua olimque veheranda ecclesiarum loca inculta ja- 
 cent, diruta remanent, baptismus negatur, eucaristia abominatur, pcenitentia 
 parvi penditur, hominis plasmatio, earnis resurrectio abnegando resp'uitur, 
 et omnia ecclesiastica sacramenta annullantur, et quod dici nefas est, duo 
 eciam principia introducuntur. Et nunc quid dicam ? Non sunt qui re- 
 cogitent et dicant in cordibus suis, ' Quid facimus quia homines isti multa 
 mala faciunt? Si dimittimus eos sic, omnes credent in eos. Et qui absor- 
 buit fluvium et; non mirabitur, ex iniquae prsesumptionis audacia influet 
 Jordanis in os ejus.' Ego quidem qui uno e duobus divinis accingor gla- 
 dio, et qui me irae Dei vindicem et ministrum Dei in hoc ipsum constitu. 
 turn confiteor, dum tali infidelitati modum ponere et finem dare innitor, 
 ad tantum et talenegotium complendum vires meas deficere coguosco, quo- 
 niam terrae meae nobiliores jam praelibata infidelilatis tabe aruerunt, et 
 cum ipsis maxima hominum multitudo a fide corrneiis aruit, unde id per- 
 ficere non audeo nee valeo. Nunc igitur ad vestrum confugiens subsidi- 
 um, humili cordis imploro affectu, quatinus ad extirpandum tantum infi- 
 delitatis malum manum consilii vestri et auxilii cum virtute orationis 
 poirigatis. Scitote etenim quia in tantum haeresis virulenta inviseerata 
 manet, quod uisi manu Dei valida ej usque brachio extento extirpari non 
 potest. Talium namque caput induratum quasi lapis sic manet, ut in sti- 
 pulam ei vertantur lapides fundae. Quoniam igitur spirituals gladii vir- 
 
488 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 lutein nil peificere posse cognoscimus, ad tantam haertsis pravitatein ex- 
 tirpandam, oportet ut corporalis gladii animadversione compellatur. Ad 
 quod peragendum Domiuum Regem Fraucoruin accersiri vestris ex par- 
 tibus persuadeo, quia per ipsius praesentiam tanta mala finem suscipere 
 suspicor. Ipsi quippe praesenti civitates aperiam, vicos et castella sub 
 ejus censura tradam, haereticos osteudam, et usque ad sanguinem in quo- 
 cunque nostri indiguerit negotio ad conterendos hostes et omnes Christi 
 inimicos illi assistam. Valete." 
 
 No. V. p. 151. 
 
 Epistola Henrici Abbatis Clarevallenris. 
 " Audite coeli quod plangimus : sciat teiTa gemitum cordis uostri. 
 Doleaut vices Christi Catholici Christiani, et ad detrimenta fidei fidelis 
 populus ingemiscat. Quique terrigenae et Alii hominum hurnanae salutis 
 damna deplorent, et generalis vita' nostra? subversio ab omnibus viventibus 
 generaliter lugeatur. Stat contra phalangas Israel novns nostri temporis 
 Philistaeus, haereticorum ordo, exercitus perv ersorum, qui agminibus Dei 
 viventis irreverenter exprobrat, et Deum majestatis in prima praesumptione 
 blasphemat. Quod dub itas, O David ? quid trepidas virfidelis? sume tibi 
 fundam et lapidem : percutiatur protinus in fronte blasphemns, et caput 
 nequam, quod impudentei- erigitur, suo tuis manibus mucrone lollatur. Si 
 enim in hoc certamine pars Christi vincitnr, si vel ad modicum et in pnncto 
 mater ecclesia conculcatur, scimus pro certo causae non deesse meritum, 
 sed patronum : scimus quod non negabitur agonistse nostro triumphus, si 
 amore fidei militat pugnaturus. Verum quia juxta vtiitatis verbuin 
 messis multa est, et operarii pauci, si introierint audactcr, tuoium bone 
 Jesu depopulatores agrorum parati sicut operarii subdoli, acerba 
 magis eradicare quam matura demetere, et tuae messionis diem suis 
 direptionibus prsevenire : ubi sunt ergo agricolse tui constituti super 
 agrum fertilem et jucundum, tuo cruore floridum, et aspersione pii san- 
 guinis irrigatuin. Surgant et opitulentur nobis, et in necessitate nos pro- 
 tegant, seque ad craentas bestias murum nobis defensionis opponant. 
 Surgite inquam, surgite viri patres duces, gentium, principes populorum, 
 abigite feras pessimas, quas vidimus, quas monstiamus, vel saltern vnlpes 
 parvulas effugare et capei'e quidem melius, sed ad hoc quis idoneus? Non 
 habent certos aditus : semitas ambulant circulares, et in quodam fraudium 
 suarum labyrintho monstra s;evissima reconduntur. Tanquam damula de 
 maun diffagiunt •, et, iustar colubri tortuosi, quo eos plus astrinxeris, faci- 
 lius elabuntur. Deo autem gratias quod etsi capi nequeant, fugari pos- 
 sunt, ut cum perdiderint quod demoliebantur in nobis, confundantur et 
 pereant in semetipsis. Hoc autem quod sit facile per ea quae vidimus et 
 tractavimus approbamus : ut jam a modo si factum non fuerit, non tam 
 illorum nequitiam quam defectus nostras nostrorumque negligentiam de- 
 ploremus. Contigit enim nuper ad imperium domini papa?, et hortatu 
 piissimorum principum Lodowici Francorum et Henrici Angloram regum 
 Dominum Peli um apostolicae sedis legatum, virosque venerabiles Pictaven- 
 sem et Bathonensem episcopos, nosque, in comitatu eoium uibem adire 
 
AUTHORITIES. 489 
 
 Tolosam ; quae, sicut erat civitas maxima- multituilinls, ita etiara dicebatur 
 esse mater haeresis et caput erroris. Perreximus ergo ad illam, ut scire- 
 mus si juxta clamorem, qui ascendit, esset dolor ejus. Et ecce inventa est 
 plaga ejus magna minis-, ita ut a planta pedis, usque ad verticem capitis 
 vix esset in eo sanitas, vere enim tertia pars nobis uunciata non fuerat de 
 omnibus abominationibus suis malis, quas civitas ilia nobilis in increduli- 
 tatis suae gremio confovebat. Locum in ea sibi abominatio desolationis 
 invenerat, et propheticorum similitudo reptilium in latibulis ejus domici- 
 lium obtinebat. lbi haeretici principabantur in populo, dominabantur in 
 clero, eo quod populus sic sacerdos, et in interitum gregis ipsa configu- 
 rabatur vita pastoris. Loquebantnr haeretici et omnes admirabantur : 
 loquebatur Catholicus et dicebant, quis est hie? in stuporem et miraculum 
 deducentes, si esset aliquis inter eos, qui de verbo fidei auderet aliquid vel 
 mutire. In tantum praevaluerat pestis in terra, quod illi sibi non solum 
 sacerdotes et pontiles fecerant : sed etiara evangelistas habebant qui cor- 
 rupta et cancellata evangelica veritate nova illis evangelia cuderent, et de 
 corde suo nequam recentia dogmata seducto populo praedicarent. Men- 
 tior si non erat inter eos homo quidara eetate grandaevus, rebus locuples, 
 ornatus fratribus et amicis, et magnus omnino inter maximos civitatis, 
 quem ita peccatis exigentibus diabolus excaecaverat, ut seipsum Johan- 
 nem Evangelistam diceret; et verbum, quod erat in principio apud Deum, 
 ab alio quodamrerum patricipio tanquam a Deo altero segregaret. Hie 
 erat in urbe ilia pereuntium caput, et princeps haereticorum. Qui licet 
 tanquam laicus et idiota nil saperet, inter eos tamen velut quidam diabo- 
 licae sapientiae fons perditionis et mortis felleos latices emanabat. Conve- 
 niebant ad eum noctibus noctuae tenebrosas: et ille indumento quodam ad 
 instar tunica- dalmaticaeque vestitus, cum sederet inter eos tanquam rex 
 circumstante exercitu erat, et inerat desipientium praedicator. Totam 
 penitus urbem discipulis suis et disciplina repleverat : quippe cui aliquis 
 de urbe prae fortitudine sua resistere non audebat. In ipso quoque inr 
 troitu nostro tanta erat haereticis ubique iicentia ut nos quoque per vicos 
 et plateas recto itinere procedentes subsannarent verbo, digito demonstra- 
 rent : nos apostatas, nos hypocritas, nos haereticos conclamantes. Verum 
 procedente tempore et data nobis requie diebus paucis, injunctum est uni 
 de nobis verbum exhortationis assumere, et de regula verae fldei coram 
 iniideli multitudine disputare. Habito autem sermone orthodoxae praedica- 
 tionis ad plebem, conterriti sunt in Sion peccatores, possedit tremor hypo- 
 critas : ita ut qui prius obstruebant ora loquentium, jam apparere coram 
 loquentibus non auderent, Audiens illico vel videns vulpes transfiguratas 
 in talpas, ut quae prius impune in publico discurrebant ; jam terrarum 
 latebris, jam sese cellulis immergerent cavernosis, et plantaria sacra, quae 
 jam non audebant in aperto commandere, intra terrae viscera corroderent 
 et necarent. Ut autem pardus ille discolor pellis suae varietate se prode- 
 ret, sermonem sibi nequam callidia adinvenlionibus firmaverunt, ut ad 
 nostra; confirmationis similitudinem simulandam tracti ad discussiones 
 graves, quicquid nos credimus se credere mentirentur. Ex ilia ergo die 
 Dominus Legatus et nos alii qui cum feris bestiis in aperto congredi puta- 
 bamus, ad prescrutandos eos, quos timor et coufusio tanquam ignobiles in 
 
 3 R 
 
490 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 ima terra detruserat, studium totum convertimus, et laborem, ut vel coacti 
 prodireut in publicum, et abjiccrent in luce opera tenebrarum. Factum 
 est exinde, prsecipiente legato, ut juraret Episcopus, et quidam de Clero, 
 et Consules civitatis, aliique civitatis viri fideles, quos noiidum in aliqno 
 perfidia? fama resperserat, quod quoscunque vel hactenus noverant, vel 
 nosse eos contingeiet in futuro qui essent hujus haeresis vel complices 
 vel auctores, eorum nobis nomina depromerent ; Nulli penitus vel amore 
 vel pretio vel cujuspiam necessitudinis ratione parcentes. Cumque per 
 singulos dies innumera multitudo in catalogum illius conscriptionis inci- 
 deret, nominatus est inter alios magnus ille Petrus Moranus, quem Jo- 
 hannem Evangelistam, ut supra diximus, nominabant. Super quo nos 
 omnes communicato consilio decrevimus, ab illo inchoare judicium, ut 
 turba in reliquis perfida contremisceret, cum falsi evangelists versutiam 
 veri cvangeli simplicitas condemnasset. Missis ergo apparitoiibus, praece- 
 pit eum Comes Sancti Egidii, qui udeliter nobis adeiat accersiri. Sed ille 
 in multiludine divitiarum suarum, et parentum numerositate confidens, 
 prima? citationis edictum fastuosae dilationis colludio declinavit. Altera 
 ergo die praedictus Comes, blanditiis magis quam terroribus enitens, eun- 
 dem Pedum per amicos et notos leviter advocavit, et eum nobis tandem 
 post difficultates plurimas veniendi, mixtis cum terrore blanditiis, prae- 
 sentavit. Tunc unu's, qui loquebatur e nobis, taliter eum exorsus est 
 commonere. ' Eja nunc (Petre) tui te concives accusant, quod sanse tidei 
 regulis confutatis in Arrianae haeresis deveneris pravitatem : imo per mul- 
 tiplicium errorum devia, et ducis ipse alios, et ab aliis deducaris.' Ad haec 
 ille de profundo suspirans et tactus dolore cordis intrinsecus, senon esse 
 liujusmodi est prima fronte mentitus. Et requisitus an hoc juramento 
 probaret, simplici asseitioni suae tauquam fidelis viri et illustris credi 
 oportere contendit. Caeterum cum in exigendo juramento univorsi pariter 
 instaremus promisit se continuo juraturum, ne in hoc ipso deprehende- 
 retur haereticus, si juxta quod consuetudo illius erroris obtinuit, vitandi 
 jui anient i existeret obstinatus. Mox igitur sanctorum reliquiae honora- 
 biliter efferuntur, cum tam solemni rsverentia et devotione susceptae, ut et 
 fidelis populus compungeretur ad lachrymas, et haereticos, qui convene- 
 rant, latebrae potius quam talia spectacula delectarent. Ipsum vero 
 Petrum, in cantu, quem ad invocandam Spiritus Sancti praesentiam profu- 
 sis lachrymis cantabamus, tremor evidens et pallor operuit : ita ut ab eo 
 et color vultus aufugit, et vigor animi deperiret. Quomodo enim adveni- 
 enteSpiritu Sancto, et in adversario ejus spiritus remaneret? Cernere erat 
 hominem quasi morbo paralytico dissolutum, nee loquelam retinuisse, nee 
 sensum, quamvis tantae facundiae fuisse diceretur ab omnibus, quod omnes 
 indicendo sit solitus superare. Quid plura? jurat infeelix astantibus uni- 
 versis, quod de omnibus articulis fidei, quos requiremus ab eo, suae 
 credulitatis exprimeret veritatem. Res mira, et in tali spectaculo pia 
 jocunditatc gratissima. Apertus est liber, in quo juraverat: et uno de 
 circumstantibus religioso quodam joco occurentis literae pra?nosticum 
 perquirente illius scripturae textus occurrit. " Quid libi et nobis Jesu fill 
 Dei? venisti ante tempus torquere nos?" Vere Domine Jesu nihil tibi et 
 illis, quos paler tuus ccelestis a te vite vera tanquam infructuosos palmi- 
 
AUTHORITIES. 491 
 
 tes amputarat, ct foras miserat, ut arescaut. At nobis in tuo nomine con- 
 gregatis, laetitite multiplicatur augmentum, et in gratiarum actione, el 
 voce laudis, virtutis tuae gloria resonabat. Demum Petrus in virtute 
 sacramenti simpliciter requisitus, ut de sacramento altaris suam nobis 
 tiilcin sine fraude aliqua fateretur, quod corde non credidit ad justitiam, 
 nee ore confessus est ad salutem : sed contra id, quod de omnibus mentiri 
 decreverat falsitati suae prodidit veritatem ; et panem sanctum vitae 
 aeternae sacerdotis ministerio in verbo Domini consecratum, non esse cor- 
 pus Domini novo dogmate contendebat asserere. Tunc surrexerunt omnes 
 eum quodammodo lachrymis obruentes qaas et sacramentorum Christi 
 contemptus elicuit, et habita erga miserum compassio, Christiana pro- 
 duxit. Nee plnra. dant Comiti: Reus et haereticus judicatus est: statim- 
 que sub diligenti pollicitatione parentum custodiae publics' mancipatur. 
 Volat facti rumor per vicos ct ptateas amplissimae civitatis. Aperiuntur 
 ora fidelium, et Catholicae plebis labia in tua (Christe) praecouia resolvun- 
 tur; velut tunc primuni in eadem urbe fidei splendor erumperet, et in 
 spem salutis aeternae desperata dudum civitas respiraret. Ex tunc ergo et 
 deinceps verbum Dei crescebat, et multiplicabatur indies: ita ut universa 
 uibis facies laetior videretur, per quae in candorem lucidae veritatis de 
 tenebris evadebat erroris. Interea Petrus ad se reversus, et Domino respi- 
 ciente compuuetus, cum se dignum penitus tarn praesenti morte cerneret 
 quam futura; missis mediatoribus multis satisfactionis quaerit aditum, et 
 conversionis pollicetur effectum, ut posset in frugem nielioris vitae ab 
 imminentis mortis interitu liberari. Venit, recipitur, ct in conspectu sisti- 
 tur populi contristantis nudo quidem corpoie veteris perfidiae exuens pra- 
 vitatem. Ibi se coram omnibus haereticum recognovit: ibi dedit manus 
 fidei, ibi renuntiavit errori, praestito, coram omnibus manu dextra jura- 
 mento, et datis fidejussoribus tam Comiti ipsi quam militibus et praecipuis 
 concivibus suis, quod ad omne mandatum domini legati se subderet, et 
 jussionem ejus in omnibus adimpleret. Tunc indictum est populo, ut 
 omnes pariter ad ecclesiam sancti Saturnini die altera convenirent, audi- 
 turi et visuri solemniter quam pcenitentiae formam Petrus ille susciperet 
 observandam. Omnes igitur sequente die, ut fuerant praenominati, con- 
 venerunt, tanta utique multitudo, tam frequens ; ut vix remaneret secus 
 ipsa altaris cornua locus vacuus, qui domino legato Missae solemnia cele- 
 branti sine compressione nimia praeberetur. Et ecce coram ilia mul- 
 titudine multa nirais Petrus ille jam noster per ipsas ecclesiae valvas 
 nudus et discalceatus adducitur, caedentibus hinc inde eum Episcopo Tolo- 
 sano et Abbate Sancti Saturnini, donee ad pedes legati in ipsis altaris gra- 
 dibus poneretur. Ibi in facie Ecclesiae ecclesiasticis reconciliatus est 
 sacramentis, abjurata omni haeresi, et haereticis anathematizatis ab eo. 
 Mox autem possessionibus ejus publicatis universaliter et proscriptis, 
 pcenitentia illi talis injungitur : ut infra quadraginta dies a patria sua 
 exsulaturusabsccderet in servitio pauperum lerosoymis triennio moraturus. 
 Interim vero singulis diebus Dominicis ecclesias Tolosanae urbis nudus et 
 discalceatus cum diseiplinalibus virgis jussus est circuire, ecclesiarum 
 bona, qua? abstulerat reddere, usuras omnes, quas acceperat, restituae, 
 damna pauperum, quos afflixerat, resarcire, et rastrum quoddam suum, 
 
492 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 quod haereticorum conventiculia profanarat ab ipsis fundamentis everterc. 
 Deus bone, quot ibi lachrymas laetitia sancta profundit, quas gratiarum 
 actiones et laudes populus jubilans et devotus ccelestibus choris ingessit, 
 cum de caveruis pei fidiae talpa talis educitur et in Israeliticam ovem lupus 
 rapacissimus reformatur. Posthaec illo dimisso dominus Legatus ad alios 
 manus misit, excommunicaturus utique illos, quos in magno numero vel 
 suspicio publica, vel accusatio privata notaverat. Nos autem vix tandem 
 cum lachrymis exorta laetitia revertendi pro eo quod instantia capituli 
 nostros jam reditus exigebat, petita licentia, sub ea nobis est exceptione 
 coneessa, ut Albiensem dicecesin intraremus, commonituri principem terrae 
 Rogerum videlicet de Bedel's, ut et Albiensem episcopum, quem sub 
 custodia haereticorum iu vinculis teuebat, absolveret, et universam terram 
 suam juxta praeceptum domini legati eliminatis hareticis emundaret. 
 Ingredientibus ergo nobis una cum supradictu Bathoniensi Episcopo illam 
 perditissimam rcgionem, quae velut totius sentina malitiae totam in se 
 colluvionem haeresis illuc diffluentis excepit. Piaedictus Rogerus in ulti- 
 mos et inaccessibiles terrae suae fines abscessit, tarn mala conscientia pro- 
 1'ugus, quam causae sua? merito desperatus, oderat enim lucem veritatis, 
 autor malitiae, nee sustinere poterat nostra; collocutioDis accessnm, qui 
 totus recesserat in opera tenebrarum. Pervenimns tamen ad quoddam 
 munitissimum castrum ejus, quod proprie ac singulariter Castri nomine 
 incolae nuncupabaut. Ibi habitabat uxor illius cum militia magna, et fa. 
 milia multa nimis Omnes feve babitatores ejusdam castri, vel haereticorum 
 complices erant, licet sola Domini virtute repress! nihil contra fideni, quam 
 praedicabamus, praesumerent rel mutire. Quamvis enim essemus in manus 
 eorum positi, et velut in eorum quasdam potentiae suae compedes haeretica 
 undique multitudine circumveuti, verbum tamen Domini non erat alliga- 
 t u in, quin eos continuis invectionibus et increpationibus feriremus Cumque 
 videremus quod nihil omnino praesumerent respondere,judicavimuspraedic- 
 tum Rogerum proditorem ; haereticum, et de violata Episcopi securitate 
 perjurum, eum tanquam publica excommunicatioue damnatum ex parte 
 domini Papae ac praedictorum regum in praesentia conjugis militumque 
 suorum in nomine Chiisti confidenter diffidantes. Ecce a modo satis ap- 
 paret quam grande et evidens ostium patet principibus Christianis, ut 
 Chi-isti ulciscantur injurias, ponantque desertum quasi hortum Domini el 
 solitudinem ejus in delitias Paiadisi. Ne autem vel parum vel nihil fieri 
 contra illos posse causentur, sciant omnes generalem fuisse in uibeTolosana 
 sententiam, quod si ista visitatio fuisset adhuc triennis retardata : vix 
 inveniretur in ea qui nomen Christi amplius invocaret. Super haec autem 
 omnia piaedictus Comes Sancti Egidii coram populo civitatis praestito 
 juramento firmavit, quod a modo nee prece nee pretio favebit haereticis. 
 
 No. VI. p. 161. 
 
 Eptitola Petri tituli Sancti Chrysogoni presbyteri Cardinalis apostolic* 
 scdis legati. 
 Petrus Dei gratia tituli Sancti Chrysogoni, presbyter Cardinalis, 
 Aposlolicae sedis legatus, universis sanct* matrisecclesiienliis, catholicam 
 
AUTHORITIES. 493 
 
 atque Apostolicam fidem servantibus, in Domino salutem. Testante Apos- 
 tolo, sicut unus Deus, ita et una tides esse dignoscitur, a cujus integritate 
 nullus potest sine periculo deviare. Cujus fundamentum, praeter quod 
 nullus aliud potest ponere, Apostoli et Apostolici viri successores eoium, 
 inspirante et docente Spiritu sancto, sanis doctrinis tanquam vivis ex lapid- 
 ibus ita firmiter et cii'cumspecti jecerunt ; quod nee sonantis impetus 
 Aquilonis, nee itnpiorum niachinae licet crebris assultibus impugnetur, 
 Hlud poterunt a sua firmitate movere. Unde quamvis diebns istis quidam 
 falsi fratres, Raimundus videlicet de Baimiaco, Bernardus Raimundi, et 
 quidam alii haeresiarchae transfigurantes se in angelos lucis, cum sint 
 Sathanae, prius Christiana;, et Apostolicae fidei contraria praedicantes, 
 multorum animas, venenosa praedicatione deceperunt, et secum traxerunt 
 ad ruinam : novissime tamen, ille, qui revelat mysteria, et ad confutandos 
 seniores Israel dedit spiritum Danieli, ad animas diabolica fraude deceptas 
 respiciens, noluit ulterius perfidiam illorum velari nee Christianas lidei 
 sinceritatem illorum praedicatione corrumpi : sed sua admirabili potestate, 
 audientibus et videntibus multis, quod prius latuerat, venenum perfidiae 
 detexit, in augmentum et gloriam iidei Christianae. Cum itaque predicti 
 Raimuudus eUBernardus, atque alii, venerabili fratri nostro Reginoldo 
 Bathoniensi episcopo, et nobilibus viris, vicecomiti de Turena et Raimunda 
 de Castro Novo, qui de consilio nostro in terrain Rogeri de Bediers pro 
 liberatione venerabilis fratris nostri Albanensis episcopi venerant, occuriis- 
 sent ; et se confiterentur, a nobili viro Cornite Tolosano et aliis baronibus, 
 qui eos in perpetuum abjuraverunt, injuste tractari : cum pro defensione 
 fidei sua; ad praesenliam nostram se ventures proponerent, si veniendi et 
 redeundi, securitatem haberent : memorati Episcopus et Vicecomes, ne 
 corda simplicium, qui illorum faece erant imbuti scaiidalum paterentur et 
 diffidentiae nostrae ascriberent, si eis audientia negaretur, ex parte nostra et 
 praedicti Comitis indulserunt, ut cum omni securitate se conspeclui nostro 
 praesentarent, quatenus sub nostro et venerabilis fratis nostri Pictavensis 
 Episcopi, Apostolicae sedis legati, et aliorum discretorum virojum, 
 et totius populi examine audirentur, et si recte et sane crederent proba- 
 rentur: et postquam a nobis examinati fuissent, nihilominus ad propria 
 remearent securi, ne metn vel violenlia qualibet viderentur inducti ad con- 
 fessionem verae fidei, ita tamen quod post elapsos octo dies juxta edictum, 
 quod exierat, nisi ad fidem nostram redirent, de terris principum, qui 
 eos abjuraverant deberent expelli. Nos itaque indulgentiam eis ab Epis- 
 copo et Vicecomite factam, quamvis a praefato Cornite Tolosano et aliis 
 nobilibus viris (sicut diximus) jam exierat edictum, ut de terris eoium 
 deberent expelli, ratam habentes: eodem Pictavensi Episcopo, et piaedicto 
 Coinite Tolosano, et aliis clericis et laicis quasi trecentis, in ecclesia beati 
 Stephani nobiscum pariter congregatis, illis injunximus ut fidem suam 
 nobis exponerent, et ad Catholicae fidei veritatem redeuntes, infamiam 
 quam et tota terra, et ipsi paiiter per damnabiltm piaedicationem incur- 
 rerant, per salutiferam confessionem verae fidei removerent. Ipsi vero 
 inter alia verba, quae huic inde processerunt, chartam quandam, in qua 
 fidei suae articulos conscripserant, in medium protiilerunl, Et earn sirut 
 piolixius scrip ta erat perlegerunt. In qua cum verba qoaedam depisehen- 
 
494 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 dissemus, quae et suspecta videbantur existere, et nisi plenius expone. 
 rentur haeresim, quam praedicaverant, possent velare, quaesivimus ut 
 Latinis verbis respondentes suam fidem defenderent. tunc quia lingua 
 eorum non erat nobis satis nota, tunc quia evangelia et epistolae, quibus 
 tantummodo fidem suam confirmare volebant Latino eloquio noscuntur 
 esse scripta. Cumque id facere non auderent, utpote, qui linguam Latinam 
 penitus ignorabant, sicut in verbis uuiusillorum appamit : qui cum Latine 
 vellet loqui vix duo verba jungere poluit, et omnino defecit ; necesse fuit 
 uos illis condescendere, et de ecclesiasticis sacramentis, propter imperitiam 
 illorum, quamvis satis esset absurdum, vulgarem babere sermonem. Ill I 
 ergo duo esse principia denegantes, publice coram nobis et praediclis viris 
 confessi sunt, el firmiter asseruerunt ; quodunus Deus altissimus omnia visi- 
 bilia et invisibilia condidisset: quod etiam scripturis, sicut verura est, 
 Evangelicis atque Apostolicis comprobabaut. Confessi sunt etiam, quod 
 sacerdos noster, bonus sive mains, Justus vel injustus, et talis etiam quern 
 adulterum, vel alias criminosum indubitanter esse scirent, corpus et san- 
 guineus Christi posset councere ; et per ministerium bujusmodi sacerdotis, 
 et virtutem divinorum verborum, quae a Domino prolata sunt, panis et 
 vinum in corpus et sanguiuem Christi vere transubstantiantur. Asseruerunt 
 quoque quod parvuli vel adulti nostro baptismate baptizati salvantur, 
 et nullus sine eodem baptismo potest salvari : omnino innciantes se aliud 
 baptisma, aut manus impositionem, sicut eisimponebatur, habere. Affirma- 
 verunt nihilominus, quod vir et mulier matrimoniocopulati, si aliud pecca- 
 tum uon impediat, licet carnaliter alter alteridebitum reddat, propter bonum 
 matrimonii excusati salvantur : et propter hoc nunquam damnantur. Archie- 
 piscopospraetereaetepiscopos, presbyteros, monachos, canonicos, heremitas, 
 templarios, et hospitalarios affiiinaveruut esse salvandos. Dignum quoque 
 et justum essedicebant, .ut ecclesias in honore Dei atque sanctorum fundalas 
 cumsummadevotione visitautes adirent : et sacerdotibus et aliis earummin- 
 istris honorem et reverentiam exhibentes primitias et decimas eis deberent sol- 
 vere et de omnibus parochialibus devote et fideliter respondere. Eleemosynas 
 etiam tam ecclesiis quam pauperibus, neenon et Omnipoteuti esse tribuendas, 
 inter caetera laudabiliter asserebant. H;ec omnia licet prius dicerentur negas- 
 se, juxta nostrum sauumintellectumse intelligeieasserentes. Postquamau- 
 tem itaanobis examinati tuerunt, et ea quae diximus spontanea voluntate 
 confessi ecclesiam beati Jacobi intravimus, ubi nobiscum innumera populi 
 multitudo, qua? se quasi ad spectandum pi a'parabat, couvenit, et confes- 
 sionem fidei eurum, quae in praedicta chartula conscripta fuerat, vulgari 
 sermone audivit. Porro cum a nobis et omni populo, qui ibidem convenerat 
 in oinni patientia, et sine tumultu aliquo fuissent auditi, et ipsi sponte 
 fineiu dicendi fecissent: quia expositio suae fidei satis laudahilis et calholica 
 videbatur, iterum ab eis audiente universo populo quaesivimus, si corde 
 crederent quod ore fuerant confessi, et si aliquando in contrarium, sicut 
 eis ssepius impositum fuerat, piaedicassent. Illis vero respoudentibus se 
 ita credere, et nihilominus negantibus, se uuquam aliter praedicasse, nobilis 
 vir Comes Tolosanus, et multi alii clerici et laici qui eos audieranl aliter 
 prardicautes, veliementi admiratione commoli, et Christiana? fidei zelo 
 succensi surrexcrunt, et eos plane in caput suum mentitos fuisse manifts- 
 
