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THE HISTORY OF INDIA. 
 
THE 
 
 HISTORY OF INDIA, 
 
 BY ITS OWN HISTORIANS. 
 
 THE MUHAMMADAIS^ PEEIOD. 
 
 EDITED FROM THE POSTHUMOUS PAPERS 
 
 OF THE I.ATE 
 
 SIR H. M. ELLIOT, K.C.B., 
 
 SAST INDIA COKPAirsr'S BENQiL CIVIL SSBTICE, 
 BY 
 
 PROFESSOR JOHN DOWSON, M.R.A.S., 
 
 STAFF COLLEGE, BAZfDHUBSX. 
 
 YOL. I. 
 
 LOJ^DON: 
 
 TRUBNER AND CO., 60, PATERKOSTEE ROW. 
 
 1867. 
 [All rights reserved.'] 
 
STEPHEW AUSTIN, 
 
 PKINTEE, HERTFORD. 
 
PRELIMINARY NOTE. 
 
 \_TsESM are not the days when the public care to listen to 
 the minor details of an authors life ; hut Sir H. M. Elliot's 
 relations and the thinned number of his personal friends — wliile 
 confidently leamig his posthumous works to speak for them- 
 selves — recognise the double duty of placing on record the more 
 prominent events of his career, and of defining under what 
 guarantee his writings are nom submitted, so to say, to a 
 new generation of readers. The former will be found in a 
 separate note, but to explain the origin and progressive advance 
 of the present publication, it may be stated that after Sir Henry 
 Elliot's death, at the Cape of Good Hope, his fragmentary 
 papers were brought to this country by his widow. And as the 
 introductory volume of the original work had been issued under 
 the auspices and at the cost of the Government of the North- 
 western Provinces of India, the MSS. — constituting the ma- 
 terials already prepared for the more comprehensive under- 
 taking in thirteen volumes — were placed at the disposal of those 
 ever liberal promoters of Oriental literature, the Directors of 
 the East India Company, by whom they were submitted to a 
 Committee consisting of the late Prof. H. H. Wilson, Mr. 
 Edward Clive Bayley, of the Bengal Civil Service, and Mr. 
 W. H, Morley, of the Inner Temple, a gentleman who had 
 distinguished himself as an Arabic scholar, and mho was reputed 
 to be well versed in other branches of Oriental lore. On 
 the recommendation of this Committee, the Court of Directors 
 readily sanctioned a grant of £500 towards the purposes of 
 the publication, and Mr. Morley was himself entrusted with 
 
"^ PRELIMINARY NOTE. 
 
 the editorship. Mr. Morle^'s circumstances, at this critical 
 time, are understood to have been subject to important changes, 
 so that, although he entered upon his task with full alacrity 
 - and zeal, his devotion soon slackened, and when the MSS. 
 were returned four years afterwards, they were found to be in 
 such an imperfectly advanced state as effectually to discourage 
 any hasty selection of a new editor. For which reserve, indeed, 
 there mere other and more obvious reasons in the paucity of 
 scholars available in this country, who could alike appredate 
 the versatile knowledge of the author, and do justice to the 
 critical examination of his leading Oriental authorities, or other 
 abstruse texts, where references still remained imperfect. 
 
 As Lady Elliot's adviser in this matter, a once official colleague 
 of her husband's, and alike a free participator in his literary 
 tastes, I trust that I have secured the best interests of the pro- 
 jected undertaking in the nomination of Professor J, Dowson, 
 of the Staff College of Sandhurst, mho has so satisfactorily 
 completed the first volume, under the revised distribution of 
 the work, now submitted to the public. — Edward Thomas.] 
 
EDITOR'S PEEFACE. 
 
 The foregoing note has described how, sixteen years 
 after Sir Henry Elliot's first volume was given to the 
 "world, his papers were placed in my charge for revision 
 and publication. 
 
 My first intention was to carry out the work on the 
 original plan, but as progress was made in the examina- 
 tion of the voluminous materials, the necessity of some 
 modification became more and more apparent. The 
 work had long been advertised under the revised title 
 which it now bears, as contemplated by the author 
 himself ; its bibliographical character having been 
 made subordinate to the historical. It also seemed 
 desirable, after the lapse of so many years, to begin 
 with new matter rather than with a reprint of the old 
 volume. Mature consideration ended with the convic- 
 tion that the book might open with fresh matter, 
 and that it might at the same time be rendered more 
 available as an historical record. 
 
"VUl EDITOR S PREFACE. 
 
 In the old volume, Sir H. Elliot introduced a long 
 note upon " India as known to the Arabs during the 
 first four centuries of the Hijri Era," and under this 
 heading he collected nearly all the materials then within 
 the reach of Europeans. Since that compilation was 
 made, it has been to a great degree superseded by 
 new and more satisfactory translations, and the work 
 of Al Istakhrf has also become available. The trans- 
 lation of Al Idrisi by Jaubert was not quoted by Sir 
 H. Elliot, but an English version of the part relating to 
 India seemed desirable. The subject had thus outgrown 
 the limits of an already lengthy note, and a remodelling 
 of this portion of the book became necessary. The 
 notices of India by the early Arab geographers form a 
 suitable introduction to the History of the Muhammadan 
 Empire in that country. They have accordingly been 
 placed in chronological order at the opening of the 
 work. 
 
 Next in date after the Geographers, and next also as 
 regards the antiquity of the subjects dealt with, come 
 the Mujmalu-t Tawarikh and the Futuhu-l Buldan. In 
 the latter work, Biladuri describes in one chapter the 
 course of the Arab conquests in Sind. The Chach-nama 
 deals more fully with the same subject, and the Arabic 
 original of this work must have been written soon after 
 the events its records, though the Persian version, which 
 
EDITOR S PREFACE, IX 
 
 is alone known to us, is of later date. The Arab occu- 
 pation of Sind was but temporary, it was tbe precui-sor, 
 not tbe commencement, of Musulman rule in India. On 
 tbe retreat of tbe Arabs tbe government of tbe country 
 reverted to native princes, and notwithstanding tbe suc- 
 cesses of Mabmud of Gbazni, tbe land remained practi- 
 cally independent until its absorption into tbe Empire 
 during tbe reign of Akbar in 1692 a.d. Priority of date 
 and of subject tbus give tbe right of precedence to tbe 
 Historians of Sind, while tbe isolation of the country and 
 tbe individuality of its history require that all relating 
 to it should be kept together. Tbe " Early Arab Geo- 
 graphers," and "The Historians of Sind," have therefore 
 been taken first in order, and they are comprised in tbe 
 present volume. 
 
 So far as this volume is concerned. Sir H, Elliot's plan 
 has been followed, and tbe special histories of Sind form 
 a distinct book, but for tbe main portion of tbe work his 
 plan will be changed. In classifying his materials as 
 "General Histories" and "Particular Histories," Sir H. 
 Elliot adopted the example set by previous compilers 
 of catalogues and other bibliographical works, but be 
 sometimes found it convenient to depart from this divi- 
 sion. Thus the Kamilu-t Tawarikh of Ibn Asir and the 
 Nizamu-t Tawarikh of Baizawi, are general histories, 
 but they are classed among the particular histories, be- 
 
EDITOR S FKEFACE. 
 
 cause they were writteii shortly after the fall of the 
 Ghaznivides, and their notices of India are confined 
 almost exclusively to that dynasty. 
 
 The great objection to this arrangement in an his- 
 torical work is that it separates, more than necessary, 
 materials relating to the same person and the same sub- 
 ject. Thus the Tarikh-i Badatini of 'Abdu-1 Kadir is 
 particularly yaluable for the details it giyes of the reign 
 and character of Akbar under whom the writer lived. 
 But this is a general history, and so would be far 
 removed from the Akbar-nama of Abii-l Fazl, which is 
 a special history comprising only the reign of Akbar. 
 A simple chronological succession, irrespective of the 
 general or special character of the different works, seems 
 with the single exception of the Sindian writers to be 
 the most convenient historical arrangement, and it will 
 therefore be adopted in the subsequent volumes. This 
 plan will not entirely obviate the objection above 
 noticed, but it will tend greatly to its diminution. 
 
 Upon examining the mass of materials left by Sir H. 
 Elliot the bibliographical notices Avere found for the most 
 part written or sketched out, but with many additional 
 notes and references to be used in a final revision. The 
 Extracts intended to be printed were, with some import- 
 ant exceptions, translated ; and where translations had 
 not been prepared, the passages required were generally, 
 
EDITOR S PREFACE. Xl 
 
 though not always, indicated. The translations are in 
 many different hands. Some few are in Sir H. Elliot's 
 own handwriting, others were made by different English 
 officers, hut the majority of them seem to have heen the 
 work of munsMs. With the exception of those made by 
 Sir H. Elliot himself, which will be noted whenever they 
 occur, I have compared the whole of them with the 
 original texts and the errors which I have had to correct 
 have been innumerable and extensive. But with all my 
 care it is to be feared that some misreadinga may have 
 escaped detection, for it is very difficult for a reviser 
 to divest himself entirely of the colour given to a text 
 by the original translator. In some cases it would have 
 been easier to make entirely new translations, and many 
 might have been made more readable ; but, according to 
 Sir H. Elliot's desire, "the versions are inelegant, as, in 
 order to show the nature of the original, they keep as 
 close to it as possible ; and no freedom has been in- 
 dulged in with the object of improving the style, senti- 
 ments, connection, or metaphors of the several passages 
 which have been quoted :" the wide difference in the 
 tastes of Europeans and Orientals has, however, induced 
 me to frequently substitute plain language for the turgid 
 metaphors and allusions of the texts. 
 
 The notes and remarks of the Editor are enclosed in 
 brackets [ J, but the Introductory chapter on the Arab 
 
EDITOR S PREFACE. 
 
 Geographers must be looked upon as being in the main 
 his work. Where any of Sir H. Elliot's old materials 
 have been used and throughout in the notes, the dis- 
 tinctive mark of the brackets has been maintained. 
 
 The reference made by Sir H. Elliot to the works of 
 other authors are very nimierous, especially in the 
 articles which appeared in his printed volume. Some of 
 these references have been checked, and the passages 
 referred to have been foimd to be of very little im- 
 portance. They would seem to have been made for 
 the author's rather than for general use, but still it is 
 difficult to determine beforehand what particular part of 
 an article may attract attention or excite opposition. I 
 have worked under the great disadvantage of living in 
 the country, far away from public libraries, and have 
 been confined in great measure to the limited resources 
 of my own library. It has thus been impracticable for 
 me to verify many of these references or to judge of their 
 value. I have therefore deemed it more expedient to 
 insert the whole than to omit any which might even- 
 tually prove serviceable. 
 
 With the advertisements published before the work 
 came into my hands, there was put forth a scheme of 
 spelling to be observed in the reprint of Sir H. Elliot's 
 Glossary and in this work, by which Sanskritic and 
 Semitic words were to be made distinguishable by dia- 
 
editor's preface. xiii 
 
 critical marks attached to the Eoman equivalent letters. 
 Admitting the ingenuity of the scheme, I nevertheless 
 declined to adopt it, and so a determination was come to, 
 that the long vowels only should be marked. It seemed 
 to me that this system of spelling, while it would have 
 required a great deal of minute attention on the part of 
 the Editor and Printer, would practically have been un- 
 heeded by the general reader, and useless to the scholar. 
 In doubtful cases, the affiliation of a word without proofs 
 or reasons, would have been valueless; but more than all 
 this, the many -Turanian words must have appeared 
 with a Sanskritic or Semitic label upon them. Either 
 too much or too little was attempted, and even if the 
 design could be completely accomplished, a philological 
 work like the Glossary would be a more fitting vehicle 
 for its introduction than a book like the present. 
 
 To shorten the work as much as possible it has been 
 determined to omit the Extracts of the original texts, 
 but even then, it will be impossible to include the whole 
 of the materials in the three volumes advertised. 
 
 I have throughout been anxious never to exceed my 
 powers as Editor, but to place myself as far as possible in 
 Sir H. Elliot's place. I have not attempted to controvert 
 his opinions, or to advance theories of my own, but 
 palpable errors have been corrected, and many altera- 
 tions and additional notes have been introduced, which 
 
XIV EDITOR S PREFACE. 
 
 have been rendered necessary by the advance of know- 
 ledge. "With the nnrevised matter, I have used greater 
 freedom, but it has been my constant aim to complete 
 the work in a manner that its designer might have 
 approved. 
 
 It only remains for me to express my obligations to 
 Mr. E. Thomas for many valuable hints and suggestions. 
 I am also indebted to General Cunningham for several 
 important notes, which I have been careful to acknow. 
 ledge in loco, and for placing at my disposal his yaluable 
 Archseological Eeports, which are too little known in 
 Europe, and some extracts of which appear in the 
 Appendix. 
 
SIR HENET ELLIOT'S OEIGINAL PEEFACE. 
 
 A FEW months since, tte Compiler of this Catalogue was engaged 
 in a correspondence with the Principal of the College at Delhi on 
 the subject of lithographing an uniform edition of the Native His- 
 torians of India. On referring the matter to his Honour the Lieu- 
 tenant-Governor, North Western Provinces, it was replied that the 
 Education Funds at the disposal of the Government were not suffi- 
 cient to warrant the outlay of so large a sum as the scheme required, 
 and without which it would have been impossible to complete so 
 expensive an undertaking. At the same time it was intimated, that, 
 as few people were acquainted vyith the particular works which 
 should be selected to form such a series, it would be very desirable 
 that an Index of them should be drawn up, in order that the manu- 
 scripts might be sought for, and deposited in one of our College 
 Libraries, to be printed or lithographed hereafter, should circum- 
 stances render it expedient, and should the public taste, at present 
 lamentably indifferent, show any inclination for greater familiarity 
 with the true sources of the Muhammadan History of India. 
 
 The author willingly undertook this task, as it did not appear one 
 of much difficulty ; but in endeavouring to accomplish it, the mere 
 Nominal Index which he was invited to compile, has iosensibly 
 expanded into several volumes ; for, encouraged not only by finding 
 that no work had ever been written specially on this matter, but also 
 by receiving from many distinguished Orientalists, both European 
 and Native, their confessions of entire ignorance on the subject of 
 his enquiries, he was persuaded that it would be useful to append, 
 as far as his knowledge would permit, a few notes to each history 
 as it came under consideratioii, illustrative of the matter it compre- 
 hends, the Style, position, and prejudices of the several authors, and 
 the merits or deficiencies of their execution. 
 
 Brief extracts from the several works have been given iu the 
 
X"71 ORIGINAL PKffiFAOE. 
 
 fourth, volume, in order to show the style of each author. Some of 
 these have been translated in the three first volumes ; of some, 
 where the text is of no interest, the translation has been omitted ; 
 but in most instances, the English translations exceed the Persian 
 text. As the translation and the printing of the Persian text occurred 
 at different periods, the translation wiU be found occasionally to 
 vary from the text, having been executed probably from a different 
 manuscript, and the preferable reading taken for the fourth volume. 
 The versions are inelegant, as, in order to show the nature of the 
 original, they keep as close to it as possible ; and no freedom has 
 been indulged in with the object of improving the style, sentiments, 
 connexion, or metaphors of the several passages which have been 
 quoted. 
 
 The author has been very particular in noticing every translation 
 known to him, in order that students, into whose hands this Index 
 may fall, may be saved the useless trouble, which he in his ignorance 
 has more than once entailed upon himself, of undertaking a transla- 
 tion which had already been executed by others. 
 
 He had hoped to be able to append an account of the historians of 
 the independent Muhammadan monarchies, such as of Guzerat, 
 Bengal, Kashmir, and others ; but the work, as it is, has already 
 extended to a length beyond what either its name or the interest of 
 the subject warrants, and sufScient information is given respecting 
 their annals in many of the General Histories. For the same reason 
 he must forego an intended notice of the various collections of private 
 letters relating to the history of India, and the matters which chiefly 
 interested the generation of the writers. 
 
 The historians of the Delhi Emperors have been noticed down to 
 a period when new actors appear upon the stage ; when a more 
 stirring and eventful era of India's History commences ; and when 
 the full light of European truth and discernment begins to shed its 
 beams upon the obscurity of the past, and to relieve us irom the 
 necessity of appealing to the Native Chroniclers of the time, who 
 are, for the most part, dull, prejudiced, ignorant, and superficial. 
 
 If it be doubted whether it is worth while to trouble ourselves 
 about collecting such works as are here noticed, it is suflicient to 
 reply that other countries have benefited by similar labours — exem- 
 
ORIGINAL PREFACE. XVU 
 
 plified in tlie Scriptores Eerum ItaHoarum, the Auotores Veteres 
 Historias Ecolesiasticse, the Monumenta Boica, the Eecueil des His- 
 toriens des Gaules, and a hundred other collections of the same kind 
 — ^but no objection is urged against them on the ground that each 
 chronicler, taken individually, is not of any conspicuous merit. They 
 are universally considered as useful depositories of knowledge, from 
 •which the labour and dUigence of succeediug scholars may extract 
 materials for the erection of a better and more solid structure. This 
 country offers some peoidiar facilities for such a collection, which it 
 would be vain to look for elsewhere ; since the number of available 
 persons, sufficiently educated for the purpose of transcribiag, col- 
 lating, and indexing, is very large, and they would be content with 
 a small remuneration. Another urgent reason for undertaking such 
 a work in this country, is the incessant depredation which insects, 
 moths, dust, moisture, and vermia are committing upon the small 
 store of manuscripts which is now extant. Every day is of import- 
 ance in rescuing the remnant from stUl further damage, as was too 
 painfully evident a short time ago, from a report presented to the 
 Asiatic Society of Bengal, respecting the injury which has already 
 been sustained by their collection. 
 
 On the other hand, it must not be concealed, that in India, inder 
 pendent of the want of standard books of reference, great difficulties 
 beset the enquirer in this path of literature, arising chiefly from one 
 of the defects in the national character, viz. : the intense desire for 
 parade and ostentation, which induces authors to quote works they 
 have never seen, and to lay claim to an erudition which the limited 
 extent of their knowlege does not justify. For instance, not many 
 years ago there was published at Agra a useful set of chronological 
 tables of the Moghal dynasty, said to be founded on the authority of 
 several excellent works named by the author. Having been long 
 in search of many of these works, I requested from the author a 
 more particular account of them. He replied that some had been 
 once in his possession and had been given away ; some he had 
 borrowed ; and some were lost or mislaid ; but the parties to whom 
 he had given, and from whom he had borrowed, denied all know- 
 ledge of the works, or even of their titles. Indeed, most of them 
 contained nothing on the subject which they were intended to 
 
 VOL I. i 
 
i'Wll ORIGINAL PKKFACI!. 
 
 illustrate, and they were evidently mentioned by the author for the 
 mere object of acquiring credit for the accuracy and extent of his 
 researches. 
 
 Again, a native gentleman furnished a catalogue of the manu- 
 scripts said to compose the historical collection of his Highness the 
 Niz£m ; but on close examination I found that, from beginning to 
 end, it was a complete fabrication, the names of the works being 
 taken from the prefaces of standard histories, in which it is usual to 
 quote the authorities, — the very identical sequence of names, and 
 even the errors of the originals, being implicitly followed. 
 
 Against these impudent and interested frauds we must conse- 
 quently be on our guard, not less than against the bliuiders arising 
 from negligence and ignorance ; the misquoting of titles, dates, and 
 names ; the ascriptions to wrong authors ; the absence of beginnings 
 and endings ; the arbitrary substitution of new ones to complete a 
 mutilated manuscript ; the mistakes of copyists ; the exercise of 
 ingenuity in their corrections, and of fancy in their additions ; all 
 these, added to the ordinary sources of error attributable to the well- 
 known difficulty of deciphering Oriental manuscripts, present many 
 obstacles sufficient to damp even the ardour of an enthusiast. Be- 
 sides which, we have to lament the entire absence of literary history 
 and biography, which in India is devoted only to saints and poets. 
 Where fairy tales and fictions are included under the general name 
 of history we cannot expect to learn much respecting the character, 
 pursuits, motives, and actions of historians, unless they are pleased 
 to reveal them to us themselves, and to entrust us with their familiar 
 confidences ; or unless they happen to have enacted a conspicuous 
 part in the scenes which they describe. Even in Europe this defi- 
 ciency has been complained of; how much more, then, is it Kkely 
 to be a subject of regret, where despotism is triumphant ; where the 
 active elements of life are few ; and where individual character, 
 trammeled by so many restraining influences, has no opportunity 
 of development. 
 
 It must be understood, then, that this Index has not been con- 
 structed on account of any intrinsic value in the histories themselves. 
 Indeed, it is almost a misnomer to style them histories. They can 
 scarcely claim to rank higher than Annals. " Erat enim historia 
 
0BI6INAI, PKEFACE. XIX 
 
 nihil aliud, nisi annalium confectio. «<»*><* Hanc similitudinem 
 scribendi multi secuti sunt, qui, sine uUis omamentis, monimenta 
 solum temporum, hominum, locorum, gestarumque reram. relique- 
 runt. <*<*«» Non exomatores rerum, sed tantummodo narratores 
 fuerunt" ' They comprise, for the most part nothing but a mere 
 dry narration of events, conducted with reference to chronological 
 sequence, never grouped philosophically according to their relations. 
 Without speculation on causes or effects ; vrithout a reflection or 
 suggestion which is not of the most puerile and contemptible tind ; 
 and without any observations calculated to interrupt the monotony 
 of successive conspiracies, revolts, intrigues, murders, and fratricides, 
 so common in Asiatic monarchies, and to which India unhappily 
 forms no exception. If we are somewhat relieved from the contem- 
 plation of such scenes when we come to the accounts of the earlier 
 Moghal Emperors, we have what is little more inviting in the records 
 of the stately magnificence and ceremonious observances of the 
 Court, and the titles, jewels, swords, drums, standards, elephants, 
 and horses bestowed upon the dignitaries of the Empire. 
 
 If the artificial definition of Dionysius be correct, that " History 
 is Philosophy teaching by examples," then there is no Native Indian 
 Historian ; and few have even approached to so high a standard. 
 Of examples, and very bad ones, we have ample store, though even 
 in them the radical truth is obscured, by the hereditary, official, and 
 sectarian prepossessions of the narrator ; but of philosophy, which 
 deduces conclusions calculated to benefit us by the lessons and ex- 
 perience of the past, which adverts on the springs and consequences 
 of political transactions, and offers sage counsel for the future, we 
 search in vain for any sign or symptom. Of domestic history also 
 we have in our Indian Annalists absolutely nothing, and the same 
 may be remarked of nearly all Muhammadan historians, except 
 Ibn Khaldun. By them society is never contemplated, either in its 
 conventional usages or recognized privileges ; its constituent elements 
 or mutual relations; in its established classes or popular institutions; 
 in its private recesses or habitual intercourses. In notices of com- 
 merce, agriculture, internal police, and local judicature, they are 
 equally deficient. A fact, an anecdote, a speech, a remark, which 
 1 De Orat. II. 12. 
 
XX OKIGINAl PREFACE. 
 
 would illustrate the condition of the common people, or of any rank 
 subordinate to the highest, is considered too insignificant to be suf- 
 fered to intrude upon a relation which concerns only grandees and 
 ministers, " thrones and imperial powers." 
 
 Hence it is that these works may be said to be deficient in some of 
 the most essential requisites of History, for " its great object," says 
 Dr. Arnold, "is that which most nearly touches the inner life of 
 civilized man, namely, the vicissitudes of institutions, social, political, 
 and religious. This is the reXeioTaTOV reXo? of historical enquiry."' 
 In Indian Histories there is little which enables us to penetrate 
 below the glittering surface, and observe the practical operation 
 of a despotic Government and rigorous and sanguinary laws, and 
 the effect upon the great body of the nation of these injurious in- 
 fluences and agencies. 
 
 If, however, we turn our eyes to the present Muhammadan king- 
 doms of India, and examine the character of the princes, and the 
 condition of the people subject to their sway, we may fairly draw a 
 parallel between ancient and modem times, under circumstances and 
 relations nearly similar. We behold kings, even of our own creation, 
 sunk in sloth and debauchery, and emulating the vices of a Caligula 
 or a Commodus. Under such rulers, we cannot wonder that the 
 fountaias of justice are corrupted ; that the state revenues are never 
 collected without violence and outrage ; that villages are burnt, and 
 their inhabitants mutilated or sold into slavery ; that the officials, so 
 far from affording protection, are themselves the chief robbers and 
 usurpers ; that parasites and eunuchs revel in the spoil of plundered 
 provinces ; and that the poor find no redress against the oppressor's 
 wrong and proud man's contumely. "When we witness these scenes 
 under our own eyes, where the supremacy of the British Govern- 
 ment, the benefit of its example, and the dread of its interference, 
 might be expected to operate as a check upon the progress of mis- 
 rule, can we be surprised that former princes, when free from such 
 restraints, should have studied even less to preserve the people com- 
 mitted to their charge, in wealth, peace, and prosperity ? Had 
 the authors whom we are compelled to consult, pourtrayed their 
 Ctesars with the fidelity of Suetonius, instead of the more congenial 
 ' Zecturei on MoH. SUt., p. 123. 
 
OBIGINAL PREFACE. XXI 
 
 sycophancy of Patercnlus, we should not, as now, have to extort 
 from unwilling witnesses, testimony to the truth of these assertions. 
 From them, nevertheless, we can gather, that the common people 
 must have been plunged into the lowest depths of wretchedness and 
 despondency. The few glimpses we have, even among the short 
 Extracts in this single volume, of Hindus slain for disputing with 
 Muhammadans, of general prohibitions against processions, worship, 
 and ablutions, and of other intolerant measures, of idols mutilated, 
 of temples razed, of forcible conversions and marriages, of proscrip- 
 tions and confiscations, of murders and massacres, and of the sen- 
 suality and drunkenness of the tyrants who enjoined them, show us 
 that this picture is not overcharged, and it is much to be regretted 
 that we are left to draw it for ourselves from out the mass of 
 ordinary occurrences, recorded by writers who seem to sympathize 
 with no virtues, and to abhor no vices. Other nations exhibit the 
 same atrocities, but they are at least spoken of, by some, with indigna- 
 tion and disgust. Whenever, therefore, in the course of this Index, 
 a work is characterized as excellent, admirable, or valuable, it must 
 be remembered that these terms are used relatively to the narrative 
 only ; and it is but reasonable to expect that the force of these 
 epithets wOl be qualified by constant advertence to the deficiencies 
 just commented on. 
 
 These deficiencies are more to be lamented, where, as sometimes 
 happens, a Hindu is the author. Prom one of that nation we might 
 have expected to have learnt what were the feelings, hopes, faiths, 
 fears, and yearnings, of his subject race ; but, unfortunately, he rarely 
 writes unless according to order or dictation, and every phrase is 
 studiously and servilely turned to flatter the vanity of an imperious 
 Muhammadan patron. There is nothing to betray his religion or his 
 nation, except, perhaps, a certain stifihess and affectation of style, 
 which show how ill the foreign garb befits him. With him, a 
 Hindu is " an infidel," and a Muhammadan " one of the true faith,' 
 and of the holy saints of the calendar, he writes with aU the fervour 
 of a bigot. With him, when Hindus are killed, " their souls are des- 
 patched to hell," and when a Muhammadan suffers the same fate, 
 " he drinks the cup of martyrdom." He is so far wedded to the set 
 phrases and inflated language of his conquerors, that he speaks of 
 
XXU ORIGINA.L PEEFAOE. 
 
 " the light of Islam shedding its refulgence on the world," of " the 
 blessed Muharram," and of "the illustrious Book." He usually 
 opens with a " Bismillah," and the ordinary profession of faith in 
 the unity of the Godhead, followed by laudations of the holy 
 prophet, his disciples and descendants, and indulges in aU the most 
 devout and orthodox attestations of Muhammadans. One of the 
 Hindu authors here noticed, speaks of standing in his old age, " at 
 the head of his bier and on the brink of his grave," though he must 
 have been fully aware that, before long, his remains would be burnt, 
 and his ashes cast into the Ganges. Even at a later period, when no 
 longer " Tiberii ac Neronis res ob metum falsae,"' there is not one of 
 this slavish crew who treats the history of his native country sub- 
 jectively, or presents us with the thoughts, emotions, and raptures 
 which a long oppressed race might be supposed to give vent to, 
 when freed from the tyraony of its former masters, and allowed to 
 express itself in the natural language of the heart, without constraint 
 and without adulation. 
 
 But, though the intrinsic value of these works may be small, 
 they will still yield much that is worth observation to any one who 
 will attentively examine them. They will serve to dispel the mists 
 of ignorance by which the knowledge of India is too much obscured, 
 and show that the history of the Muhammadan period remains yet 
 to be written. They will make our native subjects more sensible 
 of the immense advantages accruiag to them under the mildness and 
 and equity of our rule. If iastruetion were sought for from them, 
 we should be spared the rash declarations respecting Muhammadan 
 India, which are frequently made by persons not otherwise ignorant. 
 Characters now renowned only for the splendour of their achieve- 
 ments, and a succession of victories, would, when we withdraw the 
 veil of flattery, and divest them of rhetorical flourishes, be set forth 
 in a truer Ught, and probably be held up to the execration of man- 
 kind. We should no longer hear bombastic Babiis, enjoying under 
 our Government the highest degree of personal liberty, and many 
 more political privileges than were ever conceded to a conquered 
 nation, rant about patriotism, and the degradation of their present 
 position. If they would dive into any of the volumes mentioned 
 ' Tacitus, Annal., 1. 1, 
 
OEIGINAL PBEFAOK. XXlll 
 
 herein, it would take these young Brutuses and Phooions a very 
 short time to learn, that in the days of that dark period for whose 
 return they sigh, even the bare utterance of their ridiculous fantasies 
 would have been attended, not with silence and contempt, but 
 with the severer discipline of molten lead or empalement. We 
 should be compelled to listen no more to the clamours against 
 resumption of rent-free tenures, when almost every page will show 
 that there was no tenure, whatever its designation, which was not 
 open to resumption in the theory of the law, and which was not 
 repeatedly resumed in practice. Should any ambitious functionary 
 entertain the desire of emulating the "exceedingly magnifical" 
 structures of his Moghal predecessors,' it will check his aspirations 
 to learn, that beyond palaces and porticos, temples, and tombs, there 
 is little worthy of emulation. He will find that, if we omit only three 
 names in the long line of Dehli Emperors, the comfort and happi- 
 ness of the people were never contemplated by them ; and with the 
 exception of a few sarai's' and bridges, — and these only on roads tra- 
 versed by the imperial camps — ^he wiU see nothing ia which purely 
 selfish considerations did not prevail. The extreme beauty and ele- 
 gance of many of their structures it is not attempted to deny ; but 
 personal vanity was the main cause of their erection, and with the 
 small exception noted above, there is not one which subserves any 
 purpose of general utility. His romantic sentiments may have been 
 excited by the glowing imagery of LaUa Eookh, and he may have 
 
 ^ This was the grandiloquent declaration of a late GoTernor-General [Lord Ellen- 
 borough] at a farewell banquet given to him by the Court of Directors. But when 
 his head became tamed by the laurels which the victories of others placed upon his 
 brow, these professions were forgotten ; and the only monument remaining of his 
 peaceful aspirations, is a tank under the palace walls of Dehli, which, as it remains 
 empty during one part of the year, and exhales noxious vapours during the other, has 
 been voted a nuisance by the inhabitants of the imperial city, who have actually pe- 
 titioned that it may be filled up again. 
 
 ' The present dilapidation of these buildings is sometimes adduced as a proof of 
 our indifference to the comforts of the people. It is not considered, that where they 
 do exist in good repair, they are but little used, and that the present system of 
 Government no longer renders it necessary that travellers should seek protection 
 within fortified enclosures. If they are to bo considered proofs of the solicitude of 
 former monarchs for their subjects' welfare, they are also standing memorials of the 
 weakness and ioefflciency of their administration. Add to which, that many of the 
 extant sar&is were the offspring, not of imperial, but of private liberality. 
 
XIIV OEIGINAL PBKFACE. 
 
 indulged himself with -visions of Jahangir's broad highway from one 
 distant capital to the other, shaded throughout the whole length by 
 stately avenues of trees, and accommodated at short distance with 
 sarais and tanks ; but the scale of that Emperor's munificence will 
 probably be reduced in his eyes, when he sees it written, that the 
 same work had already been in great measure accomplished by 
 Sher Shah, and that the same merit is also ascribed to a still earlier 
 predecessor ; nor will it be an unreasonable reflection, when he 
 finds, except a ruined milestone here and there, no vestige extant of 
 this magnificent highway, and this " delectable alley of trees," that, 
 after aU, that can have been no very stujpendous work, which the 
 resources of three successive Emperors have failed to render a more 
 enduring monument.^ When he reads of the canals of Piroz Shah 
 and 'AH Mardan Khan intersecting the country, he will find on 
 further examination, that even if the former was ever open, it was 
 used only for the palace and hunting park of that monarch; but 
 when he ascertains that no mention is made of it by any of the 
 historians of Ti'mur, who are very minute in their topographicsil de- 
 tMls, and that Babar exclaims in his Memoirs, that in none of the 
 Hindustani Provinces are there any canals (and both these con- 
 querors must have passed over these canals, had they been flow- 
 ing in their time), he may, perhaps, be disposed to doubt if anything 
 was proceeded with beyond the mere excavation. With respect to 
 'All Mardan Khan, his merits will be less extolled, when it is learnt 
 that his canals were made, not with any view to benefit the public, 
 but for an ostentatious display of his profusion, in order that the 
 hoards of his ill-gotten wealth might not be appropriated by the 
 monarch to whom he betrayed his trast. When he reads that in 
 Some of the reigns of these kings, security of person and property 
 was so great, that any traveller might go where he listed, and that 
 a bag of gold might be exposed on the highways, and no one dare 
 touch it,' he will learn to exercise a wise scepticism, on ascertaining 
 
 ' Coryat speaks of the avenue, " the most incomparable I ever beheld." — Kerr, 
 ix. 421. 
 
 ' It is worth while to read the comment of the wayfaring European on this pet 
 phrase. Bemier, describing his situation when he arrived at the Court of Sh&jah&n, 
 speaks of " le peu d'argent qui me restoit de diverses rencontres de voleurs."— ifisf. 
 dea Estatt du Grand Mogol, p. 6. 
 
OSIGINAL PEEFACE. XXV 
 
 that in one of the most vigorous reigns, in. which internal tran- 
 quillity was more than ever secured, a caravan was obliged to remain 
 six weeks at Muttra, before the parties who accompanied it thought 
 themselves strong enough to proceed to Dehli;^ that the walls of 
 Agra were too weak too save the city from frequent attacks of 
 marauders ; that Kanauj was a favourite beat for tiger-shooting, and 
 wild elephants plentiful at Karra and Kalpi ; ^ that the depopulation 
 of towns and cities, which many declamatory writers have ascribed 
 to our measures of policy, had already commenced before we entered 
 on possession ; and that we found, to use the words of the Prophet, 
 " the country desolate, the cities burnt, when the sons of strangers 
 came to build up the walls, and their kings to minister." 
 
 If we pay attention to more general considerations, and wish to 
 compare the relative merits of European and Asiatic Monarchies, 
 we shall find that a perusal of these books wiU convey many an 
 useful lesson, calculated to foster in us a love and admiration of our 
 country and its venerable institutions. 
 
 When we see the withering effects of the tyranny and capricious- 
 ness of a despot, we shall learn to estimate more fully the value of 
 a balanced constitution. When we see the miseries which are en- 
 tailed on present and future generations by disputed claims to the 
 crown, we shall more than ever value the principle of a regulated 
 succession, subject to no challenge or controversy. In no country 
 have these miseries been greater than in India. In no country has 
 the recurrence been more frequent, and the claimants more numer- 
 ous. From the death of Akbar to the British conquest of Dehli — a 
 period of two hundred years — there has been only one undisputed 
 succession to the throne of the Moghal Empire, and even that ex- 
 ceptional instance arose from its not being worth a contest ; at that 
 calamitous time, when the memory of the ravages committed by 
 Nadir Shah was fresh in the minds of men, and the active hostility 
 of the Abdali seemed to threaten a new visitation. Even now, as 
 experience has shown, we should not be without claimants to the 
 pageant throne, were it not disposed of at the sovereign will and 
 
 1 Captain Coverte (1609-10) says that people, even on the high road from Surat 
 to Agra, dared not travel, except in caravans of 400 or 600 men.— Churchill, viii, 
 262. See Jah^ngir's Autobiography, 117 ; Journ. M. Soo. Beng., Jan. 1850, p. 37. 
 
 2 Mlphimtone't Hist., ii. 241. 
 
XXVI ORIGINAL PREFACE. 
 
 pleasure of the British Government, expressed before the question 
 can give rise to dispute, or encourage those hopes and expectations, 
 which on each occasion sacrificed the lives of so many members of 
 the Eoyal Family at the shrine of a vain and reckless ambition. 
 
 It is this vrant of a fixed rule of succession to the throne, 
 which has contributed to maintain the kingdom in a constant 
 ferment, and retard the progress of improvement. It was not 
 that the reigning monarch's choice of his successor was not pro- 
 mulgated; but in a pure despotism, though the will of a living 
 autocrat carries with it the force of law, the injunctions of a dead 
 one avail little against the "lang claymore'' or the "persuasive 
 gloss" of a gallant or an intriguing competitor. The very law of 
 primogeniture, which seems to carry with it the strongest sanctions 
 is only more calculated to excite and foment these disturbances, 
 where regal descent is not avowedly based on that rule, and 
 especially in a country where polygamy prevails; for the eldest 
 prince is he who has been longest absent from the Court, whose 
 sympathies have been earliest withdrawn from the influence of his 
 own home, whose position in charge of an independent government 
 inspires most alarm and mistrust in the reigning monarch, and 
 whose interests are the first to be sacrificed, to please some young 
 and favorite queen, ambitious of seeing the crown on the head of her 
 own child. In such a state of society, the princes themselves are 
 naturally brought up, always as rivals, sometimes as adventurers 
 and robbers ; the chiefs espouse the cause of one or the other pre- 
 tender, not for the maintenance of any principle or right, but with 
 the prospect of early advantage or to gratify a personal predilection ; 
 and probably end in themselves aspiring to be usurpers on their own 
 account ; the people, thoroughly indifferent to the success of either 
 candidate, await with anxiety the issue, which shall enable them to 
 pursue for a short time the path of industry and peace, till it shall 
 again be interrupted by new contests ; in short, all classes, interests, 
 and institutions are more or less affected by the general want of 
 stability, which is the necessary result of such unceasing turmoil 
 and agitation. 
 
 These considerations, and many more which will offer themselves 
 to any diligent and careful peruser of the volumes here noticed, will 
 
OBIGINAI. PKEFACK. XXVU 
 
 serve to dissipate tte gorgeous Ulusions whicli are commonly enter- 
 tained regarding the dynasties -which have passed, and show him 
 that, notwithstanding a civil policy and an ungenial climate, which 
 forhid our making this country a permanent home, and deriving 
 personal gratification or profit from its advancement, notwithstand- 
 ing the many defects necessarily inherent in a system of foreign 
 administration, in which language, colour, religion, customs, and 
 laws preclude all natural sympathy between sovereign and subject, 
 we have already, within the half-century of our dominion, done 
 more for the substantial benefit of the people, than our predecessors, 
 in the country of their own adoption, were able to accomplish in more 
 than ten times that period ;^ and, drawing auguries from the past, he 
 vrill derive hope for the future, that, inspired by the success which 
 has hitherto attended our endeavours, we shall foUow them up by 
 continuous efforts to fulfil ova high destiny as the rulers of India. 
 
 ^ I speak only with reference to my own Presidency, the North-Western Provinces. 
 Bengal is said to be a quarter of a century behind it in every symptom of improve- 
 ment, except mere English education. To the North-Western Provinces, at leasti 
 cannot be applied the taunt, that we have done nothing, compared with the Mu- 
 hammadan Emperors, with respect to roads, bridges, and canals. Even here, in the 
 very seat of their supremacy, we have hundreds of good district roads where one 
 never existed before, besides the 400 miles of trunk-road, which is better than any 
 maU-road of similar extent in Europe, and to which the Emperors never had anything 
 in the remotest degree to be compared. The bridge of Jaunpfir is the only one that 
 can enter into competition with our bridge over the Hindun, and wotild suffer 
 greatly by the comparison, to say nothing of those over the J(ia, the Khanaut, 
 and the K&Ji-nadi. In canak we have been fifty times more effective. In- 
 stead of wasting our supply of water on the frivolities of fountains, we have fertilized 
 whole provinces, which had been barren from time immemorial, and this even on the 
 lines of which much was marked out by themselves, leaving out of consideration the 
 magnificent works in progress in the Do^b and EohUkhand. The scientific survey 
 alone of the North- Western Provinces is sufficient to proclaim our superiority ; in 
 which every field throughout an area of 52,000 square miles is mapped, and every 
 man's possession recorded. It altogether eclipses the boasted measurement of Akbar, 
 and is as magnificent a monument of civilization as any country in the world can pro- 
 duce. Finally, be it remembered that six centuries more have to elapse before any 
 thing like a comparison can be fairly instituted. It is to be hoped we shall not be 
 idle during that long period. 
 
ISTOTICE OF SIR HEFRY M. ELLIOT. 
 
 Henkt Mibes Elliot was one of fifteen children of the late 
 John Elliot, Esq., of Pimlioo Lodge, Westminster, and third son of 
 that gentleman. He was bom in the year 1808. Winchester was 
 chosen as the place of his education, and he entered the venerable 
 College of William of Wykeham at the age of ten years. He re- 
 mained at Winchester eight years, and, ere he left, was one of the 
 senior praefects. During his residence there he devoted himself 
 assiduously to the studies of the institution, and shared in its dis- 
 tinctions, having gained both the sUver medals for speaking. 
 Eight years passed at Winchester prepared him worthily for ad- 
 mission into that further temple of learning, which may be regarded, 
 in fact, as an outlying portion of the Wykhamist establishment. New 
 College, Oxford. It happened that at the very time, when his future 
 destination was to be determined an opportimity presented itself, which 
 was then of rare occurrence. From a deficiency of civil servants, con- 
 sequent upon the consolidation of the British power in India, it became 
 necessary to seek reinforcements, not alone from Haileybury, which 
 was designed merely to supply a fixed contingent, but from new 
 recruiting fields, whence volunteers might be obtained whose varied 
 acquirements might compete with the special training advocated at 
 the East India College : under the pressure of necessity such an excep- 
 tional measure was sanctioned by Parliament. Mr. Elliot, having been 
 nominated as a candidate by Campbell Marjoiibanks, was the first of 
 the since celebrated list of Competition WaUahs to pass an examina- 
 tion for a civil appointment direct to India. The exhibition of classical 
 and mathematical knowledge might have been anticipated, but al- 
 though a year had not elapsed since he left Winchester, where he 
 had no opportunity for pursuing such studies, his proficiency in the 
 Oriental languages proved so remarkable, that the examiners at 
 the India House placed him alone in an honorary class. He had 
 
NOTICE OF SIR HBNBT M. ELLIOT, K.O.B. XXIX 
 
 thus the good fortune to arrive in Calcutta with a reputation that 
 his future career tended not only to maintain, but to exalt. After 
 emerging from his noviciate as a -writer (the term by which the 
 younger civilians were then distinguished), he was appointed 
 assistant to the magistrate, and collector of Bareilly, and succes- 
 sively assistant to the political agent and commissioner at Delhi, 
 assistant to the collector and magistrate of Mooradabad, Secretary to 
 the Sudder Board of Kevenue for the North West Provinces, and 
 in 1847 he became Secretary to the Government of India in the 
 Foreign Department. While heading this ofSce he accompanied the 
 Grovemor- General, Lord Hardinge, to the Punjab, upon the re- 
 sources of which he drew up a most elaborate and exhaustive 
 memoir. Later in point of time, Sir Henry Elliot filled the same 
 important post during the more effective portion of Lord Dalhousie's 
 administration; His distinguished services were freely recognized 
 by the Crown as well as by the Company. He received from 
 the former the honour of a K.C.B.-ship ; his reward from the 
 latter was hoped for by the well-wishers of India, in the Lieutenant- 
 Governorship of the North West Provinces, or the higher office 
 of the Government of Madras. Sir Henry died at the early age of 
 forty-five, while seeking to restore his broken health in the equable 
 climate of the Cape of Good Hope. 
 
 In 1846 Sir Henry EUiot printed the first volume of his " Sup- 
 plement to the Glossary of Indian Terms." The Glossary itself 
 was a pretentious work then meditated, and for which great pre- 
 paration had been made by the various local governments, as it-was 
 intended to comprise the whole series of Indian terms in official use 
 throughout the country, and if, in Professor Wilson's hands, it fell 
 short of public expectation, this was less the fault of the Editor, 
 than of the imperfection of the materials supplied to him ; while Sir 
 H. Elliot's " Glossary," on the other hand, received too humble a 
 title, aiming, as it did, at far higher and more important branches of 
 research, — the history and ethnic affinities of the hereditary tribes, 
 with whom he, an isolated Englishman, had lived so long, in intimate 
 official association, settling in detail the state demand upon each 
 member of the Patriarchal VUlage Communities of North- Western 
 India. 
 
 In 1849, Sir Henry Elliot published the first volume of his 
 "Bibliographical Index to the Historians of Mohammedan India," of 
 which the present publication is the more mature extension. 
 
ADDENDA ET COEEIGENDA. 
 
 Page 33, in line 11, for "Khai&sin," read "Sind and Khurfedn," and in 
 
 line 13, insert " Vol. xxi." 
 Page 129, line 11, for "sixty," read "seventy." 
 
 „ 158, „ 3, after " BalMr," insert "on the land of Barfizi." 
 
 „ 214, „ 20, add, " This translation has been published as No. liL 
 New Series, Selections of the Eecords of the Govern- 
 ment of Bombay, 1856." 
 
 „ 225, „ 20, omit "the." 
 
 „ 508, add as a note to the article on the Jats, " See Masson's Journey 
 to Kelat, pp. 351-3 ; also Zeitschrift f. d. Kunde des 
 Morgenlandes, Vol. III. p. 209." 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 EARLY ARAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 I. The Merchant Sulaimdn and Abti Zaid - - - - 1 
 
 II. IbnKhurd4dba 12 
 
 III. AlMas'tidi - 18 
 
 IV. Al latakhri 26 
 
 V. Ibn Haukal (Ashk4Iu-l Bil4d) ... - 31 
 
 VI. Sliru-l Bulddn 41 
 
 VII. BasMdu-d Din, from Al Birflni 42 
 
 VIII. Alldrisi - 74 
 
 IX. AlKazwinl 94 
 
 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 I. Mujmalu-t Tawdrlkh - - - - - - 100 
 
 II. FutHhu-l Bulddn, of BUdduri - - - - 113 
 
 III. Chach-ndma 131 
 
 IV. T4rikhu-s Sind, of Mir Ma'stiin - - 212 
 V. T4rikh-i T4hirl ---.--- 253 
 
 VI. Beg-L£r-nima - ... - - 289 
 
 VII. Tarkbin-nAma or Argh1in-n4ma 300 
 
 VIII. Tohfatu-l Kirim 327 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 NOTE (A).— GEOGRAPHICAL - - 353 
 
 Kingdoms. 
 
 TheBalhard - - - - - - 354 
 
 Juzr or Jurz ... - . . 358 
 
 Tdfian - - - 360 
 
 Rabma, Ruhml - - 361 
 
 K&shbin - - - - - - - - 361 
 
 Cities and Towns. 
 
 Agbam — The Lohinas - - - , . - - 362 
 
 Alor - - - ... . 363 
 
 Amhal, FdmhaJ, Mimhal - - .... 353 
 
 Arm4-bel - .... - - - 364 
 
 Askalanda ... 3g5 
 
 B&uiya, Bdtiya - 367 
 
ZZXII CONTENTS, 
 
 PLaK 
 
 Bhambdr - 368 
 
 BrAhmanAbid, Manstira, Mahfdza - - - 369 
 
 Debal, Kariohl, Thatta, and Ldhori-bandar - - 374 
 
 H41a-kaudi, the Hellenes, Pindus 379 
 
 Jandrtid - 380 
 
 Kaikdndn, Kaikin, K4kars - . . - - - 381 
 
 Kajurdha - 383 
 
 Kfflari, Annari, and Ballari - - - - 384 
 
 Kanddbel, Ttikn, Budba, Baizi - - 385 
 
 Kannazbtir - . . . - . 389 
 
 Mandal, Klraj 390 
 
 Manjdbari ....... .. 391 
 
 Minnagara ..... . 392 
 
 Narina -- 393 
 
 Ntrdn, Sikfira, Jarak - - 396 
 
 Sadusdn 401 
 
 Samlii, Tughlik&b&d, KaI&-kot - - - - 401 
 
 Sind^n, Subdra, Saimiir ... . . 402 
 
 Ttir, Mubatampur, Dirak, Vijeb-kot 403 
 
 NOTE (B).— HISTORICAL. 405 
 
 Tbe EAI Dynasty . . 405 
 
 The Brdhman Dynasty 409 
 
 The Advances of the Arabs towards Sind - - - 414 
 
 The Progress of the Arabs in Sind - - - 434 
 
 Sind under the Arabs .... . - 460 
 
 The Slimra Dynasty 483 
 
 The Samma Dynasty - - 494 
 
 The ArghUn Dynasty - 497 
 
 The Tarkhin Dynasty 498 
 
 SUh Beg's Capture of Thatta ... . - 500 
 
 The Death of Sh4h Beg Arghtin * 502 
 
 NOTE (C).— ETHNOLOGICAL. 
 
 Native Opinions on the Aborigines of Sind ... 503 
 
 Buddhists in Sind .... - - 504 
 
 TheJats .... 507 
 
 TheKerks - . - - - 508 
 
 TheMeds - 519 
 
 The WairsI and Sodha Tribes 531 
 
 NOTE (D).— MISCELLANEOUS. 
 
 The Terrors of the Moghal Helmet 532 
 
 Dismounting for Combat - - 535 
 
 Colligation in Fighting 537 
 
 Barge, an Arabic "Word 539 
 
EAELY AEAB GEOGEAPHERS. 
 
 I. 
 
 SALSILATU-T TAWAEIKH 
 
 OF THE 
 
 MEECHANT SULAIM;!i^N, 
 
 WITH ABDITIOiTS BT 
 
 ABir ZAIDU-L HASAN, OF SrRAF. 
 
 The earliest information which Europe derived from the 
 writings of the Arabs upon India and the lands adjacent, was 
 that which the Abbe Renaudot published, in the year 1718, 
 under the title " Anctennes JRelations des Indes et de la Chine 
 de deux voyageurs Mahomitans qui y allerent dans le iz^ sitcle 
 de noire ere." By a curious coincidence the work so translated 
 happened to be the earliest work extant of the A rab geographers 
 relating to India. So novel and unexpected was the light thus 
 thrown upon the farther East, that the translator was accused of 
 all sorts of literary crimes. Some asserted his inaccuracy, and 
 pointed out the discrepancies between the statements of his work 
 and the accounts of the Jesuit missionaries in China. He had 
 given no precise account of his manuscripts, hence some did not 
 hesitate to accuse him of downright forgery. Time has shown 
 the emptiness of most of these charges. From error he certainly 
 was not exempt, but his faults and mistakes were those of a man 
 who had to deal with a diflBcult subject, one which, even a century 
 later, long deterred M. Reinaud from grappling with it. 
 
2 EAELY AEaB geographers. 
 
 The MS. from which Eenaudot made his translation was found 
 by him in the library formed by the minister Colbert. This col- 
 lection descended to the Oomte de Seignelay ; and subsequently 
 merged into the Bibliotheque Eoyale. Here in 1764 the cele- 
 brated scholar Deguignes found the MS., and wrote more than 
 one article upon it.^ 
 
 In the year J 811 M. Langl^s printed the text, and pro- 
 mised a translation; but he had made no progress with the 
 latter at the time of his death in 1824. The text so printed 
 remained in the stores of the Imprimerie Royale until the year 
 1844, when M. Reinaud published it with a translation and 
 notes, prefacing the whole with a Preliminary Discourse on the 
 early Geography of the East, full of valuable information and 
 criticism. The following observations upon the work are con- 
 densed from M. Reinaud's; the translation is also taken from 
 his.^ 
 
 The title which Renaudot gave to his book is not quite 
 accurate. He speaks of two travellers, while there was only one 
 who wrote an account of his own travels. The basis of the work 
 and that which bears in the text the title of Book I, is the 
 account written by a merchant named Sulaiman, who embarked 
 on the Persian Grulf, and made several voyages to India and 
 China. This bears the date 237 a,h. (861 a.d.). The second 
 part of the work was written by Abu Zaidu-1 Hasan, of Siraf, a 
 connoisseur, who, although he never travelled in India and China, 
 as he himself expressly states, made it his business to modify and 
 complete the work of Sulaiman, by reading, and by questioning 
 travellers to those countries. Mas'udi met this Abu Zaid at 
 Basra, in SOS a.h. (916 a.d.), and acknowledges to have 
 derived information from him, some of which he reproduced in 
 
 1 Jour, des Sav., Noyembre, 1764. Kotices et Extraits des MS8., Tome i. See 
 also Mem. de I'Acad. des Inscriptions, Tome xxxyii, ; Jour. Asiatique, iv sene, 
 T. viii., 161 ; Asiatic Journal, vol. ixjiii., p. 234. 
 
 2 " Relations des Voyages faites par les Axabes et les Persans dans I'Inde et a la 
 Chine." 2 Tom., 24mo., Paris, 1845. 
 
THE MEECHAKX SULAIMAN. 3 
 
 his " Meadows of Gold,"i as a comparison of the following 
 extracts will show. On the other hand, Abu Zaid was indebted 
 to Mas'iidi for some of his statements.. He never mentions him 
 by name, but refers to him as a " trustworthy person." The two 
 works have much in Common, but Mas'udi is generally more 
 detailed. Abu Zaid finishes his work with these words : " Such 
 is the most interesting matter that I have heard, among the many 
 accounts to which maritime adventure has given birth. I have 
 refrained from recording the false stories which sailors tell, and 
 which the narrators themselves do not believe. A faithful account 
 although short, is preferable to all. It is God who guides us in 
 the right way." 
 
 EXTKACTS. 
 
 Observations on the Countries of India and China, and their Sovereigns. 
 
 The inhabitants of India and China agree that there are foiu: great 
 or principal kings in the world.. They place the king of the Arabs 
 (KhaJif of Baghdad) at the head of these, for it is admitted without 
 dispute that he is the greatest of kings. First in wealth, and in the 
 splendour of his Court ; but above all, as chief of that sublime reli- 
 gion which nothing excels. The king of China reckons himself next 
 after the king of the Arabs. After him comes the king of the 
 Greeks,' and lastly the Balhara, prince of the men who have their 
 ears pierced. 
 
 The Balhara' is the most eminent of the princes of India, and the 
 Indians acknowledge his superiority. Every prince in India is 
 master in his own state, but all pay homage to the supremacy of the 
 Btdhara. The representatives sent by the Balhara to other princes 
 are received with most profound respect in order to. show him 
 honour. He gives regular pay to his troops, as the practice is among 
 the Arabs. He has many horses and elephants, and immense wealth. 
 The eoins which pass in his coimtry are the Tatariya dirhams,* eaoh 
 
 ' [See Beinaud's Mem. sur I'lnde, p. 19, and Aboulfeda, I., liii.] 
 ' [EiJm.] ' [See note A iu Appendix.] 
 
 * [These dirhams are mentioned by almost all tiese early writers. Idrisi says they 
 were in use at Mansiira, and also current in the Malay Archipelago (Jaubert, p. 86 
 
4 EABLY ARAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 of whioh. weiglis a diitam and a talf of the coinage of the king. 
 They are dated from the year in which the dynasty acquired the 
 throne. They do not, like the Arabs, use the Hijra of the prophet, 
 but date their eras fr6m the beginning of their kings' reigns ; and 
 their kings live long, frequently reigning for fifty years. The inhabi- 
 tants of the Balhara's country say that if their kings reign and live 
 for a long time, it is solely in consequence of the favour shown to 
 the Arabs. In fact, among all the kings there is no one to be found 
 who is so partial to the Arabs as the Balhara; and his subjects follow 
 his example. 
 
 Balhara is the title borne "by all the kings of this dynasty. It is 
 similar to the Cosroes (of the Persians), and is not a proper name. 
 The kingdom of the Balhara commences on the sea side, at the coun- 
 try of Komkam [Konkan], on the tongue of land which stretches to 
 China. The Balhara has around him several kings with whom he is 
 at war, but whom he greatly excels. Among them is the king 
 of Jurz.' This king maintains numerous forces, and no other Indian 
 prince has so fine a cavalry. He is unfriendly to tlie Arabs, still he 
 acknowledges that the Idng of the Arabs is the greatest of kings. 
 Among the princes of India there is no greater foe of the Muhanuna- 
 dan faith than he. His territories form a tongue of land. He has 
 great riches, and his camels and horses are numerous. Exchanges 
 are carried on in his states with silver (and gold) in dust, and there 
 are said to be mines (of these metals) in the country. There is no 
 country in India more safe from robbers. 
 
 By the side of this kingdom lies that of Tafak, which is but a 
 
 and 162). Reinaud suggests that the term is intended to represent "statere," and 
 that the coins Tvere tetradrachmas. (Mem. sur I'lnde, p. 235 ; Rel. desVoy.jii., 16 ; 
 Thomas's Prinsep, i., 86.) In the Paris edition of Mas'iidi they are called " T6hi- 
 riya," and Prof. Cowell states that the same word is used in the Oxford MS. of Ibu 
 Khnrdkdba. This reading gives weight to a suggestion made by Mr. Thomas, that 
 these dirhams were coins of the Tahirides, who were reigning in £hur^&n, and 
 exercised authority over Sistin in the time of our author SulaimSn.] 
 
 ' [This agrees with Ibn KhiirdS,dba and IdrisI, but differs from Ibn Haukal ; see 
 post.'] 
 
 P Ibn KhurdSdba concurs in this reading, but Mas'fidi has "Juzr," a near 
 approach to " Guzerat." Eeinaud suggests Kanauj as the seat of this monarchy (Rel. 
 des Voy., xcv.), but Mas'iidi places the Bauiira or Bodha there at the same period. 
 The question is discussed in note A in Appendii.] 
 
THE MERCHANT STTLAIMAN. 5 
 
 small state. The ■women are white, and the most beautiful in 
 India. The king lives at peace with his- neighbours, because his 
 soldiers are so few. He esteems the Arabs as highly as the Balhard 
 does. 
 
 These three states border on a kingdom called Euhmi,' which is 
 at war with that of Jurz. The king is not held in very high estima- 
 tion. He is at war with the Balhara as he is with the king of Jurz. 
 His troops are more numerous than those of the Balhard, the king of 
 Jurz; or the king of Tafak. It is said that when he goes out to battle 
 he is followed by about 50,000 elephants. He takes the field only 
 in winter, because elephants cannot endure thirst, and can only go 
 out in the cold season. It is stated that there are from ten to fifteen 
 thousand men in his army who are employed in fulling and washing 
 cloths. There is a stuff made in his country which is not to be found, 
 elsewhere ; so fine and delicate is this material that a dress made of 
 it may be passed through a signet-ring. It is made of cotton, and we 
 have seen a piece of it. Trade is carried on by means of kauris, 
 which are the current money of the country. They have gold and 
 silver in the country, aloes, and the stuff called samara, of which 
 madahs are made. The striped hnshdn or Jcarkaddan is found in this 
 country. It is an animal which has a single horn in the middle of 
 iis forehead, and in this horn there is a figure like unto that of 
 a man." » » «> o « 
 
 After this kingdom there is another situated in the interior of the 
 country, away from the sea> It is called Kashbin. The people are 
 w^hite, and pierce their ears. They are handsome, and dwell in 
 the wilds and mountains. 
 
 Afterwards comes a sea; on the shores of which there is a kingdom 
 called Kiranj.* Its kiag is poor and proud.. He collects large 
 
 "■ Cis'*^ • The position of these lingdomB is discussed ia note A in Appendix.] 
 ' [Mas'fldf gives these passages with a few verhal alterations. The translatiou 
 of the Paris edition says, " They export from this country the hair called Samara, 
 from which fly-whisks are made, with handles of ivoiy and silver. These are hold 
 over the heads of princes .when they give audience. It is in this country that the 
 animal called an nishdn, ' the marked,' or vulgarly karlcaddan, is found. It has one 
 horn in the middle of its forehead." Ma<;oudi, vol. i., 385.] 
 
 3 [Mas'iidi writes " Eiranj," see post, page 25. Eeinaud says " the coast of Ooro- 
 mandel ;" perhaps it is the country of Kalinga on that coast.] 
 
6 EAELT ARAB GEOGEAPHEES. 
 
 quantities of amber, and is equally well provided with elephants' 
 teeth. They eat pepper green in this country because it is scarce. 
 o <t « o 
 
 "When the king of Sarandib dies, his corpse is carried on a low 
 carriage very near the ground, with the head so attached to the back 
 of the vehicle that the occiput touches the ground, and the hair drags 
 in the dust. A woman follows with a broom, who sweeps the dust 
 on to the face of the corpse, and cries out, " O men, behold ! This 
 man yesterday was your kiag ; he reigned over you and you obeyed 
 his orders. See now to what he is brought ; he has bid farewell to 
 the world, and the angel of death has carried off his soul. Do not 
 allow yourselves to be led astray by the pleasures of this life," and 
 such like words. The ceremony lasts for three days, after which the 
 body is burnt with sandal, camphor and saffron, and the ashes scat- 
 tered to the winds.' All the Indians bum their dead. Sarandib is 
 the last of the islands dependent on India. Sometimes when the 
 corpse of a king is burnt, his wives oast themselves upon the pUe 
 and bum with it ; but it is for them to choose whether they vrill do 
 do so or not. 
 
 In India there are persons who, in accordance with their profes- 
 sion, wander in the woods and mountains, and rarely communicate 
 with the rest of mankind. Sometimes they have nothing to eat but 
 iierbs and the fruits of the forest, o » » o e Some of them 
 j^o about naked. Others stand naked with the face turned to the sun, 
 'laving nothing on but a panther's skin. In my travels I saw a man 
 In the position I have described ; sixteen years afterwards I returned 
 ' o that country and found him in the same posture. "What astonished 
 ae was that he was not melted by the heat of the sun. 
 