AUTHORITIES. 495 
 
 tius convicerunl. Quidam enim constanter proposuerunt se a quibusdam 
 illorum audisse quod duo dii exislerent, alter bonus et alter malus: bonus 
 invisibilia tantum, et ea quae mutari aut corrnmpi non possunt fecisset ; 
 malus, qui ccelum, terrain, hominem, et alia visibilia condidisset. Alii 
 affirmaverunt se in illorum praedicatione audisse corpus Christi non confici 
 perministerium sacerdotis indigni, aut aliquibus criminibus irretiti. Multi 
 similiter testati sunt, eos prorsus negantes audisse, virum cum uxore salvari, 
 si alter alteri debitum reddat. Alii in faciem illis firmiter opponebant, quod 
 ab ipsis audissent baptismum parvulis non prodesse: et alias quam plures 
 contra Deum et sanctam ecclesiam et catholicam fidem blasphemias pro- 
 tulisse, quas pro abominabili earum enormitate tacere maluimus, quam 
 referre. Quicquid autem illi in sua superiore confessione, qua? satis vide- 
 bantur sufHcere ad salutem, si ita corde crederent ad justitiam et in corde 
 et corde dixeiint, sicut homines tortae mentis et intentionis obliquae, tandem 
 hseresim noluerunt relinquere: ubi crassum et supinum eorum iutellectum 
 alicujus auctoritatis superficies videbatur jurare, occasione verbi illius, 
 quod Dominus in evangelio dixisse legitur, " Nolite omnino jurare : et sit 
 sermo vester est est, non non :" dicentes se non debere jurare, cum ipse 
 Dominus saepe jurasse legatur, sicut scriptum est; " Juravit Dominus" et 
 caetera. Et alibi, " Per memetipsum juravi dicit Dominus." Et Aposto- 
 lus, " Omnis controversial finis est juramentum." Et multa in hunc mo- 
 dum in divinis scripturis legentibus sese offerunt et occurrunt : quibus 
 propter illorum innrmitatem quibus aliquid suademus jurare permittimur 
 Ceeterum ipsi tanquam viri idiotae non intelligentes scripturas in laqueum, 
 quern absconderant, ceciderunt, quia cum piius juramentum tanquam 
 rem execrabilem et a Domino prohibitam abhorrerent, in ipsa confessionis 
 suae charta jurasse convicti sunt, cum dixeiint, 'In veritate, quae Deus est, 
 itacredimus, et dicimus, quod haec est fides nostra: ' nescientes quod verita- 
 tem et verbum Dei in testimonium nostrae assertionisadducereproculdubio 
 sit jurare, sicut de Apostolo legimus cum dixit, " Hoc enim vobis dicimus 
 in verbo Dei :" et alibi, " Testis est mihi Deus." Et alia similia comprobant, 
 quae ab illis, qui divinas scripturas intelligunt, et legerunt, possunt facilius 
 inveniri. Cum autem a multis et sufiicienlibus testibus fuissent convicti, 
 et adhuc multi se ad ferendum contra eos testimonium praepararent, quia 
 ecclesia consuevit redeuntibus misericordiae gremium non negare, eos dili- 
 gentius monuimus, ut omni haerelica pravitate deposita ad fidei unitatem 
 redireut. Et quia a domino Papa, et venerabilibus fratiibus nostris, 
 Bituricensi et Narbonensi archiepiscopis, et a Tolosano episcopo, et a nobis 
 ipsis propter perversam praedicationem et sectam excommunicati fuerant, 
 ad nos juxta formam ecclesiae reconciliandi venirent. Quod cum illi in 
 arcum pravum conversi, et mente perdita indurati, facere recusarent, nos 
 in conspectu totius populi, qui jugiter acclamabat, et in eos inulta immani- 
 tate fremebat, eos iterum accensis candelis, una cum praedicto Pictavensi 
 episcopo, et aliis religiosis viris, qui nobis in omnibus astiterunt, excommu- 
 nicatos denuntiavimus, et ipsos cum suo auctore diabolo condemnavimus. 
 Ea propter universitatem vestram monemus, et exhortamur in Domino, 
 atque in remissionem peccatoruminjungimus, quatenus predictos Raimun- 
 dum et Bernardum et complices eorum, tanquam excommunicatos et 
 
496 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 Sathanae traditos, cautius evitetis ; etsi quando aliud quam in audientia 
 nostra, sicut praescripsimus sunt confessi vobis de caetero praesumpserint 
 praedicare, praedicationem eorum tanquam falsam €t catholicae atque Apos- 
 tolicae fidei contrariam respuatis, et ipsos tanquam haereticos et Antichrist! 
 praeambulos, a sinceiitatis vestrae consortio, et vestris finibus longius ex 
 pellatis." Rogeri de Hoveden Annal. an. 1178. 
 
 No. VII. p. 175. 
 
 Concilium Lateranense III. 
 "Sicut ait bealus Leo licet ecclesiastica disciplina sacerdotali conteuta 
 judicio, cruentas non tfficiat ultiones: calholicorum tamen principum 
 constilutionibus adjuvatur, ut ssepe quaerant horoims salutaie remedium, 
 dum corporate super se mttuunt evenire supplicium. Ea propter, quia in 
 Gasconia, Albegesio, et partibus Tolosanis et aliis locis, ita haereticorum, 
 quos alii Catharos, alii Patrinos, alii Publicanos, alii aliis nominibus 
 vocant, invaluit damnata perversitas, ut jam non in occulto, sicut aliqui, 
 nequitiam suam exerceant, sed suum errorem publice manifestent, et ad 
 suum consensum simplices attrahant, et innrmos ; eos, et defensores eorum, 
 et receptores, anathemati decernimus subjacere : et sub anatbemate prohi- 
 bemus, ne quis eos in domibus, vel in terra sua tenere, vel fovere, vel 
 negotialionem cum us exercere praesumat. Si autem in hoc peccato de- 
 cesserint, non sub nostrorum piivilegiorum cuilibet indultorum obtentu, 
 nee sub aliacuroque occasione, aut oblatio fiat pro eis, aut inter Christianos 
 recipiant sepultuiam." Cone. X. 1522. 
 
 No. VIII. p. 176. 
 Lucii Papa III. Decretum contra htereticos. 
 
 " Ad abolendam diversarum haeresum pravitatem, qua? in plerisque 
 mundi partibus, moderms coepit temporibus pullulare, vigor debet ecclesi- 
 asticus excitari: cum nimirum impel ialis fortitudiuis suffragante potentia, 
 et haereticorum protervitas in ipsis falsitatis sua conatibus elidatur et 
 Catholicae simplicitatis Veritas in eccles-ia sancta resplendens, earn utique 
 demonstret ab omni execralione falsorum dogmatum expiatam. Ideoque 
 nos, carissiiui filii nostri Fiiderici illustris Romanorum Imperatoris, semper 
 Augusti, praesenlia paiiter et vigore suflulti, de communi consilio fratrum 
 nostrovum, necnon aliorum patiiarcharum, archiepiscoporum, multorumque 
 piincipuui qui de diversis mundi partibus convenerunt : contra ipsos 
 baereticos, quibus diversa vocabula diveisai um indidit professio falsitatum, 
 prsesentis decieti generali sanctione consurgimus et omnem haererira, quo- 
 cumque nomine censeatur, per hujus constitutionis seriem, autoritate 
 apoFtolica condemnamus. 
 
 " In piimis ergo Catharos, et Patarivos, et eos qui se Humiliatoi, vel 
 Pauperes de Lugdurto, falso nomine mentiunlur, Passaginos, Josepinos, 
 Amaldisias, perpetuo deceiminus anathemali subjacere. Et quoniam 
 nonnulli sub specie pietatis viitutem ejus juxta quod ait Apostolus, dene- 
 
AUTHORITIES. 497 
 
 gantes, autoritatem silii vindicant praedicandi : cum idem Apostolus dicat: 
 " Quomodo praedicabunt, nisi mittantur >" omnes qui vel prohibiti, vel 
 non missi, praeter autoritatem ab apostolica sede, vel episcopo loci suscep- 
 tam, publice vel privatim praedicare praesumpserint; et univcrsos, qui de 
 sacramento corporis et sanguinis Domini nostri Jesu Christi, vel de bap- 
 tismate, seu peccatorum remissione, ant de matrimonio, vel reliquis eccle- 
 siasticis Sacramentis, aliter sentire aut docere non metuunt, quam sacro- 
 sancta Romana ecclesia praedicat et observat, et generaliter quoscumque 
 eadem Romana ecclesia, vel singuli episcopi per diceceses suas, cum con- 
 silio clericorum, vel clerici ipsi sede vacante, cum consilio, si oportuerit, 
 viciniorum episcoporum,baereticos judicaverint,pari vinculo perpetui anathe- 
 matis innodamus. Receptores et defensores corum, cunctosque pariter qui 
 prfedictis haereticis ad fovendam in eis hseresis pravitatem, patrocinium 
 praestiterint aliquod, vel favorem, sive consolati, sive credentes, sive per- 
 fect!, seu quibuscumque superstitions nominibus nuncupentur, simili 
 decernimus subjacere sentential. 
 
 Quia vero peccatis exigentibus quandoque contingit, ut ecclesiastical 
 severitas discipline, ab iis qui virtutem ejus non intelliguDt, condemnetur : 
 praesenti nihilominus ordinatione sancimus, ut qui manifeste fuerint in supra* 
 dictis erroribus deprebensi, si clericus est, vel cujuslibet religionis obum- 
 bratione fucatus, totius ecclesiastici oidinis prserogativa nudetur : et sic 
 omni pariter officio et beneficio ecclesiastico spoliatus, saecularis relinqua- 
 tur arbitrio potestatis animadversione debita puniendus, nisi continuo post 
 deprehensionem erroris ad fidei catholicae unitatem sponte recurrere, et 
 errorem suam, ad arbitrium episcopi regionis, publice consenserit abjurare, 
 et satisfactionem congruam exhibere. Laicus autem, quem aliqua preedic- 
 tarum pestium notoria vel privata culpa resperserit, nisi prout dictum est, 
 abjurata haeresi, et satisfactione exhibita, confestim ad (idem confugerit 
 orthodoxam, saecularis judicis arbitrio relinquantur debitam recepturus 
 pi'O qualitate facinoris ultionem. 
 
 Qui vero inventi fuerint sola ecclesia; suspicione notabiles, nisi ad 
 arbitrium episcopi, juxta considerationem suspicionis qualitatemque per- 
 sonse, propriam innocenliam congrua purgatione monstraverint, simili sen- 
 tential subjacebunt. Illos autem qui post abjurationem erroris, vel postquam 
 se, ut diximus, propiii antistitis examinatione purgaverint, deprehensi 
 fuerint in abjuratam haeresim recidisse, saeculari iudicio sine ulla penitus 
 audientia decernimus reliquendos, bonis damnatorum, ecclesiis quibus 
 deserviebant, secundum sanctiones legitimas applicandis. 
 
 Sane praediclam excommunicationem, cui omnes cupimus haereticos 
 subjacere, ab omnibus patriarchis archiepiscopis, episcopis in praecipuis 
 festivitatibus, et quoties solennitates habuerint, vel qualibet occasione, ad 
 gloriam Dei, et reprehensionem liaereticac pravitatis, decernimus innovari ; 
 autoritate apostolica statuentes, ut si quis de ordine episcoporum, negli- 
 gens in his fuerit vel desidiosus inventus, per triennale spatium ab episco- 
 pali habeatur dignitate et administratione suspensus. 
 
 Ad haec, de episcopal! consilio. et suggestione culminis imperialis, et 
 piincipum ejus, adjecirnus, utquilibet archiepiscopus vel episcopus, perse, 
 vel archidiaconum suum, aut per alias honestas idoneasque personas, bis 
 
 3 S 
 
498 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 vel seinel iu anno, parocbiam in qua famafuerit haereticos habitare,circum- 
 eat; et ibi tres vel plures boni testimouii v'nos, vel etiam si expedire vide- 
 bitur totam viciniam jurare compellat, quod si quis ibidem haereticos scive- 
 rit, vel aliquos occulta conventicula celebrantes, seu a communi conversa- 
 tione fidelium vita et moribus dissidentes, eos episcopo vel archidiacono 
 sludeat indicare. Episcopus autem seu archidiaconus, ad praesentiam suam 
 coavocet accusatos: qui nisi se ad eorum arbitrium juxta patriae consue- 
 tudinem ab objecto reatu purgaverint, vel si post purgationem exhibitaui iu 
 pristinam fuerint relapsi perfidiam, episcoporum judicio puniantur. Si 
 qui vero ex eis jurationem superstitione damnabili respuentes, jurai-e forte 
 noluerint: ex hoc ipso hseretici judicentur, et poenis quae praenominatae 
 sunt percellantur. 
 
 Statuimus insuper, ut comites, barones, rectores, consules, civitatum et 
 aliorum locorum, juxta commonitionem archiepiscoporumet episcoporum, 
 praestito corporaliter juramento promittant, quod in omnibus praedictis 
 fortiter et efficaciter, cum ab eis fuerint exinde requisiti, ecclesiam contra 
 haereticos et eorum complices adjuvabunt, et studebunt bona fide, juxta 
 officiuni et posse suum, ecclesiastica similiter et imperialia statuta, circa 
 ea quae diximus, executioni mandare. Si vero id observare noluerint, 
 honore, quern obtinent, spolientur; et ad alios nullatenus assumantur: 
 eis nihilominus excommunicatione ligandis, et terns ipsorum iuterdicto 
 ecclesiae supponendis, Civitatem autem quae his decretalibus institutis 
 duxerit resistendum, vel contra commonitionem episcopi punire neglexerit 
 resistentes : aliarum cai'et commercio civitatum, et episcopali se noverit 
 digDitate privandam. 
 
 Omnes etiam fautores haereticorum, tanquam perpetua infamia cou- 
 demnatos, ab advocatione et testimonio, et aliis publicis officiis, decernimus 
 repellendos. Si qui vero fuerint qui a lege dicecesanae jurisdictions ex- 
 empli, soli subjaceant sedis apostolicae potestati; nihilominus in iis quae 
 superius sunt contra haereticos instituta, archiepiscoporum vel episcoporum 
 subeant judicium : et eis in hac parte, tanquam a sede apostolica delegatis, 
 non obstantibus libertatis suae privilegiis, obsequantur." Cone. X. 1737. 
 
 No. IX. p. 183. 
 
 Concilium Monspeliense. 
 " In fine quoque omnium addidit, ut quia in pluribus locis provincial 
 Narbonensis, haerelici sunt, in consilio archiepiscopi et episcoporum sit, 
 qualiter pro eorum, quae superius statuta sunt, transgressione, interdicta 
 debeant proiuulgari : ne occasione generalis et diutini iuterdicti, haereticis 
 occasio pateat ad simplices catholicae fidci supplantandos." Cone. X. 17S9. 
 
 No. X. p. 183. 
 
 Odonis Constitutioncs. 
 " Item moneant solicite et assidue parochianos suos, ut in Albijenscs 
 haereticos se accingant, et iterum eamdem habebunt indulijentiani quam 
 alias habuerunt. Cone. X. 1809. 
 
AUTHORITIES. 499 
 
 No. XI. p. 184. 
 
 Concilium Senoneiise. 
 " Anno Domini MCXCVIII inquit Chronicon Autissiodorense Roberti 
 Monachi S. Mariani, haeresis Populicana, omnium haereseon feculentissima, 
 virulentas radices suas late quidem, sed latenter, hoc tempore propagarat. 
 Apud urbem Nivernis, Abbas S. Martini, et Decanus majoris Ecclesiae, de 
 hoc pestilentissimo errore notati, episcoporum sistuntur concilio, Seuonis 
 convocato : ibique Abbas deponitur, Decanus suspenditur : et sic ad sedem 
 apostolicam destinantur." Cone. XI. P. I. 3. 
 
 No. XII. p. 188. 
 
 Innocentii P. III. Epistola. 
 
 " Ad eliminandam omnio de patrimonio beati Petri haereticorum spur- 
 citiam, servanda in perpetuum lege sancimus ut quicunque haereticus, et 
 maxime Paterenus, in eo fuerit inventus, protinus capiatur et tradatur 
 seculari Curiae puniendus secundum legitimas sanctiones. Bona vero 
 ipsius omnia publicentur: ita ut de ipsis unam partem percipiat qui 
 ceperit ilium, alteram Curia quae ipsum punierit, tertia vero deputeturad 
 conslructionem murorum illius terrae ubi fuerit interceptus. Domus 
 autetn in qua haareticus fuerit receptatus, funditus destruatur, nee quis- 
 quam earn reaedificare praesumat ; sed fiat sordium receptaculum, quae fuit 
 latibulum perfidorum. Credentes praeterea et defensores ac fautores eorum 
 quarta bonorum suorum parte multentur, quae ad usum reipublicae depu- 
 tentur." IAb.X. Ep. 130. Tom.II.p.74. Edit. Baluz. 
 
 No. XIII. p. 189. 
 Concilium Lateranente IV. 
 
 Can. I. " Pater generans, Filius nascens, et Spiritus Sanctus procedens ; 
 consubstantiales et coaequales, co-omnipotentes et co-eterni, unum uni- 
 versorum principium, Creator omnium iuvisibilium et visibilium, spiritu- 
 alium et corporalium, qui sua omnipotenti virtute simul ab initio temporis 
 utramque de nihilo condidit creaturam, spiritualem et corporalem, angeli- 
 cam videlicet et mundanam; ac deinde humanam quasi communem ex 
 spiritu et corpore constitutam. Diabolus enim et daemones alii, a Deo qui- 
 dem natura creati sunt boni, sed ipse per se facti suntmali: Sed 
 
 descendit in anima, resurrexit in carne, ascenditque pariter in utroque : 
 venturus in fine saeculi judicare vivos et mortuos, et redditurus singulis 
 secundum opera sua, tarn reprobis, quam electis. Qui omnes cum suis 
 
 propriis corporibus resurgent, quae nunc gestant Sacramentum 
 
 vero baptismi, quod ad invocationem individuae Trinitatis, videlicet Patris, 
 ct Filii, et Spiritus Sancti, consecratur in aqua,tam parvulis quam adultis, 
 in forma ecclesiae a'quocumque rite collatum, proficit ad salutem. Et si 
 
500 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 post susccptioncm baptismi quisquam prolapsus fucrit iu peccatum, per 
 veram poenitentiam semper potest reparari. Non solum autem virgines et 
 contiuentes, verum etiam conjugati, per fidem rectam et operationem 
 bonam placentes Deo, ad aeternam merentur beatitudinem pervenire." 
 
 Can. XXI. " Omnis utiiusque sexus fidelis, postquam ad annos dis- 
 cretionis perveneiit, omnia sua solus peccata confiteatur fideliter, saltern 
 semel in anno, proprio sacerdoti, et injunctam sibi poenitentiam studeat 
 pro viribus adimplcre, suscipiens i"evereuter ad minus in Pasclia Eucha- 
 ristiae sacramentum : nisi forte de consilio proprii sacerdotis, ob aliquam 
 rationabilem causam ad tempus ab ejus perceptioue duxerit abstinendum: 
 alioquin et vivens ab ingressu eeclesiae arceatur, et moriens Christiana 
 careat sepultura," Cone. XI. P. I. 142, 172. 
 
 No. XIV. p. 191. 
 Conradi Portuensis Ep. Epistola. 
 " Circa dies istos, haeretici Albigenses constituerunt sibi Antipapam 
 in finibus Bulgarorum, Croatiae, et Dalmatiae, nomine Bartbolomaeum. In 
 •juibus parlibus error ille adeo invaluit, ut etiam Episcopos et alios mullos 
 regionum illarum ad suam allexerit pravilatem. Contra quem C. Portu- 
 ensis Episcopus et in partibus illis Apostolica; sedis Legatus, Rothoma- 
 gensi Arcliiepiscopo scripsit in haec verba : ' Venerabilibus patribus, Dei 
 gratia Rothomagensi Archiepiscopo et ejus suffraganeis Episcopis, salutem 
 in Domino Jesu Christo. Duni pro sponsa veri Cnicifixi vestrum cogimur 
 auxilium implorare, potius compellimur lacerari singultibus, et plorare. 
 Ecce quod vidimus, loquimur: et quod sciraus, tcstificamur. Ille homo 
 perditus, qui extollitur super omne quod colitur, aut dicitur Deus ; jam 
 habet perfidiae sua; praeanibulum Haeresiarchain, quem haeretici Albigenses 
 Papain suurn appellant, habitantem in finibus Bulgarorum, Croatiae, et 
 Dalmatian, juxla Hungaiorumnationem. Ad eum confluunt haeretici Albi- 
 genses, ut ad eorum tonsulta respondeat. Eteuira de Carcasona oriundus, 
 vices illius Antipapae gerens Bartholomaeus haereticorum Episcopus, i'n- 
 nestam ei exhibendo reverentiam, sedem et locum concessit in villa quae 
 Porlos appellatur, et se ipsuin transtulit in partes Tholosanas. Iste Bar- 
 tholomaeus in litcrarum suarum undique discurrentium tenore, se in primo 
 salutationis alloquio intitulat in hunc modum : l Bartholomaeus servus ser 
 vorum sanctae fidei tali salutem. Ipse eliam inter alias enormitates creat 
 Episcopos, et ecclesias perfide ordiuare contendit. Rogamus igitur atten- 
 tius, et per aspersionem sanguinis Jesu Christi, et propensius obsecramus, 
 auctoritate Domini Papas qua fungimur in hac parte, districte praecipi- 
 entes; quateuus veniatis Senonis in octavis apostolorum Petri et Pauli 
 proxime futuris. Ubi et alii Praelati Franciae, favente Domino, congrega- 
 buntur ; parati consilium dare in negotio praedicto ; et cum aliis, qui ibi- 
 dem aderunt, providcre super negotio Alhigensi. Alioquin inobedientiam 
 vestram doininu Papa; curabimus significari. Data Planium, sexto Nonas 
 Julii.' Ned liuiic tandem I iiinitltuin mors praedicti Autipapie celcriter ter- 
 ininavit." Malt. P>tris,an. 1-223, Tom. II p. 317. 
 
AUTHORITIES. 501 
 
 No. XV. p. 192. 
 Concilium Tolosanum. 
 
 " I. Statuimus itaqae, ut archiepiscopi et episcopi in singulis paro- 
 chiis, tam in civitatibus, quam extra, sacerdotem unum, et duos vcl ties 
 bona? opinionis laicos, vel plures, si opus fuerit, sacramento constringant, qui 
 diligenter, fideliter, et frequenter, inquirant hsereticos in eisdem parochiis, 
 domos singulas et cameras subterraneas aliqua suspicione notabiles per- 
 scrutando, et appensa, seu adjuncta in ipsis tectis aedificia, seu quaecum- 
 que alia labitula, quae omnia destrui praecipimus, perquirendo : et si quos 
 invenerint haereticos, credentes, fautores, et receptatores, seu defensores 
 eorum, adhibita cautela ne fugere possint, archiepiscopo vel episcopo, do- 
 minis locorum, seu bailivis eorundem, cum omni festinantia studeant inti- 
 mare,-ut aniuiadversione debita puniantur. 
 
 VI. 111am autem domum, in qua fuerit inventus haereticus, diruendam 
 decernimus : et locus ipse sive fundus confiscetur. 
 
 X. Item statuimus, ut si qui haeretici vestiti, haeresi sponte dimissa 
 fuerint ad catholicam fidem reversi, suum recognoscentes errorem, non 
 remaneant in villa in qua fuerant antea conversati, si villa suspecla de 
 haeresi babeantur : sed collocentur in villa catholica, quae nulla sit haeresis 
 suspicione notata. In detestatione quoque veteris erroris duas cruces 
 portent de caetero altius praeeminentes, alterius coloris quam siut vestes 
 eorum, imam a dextris, et alteram a sinistris. Nee propter cruces excuse- 
 tur aliquis, nisi habeat litteras sui episcopi testimoniales de reconciliations 
 ipsius. Nee de caetero talibus officia publica committantur: nee ad actus 
 legitimos admittantur, nisi per dominum papain , vel per legatum ab ipsius 
 latere destinatum, fuerint in integrum restituti, injuncta sibi pcenitentia 
 competent!. 
 
 XI. Haeretici autem qui timoie mortis, vel alia quacumque causa, 
 dummodo non sponte, redierint ad catholicam unitatem : ad agendam 
 pcenitentiam per episcopum loci in muro cum tali includantur cautela, 
 quod facultatem non habeant alios corrumpendi. Quibus ab illisqui bona 
 eorum tenuerint, provideatur in necessariis secundum dispositionem prae- 
 lati : si vero bona non habuerint, eis provideatur per praelatum. 
 
 XIV. Prohibemus etiam, ne libros veteris testamenti aut novi, laici 
 permittantur habere: nisi forte psalterium, vel breviarium pro divinis 
 officiis, aut horas beatae Mariae, aliquis ex devotione habere velit. Sed ne 
 praemissos libros habeat in vulgari translates, arctissime inhibemus. 
 
 XV. Statuimus etiam, quod quicunque fuerint infamati de haeresi, vel 
 suspicione notati, officio medici de caetero non utantur. Cumque ali- 
 quem infnmum de manu presbyteri sui sacram cominunionem contigerit 
 recepisse : adhibeatur ei diligens cuslodia usque ad diem obilus sui vel 
 convalescentiae, ne haereticus aut de haeresi suspectus ad ipsum infirmum 
 possit habere accessum : cum ex accessu taliuin, nefauda intellexerimus et 
 enormia plurics contigisse.'' Cone. XI. P. I. 427. 
 
502 AUTHORITIES 
 
 No. XVI. p. 195. 
 Statata Raimundi Comitis Tolosani. 
 
 "Item statuimus, quod bona eorum qui fuerunt haeretici vestiti, licet 
 recesserinl sponte ab haereticorum observantia, niside reconciliatione sua 
 litteras testimonial es ostenderint, vel per alias personas catholicasethonestas 
 illud ostenderiut, vel probaverint, confiscentur. Et etiam si de recon- 
 ciliatione constiterit, nisi cruces super hoc a suo episcopo admoniti ad 
 portandum assumpserint, aut assumptas autoritate sua propria depo- 
 suerint, aut cum exterius super vestes, extraque partem pectoris anterius 
 prominentes portare debeant, eas celare intra vestes deprehensi fueriot, 
 poena simiti puniantur, et tamen sive bona habuerint, sive non, ad hoc 
 modo debito compellautur. 
 
 Item statuimus, quia intelleximus quod credentes baereticorum, cum 
 proponunt se facere secundum eorum ritum detestabilem haereticos perfec- 
 tos, ante precedens tempus possessioncs suas, et hereditates in fraudem 
 fisci vend unt, vel donant, vel pignari obligant, aut modis alienant aliis: 
 hujusinodi contractibus irritis non obstantibus praedicta bona confiscentur, 
 si consideratis circumstantiis dictorura contractuum et ipsoruni oontraben- 
 tium, nobis fuerit visum, eos in quos dicta bona traslata fuerint, fraud is 
 participes extitisse. 
 
 Item quia intelleximus quod credentes quidam sub specie mercaturae 
 vel peregrinationis, transferunt sc ad haereticos, ut sub tali absentia eludant 
 fiscum, et ei subtrahant bona sua: si coram episcopo loci, qui super hoc 
 propinquos vel eos qui bona hujusmodi absentium tenent, monuerit, requi- 
 sierinl, et ab eisdem propinquis, vel tenentibus bona eorum infra annum, 
 computandum a tempore monitionis ejusdem episcopi, probatum non fhit 
 legitime, illos absentes justa causa et rationabili abfuisse, et tamen abesse: 
 statuimus, ut si alias suspecti fuerint, contra ipsos tanquam contra haere- 
 ticos praesumatur, et eorum bona conficiscentur." Cone. XI. P. 1.450. 
 
 No. XVII. p. 196. 
 
 Concilium Biterrense. 
 " Item reconciliati de hseresi, qui duas cruces prominentes, ad manda- 
 tum Episcopi portare noluerint, pro haereticis habeantur, et bona eorum 
 confiscentur. " Cone. XI. P. 1. 454. 
 
 No. XVIII. p. 197. 
 
 Concilium Xarhonensc. 
 " Petrus Dei gratia Narbonensis, Joannes Arelatensis, Raimundns 
 Aquensis, archiepiscopi, casterique praelati, quorum sigilla huic cbartulse 
 sunt appensa: Dilectis et fidelibus in Christo filiis Ordinis Praedicatorum 
 fratribus inquisitoribus hsereticorura, per memoratas et circuinjacentes 
 provincias conslitutis, salutcm in Domino. 
 
AUTHORITIES. 503 
 
 VI. Omncs vero faciatis culpas suas, clero ct popnlo convocatis, pub- 
 lice confiteri, et abjurare,atquc jurare prout in raandatis apostolicis, et sta- 
 tutis domini Romani plenius continentur : nisi ubi culpae levitas, et scan- 
 dali enormitas, rigoii etiam huic quicquam ostenderent detrahendum. Et 
 de singulis fiant publica instrumenta continentia culpas, abjurationes, pro- 
 missiones, et pcenitentias eorundem: ne ulterius perire possit vel latere 
 Veritas diu caelata, nunc autem a Domino tam mirabiliter quam misericor- 
 diter revelata. 
 
 XXIX. De quibus, et ex quibus credentes possunt judicari. 
 
 Sane inter culpas ex quibus credentes possunt judicari, ne ulterius du- 
 bitetis, has esse firmiter arbitramur: Si reverentiam fecerunt haereticis, ubi 
 credentes, orationes ipsorum implorantes, et bonos homines proiitentes, 
 quasi adorant i\\os ; si consolationes eorum, ubi eum, quern consolantitr, 
 in htereticum recipientes, per impositionem manuum se salvare proditio- 
 naliter mentiuntur: aut, servitio eorumdem, ubi majore ipsorum librum 
 tenente apertum, per ipsum, quasi sub generali confessione, remissionem 
 intelligunt fieri peccatorum: aut ccense Valdensi, ubi die ccenae mensa 
 posita, et pane superposito, Valdensis unus benedicens, et frangens, dans- 
 que astanibus, credit secundum damnabilem sectam conficere corpus Chris- 
 ti, non causa prodendi vel reprehendendi eos, vel alia commendabili seu ex- 
 cusabili, affueiunt: si eisdem Valdensibus peccata sua confessi fuerint, ut 
 solet et debet quis sacerdoti proprio confiteri : si pacem ab haereticis, seu 
 Valdensibus, vel panem ab eis benedictum a quocumque sibi inissum vel 
 datum, scienter et damnabiliter receperunt : si crediderunt eos in sua secta 
 salvari posse, vel esse bonos, vel sanctos homines, vel Dei amicos, vel nun- 
 cios, vel bonae conversations, vel vitae, vel eorum persecutors peccare, vel 
 si eos taliter laudaverunt, vel si aliquo qualicumque signo seu verbo, in eis 
 se (idem vel credentiam habuisse, in jure vel alibi sunt confessi : si eos 
 libenter et pluries receperunt, audio unt, visitaverunt ; victualia seu alia 
 dederunt, seu miserunt eisdem : orationes ab eis vel epistolas, vel evangelia 
 didicerunt, Haec enim et similia, etsi non probent singula, multa juvant : prae- 
 sertim cum Joannes dicat in epistola : ' Si quis veuit ad vos, et hanc doctrinam 
 non affert, nolite eum recipere in domo, nee Ave ei dixeritis. Qui enim dicit 
 illi, Ave, communicat operibus ejus malignis.' Haec autem omnia intelligi- 
 mus, cum hi qui sic culpabiles sunt inventi, sciebant illos, quibus vel per 
 quos ista fiebant, esse haereticos, vel Valdenses : nee ignorabant quod sauc- 
 ta ecclesia tales, propter errores proprios sectasque suas damnabiles, ab 
 unitate catholicae fidei segregates denunciat, et excommunicat, persequitur, 
 atque damnat. Nee dicenti se hoc ignorasse, leviter est credendum. Quis 
 enim est solus ille peregrinus, qui damnationem haereticorum, et Valden- 
 sium nescierit a longe retro annis, tam juslissime factam, tam famosam, 
 tam publicatam, tam praedicatam, tot et tantis expensis, laboribus, et sudo- 
 ribus fidelium insecutam, et tot mortibus ipsorum infidelium solemniler 
 damnatorum et publiee punitorum,tam firmiter sigillatam? utiquenon est 
 ferendus sic evidens discipulus mendacii magistrorum, sed potius cum ip- 
 sis damnatis damnandus, qui verum tam notoiiuni diffitetur : quod etiam 
 ipsius rei gestae modus ignorari non potuisse argnit et convincit. Nam et 
 latere volentes, et celari quaercntes haeretici ac Valdenses, suis se tantum 
 
504 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 credentihus credunt, cum eisdem supradicta mala ct similia in latibulis per- 
 petrantes. Quae, isti quidam ex bis similiter negent se illorum eriores au- 
 divisse, vel auditis credidisse, a participatione tamen ciedendi eisdem erro- 
 ribus saltern implicite, immunes esse non sinunt. Licet enim isti nihil ex- 
 presse dicant contra aliquem articuluin specialem, tacite tamen et per 
 consequentiam dicunt : cum dicant et sentiant verbo vel signo illos perfidos 
 esse bonos, quos constat ab ecclesia reprobates. Quinimmo cum supradicta 
 saluti animarum suarum prodesse crediderint, aut salutem extra ecclesiam 
 esse credendo, aut quos ecclesia damnat, extra earn esse non credendo: 
 procul dubio erraverunt. Equidem cum discretioni vestrae, dilecti filii in 
 Cliristo, negotium istud, tarn dominns papa, quam dominus lcgatus,in pie- 
 risque provinciis providerint committendum. Hsec vobis scribimus, non 
 ut tos velimus nostris obligare consiliis, yel arctare, mm non deceal con- 
 cessam vobis discretam arbitrii libertatem, aliorum consiliis, foimis, seu 
 regulis, quam sedis apostolica?, in ipsius negotii praejudicium coarctari: 
 sed vestram devotionem cupimus adjuvare, sicut et nobis ab ipsa sede 
 apostolica est mandatum : ut qui nostra portatis oncra, consilium a nobis 
 et auxilium, in ipso nostro negolio, caritate nititua repoiletis." Cone. 
 XI. P. I 487. 
 
 No. XIX. p. 200. 
 
 CapUula a Greynrio Papa IX. contra Pafarevos edUa. 
 
 11 Excommunicamus et anathematizamus universos haereticos, Ca- 
 tharos, Patarenos, Paupeies de Lugduno, P^ssnginos, Josepiuos, Arnal- 
 distas, Speronistas, et alios quibuscumque nomiuibus censeantur: facies 
 quidem habentes diversas, Fed caudas adinviccm colligatas, quia de ranitate 
 conveniunt in idipsum." Conc.^XI. P. I. 334. 
 
 No. XX. p. 201. 
 
 Gregorii Papa IX. Epistola. 
 " Ille humani generis pervicax inimicus, omnium maloium incentor, 
 quern de supremis ad ima superbia sua prostravit, non contentus quod 
 sua; fraudis nequitia hominem perduxit ad casum, teruinnis et miseriis 
 applicandum, callide eum nititur pestiferis retibus irretire: astute sibi 
 parans insidias ne resurgat, locum a quo ceciderat nbtenturu*. Novissimc 
 autem diebus istis, fid em nisus perfidia depiavare per ministras suos iniqui- 
 tatis operarios, v»nena spargit mortifera; seditiose considerans quod fami- 
 Haris hostis sit efficax ad nocendum, qui quasi dulcia praernittentes, Cauda 
 pungunt ut scorpio, in aureo tandem caliie Babylonis tiius pestilential in- 
 fusuri. Licet enim haeretici hactenus diutius latitantes sicut cancer ser- 
 perent in occulto, et velut vulpes laetarentur vineam Domini Sabaoth de- 
 moliri: jam tamen peccalis exigentibus, in aperto, quasi equi paratt ad 
 piadium, praesumunt manifeste insurgere contra earn, in quibusdam locis 
 puhlice piaedicando, quaeientes in cibum simplices, et in praedam indoctos 
 ac illaqucare nihilo minus fideles quoslibet suis circumventionibus cupi- 
 
AUTHORITIES. 505 
 
 enles, i'acti magistri erroris qui nunqviam fuerunt discipuli veritalis. 
 Undo expedit quod insurgant viriliter contra cos," &c. Cone. XI. P.I. 335. 
 
 No. XXI. p. 202. 
 
 Concilium Tarraconense. 
 
 " IN p Minis quaeritur qui dicantur lueretici, qui .inspect i, qui creden- 
 tcs, (\v\ fautores, qui receptatores, qui defensores, et qui relapsi : cum isla 
 genera hoininum in canone explicentur. Et videtur quod, 
 
 Hteretici sunt, qui in suo errore perdurant, sicut sunt Inzabbatati, 
 qui dicunt in aliquo casu non esse jurandum, et potestatibus ecclesiasticis 
 vel saecularibus non esse obediendum, et pcenam corporalein non esse infli- 
 gendam in aliquo; et similia. 
 
 Credentes vero dictis haeresibus similiter haeretici sunt dicendi. 
 
 Suspectus de haeresi potest dici qui audit praedicationem vel lectionem 
 Inzabbatatorum, vel qui flexit genua orando cum eis, vel qui dedit osculum 
 eis : vel qui credit ipsos Inzabbatatos esse bonos homines, vel similia, quae 
 possnnt probabiliter suspicionem inducere. Et potest dici suspectus sim- 
 pliciter esse qui semel oravit, vel alterum fecit de praedictis cum eis. Si 
 vero pluries andivisset praedicationem vel lectionem, vel orasset, vel aliquid 
 aliud de praedictis fecisset cum eis, posset dici vehementer suspectus. Si 
 autem praedicta omnia fecisset, maxime si pluries, posset vehementissime 
 dici suspectus. Ista ideo dicimus, ut discretus judex purgationem possit 
 gravare vel moderari, prout magis visum fuerit expedire. 
 
 Celatores credimus eos qui viderunt Inzabbatatos in platea, vel in 
 domo, vel in alio loco, et cognoverunt eos Inzabbatatos, et non revelaverunt 
 eos, cum haberent aptitudinem revelandi eos ecclesiae, vel justitiario, vel 
 aliis qui possent eos capere. 
 
 Occultatores dicimus qui fecerunt pactum de non revelando haereticos 
 vel Inzabbatatos, vel alias procuraverunt quod non revelarentur. 
 
 Receptatores sunt qui scienter bis vel ultra receperunt haereticos vel 
 Inzabbatatos in domo sua, vel in alio loco suo. Receptaculum credimus 
 esse domum vel hospitium, ubi haeretici vel Inzabbatati bis vel pluries 
 convenerunt ad praedicationem vel lectionem : vel etiam ubi haeretici vel 
 Inzabbatati pluries hospitantur. 
 
 Defensores dicimus, qui scienter defendunt haereticos vel Inzabbatatos 
 verbo vel facto, vel quocumque ingenio, in terris suis, vel alibi, quo minus 
 ecclesia possit ex»icere suum officium ad extirpandam haereticam pravi- 
 tatem. 
 
 Fautores credimus omnes supradictos posse dici secundum magis et 
 minus: et etiam qui alias quocumque modo eis dederint consilium, auxi- 
 lium, vel favorem. Et omnes fautores credimus posse dici suspectos, ita 
 quod debent se purgare, et abjurare haeresim, et omnem fautoriam : et 
 debent sanctae matri ecclesiae reconciliari. 
 
 Relapsos dicimus illos qui post ahjuratam haeresim vel renunciatam, 
 revertuntur in pristinam credentiam haeresis. Eodem modo dicimus re- 
 lapsos in fautoriam illos qui post abjuratam haeresim vel fautoriam, bene- 
 3 T 
 
506 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 lac in nt haereticis, vel celant cos. Et omnes praedictos dicimus excommu- 
 nicatos rnajori anathcmatc: exceptis suspectis sine fautoria, si forte inveni- 
 antur. 
 
 Dubitatio etiam oritur apud quosdam, utrura relapsi in credentiam, et 
 haeretici dogmatizantes, si postquam fuerint deprehensi voluerint peenitere 
 relinqui debeant judicio saeculari ? Et videtur nobis quod non : sed in 
 quocumque casu tales ad intrusionem sunt condemnandi. 
 
 De forma purgationis. 
 Suspect us de haeresi purgabit se publice in hunc modum: ' Ego N. juro 
 per Deum omnipotentem, et per haec sancta Dei evangelia quae in manibus 
 meis teneo, coram vobis domino N. archiepiscopo vel episcopo, et coram 
 aliis vobis assistentibus, quod non sum vel fuit Inzabbatatus Waldensis, 
 vel Pauper de Lugduno, nee haereticus in aliqua secta haeresis perecclesiam 
 damnata; nee credo, nee credidi eorum erroribus, nee credaru aliquo tempore 
 vita? meae : immo profiteer et protestor me credere, et semper in posterum 
 crcditurum fidem catbolicam, quam sancta Roruana ecclesia et apostolica 
 publice tenet, docet, et praedicat, et vos domine archiepiscope vel episcope, 
 et caeteri praelati ecclesia? universalis tenent, predicant publice, atque 
 docent." Cone. XI. P. I. 593. 
 
 No. XXII. p. 207. 
 
 Concilium Biterrense. 
 
 Can. VI. Cum Peccatores sint ad pcenitentiam invitandi juxta Domi- 
 nicam vocem, gaudere oportet si pcenitentiam impositam libentur susci- 
 piunt et supportant. Quocirca statuimus, et in virtute Sancti Spiritus 
 inhibemus, ne pcenitentihus, quibus cruces pro crimine haeresis imponun- 
 tur, irrisio ulla fiat, nee a locis propriis seu communibus commerciis exclu- 
 dantur, ne retardetur conversio peccatorum, et ne conversi propter scanda- 
 lum abjecta pcenitentia relabantur. Et si moniti desistere noluerint, per 
 censuram ecclesiasticam compellantur. 
 
 Can. IX. Moneantur etiam comites, barones, rectores et consules 
 civitatum, et aliorum locorum, ac alias potestates saecularcs quibuscumque 
 fungantur officiis, quod ad commonitionem dicecesanorum promittant 
 juramento corporaliter praestito, quod fideliter et eflicaciter contra haere- 
 ticos et eorum complices adjuvabunt ecclesiam bona fide juxta ofBcium et 
 posse suum, et quod de terris suae jurisdiction! subjectis untversos haere- 
 ticos ab ecclesia denotatos pro viribus exterminare curabunt: et ad hoc, si 
 necesse fuerit, per censuram ecclesiasticam compellantur. 
 
 Can XII. Idem demedicis eorundem prEecipimus obscrvari. 
 
 Can. XIII. Qui vero quondam baeretici vestiti vel notati fuerint, aut 
 mcritosuspecti sunt, a bajuliis et officiis publicis, si qua habent, praecipi- 
 mus amoveri ex loto, nee de caetero ad hujusmodi assumantur. 
 
 Chap. IV. Ab illis qui sic citati coram vobis infra tempus comparu- 
 erint assignatum, rccipiatis juramenta de niera ct plena super facto labis 
 haereticae, tam de se quam de aliis vivis et mortuis, dicenda. quam noverint, 
 veiitatc Ac postmodum per vos, vel per scriptores, dilisenler iiitcrro- 
 
AUTHORITIES. 507 
 
 gantes cosdem de singulis, de quibus requirendi videbuntur, faciatis con- 
 fessiones ac depositioncs ipsorum fideliter scribi, et in actis inquisilionis 
 deponi, aut per publicam, si potestis habere, personam, aut per aliam 
 idoneam, et juratam, cui et alius vir idoneus jural us similiter adjungatur : 
 ut sic scriptura hujusmodi vel per manum publicam, vel per duos, ut 
 tetigimus, viros idoneos in actis reposita et conscripta, ac ci qui confitetur, 
 et deponit coram inquisitore et notario, vel dictis duobus viris idoneis 
 rccitata, robur obtineat firmitatis. 
 
 Cap. XVI. Perfectos haereticos seu vestitos coram discretis aliquibus 
 et fidelibus examinetis secreto, ipsos ad conversionem prout poteritis indu- 
 centes, et converti volentibus vos exhibeatis favorabiles et benignos, cum 
 per tales multum fuerit illuminatam negotium et promotum. Ac ipsorum 
 pcenitentias pro qualitate conversionis et meriti mitigetis, vel quantum 
 vobis visum fuerit, deferatis. 
 
 Cap. XXVIII. Et ne bailivias seu administrationes teneant : nee sint 
 in consiliis, vel familiis potentum : neque utantur vel medici vel notarii 
 officio : nee ad alia officia publica, vel ad actus accedant legitimos. Cone. 
 XI. P. I. 676. 
 
 No. XXIII. p. 209. 
 
 Concilium Albiense. 
 
 Can. X. Haereticis autem, quandocumque ad (idem catholicam fuerint 
 conversi, credentibus, fautoribus, defensoribus seu receptatoribus eorun- 
 dem, nulla de caetero prorsus officia publica ab aliquibus committantur, nee 
 ad aliquos actus legitimos admittantur, nisi per dominum Papam, vel ejus 
 legatum prius fuerint in integrum restituti. 
 
 Can. XIV. Porro Tolosano concilio (quo cavetur, quicumque fuerit 
 de lueresis infamiu vel suspicionenotatus, officio medici de caetero non uta- 
 tur) addentes : statuimus, ut nullus medicus praesumat de caetero practi- 
 care in terris haeresis suspicione notatis, nisi prius de fide sua praecipue, vi- 
 ta et moribus, fuerit a loci episcopo approbatus. Cone. XI. P. I. 720. 
 
 No. XXI V. p. 350. 
 
 Eckbertus Schonaugicnsis. 
 
 Illustrissimo rectori pontificalis cathedrae in Colonia Domino Re- 
 ginoldo, frater Eckbertus Schonaugien. Ccenobii monadius, hoc munus- 
 culum ex meditationibus suis. 
 
 In vestra dicecesi frequenter contingit deprehendi quosdara haereticos, 
 qui diebus istis plurimum notabiles sunt in erroribus suis. Hi sunt quos 
 vulgo Catharos vocant : gens perniciosa nimis Catholicae fidei, quam velut 
 tineae demoliuntur et corrumpunt, ambulantes in astutia multa. Muniti 
 sunt verbis sacrae scriplurae, quae aliquo modo sectis eorum concordare 
 videntur : et ex eis sciunt defendere errores suos, et oblatrare Catholics; 
 veritati : rectae autem intelligentia?, quae in sacris verbis latet, et non sine 
 magna discretione agnoscitur, nimis expertes sunt. Ego itaque operas 
 
508 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 pretium duxi errorcs eorum describere, etannotareautoritates scripturarum 
 ex quibus se defendunl, ac demonstrare quoiuodo sane intelligi debeant: 
 simulque eas partes fidei nostra?, q tubus se opponunt, proponere : et quibns 
 scripturae auturitalibus, quibus vexationibus defendi possint, cum superno 
 adjutorio demonstrare : ut qui ista legere et in memoria habere curaverint, 
 aliquanto promptiores sint ad disceptandum cum illis, si quando, ut assolet, 
 in populo fuerint deprehensi. Valde enim linguosi sunt, ac semper in 
 promptu illis est quod adrersum nos dicere possint. Et est non parva 
 verecundia nostris, qui litteias sciunt, ut sint muti et elingues in conspectu 
 illorum. Cum essem Canonicus in Ecclesia Bunnensi, sa?pe ego et unani- 
 mis meus Bertolphus, cum talibus altercati sumus : et diligenter attendi 
 errores eorum ac defensiones. Multa quoque de illis innoiuerunt per cos 
 qui exierant de conventiculis eorum et resipueraot a laqueis diaboR Prop- 
 terea et abundantius ea qua? de illis sunt, et qua? contra illos dici possunt, 
 in hunc librum cum Abbatis mei Domini Hildelini exbortatione congessi, 
 vestra?que celsitudini antiqua? familiaritatis causa transmisi, quatenus si 
 forte coram vobis tales examinari contigerit, munita sit ex bis sermombus 
 prudentia vestra, ad obstruenda ora loquentium iniqua, et ad confirmaudum 
 vacillantes animos seductibilium hominum, qui dolosis sermonibus illorum 
 decepti, ambulare eos secundum veritatem. Rogo autem, ut si rationabi- 
 lem forte judicaveritis hujus libri compositionem, et in aliquo utilem 
 Christiana? religioni fore perspexeritis, in commune eum venire faciatis, ut 
 sit in scandalum generation'! illi pessima? cunctis diebus. 
 
 Unam pretiosam margaritam a sponso suo Christo Jesu in dotem ac- 
 cepit virgo Ecclesia, fidem Catholicam: et ha?c, quod dolendum est, insidi- 
 atorcs multos patitur his diebus, qui moliuntur conterere earn. Pericula 
 novissimorum temporum, ut a?stimo, venire cceperuut, de quibus in Evan- 
 gelio Salvator prophetavit, quando de signis qua? diem judicii essent pra?- 
 ccssura, loqnens ad discipulos, sicut sciibit JVIattha?us, haec inter ca?tera 
 diccbat : ' Tunc si quis vobis dixerit, ecce hie Christus, aut illic, nolite 
 credere: surgent enim pseudochristi et pseudopropheta?, et dabunt signa 
 magna et prodigia, ita ut in errorem ducantur, si fieri potest, etiam electi. 
 Ecce pra?dixi vobis. Si ergo dixerint vobis, ecce hie est in deserto, nolite 
 cxire : Ecce in penetralibus est, nolite credere.' Et quidem si tarn insana? 
 mentis adhuc quispiam venerit, qui se dicat esse Christum, nondum audivi- 
 mus : sed de pseudoprophetis qui dicunt esse in penetralibus Christum, 
 jam multa percepimus. Ecce enim quidam latibulosi homines perversi et 
 perversores, qui per multa tempora latuerunt, et occulte fidem Christ ianam 
 in multis stuita? simplicitatis homiuibus corruperuut, ita peromues terras 
 multiplicati sunt, ut grande periculum patiatur Ecclesia Dei a veneno pes- 
 simo, quod undique adversus earn effundunt: nam sermo eorum serpit ut 
 cancer, et quasi lepra volatilis longe lateque discurrit, pretiosa membra 
 Christ i cont ami nans. Hos nostra Germania, C'atharos : Flandria, Piphles : 
 Gallia, Texerant, ab usu texendi appellat. Sicut de eis pra?dixit Dominus, 
 dicunt in penetralibus esse Christum : quia veram fidem Christi, et verum 
 * nit inn Christi, uon alibi esse dicunt, uisi hi conventiculis suis, qua? habent 
 in cellariis et iu textrinis, et in liujusmodi subterraneis domibus. Aposto- 
 lorum vitam ageresc dicunt : sed coutrarii sunt fidci saucta?, et sana? doc- 
 
AUTHORITIES. 509 
 
 trina:, quae a Sanctis Apostolis, ct ab ipso domino Salvatoie nobis tradita 
 est. Ipsi eteniui sunt de quibus Apostolus Paulus in epistola ad Timo- 
 theum ita locutus est : ' Spiritus autem manifeste dicit, quia in novissimis 
 diebus discedent quidam a fide, attendentes spiritibus erroris et doctrinis 
 daemoniorum, in hypocrisi loquentium mendacium, et prohibentium nubere, 
 abstinere a cibis quos Deus creavit ad percipiendum cum gratiarum ac- 
 tione.' 
 
 De conjugio Heeresis prima. 
 Et quideni vere hi sunt ad quos pertinet hie sermo, quoniam nuptias 
 rcprobant et condemnant, ita quod non aliud quam aeternam damnationem 
 promittunt eis, qui in conjugali vita permanent usque in fineni. Approbare 
 quidem se dicunt quidam ex eis, illorum conjuginm, qui virgines con- 
 veniunt, sed nee illos salvari posse dicunt, nisi ante finem vitae suae abin- 
 vicem separentur : ac per hoc tale qnoque conjugium prohibent: Carnem 
 omnein vitant, qui perfecte sectam illorum ingressi sunt; non ea cau- 
 sa qua tuonachi,aut alii spiritualiter viveutes ab ea abstinent, sed idcirco 
 vitaudum esse esum carnis dicunt, quia de concubitu nata sit omnis caro : 
 et ex hoc immundum esse arbitrantur. Et banc quidem rationem manifestius 
 dicunt, sed in ocultis suis, quod pejus est, dicunt, videlicet omnem carnem 
 facturam diaboli esse: ideoque nee in summis necessitatibus earn ullatenus 
 gustant. De baptismo varie loquuntur. Baptismum nihil prodesse dicunt 
 parvulis qui baptizantur : quia per seipsos baptismum petere non possum : 
 quia nullam fidem possunt profited. Est autem aliud quod inde commu- 
 iiius sed occultius loquuntur, videlicet quod nullus baptismus in aqua 
 prosit ad salutem. Inde et eos qui ad sectam illorum transeunt, suo 
 quodam occulto modo rebaptizant, quem baptismum in Spiritu Sancto et. 
 igne fieri dicunt. De animabus mqrtuorum talem sententiamhabent,quod 
 in ipsa hora exitus sui, vel transeunt ad aeternam beatitudinem, vel ad 
 ictcrnam damnationem. Non enim recipiunt quod credit universalis Ee- 
 clesia, videlicet esse quosdam purgatorias pcenas, in quibus animae quorun- 
 dam electorum ad tempus examiuentur pro peccatis suis, de quibus in hac 
 vita per condignam satisfactionem ad plenum purgatae non sunt. Prop- 
 terea ergo arbitrantur supcriluum et vanum esse orare pro mortuis, elee- 
 mosynas dare, missas cclebraie, et irrident pulsationes campanarum quas 
 facimus, quae tamen pia ratione in Ecclesiis fiunt, ut videlicet vivi ad oran- 
 dum pro mortuis commoveantur, et ad memoriam propria? mortis excilen- 
 tur. Missas quae in ecclesiis celebrantur omnino spernunt et pro nihilo 
 ducunt. Nam si forte cum populo in quo habitant, ad audiendum missas, 
 sive etiam ad percipiendam Eucharistiam accedunt, omnino hoc simula- 
 toriae faciunt, ne infidelitas eorum possit notari. Ordinem quippe sacer- 
 dotii in Romana Ecclesia, et in cunctis Ecclesiis Catholicae fidei omnino 
 perisse dicunt, nee usquam nisi in secta eorum veros sacerdotes invent ri. 
 Corpus Domini et sanguinem nullo modo nostra consecratione fieri, aut 
 a nobis per communicationem percipi posse credunt: se autem solos in 
 mensis suis corpus Domini facere dicunt. Sed in verbis illisdolum habent : 
 non enim verum illud corpus Christi significant, quod de virgine natuni 
 fuisse credinius, et quod passum est in cruce: sed sui ipsius carnem cor- 
 pus Domini vocant : ct in co quod sua corpora nutriuiit cibis mensac sua?, 
 
,510 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 corpus Domini se facere dicunt : Ncc intactum praeteribo quod audivi a 
 quodam viro fideli, qui agnita eorum perfidia et sccretis quibusdam tur- 
 pitudiuibus, de societate eorum exivit. Nam in Domino Salvatore ita errare 
 cos affirmabat, ut dicerent euro non vere natum ex virgine, nee vere hu- 
 manam carnem eum habuisse, sed simulatam carnis speciem : nee ex mor- 
 tuis eum resurrexisse, sed mortem et resurrectionem simtilasse. Propter 
 quod et Christianis Fascha celebrantibus, vel negligenter hoc celebrant si 
 inter ipsos sunt vel occasiones quaerunt discedendi de medio eorum quibus 
 cohabitant, nee cum eis solemnizare cogantur. Celebrant autem pro eo 
 aliud quoddam festum, in q no occisus est haeresiarcha eorum Manichseus, 
 cujus procul dubio haeresim sectantur, quod beatus Augustinus contra 
 Maniclnros Bcina appellari dixit. Meus autem recitator ab eis quibus ipse 
 fuerat commoratus, Malilosa dixit vocari, et autumnali tempore celebrari. 
 Praeter haec et novam quandam et hactenus inauditam insaniam de eis com- 
 pertam habemus, quam manifeste confessi sunt quidam eorum cum exami- 
 narenlur a clero in civitateColonia, ubi et a populo ferventis zeli combusti 
 sunt. Dicebant euim animas hnmanas non aliud esse; nisi illos apostatas 
 Spiritus, qui in principio mundi de regno caelorum ejecti sunt: et eos in 
 humanis corporibus posse per bona opera promereri salutem : sed hoc non 
 nisi inter eos, qui ad eorum pertinent sectam. Talia jam longo tempore 
 lalenter susui-raverunt, lustrantes ubique domos seductibilium hominum, 
 cl multas in his temporibus infelices animas, ut audivimus, captivas ducunt 
 retinaculis susurri pessimi. Circumeunt (ut itadicam) mare et aridam ut 
 faciant Catharum unum : ct omnem religiosam conversationem impia de- 
 tractione comuiaculaut : nee quenquam salvari posse, nisi ad eorum trans- 
 ient sectam, affirmant. Itaque cum omni diligentia evigilare uecesse est 
 omncs qui zelum Dei habent, et exercitatos habent sensus in scripturis 
 Sanctis, ad capiendum vulpeculas has pessimas, quae daemoliuntur vineam 
 Domini Sabaoth. Multi quidem sunt errores illorum, ita ut nemo omnes 
 enumerando prosequi valeat: sed eos qui maxime periculosi mihi visi sunt, 
 distinxi, et in una serie disposui : quoniam annuente Deo specialiter adver- 
 sus eos loquimihi propositum est. 
 
 Sermo II. De eo quod doctrina Christiana occult anda non sit 
 
 nunquam manifeste inter vos praedicetis doctrinam vestram sine qua nemi- 
 nem salvari posse arhitramini, cum Dominus dicat : 'Qui me confessus fu- 
 crit coram huminibus, confitebor et ego eum coram patre meo, qui in caelis 
 est.' Si forte acciderit, ut aliquis vestrum pro errore suo deprehensus fuerit, 
 ct deductus ante judices Ecclesiae, aut omnino negatis fidem vestram, aut 
 tunc primum aliquos errores vestros confitemini cum de vita amplius non 
 speratis: sed ilia confessio non est ad gloriam vobis, et est quasi confessio 
 furis, qui cum de vita sua desperat, latrocinia sua impudenter confitetur 
 sub laqueo, et sunt interemptiones, quas aliquando a populo zelante pro 
 lege Dei sui aliqui vestrum patiuntur, non quasi passiones Apostolorum, 
 sed quasi judicia furum et latronum. 
 