 In all these kingdoms the nobility is considered to form but one 
 
 amily. Power resides in it alone. The princes name their own 
 
 -luccessors. It is the same vrith learned men and physicians. They 
 
 orm a distinct caste, and the profession never goes out of the 
 
 ■aste. 
 
 The princes of India do not recognise flie supremacy of any one 
 
 ' [Mas'Udl and IdrJsi gave the same account. The fonner says he had witnessed 
 'he ceremony himself. Idrisi refers the cnstom to the kings of India. Ma90udi, 
 Tome i., 69. Idrtsi, poit.J 
 
ABir ZAID. 7 
 
 sovereign. Each one is his o-wn master. Still the Balhara has the 
 title of " king of kings." 
 
 The Chinese are men of pleasure ; but the Indians condemn plea- 
 sure, and abstain from it. They do not take wine, nor do they take 
 vinegar -which is made of wine. This does not arise from religious 
 scruples, but from their disdain of it. They say " The prince who 
 drinks wine is no true king." The Indians are surrounded by ene- 
 mies, who war against them, and they say " How can a man who 
 inebriates himself conduct the business of a kingdom ?" 
 
 The Indians sometimes go to war for conquest, but the occasions 
 are rare. I have never seen the people of one country submit to the 
 authority of another, except in the case of that country which comes 
 next to the country of pepper."^ When a king subdues a neighbour- 
 ing state, he places over it a man belonging to the family of the 
 fallen prince, who carries on the government in the name of the 
 conqueror. The inhabitants would not suffer it to be otherwise. 
 
 The principles of the religion of China were derived from India. 
 The Chinese say that the Indians brought buddhas into the country, 
 and that they have been the real masters in matters of religion. In 
 both countries they believe in the metempsychosis, but there are 
 some differences upon matters of detsdl. 
 
 The troops of the kings of India are numerous, but they do not 
 receive pay. The king assembles them only in case of a religious 
 war. They then come out, and maintain themselves without 
 receiving anything from the king.' 
 
 Book II. — The words of Abu Zaidu-l Hasan, of Slrdf. — ^I have 
 carefully read this book, that is to say the first book, having resolved 
 to examine it and to add to it such observations as I have gathered 
 in the course of my reading about voyages and the kings of the mari- 
 time countries, and their peculiarities, collecting all the information 
 I could upon those matters about which the author has not spoken. 
 
 « O 4» # 
 
 Among the stories' which are current, in the country (of Zabaj) 
 
 > [Malabar.] 
 ' 2 [It has been previously lemaiked that tbe SaUiar& paid his troops.] 
 3 [Mas'lidi relates this story also. Ma^oudi, Tome i., 82.] 
 
8 EAELY AEAB GEOGEAPHEES. 
 
 about ancient times, there is one concerning a Icing of Kumar,' the 
 country -which produces the aloes called kumarf. This country is 
 not an island, but is situated (on the continent of India) on that side 
 which faces the country of the Arabs. There is no kingdom which 
 has a more dense population than Kumar. Here every one walks on 
 foot. The inhabitants abstain from licentiousness, and from all 
 sorts of wine. Nothing indecent is to be seen in this country. 
 Kumar is in the direction of the kingdom of the Meiharaja, of the 
 island of Zabaj. There is about ten days' sailing between the two 
 kingdoms, « e e » but when the wind is light the journey 
 takes as much as twenty days. It is said that in years gone by the 
 country of Kumar came into the hands of a young prince of very 
 hasty temper. This prince was one day seated in his palace, 
 situated on the banks of a river, the water of which was sweet like 
 that of the Tigris of 'Irak. There was the distance of a day's jour- 
 ney between the palace and the sea. The wazir was near the king, 
 and the conversation turned upon the empire of the Maharaja, of its 
 splendour, the number of its subjects, and of the islands subordinate 
 to it. All at once the king said to the wazir, " I have taken a fancy 
 into my head which I should much like to gratify. * ** '* 
 I should like to see before me the head of the king of Zabaj in a 
 dish." ** * ** *■' These words passed from mouth to mouth, 
 and so spread that they at length reached the ears of the Maharaja, 
 o « o « That king ordered his wazi'r to have a thousand ves- 
 sels of medium size prepared, with their engines of war, and to put 
 on board of each vessel as many arms and soldiers as it could carry. 
 «s « » o When the preparations were ended, and everything 
 was ready, the king went on board his fleet, and proceeded with his 
 troops to Kumar. The king and his warriors all carried tooth- 
 brushes, and every man cleaned his teeth several times a day. Each 
 one carried his own brush on his person, and never parted from it, 
 unless he entrusted it to his servant. The kiag of Kumar knew 
 nothing of the impending danger until the fleet had entered the river 
 which led to his capital, and the troops of the Maharaja had landed. 
 The Maharaja thus took the king of Kumar tinawares, and seized 
 
 ' [The country about Cape KumSiI, or Comorin.J 
 
ABU ZAID. 9 
 
 upon his palace, for the officers had taken flight. He then made a 
 proclamation assuring safety to every one, and seated himself on the 
 throne of Kumar. Ho had the king brought forth, « «> «» and 
 had his head cut off. The Maharaja then addressed the wazir, 
 "I know that you have borne yourself lite a true minister; receive 
 now the recompense of your conduct. I know that you have given 
 good advice to your master if he would but have heeded it. Seek 
 out a man fit to occupy the throne, and seat him thereon instead of 
 this foolish fellow." The Maharaja returned immec ately to his 
 country, and neither he nor any of his men touched anything 
 belonging to the king of Kumar. •* * '» ** Afterwards the 
 Maharaja had the head washed and embalmed, then putting it in a 
 vase, he sent it to the prince who then occupied the throne of 
 Kumar, with a letter, o o « o When the news of these events 
 spread among the kings of India and China the Mahdraja rose 
 greatly in their estimation. From this time the kings of Kumar, 
 when they rise in the morning, always turn towards the country of 
 Zabaj, and bow themselves to the ground as a mark of respect to the 
 Maharaja. 
 
 In the states of the Balhara, and in other provinces of India, one 
 may see men bum themselves on a pile. This arises from the faith 
 of the Indians in the metempsychosis, a faith which is rooted in their 
 hearts, and about which they have not the slightest doubt. 
 
 Some of the kings of India, when they ascend the throne, have a 
 quantity of rice cooked and served on banana leaves. Attached to 
 the king's person are three or four hundred companions, who have 
 joined him of their own free will without compulsion. When the 
 king has eaten some of the rice, he gives it to his companions. Each 
 in his turn approaches, takes a small quantity and eats it. All thos e 
 who so eat the rice are obliged, when the king dies, or is slain, to 
 bum themselves to the very last man on the very day of the king's 
 decease. This is a duty which admits of no delay, and not a vestige 
 
 of these men ought to be left.' 
 
 i» » <» (t 
 
 When a person, either woman or man, becomes old, and the senses 
 are enfeebled, he begs some one of his family to throw him into the 
 ' [ Eeinaudot and Eeinaud refer this to the Nairs of Malabar.] 
 
10 PAELT ARAB GEOGEAPHEES. 
 
 fire, or to drown him in the water; so firmly are the Indians 
 persuaded that they shall return to (life upon) the earth. In India 
 they bum the dead. 
 
 The island of Sarandib contains the mountain of precious stones, 
 the pearl fisheries, etc, » » » » Precious stones, red, green, 
 and yellow, are obtained from the mountain which rises over the 
 island of Sarandib. The greater part of the stones that are found 
 are brought up by the tide. The water carries them into caverns 
 and grottoes, and into the places where torrents descend. There are 
 men appointed to watch the gathering of these stones on behalf of 
 the king. Sometimes precious stones are dug from the depths of the 
 earth, as in mines ; these stones are accompanied by earthy matter, 
 which has to be separated from them. 
 
 The kingdom of Sarandib has a law, and its doctors assemble from 
 time to time like as among us the men assemble who collect the tra- 
 ditions of the Prophet. The Indians go to the doctors, and write 
 from their dictation the lives of the prophets, and the precepts of the 
 law. There is in the island a great idol of pure gold, the size of 
 which has been exaggerated by travellers. There are also temples 
 which must have cost considerable sums of money. There is a 
 numerous colony of Jews in Sarandib, and people of other religions, 
 especially Hanicheans. The king allows each sect to follow its own 
 religion.' Great licentiousness prevails in this coimtry among the 
 women as well as the men. Sometimes a newly arrived merchant 
 will make advances to the daughter of a king, and she, with the 
 knowledge of her father, will go to meet him in some woody place. 
 The more serious of the merchants of Siraf avoid sending their ships 
 here, especially if there are young men on board. 
 
 Among the Indians there are men who are devoted to religion and 
 men of science, whom they call Brahmans. They have also their 
 poets who live at the courts of their kings, astronomers, phUosophers, 
 diviners, and those who draw omens from the flight of crows, etc. 
 Among them are diviners and jugglers, who perform most astonish- 
 ing feats. These observations are especially applicable to Kanauj, a 
 large country forming the empire of Jurz. 
 
 > [See Jaubert's Idrisi, p. 71.] 
 
ABtr ZAID. 11 
 
 [Then follows an account of ike Baikarjis or Bairdgis, of (he inns for 
 travellers, and of the courtezans attached to the templesJ] 
 
 The idol called Multan is situated in the environs of Manaura, and 
 people come on pilgrimages to it from many months distance. They 
 bring thither the Indian aloes called al Jcdmruni, from Kamrun, the 
 name of the country in which it grows. These aloes are of the finest 
 quality. They are given to the ministers of the temple for use as 
 incense. These aloes are sometimes worth as much as two hundred 
 dinars a mana. The aloes are so soft that they will receive the impres- 
 sion of a seal. Merchants buy them of the ministers of the temple. 
 a it» <a « 
 
 The kings of India are accustomed to wear earrings of precious 
 stones, mounted in gold. They also wear necklaces of great value, 
 formed of the most precious red and green stones. Pearls, however, 
 are held in the highest esteem, and are greatly sought after. «*<»** 
 
 Formerly the dinars of Sind, each of which is worth three and a 
 fraction of the ordinary dinars, were brought into India. Emeralds 
 also were imported from Egypt, mounted as seals, and enclosed in 
 boxes. Coral and the stone dahnap were also imported. This trade 
 has now ceased. 
 
 Most of the princes of India, when they hold a court, allow their 
 women to be seen by the men who attend it, whether they be natives 
 or foreigners. No veil conceals them from the eyes of the viators. 
 
 [A stone resembling the emerald,] 
 
12 EAELT AEAB GEOGEAPHEES. 
 
 II. 
 
 KITABU-L MASALIK WA-L MAMALIK 
 
 OP 
 
 IBN KHURDADBA. 
 
 Abii-l Kdsim llbaidu-llah bin 'Abdu-llali bin Khurdadba is 
 better known as Ibn Khurdadba, a name derived from his grand- 
 father, who was a fire worshipper, as the name shows, but who 
 subsequently became a convert to the Muhammadan faith. Ibn 
 Khurdadba attained high office under the Khalifs, and employed 
 his leisure in topographical and geographical researches, the result 
 of which was his "Book of Roads and Kingdoms." He died in 
 300 AH., or 912 A.d.^ Up to a recent date the separate indi- 
 viduality of Ibn KhurdMba was disputed, and it was argued by 
 some that he was the same person as Abii Is,hdk Istakhri, and 
 the real author of the " Oriental Greography" translated by Sir 
 W. Ouseley. This question was set at rest by the publication of 
 Istakhri's work, and by the extracts from Ibn Khurdadba, which 
 appeared in Sir H. Elliot's first volume. 
 
 The text of Ibn Khurdadba has lately been published with a 
 translation by M. Barbier de Meynard, in the Journal Asiatique 
 (1865) from a copy of the MS. in the Bodleian Library, collated 
 with another from Constantinople. Advantage has been taken of 
 this publication to amend the translation which originally appeared 
 in the original specimen of this work. The texts differ occasion- 
 ally, and the leaves of one or both of the MSS. must have been 
 
 ' [See Eeiuaud'B Aboulfeda I., p. 57, and Joum. Asiatique, Jan., 1866.] 
 
IBN KHTJEDADBA. 13 
 
 misplaced. The notes marked P give the Paris readings, where 
 the dififerences are such as to prechide an alteration of the Indian 
 version. The passages in brackets have been taken from the Paris 
 translation in addition to those published in the first edition, 
 
 EXTEAOTS. 
 
 [The greatest king of India is the Balhara, or " king of kings." 
 The other sovereigns of this country are those of Jaba, Tafan, Juzr 
 [Guzerat], Ghanah, Eahmi, and Kamriin. The king of Zabaj is 
 called Alfikat/ « « » and the king of the isle of the eastern 
 sea Maharaja «* « <• <*], 
 
 The kings and people of Hind regard fornication as lawful, and 
 wine as unlawful. This opinion prevails throughout Hind, but the 
 king of Kumar^ holds both fornication and the use of wine as un- 
 lawful. The kiag of Sarandip conveys wine from 'Irak for his 
 consumption. 
 
 The kings of Hind take great delight in maintaining elephants, 
 and pay largely for them in gold. The elephants are, generally, 
 about niuo cubits high, except those of 'Anab,^ which are ten and 
 eleven cubits. 
 
 The greatest king of India is the Balhara, whose name imports 
 " king of kings." He wears a ring in which is inscribed the follow- 
 ing sentence : " "What is begun with resolution ends with success." 
 
 The next emiuent king is he of Tafan ; the third is king of Jaba ; 
 the fourth is he of Juzr : the Tatariya dirhams are in use in his 
 dominions. The fifth is king of 'Ana;* the sixth is the Eahmi,' 
 
 1 [In a subsequent passage he says, " The king of Z&baj is called MahS.rS.ja," and 
 this agrees with Mas'Adf.] 
 
 ' [Kum5.r is the country about Cape Comorin, Travancore, etc. Kazwini makes 
 the same statement respecting Kum^ but he refers to Ibn Takiyah as his autho- 
 rity. He adds that wine-drinkers were punished by having a hot iron placed on 
 their bodies, and kept there till it' got cold. Many died under the infliction.] 
 
 " [So says Sir H. Elliot's text. The Paris translation reads, "aghbdi, yallees 
 spacieuses et etendues qui s'avancent dans la mer." Sulaim&n and Mas'fidi place 
 these Talleys near Ceylon, post, page 22. Eel. des Voy. i., 128.] 
 
 * [The Paris version here reads '"Anab," but in the first paragraph the name is 
 given as " Ghanah," Sir H. Elliot's text has " 'Aba."] 
 
 » [ " Eahma " in the Paris translation ; altf-i ma/csura.'] 
 
14 EARLY ARAB GEOGfiAPHERS. 
 
 and between Mm and the other kings a communication is kept up by 
 ships.' It is stated that he has in his possession five thousand'' ele- 
 phants ; that his country produces cotton cloths and aloe wood. 
 The seventh is the king of Kamrun, which is contiguous to China. 
 There is plenty of gold in this country. 
 
 [From the frontier of Kirman to Mansura, eighty parasangs ; this 
 route passes through the country of the Zats [Jats], who keep watch 
 over it. From Zaranj, capital of Sijistan, to Multan, two months' 
 journey. Multan is called " the farj of the house of gold," because 
 Muhammad, son of Kasim, lieutenant of Al Hajjaj, found forty 
 iakdrs of gold in one house of that city, wliich was henceforth called 
 " House of Gold." Farj (split) has here the sense of " frontier," A 
 bahdr is worth 333 mans, and each man two n'ffe.] ' 
 
 [CouNTEiBS OP SiND. — ^Al Kairunya [Kirbun ?*], Makran, AlMand 
 (or rather, country of the Meds), Kandaliar, Kasran,' Nukan,* Kan- 
 dabil, Kinnazbun, Armabil, Kanbali, Sahban, Sadusan, Debal, Easak, 
 Al Daur [Alor], Vandan, Multan, Sindan, Mandal, Salman, Sa'vrasb, 
 Karaj, Eumla, Kuli, Kanauj, Baruh [Broach].'] 
 
 There is a road through the city of Karkuz, leading to the eastern 
 countries from. Persia.* 
 
 The island of Kharak lies fifty parasangs from Obolla. It is a 
 parasang in length and breadth, and produces wheat, palm trees, and 
 vines. The island of Lafat° is at a distance of eighty parasangs from 
 that of Kharak, and has cultivated lands and trees. It is two para- 
 
 i [The Fans version reads il^X.^ Sj*m^ instead of iii^Jt^ ISj^mu* and translateB 
 " Les Etats de ce dernier sont distants de tous les autres d'une ann^e de marche."] 
 2 [" Cinquante miUe." P.] 
 ' [A ritl is one pound Troy.] 
 
 * [A large town in MakrSin. Mar&sidu-l Ittll6,'.] 
 ' [A city in Sind. Mar&sid.] 
 
 ' [A town of T6s,, near Nishapfir. MarSisid; Ab6-1 FidS.; Sprenger'a Routes, 
 Map 4.] 
 " [The locality of several of these countries is discussed in a note. Appx. A.] 
 
 * [I do not find this passage in the Paris version. Quatremere proposed to read 
 Hormuz for Ksikiz. Jour, des Sav. Sep. I860.] 
 
 ' [Sir H. Elliot's text has "Labin," but the Paris version reads Lafet : " it is the 
 'Labet' of Idrisi, and the 'Lafet' of Istakhri, probably the Isle of Kenn." 
 Quatremfere, in Jour, des Sav. Sep. 1850. Sprenger's Routes, 79.] 
 
IBN KHURDADBA. 15 
 
 sangs in length and breadth. Trom Lafat to the island of Abrdn 
 are seven parasangs ; it produces palm trees and wheat, and is a 
 parasang in length and breadth. IVom Abrun to the island of Khin' 
 are seven parasangs ; this island is only half a parasang in extent, 
 and is uninhabited. Erom Khin to the island of Kis,^ seven para- 
 sangs; the island is four parasangs in extent. In it are produced 
 wheat, palm trees, and the like ; the inhabitants dive for pearls, 
 which are here of excellent quality. Erom Ki's to Ibn K^wan' are 
 eighteen parasangs. It is three parasangs in extent. The inhabi- 
 tants are heretics, of the sect of thef Ibazites. From Ibn Kawdn to 
 Armiin,* seven parasangs. Prom Armun to Narmasfra' is seven 
 days' journey, and the latter is the boundary between Persia and 
 Sind. From Narmasira to Debal is eight days' journey, and from 
 Debal to the junction of the river Mihran with the sea is two 
 parasangs. 
 
 From. Sind are brought ihe oostus, oanes, and bamboos. From the 
 Mihran to Bakar,* which is the first place on the borders of Hind, 
 is foTir days' journey. The country abounds with canes in the hUly 
 tr'acts, but in the plains wheat is cultivated. The people are wan- 
 derers and robbers. From this place to the Meds are two parasangs ; 
 they also are robbers. From the Meds to Kol' are two parasangs, 
 and from Kol to Sindan is eighteen parasangs. In the latter grow 
 the teak tree and canes. From Sindan to Mali [Malabar] is five days' 
 journey ; in the latter pepper is to be found, also the bamboo. 
 From Mali to Balbun,^ is two days' journey, and from Balbun to the 
 great sea,° is two days' journey. At Balbun. the route divides; fol- 
 
 1 [Sir H. Elliofstext and translation reads ."Chin."l 
 
 * [Sir fl. ElKot's text and translation had Kasir; Quatrem6re suggested Kish, and 
 the Paris version gives Kis for Kish.] 
 
 s [Or " Benou KkYku." P. Sir. H. Elliot's text had " Aharkawan."] 
 < ["Ormuz." P.] 
 
 s [Or Narmashira, the "Nami&sir " of Sprenger's Houtes, and " Nnrmanshur " of 
 the Maps of Kirman.] 
 
 • [Illegihle in the Paris copies.] 
 
 ' This is the first indication we have of the Coles in this neighhouxhood, if we ex- 
 cept the KwMs of Dionysius {Ferieg : 1148), which must he looked for in another 
 direction. 
 
 8 [" Balin," in the Paris version.] 
 
 ' ["Lajjat," middle of the sea, gulf, great deep.] 
 
16 EARLY ARAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 lowing the shore it takes two days to reach Bas, which is a large 
 place where you can take passage to Sarandip. From Bas to Saji^ 
 and 'Askan, is two days' journey, in which latter place rice is culti- 
 vated. Trom 'Askan to Kura three and a half parasangs, where 
 several rivers discharge. Prom Kuta to Kilakan, Luar and Kanja,' 
 is two days' journey, in all which wheat and rice are cultivated, and 
 into which the wood -of aloes is imported from Kamul and other 
 neighbouring places, by the fresh-water route 'in fifteen days. From 
 Samundar to LTrasir* is twelve parasangs; this is a great country, 
 where are elephants, buifaloes, and other cattle, and various mer- 
 chantable commodities. The king of this country is very powerful. 
 From Ifrasir to Aina is four days' journey, where also elephants and 
 asses are met with. [From Hubalin(?) to Sarandip, two days.] 
 
 [After this follows the description of Pic d' Adam. In another place 
 the author continues his account of India in these words : — ] 
 
 There are seven classes of Hindus, viz., 1st, Sabkufn'a,^ among 
 whom are men of high caste, and from among whom kings are 
 chosen. The people of the other six classes do the men of this class 
 homage, and them only. 2nd, Brahma, who totally abstain from 
 wine and fermented liquors. 3rd, Kataria, who drink not more than 
 three cups of wine ; the daughters of the class of Brahma are not 
 given in marriage to the sons of this class, but the Brahmas take their 
 daughters. 4th, Siidaria, who are by profession husbandmen. The 
 5th, Baisura, are artificers and domestics. The 6th, Sandalia, who 
 perform menial oflices. 7th, Lahiid ;* their women are fond of adom- 
 
 1 ["Sandy." P.] 
 
 ' [Sir H. Elliot's text and translation had " Kankan, Malwa and Kanja," but 
 IdrisI reproduces the names as " Kilk&y4n, Lulu and Kanja." There can therefore 
 be no doubt that the Paris version now given is most correct. Kiira (Kaikasar iu 
 Idrisi) would seem to bo near the mouths of the Coleroou. KS.nchi is the old name of 
 Konjeveram.] 
 
 s [Sprenger suggests the Godavery (Post-und Reiserouten, 80), but this cannot be 
 if Kanja is Kinchi.] 
 
 * [" tTrtasIr " in the Paris version, for which the editor suggests Kashmir ; but 
 ITr-desa [Orissa] is surely intended. The follovring name "Aina" may possibly be 
 meant for Andhra [Telingana]. Sprenger says " Palmiras " ?] 
 
 ' [Elliot's text made the first syllable " Sfim." The Paris version says " Sabakferya 
 (B. les Sabiens; Ed. Sakrya)."] 
 
 « [" Lee Zenpa mnsiciens ct jongleurs." P.] 
 
IBN KHTJBDADBA. 
 
 17 
 
 ing themselves, and tlie men are fond of amuseinents and games of 
 skill.^ In Hind there are forty-two religious sects f part of them 
 believe in a Creator and Prophet (the blessing of Grod be upon 
 them !) ; part deny the mission of a Prophet, and part are atheists. 
 
 ' None of the early Arabian Geographers notice this division into tribes or classes, 
 [but they appear to have known it, see pp. 6, 10, 19 ; and Idrisi reproduces this 
 passage, see post.'] The Grecian Authors, on the auihority of Megasthenes, divide 
 the tribes into seven, and attribute the following offices to them, which are very 
 different from those assigned by Ibn Khurdidba. 
 
 1st Class. 
 
 2nd „ 
 
 3rd „ 
 
 4th „ 
 
 5th „ 
 
 6th „ 
 
 7th „ 
 
 DiodoruB. 
 Philosophers 
 Husbandmen 
 Cowherds and 
 
 shepherds 
 Artificers 
 
 Arrian. 
 
 and 
 
 Warriors 
 
 Inspectors 
 
 Counsellors 
 
 and 
 
 Husbandmen 
 Cowherds and shepherds 
 
 Artificers, merchants, and 
 
 boatmen 
 Warriors 
 Inspectors 
 Assessors 
 
 Straho. 
 Philosophers 
 Husbandmen 
 Shepherds and 
 
 hunters 
 Artificers and 
 
 merchants 
 "Warriors 
 Inspectors 
 Counsellors 
 assessors 
 Vid. Strah. Geogr : lib; xv. 703-707. Arrian: Iiidiea 11. 12. 
 lib : II. 40, 41. and Meffasthenis Fragmenta. E. A. Schwanbeck, pp. 
 It is not easy to identify the names given by Ibn Khurd&dba. The first is unintel- 
 ligible—the 2nd is evident — the 3rd seems to indicate the Eshatriyas — the 4th the 
 Sadras — the 5th the Vaisya— the 6th the Chand&las — the 7th the Bazlgars and itin- 
 erant jugglers. 
 
 ^ This is the number ascribed by the indignant Frenchman to England — " Forty- 
 two religions ! and only one sauce ! !" The Jarai'u-1 Hik^yit increases the number 
 of religions in India to forty-eight, and the Babjatu-1 Tawiiikh, in the Paris Library, 
 sets them down as 948. See Kasimirski, 214, and Mem. sur I'lnde, 49. 
 
 assessors. 
 XV. 703-707. Arrian: Iiidiea 11. 
 
 Siodor : Sic : 
 42, 121, 127. 
 
18 EAELY ARAB GEOGEAPHEES. 
 
 III. 
 MURU'JU-L ZAHAB 
 
 OF 
 
 AL MAS'lTDf, 
 
 Ab^-1 Hasan 'Abi, son of Husaiu, was a native of Baghddd, 
 and received the surname of Al Mas'iidi after an ancestor named 
 Mas'ud, whose eldest son accompanied the prophet in his flight 
 from Mecca to Medina.^- The greater part of Mas'udi's life was 
 spent in travelling, and his wanderings extended over nearly all 
 the countries subject to Muhamraadan sway, and others besides. 
 He says of himself that lie travelled so far to the west (Morocco 
 and Spain) that he forgot the east, and so far to the east (China) 
 that he forgot the west. He was an acute observer, and de- 
 servedly continues to he one of the most admired writers in the 
 Arabic language. The fruits of his travels and observations 
 were embodied in his work called " Muruju-1 Zahab " (Meadows 
 of Gold), of which Ibn Khaldiin, as quoted by Sprenger, says, 
 " Al Mas'iidi in his book describes the state of the nations and 
 countries of the east and west, as they were in his age — that is to 
 say, in 330 (332) a.h. He gives an account of the genius and 
 usages of the nations ; a description of the countries, mountains, 
 seas, kingdoms and dynasties ; and he distinguishes the Arabian 
 race from the barbarians. Al Mas'udi became, through this 
 work, the prototype of all historians : to whom they refer, and on 
 whose authority they rely in the critical estimate of many facts 
 
 ' ["See Eeinaud'3 Aboulfeda Introd. p. Ixiv.] 
 
AL MAS'UDr. 19 
 
 which form the subject of their labours.'"' The date of his birth 
 is not known, but he died in Egypt in 345 a.h. (956 a.d.) 
 
 The first part of the " Meadows of Grold " was translated into 
 English by Dr. Sprenger (London, 1841), and the complete text, 
 with a translation into French, has since been published by MM. 
 Barbier de Meynard and Pavet de Oourteille (Paris, 1851). 
 Both these works have been used in the preparation of the fol- 
 lowing extracts : — 
 
 EXTKAOTS. 
 
 Chapter VIL- — Mas'udi begins this chapter hy stating it to he 
 the general amnion that India was the portion, of the earth in which 
 order and wisdom prevailed in distant ages. The Indians gave 
 themselves a king, Brahma the Great, who reigned 366 years, and 
 in whose times the booh Sindhind [^Siddhdnta^ and Arjabahad 
 [Arydbhattal were composed. His descendants have retained to 
 our days the name of Brahmans. They are honoured by Indians 
 as forming the most noble and illustrious caste. They do not 
 eat the flesh of any animal, and both men and women wear 
 yellow threads suspended round their necks, like a baldrick, to dis- 
 tinguish them from the other castes of India. Se was succeeded by 
 his eldest son Bahbud, who eigned 100 years. After him came Zdmdn 
 [Bdma?^, who reigned nearly 50 years. He was succeeded by 
 Por [Porus], who gave battle to Alexander, and was killed by that 
 prince in single combat, after leigning ,140 years. After him came 
 Dabshalim, the author of "Kalila wa Dimna," who reigned 110 
 years. Balhit, the next king, reigned 80 years, but according to 
 other manuscripts, 130 years. He was succeeded by Koresh 
 [Harsha ?], who abandoned the doctrines of the past, and introduced 
 into India new religious ideas more suited to the requirements of the 
 time, and more in consonance with the tendencies of his co- 
 temporaries * ^ ** He died after a reign of 120 years. At his 
 death discord arose among the Indians, and they broke up into 
 divers nations and tribes, each country having a chief of its own. 
 Thus were formed the kingdoms of Sind, Eanauj, and Kashmir 
 The city of Mankir, which was the great centre of India, submitted 
 
 ^ [Sprenger's Mas'tldl, Preface.] 
 
20 EARLY ARAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 to a Mug called tlie Balhara, and the name of tMs prince continues 
 to Ms successors who reign in that capital until the present time 
 (332 A.H.) 
 
 India is a vast country, extending over sea, and land, and moun- 
 tains ; it borders on. the country of Zabaj [Java] , which is the kingdom, 
 of the Maharaj, the king of the islands, whose dominions separate 
 India and China, but are considered as part of India. India 
 extends on the side of the mountains to Khurasan and Sind, as 
 far as TiBet. There prevails a great difference of lang^uage and 
 religion in these kingdoms, and they are frotiucntly at war with each 
 other. The most of them believe in the metempsychosis, or the 
 transmigration of the soul. The Hindus are distinct from all other 
 black people, as the Zanjis, the Damadams, and others, in point of 
 intellect, government, philosophy, strength of constitution, and 
 purity of colour. 
 
 No king can succeed to the throne in India before he is forty years 
 of age ; nor does their sovereign ever appear before the public, except 
 at certain distant intervals, and then only for the inspection of state 
 affairs. In their opinion, the kings lose their dignity and bring 
 contempt on their privileges if the public gazes at them frequently. 
 Grovemment is only maintained by good feeling and by respect for 
 the various dignities of the state.^ « « » « st 
 Eoyalty is limited to the descendants of one family, and never goes 
 to another. The same is the case with the families of the wazirs, 
 kazi's, and other high oiEoers. They are all (hereditary and) never 
 changed or altered. 
 
 The Hindus abstsiin from drinking wine, and censure those who 
 consum°. it ; not because their religion forbids it, but in the dread of 
 its clouding their reason and depriving them of its powers. If it 
 can be proved of one of their kings, that he has drunk (wine), he 
 forfeits the crown ; for he is (not considei-ed to be) able to rule and 
 govern (tie empire) if his mind is affected. 
 
 « «t « « « 
 
 ' [The Paris translation says, " Le pouvoir ne se maintient cliez; eux que par le 
 despotisme et le respect de la liierarchio politique." Sprenger'a version is "The 
 measures of government must te carried by mildness in India, and by degradation 
 from a higher rank."] 
 
22 EARLY ARAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 of Baghara,' in India; the bay of Zabaj, in the dominions of the 
 Maliaraj, and tlie gulfs of the aghyab [aghbab], which extend towards 
 the island of Sarandib [Ceylon]. Crocodiles live more particu- 
 larly in sweet water, and, as we have said, in the estuaries of India, 
 the water of which is for the most part sweet, because the streams 
 which form them are derived from the rains. 
 
 Chapter X"VI. — The king of India is the Balhara; the king of 
 Kanauj, who is one of the kings of Sind, is Baaiira ;' this is a title 
 common to all kings of Kanauj. There is also a city called Bsuiir.., 
 after its princes, which is now in the territories of Islam, and is one 
 of the dependencies of Multan. Through this town passes one of 
 the (five) rivers, which form together the river Mihran in Sind, which 
 is considered by al-Jabiz as derived from the 'Nile, and by others from 
 the Jaihun of Khurasan. This Bauiira, who is the king of Kanauj, 
 Is an enemy of the Balhara, the king of India. The king of Kan- 
 dahar, who is one of the kings of Sind and its mountains, is called 
 Hahaj ; this name is common to all sovereigns of that country. 
 From his dominions comes the river Eaid, one of the five rivers 
 which form the Mihran of Sind. Kandahar is called the country 
 of the Kahbut [Eajput?]. Another river of the five is called 
 Bahatil, it comes also from the mountains of Sind, and runs through 
 
 ' [This must te intended for " Balhari," in whose kingdom SindS-hdr se'ims to have 
 been situated.] 
 
 ^ [ a jttJ This name is so given in the Paris edition, but Sprenger reads it " BiSdah ; " 
 and the reference immediately afterwards to a place of the same name among the 
 dependencies of MiUtin, can hardly refer to any other than the country commonly 
 called Budha, General Cunningham says this name "is said by Gildemeister to be 
 written Hovara in the original, for which he proposes to read Fmara for the weU- 
 Inown Famava. From the King of Oudh's Dictionary two dififerent spellings are 
 quoted, as Pordn and Fordn ; while in Ferishta the name is either Korrah, as written 
 by Dow, or Ktiwar, as written by Briggs. In Abu '1 Feda the name is Koda. Now 
 as the name, of which so numy readings have just been given, was that of the king's 
 family or tribe, I believe wo may almost certainly adopt Tovara as the true reading 
 according to one spelling, and Torah according to the other. In the Sanskrit lu- 
 criptions of the Gwalior dynasty the word is invariably spelt Tomara. Eharg Rai 
 writes Tomdr [ To'ar ?"], which is much the same as Col. Tod's Tudr, and the Tuvdr of 
 the Kumaon and GarhwSl MSS. Lastly, in Gladwin's Ayin Akbari, I find Tenore 
 and Toonoor, for which I presume the original has Tunwar and Tanwar. From a 
 comparison of all these various readings, I conclude that the family name of the Raja 
 of Kanauj in a.d. 915, when M as' tidi visited India, was, in all probability, Tovar or 
 Tomar." Genl. Cunningham's Archselogical Report, Journ. As. Soc, Bengal, 1864.] 
 
AL MAS'ircr. 23 
 
 the country of the Eahbut, wHch is the country of Kandahar : the 
 fourth river comes from the country of Kabul, and its mountains on 
 the frontier of Sind towards Bust, Ghaznin, Zara'un, ar-Eukhaj, and 
 the country of Dawar, which is the frontier of Sijistan. The last of 
 the five rivers comes from the country of Kashmir. The king of 
 Kashmir has the name of Eai, which is a general title for all the 
 kings. Kashmir forms part of Sind. 
 
 « ft « « » 
 
 The kingdom of the Bauura, king of Kanauj, extends about one 
 hundred and twenty square parasangs of Sind, each parasang being 
 equal to eight miles of this country. This king has four armies, 
 according to the four quarters of the wind. Each of them numbers 
 700,000 or 900,000 men. The army of the north wars against the 
 prince of Miiltdn, and with the Musulmans, his subjects, on the fron- 
 tier. The army of the south fights against the Balhara, king of Mankir. 
 The other two armies march to meet enemies in every direction. 
 
 o tt i» a o 
 
 Multan is one of the strongest frontier places of the Musalmans, 
 and around it there are one hundred and twenty thousand towns 
 and villages. In it is the idol also known by the name of Multan. 
 The inhabitants of Sind and India perform pilgrimages to it 
 from the most distant places : they carry money, precious stones, 
 aloe-wood, and all sorts of perfumes there to fulfil their vows. 
 The greatest part of the revenue of the king of Multan is derived 
 from the rich presents brought to the idol of the pure aloe-wood of 
 Kumar, which is of the finest quality, and one man of which is 
 worth 200 dinars o « e » When the xmbelievers march 
 against Multan, and the faithful do not feel themselves strong 
 enough to oppose them, they threaten to break their idol, and their 
 enemies immediately withdraw. 
 
 "When all the rivers which we have enumerated have passed the 
 " boundary of the house of gold," w^hich is the meaning of the 
 name of Multan, they unite at about three days' jom-ney below this 
 city and above Mansura, at a place called Dushab,' into one stream, 
 which proceeds to the town of Al Eur [Alor], which lies on its western 
 
 ^ [Dfi&b ? referring either to the country tetween the Ghara and the Chinah, or to 
 that between the Panj-nad and the Indus.] 
 
24 EAELr ARAB (JEOGEAPHERS. 
 
 bank and belongs to Manaura, wbere it receives the name of MiLian. 
 There it diYides into two branches, both of ■which fall at the town of 
 Shakira,' which belongs also to one of the districts of Mansura, into 
 the Indian sea, under the name of Mihran of Sind, about two days' 
 journey from the town of Debal. 
 
 Multan is seventy-five Sindian parasangs from Mansuia Bach 
 •parasang is eight miles, as stated above. The estates and villages 
 dependent on Mansura amount to three hundred thousand. The 
 whole country is well cultivated, and covered with trees and 
 fields. It is constantly at war with a nation called the Meds, who 
 axe a race of Sind, and also with other races on the frontiers of Sind. 
 Like Multan it is on the frontier of Sind, and so are the towns and 
 villages belonging to it. Mansura has its name from Mansur bin 
 Jamhur, governor of the 'Ummayides. The king of Mansura has 
 eighty war elephants, every one of which is supported by five 
 hundred infantry in battle, as we have already remarked ; and these 
 elephants oppose thousands of horses. 
 
 « « « «» (» 
 
 Let us now resume our short account of the kings of Sind and 
 India. The language of Sind is different from that of India. Sind 
 is the country which is nearer the dominions of the Moslims, India 
 is farther from them. The inhabitants of Mankir, which is the 
 capital of the Balhara, speak the Kiriya language, which has this 
 name from Kira, the place where it is spoken. On the coast, as in 
 Saimur, Subara, Tana, and other towns, a language called Lariya'' 
 is spoken which has its name from the sea which washes these 
 countries ; and this is the Larawi sea, which has been described 
 above. On this coast there are great rivers, which run from the 
 soutli, whilst all other rivers of the world flow from north to south, 
 excepting the Nile of Egypt, and the Mihran of Sind, and a few others, 
 e « « Of all the kings of Sind and India, there is no one who pays 
 greater respect to the Musulmans than the Balhara. In his kingdom 
 Islam is honoured and protected » « «* The money consists of 
 dirhams, called Tahiriya,' each weighing a dirham and a half They 
 
 ' [The Sanskrit " S5gara." See Mem. sur I'lnde, p. 216.] 
 
 2 [Sanskrit " L&ta," the country about the mouth of the Nerbudda.] 
 
 * [Sprenger reads this Talatawiya, as does another Paris MS. See note page 3.] 
 
AX MAS'UDr. 25 
 
 are impressed with the date of the reign. The Balhara possesses 
 many war elephants. This coxmtry is also called Kamkar. On one 
 side it is exposed to the attacks of the king of Juzr [Guzerat] ; a 
 king who is rich in horses and camels, and has a large army. 
 
 « «* «S IS ft 
 
 Next comes the country of Tafan. The king is on friendly terms 
 with the neighbouring sovereigns and with the Moslims ; his military 
 furces are less considerable than those of the kings whom we have 
 
 named. 
 
 « » c «s «» 
 
 Beyond this kingdom is that of Eahma, which is the title for their 
 kings, and generally at the same time their name. His dominions 
 border on those of the king of Juzr [Guzerat], and, on one side, on 
 those of the Balhara, with both of whom he is frequently at war. 
 The Ealmia has more troops, elephants, and horses, than the Balhara, 
 the king of Juzr and of Tafan. When he takes the field, he has no less 
 than fifty thousand elephants. He never goes to war but in winter, 
 because elephants cannot bear thirst. His forces are generally 
 exaggerated; some assert that the number of fullers and washers 
 in his camp is from ten to fifteen thousand «* « «t 'S « The 
 kingdom of Eahma extends both along the sea and the continent. 
 It is bounded by an inland state called the kingdom of Kaman. 
 The inhabitants are fair, and have their ears pierced. They have 
 elephants, camels, and horses. Both sexes are generally handsome. 
 
 Afterwards comes the kingdom of Firanj,' which has power both 
 on land and sea. It is situated on a tongue of land which stretches 
 into the sea, from whence large quantities of amber are obtained. 
 The country produces only little pepper, but large numbers of ele- 
 phants are found here. The king is brave, haughty, and proud, but 
 to tell the truth he has more haughtiness than power, and more 
 pride than courage. 
 
 ^ [Sulaiman irrites this Bame " Kiranj." See note ante, p. 5.] 
 
26 EAKLY ARAB GEOGEAPHEES, 
 
 IV. 
 KIT^BU-L AKA'LfM, 
 
 03? 
 
 ABV IS,HAK, AL ISTAKHRf. 
 
 Shaikh Abu Is,hak. received the cognomen of Istakhri from his 
 native city of Istakhr or Persepolis, and he is also called Al 
 FarsI, from the province of Pars in which that city is situated. 
 His travels extended through all the Muhammadan countries, 
 from India to the Atlantic ocean, from the Persian Gulf to the 
 Caspian Sea. The time of his journies and the date of his work 
 have not been precisely determined, but it is certain that he wrote 
 about the middle of the tenth century (340 ah., 961 A.D.). He 
 was a little anterior in point of time to Ibn Haukal, but these two 
 travellers met in the valley of the Indus, and exchanged observa- 
 tions. A comparison of the following extracts will show how Ibn 
 Haukal availed himself of his cotemporary's writings, and made 
 them the basis of his own work. The text of Istakhrl's " Book 
 of Climates " was published in lithography by Dr. Moeller, at 
 Gotha, in 1839, under the title " Liber Climatum. It is a fac- 
 simile of the MS. in the Gotha Library, which is the only one in 
 Europe; but, although the lithography has evidently been exe- 
 cuted with great care, the work is unsatisfactory, for the MS. is 
 very faulty in the spelling of proper names. A ti-anslation from 
 the same into German was printed at Hamburg in 1845, by Dr. 
 Mordtmann, as '■'■Das Buck der Lander."' The portion relating 
 
AL ISTAKHRr. 27 
 
 to Sijistan was translated into Italian by Signer Madini, and 
 published at Milan in 1842.i 
 
 BXTKAOTS. 
 
 The country of Sind and the bordering lands are inserted in one 
 map, which thus contains the country of Sind and portions of Hind, 
 Kirmdn, Tiiran, and Budha. 
 
 Cities of Sind. — Mansura, Debal, Nirur' [Niriin], Kalwi [Kal- 
 lari], Annari, Balwf [Ballari], Maswahi, Nabraj, Baniya, Manha- 
 nari [Manjibari], Sadusan, and Al Bjuz [Alor]. 
 
 Cities or Hind. — Amhal,^ Kambaya, Subara, Siudan, Saimiir, 
 Multan, Jandrud, and Basmand. 
 
 From Kambaya to Saimiir is the land of the Balhara, and in it 
 there are several Indian kings. It is a land of infidels, but there are 
 Musalmdns in its cities, and none but Musalmans rule over them 
 on the part of the Balhara. There are Jama' masjids in them. The 
 city in which the Balhara dwells is Manki'r, which has an extensive 
 territory. 
 
 Mansura is about a mile long and a mile broad, and is surrounded 
 by a branch of the Mihran. The inhabitants are Musalmans, The 
 date tree and the sugar cane grow here. The land of Mansura also 
 produces a fruit of the size of the apple, which is called Laimun, and 
 is exceedingly sour. The land also produces a fruit called Ambaj 
 (mango), which is like the peach. The price of them is low, and 
 they are plentiful. The dress of the people is like that of the 
 people of 'Irak, but the dress of their kings resembles that of the 
 kings of India in respect of the hair* and the tunic. 
 
 Multan is a city about half the size of Mansura. There is an idol 
 there held in great veneration by the Hindus, and every year people 
 from the most distant parts undertake pilgrimages to it, and bring to 
 it vast sums of money, which they expend upon the temple and on 
 
 "■ [See Eeinaud's Atoulfeda, Introd. p. Ixixi., and the prefaces to Moeller and 
 Mordtmann's works.] 
 
 3 [" Famhal" and " K&mlial" belotr,] 
 
 * r j}Xj!u.n, for this we have ^.l-j (trowsers) in the same passage as quote<i 
 ty Ibn Haukal. See post, page 34. 
 
28 EARLY ARAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 those who lead there a life of devotion. The temple of the idol is a 
 strong edifice, situated in the most populous part of the city, in the 
 market of Multan, between the bazar of the ivory dealers and the 
 shops of the coppersmiths. The idol is placed under a cupola in the 
 midst of the building, and the ministers of the idol and those devoted 
 to its service dwell around the cupola. In Multan there are no men 
 either of Hind or Sind who worship idols except those who worship 
 this idol and in this temple. The idol has a human shape, and is 
 seated with its legs bent in a quadrangular posture on a throne made 
 of brick and mortar. Its whole body is covered with a red skin like 
 morocco leather, and nothing but its eyes are visible. Som.e believe 
 that the body is made of wood, some deny this ; but the body is not 
 allowed to be uncovered to decide the point. The eyes of the idol 
 are precious gems, and its head is covered with a crown of gold. It 
 sits in a quadrangular position on the throne, its hands resting upon 
 its knees, with the fingers closed, so that only four can be counted. 
 When the Indians make war upon them and endeavour to seize the 
 idol, the inhabitants bring it out, pretending that they will break it 
 and burn it. Upon this the Indians retire, otherwise they would destroy 
 Multan. Manstira is more fertile. At half a parasang from Multan there 
 is a large cantorunent,^ which is the abode of the chief, who never 
 enters Multdn except on Fridays, when he goes on the back of an 
 elephant, in order to join in the prayers of that day. The governor 
 is of the tribe of Kuraish, and is not subject to the ruler of Mansura, 
 but reads the khutba in the name of the khalifa. 
 
 Samand^ is a. small city situated like Multan, on the east of the 
 river Mihranj between each of these places and the river the 
 distance is two parasangs. The water is obtained from wells. 
 
 The city of Al Eur approaches Multan in size. It has two 
 walls, is situated near the Mihran, and is on the borders of 
 Mansura. 
 
 Nirur^ is half way between Debal and Mansura. 
 
 From Saimur to Fdmhal, in Hind, and from Famhal to Makran 
 
 1 r S-M^x^t camp.] 
 
 2 [" Basmand" above and below.] 
 ^ \_j}j^. See note A in Appi.] 
 
AL ISTAKHRr. 29 
 
 and Budha, and beyond that as far as the boundaries of Multan, all 
 belong to Sind. Budha is there a desert. 
 
 The people of Multan wear trousers, and most of them speak 
 Persian and Sindf, as in Mansiira. 
 
 Makran is a large territory, for the most part desert and barren. 
 The largest city in Makran is Kannazbun.' 
 
 Kandabil is a great city, The palm tree does not grow there. It 
 is in the desert, and within the confines of Budha. The cultivated 
 fields are mostly irrigated. Vines grow there, and cattle are pastured. 
 The vicinity is fruitful. Abil is the name of the man who subdued 
 this town, which is named after him. 
 
 Distances. — From Tiz' to Tir [Kiz] about five days. From 
 Kiz' to Kannaabun two days. Going from. Kannazbun to Tiz, in 
 Makran, the road passes by Kiz. From Kannazbun to Darak three 
 days. From Edsak to Fahalfahiih* three days. From thence to 
 Asghafa'* two days. From thenee to Band one day. From Band to 
 Bah° one day. From thence to Kasrkand' one day. From Kiz to 
 ArmabiP six days. From Armabil to Kambalf two days. From 
 thence to Debal four days. From Mstnsura to Debal six days. From 
 Mansura to Multan twelve days. From Mansura to Turan fifteen 
 days. From Mansura to the nearest frontier of Budha five days. 
 From Budha to Tiz about fifteen days. The length of Makran from 
 Tiz to Kasdan is about fifteen days. From Multan to the nearest 
 border of the tongue (of land) known as Biyalas'" about ten days. 
 Here the Mihran must be crossed to get into the land of Budha. 
 
 1 r,.,.J -kS Mordtmann reads " Firiun," but see note A in Appx.] 
 
 ' [The port of that name.] 
 
 3 [" Kedge " of the maps.] 
 
 * [The other authorities agree in reading this Fahalfahara except the Mar&sidu-l 
 Itt., which makes it " Fahafahrat," and calls it " a well known town in Makran." 
 See Idrlsi.] 
 
 6 [Ibn Haukal and Idrisi have "Asfaka." The "Esfaka" of the maps north of 
 Geh, in Makrin.] 
 
 6 [The modem Geh.] 
 
 ' [This is still a place of some note.] 
 
 8 [See note A in Appx.] 
 
 s [ This must have been on the coast of Lus. See Idrisi.] 
 10 [jjjlo] 
 
30 EAELY AEAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 From KandalDil to Mansura eight days, rrom Kandabil to Multan , 
 by the desert, about ten days. Between Mansura and Kamhal ' eight 
 days. From Kamhal to Kambaya four days. From Kambaya to the sea 
 about two parasangs. From Kambaya to Surabaya about four days, 
 and Surabaya is about half a parasang from the sea. Between 
 Surabaya and Sindan about five days. From Sindan to Saimur 
 five days. Between Saimur and Sarandib fifteen days. Between 
 Multan. and Basmand about two days. From Basmand to 
 Al Euz three days. From Al Euz to Annari four days. From 
 Annari to Kallari two days. From thence to Mansura one day. 
 From Debal to Tiz four days. From thence to Manjabari two 
 days. From Kalwi'' [Kallari] to Maldan [Multan?] about four 
 days. Baband^ lies between Mansura and Kamhal at one day's 
 journey from Mansura. 
 
 There is a river in Sind called the Mihriin.^ It is said that it springs 
 from the summit of a mountain from which many affluents of the 
 JIhun rise.* The Mihran passes by the borders of Samand^ and 
 Al Eur (Alor) to the neighbourhood of Multan ; from thence to 
 Mansura, and onwards until it joias the sea to the east of Debal. 
 Its water is very sweet. It is said that there are crocodiles in it as 
 large as those of the NUe. It rises like as the NUe rises, and inun- 
 dates the land, which on the subsidence of the water is sown in the 
 manner we have described in the land of Egypt. The Sind End is 
 about three stages from Multan. Its water is very sweet, even 
 before it joins the Mihran. Makran is mostly desert, and has very 
 few rivers. Their waters flow into the Mihran on both sides of 
 Mansura. 
 
 ' [The text has K&hal, tut there can be no doubt that K&mhal is meant.] 
 
 ^ [Jl^JU in the text, which can only be rendered by guess. Ibn Haukal and 
 Idrlsi have " Biniya."] 
 
 * [The Mar&sidu-l IttiU' quotes this with some Tariations in the names.] 
 
 * [Kazwini in quoting this passage calls the place " Samandiir."] 
 
IBN HAUKAL. 31 
 
 V. 
 ASHKA'LU-L BILA'D 
 
 OS IHE 
 
 KTTABU-L MASA'LIK WA-L MAMALIK. 
 
 or 
 
 IBN HAUKAL. 
 
 In one of the Royal Libraries of Lncknow there is a very old 
 Arabic manuscript, written a.h. 689 (] 1 93 a.d.). The title, " Ash- 
 kaln-l Bilad," Diagrams of the countries (of Islam), is given in 
 the Postscript. It contains maps and a geographical description 
 of several countries. The first leaf is wanting. It contained in 
 folio recto in all probability the beginning of the preface, and in 
 folio verso the map of the world ; apparently the greater portion of 
 the preface is preserved. The plan of the work is thus stated — 
 " Then (after having given a map of the world) I have devoted a 
 separate diagram to every country of Islam, in which I show its 
 frontiers, the shape of the country, the principal towns, and in fact 
 everything necessary to know. The diagrams are accompanied by a 
 text. I have divided the dominions of Islam into twenty coun- 
 tries. I begin with Arabia, for this peninsula contains the Kabah 
 and Mecca, which is unquestionably the most important city and 
 the centre of the peninsula. After Mecca I describe the country 
 of the Bedouins ; then I proceed to the description of — 2. the 
 Persian Gfulf, which surrounds the greater part of Arabia j 3. the 
 Maghrib; 4. Egypt; 5. Syria; 6. Th 3 Mediterranean ; 7. Me- 
 sopotamia; 8. 'Irdk; 9. Khuzistan ; 10. Fars; 11. Kirman ; 
 
32 EARLY ARAB GEOGEAPHEES. 
 
 12. Mansiira, and the adjacent countries,^ which are Sind, India, 
 and part of the Muhammadan territory; 13. ^zarbaij4n; 14. 
 the district of the Jib al ; 15. Dailam : 16, the sea of the Khazar 
 {i.e. the Caspian) ; IT. the steppes between Fars and Khurdsan ; 
 18. Sijistdn and the adjacent countries ; 19. Khurdsan ; 20. Ma 
 warau-n nahr." Of every one of the above countries there seems 
 to have been originally a map, but two have been lost (viz., Nos. 
 6 and 10), and some have been transposed (as well as several leaves 
 of the text) by the bookbinder. It was copied in a.H. 689, as it is 
 stated in the postscript, from a very correct copy, and with great 
 care. The copyist has added in a few instances marginal notes, 
 which prove that he took an interest in what he wrote, and that 
 he was acquainted with the subject. On comparing this work 
 with the " Book of Roads and Kingdoms " of Ibn Haukal, I 
 find it almost verbatim the same, so much so, as to leave no 
 doubt that it is a copy of Ibn HaukaPs work under an unusual 
 name. As there are only two copies in Europe, one of 
 which is very bad, this _ MS. is of considerable value.^ The 
 following extract is translated from the Ashkalu-1 Bilid, 
 followed by a passage from Ibn Haukal, in the part where 
 the Lucknow manuscript was deficient, or which probably the 
 transcriber neglected to copy. [The map is from the Ashkalu-l 
 BilSd, and is very similar to that of Istakhri, as published by 
 Moeller.] 
 
 [The real name of Ibn Haukal was Muhammad Abu-1 Kasim, 
 and he was a native of Baghdjid. When he was a child the 
 power of the Khalifs had greatly declined, and Baghdad itself 
 had fallen into the hands of the Turks. On attaining manhood 
 he found himself despoiled of his inheritance, so he resolved to 
 gratify a natural taste, and to seek to mend his fortunes by tra- 
 velling and trading in foreign countries. He left Baghdad in 331 
 
 ^ Here a space of about six inches square is left blank, and in the margin are 
 the words " This space is for the map of the world, but it is not large enough, there- 
 fore the copiKst has deyiated from the original from which he transcribed, and it 
 stands in the preceding page." 
 
 2 [Uri Bodl. Codd. MSS., Cat., p. 209.] 
 
SIND 
 
 pci^e 32 . 
 
 MAP ' OF SIND 
 
 S^orUUrs af KtrinanSSyCstan, 
 
 Trttbnn— *s.C° 61) Patemosterllo-nr, London 
 
 W.West tofe. 
 
IBN HAUKAL. 33 
 
 A.H. (943 A.D.), and after passing through the various lands under 
 Musulmdn rule, he returned to that city in 358 a.h. (968 a.d.). 
 The following year he was in Africa, and he seems to have 
 finished his work in 366 a.h. (976 a.d.). His book received the 
 same title as that of Ibn Khurdadba, or "Book of Roads and Kin<r- 
 doms, ' and he says that his predecessor's work was his constant 
 companion.^ His obligations to Istakhri have been already men- 
 tioned. M. Uylenbroek translated part of the work in his "Iracae 
 persicse descriptio," and Gildemeister has given the " Descriptio 
 Sindiae" in his "Scriptorum Arabum de Rebus Indicis," etc. 
 Part of the Ashkalu-1 Bilad relating to Khurasan has been trans- 
 lated by Col. Anderson, and was published in the Journal of the 
 Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol, xxii.] 
 
 EXTBAOTS. 
 
 Prom the sea to Tibet is four months' journey, and from the sea of 
 Pars to the country of Kanauj is three months' journey. 
 » » o « 
 
 I have placed the country of Sind and its dependencies in one 
 map, which exhibits the entire country of Sind, part of Hind, and 
 Turan and Budha.* On the entire east of this tract there lies the sea 
 of Pars, and on the west, Kirman and the desert of Sijistan, 
 and the countries subject to it. To the north are the countries 
 of Hind, and to the south is the desert lying between Makran 
 and Kufs,^ heyond •which is the sea of Pars. This sea is to 
 the east of the above-mentioned territories, and to the south 
 of the said desert, for it extends from Saimur on the east to 
 Tiz,* of Makran; it then bends round the desert, and encircles 
 Kirman and Pars. 
 
 The chief cities of this tract are the following : In Makran, — 
 
 ' [Eeiiiaud'3 Aboulffeda, Introd., p. Ixxxii.] 
 
 ' Gildemeister, in his edition of Ibn Haukal, reads this Bodha. See note A in the 
 Appi. 
 
 3 [Mountains in Erm5,n, near the coast.] 
 
 * [This name is not to be fouijd in Sir H. Elliot's text, but it was given in the 
 translation, and it is also in Ibn Haukal, so that it is right without doubt.] 
 
 vol. I. 3 
 
34 ' EAELY AEAB GEOGKAPHEES. 
 
 Tiz,' Kabar [Kiz}, Kabryun [Kannazbun], Darak, Easak the city of 
 scMsmatics, Bih, Nand [Band], Kasrkand, Asfaka, Fahalfabara, 
 Musli, Yusli [Kambali], Aimail [Armabil]. In Turan, — Ma- 
 hali Kanikanan, Sura and Kasdar. In Budha, — Kandabil. In 
 Sind, — Mansura, -which, in the Sind language, is called Bamiwan,* 
 Debal, Nirun,' Falid [Kallari], Abri [Annari], BaLzi [Ballari], Mas- 
 ■wahi, Haruj, Bania, Manjabari, Sadusan, Aldur. In Hind, — 
 Famhal, Kambaya, Surbarah, Sindan, Saimur, Multan, Hadra-vnir 
 [Jadrawar, or Jandrud], and Basmat. These are the cities of these 
 countries which are known to me.* Prom Kambaya to Saimur is the 
 land of the Balhara, and in it there are several Indian kings.^ It is 
 a land of infidels, but there are Musulmans in its cities, and none but 
 Musulmans rule otct them on the part of the Balhara. There are 
 many mosques in these places, where Muhammadans assemble to 
 pray. The city in which the Balhara. resides is Mankir, which has 
 an extensive territory.^ 
 
 Mansura is about a mile long and a mile broad, and is surrounded 
 by a branch of the Mihran. It is like an island, and the inhabitants 
 are Musulmans. The king of the country is one of the tribe of 
 
 ' Gildemeister's version of Ibn Haukal gives the names as follows :— " In Mefcran 
 there are Taiz, Kannazb<ir, Darek, Easek, Neh, Kasrfand, Adhafa, Fahalfahara, 
 Mashka, Kambala, Arm&fl. In Th(ir&n, — Majak, 'Kixkknkn, Shura, Kazd&r. In 
 Bodha, — Kand4.bll. In Sind, — Manslira, Daibal, Birfln, ValarS, Ayar^, BalrS, Mas- 
 T4hi, Fahraj, Bania, Manhatara, Sadfistan, Rliz, Jandarftz. In Hind, — Ka.nmhul, 
 Kamb&ya, Sub&ra, As6,vil, Han&vil, Sindan, Saimur, B^ni Battan, Jandar(iz, Sanda- 
 r(iz. {De rebus Jniicis, p. 164.) — Ouseley gives them thus : AUs, Kusr, Fermoun, 
 Derek, Easek, Kesrbend, Kelaahereh, Meski, Meil, Armaiel, Mehali, Kibrkaman, 
 Sureh, Kandabil, Mansourah or Sindiah, Danbul, Meroui, Manoui, Airi, Baloui, 
 Mesouahi, Beherje, Maseh, Meshari, Sedousan. {Oriental Geography, p. 147.) 
 
 > [" Mamiwan " in Sir H. Elliot's text, which is very badly printed ] 
 
 ' In the Ashkalu-1 BU&d this is plainly either Birlin, or Nirlin, as suggested by M. 
 Gildemeister. The original text which he has given of Ibn Haukal has no resem- 
 blance to either name. 
 
 * [Ibn Haukal adds that there are other more distant places such as Farz&n and 
 Kauauj in the deserts, to which only merchants go.] 
 
 ' [Gildemeister's translation of Ibn Haukal here adds, " Cui fabularum liber scrip- 
 tus est. Nomeh habet a regno, eodem modo quo Gh&na et Kaugha et alia regionis 
 simul et regis nomiaa sunt." There is no mention of this in the Ashk&lu-l Bil&d.] 
 
 ' There is nothing like this in Gildemeister's version, but the assertion corresponds 
 with the statement of Mas'ildt. [Instead of this passage Gildemeister says, "In 
 Us omnibus precei fiant, non omissa publica per solitas formulas indictione. Eegnum 
 hoc late patet."] 
 
IBN HAUKAL. 35 
 
 Kuraish, and is said to be a descendant of Hubad, the son of Aswad. 
 He and his ancestors ruled over tbis country, but the Kbutba is read 
 in the name of the Khalifa. The climate is hot, and the date tree 
 grows here ; but there is neither grape, nor apple, nor ripe date 
 (tamr), nor walnut in it. The sugar cane grows here. The land 
 also produces a fruit of the size of the apple, which is called Laimun, 
 and is exceed:ngly acid. The place also yields a fruit called Ambaj 
 (mangoe), resembling the peach in appearance and flavour. It is 
 plentiful and cheap.' Prices are low and there is an abundance of 
 food. 
 
 The current coin of the country is stamped at Kandahar ; one of 
 the pieces is equivalent to five dirhams. The Tatari coin also is 
 current, each being in weight equal to a dirham and a third.' They 
 likewise use dinars. The dress of the people of the place is the 
 same as that worn by the inhabitants of 'Irak, except that the dress 
 of the sovereigns of the country resembles in the trousers^ and tunic 
 that worn by the kings of Hind. 
 
 Multan is about half the size of Mansura, and is called " the 
 boundary* of the house of gold." There is an idol there held in 
 great veneration by the Hindus, and every year people from the 
 most distant parts undertake pilgrimages to it, and bring vast 
 sums of money, which they expend upon the temple and on 
 those who lead there a life of devotion. Multan derives its 
 name from this idol. The temple of the idol is a strong edifice, 
 situated in the most populous part of the city, in the market 
 of Multan, between the bazar of the ivory dealers and the shops 
 of the coppersmiths. The idol is placed under a cupola in the 
 centre of the building, and the ministers of the idol and those 
 
 ' [Here there must have been a line omitted from the text as printed by Sir H. 
 Elliot.] 
 
 ' [" Draoimam cum octaya parte valentes." , Gildemeisler.] 
 
 ' r^SaUillj (_,V.;lr*^l Gildemeister has " in crinibus et tuniois." See Eeinaud, 
 Mem. sur Vl.ide, 237.] 
 
 * The AshkSilii-1 Bil4d says " burj," or bastion, which at first sight would seem a 
 more probable reading; but the reasons assigned for reading the word "farj " are so 
 strong, as set forth by M. Hamaker, in his note to the Descriptio Iraca Fersicie (p. 67), 
 that we are not entitled to consider "burj" as the correct reading. [Quatremere 
 concurs in reading "farj." Jour, cks Sav. See also Ibn Khurd-idba and the 
 account given in the Chach-n&ma.] 
 
36 EARLY ARAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 devoted to its service dwell around the cupola. In Multan there are 
 no men, either of Hind or of Sind, who worship idols, except those 
 who worship this idol and in this temple. The idol has a human 
 shape, and is seated with its legs bent in a quadrangular posture,* 
 on a throne made of brick and mortar. Its whole body is 
 covered with a red skin like morocco leather, and nothing but 
 its eyes are visible. Some believe that the body of the idol is 
 made of wood ; some deny this ; but the body is not allowed 
 to be uncovered to decide this point. The eyes of the idol are 
 precious gems, and its head is covered with a crown of gold. The 
 hands rest upon the knees, with the fingers all closed,* so that only 
 four can be counted.' The sums collected from the offerings of the 
 pilg-rims at the shriue are taken by the Amir of Multan, and distri- 
 buted amongst the servants of the temple. As often as the Indians 
 make war upon them and endeavour to seize the idol, they* bring it 
 out, pretending that they will break it and bum it. Upon which the 
 assailants retire, otherwise they w^ould destroy Multan. There 
 is a strong fort in Multan. Prices are low, but Mansura is 
 more fertile and populous. The reason why Multan is designated 
 " the boundary of the house of gold " is, that tbe Muhammadans, 
 though poor at the time they conquered the place, enriched them- 
 selves by the gold which they found in it. About half a parasang from 
 Multan are several e.difices called Chandrawdr,^ the cantonment of 
 the chief, who never enters Multan, except on Fridays, and then on 
 the back of an elephant, in order to join in the prayers of that day. 
 The Governor is of the tribe of Kuraish, of the sons of Samah, the 
 son of Lawi, who first occupied the place. He owes no allegiance to 
 the chief of Mansura. He, however, always reads the Khutba in the 
 name of the Khalifa. 
 
 * Ibn Haukal says, " -with expanded fingers." Zakariya Kazwini, folio-wing Is- 
 takhii, says " closed hands." The AshkiIu-1 Bil&d concurs with IshtakhrS, as quoted by 
 M. Kosegarten De Mohammede Ibn Batuta, p. 27. Idrisi speaks of four hands, 
 instead of four fingers, and a very slight change in the original would ai thorite that 
 reading. See post. 
 
 ' [Sir H. Elliot's printed text terminates here, and so the remainder of the trans- 
 lation has not been revised.] 
 
 * [According to Kazwini it is the Musdm&ns who do this.] 
 
 5 This most resembles the word in the Ashkaiu-1 Bil&J. See Note A. in Appx. 
 
IBN HAUKAL, 37 
 
 Basmad is a small city, situated like Multan and Chandrawar, on 
 the east of the river Mihran. This river is at the distance of a para- 
 sang from each of the places mentioned. The inhabitants use well 
 water for drink. Basmad has a fort. 
 
 The coimtry [city] of Alrur' is as extensive as Multan. It has 
 two walls, is situated near the Mihran, and is on the borders of 
 Mansura. 
 
 The city of Debal is to the west* of the Mihran, towards the sea. 
 It is a large mart, and the port not only of this but neighbouring 
 regions. Debal is remarkable for the richness of its grain cultiva- 
 tion, but it is not over-abundant in large trees or the date tree. It 
 is famous for the manufacture of swords.^ The inhabitants gener- 
 ally maintain themselves by their commerce. 
 
 The country of Nirun is between Debal and Mansura, but rather 
 nearer to the latter. Manjabari is to the west of the Mihran, and 
 there any one who proceeds from Debal to Mansura will have to 
 pass the river, the latter place being opposite to Manjabari. 
 
 Maswahi, Harj, and Sadusan,'' are also situated to the west of the 
 Mihran.' 
 
 On the road between Mansura and Multan, and on the east of the 
 Mihran, but distant from it, are two places called Ibri and Labi 
 [Annaxi and KaJlari].' 
 
 Maildi [Ballarf] is also near the Mihran, and on the western 
 bank, near the branch which issues from the river and encircles 
 Mansura. 
 
 Bilha [Bania] is a small city, the residence of 'TJmar, the son of 
 'Abdu-1 'Aziz Habb&ri, of the tribe of Kuraish, and the ancestor of 
 those who reduced Mansura. 
 
 1 [Alor. See Note A. in Appx.] 
 
 ' Ibu Haukal saya to the east. The text of the Ashkilu-1 Bilid is plain on -this 
 point, and the Map also represents Dehal to the west. 
 
 ' M. Gildemeister translates this "locus sterilis est," which is scarcely consistent 
 with the previous assertion ahout the cultiTation, in which also his copy does not 
 concur—" Agros non hahet irriguos." 
 
 * [See Note A. in Appx.] 
 
 » [ Ibn Haukal adds, " These cities are about equal to each other."] 
 
 6 [Abti-1 Fids, refers to this passage (p. 347 Text), in speaking of Annaii and 
 Kallari. 
 
38 EAEI-Y ARAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 The city of Famhal ' is on the borders of Hind, towards Saimur, 
 and the country between those two places belongs to Hind. The 
 countries between Famhal and Makran, and Budha, and beyond it 
 as far as the borders of Multan, are all dependencies of Sind. The 
 infidels who inhabit Sind are called Budha'' and Mand. They reside 
 in the tract between Turan, Multan, and Mans4ra, to the w^est of the 
 Mihran. They breed camels, which are sought after in Khurasan 
 and elsewhere, for the purpose of having crosses from those of 
 Bactria. 
 
 Tht city where the Budhites carry on their trade is Kandabil, and 
 they resemble men of the desert. TTiey live in houses made of 
 reeds and grass. The Mands dwell on the banks of the Mihran, 
 from the boundary of Multan to the sea, and in the desert between 
 Makran and Famhal. They have many cattle sheds and pasturages, 
 and form a large population. 
 
 There are Jam'a Masjids at Famhal, Sindan, Saimur, and Kam- 
 baya, all which are strong and great cities, and the Muhammadan 
 precepts are openly observed. They produce mangoes, cocoa-nuts, 
 lemons, and rice in great abundance, also great quantities of honey, 
 but there are no date trees to be found in them. 
 
 The villages of Dahuk^ and Kalwan are contiguous to each other, 
 situated between Labi* and Armabil. Kalwan is a dependency of 
 Makran, and Dahuk that of Mansura. In these last mentioned 
 places fruit is scarce, but crops grow without irrigation, and cattle 
 are abundant. 
 
 Turan^ is a town. 
 
 Kasdar is a city with dependent towns and villages. The 
 governor is Muin bin Ahmad, but the Khutba is read in the name 
 
 ' [See Note A. in Appx.] 
 
 2 The passage is 43iffictilt. Gildmeister says, " Gentiles, qui in Sindia degunt, sunt 
 Bodliitee, et gens quas Mnnd vocatur. Bodha uomen est Tariarum tribuum," etc. 
 (p. 172), Tvliere see also tUe note in which he adduces « passage from Ibu Haukal, 
 showing that there was a class of Jats known by the name of Nodha, in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Mult&n, and therefore the passage may be translated "Modhites and 
 Mands." [See Note A. in Appx.] 
 
 ' [Ibn Haukal has " Eahuk," and Idrisi " E&hfin and Kalwan."] 
 
 * [" Kli" in Ibu Haukal and Idrisi.] 
 
 ° The printed text says. " T&vka is a valley, with a city of the same name, in the 
 centre of which is a citadel." 
 
IBN HAITKAL. 39 
 
 of the Khalifa only, and ihe place of his residence is at the city of 
 Kaha-Kanan.' This is a cheap place, where pomegranates, grapes' 
 and other pleasant fruits are met with in abundance ; but there are 
 no date trees La this district. 
 
 [Here ends ihe extract from ihe Ashhdlu-l Bildd; that which follows is 
 from Ihn Haukal, as translated into Latin hy M. Gildemeister.] 
 
 There is a desert between Bania, Kamuhul, and Kambaya. From 
 Kambaya to Saimur the villages lie close to one another, and there 
 is much land under cultivation. The Moslims and infidels in this 
 tract wear the same dresses, and let their beards grow in the same 
 fashion. They use fine muslin garments on account of the extreme 
 heat. The men of Multan dress iu the same way. The language of 
 Mansura, Multan, and those parts is Arabic and Sindian. In Makrdn 
 they use Persian and Makranic. All wear short tunics except the 
 merchants, who wear shirts and cloaks of cotton, like the men of 
 'Irak and Persia. 
 
 o «t o o «> « 
 
 From Mansura to Debal is six days' journey ; feom Mansura to 
 Multan, twelve ; from Mansura to Tur^n, about fifteen ; from 
 Kasdar, the chief city of Turan, to Multan, twenty ; from Mansura 
 to the nearest boundary of Budha, fifteen. The whole length of 
 the jurisdiction of Makran, from Taiz to Kasdar, is about fifteen. 
 From Miiltan to the nearest border of Tar4n is about ten. He who 
 travels from Mansura to Budha must go along the banks of the 
 Mihran, as far as the city of Sadustan. From Kandabil to Mansura 
 is about eight days' journey ; from Kandabil to Multan, by the 
 desert, ten; from Mansura to K&muhul, eight; from Kamuhul to 
 Kambaya, four. Kambaya is one parasang distant from the sea, and 
 about four from Sub^ra, which is about half a parasang from tiie sea. 
 From Sub&a to Sind4n, which is the same distance from the sea, is 
 about ten" days' journey ; from Sindan to Saimur about five ; from 
 Saimur to Sarandip, about fifteen ; from Multan to Basmad, two ; 
 from Basmad to Alruz [Alor], three ; from Alruz to Ayara [Annari], 
 
 1 [" KizltinSji," GUdemeister. See Note A. in Appx.] 
 
 ' [So according to GUdemeister ; but " five" seems to be the right aumber. See 
 Tstakhrf and Idri'si.] 
 
40 EARLY AEAB GEOGEAPHERS. 
 
 four; from Ayaxa [Annari] to Valara [Ballari-], two; from Valara 
 to Mansura, one ; from Uebal to Kaimazbur, fourteen : from Debal 
 to ManMtara [Manjabari] two, and that is on the road from Debal 
 to Kannazbur; from Vallara [Ballari] to Ayara [Annari], four para- 
 sangs ; Kamuhul from Mansura is two days' journey,' and Bania 
 intervenes at one stage distance. The Mihran is the chief river of 
 those parts. Its source is in a mountain, from which also some of 
 the feeders of the Jihun flow. Many great rivers increase its 
 volimie, and it appears like the sea in the neighbourhood of Multan. 
 It then flows by Basmad, Alruz, and Mansura, and falls into the sea, 
 to the east of DebaL Its water is very sweet, .and there are said to 
 be crocodiles in it it lite those of Egypt. It equals the Nile in 
 volume and strength of current. It inundates the land during the 
 smnmer rains, and on its subsidence the seed is sown, as in Egypt. 
 
 The river Sandaruz [Sind-riid] is about three days' distant from 
 Multan, Its waters are abundant and sweet. I was told that its 
 confluence with the Mihran is above Basmad, but below Multan. 
 
 Jandaruz [Jaud-rud] is also a great and sweet liver, on whose 
 bank is the city of Jandaruz.' It falls into the Mihran below the 
 Sandaruz [Sind-rud] towards the country of Mansura. 
 
 Makran contains chiefly pasturages and fields, which cannot be 
 irrigated on account of the deficiency of water. Between Mansiira 
 and Makrin the waters from the Mihran form lakes, and the inhabi- 
 tants of the country are the Indian races called Zat. Those who are 
 near the river dwell in houses formed of reeds, like the Berbers, and 
 eat fish and aquatic birds. « « o « Another clan of 
 them, who live remote from the banks, are like the Kurds, and feed 
 on milk, cheese, and bread made of millet. 
 
 "We have now reached the extreme eastern border of the dominions 
 of Islam. The revenue of the kings and governors is small, and not 
 more than to satisfy their actual needs. Som^, no doubt, have less 
 thtm they wish. 
 
 ' He has just said, only a few lines before, that the distance between these two 
 towns is eight days* journey ; and that is, doubtless, the correct distance ; otherwise, 
 we should have only six days' journey between Mansiira and Kamb&ya, which is 
 obviously incorrect. Ab\S-l Fidk, moreover, gives the distance as eight days' journey. 
 
 * [See Note in Appx.] 
 
SUETJ-L BULDAN. 41 
 
 VI. 
 
 SU'EU-L BULDj^N. 
 
 The " Oriental Geography" of Sir W. Ouseley is a translation 
 of a Persian work called Suni-l Bulddn, " Pictures of Countries," 
 compiled from the works of Istakhri and Ibn Haukal. It con- 
 tains little or nothino; that is not to be found in these writers. 
 Ouseley's MS., moreover, was very faulty. The work is of small 
 value now that its original sources are available, and it seems 
 quite unnecessary to quote it here. The authorship of this work 
 was at one time a subject of great dispute, but a passing allusion 
 to the disseusion is all that is needed now that the question is set 
 at rest. 
 
42 EARLY ARAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 VII. 
 
 Ji^MrU-T TAWJCRtKB 
 or 
 
 EASHrDU-D DfN. 
 
 The extract which follows is taken from the Jatiii'u-t 
 Tawarikh of Rashidu-d Din, which was completed in a.h. 710, 
 or A.D. 1310. This date, but for another more cogent reason, 
 would require the insertion of the extract in a later part of the book, 
 or the entire omission of it, as beyond the scope of the present 
 work. But though appearing in the history of Rashidu-d Din, the 
 passage is not his own ; it is really and confessedly the work of the 
 celebrated Abii Rih&n al Biriini, who wrote about four centuries 
 earlier, his life having extended from a.h. 360 to 430, or a.d. 970 
 to 1039. This chapter of Al Biruni's work has been translated 
 and published by M. Reinaud, in his "Fragments;" and a com- 
 parison of the two will show how very little has been added by 
 Rashldu-d Din. For all practical purposes it may be considered 
 as presenting a picture of the Musulman knowledge of India at 
 the end of the 10th century. 
 
 Copies of the work of Al Biriini are exceedingly rare, for two 
 only are known to be extant, and the portions published were 
 translated from the single copy in the Imperial Library in Paris. 
 The reproductions by Eashidu-d Din are therefore of high value, 
 and the importance of the following extract for a correct appreci- 
 ation of the progress of the Muhammadan knowledge of India 
 cannot be over-rated. 
 
EASHrDtj-D Drx, 43 
 
 Extended notices of these two authors-— Abii Eihdn and 
 Eashidu-d Din — with other extracts from their works, appeared 
 in the volume published by Sir H. Elliot, and will again appear 
 in the second volume of this work. Ifc is here only necessary to 
 state that the Jdmi'u-t Tawarikh was written in Persian, and 
 is a rare work. There is a copy in the Library of the East 
 India Office and another in the British Museum. Two distinct 
 portions of the work have been found in India, and of these 
 there are copies among Sir H. Elliot's MSS.i' There is also 
 in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society an incomplete Arabic 
 translation. 
 
 The following translation differs considerably from that pub- 
 lished in Sir H. Elliot's first edition, but every care has been 
 taken to make it as accurate as possible. The MS. of the East 
 India Library has been mainly relied upon ; this will be referred 
 to as MS. A. Occasional reference for doubtful passages and proper 
 names has been made to the British Museum MS., referred to 
 as MS. Bl The Arabic version will be called MS. C. ; and Sir 
 H. Elliot's new copy of the Lueknow MS. D. MSS. A. and B. 
 are not good copies. The scribes were careless and ignorant, and 
 the texts abound with errors, particularly in the spelling of the 
 names of persons and places. Nor are the errors confined to 
 obscure and doubtful names. MS. A. almost always represents 
 the name of the Ganges by J->^, with no dot to the second 
 letter. The Arabic version C is well and boldly written. The 
 dots are more frequently, though by no means invariably, sup- 
 plied, and the proper names are generally more distinct. It 
 differs occasionally from the Persian MSS., and has often been 
 of service. Still it is not reliable authority for the proper names, 
 as these occasionally present some curious proofs of the work 
 having been translated from the Persian. Prepositions like td and 
 bof and the Persian words of number, as sih (3) and nuh (9), have 
 sometimes been taken as part of the names, and incorporated 
 with them. Some instances will be pointed out in the Notes. 
 
 ' [The Calcutta copy has been mislaid, and has not been used for this article.] 
 
44 EARLY ARAB GEOGUAPHEES. 
 
 EXTEAOTS. 
 
 Section III. — On the Hills and Rivers of Hindustdn and Siiddn (sic), 
 which aocording to Aii, Rihdn extend twelve thousand parasangs. 
 
 Philosophers and Geometricians have divided the land of Hind 
 into nine unequal^ parts, giving to each part a sepaxate name, as 
 appears from the book called Batankal.^ Its shape resembles the 
 back of a crab on the surface of the water.' The mountains and 
 plains in these nine parts of India are extensive, and occur one after 
 the other in successive order. The mountains appear to stand near 
 each other, like the joints of the spine, and extend through the in- 
 habited world from the east to the midst of the west, i.e., from the 
 beginning of China through Tibet, and the country of the Turks, to 
 Kabul, Badakhshan, Tukharistan, Bamian, Ghiir, Khurasan, G-ilan, 
 Azarbaijan, Armenia, Eiim, to the country of the Franks and Galicia 
 on the west. In their course they spread out widely from the 
 deserts and inhabited places; of that part. Eivers flow at their base. 
 One which comes from* the south from India is very large and 
 
 ' [The different MSSi. are strangely discordant as to the division of India. The 
 original translation from the Indian MS. made the division to be "three equal parts," 
 and "three parts" are again mentioned at the beginning of the next section. The 
 E. I. Library copy, in the first line of this section, says "three equal parts," but in 
 the following line it Befers "to these nine parts ;" at the beginning of the next section 
 it again says; "fKree parts. The British Museum copy says, in this place, "nine 
 equal ^xets," and in the next section it also says "nine parts." The Arabic version 
 is also consistent in always giving "nine" as the number, but it differs in declaring 
 them to be "unequal." Nine being the number most frequently used, and unequal 
 being more probable than equal, 1 have used those words in the translation. Al 
 Bir6ni makes no mention of the division in the chapter translated by Reinaud, so that 
 Bashidu-d Din probably derived his knowledge of it from the translation of the hook 
 " B&tankal," to which he refers. The inconsistencies have most probably arisen from 
 a confusion of the original Sanskrit authorities. Menu makes a threefold division of 
 Upper India, " Brahmarsha, Brahm4vartta and Madhyadesa," and this last portion is 
 accurately defined by Al Birflnl and Kashidu-d Din. The ninefold division is that of 
 the " nava-dwipaa," or nine portions, given in the Vishnu Pur&na, p. 175.] 
 
 2 [Bitajal or B&tanjal in the Arabic version. See a note upon this in the notice 
 of Ab<i Bih&n, Vol. II.] 
 
 ^ [The Persian versions have the following sentence here i i\,\-^\ ,.,Lu< \\ 
 XSJii A^jMy ii LlJ\%M ,.yl J iJy^J the application of which is not clear, but 
 as a blank space is left in one MS. immediately after these words, they probably 
 refer to the difficulty of representing the appearance in a picture] 
 
EASHrDXJ-D DrN, FEOM AL BrRirNr. 45 
 
 broad.' But in. other places they have their sources to the north in the 
 lofty mountains and in the deserts. Hind is suiTounded on the east by 
 Chin and Machin," on the west by Sind and Kabul, and on the south 
 by the sea.' On the north lie Kashmir, the country of the Turks, 
 and the mountain of Meru, which ia extremely high, and stands 
 opposite to the southern pole. The heavenly bodies perform their 
 revolutions round it, rising and setting on each side of it. A day 
 and a night of this place is each equal to six of our months.* 
 
 Opposite to this mountain stands another, not round in shape, and 
 which is said to be composed of gold and silver. The Hima moun- 
 tains lie on the north of Kanauj, and on account of snow and cold 
 form the extreme point of the habitation of man. This range has 
 Kashmir in its centre, and runs by Tibet, Turk, Khazar,^ and Sakaliba,,* 
 to the sea of Jurjan and Khwarasm. The rivers of the entire 
 country of Hind, which flow from the northern mountains, amount 
 to eleven. Those which flow from the eastern mountains amount to 
 
 ' [The follomng passage from the A'riish-i Mahfil may perhaps throw some light 
 upon this : — " Between Bhakar and Scwi there is a jungle over which the Simoom 
 blows for three mionths in the hot season. When the river Indus, at intervals of 
 some years, flows from the south to the north, the villages here are laid waste." See 
 also ante, p. 24.} 
 
 ' [This is generally written " MahSichln" in MS. C] 
 
 ' In the original Arahic, Al BIrdni says : " India is hounded on all other sides by 
 lofty mountains," and after this follows a curious passage omitted from the J&mi'u-t 
 Taw^rikh. "If you examine the country of Hind, and consider well the round 
 stones which are found below the soil, at whatever depth you may dig, you will find 
 that they are large near the mountains where the current of water is impetuous, and 
 smaller as you depart from the mountains, the strength of th« xurrent being also 
 diminished, and that they become like sand, where the water is stagnant and in the 
 vicinity of the sea. Hence you cannot but conclude that this country was once 
 merely a sea, and that the continent has been formed by successi<ve increments of 
 alluvion brought down by the rivers." Strabo and Arrian have also expressed this 
 opinion, and modem geologists are fond of indulging in the same speculation. A 
 late writer on this subject observes : " Throughout the whole plain of India, 
 from Bengal to the bottom of the deep wells in Jesselmere, and under the mica and 
 hornblende schist of Ajmere, the same kind of very fine hard-grained blue granite is 
 found in round and rolled masses." Journal Aaiatio Society, Bengal, No. clxxxviii. 
 p. 140. 
 
 * Compare Strabo ii. l-lS. Plin. N. H. vi. 22, 6, and Solinns 62, 13. 
 
 " [The country of the Khazars or Khozars, a Turkish race, on the north of the 
 Caspian sea, about the mouths of the Itil or Volga. The Caspian iscalled Bahru-1 
 Khazar or Bahru-1 Jurj&n.] 
 
 « [Slavonia.] 
 
46 EAELY ARAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 the same number. These run far to the east and the south till they 
 fall into the ocean. Those, however, which rise in the south do not 
 discharge, themselves into the sea. 
 
 The northern mountains have connection with Mount Meru, which 
 lies south of them. Besides this there is another lofty ridge of 
 mountains intervening between Turkistan and Tibet and India, 
 which is not exceeded in height by any of the mountains of Hindu- 
 stan. Its ascent is eighty parasangs. From its summit India looks 
 black through the mists beneath, and the mountains and rugged 
 declivities below look like hillocks. Tibet and China appear red. 
 The descent from its summit to Tibet is one parasang. This moun- 
 tain is so high that Firdausi probably meant the following verse to 
 apply to it : — " It is so low and so high, so soft and so hard, that 
 you may see its belly from the fish (on which the earth rests), its 
 back from the moon." 
 
 Some other mountains are called Harmakut,' in which the Ganges 
 has its source. These are impassable from the side of the cold 
 regions, and beyond them lies Machin. To these mountains most of 
 the rivers which lave the cities of India owe their origin. Besides 
 these mountains there are others called Kalarchal.^ They resemble 
 crystal domes, and are always covered with snow, like those of 
 Damawand. They can be seen from Takas and Lahawar.' Then 
 there are the mountains of Billur, in the direction of Turkistan, 
 which are denominated Shamilan.* In two days' journey you arrive 
 at Turkistan, where the Bhutawaxiyas" dwell. Their king is called 
 Bhut Shah, and their countries (bilad) are Gilgit, Asura, Salsas,^ etc., 
 
 ' [Hemakiita, the range immediately to the north of the Himalayas.] 
 
 ' [The mountains of Sirmor. See a passage in page 65. Reinaud reads the name 
 "Kelardjek," which agrees with the MS. J). Ibn BatiJta calls them " Karichil" 
 (vol iii. 325), The latter part of the name is probably the Sanskiit dchal, mountain.] 
 
 ' [TaiasWr (Taxila ?) and LflhSiwar (Lahore) in MS. C] 
 
 * [The BiUir-tigh, or " crystal mountains," running north through Badakhshin. 
 Shamil&n is probably the Arabic Shamil, "north," with a plural termination — 
 " Mountains of the North."] ' [MS. A. says " Mah&romSin."] 
 
 » The upper part of the Jhailam is called Bhat, and Kuniwar appears to be 
 called "Budh mulk" (Lond. Geog. J., iv. 64). Gilgit retains its name to the 
 present day; Asura is the same as the Astor, or Hasora, of om- maps, and Salsas or 
 Salsahf is, perhaps, Chel6s on the Indus. M. Reinaud reads Schaltas (Vigne'e 
 Kashmir, i.. 548, 382). [MS. C. has " Shals^s." See Mem. stir Vlnde, 279.] 
 
RASHTDU-D BXS, FHOM AL BrRUNt. 47 
 
 and their language' is Turki. The inhabitants of Kashmir suffer 
 greatly from their encroachments and depredations. The mountains 
 here mentioned are those described in the translation of Abu Eihan- 
 and they are as manifest as a tortoise displaying (itself) from the 
 midst of the waters. 
 
 ' There are rivers and large streams which have their sources in 
 and issue from the mountains surrounding the kingdom of Kapish' 
 or Kabul. One, called the Gharwarand,* mixes with the stream 
 from the mountain of Ghurak, and passes through the country of 
 Barwan.^ The waters of the Sharuhat and the Shala pass by 
 Lamankfin/ which is Lamghan, and uniting near the fort of Diruna/ 
 fall into the Nurokirat. The aggregate of these waters forms a large 
 river opposite the city of Parshawar,^ which is called " al ma'bar," or 
 " the ferry." This town is situated on the eastern side of these 
 rivers.' All these rivers fall into the Sind near to the fort of 
 
 ' [The MS. C. adds, "of the majority."] 
 
 ' [Al Birflni's original text of the foUowing passage is given hy M. Eeinaud, with 
 a translation, in the Mem. sur I'Inde, p. 276.] 
 
 ' [See St. Martin, quoted in Jour. R.A.S., xvii. 186.] 
 
 * [So in MS. ^. C. has iXJjjjji. jB,«inand has " Ghorband," and that river must 
 be the one intended.] 
 
 ° [i^'jy in -^- ij^if^ i"! •^- cJ^^y ™ ^' ^^i"*^'' ^"^ "Berv&nah." The 
 modem Parw&n or Ferw&n. See Jonrn. E.A.S., ix. 297, and xvii. 186.] 
 
 ' [j^wLJ in ji. uli*»3 in C. " Lampaga" in Eeinaud. Lamghan " in the hills 
 of Ghazni" (Ahii-l fid&). The "Lughman" of the Maps. — Mem. sur I'Inde, 353.] 
 
 ' [Eeinaud (p. 114) suggests " TJdyanapitr" or "Adinapfir," near Jel&labad, men- 
 tioned by Fa-hian, and in the Ayin Akbari. See his note ; also Foe-tooie-ki, p. 46 ; 
 Masson, i. 181, 182; Journ. As. Soc. Beng., June, 1848, p. 482.] 
 
 8 As some interesting speculations depend upon the mode of spelling the name of 
 this town, it may be as well to remart that all ancient authorities, even down to the 
 historians of the sixteenth century, concur in spelling it ParshSiwar. In the Zubdatu-t 
 Taw6.rilch it is called " Fushto." The Chinese divide the first syllable, and make 
 Poo-loo -sha, the capital of the kiagdom of Pu jsha. See the Me-kotie-ki, as well 
 as the translation of Ma-twan-Un, by M. Eeniusat. — Notiv : Melanges Asiat : Tom. 
 I. p. 196. Mem. sur I'Inde, 106. 
 
 ' [The following is the text of this passage : — 
 
 MS. A. says, ^J^Z \sjMji 4.:i->-:l [-5. ijL^j] Sjl.^.i^ ijji ^J\j 
 
48 EARLT AEAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 Biturashit,' at tlie city of Kandahar,' which is Waihind.' After 
 that, there comes from the west the river of Tibet, called the 
 Jhailam. It and the waters of the Chandra all combine about fifty 
 miles above Jhar^war,*' and the stream flows to the west of Multan. 
 The Biah joins it from the east. It also receives the waters of the 
 Irawa (Eavi). Then the river Kaj falls into it after separating 
 from the river Kuj, which flows from the hiUs of Bhatal.' They all 
 combine with the Satlader (Sutlej) below Multan, at a place called 
 Panjnad, or " the junction of the five rivers.'' They form a very 
 wide stream, which, at the time it attains its extreme breadth, extends 
 ten parasangs, submerging trees of the forest, and leaving its spoils 
 upon the trees like nests of bii'ds. This stream, after passing 
 Audar,^ in the middle of Sind bears the name of Mihran, and flows 
 
 1 Bfrfini says " BitiSr below Kandahar." 
 
 ■■' The proper name is GandhkrS., almost always converted by Musulmkn writers 
 into Kandahar, but we must take care not to confoimd it with the more noted Kan- 
 dahar of the west. The Gandh&r&s on the Indus are well known to the Sanskrit 
 writers, and there is a learned note on them in Troyer's Mdja Tarangini, Tom. IL 
 pp. 316 — 321. It is not improbable that we have their descendants in the Gangarias 
 of the Indus, one of the most turbulent tribes of the Haz4ra country. The name 
 given to them by Dionysius, in his Periegesis, resembles this modern name more than 
 the Sanskrit one. He says, AiwvixTov BipairovTes TapyapiSai valovcrtv. He places 
 them more to the east, hut Salmasius and M. Lassen consider that we should read 
 TavSaplSat. Herodotus calls them TavSapiot. The TopiavSts of Nonnus, which M. 
 Troyer thinks points to the abode of the Gandhkras, is i)robably to be looked for else- 
 where. See also Mannert, Geographie der Crriechen und Somen, Vol. V. pp. 5, 30, 
 107. Asiatic Researches, Vol. XV. Lassen, Be Pentap. Ind. p. 15-17. Hitter, Die 
 Erdkunde von Asien, Vol. IV. Pt. I. p. 453. Erseh and Gruber's Enoyc. : Art. 
 Indien, p. 2. Mem. sur I'Inde, 107. Cunningham, JBhilsa. Topes, Sec. X. para. 4. 
 
 3 [The modem Ohind on the right bank of the Indus fourteen miles above Attok. 
 Baihaki writes it '^•^•^ i-?J> and the Sikhs call it H(ind. Abii-l Fida quotes Ibn 
 Sa'id to the effect that it was one of the cities founded by Alexander.] 
 
 * [This must be the fort on the river in the viciuity of Mult&n, in which the 
 govemordwelt. The oorrectname would seem to be Jand-rud. See Note A. in Appx.] 
 
 ' There is some confusion here, which cannot be resolved by any interpretation 
 of the original. [I have modified the translation, but the passage is still 
 doubtful. The Arabic differs in some points. It makes no mention of the Chandra ; 
 but as it speaks of the waters being "collected from many places," it would seem that 
 the name Chandra has been mistaken for the word ehand, " several." It is ambiguous 
 about the Kaj, but it appears to say as follows : " Then the river Laj {sic) separates 
 from it distinctly from the river Klit {sic), which is collected from the waters of the 
 mountains of Bhital, and it joins it where it joins the Satladar (Sutlej) as it descends 
 from Miiltku." See ante, p. 22.] 
 
 * Alor is no doubt the proper reading, though it assumes various forms . [The read- 
 ing in the text is from MS. A. B. has JJ(jl and C, jy- See Note A. in Appx.] 
 
HASHrOTT-D DTN, FEOM AL BrEUNr. 49 
 
 with a dower current, and widens, forming several islands, till it 
 reaches Mansura, which city is situated in the midst of the waters of 
 this river. At this place the river divides into two streams, one 
 empties itself into the sea in the neighbourhood of the city of Luh&- 
 rani,' and the other branches off to the east to the borders of Each, 
 and is known by the name of Sind Sagar, i.e., Sea of Siiid. In the 
 same way as at this place they call the collected rivers Panj-nad, "five 
 rivers," so the rivers flowing from the northern side of these same 
 m.ountains, when they unite near Turmuz and form the river of Balkh,' 
 are called " the seven rivers," and the fire- worshippers [majus) of 
 Soghd make no distinction, but call them all the " Seven rivers." 
 The river Sarsut [Sarsuti]' falls into the sea to the east of Somnat. 
 The Jumna falls into the Ganga below Kanauj, which city is 
 situated on the west of the river. After uniting, they fall into the 
 sea near Ganga Sayar fSagar.] There is a river which lies between 
 the Sarsut and Ganges. It comes from the city of Turmuz' and the 
 eastern hills ; it has a south-westerly course, till it falls into the sea 
 near Bahriich,* about sixty yojanas to the east of Somnat. Afterwards 
 the waters of the Ganga,' the Eahab, the Kiihi, and the Sarju unite* ■ 
 
 ' This is the Larry Bunder of Major Rennell {Memoir, p. 285), Lahariah of M. 
 Kosegarten (2)« Mahommede, Comment : Acad :), and the L&hari of Ibn Batuta, who 
 remarks of it, " It has a large harbour into which ships from Persia, Yemen, and other 
 places put in. At the distance of a few miles from this city are the ruins of another, 
 in which stones, the shapes of men and beasts almost innumerable, are to be found. 
 The people of this place think that there was a city formerly in this place, the greater 
 part of the inhabitants of which were so base, that God transformed them, their beasts, 
 their herbs, even to the very seeds, into stones ; and, indeed, stones in the shape of 
 seeds are here almost innumerable." See Ibn Batuta r Lee, p. 102. [French version , 
 iii. 112 ; Mem. aur I'Inde, 278] = [The Jihfin orOius.] 
 
 3 [This is distinct both in the Persian and Arabic, saving only that in the former 
 the last letter lacks the point.] 
 
 ' This is spelt by various authors Barfij, Barus, BahriSJ, BarCih and Bahrfich. It is the 
 Broach of the present day, the ^afiya^a eiJLitipioi> of Ptolemy and Arrian, and the 
 Bhrigukaehchha and Bharukachchha of the Sanskrit authorities. See Ptol. Geo^. Lib. 
 VII. Cap. 1, Tab. 10. Mannert, Geographie der Gr. and Horn. Vol. V. p. 127. liitter, 
 Ih-dkmde, Vol. IV. Pt. II. p. 626. Bohlen, das alte Indien, Vol. I. p. 18. Lassen, 
 AUerthumskundSfYol. I. p. 107. 
 
 ' [The MS. A, does not mention the Ganges.] 
 
 « M. Reinaud (p. 100) gives the first as Eahab. A river of this name, or Eahet, 
 is often mentioned by early Muhammadan authors, and appears generally to indicate 
 the ES.mgang&. The uuiou of the Siirja with the Gomati, which M. Eeinaud reads 
 Kiibin, is a fable. There is no oouflacnee of thj-ee rivers at BSirf, but not far off irom 
 
no EARLT AEAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 near the city of Bari. The Hindus believe that the Ganga has 
 its source in paradise, and, descending to the earth, is divided 
 into seven streams, the centre one being denominated the G-ang£ 
 The three eastern streams are the Balan, the Ladafi, and Nalin.' The 
 three western streams are the Sit, the Jakasb, and Sind.' When the 
 Sit leaves the snowy mountains it flows through the countries' of 
 SUk, Karsib, BCir, Barbar, Hira, Sakarkalt, Mankalakur, and Sakrit 
 and falls into the western ocean. On the south of it is the river 
 
 it the Jamnuarl and the Kathenf unite vnth. the Gomati. The map of Onde which 
 is given in the "Agra Guide," calls these rivers the Saraeu and Perhf, names which 
 conform pretty well with the i_^*) and . .^ of M. Keinaud's manuscript. [General 
 Cunningham says, " The second of these rivers is undouhtedly the Gumti, which 
 in Sanskrit is the Gomati. The first is either the Sehta, or else the Rahrai which 
 joins the Behta; and the third is the Saratn, a good sized stream, which passes 
 by Sitapur. Both the Behta and the Sarain join the Gumti near Sari, which still 
 exists as a good sized village." Arch. Sep. for 1862-3 in Jour. As. Soe. Ben. 
 page xvii.] 
 
 ' [A. <-J;Ij. C. ClJjli, D. e-Jjb.] 
 
 • These are evidently the Sit& and Chakshu of Bh&skara AchSrya. Mr. Cole- 
 broolce gives us the following passage from that astronomer: — " The holy stream 
 which escapes from the foot of Vishnu descends on mount Mem, whence it 
 divides into four currents, and passing fehrotfgh' the' air it reaches the lakes on the 
 summit of the mountains which sustain them. Under the name of Sltk this river 
 joins the Bbadraswa; as the AIak&nand& it enters Bharatavarsha ; as the Chakshu 
 it proceeds to Ketumala, and as the Bhadra it goes to the Kuru of the north." 
 Siddlidnta Siromani ; Bhavana Kosha, 37 and 38. See also Vi»hnu Purdna, p. 171. 
 Professor Wilson observes, "The Hindis say that the Ganges fafla from heaven on 
 the summit of Meru, and thence descends in four currents ; the soufliern branch is the 
 Ganges of India; the northern branch, which flows into Turkey, i.? the Bhadrasom^; 
 tbo eastern branch is the Sita ; and the western is the Chakshu or OxvsJ' Sanskrit 
 Diet. Art. Meru. But the R^m&yana mentions seven streams, and from ffeat work 
 Biriint evidently copied his statement. The true Sanskrit names were almost identical 
 with those given in the text. The eastern streams are Hl^dani, Pavani and Nalinf ; 
 the western are Sita, Suchakshu, and Sindhu. In the centre flows the Bh&girathi. 
 The Matsya and Padma Puranas give the same account. See Sdmdpana, Lib. I. 
 XLIV. 14, 16. Ed. Schlegel. [The three western rivers ought to be the Sir, Slh6n, 
 or Jaxartes ; the Jihiin or Oxus ; and the Indus. Jakash is probably a corrupt form 
 of Chakahxt, and bears a suspicious resemblance to the classic Jaxartes. Of all the 
 countries mentioned in connection with the Sit and Jakash, Marv appears to be the 
 only one that can be identified with any degree of probability.] 
 
 " [The names of these countries are so discrepant, that Sir H. Elliot omitted those 
 of the Sind and Ganges as being "illegible," but he printed the text as it is 
 found in the Calcutta and Lucknow copies. These, with the three copies in 
 England, ought to afford sufficient means for settling the names with tolerable 
 accuracy. To facilitate comparison, the various readings are set out below in 
 
EASHrOTT-D DTN, FROM AL BrRCNr. 51 
 
 Jakash, whicli flows by the countries of Marw, Kalik, Dhulak, Nijar, 
 
 juxtaposition. Whore one reading only is given, the whole of the TtfSS. ate suffi- 
 ciently concurrent.] 
 
 RIVEE SrT. 
 
 1. £. I. Library. 
 
 -> 
 
 JJ 
 
 caret 
 
 
 •Ail 
 
 2. Brit. Mus. 
 
 ^^ 
 
 caret 
 
 j_^pJv=^ 
 
 3. Calcutta. 
 
 ^P 
 
 caret 
 
 4. Ltjcknow. 
 
 RIVER JAKASH. 
 
 ,iJ^ 
 
 V 
 
 U 
 
 bytXi 
 
 ^c 
 
 »w 
 
 Ijj-j^.' 
 
 
 j^ 
 
 
 J 
 
 RIVER SIND. 
 
 i\:jJu^ti> 
 
 ^Uydj 
 
 
 jy^ 
 
 
 o^!y 
 
 5. Arabic of 
 R. A. S. 
 
 (two names f) 
 
 J^ 
 
 J^^ 
 
 
 jjr^- 
 
52 
 
 EARLY ARAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 Barbarkaj, Bakrubar, and Anjat, and waters the farms and fields of 
 those places.' 
 
 The river of Sind crosses that country* in many places of its 
 length and breadth, and bounds it in many others. Its well-known 
 towns are Dard, Eandanand, Kandahar, Euras, Kariir, Siyiir, 
 Indar, Marw, Siyat, Sind, Kand, Bahimnir, Marmiin, and Sakurad. 
 
 The river Ganges passes over the central pUlar of the moon to 
 Barkandharat, Easakin, Baladar,' Aurkan, and many other cities and 
 towns ; it then touches the defiles of Band, where there are many 
 elephants, and passes on to the southern ocean. 
 
 Among the eastern streams is the Ladan which flows through 
 seven kingdoms, whose inhabitants have lips like inverted ears. 
 Thence it flows to three other countries, of which the people are 
 exceedingly black, and have no colour or complexion. Then it runs 
 through several other countries to Hast Ain, where it falls into the 
 eastern sea. 
 
 RIVER SIND {continued). 
 
 1. E. I. LiBKAirr. 
 
 2. Beit. Mos. 
 
 S. Calcutta. 
 
 4, LUCKNOW. 
 
 5. Arabic or 
 E.A.S. 
 
 
 
 
 tuLkJ 
 
 
 \a^ 
 
 J^ 
 
 JO^ 
 
 ,Vi--j 
 
 '^''ir' 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 e:^ 
 
 ,-,,< 
 
 JJj'*^ 
 
 ij^^J 
 
 jiJ^'i 
 
 JiJ^i^^. 
 
 Jir*n^ 
 
 
 ] 
 
 aiVER GANGE 
 
 s. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ' [This last sentence is found only in the Arabic version.] 
 2 [The words following down to the fait stop are in the Arabic version only.] 
 ' [These names are possibly intended for Bh&girathi, Rikhikesh (Rikkee Kasee of 
 Thornton), and Hardwir. See the Variants.] 
 
EASHrDTJ-D DrN, FEOM AL BrEl/Nr. 53 
 
 The river Maxan' -waters the land of Kit" and flows through 
 deserts. It passes through several countries where the people wear 
 the bark of trees and grass instead of clothes, and are friendly to 
 the brahmans. Then it passes through th« desert and flows into 
 the sea of Ajaj.' 
 
 The river Batan passes through Namr&i,* and through several 
 countries where the people have their habitations in the hills. — then 
 it flows on to the Karans and the Barbarans,' i.e., people whose ears 
 bang down to their shoulders. Next it touches the country of the 
 Ashmuks,^ whose faces are like the faces of animals. Then it falls 
 into the sea. 
 
 The Lashan-baran is a river with a wide bed. It falls into the 
 
 Section IV. — Belating to ike Countries of Hind, the Cities, some 
 Islands, and their Inhabitants. 
 
 It has been raentioned in the beginning of this work that the 
 country of Hind is divided into nine' parts. The Indians are of 
 
 1 [go in MS. A. MS. C.has ^jjW ; and Elliot had Miwan.] 
 
 2 [I — ^ in ji, L::^ in C] 
 
 3 [So in A. C. has '^^\ and EUiot had JSj.] 
 
 • [So in Elliot, MS. A. may bs read as " M&mr^." 0. has '— ']-»" . 
 
 ^ These remind us of some of the tribes enumerated in the Eam&.yana, the 
 Karna-privaranas " those who -ivrap themselves np in their ears," Ashta-karnakas, 
 " the eight-eared," or, as 'Wilson suggests, Oshtha-karnakas," " having lips extend- 
 ing to their ears." See Asiatic Researches, Vol. XVII. p. 466. Bobertson, Ancient 
 India, p. 34. 
 
 * This is evidently meant for the Sanskrit word Aswa-mukha, the " horse-faced." 
 They are noticed also in the sequel of the Periplus. They are the attendants of 
 Indra and Kuvera. The tales of those demigpds and other monsters, such as the 
 Cynocephali of ^lian and Ctesias are all derived from native originals. See -Slian, 
 Nat : Animal. IV. 46. Ctesiie Operum Seliguiee, ed : Bayer, p. 320. 'Wilson, Notes 
 en Ctesias, p. 36. Plin : Sistor. Nat. VII. 2. Vincent, Comm. and Nam. nf the 
 Ancients, Vol. II. p. 524. Asiatic Sesearches, Vol. VIII. p. 338, and Vol. IX. 
 p. 68. Megasthems, 8, 64, 66, 69. 
 
 ' [The Arabic again says "nine," and the MS. B. agrees. MSS. A. and 
 J>. say " three." See note, page 44.] 
 
54 EAELY ARAB GEOGEAPHEES. 
 
 opinion that each part' is nine times larger than Iran. It is situated 
 in three Iklim» (climes)s the western portion is in the third clime, 
 and the eastern in the first, but the chief portion of Hind is included 
 in the second climate. Its central territory is called Madades, which 
 means "the middle land." The Persians call it Kanauj. It is 
 called the Madades, because it lies between the seas and mountains, 
 between the hot and cold countries, and between the two extremities 
 of west ard east. It was the capital of the great, haughty, and 
 proud despots of India. Sind lies on the west of this territory. If 
 any one wishes to come from Nimroz, i.e. the country of Sijistan, 
 or Tran to this country, he will have to pass through Kabul. The 
 city of Kanauj stands on the western bank of the Ganges.* It was 
 formerly a most magnificent city, but in consequence of its being 
 deserted by its ruler, it has now fallen into neglect and ruin, and 
 Ban, which is three days' journey from it on the eastern side of the 
 Ganges is now the capital. Kanauj is as celebrated for the de- 
 scendants of the Pandavas as Mahura (Mattra) is on account of 
 Basdeo (Krishna.) The river Jumna lies to the easj of this city, 
 and there is a distance of twenty-seven parasangs between the two 
 rivers. The city of Thanesar is situated between the rivers, nearly 
 seventy parasangs north of Kanauj, and fifty parasangs from 
 Mahura (Mattra). The Ganges issues from its source, called Gang- 
 dwar, and waters many ef the cities of India. 
 
 Those who have not personally ascertained the relative distances 
 of the cities of Hind from each other, must be dependent on the 
 information derived from travellers. 
 
 In stating these distances we will begin from Kanauj. In going 
 towards the south, between the rivers Jumna and Ganges, you 
 arrive at a place called Jajmau,' at a distance of twelve parasangs, 
 each parasang being equal to four miles j eight parasangs from that 
 
 ' [The Arabic says " each part," and the Persian has a blauk where these words 
 shonld come in. 
 
 ' [Binikiti, who quotes jrortions of this chapter, adds — " which comes from the 
 city of Turmuz, through the mountains of the east."] 
 
 3 M. Eeinaud reads Haddjamava. There can be little doubt that J4jmau, close tfi 
 Kinhpiir, (Cawnpoor) is meant. It is a town of great antiquity. 
 
RASnrDU-D DIN, FROM AL BrElTNr. 65 
 
 is Karwa ; from Karwa to Brahmashk, eight ; thence to Xbhabudi,' 
 eight; thence to the tree* of Baragi (Prag,) twelve. This is at 
 the confluence of the Jumna and Ganges. From the confluence to 
 the embouchure of the Ganges, is twelve' parasangs. From the 
 above-mentioned tree, in directing your coui'se towards the south, 
 a road leads along the bank of the river to Arak Tirat,* whiclii is dis- 
 tant twelve parasangs ; to the country of ITrfhar,' forty ; to TJrda- 
 bishak,' on the borders of the sea, fifty ; from thence, still on the 
 shore of the sea, on the east, there is a kingdom which is at present 
 near Chun, and the beginning (mabda') of that is Dar (or Dur,)' 
 
 '■ [Rcinaud and Elliot read " Abhapfiri," but our MSS. have "biidS." The Arabic 
 version translates " Abhi," and says "waters of Badi."] 
 
 '^ The mention of the tree is important, as showing that at that time there was no 
 city on the site of Allah&bid, but mersly a tree at the coniiueiice ; which is described 
 in a subsequent passage as being of large dimensions, with two main boughs, one 
 withered, the other flourishing, and as the Indiana are represented as mounting on 
 the tree to enable them to precipitate themselyes into the Ganges, the river must 
 have then flowed under it. The trunk of the tree still exists, and is as holy as ever, 
 but is almost excluded- from view by being enclosed in a subterraneous dwelling, 
 called PatS.lpiiri, evidently of great antiquity, within the walls of the fort of Allaha- 
 bad. 
 
 3 This accords with Al BiriSni's original Arabic, but there is some unaccountable 
 error. [The Arabic version of Eashidu-d din says simply " from hence to the 
 Ganges,' ' but this does not mend the matter.] 
 
 * Perhaps the Island of Karan Tirat, now abreviated into Kantit, near Mirzipfir. 
 
 •'' M. Reinaud reads Oubarhar. [The inital letters Ifr are clear in all the copies, 
 the third letter is n, in the E. I. Library M.S., and the final r is also wanting in that 
 undintheB.M. MS. The true reading is probably given in the Lucknow copy 
 which has I/rihkr, meaning in all likelihood, Orissa.] 
 
 » M. Reinaud reads Ourdabyschhau [but the final k is clear in all our copies]. 
 See Lassen, Ind : Altertlmmshmde, I. 1 86. 
 
 ' This is very obscure. [Our MSS. difi'er in several points — the text given is a 
 
 literal translation of the Persian '■ii-^-=r j' J^^ / ^ ^ u' J' JJ 
 
 ^— > ^J^^ ^} Jnr" J'^J^ U^ — *^S. S. reads tij^ for uif'' adds ^j>' after 
 tJJojp and forthelast^J it hasj}'^- The reading of C. is \,J^^ ^^ k-^ } 
 
 Is— " J jl5 .-isT^ JI U.i.< < ^.i^r*'] ^' ^^ii^^^d translates it thus: en 
 
 suivant les bords de la mer et en so dirigeant vers I'Orient, a travers les provinces 
 a\ixquelles confinent maintenant les etats du roi Djour ; la premiere de ces provinces 
 est Dravida. 
 
56 EAKLY ARAB GEOGKAPHERS. 
 
 forty. From thence to K^nji,' thirty; to Malia, forty; to Kiinak,^ 
 thirty ; which is the remotest point. 
 
 If you go from Barf, on the banks of the Ganges, in an easterly 
 directionj you come to Ajodh, at the distance of twenty-five para- 
 sangs ; thence to the great Benares,' about twenty. Then, turning, 
 and taking a south-easterly course from that, you come, at the 
 distance of thirty -five parasangs, to Sharuar ;* thence to Pataliputra,' 
 twenty ; thence to Mangiri, fifteen ; thence to Champa,' thirty ; 
 thence to Diikampur, fifty ; thence to the confluence of the Ganges 
 with the sea at Ganga Sagar, thirty. 
 
 In going from Kanauj to the east you come to MSli Ban',' at the 
 distance of ten parasangs ; thence to Dukam, forty -five ; thence to 
 
 1 [E&achi or Conjeveram.] 
 
 ' [MSS. A. and S. apparently hare "Karand;" but C. has K<ital. Reinand 
 has " Kounaka," and this is supported by MS. D. 
 
 * [The first edition had Sarw&ra, but Eeinaud has " Scharouar" which is doubtless 
 right, — MSS. A. and -B. say iL^iu \j where the ia may or may not be a prepo- 
 sition. The Arabic mates it part of the name ,U*J\j U.J This may, perhai)s, 
 
 mean the country beyond the SarjiS, the name by which Gorakhpiir is now locally 
 known to the people about Benares, and hence the name of one of the most populous 
 tribes of Brahmans. Sarw&r is an abbreviation of Sarj6p&r, "the other side of the 
 Sarjii." So Pfiradas is used in the Puranic lists to represent people «ho live heyoitd 
 the Indus, just as to. ire'po is used in the Periplus of the Erythrean sea to signify the 
 ports beyond the straits. In Plutarch [Camillus, C. 21,) an expression exactly 
 equivalent occurs, Trapk rbv Trorafihv " the other side of the river." 
 
 s [So in the first edition. Eeinaud has " Patalypotra." A. has s jJi-U 
 .B. has L-j {l\j, ^^^ ^' ..M jljlj. The last is probably intended for P&tali 
 pattan.] 
 « [So in the first edition ; Eeinaud has " Djanbah ;" .4. and .B.,.,,,-^., C- ^■•- ,— J 
 ' This is the name by which B&ri is called in this passage. As there are several 
 other towns of the same name in the neighbourhood, this may have been a distinc- 
 tive title given to the new capital. The combination is by no means improbable, 
 for as B4ri means " a garden," and M&ll " a gardener," the words are frequently 
 coupled together. The two names occur in conjunction, in a common charm for the 
 
 bite of a wasp. Reiiiaud has simply "Bary;"^. ,_f.l) Jj, -S. ^,\j r. 
 
RASHrDTT-D DrN, FROM M. BrRUNr. 57 
 
 the kingdom of Silhet,' ten ; thence to the city of Bhut," twelve ; 
 thence tor two hundred parasangs it is called Tiliit, where the men 
 are very black, and flat-nosed like the Turks. It extends to the 
 mountains of Kamru,^ to the sea and to Nipal. Travellers in this 
 direction report that going to the left hand towards the east, which 
 is the country of Tibet, one arrives at Nipal at twenty parasangs 
 distance, all on the ascent.* 
 
 From Nipal to Bhiitesar ' is thirty days' journey, which iniplies 
 a distance of about eighty parasangs. There are many ascents 
 and descents. - There, on account of the steep and rugged roads, 
 they carry burdens on the shoulders. Bridges are built in several 
 places, and the rivers run in deep channels a hundred yards below 
 the surface of the hills. They say that in those places there are 
 stags with four eyes, and very beautiful. 
 
 Bhutesar is the first city on the borders of Tibet. There the 
 language, costume, and appearance of the people are different. 
 Thence to the top of the highest mountain, of which we spoke at 
 the beginn'ng, is a distance of twenty parasangs. From the top of 
 it Tibet looks red and Hind black. 
 
 From Kanauj, in travelling south-east, on the western side of the 
 Ganges, you come to Jajahoti, at a distance of thirty parasangs, of 
 which the capital is Kajuraha." In that country are the two forts 
 
 1 This may Tje the Silhet Sh&hjah&npdr of the GoraVhpfir district, near the 
 Gandak. In that case, Tiliit would correspond with Tirhflt. 
 
 2 [So in MS. D. ; EeiTiaud has Bbot ; A. and C. agree in reading i^^J , 
 B. has an entirely different name t.-~.^jh-»> J 
 
 3 [The MSS. C. and J), agree with Reinaud in reading Kamrd, for K§tmr(ip, 
 which is no douht right. A. and B. have .^ ifjS, and the first edition had 
 " Meru."] 
 
 * [This passage is not in A. nor in the old version from the Indian MSS. ; tut it 
 is given by Reinaud.] 
 
 " M. Reinaud reads Yhontyscher ; the same reading occurs at p. 40. 
 
 « This is no doubt the Kajwar-i of Ibn Batuta, " at which there is a late about a 
 mile in length, and round this are temples in which there are idols " (p. 162). Its 
 real name is KajrM, on the banks of the Ken, between Chatterpiir and Panna, said 
 to have been founded by the great parent of the Chandel race. The Kingdom of 
 which it is the capital, is evidently the Chi-chi-to of the , Chinese travellers. 
 The mined temples at Kajr&S are of great antiquity and interest. They are 
 described in the Mahoba Sama, and there said to hive been built by Hamotl, upon 
 the occasion of her having held a Banda jag, or penitential sacrifice. She had com- 
 
68 EAELT AEAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 of Gwaliar and Kalinjar.' Thence to Dhal,' of which the capital 
 is Bituri to the kingdom of Kankyu* and Kankara is twenty para- 
 sangs. Thence to Asur; thence to Banawas* on the shore of the sea. 
 From Kanauj, in travelling south-west, you come to Asi,* at 
 the distance of eighteen parasangs ; to Sahina,^ seventeen ; to 
 Chandra,' eighteen; to Kajauri,' fifteen; to Narana' the capital of 
 
 mitted a iittle/auxpas with the moon in human shape, and as a self-imposed punish- 
 ment for her indiscretion, held a Eanda jag, a part of which ceremony consists in 
 sculpturing indecent representations on the walls of temples, and holding up one's 
 foibles to the disgust and ridicule of the world. Hamoti was the daughter of 
 Eomr&j, spiritual adviser to Indraji, Gaharwkr E4j& of Benares. 
 
 ' There have been lately some speculations hazarded about the fort of K&linjar 
 rol heing older that a.d. 1205. Birdni's mention of its strong fort in his time 
 makes it two hundred years older, and still leaves its origin indefinite. (See Journal 
 A. S. B. No. 188. p. 172.) 2 {A. and B. have Dh5U.] 
 
 ' [Eeinaud has, " On arrive aussi a Dhal dont la capitale est Bitoura. Le prince 
 de ce pays est maintenant Kankyou. On oorapte de 1& au royaume de Kannakara, 
 twenty parasangs." There is no mention of a prince in our manuscripts, the uame 
 may he either personal or local: — A. says \j, i_c,t^ .,,\ A ^.-^\ , llfejU 
 
 ^ ' C -. ■ ■ ■ « (j:.^,*;,,^ hS^ j j-^-O i»::..XLv«. B-. agrees, but gives the names 
 
 ^_jSL^ yS^ ^jSi. 0. has iJJiy^^^ iXw» .^\ ^yJ J JVaJ i^I.J 
 
 * [Eeinaud has " Oupsour" and " Banaouas," — the first edition had " ris&r" and 
 
 "Bhawas." A. and B. have iuj\^ (♦-'Ij ^- ^^ u^^V'-' IV^^- Banav&si was the 
 
 name of the capital of the Kadamba dynasty in the Dekhin. Wilson's Mack. Coll. 
 Introd. ] 
 
 * M. Eeinaud says, without doubt this is the name of the town ordinarily written 
 Sasi. If Hansi of Hari&na, as it appears, is meant, it neither corresponds with the 
 distance nor direction. The ruins of Asi, or more correctly Asni, are on the banks 
 of the Ganges. It is mentioned in the T&rikh-i Taminf, and is the place to which 
 the E&ji of Kanauj sent his treasure for security when he was attacked by the 
 Ghorian General, Kutbu-d din I'bak. 
 
 8 [C has Sahalaini.] ' This is evidently meant for ChanderS. 
 
 » [So in Eeinaud and the first edition, A. has ^ y, or ^,»ii, B. ^\^\, C- 
 
 ' [Elliot read the name "Naraya" and "Niraya". Eeinaud has "Bazana," but 
 he adds — "le manuscrit porte en quelques endroits Narana." MS. A. is tolerably 
 consistent in reading Bar^na ; B., C, and D. are generally without points, but. C. 
 has Nar&na in one place, and D. Tar&na, Eeinaud's translation differs, — It prO' 
 ceeds, " Cette ville est celle que nos compatriotes, appellent Narayana ; comme elle- 
 a ete detruite, les habitants se sont transportes dans un lieu plus recule'."' NarSna 
 is probably a contraction of N&r&yana and the right name. Sir H. Elliot considered 
 it " one of the most interesting places in the North-Western provinces to identify in 
 the pages of Birflnl, on account of its being so frequently mentioned" as a point of 
 departure of several Itineraries. He thought it to be represented by the modern 
 
RASHrDU-D DrN, FROM AL BfEUNr. 59 
 
 Guzerat,' eighteen. When the capital of Guzerat was destroyed, 
 the inhabitants remoYed to a town on the frontier.' The distance 
 between Narana and Mahura is the same as between Mahura and 
 Kanauj, that is twenty-eight parasang^. 
 
 In going from Mahwra to Ujain, you pass' through several neigh- 
 bouring villages, at no greater distances from one another than five 
 parasangs.' From Mahura, at the distance of thirty-five parasangs, 
 you come to a large town called Dudhi ; thence to Bas,hur,* seven ; 
 thence to Mahabalastan,^ five. This is the name of the idol of that 
 place. Thence to TJjain" nine, the idol of which place is Mahakdl. 
 Thence to Dhar,' six parasangs. 
 
 Narwar, and entered into details to support this view, but he was unable to account 
 for its being called the capital of Guzer6,t. General Cunningham takes another view, 
 and says, " In ray fourth Report I have identified Guzetkt with Bair^t, or the ancient 
 Matsya. Bair&.t was the capital, but it was also used for the name of the country, as 
 for instance by Hwen Tsang, who calls it Fo-li-ye-to-lo. Firishta gives these two 
 names as Kari&t and Nirdin, which, he says, were two hilly tracts, overrun by 
 Mahnitid of Ghazni. Now Guzer&t and Kari5.t are only slight corruptions of Bair&t, 
 when written in Persian characters ; and N&rdiu and Nar&na are still slighter altera- 
 tions of NS.r4yana, which is the name of a town to the north-east of Bair&t, about 
 twelve miles. Mathura is said to be equidistant from Kanauj and ii-om KTarina, 
 which agrees with this identification." General Cunningham proceeds : " Asi is on 
 the Jumna below the junction of the Chumbul, and therefore a favourable point for 
 crossing. Sahina I take to be Suhania, a very ancient town thirty miles to the north 
 of Gwalior, and which is said to have been the capital of the country in former days. 
 Its ruins cover several square miles. Chandra I take to be Hindou, and RSjiori is 
 still known by the same name. It will be found between Hindou and Bair&t, to the 
 north of the B&n Ganga river." — Cunningham, MS. Note.] 
 
 » \A. writes this ^~ ^\ X C. d^M.p,] 
 
 ■■= \_A. and JB. have i j, Ji». ^Ji, 0. ifj-j^-,. i(jjj, ^'^ first edition translated it, 
 " a new town." The town of Hudiida. i'] 
 
 s [So it stands in the first edition in accord with Al Birtini, but there is an 
 omission in A. and (7., the former makes the distance to Dddhi five parasangs, and 
 the latter, thirty parasangs.] 
 
 •• [So in A. Eeinaud has " Bamhour ;" the first edition had, " Bafh(ir" ;" B. and 
 C. have"M&hvira."] 
 