 Sermo VIII. Non autem me latet quod de eis quoque qui in provec- 
 tioii a;tate baptizantur, non minorem haeresim tenetis, quam est ea quae 
 dc baptismo parvulorum nunc pcrtractata est. Nambaptizandum quidem 
 esse hominem didtis, eum ad annos discretionis pervenuit, non autem in 
 
AUTHORITIES. 51 1 
 
 aqua, scd in igne, ct nihil prodcsse cuiquam baptismum aqua; . Hujus 
 aulem erroris defensionem sumitis ex verbis Joannis, quae de Domino Sal- 
 vatore pronunciavit diccns: ' Hie vos baptizavit in Spiritu Sancto et igne.' 
 Hinc est quod eos quos assumitis in societatem Cathariee vestrae, sicut au- 
 divi a quodam qui expertus fuerat secreta vestra, tali modo rebaptizatis. 
 Convenientibus vobis in unum in obscuro aliquo penetrall, primum hoc 
 diligentissime procurator, ne forte aliquam fenestram, aut per ostium 
 quisquam eorum qui foris sunt, visu vel auditu percipiat, quod intus geri- 
 tur, quoniam scriptumest: 'Qui male agit, odit lucem,' locantur lumi- 
 naria copiose in parietibus cunetis : statur per ordinera in circuitu cum 
 reverentia magna, quoniam sancta res agitur, quae tamen magis complaceat 
 diabolo quam Deo. Statuitur in medio infelix ille qui baptizandus sive 
 Catharizandus est, et assistit ei archicatharus, tenens in manu libellum 
 deputatum ad officium hoc. Quern imponens vertici ejus dicit benedic- 
 tiones, quae potius maledictiones vocandae sunt, orantibus caeteris qui cir- 
 cumstant, et faciunt ftlium gehennas, non regni Dei, sicque perficitur ille 
 baptismus. Dicitur autem hie baptismus fieri in igne, propter ignem lu- 
 minum, quae in circuitu ardent. 
 
 Sermo XI. Infamati estis et de hoc, quod de corpore et sanguine 
 Domini nostri Jesu Christi non earn lidem habeatis, quam Ecclesia Catho- 
 
 lica confitetur Nostra fides haec est, et sicut aiunt vos omnino renuitis 
 
 credere, quod ab aliquo sacerdote sive bono sive malo possit ulla consera- 
 tione fieri corpus Domini : et quod ab aliquo homine sumi possit ad man- 
 ducandum. Ego autem non diffido, et jam in hoc errore vos esse : quan- 
 doquidem cunctos sacerdotes Ecclesia?, qui sacrainenta Dominica tractant, 
 in contemptu habetis, et nihilipenditis omne officium eorum. Memini vi- 
 disse me aliquando in praesentia Coloniensis Archiepiscopi Arnoldi, qucn- 
 dam non parvi nominis virum, qui de schola Catharorum reversus fuerat 
 ad suos a quo dum inquireremus diligenter, quae essent haereses illorum , ita 
 respondit : ' Brevi sermone ea de quibus interrogatis, concludam : Omnia 
 quae creditis, omnia quae agitis in Ecclesia, illi falsa et inania judicant.' 
 Haec ergo cum dixisset, suffecit responsio Archiepiscopo, et nil amplius ab 
 
 eo requirendum esse judicavit Fuit nrihi concertatio dehis rebus qua- 
 
 dam vice in domo mea Bunnae, cum quodam vim qui suspectus erat nobis 
 quod essetde secta Catharorum : etcontigit ut incideremus ad loquendum de 
 sacerdotibus malis, et dicebat itade eis : 'Quomodo potest fieri, ut qui tam 
 irrationabiliter vivunt, distribuant in Ecclesia corpus Domini ?' et dixi ei : 
 ' Nonne legimus quod Pilatus qui Salvatorem crucifixit, et infidelis erat, 
 in polestate habuit dare corpus ejus cuivellet, et dedit hoc Joseph viro 
 justo ? In eadem patientia Dominus est etiam nunc, et tolerat malos sa- 
 cerdotes, et sinit eos potestatem habere in Ecclesia, et distribuere corpus 
 et sanguinem suum tam bonis quam malis:' et continuoillesubjecitdicens. 
 'Post illud tempus passionis suae ipse non venit in manus eorum.' Et his 
 verbis satis intellexi incredulitatem ejus, quam suspicatus fueram de eo, 
 videlicet quod non credebat ab aliquo homine posse tractari, aut sumi in 
 Ecclesia corpus et sanguinem Domini. Dixique ei cum indignatione : ' O 
 Cathare nunc te manifeste convincam : et revolvi epistolas Pauli, quas 
 prscsentes habebam, et demonstravi ei locum ilium ubi ad Corinthios scri- 
 
512 AUTHORITIES 
 
 bens elicit: 'Qnicunquc manducaverit panem, vcl biberit calicom Domini 
 indigne, reus erit corporis et sanguinis Domini : probet a litem seipsum ho- 
 mo, et sic de pane illo edat, ct de calice bibat. Quiciinque euimmanducat 
 et bibit indigne judicium sibi manducat et bibit, non dijudicans corpus 
 Domini.' Haec verba cum illi exposuisscm, comprehendi eum sermone 
 hoc : ' Si ita est,' inquam, ' ut dicis, videlicet quod ex eo tempore quo Do- 
 minus transiit ex hoc mundo, non venit corpus ejus in manus cujusquam, 
 consequens est, quod ex illo tempore neque digue neque indigne potuit 
 aliquis manducare corpus ejus, aut sanguinem ejus potare: et si non po- 
 test ab aliquo sumi indigne, nemo potest in eo sumeresibi judicium. Frus- 
 tra sermonem ilium dixit Apostolus, quod qui indignesumit corpus et san- 
 guinem Domini, judicium sibi manducat et bibit.' Haec cum dixissem, 
 conticuit: et neque incredulitatem quam in eo redarguebam, neganti: 
 
 neque veritati qua convictus erat, consensit Hoc tu, infelix Cathare, 
 
 facis, qui in occulto negas verum corpus Christi esse in altari: et omnia 
 quae a sacerdotibus nostris in ecclesia aguntur, in textriua tua irrides, et 
 nihilominus adveniente paschali die, cum populo ad ecclesiam properas, 
 barbam reverenter complanas, et multo humilius cseteris genua tua ad 
 allare incurvas, atque hiantius buccam aperis ad accipiendum sanctam 
 commuuionem, videlicet tuam seternam damnationem, qualenus vide- 
 aris hominibus bene Catholicus ac religiosus, et ut hi quos per pecuniam 
 conducitis ad tuendum vos dicere possint in defensione vtstra. 'Quid 
 requirimus ab hominibus istis? Boni et justi sunt; et omnia agunt qua? 
 pertinent ad Christianos ? utinam nos tales simus.' Ab uno viro qni 
 de angulis vestris exierat, unam talem sapientiam vestram audivi. Cor- 
 pus vestrum Domini est, et corpus Domini facitis quando panem ves- 
 trum benedicitis, atque ex eo corpus vestrum reficitis. Hunc sermonem 
 dolose significatis, quando inquiritur a vobis, utrum vere fidem habeatis de 
 corpore Domini, et respondetis inquirentibus, bonam vos de corpore Do- 
 mini fidem habere Vir quidam nostvi temporis qui infamatus erat, 
 
 quod de Cathara vestra gustasset, cum interrogaretur in extremis suis, an 
 vellet dari sibi corpus Domini, dixisse memoratur: 'Si esset illud corpus 
 Domini tantae quantitatis, ut est petra Erenberli, jamdudum esset con- 
 suraptum, ex quo primum ccepit manducari. 
 
 Sermo XII. /Eilificium sine fuudamento, opinor, construxi. Nam 
 qui bene vos noscunt, Salvatoris humanitatem negare vos dicunt. Quod si 
 ita est, vane operam consumpsi disputamus vobiscum de corpore et san- 
 guine Domini. Non est autem incredibile mihi, insani magistri insanos 
 esse discipulos. Nam princeps erroris vestri Manes, Salvatorem nostrum 
 ita in humanitate apparuisse docebat, ut viderelur quidem homo esse, et 
 non esset vere homo : et quod nee vere natus fuisset de virgine, neque 
 vere passus, neque vere mortuus, nee vere a morte suscitatus, &c. 
 
 Sermo XIII. De hseresi quam supra inter caeteras decimo loco or- 
 dinavi, nescio an sit generalis hominibus sectsehujus: quia in plerisque 
 rebus dissident a seipsis, ita ut quod a quibusdam eorum asseritur, ab 
 aliis negetur. De ea hieresi loquor, qua dicunt nihil aliud esse animas 
 humanas, nisi illos apostatas spirit us qui in principio mundi ccciderunt a 
 regno Dei, et hos posse in corporibus humanis promereri salutem : nou 
 
AUTHORITIES. 513 
 
 autem nisi inter cos qui sunt de secta eorum. Hoc autem nou legitur 
 inter errores Manichaei, sed alia non minor insania de animabus ibi inveni- 
 tur, idcirco dubium mihi est, ut dixi, utrum hi homines hunc errorcm 
 generaliter teneant, an non." Bib. Pat. Tom. IV. P. II. 78. 
 
 No. XXV. p. 363. 
 
 Historia Vizeliacensis Monastcrii. 
 " Eo tempore deprehensi sunt apud Vizeliacum quidam heretici, qui 
 dicuntur Telonavii seu Poplicani.et adducti in quaestionem per ambages et 
 circuitus verborum tentabant velare fcedissimam sectam haeresis sua. Sepa- 
 ratos itaque abbas jussit recludi, donee a supervenientibus episcopis honestis- 
 que personis convincerentur : fueruntque detetiti fere per 60 vel eo amplius 
 dies, et frequenter adducebantur in medium : et nunc minis, nunc blandi- 
 mentis de fide Catholica inquirebantur. Tandem cum frustra multo tempore 
 laboratum fuisset median tibus Archiepiscopis, videlicet Lugdunensi et Nar- 
 bonensi, cum Episcopo Nivernensi, et Abbatibus aliisque peritissimis vhis 
 quampluribus convicti sunt quod solam Divinitatis essentiam ore confi- 
 tentes, omnia penitus Ecclesiae Catholicae Sacramenta evacuarint — Bap- 
 tismum, scilicet parvulorum, Eucharistiam, vivificae Crucis impressionem, 
 exorcizatae aquae aspersionem, Basilicarum aedificia, decimarum et oblati- 
 onum remedia, conjugatorumconnubia, monachorum instituta, Clericorum 
 et Sacerdotum omnia officia. Et cum instaret Paschalis solemnitas, duo ex 
 illis, audito quod proximo ignis exterminandi essent judicio, finxerunt se cre- 
 dere quod Catholica credit Ecclesia, et pro pace Ecclesiae aquae examine 
 satisfacl tiros. In ipsa igiturprocessione Paschalis solemnitatis adducti sunt 
 in medium maxima? multitudinis quae totum claustrum occupabat, stante 
 Guichardo Lugdunensi Episcopo, et Bernardo Nivernensium Episcopo, Ma- 
 gistro quoque Galterio JLaudunensi Episcopo cum Guillelmo Vizeliacensi 
 Abbate. Itaque requisiti de fide per singula capitula, sic se credere dixerunt 
 sicut Catholica credit Ecclesia. Requisiti de execrabili sacramento erroris 
 sui, nihil se scire dixerunt praeter praescriptam infidelitatem Ecclesiastico- 
 rum Sacramentorum. Requisiti utrum ita se credere, uti professi sunt, 
 et nihil de secreto erroris amplius se scire, aquae examine probarent : ita se 
 facturos sponte absque aliqua abjudicatione responderunt. Tunc omnis 
 Ecclesia uno ore exclamavit, ' Deo gratias.' Et respondens Abbas dixit 
 omnibus qui aderant : 'Quid ergo, Fratres, vobis yidetur faciendum de his 
 qui adhuc in sua perseverant obstinatione?' Responderunt omnes : 'Com- 
 burantur, comburantur.' Sequenti die adducti sunt illi duo qui videban- 
 tur revocati ad judicium examinis aquae; quorum unus omnium judicio 
 salvus per aquam factus est; fuerunt tamen nonnulli qui exinde dubiam 
 tulere sententiam. Alter porro remersus in aquam fere omnium ore dam - 
 natns est. Unde carceri mancipalus, quoniam varia quoruudam etiam Sa- 
 cerdotum ferebatur sententia, iterum ipso petente, ad aquae judicium re- 
 ductus et secundo demersus, nee yel parum ab aqua receptus est. Bis de- 
 nique damnatus igni ab omnibus adjudicatus est: sed deferens Abbas prae- 
 sentiae suae, publice caesum eliminari praecepit. Caeteri autem numero 
 septem igni traditi exusti sunt in valle Esconii." 
 
 3 v 
 
514 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 No. XXVI. p. 3P5. 
 
 Guilt elm us Xeubrigemit. 
 
 " IlSDEM diebus erronei quidam venerunt in Angliam, exeorum(ut 
 ereditur) gene re quos vulgo Publicanos vocant. Hi nimirum olim ex Gas- 
 conia incei to auctore habentes originem, regionibus pluriniis virus suae per- 
 fidiae infuderunt. Quippe in latissimis, Gallia?, Hispaniae, Italiee, Germa- 
 niaeque provinciis tarn multi hac peste infecti esse dicuntur, ut, secundum 
 prophetam, multiplicati esse super numerura videantur. Denique cum a 
 praesulibus ecclesiarum, et principibus provinciarum in eos remissius agi- 
 tur, egrediunturdecaveis suis vulpes nequissimae, et praetenta specie pie- 
 tatis, seducendo simplices, vineam Domini Sabaotb tanto gravius, quanto 
 liberius demoliuntur. Cum autem adversus eos igne Dei fidelium zelus 
 succenditur, in suis foveis delitescunt, minusque sunt noxii: sed tamen 
 occnltum spargendo virus nocere non desinunt. Homines rusticani et idi- 
 ots, atque ideo ad rationem hebetes, peste vero ilia semel bausta ita im- 
 buti, ut ad omnem rigeant disciplinam, unde rarissime contingit eorum 
 aliquem, cum e suis latebris proditi extrahuntur, ad pietatem converti. 
 Sane ab bac et ab aliis pestibus haereticis iminunis semper exstitit Auglia, 
 cum in aliis mundi partibus tot pullalarerint haereses. Et quidem haec 
 insula, cum propter incolentes Brilones Britannia diceretur, Pelagium in 
 Oriente haeresiarcham futnrutn ex se misit, ejusque in se processu tempo- 
 ris, errorem admisit : ad cujus peremptionem Gallicanae ecclesiae pia pro- 
 visio semel et iterum beatissimum direxit Germauum. At ubi banc in- 
 sulam expuleis Britonibus natio possedit Anglorum, ut non jam Britannia 
 sed Anglia diceretur, nullius unquamex eapestis haereticae virus ebullivit : 
 sed nee in earn aliunde, usque ad tempora regis Henrici secundi tamquam 
 propagandum et dilatandum introivit. Tunc quoque, Deo propitio, pesti, 
 quae jam irrepserat, ita est obviatum, ut de caetero hanc insulam ingredi ve- 
 reretur. Erant autem tarn viri, quam feminae, pauloamplius quam triginta, 
 qui, dissimulato errore, quasi pacifice hue ingressi sunt, propaganda? pes- 
 tis gratia, duce quodam Gerardo, in quern omnes tanquam pi aeceptorem 
 ac principem respiciebant. Nam solus erat aliquantulum litteratus : cae- 
 ten vero sine litteris et idiotae, homines plane impoliti et rustiti, nationis et 
 linguae Teutonics. Aliquandiu in Anglia comnioi antes, unam tantum mu- 
 lierculam venenatis circumventam susurris, et quibusdam (ut dicitur) fas- 
 cinatam praestigiis suo cestui aggregaverunt. Non enim diu latere potue- 
 runt, sed quibusdam curiose indagantibus, quod peregriuae essent sectae, 
 deprehensi, comprehensi tentique sunt in custodia publica. Rex vero no- 
 lens eos indiscussos vel dimittcre vel punire, episcopate praecepit Oxoniae 
 concilium congregari. Ubi duiu solemnittr de religione convenirentur, 
 eo, qui litteratus videbatur, suscipiente causam omnium, et loquente pio 
 omnibus, Christianos se esse, et doctriuam apostolicam veuerari responde- 
 runt. Interrogati per ordinem de sacrae fidci articulis: de substantia 
 quidem superni medici recta, de ejus vero remediis, quibus bumanae infir- 
 mitati mederi dignatur, id est, Divinis sacramentis, perversa dixcrunt • sa- 
 crum baptisms, eucbaristiam, conjugium detestantes, atque unitati catho- 
 Iieae quam haec divina imbuunt subsidia, ausu neiario derogantes. Cum- 
 
AUTHORITIES. 515 
 
 que snmptis de scriptura sacra divinis urgerentur testimoniis, se quidem 
 ut insiituti erant credere, de fide vero sua disputare nolle responderunt. 
 Moniti, ut poenitentiam agerent, et corpori ecclesiae unirentur, omnem 
 consilii salubritatem spi everunt. Minas quoque pie praetentas ut vel metu 
 resipiseerent, deriserunt, verbo illo Dorainico abutentes : 'Beati qui perse- 
 cutionem patiuntur propter justitiam, quoniam ipsorum est regnum coe- 
 lorum.' Tunc episcopi, ne virus haereticum latius serperet praecaventes, 
 eosdem publice pronuntiatos haereticos corporali disciplinae subdendos, 
 catholico priucipi tradiderunt. Qui proacepit hsereticae infamise charac- 
 terem froutibus eorum inuri, et, spectante populo, virgis coercitos urbe 
 expelli, districte prohibens ne quis eos vel hospitio recipere, vel aliquo so- 
 latio confovere praesumerit. Dicta sententia,*ad pcenam justissimamdu- 
 cebantur gaudentes, non lentis passibus : praeeunte magistro eorum, et 
 canente, 'Beati eritis cum vos oderint homines. 1 In tantum deceptis a se 
 mentions seductorius abutebatur spi ill us. Ilia quidem muliercula quam 
 in Anglia seduxerant, metu supplicii discedens ab eis, errorem confessa, 
 reconciliatioiiem meruit. Porro detestandum illud collegium, cauteriatis 
 frontibus j ustae severitati subjacuit: eo, qui primatum gerebat in eis, ab 
 insigne magisterii, inustionis geminae, id est, in fronte, et circa menlutn, 
 dedecus suslinente. Scissisque, cingulo tenus vestibus publice caesi, et 
 flagi is resonantibus, urbe ejetti, algoris intolerantia (hiems quippe erat) 
 nemiue vel exiguum misericordiae impendente, misere interierunt. Hujus 
 severitatis pius rigor non solum a peste ilia, quae jam irrepserat, Angliae 
 regnum purgavit, verum etiam, ne ulterius irreperet, incusso haereticis 
 ten-ore piaecavit." Lib. II. c. xiii. Vol. I. p. 145. edit. Hearnii. 
 
 No. XXVII. p. 366. 
 
 Johannes Brompton. 
 "Eodem quoque tempore quidam haeretici Angliam ingressi sunt, in 
 universo circiter XXX. homines et feminae quasi linguae Theutonicae, quen- 
 dam Gerardum nomine aliqualiter literatum tanquam praeceptorem et prin- 
 cipem imperiti ydiotse sequentes. Rex vero ipsos in custodia deprehensos 
 indiscussos vel impunitos dimittere nolens, praecepit Episcoporum conci- 
 lium apud Oxoniam celebrari. Ubi de fidei articulis interrogati, ille lite- 
 ratus pro omnibus una voce respondit, se esse Christianos et doctrinam se 
 velle apostolicam venerari. Sacrum vero baptisma, eukaristiam et conju- 
 gium detestantes, ausu nefario unauimiter respuerunt. Cumque divinis 
 urgerentur testimoniis praedicta credere; se quidam ut instructi erant cre- 
 dere, de fide vero sua disputare nolle responderunt. Moniti ut pceniten- 
 ciam agerent et corpori ecclesiae unirentur, omnem salubritatem consilii 
 spreverunt. Minas quoque comminati deriserunt, verbo illo dominico 
 abutentes, 'Beati qui persecutionem patiuntur,' &c. Tunc Episcopi ne 
 virus haerelicum latins serperet praecaventes, eosdem publice pronunciatos 
 hsereticos, corporali disciplinae subdendos catholico Principi tradiderunt, 
 qui praecepit haereticae infamise characterem frontibus eorum inuri, et 
 spectante populo, virgis caedi cohaereticos, ab urbe expelli ; districte pro- 
 hibens, ne quis cos hospicio recipere vel aliquo solacio pia5sumeret con- 
 
516 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 fovere. Ad pcenam ergo ducti, gaudentes properabant, praeeunte eorum 
 magistro et caaente, 'Beati eritis cum vos oderinl homines,' &c. Unam 
 tautum mulierculam Anglicam deceperant, et ilia metu poena? ab eis dis- 
 cedens, errorem confessa est, et reconciliationem meruit salutarem." Secern 
 Scriptoret, col. 1050. 
 
 No. XXVIII. p. 366. 
 
 Radulphus de Diceto. 
 
 " Quioam pravi dogmatis disseminatores tracti sunt in judicium aput 
 
 Oxeneford, praesente rege, praesentibus et Episcopis. Quos a fide nostra 
 
 devios, et in examine superatos fades cauteriata notabiles cunctis exposuit 
 
 expulsos a regno. Decern Scriptores, col. 539. 
 
 No. XXIX. p. 371. 
 
 Radulphus CoggeshaleruU. 
 
 " Quod audiens Magister Gervasius intellexit prolinus hanc esse de 
 ilia impurissima secta Publicanorum, qui illo in tempore ubique exquire- 
 bantur et perimebantur, sed maxime a Philippo Comite Flandrensium, qui 
 justa crudelitate eos immisericorditer puniebat Nonnulli vero eorum iu 
 Angliam adveneraut, qui apud Oxenefordiam deprehensi, jubente Rege 
 Henrico II. clave candenti in frontibus deformiter sunt signati,et effugati." 
 p. 631. 
 
 " Asserunt isti parvulos non baptisandos, donee ad intelligibilem perve- 
 niant aetatem. Astruuntnonorandura promortuis, nee Sanctorum sufiragia 
 expetenda: nuptias damuant, rirginitatem praedicant in operimentum suae 
 turpitudinis : Lac, et quicquid ex eo conficitur, abhorrent, et omnem cibum, 
 qui ex coitu procreatur. Non credunt ignem purgatorium restare post 
 mortem : sed statim animam corpore solutam, ad requiem transire, vel ad 
 damuationem. Nullas sacras scripturas recipiunt nisi Evangelia et Epis- 
 tolas canonicas. Rusticani homines sunt : et ideo, nee rationibus convin- 
 cuntur, nee auctoritatibus corriguntur, nee persuasionibus flectuntur : mori 
 magis eligunt, quam ab impiissima secta converti. Aiunt et alii (qui de 
 eorum secretis investigaverunt) quod isti non credunt Deum res humanas 
 curare : nee aliquam dispositiouem vel potentiam in terrenis creaturis ex- 
 ercere: sed apostatam angelum, quern et Lusabel nominant, universae 
 creaturae corporali praesidere, et ad nutum ejus cuncta terrena disponi. 
 Corpus a Diabolo dicunt formari. Animam vero a Deo creari et corpori- 
 bus infundi. Unde fit ut semper quaedam pertiuax pugna inter corpus et 
 animam geratur. Dicunt etiam nonnulli quod in subterraneis suis quae- 
 dam nefanda sacrificia Lucifero suo tempoiibus agunt constitutis, et quas- 
 dam sacrilegas turpitudines operantur." p. 633. 
 
 No. XXX. p. 372. 
 
 Bernardus Abbas Fontis Calidi. 
 "Sahctje Romans Ecclesia praesidente Doniino Lucio, inclitse recor- 
 dations; subito extulerunt caput novi haeretici: Qui quodam praesagio 
 
-AUTHORITIES. 517 
 
 futurorum sortiti vocabuluin, dicti sunt Valdenscs ; nimirum a Voile den- 
 se/,; eo quod profundis et densis errorum tenebris involvantur. Hi, quam- 
 vis a prefato siimmo Pontifice condemnati, virus suae perfidise longe, lale- 
 que per orbem temerario ausu evomuerunt. 
 
 Ea propter contra eos pro Ecciesia Dei Dominus Beraardus Narbo- 
 nensis Archiepiscopus, religione et Dei honestate insignis, Zelans legem 
 Dei, se fortem murum opposuit. Accitis itaque plunbus tarn Clericis, 
 quaro Laicis, religiosis ac saecularibus, ad judicium vocavit. Quid plura ? 
 Causa diligentissime investigata, condemnati sunt. 
 
 Nihilominus tamen postea, et clam et publice, semen suae neqnitiae 
 spargere ausi sunt. Unde rursum, quamvis ex abundanti, ad disceptatio- 
 nem vocati sunt, per quosdam tam Clericos, quam Laicos : Et, ne lis diu- 
 tius protraheretur, electus est ab utraque parte judex, quidam sacerdos, 
 Raimundus scilicet de Daventria. Vir siquidem religiosus, ac timens De- 
 um, nohilis genere, sed conversatione nobilior. 
 
 Assignata igitur die causae adveniente, congiegatis invicem partibus, 
 aliisque quam plurimis clericis et laicis, de quibusdam capitulis, in quibus 
 male sentiebant, a veris Catholicis accusati sunt : eisque per singula res- 
 pondentibus, hinc, inde, diu disputatum est, et ab utraque parte multae 
 productae autoritates. Auditis igitur partium allegationibus ; prtefatus 
 judex, per scriptum, definitivam dedit sententiam, et haereticos esse in ca- 
 pitulis, de quibus accusati fuerant, pronunciavit. Quibus autem auctori- 
 tabus, vel rationibus suam assertionem defenderent j quidve eis, a nobis 
 Catholicis responsum sit ; aut quibus scripturarum testimoniis fidem tue- 
 remur Catholicam, praesenti inteximus opusculo ; adjectis etiam quibus- 
 dam aliis tractatibus contra alias haereses. Haec autem omnia fecimus 
 maxime ad instruendos, vel commonendos quosdam clericos, qui, vel impe- 
 ritia, vel librorum inopia laborantes, hostibus veritatis non resistendo, fac- 
 ti sunt in offensionem et scandalum fidelibus, quibus praesunt. 
 
 Cap. I. Est contra hoc, quod dicunt, non esse obediendum summo 
 Pontifici, aliisve Pi aelatis. Cap. II. Tractat de dignitate Praelatorum, et 
 quod eis sit deferendum et obediendum. Cap. III. Contra eos : qui detra- 
 hunt rectoribus animarum. Cap. IV. Contra hoc, quod oiunes, etiam lai- 
 ci praedicant : Et, quid ad hoc dicant, quidve nos, contra eos. Cap.V. Quod 
 non licet eis verbum Dei ministrare fidelibus. Et quoniam de laicis quaes- 
 tioest; an verbum Dei seminare valeant in populis; distinguendum est: 
 an sint Catholici, vel non ; Nimirum, si sint Catholici, et honestas vitae eos 
 commendet; si sermo eorum sit sale sapientiae conditus ; et juxta capaci- 
 tatem singuloruin, verbi mensuram dispensare noverunt, certoqueloco prae- 
 fuerint, aut sub obedientia veri Catholici fuerint, secundum quantitatem 
 profectus sui, in scientia, vel opere ad nutum Episcoporum, vel presbyte- 
 rorum, in quorum territorio fuerint, proximos exhortaii, ut arbitror : pote- 
 runt: si tamen uxoribus alligati non fuerint, nee cos pondus terrenae solli- 
 citudinis oppressit. Sane, si vita eorum reprehensibilis fuerit, eos audiri 
 nece.5se non est. Quod enim Dominus ait: 'Qua; dicunt facile;' Non est 
 dictum, nisi de his, qui scdent super cathedram Moysi, id est, de Magistris 
 et Doctoribus divina; legis quos Deus praefecit populo suo. Peccatori au- 
 tem dixit Deus: 'quare lu enarias justitias meas, et assumis testamentum 
 
518 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 meura per os tuura ? ' Cap. VI. Respondetur objection!, qua dicunt cUm 
 Apostolo: Obedire oportet Deo, non homiuibus ; et de quibusdam aliis. 
 Cap. VII. Declaratur, quos maxime seducaot, quos non? Cap. VIII. 
 Contra hoc, quod mulieres pi&dicare posse dicunt. Cap. IX. Contra hoc, 
 quod dicunt defunct is fidelibus non prodesse vivorum eleemosynas, jeju- 
 nia, missarum solemnia, aliasve orationes. Cap. X. Contra eos, qui negant 
 iguem purgatorium, et aiunt, spirilus a came soluto«, continuo ire ad cce- 
 lum vel iufei*num. Cap. XI. Contra eos, qui dicunt, eosdeni spiritus de- 
 functorum ante judicium, nee caelum, nee infernum ingiedi, sed aliis con- 
 tineri receptaculis. Cap. XII. Contra eos, qui in Ecclesia orare nolunt, 
 nee Ecclesiam esse nuncupandam asserunt: Ubi probatur, et Ecclesiam 
 esse vocaudam, et ibi esse o rand inn, et in magna veneratione hahendara. 
 Ubi etiam respondent ur cuidam eorundem liareticorum objectioui; qua 
 ex verbis B. Stephani aiunt, quod Excels us non habitat in mauufactis, et 
 
 ideo nee iu Ecclesia Best i am uanique, boc est, Antichrist um se- 
 
 quuntur, id est, imitantur; qui sicut in Apocalypsi dicitur: 'Aperuit ossu- 
 um in blasphemias blasphemare noraen ejus, et tahernaculum ejus, et eos 
 qui in ccelo habitant. 1 Blasphemant labernaculum Dei, dum dicunt, potius 
 in cubiculis,vel stabulis, quamiu domoDeiorandum. Blasph, mant nomen 
 Dei, dum dicunt, non creasse, autregeremundum. Blasphemant eos, qui in 
 ccelo habitant dum dicunt, Apostolos, mart ires, civesque cceli nullam pos- 
 se opein confer re supplicautibus fidelibus." Bib. Pat. 7bm.IV. 1195. 
 
 No. XXXI. p. 37^. 
 
 Ermevgardus. 
 
 "Sancti Spirit us adsitnoibs Gratia. Incipit opusculum Ermengaudi; 
 contra Ha?reticos qui dicunt et credunt munduiu istum, et omnia visibilia 
 nuu esse a Deo facta, sed a Diaholo. 
 
 Deum esse rerum omnium creatorem. Capvt. I. 
 
 Hzeretici d'.cunt et credunt mundum istum, et omnia, quae in eo viden- 
 tur, videlic<t, ccelum quod vid mus et solcm et lunam el Stellas, et ter- 
 rain, et omnia aninialia, et homines, et ea, quae iu ea videntur,mare et pis- 
 ces, et omnia, qua? in eo videntur, vel sunt, dicunt in absconditis suis, ab 
 Omnipotenti Deo non esse facta, sed a Principe malignorum spiritnum. 
 Qu^bus haereticis, et eorum isti malitioso enori plurirua? novi Testaraenti 
 
 auctoritates sunt contra rise" " Xon esse duos Deos. Capvt. XI. 
 
 Hoc quod ha?retici dicunt, duos esse Deos, unuin Omnipotentem,alium ma- 
 
 lignum, contra omnem diviuam scripturam sentiunt" u Legem Mo- 
 
 saicam a veto Deo datam et latam. Caput. Ill . Dicunt hseretici, Legem 
 Muvm quain vtterem dicimus, ab omnipotenti Deo non esse datam \ sed a 
 principe malignorum Spirituum. Cui error i plurimae auctoritates divina- 
 
 iu:u sciipturarum contradicunt 1 ' " Moysen non fuisse Magum. 
 
 Caput. IV. Item sunt quidam ha?retici, qui Moyseu Magum fuisse asse- 
 i unt, et omiiipoleutera Deum non ei fuisse locutum, nee ei dedisse Iqgem. 
 
 Contra quern crrorcm, ficc." " 3Iairimonium esse licihtm. Cap. V. 
 
 Ha?ixtiri secundum Tatianuin haMeti* urn, qui matrimonium damnahat om- 
 ne: matrimonium maris et fa? in in a: ad invicem commiserates, nullo modo 
 
AUTHORITIES. 519 
 
 posse salvari dicunt ct creduiit" " Concept ionem et NathHatem 
 
 Joannis Baptistce a bono angelo annunciatum esse. Caput. VI. Item Jo- 
 annem Baptistam lion a bono Angelo, sed a dsemoniaco nunciatuin fuisse. 
 
 Nee bonum eum esse eredunt" " De Christi Incarnatione, Nati- 
 
 vitate, Passione, Morte, Resurrect tone, et num vcre manducaverit ac bibe- 
 rit. Caput. VII. De Incarnatione Christi sunt quidam haeretici : inter is- 
 tos Condomanam haeresin sequentes, qui dicunt, Christum non ex fsemiua 
 natuin, nee habuisse verum carnem, nee vere mortuum : nee quidquain 
 passum : sed simulasse passionenl. Nee eredunt euin manducasse: nee bi- 
 bisse : et quasi phantasticum corpus habuisse : nee eum resurrexisse" .... 
 
 " De Ecclesiis manufactis. Caput. VIII." « De Altaribus. 
 
 Caput. IX. Sed quoniam otnnes haeretici Ecclesiam manu factam, et alta- 
 ria, quae in eis sunt, et sacramenta, quae in eis a ministris Dei nuut ; et 
 omnia ornamenta Eeclesiastica ad nihilum deputant, et ad salutem anima- 
 
 rum nihil proficere dicunt, et despiciunt" '' De Cantu ecclesias* 
 
 tico. Caput. X. Item haeretici improbant Ecclesiae cantum et laudes, 
 quas Clerici de novo et veteri Testamento reddunt Deo Creatori suo". . . . 
 . . . . " De sacramento Corporis et sanguinis Christi. Caput. XI. Sed hae- 
 retici dicunt . quod illud, hoc. demonstrativum pronomen, non referturad 
 panem, quem in manibus tenebat, et cui benedicebat, et quam frangebat, 
 et suis discipulis distribuebat : sed refertur ad corpus sutira, quod haec 
 omnia peificiebat: Unde, eorum error, tarn nequissimus originem habuit : 
 
 ignorantes vim pronominis Sed sunt quidem haeretici, qui eredunt, 
 
 audiendo verbum Dei, se manducare carnem iilii hominis, et ejus sangui- 
 
 nem bibere" " De Sacramento Baptismi. Caput. XII. Dicunt 
 
 enim quidam haereticorum, quod hoc sacramentuin Baptismi aquae, sine 
 eorum manus impositioue recipienti, ad salutem perpetuam cousequendam : 
 
 nihil prodest adultis, nee etiam parvulis'' " Dicunt etiam haeretici, 
 
 quod nulli, nisi proprio ore, et corde hoc sacrament um petat, potest pro- 
 desse. Inde adducentes hunc erroiem, quod parvulis Baptismus aquae ni- 
 hil prosit" " Item dicis haeretice, quia peccator baptizari non po- 
 test: quomodo igitur baptizabant Apostoli : "Item dicis: quia per 
 
 ministerium sacerdotis non datur Spiritus Sanctus, quem te dare mentiris" 
 
 " De sacramento Pcenitentiee. Caput. XIII. Std dicis; ali- 
 
 quem posse servari sine confessione 5 et objicis illam auctoritatem, qua di- 
 citur : ' Quacunque hora peccator ingemuerit, salvus erit.' Ad quod dicen- 
 dum est ; quia vere invisibilis Sacerdos, scilicet Deus \ eum, qui vult confi- 
 teri, sed non potest, solvit a delicto poena? aeternae, per cordis contiitionem : 
 
 sed, quandiu potest, nisi ore confiteatur, non absolvit." '• De Im- 
 
 positione manuum. Caput. XI V. Post traclatum Pcenitentiae sequiiur de 
 manuum positione: quod consolamentum vocant : quam haeretici manuum 
 impositionem, contra Dominica praecepta, it Aposlolorum instiluta agere 
 invicem usurpant. Quomodo, et a qnibus personis fiat, et quid de eo sen- 
 tiant, primum est dicendum. Modus consolamenti talis est. Ille, qui di- 
 citur Praepositus, vol Episcopus, vel Diaconus, ncminatus est Rector ali- 
 orum haereticorum sibi subjectorum. Et quando volunt facere Consola- 
 mentum alicui viro, vel mulieri : llle, qui Major, et Ordinatus dicilur, ab- 
 lutis manibus ltbrum Evangeliorum in manibus suis tenens, cum vel eos, 
 
520 AUTHORITIES 
 
 qui ad recipiendum consolamentum conveniunt, admonet : ut in co conso- 
 lamento omnem suam fidem, et spem salutis animarum suarum in Deo, et 
 in illo consolamento ponant. Et si super capita eorum libro posito, oratio- 
 nem Dominicam Septies dicunt, et deinde Beati Joannis Evangelium, ab ' In 
 principle-,' incipientes, usque ad hunc locum Evangelii, quod dicit, ' Gratia 
 et Veritas per Jesum Christum facta est :' audientibus, dicit ? Et sic finitur 
 illud consolamentum. 
 
 A quibus personis fit, dicamus. Scilicet, ab illis, qui inter eos Ordi- 
 nati dicuntur. Si ipsi defuerint: ab illis, qui consolati dicuntur, supple- 
 tur : et, si viri non adsint, mulieres tantum infirmis faciunt. 
 
 Quid de eo sentiant, dicamus: In illo enim generaliter omnes salvandi, 
 (idem suam et spem habent: et omnium remissionem suorum peccatorum, 
 et emundationem suorum delictorum, absque satisfaclione aliqua, in eo se 
 consequi credunt, sistatim morte deficiunt, Et non solum veniam de veni- 
 alibus peccatis qua? commiserunt, sed et de criminalibus perpetrans dari in 
 eo sibi a Deo, credunt. Dicunt etiam, quod nemo magnus, vel parvulus, 
 vir sive mulier, nisi illud consolamentum ab ipsis consolatis receperit, cce- 
 leste rcgoum, et Angelorum societatem, aliquo opere, vel beneficio, vel con. 
 templatione religionis, nee etiam martyrio, etsi ab omnibus, quod est impos- 
 sibile, peccatis et delictis se abstineat, consequi potest. Credunt etiam hoc : 
 quod si ille, qui facit illud consolamentum, in aliquo peccatorum, qua? ipsi 
 criminalia vocant, lapsus fuerit ; sicut est comeilere carnem, aut ovum vel 
 caseum: vel interficere avem, vel aliquod animal, pi'aeter repentia: vel eti- 
 am ilia peccata, quae Ecclesia Romana criminalia nominat, veluti homici- 
 dium, falsum testimonium, pcrjurium, rapinam, consolamentum illius reci- 
 pientibus nihil prodest. Dicunt enim, eum talem sic lapsum Spiritum 
 Sanctum non habere : et quod non habet, credunt non posse alicui dare. 
 Imo eundem credunt herein oportere illud consolamentum recipere ab alio, 
 si salvaii desiderat : et hoc universaliter de omnibus, tarn viris, quam muli- 
 
 eribus lapsis ita oportere fieri, ut dictum est" " De esu carnium, 
 
 et aliarum quarumdam rerum. Caput. XV. Omnium haereticorum est 
 fides, quod nullus post suum consolamentum receptum, si carnem, vel cas- 
 eum, vel ova comederit, possit salvaii, nisi pcenitentiam receperit ab eis, et 
 
 post et ab eis recousoletu r" " De Resurrectione mortuorum. Caput. 
 
 XVI. Postquam diximus deciborum comestione, dicamus de mortuorum 
 resurrectione. Haeretici namque Saducaeorum errorem imitantes, corporum 
 
 mortuorum (seu) hominum resurrectionem destruunt" " sed hie 
 
 haeretici obiciunt : quoniam caro et sanguis regnum Dei possidere non 
 
 possunt'' " De Invocatione Sanctorum, et precibus pro defunctis. 
 
 Caput. XVII. Contra quorundam haereticorum perversam opinionem ; 
 qui asserunt sanctos, et eorum orationes vivis adhuc in niundo pro Christo 
 certanlibus, non prodesse: nee detunctos vivoruin beneficiis et orationibus 
 relevai i ; fidem nosh am, et omnium Catholicorum Doctorum Ecclesiae Dei 
 
 auctoritatibus muniamus Item sunt qui dicunt, neminem posse saU 
 
 vari, qui non poeniteat, nisi in articulo mortis, nee pro eo esse orandum. 
 Sed audiat, quid dicat Dominus latroni, ad ultimum pcenitenti, et satisfa- 
 cere non valenti': ' Hodie mecum eris in Paradiso.' Item : ' Quacunque 
 hora peccator ingemuerit, salvus eril.' Sed dicis; facere te posse, salvaii 
 
AUTHORITIES. 52 1 
 
 peceatorem sine pcenitentia et satisfaction. In quo notatur: quiadivins 
 potent iw detrahere conaris : cum Dominus dicat in Propheta : 'Ego sum 
 -qui deleo iniquitates et peccata populi.' Sed peccatum hujus peccatoris, 
 quem te salvaie affirmas, non delet Deus : cum non pceniteat. Cave ergo, 
 
 ne de caetero aliquid tarn detestabile praesumas dicere." " De Ju- 
 
 ramento. Caput. XVIII.".. .." De occisione hominis. Cap. XIX." Bib. 
 Pat. 1'om. IV. 1235. 
 
 No. XXXII. p. 385. 
 Ebrardus Bethuniensis. 
 " Quod lex reprobanda non sit ; et in lege multi sahiati sunt. Cap. Ij 
 Quod Propheta et Patriarchs salvari meruerunt, et sahiati sunt. Cap. II. 
 Patriarchas etcnim damnation! deputant (Waldenses et prophetas, et omnes 
 etiam, qui ante passionem decesserunt, cum script um sit: 'Nolite tangere 
 Christos meos, et in Prophet is meis nolite malignari. ' Hoc enim ex Domi- 
 no se habere contendunt, qui ait ; ' Omnes, quotquot venerunt ante me, fu- 
 res fuerunt, et latrones. 1 Male, intelligunt illudj ante : quis enim ante eum j 
 hoc est, prior eo venit? cum ipse ab initio, et prior omnibus sit ; de quo 
 dicitur, * primogenitus ante omnem creaturam,' quae ergo creatura est ante 
 eum ? Nulla utique. Legamus ergo melius, ut oportet, et dicamus ; ante 
 eum, hoc est, contra eum. Qui enim contra eum venit, non intrat per os- 
 tium in ovile oviumi, et ideo fur, et latro. A'vrt autem Graeoe, contra dici- 
 tur Latine Quod ilia qui dedit legem Moysi, sit verus Deus et om- 
 
 nipotens. Caput. III. Quod domus lapidea vocari debeat Eccle- 
 
 sia : et de tonsura capillorum. Caput. IV Quod Deus omnipotens 
 
 creavit omnia visibilia et invisibilia. Cap. V Quod pueri non- 
 
 dum loquentes baptizari debeant. Cap , VI. ........ Quod licitum si nu- 
 
 here, et a Deo datum. Cap. VII, De Hostia sacrificii; quod 
 
 sit ipsum corpus Dominicum. Cap. VIII. Quod in carne nostra 
 
 resurgemus, non in alia. Cap. IX. Caput. X. Quod oblationes 
 
 sacerdotibus debeant fieri*, et in templo. Caput XI, Quod unctio 
 
 olei bona sit, et valens infirmis Caput. XII. Quod peregrinationes 
 
 facere sit bonum, et a Deo datum , Caput. XIII. Quod Joannes Bap' 
 
 tista bene meruit, et salvatus est ■ . Caput. XIV. Quod licitum sit 
 
 jurare, et jurando verum afHrmare Caput. XV. Quod punire 
 
 debeamus malefactores, et etiam occidere Quod fides operibus 
 
 pravaleat, et fides primo quterenda sit. Caput. XVI. Quod crux 
 
 Dominica veneranda sit : et lignum crucis venerandum. Caput, XVII. 
 
 Caput. XV III. Quod mulieres in muliebri sexu salvabuntur. 
 
 Fcemineo etenim sexui ccelorum beatitudinem uituntur surripere, et a 
 tanto munere, suas ipsorum mulierculas non differunt viduare. Cujus er- 
 roris phantasiam corroborant ex eo quod dicitur : ' Venite benedicti patris 
 mei :' Venite benedicti dixit, non benedicts. Ex quo patet eorum impe- 
 ritia. Conceplionem enim generum non considerant : masculinum enim 
 genus dignius est, et concipit fcemininum. Quam conceptionero Lucas 
 melius consideravit ; cum de Zacharia et Elizabeth loquens ait: «erant 
 ambo justi ante Deum.' Sed fortius objiciunt illud quod legimus ad Ephess 
 
 3 x 
 
522 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 « Donee occurramus omnes in unitatem fidei, et agnitionis filii Dei, in virum 
 perfectum in mensuram aetatis plenitudinis Christi.' Exhocenim affirmant 
 qnod in specie viri perfecti et in aetate XXX. annorum ad judicium venia- 
 
 mus > et mulieres suum permutent sexum Quod varii tint Ordinet 
 
 et varite religionist salutis. Cap. XIX Quod gloriari non de- 
 bent in jejuniis : et liciium tit carnet comedere. Cap. XX. 
 
 Quod vetitum tit illis, quidquid latenter faciunt. Caput. XXI. 
 
 Quod hteretici temporalia non omittunt, ted potius quarunt. Cap. XXII. 
 
 Probatio quod ipti tint hteretici et nvlli alii. Cap. XXIII. 
 
 Quod Scripturte tpiritualiter debeant intelligi non ad literam. 
 
 Cap. XXIV. Contra eot, qui dicuntur Xabatati. Cap. XXV. 
 
 . He varietatibut htereticorum et eorum tententiit. Caput. XXVI. 
 
 Ditputatio contra Judteot. Caput. XXV II Quattionet ad 
 
 decipiendunt (marg. capiendos) tarn htereticot, quam Judteot. Caput. 
 XXVIII. Qu. V. Dominus ad discipulos ait : ' Ite, docete omnes gentes ;' 
 alibi autem ait : ' In riam gentium ne abieritis, et in civitatem Samaritan- 
 oium ne intravei'itis.' Si ad gentes non ierint, quomodo docebunt omnes 
 gentes ? Solutio. Docere monet in praeeundo, et in doctrinis : sequi au- 
 tem prohibet, adorando sculptilia Qu. LI1I . Domious ait : ' Ono- 
 nis plantatio, quam non plantavit pater meus coelcstis eradicabitur :* Ergo 
 
 et ilia, de qua ait Apostolus. 'Ego plantar i, Apollo rigavit.' Qu. 
 
 XXV. Dominus post resurrectionem ait, ' haec sunt verba, quae locutus 
 sum ad vos, cum adhuc essem vobitcum? Nunquid cum eit (non) erat, 
 
 quando hoc dicebat? Qn. XLVII. Dominus ait, 'Multa habeo de 
 
 vobis loqui et judicare.' Alibi autem dixit : 'Ego non judico quenquam.' 
 
 Qu. LV. Dominus ait : ' Mea doctrina non est mea,' de eodem 
 
 dicit : mea, et non mea Qu. LX1V. Quaeritur de Rachel, si flevit, 
 
 quare consolari contempsit ? si consolari contempsit, quare flevit?" Bib. 
 Pat. Tom. IF. 1078. 
 
 No. XXXIII. p. 391. 
 
 Petrut Vallitarnensit. 
 
 "Primo sciendum (inquit Vallisamensis) qnod haeretici duos consti- 
 tuebant creatores, invisibilium scilicet, quern vocabant benignum Deum, 
 et visibilium, qaem malignum Deum nuncupabant. Novum testamentum 
 benigno Deo, vetus vero maligno attribuebant, et illud omnino repudiabant, 
 praeter quasdam auctoritates, quae de veteri testamento novo sunt inserts, 
 quas ob novi reverentiam testamenti recipere dignum aestimabant. Aucto- 
 rem veteris testamenti mendacem asserebant, quia protoplastes dixit : Qua- 
 cunque die comederitis de ligno scientise boni, et mali, morte moriemini •,' 
 nee (sicut dicebant) post comestionem mortui sunt, cum tamen revera 
 post gustum pomi vetiti mortis miseri* fuerunt subjecti. Homicidamque 
 ipsnm nominabant, turn quia Sodomitas et Gomorrhaeos incincravit, et 
 aquis diluvii mundum delevit, turn quia Pharaonem, et Aegyptios mari 
 obrnit. Omnes veteris testamenti patres damnatos affirmabant. Joannem 
 Baptistam unum esse de majoribus daemonibus asserebant. Dicebant etiam 
 
AUTHORITIES. 523 
 
 in secreto suo, quod Christus ille, qui natus est in Bethlehem teresti'i et 
 visibili, et in Hierusalem crucifixus, malus fuit, et quod Maria Magdalena 
 fuit ejus concubina, et ipsa fuit mulier in adulterio deprehensa, de qua le- 
 gitur in Evangelic Bonus enim Christus (sicut dicebant) nunquam com- 
 medit vel bibit, nee veram carnem assumpsit, nee unquam fuit in hoc 
 mundo, nisi spiritualiter in corpore Pauli. Ideo autem diximus in Beth- 
 lehem terrestri et visibili, quia haeretici fingebant esse aliam terram novam, 
 et mvisibilem, et in ilia terra secundum quasdam bonus Christus fuit natus, 
 et crucifixus. Item dicebant haeretici bonum Denm duas habuisse uxores, 
 Collant et Colibant, et ex ipsis filios et Alias procreasse. Erant alii haere- 
 tici, qui dicebant, quod unus est creator, sed habuit filios Christum et dia- 
 bolura. Dicebant et isti omnes creatures bonas fuisse, sed per Alias, de 
 
 quibus legitur in apocalypsi, omnia fuisse corrupta, &c 
 
 Fere totam Romanam Ecclesiam speluncam latronum esse dicebant, et 
 quia ipsa erat meretrix ilia de qua legitur in apocalypsi. Sacramenta 
 Ecclesiae usque adeo annullabant, ut sacri baptismatis undam ab aqua flu- 
 viali non distare, sacrosancti coporis Christi hostiam a pane laico non dif- 
 fere publice dogmatizarent. Simplicium auribus banc instillantes blasphe- 
 miam, quod Christi corpus, etsi magnitudinem Alpium in se contineret 
 jamdudum consumptum a comedentibus, et annihilatum fuisset: confir- 
 mationem, confessionem frivolas esse, et inanes omnino reputabant ; sac- 
 rum matrimonium meretricium esse, nee aliquem in ipso salvari posse 
 praedicabant, filios et filias generando. Resurrectionem quoque carnis dif- 
 fitentes, quasdam adinventiones confingebant inauditas, dicentes animas 
 nostras esse spiritus illos Angellcos,qui per superbiae apostasiam praecipi- 
 tati de caelo corpora sua glorificata in aere reliquerunt, et ipsas animas 
 post suecessivam qualiumcunque corporum septem, et terraneorum in- 
 habitationem, quasi tunc demum pceni tentia peracta ad ilia relicta corpora 
 remeare. 
 
 Sciendum autem, quod quidam inter haereticos dicebantur perfecti, 
 sive boni homines, alii credentes haereticorum : qui dicebantur perfecti, 
 nigrum habitum praefeiebant, castitatem se tenere mentiebantur, esum 
 caruium, ovorum, casei omnino detestabantur, non mentientes videri vole- 
 bant, rum ipsi maxime de Deo quasi continue men tirentur; dicebant etiam 
 quod nulla unquam ratione debeant jurare. Credentes autem haereticorum 
 dicebantur illi, qui seculariter viventes, licet ad vitam perfectorum imi- 
 tandam non pertingerent, in fide tameu illorum se salvari sperabant, di- 
 visi siquidem erant in vivendi modo, sed in fide et infidelitate uniti erant. 
 Qui dicebantur credentes haereticorum, dediti erant usuris, rapinis, liomi- 
 cidiis, et carnis illecebris, perjuriis et perversitatibus universis. Isti siqui- 
 dem ideo securius et effraenatius peccabant, quia credebant sine restitu- 
 tione ablatorum, sine confessione et pcenitentiase esse salvandos, dummodo 
 in supremo mortis articulo Pater noster dicere, et manuum impositionem 
 recipere a magistris suis potuissent. De perfectis vero haereticis, magis- 
 tratus habebant, quos vocabant diaconos et episcopos, sine quorum ma- 
 nuum impositione nullus inter credentes moriturus se salvari posse crede- 
 bant. Verum si morienti cuilibet quantumcunque flagitioso manus impo- 
 suissent, dummodo Pater noster dicere posset, ita salvatum aestimabant, ut 
 
524 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 absque omni salisfactione, absque otnni alio remedio statim evolaret ad 
 cceluin, &c. 
 
 Won credimus autem silendum, quod et quidam haeretici dicebant, 
 quod nullus poterat peccare ab umbilico et inferius. Imagines quae sunt 
 in ecclesiis dicebant idololatriam, campanas earum tubas daemonum affir- 
 tnabaut. Item dicebant, quod non peccabat quis gravius donniendo cum 
 matre, vel sorore sua, quam cum qualibet alia. Iliud et inter gupremas 
 fatuitates dicebant, quod si quis de perfectis peccaret mortaliter, comeden- 
 do videlicet modicissimum carnium, vcl casei, seu ovi, vel alicujus rei sibi 
 inhibits, omnes consolati ab illo amittebant Spiritum Sanctum, et oporte- 
 bat eum iterum reconsolari ; et etiam salvati pro peccato consolatoris cade- 
 bant de ccelo. 
 
 Eiant praeterea alii haeretici, qui IValdenses dicebantur, a quodam 
 Waldio nomine Lugdunensi. Hi quidem mali emit, sed comparatione 
 aliorum ha? ret ico ru m longe minus pervers i : in multis enim nobiscum con- 
 veniebant, in aliquibus dissentiehant : ut autem plurima de infidelitatibus 
 eorum omitlamus: in quatuor praecipue condistebat error eorum, in por- 
 tandis scilicet sandaliis more Apostolorum, et in eo quod dicebant nulla 
 ratione jurandum vel occidendum. In hoc insuperquod asserebant, quem- 
 libet eorum in necessitate, dummodo haberet sandalia, absque ordinibus 
 ab episcopo acceptis posse confieere corpus Christi. Ha?c uos de sectis hae- 
 reticorum breviter excerpsisse sufficial. Quando aliquis se reddit haereti- 
 cis, ilk dicit, qui recipit eum : ' Amice si vis esse de nostris, oportet, ut 
 renuncies toti fidei, quam tenet Romana Ecclesia.' respondet, ' abrenuncio.' 
 'Ergo accipe Spiritum sanctum a bonis hoiniuibus,' et tuncspirat eisepties 
 in ore. Item dicit ill i : ' Abrenuncias cruci illi, quam tibi fecit sacerdos 
 in bapt is mo, in pectore, et in sea pul is, et in capite de oleo et chrismate ?' 
 Respondet, 'abrenuncio.' 'Credis quod aqua ilia operetur tibi salutem?' 
 respondit, ' non credo.' ' Abreuuncias velo illi, quod tibi baptizato sacer- 
 dos posuit in capite ?' respondet, ' abrenuncio.' lta accipit ille baptismum 
 haereticorum et abnegat baptismum Ecclesia?. Tunc ponunt omnes manus 
 super caput ejus et osculantur eum, et induunt eum veste nigra, et ex ilia 
 hora est quasi unus ex ipsis, &c. Raynaldi Annal. an. 1204. No. 59. Tom. 
 1 p. 131). 
 
 No. XXXIV. p. 397. 
 
 Anonymus. 
 
 11 Exortai sunt duae religiones in ecclesia, cujus ut aquila? renovatur 
 juventus, quae etiam a sede apostolica sunt confirmatae, videlicet Minorum 
 fratrum, et Praedicatorum. Qua? forte hac occasione sunt approbate, quia 
 olira duae sectae in Italia exorta? adhuc perdurant, quorum alii Humiliates, 
 alii Pauperes de Lugduno se nominabant : quos Lucius Papa quondam 
 inter ha?reticos scribebat, eo quod superstiosa dogmata et observationes in 
 eis reperirentur. In occultis quoque praedicationibus, quas faciebant ple- 
 rumque in latibulis, ecclesia Dei, et sacerdolio derogabant. Vidimus tunc 
 temporis aliquos de-numero eorum, qui dicebantur Pauperes de Lugduno, 
 apud sedem apostolicam cum magistro sun quodara, ut puto, Bernhardt': 
 
AUTHORITIES. 525 
 
 et hi petebant sectam suain a scde apostolica confirmari, cl privilegiari. 
 Sane ipsi dicentes se gcrere vitam apostolorum, nihil volentes possidere, aut 
 ceitum locum habere, circuibant per vicos et castella. Ast dominus papa 
 quadam superstitiosa in conversatione ipsorum eisdem objecit : videlicet 
 quod calceos desuper pedem praecidebaut, et quasi nudis pedibus ambula- 
 bant. Prseterea cum portarent quasdam cappas, quasi religionis, capillos 
 capitis non attondebant, nisi sicut laici. Hoc quoque probrosum in eis 
 videbatur, quod viri et mulieres simul ambulabant in via, et plerumque 
 simul manebant in una domo, ut de eis dicetur, quod quandoque simul in 
 lectulis accubabant. Qua? tamen omnia ipsi asserebant ab apostolis decen- 
 disse. Caeterum dominus papa in loco illorum exuigentes quosdam alios, 
 qui se appellabant pauperes Minores, confirmavit : qui praedicta supersti- 
 tiosa et probrosa respuebant, sed praecise nudis pedibus tam aestate quam 
 hyeme ambulabant, et neque pecuniam, nee quidquam aliud prater victum 
 accipiebant, etsi aliquando vestem necessariam quisquam ipsis sponte con- 
 ferebat, non enim quidquam patebant ab aliquo. Hi tamen postea atten- 
 dentes, quod nonnuuquam nimiae humilitatis nomen gloriationem importet, 
 et de nomine paupertatis, cum multi earn frustra sustineant, apud Deum 
 vanius inde gloriantur, maluerunt appellari Minores fratres, quam Minores 
 pauperes, apostolicae sedi in omnibus obedientes. Alii, videlicet Praedica- 
 tores, in locum Humiliatorum successisse creduntur. Humiliati quippe, 
 nulla habita auctorilate aut licentia praelatorum, mittentes falcem in mes- 
 sem alienam, populis praedicabant, et vitam eorum plerumque regere sata- 
 gebant, et confessiones amine, et ministeriis sacerdotum derogare. Quae 
 volens corrigere papa, ordinem praedicatorum instituit et confirmavit. 
 Illi quippe rudes et illiterati cum essent, operibus manuum instabant, et 
 praedicabant, accipientes necessaria a suis credentibus : isti vero studio et 
 lectioni sacrae scripturae jugiter insistentes, iantum in scribendo libros 
 opus faciebant : et eos diligentissime a magistris suis audiebant ut cum 
 sagittis et arcu omni annatura fortium possent ingredi, et stare pro defen- 
 sione sanctae matris ecclesiae, et ex adverso ascendere, et ponere se murum 
 pro domo Israe. Dum fidem roborant, virtutes instruunt, statutae ecclesiae 
 docent et collandant, vitia hominum et pravitates redarguunt et castigant: 
 nihilo minus sedi apostolic in omnibus obediunt, a qua autoritatem praeci- 
 puam trahunt." Cone. X. 1533. 
 