 5 [" Bhaylesan," in Eeinaud ; Mahabhales&n in first edition ; Bahibalistau in A., 
 and B. has the same in the first instance, but in the second the first letter may be m ; 
 G. has BahSila«&n here and Bah6.balasin below. It says " Balasin" is the name of 
 the idol ((^Lji *\^ »jl .jluJj , )— Mah&balastan has been selected as being 
 
 probably intended for the Sanskrit llahdbalasthdn.'] 
 
 ' [The first edition had Ujain, and so has MS. O. Eeinaud has " Ardyn." A. 
 hasy^^^j-,..^!, and .B.yj,,-^jl] 
 
 ' [So in Bi'runi, in first edition, and in .B. ; A. has JSjjlj, C. has .Ut>b, the 
 Persian original of which was probably .Ij^J b'.] 
 
60 EARLY ARAB &EOGEAPHEES. 
 
 South from Naxana at fifteen parasangs distance lies Mewar,^ 
 ■which has the lofty fortress of Chitor.^ Prom the fortress to Dhar , 
 the capital of Malwa, twenty. Ujain is to the east of Dhar, at the 
 distance of nine parasangs. From Ujain to Mahabalastan,' which is 
 in Malwa,' ten. From Dhar, going south, you come to Mahumahra,^ 
 at the distance of twenty parasangs ; thence to Kundakl,^ twenty ; 
 thence to Namawar on the banks of the Nerhadda,* ten ; thence to 
 Biswar,' twenty; thence to Matdakar,' on the banks of the Gro- 
 davery, sixty parasangs. 
 
 From Dhar southwards to the river Nerbadda,' nine ; thence to 
 Mahrat-des (the country of the Mahrattas), eighteen ; thence to 
 Konkan, of which the capital is Tana, on the sea shore, twenty-five 
 p arasangs. 
 
 ' This would appear to be the correct reading. M. Reinaud translates : " Mycar 
 est le nom d'un royaume o(i se trouve la fortresse de Djatraoxir." [This is a most 
 doubtful name. A. has jUaJj, ^. lULj, C. lUi.^, i). jUu.^. A. and B. 
 
 omit the' name of the fort, but C. ]i^jjjij;^, and J). ,J/~=--J 
 
 '^ Perhaps Bhilsa is alluded to. There are many ruins in its neighbourhood well 
 
 worth examination, as at Udegir, Sacheh, Ktaeh Kheri, and Piplea Bijoll. There 
 
 are other places on the upper Betwa where extensiTe ruins are to be seen, as Erin 
 
 TJdipfir, Pathliri, anciently called Birnagar, Ghe&rispiir and BhojprSr. 
 
 ' [This accords with Al BIrlini. There is some confnsion in the MSS. .4. reads : — 
 
 a says, .^\j jf^ IjlU iUs- 1:^* L5^ J J^'^\\''. er^T.?^ ij^ \^^ 
 
 ' [s v^Hi-^ ^^ "^' ^^^ '" ^^^ edition.] This may have some connection with 
 the Matmayurpur, or Matiinagar, of the inscription found at Rannode, in which a 
 prince is represented as " repopulating this long desolate city." — Journal Asiatic 
 Society Bengal, No. 183, p. 1086. " [Reinaud has " Kondouhou."] 
 
 * [So the first edition, and so Reinaud ; the latter adds, " Albyrouny a ecrit 
 Karmada qui est la forme Sanskrite." The Nerbadda is no doubt intended, though 
 our MSS. are very vague and discrepant: A. has ^,jj^ ^ B. has ^^ •. „ . , 
 
 C. has s^Ji, and D. Jjy ,] 
 
 ' [So in first edition; Reinaud has "Albospour;" vi. and B. have ^^jjj 
 (Biswar), C. has^^^.] 
 
 * [This reading accords with Reinaud's, and with MS. C, MS. A. has no points, 
 
 D. has " Matdakar" or " Mandkar," and the first edition had " Mundgir."] 
 
 * [So in the first edition and probably right. Reinaud has " Nymyyah," A. and 
 .B. haTej^n! ^'^\j, C has A,^, ^_y jl^^ and i?. i^ i-S'^V-' 
 
EASHrcmD .DrK, FKOM AL BTTLVNt. 61 
 
 [^Here follows the description of the BMnoeeros and Sarabha, wMeh 
 agrees with the original Arabic of Al Birurd, and need not be trans- 
 lated in this place. Ute BMnoeeros is called Karhadan in the original, 
 and appears to he the same as the Kaprd^tovov of JElian, Hist. An. 
 XFJ. 20, 21. The Sarabha is called Shardawdt iu the Persian, and 
 Sharauddt in the Arabic M.8.'\ 
 
 Abu KiMn states that from Narana, in a south-west direction, lies 
 Anhalwara', at a distance of sixty parasangs ; thence to Somnat, on 
 the sea, fifty. From Anhalwara, towards the south, to Lardes," of 
 which the capitals are Bahruj and Dhanjur,' forty-two. These are 
 on the shore of the sea, to the east of Tana. 
 
 West from Narana* is Multan, at the distan<^ of fifty parasangs ; 
 thence to Bhdti,* fifteen. South-east from Bhati is Arur,^ at a dis- 
 tance of fifteen parasangs. Bhati is situated between two arms of 
 the Indus. Thence to Bahmanu Mansura, twenty ; thence to Loha- 
 ranf, the embouchure of the river, thirty parasangs. 
 
 From Kanauj, going north, and turning a little to the west, you 
 come to Sharashdraha,' fifty parasangs. Thence to Pinjor, eighteen, 
 parasangs. That place is on a lofty hill,' and opposite to it, in the 
 
 ' [So read ty Eeinaud and Elliot. A. has )ij\X£i and i^l»Jl, -8. JjlAjs, 
 C and D. g .\ ,L j , Kahalwira is only another form of the name.] 
 
 2 See Jjsssen, ZeiiscArifi, f. d. K. d. Morgenl: I. 227. [L&ta-desa in Sanskrit 
 and the Lm-ice of Ptolemy. "We have n, copper-grant made by the ESja of this 
 country in a.d. 812. See Jour. Beng. A. S., April, 1839, Jour. li. A. S. viii. 16.] 
 
 ' [Eeinaud has " Eahanhonr." A. and £. have ...s^^ j, and C. has ,.j^Ukj. 
 The letters m and h are liable to be confounded, so that Elliot's reading is probably 
 right.] 
 
 * See note 9, page 58. 
 
 » [So read by Eeinaud and Elliot. ^. has -iiLj and ^Lj, jB. J It), O. 
 
 J'lli .0- Jvj<J. The " B&nia," of the other geographers ?] 
 
 6 lA. has^^.l, £. \jj\, ^-jjjS. Alor.?] 
 
 " [Elliot reads " Sirs&wah ;" Eeinaud " Schirscharhah ;" A. has aj&.l.^, S. 
 i.i,,\MJi>, d- iJi>jlijZ,I>-j\j^j.^. "This is certainly Sirs&wah, an old and 
 famous place where both Taimfir and Baber halted."— Cunningham.] 
 
 « This is not correct with reference to modern Pinjore, which is in a yalley on the 
 southern side of the Hills. 
 
E.\aT AKAB GEOGEAPHERS. 
 
 plains, is the city Thanesar;' thence to Dakmala,^ the capital of 
 Jalandhax, and at the base of a mouTitain, eighteen ; thence to 
 Balawarda, one hundred;^ thence towards the west, to Lidda, 
 thirteen ; thence to the fort of Rajgiri, eight ; thence, towards the 
 north, to Kashmir, twenty-fiv© paraaangs. 
 
 From Kanauj, towards the west, to Dyamau, is ten parasangs ; 
 thence to Gati,' ten;j thence to Ahar,' ten ; thence to Mirat, ten ; 
 thence, across the Jnmna,, to Panipat, ten ; thence to Kaithal,* ten ; 
 thence to Sanam, ten. 
 
 In going north-west from the latter place to Axat-hur,' nine para- 
 sangs ; thence to Hajnir,* six ; thence to Mandhukur,' the capital of 
 Lohawar,'" on the east of the river Trawa, eight ; thence to the river 
 
 ' [So read by Eeinaud and Elliot. A. -uojU, -B. ^ujlj, C. Ajl;, 2). ^^ti.] 
 
 ' This is doubtless Dehm4ri, wbich, as we learn from several historians, was the 
 ancient name of NArpilr, before it was changed by Jahingir, in honour of iNdr Jah^n 
 Begam. N«irp<ir is beyond the Be^ ; but that would not affect the identification, for 
 the author says merely J&landhar, not the Doab, or Interarania, of jalandhar. 
 [So according to Eeinaud and EUiot. A. has L«J6J, -B. CI ^,fri>^ C. says 
 ^L4J!>c>b JU Here the Persian preposition td has probably been incorporated 
 
 with the name as id.'] 
 
 ^ [The number "ten," is given by Eeinaud, Elliot, and MS. D. A. says " 100," 
 B. has ji^^ probably intended for J^.^^ C. omits the number.] 
 
 * [So read by Eeinaud, and probably right. Elliot and MS. D. have Gahi. 
 A. has X^ B. and C. jSJ\ Perhaps Eaj Gh&t may be meant. All the other 
 places menioned in this paragraph are extant to this day. 
 
 [The Arabic here adds the Persian numeral of the distance (db7j = 10) to the 
 name, making it ifOjiaU] 
 
 » [So read by Elliot. Eeinaud has " Koutayl." A. and B. have i •* <r.,,.<' C. 
 
 CS^^, and ■»• J>^/-] 
 
 ' [Tbe MSS. all agree in making two words, Arat-hiir. The Arabic again 
 adds the numeral of the distance (nwA = 9) to the name— miildng it Arat-hftznah 
 
 * TEcinaud reads " Maydahoukour." The only difference in our MSS. is that A, 
 substitutes S. for M, as the first letter.] The place is mentioned in Biriini's Kani'm 
 and by Baihaki who calls it " Mandkaktir." 
 
 "> [So according to Elliot. Eeinaud has " Lauhaour (Labor)." A. has ,,,'\ji) J 
 
 andyj\^. i?-^j.U. ftjyU^ and^j,-!.] 
 
EASHrDU-D Dm, FROM AL BrRl/Nr. 63 
 
 Chandraha (Chinab), twelve; thence to the Jailam, on the west of 
 the Bayat,' eighteen ; thence to Waihind, capital of Kandahar, west 
 of the Sind, which the Moghals call Karajang, twenty ; thence to 
 Parshawar, fourteen ; thence to Dambur,* fifteen ; thence to Kabul, 
 twelve ; thence to Ghaznin, seventeen. 
 
 Kashmir* is a valley surrounded by lofty inaccessible hills and 
 broad deserts ; on the east and south it is bordered by Hind ; on 
 the west by kings, of whom the nearest are Takur Shah, then Shak- 
 nan Shah, and Wakhan' Shah, extending to the frontiers of Badakh- 
 sban ; on the north, and' partly on the east; by the Turks of Chin 
 and Tibet. 
 
 From the mountain of Bhutesar to Kashmir, across the country 
 of Tibet, is nearly 300 parasangs. The people of Kashmir do not 
 ride on quadrupeds, but are carried on men's shoulders in a Katut, 
 which resembles a throne. The servants of the Government are 
 always on the alert, and watch the passes and strongholds of the 
 country. They do not allo^v strangers to enter the country, except 
 by ones and twos. This prohibition extends even to Jews and 
 Hindus, how then can any one else gain admittance ? The principal 
 entrance is at Birahan,* half T^ay between the Sind and Jailam. 
 From that place to the bridge, at the confluence with the Jailam 
 
 ' [This is no doubt the Beyah. Eeinaud had " Eeyut," and Elliot " Behat." 
 A. has either " M&.yat" or Bayiit," O. has " Miyat," and X). "Ma-oayat." 
 
 2 ["Binbonr," Reinaud. "Diuur," Elliot. ^^ in ^. and Ji. ,».J J in C 
 ■> Mention of Kashmir occurs in another part of the wori:, which contains little 
 that is not noticed here. The author adds that in Kashmir there is a city called 
 Daraharka, in which there are 3,600,000 inhabitants, and that it was built 2,000 
 years ago. That the Talley was formerly twelve hundred years under water ; when, 
 at the entreaties of Casip [Kasyapa], the waters found their way to the sea, and the 
 valley became habitable. 
 
 * [These names according to Reinaud and Elliot are "Bilor, Shakn&n, and^ 
 Dfikhan." MSS. A. and £. make the first distinctly " Tftkiir," but J), has " Billflr." 
 S. makes the second " ShakhOn." The third is ^.1=.., in -d. and B., .^U- ■ W C, 
 and Us-, in ■»• See Jaub'ert's Edrisi, pp. 479, 483, 490.] 
 
 » [" Berberhan," Reinaud; "Barbh&n," Elliot. A. and B. have .,l»lj or 
 \^\t. C.s&j&^Ai,^. " Babar-khina, or 'tiger's house,' the name of the 
 land on the north of the ancient Taxila, where Buddha gave his head to the starving 
 tiger. It is on the high road to Kashmir." — Cunningham..] 
 
64 EAELT ARAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 of tlie Eusari and Mamhari,' wLiclj. flow from the mountains of 
 Shamildn/ is eight parasangs. Thence you arrive, at a distance of 
 five days' jotimey, at a defile through which the Jailam runs. 
 
 At the end of the defile lies Dawaru-1 Marsad, on both sides of 
 the river. There the Jailam enters the plains, and turns towards 
 Adashtan,' the capital of Kashmir, which it reaches at a distance of 
 two days' journej'. The city of Kashmir is four parasangs from 
 Adashtan. It is built on both banks of the Jailam, on which there 
 are many bridges and boats. The source of the Jailam is in the 
 mountains of Harmakut,* near the source of the Granges. This 
 mountain is impassable on account of the exceeding cold, for the 
 snow never melts, even when the sun is in Cancer or Leo. On the 
 other side of it lies Maha Chin, i.e., great Chin. After the Jailam 
 has left the mountains, it reaches Adashtan in two days. Four 
 parasangs from that, it expands into a lake, a, parasang square, on 
 the borders of which there is much cultivation, and a dense popula- 
 tion. It then leaves the lake, and enters another defile near the 
 city of TJshkara.'' 
 
 The Sind rises in the mountains of Amak,* on the borders of the 
 
 • [So read by Elliot. Reinaud has "Eosary et Kahry :" the first syllable of 
 M&mhari was doubtless taken as meaning " water," a reading favoured by our Arabic 
 
 MS. 0., which says ^_, j U. ^,li*u^t». The MSS. ^., £., and i). hare 
 
 ^_jrt.^L»j lJj^ (lJ}^^ ^■' ^J^ ^' )• '^^'^ °^™® ™'-^' t^^i^^fore be as 
 Elliot reads it, unless Rashlda-d din mistook Al Birfinl's text.] 
 
 ^ \&i\k\ in first edition. ^. has l1J1j.~j.] 
 
 ' M. Reinaud reads Addashtan, and Capt, A. Cunningham identifies it with 
 Pandritan, the local corrupt form of Pur&n&dhisth4na, the " old chief city." Jour. 
 As. Soc. Seng. "So. CLxxxvii. p. 97. 
 
 * M. Reinaud has Hazmakout. Har-Mukut, meaning the cap of Har, or MahA. 
 Deo, is a better reading. [Hema-klita is the correct one. See ante p. 46, and 
 Wilson's Vishnu Furana, p. 168.] 
 
 5 ["This must be Hushka-pura which still exists near Baiimifla — Hwen Tsang's 
 ' Hushkara." "—Cunningham.] 
 
 « [Umah in first edition, and Onannak according to Reinaud. All om- MSS. 
 agree in reading dmnh or amalc. " This is apparently the Tibetan or Oya-nag^ pro- 
 nounced Ganak, which means the ' Black Plains," and is the name for Chinese 
 Tartai y where the Indus actually rises. Arrowsmith' s map gives ' Guinnak, capital 
 of Chinese Tartary.' " — Cunningham.] 
 
RASHrDU-D DrN, FEOM AL BrRUNr. 65 
 
 Tuikisli country. Passing hj the mountains of Bilur' and Shamllan, 
 it readies ia t-wo days' journey tlie country of tlie Bhiitawari^ Turks, 
 from whose encroachments and depredations the Kashmirians suffer 
 great distress. "Whoever travels along the left bank of the river 
 will find villages and towns which are close to one another on the 
 south of the capital and as far as the mountain. Larjal,' which re- 
 sembles Damawand, between which and Kashmir' there is a distance 
 of two parasangs. It can always be seen from the boundaries of 
 Kashmir and Lohawar. The fort of Rajgiri is to the south of it, 
 and Lahur, than which there is no stronger fort, is to the west. At 
 a distance of three parasangs ° is Eajawari, where merchants carry 
 on much traffic, and it forms one of the boundaries of Hind on the 
 north. On the hills to the west of it is the tribe of Afghans, who 
 extend to the land of Sind. 
 
 On the south of that tribe is the sea, on the shore of which the 
 first city is Tiz, the capital of Makran. The coast trends to the 
 south-east, tQl it reaches Debal, at the distance of forty parasangs. 
 Between these two cities lies the gulf of Turan. 
 
 After traversing the gulf you come to the small and big mouths 
 of the Indus ; then to the Bawarij, who are pirates, and are so called 
 because they commit their depredations in boats called Baira.^ Their 
 cities are Kach and Somnat. From Debal to Tiilishar' is fifty para- 
 
 «[" Bhotyawarl" in first edition. "Bhataouryan" Eeinand. -^-^^ i^jA^, 
 
 » [" L&rjik" in first edition and in MS. S. " Kelardjek" Eeinaud. All the 
 other MSS. read " L&rjal." The Kal&rchal of p. 46.] 
 
 * [Reinaud, Elliot, and MS. C. agree in reading Kashmir ; but A. has i_/l,a-Cj 
 
 and .8. is--^.] 
 
 5 lA. says " a parasang ; S. two or three parasangs. The others agree in reading 
 " three."] 
 
 « [Barija ? see note on the word Barge in the Appendix.] 
 
 ' [Reinaud has " Touallysoher," and Elliot reads "T&lishar." A. has i.:u*J»J, 
 
66 EAELY ARAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 sangs ; to Lohar^nf, twelve ; to Baka, twelve ; to Kach, the country 
 producing gum, and bardrud' (river Bhader), six; to Somnat, four- 
 teen ; to Kambaya, tliirty ; to Asawal,' two days' journey ; to Bahruj, 
 thirty ; to Sindan, fifty : to Sufara, six ; to Tana, five. There you 
 enter the country of Laran, where is Jaimur," then Malia,* then 
 Kanji, then Dariid," where there is a great gulf, in which is Sin- 
 kaldip, or the island of Sarandip. In its neighbourhood is Tanjawar, 
 which is in ruins, and the king of that conntry has built another 
 city on the shore, called Padmar ;' then to Umalna,' len; then to 
 Kameshar, opposite to Sarandip from which it is distant by water 
 twelve parasangs. From Tanjawar to Eameshar is forty parasangs ; 
 from Eameshar to Set Bandhai, which means the bridge of the sea, 
 is two parasangs — and that band, or embankment, was made by 
 Earn, son of Dasrat, as a passage to the fort of Lank.' It consists of 
 detached rock separated by the sea. 
 
 • [So translated by Elliot. Reinaud has "patrie du Mod, et k Baraoua, six 
 parasangs," and he adds a note upon the position of the " Chateau de Baraoua .... 
 qui se trouvait k une portee de fl^che seulement de SoumenSit." The text, however, 
 says that the distance of Somu&t is fourteen parasangs. MSS. ^., £., and -D. have 
 
 ^•..Ij • /^|'-q\\ .iX.'v*. The word Bkwarfii must be taken with mM*«? (bdelKum), 
 and is evidently the name of some staple production. It occurs again in the 
 next page in the observations on the trade of Guzer&t. MS. A. says J, ,jl> 
 
 CLJljji J^lj-jj! <UJls 4^1 jjj. £■ varies slightly, saying, ^<A) jjj\s^. 
 
 The Arabic version of C. is CuVp^ J=-L ^ ^J^\ j illJU B&dru, 
 or balm, is perhaps intended.] 
 
 2 fAhmadib&d.— Bird's Guzerdt, 187.] 
 
 3 j^SaimtSr appears to be the place intended. It is noticed by all the other geo- 
 graphei's. See Kazwini post, p. 97, and note A in Appendix.] 
 
 • [.^.and.B. Jj, a i^i,, P. ^.J 
 
 ' [So in all the MSS. Eeiuaud says "Dravira," for which Darud is probably 
 intended.] 
 6 [Elliot reads " Diirbas." Reinaud has "Pandnar." USS. A. and B. have 
 
 ^^UJlI. C- tas^UjO, and -O-jU Jj.] 
 
 ' [So according to EUiot, but " Oumalnara," according to Reinaud. Neither 
 give any distance, but MS. A. says, "ten." The words are ,^j \.X< \\ Ij , t^ie «« 
 being evidently a blunder for V, The Arabic version varies a little, " Between 
 this {i.e. Padm&r) and the first (town) ten parasaBgs. After that is ITmaln&r."] 
 
 ' \A. has A^, C. and D. , ' C-A confounding it with the Ganges.] 
 
EASHIDU-D DIN, FEOM AL BfEirNr. 67 
 
 Twelve parasangs from that place, in an eastern direction, lies 
 Kahkand, which is the mountain of monkeys.' 
 
 [Here follows an account of these monJceifs, of some of the eastern 
 Islands, and of the rainy season.] 
 
 Multan'' and Uch are subject to Dehli, and the son of the Sultan 
 of Dehli is the governor. There is a road from hence by land as 
 well as by the shore of the sea to G-uzerat, which is a large country, 
 within which are Kambaya, Somnat, Kankan, Tdna, and several other 
 cities and towns. It is said that Gruzerat comprises 80,000 flourishing 
 cities, villages, and hamlets. The inhabitants are rich and happy, 
 and during the four seasons no less than seventy different sorts of 
 roses blow in this country. The crops which grow in the cold season 
 derive their vigour from the dew. When that dries, the hot season 
 commences, and that is succeeded by the rainy season, which makes 
 the earth moist and verdant. Grapes are produced twice during 
 the year, and the strength of the soil is such, that cotton plants 
 grow like willows and plane-trees, and yield produce ten years 
 running. The people are idolaters, and have a king of their own. 
 Somnat, which is the name of the idol of that place, is a temple and 
 place of worship for the people of all parts of Hind, and Hindu 
 idolaters come to it from great distances. Many of the more deluded 
 devotees, in performance of their vows, pass the last stage crawling 
 along the ground upon their sides, some approach walking upon 
 their ancles and never touch the ground with the soles of their feet,' 
 others go before the idol upon their heads. The men of Kambaya 
 bring tribute from the chiefs of the island of Kis. Sugar from 
 Malwa, badru (balm),* and baladi are exported in ships from the 
 coasts of Guzerat to all countries and cities. Beyond Guzerat are 
 
 ' [" Kahankand" in MS. J).} This appears to he the Kanhar of Dr. Lee, and its 
 descriptiott as being a mountain of monkeys shows that his conjectures about the 
 estuary of Biizvita is correct. Ibn Satula, p. 187. 
 
 ' Eashidu-d Din here evidently leaves Abd Eih4n, and writes from information 
 obtained independently. [The remainder of this chapter is left out of MS. J)., 
 which enters abruptly on another subject \ the continuation of this being lost or 
 misplaced.] 
 
 3 [This sentence is found in the Arabic version only.] 
 
 * [Jidar in £. See note in p. 66.] 
 
68 EARLY ARAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 Kankan and Tana ; beyond them the country of Malibar, which from 
 the boundary of Karoha' to Kiilam," is 300 parasangs in length. 
 The whole country produces the pan, in consequence of which 
 Indians find it easy to live there, for they are ready to spend their 
 whole wealth upon that leaf. There is much coined gold and silver 
 there, which is not exported to any Other place. Part of the terri- 
 tory is inland, and part on the sea shore. They speak a mixed 
 language, like the men of Khabalik,' in the direction of Eiim, whom 
 they resemble in many respects. The people are all Samanis 
 (Buddhists), and worship idols. Of the cities on the shore the fijfst 
 is Sindabur, then Faknur, then the country of Manjarur,* then the 
 country of Hili,^ then the country of Sadarsa," then Jangli, then 
 Kiilam. The men of all these countries are Samanis. After these 
 comes the country of Sawalak, which comprises 125,000 cities and 
 villages. After that comes Malwala,' which means 1,893,000 in 
 number. About forty years ago the king of Malwala died, and 
 between his son and the minister a contest arose, and after several 
 
 1 [So in the first edition, and so in MS. A. MSS. B. and C. have X 
 and so has Binakiti.] 
 
 2 " We next came into the country of Malabar, which is the country of black 
 pepper. Its length is a journey of two months along the shore from the island of 
 Sind&brir to Kulam. The whole of the way by land lies under the shade of trees, 
 and at the distance of every half mile there is a house made of wood, iu which there 
 are chambers fitted up for the reception of comers and goers, whether they be Moslems 
 or infidels." Ihn Batuta, Lee, p. 166. French version, Vol. IV p. 71. 
 
 2 [^. has, Xi\j,-^^ an evident blunder. C. i \ C :\\~^ '[ 
 
 * [The French version of Ibn Batdta gives the names of SindS,biir, Fttandr, 
 Manjartir, Hih', Jiir-fattan, Dih-fattan, and Budd-fattan (Vol. IV. p, 109). Fattan 
 is evidently the Sanskrit pattanmn (town), or as now written patam or patndm.'] 
 Abu-1 Fida notices Sindabur, Manjar&r, and Kulam. Manjarflr is the Mangalore 
 of the present day, and the MayyapovO of Cosmas Indieopleustes. {Topograph. 
 Chr. p. 337.) Casiri quotes a manuscript in which it is called Mangalore as early 
 as the beginning of the seventh century. See Billioth. Escurial. Tom II. p. 6. 
 
 " [This is the reading of the first edition of MSS. B. and 6'., and of Binikiti. 
 MS. A., however, reads jL,,.^, which may possibly refer to the MapUlas, as the 
 Musulmans of Malabar are called.] 
 
 ' [Such is the reading of MSS. A. and B. C. has L*JiJUi, ^^ first edition 
 " Tadarsa," and Bin&kiti :jcJ.] 
 
 ' [So in A. B. has '! JL«, C. has 1 JL» »s it stood in the first edition, and such 
 appears to be the reading of Binakiti.] 
 
EASHIDU-D DIN, FROM AX BrRTrNT. 69 
 
 battles they ended with dividing the territory between them. The 
 
 consequence is that their enemies obtained a footing, and are always 
 
 making their incursions from different parts of Hind, and carrying 
 
 off goods and viands, sugar, wine, cotton cloths, captives, and great 
 
 booty.' But through the great wealth of that country, no serious 
 
 injury is done. 
 
 M'abar,' from Kulam to the country of SLlawar,' extends 300 para- 
 
 sangs along the shore. Its length is the same. It possesses 
 
 many cities and villages, of which little is known. The king is 
 
 called Dewar which means in the M'abar language, the " lord of 
 
 wealth." Large ships, called in the language of China, " Junks," 
 
 bring various sorts of choice merchandize and clothes from Chin and 
 
 Machin, and the countries of Hind and Sind. The merchants export 
 
 from M'abar silken stuffs, aromatic roots ; large pearls are brought up 
 
 from the sea. The productions of this country are carried to 'Irak, 
 
 Khurasan, Syria, Rum, and Europe. The country produces rubies, 
 
 and aromatic grasses, and in the sea are plenty of pearls. M'abar is, 
 
 as it were, the key of Hind. Within the few last years Sundar 
 
 Bandi was Dewar, who, with his three brothers, obtained power in 
 
 different directions, and Malik Takiu-d din bin 'Abdu-r rahman bin 
 
 Muhammadu-t Tibi, brother of Shaikh Jamalu-d din, was his 
 
 minister and adviser, to whom he assigned the government of 
 
 Patan, Mali Patan, and Bawal ;* and because there are no horses in 
 
 M'abar, or rather those which are there are weak, it was agreed that 
 
 every year Jamalu-d din Ibrahim should send to the Dewar 1400 
 
 strong Arab horses obtained from the island of Kis, and 10,000 
 
 horses from all the islands of Fars, such as Kati'f, Lahsa, Bahrein, 
 
 Hurmuz, Kilahat, etc. Each horse is reckoned worth 220 dinars of 
 
 red gold current. 
 
 o « «» « o o « 
 
 1 It is difficult to say what countries are here meant, but it is probable that allu- 
 sion is made to the Laokadives and Maldives, the names being derived from numerab, 
 and in both instances bearing a relation to these islands. 
 
 2 [The coast of Coromandel. See Ibn Batouta, Index.] 
 " [jB. has j.IJuj, and Bin5,kiti ..liXij.] 
 
 * [So printed in the first edition from the Indian MS. A. says L, , j 
 
 JjUjy. -B- lias CS^\j J ^^ ^ J ^. ^- er* i^ J cr**- 
 
 Bin^kiti reads JjU _j ^j^ t^}^*^ iJ^-\ 
 
70 EAELY AEAB GEOGBAPHERS. 
 
 In the year 692 a.h. (1293 a.d.) the Dewar died, and his wealth and 
 possessions fell into the hands of his adversaries and opponents, 
 and Shaikh Jamalu-d-din who succeeded him, obtained, it is said, an 
 accession of 7,000 bullock loads of jewels, gold, etc., and Takiu-d 
 din, according to prcTious agreement, became his lieutenant. * «• * 
 
 The people of the country are very black by reason of their being 
 near the equator. There is a large temple called Lutar.' 
 
 Ct « Ci t» « » o 
 
 There are two courses, or roads, from this place : one leads by 
 sea to Chin and Machi'n, passing by the island of Silan." It is four 
 parasangs long, and four wide. It is parallel to the equator. 
 
 Sarandip is at the foot of the Judi' mountain, and is called in the 
 language of Hind Samkada-dip (Sinhaladip), i.e. the sleeping-place of 
 the lion, because its appearance is like a lion in repose,' and as that 
 etymology is not known to the common people, they call it Sarandip. 
 The whole of the country is exactly under the Line. Rubies and 
 other precious stones are found there. In the forests there are 
 wolves and elephants, and even the Eukh is said to be there. The 
 men are all Buddhists, and bow to, and worship images. 
 
 The Island of Lamuri,' which lies beyond it, is very large. It 
 has a separate king. 
 
 Beyond it lies the country of Sumutra [Sumatra],* and beyond 
 
 ' [So in first edition. Xhas j jj^ -B. ,t)jj, C- iJy ^'"^''•'t i J«J.j 
 
 ' lA. ^L-c, S. ^1^, a JL^, Bin&titi, ^^L^.] 
 
 ' [All the MSS. read Jfldi. Sir H. Elliot thought this » mistake for JaniJbi, 
 " southern."] 
 
 * Lassen, /»rf. Alterth. I. 201. 
 
 ' According to the Shajrat Malayu and Marco Polo, Lambri is one of the districts 
 of Sumatra, situated in the north-east coast— converted by the Arabs into 
 Bamry. M. Gildemeister considers it to be the same as Bamnad (tfe Iteb. Ind., 
 p. 69). M. Eeinaud considers it to he Manar {Fragments, p. 123); M. Dulauiier 
 giTes several reasons why it can be no where else than in Sumatra {Jour. Asiatigue, 
 4th Ser. T. VIII. 117, 200). It may be presumed that the Limfiri of our author is 
 the same place as is indicated by Lambri and Bamry. There is at the present day a 
 large island^ callgd- Bamry, off the coast of Arracan, but that cannot well be the 
 place indicalsdi 
 
 ' This is distinctly called a country {teiUyat) in the Persian, iaiad in the Arabic. 
 It is usually said that raediseval writers called the island of Sumatra by the name of 
 Java, and that Sumatra was one of its towns. Java itself was called MM J&va. See 
 Journal Asiatigue, 4th Series, Tom. IX. pp. 119, 124, 244. 
 
RASHrDU-D DfN, FROM AL BrRLTNr. 7X 
 
 that Darband Nias,' wldeh. is a dependency of Java. In the moun- 
 tains of J^va scented woods grow. In those islands axe several 
 cities, of which the chief are Aru, Barlak, Dalmian, Java, and Bar- 
 kiidoz.' The mountains of Java are very high It is the custom of 
 the people to puncture their hands and entire body with needles, 
 and then rub in some black substance to colour it. 
 
 Opposite Lamurl is the island of Lakwaram,' which produces 
 plenty of red amber. Men and women go naked, except that the 
 latter cover the pudenda with cocoanut leaves. They are all sub- 
 ject to the Ka-an [Emperor of China.J 
 
 Passing on from this you come to a continent called Jampa, also 
 subject to the Ka-an. The people are red and white. 
 
 Beyond that is Haitam,* subject also to the Ka-an. 
 
 Beyond that is Maha Chin,* then the harbour of Zaitun,° on 
 the shore of China sea,' and an officer of the Ka-an, entitled 
 
 ' [The Arabic version has Darband ManSs.] This may be Pulu Nias, -which 
 M.M. Maury and Dulaurier, from independent observation, conceive to be the 
 Al-Neyan of the early Geographers. See Journal Aaiatique, 4th Series, Tom. VIII. 
 200, and Bulletin de la SonielS de Geog., April, 1846. 
 
 ' These cities, it will be observed, are not confined to one island. Pariah is nn 
 doubt Tanjung Pariah, or Diamond Point, on the north-east coast of Sumatra. 
 Bariidoz [or Bfikfidiir, as the Arabic MS. gives it], without any violent metathesis. 
 may perhaps be read Bencoolen — the "Wan-Kou-Leou of the Chinese. [Nouv. J. A . 
 XI. 54.) Towards Papua is a large island called Aru, but that is no doubt too 
 distant for our author. His city may be the metropolis of Java according to Ptolemy 
 — %X^"' '■^ iierp6wo\iv ipofia Apyvpriv ?iri tois ivaiUKoXs ^pacriv. Geog., VII. 2, 29. 
 
 ' As this might easily be read Nicobar, allusion may be made to the islands of that 
 name. The early Arabian Geographers and Idrisi seem to designate this group by 
 the term Lanjab&l(is. 
 
 < [So in the first edition, and so in MS. A. B. has ,> « ..«■■ -> -, C has (»5^j 
 and Bin^kiti .../li-^.J 
 
 ' Idrisi calls this Siniatu-s Sin, situated at the extremity of the empire. " Xo 
 city is equal to it, whether we consider its greatness, the number of the edifices, the 
 importance of its commeree, the variety of its merchandize, or the number of mer- 
 chants which visit it from different parts of India." Ibn al "Wirdi says, " It is the 
 extreme eastern part which is inhabited, and beyond which there is nothing but the 
 ocean." 
 
 « A port in the province of Fo-Kien. See Marsden's Marco Tolo, p. 561. M. 
 Klaproth, Mem. nl. A V Aeie. Tom. II. p. 208, and M. Eeiaaud, Relation des 
 voyagee, Tom., II. pp. 25, 26. 
 
 ' [This reading of the first edition is supported by the Arabic MS. C, which says, 
 "After this is Chfn the great" [ '^j^\ ^^■A\\ after that the harbour of Zaitun 
 
 on the shore of the sea of Ohing. ' The Persian MS. A, and Bin&kitI entirely omit the 
 first sentence.] 
 
72 EARLY AEAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 Shak,' resides there. Beyond tliat is Khansai, in which, the market- 
 place' is six parasangs broad, from which it may be judged how 
 large the place is. It is subject to the deputies of the Ka-an, who 
 are Moghals, Musulmans, Khitayans, and Ghuris. Khansai' is the 
 capital. 
 
 Forty days journey from it lies Khanbalik/ the capital of the 
 Phcenix of the west — ^Kaan, King of the earth.'' 
 
 With respect to the other road which leads from M'abar by way 
 of Khitai, it commences at the city of Kabal, then proceeds to the 
 city of Kunju and Sunjii, then to Kin, then to Mali Patan,' then 
 to Kardaraya, then to Hawariun,' then to Dakli,* then to Bijalar,' 
 which, from of old, is subject to Dehli, and at this time one of the 
 cousins of the Sultan of Dehli has conquered it, and established 
 himself, having revolted against the Sultan. His army consists of 
 Turks. Beyond that is the country of Ratban, then Arman,'° then 
 Zar-dandan,'' so called because the people cover their teeth with gold. 
 
 1 [So in first edition, and so in MS. A. MS. C. and Binikitl have " Sank.""] 
 ' [So in the first ecKtion. MS. ^. says ,\j "a fort or tower." Bin&kiti says 
 
 A5>-b It) "a lake." The Arabic version says *j,,lj.J 
 
 ' The original is JanksSi [in all the MSS. except Binikiti, -who has KhansU], hnt 
 there can he no doubt the correct vrord is Khansa, which Ibn Eatuta declares to be 
 the largest city he had seen. Marco Polo calls it Quinsai, and says it is without 
 exception the most noble city in the world. It was the capital of southern Chiua, or 
 Mahi Chin. Its present name is Hang-toheou-fou, capital of the province of Tche- 
 Kiang. See M. Eeinaud, Belatim des Voyages, Tom. I. pp. ex., cx.vin., and M. 
 Quatremere, Sistoire des Mongols, pp. lxxtii., lxxxix. Ibn Hatouia, IV. 284. 
 
 * The Canibalu of Marco Polo, and the Pekin of the Chinese. See Assemani, 
 Biblioth. Orient. Tom. III. p. 2, p. 612. [Jinbyik in A. and in Bin&kitl.] 
 
 * See les Oiseaux et les Fleurs, pp. 119, 220. Saiistdn, v. III. p. 250. 
 
 ^ [The Arabic MS. has "from K&bal to Kin, and from thence to Mali-Katan." 
 Binakiti reads " from Kabal-fatan to Majli-fatan," and a marginal emendation says, 
 " from K&.bal (or K^mal) patan to Majli patan," i.e., Masulipatam.] 
 
 ' [Haw^rmiin in A.J 
 
 8 [MS. A. has " Dakal." The Arabic and Bin6kitl both read " Dehli."] 
 
 9 [So in the first edition. A. says Sl^^ Bajal&; but C. and Binikiti have 
 'i\Lj Bengal.] 
 
 '" [MSS. A., C, and Bin&ldtl agree in this. The first edition and MS. S. have 
 "Uman,"] 
 
 " This country is again noticed in our author's account of China, and Marco Polo 
 speaks of it under the wrong name, Cardandon. M, Quatremfere tries to fix its 
 position. (^Hist. des Mongols, p. xcvi.) "This island Of Sumatra is the first island 
 
EASHrDU-D crN, FROM AL BrRUNr. 73 
 
 They puncture their hands, and colour them with indigo. They 
 eradicate their beards, so that they have not a sign of hair on their 
 faces. Th&j are all subject to the Ka-an. This country is bounded 
 on one side by the sea, afterwards comes the country of Eahan, the 
 people of which eat carrion and the flesh of men, — ^they likewise 
 are subject to the Ka-an.' Thence you arrive at the borders of Tibet, 
 where they eat raw meat and worship images, and have no shame 
 respecting their wives. The air is so impure that if they eat their 
 dinner after noon they would all die. They boil tea and eat win- 
 nowed barley. 
 
 There is another country called Deogir, adjoining M'abar inland, 
 the king of which is at constant enmity with the Dewar of M'abar. 
 Its capital is Duru Samundur [Dwara Samudra.J 
 
 Another large country is called Kandahar, which the Moghals 
 call Karajang. These people spring from Khitai and Hind. In 
 the time' of Kiibila Ka-an,' it was subdued by the Moghals. One of 
 its borders adjoins Tibet, another adjoins Khita, and another adjoins 
 Hind. 
 
 Philosophers have said that there are three countries celebrated 
 for certain peculiarities ; Hind is celebrated for its armies, Kandahar 
 for its elephants, and the Turks for their horses. 
 
 wherein we knew man's flesh to be eaten by certain people which lire in the moun- 
 tains, called Bacas, who use to gild their teeth." Ant. Galvano's Disc, of the World 
 in Hakluyt, IV. 422. See also Furchas Sis Pilgrimage p. 457. Mursden's M. 
 Polo, p. 429, 434.] 
 
 ' [This passage was not in the first edition, and it is not in the MS. ^. ; but the 
 other MSS. and Bin^kitl have it.] 
 
 « [The Arabic says, "Towards the end of the reign.'] 
 
 ' This is also mentioned in the Mongol work called Bodimer. See Pallas, 
 Sammlungen historischer Naehrichten, T. I. p. 19. 
 
 The country of Karij4ng and its borders are again noticed by our author in his 
 account of China, and its position is laid domi by M. Quatremfere, Hist, des Mongols^ 
 p. xcrv. 
 
74 EAHLY AEAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 VIII. 
 NUZHATU-L MUSHTAK 
 
 OP 
 
 AL IDRISI. 
 
 Abu 'Abdu-llah Muhammad was born at Ceuta, in Morocco, 
 towards the end of the 11th century. He was member of a 
 family which descended from an ancestor named Idris, and so 
 came to be known by the name of Al Idrisi. This family 
 farnislied a line of princes for Morocco in the 9th and. 10th 
 centuries, and the branch from which Idrisi sprung ruled over the 
 city of Malaga. Idrisi travelled in Europe, and eventually 
 settled in Sicily at the court of Roger II. It was at the instance 
 of this prince that he wrote his book on geography. He cites in 
 his preface the various authors whose works he had employed in 
 the compilation of the book. Further inforination was derived 
 from travellers, whose verbal statements he compared and tested ; 
 and M. Reinaud quotes the Biographical Dictionary of Khalilu-s 
 Safadi to the effect that men of intelligence were specially com- 
 missioned to travel and collect information for his use. The full 
 title of the work is, Nuzhatu-1 Musht&k fi Ikhtiraku-1 Xfak, 
 " The Delight of those who seek to wander through the regions 
 of the world." A full translation of the whole work into French 
 was published at Paris in 1836 and 1840 by M. Jaubert, and 
 from this the following Extracts have been done into English. 
 Idrisfs work met with very early attention. An abridgment of 
 the text was published at Rome in 1592, and a Latin translation 
 was printed at Paris in 1619, entitled " Qeographia Nubiensis, id 
 est accuratissima totius orbis in septem climata divisi descriptio 
 
AL iDRrsr. 75 
 
 continens, prcesertim exactam universce Asice. et AfriccB, in 
 Latinum versa a Gahriele Sionita ct Joanne Hesronita." Hart- 
 mann in 1796 published at Gottingen, from the abridgement, 
 " Edrisii descriplio Africw."'' The description of Spain was 
 translated into Spanish by Conde in 1799, and the portions 
 relating to Africa and Spain have just been published with a 
 translation by M.M. Dozy and de G-oeje. Zenker, in his 
 Bibliotheca Orieutalis, mentions translations of other detached 
 portions. 
 
 M. Reinaud, in his Introduction to Aboulfeda, has remarked 
 that in M. Jaubert's translation, " Beaueoup de noms de lieux 
 sont alteres," and it is true that there are some variants, such as 
 Tubarin for Tiirau, and Bana for Tdnna ; but the old Latin 
 translation presented generally the same dififerenees ; the variants 
 therefore seemed to exist in the text, and not to be attributable to 
 the translator. A cursory examination of the two MSS. in the 
 Bodleian has confirmed this view, for Jaubert's translation was 
 found to give a generally accurate reproduction of the names as 
 they stand in these MSS. A careful comparison of the texts 
 would, no doubt, lead to some corrections, and, indeed, a few will 
 be noticed in the following pages ; but the more important 
 variants are fully supported by the Oxford MSS. The maps 
 contained in Graves' MS. show some differences from the text ; 
 thus Tur4n is found instead of Tubaran ; but the maps are 
 written in a more modern hand, quite different from the rest of 
 the book. The text is continued on the backs of these maps in 
 the ordinary hand, but it may nevertheless have been written 
 long before the maps were filled in. At any rate the scribes were 
 different men, and such differences as that noticed above leads to 
 the conclusion that the maps were not derived from the text vrith 
 which they are incorporated. 
 
 EXTEAOTS. 
 
 FiBST Climate. Section X. — The greatest king of India is the 
 Balhara, which signifies "king of kings." After him comes the 
 
76 EAELY ARAB GEOGEAPHEES. 
 
 Makamkam, whose country is Saj. Nest the king of Safan or 
 Taban, then the king of Jaba, then the king of Juzr, and then the 
 king of Kamrun, whose states touch China. 
 
 'The Indians are di'vdded into seven castes. The first is that of 
 the Sakriya, These are the naost noble ; from among them, kings 
 are chosen, and from no others. All the other castes pay homage to 
 them, but they render homage to no one. Next come the Brahmans, 
 who are the religious class. They dress in the skins of tigers and 
 other animals. Sometimes one of them, taking a staff in his hand, 
 will assemble a crowd around him, and will stand from mom tiU eve 
 speaking to his auditors of the glory and power of God, and ex- 
 plaining to them the events which brought destruction upon the 
 ancient people, that is, upon the Brahmans. They never drink vnne 
 nor fermented liquors. They worship idols (whom they consider to 
 be) able to intercede with the Most High. The third caste is that 
 of the Kastariya, who may drink as much as three ratls' of wine, 
 but not more, lest they should lose their reason. This caste may 
 marry Brahman women, but Brahmans cannot take their women 
 to wife. Next comes the Sharduya, who are labourers and agricul- 
 turists ; then the Basya, who are artizans and mechanics ; then the 
 Sabdaliya (or Sandaliya), w^ho are singers, and vrhose women are 
 noted for their beauty ; and, lastly, the Zakya, who are jugglers, 
 tumblers, and players of various insti-uments. Among the principal 
 nations of India there are forty-two sects. Some recognize the 
 existence of a Creator, but not of prophets ; while others deny the 
 existence of both. Some acknowledge the intercessory powers of 
 graven stones, and others worship holy stones, on which butter and 
 oil is poured. Some pay adoration to fire, and cast themselves into 
 the flames. Others adore the sun, and consider it the creator and 
 director of the world. Some worship trees ; others pay adoration to 
 serpents, which they keep in stables, and feed as weU as they can, 
 ■deeming this to be a meritorious work. Lastly, there are some who 
 give themselves no trouble about any kind of devotion, and deny 
 everything. 
 
 Second Climate. Section VTI. — The towns described in this 
 
 ' ["What follows is mainly derived from from Ibn Khurd&.dba. See ante, page 17.] 
 ' l£atl, one pound Troy.] 
 
AL iDErsr. 77 
 
 seventh section' are Kia, Kir, Armayil, Kasr-band, Firabuz, Kliur, 
 Kambali, Manbabari,^ Debal, Niriin, Mansura,^ Wandan, Asfaka, 
 Darak, Masurjan, Fardan, Kirkayan, Kadira, Basmak, Tubaran 
 [Turan], Multan, Jandur, Sandur, Dui, Atri/ Kalari, Nira, Mas- 
 wam, Sbarusan,* Bania, Mamhal, Kambaya, Subara, Sabdan, and 
 Saimur.' In that part of the sea which is comprised in the present 
 section, there are the isle of Sara, the two rocks of Kasair and 
 'Awair, that of Dardur, the island of Debal, in which the town of 
 Kaskihdr, is situated ; the isles of Aiibkin, Mind, Kulam-mali, and 
 Sindan. All these countries are inhabited by people of different 
 religions, customs, and manners. We will state all that we have 
 ascertained for certain on this subject, confiding in Divine help. 
 
 The beginning of this section comprises, starting from the oast, 
 the shores of the Persian Gulf, and towards the south the town of 
 Debal. This is a populous place, but its soil is not fertile, and it 
 produces scarcely any trees except the date-palm. The highlands 
 are arid and the plains sterile. Houses are built of clay and wood, 
 but the place is inhabited only because it is a station for the vessels of 
 Sind and other countries. Trade is carried on in a great variety of 
 articles, and is conducted with much intelligence. Ships laden with 
 the productions of 'Uman, and the vessels of China and India come to 
 Debal. They briag stuffs and other goods from China, and the per- 
 fumes and aromatics of India. The inhabitants of Debal, who are 
 generally rich, buy these goods in the bulk, and store them until the 
 vessels are gone and they become scarce. Then they begin to sell, and 
 go trading into the country, putting their money out on interest, or 
 employing it as may seem best. Groitig towards the west there are 
 
 1 The Nubian Geographer's list is as follows : — Kia, Kir, Ermaiil, Band, Casr-band, 
 Lizabur, Haur,Cambele, Manhibere, Dabil, Nirun, Fairuza, Mansura, Eandan, Asfaca, 
 Darec, Masurgian, Fardan, Kircaian, Cadira, Basmao, Tuberan, Moltau, Giandur, 
 Sandur, Dur, Atre, C&.lere, Bascera, Mesuam, Sadusan, Bania, M&mehel, Kamb6.ia, 
 Sub&ra, Sandan, Saimur, Falialfahara, Rasec, Sarusan, Kusa, Kased, Sura, Nodha, 
 Mehyac, Falon, Caliron, and Belin. {Geographia Nubiensis, pp. 56, 57). 
 
 » [" Manj&bari," Bod. MS.] 
 
 " [Generally spelt " Manstiria" by Idrisi.] 
 
 * [This is the "Annari" of the other geographers; and one of the Bod. MSS. 
 affords some warrant for so reading it here.] 
 
 = [" Sadds&n," Bod. MSS.] 
 
 * [Here the Bod. MSS. add the following names — "As&wal, Falkamin, E^ak, 
 Asnrs^n, and Losha (or Kosha)."] 
 
78 EARLY ARAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 six miles between the mouth of the great Mihrdn and Debal. From 
 Debal to Nirim, on the west of the Mihran, three days' jonmey. 
 Niri'm is half way between Debal and Mansura, and people going 
 from one town to the other here cross the river. 
 
 Nirun is a town of little importance, but it is fortified, and its 
 inhabitants are rich. Trees are rare. From hence to Mansura 
 rather more than three days. 
 
 Mansura, the city last mentioned, is surrounded by a branch of 
 the Mihran, although it is at a distance from the river. It is on 
 the west of the principal branch of the river which flows from its 
 source to Kalari, a town situated one days' journey from Mansura. 
 At Kalari it divides — ^the principal branch runs towards Mansiira^ 
 the other flows northward as far as Sharusan [Sadusan], it then turns 
 westwards and rejoins the chief stream, forming henceforward only 
 one river. The junction takes place twelve miles below Mansura. 
 The Mihran passes on to Nirun, and then flows into the Sea. 
 Mansura occupies a space of a mile square. The climate is hot. 
 The country produces dates and sugar-canes in abundance. There 
 are hardly any other fruits, if we except one, a sort of fruit called 
 laimiin, as big as an apple and of a very sour taste, and another 
 which resembles the peach both in shape and taste. Mansura was 
 built at the beginniDg of the reign of Al Mansiir, of the 'Abbaside 
 family, This prince gave his name ("the victorious") to four 
 different cities, as a good augury that they might stand for ever. 
 The first was Baghdad in 'Irak ; the second, Mansura in Sind ; 
 the third, Al Masisa, on the Mediterranean ; the fourth, that of 
 Mesopotamia. That of which we are now speaking is great, 
 populous, rich, and commercial. Its environs are fertile. The 
 buildings are constructed of bricks, tUes, and plaster. It is a 
 place of recreation and of pleasure. Trade flourishes. The bazars 
 are fiUed with people, and well stocked with goods. The lower 
 classes wear the Persian costume, but the princes wear tunics, and 
 allow their hair to grow long like the princes of India. The money 
 is silver and copper. The weight of the drachma (di'ndr) is five 
 times that of the (ordinary) drachma. The Tdtariya coins also are 
 current here. Fish is plentiful, meat is cheap, and foreign and 
 native fruits abound. The name of this city in Indian is Mirman, 
 
AL iDErsr. 79 
 
 It is considered one of the dependencies of Sind, like Debal, Nirun, 
 Bam'a, Kalari, Atri, Sharusan, Jamdaur, Manhabari [Manjabari], 
 Basmak and Multan. 
 
 Bania is a little town. Tlie inhabitants are of mixed blood and 
 are rich. Living here is cheap and agreeable. From Bania to 
 Mansura, three days, to Mamhal six, to Debal two. From hence to 
 Mamhal and Kambaya the country is nothing but a marine strand, 
 without habitations and almost without water; consequently, it is 
 impassable for travellers. 
 
 Mamhal is situated between Sind and India. Upon the confines 
 of the desert just mentioned there dwells a hardy race called Mand 
 [Med]. They graze their flocks to within a short distance of 
 Mamhal. These people are numerous. They have many horses and 
 camels, and they extend their incursions as far as Dur [Alor] upon 
 the banks of the Mihran, and sometimes they penetrate even as far 
 as the frontiers of Makran. 
 
 Dur [Alor] is situated on the banks of the Mihran, which runs to 
 the west of the town. It is a pleasant place, and worthy of com- 
 parison with Multan as I'egacrds size. From thence to Basmak, three 
 days; to Atri [Annari], four days ; and from thence to Kalari, two 
 days. 
 
 Kalari, upon the west bank of the Mihran, is a pretty town, weU 
 fortified, and is a busy trading place. Near it the Mihran separates 
 into two branches ; the largest runs towards the west as far as the 
 vicinity of Mansuria, which is on the west bank ; the other runs 
 towards the north-west, then to the north, and then towards the west. 
 Both agaiu unite at the distance of about twelve miles below Mansuria. 
 Although this town [Kalari] is some distance out of the regular 
 route, still it is much frequented in consequence of the profitable 
 trade carried on with the inhabitants. From hence to Mansura is a 
 hard day's journey- of forty miles. From Kalari to Sharusan, three 
 days. 
 
 Sharusan [Sadusan] is remarkable for its size and for the number of 
 its fountains and canals, for the abundance of its productions and 
 for its rich commerce. It is much resoi-ted to. From Sharusan to 
 Manhabari [Manjabari], a town placed in a hollow, well bmlt, of a 
 pleasant aspect, surrounded with gardens, fountains, and running 
 
80 EARLY ARAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 waters, the distance is three days. From the latter place to Firabuz/ 
 sis days. Prom Manhabarf to Debal, two days. In going from 
 Debal to Firabuz the road passes by Manhabarf, and between these 
 two places it rmis through Khur, a small but populous town. 
 
 Firabuz ' is a town of which the inhabitants are rich. They carry 
 on a good trade, they are men of their word and enemies of fraud, 
 and they are generous and charitable. It belongs to the province of 
 Makran, as do the towns of Kir, Darak, Easik (inhabited by schism- 
 atics). Bah, Band, Kasr-band, Asfaka, Fahlafahra, Maskan, Tiz, and 
 Balbak. 
 
 Makran is a vast country, but the greater part of it is desert and 
 poor. The largest of its towns is Kirusi, which is nearly as large as 
 Multan. Palm-trees are plentiful there ; the land is cultivated, and 
 and a good deal of trade is carried on. On the west of it lies Tiz, 
 a small sea-port much frequented by the vessels of Fars, as well as 
 by those which come from the coiantry of 'Uman and the isle of 
 Kish, which is situated in the Persian Gulf at a long day's sail 
 distance. From Tiz to Kir [Kiz], five days. From Kir to Firabuz, 
 two long days' journey. 
 
 Between Kir [Kiz] and AiTQa'il there are two districts which touch 
 each other ; one called Eahiin depends on Mansiiria, and the other 
 named Kalwan is a dependency of Makran. These two districts are 
 tolerably fertile, and they produce a few dates, but the inhabitants 
 rely mainly on their iSocks. "Whoever wishes to go from Firabuz 
 to Makran must pass by Kir. From thence to Armail, a depen- 
 dency of Makran, two days' journey. 
 
 Armail is nearly as large as Firabuz. It is well peopled, and its 
 environs are pleasant. The inhabitants are rich. From Armail to 
 Kanbali, two days' journey. Kanbali competes with Armail in 
 respect of size, wealth, and population. It is about a mile and a 
 half from the sea. Both these places are situated between Debal 
 and Makran. 
 
 Darak is a populous trading towri, three days' journey from Fira- 
 buz. South-west of Darak there is a high mountain, which is called 
 the mountain of salt, because nearly all the water which runs from 
 
 1 [Kannaztiir. See Note A. in Appx.] 
 
AL iDErsr. 81 
 
 it is saliae. Tliere are habitations here. From Darak to Easak, 
 three days' journey. 
 
 The inhabitants of Easak are schismatics. Their territory is 
 divided into two districts, one called Al Kharuj, the other Kir 
 Kayan. The sugar-cane is much cultivated, and a considerable trade 
 is carried on ia a sweetmeat caUed faaiz, which is made here. The 
 cultivation of sugar and the manufacture of this sweetmeat are 
 extensively pursued at Maskan and in the district of Kasran. The 
 people of Maskan, Jauran, and Tiibaran, are for the most part 
 schismatics. The territory of Maskan joins that of Kirman. The 
 inhabitants have a great reputation for courage. They have date 
 trees, camels, cereals, and the fruits of cold countries. The people 
 of Makran speak Persian and a dialect peculiar to the province. 
 They wear the tunic, the gown with sleeves, the cloak, waistcloth, 
 and the mantle embroidered with gold, like the inhabitants of 'Irak 
 and Persia. 
 
 Fahlafahra, Asfaka, Band, and Kasri-band are dependencies of 
 Makran, which resemble each other very much in point of size, the 
 nature and extent of their trade, and the state of their population. 
 From Fahlafahra to Easak, two days. From Fahlafahra to Asfaka, 
 two days. From Asfaka to Band, one day towards the west. From 
 Asfaka to Darak, three days. From Band to Kasri-band, one day. 
 From Kasri-band to Kia, four days. From Mansiiria to Tiibaran, 
 about fifteen days. 
 
 Tiibaran [Tiiran] is near Fahraj, which belongs to Kirman. It 
 is a well fortified town, and is situated on the banks of a river of the 
 same name (Tiibaran), which are cultivated and fertile. From hence 
 to Fardan, a commercial tovm, the environs of which are well popu- 
 lated, four days. Kfrkayan lies to the west of Parian, on the road 
 to Tiibaran. The country is weU populated and is very fertile. The 
 vine grows here and divers sorts of fruit trees, but palms are not to 
 be found. From Tubaran to Mustah,^ a town in the midist of the 
 desert, where many camels and sheep are bred, three days. From 
 Tubaran to Multan, on the borders of Sind, ten days. 
 
 Multan is close upon India ; some authors, indeed, place it in that 
 country. It equals Mansvira in size, and is called " the house of 
 
 1 ["Maska," Bod. MS.] 
 
82 EAELY ARAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 gold." There is an idol here, which is highly venerated by the 
 Indians, who come on pilgrimages to visit it from the most distant 
 parts of the country, and make offerings of valuables, ornaments, 
 and immense quantities of perfumes. This idol is surrounded by 
 its servants and slaves, who feed and dress upon the produce of these 
 rich offerings. It is in the human form with four sides,' and is 
 sitting upon a seat made of bricks and plaster. It is entirely covered 
 with a skin like red morocco, so that the eyes only are visible. Some 
 maintain that the interior is ma-de of wood, but others deny this. 
 However it may be, the body is entirely covered. The eyes are 
 formed of precious stones, and upon its head there is a golden crown 
 set with jewels. It is, as we have said, square, and its arms, below 
 the elbows, seem to be four in number. The temple of this idol is 
 situated in the middle of Multan, in the most frequented bazar. It 
 is a dome-shaped building. The upper part of the dome is gilded, 
 and the dome and the gates are of great solidity. The columns are 
 very lofty and the waUs coloured. Around the dome are the dwell- 
 ings of the attendants of the idol, and of those who live upon the 
 produce of that worship of which it is the object. There is no idol 
 in India or in Siad which is more highly venerated. The people 
 make it the object of a pious pUgrimage, and to obey it is a law. So 
 far is this carried, that, when neighbouring princes make war against 
 the country of Multan, either for the purpose of plimder or for 
 carrying off the idol, the priests have only to meet, threaten the 
 aggressors with its anger and predict their destruction, and the 
 assailants at once renounce their design. Without this fear the 
 town of Multan would be destroyed. It is not surprising, then, that 
 the inhabitants adore the idol, exalt its power, and maintain that its 
 presence seciu-es divine protectipn. Being ignorant of the name of 
 the man who set it up, they content themselves with saying that it 
 is a wonder. Multan is a large city commanded by a citadel which 
 has four gates and is surrounded by a moat. Provisions are abundant, 
 and the taxes are light, so that the people are in easy circumstances. 
 It bears the name of " the house of gold Tarkh," because Muham- 
 mad bin Yiisuf, brother of Hajjaj, found forty bahars of gold (a 
 
 ' ['' Elle est de forme humaine et a quatre cfltes." — Jauiert.'] 
 
AL iDErsr. 83 
 
 bahar weighs 333 minas') concealed there in a house. Farkh and 
 Bah& have the same signification. The environs of this city are 
 watered by a little river which falls into the Mihran of Sind. 
 
 At one mile from Multan is Jandiir [Jand-rud] — a collection of 
 forts strongly built, very high, and well supplied with fresh water. 
 The governor passes the spring time and his holidays here. Tbn 
 Haukal states that in his time the governor used to go every Friday 
 from these castles to Multan mounted upon an. elephant, according 
 to an ancient usage. The greater part of the population is Musul- 
 man, so also is the judicial autbority and the civil administration. 
 
 Sandiir is situated three days' journey south of Multan. It is 
 famous for its trade, wealth, sumptuous apparel, and the abundance 
 which prevails on the tables of the inhabitants. It is considered to 
 form part of India, and is situated on the banks of a river which 
 falls into the Mihran above Samand. Going from Multan towards 
 the north there is a desert which extends as far as the eastern 
 boundary of Tiibaran. From MuMn to the vicinity of Mansiira 
 the country is occupied by a warlike race, called Nadha. It 
 consists of a number of tribes scattered about between Tubaran 
 Makran, Multan, and Mansura, like the Berber nomads. The 
 Nadhas have peculiar dwellings, and marshes in which they take 
 refuge, on the west of the Mihran. They possess excellent 
 camels, and, particularly, a sort which they breed, called Karah. 
 This is held in high esteem in Khurasan and the rest of Persia. 
 It resembles the camel of Balkh and the female camel of Samar- 
 kand, for it is of good temper and has two humps ; not like the 
 camels of our countries, which have only one. From Mansura to 
 the confines of Nadha six days. From the confines of Nadha to 
 the city of Kir [Kiz] about ten days. From Nadha to Tiz, at the 
 extremity of Makran, sixteen days. The town which the Nadhas 
 most frequent for buying, selling, and other matters, is Kandail. 
 Kfr Kayan is a district known by the name of Ail,^ inhabited 
 by Musulmans and other people dependant on the Nadhas of whom 
 
 1 [" The mina is a weight of about two pounds. Our author in order to explain 
 the meaning of farkh, employs the term bah&,r, the yalue of which it is unfortunately- 
 difficult to determine." — Jaubert.'] 
 