 No. XXXV. p. 400. 
 
 Reinerius Saccko. 
 De causis Hsreseon. Cap. III. 
 
 " Et tertio nota quod sex sunt causae haeresis. Prima est inanis 
 gloria; quia enim vident doctores in Ecclesia lionorari, idcirco etiam ap- 
 petunt per doctrinam honorari. Secunda est, quia omnes, scilicet viri et 
 fceminae pai-vi et magni, nocte, et die, non cessant diseere. Opeiarius 
 enim in die laborans, in nocte discit vel docet : et ideo paium orant propter 
 studium: docent etdiscunt sine libris: docent etiam et discunt in domibus 
 leprosum. Item pro introductionibus, docent vitare septem mortalia, et 
 
526 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 tria, scilicet mendacium, et detractionem, et juramentum. Haec multis 
 autoritatibus probant, et vocant ea decern piiecepta. Item discipulis 
 septem dierum, quaerit ahum, quern doceat, ut cortina cortinam traham. 
 Qui vero excusant se, quod non possint discere, dicunt eis ; disce quotidie 
 tantum unum verbum, et post annum scies trecenta, et proficies. Verum 
 est, quod dico. Quidam hsereticus, ad hoc tantum, ut quendam a fide 
 nostra averteret, et ad suam converteret, nocte, tempore byemali, per 
 aquarrj, quae ipsa dicitur, ad ipsum natavit. In hoc reprehendi potest 
 negligentia fidelium doctorum,qui non sic zelant Catholics fidei veritatem, 
 sicut perfidi Leonistae zelant infidelitatis errorum. Tertia causa baeresis 
 est, quia novum et vetus testamentum vulgariter transtulernnt; et sic 
 docent et discunt. Audivi, et vidi quendam rusticam idiotara, qui Job 
 l'ecitavit de verbo ad verbum; plures, qui totum novum testamentum 
 perfecte sciverunt. Et quia sunt laici idiotae, false et corrupte scripturam 
 exponunt, ut est illud Joan. I. * In propria venit et sui eum non receperunt.' 
 Ibi dicunt sui, id est, porci, dicentes sui pro sues. Et illud Psalmi; ' In- 
 crepa feras harundinis,' straffe die Thier dcr Schwalben, dicentes, hirrni- 
 dinis, pro harundinis. Psalmis eliam litulos imponunt; sic ' Eructavit,' 
 <T Maid Psalmi : ' Exurgat,' der Rack, Psal. ' De profundis ; der re Psalm, 
 &c. sic de caeteris. In locis et boris et occultis docent et discunt, ncc 
 aliquem admittunt, qui non sit credens eorum. Quando simul conveniunt, 
 tunc primo dicunt ; ' Cavete, ue inter nos sit lignum curvum,' id est, ali- 
 quis extraneus. Suam etiam doctrinam praecipiunt occullari a clericis. 
 Sicut quidam loquuntur per sigua, quae nemo intelligit, nisi ipsi: haeretici 
 verba transformant, quod nemo intelligit praeter eos. Ecclesiam vocant, 
 Steinhausz, altare, Steinhauff Clericos, Scrifta*; religiosos, Phariseeos; et 
 sic de multis aliis. Directe nunquam respondent. Quarta causa haere- 
 sum est scandalum de malo exemplo quorundam. Unde, cum quosdam 
 vident male vivere, dicunt: 'SicApostoli non vixernnt, nee nos, qui su- 
 mus imitatores Apostolorum. , Quinta causa est, insufficientia doclrinae 
 quorundam qui praedicant quandoque frivola, quandoque falsa. Unde, 
 quidquid Ecclesiae Doctor docet, quod per textum novi Testamenti non 
 probat, boc totuin pro fabulis habent contra Ecclesiam. Sexla causa est 
 irreveientia, quam quidam ministri Ecclesiae perhibent, Sacramentorum. 
 Septima causa est odium, quod habent contra Ecclesiam. Audivi ab ore 
 haereticorum intendebant Clericos redigere, Claustrales, ad statum fosso- 
 rum, per ablationem decimaium et possessionum, et per potential!!, et 
 multitudinem credentium ipsorum et fautorum. Cum quidam hseresi- 
 archa nomine Hainricus Chirothecarius in Xeroin duceretur ad mortem, 
 dixit coram omnibus ; ' Merito nos damnatis ; quia, si status nos t e r non 
 esset minoratus, potestatem quam exercetis contra nos, nos modo hanc 
 cxercuissemus contra vos. onincs scilicet Clericos, religiosos et Laicos. In 
 omnibus vero ti\itatibus Lombardiae et in Provincia, et in aliis regnis et 
 terris plures erant Scholae haereticorum quam theologorum, et plures 
 auditores, qui publice disputabant, et populum ad solennes disputationes 
 convocabant, in foro et in campis praedicabanl, et in tectis, et non crat 
 qui eos impedirc audertt, propter potenliam et multitudinem fautorum 
 ipsoruin. Inquisitioni it rxaminationi haereticorum frequenter interfui ■ 
 
AUTHORITIES. 527 
 
 et computatae sunt scholae Iiasreticorum, in dicecesi Pataviensi XLI. In 
 loco qui dicitur Clcmmaten fuevunt X. Scholae et ejusdem Ecclcsia: pleba- 
 nus ab hsereticis est occisus: et de hoc nullum judicium est secutum. 
 Sunt autem istae Ecclesiae, quas haeretici habent ; Zengevelde, et ibi Scholae ; 
 Item inStrouizingen, et ibi Scholae : Item, in Zeuuhs : Item, in Diossendorff. 
 Item ad S. Osvualdum : Item, Emzempach, et ibi scholae et Episcopus : 
 Item, ad S. Chiistophorum : Item, Pehaimfirchen : Item, in ibsia : Item, ad 
 S. Georgiiim ; Item ad Dansteten : Item, in Brachlaten : Item, in Mevus- 
 tato: Item, in Ardach : Item, in Sitensteten: Item adS.Petrum in Ami, et 
 ibi Scholae : Item, in Aszpach: Item, in Bolzpach: Item, in Mitra: Item, in 
 Hage : Item, in Spunelburch : Item ad S. Valentinum ; Item in Herdischho- 
 fen : Item, in Stehra et ibi Schole : Item ad S. Florianum : Item, in Mals- 
 zued: Item, in Sirnich, et ibi Scholae: Item, Bezsensfirchen : Item, in 
 Chemmenaten, et ibi Scholae plures; plebanus occisus est ab eis: Item, in 
 Neuuuhofen, et ibidem Scholae leprosorum: Item, in Melsza: Item, in 
 Eruuans: Item, in Gimnecrochen : Item ad S. Mariam : Item, in Puppin- 
 gen: Item, in Griefzfirchen : Item, in Marden: Item in Anaso, et ibi 
 Scholae : Item, in Buchfirchen : Item in Acfei geun in Chamer, et ibi Scholae : 
 Item, Ninachleub. 
 
 De SECTIS ANTIQUORITM H.ERETICORUM. CAP. IV. 
 
 De quarto nota, quod sectae haereticorum fuerunt plures, quam LXX. 
 quae omnes, per Dei gratiam deletae sunt, prater sectas Manichaeorum, 
 Arianorum, Kuncariorum, et Leonistarum, quae Alemaniam infecerunt. 
 Inter omnes has sectas, quae adhuc sunt, vel fuerunt non est perniciosor 
 Ecclesiae, quam Leonistarum. Et hoc tribus de causis. Prima est, quiaest 
 diuturnior. Aliqui enim dicunt, quod duraverit a tempore Sylvestri ; aliqui, 
 a tempore Apostolorum. Secunda quia est generalior. Fere enim nulla est 
 terra, in qua haec secta non sit. Tertia, quia cum omnes alia- sectae imma- 
 nitate blasphemiarum in Deum, audientibus horrorem inducant ; haec scilicet 
 Leonistarum, magnam habet speciem pietatis : eo quod coram hominibus 
 juste vivant, et bene omnia de Deo credant, el omnes articulos, qui in Sym- 
 bolo continentur ; solummodoRomanam Ecclesiam blasphemant, et clerum 5 
 cui multitudo Laicorum facilis est ad credend um. Et sicut in judicum libro 
 legitur; quod vulpes Sampsonis facies diversas habebant, sed caudas sibi 
 invicem colligatas : sic haeretici, in sectis sunt divisi in se, sed in impugna- 
 tione Ecclesiae, sunt uniti. Quando in unadomo sunt haeretici, turn sectarum 
 quaelibet, quarum quaelibet damnat alteram, simul Romanam Ecclesiam 
 impugnat : Et sic subdolae vulpeculae, vineam Domini, id est, Ecclesiam 
 erroribus demoliuntur. 
 
 De Sectis modernorum h^reticorum. Cap. V. 
 Nota, quod secta Pauperum de Lugduno, qui etiam Leonistae dicun- 
 tur, tali modo orta est. Cum cives majores pariter essent in Lugduno, 
 contingit quendam ex eis mori subito coram eis. Unde quidam inter eos 
 tantum fuit tertius, quod statim magnum thesaurum pauperibus erogavit: 
 Et ex hoc maxima multitudo pauperum ad eum confluxit, quos ipse docu- 
 it habere voluntariam paupertatem, et esse imitatores Christi et Apostolo- 
 rum. Cum autem esset aliquantulum literatus, novi testamenti textum 
 
528 AUTHORITIES 
 
 docuit eos vulgariter, pro qua temeritate cum fuisset reprehensus, con- 
 tempsit, et coepit insistere doctrinae sua; dicens discipulis suit ; quod Cle- 
 rus quando malae vitae esset, invideret sanctae vitae ipsorum, et doctrinal. 
 Cum autem Papa excommunicationis seuteatias tulisset in eos, pertinaciter 
 contempseruut, et sic usque hodie in omnibus teiminis illis proficit doctri- 
 na ipsorum et rancor. Nota tria: Primo, de blasphemiis, quibus blasphe- 
 mant Romanam Ecclesiam, et statuta ipsius, et omnem Clerum. In secun- 
 da parte tangunlur errores circa Ecclesiastica Sacramenta et sauctos. In 
 tertia parte nota detestationes, quibus omnes honestas et approbatas cou- 
 suetudines Ecclesiae detestantur. Primo dicuut quod Romana Ecclesia 
 non sit Ecclesia Jesu Christi, sed sit Ecclesia maliguantium: et quod deft- 
 cerit sub Sylvestro, quando venenum temporaliuminfusumestin Ecclesiam. 
 Et dicunt quod ipsi suit Ecclesia Christi : quia Christi doctrinam, Evangelii 
 et Apostolorum verbis et exemplis observent. Secundus error est, quod 
 omnia vitia et peccata in Ecclesia sint : quod ipsi soli juste vivant. Tertius 
 est, quod doctrinam Evangelicum paene nullus sei vet in Ecclesia, preter 
 eos. Quartus, quod ipsi sint vere pauperesspnitu, et persecutionem patian- 
 tur propter justitiam et ndem. Quiutus, quod ipsi sint Ecclesia Jesu Chris- 
 ti. Sextus, quod Romana Ecclesia sit ineretrix in Apocalypsi propter su- 
 perfluum ornatum, quern Ecclesia Orientalis non curat. Septimus, quod 
 omnia statuta Ecclesiae contemnunl : quia sint gravia, et plurima. Octa- 
 vus quod Papa sit caput omnium errorum. Nonas, quod Praelati sint 
 Scribae ; et rcligiosi, Pharisaei. Decimus, quod Papa et omnes Episcopi 
 sint homicidae propter bella. Undecimus, quod non sit obediendum Prae- 
 latis, sed tantum Deo. Duodecimus, quod nemo sit major altero in Eccle- 
 sia: Matt. 23 'Omnes vos fiat res estis.' Decimus tertius, quod nemo debet 
 flectere genua sacerdoti. Apoc. 2. Ubi dicit Angelus Joanni; 'vide, ne fe- 
 ceris.' Decimus quartus, quod decimae non sint dandae, quia primitiae Ec- 
 clesiae non dubantur. Decimus quintus, quod Clerici possessiones non de. 
 beant habere: Deut. 18. 'Non habeant Sacerdotes, et omnes, qui de tribu 
 Levi sunt, partem et hereditatem cum populo Israel quia sacrificia come- 
 dunt, et nihil aliud accipiens.' Decimus sextus, quod Clerici et Claustra- 
 les non debeant praebendas habere. Decimus Septimus, quod Episcopi et 
 abbatcs non debeant jura regalia habere. Decimus octavus, quod terra et 
 populus non sit per partes dividendus. Decimus nous, quod malum sit 
 fundare, et dotare Ecclesias el Claastra. Vigesimus, quod Testamenta non 
 sint Ecclesiis ordiuanda. Item, quod nullu debeat fieri Ecclesiae censualis. 
 Item, omnem Clerum damnant propter utium, diccntes ; eos manibus debe- 
 re operari, sicut Apostoli fecerunt. Item, nomina praelationum reprobant, 
 sicut Papa?, Episcopi, &c. Item, quod nullus sit cogendus ad fidem. Item, 
 quod omnia officia Ecclesiastica, nulla reputant. Item, privilegia Ecclesi- 
 tica non curant. Item, immunitatem Ecclesiae, et personal u in, et rerum 
 Ecclesiasticarum spernunt. Item, Concilia, Synodos, et convenius sper- 
 nunt. Item dicunt, quod omnia jura parochialia sint ad inventiones. Item 
 dicunt, quel observantiae per homines religiosos factae, sint traditiones 
 Pharisaeorum. Secundo, omnia Sacramenta Ecclesiae damnant primo de 
 Baptismo dicunt quod Catechismus nihil sit. Item, quod ablutio, quae da- 
 tur infantibus nihil prosit. Item, quod patrini non intelligant, quid re- 
 
AUTHORITIES. 529 
 
 spondeant sacerdoti. Item, quod oblatio ilia, quae dicitur anuucgun, sit ad 
 inventio. Item, omnes exorcismos, et benedictiones Baptismi reprobant. 
 Item, Sacramentum Confirmationis reprobant. Mirantur etiam, quare so- 
 lis Episcopis liceat confirmare. Item, de Sacramento Eucharistiae dicunt ; 
 quod Sacerdotes in mortali non possint conficere. Item, dicunt quod 
 transsubstautio non fiat in manu indigne coniicientis, sed in ore digne su- 
 mentis : et coniici posse in mensa communi Malachias : ' In omni loco offer- 
 tur nomini meo oblatio munda.' Item quod semel in anno fideles commu- 
 nicant, hoc reprobant, quia ipsi quotidie communicant. Item, dicunt quod 
 transsubstantio fiat per verba vulgaria. Item dicunt, quod missa nihil sit, 
 quia Apostoli earn non habebant ; et, fiat propter quaestum. Item, cano- 
 nem missae non recipiunt, nisi tantum verba Christi vulgariter. Item can- 
 tum Ecclesiae dicunt clamorem infernalem. Item, horas canonicas repro- 
 bant. Item, dicunt quod oblatio, quae sit sacerdotibus in missa nihil sit, 
 neque proficiat. Item osculum pacis et altaris reprobant. De Sacramen- 
 to Pcenitentise dicunt, quod nullus possit absolvi a malo sacerdote. Item, 
 quod bonus Laicus potestatem habeat absolvendi. Item, quod ipsi per 
 maims impositionem peccata dimittant, et dent Spiritum Sanctum. Item 
 quod confitendum sit potius bono Laico, quam malo sacerdoti. Item quod 
 non gravis Pcenilentia sit imponenda, exemplo Christi ; 'Vade, et tam am- 
 plius noli peccare.' Item, publicas pcenitentias, ut catenas, reprobant, max- 
 ime in fceminis. Item, quod generalis confessio non sit singulis annis fa- 
 cienda. Item Sacramentum conjugii damnant, diccntrs, mortal iter peccare 
 conjuges, si absque spe prolis conveniant. Item, compaternilatem nihil re- 
 putant. Item, gradus afEnitatis et consanguinitatis carnalis et spiritualis, 
 quos Ecclesia iostituit : et impedimenta Ordinis, et publicas honestatis, et 
 Ecclesia vetitum spernnnt. Item dicunt, quod t'cemina post partum non 
 egeat benedictione et introductione. Item dicunt, quod Ecclesia erraverit, 
 dicunt, matrimoiiium Clericis prohibendo, cum etiam Orientales contra- 
 hunt. Item dicunt, quod continentes non peccent per oscula et complexus. 
 Sacramentum unctionis etiam reprobant, quia, tantum divilibus datur; et 
 propter plures Sacerdotes ibi necessarios. Item, Sacramentum Ordinis di- 
 cunt nihil esse. Item dicunt, quod oranis Laicus bonus, sit Sacerdos, sicut 
 Apostoli Laici ei ant. Item, quod ratio mali sacerdotis nihil proncit. Item, 
 tonsuram Clericalem derident. Item, quodLatinaoratio Laicis non prosit. 
 Item subsannat ; quod illegitimi, et pravi peccatores in Ecclesia sublimantur. 
 Item dicunt, quod omnis Laicus, et etiam foemina debeat praedicare. 
 1. Corint. 14 * Volo vos loqui in Unguis, ut Ecclesia gedificationem accipiat.* 
 Item, quidquid praedicatur, quod per textum Bibliae non probatur, pro 
 f abulia habent. Item dicunt; quod sacra Scriptura eundem effectum ha- 
 beat in vulgari, quern in Latino. Unde etiam conficiunt in vulgari, et dant 
 Sacramenta. Item, Testamenti novi textum, et magnam partem veteris 
 vulgariter sciunt corde. Item Decretales et Decreta,et dicta et expositiones 
 sanctorum respuunt, et tantum inhaerentlextui. Item excommunicationem 
 contemnunt, et absolutionem non curant. Item, indulgentias Ecclesiae 
 respuunt, et dispensationes derident ; irregularitatem non credunt. Item, 
 nullum sanctum credunt, nisi Apostolos: nullum sanctum credunt, nisi 
 Deum solum. Item canonizationes, translationes, et vigilias sanctorum 
 
 3Y 
 
530 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 contemnunt. Item Laicos, qui snrte sanctos eligunt in altari, derident, 
 Item laetaniam nunquam legunt ; legendas sanctorum subsannant. Item, 
 reliquias sanctorum contemnunt. Item, sanctum crucem repntant ut 
 simplex lignum. Item, signum sanctae crucis horrent, propter supplicium 
 Christi; ncc unquam signant se. Item dicunt, quod doctrina Christ i et 
 Apostolorum sine statutis Ecclesiae, sufficiat ad salutem. Quod traditio 
 Ecclesiae, sit traditio Pharisaeoruru ; et quod major vis sit in transgressione 
 traditionis humanae, quam legis divinae, Matt. 15. 'Quare vos transgredi- 
 mini inaudata Dei propter traditiones vestras.' Item mysticum sensum in 
 divinis Scripturis refutant: praecipuein dictis et actis ab Ecclesiatraditis: 
 ut quod gallus super campanile significat Doctorem. De tertia parte nota, 
 quod circa consuetudines Ecclesiae hos habent errores. Omnes igitur con- 
 suetudines Ecclesia approbatas, quas in Evangelio nou legunt, contem- 
 nunt : sicut festum luminum, Palmarum, reconciliationem pcenitentium, 
 adorationem crucis in Parasceue, festum paschae, Christi et sanctorum 
 festa spemunt, propter multiplicationem festorum ; et dicunt quod unus 
 dies sit sicut alius. Unde in festis occulte operantur. Item, jejunia ec- 
 clesiae non curant. Esaiae 58. 'Munquid tale est jejunium quod elegi?' 
 Item omnes dedicationes, benedictioues, et consecrationes candelarum, car- 
 nitine palmarum, chrismatis, ignis, cerei, Agni Paschalis, mulieris post 
 partum, peregrinorum, sacrorum locrorum, sacrarum persouarum, vestium, 
 salis ct aquae. DeriJent Ecclesiam muratam, repntant ut horreum, et ap- 
 pellant earn vulgariter, Stainliauf; nee Deum ibi habitare dicunt. Act. 17. 
 ' Non in templis manufactis habitat Deus.' Et quod orationes non plus ibi 
 valeant, quam in cubiculo. Matt. 6. 'Tu autem cum oraveris, intra in cu. 
 biculum,' &c. Item, de dedicatione Ecclesiae, vel altaris nihil curant. 
 Item, ornatum Ecclesiae dicunt esse peccatum : et quod melius esset vestire 
 pauperes, quam ornare parietes. Item de altari dicunt, quod damnum 
 sit, pannum putrescere super lapide. Et quod Christus non dederit Apos- 
 tolis stolas, nee casulam, uec infulam. Item conficiunt in Picario, pro 
 calice. Et dicunt quod corporale sit, ut pannus braccorum. Item, de 
 lumine dicunt ; quod Deus, qui est vera lux, non egeat lumine . et ad hoc 
 tantum valere in Ecclesiis, ne Clerici ibi pedes ledant. Item, thurificatio- 
 nem reprobaut. Aquam benedictam dicunt esse ut simplicem. Imagines 
 et picturas dicunt esse idololatricas. Item, Ecclesiae cantum subsannaut, et 
 dicunt quod in verbis tantum, et non in melodia sit vis. Item clamores 
 Laicorum derident. Item, processiones festivas, ut Paschae, et lugubres, ut 
 dies Rogationum et funerum respuunt. Dicunt, et quod cantus nocturnus 
 et diurnus noviteraGregorio sit institutus; quem prius Ecclesia non habe- 
 bant. Item, quod Sacerdos plures missas diversas, uno die cantate pemiit- 
 titur: reprehendunt. Idem, tempore interdicti exultant; quia, tunc plures 
 corrunipunt. Item dicunt, quod homines cogantur ire ad Ecclesiam prop- 
 ter quaestum; ipsi etiam ncte vadunt, offerunt, connlentur, communicant, 
 sed totum ncte. Item peregrinantur, et ita Lombardiam intrantes, visitant 
 Episcopos suos. Item sepulchrum Domini, el sepulchra sanctorum con- 
 temnunt. Item, Ecclesiasticum sepulturam reprobant. Matt. i3. 'Vae, 
 qui aediticatis sepulchra.' Vellent etiam potius sepeliri in campo, quam 
 in ccemcterio si non timerent Ecclesiam. Item dicunt, quod exequiae mor- 
 
AUTHORITIES. 531 
 
 luorum, Missa; dufunctorum, oblaliones funerum, teslamenta, legata, visi- 
 tatio sepulchorum, vigilite lectse, anuiversarius, tricesimus, septimus, &c. 
 suffragia, non prosint animabus. Item, de coufraternitate Laicorum et 
 Clericorura, quae vocatur zecke, dissuadent, et dicuat hsec omnia agi prop- 
 ter quaestum. Hos omnes errores habent ; quia negant Purgatorium : di- 
 centes taut um duas vias esse, scilicet unam elector am ad ccelum ; aliam 
 damnatorum, ad infemum * Lignum quocunque ceciderit, ibierit. 1 Si enim 
 est bonus non indiget suffragio : si est malus, nihil prodest. Item dicunt, 
 quod omne peccatum, sit raortale et nullum veniale. Item dicunt, quod 
 unum Pater noster plus valeat, quam sonus decern campanarum, et plus, 
 quam Missa. Item dicunt; quod omne juramentum sit mortalepeccatum. 
 'Nolito jurare omnino : sed sit sermo vester,est, est, non, non. 1 Qui dicit, 
 vere, vel certe, reputat juramentum. Perfecti enim inter eos, potius mori- 
 untur, quam jurent. Imperfectus vero jurat si cogitur jurare : vel etiam, 
 si dicatur sibi forma juramcuti; per hoc se a peccatoexcusans, necogatur, 
 et sic coactus prodat secreta. Tmo, plus, quam homicidam reputant, qui 
 cogit jurare: ut Confirmatory quia confirmando exigit juramentum et Ju- 
 dex a testibus, et examinator in fide; et Sacerdos, qui cogit abjurare pec- 
 cata. Unde multi sunt perjuri. Item, reprehendunt eum, qui dicit, quod 
 violans fidem, quamdedit Sacerdoti, sit reus septem perjuriorum. Item di- 
 cunt; quod omnes Principes et Judices dantur; et dicunt, maleficos non 
 damnandos, juxta illud ; * Mini vindictam et ego retribuam. 1 'Sinite 
 utraque crescere. 1 Item, judicio Ecclesiastico, quae habent sacerdotes 
 fieri dicunt non correctionis causa, sed propter quaestum. 
 Caput, vi. 
 Item, si perfecte vis cognoscere errorem Patrinorum, respice summam 
 Fratris Tonsouis. Cum talibus parum potest fieri, nisi per testes ; quia 
 imperfecti jurant et mentiuntur. Sed Perfecti qui Consolati vocantur in 
 Lombardia, et in Theutonia, boni homines vocantur; subirent mortem, ante- 
 quam quidquamfacerent horum. 
 
 [The " S ii mill 'i Fratris Renerii" mentioned before, p. 437, begins thus — " In nomine Domini nostri 
 Jesu Cliriati. Cum sects h atretic or uni olim fnerint multtc, quae omnino fere destcuctae sunt per gratiam 
 Jesu Christi, tamen disc principales modo inveniuntur, quarum altera vocatur Cathari, sive Pateriui -, 
 altera Lconista?, sen Pauperes de Lugduno, quorum opiniones prjescnti paginal annotantur." It then 
 proceeds immediately, " de diversis seetis Catharorum," and goes on agreeing in the main with a great 
 part of the remainder of this chapter, as printed in the Bib. Pat. There are, however, a great many 
 verbal differences. I here reprint the text of the Bib. Pat. and some of the most important various read- 
 ings of the Piimma, I shall insert between brackets-— where they are anything more than additions, the 
 words of the B. 1*. text, for which they are substituted, will be marked by italic* — and where the reader 
 finds words between brackets, in italics, lie will understand that they are wanting in the Sumina.] 
 
 [Sciendum est itaque primum quod prima] Secta [videlicet] Catharorum 
 divisa est in ties partes, sivc sectas principales. 
 
 Quarum primi vocantur Albanenses: Secundi, Concorozenses : terlii, 
 Bagnoleuses. Et hi omnes sunt in Lombardia. Caeteri vero Cathari, sive 
 sint in Tuscia, sive in Marchia, vel in Provincia, non discrepant in opini- 
 onibus a dictis Catharis, seu ab aliquibus eorum. Habent igitur omnes 
 Cathari opiniones communes; in quibus concordant; ct proprias in qui- 
 bus discordant. Communes opiniones omnium Catharorum sunt islae; 
 videlicet, quod diabolus fecerit hunc mundum, et omnia, quae in co sunt. 
 Item, quod omnia Sacramenta Ecclesiac, scilicet Sacramentum Baptismi 
 aquae materialis, [uaturalis] et ca?tera Sacramenta, nihil prosint ad salutem, 
 
532 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 et quod non sint vera Sacrament a Christi, et ejus Ecclesiae, sed deceptoria 
 et diabolica, et Ecclesiae malignantium. Item, communis opinio omnium 
 Catharorum est; quod matrimonium carnale semper fuerit mortale pecca- 
 tum: et quod non puniatur aliquis gravius in futuro propter adulterium 
 et incestum, quam propter legitimum conjugium. Nee etiam apud eos 
 quisquam gravius puniretur. Item, omnes Cathari negant carnis resurrec- 
 tionem futuram. Item credunt, quod comedere carnes, ova Tel casenm, 
 etiam in urgente necessitate, sit mortale peccatum. Item, quod potestates 
 saeculaies peccent mortaliter puniendo malefactores, vel haereticos. Item, 
 quod nemo possit salvus fieri, nisi per ipsos. Item, quod omnes parruli 
 etiam [non] baptizati non levins [lenius] aeternaliter puniantur, quam ho- 
 micidal et latrones. Sed in hoc dissentiunt Albanenses dicentes quod nulla 
 creatura honi Dei peribit. Item, omnes negant Purgatorium. Item, est 
 communis opinio omnium Catharorum, quod graviter peccaret, quicunque 
 occideret avem aliquam a minima usque ad maximam : et quadrupedia, a 
 mustela usque ad elephantem. Sed de caeteris animalibus non sic intelli- 
 gunt. Cathari ad instar sirniaruni, quae actus hominis imitari conantur, 
 quatuor babens Sacramenta, falsa tamen, et inania, illicita et sacrilega ; 
 quae sunt, manus impositio, panis benedictio, pcenitentia et ordo. De sin- 
 gulis per ordinem dicamus. Manus impositio vocatur ab eis consolamen- 
 tum, et spirituale baptisms, sive baptisma Spiritus Sancti, sine quo, secun- 
 dum eos, nee peccatum mortale dimittitur, nee Spiritus Sanctus alicui 
 datur, sed per earn solummodo ab eis factum, utrumque confertur. Difte- 
 runt tamen in hoc ab eis aliquantulum Albanenses : dicunt enim, quod 
 manus ibi nihil operatur, cum ipsa a diabolo sit creata secundum eos, ut 
 infra dicetur ; sed sola Dominica oratio, quam ipsi dicunt tunc ; [qui manus 
 imponunt] [ef] [Caeteri vero Cathari dicunt] quod utrumque necessariuin 
 ibi requiritur, videlicet, et manus impositio, et Dominica oratio. 
 