 ' [" Not Abil. Our two MSS. agree in the orthography of this name, which 
 seems to be of Turkish origin." — Jauiirt.'] 
 
84 EAELT ARAB GEOGEAPHEES. 
 
 we have just spoken. The cotmtry produces com, raisins, fruits, 
 camels, oxen, and sheep. It bears the name of A'd, because a man 
 of that name conquered it (in anci«nt times), and laid the foundation 
 of its prosperity. Prom Kandail to Mansura about ten days. 
 
 The towns of Khiir Kakhlia, Kusa, and Kadira belong to Sind. 
 The last two are about equal ia size, and carry on some trade with 
 the Nadhas. On Tiibaran there are dependent — Mahyak, Kir Kayan, 
 Siira, Pardan, Kashran, and Masurjan. Between Tubaran and Manr 
 sura there are vast deserts, and on the north, towards Sijistan, there 
 are countries which are equally barren, and which are difficult of 
 access. 
 
 Masurjan is a well-peopled commercial town, surrounded with 
 villages, and built upon the banks of the river of Tubaran, from 
 which town it is forty -two miles distant. From Masurjan to Darak- 
 yamuna, 141 miles is the computed distance. P;rom Darak-yamiina 
 to Firabuz or Firabus, 175 miles. 
 
 The countries of India which touch upon Sind are — Mamhal, 
 Kambaya, Siibara, Khabirun, Sin dan, Maeiiya, Saimur, and the mari- 
 time isles of Aubki'n, Mand, Kulam-Mali, and Sindan. The towns 
 of India are very numerous ; among them may be mentioned 
 Mamhal, Kambaya, Subara, Asawal, Janawal, Sindan, Saimur, Jan- 
 dur, Sandiir, Eiimala ; in the desert : Kalbata, Aughasht, Nahrwara, 
 and Lahawai'. 
 
 Mamhal is by some numbered among the cities of India; by 
 others among those of Sind. It is situated at the extremity of the 
 desert which stretches between Kambaya, Debal, and Ban{a. It 
 is a town of moderate importance on the route of travellers pass- 
 ing from Sind to India. But little trade is cdixied on here. The 
 environs are peopled, and produce small quantities of finiit; but 
 there are numerous flocks. From hence to Mansura, through Banfa, 
 is considered nine days. From Mamhal to Kambaya, five days. 
 
 Kambaya stands three miles from the sea, and is very pretty. It 
 is well laiown as a naval station. Merchandise from every country 
 is found here, and is sent ©n from hence to other countries. It is 
 placed at the extremity of a bay, where vessels can enter and cast anchor. 
 It is well supplied with water, and there is a fine fortress erected by 
 the govern mont of India to prevent the inroads of the inhabitants of 
 
AL iDErsr. 85 
 
 tho island of Kfsli. From Kambaya to the isle of Aubkfn, two-and- 
 a-half days' sail, rrom Aubkia to Debal, two days. Kambaya 
 is fertile in -wheat and rice. Its moantains produce the Indian 
 kaoa. The inhabitants are idolaters (Buddhists). From hence to 
 the island of Mand, the inhabitants of which are thieves, the passage 
 is six miles. To Kiili on the shore, also six miles ; and to Subara, 
 about five days. 
 
 Subara is situated one-and-a-half mile from the sea. It is a popu- 
 lous, busy town, and is considered one of the entrepots of India. 
 They fish for pearls here. It is in the vicinity of Bara, a small 
 island, on which some cocoa-nut trees and the oostus grow. Prom 
 Subara to Siadan is considered five days. 
 
 Sindan is a mile-and-a-half from the sea. It is populous, and the 
 people are noted for their industry and intelligence. They are rich 
 and of a warlike temper. The town is large, and has an extensive 
 commerce both in exports and imports. East of Sindan there is an 
 island bearing the same name and dependent on India. It is large 
 and well cultivated, and the cocoa-nut palm, kana, and rattan grow 
 there. 
 
 Saimur, five days from Sindan, is a large well-built town. Cocoa- 
 nut trees grow here in abundance ; henna also grows here, and the 
 mountains produce many aromatic plants, which are exported. 
 
 Five miles by sea (from Kiilam Mali) lies the island of Malf, 
 which is large and pretty. It is an elevated plateau, but not very 
 hilly, and is covered with vegetation. The pepper vine grows in 
 this island, as in Kandarina and Jirbatan, but it is found nowhere 
 else but in these three places. It is a shrub, having a trunk like 
 that of the vine ; the leaf is like the convolvulus, but longer ; it ' 
 bears grapes like those of the Shabuka, each bunch of which is 
 sheltered by a leaf which curls over when the fruit is ripe. "White 
 pepper is what is gathered as it begins to ripen, or even before. Ibn 
 Khurdadba states that the leaves curl over the bunches to protect 
 them from the rain, and that they return to their natural position 
 when the rain is over — a surprising fact ! 
 
 Kambaya, Subara, Sindan, and Saimur form part of India. The 
 last named belongs to a country whose king is called Balhara : his 
 kingdom is vast, well-peopled, commercial, and fertile. It pays 
 
86 EARLY ARAB GEOGEAPHEES. 
 
 heavy taxes, so that the king is immensely rich. Many aromatics 
 and perfumes are produced in this oonntry. 
 
 The name (or rather the title) of Balhar^ means king of kings. 
 It is hereditary here as in other parts of the country, where, when a 
 king ascends a throne he takes the name of his predecessor and 
 transmits it to his heir. This is a regular custom from which these 
 people never depart. There is the same rule with the kings of 
 Nubia, Zanj, Ghfina, Persia, and in the Eoman empire, in respect of 
 the hereditary descent of names. The work of 'Ubaidu-Uah Ibn 
 Khurdadba contains a passage concerning this which is worth quo- 
 tation : — " Kings," he says, " generally bear hereditary titles, — ^thus 
 those of China have been called Baghbiigh (or Baghbun) for cen- 
 turies, and the title descends in regular order. Among the kings of 
 India there are the Balhara, Jaba, Tafir, Hazr [Juzr] 'Abat, Dumi 
 [Eahmi] and Kamrun. These names are taken only by the prince 
 who reigns over the province or country, no other has any right to 
 assume them, but whoever reigns takes the name. Among the 
 Turks, the Tibetans, and the Khazars, the king is called Khakan, but 
 among the KhizHj he takes the title of Khai Khuya which is here- 
 ditary. In the Eanah the kings are called Panjab. In the Boman 
 empire they take the title of Cajsar, which descends upon all those 
 who wield the supreme power. Among the Aghzaz they are called 
 Shai Sha, or king of kings, a title hereditary like the rest, rinally, 
 among the Persians they are called Kasra [Chosroes]. Among the 
 people who dwell in the Sudan the names of the kings are derived 
 from their countries, — ^thus the ruler of Ghana is called Ghana, the 
 king of Kaugha is called Kaugha. But enough upon this subject." 
 
 Among the towns of India comprised in the present section are 
 Khabirun and Asawal, both of iiiem populous, commercial, rich, 
 industrious, and productive of useful articles. At the time we write, 
 the Musulmans have made their way into the greater part of these 
 countries and have conquered them. Please God we will hereafter 
 describe those which are on their frontiers and some others. 
 
 Eighth Sbction. — The present section contains a description of 
 part of the coast of India, comprising Baruh [Baruch], Sindapur, 
 Bana [Tanna], Kandarina, Jirbatdn, Kalkayan, Luluwa, Kanja, 
 Samandiriin, — and in the interior of the country, Dulaka, Janawal, 
 
AL iDRrsr. 87 
 
 Nahrwara, Kandahar, Eumala, Kalbata and Aghushta, on the 
 borders of the deserts ; Kabnl, Khawas, Hasak, Muridas, Madiyar, 
 Tatta, Dadah [Darh], Manibar [Malabar], Malwa, Niyasat, Atrasa, 
 Nija, Kashmir the Lower, Maidara, Karmut, Kashmir the Upper, 
 Kanauj, East^na, and the islands of the Indian Sea, Mallan, Balbak, 
 Tarwaklij, Masnaha and Samandar. We shall describe all these 
 countries without omitting anything remarkable or curious that they 
 may afford. 
 
 Baruh [Baruch, Broach] is a large handsome town, well-built of 
 bricks and plaster. The inhabitants are rich and engaged in trade, 
 and they freely enter upon speculations and distant expeditions. It 
 is a port for the vessels coming from China, as it is also for those of 
 Sind. From hence to Saimur is considered two days' journey, and 
 to Nahrwara eight days through a flat country where they travel in 
 carriages on wheels. In all Nahrwara and its environs there is 
 no other mode of travelling except in chariots drawn by oxen under 
 the control of a driver. These carriages are fitted with harness and 
 traces, and are used for the carriage of goods. 
 
 Between Baruh and Nahrwara there are two towns, one called 
 Hanawal (or Janawal), the other Diilaka. They are about equal in 
 size, and are somewhat less than a day's journey distant from each 
 other. Dulaka is on the banks of a river which flows into the sea, 
 forming an estuary, on the west of which stands the town of Baruh, 
 (the name of which is also pronounced Barus), Both these towns 
 stand at the foot of a chain of mountains which lie to the north, and 
 which are called Undaran,' they are of a white colour approaching 
 to yellow. The kana grows here as well as a few cocoa nut trees. 
 In the vicihity of Hanawal (or Janawal) stands the town of Asawal,' 
 which is very much like the other two both in size and in the con- 
 dition of its population. A good trade is carried on in all three. 
 
 Nahrwara is governed by a great prince who bears the title of 
 Balhara. He has troops and elephants ; he worships the idol 
 Buddha,; wears a crown of gold upon his head, and dresses in rich 
 stuffs. He rides a good deal on horseback, but especially once a 
 week when he goes out attended only by women, one hundred in 
 
 1 [Vindhya ?] 
 
 2 "Yesekwil" is the old name of Ahmadabad. Bird's Guzerat, 1S7. 
 
88 EARLY AEAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 number, richly clad, -wearing rings of gold and silver upon their feet 
 and hands, and their hair in curls. They engage in various games 
 and in sham fights, while their king marches at their head. The 
 ministers and the commanders of the troops never accompany the 
 king except when he marches against rebels, or to repulse encroaoh- 
 ments made upon his territories by neighbouring kings. He has 
 numerous elephants, and these constitute the chief strength of his 
 army. His power is hereditary, so also is his title Balhara, which 
 signifies Icing of Icings. The town of Nahrwara is frequented by 
 large numbers of Musulman traders who go there on business. 
 They are honourably received by the king and his ministers, and 
 find protection and safety. 
 
 The Indians are naturally inclined to justice, and never depart 
 from it in their actions. Their good faith, honesty and fidelity to 
 their engagements are well known, and they are so famous for 
 these qualities that people flock to their country from every side ; 
 hence the country is flourishing and their condition prosperous. 
 Among other characteristic marks of tiieir love -of truth and horror 
 of vice, the following is related : — When a man has a right to 
 demand anything of another, and he happens to meet him, he has 
 only to draw a circular line upon the ground and to make his 
 debtor enter it, which the latter never fails to do, and the debtor 
 cannot leave this circle wititiout satisfying his creditor, or obtaining 
 the remission of the debt. 
 
 The inhabitants of Nahrwara live upon rice, peas, beans, haricots, 
 lentils, mash, fish, and animals that have died a natural death, for 
 they never kill winged or other animals. They have a great vene- 
 ration for oxen, and by a privilege confined to the species, they 
 inter them after death. When these animals are enfeebled by age, 
 and are unable to work, they free them from ail labour and provide 
 them w^ith food without exacting any return. 
 
 The people of India bum their dead and do not raise tombs for 
 them. When the king dies they construct a vehicle of an appro- 
 priate size, and raised about two palms above the ground. On this 
 they place the bier surmounted by the crown, and the corpse, clad in 
 all its funeral ornaments, being laid upon the bier, it is dragged by 
 slaves all round the city. The head is uncovered and the hair 
 
AL iDErsr. 89 
 
 drags upon the ground. This is done that every one may see (the 
 corpse), and a herald goes before uttering, in the Indian language, 
 words of which the following is the senee, — " People ! behold your 
 king, so and so by name, son of so and soi -He lived happily and 
 mightily for so many years. He is no more, and all that he pos- 
 sessed has escaped from his hands. Nothing now remains to him 
 and he will feel no more pain. Eemember, he has shown you the 
 way which you must follow." This being said, when all the cere- 
 monies are concluded, they take the corpse to the place where the 
 bodies of kings are burnt, and commit it to the flames. These 
 people do not grieve and lament very much on these occasions. In 
 all the countries of Hind and Sind there are Musulmans and they 
 bury their dead secretly by night iu their houses, but like the 
 Indians they do not give way to long lamentations. 
 
 In the country of the Balhara concubinage is permitted with all 
 persons except married women. Thus a man may have intercourse 
 with his daughter, his sister, or his aunts, provided they be un- 
 married. 
 
 Opposite the sea-port town of Baruh lies the island of Mullan, 
 which produces pepper in large quantities, and is two days' journey 
 from Sindan. From Sindan to Balbak is also two days. Balbak 
 produces cocoa nuts, figs, bananas, and rice. It is here that vessels 
 change their courses for the different islands of India. From 
 hence to the place called Great Abyss they reckon two days. From 
 the island of Balbak to that of Sarandib is one day or more. 
 
 From the town of Baruh, along the coast, to Sindabur four days. 
 Sindabur is situated on a great gulf where ships cast anchor. It 
 is a commercial town, and eontaias fine buildings and rich bazars. 
 From hence to Bana [Tanna] upon the coast four days. 
 
 Bana [Tanna] is a pretty town upon a great gulf where vessels 
 anchor and from whence they set sail. In the neighbouring moun- 
 tains the kana and tabashir grow. The roots of the kana which are 
 gathered here are transported to the east and to the west. The 
 tabashir is adulterated by mixing it with ivory cinders, but the real 
 article is extracted from the roots of the reed called sharM, as we 
 have already said. From Bana [Tanna] to Fandarina' is four days' 
 1 [« Kaudarina" in p. 86.] 
 
90 EAELT AEAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 journey. Pandarina is a town built at the mouth of a river which 
 comes from Manibar [Malabar] where vessels from India and Sind 
 cast anchor. The inhabitants are rich, the markets well supplied, and 
 trade flourishing. North of this town there is a very high mountain 
 covered with trees, villages, and flocks. The cardamom grows here, 
 and forms the staple of a considerable trade. It grows like the 
 grains of hemp, and the grains are enclosed in pods. From Fanda- 
 rfna to Jirbatan, a populous town on a little river, is five days. It 
 is fertile in rice and grain, and supplies provisions to the markets 
 of Sarandib. Pepper grows in the neighbouring mountains. From 
 Jirbatan to Sanji and Kaikasar two days. These are m.nritime 
 towns near to each other ; the neighbourhood produces rice and corm 
 From hence to Kilkayan one day. From Kilkayan to Lulu and to 
 Kanja one day. The vicinity is fertile in rice and wheat, and pro- 
 duces sapan wood abundantly. The growth of this tree resembles 
 that of the oleander. Cocoa nut trees abound. From Kanja to 
 Samandar thirty miles. 
 
 Samandar is a large town, commercial, and rich, w^here there are 
 good profits to be made. It is a port dependant upon Kanauj, king 
 of this country. It stands upon a river w^hich comes from the 
 country of Kashmir. Eice and various grains, especially excellent 
 wheat, are to be obtained here. Aloe wood is brought hither from 
 the country of Karmut [Kamrup ?] 15 days' distance, by a river of 
 which the waters are sweet. The aloe wood which comes from 
 this country is of a superior quality and of a delicious perfume. It 
 grows in the mountains of Karan. One day's sail from this city 
 there is a large island well peopled and frequented by merchants of 
 all countries. It is four days distant from the island of Sarandib. 
 To the north, at seven days' distance from Samandar, is the city of 
 Kashmir the inner, celebrated throughout India, which is under the 
 rule of Kanauj. From Kashmir to Karmut four days. From 
 Kashmir to Kanauj about seven days. This is a fine commercial 
 city which gives its name to the king of the country. It is built 
 upon the banks of a large river which falls into the Musala." 
 
 This river Musala is called by the author of the Book of Marvels, 
 the Eiver of Perfumes. It rises in the mountains of Karan, washes 
 
AL iDErsr. 91 
 
 the walls of tlie town of. Asnand, passes the foot of the mountain of 
 Luniya, then by the town of Kilkayan, and at length falls into the 
 sea. Many aromatios are produced upon its banks, as its name 
 indicates. Between Easnand and Kashmir the outer, there are four 
 days journey, Kashmir is reckoned among the number of the most 
 celebrated cities. Its inhabitants war with the infidel Turks, and 
 they often suffer injury from the Khizilji Turks. Atrasa, which 
 stands upon the banks of the Indian Ganges,' is four days journey 
 from. Kashmfr the outer. It is large, well-built, well watered, and 
 one of the strongest places of Kanauj, the limits of which extend as 
 far as Kabul and Lahawar. The Kanauj is a king who has numer- 
 ous armies under his command, a vast empire and a great number 
 of elephants ; no king ia India has so many. His power and his 
 wealth are great, and his armies formidable. From Atrasa to Yanasat 
 [Benares?], a large city, also on the bank of the Ganges, five days. 
 Prom thence to Madiar on the Ganges seven days. This is a rich 
 commercial town, populous, and surrounded by numerous villages. 
 From, thence to Nahrwara on the west bank of the Ganges, and of 
 which we have already spoken, seven days. From Madiar to the 
 city of Malwa five days. 
 
 Malwa is a pleasant town, and much frequented. It is sur- 
 rounded with many villages, buildings, and farms. Among the 
 number of its dependencies are Dadh (Darh) and Tata. From 
 Malwa to Dadh four days. From Dadh to Tata two days. Labor 
 is a country which joins 2 the latter. From Moridas to Tata three 
 days. 
 
 Mon'das, a commercial town, is a very strong place, garrisoned by 
 the troops of Kabul. It is situated on the declivity of a very high 
 mountain, on which grow the kana and khaizuran. 
 
 Kandahar is a city built in the mountains of which we have just 
 spoken, eight days' journey from Moridas, and the road from one 
 place to the other passes over the mountaias. It is a considerable 
 town, and well-peopled. The inhabitants are remarkable for the 
 manner in which they allow their beards to grow. Their beards 
 are large and very thick, and hang down to their knees. This has 
 
 * [" Tranfilated conjeoturally, for the word 13 wanting." — Jaubert-I 
 
92 EARLY ARAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 given rise to a proverbial saying. They are stout in person, and 
 ■wear the Tiu-kish costume. The country produces wheat, rice, 
 various grains, sheep, and oxen. They eat sheep which have died a 
 natural death, but not oxen, as we have already observed. From 
 Kandahar to Nahrwara is five days' journey in carriages. The 
 people of Kandahar are often at war with those of Kabul, which is 
 an Indian city, large and well built, bordering upon Tukharistan. 
 The moim.taias produce excellent aloe wood, and the neighboiirhood 
 supplies cocoa nuts and myrobolans, which grow in the hUls, and of 
 that sort which is called Kabuli, from this town. In the lowlands 
 saifron is largely cultivated, and is the object of a large export 
 trade. It is a hazardous crop, depending upon the state of the 
 atmosphere. The city of Kandahar is defended by a very strong 
 citadel built upon a scarped rock, and is accessible by one road 
 only. It is inhabited by Musulmans, and there is a quarter in 
 which the iniidel Jews dwell. No kiag can take the title of Shah 
 until he has been inaugurated at Kabul. According to an ancient 
 law, the assumption of power must be made in that city, hence it is 
 resorted to from foreign and veiy distant countries. In the fertile 
 lands of Kabul a good deal of indigo is cultivated of the very best 
 quality, it has a great repute, and is the object of a great trade. 
 Cotton cloths are also made here, and are exported to China, 
 Khurasan, and Sind. There are some well-known iron mines in the 
 mountains of Kabul. The metal is of a grey colour, and veined — it 
 becomes very sharp. 
 
 Arzalan, Khawas, and Khibar are dependencies of Kabul, with 
 divers villages and fortified places. From Kabul to Kiawas four 
 days. From Khawas to Hasak five days. From Hasak to Kabul, 
 through a tolerably level country, three days. From Kabul to 
 Kalbata four days. Kalbata and Eumala are on the borders of 
 the desert which separates Multan from Sijistan, They are both 
 towns of middling size, inhabited by Sindians, Indians, and a few 
 natives of Sijistan. They produce wheat, rice, and fruits in small 
 quantities. The drinking water is obtained from fountains and 
 wells. Cotton cloths are made here, and sold in the country round. 
 At the east of Multan is the town of Aughasht, four days' journey 
 from Kandahar^ and the same from Multan. A small quantity of 
 
AL iDErsr. 93 
 
 kana grows in the environs. The inhabitants are few but rich. 
 From Aughasht to Eumala ten days. From Eumala to Kalbata 
 three days. From Aughasht to Sandur three days. 
 
 This is the sum of what we had to say about the country com- 
 prised in the present Section. As to the maritime portion, what we 
 have akeady said about the islands seems sufficient. Nevertheless, 
 it is well to know that, starting from the island of Sarandfb, of 
 which we have spoken under the first climate, with the intention of 
 gaining the continent by the shortest course, Jirbatan' is the place 
 to land at, for this is but little more than half a day's sail. If it is 
 necessary to go towards the east, the landing must be made at 
 Kaikasar, or at the foot of the Tnountain of Umri, which is very 
 high, stretches towards the north, and forms a large reef in the sea. 
 From this reef to Sarandfb is about four days. All this well-known 
 mountain is covered with sapan wood, which is exported. The root 
 of the sapan quickly soothes the paia caused by the bite of serpents. 
 
 ' [This name is written " Jirbat&n," and " Jirbatan" previously.] 
 
94 EAELT AEAB GEOGEAPHEES. 
 
 IX. 
 
 OF 
 
 ZAKARfYA AL KAZWtlSt. 
 
 Zakariya sod of Muhammad son of Mahmdd is surnamed 
 Kazwini, from the town of Kazwin or Kasbin in Persia, where he 
 was born. He was not a traveller, but compiled his works from 
 the writings of Istakhri, Ibn Haukal, and others, whom he re- 
 gularly cites as his authorities. His works were written just 
 after the middle of the thirteenth century, about 661 a.h. (1263' 
 A.D.) according to Casiri, or 674 (1275 a.D.) according to Haji 
 Khalfa. He has been called the Pliny of the East. He was 
 author of the work called 'Jjdibu-l Makklukdt wa Ghardibu-l 
 Maujvddt, " Wonders of things created, and marvels of things 
 existing," also of the Asdru-l Bildd wa Akhbdru-l ''Ibdd, " Mo- 
 numents of countries, and memoirs of men." A few extracts 
 have been taken from the last work, containing matter derived 
 from other sources than the books previously quoted. 
 
 M . Reinaud, in his introduction to Aboulfeda, ascribes to Kazwini 
 the authorship of the work called ''Ajdiburl bulddn, " Wonders of 
 Countries." He found the contents of this work to be in the main 
 identical with those of the Asaru-1 bilM, but containing more bio- 
 graphical notices. This opinion is confirmed by a short Persian 
 account of a work called " Bahru-l buldan," which is among Sir 
 H. Elliot's MSS., and seems to have been written expressly for 
 him. There is no copy of the work itself among the MSS., 
 
AL KAZWINr. 95 
 
 thougli Sir H. Elliot must once have had one in his possession. 
 The notice says, " The Bahru-1 bulddn is not a distinct work, but 
 is a Persian translation of the j^saru-1 Bil&d wa Akhbaru-1 'Ibad, 
 well known in the world by the name 'Ajaibu-1 buld4n, written 
 in Arabic by Zakariya bin Muhammad Kazwini.'" It is curious, 
 however, that the 'Aj4ibu-1 buldan^ is frequently quoted by 
 Kazwini in the Asaru-1 bilad, as being the work of Mis''ar 
 bin Muhalhil, — a traveller who went to China and India 
 about 331 A.H. (942 a.d.). Several instances of this will be 
 found in the following extracts. It is hard to believe that 
 Kazwini thus quoted his own work, or that he would refer 
 the authorship of his own book to another person. If then, 
 Kazwini is really the author of a work called 'Ajaibu-1 buldan, 
 it is only reasonable to conclude that he adopted the title of his 
 predecessor's work. Mis'ar bin Muhalhil is quoted by Yakut 
 in his great Dictionary, and the fragments which he and Kaz- 
 wini preserved have been selected and published with a Latin 
 translation by M. Kurd de Schloszer.^ There is another Persian 
 translation of the Asaru-1 bilad among Sir H. Elliot's MSS., 
 bearing the title " Sairu-1 bildd." This MS. is called an 
 "abstract," and was copied, and perhaps "abstracted," expressly 
 for Sir H. Elliot, from a copy in the possession of Mr. J. 
 Bardoe Elliott. The articles relating to India are given in full, 
 but the others are greatly abbreviated. This work is said to 
 be very scarce. 
 
 EXTBACTS. 
 
 EtJiam. — A large city in India. Mis'ar bin Muhalhil, who visited 
 the place, says that he did not see either a temple or an idol there. 
 When their king dies the people of the place choose another from. 
 China. There is no physician in India except in this city. The 
 buildings are curious, for the pillars are (covered with) shells from 
 
 ' The title is a favourite one. Mas'udi cites the work of Al JS.hiz, "Kitabu-1 ams&r 
 ■wa 'Ajaibu-1 buld&n" (Book ix.) ante page 21. 
 
 * Eeinaud : Ahoulfeda, CXLIII. Mem. sur I'Inde, p. 23. 
 
96 EAELT AHAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 the backs of fishes. The inhabitants do not eat fish, nor do they 
 slaughter animals, but they eat carrion. They manufacture clay 
 Tessels, which are sold in our cities like those of China, but they 
 are not the same, because the clay of China is harder than that of 
 Kulam, and bears the fire better. Tlie "vessels of Kulam are 
 blackish, but those of China are whiter than all others. There are 
 places here where the teak tree grows to a very great height, 
 exceeding even a hundred cubits. Brazil wood, ratans, and kana 
 silso grow here in abundance. Ehubarb grows here, the leaves of 
 which are the Sazaju-1 Hindi, Indian leaf, and are held in high 
 esteem as a medicine for the eyes. They bring here various sorts 
 of aloe wood, camphor, and fraukiacense. Aloe wood }b also 
 brought hither from the islands beyond the equator, where no one 
 has ever gone and seen the tree. Water comes into it from the 
 north. There is a mine of yellow sulphur here, and a mine of 
 copper, the condensed smoke of which makes excellent vitriol. 
 
 Mtjltan. — \_Kazwini quotes Istakhri at some length, hut gives addi- 
 tional particulars from other writers.] Mis'ar bin Muhalhil says that 
 it is the last city of India bordering on China.' It is a large 
 fortified and impregnable city, and is held in high esteem by the 
 Hindus and Chinese, for it contains a temple which is for them 
 a place of worship and pilgrimage, as Mecca is for the Muham- 
 madans. The inhabitants are Musulmans and infidels, but the 
 government is in the hands of the former. The infidels have a 
 large temple there and a great idol (budd). The chief mosque is 
 near this temple. Islam prevails there, and its orders and interdicts 
 are obeyed. All this is related by Mis'ar bin Muhalhil « «» «* The 
 same author says that the summit of the temple is 300 cubits [zara'], 
 and the height of the idol is 20 cubits. The houses of the servants 
 and devotees are around the temple, and there are no idol worshippers 
 in MultSn besides those who dwell in these precincts [kasr] » » » 
 The ruler of MuMn does not abolish this idol, because he takes the 
 large oflerings which are brought to it, and disburses certain sums 
 
 ' [The translator in tho Sairu-1 bil&d very rarely depai'ts from his text, but he 
 observes in Hiis article that a good deal has been written in many books about 
 Mmltan -whicL is not accurate, and Ihat MiiltJin is not near China, unless there be 
 some other than the well-tnown tomi of that name.] 
 
AX KAzwrNr. 97 
 
 to thB attendants for their maintenance. When the Indians make 
 an attack upon the town, the Musvihnans bring out the idol, and 
 when the infidels see it (about to be) broken or burnt, they retire. 
 Ibnu-1 Faklh says that an Indian came to this idol, and placed upon 
 his head a crown of cotton, daubed with pitch ; he did the same with 
 his fingers, and having set fire to it he staid before the idol until it 
 was burnt. 
 
 SAiMtJR. — A city of Hind near the confines of Siad. The people 
 are very beautiful and handsome, from being born of Turk and 
 Indian parents. There are Musulmans, Christians, Jews, and Fire- 
 worshippers there. The merchandize of the Turks is conveyed 
 hither, and the aloes called Saimuri are named from this place. 
 The temple of Saimur is an idol temple, on the summit of a high 
 eminence, under the charge of keepers. There are idols in it of 
 turquoise and baijadak,' which are highly venerated. In the city 
 there are mosques, Christian churches, synagogues, and Fire 
 temples. The infidels do not slaughter animals, nor do they eat 
 flesh, fish, or eggs ; but there axe some who will eat animals that 
 have fallen down precipices, or that have been gored to death, but 
 they do not eat those that have died a natural death. This informa- 
 tion has been derived from Mis'ar bin Muhalhil, author of the 
 'Ajaibu-1 buldan, who travelled into various countries and recorded 
 their wonders. 
 
 SoMNiT. — A celebrated city of India, situated on the shore of the 
 sea, and washed by its waves. Among the wonders of that place 
 was the temple in which was placed the idol called Somndt. This 
 idol was in the middle of the temple without anything to support it 
 from below, or to suspend it from above. It was held in the 
 highest honour among the Hindus, and whoever beheld it floating 
 in the air was struck with amazement, whether he was a Musulman 
 or an iafldel. The Hindus used to go on pilgrimage to it whenever 
 there was an eoUpse of the moon, and would then assemble there to 
 the number of m.ore than a hundred thousand. They believed that the 
 souls of men used to meet there after separation from the body, and 
 that the idol used to incorporate them at its pleasure in other bodies, 
 in accordance with their doctrine of transmigration. The ebb and 
 [A stone like a ruby.] 
 
 VOL. I. ^ 
 
98 EARLY ARAB GEOGRAPHERS. 
 
 flow of the tide was considered to be the worship paid to the idol by 
 the sea. Everything of the most precious was brought there as 
 offerings, and the temple was endowed with more than 10,000 
 villages. There is a river (the Ganges) which is held sacred, 
 between which and Somnat the distance is 200 parasangs. They 
 used to bring the water of this river to Somnat every day, and 
 wash the temple with it. A thousand brahmans were employed in 
 worshipping the idol and attending on the visitors, and 500 damsels 
 sung and danced at the door — all these were maiatained upon the 
 endowments of the temple. The edifice was built upon fifty-six 
 pillars of teak, covered with lead. The shriue of the idol was dark, 
 but was lighted by jewelled chandeliers of great value. Near it 
 was a chain of gold weighing 200 mans. When a poirtion (watch) 
 of the night closed, this chaia used to be shaken like bells to rouse a 
 fresh lot of brahmans to perform worship. When the Sultan Taminu-d 
 Daula Mahmud bin Subuktigin went to wage religious war against 
 India, he made great efforts to capture and destroy Somnat, in the hope 
 that the Hindus would then become Muhammadans. He arrived there 
 in the middle of Zi-1 k'ada, 416 a.h. (December, 1025 a.d.). The 
 Indians made a desperate resistance. They would go weeping and 
 crying for help into the temple, and then issue forth to battle and 
 fight tm all were kUled. The number of the slain exceeded 60,000. 
 The king looked upon the idol with wonder, and gave orders for the 
 seizing of the spoil, and the appropriation of the treasures. There 
 were many idols of gold and silver and vessels set with jewels, all 
 of which had been sent there by the greatest personages in India. 
 The value of the things found in the temples of the idols exceeded 
 twenty thousand thousand dinars.' When the king asked his com- 
 panions what they had to say about the marvel of the idol, and of 
 its staying in the air without prop or support, several maintained 
 that it was upheld by some hidden support. The king directed a 
 person to go and feel all around and above and below it with a 
 spear, which he did, but met with no obstacle. One of the atten- 
 
 ' [The words as given in Wiistenfeld's edition atej^.^ *— ^' ^ji/^* t^j^\ 
 as translated in the Sairu-1 Jiilkij]^" J J])"' '-^ " " "rT . ^ *'^ Vj> and Gildemeister's 
 Latin version has " vicies millena miUia." The enormous treasures found at Somnit 
 have been a theme of wonder for all who have written on that conquest.] 
 
AL KAZWXm. 99 
 
 dants tlien stated his opinion that the canopy was made of loadstone, 
 and the idol of iron, and that the ingenious builder had skilfully- 
 contrived that the magnet should not exercise a greater force on 
 any one side — Whence the idol was suspended ia the middle. Some 
 coincided, others differed. Permission was obtained from the 
 Sultin to remove some stones from the top of the canopy to settle 
 the point. "When two stones were removed from the summit the 
 idol swerved on one side, when more were taken away it iuclined 
 stUl further, until at last it rested on the ground. 
 
 Taifand. — An impregnable fortress upon the summit of a moim- 
 tain in India, to which there is only one way of access. On the top 
 of this mountain there is water, cultivated land, and all necessary 
 food. Yamlnu-d daula Mahmud bin Subuktigin in the year 414 
 A.H. (1023 A.D.) besieged it for a long time, but at length reduced 
 its garrison to extremities. There were 500 elephants on the 
 mountain. The garrison asked quarter, and it was granted, and 
 the fortress was confirmed to its master on payment of tribute. 
 The lord of the fortress presented many gifts to the Sultan, among 
 which was a bird in the form of a dove. "When food containing 
 poison was presented to this bird, tears would fall from its eyes, and 
 the tear drops were converted into stone, which stone being broken 
 and placed upon a wound, it would heal up. This bird is found, 
 only in this place, and does not thrive elsewhere. 
 
100 
 
 HISTOEIANS OF SIND. 
 
 MUJMALU-T TAWA'RrKH. 
 
 [A PORTION of this most interestiDg unique work was published 
 by M. Reinaud, in his Fragments Arabes et Persans inedits 
 relatif d I Inde, from the MS. numbered 62 in the Bibliothdque 
 du Koi at Paris. The MS. has been described in the Journal 
 Asiatique at different times, by M. Quatremere and M. Mohl, 
 and it had been previously drawn upon by Anquetil Duperron 
 and Silvestre de Sacy.] 
 
 [The chapter published by M. Reinaud, with which we are 
 here concerned, was not written by the author of the Mujmal 
 himself, but was borrowed by him from an older work, of which 
 he thus speaks, — " I have seen an ancient book of the Hindus 
 which Abii Sdlih bin Shu'aib bin Jdmi' translated into Arabic 
 from the Hindwdni language (Sanskrit). This work was trans- 
 lated into Persian in 417 a.h. (1026 A.D.) by Abu-1 Hasan 'All 
 bin Muhammad al Jili,i keeper of the library at Jurjan for a 
 chief of the Dllamites. The book I saw was in the handwritiner 
 of the author, and bore the date above given. It is the 
 
 ^ 1 [Eeinaud's prioteJ text had " alJabalti," but Quatremere, corrected itto"al 
 Jili," (Jour, det Sav., Jan. 1851), that is native of JU&n or Gilan, S.W., of the 
 Caspian. Jilrjfca is to the east of the same sea.] 
 
MUJMALTJ-T TAWARrKH. 101 
 
 custom of the Hindu writers on philoaophj to put speeches into 
 the mouths of beasts and birds, as in the book Kalila wa 
 Dimna, and accordingly many such speeches are introduced 
 into this book. I have here introduced the (account of the) 
 origin of the kings and a short history of them, and I have 
 copied it because it is not to be found anywhere else — but Grod 
 knows."] 
 
 [The date of the original A rabic translation does not appear ; 
 it may or may not have been written before the work of Bil^duri, 
 but the " extracts" relate to an ancient period, and more espe- 
 cially to Sind, so that they come in most appropriately here at 
 the beginning of the historical writings. The date of the Persian 
 translation, and still more that of the Mujmal-, would carry them 
 onward to a later and less suitable position.] 
 
 M. Eeinaud is of opinion that the translated Sanskrit work 
 was composed about the commencement of the Christian era, 
 certainly long previous to the Raja TaranginI, and probably to 
 the Maha-bharata ; and that the subsequent reputation of that 
 poem threw the translated work into the shade. If so, it would 
 go far to show that the Maha-bhdrata is, as Wolfe and Heyne 
 say of the Iliad, a collection of older poems already current ; for 
 there are many passages in Mujmalu-t Tawarikh which are 
 almost verbatim the same as they are at present preserved in 
 the Maha-bharata. Indeed, it might be said that the Maha- 
 bharata was itself the work translated by the Arab, had not 
 animals been represented as the speakers. 
 
 The learned Editor also thinks he has discovered in this ex- 
 tract indications of the Brdhmanical influence being established 
 over the Kshatriyas, at an epoch subsequent to the war between 
 the Pd,ndavas and Kauravas. The inference, however, rests upon 
 very questionable grounds, so questionable, indeed, that we are 
 tempted to exclaim, as the pious Persian translator does at the 
 end of each Indian fable recorded by him, " G-od only knows the 
 truth !" 
 
 The author of the "Mujmalu-t Tawarikh," says that his 
 
102 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 father was the compiler of an historical work, and that he him- 
 self had written a history of the Barmekides from their origin to 
 their extinction. M. Quatremfere and M. Mohl say that his 
 name is unknown, and give his pedigree as grandson of Muhallib 
 bin Muhammad bin Shddi. He was a traveller; for he tells 
 us that he had visited the tombs of Daniel, Ezekiel, and Jonas, 
 and certain ancient buildings in Persia and Babylonia. He 
 informs us that he commenced his book a.h. 520 (a.d. 1126), 
 during the reign of Sanjar, son of Malik Shdh, Sultan of the 
 Saljiikis, but he must have lived long after this, for he records 
 an event of a.h. 689 (a.d. 1193.) 
 
 His work is a chronological abridgment of universal history to 
 the sixth century of the Hijri. He quotes several rare authori- 
 ties and makes a critical use of them. The topic on which he 
 appears to have exercised most of his researches is the history of 
 Persia, on which subject he promises to write hereafter a more 
 detailed account. He gives many curious and circumstantial 
 details on geography, derived not only from books, but from his 
 own personal observation. 
 
 The Persian translation, which he quotes from Abn-1 Hasan, 
 is badly executed, being much too literal, and without any pre- 
 tensions to style ; and the same neglect of the most ordinary 
 grace and embellishment has been observed in the author's own 
 composition, in the portions which are original. 
 
 The authorities he quotes are the history of Tabari, the Shah- 
 ndma, Garshasp-nama, Faramarz-nama, Bahman-n&ma, Kiish- 
 pil-dandan, Abu-1 Muayyid Balkhi, Hamza Isfahan!, and some 
 others. He says that he quotes these in original, although they 
 will be found to agree but little with one another, in order that 
 his readers may know all that has been said upon the subjects he 
 discusses ; that he abridges their prolixities, and discards their 
 quotations in verse ; that if ever he quotes poetry, it is on 
 account of its intrinsic excellence, or its peculiar adaptation to 
 the subject he had to illustrate. 
 
 " The transactions of the kings of Persia," he continueSj " are 
 
to 
 
 MUJMALTJ-T lAWXRtKU. 103 
 
 the only ones which I propose to recount at length, because that 
 country is placed in the centre of the universe, because it forms 
 one quarter of the habitable globe, because it is the cradle of the 
 human race, because it is the residence of the kings of the fourth 
 climate, because other portions of the globe, such as China, India, 
 Zanj, Arabia, Greece, and Turkistan are not to be compared to 
 Tran, nor is any other country, whether east, west, north, or 
 south, — because, moreover, in reading the history of Persia, any 
 one can at the same time instruct himself respecting the state, 
 position, peculiarities and marvels of other countries." 
 
 This work, therefore, as far as it goes, may be considered an 
 introduction to the History of Persia, and that the author com- 
 pleted the entire work cannot be doubted, because he constantly 
 alludes to the details which he has given in the subsequent part. 
 The discovery of the complete work would be a matter of con- 
 gratulation. It was at one time the intention of M.M. Saint 
 Martin and J. Mohl to publish the Mujmal with a commentary, 
 and there is great cause to regret that the death of the former 
 interrupted the project. 
 
 The work, as at present preserved, consists of twenty-five 
 chapters, of which many comprise merely chronological tables, 
 such as those of the Prophets, kings of Riim, Arabs, S4manides, 
 Buwaihides, Ghaznivides, Saljukians, and Greeks, but enters into 
 more particulars respecting the Hindu, kings of India, the ancient 
 kings of Persia, Muhammad, and the Khalifs, celebrated tombs, 
 and Muhammadan cities. Without the last chapter, which is 
 missing, the Manuscript contains 305 folios.'^ 
 
 EXTEACTS. 
 
 HrsTOEY or the Jats and Meds. — As an account of the Jats and 
 Meds is given in the first part of the original work, I shall com- 
 mence mine by making them the subject of it. 
 
 1 See Journal Asiatique, trois. s6r. Tom. VII. pp. 246-285. Tom. XI. pp. 136- 
 178, 258-301, 320-361. Le Livre des Bois, Tom. I. pp. l.-lx. Anquetil du Perron, 
 Zendamsta, Tom. II. pp. 352, et seq. Keinaud's Mem. sur VInde, p. 14. Quatre- 
 mere, in Jour, des Smants, Jan. 1851. 
 
104 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 The Jats and Meds' are, it is said, descendants of Ham. They 
 dwelt in Sind and (on the banks of) the river which is called Bahar- 
 By the Arabs the Hindus are called Jats. The Meds held the ascen- 
 dancy over the Jats, and put them to great distress, which compelled 
 them to take refuge on the other side of the river Pahan, but being 
 accustomed to the use of boats, they used to cross the river and 
 make attacks on the Meds, who were owners of sheep. It so c*ame 
 to pass that the Jats enfeebled the Medp, killed many of them, and 
 plundered their country. The Meds then became subject to the Jats. 
 
 One of the Jat chiefs (seeing the sad state to which the Meds were 
 reduced) made the people of his tribe understand that success was 
 not constant; that there was a time when the Meds attacked the 
 Jats, and harassed them, and that the Jats had in their turn done 
 the same with the Meds. He impressed upon their minds the utiLitj'' 
 of both tribes living in peace, and then advised the Jats and Meds to 
 send a few chiefs to wait on king Dajiishan [Duryodhana], son of 
 Dahrat [Dhritarashtra], and beg of him to appoint a king, to whose 
 authority both tribes might submit. The result of this was satis- 
 factory, and his proposition was adopted. After some discussion 
 they agreed to act upon it, and the emperor Dajushan nominated 
 his sister Dassal [Duhsala], wife of king Jandrat [Jayadratha], a 
 powerful prince, to rule over the Jats and Medjs. Dassal went and 
 took charge of the country and cities, the particulars of which and 
 of the wisdom of the princess, are detailed in the original work. 
 But for aU its greatness, and riches and dignity, there was no brah- 
 man or wise man in the country. She therefore wrote a long letter 
 to her brother for assistance, who collected 30,000 brahmans from 
 all Hindustan, and sent them, with all their goods and dependents, 
 to his sister. There are several discussions and stories about these 
 brahmans in the original work. 
 
 A long time passed before Sind became flourishing. The original 
 work gives a long description of the country, its rivers and wonders, 
 and mentions the foimdation of cities. The city which the queen 
 made the capital, is called Askaland.^ A small portion of the 
 
 '■ [See uote in Appendix on " the Meds."] 
 
 ' This is no douht the Ashkandra of Pottinger and others. See note in Appendix. 
 
MOTMALTT-T TAWARrKH. 105 
 
 country she made over to the Jats, and appointed one of them as 
 their chief ; his name was Judrat. Similar arrangements were also 
 made for the Meds. This government continued for twenty and 
 some' years, after which the Bharats lost possession of the country. 
 t> t» « # Q o « 
 
 AOCOTINT OP THE FaLL OP THE PaNDAVAB AND HiSTOBT OP 
 
 Beahmin.^ — ^Injustice was the cause of tiie fall of the dynasty of the 
 Pandavas. Fortune had grown indifferent towards them, and they 
 ended by becoming tyrants. One day they carried off the cow of a 
 brahman, and were about to kill him, when the brahman warned them, 
 and said, " I have read in books that the prosperity of the Pandavas 
 will fall when they shall kill a brahman for the sake of a cow — do 
 not kill me." They did not heed him, but killed both him and the 
 cow. That brahman had a son named Brahmfn, a strong and taU 
 man, who dwelt upon a mountain. When he heard of this nefarious 
 business he arose, and said to himself, I will go and take away the 
 sovereignty from the Pandavas, foi they have kiUed a cow, (and) a 
 brahman : the words of the sages cannot prove false, so the time 
 of the fall of their dominion is come. Men laughed at him, but a 
 party assembled round him. He took a city, and his power in- 
 creased day by day, until he had a large army; and he went on 
 capturing cities until at length he reached the city of Hatna,^ w^hich 
 was the capital. Kuyahurat marched out to the battle, but was 
 slain, and Brahmin assumed the sovereignty. Wherever he found 
 any one of the race of the Pandavas he slew him. But a few 
 escaped, who concealed their extraction, and employed themselves as 
 butchers and bak«rs, or in similar crafts. Brahmm acquired the 
 whole of Hindustan. They say that a daughter of Bol [Nakula], 
 son of Pandu, went to him, and gave him such counsels as induced 
 him to desist from slaying the Pandavas. But he put them all in 
 prison until a large number was collected, when as a condition of 
 
 1 (""/JLrf Jiil) ' " ^.i.-i." An ami is a period of 15,000 years, or any number 
 between three and ten.] 
 
 ' [This history is explained by the legend of Parasurfema, son of Jamadagni, called 
 here Brahmin. Kiiy&h6rat is K&rtavirya; FSaaf, Kasyapa; Sun^h, the Muni 
 Sunata ; and the cow, K&.madhenu. —Meinaitd.J 
 
 ' [Hastinapur.] 
 
106 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 their deliverance' he made them follow certain trades, so that no one 
 would give their daughters to them, or take theirs, or associate with 
 them. He proclaimed this throughout his dominions. Their posi- 
 tion was lowered to such a degree, that they took to the occupation 
 of musicians. It is said that the Hindu lute players belong to this 
 family ; but Q-od knows. 
 
 History of Sunagh. — They say that Brahpiin felt remorse for 
 the slaughter of so many persons, and said, I substitute worship on 
 the smnmit of a mountain for the slaughter of 'men. One day a 
 brahman named Fasaf [Kasyapa] came to him and admonished him. 
 Brahmin said, It is even so ; I myseK repent, and I will now give 
 this kiagdom to thee. Fasaf said. It is no business of mine ; but 
 Brahmin replied. Do thou receive it from me, and appoint some one 
 over it by thy own authority. There was a servant named Sunagh, 
 and him Fasaf seated on the throne. Brahmin then returned to the 
 scene of his devotions. Sunagh practised justice and equity, and 
 pursued a worthy course. The sovereignty remained in his family 
 until fifteen kings had sat upon the throne. Then they became 
 tyrants, and the sovereignty departed from them. This was in the 
 reign of Gustasf, king of Persia. It is said that in the life-time of 
 this Gustasf, Bahman led an army to Hindustan and took a portion 
 of it ; as to the other parts every one (that could) seized a comer. 
 No one of the family (of Sunagh) retained any power. Bahman 
 founded a city between the confines of the Hindus and the Turks, to 
 which he gave the name of Kandabil, and in another place, which 
 they call Budha, he founded a city which he called Bahman-abad. 
 According to one account this is Mansura ; but God knows. At this 
 time he returned to Persia, when he received the news of the death 
 of Gustasf, and assumed the crown. This account I found in this 
 book, but I have not read it elsewhere. The mother of Bahman is 
 said to have been of Turk extraction ; but God knows. 
 
 History of the Kingdom of KASHMfB and HXl. — It is said that 
 Hal was the descendant of Sanjwara, son of Jandrat and of the 
 
 ' [I have generally followed M. Quatremere in his ingenious and critical emenda- 
 tions of the version published by Eeinaud, but it hardly seems necessary to change 
 the Terb jastan to zistan, as he proposed in this passage. His Tersion is " II leur 
 assigua, pour vivre, differents metiers." — Jour, des Sav., Jan. 1851.] 
 
MTJJMALU-T TA-WAEfKH. 107 
 
 daughter of King Dahrat. He inherited in Hindustan the dominion 
 which had been occupied by Jandrat and Dassal and their descendants. 
 He became a very important personage, and built a fine capital and 
 several cities. His country was remarkable for the superior quality 
 of the cloth that was manufactured there. The exportation of this 
 fabric, without the stamp of the king, was prohibited. This stamp 
 was an impression of his foot with saffron.' 
 
 It happened that the wife of the king of Kashmir bought some of 
 that cloth, and having made up a dress of the same, she appeared 
 before her husband, who at the sight of the stamp got jealous, and 
 asked her whence she got the cloth, and what stamp was on it. 
 His wife replied that she had bought it from a merchant. The 
 merchant was sent for, and the king made enquiries about it. The 
 merchant said that the stamp on the cloth was an impression of king 
 Hal's foot.'' On hearing this the king of Kashmir swore he would 
 go and cut off the foot of king Hal. His Wazir observed, — 
 " that place is the land of the brahmans, you will gain no victory 
 there." The king of Kashmir did not heed this advice, but marched 
 out with his army. When Hal heard of the king of Kashmir's in- 
 tentions, he was alarmed ; he sent information to the brahmans 
 and told them the king of Kashmir's threat, and said it behoved 
 them therefore to throw obstacles in his way. The brahmans 
 offered up their prayers, and counselled him to have an elephant 
 made of clay, and to have it placed in front of the battle-field. Hal 
 did so, and when the king of Kashmir's soldiers advanced under 
 their commander-in-chief, flames burst from the elephant and burnt 
 many of them. 
 
 The king of Kashmir was then compelled to sue for peace, (at the 
 conclusion of which,) Hal sent many presents to him. And the 
 king of Kashmir, in order to fulfil his oath, cut off the leg of an 
 image made of wax, and returned by the river.' He was advised 
 
 ^ Vigne's Kashmir, I. 134. 
 
 * This is the same legend as that of Mihirakula in the ESja TarangiBi (II. 32) ; 
 and the foot plays an important part in several other Indian stories. See Spren- 
 ger's Mas'itdi, p. 318. Edwarde's Fanjab, I. 394. Eeinaud's Mem. 62. Ind. 
 Altera. II. 853. 
 
 3 Todd, II. 239, 264. Irving's Successors of Mahomet, 61. [The word translated 
 "river" is darya, which Quatremere says ought to he read "sea." It bears hoth 
 
108 HISTORIANS OF BIND. 
 
 not to proceed by -water on account of its turbulence. In com- 
 pliance -with, this advice be travelled along the bank (sabil) until 
 he reached a stage some parasangs distant from the country of 
 Kashmir, when the veaters siibsided.' In that place he built many 
 houses and villages. The sea in Hindi is called Savandar* (Samu- 
 dra). Hence that place was called Savandi, and it exists to this day. 
 He also built temples and superb cities in many places. At length, 
 intelligence of an enemy came to him from Kashmir, he then re- 
 turned to his country, and suppressed his foes. The Government 
 remained for a length of time in the hands of his descendants, and 
 all the Hindus were obedient to them. In the country of Sind there 
 were three kings, untU at length the territory of the Hindus came 
 tmder the authority of King Kafand, after he had by his valour 
 subdued them. A brahman had blessed him and said that the whole 
 sovereignty should devolve npon him. 
 
 HiSTOKT or King Kafand.' — ^This Kafand was not a Hindu, but 
 through his kindly disposition and ec[uity all became obedient to 
 him. He made fine speeches and praised the Hindus and their 
 country. He raised their hopes by his virtues, and realised them by 
 his deeds. He was cotemporary*' with Alexander the Greek. He 
 had visions, of which he asked the interpretation jfrom a bralimauj 
 and he sought peace from Alexander, to whom he sent his daughter, 
 a skUful physician, a philosopher, and a glass vase.' In the Shah- 
 nama he is called Kaid the Hindu. This story will also be related 
 
 meanings, and the latter view is supported by the use of the word adhil, coast ; but it 
 is difficult to 'conceive that the author supposed it possible to return to Kashmir 
 by sea.] 
 
 1 [Sir H. Elliot introduced some slight emendations into the the text of this 
 passive, which seem preferable to the words printed by !Eeinaud, and have been 
 followed in the translation. The original worda are }'^ Jt, ji^Lj (_L>-Lj j 
 
 l^.Jj J^ l^jUx.. ElUot reads t::_.ji^^^2^ <_>7 ^ ^J^^i^,] 
 
 ' This appears to be an allusion to the Sumuudur, mentioned in the 'Aj4ibu-1 
 Makhl6k&t, fol. 197, v. Mihr&n. [See BU^durS and Chach-n&ma, poat.^ 
 3 [See Thomas in Jour. K.A.S., 1865. Vol. I. p. 453.] 
 
 * [Quatrem^re's emendation of i^^ for liM is essential.] 
 ' [See Mas'udi. Chap, ixvi.] 
 
MUJMALXT-T TAWAETKH. 109 
 
 in th© life of Alexander. Wlion the information of the brahman 
 reached the Hindus/ Kafand sent a person to Samid, his brother; 
 directing him to go to Mansura with the brahman, and expel Mahra' 
 the Persian from those places which Bahman had conquered, and to 
 erect idol temples ia place of fire-temples. Samld called (to his 
 assistance) Hal, ting of Hindustan, and they marched against Mahra 
 the Persian, and warred with him until he fled into the city. Tor 
 three years Mahra remained in the fortress, but when no prospect of 
 success was left he ordered a tunnel to be dug, and they carried this 
 (subterraneous passage) to a place called Kiydtasa. He then ordered 
 posts to be fixed in the ground on the top of the fortress, and arms 
 and helmets to be placed upon them, so that they looked like 
 sentries. He then retired with the whole of his force through the 
 tunnel, and marched towards the Turks, whose king gave him refuge. 
 After some days crows perched upon the helmets, and the soldiers of 
 Samid perceiving this the truth was made known. The gates were 
 then opened, and the people of the city described the departure of 
 Mahra the Persian. So after the lapse of some years Samid returned 
 victorious to his own country. Alexander came to India after this 
 transaction. 
 
 After Eafand had departed his son Ayand ascended the throne, and 
 he divided the country of Sind into four parts. One king he estab- 
 lished at 'Askalandusa.' Upon another he bestowed the country of 
 Zor to which Anj [Uch ?] is attached. Three other countries of the 
 kingdom of Sanid [Samid] he bestowed upon another.* Fourthly, 
 
 ' [ju«»; li^^jJ^ iJ^J^ U}T • ^^°'^^ "°* trahman be read Bah- 
 man ? " When intelligence of (the conquests of) Bahman reached the Hindds."] 
 
 ' [According to the Sh&h-nima.the name of the brahman, who interpreted Kaid's 
 dream, was " MShran." — Semcatd.'\ 
 
 ' [iXiliii; (S^.JcliUiJO \j i/^' ^ ^^"'^ followed Eeinand in reading 
 " 'Askalandlisa," but the name is generally accepted as '"Askaland," or '"Askalan- 
 dra," and the termination uta has not been found elsewhere. May not the passage 
 be read, " He established one king at 'Askaland and Sah ?" or may not even the 
 last word signify " and threi' (dependencies).] 
 
 ♦ [The whole of this passage is ambiguous. The word \,:^^)it ij Juj, which is 
 here rendered " three other countries," ia rendered as " un troisiime principaute" by 
 Beinand.] 
 
110 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 lie consigned tlie countries of Hindustan, Nadama, and Lohana 
 separately upon another. This was after the time of Hal.' When 
 the Kfe of Ayand reached its limit, his son Basal became king. He 
 reigned for some time, until one rose up against him and expelled 
 him from the kingdom. Easal (then) went southwards, and estab- 
 lished himself there. He had two sons, one named Eawwal, and 
 the younger Barkamaris. 
 
 HiSTORT OP Eawwaii and BakkamaeIs. — When Easal died his 
 eldest son EawT^al assumed the sovereignty. It happened that a 
 certain king had a daughter of great intelligence. Wise and learned 
 men had declared that the man who should marry this girl should 
 become king of the four climes.'' All the kings and princes of the 
 Hindus sought her, but no one pleased her except Barkamaris, 
 who was very handsome. When Barkamaris brought her home 
 his brother said, as she pleased you so does she please me. Then 
 he took the girl with her handmaids. Barkamaris said to himself 
 " The damsel chose me for my wisdom and there is nothing better 
 than wisdom." So he gave himself up to study, and associated with 
 the learned and the brahmans, till he reached such perfection that ha 
 had no equal. 
 
 When the rebel who had expelled their father (Easal) heard the 
 story of the damsel, he said " Can they who do such things occupy 
 such a position ? " So he led an army and put Eawwal to flight. 
 Eawwal with his brothers and nobles all went to the top of a moim- 
 tain where a strong fortress had been buUt. Then they set guards 
 on the summit and felt secure. But the enemy got possession of the 
 mountain by stratagem, and besieged the fort, and was near upon 
 taking it. Eawwal then sent to sue for peace, and his enemy said — 
 " Send me the girl, and let every one of your chiefs send a girl. I will 
 give these girls to my officers, — ^then I will withdraw." Eawwal 
 was dejected, but he had a wazir, blind of both eyes, named Safar, 
 of whom he enquired what was to be done. He advised him to give 
 up the women and save his life. He might then take measures 
 against his enemy, but if he lost his life what would be the good of 
 
 • [See the account of the diYision, of Sind into four kingdoms as described in the 
 first chapter of the Chach-n&ma, post.] 
 ^ [The four quarters of the world.] 
 
MTTJMALTJ-T TAVARfKH. Ill 
 
 children and wife, and richeB. They resolved upon this course, but 
 just at this juncture, Barkamaris came in, and after making his 
 salutation, said, " I and the king are sons of the same father ; if he 
 will acquaint me with his opinion, it may be that I may be able to 
 suggest something, — do not take my youth into consideration." So 
 they informed him of the facts. He then said, " It seems proper 
 that I should stake my life for the king : let an order be given for 
 me to be dressed like a woman, and let aU the officers dress their 
 sons in like manner as damsels, and let us each conceal a knife in 
 our hair, and carry a trumpet also concealed ; then send us to the 
 king. When we are brought before the king they wiU tell him that 
 I am the damsel, he will keep me for himself and give the others 
 to his officers. When the king retires with me I will rip up his 
 belly with the knife and sound the trumpet. When the other youths 
 hear this they wiH know that I have done my work, and they must 
 also do theirs. All the officers of the army wiU thus be slain. You 
 must be prepared, and when you hear the trumpet, you must sally 
 forth with your soldiers and we wiU extenninate the foe." Eawwal 
 was delighted and did as was proposed. It succeeded, not one of 
 the enemy's horsemen escaped, aU were slain and cast down from 
 the mountain. Eawwal' s power increased. 
 
 [The Wazir excites the Icing's suspicions against Barhamdris, who 
 feigns madness.} 
 
 One day in the hot season, Barkamaris was wandering barefoot 
 about the city, and came to the gate of the king's palace. Meeting 
 no hindrance he entered, and found his brother and the damsel sitting 
 on a throne sucking sugar cane. When Eawwal saw him he observed 
 that there could be no porters at the gate, otherwise the poor mendi- 
 cant would never have got in. Taking pity on him, he gave him a 
 bit of sugar cane. The mendicant took it, and picked up a piece of 
 the shell of the cane to scrape and clean it with. When the king 
 saw that he wanted to clean the cane, he told the damsel to give 
 him a knife. She rose and gave the knife to Barkamaris, who 
 cleaned the sugar cane with it, and craftily watched untU the king 
 was off his guard. Then he sprung upon him, and plunging the 
 knife into his navel, ripped him up. After that he seized his feet 
 
112 HISTORUNS OF SIND. 
 
 and dragged him from tlie throne. He next caUed the wazir and 
 the people, and seated himself on the throne amid the plaudits of 
 the people. He burnt the body of the king, took back the damsel 
 and married her, and restored order. 
 
 Then he called the wazir ajid said " I know that it was you who 
 counselled my brother in his dealings with me, but this wus no fault 
 nor is it blameable. It was God's will that I should be king, so 
 continue to govern the kingdom as you did for my brother." Safar 
 replied, " You have spoken the truth, aU that I did was for the good 
 and advantage of your brother, not out of enmity to you. But I 
 have now resolved upon burning myself, and cannot do as you desire. 
 I was with your brother in life, and I will be with him in death." 
 Barkamaris told him that he wanted him to write a book on the 
 duties of kings, on government and justice, Safar consented, and 
 wrote the book, which is called " Adabu-l Muluk," " Instruction 
 of Kings." I have"" transcribed it in this book, for I have written 
 an abstract of it. When it was finished he took it to Barkamaris 
 and read it, and all the nobles admired and praised it. Then he 
 burnt himself. The pow^er of Barkamaris and his kingdom, spread, 
 until at length all India submitted to him. Such was Barkamaris. 
 I have related all the facts just as I found them. 
 
 * [Quatremere reasonably proposes to insert a negative here.] 
 
AL BILADUEr. 113 
 
 II. 
 
 FUTimU-L BULDi^N 
 
 AHMAD IBN YAHYA IBN Ji^BIR 
 
 AL BILADURT. 
 
 This work is in the Leyden University Library, and has 
 been described by Hamaker, at pp. 7 and 239 of his " Speci- 
 men CatalogU Codd MSS. Orientalium" An abstract of it 
 is given in an appendix contained in the third volume of Dr. 
 Grustave Weil's Geschichte ddr Chalifen, and the entire chapter 
 on the conquest of Sind, has been edited by M. Reinaud in the 
 Journal Asiatique for February 1845, reprinted with additional 
 notes in his valuable "Fragments Arabes et Persans inedits 
 relatifs a V Inde. [There is also a copy in the British Museum. 
 The complete text has lately been admirably printed at Leyden, 
 under the editorship of M. de G-oeje.] 
 
 The author is Ahmad bin Yahya, bin Jabir, oumamed also 
 Abia Ja'far and Abu-l Hasan, but more usually known as BilMuri, 
 who lived towards the middle of the ninth century of our era, at 
 the court of the Khalif Al Mutawakkal, where he was engaged 
 as instructor to one of the princes of his family. He died a.h. 
 279, A.D. 892-3 This is according to Reinaud's statement — 
 Pascual de Grayangos while he gives the same year of his death, 
 on the authority of Abu-l Mah^sin, says he lived at Baghdad in 
 the Khalifat of Al-Mu'tamad. He left a large as well as a 
 small edition of the Futtihu-l Buld4n. 
 
114 HISTOEIAKS OP SIND. 
 
 This work contains as its name implies, an account of the first 
 conquests of the Arabs in Syria, Mesopotamia, Egypt, Persia, 
 Armenia, Transoxiana, Africa, Spain and Sind. It is one of the 
 earliest Arabic chronicles ; for Tabari, though he wrote at Bagh- 
 dad, and did not compose his work till afterwards, was evidently 
 not acquainted with this author, since he omits much that Bila- 
 duri has mentioned. It brings down the histoiy of events to 
 the close of the reign of Mu'tasim, a.h. 227, a.d. 842. W4kidi, 
 who is quoted by Bildduri, also wrote a book of " Conquests," 
 and amongst them a " Conquest of Sind," which Dr. Sprenger 
 mentions that he has seen quoted by Nuwairi at folio 103 of the 
 large copy of Ley den. Copies of his other Futuh are very 
 common; and much passes under his name which was never 
 written by him, as in the instance of the work translated by 
 Ockley ; but his Futuhu-s Sind is rare. Nuwairi mentions also 
 another author of Indian history, folio 795, — Al Husain bin 
 Yazid us Sirafi. We find also other authors on Sindian in- 
 vasions quoted as existing at the early period of the Arabian 
 conquests. 
 
 Biladuri does not himself appear to have visited Sind, bu<- 
 quotes the authors on whom he relied for information. Thus we 
 have mention of Abu-1 Hassan 'Ali bin Muhammad Al Madalni, 
 with whom he had verbal communication. This author, who 
 died A.H. 840 (1436 a.d.), at the advanced age of ninety- 
 three, composed, amongst other works, Al Mugh^zi wau-s Siyar, 
 " Wars and Marches," which contained a detailed account of 
 the expeditions of the Musulmans in Khurdsan and on the 
 Indufl. Mansur bin Hatim is also mentioned as an author on 
 Sindian History, with whom, as well as with Al Maddini, 
 Bildduri had held personal intercourse. Another author quoted 
 by Biladuri is Ibnu-1 Kalbi. 
 
 Besides the Futuhu-l bulddn, our author wrote another work 
 on cosmography, with a description of the inhabited earth entitled 
 Kitdbu-l bulddn, the "Book of Countries," which is in the 
 Library of the British Museum. {Bihl. Rich. No. 7496). He 
 
AL BILXDURr. 115 
 
 also wrote a work on the genealogy of the Arabian tribes, the 
 title of which is not known, and he translated several works from 
 the Persian. He also has the credit of being a good poet. He 
 is cited frequently by Ibn Haukal, Al-Mas'udi, and other ancient 
 geographers, but his history is rarely quoted. Kudama, who 
 wrote at Baghdad, towards the end of the ninth century, gives 
 an extract from it, and Ibn Asir also quotes it under the years 
 89 and 95 h. 
 
 He was called Biladuri or Bildzuri, from his addiction to the 
 use of an intoxicating electuary made from the Bal4zar, or 
 Malacca bean, which, from its resemblance in shape and colour 
 to a heart, is called anacardium.^ [The name is written option- 
 ally with either J or j. Goeje transcribes the name as " Beldd- 
 sori." The author, however, is better known as Biliduri or 
 Beladori, and that form has therefore been retained. The 
 Leyden MS., like other old MSS., prefers the J to the J, even 
 when the latter is manifestly correct — thus it gives Brah- 
 manabaz for Brahmanabd^i, and Ruzbar for Riidb^r.^] 
 
 Extracts. 
 
 Conquests of Sind. 
 
 'All, son of Muhammad, son of 'Abdu-llah, son of Abu Saif, has 
 related that the Khalif 'TJmar, son of Al Khattab appointed 'TJsman, 
 son of Abu-1 'Asi of the tribe of Sakif to Bahrain and 'Uman in the 
 year 15 h. (636 a.d.) 'Usman sent his brother Hakam to Bahrain, 
 and he himself went to 'Uman, and despatched an army to Tana. 
 When the army returned he wrote to the KhaUf 'TJmar to inform 
 
 ' F. R. Dietz, Analecta Medico,, p. 101. Compare "Weil, GeaehicMe der Chalifen, 
 Vol. III. Auhang, Vol. I. p. i-x. Journal des Savants, April, 1847. Journal 
 Asiatique, IV Serie, Vol. VIII. Hamaker, Specimen Catalogi, pp. 7, 12, 239. A. 
 Sprenger's Meadows of Gold, ppi 15, 16, Fraehu, Indicaiiom SibUographiquea, Jfo. 39. 
 Eeinaud, Fragments Arahes et Fersans, pp. xviii., xix. Memoire sur I'Inde, p. 16. 
 AboulfMa II. 57. Biographical Diet. L. IT. K., " Ahmed aI-Eel6.dhori." Uylen- 
 troek Iracce Fersicte Descriptio, p. 67. 
 
 2 Morley's Catalogue, p. 20. MUUer's Fssai sur la Langm FehKvi. Lumsden's 
 Grammar. £orlum-i Kdii, p. 4. Dubeux Tabari, XXX, Spiegel, Farai Grammar. 
 
116 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 liim of it. 'Umar wrote in reply — " brother of Sakif^ thou has 
 placed the worm in the wood, but I swear by God, that t£ our men 
 had been killed I would have taken (slain) an equal number from your 
 tribe." Hakam despatched a force to Barauz; [Broach] ; he also sent 
 to the bay of Debal his brother Mughira, who met and defeated the 
 enemy. 
 
 "When 'Usman, son of 'Akkan became Khalif, he appointed 'Abdu 
 -llai. son of 'Amar, son of Kuraiz, to (the government of) 'Irak, and 
 wrote to him an order to send a person to the confines of Hind in 
 order to acquire knowledge and bring back information. He ac- 
 cordingly deputed Hakim, son of Jaballa al 'Abdi. When this 
 man returned he was sent on to the Klialif, who questioned him 
 about the state of those regions. He replied that he knew them 
 because he had examined them. The Khalif then told him to 
 describe them. He said " Water is scarce, the fruits are poor, and 
 the robbers are bold ; if few troops are sent there they will be slain, 
 if many, they will starve." 'Usman asked him whether he spoke 
 accurately or hypfirboHcaUy [Jjt'i. in rhyme]. He said that he 
 spoke according to his knowlege. The Khalif abstained from 
 sending any expedition there. 
 
 At the end of the year 38,' ©r the beginning of the year 39 h.(659 
 A.D.) in the Khalifat of 'All son of Ab4Salib, Haras the son of Marra-l 
 'Abdi went with the sanction of the-Ehalif to the same frontier, as 
 a volunteer. He was victorious, got plunder, made captives, and 
 distributed in one day a thousand heads. He and those who were 
 with him, saving a few, were slain in the land of Kikan^ in the 
 year 42 h. (662 a.b.) Kikan is in Sind near the frontiers of 
 Khurasan. 
 
 In the year 44 h. (664 a.d.), and in the days of the Khalif 
 Mu'awiya, Muhallab son of Abu Safra made war upon the same 
 frontier, and advanced as far as Banna and Alahwar,' which lie 
 between Multaa and Kabul. The enemy opposed him and killed 
 him and his followers. In the land of Kikin, MuhaUab encoun- 
 tered eighteen Turki horsemen, riding crop-tailed horses. They 
 fought well but were all slain. MuhaUab said, '^How much more 
 
 ^ [u»^r'] • [Lahore.] 
 
AL BILADUEr. 117 
 
 active than we those barbarians were." So he docked the tails of 
 his horses, and was the first among the Musiilmans who did so. 
 
 In tbe reign of Mu'awiya, son of Abn Sufain, the Amir 'Abdu-Uah, 
 son of 'Amir, or according to some, Mu'awiya himself sent 'Abdu-llah, 
 son of Suar al 'Abdi, to the frontier, of Hind. He fought in Kikan 
 and captured booty. Then.he came to Mu'awiya and presented to 
 him some Kikaii horses. H6 staid'near the Khalif some time and 
 then rettmed to Eikan, when; the 'Ktrks;;caUed their forces together 
 and slew him. 
 
 In the reign of the same Mu'awiya, the Chief ZiyM, son of Abii 
 Sufian, appointed Sinan, son of Salama, son of al Muhabbik the 
 Huzaili (to the command). He was a good and godly man, and 
 was the first who made his troops take an oath of diyorce. He 
 proceeded to the frontier and having subdued Makran and its cities 
 by force, he staid there and established his power in the country. 
 According to Ibn al Kalbi, it was Hakim bin JabaJa al 'Abdi who 
 conquered Makran. 
 
 Ziyad then appointed Eashid son of 'Umrii-l Judaidi of the tribe 
 of Azd, to the frontier. He proceeded to Makran and was victorious 
 in warring against Kikan, but he was slain fighting against the 
 Meds. Sinan, son of Salama, then succeeded to the command and 
 was confirmed therein by Ziyad. He remained there two years. 
 
 'Abbad, son of Ziyad, tlien made war on the frontier of Hind by 
 way of Sijistan, He went to Sanaruz, from whence he proceeded 
 by way of Khiz to Euzbar' in Sijistan on the banks of the Hind- 
 mand. Then he descended to Kish, and crossing the desert came 
 to Kandahar.' He fought the inhabitants, routed them, put them 
 to flight and subdued the country ; but many Musulmans perished. 
 'AbbSd observed the high caps of the people of that country, and 
 had some made like them, which he called 'Abbadfya, 
 
 ZiySd next appointed Al Manzar, son of Al Jarudial 'Abdi, to the 
 frontiers of India. He was known by the name of Abu-lAsh'as. 
 He attacked and conquered Nukdn' and Kikati. The Musulmans 
 
 1 [RMbar on the Helmamd.] 2 [« Eunduk&r" in the text.] 
 
 ' [The origiaal has simply ij^}^-J 
 
118 HISTOMAKS OF SIND. 
 
 obtained great plunder, and their forces spread over all the country. 
 He captured Kusdar and took prisoners there. Sinan had previously 
 taken it, but its inhabitants had been guilty of defection. He died 
 there (in Kuzdar). 
 
 The governor 'Ubaidu-llah, son of Ziyad, then appointed Ibn 
 Harri al Bahali. Grod, by his hands, subdued these countries, for he 
 waged fierce war in them and conquered and plundered them. 
 Some writers say that it was Sinan, son of Salama, who was ap- 
 pointed to the (chief) command by 'Ubaidu-llah and that Harri led 
 the forces. 
 
 The people of Nukan are now Muhammadans. 'Amran, son of 
 Musa, son of Yahya, son of Khalid the Barmakide, built a city there 
 in the Khalifat of M'utasim bi-llah which he called Al Baiza (the 
 white). When al Hajjaj, son of Yusuf, son of al Hakim, son of 
 Abu 'Akail al Sakifi, was governor of Irak, Sa'Id, son of Aslam, 
 sou of Zura'a al Kalabi was appointed to Makrdn and its frontiers. 
 He was opposed and slain there by Mu'awiya and Muhammad, sons 
 of al Haras al 'Alafi. « » « o e 
 
 Hajjaj then appointed Mujja', son of S'ir al Tamimi to the frontier. 
 He made war upon, plundered and defeated the tribes about Kanda- 
 bil, and this conquest was subsequently completed by Muhammad, 
 son of al Kasim. Mujja' died in Makran after being there a year. 
 
 After the death of Mujja', Hajjaj appointed in his place Muham- 
 mad, son of Harun, son of Zara' al Namari. Under the government 
 of Muhammad, the king of the Isle of Kubies' sent as a present 
 to Hajjaj, certain Muhammadan girls who had been born in his 
 country, the orphan daughters of merchants who had died there. 
 The king hoped by this measure to ingratiate himself with Hajjaj ; 
 but the ship in which he had embarked these girls was attacked and 
 taken by some barks (hawdrij) belonging to the Meds of Debal. 
 One of the women of the tribe of Yarbu' exclaimed, " Oh Hajjaj !" 
 When this news reached Hajjaj, he replied, "I am here."^ He 
 
 1 [Ceylon.] 
 
 2 Mir M^'Btim differs from tlie Fuiuhu-l buJddn and the Chsei-ndma and Firiahta. 
 He Bays that the Khalif 'Abdu-1 malik sent some people to buy female slaves and 
 other things of Hindustan, and were joined on the road by some Syrian merchants. 
 Having completed their purchases, they were preparing to return by the sea route, 
 when they were assailed by robbers at Debal, plundered, and slain, with the excep- 
 tion of a few who escaped to tell the Khalif of tho outrage. — Tarikh-i Smd, p. 5-. 
 
AL BILADUEr. 119 
 
 then sent an ambassador to Dahir to demand their release, but 
 Dahir replied, " They are pirates who have captured thesR women, 
 and over them I have no authority." Then Hajjdj. sent 'Ubaidu- 
 llah, son of Nabhan, against Debal. 'Ubaidu-llah being killed, 
 Hajjaj wrote to Budail, son of Tahfa, of the tribe of Bajali, who 
 was at 'Uman, directing him to proceed to Debal. When he arrived 
 there his horse took fright (and threw him), and the enemy sur- 
 rounded him and killed him. Some authors say he was killed by 
 the Jats of Budha. 
 
 The Isle of Kubies is so denominated because of the beauty of the 
 women. 
 
 Afterwards, Hajjaj, during the Khilafat of Walid, son of 'Abdu-I 
 malik, appointed Muhammad, son of Kasim, son of Muhammad, son 
 of Hakim, son of Abu 'Ukail to command on the Sindian frontier. 
 Muhammad was in Fars when the order arrived, and had previously 
 received instructions to go to Eai.' Abu-1 Aswad Jahm, son of 
 Zahru-1 Ju'fi, was at the head of the advanced guard, and he was 
 ordered to return to Muhammad, and he joined him on the borders 
 of Sind. Hajjaj ordered six thousand Syrian warriors to attend 
 Muhammad, and others besides. He was provided with all he could 
 require, without omitting even thread and needles. He had leave to 
 remain at Shiraz until all the men who were to accompany him had 
 assembled, and all the preparations had beeai duly made. Hajjaj 
 had some dressed cotton saturated with strong vinegar, and then 
 dried it in the shade, and said, " When you arrive in Sind, if you 
 find the vinegar scarce, soak the cotton in water, and with the 
 water you can cook your food and season your dishes as you wish." 
 Some authors say, that when Muhammad arrived on the frontiers, 
 he wrote to complain of the scarcity of vinegar, and this was the 
 reason which induced Hajjaj to send cotton soaked in vinegar. 
 
 Then Muhammad, son of Kiisim went to Makran, and remained 
 there some time. He then went to Kannazbur and took it, and then 
 to Armail, which he also took. Muhammad, son of Harun, son of 
 Zara', went to meet him, and joined him, but he died near Armail 
 at Kasim's side, and was buried at Kambal.^ 
 
 1 [South of the Caspian sea.] ' [Kamball (?) J,..< .] 
 
120 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 Conquest of Bebal. 
 
 .Mnliamiiaad, son of Kasim, left Armdfl, accompanied by Jabm, 
 the son of Zahru-1 .Tu'fl, and arrived at Debal on Friday, where 
 ships brought to him a supply of men, anns, and warlike machines. 
 He dug an entrenchment which he defended with spearmen, and 
 unfurlfid his standards ; each body of warriors was arrayed under its 
 own banner, and he fixed the manjanik, which was called "the 
 bride," and required five hundred men to work it. There was at 
 Debal a lofty temple (hudd) surmounted by a long pole, and 
 on the pole was fixed a red flag, which when the breeze blew 
 was unfurled over the city. The budd is a high steeple, below 
 which the idol or idols are deposited, as ia this instance. The 
 Indians give in general the name of budd to anything connected 
 with their worship or which forms the object of their veneration. 
 So, an idol is called budd. 
 
 In the correspondence which ensued, Muhammad informed Hajjaj 
 of what he had done, and solicited advice respecting the future. 
 Letters were written every three days. One day a reply was re- 
 ceived to this effect-: — " Fix the manjanik and shorten its foot, and 
 place it on the east .; you will then call the manjanik-master, and 
 tell him to aim at the flag^stafE, of which you have given a descrip- 
 tion." So he brought down the flagstaff, and it was broken; at 
 which the infidels were sore afflicted. The idolaters advanced to the 
 combat, but were put to flight; ladders -were then brought and the 
 Musulmans escaladed the waU. The first who gained the summit 
 was a man of Kufa, of the tribe of Murad. The town was thus 
 taken by assault, and the carnage endured for three days. The 
 governor of the town, appointed by Dahir, fied, and the priests of the 
 temple were massacred. Muhammad marked out a place for the 
 Musulmans to dwell in, buUt a mosque, and left four thousand 
 Musulmans to garrison the place. 
 
 Muhammad, son of Yahya, says that Mansur, the son of Hatim, 
 the grammarian, a freeman of the famUy of Khdlid, son of Assaid, 
 relates that he had seen the pole broken into fragments which had 
 been placed on the steeple of the temple. 'Ambissa son of Ishak 
 Az Zabbf, the governor of Sind, in the Khalifat of Mu'tasim biUah, 
 
AL BILADTJRr. 121 
 
 knocked down the upper part of the minaret of the temple and 
 converted it into a prison. At the same time he began to repair 
 the ruined town with the stones of the minaret ; but before he had 
 completed his labours, he was deprived of his employment, and was 
 succeeded by HarAn, son of Abi . Khalid-al Maruruzi, and he was 
 slain there. 
 
 Muhammad, son of Kasim then went to Nirun,' the inhabitants of 
 which place had already sent two Samanis, or priests, of their town 
 to Hajjaj to tareat for peace. They furnished Muhammad with supplies, 
 and admitting him to enter the town, they were aJLtowed' to> capitulate. 
 Muhammad conquered all the towns successively which he met on.' 
 his route, until he had crossed a river which runs on this side of the 
 Mihran [Indus]. He then saw approaching towards him Sarbidas, 
 the Samanf, who came to demand peace in the name of the inhabi- 
 tants. Muhammad imposed tribute upon them, and then went 
 towards Sahban, and took it. Then he went to the banks of the 
 Mihrin, and there remained. When this news reached Dahir, he 
 prepared for battle. Muhammad, son of Kasim, had sent Muham- 
 mad, son of Mus'ab, son of 'Abdu-r Eahman as Sakifi, to Sadusan, 
 with men mounted on horses and asses, at whose approach the 
 inhabitants solicited quarter and peace, the terms of which were 
 negociated by the Samani. Muhammad granted them peace, but he 
 imposed tribute on the place, and, took pledges from them, and then 
 returned to his master. He brought with him four thousand Jats, 
 and left at Sadusan an officer in comiq,and. 
 
 Muhammad sought the means of crossing the Mihran, and effected 
 the passage in a place which adjoined the dominions of Basil, chief 
 of Kassa, in Hind, upon a bridge which he had caused to be con- 
 structed. Dahir had neglected every precaution, not believing that 
 the Musulmans would dare to advance so far. Muhammad and his 
 Musulmans encountered Dahir mounted on his elephant,, and sur- 
 rounded by many of these animals, and his Takakaras [Thakurs] 
 were near his person. A dreadful conflict ensued, such as had never 
 been heard of. Dahir dismounted and fought valiantly, but he 
 was killed towards the evening, when the idolaters fled, and the 
 
 1 {Groeje's text has " Birlin," but he says the MSi had ,..« -J.l 
 
122 HISTOEIAKS OF SIND. 
 
 Musnlmans glutted themselves with massacre. According to Al 
 Madainf, the slayer of Dahir was a man of the tribe of Kalab, who 
 composed some verses upon the occasion. « « « » 
 Various authors concur in saying that Mxihammad took the village 
 of Eawar' by assault, in which city there was a wife of Dahir, who, 
 afraid of being captured, burned herself along with her handmaids 
 and all that she possessed. 
 
 Then Muhammad, son of Kasim, went to old Erahmanabad, two 
 parasangs from Mansura, which town indeed did not then exist, its 
 site being a forest. The remnant of the army of Dahir rallied at 
 Brahmanabad and resistance being made, Muhammad was obliged 
 to resort to force, when eight, or as some say, twenty-six thousand 
 men were put to the sword. He left a prefect there. The place 
 is now in ruins. 
 
 Muhammad then marched towards Alrur' and Baghrur. The 
 people of Sawandari came out to meet him and sued for peace, which 
 was granted them, on the condition that they should entertain the 
 Muhammadans and furnish guides. At this time they profess the 
 Muhammadan creed. After that he went to Basmad, where tho 
 inhabitants obtained peace on the same terms as those accorded to the 
 Sawandrians. At last he reached Alriir, one of the cities of Sind. 
 It is situated on a hill. Muhammad besieged it for several months, 
 and compelled it to surrender promising to spare the lives of the 
 inhabitants and not touch the temples (biidd). "The temples," he 
 said, " shall be unto us, like as the churches of the Christians, the 
 synagogues of the Jews, and the fire temples of the Magians." He 
 imposed, however, the tribute upon the iohabitants, and built a 
 mosque in the city. 
 
 Miihamraad advanced to Alsaka,* a town on this side of the Biyds, 
 which was captured by him, and is now in ruins. He then crossed 
 the Biyas, and went towards Multan, where, in the action which 
 ensued, Zaida, the son of 'Umur, of the tribe of Tai, covered himself 
 with glory. The infidels retreated in disorder into the town, and 
 Muhammad commenced the siege, but the provisions being ex- 
 hausted, the Musulmans were reduced to eat asses. Then came there 
 
 1 [See Elphinstone, I. p. 506.] 
 
 ' [AlrCid ill one MS. Alor is the place intended.] ' [aCu*!LJ 
 
AL BILADtTRr. 123 
 
 forward a man who sued for quarter, and pointed out to them aa 
 aqueduct, by which the inhabitants were supplied with drinking 
 water from the river of Basmad. It flowed within the city iato a 
 reservoir like a well, which they call talah} Muhammad destroyed 
 the water-course ; upon which the inhabitants, oppressed with thirst, 
 surrendered at discretion. He massacred the men capable of 
 bearing arms, but the children were taken captive, as well as the 
 ministers of the temple, to the number of six thousand. The 
 Musulmans found there much gold in a chamber ten cubits long by 
 eight broad, and there was an aperture above, through which the 
 gold was poured into the chamber. Hence they call Multan " the 
 Frontier of the House of Gold," for farj means "a frontier."'* The 
 temple (hudd) of Multan received rich presents and offerings, and to 
 it the people of Sind resorted as a place of pilgrimage. They cir- 
 cumambulated it, and shaved their heads and beards. They con- 
 ceived that the image was that of the prophet Job, — God's peace be 
 on him ! 
 
 We are told that Hajjaj caused a calculation to be made of the 
 sums expended in fitting out this expedition of Muhammad Kasim, 
 and the riches which resulted from it. He had spent sixty millions 
 (of du'hams) and that which had been sent to him amounted to one 
 hundred and twenty millions. He said •.^-" We have appeased our 
 anger, and avenged our injuries, and we have gained sixty millions of 
 dirhams, as well as the head of Dahir. Hajjaj then died.^ Upon 
 learning this, Muhammad left Multan and returned to Alrur and 
 Baghrur, which had been previously captured. He made donations 
 to his men, and sent an army towards al-Bailaman, the inhabitants 
 of which place suiTendered without any resistance. He made peace 
 with the inhabitants of Surast, with whom the men of Basea* are 
 
 ' M. Eeinaud observes that the pronoun does not indicate whether this native 
 word applies to the canal or the reservoir. He conjectures, with some probability, 
 that the word may be ndld, " stream," but that word is not so pronounced at 
 Mult&n. I prefer, therefore, tdldb, tdldo, " a tank, or reservoir." [In Goeje'a edition 
 
 the word is — JU .J 
 
 ' When the Musulmans ai-ms extended to the mountains parallel with the course 
 of thfi Indus, the kingdoms of Kibul and Sind were called Farjkn " the two frontiers" 
 — Uylenbroek, IraC(S Fersica Descriptio, p. 67.. 
 
 3 [In the year 95 h., 7U a.d.] « [BudhaJ 
 
124 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 now at war. They are Meds, seafarers, and pirates. Then he went 
 against the town of Kiraj. Duhar advanced to oppose him, but the 
 enemy was put to flight. Diihat fled, but some say he was killed. 
 The inhabitants surrendered. Muhammad slew (all those capable of 
 bearing arms) and reduced the rest to slavery. * *• ** 
 
 Meanwhile, Walid, son of 'Abdu-1 maUk, died, and was succeeded 
 by- (his brother) Sulaiman, who appointed SaUh, son of 'Abdu-r- 
 Eahman, to collect the tribute of 'Irak. Tazid, son of Abu kabsha 
 as-Saksaki, was made governor of Sind, and Muhammad, son of 
 Kasim, was sent back a prisoner with Mu'awiya, son of Muhallab. 
 The people of Hind wept for Muhammad, and preserved his like- 
 ness at Kiraj. Ho was imprisoned by Salih at Wasit. S41ih put 
 him to torture, together with other persons of the family of Abu 
 'Ukail, until they expired: for Hajjaj' (Muhammad's cousin) had 
 put to death Adam, Salih's brother, who professed the creed of the 
 Kharijis. Hamza, the son of Baiz Hanafi, says : — 
 
 " Verily, courage, and generosity, and liberality. 
 Belonged to Muhammad, son of E&sim, son of Muhammad, 
 He led armies at the age of seventeen years, 
 He seemed destined for command from the day of his birth." 
 
 Yazi'd, son of Abu Kabsha, died eighteen days after hia arrival in 
 Sind. Sulaiman then appointed Habib, son of al Muhallab, to carry 
 on the war in Sind, and he departed for that purpose. Meanwhile 
 the princes of Hind had returned to their states, and Jaishiya,^ son 
 of Dahir, had come back to Brahmanabad. Habib proceeded to the 
 banks of the Mihran, where the people of Alrur made their submis- 
 sion ; but he warred against a certain tribe and reduced them. 
 
 When the Khalif Sulaiman, son of 'Abdu-1 Malik, died, he was 
 succeeded by 'TJmar son of 'Abdu-1 'Aziz. " He wrote to the princes 
 (of Hind) inviting them to become Musulmans and submit to his 
 authority, upon which they would be treated like all other Musul- 
 
 ' That sanguinary wretch is said to have slaughtered by his arbitrary mandates 
 120,000 pensons, and after his death there were found in his different prisons, 30,000 
 men and 20,000 women. This is drawn from Persian sources. The Snimi writers 
 represent him as just and impartial, notvpithstandiug his unflinching severity. — 
 Pascual de Gayangos, Biographical Dictionary, Art. " Al Hajjij." 
 
 2 [This reading is from Kud&ma, and is confirmed by the Chach-n&ma. Our text 
 is doubtful iLuik*- Eeinaud gives "HuUysah" M$m, aur Finder. 191. The true 
 name was Jai Sinha. See Chach-ndma, post.} 3 [717 A.D.] 
 
AL BILADTTRr. 125 
 
 mans. These princes h.ad already heard of his promises, character, 
 and creed, so Jaishiya and other princes turned Musulmans, and 
 took Arab names. 'Amru, son of Musliia al Bahali -was lieutenant 
 of 'Umar on this frontier. He invaded several places in Hind and 
 subdued them. 
 
 In the days of Tazid, son of 'Abdn-1 Malik,^ the sons of Al Mu- 
 hallib fled to Sind, and Hilal, son of Ahwaz al Tamimi was sent 
 after them^ He fell in with them and killed Mndrak, son of 
 Muhallab, at Kandabil. He also slew Mufazzal, 'Abdu-1 Malik, 
 Ziyad, Marun, and Mu'awiya, sons of MuhaUab ; last of all he 
 killed Mu'awiya, son of Yazid. 
 
 Junaid, son of 'Abdu-r Eahman al Marri was appointed to the 
 frontier of Sind, under the authority of 'Umar, son of Hiibaira 
 al Fazari, and was confirmed in the government by (the .'Ehalif ) 
 Hasham, son of 'Abdu-1 Malik.'' "When Khalid, son of 'Abdu-llah 
 Al Kasrf was sent to 'Irak (as governor) ■ Hasham wrote to Junaid 
 directing him to keep up a correspondence with Khalid. Junaid went 
 to Debal and from thence to the banks of the Mihran, but Jaishiya 
 (son of Dahir) forbade him to cross, and sent to him, saying, "I 
 have become a Musulman, and an excellent man confirmed me in 
 my states, but I have no faith in thee." But (Junaid) gave him 
 pledges and took pledges from him, together with the tribute due 
 from his territories. They thus exchanged guarantees, but Jaishiya 
 acted like an infidel and took up arms. But some say, on the 
 contrary, ^that he did not begin the attack, but that Junaid dealt 
 unjustly with him. Jaishiya assembled his troops, fiited out ships 
 and prepared for war. Junaid proceeded against him in ships afad 
 they fought in the lake of Ash Sharki. Jaishiya's ship was destroyed, 
 and he himself was taken prisoner and slain. Sasa' son of Dahir fled 
 and proceeded towards 'Irdk to complain of the the treachery of Junaid, 
 but the latter did not cease to conciliate him until they had shaken 
 hands,, and then he slew him. Junaid made war against Kiraj, the 
 people of which had rebelled. He made use of battering-ramB, and 
 battered the walls of the town with them until they were breached, 
 and then he stormed the place, slaying, plundering, and TtiaViTig 
 
 > [Tazid II. reigned 720 to 724 a.d.] 
 
 2 [Begiin to xeign 724 a.b.] " ['C a icj 
 
126 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 captives. He then sent his o£5cers to Mannad Mandal, Dahnaj, 
 and Barus [Broach]. Junaid used to say, "It is better to die with 
 bravado than with resignation," He sent a force against Uzain' 
 and he also sent Habid, son of Marra, with an army against 
 the country of Maliba." They made iQcursions against Uzain, and 
 they attacked Baharimad' and burnt its suburbs. Junaid conquered 
 al Bailaman and Jurz,* and he received at his abode, in addition to 
 what his visitors presented to him, forty millions, and he himself 
 carried off a similar sum. 
 
 The successor of Junaid was Tamim, son of Zaid al 'TJtbi. He 
 was feeble and imbecile, and died near Debal in a water called the 
 " Buffalo-water." This water was so called because buffalos took 
 refuge there from the bears which infested the banks of the Mihran. 
 Tamim was one of the most generous of Arabs, he found in the 
 treasury of Sind eighteen million Tatariya dirhams, which he soon 
 spent. * * * * * In the days of Tamim, the Musuhnans 
 retired from several parts of India and left some of their positions, 
 nor have they up to the present time advanced so far as in days 
 gone by. 
 
 Hakim, son of 'Awana al Kalbi, succeeded Tamfm. The people 
 of India had returned to idolatry excepting those of Kassa, and the 
 Musulmans had no place of security in which they could take refuge, 
 so he built a town on the other side of the lake facing India, and 
 called it Al Mahfuza, " the seciire," and this he made a place of refuge 
 and security for them, and their chief town. He asked the elders of 
 the tribe of Kalb, who were of Syrian descent, what name he should 
 give the town. Some said Dimashk [Damascus], others, Hims 
 [Emessa], and others Tadmur [Palmyra]. Hakim said (to the 
 latter), " May God destroy" you, fool." He gave it the name of 
 Al Mahfuza, and dwelt there. 
 
 'Amru, son of Muhammad son of Kasim was vsdth Hakim, and the 
 latter advised with him, trusted him with many important matters, 
 and sent him out of Al Mahfuza on a warlike expedition. He was 
 victorious hx his commission, and was made an amir. He founded 
 
 ' [^jj*i°-] ' [Milwa or Malabar.] * fjUJ^fi.] 
 
 * [Gnzerat. See Note A in Appendix.] 
 
 ' [There is a pun here on the root of the word Tadmur.] 
 
AL BILi^DURr. 127 
 
 a city on this side of the lake, which he called Mansura, in which 
 city the governors now dwell. Hakim recoTered from the hands of 
 the enemy those places which they had subjugated, and gave satis- 
 faction to the people in his country. Khdlid said, " It is very sur- 
 prising, — ^I gave the charge of the country to the most generous of 
 Arabs, that is, to Tamlm, and they were disgusted. I gave it to the 
 most niggardly of men and they were satisfied." Hakim was killed 
 there. 
 
 The governors ■who succeeded continued to kiU the enemy, taking 
 whatever they could acquire aUd subduing the people who rebelled. 
 When the fortunate dynasty (that of the 'Abbasides) was estab- 
 lished, Abu Muslim appointed 'Abdu-r Eahman, son of Abu Muslim 
 Mughallisa-1 'Abdi, to the frontier of Sind. 'Abdu-r Eahman went 
 by way of Tukharistan, and proceeded against Mansiir, son of 
 Jamhur al Kalbi, who was in Sind. But he was met by Mansur 
 and slain, and his forces were put to flight. When Muslim heard 
 this he appointed Miisa, son of Ka'bu-t Tamimi, and sent him to 
 Siud. When he arrived, the river Mihran lay between him and 
 Mansur, son of Jamhur.^ Still he came up with Mansur, put him 
 and his forces to flight, and slew his brother Manzur. Mansur fled 
 in wretched plight to the sands, where he died of thirst. Miisa 
 ruled in Sind, repdred the city of Mansiira, and enlarged its 
 mosque. He was victorious in his campaigns. 
 
 The Khalif al Mansur sent to Sind Hasham, son of 'Amrii al 
 Taghlabi, and he reduced those places which still held out. He 
 sent 'Amru, son of Jamal, in boats to Narand.' He also sent (a 
 force) to the territories of Hind, subdued Kashmir, and took many 
 prisoners and slaves. Multan was reduced, and he overpowered a 
 body of Arabs who were in Kandabil, and drove them out. He 
 then went to Kandahar in boats, and conquered it. He destroyed 
 the hudd there, and buUt in its place a mosque. There was abund- 
 ance in the country under bis rule, and the ijeople blessed him — he 
 extended the frontier, and enforced his decrees. 
 
 'Umar, son of Hafs, sou of 'Usman Hazarmard, was then appointed 
 
 ' [Coins of this Manstlr and of other Sind rulers have been found in the ruins of 
 a city supposed to he BrahmanSh&d. — Thomas' Frinsep, II., 119.] 
 
128 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 governor of Sind, and after him Daud, son of Yazfd, son of Hatim. 
 There was with him Abu-1 Samma, who had been a slave of the 
 tribe of Kanda, and who is now governor. The affairs of the 
 frontier went on prosperously until Bashar, son of Daud, was 
 appointed under the Kialifat of Mamun.^ He rebelled, and set up 
 in opposition. Ghassan, son of 'Abbad, who was a native of the 
 neighbourhood of Kiifa, was sent against him. Bashar proceeded 
 to meet Ghassan under a safe conduct, and they both proceeded to 
 the Muhammadan capital (Baghdad). Ghassan deputed Musa, son 
 of Yahya, son of Khalid, son of Barmak, to the charge of the fron- 
 tier. Musa killed Bala, king of Ash-sharki, although the latter had 
 given him five hundred thousand dirhams to preserve his life. Bala 
 was faithful to Ghassan, and wrote to him in the presence of his army, 
 through the princes whs were with him, but his request was rejected. 
 Musa died in 221* a.h. (836 a.d.), leaving a high reputation, and 
 he appointed his son 'Amran as his successor. The Khalif M'utasim 
 bi-llah wrote to him confirming him in the government of the 
 frontier. He marchefl to Kikan against the Jats, whom he defeated 
 and subjugated. He built a city there, which he called Al Baiza, 
 "the white," ° and he posted a military force there. Then he pro- 
 ceeded to Multan, and from thence to Eandabil, winch city stands 
 upon a hUl. Muhammad, son of Khalil, was reigning there, but 
 'Amran slew him, (conquered the town, and carried away its inhabi- 
 tants to Kusdar. Then he made war upon the Meds, and killed 
 three thousand of them. ; There he constructed a band, which is 
 called " Sakru-1 Med," Baiid of the Meds. He encamped en the river 
 at Alrur.* There he summoned the iJats, who came to his presence, 
 when he sealed"^ their hands, took from them the jizya (capitation 
 tax), and he ordered that every man of them should bring a dog 
 with hi-m when he came to wait upon him, — hence the price of a 
 dog rose to fifty dirhams. He again attacked the Meds, haviiog -with 
 him the chief men of the Jats. He dug a canal from the eea to their 
 tank, so their water became salt ; and he sent out several marauding 
 expeditions against them. 
 
 1 [Began to reign in 813 a.d.] 
 
 " [The text says 21, tut this is a manifest error.] > [See ante, p. 118.] 
 
 * \j}J\jii ^ ''*■ "On the river of Edr.] « [j^^'V.^ (*^^-] 
 
AL BILADUEf. 129 
 
 Dissensions then arose between the Nizarians' and Yamanians, 
 and 'Amran joined with the latter. 'Umar, son of 'Abu-1 Aziz al 
 Hahbari, consequently went to him and kUled him unawares. The 
 ancestor of this 'Umar had come into Siad with Hakim, son of 
 'Awana al Kalbf.' 
 
 Mansur, son of Hatim, related to me that Fazl, son of Mahan, 
 formerly a slave of the sons of Sama, got into Sindan and subdued 
 it. He then sent an elephant to the Khalif Mamiiu, and wrote to 
 him and offered up prayers for him in the Jami' masjid, which he 
 buUt there. "When he died he was succeeded by Muhammad son of 
 Fazl son of Mahan. He proceeded with sixty vessels against the 
 Meds of Hind. He killed a great number of them, captured 
 Kalian' (?) and then returned towards Sindan. But his brother, 
 named Mahan, had made himself master of Sindan, and wrote to the 
 Khalif Mu'tasim bi-llah, and had sent to him as a present the 
 largest and longest sdj,^ that had been seen. But the Indians were 
 under the control of his brother whom they liked, so they slew 
 Mahan and crucified him. The Indians afterwards made themselves 
 masters of Sindan, but they spared the mosque, and the Muhammadans 
 used to meet in it on the Friday and pray for the Khalif. 
 
 Abii Bakr, who had been a slave of the Karizis, related to me that 
 the country called Al 'Usaifan between Kashmir and Multan and 
 Kabul, was governed by a wise king. The people of this country 
 worshipped an idol for which they had built a temple. The son of the 
 king fell sick, and he desired the ministers of the temple to pray to 
 the idol for the recovery of his son. They retired for a short time, 
 and then returned and said, " We have prayed and our supplications 
 have been accepted." But no long time passed before the youth 
 died. Then the king attacked the temple, destroyed and broke in 
 pieces the idol, and slew its ministers. He afterwards invited a 
 
 ' [The Niz&rians are the descendants of Niz^r, an ancestor of Muhammad, and the 
 Tam&niane are the trihes of Taman (Yemen). See note in Eeinaud's Fragments, 
 also his Invasions des Sarrasins en France, p. 72, et seg.l 
 
 2 See a note upon the Amirs Mdsa and Amran, in Eeinaud's Fragments, p. 215.] 
 
 3 [The text has ij^^.] 
 
 * [Sdj, a green or black sash rolled round the head and hanging down behind. 
 It is also the name of the teak tree.] 
 
 VOL. I. 9 
 
130 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 party of Muhammadan traders who made known to him the unity of 
 Grod. Hereupon he believed in the xujity and became a Musulman. 
 This happened in the Khalifat of Mu'taeim bi-llah, — may God have 
 mercy on him. 
 
131 
 
 CHAOPI-NA^MA, 
 
 GK 
 
 TARrKH-I HIND WA SIND. 
 
 Chach-nama is the name now universally given to the work 
 which details the usurpation of the Brahman Ohach and the Arab 
 conquest of Sind ; but the history itself gives us no authority for 
 this name, on the contrary it is spoken of in the preface and 
 conclusion merely as Fath-naraa, "a despatch announcing victory." 
 It is sometimes styled, as by Elphinstone, Tdrikh-i Hind o Sind. 
 It is quoted by Niiru-l Hakk in the Zubdatu-t Tawarikh, and by 
 Nizamu-d din Ahmad in the Tabakat-i Akbari, as the Minhdju-1 
 Mas&lik, which the latter tells us is more commonly known as 
 the Chach-nama^ 
 
 This work was translated from the Ajabic by Muhammad 'All 
 bin Haraid bin Abu Bakr Kiifl, in the time of Nasiru-d din 
 Kabacha, who is styled, amongst many other titles, Amiru-1 
 Muminin Abii-l Fath Kabachau-s Salatin,^ " the tents of whose 
 glory were pitched with the ropes of his authority, and with the 
 mallet of the strictness of his commands." He is said to adorn 
 the throne lately occupied by the blessed martyr Abii-l Muzaffar 
 Muhammad bin Sam Nasir Arairu-l Muminin. 
 
 The translator informs us that, after having spent much of his 
 life in the enjoyment of great comfort and happiness, he was re- 
 duced to distress, and compelled by the vicissitudes of the time to 
 leave his native land and take up his abode in U'ch. He says that 
 
 ' This is a new mode of using the tena ia combination, and would show that some 
 meaning must be ascribed to Kabicha. The dictionaries translate it only as a " small 
 tunic." [It is frequently written " JKabija," but the I^Sgari legends on the coins 
 make it " Kubichahi." See Thomas' Prinsep., I. 305. 'Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, 
 Plate XX., Ko. 19.] 
 
132 HISTOEIAKS OF SDTO. 
 
 in the 58th year of his age, and the 613th of the Hijri (1216 a.d.), 
 he withdrew his hand from all the concerns which had previously 
 occupied his mind, and made a few delightful books his sole com- 
 panions. He considered within himself that learned persons of 
 every age had, by the assistance of their masters and patrons, 
 compiled histories and books, and established a reputation for 
 themselves by their literary attainments ; that, for instance, the 
 conquests of Khurasan, 'Irak, Persia, Rum, and Sham had been 
 celebrated at large in poetry and prose by authors of past ages ; 
 and that a victory had been achieved, and the country of 
 Hindustan conquered, by Muhammad Kasim and other nobles 
 of Arabia and Syria, and mosques and pulpits had been raised 
 throughout the country, from the sea-shore to the boundaries of 
 Kashmir and Kanauj, and Rai Dahir, son of Chach, the king of 
 Alor, had been slain by the great noble, the best man of the 
 State and Religion, Muhammad bin Kdsim bin 'Akil Sakifi, 
 may God's mercy be on him ! and the Rai's territory with all 
 its dependencies had been taken possession of by that conqueror. 
 The translator, therefore, wished to be acquainted with an ac- 
 count of the country and its inhabitants, and also with the 
 history of D4hir's defeat and death, in order that he might be 
 able to compile a book upon that interesting subject. 
 
 In the endeavour to obtain this information, he left the sacred 
 city of U'ch, and went to Alor and Bhakar, the Imams of which 
 places were the descendants of the Arab conquerors. On his 
 arrival there, he met with the Maulana Kazi, Isma'il bin 'Ali 
 bin Muhammad bin Miisd bin Tdi bin Ya'kiib bin Tai bin Miisi 
 bin Muhammad bin Shaib^n bin 'Usm4n Sakifi. He was a 
 mine of learning and the soul of wisdom, and there was no one 
 equal to him in science, piety, and eloquence. On being consulted 
 on the subject of the Arabian conquest, he informed the trans- 
 lator that an account of it was written by one of his ancestors, in 
 a book composed in the Arabic language, which had descended 
 from one generation to the other, till it reached his hands by 
 course of inheritance. But as it was dressed in the language of 
 
CHACH-NAMA, 133 
 
 Hijaz, it had obtained no currency among the people, to whom 
 that language was foreign. 
 
 When the translator read the book, he found it adorned with 
 jewels of wisdom and pearls of precepts. It related various feats 
 of chivalry and heroism on the part of the Arabs and Syrians. 
 It treated of the capture of those forts which had never before 
 been taken, and showed the morning of the night of infidelity 
 and barbarism. It recounted what places in those days were 
 honoured by the arrival of the Muhammadans, and having been 
 conquered by them, were adorned by religious edifices, and 
 exalted by being the residence of devotees and saints. Up to 
 this day, the translator continues, the country is improving in 
 Isldm faith and knowledge, and at all periods since the conquest 
 the throne of royalty has been occupied by one of the slaves of 
 the house of Muhammad, who removed the rust of Paganism 
 from the face of Isl4m. 
 
 He proceeds to tell us that he dedicates his translation to the 
 minister of Nasiru-d din Kabacha, whom he designates among 
 other titles, the Defender of the State and Religion, the greatest 
 of all Wazirs, the master of the sword and pen, Sadr-i Jahan 
 Dastiir-i Sahib-Kir^n 'Ainu-1 Mulk Husain bin Abi Bakr bin 
 Muhammad al Asha'ri. 
 
 He states as his reason for the dedication, that not only might 
 he advance his own interests by the minister's favour and influence, 
 but that the selection was peculiarly appropriate in consequence 
 of the minister's ancestors, Abu Musa al AshaYi, having ob- 
 tained many victories in Khurasdn and 'A jam. To him there- 
 fore might be most fitly dedicated an account of the early con- 
 quest of Sind. 
 
 At the close of the work, he again says that as thework was 
 written in the Hijazi (Arabic) language, and was not clothed in 
 a Pehlvi garb, it was little known to the inhabitants of 'Ajam 
 (foreign countries or Persia), and repeats the name of the person 
 to whom it was dedicated, as 'Ainu-l Mulk. 
 
134 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 There can, therefore, be little doubt that this is the same 
 minister to whom Muhammad Aufi has dedicated his Lubbu-1 
 Lubab, respecting whose identity some doubt has been enter- 
 tained, in consequence of the title 'Ainu-l Mulk not being com- 
 monly ascribed to any minister of that period. The repetition 
 of the name by the translator of the Ohach-nama leaves no doubt 
 that Husain bin Abi Bakr bin Muhammad al Asha'ri is the 
 person indicated. 
 
 As this translation was made at so early a period of the 
 Atuhammadan dominion in India, it is greatly to be regretted 
 that the translator did not attempt to identify the many un- 
 known places of which mention is made in the course of the 
 narrative. As he had himself visited l/ch, Alor, and Bhakar, 
 and probably other places lower down the Indus, he might have 
 cleared up the many doubts which our ignorance of the localities 
 entails upon us. 
 
 It is difficult to fix the precise period of the composition of the 
 original Arabic. It is not said to have been composed by an 
 ancestor of the person from whom the translator obtained it at 
 Bhakar, but merely to have been written in the handwriting 
 (MaJ) of 'one of his ancestors. This may be applied either to 
 composition or transcription, but the use of the term renders 
 the precise meaning doubtful — most probably composition is 
 referred to. In either case, we have a guarantee for the authen- 
 ticity of the narrative, in the fact that the ancestor of Isma'il, 
 the possessor of the manuscript, was himself a participator in the 
 scenes and the advantages of the conquest ; for we find it dis- 
 tinctly mentioned, that the K4zi appointed by Muhammad 
 Kasim, after the conquest of Alor, was Mus4 bin Ya'lciib bin 
 Tai bin Muhammad bin Shaiban bin 'Usman. Now if we look 
 at the name of the person from whom the translator obtained 
 the Arabic original, we shall find it mentioned as Isma'il bin 
 'Ali bin Muhammad bin Musd bin T4i bin Ya'kub bin T&i bin 
 Miisd bin Muhammad bin Shaib&n bin 'Usman. In both in- 
 
CHACH-NAMA. 135 
 
 stances 'Usman is mentioned as Sakifi, that is, of the same tribe 
 as the conqueror himself.^ The genealogies do not tally in 
 every respect, and it is evident that in the later one some inter- 
 mediate generations, as is frequently the case, are omitted ; but 
 still there is quite sufficient similarity to show descent from the 
 same ancestor. The titles also of ancestor and descendant re- 
 semble each other most closely. The first Kdzi appointed to Alor 
 is called Sadr al Imdmia al Ajall al 'Alim Burhanu-1 Millat 
 wau-d din. The contemporary of the translation is called 
 Maulana Kazi al Imam al Ajall al 'Alim al B4ri' Kamdlu-1 
 Millat Tvau-d din. It is very strange that the translator takes 
 no notice of this identity of pedigree, by which the value and 
 authenticity of the work are so much increased ; but it is pro- 
 bable that it did not occur to him, or such a circumstance could 
 scarcely have escaped mention. 
 
 Notwithstanding that Elphinstone uses the expression "pro- 
 fesses to be a translation," which would imply a suspicion of the 
 fact, there is no reason to doubt that the work is a translation of 
 a genuine Arab history, written not very long after the conquest. 
 There appears in it very little modern interpolation, and it is 
 probable that those passages which contain anachronisms were 
 the work of the original writer, and not of the translator. The 
 placing a sentence of the Kuran in Ladi's mouth— the Bismillah 
 at the beginning of the letters of Sindian princes, the praises 
 of Islam ascribed to Hindds, the use of the foreign names of 
 Brahmandbad, which is explained to be a version of the native 
 Bdmanwah, are all evidently the work of the original author. 
 
 It is to be regretted that there is no hope of recovering the 
 Arabic work ; for although the very meagre accounts of this 
 important conquest by Abu-1 Fida, Abu-1 Faraj, Ibn Kutaiba, and 
 Almakin lead us to expect little information from Arabic author- 
 ities ; yet it might possibly contain other interesting matter 
 
 ' The Sakif tribes (Thakif) were of great importance. They had their head 
 quarters at Tayif, and were the guardians of the upper road to Yemen. — Sprenger's 
 Life of Muhammad, p. 7. 
 
136 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 respecting the communication between Arabia and Sind, which 
 the translator did not think worthy of special notice. 
 
 An air of truth pervades the whole, and though it reads more 
 like a romance than a history, yet this is occasioned more by 
 the intrinsic interest of the subject, than by any fictions pro- 
 ceeding from the imagination of the author. The two stories 
 which appear the most fictitious, are the accusation of Jaisiya by 
 the sister of Darohar, and the revenge of the two daughters of 
 D4hir upon Muhammad Kdsim. The former is evidently manu- 
 factured on the model of Joseph and Potiphar's wife, a story 
 familiar throughout the East ; but the latter is novel, and not 
 beyond the bounds of probability, when we consider the blind 
 obedience which at that time was paid to the mandates of the 
 Prophet's successor, of which, at a later period, we have so many 
 instances in the history of the Assassins, all inspired by the 
 same feeling, and executed in the same hope. 
 
 The narrative is unambitious, and tropes and figures are rarely 
 indulged in, except in describing the approach of night and 
 morning ; [but the construction is often involved, and the lan- 
 guage is occasionally ungrammatical. Besides these defects, the 
 events recorded do not always appear to follow in their proper 
 chronological sequence.] 
 
 The antiquity of the original Arabic work is manifest, not 
 only from the internal evidence of the narrative, but from some 
 omissions which are remarkable, such as the name of Mansura, 
 which must have been mentioned had it been in existence at 
 that time. Now Mansura was built in the beginning of the 
 reign of the Khalif Al Mansur, who succeeded in 136 A.h. 
 (a.D. 753). It is evident that the work must have been written 
 before that time. Then, again, we have nowhere any mention of 
 Maswahi, Manjabari, Annari, or Al-Baiza, all important towns 
 noticed by Biladuri and Ibn Haukal, and other early writers on 
 Sind, and the work must therefore have been composed before 
 their time. Again, it is plain that the mass of the people were 
 Buddhists, which no author, especially a foreign one, would have 
 
CHACH-NAMA. 137 
 
 described them as beina:, bad he lived after the extinction of that 
 religion in India. We read of Samanis, monks, and a royal 
 white elephant, which are no longer heard of at the later invasion 
 of Mahmiid of Ghazni. Again, some portions of the history are 
 derived from oral testimony received at second, third, or fourth 
 hand, from those who were participators in the transactions 
 recorded, just in the same way as Tabari, who wrote in the third 
 century of the Hijri, probably later than our author, traces all 
 his traditions to eye or ear-witnesses. 
 
 Elphinstone's estimate of the work is that, "though loaded 
 with tedious speeches, and letters ascribed to the principal actors, 
 it contains a minute and consistent account of the transactions 
 during Muhammad Kasim's invasion, and some of the preceding 
 Hindu reigns. It is full of names of places, and would throw 
 much light on the geography of that period, if examined by any 
 person capable of ascertaining the ancient Sanskrit names, so as 
 to remove the corruptions of the original Arab writer and the 
 translator, besides the innumerable errors of the copyist." He 
 states that he did not see this work until his narrative of Kdsim's 
 military transactions had been completed. 
 
 The Chach-nama is the original from which Nizamu-d din 
 Ahmad, Nuru-1 Hakk, Firishta, Mir Ma'sum, and others, have 
 drawn their account of the conquest of Sind. They have, how- 
 ever, left much interesting matter unnoticed, and even the later 
 professed translations by Lieutenant Postans, in the Journal of 
 the Asiatic Society of Bengal (No. lxxiv., J 838, and No. cxi., 
 1841) give merely an abridged account of the transactions, which 
 is moreover unfortunately disfigured by many misprints. 
 
 The headings of the sections throughout the work have been 
 translated, in order to show the connection of the whole; those only 
 being omitted which are inappropriate or evidently misplaced : and 
 nearly every passage has been translated which can be useful for 
 the illustration of the geography, religion, and manners of the time. 
 The Ohach-nama is common in India. There is a copy in the 
 E. I. Library, and the Bibliothfeque Imperiale has two. 
 
138 HISTOEIAITS OF SIND. 
 
 EXTRAOTS. 
 
 [The MS. referred to as ^. is Sir H. M. Elliot's copy. B. is that belonging to the 
 East India Library, which has been referred to in obscure passages and for 
 doubtful names.] 
 
 Commencement of the hook upon the history of Bai Ddhir, son of 
 Cfhach, son of Sildij, and of Ms death at the hands of Muhammad 
 Kdsim Saiifi. 
 
 Chroniclers and historians have related that the city of Alor, 
 the capital of Hind and Sind, was a large city adorned with 
 all kinds of palaces and villas, gardens and groves, reservoirs 
 and streams, parterres and flowers. It was situated on the banis 
 of the Sihun, which they call Mihran. This deKghtful city had 
 a king, whose name was Siharas, son of Sahasf Eai Shahi.' He 
 possessed great wealth and treasures. His justice was diffused 
 over the earth, and his generosity was renowned in the world. The 
 boimdaries of his dominionu extended on the east to Kashmfr, on 
 the west to Makran, on the south to the shores of the ocean and to 
 Debal, and on the north to the mountains of Kardan' and to 
 Kaikanan.' He had established four maliks, or governors, in his 
 territories. The first at Brahmanabfid and the forts of Nirun, 
 Debal, Lohana, Lakha, and Sam.ma, down to the sea (darya), were 
 placed in his charge. The second at the town of Siwistan : under 
 him were placed Budhpiir,* Jankan, and the skirts of the hills of 
 Eujhan to the borders of Makran.^ The third at the fort of Aska- 
 landa and Pabiya,' which are called Talwara and Chachpiir ; under 
 him were placed their dependencies to the frontier of Budhpur. 
 
 ' [This is an error — S5.hasi was sou of Siharas — his father was called Diw&ij. See 
 ^os< page 140.] 2 [Qr "Karw&n."] 
 
 etc., etc.] 
 
 * [This is the reading of MS. A., but S. generally has " Bddhiya :" two different 
 forms of the same name.] 
 
 i> [This is a doubtful passage, 
 MS. A. says JJ^ '^ Ij- J^^jj Ju}o if/j J^ j Ji^^^y 
 
 ■B tas ^J^ As- b (jl^jii -sjIj *■/ J J^*r V'V^ 
 
 ° [-jL« ill -^- and (UjU in B. This name is written P&ya and B&ya, B4biya 
 and P&biya : the last seems the preferable form.] 
 
CHACH-NAMA. 139 
 
 The fourtli at the great city of Multan and Sikka, and Brahmapiir' 
 and Kariir, and Ashahar and Kumba, as far as the borders of 
 Kashmir, weTe under his government. He (the king) himself 
 dwelt at the capital, Alor, and kept under his own rule Kardan,' 
 and Kaikanan and Banarhas.^ He enjoined upon every one of 
 his princes the necessity of being prepared for war, by keeping 
 the implements of warfare, arms, and horses ready. He also 
 ordered them to attend to the security of the country, the con- 
 ciliation of the subjects, and the reparation of the buildings, so 
 that they might keep their districts and dependencies safe. Through- 
 out his dominions there was no disaffected person who could make 
 any pretensions against the specification of his frontiers. Suddenly, 
 by the decree of God, the army of the king of Nimroz marched from 
 Ears to Makran.* When Siharas heard this he went forth from the 
 fort of Alor,^ haughty in mind and careless in heart, with the main 
 part of his army to encounter him. They joined battle, and when 
 many brave men and tried warriors, on both sides, had been slain, 
 the Persian army, placing their whole trust in the Almighty, made an 
 assault, and broke and put to flight the army of Eai Siharas. He 
 himself stood firm, fighting for his name and honour, until he was 
 killed. The king of Tars then returned to Nimroz, and Eai Sahasf, 
 son of Siharas, sat upon the throne of his father. He established 
 his authority in the country, and the folxr princes who had been 
 appointed by his father submitted and assented to him, exhibiting 
 every mark of obedience, placing their wealth at his disposal, and 
 supporting him with honesty and energy. The whole country was 
 thus safely secured ia the power of Eai Sahasi ; and the people 
 lived happily under his just and equitable rule. He had a chamber- 
 lain named Earn, son of Abi (?), a man of science and wisdom.' 
 This man . had full and general authority over all parts of the 
 dominions of Eai Sahasi ; no person could enter or leave the king's 
 service but through him. The duties of chief secretary were en- 
 trusted to". him, and Eai Sahasi had faith in his eloquent pen, and 
 never doubted his rectitude. 
 
 1 [So in MS. 5, but Budhpfir in ^.] » [Or Karw&n.] 
 
 3 [Or Barh&s.] * [The Text adda ^jb' CJ.SIu *,.j J in Arab fashion ?] 
 
 6 [MS. :B. says " Eawar."] 
 
 « XSome words including the name are omitted in MS. A.'\ 
 
140 HISTOKIANS OF SIND. 
 
 Chach, son of Sildij, goes to the Chamberlain Ram. 
 The vffice of Chamberlain is conferred on Chach, son of Sildij. 
 The Rani falls in love mth Chach, and Chach refuses compliance. 
 Sdhasi Rdi dies and ^oes to hell. 
 Chaeh ascends the throne of Malik Sdhasi Rdi. 
 Chach fights with Mahrat (Chief of Jaipiir^) and Mils him by 
 stratagem. 
 
 Chach marries Rani S'ubhan Deo. 
 
 Chach sends/or his brother Chandar and establishes him in Alor. 
 
 Chach issues orders appointing Chandar his deputy. 
 
 Chach asks JBudlilman, the minister, qmstions concerning the 
 
 government. 
 
 i> (t m t> a 
 
 Budhiman, the minister, bowed Ms head to the ground, and said, 
 
 " May Eai Chach live for ever, and may it he known to him, that 
 
 this government was under the domiaion of a sole king, and his 
 
 chiefs were always ohedient to him. When the country was ruled 
 
 by Siharas, son of Diwaij, and when he was conquered by the army of 
 
 Tars, Sdhasi succeeded to the empire. He similarly appointed all the 
 
 four rulers to their territories, expecting them to exert themselves 
 
 in the collection of the revenue and the protection of the country. 
 
 « « o «s «» o e 
 
 Chach proceeds to visit and mark the boundaries of Alor. 
 When Chach heard these words from Budhiman, the minister, 
 they made an impression upon him. He was very happy. He praised 
 the minister very lauch, and took it as a good omen. He sent far- 
 mans to the authorities in all parts of the kingdom and called (for 
 aid &om) the governors of the different divisions. He then prepared 
 an army declaring that he would go to the boundary of Hindustan 
 which adjoined the (kingdom of the) Turk. The astrologers fixed an 
 auspicious time, at which he departed, and after he had gone many 
 marches he reached the fort of Pabiya, on the southern bank of 
 the Bias. Th« Chief of the place gave battle, but after great fighting 
 
 ^ [Both MSS, here agree in reading Jitur, but the explanation in page 169 shows 
 that the name must he Jaipur. Mir Ma'siim couples it with Jodhpur and writes the 
 name " Ghitier," or "Japiur." The Tuhfatu-1 Kiram has " ChHur."'\ 
 
CHACH-ITAMA. 141 
 
 and bloodsLed, the king of Pdbiya fled and entered the fort. Eai 
 Chach was victorious, and encamped in the field of battle for a time. 
 When the store of provisions was exhausted, and grass, and wood, 
 and fuel, were all consumed, the enemy being in distress left the 
 fort at the time when the world had covered itself with the blanket 
 of darkness, and the king of the stars concealed himself in the 
 gloom of night. He fled towards the fort of Askalanda and en- 
 camped in the vicinity of that city. This fort was stronger than the 
 first, and when he reached the fields of this city he sent his spies to 
 obtain information, and when they came back they reported that 
 Chach had entered the fort of Pabiya, and was staying there. 
 
 Chach proceeds to the fort of Askalanda.^ 
 
 When Chach was informed that the enemy had gone to Askalanda, 
 he placed one of his officers in charge of the fort (of Pabiya) and 
 proceeded to that city. He pitched his tents in its vicinity. There 
 wae a great and brave man in the fort of Askalanda, who was in 
 the interest of Chach, and had influence over the people in the fort. 
 All the chief inhabitants always took his advice and never acted 
 eoutrary to his opinion. Chach sent a man to him and promised to 
 make him governor of that fort. He also ordered a farman to be 
 prepared, granting him the governorship of the fort, on the condition 
 that he would kUl Chatera,^ the chief (mahk) of Pabiya, or take him 
 prisoner. Pabiya was also to be made over to him. He agreed to 
 these terms and conditions. He sent his son to Chach, and by occa- 
 sionally visiting Chatera, gained his confidence, so that he was 
 never prevented from going into his Court either by day or by night. 
 When he found an opportunity, he suddenly killed Chatera and 
 sent his head to Chach. Eai Chach showed him great favour and 
 honour, granted him a reward in token of his pleasure, an.d made 
 him the independent chief of that fort. The great and noble men 
 of the city attended on him, and made him presents. He treated 
 them aU with honour and respect, and kept them faithful to their 
 
 ' [MS. S. -writes the name " Asal-Kanda."] 
 