 Est enim [etiam] communis opinio omnium Catharorum, quod per 
 illam impositionem manus et orationem Dominicam, non fiataliquaremissio 
 peccatorum, si illi, quibiu tunc manus [qui manum] imponunt, sunt tunc 
 in aliquo mortali peccato. Fit autem hie manus impositio a duobus ad 
 minus ; et non solum a praelatis eorum, sed etiam a subditis ; et in necessi- 
 tate, a Catharabus. 
 
 Fractio panis est quaedam benedictio panis Catharorum, quam ipsi 
 quotidie faciunt tarn in prandio, quam in ccena. Fit autem hsec panis 
 fractio tali modo : Cum ingressi sunt ad mensam Cathari, sive Catharae, 
 tunc stantes omnes dicunt Pater noster. Interim, qui prior est processione, 
 [professione] vel ordine, tenens panem vnum vel [tenet panem vinum, vel 
 etiam] plures, si necesse est ad multitudinem, quae forte ibi esset ; et di- 
 cendo ; ' Gratia Domini nostri Jesn Christi sit [semper] cum omnibus nobis, 
 frangit panem sive panes, et distribuit omnibus discumbentibus, non solum 
 Catharis, sed etiam credentibus suis, adulterantibus, latronibus et homicidis. 
 Teruntamen Albanenses dicunt ; quod panis ille corporalis non benedicitur, 
 nee possit recipere benedictionem aliquam, cum ipse panis sit creatura 
 diaboli, secundum eos, et in hoc differunt a caeteris omnibus, qui dicunt, 
 quod panis ille vere benedicitur. Nemo tamen ex eis credit, quod ex illo 
 pane couficiatur Christi corpus. 
 
AUTHORITIES. 533 
 
 "cemtententia autem Catharorum omnium [omnino] proculdubio est 
 falsa, vana, deceptoria, et venenosa, sicut consequenter ostenditur. Tria 
 namque requiruatur in vera et fructuosa pcenitentia, scilicet cordis con- 
 ditio, oris confessio, et operis satisfactio. Ego autem frater Uinhenis 
 [Ranerius,] olim haeresiarcha, nunc Dei gratia, sacerdos in Ordine Fratrum 
 Praedicatorum, licet indiguus, dico indubitanter et testificor coram Deo, 
 quia non mentior, quod illorum trium non est aliquod inter Catharos, sive 
 in pcenitentia eorum. Erroris namque venenum, quod biberunt, ex antiqui 
 serpentis ore, non sinit eos de peccatis suis habere aliquem dolorem. 
 
 Hie autem error quadruplex est. Primus videlicet est, quod pro 
 aliquo peccato non diminuatur eetcrna gloria [nee gloria aeterna alicui 
 peenitenti diminuitur]. Secunda est, quod pcena inferni impcenitenti non 
 augeatur. Tertius est ; quod ignis purgationis [purgatorius] nemini 
 reservetur. Quartus, quod impositione manus culpa et pcena a Deo totali- 
 ter relaxatur: non enim minus punietur infaus unius diei, quam Judas 
 pioditor: sed omnes sunt aequales tam in gloria, quam in pcena, sicut ipsi 
 credunt. Exceptis tamen Albanensibus, qui dicunt ; quisque restituetur 
 in gradum pristinum, non propriis tamen mentis : et quod in utroque 
 regno, Dei scilicet et Diaboli, alii majores sunt aliis. Dico etiam, quod 
 multi ex eis, qui infecti sunt memoratis erroribus, saepe dolent, cum reco- 
 lunt, quod non repleverunt [impleverunt saepius] libidinem suam tempore, 
 quo non [duui] fuerunt professi haeresim Catharorum. Et haec est causa, 
 quare multi credentes tam viri, quam mulieres, non timent magis ad soro- 
 rem suam, et (ilium sive fiiiam, fratrem, neptem consanguineam et cogna- 
 tam accedere, quam ad uxorem et virum proprium. Tamen alii ex eis ob 
 horribilitatem ac bumanam verecundiam fortasse ab hujusmodi retrahuntur. 
 
 Probatur etiam manifesto, quod non dolent de peccatis suis, quae ante 
 professionem suae haeresis commiserunt, pro eo, quod nulli rcstituunt, 
 usuram, furtum, vel rapinam : imo reservant ea, vel potius relinquunt 
 filiis, et nepotibus in saeculo remanentibus, quia dicunt usuram nullum esse 
 peccatum. Praeterea dico, quod in XVII annis, quibus, heu, conversatus 
 sum cum eis, non vidi aliquem ex eis oraie secreto seorsim ab aliis, aut 
 ostendere se tristem de peccatis suis, seu lachrymari, vel percutere pectus 
 suum, et dicere; Deus propitius esto mihi peccalori, sive aliquid hujus- 
 modi, quod esset signum contritionis. Nunquam etiam implorant patro- 
 ciuium Angelorum, vel Sanctorum, seu B. Maiiae Virginis ; neque se mu- 
 niunt signo crucis. 
 
 Sequitur de confessione Catharorum, qualis sit, et quando ipsi earn 
 faciant, et quibus confiteantur. Confessio eorum haec est : ' Ego sum [hie] 
 coram Deo et vobis ad faciendum confessionem, et ad poneudum me in 
 culpam de omnibus peccatis meis, quae sunt in me usque modo, et ad 
 recipiendum de eis omnibus veniam a Deo et a vobis.' Fit etiam ista con- 
 fessio publice coram omnibus, qui ibi sunt congregati : ubi multoties sunt 
 centum et plures viri et mulieres et credentes eorum Cathari. Et dictam 
 confessionem facit [unus] quisque eorum, quando recipit dictam manus 
 impositionem, et facit earn piincipaliter Praelato eorum, tenenli Codicem 
 Evangeliorum, vel totius novi Testamenti, in peciore suo [ante pectus 
 suumj. Qui facta absolutione, ponit dictum librum super caput ipsius, et 
 
534 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 alii Cathari, qui adsuut suam dexteram, incipiendo consequenter orationes 
 suas [manum dextram incipientes quaerunt suas orationes]. Quatenus 
 [quando] auteni quis eorum cadit in peccatum carnis, vel in aliquod, quod 
 sit secundum opiniones eorum mortale: postquam vecepit die tarn maims 
 impositionem, oportet eum confiteri illud peccatum tantum, ct non alia; 
 et iterum recipere manus impositionem secreto a Prselato suo, et ab uno 
 alio cum eo ad minus. [Item de venialibus fit confessio hoc modo] unus pro 
 omnibus loquens alta voce, omnibusque inclinatis ad terrain, coram Prae- 
 lato tenente libruiu circa [ante] pectus suum, dicit : Nos venimus coram 
 Deo et vobis, confitendo peccata nostra; quiamultum peccavimus verbo et 
 opere, in visione, cogitatione, et hujusinodi. Unde apparet manifeste, quod 
 omnes Cathari sine confessione moiiantur in peccatis suis. Et hoc modo 
 ipsi confitentur tantum semel in mensc si commode possunt. 
 
 Sequitur de satisfactione Catharorum. Ubi videndum est, si Cathaii 
 faciant opera sua pro satisfactione peccatorum, quae priusquam profitentur 
 suam sectam; commiserunt. Ad quod breviter dico, quod non: licet igno- 
 rantibus forte hoc mirabile videatur. Nam frequenter orant, jejunant, 
 abstinentque omni tempore a carnibus, ovis, caseoque : omnia videntur 
 opera satisfactoria pro peccatis eorum ; de quibus saepe inaniter gloriantur. 
 Sed est triplex error in eis, qui facit, praedicta opera non esse satisfactoria, 
 Primus est, quod culpa et pcena totaliter hujusmodi dimittitur per eorum 
 manus impositionem et orationem ; vel, per orationem tantum, secundum 
 Albanenses, sicut supra dictum est. Secundus error est ; quod Deus nulli 
 infert pcenam purgatoriam, quam penitus esse negant ; neque temporalem, 
 quam a Diabolo inferri putant in hac vita. Haec est etiam causa, quarc 
 ipsi non injungant pcenitentiam abstinentiae alicui, neque in pcenitentiam, 
 neque in remissionem peccatorum suorum. Terlius est ; quod omnis homo 
 tenetur necessario facere ilia opera, tanquam praecepta Dei. Ita enim puer 
 decern annorum, qui nullum unquam mortale peccatum commiserat, ante- 
 quam fieret Catharus, punitur sicut senex, qui multo tempore nunquam a 
 peccato cessaverat. Non enim gravius puniretur Catharus ahquis apud 
 eos, qui bibcrct toxicum, volens seipsum occidere, quam si pro morte 
 vitanda comederet pullum de consilio medicinae, vel iu alio [aliquo] casu 
 necessitatis: nee etiam in futino gravius puniretur secundum eos. Idem 
 etiam dicunt de matrimonio, sicut supra dictum est. Item eleemosynas 
 paucas, vel nullas faciunt extraneis, nisi forte propter scandalum vicino- 
 rum suorum vitandum, et ut honorincentur ab eis. Paucas etiam faciunt 
 suis pauperibus, et est duplex causa: Prima est, quod se non sperant hide 
 habere majorem gloriam in futuro, neque suorum veniam peccatorum. 
 Secunda est, quod fere minus avarissimi sunt, et tenaces. [Et est causa 
 quia pauperes eorum qui tempore persecutionis nou habent victui neces- 
 saria, vel ea quibus possint restaurare suis rcceptoiibus res et domos, quae 
 pro eis destruuntur, vix possunt inveuire aliquem qui velit eos tunc reci- 
 pere. Sed divites Cathari raultos inveniunt ; quare quilibet eorum, si 
 potest, divilias sibi congregat et conservat]. Sequitur de oratione Catha- 
 rorum. Hanc maxime putant necessarian! esse, quando ipsi sumunt 
 cibnm, vel potum. Igitur multi ex ipsi dixerunt in suis infirniitatibus 
 aliquando illis, qui eis minislrabant ; quod non poucrcnt aliquid cibi vel 
 
AUTHORITIES. 535 
 
 potus hi 03 eorum, si illi infirmi ad minus non possent dicere, Pater noster. 
 Unde verisimilc est, quod multi ex eis occidunt hoc modo se ipsos, et a suis 
 cohareticis sunt occisi. Ex prsemissis itaque patet apertissime, quod Ca- 
 thari nullum faciunt pcenitentiain, maxime cum non habeant contritionem 
 de peccatis, neque confiteantur ea, neque pro eis satisfaciant; quamvir 
 multum se affligant : et quod pro suis erroribus et peccatis extends gra- 
 vissime puniantur [pro suis erroribus in aeternum gravissime punientur]. 
 Scquitur de quarto Sacramento Catharorum, scilicet deOrdine. Circa quod 
 riota quinque. Piimo, quod ordines habeant. Secundo, de nominibus 
 eorum. Tertio, de officio cujuscunquc Ordinis. Quarto, quomodo et 
 quibus fiunt. Ultimo, quot et ubi sint Ecclesia; eorum, scilicet Catha- 
 rorum. 
 
 Piimo ergo nota, quod Ordines Catharorum sunt quatuor. Ille, qui 
 est in piimo et maximo [constitutus] Ordine vocatur Episcopus. Ille, qui 
 in secuirlo, vocatur Filius Major. Qui in tertio; Filius Minor. Qui in 
 quarto et ultimo, vocatur Diaconus. Caeteri, qui sunt sine ordine inter 
 eos, vocantur Christiani et Christiana?. Secundo nota; quod officium 
 Episcopi est, semper tenere prioratuni in omnibus, quae faciunt ; scilicet 
 in impositione manus, in fractione panis, et in incipiendo orare : quae qui- 
 dem servant filius major, absente Episcopo, et filius minor, absente [cpis- 
 copo et rilio] majore. Prseterea isti duo filii, simul, vel separatim discur- 
 runt visitare omnes Catharos, qui sunt sub Episcopo, et eis tenentur obe- 
 dire omnes. Similiter faciunt et servant in omnibus Diacones ; et unusquisque 
 in suis subditis, absentibus Episcopo et filiis. Et nota quod Episcopus et 
 filii habent in singulis civitatibus, [maxime] in quibus morantur, [Cathari] 
 singulos Diacones. Ita nota, quod officium Diaconoium est audire confes- 
 siones venalium peccatorum, quae fiunt semel in tnense, sicut supra dictum 
 est; et subditis suis facere absolutionem, injungendo eis tribus diebus 
 jejunium, vel centum inclinationes flexis genibus, et appellatur illud offi- 
 cium, ul ita loquar, caregare servitium. 
 
 Fiunt vero Ordines praedicti ab Episcopo, et etiam a filiis de licentia 
 Episcopi. Ordinatio autem Episcopi consueverat fieri in hunc modum : 
 Mortuo Episcopo, Filius minor ordinabit filium majorem in Episcopum : 
 et iste postea ordinabit Filium minorem in Filium majorem. Postelige- 
 batur filius minor ab omnibus Prselatis et subditis, qui erant ad hoc congre- 
 gati ab Episcopo, et ordinabatur in Filium minorem. Et haec ordinatio 
 Filii minoris, non est mutata inter eos. Ilia vero, quae supra dicitur de 
 Episcopo, mutata est ab omnibus Catharis manentibus circa [morantibus 
 citra] mare : dicentibus, quod per talem ordinationem [videtur quod] 
 filius instituat Patrem, \ut videtur] : quod satis apparet iucongruum. Unde 
 sit [fit] modo aliter in hac forma. Antee mortem enim suam Episcopus 
 ordinat Filium majorem in Episcopum, et si moritur, filius fit Episcopus. 
 Minor vero Filius, major fit Filius eodem die : Et ita fere quilibet etiam 
 Catharorum semper habet duos Episcopos. Unde Joannes de Lugduno 
 [Lugio] qui est unus de illis taliter ordinatus in suis Epistolis se sic descri- 
 bit : ' Joannes de Lugduno Dei Gratia, [Johannes Dei Gratia] Filius 
 major et Episcopus ordinatus,' &c. Sed utraque ordinatio manifeste repre- 
 bensibilis est ; quia nee filius canialis unquam instituit suum gcnitoieni : 
 
536 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 et etiam nunquam legitur, quod una eademque Ecclesia, eodem tempore 
 duos habuerit Hot Episcopal, [hahuit eodem tempore duos Episcopos] 
 sicut nee una mulier duos [legitimos] viros. Fiunt autem omnes supra- 
 dicti Ordines cum impositione manus, et attribuitur ilia gloria [gratia] sci- 
 licet conferendi Ordines memoratos, et dandi Spiritum Sanctum soli Epis- 
 copo eorum ; vel, qui major est, et auctorin tenendo librum novi Testament! 
 super caput illius, cui imponitur manus. 
 
 Nota insuper, Cathari in maximo laborant dubio, et periculo animae : 
 Verbi gratia, si Prselatus eorum, ct maxime Episcopus, occulte commiserit 
 aliquod mortale peccatum, quales etiam multi olim reperti sunt inter eos, 
 omnes illi quidem, quibus ipse manum imponit, fiunt [sint] decepti, et 
 pereunt, si in eo statu decedunt. Etiam causa huj us periculi vitandi, om- 
 nes Ecclesia? Catbarorum, una excepta solummodo, vel duabus; recepe- 
 runt secundo, et aliquae tertio, consolamentum, id est, manus impositionem, 
 quod est Baptisma eorum, ut supra dicitur, et de praedictis est fama pub- 
 lica inter eos. 
 
 Sunt autem XVI. omnes Ecclesiae Catharorum. Nee imputes mihi, o 
 Lector, quod eas appello Ecclesias, sed potius eis, qui se ita [quia ita se] 
 vocaut. Quarum nomina sunt haec; Ecclesia Albanensis, vel de Sansano 
 [Donnezacho] ; Ecclesia de Contorezo: Ecclesia Bagnolensium, sive de 
 Bagnolo: Ecclesia Vicentina, [Vincentina] vel de Marchia; Ecclesia 
 Florentiua; Ecclesia de Valle Spoletana; Ecclesia Franciae; Ecclesia 
 Tolosana; Ecclesia Carthasensis [Carcassonensis] ; Ecclesia Albiscnsis 
 [Albigensis] ; Ecclesia Sclavonic, Ecclesia Latino nun de Constantinopoli ; 
 Ecclesia Graecorum ibidem : Ecclesia Philadelphia; Romaniohe [in Roma- 
 nia,] Ecclesia Bulgaria [Burgaliae,] Ecclesia Dugranicite [Dugunthia?.] 
 Et omnes originem hahuerunt a duabus ultimis : Primi scilicet Albanenses, 
 morantnr Veronae, et in plurimis civitatibus Lotnbardiae ; et sunt numero 
 fere quingenti, utriusque sexus. Illi autem de Contorezo [Concorrezo 
 diffusi] sunt fere per totam Lombardiam, et sunt bene mille quingenti, 
 vel etiam plures. Bagnolenses morantur in Mantua, Brixia, Bergomi, et 
 in Comitatu Mediolanensium, sed pauci, et in Romaniola, et sunt fere 
 ducenti. Ecclesia de Marchia nihil habet Veronae ; sed sunt circiter [C. 
 Illi de Tuscia et de Valle Spoletana fere C. Ecclesia Francias morantur 
 Veronae et in Lombardia; et sunt circiter] CX. Ecclesia Tholosana, et 
 AlbisensU [Albigensis,] et Charcliagensis [Carcassonensis] cum quibus- 
 dam, quae olim fuerunt, ut Ecclesia Auzinensis [Agennensis,] quae fere 
 destructa est, sunt fere CCC [CC] Ecclesia Latinorum in Constanti- 
 nopoli sunt fere L. Item Ecclesia Sclavonic, Grtecorum, Philadelphia, 
 Bulgaria [Sclavoniae, et Philadelphia?, et Graecorum Burgariae,] et Du- 
 graniciic sunt omnis gent is simul [Dugunthiae omnes simul fere D.] O 
 Lector dicas secure, quod in toto mundo non sunt Cathari utriusque sexus 
 quatuor millia, [sed credentes innumeri.'] Et dicta computatio plnries 
 [olim] facta est inter eos. 
 
 Sequitur de propriis opinionibus Catharorum. Et primo de Ecclesia 
 Albanensi, qui alio modo dicuntur Senzano [de Donzenacho] ; eo quod 
 errant in pluribus, quam caeteri Cathari. Primo igitur notabiliter scien- 
 dum est, quod isti Albanenses divisi sunt in duas partes in opinionibus con- 
 
AUTHORITIES. 537 
 
 tianis et diveisis. Unius partis caput est Gelesmanza [Balaslnansa] 
 Veionensis eorum Episcopus : et hunc seqnuntur plurimi antiquiores, et 
 pauci juvenes ejus sectae. Alterius vero sectae caput est Joannes de Lug- 
 duno [Lugio] Bergomensis eorum filius major et ordinatus episcopus: et 
 nunc e contrario sequuntur juniores, et pauci antiquiores. Et ista pars 
 satis est major, quam prima. Prima pars tenet opiniones antiquiores, quas 
 omnes Cathari [et Albanenses] [antiquiores] habebant in annis Domini 
 currentibus [M.CC. usque ad annos currentes] M.CC.XXX. 
 
 ltaque opiniones istorum, praeter communes suprascriptas, sunt istae, 
 quod sint duo principia a Deo, videlicet boni et mali. Item, quod Trinitas, 
 scilicet Pater et Filius, et Spiritus Sanctus, noil est unus Deus ; sed quod 
 Pater major est Fiho, et Spiritu Sancto. Item, quod utrumque princi- 
 pium, sive uterque Deus, creavit angelos suos, et suura mundum : et quod 
 iste xnundus est creatus, factus et formatus a malo Deo, et omnia quae sunt 
 in eo. Item, quod Diabolus cum suis angelis ascendit in caelum, et facto 
 ibidem praelio cum Michaelc Avchangelo, Angelas [et angelis] boni Dei 
 extraxit iude etiam [tertiamj partem creaturarum Dei; et infundit eas 
 quotidie iu humanis corporibus et brutis et etiam de uno corpore in aliud, 
 donee dicta* creaturae reducantur in ccelum. Vocantur autem istae crea- 
 turae Dei secundum eos, 'populus Dei,' et 'animae atque oves domus Israel,' 
 et etiam aliis nominibus. Item, quod Filius Dei non assumpsit humanam 
 naturam in veritate ; sed ejus similem ex beata Virgine, quam dicunt fuisse 
 Angelum. Et, quod non vere comedit et bibit, nee vere passus est, nee 
 mortuus, nee sepultus: nee ejus resurrectio vera fuit, sed quod base fue- 
 runt putativa, sicut de ipso legitur. * Ut putaretur filius Joseph.' Simi- 
 liter de omnibus miiaculis, quae Christus fecit. Item, quod Abraham, 
 Isaac, et Jacob, Moyses et caeteri plures patres antiqui, et beatus Joannes 
 Baptista, fuevunt inimici Dei, et ministri Diaboli. Item, quod Diabolus 
 fuerit auctor totius Veteris Testamenti, exceptis his libris ; scilicet, Job, 
 Psalterio, libris Salomonis, Sapientiae, filii Siracb, I saise, Hieremiae, Ezechiel, 
 Daniel, et XII. Prophetarum ; quorum quosdam scriptos fuisse in coelo, 
 illos scilicet, qui fuerunt scripti ante destruclionem Hierusalem, quam 
 credunt etiam esse ccelestem. Item, quod mundus iste nunquam habebit 
 finem. Item, quod Judicium futurum, jam factum est, nee amplius fiet. 
 Item, quod infernus et ignis :e tern us, sive peenae aeternae sunt in isto 
 mundo, et non alibi. Sic quidem pi aedictas opiniones tenebant omnes Alba- 
 nenses generaliter in praedicto tempore, exceptis simplicioribus, quibus 
 singula non revelabantur. 
 
 Ultimo nota, quod Cathari Ecclesise Tolosanae et Corozenses [Albi- 
 gensis et Carcassonensis] tenent errores Gelosimaze [Belezmansae] et [anti- 
 quorum] Albanensium, et Ecclesiae [fere] omnes Catharorum de ultra mare, 
 quo ultimo [quas] scripsi, similiter. Nulla vero Ecclesia Catharorum con- 
 cordat in omnibus cum Catharis Ecclesiae de Concorezo. Ecclesia Franciae 
 concordat cum Bagnolensibus. llli vero de Marchia Teruisina. Tuscia, 
 et Valle Spoletana concordant cum Bagnolensibus in pluribus, quam cum 
 Albanensibus ; [sed paulatim trahuntur ab Albanensibus]. Item omnes 
 ecclesiae Catharorum recipiunt se invicem, licet diversas habeant opiniones 
 et contrarias [praeter Albanenses]. Et Concorezenses, qui se damnant ad 
 
 3z 
 
538 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 invicein, sicut supra dictum est. Si quis vera Catharus, sive Cathara, cu- 
 juscunque sit sectae, non fuerit confessus praedictos errores proprios, vel 
 saltern communes, tunc de illo dicendum est, quod ipse in hypocrisi men- 
 dacium loquitur, quod est proprium Catharorum, teste Apostolo, qui hoc 
 de eis siue velamine prophetavit, et sive [nisi forte] fuerit homo simplex, 
 ut [vel] novitius [inter eos] ; alias in multis sectis [talibus enim multis] 
 illorum secreta minime revelantur. 
 
 [The Snmma Renerii, as it regards the Catheri, eods here ; a circumstance which confimii the 
 doubt which I have espressed respecting what follows.] 
 
 Manicbaei, furta, rapinas, sacrilegia nou damnant ; imo dicunt hujus- 
 modi licere. Matrimonium damnant, dicentes ; hoc esse meritoriam for- 
 nicationem. Sed incestum naturalem cum matre propria vel sorore, aut 
 eum matre, dicuut esse mundam fornicationem, dummodo fiant secundum 
 ritum sectae, qui talis est ; si quis ex ipsis vult abuti propria matre, dabit 
 ei XVHI. denarios, sex pro eo, quod concepit eum ; sex pro eo, quod peperit 
 eum, sex pro eo, quod nutrivit eum ; Et sic soluta legenaturali, seu natura, 
 licenter abutitur ea; quia nihil ei attinere putatur, et omnino liber tffici- 
 tur ab omni naturali reverentia matris : sicut saccus liber efficitur a fru- 
 mento, quando fuerit excussum. Qui sorore voluerit abuti, dabit ei sex 
 denarios. Qui comraatre, dabit ei novem denarios. Et sic licitum esse 
 dicunt (incaestum) sine omni peccato. Aquambenedictam, tanquam vene- 
 num execrantur, dicentes, quod si quis hominum de ipsorum secta ea fuerit 
 aspersus ; debeat excavari de came ejus cum acubus et subulis. Peregrina- 
 tiones ultra mare, sive ad limina sanctorum, nihil aliud esse dicunt, quam 
 quod homines inaniter sua corpora currendo fatigent. Ecclesiam Roma- 
 nam dinnt meretricem. Unde Domino Papae, et omnibus Episcopis, Sa- 
 cerdotibns et clericis catholicis contradicunt dicentes se Ecclesiam Dei; 
 et ilios mundi seductores. Episcopus autem eorum sic dedicatur. Pue- 
 rum ab utero matris egressum, antequam gustet lac maternum, accipiunt, 
 nutrientes eum lacte auiygdalino et pecudis, et demum esu piscium. 
 Cavetur autem, quod nunquam gustet carnes, neque lacticinia, nee aliquod, 
 quod coitu nascitur. Demum, cum ad annos discretionis pervenit, hoc 
 ipso vice est Episcopus sectae. Porro quando ad locum secretum ciedentes 
 eorum conveniunt, ante praefatum Episcopum procidunt super genua sua, 
 adorantes eum, et dicunt singuli; 'Parce nobis Domiue. 1 Et subjugit 
 unusquisque dicens haec verba Teutonice. 'Nimmer musse ich crsterben, 
 ich musse umb euch erwerben. dasz mein end gut werde.' At ilte singulis 
 manus imponens dicit haec verba ter super unumquemque adorantium : 
 ' Du werdest ein gut Mann. 1 Credentibus ipsorum nullam dant spem sa- 
 lutis, nisi ad ipsorum sectam, relictis omnibus, convertantur, vel saltern iu 
 extremo vitae articulo manus impositionem ab ipsis accipiant. Dicunt 
 enim, omnia peccata per manus impositionem ab ipsis factam relaxari, et 
 Spiritum Sanctum infundi. Et hoc volunt probare pet illam authoritateni 
 Actuum: 'Tunc imponebant manus super illos, et accipiebant Spiritum 
 Sanctum. ' Quando autem aliquem iu extremo vitas periculo recipere vo- 
 lunt, dant ei optionem ; Utrum velit in regno caelorum esse cum Sanctis 
 Martyribus vel Confessoribus. Si autem elegerit statum Martyrum, tunc 
 mantitergio ad hoc specialiter depntato, quod Theutonice vocatur, Bnter- 
 
AUTHORITIES. 539 
 
 tuch, ipsum straugulant, ostio super eum clauso. Si autem Confessorum 
 elegerit, tunc post manus impositionem nil dant ei ad esum,nec puram 
 aquam ad bibendum ; et ita fame ipsum perimunt. 
 
 QUOMODO SECT.*; AGNOSCANTUR. CAP. VII. 
 
 Haeretici cognoscuntur per mores et verba. Sunt enim in moribus 
 compositi et modesti : superbiam in vestibus non habent, quia necpretiosis, 
 nee multum abjectis utuntur. Negotiationes non habent propter menda- 
 cia et juramenta, et fraudes vitandas ; sed tantum vivunt de labore, ut 
 opifices. Doctores etiam ipsorum sunt sutores et textores. Divitias non 
 niultipUcant, sed necessariis sunt eontenli Casti etiam sunt, maxime Leo- 
 nistte. Temperati etiam sunt in cibo et potu. Ad tabernas non emit, nee 
 ail choreas, nee ad alias vanitates. Ab ira se cohibent : semper operantur, 
 iliscunt vel docent, et ideo parum orant. Item ad Ecclesiam ficte vadunt, 
 offerunt et confitentur, et communicant, et intersunt praedicationibus, sed 
 ut piaedicantem capiant in sermone. Cognoscuntur etiam in verbis prae- 
 cisis et modestis. Cavent etiam a scurrilitate et detractione et verborura 
 levitate, et mendacio et juiamento. Nee dicunt vere, vel eerie, et similia; 
 quia, haec reputant juramenta. Item ad quaestioues raro directe respon- 
 dent: Ut, si quseratur ab ipsis; ' Scis tu Evangelium vel Epistolas?' re- 
 spondent; 'Quis docuisset me ista?' vel dicunt; ' Hujusmodidebent scire, 
 qui sunt magni vel profundi intellectus ; vel, qui ad hoc sunt otiosi vel 
 idonei :' vel dicunt, sibi licere; quia Christus dixit Judaeis, ' Solvite temp- 
 lum hoc,' de corporis sui templo iutelligens ; et ipsi intelligebant de templo 
 Salomonis. Dicunt etiam, ' est, est, non, non.' 
 
 QUOMODO SE INGERANT FAMILIARITATI MAGNORUM. CAP. VIII. 
 