 ^ [This name is -written thus, and also as " Chatar," in MS. A. MS. B, makes it 
 "Jatri,"] 
 
142 HISTOEIANS OF SIND. 
 
 allegiance. Cliaoh gave Mm some prohibitions and admonitions, so 
 tliat lie continued faithful in obedience and never disobeyed his orders. 
 
 Chaeh marches towards Sikka and Multdn. 
 
 Having completed the expedition to Askalanda, Chaoh proceeded 
 towards Sikka and Multan.. In Multan there was a chief (malik) 
 whose name was Bajhra. He was a relation of Sahasi. When he 
 received the news of the arrival of Chach, he came to the banks of 
 the Ravi. He had large dominions and possessed great abilities. 
 Suhewal, his nephew, governed the fort of Sikka opposite Multan, 
 towards the east, and along with Ajin, the cousin of Bajhra came with 
 a large force to meet him' (Chach), and he' (Chaoh) encamped at a 
 ford on the Bias^ for three months. When the water decreased, they 
 selected a place at a village a little above the encampment, where the 
 water did not prevent a passage, and he (Chach) crossed over. He 
 came to Sikka, and fought a battle with Suhewal. He besieged the 
 fort for some days, and the enemy was much pressed. Some men 
 were slain on Chach's side, and on the side of the infidels many 
 were despatched to hell. Suhewal then fled, and went to the fort 
 of Multan. They entered the fort, and stood on the banks of the 
 Eavi' prepared with all the implements of war. Chach then took 
 possession of the fort of Sikka, and killed five thousand soldiers, 
 and made the inhabitants slaves and prisoners of war. Chach 
 placed Amfr 'AHu-d Daula in the fort of Sikka, and himself passed 
 over to Multan. Both armies confronted each other. Malik Bajhra, 
 with a formidable army, fighting elephants, and men of war, came 
 out and opposed Chach. Sharp encounters ensued, with great 
 slaughter on both sides. Bajhra took refuge in the fort, and wrote 
 letters to the ruler of Kashmir stating that Chach, son of Silaij, a 
 Brahman, had become chief of Alor, the capital. He had come with 
 
 1 [The text is ambiguous ; and the appropriation of the personal pronoim is a 
 matter of inference.] 
 
 * \_\r -....'.-I (jugLj I jo J " Bi&s" may possibly here he the name of the ford, 
 but the old bed of the Bias is still traceable between Mult&n and the Ghira. to where 
 it joined the Chin&b thirty miles S.W. of Multkn.] 
 
 3 ["The E^vl formerly surrounded the fortress of Mult&n, and its bed is still 
 traceable. In seasons of heavy rain the waters flow to Multin. This agrees with 
 the statement that Alexander circumnayigated the fortress." — Cunningham.] 
 
CHACH-NAMA. 143 
 
 a numerous army, and had conquered all the strongholds, great and 
 small, and fortified them. That he (Bajhra) was not able to cope 
 with him, and no chief was victorious over him iu battle. He had 
 reached Multan, and it was expedient that the Chief of Elashmir 
 should assist him (Bajhra) and send reinforcements. 
 
 The unsuccessful return oftJie messenger from Kashmir. 
 Before the messenger reached Kashmir, the Eai of that place had 
 died, and his son, who was only a boy, had succeeded him. The 
 ministers, coimsellors, attendants, and guards, as well as the nobles 
 and chief men of the state, consulted with each other and answered 
 the letter in a proper manner. They stated that the Eai of Kashmir 
 had departed to the next world, and his son was a mere boy of 
 tender age. The different divisions of the army had raised their 
 heads in rebellion and revolt. It was necessaiy that the affairs of 
 these parts should be set straight, and therefore it was not at this 
 time in their power to provide the means of assistance, and that 
 Bajhra must rely upon his own resources. When the messengers 
 came back and communicated this, Bajhr4, despairing of assistance 
 from the king of Kashmir, sued Eai Chtich for peace, and made 
 promises and assurances. He said he would leave the fort if assured 
 of his safety, in writing, and that nobody should molest him until 
 he reached a place of security with all his followers and dependants. 
 Chach agreed to these terms, and promised him protection. He 
 came out of the fort, and, with his people, went towards the moun- 
 tains of Kashmir. Chach entered the fort, and the province was 
 brought under his dominion. 
 
 Chach leaves his deputy in the fort of Multan and proceeds onward. 
 "When he took the fort of Multan he appointed there a thakur as 
 his deputy. He went into the temple, prostrated himself before the 
 idols, and offered sacrifices. He then prepared to march forward. 
 The rulers of Brahmap6r, Kanir and Ashahar, acknowledged sub- 
 mission to him. From these places he proceeded to the boundaries 
 of Kumba' and Kashmir. No king offered any resistance. 
 
 1 [In page 139, both MSS. write this name Kumha. In this place, MS. A. has 
 Mdkir or Mdhslr, and a few lines farther on, Kina or Kmiya. MS. B. has Kisa 
 here, and Kmnia afterwards.] 
 
144 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 " Wteii the Almighty makes a man great he renders all his 
 enterprises easy and gives him all his desires." 
 
 Every place to which he went fell into his possession. At last he 
 reached the fort of Shakalha, an elevated- place which is called 
 Kumba' on the borders of Kashmir, and stopped there for one 
 month. He punished some of the chiefs of the surrounding places, 
 and collected an army under his command. Then he made firm 
 treaties with the chiefs and rulers of that part of the country, and 
 securely established his dominion. He sent for two trees, one of 
 which was a maisir, tliat is white poplar, and the other a deoddr, 
 that is a fir.' He planted them both on the the boundary of 
 Kashmir, upon the banks of a stream, which is called the five 
 waters,' and near the Kashmir hills, from which numerous foun- 
 tains flow. He stayed there till the branches of each of the trees 
 ran into those of the other. Then he marked them, and said it was 
 the boundary mark between him and the Eai of Kashmir, and 
 beyond it he would not go. 
 
 Return of Chach after fixing his boundary with Kashmir. 
 
 The narrator of this conquest has thus said, that when the 
 boundary towards Kashmir was defined, Chach returned to the 
 capital city Alor. He stopped there a year to take rest from the 
 fatigues of the journey ; and his chiefs got ready the provisions 
 and materials of war. He then said, " minister 1 I have no fear 
 from the east, now I must take care of the west and the south." 
 The minister replied, " Indeed, it is most praiseworthy for kings to 
 be acquainted with the afl'airs of their countries. It is also to be 
 apprehended that from your absence in the upper provinces the 
 nobles and the governors of the different parts may have presumed 
 
 ' This implies considerable altitude. 
 
 2 The -word in the original is Arabic (cyljbL* ^i) not the Persian Panj&b. 
 
 The npper course of the Jailam, just after it debouches into the plains, seems to be 
 alluded to here. A curious coincidence of expression is used by a late traveller 
 ■with reference to the same locality. " We passed five branches of this beautiful 
 river Jelam which at this place forms a little Panjib of its own." Serjeant-Major 
 Brixham'B Raid to the Khyber, p. 43. 
 
CHAOH-NA'MA. 145 
 
 that since Eai Sahasi there is nobody to demand from them the revenue 
 of the country. Truly mismanagement and disorder have taken place. ' ' 
 On this, Chach, in an auspicious hour, marched towards the forts 
 of Budapur' and Siwistan. There was a chief in Siwistan, called 
 Matta, and Chach crossed the Mihran at a -village called Dihayat, 
 which formed the boundary between Samma and Alor. From this . 
 place he proceeded to Budhiya, the chief of which was the son of 
 Kotal bin Bhandargii Bhagu. His capital was Nanaraj," and the 
 inhabitants of the place called it Sawis. Chach attacked and took 
 the fort of Sawf s. Kaba, son of Kaka, came forth to ask quarter for 
 the prince and his followers. They laid upon themselves a tribute 
 to pay him, and made their submission. 
 
 The army marches to Siwistan. 
 
 From that place he went to Siwistan, and when he approached it, 
 Matta, its chief, came forth with great alarm and a large retinue to 
 meet him. A battle was fought, Chach was victorious, and Matta, with 
 his army, fled and took refuge in the fort. Chach besieged it, and 
 after a week the garrison was obliged to sue for peace. The terms 
 being agreed to, they came out the fort, and surrendered the keys to 
 the officers of Chach, who gave them protection and showed them 
 much kindness. He gave the chiefship of the place to Matta, and 
 also placed one of his confidential officers there. He stopped there 
 for a few days, during which time the affairs of the territory and the 
 city were put iu order. 
 
 Chach sends a messenger to Akham Lohdna, chief of Brahmandbdd. 
 "When the invasion of Siwistan was over, Chach sent a letter to 
 Akham Lohana, the governor of Brahmanabad, who was Chief also 
 of Lakha, Samma and Sihta, and called upon him to acknow- 
 ledge submission. When h& was a few days' journey from Makran, 
 the footmen whom he had placed on the roads, caught a person with 
 letters from Akham, which he had written to Matta, the governor 
 of Siwistfin, to the following effect. " I have always behaved 
 towards you with great cordiality and friendship, and have never 
 
 1 [Bddliiya in MS. \B. No doubt the Bndbpur or Biidhiya of p. IfiO, where it 
 is also connected Tvitli SiwistS,n.] 
 
 2 [« Kakar&j " in MS. B.'\ 
 
 VOL. I 10 
 
J 46 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 shown you opposition or quaiTelled witli you. The letter which 
 you sent by way of friendship was received, and I was much exalted 
 by it. Our friendship shall remain confirmed for ever, and no 
 animosity shall arise. I will comply with all your orders. Tou 
 are a king, and the son of a king. Unity exists between you and me. 
 ' Circumstances like this have occurred to many persons, and have 
 obliged them to seek protection. Tou are at liberty to reside at any 
 place you like within the territory of Brahmanabad, that is to say, 
 up to the sea of Debal. T£ you have resolved to go in any other 
 direction, there is nobody to prevent or molest you. Wherever you 
 like to go I will assist you. I possess such power and influence 
 that I can render you aid." Matta found it expedient to repair to 
 the country of Hind, to Malik Kamal, who was also called Bhatti. 
 
 Chach sends a letter to Ahham Lohdna. 
 Eal Chach sent a letter to Akham Lohana, saying, "Tou from 
 your power, and pomp, and family descent, consider yourself the 
 ruler of the time. Although this kingdom apd sovereignty, wealth, 
 riches, dignity, and power have not descended to me by inheritance, 
 yet these distinguished favours and this exalted position have been 
 given to me by God; It was not by my army that I gained 
 them ; but God, the single, the incomparable, the creator of the 
 world, in favour to Silaij, has given me this dominion, and this 
 most glorious position. In all circumstances I obtain assistance 
 from him, and I have no hope of aid from any other. He enables 
 me to accomplish all my undertakings, and assists me in all my acts. 
 He has given me victory in all battles, and over all my enemies. 
 He has bestowed on me the blessings of both worlds. Although 
 you think you have possessed yourself of all this power and circum- 
 stance by your courage and audacity, promptitude, and glory, you 
 shall surely lose it, and to take your life is lawful." 
 
 Chach arrives at Brahmanabad, and fights with Akham Lohdna. 
 Chach then marched against Akham Lohana, who had gone from 
 Brahmanabad into the interior of the country. Wlien he received 
 the intelligence of the arrival of Chach, he came to the capital, and 
 made preparation for war. When Eai Chach arrived at the city of 
 Brahmanabad, Alcham stood ready to oppose him. After a great 
 
CHACH-KAMA. 147 
 
 slaugliter of warriors on Ibotli sides, the army of AMiam took to 
 flight, and he entered his fort. Chaoh laid siege to it, and the siege 
 lasted for the period of one year. 
 
 In those days the king of Hindustan, that is, Kanauj, was Satban,' 
 son of Easal, and Akham sent letters to him. asking for assistance. 
 But Akham died before the answer Was returned, and his son suc- 
 succeeded him. Akham had a friend, an infidel Samani, named 
 Buddh-rakii,' i.e, " Protected by the idol." He had a temple which 
 was called Budh Nau-vihdr,' and the idol DUha (?)* He was 
 a devotee thereof, and famous for his piety, and all the people of the 
 surrounding places were obedient to him. Akham was his disciple, 
 and he regarded the Samani as his pole-star. When Akham had 
 taken refuge in the fort, the Samani assisted him ; he did not fight, 
 but he read his books in his chamber of worship. "When Akham 
 died, and his son^ succeeded him in the government, the Sam^ani was 
 disaffected and troubled, for he did not think it right that the king- 
 doms and the property and estates should depart from his hands. 
 In his perplexity he looked about, and he arrived at the conclu- 
 sion that the country must fall to Chaoh, whether he would be 
 friendly to him or not. Then the (late king's) son being sore 
 pressed, his army and his forces gave up fighting, and the fort 
 was surrendered to Chach, who firmly established his power in it. 
 When Chach heard of the Samani, and knew that he had made 
 a compEict with Akham and his son, and that the war had lasted for 
 one year through his enchantments and magical power, he swore 
 that if he ever captured the fort, he would seize him and flay 
 him, and order drums to be covered with his skin, and have 
 his body torn to pieces. This oath -Was reported to the Samani, 
 who laughed and said, " Chach will not have the power to kill me." 
 When after a time, the people of the fort, after much fighting 
 
 > [" Siy&r" in MS. B."] 
 
 '' ["BuddhflgiSi" in MS. A.: raku or raTthu means "protected," from the 
 Sanskrit rakshita. Gui probably represents the Sanskrit gu^ta, which also signifies 
 " protected."] 
 
 3 [See note in the next page.] 
 
 * [jjJ jl l-^Jb]; *A (^l^J E- I- I^i'') '■\^<i ^^ij Aiuif^UjjJ \jj\'] 
 ■'' [MS. -4. leares out the word "son," and so makes the passage unintelligible.] 
 
148 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 and great slaughter, gave up the contest, and solicited protection, 
 by the intervention of nobles and chiefs, a treaty was made be- 
 tween both parties, and the fort was surrendered. Chach entered 
 it, and told them that if they liked they might go away ; there was 
 no one to interfere with them, and if they wished to remain they 
 might. The son 'a,hd the dependants of Akham seeing him kindly 
 disposed towards them, chose to remain. Chach stayed for a time 
 ia that city, and made himself acquainted with their disposition. 
 
 Chach takes the wife of Ahham to himself, and gives the daughter 
 of his nephexc to Ahham' s son Sarband. 
 Chach sent a man to the mother of Sarband and requested her 
 hand. The son brought her. Chach gave Dharsiya, the daughter of 
 his nephew to the son, and decked him in apparel of many colours. 
 He stopped there for a year, and appointed officers on his part to 
 collect the revenues. He subjugated the other surrounding chiefs. 
 At last, he enquired where the enchanter Samani was, that he might 
 see him. He was told that he was a great devotee, and that he 
 would be found with the devotees, and that he was one of the philo- 
 sophers of Hind- He was the keeper of the temple of Kan-vihar,^ 
 and amongst the other devotees he was the greatest, and had reached 
 to perfection. He was so skilled ia magic and enchantments, that 
 he had made a world obedient and submissive to him. He had pro- 
 vided himself with all the requisites by nleans of his talismans, 
 and for some time he had become friendly to Sarband because he 
 had been friendly with his father. Through his power ajid protec- 
 tion the army of Brahmanabad had protracted the war for so long 
 time. 
 
 Chach visits the Samani, and enquires about his circumstances. 
 Chach ordered his body guards and soldiers to mount their horses, 
 and went towards the temples of Budh and Kan-vihar^ with the 
 
 ' [ iLiijiS in both copies.] 
 
 ' [ iU.i.»^ • i Jo ■^- iL,-^^ I JAj -S.] This seems to be called indiscriminately 
 Ntih&r, and Kantihir, and Ki'utihar. The copulative conjunction in the text is 
 incomprehensible. It occurs again a little below. [These names may be, as Sir H. 
 Elliot conceived', mere varieties in spelling of the same name, — or they may be two 
 different names of the same establishment or collection of buildings. There can be 
 
CHACH-I^AMA. 149 
 
 intention of killing the Samanf, He called his armed men and 
 instructed them that when during the interview he should stand up 
 and look towards them, they should draw their swords and sever 
 the Samani's head from his body. When he reached the temple, 
 he saw the Samani sitting on a chair, engaged in worship, and 
 having some clay in his hand' with which he was making idols, 
 he had something like a stamp with which the figirre of the buddh 
 was made on the clay, and when it was finished he placed it on one 
 side.^ Chach stood by him, but received no attention from him. 
 After a short time, when he had finished his idols, he raised his head 
 and said, " Is the son of the monk Silaij come ? " Chach replied, 
 " Yes, devotee." The Samani said, " For what purpose have you 
 come ? " Chach answered that he wished to see him, and therefore 
 he had come. The devotee bid him to sit down. Chach sat. The 
 devotee spread a fine cloth, and made him sit on it. He asked, " O 
 Chach! what do you want?" Chach replied, "I wish you would 
 become my friend and return to Brahmanabad, that I might turn 
 your thoiights to secular pursuits, and entrust you with great offices. 
 You may live with Sarband, and give him advice and assistance." 
 The devotee said, " I have nothing to do with your country, and 
 have no wish to engage in public business. I do not like 
 worldly concerns." Chach asked him, " Why did you side with 
 the people of the fort of Brahmanabad ? " He replied, " When 
 Akham Lohana died, and his son was grieved, I admonished him to 
 cease lamenting for the departure of his father, and prayed the 
 Almighty God to cause peace and friendship between the contending 
 parties. It is better for me to serve Budh, and seek salvation in 
 the next world, than all the offices and greatness of this. . But as 
 thou art the king of this country, at thy supreme command I will 
 go with my family to the neighbourhood of the fort, although I fear 
 
 no doubt that the last word of the compound represents vihdr. Nau, or in Sanstrit 
 Nova, signifies " New," and Kan may be the Hindi Kdnh, from the Sanskrit Krishna, 
 a word which is found in the names K6.nhpur and K^nhari. These names would 
 therefore signify " New monastery," and " Black monastery."] 
 
 1 [About a page of matter is here omitted from B.'\ 
 
 2 [This process of stamping the clay figures of Buddha is still practised. General 
 Cunningham, possesses several old Indian as well as recent Indian and Burmese 
 specimens.] 
 
150 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 that the people of the fort will do despite to the cultivation of Budh, 
 You are to-day a fortunate and a great man." Ohaoh said, " The 
 worship of Budh is most righteous, and ever to hold it in honour is 
 most proper. But if you are in want of anything, tell me, for I 
 shall consider it a privilege and a duty to provide for it." The 
 devotee answered, " I do not want anything of this world from you. 
 May God incline you to the affairs of the next." Chach said, 
 " I also wish that my salvation may be the result. Direct me bo 
 that I may see where assistance is required, and I will help you." 
 He exclaimed, "As you seem to be desirous of performing charitable 
 and virtuous deeds, there is an old temple (called) Budh and 
 Nau-vihar (at) Sawandasi' which has suffered much injury from 
 the hand of time— it requires repair. You should spend some 
 money in renewing its foundation, and I shall be thus benefited by 
 you." Chach said, " By all means ; I thank you, farewell." 
 
 Chach returns to Brahmandhdd. 
 Chach rode back from that place. The minister asked Hm, " 
 king, I have seen a wonder." " What is it ? " said Chach. He 
 remarked, " When you started you had resolved that I should order 
 the soldiers to kill the devotee ; but when you went before him you 
 showed every wish to please him, and accepted all his prayers." 
 Chach said, " Very true ; I saw something which, was no magic or 
 charm, for when I looked at him, something came before my vision, 
 and as I sat before him, I beheld a dreadful and horrible phantom 
 standing at his head. Its eyes blazed like fire, and were full of 
 anger, and its lips were long and thick, and its teeth resembled 
 pikes. He had a spear in his hand, which shone like diamonds, and 
 it appeared as if he was going to strike some one with it. When I 
 saw him I was much afraid, and could not utter a word to him 
 which you might hear. I wished to save my own life, so I ob- 
 served him carefully and departed." 
 
 Chach stays at Brahmanahdd, and determines the amount of the 
 
 remnue. 
 Chach stopped in the fort of Brahmanabad till all ministerial 
 
 5. says i,\^ isX^ 1^ JkJjL jUj|_^ JOo] 
 
CHACH-NA'MA. 151 
 
 affairs were settled, taxes were fixed, and the subjects re-assured. 
 He humiliated the Jats and the Lohanas, and punished their chiefs. 
 He took a hostage from these chiefs, and kept him in the fort of 
 Brahmanabad. He obliged them to agree to the following terms ; 
 That they should never wear any swords but sham ones : That they 
 should never wear under-garments of shawl, velvet, or silk, but they 
 might wear their outer-garments of silk, provided they were of a red 
 or black colour : That they should put no saddles on their horses, 
 and should keep their heads and feet uncovered : That when they 
 went out they should take their dogs with them : That they should 
 carry firewood for the kitchen of the chief of Brahmanabad. They 
 were to furnish guides and spies, and were to be faithful when em- 
 ployed in such offices. They were to live in amity with Sarband, 
 son of Akham, and if any enemy came to invade the territory, or fight 
 with Sarband, they were to consider it incumbent on them to assist 
 him, and steadily adhere to his cause. He thus finished his labours^ 
 and established his rule. If any person showed rebellion or hostility, 
 he took a hostage and exacted penalties until he should amend his 
 conduct. 
 
 Chach marches to Kirmdn and defines the boundary of Makrdn. 
 
 When Chach had settled these matters, he made up his mind to 
 determine the boundary of Kirman, which was adjacent to the pos- 
 sessions of the chiefs of Hind. At this time two years had elapsed 
 since the Hijra of the Prophet of God, — may peace be to him. 
 After the death of Kisra bin Hurmaz bin Fars, and the disniption 
 of his dominions, the management of the affairs of the kingdom 
 devolved upon a woman. When Chach was informed of this, he 
 determined to go to Kirman with a considerable force. At an 
 auspicious time, which was fixed by the astrologers, he marched 
 towards Armab61, and when he arrived there the chief of the place 
 came to receive him. He was a Buddhist priest, and had descended 
 from the representatives of Eai Siharas, king of Hind, whom the Eai 
 had raised up with great kindness and favour. From change of 
 time he had become refractory, and had revolted from his allegiance. 
 He came forth to meet Chach, when a treaty was made, and cor- 
 diality and friendship was established between them. Chach pro- 
 ceeded from thence to Makran. Every chief that was met offered 
 
152 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 his submission. Wlieii he had crossed thfe proTuice of Makran and 
 the hills, he entered another district. There was an old fort here 
 called Kanarpur.' He ordered it to be rebuilt ; and according to 
 the Hindu custom a naubat of five musical instruments, was 
 ordered to be played every evening and morning in the fort. 
 He collected all the people of the surrounding villages, and completed 
 the building. He marched frqm this place towards Kirman; and 
 halted on the banks of a river which runs between that country and 
 Makran. There he fixed the eastern boundary, that is, the boundary 
 between Makran and Kirman, and planted numerous date trees 
 there upon the banks of the stream, and he set up a mark, saying, 
 " this was the boundary of Hind in the time of Chach bin Silavj bin 
 Basabas."^ Now that boundary has come into our possession. 
 
 Chach proceeds to ArmdheP ani fixes the revenue. 
 From that place he returned to Armabel, and having passed 
 through the country of Turan, he came out in the desert. No body 
 arose to fight with him. He arrived in the country of Kandhabel, 
 that is, Kandahr;* and having traversed that desert also, he ad- 
 vanced to the fort. The people took refuge in it. "When he arrived 
 at the banks of the Sini,' he pitched his tents there. The people of 
 the place being much pressed agreed to pay him an annual tribute 
 of one hundred thousand dirams, and one hundred hill horses. A 
 treaty was made, and Chach returned to his capital Alor, and re- 
 mained there till he died and went to hell. He reigned forty years. 
 
 Chandar son of SildiJ succeeds to the Oomrnment of Alor. 
 After the death of Chach, his brother Chandar,^ son of Silaij, sat 
 upon the the throne of Alor. He patronized the religion of the 
 
 ' l-^- j±) ^. ]^ r"-^- K''°°azt'ir; see Note A. in Appendix.] 
 
 * [This explanation is not in MS. £.] 
 
 ^ [Mir Ma'sum takes no notice of Chandar, but the Tuhfatu-1 Kir&m says that he 
 succeeded as Kdim-makdm and occupied the thi'one eight years. According to the 
 former, Chach left two sons, D&hir and Dhar-sen, and a daughter Bii E&ni. The 
 Tuhfatu-1 KirEim agrees in writiag the name " Dhar-sen," but both MSS. of the 
 Chach-nima haye " Dharsiya."] 
 
CHACH-NAMA. 153 
 
 nasiks (BuddMsts) and monks and promulgated their doctrines. He 
 brought many people together with the sword, and made them 
 return to his religion. He received several letters from the Chiefs 
 of Hind. 
 
 Journey of Matta, Chief of Simstdn. 
 When Matta, chief of Siwistan, went to the king of Kanauj, the 
 country of Hindustan was in a flourishing condition. Kanauj was 
 under the rule of Slharas, son of Easal.' Matta went to him and 
 represented thus : " Chach, son of Silaij, is dead, and his brother 
 Ohandar, a monk (rdhili)., has succeeded him. He is a devotee 
 (ndsik), and his whole day is occupied in the study of liis faith 
 with other religious persons in the temple. It is easy to wrest 
 the kingdom from him. If you take Ms territories and place them 
 under my charge, I will pay a tribute, and send it to your treasury." 
 
 The answer of Siharas. 
 Slharas said to Matta, " Chach was a great king, and had an exten- 
 sive territory under his sway. As he. is dead, I will bring his 
 possessions under my own rule, if I take them. They will form a 
 great addition to my kingdom, and I will appoint you over one of 
 their divisions." Siharas then sent his brother Barhas, son of Kasais. 
 The son of the daughter of the great Chach, who ruled over Kash- 
 mir and Eamal, also agreed to join him, and they proceeded with 
 their armies till they reached the banks of the Hasi,^ where they 
 encamped. The agents and offices of Chandar, who were still in the 
 fort of Deo, fled. The invaders took the place, and advanced on 
 their journey till they arrived at Band Kahuya, where they halted 
 for one month, and performed the worship of Budh. They sent a 
 messenger with a letter to Chandar to induce him to come, make his 
 submission, and sue for protection. 
 
 ' [There are no names corresponding with these in the Genealogical tables of the 
 Kanauj dynasty (Thomas' Prinsep II. 258.) General Cunningham is of opinion 
 " that Siharas is prohahly the same as the Bhim Sen mentioned hy the Chinese as 
 Ti-mo-si-no, King of Central India, in a.d. 692, and that the two names Siharas and 
 Bhim Sen might easily he confounded when written in Persian letters." This, how- 
 ever, is very hypothetical. It is not unlikely that the prince of some other and nearer 
 place than the great Kanauj is really intended, especially as his army is represented 
 as joining those of Kashmir and Eamal.] 
 
 2 ["Hasbi"in.B.] 
 
154 HISTORIANS OP SIND. 
 
 Chandar refuses, strengthens himself in the fort, and prepares to 
 'light. 
 
 Sikaras sends an embassy/ to Ddhvr, son of Chach. 
 
 Chandar sits on the throne of Chach. 
 Chandar succeeded to the goYemment, and his subjects enjoyed 
 comfort, and the country was govetned firmly during his reign, 
 which lasted for seven years. He died in the eighth year, and Dfihir 
 sat on the throne of Alor. E4j, son of Chandar, established himself 
 at Brahmanabad, but did not maintain his government for more than 
 one year. After that, Dharsiya, son of Chach, took possession of 
 Brahmanabad and his sister Bai' was friendly and obedient to 
 him. Dharsiya asked the daughter of Akham in marriage. He 
 remained at Brahmanabad five years, and issued his orders to the 
 neighbouring chiefs, who acknowledged his authority. Dharsiya 
 resided for some time at the fort of Kawar,* of which Chach had 
 laid the foundation, but did not live to see completed. When 
 Dharsiya had finished the works, and collected inhabitants for the 
 the town from the places in the neighbourhood, and when it was 
 well populated, he called it Eawar, and returned to Brsihmanabad, 
 and firmly established himself in the Government. 
 
 £di (Main) is sent to Alor for the purpose of being given in 
 marriage to the king of Bdtia. 
 When Dharsiya was reflecting one day that his sister had arrived 
 at a marriageable age, messengers arrived from Siiban,' king of 
 Batia, ia the country of Eamal, to demand her in marriage. Dharsiya 
 although he* was the elder brother, gave her a princely dowry, and 
 sent her with seven hundred horse and five hundred foot to Dahir, 
 recommending him by letter to marry her to the king of Bhatia,' 
 who had stipulated that he should receive a fort as her marriage 
 portion. The messengers went to Alor, and remained there one 
 month. {Sere follows an aecowimt of DdMr marrying Ais sister because 
 it teas prognosticated that her husband would be king of Hind and 
 Sind, and the contests between the brothers in consequence.) 
 
 ' {Mdin in MS. A., Sdi signifies "lady," and is rauei used as a reapectftil 
 term instead of the name. " Miin" is probably an error lor " Ski," but it may 
 possibly have betn the real name of the princess.] 
 2 [Alor in A., but Eiwar in JB.] ' [S6rin in B.] 
 
 * [Dkhir .'] ' So written here, but elsewhere B&tia. 
 
CHACH-NAMA. 155 
 
 Hdi Ddhir receives information. 
 
 Hal JDdhir goes to an astrologer to ascertain the fate of his sister. 
 
 The predictions of the astrologers. 
 
 Consultation of Budhiman, the minister, with Rdi Ddhir. 
 
 Ingenuity of Budhiman, the minister. 
 
 Ddhir sends a letter to Dharsiya. 
 
 Dharsiya receives the letter. 
 
 Ddhir sends another letter to Dharsiya. 
 
 Dharsiya marches to Alor to seize Ddhir. 
 
 Endeavours of Dharsiya to take Ddhir prisoner. 
 
 Ddhir asks addcefrom his minister. 
 
 Dharsiya enters the fort of Alor on an elephant 
 
 Ddhir is informed of the death of Dharsiya. 
 
 The burning of Dharsiya' s hody. 
 
 Ddhir goes to Brdhmandhdd. 
 Dahir remained one year in Brakmanabad, in order to reduce the 
 neigKboTiring chiefs. He sent for the son of Dharsiya, and treated 
 him kindly. He then went to Siwistan, and thence to the fort 
 Eawar/ of which his father Chach had laid the foundations, but 
 the works were not completed when he died. He remained there 
 for some time, and ordered that the fort should be finished. He 
 remained there during the four hot months, for it is a pleasant place 
 and has an agreeable climate, and he used to remain during the four 
 cold and dark months at Brahmanabad. He passed his time in this 
 manner for eight years, during which time he became confirmed and 
 generally recognized in his dominions in Sind and Hind. The chiefs 
 of Eamal became aware of his wealth both in treasure and elephants. 
 
 The chiefs of Ramal come to fight with Rdi Ddhir. 
 
 The chiefs advanced with a large and powerful army of horse and 
 
 foot and war-elephants. They came, by way of Biidhiya, to the 
 
 town {rosta) of Eawar, and conquered it, and passed on from thence 
 
 to Alor. 
 
 « 4» » « e 
 
 ' Here, again, it is doubtful if Alor or B,a.war be meant, nor does it appear how 
 Dharsiya and Da.hir could both at different times be said to have completed the fort. 
 \_A. says Alor, but B. has Ha,war.] 
 
156 HISTORIANS OP SIND. 
 
 Muhammad 'Alldfi ^ (an Arab mercenary,) goes against the chiefs 
 
 of Ramdl. 
 
 Muhammad 'Allafi, aa Arab of tlie Bani Asamat, who had 
 killed 'Ahdu-r Eahman son of Ash'ab, for having run away from 
 battle, came to join Dahir with five hundred Arabs. 
 
 « *» «» « Hi 
 
 The 'AUafi made a night attack on the Eamal troopa with his five 
 hundred Arabs and warriors of Hind, and fell upon them on all four 
 sides with a great shout, and killed and captured 80,000 warriors 
 and fifty elephants, besides horses and arms innumerable fell into 
 their hands. 
 
 o o o « «» 
 
 Dahir then told his good and judicious minister to ask a favour. 
 The minister replied : " I have no son who vdll carry down my 
 name to posterity. I request, therefore, that orders may be given 
 to have my name stamped on the silver coin of the realm, so that 
 my name being on one face, and the king's on the other, it will not 
 then be forgotten in Hind and Sind." Dahir ordered that the 
 minister's wish should be complied with. 
 
 The history of the four first Khalifas. 
 Mu'ckda bin Abu Sufidn. 
 Sanndn bin Sahna bin Ghuru-l SindL 
 Rttshid bin ' Umaru-l Khizri. 
 Sanndn bin Salmu recovers the Government. 
 Munzir bin Mdrud bin Bdshar. 
 Sakkam bin Munzir. 
 'Abdu-l Malik bin Marivdn. 
 The 'Alldfis, etc. 
 
 Mujd'a bin Safar bin Yazid bin Huzaika. 
 Walid bin 'Abdu-l Malik bin Marwdn 
 Account of the presents sent to the Khalifa from Sarandip. 
 Sajjdj sends a messenger to Bdhir, the Infidel. 
 JSajjdj obtains permission to leave the Capital. 
 jBudail suffers martyrdom. 
 
 1 [This is the spelling of £. MS. ^. always has 'V-Allani."] 
 
CHACH-NAMA. 157 
 
 'Imddu-d din Muhammad Kdsim bin AM 'AMI Sakifi. 
 Hajjdj writes letters to the Capital and Syria. 
 Sajjdj reads the Khutha on Friday. 
 Departure of Muhammad Kdsim. 
 The army arrives at Shirdz. 
 Muhammad Kdsim arrives at Makrdn. 
 MdrvM proceeds with Muhammad Kdsim. 
 The army marches from Armdhel. 
 The orders of Hajjdj reach Muhammad Kdsim^ 
 The Arab army makes preparations, and Sajjdfs orders arrive. 
 The flag-staff of the temple ofDebal is knocked down by a mangonel. 
 Budhiman comes to Muhammad Kdsim, and receives a promise of 
 protection. 
 
 A fifth portion of the booty in slaves and coins is set aside. 
 
 The capture of Debal is reported to Rdi Ddhir. 
 
 The letter of Rdi Dahir. 
 
 The reply of Muhammad Kdsim to Rdi Ddhir. 
 
 Muhammad Kdsim proceeds to Niriin after the conquest of Debal. 
 Historians have related, upon the authority of Banana bin Han- 
 zala Kalabi, that after the conquest of Debal, where great plunder 
 was taken, Muhammad Kasim ordered the mangonels to be placed 
 on boats, and went towards the foit of Niriin. The boats went up 
 the stream which they call Sindh Sagar ; ' but he himself took the 
 road of Sisam, and when he arrived there, he received Hajjaj's 
 answer to the announcement of the victory. 
 The answer of Hajjdj to Muhammad Kdsim. 
 
 An account of the inhabitants of Niriin obtaining a passport 
 
 from Hajjdj. 
 
 Historians relate that Abii Lais Tamimi says, on the authority of 
 
 - Ja'iiba bin 'Akaba Salami, who accompanied Muhammad Kasim, that 
 
 after the capture of Debal, Muhammad Kasim proceeded to the fort 
 
 of Nirun, the inhabitants of which had provided themselves with an 
 
 order of security from Hajjaj at the time that the army of the Arabs 
 
 had been defeated, and Budail had been killed, and they had agreed 
 
 1 [So in B. MS. A. has " Wahind sagara."] 
 
158 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 to pay a tribute. He arrived at Niriin, -which is twenty-five para- 
 sangs from Dehal, in sit days. On the seventh day he encamped 
 on a meadow near Nfrun, which is called Balhar,' and the waters of 
 the Sihun'' Mihran had not yet reached it. The army was parched 
 with thirst, and Muhammad prayed to heaven for rain, and it fell, 
 and filled all the streams and lakes near the city. 
 
 O «t IS o 
 
 Muhammad Kddm sends confidential messengers to Niriin. 
 
 The Samani, the Governor of Niriin, comes to pay his respects to 
 
 Muhammad Kdsim, and brings presents. 
 
 « o SJ o o 
 
 Muhammad Kasim built at Nirun a mosque on the site of the 
 
 temple of Budh, and ordered prayers to be proclaimed in the 
 
 Muhammadan fashion, and appointed an Imam. After remaining 
 
 there some days, he prepared to go to Siwistan, which is situated on 
 
 an eminence to the west of the Mihran. He determined to conquer 
 
 the whole coiintry, and after the capture of Siwistan, to recross the 
 
 river, and proceed against Dahir. God grant that his resolution 
 
 may be fulfilled ! 
 
 The expedition to Siwistan. 
 
 After Muhammad Kasim had settled affairs at Niriin, he equipped 
 his army, and under the guidance of the Samanf took it towards 
 Siwistan. He arrived by regular stages at a place called Bahraj,^ 
 thirty parasangs from Nirun. There also was a Samani, who was 
 chief of the rest of the inhabitants. In the fort the nephew of 
 Dahir was governor ; his name was Bajhra, the son of Chandar. 
 AU the Samanis assembled and sent a message to Bajhra, sayiug, 
 we are ndsih devotees. Our religion is one of peace and quiet, and 
 fighting and slaying is prohibited, as well as all kinds of shedding 
 of blood. You axe secure ia a lofty place, while we are open to the 
 
 1 ["Bal4hir" in ^.] 
 
 ' [Sihiin from the root sih, to flow is the proper name of the Jaiartes. It is used 
 here and in page 138 as a common noun for rwer. The early Muhammadan ■writers 
 frequently apply the term to the Indus, that river heing to them the river of India.] 
 
 3 [So in A., hut MS. M. has Mauj _j^.] 
 
CHACH-NAMA. 159 
 
 invasions of tte enemy, and liable to be slain and plundered as your 
 subjects. We know that Muhammad Kasim holds a farman from 
 Hajjaj, to grant protection to every one who demands it. We trust, 
 therefore, that you will consider it fit and reasonable that we make 
 terms with him, for the Arabs are faithful, and keep their agree- 
 ments. Bajhra refused to listen to them. Muhammad Kasim sent 
 spies to ascertain whether the citizens were unanimous or inimical. 
 They reported that some armed men were outside the fort, and 
 prepared to fight. Muhammad Kasim encamped opposite the gate 
 leading to the sandy desert, because there was no opportunity to 
 attack him there, as the inundation had risen on account of the 
 rains, and the river Sindhu Eawal' flowed to the north of the 
 selected ground. 
 
 JBattle fought at Siwistdn. 
 
 Muhammad Kasim ordered the mangonels to be prepared, and the 
 fight was commenced. The Samanfs prevented their chief from 
 fighting, and told him that the Muhammadan army was not to be 
 overcome by him, and he would not be able to oppose it. He would 
 be merely placing his life and property in danger. When he would 
 not listen to the advice of his subjects, the Samanis sent this message 
 to Muhammad Kasim : — " AU the subjects, farmers, and tradesmen, 
 merchants, and the low'er classes hate Bajhra, and do not yield him 
 allegiance. He does not possess any force with which he can oppose 
 you, or give battle." The Muhammadan army were inspired with 
 great courage on receiving the message, and fought day and night 
 on the side of Muhammad Kasim. About a week after, the besieged 
 stopped fighting, and when Bajhra knew that the fort was about to 
 fall, he came out from the northern gate, at the time when the world 
 was veiled in darkness, crossed the river, and fled. He continued 
 his flight till he reached the boundary of Budhiya. In those days 
 the ruler of the Budhiya territory was Kaka son of Kotal, a Samani. 
 His stronghold was Sisam, on the banks of the Kumbh. The 
 people of Budhiya and the chiefs of the surrounding places came 
 to receive Bajhra, and allowed him to encamp under the fort. 
 
 >■ [A. sayg j^ ^\jj Jjij J JbiXi-.- Ljy>-- ^- Jj|^"^ 'i'^ S^^'J 
 
160 HISTOEIANS OF SIND. 
 
 Siwistdn is taken and Bajhrd flies. 
 
 Wien Bajhra went away, and the Samanfs made submission, 
 Muhammad Kasim entered the fort of Siwistan and gave quarter. 
 He appointed his functionaries to discharge the civil duties of the 
 territory, and brought the neighbouring places under his rule. 
 He toot the gold and silver wherever he found it, and appropriated 
 all the silver, jewels, and cash. But he did not take anything 
 from the Samanfs, who had made terms with him. He gave the 
 army their due, and having deducted a fifth part of the whole, de- 
 livered it to the treasurer of Hajjaj, and wrote a report of the 
 victory to Hajjaj. He appointed Eawats there. He also sent the 
 plunder and the slaves to him, and he himself stopped at Siwistan. 
 Two or three days after he had separated the fifth part, and dis- 
 tributed to the army their shares, he proceeded to the fort of Slsam, 
 and the people of Budhiya and the chief of Siwistan rose up to fight. 
 Muhammad Kasim marched with all his force, except the garrison, 
 which was placed under the officer left in Siwistan, and alighted at 
 a place called Nflhan,' on the banks of the Kumbh.. The inhabitants 
 of the vicinity were all infidels, who assembled together as soon as 
 they saw the Muhammadan army, and determined to make a night 
 attack on it, and disperse it. 
 
 The interview of the chiefs mfh Kdka. 
 
 The chiefs of Budh went to Kaka KotaL The ranas of Budhiya 
 are descended from Kix. They had originally come from the banks 
 of the Granges, from a place called ^undhar.^ They consulted with 
 him, and said that they had determined to make a night attack on 
 the army. 
 
 The reply of Kaka. 
 
 Kaka said — " K you can accomplish it, well and good ; but the bah- 
 
 » [" Nidhan" in MS. B. 
 
 2 Possibly Audhia on the Gh5,gra may be alluded to. \J.. says jiij A .la Ju J.l ^ 
 £. has iX.} A ,laijJt>«l ^ '^^^ .1 is probably the pronoun, and the name 
 DandhSj or Dandah&r, is possibly Dand-yih&r. General Cunningham suggests that 
 "Daundiakera or Daundh&ra may perhaps be the place intended. It is on the 
 Ganges, and wag the capital of the Bais ESjputs. Trilok Chand was the founder of 
 this branch of the family, and the fourth in descent from him is Audhara Chand, who 
 may be the Au mentioned in the text." See also Thomas' rrinaep, Table xiiii,] 
 
CHACH-NAMA. 161 
 
 liks and monks have told me, according to their astrological books, 
 that this country will he conquered by the Muhammadan army." He 
 placed a chief, whose name was Pahan, at their head, and made 
 gifts to the soldiers. There were one thousand brave fighting men 
 under the command of this chief. They were all armed with swords, 
 shields, javelins, spears, and daggers. "When the army of the day 
 fled for fear of the black legions of the night, they marched with 
 the intention of making their night attack. As they approached the 
 army of the Arabs, they missed the road, and were wandering about 
 perplexed all the night from evening till daybreak. They were 
 divided into four bodies, the one most advanced did not keep up a 
 communication with that which was in the rear, nor did the left 
 wing come in sight of the right, but they kept roving about in the 
 desert. When they lifted up their heads they found themselves 
 round the fort of Sisam.' When the darkness of night was expelled by 
 the light of the king of the stars, they entered the fort, and told the 
 whole to Kaka Kotal, saying that this their treacherous plan had not 
 proved successful. Kaka said, " Ton know full well that I am famous 
 for my determination and courage. I have achieved many enter- 
 prises at your head ; biit in the books of the Budhs it is predicted, 
 upon astrological calculations, that Hindustan shall be taken by the 
 Muhammadans, and I also believe that this will come to pass." 
 
 Kdka Kotal goes to Muhammad Kdsim with Banana, son of 
 Sanzala, and submits to him. 
 
 Kaka with his followers and friends went to the army of the 
 Arabs. When he had gone a little distance. Banana, son of Hanzala, 
 whom Muhammad Kasim had sent to reconnoitre the enemy, met 
 him and took him to Muhammad Kasim. When he obtained the 
 honour of coming before Muhammad Kasim, this general expressed 
 his satisfaction, and gave him some good counsel. Kaka told him 
 all about the Jats coming against him with the intention of making 
 a night attack^ and of their treacherous schemes. He also said that 
 the Almighty Grod misled them in their way, so that they were 
 wandering about the whole night in darkness and chagrin ; and that 
 
 ' [Probably tbe Tillage now called "Seisan" on Lake Manchar. May not the 
 latter be the "Kumb" of p. 160? The word signifies "a waterpot," but its 
 analogue Kimd means " a lake."] 
 
 VOL. I. 11 
 
162 HISTOEIANS OF SIND. 
 
 the astrologers and credible persons of his country had found out by 
 their calculations of the stars that this country would be taken by 
 the Muhammadan army. He had already seen this miracle, and he 
 ■was sure that it was the wiU of God, and that no device or fraud 
 would enable them to withstand the Muhammadans. " Be firm 
 under all circumstances," said he, " and s jt your mind at ease. You 
 will overcome them, I make my submission to you, and I will 
 be your counsellor, and assist you to the extent of my power. I 
 will be your guide in overpowering and subduing your enemies." 
 When Muhammad Kasim had heard all he had to say, he praised 
 the great God, and in giving thanks placed his head upon the earth. 
 He comforted Kaka and his dependants and followers, and promised 
 him protection. He then osked him, " chief of Hind, what is 
 your mode of bestowing honour ? " Kdka said, " Grantiag a seat, 
 and investing with a garment of silk, and tying a turban round the 
 head. It is the custom of our ancestors, and of the Jat Samanis." 
 When Kaka had invested him with the dress, all the chiefs and head 
 men of the surrounding places wished to submit to him. He dis- 
 pelled the fear of the Arab army from the minds of those who offered 
 allegiance, and brought those to submiission who were inimically dis- 
 posed. 'Abdu-1 Malik, son of Kaisu-d Dammani,^ was appointed his 
 lieutenant to punish all enemies and revolters. Eaka plundered a 
 people who were wealthy, and took much booty in cash, cloths, 
 cattle, slaves, and grain, so that cow's flesh was plentiful in the 
 camp. Muhammad Kasim, having marched from that place, came to 
 the fort of Sisam. There he fought for two days, and God granted 
 him victory. The infidels fled, and Bajhra bin Chandar, unde of Dahir,' 
 and many of the officers and nobles who were under his command 
 lost their precious lives. Of the rest some ran away far beyond the 
 territory of Budhiya, and some to the fort of Bahitliir, between 
 Saluj and Kandhabel, and from that place solicited a written 
 promise of protection. Those chiefs were enemies of Dahir, and 
 some of them had been slaLu — hence they revolted from him, »nd 
 sent ambassadors, and agreed to pay a tribute of one thousand 
 dirams weight of silver, and also sent hostages to Siwistan. 
 
 ' [This name is doubtful in A., and quite unintelligible in 5.] 
 
 2 {,A. says " Chandar bin D&hir." B. has "son of the uncle of Dihir."] 
 
CHACH-NAMA* 163 
 
 Orders are received from Sajjaj son of Yusuf to cross the Mihrdn, 
 and a battle is fought with Bdhir. 
 
 When Muhammad Kasim had fiied the several tributes of those 
 chiefs, he gave them fresh written agreements for their satisfaction. 
 He appointed there HamM, son of Wida'u-n^ajdi and 'Abdu-1 Kais, 
 of the fanuly of Jarud, and as they were confidential persons ho 
 entrusted to them all the business of that place. 
 
 When he had settled the affairs of Sfsam, he received orders from 
 Hajjaj to proceed to some other place ; to return to Nirun, take 
 measures to cross the Mihran, and fight with Dahir. He was 
 directed to ask Almighty God for' assistance in obtaining success sind 
 conquest ; and after having obtained the objects of his expedition, 
 he was to strengthen all the forts and places throughout the country, 
 and leave none m an unprovided state. When Muhammad Kasim 
 read the farman, and understood its contents, he came to Nirun 
 and transmitted bis despatches. 
 
 Arrival of the Army of the Arabs at Ifiriin. 
 
 After travelliag over many stages, he halted at a fort which 
 stands on the hUl of Nirun. In the vicinity of it there is a reservoir, 
 the water of which is purer than the eyes of loyers, and the meadows 
 of it are more delightful than the gardeesroirlram. He alighted 
 there, and wrote a letter to Hajjaj, son .of:yusijf. 
 
 Muhammad Kasim' s letter to S6§fdj,. sonticf Yusuf, stating 
 particulars. 
 
 In the name of the most merciful God, to the most exalted court 
 of the noblest of the world, the crown of religion, and protector of 
 'Ajam and Hind, Hajjaj, son of Yiisuf — ^from the humble servant 
 Muhammad Kasim greeting. After compliments, he represents tbat 
 this friend, with all his officers, equipage, servants, and dfedsions of 
 the Musulman army, is quite well, affairs are going on well, and a 
 continuance of happiness is attained. Be it known to your bright 
 wisdom that, after traversing deserts and making dangerous marches, 
 I arrived in the territory of Sind, on the banks of the Sfhun, which 
 is called Mihran. That part of the territory which is around 
 Biidhiya, and is opposite thfr fort ofBaghrur (Nirun), on the Mihran, 
 
164 HISTORIANS OP SIND. 
 
 ia taken. This fort is in the country of Alor, which belonged to 
 Dahir Eai. Some of the people who resisted have been taken pri- 
 soners, and the rest through fear have fled away. As the imperative 
 orders of Amir Hajjaj were received, directing me to return, we 
 have returned to the fort on the hill of Nirun, which is very near 
 to the capital. It is hoped that with the Divine assistance, the royal 
 favour, and the good fortune of the exalted prince, the strongest forts 
 of the infidels will be conquered, the cities taken, and our treasuries 
 replenished. The forts of Siwistan and Sisam have been already 
 taken. The nephew of Dahir, his warriors, and principal officers 
 have been despatched, and the infidels converted to Islam or de- 
 stroyed. Instead of idol temples, mosques and other places of wor- 
 ship have been buUt, pulpits have been erected, the Khutba is read, 
 the call to prayers is raised, so that devotions are performed at the 
 stated hours. The takbi'r and praise to the Almighty God are 
 offered every morning and evening. 
 
 « » e ts o 
 
 The reply of Hajjdj is received hy Muhammad Kdsim. 
 Muhammad Kdsim hears that Dahir Rdi had proceeded to Nirun. 
 Muhammad Kdsim does honour to the Nirun Samani. 
 Muhammad Kdsim fights on the hanks of the Mihrdn. 
 Moka bin Bisdya enters into terms toith Muhammad Kdsim. 
 
 Banana bin Hanzala is sent to Moka bin Bisdya, and seizes 
 him and his attendants. 
 
 Then Banana bin Hanzala went with his tribe and an interpreter 
 to the place indicated, and seized Moka bin Bisaya,' together vrith 
 his family and twenty well-known Takars.'' When Banana brought 
 him before Muhammad Kasim, he was treated with kindness and 
 respect, and the country of Bait was made over to him, and a grant 
 
 ' [Chief of a large district, from the Sanskrit Vishaya. The term is still used in 
 Orissa and N&gplir.] 
 
 ' I am douhtful if this is meant for Thdkurs, or for takra, a word used in the 
 "West for a strong man. A little ahove, where Dharsiya sends his sister to Alor, the 
 word is used apparently as a foot soldier, in opposition to a horseman. In other 
 places it is used in conjunction with governors and nohles [and so corresponds exactly 
 with ihdkur.'] 
 
CHACH-NAMA. 165 
 
 was ■written to that effect, and a hundred thousand dirams were 
 given to him as a reward. A green umbrella surmounted by a 
 peacock, a chair, and a robe of honour were bestowed upon him. 
 All his Takars were favoured with robes and saddled horses. 
 Historians relate that the first umbrella of Bdnagi, or chiefship, 
 which he gave, was this to Moka. At Moka's request, he gave the 
 land and all the towns, fields, and dependencies within the borders 
 of Bait, to him and his descendants ; and having entered into a firm 
 treaty with him, directed him to collect boats. 
 
 Muhammad Kdsim sends a Syrian Ambassador and Mauldnd 
 Isldmi to Ddhir. 
 
 The ambassadors reach Ddhir, 
 
 When they came to Dahir, Maulana Islami, of Debal, did itot bow 
 his head, or make any signs of reverence. Dahir recognized him, 
 and asked him why he failed in the usual respectful salutation, and • 
 enquired if any one had thrown obstacles in his way. The Maulana 
 of Debal replied, " When I was your subject it was right of me to 
 observe the rules of obedience ; but now that I am converted, and 
 am subject to the king of Islam, it cannot be expected that I should 
 bow my head to an infidel." Dahir said, " If you were not an 
 ambassador, I would punish you with death." The Maulana replied, 
 " If you kill me it wUl be no great loss to the Arabs ; but they will 
 avenge my death, and exact the penalty from you." 
 
 The Syrian declares the object of his mission^ 
 Ddhir consults with Sisdkar,^ the minister. 
 'Alldfi offers advice to Dahir. 
 
 The ambassadors return to Muhammad Kdsim with the answer 
 of Ddhir Rdi. 
 
 Muhammad Kdsim receives an order from Hajjdj. 
 Muhammad Kdsim informs his friends of Sajjdj's orders. 
 Mdi Ddhir arrives at the banks of the Mihrdn. 
 A Syrian is slain. 
 
 1 [Sih&kar, or Siyftkar in B.'] 
 
166 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 Mus*ab goes to Sitoistdn. 
 
 Jaisiya son of Daihw arrives at the fort of Bait. 
 
 Mai Ddhif the infidel sends a message to Muhammad Sakifi. 
 
 Tiydr returns to Sajjdj from Muhammad Kdsim. 
 
 Sajjdj sends two thousand horses to Muhammad Xdsim. 
 
 Muhammad Kdsim reads the orders of Majjdj. 
 
 Sajjdj sends some vinegar to Muhammad Kdsim. 
 
 The orders of Sajjdj reach Muhammad Kdsim on the western 
 lank of the Mihrdn. 
 
 JRdi Ddhir confers with the Samani, Ms minister, on Muham- 
 mad Kdsim' s preparations for crossing the river. 
 
 Muhammad Kdsim prepares to cross to the eastern hank with his 
 
 army. 
 
 Muhammad Kasim iiad determined to cross, and was appre- 
 hensive lest Eai DaMr might come to the banks of the Mihran 
 with his army, and oppose the transit. He ordered Snlaiman bin 
 Tihan Kuraishi to advance boldly with his troops against the fort,' in 
 order that !Fufi '^ son of Dahir, should not be able to join his -fether. 
 Sulaiman accordingly went with. 600 horsemen. He ordered also 
 the son <}f 'Atiya Tifli to watch the road with 500 men, by which 
 Akham might be expected to advance, in order to cover Gandava' 
 and he ordered the Samani, who was chief of Nirun, to keep open 
 the road for the supply of food and fodder to the camp. Mus'ab 
 bra 'Abu-r rahman was ordered to command the advance guard, and 
 keep the roads clear. He placed Namama* bin Hanzala Kalabi in 
 the centre with a thousand maa ; and ordered Zakwan bin 'Ulwdn al 
 Bikri with 1500 men to attend on Moka Bisaya, chief of Bait ; and 
 
 > [MS. .4. fefeulty, tut seems to say " the fort of Aror," — 
 
 .B.'a verBion ia LU-^^^^ub Ji^y ^La-^ JjijLi jO j jj j^ t>j:>. _<A! U »j] 
 
 2 [MS. A. writes the name " Kdfi," but S.'has" Fdfi," and so has the. Tuhfatu-1 
 Sii&m. In this, as generally in other variants, each MS. maintains its own spelling 
 throughout. See Mem. eur I'lnde, 191.] 
 
 ' [iUa>t)ljC^ ^ -4. Jill Ju^ in -S.] * [So in both MSS.] 
 
CHACH-KAMA. 167 
 
 the Bhett Thakurs and the Jats of Ghazni, who had made submission 
 and entered the Arah service, were told to remain at Sagara and the 
 island of Bait. 
 
 » «» o o » i» c 
 
 Muhammad Kdsim examines the fords, 
 
 Ddhir hears that Moka Bisdya had collected boats. 
 
 Ddhir gives the government of Bait to Basil. 
 
 « (i Cf « « O O 
 
 When Muhammad Kasim had collected his boats and began to 
 join them together, EasU with his officers and chiefs came to the 
 opposite bank and prevented the completion of the bridge and the 
 passage of the river. Muhammad Kasim thereupon ordered that 
 the boats should all be brought to the western bank, and be there 
 joined together, to a distance equal to the estimated breadth of the 
 Mihran. He then placed his warriors fully armed upon the boats 
 and let the head of the bridge, which was fuU of archers, float down 
 to the eastern bank. The archers drove off the iufidels who were 
 posted to guard the passage. So the Arabs passed over to the other 
 side, and driving pegs into the earth, made the bridge fast. The 
 horse and foot then crossed and, giving battle, put the infidels to 
 flight, and pursued them as far as the gates of Jham. 
 
 Ddhir awakes and kills his chamberlain for bringing him news 
 of the flight of the infidels and the victory of Jsldm. 
 
 The Arab army advances. 
 
 The Arab army marched on till it reached the fort of Bait, and all 
 the horsemen were clad iu iron armour. Pickets were posted in 
 all directions, and orders were given to dig an entrenchment round 
 the camp, and to deposit the baggage there. Muhammad Kasim 
 then advanced from the fort of Bait towards Eawar, till he arrived 
 at a place called Jewar' (Jaipur). Between Eawar and Jewar 
 (Jaipur) there was a lake,' on which Dahir had stationed a select 
 body of troops to reconnoitre. 
 
 ' [In MS. A. this is written i».5>- in the first instance, and in the second ,,-. ^».^ 
 
 Chitflr. B. has Jit~T in toth oases. See page 169.] 
 2 [" Khuluj." It is subsequently called an " db-gir."'] 
 
168 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 Bdhir makes a request of Muhammad 'Alldfi} 
 
 The answer of 'Allafi, and his dismissal by Ddhir. 
 
 Muhammad Kdsini grants 'Alldfi a safe passage. 
 
 Ddhir confers with 'Alldfi. 
 
 Letters pass hettoeen Muhammad Kdsim and Hajjdj. 
 
 Bdhir sends Jaisiya to reconnoitre. 
 
 First fight with the accursed Ddhir. 
 
 Treaty of Rdsil with Muhammad Kdsim. 
 
 Kasil, after ghowing marks of respect and offering promisee of 
 fidelity, said, " No one can oppose the will of the Almighty God. 
 As you have bound me by your obligations, I shall after this be at 
 your service, and will never contravene your wishes. I shall obey 
 whatever may he your orders." After a short time Basil lost his 
 position, and the management of the country devolved upon Moka. 
 Easil and Moka agreed in opinion, and advised Muhammad Kasim 
 to march. He accordingly set out from that place and reached a 
 village which is called Naranf, Dahir was at Kajijat.' They saw 
 that between them and Dahir's camp there was a large lake, 
 which was very difficult to cross. Basil said, — " May the most just 
 and religious noble live long. It is necessary to cross this lake." 
 Basil obtained a boat, and sent three men across at a time, till the 
 whole army crossed over, and took post on a bay. Basil said, " If 
 you will advance one stage more, you will arrive at Jewar (Jaipur) , 
 on the banks of the Wadhawah.' This is a village suitable for yom- 
 encampment and is the same distance from the camp of Ddhir as it 
 is from here. There you may attack him both in front and rear, 
 and successfully enter into his position and occupy it." Muhammad 
 Kasim approved of the advice, and reached Jewar (Jaipur) and the 
 Wadhawah. 
 
 Arrival of Muhammad Kdsim at Jewar (Jaipur) . 
 
 Intelligence was brought to Baf Dahir that Muhammad Kasim 
 with the Arab army had reached Jewar (Jaipur), and when his 
 minister Sisakar* heard of it, he said, "Alas! we are lost. That 
 
 > [This name is always Trritten " 'AllSjii" in MS. A^ 
 
 ' [£. "Kajijak."j 3 ["Dadh&wkli"^.] « ["Siyfekar" ^.-i 
 
CHACH-NAMA. 169 
 
 place is called Jaipur,' or the town of Yictory, and as the army has 
 reached that place, it will be succefesful and victorious." Dahir Eai 
 took offence at these words. The fire of indignation blazed out in 
 his mind, and he said with anger, " He has arrived at Hindbari," 
 for it is a place where his bones shall lie." Dahir left the place, 
 and with precipitation went into the fort of Eawar, He placed his 
 dependants and baggage in the fort, and himself went out to a place 
 which was a parasang's distance from the Arabs. Dahir then said to 
 an astrologer, " I must fight to-day ; tell me in what part of the 
 heavens the planet Venus is, and calculate which of the two armies 
 shall be successful, and what will be the result." 
 
 Prediction of the Astrologer. 
 
 After the computation, the astrologer replied, — " According to the 
 calculation, the victory shall be to the Arab army, because Venus is 
 behind him and in front of you.'' Eai Dahir was angry on hearing 
 this. The astrologer then said, "Be not angered, but order an 
 image of Venus to be prepared of gold." It was made, and fastened 
 to his saddle-straps, in order that Venus might be behind him, and 
 he be victorious. Muhammad Kasim drew nearer, and the interval 
 between both armies was only half a parasang. 
 
 Fight of the second day. 
 
 Dahir fights the third day with the Arab army. 
 
 Fight of the fourth day. 
 
 Fight of the fifth day. 
 
 The array of the army of Islam. 
 
 Muhammad Kdsim Sakifl reads the KJiutba. 
 
 Muhammad Kdsim exhorts his soldiers. 
 
 The Arab army charges the Infidels. 
 
 Shujd' Sabshi becomes a martyr. 
 
 Muhammad Kdsim charges in the name of God. 
 
 ' It is generally Jewar ; [but here we have JJ^**" Chitfir in A.'\ This explanation 
 shows it must be JaipiSr. 
 * \_Hadbdri from haddi, a bone ? MS. B. leaves a blank for the first syllable.! 
 
170 HISTOEIANS OF SIND. 
 
 The accursed Ddhir is slain. 
 