 Haeretici callide student, qualiter se ingerant familiaritati nobilium 
 et magnorum. Et hoc faciunt hoc modo. Aliquas merces gratas, ut an- 
 nulos et pepla Dominis et Dominabus exhibent ad emendum. Quibus ven- 
 ditis, si homines quserant ab eo, habes plures ad vendendum ? respondet, 
 habeo preciosiores gemmas, quam sunt istae ; lias vobis darem, si faceretis 
 me securum, quod non proderetis me Clericis. Securitate itaque accepta, 
 dicit : habeo gemmam a Deo fulgentem, quod homo per earn cognoscit 
 Deum. Aliam (habeo) quae tantum rutilat, quod amorem Dei accendit in 
 corde habentis earn, et sic de caeteris ; gemmas dicit metaphorice. Postea 
 recitat sibi aliquod devotum Capitulum, ut est id Lucae ; ' Missus est 
 Angelus Gabriel,' &c. Vel de sermone Domini; Joan. 13. 'Ante diem 
 festum,' &c. Cum igitur ipse inceperit auditori placere, tunc subdit Capi- 
 tulum Matt. 23. ' Su per Cathedram Moysi,' &c. ' Vae vobis, qui tulistis 
 clavem scientiae ; ipsi non intratis, et caeteros intiare prohibetis. Et illud 
 Marci 12. ' Vae vobis, qui devoratis domos viduarnm,' et quae sequuntur, 
 Quaesitus autem ab auditore, de quo istae imprecationes intelligantur, res- 
 pondet, de Clericis et religiosis. Post, haeretieus facit comparationem status 
 Ecclesiae Romanic ad statum ipsorum; sic dicens; ' Doctores RomanaeEc- 
 clesiae sunt fastuosi in vestibus et in moribus,' Matt. 23. 'Amant primos recu- 
 bitos et vocari appetunt ab hominibus Rabbi :' Rabbinos vero tales non 
 quaeiimus. Item, ipsi sunt iucontinentes ; sed unusquisque nostrum uxorem 
 suam habet, et cum ea caste vivit. Item sunt divites et avari, quibus di- 
 citur: ' Vae vobis divitibus, qui habetis hie consolationem vestram.' Nos 
 
540 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 vero habentes victutn et vestes, quibus possumus tegi, bis content! suruus. 
 Item sunt voluptuosi, quibus dicitur ; ' Vae vobis, qui devoratis domos vi- 
 duarum,' &c. Nos vero utcunque sustentamur. Item ipsi pugnant et bella 
 inducunt, et mandant occidi et incendi pauperes : quibus dicitur; 'Omnis 
 qui acceperit gladium, gladio peribit.' Nos vero ab eis persecutionem pa- 
 timur propter justitiam. Item comedunt panem otiosum ; nihil operantes. 
 Nos vero manibus operauiur. Item ipsi volunt esse Doctores soli; quibus 
 dicitur Matt. 23. ' Vae vobis qui tulistis clavem scientiae.' Apud nos vero 
 tam fceniinae, quam viri docent, et discipulus scptem dierum docet alium. 
 Item, rarus est Doctor inter eos, qui tria Capitula continuate Novi Testa- 
 menti literaliter sciat corde. Apud nos vero rarus est vir vel fcemina, qui 
 textum uou sciat vulgariler recitare. Et quia veram fid em Christi habe- 
 mus, el sanctam vitam et doctrinam docemus omnes nos ; ideo scribae et 
 pharisaei gratis persequuntur nos ad mortem, ut Christum. Piaeterea ipsi 
 tantum dicuut et non faciunt, et alligant onera gravia in humeros bominum, 
 sed digito suo haec non movent ; nos vero omnia faciinus, quae docemus. 
 Item, ipsi plus cogunt servari traditiones hominum, quam Dei mandata ; ut 
 jejunia, festa, ire ad Eccksiani, et multa alia, quae sunt hominum instituta. 
 Nos vero tantum doctrinam Christi servare snademus et Apostolorum. 
 Item ipsi pcenitentes onerant pcenis gravissimis, quas nee digito movent; 
 Nos vero exemplo Christi dicimus peccatori; ' Vade jam, et amplius noli 
 peccare;* et ei per manus impositiouem omnia peccata relaxamus, et 
 animas transmittimus iu morte ad caelum. Ipsi autem fere omnes animas 
 transmittunt ad infernum.' His et aliis propositis, dicit haereticus ; ' Pen- 
 sate, quis status sit perfectior, et quae fides? nostra, vel Ecclesiae Romanse ? 
 et ilium eligite.' Et sic a fide catholica subvertitur per errores eorum 
 aversus: Et sic credens ipsorum, et receptator, et fautor, et defensor, et 
 per plures menses ipsum occultans, in domo discit de secta ipsorum. Bib. 
 Pat. Tom. IV. p. II. 746. 
 
 No. XXXVI. p. 438. 
 
 Stephanus de Borbone. 
 
 [See before, No. II. of these Authorities.] 
 
 No. XXXVII. p. 439. 
 
 Guillelmus de Podio Laurentii. 
 
 " De his quae vel ipse vidi, vel audivi a proximo, duxi aliqua in scrip- 
 
 tis posteris relinquenda." Ei-antque quidam Arriani, quidam Mani- 
 
 chaei, quidametiamVvaldenses, siveLugdunenses, qui licet inter sedissides, 
 omnes tamen iu animarum pernicium contra fidem catholicam conspirabant, 
 et illi quidam Waldenses contra alios acutissime disputabant. Prol. p. 49. 
 
 No. XXXVIII. p. 440. 
 Petrus de Pilichdorf. 
 Cap. I. Ortus et origo Waldcnsiuin haereticoruin talis est: licet ini- 
 quitatis tilii coram simplicibus nicntiaiitur dicentes, sectam eorum durasse 
 
AUTHORITIES. 54 1 
 
 a temporibus Sylvestri Papa;, quando videlicet ecclesia coepit habere 
 propnas possessioues ; hoe haeresiarchae reputant non licere; cum apostuli 
 Christi sine proprio jussi sint vivere, Matt. 10. ' Nolite posaidere auruin 
 
 neque argentum,' &e Mentiuntur ergo, quod ex tempore Sylvestri 
 
 PapiE sectae eorum duraverint. Unde notandum quod fere octingeutis 
 annis post Papam Sylvestrum. tempore lnnocentii Papa; II. in civitate 
 Walden, quae in finibus Franciae sita est, fuit quidam cives dives, qui vel 
 ipse legit, vel audivit, Dominum dixisse cuidam ailolescenti, Matt. 19. ' Si 
 vis perfeetus esse, vade et vende omnia, qua; babes, et da pauperibus.' Et 
 cum ille tristis abisset, eo quod dives fuerat, multas possessioues habeus, 
 dixit Dominus; 'Quia dives difficile intrabit in regnum coelorum.' Et ite- 
 rum: 'Multo facilius est camtlum per foramen acus transire, quam divi- 
 tem intrare in regnum coelorum.' Et post pauca, dixit Petrus Domino; 
 'Ecce nos reliquimus omnia et secuti sumus te.' Putabat ille Petrus 
 Waldensis ; cum banc audiret, aut legeret scripturam, quod vita Aposto- 
 lica jam non esset in terra. Unde cogitabat earn innovare ; et, omnibus 
 veudilis, et pauperibus datis, coepit vitam pauperem ducere : quod viden- 
 tes quidam alii, co:-de compuncti sunt, et feceruut similiter. Inter quos 
 praedicto Petro quidam se adjunxit, qui diclus erat Joannes, et erat de 
 Lugduno. 
 
 Cum autem diu in paupertate stetissent, incepeiunt cogitate, quod 
 etiam Apostoli Christi non solum erant pauperes, imo etiam praedicatoies, 
 ccepcrunt et ipsi praedicare verbum Dei. Quod, postquam ad sedtm apos- 
 tolieam, pervenisset, inandat Dominus Apostolicus, quod cessarent ; cum 
 praedicatio verbi Dei rudibus et illiteratis non conveniat: ipsi nolueruut 
 obedire ; quasi hoc Romana Curia ex invidia prohiberet. Quo comperto, 
 Ecclesia excommunicavit eos : Et ipsi resistentes contumaciter ab Ecclesia 
 condemnati sunt. Et quia jam in palam praedicare non praesumebaut, 
 occulte saltern praedicabant. Unde in odium clerieorum et veri sacerdotii 
 ex antiquis erroribus veteranorum haereticorum, et superadditis novis et 
 damnosis articulis, inceperunt, solis exceptis sacramentis, omnia destruere, 
 et condemnare, et reprobare, per quae clerus, velut pia mater, Alios ejus 
 congregat, sicut gallina congregat pullos suos sub alis. Quorum errorcs, 
 cum suis aliqualibus reprobationibus in sequentibus apparebunt. 
 
 Cum autem longo tempore furtive prsedicarent, taliter et multos sub 
 preteusa sanctitatis apparenti simulatione a tidelium commuuione, ad suam 
 sectam adducerent, cogitabant inutiles esse ipsorum piaedicationes, nisi 
 etiam scrutarentur conscientias credentium ipsorum per confessiones au- 
 dire, pcenitentias injungere, et a peccatis absolvere. Et quia cicdentes 
 ipsorum viderunt, et quotidie vident, eos exteriori sanctitate poilere, Sacei-- 
 dotes vera ecclesiae quam plurimos, vitiis, pioh dolor ; et maxime carna- 
 libus insistere ; credunt se melius per eos a peccatis absolvi posse, quam 
 per sacerdotes ecclesiae. Et nisi divina dementia dignata fuerit praelatis 
 ecclesiae majorem inspirare vigilantiam, timendum est, ne forte majorem 
 sibi adhuc usurpent potestatem. Nam noviter compertum est, quod qui- 
 dam haeresiarcha, licet fuerit purus laicus, corpus Christi, ut sibi videbatur, 
 confecerit, et seipsum, et quosdam complices communicaverit, licet fuerit 
 super hoe ab aliis haeiesiarchis aliqualiter rcdaigutns." liib. Pat. Tom. 
 JV. 7 79. 
 
542 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 No. XXXIX. p. 471. 
 
 " Pauperes de Lugduno solum semel cuosecrant iu anno, scilicet in 
 Ccena Domini; et tunc quasi juxta noctem, ille qui praeest inter eos, si est 
 sacerdos, convocat omnes de sua familia utriusque sexus, facit ibi ante eos 
 praeparari bancum seu unum sr.rinium, et poni desuper unutn gausape, 
 cui postea superpouunt unum bonum scyphum de vino puro, et unara t'u- 
 gaciam azymam. Postmodum ait ille qui praeest astantibus; 'Rogemus 
 Dominum nostrum, quod ipseparcat nobis nostra peccata et nostras offen- 
 siones propter misericordiam suam, eteaqua? petimus digne propter suam 
 misericordiam debeat adimplere, et dicamus septies Pater Noster ad bono- 
 rem Dei, et sanctas Trinitatis, ut ipse hsec faciat.' Et tunc flexis genibus 
 omnes dicunt septies Pater Noster. Postea vero suigunt ; et tunc ille qui 
 consecrat, signat panem et scyphum, et fracto pane dat omnibus astantibus 
 particulam suam; et postea dat omnibus bibere cum scypho; et stant 
 semper in pedibus; et sic iiuitur eorura sacrinciuni ; et credunt nrmiteret 
 confitentur quod istud est corpus et sanguis Domini nostri Jesu Christi; et 
 si aliquid superaret de sacrificio, gubernarent illud usque ad Pascha, et 
 tunc totum sumereut. Si autem essent ibi aliqui alii qui peterent, bene 
 darent eis." Martene, Thes. Kov. Anec Tom. V. 1754. 
 
 No. XL. p. 473. 
 
 44 Corpus Christi et sanguinem non credunt vereesse, sed tantum pa- 
 nem benedictum, qui in figura quad am dicitur Corpus Christi, sicut dici- 
 tur, Petra autem erat Christus, et simile." Ibid. 1779. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 One of the chief objects of this Index being to enable the reader to com- 
 pare what is said, in various places, respecting the opinions of the Albi- 
 genses and Waldenses, with regard to any particular doctrine, all such 
 subjects are arranged alphabetically under those two words. How far I 
 am warranted in placing under the head Albigenses, what is said of heretics 
 under the names of Catliari, Publicans, Manicheans, &c. the reader will 
 judge from the body of the work ; and this course will, it is hoped, assist 
 him — the point is here, however, assumed for the sake of convenience. In 
 like manner, the doctrines ascribed to the Leonists, Poor Men of Lyons, 
 &c. will be found under the word Waldenses. 
 
 Adoration of the heretics, 198, 253, 
 254, 278, 287, 293, 295, 296, 308, 
 311, 312, 314, 315, 317, 337, 433. 
 
 Albanenses, 206, 259, 418, 419, 420, 
 421,423,427. 
 
 Albi, Council of (in 1254) 209. 
 
 Albigenses and Waldenses, re- 
 view of Mr. Faber's Testimonies 
 respecting their antiquity, 1. — 
 Opinions of early writers on that 
 point, 16, 33, 146, 176, 186, 201, 
 352, 373, 395, 407, 440.— Distinct 
 Sects, 240,241, 258, 260, 264, 269, 
 439. — Doctrines common to, 110, 
 230. — Moral Character of, 224. — 
 Religious Character of, 451. — 
 Their Title to be considered as 
 the Witnesses, 118, 451, 468, 474. 
 
 Albigenses, on the Name, 94. — 
 Origin of, 82, 428, 445.— How far 
 Manicheans, 83,234.— Their Pope, 
 85, 191. — Doctrines peculiar to, 
 233. — Charged with Arianism, 21, 
 139, 149, 155, 429. — With con- 
 cealing their Doctrine, 357, 390.— 
 With Cupidity, 390, 463.— With 
 taking the Scripture literally, 390. 
 — Nature of their Instruction, 249, 
 n, 452. — Rites peculiar to, 244. 
 
 Their Doctrine rcspectino Ab- 
 solution, 231, 273, 425. — Absti- 
 nence from Meat, 246, 255, 346, 
 354, 383, 384, 394, 395, 396, 
 
 419, 433, 459. — Alms, 164.— 
 Baptism, 140. 144, 148, 164, 165, 
 
 237, 308, 319, 346, 348, 354, 358, 
 364, 372, 381, 387, 393, 418, 445. 
 —Spiritual, 247, 346, 354, 419.— 
 Churches, material, 164, 364, 380, 
 381.— The Church of Rome, 164, 
 233, 272, 308, 345, 393, 432 — 
 Confession, 141, 231, 273, 319, 393, 
 422. — Confirmation, 393.— Crea- 
 tion, 148, 308, 319, 379, 387, 418, 
 — Cross, adoration of, 240, 319, 
 389 — Sign of, 364, — Eucharist, 
 148, 237, 308, 319, 347, 355, 364, 
 372, — Incarnation of Christ, 144, 
 239, 272, 320, 355, 362, 380, 392, 
 429. — Intercession of Saints, 348, 
 — Invocation of Saints, 384.— Jus- 
 tification by Faith, 388. — The 
 Mass, 355. — Matrimony 140, 144, 
 164, 165, 238, 272, 308 319, 347, 
 348, 353, 358, 364, 372, 360, 387, 
 390, 393, 396, 418. — Miracles of 
 Christ, 429. — Monastic Institu- 
 tions, 364. — Mosaic Law, 140, 379 
 —Oaths, 141, 144, 166, 319, 385, 
 388. — Oblations, 364. — Orders, 
 
 238, 355, 359,364,424.— Penance 
 148, 231, 381, 420.— Pilgrimages, 
 432. — Prayers for the Dead, 354, 
 384. — Punishment, capital, 385, 
 388, — temporal, 425.— Purgatory, 
 354, 359, 419, 421. — Repentance, 
 
544 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 141.— Resurrection, 142,148,239, 
 242, 273, 299, 319, 384, 387, 393, 
 419.— Sacraments, 148, 236, 277, 
 278, 293, 317, 346, 364,418 — 
 Scriptures, 140, 392, 429. — Singing 
 in Churches, 380. — Soul, human, 
 240, 299, 356, 363,429— Tithes, 
 164,264.— Transuhstantiation,140, 
 144, 157, 163, 165, 355, 359, 381, 
 387, 393— Two principles, 148, 
 163, 165, 379,392,428. — Unction, 
 extreme, 238, 320, 387. — Water, 
 holy, 364. 
 
 Ambrun papers, 5, 222 n. 
 
 Ancianus, 315. 
 
 Amaldistie, 20 1,206, 210, 446, 450. 
 
 Arnaud, Henri, extracts respecting, 
 475. 
 
 Bagnaroli, 206. 
 
 Bagnolevses, 418,427. 
 
 Ba'rbes, 448. 
 
 Believers, or Credentes, 177, 196, 
 
 198, 203, 428. 
 Benediction of Alhigenses, 337. 
 Bernard of Clairvaux, 19, 343. 
 Bernard of Fontcaiid, 372. 
 Beziers, Council of (in 1233). 196. 
 Bisltop of Alhigenses, 191, 382. 394, 
 
 425, 432. — Of Waldenses, 415. 
 Bleeding, 340. 
 Boni homines, 139, 294, 299, 305, 
 
 394,416. 
 Burgundy, Waldenses from, 265. 
 
 Caihari, 175. 177,200,206,210, 261, 
 350, 353, 417 et seq. — Churches 
 of, 427. 
 
 Charroux, Council of (in 1028), 89. 
 
 Circumcisi, 206. 
 
 Coliinve, heretics of, 344, 450. 
 
 Cnmmixti. 216. 
 
 Communelli, 206. 
 
 Coticorezenses. 418, 427. 
 
 Confessions of Faith, Waldensian, 
 121 
 
 Consolamenttim, or consolation, 164, 
 198, 206, 382, 394, 419, 427, 
 433. 
 
 Consolati, 177, 244, 271, 280, 382. 
 
 Conrad of Lichtenau, writer quoted 
 by, 397. 
 
 Comenensa, 245, 278, 293, 298, 304, 
 458. 
 
 Credentes, see Believers. 
 
 Crosses, ordered to be worn by he- 
 retics, 193, 195, 196, 216. 
 Culpa, ordered, to be recorded, 197, 
 
 208. — Noticed, 219. — Specimen! 
 
 of, 270, &c. 
 Dancing, 114. 
 Deacons, 382, 425. 
 Diaconus Major, 280. 
 Disputalio inter Cdtholicum et Pa- 
 
 terinum bsereticum, 471. 
 Doctrines common to Albig. and 
 
 Wald. 230. — Peculiar to Albig. 
 
 233.— Peculiar to Wald. 241. 
 Dominicans, institution of, 399. 
 
 Ebrardus Bethuniensis, 98, 385. 
 
 F.ckbert, 350. 
 
 Endura, 235, 247, 250, 285, 288, 
 
 434, 459. 
 Ermengardus, 378. 
 Evervinus, letter of, 343. 
 
 Fasting of Albig. 246, 390. Sec En- 
 dura. 
 Francisci, 206. 
 Frederic 11. Edict of, 2C5. 
 
 Garatenses, 206. 
 
 Germany, heretics in, 405. 
 
 Gibbon's, account of the Paulicians, 
 67, — of the origin of the Alhigen- 
 ses, 83. — Error respecting the 
 Book of Sentences, 217. 
 
 Glorious Recovery, extracts relating 
 to, 474. 
 
 Gregory IX. decretal of, 200, letter 
 of, 201. 
 
 Guilielmus Brito. 396. 
 
 Guilielmus Neubrigensis, 365. 
 
 Halinardus, Abp. of Lyons, anec- 
 dote of. 111. 
 
 Henry Abbot ofClairxa\uc,\et\er of, 
 151. 
 
 Henry, Dr. his citation of W. of 
 Newbury, 366. 
 
 Henricians, 446 
 
 Heresy, causes of, 401. 
 
 Heretics, charged with evasion, 263. 
 — How to be distinguished, 198, 
 433. — How they introduce them- 
 selves to the great, 435. 
 
 Heretication, 276, 306, 382, 458. 
 
 Humiliati, 177, 398. 
 
 Imposition of hands — see Consola- 
 
 mentum. 
 Innocent IV. letter of, 209, 210. 
 Inquisitors, rules for, 197, 202, 208. 
 
 — How far to be trusted, 220.— 
 
 Testimony of one, 2. 
 
INDEX 
 
 545 
 
 Interdict, 183, 414. 
 Inzabbatati, 202, 205, 263. see Xa- 
 batatenses. 
 
 John the Baptist, opinion of Albig. 
 
 respecting, 380, 387, 392, 429. 
 John Brompton, 366. 
 Josepini, 177, 201, 210, 446. 
 
 Lateran III. Council of (in 1179), 
 175.-JK. Council of (in 1215) 189. 
 
 Lavaur, Council of (1213), 21. 
 
 Legacies obtained by Albig. teachers, 
 291, 316, 463. 
 
 leonistee, 205, 405, 406.— Mr. Fa- 
 ber's account of, 417. 
 
 Limborch, extract from, 229. 
 
 Lollard's, 406. 
 
 Lombard;/, 281, 404, 414. 
 
 Lomber's, Couucil of (in 1165) 139. 
 
 Louis IX. letter of, 21. 
 
 Major and Majoralis, titles among 
 the Albig. 279, 282, — among the 
 Wald, 255. 
 
 Manichceans, 432 — how far the Pau. 
 licians were so, 67, 69 — how far 
 the Albig. 83. 
 
 Melioramentum, 252. 
 
 Milner, remarks on his Ch. History, 
 43 — his account of the Paulicians, 
 72 — his remarks on the proceed- 
 ings at Thoulouse, in 1178, 168 — 
 at Cologne, 344 — respecting the 
 Publicans at Oxford, 367 — his cen- 
 sure of Mosheim, 43, 57, 70, 369. 
 
 Montpellier, Council of (in 1195), 
 183. 
 
 Mosaic law, 379, 386, 397. 
 
 Moses, not a Magician, 379. 
 
 Mosheim, authorities respecting the 
 Waldenses, 59, See, Milner. 
 
 Narbonne, Council of (in 1235), 197. 
 Nicolas, Pope, letter to the Empress 
 Theodora, 72. 
 
 Oaths, unlawfulness of, 110, 156, 
 
 166, 230. 
 Odo, Bp. his Constitutions, 183. 
 Oliverius, sect of, 143. 
 Ordinarii, 417. 
 Ordinati, 382. 
 
 Orleans, Council of (in 1027), 89. 
 Ortlibenses, 34, 416, 417. 
 Ortoleni, 206. 
 Oxford, Couucil of (in 1160), 90, 
 
 138, 
 
 4 
 
 PanU benedictus, of the Albigenses, 
 261, 278, 288, 289, 296, 308, 317, 
 420. 
 
 Passagini, 177, 201, 210, 449. 
 
 Passau, churches of, 404. 
 
 Patareni, 188, 200, 206, 210, 445, 
 Patarini, 177. Paterini, 431. 
 Patrini, 175, 416, 447. 
 
 Patriarchs, whether saved, 386. 392. 
 429. ' 
 
 Paulicians, opinions of, 61,— .perse- 
 cuted by Theodora, 73— their in- 
 troduction into Europe, 86 ou 
 
 the name, 445. 
 
 Pauperes minores, 399. 
 
 Perfecti, 196, 271, 280, 394, 415 
 416, 447. ' 
 
 Peter of Vaux-Sernai, 391. 
 
 Petrus Chrysogonus, letter of, 161 , 
 
 Petrus de Pilichdorf, 439. 
 
 Physicians, regulations respecting, 
 194,207,210,292, 
 
 Piphles, 353. 
 
 Pope of the Albigenses, 85, 191. 
 
 Poplicani, see Publicans. 
 
 Propositus, among the Albig. 382. 
 
 Prayer, offered by Waldenses, 255, 
 
 Prophets, whether saved, 386, 392, 
 429. 
 
 Publicans, 91, 175, 364, 371, 396. 
 
 Questions, Ebrard's to catch heretics, 
 391. 
 
 Radulphus de Coggeshale, 371. 
 
 Radulphus de Diceto, 366. 
 
 Raymond, Count of Thoulouse, let- 
 ter of, 145.— Statutes of, 195. 
 
 Rector, 382. 
 
 Reinerius Saccho, 23. 400. 
 
 Renunciation of the Church, form of, 
 396. 
 
 Rheims, Council of, (in 1049) 89. 
 
 Rites peculiar to the Albigenses, 244. 
 
 Roncaroli, 206. 
 
 Runcarii, 405, 416. 
 
 Salutation of the heretics, 252, 293, 
 315. 
 
 Scriptures, translation of, 127, 402, 
 438. — Forbidden by the Council of 
 Thoulouse, 194.— Opinions of the 
 Paulicians respecting, 67 — see 
 Albigenses. 
 
 Sens, Council of, (in 1198) 184. 
 
 Sentences, Book of, 212.— -On Albi- 
 genses and Waldenses, 270, 
 
 Sermo, 215. 
 
546 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Siscidenses, 416. 
 
 Son, elder and younger, 425, 448. 
 Speronistte, 201, 206, 210, 446. 
 Stephanus de Ansa, or de Emsa, 128. 
 Stephanus de Borbone, 128, 438. 
 Sylvester Pope, legend respecting, 
 38, 408, 440. 
 
 Tarragona, Council of, (in 1242)202. 
 
 Texerant, 353. 
 
 Theodora, the Empress, persecuted 
 
 thePaulicians, 73. — Letterof Pope 
 
 Nicolas to, 72, 78. 
 Thoulouse, state of, (in 1147) 19 — 
 
 Council of, (in 1056) 20. — (In 
 
 1119) 90, 138— (In 1229) 192. 
 Thuamis, testimony respecting the 
 
 Waldenses, 16. 
 Tours, Council of, (in 1163) 18. 
 Tract, anonymous, De kteresi Paup. 
 
 de Lugd. 468, 472. 
 
 Yaldenses, Bernard of Fontcaud's 
 
 etymolo?y, 104, 373. 
 Vallenses. 97. 
 Vestiius, 193, 208, 3.(8. 
 Vezelai, history of the Monastery of, 
 
 363. 
 
 Waldenses, origin of, 33, 109, 127, 
 394, 440, 467, 468 n.— On the 
 name, 96. — Earliest use of it, 181. 
 — Disputed against the other here- 
 tics, 439. — Those about Thoulouse 
 came from Burgundy, 265. — Doc- 
 trines peculiar to, 241. — Rites pe- 
 culiar to, 255. — Military character, 
 474. — Their practice of prayer, 
 255, 322, 323, 325, 332, 457 —Of 
 wearing sandals, 395, 399. — Of 
 blessing the table, 198, 257, 263, 
 324. 
 
 Their doctrine respecting Absolution 
 231, 332, 334, 411, 412, 442.— 
 Baptism, 410: — Benedictions, 413. 
 Burial, 415. — Canonizations, 412. 
 —Celibacy of the Clergy, 411. — 
 Chanting, 414. — Church of Rome, 
 233, 333, 335, 398, 407, 408.— 
 Churches, material, 376, 413 — 
 Churching, 411. — Confession, 198, 
 231, 323, 332, 334, 411, 442.— 
 Consecrations, 413. — Cross, adora- 
 tion of, 412.— Sign of, 412.— The 
 Eucharist, 416. — Excommunica- 
 
 tion, 412— Fasts, 375, 413. — Fes- 
 tivals of the Church, 41 3. — Images, 
 414— Indulgences, 241, 335,412. 
 — Judgment, human, 241, 326, 
 334, 395. — Jurisdiction, ecclesias- 
 tical, 416. — Kiss of peace, 411 — 
 Latin prayers and scriptures, 411. 
 Legends of the Saints,412. — Lights 
 in Churches, 414. — Marriage, 411. 
 —Of the Clergy, ibid.— The Mass, 
 4)0. — Masses for the dead, 375, 
 414, 415. — Monastic institutions, 
 409.— Oaths, 110, 230, 322, 323, 
 326, 327, 329, 333, 395, 415.— Of- 
 ferings, 387.— Ordeis, 241.— Pa- 
 tron saints, 412. — Penance, 231, 
 323, 332, 334, 411. 442.— Pictures, 
 414. — Poverty, 335, 398, 440 — 
 Preaching, 374, 412 — By women, 
 375, 412. — Processions, 414. — 
 Purgatory, 335, 376, 415.— Relics, 
 412. — Sacraments, 410. — Scrip- 
 ture, as the only authority, 412, 
 — Singing in churches, 410, 414. 
 — Tithes, 409. — Titles of dignity, 
 409. — Tonsure, 412. — Tradition, 
 413.-Transubstantiation, 198, 395, 
 401, 442, 470 — Unction, extreme, 
 411. — Vestments of the Priests, 
 414.— Vigils, 412.— Water, holy, 
 414 — See also, Albigenses and 
 Waldenses. 
 Waldensian manuscripts, authenti- 
 city of, 114. — Confessions of faith, 
 121. — Major and Majoralis, 255, 
 258. 
 Waldo, Peter, his name, 107.— Trans- 
 lated the Scriptures, 127. 
 Warini, 206. 
 
 William of Newbury, 365. 
 William of Puy-Laurens, 439. 
 Witness, sentence on a false one, 299. 
 Witnesses, the claim of the Walden- 
 ses to be so considered, 118, 468, 
 474. 
 If omen, how saved, 389.— Not to be 
 touched by the perfecti among the 
 Albigenses, 248, 249. — Allowed to 
 preach by the Waldenses, 375, 
 412. 
 Xabatatenses, or Xabatati, 101, 
 390. — See Inzabbatati. 
 
 Zapatali, 182. — See preceding word.