 Historians have delated that Dahir was slain at the fort of Eawar at 
 sunset, on Thursday, the 10th of Eamazan, in the year 93 (June, 712 
 A.D.). Ahu-1 Hasan relates upon the authority Ahu-1 Lais Hindi, who 
 heard it from his father, that when the army of Islam made the attack, 
 and most Of the infidels were slain, a noise arose upon the left, and 
 Dahir thought it came from his own forces. He cried out, " Come 
 hither ; I am here." The women then raised their voices, and said, 
 " king, we are your women, who have fallen into the hands of 
 the Arabs, and are captives." Dahir said, " I live as yet, who cap- 
 tured you ?"^ So saying, he urged his elephant against the Musul- 
 man army. Muhammad Kasim told the naphtha throwers that the 
 opportunity was theirs, and a powerful man, in obedience to this 
 direction, shot his naphtha arrow into Dahir's howda, and set it on 
 fire. Dahir ordered his elephant driver to turn back, for the elephant 
 was thirsty, and the howda was on fire. The elephant heeded not 
 his driver, but dashed into the water, and in spite of all the efforts 
 of the man, refused to turn back. Dahir and the driver were carried 
 into the rolling waves. Some of the infidels went into the water 
 with them, and some stood upon the banks ; but when the Arab 
 horsemen came up, they fled. After the elephant had drunk water, 
 he wanted to return to the fort. The Muhammadan archers plied 
 their weapons, and a rain of arrows fell around. A skilful bowman 
 aimed an arrow, which struck Dahir in the breast (bar dil), and he 
 fell down in the howda upon his face. The elephant then came out 
 of the water and charged. Some of the iafidels who remaiaed were 
 trampled under foot, and the others were dispersed. Dahir got off 
 his elephant, and confronted an Arab ; but this brave fellow struck 
 him with a sword on the very centre of his head, and cleft it to 
 his neck. The Muhammadans and infidels closed and maintained a 
 deadly fight, until they reached the fort of Eiwar. When the Brah- 
 mans who had gone into the water found the place of Dahir's fall 
 deserted, they came out and hid the body of DShir under the bank. 
 The white elephant turned towards the army of the infidels, and no 
 trace was left. 
 
 1 [Such is the reading of JB. \^i^ ii l^Uwi ^- says, i.s^jLl i^ UAj] 
 
CHACH-NAMA. 171 
 
 Proclcanation issued by Muhammad Kdsim. 
 
 Sow Lddi the wife of Ddhir was taken. 
 
 Muhammad Kdsim writes an account of the death of BdMr to 
 JSajjdj. 
 
 The head of Ddhir is sent to 'Irak. 
 
 Sa^jdj gives his daughter in marriage to Muhammad Kdsim. 
 
 Hajjdj reads the Khutba in the Masj'id Jdmi' ofKAfa. 
 
 Sajjdj sends an answer to Muhammad Kdsim's account of his 
 victory. 
 
 The relatives of Ddhir Sdi who were carried away captives. 
 
 Jaisiya enters the fort ofMdwar and prepares to fight. 
 
 The ■historians concur in the narration that when Dahir was 
 killed, his son and Eani Bdi' (who was Dahir's sister, but whom 
 he had made his wife,) went into the fort of Eawar with his army, 
 relations, and nohles, and took refuge in it. Jaisiya, who was proud 
 of his courage, power, and dignity, prepared to fight. Muhammad 
 'Allafi was also with him. When the news of the death of DStiir 
 arrived, and that the white elephant was hamstrung, Jaisiya son of 
 Dahir said that he would go to oppose the enemy, and strike a blow 
 to save his honour and name, for it would be no loss if he were to 
 be slain. Sisakar, the minister, observed that the resolve of the 
 prince was not good, the king had been killed, the army defeated 
 and dispersed, and their hearts were averse to battle through fear of 
 the enemy's sword. How could he go to fight with the Arabs? 
 His dominions stUl existed, and the strongest forts were garrisoned 
 with brave warriors and subjects. It wag, therefore, advisable that 
 they should go to the fort of Brahmanabad, which was the inherit- 
 ance of his father and ancestors. It was the chief residence of 
 Dahir. The treasuries and stores were full, and the inhabitants 
 of the place were friendR and well wishers of the family of Chach, 
 and would all assist in fighting against the enemy. Then the 
 'Allafi was also asked what he considered proper. He rfpKed that 
 he.-concurred in this opinion. So Jaisiya assented, and with all their 
 dependants and trusty servants, they went to Brahmanafead. Bkl 
 
 I [MS. A. stfll reads Main.] 
 
172 HISTOEIANS OF SINO. 
 
 (Main), the wife of Dalur,togetlier with some of the generals, prepared 
 for battle. She reviewed the army in the fort, and fifteen thousand 
 warriors were eoimted. They had all resolved to die. Next 
 morning, when it was learnt that Dahi'r had been killed between 
 the Mihran and the stream called Wadhdwah,' all the chiefs 
 (Eawats) and officers who were attached to the Earn' entered the 
 fort. Muhammad Kasim, on receiving the intelligence, marched in 
 that direction, and encamped under the walls. The garrison began 
 to beat drums and sound clarions, and threw down from the ram- 
 parts and bastions stones from mangonels and balistas as well as 
 arrows and javelins. 
 
 The fort is taken andBdl (Main), the sister o/Ddhir, burns herself. 
 
 Muhammad Kasim disposed his army, and ordered the miners to 
 dig and undermine the walls. He divided his army into two 
 divisions ; one was to fight during the day with mangonels, arrows, 
 and javelins, and the other to throw naphtha, fardaj (?), and stones 
 during the night. Thus the bastions were thrown down. Bai (Main), 
 the sister of Dahir, assembled all her women, and said, " Jaisiya is 
 separated from us, and Muhammad Kasim is come. God forbid 
 that we should owe our liberty to these outcast cow-eaters '. Our 
 honour would be lost ! Our respite is at an end,' and there is 
 nowhere any hope of escape ; let us collect wood, cotton, and oil, for 
 I think that we should bum ourselves and go to meet our husbands. 
 If any wish to save herself she may." So they went into a house, 
 set it on fire, and burnt themselves. Muhammad took the fort, and 
 stayed there for two or three days. He put six thousand fighting 
 men, who were in the fort, to the sword, and shot some with 
 arrows. The other dependants and servants were taken prisoners, 
 with their wives and children. 
 
 Detail of the slaves, cash, and stuffs, which were taken. 
 
 It is said that when the fort was captured, all the treasures, 
 property, and arms, except those which were taken away by Jaisiya, 
 fell into the hands of the victors, and they were all brought before 
 Muhammad Kasim. When the number of the prisoners was calcu- 
 
 > ["Dadha.w6ili".B.] 
 
 2 [This passage is taken from B. MS. A. is unintelligible.] 
 
CHACH-NAMA. 173 
 
 lated, it was found to amount to thirty thousand persons, amongst 
 ■whom thirty were the daughters of chiefs, and one of them was K4i 
 Dahir's sister's daughter, whose name was Jaisiya.' They were sent 
 to Hajjaj. The head of Dahir and the fifth part of the prisoners 
 were forwarded in charge of K'ab, son of Maharat. When the head 
 of Dahir, the women, and the property all reached Hajjaj, he pros- 
 trated himself before God, offered thanksgi-vings and praises, for, he 
 said, he had in reality obtained all the wealth and treasures and 
 dominions of the world. 
 
 Hajjaj sends the head of Bdhir, and some of his standards, to the 
 
 Capital. 
 
 Hajjaj then forwarded the head, the umbrellas, and wealth, and 
 the prisoners to "Walid the Khalifa. When the Khalifa of the time 
 had read the letter, he praised Almighty God. He sold some of 
 those daughters of the chiefs, and some he granted as rewards. 
 When he saw the daughter of Eai Dahir's sister, he was much 
 struck with her beauty and charms, and began to bite his finger 
 with astonishment. 'Abdu-Uah bin 'Abbas desired to take her, but 
 the Khalifa said, " O my nephew ! I exceedingly admire this girl, 
 and am so enamoured of her, that I wish to keep her for myself. 
 Nevertheless, it is better that you should take her to be the mother 
 of your children." By his permission, therefore, 'Abdu-Uah took her. 
 She lived a long time with him, but no child was bom from her. After- 
 wards, another letter was received about the capture of the fort of 
 Kawar. It is said that after the conquest was efiected, and the affairs 
 of the country were settled and the report of the conquest had reached 
 Hajjaj, he sent a reply to the following effect. "0 my cousin; I 
 received your life-inspiring letter. I was much pleased and over- 
 joyed when it reached me. The events were recounted in an ex- 
 cellent and beautiful style, and I learnt that the ways and rules you 
 follow are conformable to the Law. Except that you give protec- 
 tion to all, great and small alike, and make no difference between 
 enemy and friend. God says, — Give no quarter to Infidels, but cut 
 their throats." " Then know that this is the command of the great 
 God. You should not be too ready to grant protection, because it 
 1 [MS. B. has " Hasna."] 
 
174 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 will prolong your -work. After this, give iw quarter to any enemy 
 except to those who are of rank. This is a worthy resolve, and want 
 of dignity wUl not be itnpiited to you.' Peace he with you!" — 
 Written at Nafa', a.h. 73. 
 
 Jaisiya sends letters from Brahmandhdd to Ahr? Bdtiya, and other 
 
 places. 
 Some historians from amongst the religious Brahmans have nar- 
 rated respecting the death of Dahir and adventures of Muhammad 
 Kasim, that when the accursed Eai Dahir went to hell, Jaisiya took 
 refuge in the fort of Brahmanabad, and E4war was taken, Jaisiya 
 made preparations for war and sent letters in all directions ; viz. : 
 One to his brother Fufi,' son of Dahir, who was in. the fort of the 
 capital of Aror ; the other to his nephew Chach, son of Dharsiya, in 
 the fort of Batiya; and the third to his cousia, Dhawal, son of 
 Chandar, who was in the direction of Budhiya and Kaikanan. He 
 informed them of Dahir's death and consoled them. He himself 
 was ia Brahmanabdd with his warriors ready to fight. 
 
 Battle of Bahriir and Dhalila. 
 
 Muhammad Kasim now determined to march to Brahmanabad. 
 Between Eawar and that city there were two fortresses called 
 Bahrur* and Dhalila which contained about sixteen thousand fighting 
 men. When Muhammad Kasim reached Bahrur he besieged it for 
 two months. After the war had been protracted so long, Muhammad 
 Kasim ordered that part of his army should fight by day and part by' 
 night. They threw naphtha and plied their mangonels so that all 
 the warriors of the adverse party were slaia, and the walls of the 
 fort thrown down. Many slaves and great plunder were taken. They 
 put the filth part of if into the public treasury. When the news of 
 the capture of Eawar and Bahrur reached Dhalila, the inhabitants 
 knew that Muhammad Kasim possessed great perseverance, and that 
 they should be on their guard against him. The merchants fled to 
 
 JCJ,^ (Ji*a>- ' r - ^t A -^ negative seems to be required.] 
 
 2 [jj.]] 5 [" K-afi" always in A.'] * [See p. 122;] 
 
CHACH-NAMA. 175 
 
 Hind, and the men of war prepared to defend their country. At 
 last, Muhammad Kasim came to Dhalila, and encamped there for 
 two months, more or less. When the besieged were much dis- 
 tressed, and they knew that from no quarter could they receive 
 reinforcements, they put on the garments of death, and anointed 
 themselves with perfumes. They sent out their families into the 
 fort which faces the bridge, and they crossed over the stream of the 
 Naljak,' without the Musulmans being aware of it. 
 
 The flight of the chief of Dhalila. 
 
 When the day dawned through the veil of darkness Muhammad 
 Kasim learnt that they had fled, so he sent some men of his army 
 after them, who overtook part of them as they were passing 
 over the river and put them to the edge of the sword. Those who 
 had crossed previously fled to Hindustan through the country of 
 Eamal and the sandy desert to the country (bildd) of Sir, the chief 
 of which country was named Deoraj. He was the son of the uncle 
 of Dahir Eaf. 
 
 Dhalila conquered, and a fifth part of its booty sent to the capital 
 
 of the Klialifa. 
 When Muhammad Kasim had fought the battle of Dhalila and 
 conquered, the fifth part of the plunder was deposited ia the treasury 
 to be sent to the capital, and he sent a report of the conquest of 
 Bahrur and Dhalila to Hajjaj, with all the particulars. 
 
 Arrival of Sisdkar, the minister, to seek protection. 
 
 Muhammad Kasim sent letters to the chiefs of the different parts 
 of Hind, and invited them to make submission, and embrace Islam. 
 When Sfsakar, minister of Dahir, heard of this, he sent some confi- 
 dential servants, and sued for protection. He brought the Muham-- 
 madan women who were in his possession, and said that they were 
 those women who cried out for help to Hajjaj.' 
 
 Sisdkar appointed Minister. 
 
 Muhammad Kasim showed him much respect, and sent his chief 
 officers to receive him. He paid him great honour, and treated him 
 
 1 [" Manjhal" in B.] » [See p. 118.] 
 
176 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 with much kindness, and conferred upon him the office of Wazir. 
 Sisakar now became the counsellor of the Muhammadans. Mu- 
 hammad Kasim told him all his secrets, always took his advice, 
 and consulted him on all the civil affairs of the government, his 
 political measures, and the means of prolonging his success. He 
 used to say to Muhammad Kasim that the regulations and ordinances 
 which the just Amir had introduced would confirm his authority in 
 all the countries of Hind. They would enable him to punish and 
 overcome all his enemies ; for he comforts all the subjects and 
 malguzars, takes the revenue according to the old laws and regula- 
 tions, never burthens any one with new and additional exactions, 
 and instructs all his functionaries and officers. 
 
 The government of Dhalila conferred on Niiba, son of Dhdran 
 son of Bhalila} 
 It is said by some people that when Dhalila was conquered, 
 Muhammad Kasim called Nuba, son of Dharan, and having made a 
 compact with him, invested him with honours, and conferred on 
 him the entire governorship of the fort, and its dependencies from 
 the eastern to the western boundaries. Trom that place to Brah- 
 manabad there was distance of one parasang. Jaisiya, son of Dahir, 
 received intelligence that the Muhammadan army was coming. 
 
 The Arab army arrives at the banks of the lake of Jalwdli, and an 
 ambassador is sent to invite the people to embrace Islam. 
 
 Muhammad Kasim marched from Dhalila, and encamped on the 
 banks of the stream of the Jalwali' to the east of Brahmanabad. He 
 sent some confidential messengers to BrahmanaMd to invite its 
 people to submission and to the Muhammadan faith, to preach to 
 them Islam, to demand the Jizya, or poll-tax, and also to inform 
 them that if they would not submit, they must prepare to fight. 
 Jaisiya, son of Dahu', before the arrival of the messengers, had gone 
 to Chanir.' He had chosen sixteen men from among the chiefs 
 of that city, and had placed four of these men as wardens at each of 
 
 ' [This last name is not in MS. A."] '' [Tlie " Falaill" ?] 
 
 ' [" Janlr" in jB.] He appears ubiquitous, and his proceedings do not appear to 
 be related in chronological cider. This place may be also read Chansir, and it 
 seems to be the same as the Ohauesar -which follows in page 179. 
 
OHACH-NAMA. 177 
 
 the four gates of the city, with a part of his army. One of these 
 gates was called Jawetari, and four men were stationed at it. One of 
 them was Bharand, the other Satiya, the third Mdliya,^ and the 
 fourth SSha. 
 
 Muhammad Kdsim, arrives there in the beginning of the month of 
 
 Rajah. 
 
 When Muhammad Kdsim reached there, he ordered entrenchments 
 to be dug. The battle commenced on Saturday, the first of Kajab. 
 The infidels came out every day, and engaged and beat their drums.* 
 There were about forty thousand fi|fkting men. I'rom the dawn of 
 day till sunset the battle was fought with great fury on both sides. 
 "When the king of the stars disappeared they also returned. The 
 Muhammadans entered their entrenchments, and the infidels went 
 into their fort. Six months passed in this manner. Kasim despaired 
 of taking the fort, and became very pensive. On Sunday, in the 
 end of the Zi-1 Hijja, a.h. 93 (October, 712 a.d.), Jaisiya, who had 
 fled to the country of Eamal, which is called Batiya, came back 
 from that place, infested the roads, and distressed the Muhammadan 
 army. 
 
 A messenger sent to Moha. 
 
 Muhammad Kasim despatched one of his confidential servants 
 to Moka Bisaya, and informed him that he was perpetually 
 harassed by Jaisiya, who prevented the supply of fodder, and put 
 him to great trouble. He enquired the remedy. Moka said that as 
 Jaisiya was very near, there was no alternative but that he should 
 be made to depart. So he sent from his own force a large body of 
 trusty men to drive him off. 
 
 Jaisiya goes to Jaipur? 
 
 Banana, son of Hanzala Kalabi, 'Ati'ya Sa'lbi, Saram son of 
 Abii Saram Hamadani, and 'Abdu-1 Malik Madanni, with their horse- 
 men, and Moka Bisaya at their head, aud also Jazim, son of 'TJmar 
 Waladihi were sent with aji army and supplies of provisions. 
 
 1 ["Manlira"in5.] 
 
 s [Both MSS. here have " Jatrfir." A few lines further on A. has " Chitor," but 
 B. keeps to " Jatrdr." See note in p. 169,] 
 
 VOL. 1. 12 
 
178 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 Jaisiya was informed of the march of the Arab army. He therefore 
 left his place with all his property and family, and went by way of 
 the sandy desert to the places called Jankan, 'Awara, and Kaya, in 
 the territory of Jaipur. The 'Allafi deserted him. He thence 
 proceeded to the territory of Takiya, and went away and deter- 
 mined to do homage to the king of Kashmir, which is towards Eosta 
 on the boundary of Eoyam. This territory is all waste and desert. 
 From that place he wrote to the Eai, whose capital lay amidst the 
 hiUs. He stated that of his own free will, and with a sincere heart, 
 he had come to wait upon him. 
 
 Jaisiya son of Ddhir goes to the Rand. 
 
 The letter was read before the Eai of Kashmir, who issued orders 
 that, from among the dependencies of Kashmir, a place called Sha- 
 kalha ' should be assigned to Jaisiya. 
 
 The Mai of Kashmir gives presents to Jaisiya son of Ddhir. 
 
 The day on which they met, the Eai of Kashmir gave fifty horses 
 with saddles, and two hundred valuable suits of apparel to his 
 officers. Hamim, son of Sama the Syrian, was sent to the fief of 
 Shakalha. "When he went a second time to see the Eai of Kashmir, 
 he was again received with great respect and honour, and an 
 umbrella, a chair, and other presents were given to him. These are 
 honours which are bestowed upon great kings. With great respect 
 and ostentation he was re-conducted to his tenure in the plains. 
 After staying there some time he expired in Shakalha, and was 
 succeeded by Hamim, son of Sama, whose descendants remain there 
 to this day. He founded masjids there, and obtaiaed great honour 
 and regard. He was much respected by the king of Kashmir. 
 When Jaisiya" went to Jaipur, and stayed there, he wrote letters to 
 Fuf£, son of Ddhir, at Alor. He informed him of the cause of his 
 
 1 [See also p. 144. Gen. Cunningham thinks that this may possibly be "Knller- 
 Kabar," in the Salt range which at this time belonged to Kashmir.] 
 
 2 [It is difficult to say who is meant in the preceding passages. Jaisiya is men- 
 tioned by name in the heading of the chapter, but his name does not occur again 
 until this place. This passage begins — 
 
CHACH-NAMA. 179 
 
 leaving the country, and advised him to hold out in that part. 
 Fufi, son of Dahir, received much encouragement on reading the 
 letter, and on learning that he had gone away to Jaipur. 
 
 When Muhammad Kasim had fought for six months at Brahman- ■ 
 abad, and war was protracted for a long time, and the news of 
 Jaisiya was received from Chanesar,' four of the chief merchants of 
 the city consulted together at the gate of the fort, which is called 
 Jawetari.' They said the Arabs have conquered the whole terri- 
 tory, Dahir has been killed, Jaigiya is king, and the fort tas been 
 besieged for a space of six months ; we have neither power nor 
 wealth to enable us to fight with the enemy, nor can we make 
 peace with him. If he stay a few days more, he will at last be 
 victorious, and we have no ground on which to ask protection from 
 him. We are not able to stand any more before that army ; we 
 should, therefore, now join together, and sallying out attack Kasim, 
 or be slain in the attempt ; for if peace be made, all those found in 
 arms will be slain, but all the rest of the people, the merchants, the 
 handicraftsmen, and the cultivators, will find protection. And if 
 they could get any assurance, it was better, they said, to make terms 
 and surrender the fort to him. He would take them under his 
 protection, and they would find him their supporter if they would 
 follow rules of allegiance. To this opinion they all agreed. They 
 sent their messengers, and craved for themselves and their families 
 exemption from death and captivity. 
 
 Protection granted to them on their faithful promises of allegiance. 
 
 Muhammad Kasim granted them protection on their faithful 
 promises, but put the soldiers to death, and took all their followers 
 and dependants prisoners. All the captives, up to about thirty 
 years of age, who were able to work, he made slaves, and put a 
 price upon them.' Muhammad Kasim called all the chief officers 
 of Hajjaj together, and related the message to them, saying that 
 
 ' Lw-ji::^ A. u..;-"7 - -B-] ' [" Jaretari" 5.] 
 
 ' J liCuA Jit \_j Juji jii JLj ^ i^Ji \j (.::^-Atfi j\ S xJj) J» jl 
 
180 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 ambassadors liad come from Bralimanabad, and it stould be heard 
 what they had to say, and a proper answer should be carefully 
 prepared and given to them. 
 
 Opinion of Moka Bisdya. 
 
 Moka Bisaya said, " noble man ! this fort is the chief of all the 
 cities of Hind. It is the seat of the sovereign. If this be taken, 
 the whole of Sind will come into your possession. The strongest 
 forts will fall, and the dread of our power will increase. The 
 people will sever themselves from the descendants of Dahir, some 
 will i-un away, and others submit to your rule." 
 
 Muhammad Kdsim's communication to Sajjdj. 
 
 Muhammad Kdsim informed Hajjaj of all the circumstaiices, and 
 furnished those people with his written Orders. He fixed the time 
 with them, and they said that on the day named he should come to 
 the Jawetetri ' gate, from which they would sally out to fight ; but 
 when they should come near him, and the Arab army should attack 
 them, they would fly away in the midst of the battle, go into the 
 fort, and leave the gate open. After an answer was received from 
 Hajjaj, to the effect that Kasim should give them protectioii, and 
 fiiithfully execute the compact made with them, the people of the 
 fort fought for a short time, and when the Arabs attacked them, and 
 engaged, they fled and entered the fort, leaving the gate open.^ The 
 Arabs thus got possession of it, and the whole army followed and 
 mounted the walls. The Muhammadans then loudly shouted " Allah 
 Akbar," and the people of the fort, seeing the Musulmans victorious, 
 opened the eastern gate, and fled with precipitation. The Muham- 
 madans thus gained the victory, but Muhammad KSsim ordered them 
 to kUl none but those who showed fight. They seized all who had 
 arms, and brought them prisoners before Muhammad Kasim, with 
 aU their arms and property, dependants, and families. Everyone 
 who bowed down his head and sued for protection was released, 
 and allowed to occupy his own house. 
 
 1 [" Jaretari," B.'\ 
 
 * This is not clear, but it appears that the citizens betrayed the garrison. 
 
CHACH-NA'MA. 181 
 
 Resistance made hy Jaisiya^ and the wife of Bdhir. 
 It is said, on the authority of the old men of Brahmanabad, that 
 when the fort of Bralimanabad was taken, Ladi, the wife of Dahir 
 Eai, who since Dahir's death had staid in the fort with his son,' rose 
 up and said, " How can I lea-ve this strong fort and my family. It 
 is necessary that we should stop here, overcome the enemy, and 
 preserve our homes and dwellings. If the army of the Arabs 
 should be successful, I must pursue some other course. She then 
 brought out all her wealth and treasures, and distributing them 
 among the warriors of the army, she thus encouraged her brave 
 soldiers while the fight was carried on at one of the gates. She had 
 determined that if the fort should be lost, she would bum herself 
 alive with all her relations and children. Suddenly the fort was 
 taken, and the nobles came to the gate of Dahir's palace and brought 
 out his dependants. Ladi was taken prisoner. 
 
 Lddi, the wife of Ddhir is taken, loith his two maiden daughters. 
 
 When the plunder and the prisoners of war were brought before 
 Kasim, and enquiries were made about every captive, it was found 
 that Ladi, the wife of Dahir, was in the fort with two daughters of 
 his by his other wives. VeUs were put on their faces, and they 
 were delivered to a servant to keep them apart. One-fifth of all 
 the prisoners were chosen and set aside ; they were counted as 
 amounting to twenty thousand in number, and the rest were given 
 to the soldiers. 
 
 Protection is gi:een to the artificers. 
 Protection was given to the artificers, the merchants, and the 
 common people, and those who had been seized from those classes 
 were all liberated. But he (Kasim) sat on the seat of cruelty, and 
 put all-those who had fought to the sword. It is said that about six 
 thousand fighting men were slain, but, according to some, sixteen 
 thousand were killed, and the rest were pardoned. 
 
 The relations of Ddhir are betrayed by the Brahmans. 
 It is related that when none of the relations of D&hir were found 
 
 i [Sic in both MSS.] " [i^\j^ b "bod of the BM."] 
 
182 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 among the prisoners, the inhabitants of the city were questioned 
 respecting them, but no one gave any information or hint about 
 them. But the next day nearly one thousand Brahmans, Andth 
 shaven heads and beards, were brought before Kasim. 
 
 The Brahmans come to Muhammad Kdsim. 
 
 "When Muhammad Kasim saw them, he asked to what army they 
 belonged, and why they had come in that manner. They replied, "0 
 faithful noble ! our king was a Brahman. Ton have killed him, 
 and have taken his country ; but some of us have faithfully adhered 
 to hi^ cause, and have laid down our lives for him ; and the rest, 
 mourning for him, have dressed themselves in yellow clothes, and 
 have shaved their heads and beards. As now the Almighty God has 
 given this country into your possession, we have come submissively 
 to you, just Lord, to know what may be your orders for us." 
 Muhammad Kasim began-to think, and said, " By my soul and head, 
 they are good, faithful people. I give them protection, but on this 
 condition, that they bring hither the dependents of Dahir, wherever 
 they may be." Thereupon they brought out Ladi. Muhammad Kasim 
 fixed a tax upon all the subjects, according to the laws of the Prophet. 
 Those who embraced the Muhammadan faith were exempted from 
 slavery, the tribute, and the poll-tax ;' and from those who did not 
 change their creed a tax was exacted according to three grades. The 
 first grade was of great men, and each of these was to pay silver, equal 
 to forty-eight dirams in weight, the second grade twenty-four dirams, 
 and the lowest grade twelve dirams. It was ordered that all who 
 shoidd become Musulmans at once should be exempted from the 
 payment, but those who were desirous of adhering to their old 
 persuasion must pay the tribute and poll-tax. Some showed an 
 inclination to abide by their creed, and some having resolved upon 
 paying tribute, held by the faith of their forefathers,' but their lands 
 and property were not taken from them. 
 
 ^ [" B<mdagi wa m&l wa gazid;" or " gazand" as A. has it.] 
 ij.^ (_i^4 ijS>-«^ y 5 JJ'iU-' '^''^ ^""^ mu'dwadat is found only in 3.] 
 
CHACH-N^MA. 183 
 
 Brahmandhdd is given into the charge of the prefects of the country. 
 
 Muhammad Kasim then allotted to each of the prefects an amount 
 of revenue suited to his ability and claims. He stationed a force at 
 each of the four gates of the fort, and gave the charge of them (to 
 the prefects). He also gave them as tokens of his satisfaction 
 saddled horses, and ornaments for their hands and feet, according to 
 the custom of the kings of Hind. And he assigned to each of them 
 a seat in the great public assemblies. 
 
 Division of the people into three classes — artisans, merchants, and 
 
 agriculturists. 
 
 All people, the merchants, artists, and agriculturists were divided 
 separately into their respective classes, and ten thousand men, high 
 and low, were counted. Muhammad Kasim then ordered twelve 
 diram's weight of silver to be assigned to each man, because all 
 their property had been plundered. He appointed people from 
 among the villagers and the chief citizens to collect the fixed 
 taxes from the cities and villages, that there might be a feeling of 
 strength and protection. When the Brahmans saw this, they 
 represented their case, and the nobles and principal inhabitants 
 of the city gave evidence as to the superiority of the Brahmans. 
 Muhammad Kasim maintained their dignity, and passed orders 
 confirming their pre-eminence. They were protected againsb opposi- 
 tion and violence. Each of them was entrusted with an office, for 
 Kasim was confident that they would not be inclined to dishonesty. 
 Like Eai Chach, he also appointed each one to a duty. He 
 ordered all the Brahmans to be brought before him, and reminded 
 them that they had held great of&ces in the time of Dahir, and that 
 they must be well acquainted with the city and the suburbs. If 
 they knew any excellent character worthy of his consideration and 
 kindness they should bring him to notice, that favours and rewards 
 might be bestowed on him. As he had entire confidence in their 
 honesty and virtue, he had entrusted them with these offices, and all 
 the affairs of the country would be placed under their charge. 
 These offices were granted to them and their descendants, and would 
 never be resumed or transferred. 
 
184 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 The Brahmans go with great confidence into the villages. 
 
 Then the Brahmans and the government officers went into the 
 districts, and said, " Oh chiefs and leaders of the people, you know 
 for certain that Dahir is slain, and that the power of infidels is at an 
 end. In all parts of Sind and Hind the rule of the Arabs is firmly 
 established, and all the people of this country, great and small, have 
 become as equals, both in town and country. The great Sultan has 
 shown favour to us humble individuals, and ye mu.st know that 
 he has sent us to you, to hold out great inducements. If we do 
 not obey the Arabs we shall neither have property nor means 
 of living. But we have made our submission in hope that the 
 favour and kindness of our masters may be increased to us. At 
 present we are not driven from our homes ; but if you cannot 
 endure this tribute which is fixed on you, nor submit to the heavy 
 burden, then let us retire at a suitable opportunity to some other 
 place of Hind or Sind, with all your families and children, where 
 you may find your lives secure. Life is the greatest of all blessings. 
 But if we can escape from this dreadful whirlpool, and can save our 
 lives from the power of this army, our property and children will be 
 safe. 
 
 Taxes are fixed upon the inhabitants of the city. 
 
 Then all the inhabitants of the city attended and agreed to pay 
 the taxes. They ascertained the amount from Muhammad "Kasim. 
 And in respect of the Brahmans whom he had appointed revenue 
 managers over them, he said, "Deal honestly between, the people 
 and the Sultan, and if distribution is required make it with equity, 
 and fix the revenue according to the abUity to pay. Be in concord 
 among yourselves, and oppose not each other, so that the country 
 may not be distressed." 
 
 Muhammad Kdsim admonishes the people. 
 
 Muhammad Kasim admonished every man separately, and said, 
 "Be happy in every respect, and have no anxiety, for you will not 
 be blamed for anything. I do not take any agreement or bond from 
 you. Whatever sum is fixed and we have settled you must pay. 
 Moreover, care and leniency shall be shown you. And whatever 
 
CHACH-NAMA. 186 
 
 may be you* requests, they should be represented to me so that 
 they may be heaard, a proper reply be given, and the wishes of each 
 man be satisfied." 
 
 Muhammad Kdsim gives an order in favour of the people of 
 
 Brahmandldd. 
 The Brahmons did not receive the alms -which were given to them 
 according to the old custom, by the merchants, the infidels, and 
 thakurs, who took delight in worshipping the idols. The attend- 
 ants of the temples were likewise in distress. For fear of the 
 army, the alms and bread were not regularly given to them, and 
 therefore they were reduced to poverty. They came to the gate of 
 his palace, and lifted up their hands in prayer. They said, " May 
 you live long, oh just lord ! We people obtain our livelihood and 
 maintenance by keeping the temple of Budh. You showed mercy 
 upon the merchants and the infidelSj confirmed them in their pro- 
 perty, and made them zimmis (tolerated subjects). Hence we, your 
 slaves, relying upon yoiu* bounty, hope permission may be given for 
 them to worship their gods, and repair the temple of Budh." 
 Muhammad Kasim replied, " The seat of government is Alor, and 
 all these other places are dependencies of it." The Hindus said, 
 " The edifice (temple) of this city is under the Brahmans. They are 
 our sages and physicians, and our nuptial and funeral ceremonies 
 are performed by them. We have agreed to pay the taxes in the 
 expectation that every one would be left to follow his own persua- 
 sion. This our temple of Budh is ruined, and we cannot worship 
 our idols. If our just lord will permit us, we will repair it, and 
 worship our gods. Our Brahmans will then receive the means of 
 living from us." 
 
 Muhammad Kdsim writes to Sajjdj, and receives an answer. 
 
 Muhammad Kasim ivrote to Hajjaj, and after some days received 
 a reply to the following efiect. The letter of my dear nephew 
 Muhammad Kasim has been received, and the facts understood. It 
 appears that the chief inhabitants of Brahmanabad had petitioned 
 to be allowed to repair the temple of Budh and pursue their religion. 
 As they have made submission, and have agreed to pay taxes to the 
 Khalifa, nothing more can be properly required from them. They 
 
186 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 have been taken under our protection, and we cannot in any way 
 stretch, out our hands upon their lives or property. Permission is 
 given them to worship their gods. Nobody must be forbidden or 
 prevented from following his own religion. They may live in their 
 hotises in whatever manner they like.' 
 
 Arrival of Hajjdj's orders. 
 
 When the orders of Hajjaj reached Muhammad Kasim, he had 
 left the city, and had gone a march. He directed the nobles, the 
 principal inhabitants, and the Brahmans to build their temple, 
 trafSc with the Muhammadans, live without any fear, and strive to 
 better themselves. He also enjoined them to maintain the indigent 
 Brahmans with kindness and consideration, observe the rites and 
 customs of their ancestors, and give oblations and alms to the 
 Brahmans, according to former practice. They were to allot three 
 dirams out of every hundred dirams capital, and to give them as 
 much of this as should be necessary — the remainder was to be paid 
 into the treasury and accounted for ; it would be safe in the keeping 
 of Government,^ They were also to settle allowances upon the 
 officers and the nobles. They all fully agreed to these conditions 
 before Tamim bin Zaidu-1 Kaisi and Hukm bin 'Awana Kalbi. It 
 was ordained that the Brahmans should, like beggars, take a copper 
 basin in their hands, go to the doors of the houses, and take what- 
 ever grain or other thing that might be offered to them, so that they 
 might not remain unprovided for. This practice has got a peculiar 
 name among the infidels. 
 
 Muhammad Kdsim grants the request of the people of Brahmandhdd. 
 
 Muhammad Kasim granted the request which the people of Brah- 
 manabad had made to him, and permitted them to retain their posi- 
 tion like the Jews, tlie Christians,' and fire worshippers of 'Irak 
 
 ' [joi^ iS^^j 'iy>- ^\ji Jyi- 'lifjLsT b] 
 
CHACH-NAMA. 187 
 
 and SMm. He then, dismissed them, and gave to their head men 
 the appellation of Eana.^ 
 
 Muhammad Kdsim calls for Sisdkar, the minister. 
 
 He then called the minister Sisakar and Moka Bisaya, and asked 
 them what was the position of the Jats of Lohana' in the time of 
 Chach and Dahir, and how were they dealt with ? Sisakar, the 
 minister, replied in the presence of Moka Bisaya that in the reign 
 of Eai Chach, the Lohanas, viz. Lakha and Samma, were not allowed 
 to wear soft clothes, or cover their heads with velvet; but they 
 used to wear a black blanket beneath, and throw a sheet of coarse 
 cloth over their shoulders. They kept their heads and feet naked. 
 "Whenever they put on soft clothes they were fined. They used 
 to take their dogs with them when they went out of doors, so 
 that they might by this means be recognized. No chief was per- 
 mitted to ride on a horse. Wherever guides were required by the 
 kings they had to perform the duty, and it was their business to 
 supply escorts and conduct parties from one tribe to another. If 
 any of their chiefs or ranas rode upon a horse, he had no saddle or 
 bridle, but threw a blanket on its back, and then mounted. If an 
 injury befel a person on the road, these tribes had to answer for it ; 
 and if any person of their tribe committed a theft, it was the duty of 
 their head men to burn him and his family and children. The 
 caravans used to travel day and night under their guidance. There 
 is no distinction among them of great and small. They have the 
 disposition of savages, and always rebelled against their sovereign. 
 They plunder on the roads, and within the territory of Debal aU 
 join with them in their highway robberies. It is their duty to send 
 fire-wood for the kitchen of the kings, and to serve them as menials 
 and guards." On hearing this, Muhammad Kasim said, " What 
 disgusting people they are. They are just like the savages of 
 Persia and the mountains."' Muhammad Kasim maintained the 
 same rules regarding them. As the Commander of the faithful, 
 'TJmar, son of Khitab, had ordered respecting the people of Sham, 
 
 ' [MS. .B.] 2 [<UUjl i^li^r J^] 
 
 ' [jc-ib j_^j ij^^_/* [^- ^j^. ^/] ^^i */ J ut)^ '^h w^^^ 
 
188 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 60 did Muhammad Kasim also make a rule that every guest should 
 be entertained for one day and night, but if he fell sick then for 
 three days and nights. 
 
 Muhammad Kdsim sends a letter to Hajjdj bin Yiisuf. 
 When Muhammad Kasim had settled the affairs of Brahmanabad 
 and the Lohana^ territory, and had fixed the tribute of the Jats, he 
 sent a report of all these particulars to Hajjaj. It was written at a 
 place on the river Jalwali,^ above Brahmanabad. The account of 
 taking the territory of Sind was, communicated and stated in full 
 detail. 
 
 Bephj ofEajjdj. 
 
 Hajjaj wrote in reply, " My nephew Muhammad Kasim, you 
 deserve praise and commendation for your military conduct, and for 
 the pains you have taken in protecting the people, ameliorating 
 their condition, and managing the affairs of the Government. The 
 fixing of the revenue upon each village, and the encouragement you 
 have giveij. to all classes of people to observe the laws, and' their agree- 
 ments, have brought much vigour to the Government, and have tended 
 to the good administration of the country. Now you should not 
 stay any longer La this city. The pillars of the countries of Hind 
 and Sind are Alor and Multan. They are the capitals and royal 
 residences. There must be great riches and treasures of kings hidden 
 in these two places. If you stop anywhere, you should choose the 
 most delightful place, so that your authority may be confirmed in 
 the whole country of Hind and Sind. If any one refuses to submit 
 to Muhammadan power slay him. May you be victorious under 
 the decree of the Almighty God, so that you may subdue the 
 country of Hind to the boundary of China. Amir Kutaiba, son of 
 Muslimu-1 Kuraishf is sent ; you should make over all the hostages 
 to him, and an army i§ also placed under him. Ton should act in 
 such a manner, son of your uncle, and son of the mother of 
 Jaisiya,' that the name of Kasim may become celebrated through you, 
 and your' enemies be humbled and confounded. May it please God." 
 
 ' \_A. has JalwS.ni. See page 176.] 
 
 ' Alluding probably to her being destined for Hajjlj. A few pages before we find 
 L&di was taken by Muhammad Kasim. 
 
CHACH-NAMA. 189 
 
 The arrival of the letter of Sajjdj. 
 
 When the letter of Hajjaj reached Muhammad Kasim, he read 
 it. It was also written in it, " You, Muhammad, consult me 
 in your letters, for it is prudent. The excessive distance is an 
 obstacle. But show kindness that your enemies may desire to be 
 submissive ; comfort them." 
 
 Appointment of four of the chief men of the city as officers for the 
 management of the country. 
 
 Muhammad Kasim ■then called Wida', son of Hamidu-n Najdi, for 
 the management of the city of Brahmanab^d, that is, Baln-wah,' and 
 appointed overseers and assistants. He entrusted four persons from 
 among the merchants of the city with all matters concerning pro - 
 perty. He strictly ordered that they should inform him fully and 
 particularly of all matters, and that nothing should be decided 
 without consulting him. He placed Nuba, son of Daras, in the 
 fort of Eawar, knd directed him to hold the place fast, and keep the 
 boats ready. If any boat coming up or down the stream was 
 loaded with m^en or arms of war, he was to take them and bring 
 them to the fort of Eawar. He placfed the boats on the upper part 
 of the river under the charge of the son of Ziyadu-1 'Abdi, and 
 appointed Handil, son of Sulaim£nu-1 Azdi, to the districts which 
 belonged to the territory of Kiraj,' Hanzala, son of Akhl Banana 
 Kalbi, was made governor of Dahlfla^ and they were all ordered 
 t6 inquire into and investigate the affairs of the surrounding. places, 
 aad report to him thereon every month. He also directed them 
 to assist each other so that they might be secure from attacks of 
 the enemy's forces, and from the opposition of rebellious subjects, 
 arid they were to punish disturbers of the peace. He stationed two 
 thousand foot soldiers with Kais bin 'Abdu-1 Malik bin Kaisu-d 
 Damani and Khalid-Ansari in Siwist^n, and sent Mas'ud Tamimi 
 son of Shitaba Jadidi, Firasati 'Atki, Sabir Lashkari, and 'Abdu-1 
 Malik son of 'Abdullah, Al Khazd'i, Mahram son of 'Akka, and 
 
 1 [This is the spelling of MS. A. The name is not given in B. The real name 
 wis Bahmanu or Baftmamed. See ante pp. 34 and 61. Birrini'a Kanlin quoted in 
 Thomas' Prinsep, Vol. II. p. 120 ; Beinaud's Fragments, pp. 41, 113.] 
 
 2 [So in MS. A. MS. B. has "Etiraj." See ante, p. 124.] 
 
190 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 Alufa son of 'Abdu-r Babman, to Debal and Nirun, in order to 
 maintain possession of tbose places. Amongst tbe companions of 
 bis exploits tbere was a man named Maiikb, wbo was a Maula ; 
 bim be appointed ruler of Karwail. 'Alwan Bakkari and Kais, 
 son of S'aliba, witb tbree bnndred men, also remained in tbat 
 place, and tbere tbey bad tbeir wives and families. Tbns tbe wbole 
 territory of tbe Jats was kept under subjection. 
 
 Muhammad Kdsim proceeds to Sdwandi Samma. 
 
 It is related tbat wben Mubammad Kasim bad attended to tbe 
 affairs of tbe district of Brabmanabad, and of tbe eastern and western 
 parts of tbe territory, be marcbed from tbat place on Tbursday, tbe 
 tbird of Mubarram a.h. 94 (9 Oct., 712 a.d.) He stopped at a 
 village called Manbal,' in tbe vincinity of Sawandi.^ Tbere was 
 a beautiful lake and a deligbtful meadow tbere, wbicb were called 
 Danda and Karbaba. He pitcbed bis tents on tbe banks of tbe 
 Danda. Tbe inbabitants of tbe country were Samanis. Tbe cbiefs 
 and mercbants all came and made submission to Mubammad Kasim, 
 and be gave tbem protection, according to tbe orders of Hajjaj. 
 He said tbat tbey migbt live in tbeir country witb comfort and con- 
 tent, and pay tbe revenue at tbe proper season. He fixed revenue 
 upon tbem and appointed a person from eaob tribe as tbe bead of bis 
 tribe. One was a Samani, wbose name was Bawadu, and tbe otber, 
 Budebi Bamman Dbawal. Tbe agriculturists in tbis part of tbe 
 country were Jats, and tbey made tbeir submission and were granted 
 protection. Wben all tbese circumstances were communicated to 
 Hajjaj, be sent an empbatic answer, ordering tbat tbose wbo sbowed 
 figbt sbould be destroyed, or tbat tbeir sons and daugbters sbould 
 be taken as bostages and kept. Tbose wbo cbose to submit, and in 
 wbose tbroats tbe water of sincerity flowed, were to be treated witb 
 mercy, and tbeir property secured to tbem. Tbe artizans and mer- 
 cbants were not to be beavily taxed. "Wbosoever took great pains 
 in bis work or cultivation was to be encouraged and supported. 
 From tbose wbo espoused tbe dignity of Islam, only a tentb part of 
 tbeir wealtb and tbe produce of tbe land was to be required ; but tbose 
 wbo followed tbeir own religion were to pay from tbe produce of tbeir 
 
 ' [Mathal ia MS. .B.] ' See ante pp. 122 and 160. 
 
CHACH-NAMA. 191 
 
 manual industry, or from -the land, the usual sums, according to the 
 established custom of the country, and bring it to the Government col- 
 lectors. Muhammad Kasim then marched from that place and arrived 
 at Bahrawar. There he called Sulaiman son of Pathan and Aba 
 Fazzatu-1 Kasha'ri and made them swear by the Omnipotent, He 
 gave them strict orders, and sent them with a body of men belong- 
 ing to Haidar son of 'Amru and Bani Tamim towards the territory 
 of the people of Bahraj.' They took up their residence there ; and 
 'Umar son of Hajjazu-l Akbaii Hanafi was appointed their chief, 
 and a body of famous warriors were placed imder him. 
 
 The Sammas come to receive him. 
 Muhammad Kasim then moved towards the tribes of the Samma. 
 When he came near, they advanced to receive him, ringing 
 bells, and beating drums and dancing. Muhammad Kasim said, 
 " What noise is this ?" The people told him that it was with them 
 a customary ceremony, that when a new king comes among them 
 they rejoice and receive him with frolics and merriment. Then 
 Kharim, son of 'Umar, came to Muhammad Kasim and said, "It 
 is proper for us to adore and praise the Almighty God, because 
 He has made these people submissive and obedient to us, and our 
 injunctions and inhibitions are obeyed in this country. Kharim was 
 an intelligent and ingenious man, faithful and honest. Muhammad 
 Kasim laughed at his words, and said, " You shall be made their 
 chief," and he ordered them to dance and play before him. Kiiarim 
 rewarded them with twenty dinars of African gold, and said — ^It is 
 a regal privilege that joyful demonstrations should be made by them 
 on the arrival of their prince, and gratitude thus be shown to the 
 Almighty — may this blessing be long preserved to them. 
 
 Muhammad Kasim marches towards Lohdna a,nd 8ihta. 
 The historians say, upon the authority of 'Al£ bin Muhammad bin 
 
 ' These passages are doubtful and have no meaning as they stand. [The following 
 istheteit:— j^j;^^^ ^^JxJL^\ iti^ blj j^l^ ^ ^^U-L. Jj KsT} j 
 Ju^l^^ Jci Si^Z J J^j Jc ij'j«=C '^^'^ Ujii^j-. \j^j\jijj\j >ij\ysr \jj\ 
 
 jliyj J _. jA> iL&l MS. S. omits the second eahdnrd^ 
 
192 HISTOSIAJSrS OF SIND. 
 
 Abdu-r EaLman bin 'Abdu-llab. us Saliti, that when Muhammad KSsim 
 had settled the affairs of Lohana, he came to Sihta. The chiefs and 
 peasants advanced bare-headed ai&d bare-footed to receive him, and 
 sued for mercy. He granted them all protection, fixed the revenue 
 they were to pay, and tooTt hostages. He asked them to guide him 
 through the various stages to Alor. Theiir guides were sent forward 
 to Alor, which was the capital of Hind and the greatest city in all 
 Sind. The inhabitants were chiefly merchants, artisanS, and agri- 
 culturists. The governor of its fort was Fufi, son of Rai Dahir, 
 and before him nobody dared say that Dahir was slain. He main- 
 tained that Rai Dahir was yet alive, and had gone to bring an army 
 from Hind, that with its support and assistance he might fight with 
 the Arabs. Muhammad Kasim encamped for one month before the 
 fort, at the distance of one mile. He built there a mosque, in which 
 he read the Khutba every Friday. 
 
 Battle with the peopk o/Alot^. 
 
 War was then waged with the people of Alor, who believed that 
 Dahir was bringing men to their aid. They cried aloud from the 
 ramparts to the besiegers, " You must abandon all hope of life, for 
 Dahir, with a formidable army of numberless elephants, horse and 
 foot, is advancing in your rear, and we shall sally out from the fort 
 and defeat your army. Abandon your wealth and baggage, take 
 care of your Kves, and run away, that you may not be killed. Hear 
 this advice." 
 
 Muhammad Kd&im purchases Lddi, the wife of Bdhir, from a 
 
 woman} 
 
 "When Muhammad Kasim saw their resolution and perseverance 
 in maintaining hostilities, and found that lliey persisted in denying 
 that Dahir was slain, he put Ladi, the wife of Dahir, whom he had 
 purchased from <a woman and made his wife, on the black camel on 
 which the wife of Dahir used to ride, and sent her with trusty 
 persons to the fort. She cried out, " people of the fort, I have 
 some matters of importance to tell you ; come near that I may 
 speak." A body of the principal men ascended the ramparts. Ladf 
 
 1 [Such, are the words of the text. See however, page 181.] 
 
CHACH-NAMA. 193 
 
 then Tincovered her face, and said, " I am Ladi, the wife of Dahir. 
 Our king is killed, and his head has been sent to 'Irak ; the royal 
 flags and umbrella have also been forwarded to the capital of the 
 Khalifa. Do not you' destroy yourselves. God says (in the Kurfc) 
 ' Seek not destruction by your own hands,' " She then shrieked out, 
 wept bitterly, and sang a funeral song. They replied from the fort,^ 
 " Tou are false ; you have joined these Chanddls and Cow-eaters, and 
 have become one of them. Our king is aliv6, and is coming with 
 a mighty army and war elephants to repel the enemy. Thou hast 
 polluted thyself with these Arabs, and prefer their government 
 to our kings." Thus and still more did they abuse her. "When 
 Muhammad Kasim heard this, he called Ladi back, and said, 
 " Fortune has turned away her face from the family of Silaij." 
 
 A sorceress tries to ascertain the death of Ddhir. 
 
 It is related by the historians that in the fort of Alor there was a 
 sorceress, which in Hindi is called Jogini. Fiifi, son of Dahir, and 
 the nobles of the city, went to her and said, " It is expected that 
 you will tell us by your science where Dahir is." She replied that 
 she would give them information, after makiag experiments, if they 
 would allow her one day for the purpose. She then went to her 
 house, and after three watches of the day she brought a branch of the 
 pepper and the nutmeg tree from Sarandip (Ceylou), with their 
 blossoms and berries all green and perfect in her hand, and said, 
 " I have traversed the whole world from Kaf to Kaf, but have found 
 no trace of him anywhere in Hind or Sind, nor have I heard anything 
 of him. Now settle your plans, for if he were alive he could not 
 remain hidden and concealed from me. To verify my words, I have 
 brought these green branches from Sarandip that you may have no 
 delusions. I am sure that your king is not alive on the face of the 
 earth." 
 
 Capitulation of the fort of Alor. 
 
 When this became known, the people of the city, great and small, 
 said they had heard of the honesty, prudence, justice, equity, and 
 
 ' rjc.:;i^ -^ 'ill) )1 U,.iLJjj1 This is an instance of the frequent misuse of 
 in MS. A. The other MS. S. omits it ] 
 
 TOl. I. 13 
 
194 HISTORIANS OF SIND. . 
 
 generosity of Muhammad Kasim, and Ms faitliful observance of Ms 
 words and promises, and they had witnessed the same. They would 
 send him a message by some trustworthy person, pray for mercy, and 
 surrender the fort. When Tufi was assured of Dahir's death, and 
 of the wavering of the people, he came out of the fort with aU 
 his relations and dependants, at the time when the king of the stars 
 had passed behind the black curtain of night, and went towards Chitor 
 (Jaipur).' His brother Jaisiya and other sons of Dahir were there, 
 and had taken up their residence at a village called Nuzul-Sandal.' 
 There was a man of the tribe of 'Allafi in Alor, who had made 
 friendship with Pufi ; he wrote information of Fufi's retirement 
 and flight, and having fastened the paper to an arrow shot it (into 
 the camp, informing the Arabs) that Fufi, son of Dahir had abdi- 
 cated the chiefship of Alor, and had departed. Muhammad Kasim 
 then sent his brave warriors to fight, and they ascended the ram- 
 parts of the fort and made the assault. 
 
 The citizens crave protection. 
 
 All the merchants, artizans, and tradesmen, sent a message 
 saying, " We have cast off our allegiance to the Brahmans. We 
 have lost Eai Dahir, our chief, and his son Fufi has deserted us. 
 We w^ere not satisfied until to-day ; but as it was destined by God 
 that all this should happen, no creature can oppose His will and 
 power, nor can anything be done against him by force or fraud. 
 The dominion of this world is no one's property. When the army 
 of God's destiny comes forth from behind the veil of secrecy, it 
 deprives some kings of their thrones and crowns, and drives others 
 to despair and flight, by change of circumstances and the occurrence 
 of calamities. No dependance can be placed upon either old 
 sovereignty or new authority, which are fleeting possessions. We 
 now come submissively to you, confiding in your just equity, we 
 put ourselves under your yoke. We surrender the fort to the 
 officers of the just Amir. Grant us protection and remove the fear 
 
 1 [« Jatrljr," in 5.] 
 [jjj^ iAi' ^U U- ^ J>ij/ (-B. JaA -Ulj) J^i-e JjJJ 1/T ^ 
 
CHACH-NAMA. 195 
 
 of your army from our minds. This ancient dominion and extensive 
 territory were entrusted to us by Eai Dahir, and as long as he was 
 alive we observed our allegiance to him. But as he is slain, and 
 his son Pufi has run away, it is now better for us to obey you." 
 Muhammad Kasim replied, "I sent you no message, nor ambassa- 
 dor ; of your own accord you sue for peace, and make promises and 
 engagements. If you are truly inclined to obey me, stop fighting, 
 and with sincerity and confidence come down ; if not, I will hear 
 no excuses after this, nor make any promises. I will not spare you, 
 nor can you be saved from my army." 
 
 The Garrison capitulates. 
 
 Then they came down from the ramparts and agreed with each 
 other that on these terms they would open the gate and stand at it 
 till Muhammad Kasim should come. They said that if he would 
 act according to his promise, and would treat them generously, they 
 would submit to him and serve him, without any excuse. Then 
 they took the keys of the fort in their hands and stood before tiie 
 gate, and the officers of Hajjaj, who had been selected, came forward; 
 the garrison opened the gate and made their submission. 
 
 Muhammad Kasim enters the fort. 
 
 Muhammad Kasim then entered the gate. All the citizens had 
 come to the temple of Nau-vihar,' and were prostrating themselves 
 and worshipping the idol. Muhammad Kasim asked what house it 
 was, that all the great men and the nobles were kneeling before it, 
 and making prostrations. He was told that it was a temple called 
 Nau-vihar. Muhammad Kasim ordered the door of the temple to be 
 opened, and he saw an image mounted on a horse. He went in 
 with his ofiicers, and found that it was made of hard stone, and that 
 golden bracelets, ornamented with rubies and other precious stones, 
 were on its hands. Muhammad Kasim stretched out his hand and 
 took off one of the bracelets. He then called the keeper of the 
 temple of Budh Nau-vihar, and said, " Is that your idol ?" He 
 replied, " Yes ; but it had two bracelets, and now it has only one." 
 
 ' [The title would appear to have heen a common one, for there was a temple of 
 the same name at Brahman&b-^d, see p. 149.] 
 
196 HISTORIANS OP SIND. 
 
 Muhammad Kasim said, " Does not your god know who has got his 
 bracelet ?" The keeper hung down his head. Muhammad Kasim 
 laughed, and gave back the bracelet to him, and they replaced it on 
 the hand of the idoL 
 
 Muhammad Kasim orders the soldiers to he hilled} 
 
 Muhammad Kasim ordered that if the military bowed their heads 
 in submission they should not be kUled. Ladi said " the people 
 of this country are chiefly workmen, but some are merchants. 
 The city is inhabited and its land cultivated by them, and the 
 amount of the taxes will be realized from their earnings and tillage 
 if the tribute is fixed on each person." Muhammad Kasim said, 
 " Bani Lad£ has ordered this," and he gave protection to all. 
 
 A person comes forward and craves mercy. 
 
 It is related by the historians, that from amongst the people who 
 were given up to the executioners to be put to death, a person came 
 forward and said, "I have a wonderful thing to show." The execu- 
 tioner said, " Let me see it." He said, " No, I will not show it to 
 you, but to the commander." This was reported to Muhammad Kasim, 
 and he ordered him to be brought before him. When he came, he 
 asked him what wonder he had to show. The man said it was a 
 thing which nobody had yet seen. Muhammad Kasim said, " Bring 
 it." The Brahman replied, " If you grant my life, and that of all 
 and every of my relations, family, and children." Muhammad 
 Kasim said, " I grant it." He then asked him for a written and 
 express promise under his gracious signature. Muhammad Kasim 
 ttiought that he woidd produce some precious gem or ornament. 
 When a strict promise was made; and the written order was in 
 his hand, he pulled his beard and whiskers, and spread out the 
 hairs ; then he placed his toes at the back of his head and 
 began to dance, repeating this saying, " Nobody has seen this 
 wonder of mine. The hairs of my beard serve me for curls." 
 Muhammad Kasim was surprised at this. The people who were 
 present said, "What wonder is this for which he wishes to be 
 
 ' The contents of the chapter do not agree with the heading, nor with the execution 
 which appears to have been ordered in the next chapter. 
 
OHACH-NAMA. 197 
 
 pardoned ? He has deceived us." Muhammad Kdsim replied, " ' A 
 word is a word, and a promise is a promise.' ' To belie oneseK 
 is not the act of a great man.' ' Know that he who retracts is a 
 treacherous man.' ' See how a (true) man observes his promise.' 
 ' If a person fulfil his words, he is more exalted than you can 
 conceive.' We must not kill him, but we will send him to prison, 
 and report the case to Hajjaj for his decision." Accordiagly the 
 e^recution of that man and of twenty-two of his relations and de- 
 pendants was postponed, and a report of the case was written to 
 Hajjaj, who asked the learned men of Kufa and Basra to pronounce 
 their opinions. A report was also sent to 'Abdu-1 Malik, the 
 Khalifa of the time. The answer which came from the Khalifa and 
 the learned men was, that such a case had already occurred among the 
 friends of the Prophet — ^may peace be to him. God says, " He is a 
 true man who fulfils his promise in God's name." When the 
 answer to this effect came, the man was liberated with all his 
 dependants and relations. 
 
 Jaisiya goes io Kiiraj. 
 
 It is related by the great and principal men, that when Jaisiya, 
 with seven hundred men, foot and horse, reached the fort of Kuraj,' 
 the chief of that place came forth to receive him. He showed him 
 much attention, and inspired his hopes by great promises. He told 
 him that he would assist him against the Muhammadans. It was 
 customary with Darohar' Eai to take one day's holiday in every six 
 months, drink wine with women, hear songs, and see dancing. No 
 stranger was admitted to be one of the company. It happened that 
 on the day Jaisiya arrived Darohax Eai w^as celebrating this festival. 
 He sent a person to Jaisiya to say that on that day he was in 
 privacy, and no stranger could come to his chamber; but as he 
 (Jaisiya) was a very dear guest, and was regarded by him as his 
 son, he might attend. Jaisiya bent down his head, and drawing 
 lines on the earth did not look at the women. Darohar told 
 him that they might be regarded as his (Jaisiya's) mother and 
 sisters ; he might lift up his head and look. Jaisiya said, " I 
 am originally a monk, and I do not look at any woman who is 
 
 1 [See pp. 124 and ) 89.] ' « [The " Ddhar" of " Biladurf, p. 124.] 
 
198 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 a stranger. Daroliar then excused him from looking, and praised his 
 self-restraint and modesty. It is narrated, that when the women 
 came roimd him, there was among them the sister of Darohar, 
 whose name was Janki, that is, beautiful, and she was lovely. 
 She was a woman of royal descent, and possessed of great charms. 
 She was elegant in stature as the juniper tree, generous in disposi- 
 tion, her words were like a string of pearls, her eyes handsome, and 
 her cheeks like tulips or rubies. When she saw him, love for Jaisiya 
 took hold of her heart. She looked at him every moment, and made 
 love to him by her gestures. When Jaisiya went away, Janki, the 
 sister of Darohar, arose and went to her house. She had a litter 
 prepared, in which she seated herself, and ordering her maid-servants 
 to carry it, she proceeded to Jaisiya's dwelliag. There she alighted 
 from the litter and went in. Jaisiya had gone to sleep, but when the 
 smell of wine, which proceeded from Janki, penetrated his brain, he 
 awoke, and saw Janki sitting beside him. He rose up and said, 
 '• Princess, what has brought you here ? What time is this for you 
 to come here ? " She replied, "Foolish fellow ; there is no necessity 
 to ask me about this. Would a young and beautiful woman come 
 in the very dark of the night to visit a prince like you ; would she 
 rouse him from sweet slumber, and wish to sleep with him, but for 
 one purpose ; particularly a beauty like me, who has seduced a 
 world with her blandishments and coquetry, and made princes mad 
 with desire ? You must know well and fully my object, for how 
 can it remain concealed from you ? Take advantage of this success 
 till morning." Jaisiya said, "Princess, I cannot consort with any 
 other woman than my own lawful and wedded wife ; nor ought such 
 a thing to be done by me, because I am a Brahman, a monk, and 
 a continent person, and this act is not worthy of gi-eat, learned, 
 and pious men. Beware lest you deiile me with so great a crime.' 
 Although she importuned him much, he would not accede to her 
 wishes, and struck the hand of denial on the tablet of her breast. 
 
 Janki is disappointed by Jaisiya. 
 
 When Janki was disappointed, she said, " Jaisiya, you have 
 deprived me of the delights and raptures I anticipated. Now have 
 I determined to destroy you, and to make myself the food of fire." 
 
CHACH-NAMA. 199 
 
 She then retired to her house, and covered herself with her clothes. 
 Having closed the door, she tossed ahout on her bed till day-break, 
 and vs-as uttering these couplets : — " Your love and your charms have 
 burnt my heart." " The light of your beauty has illumined my soul." 
 " Give me justice or I will weep." " I will burn myself, you, and 
 the city together." The next day, although the king of the stars 
 had raised his head from the bastions of the heavens, and tore up 
 the coverlid of darkness, Janki was still asleep. The fumes of wine 
 and the effects of separation mingled together, and she remained 
 lying till late, with her head covered with her bedclothes. King 
 Darohar would take no breakfast, and drink no wine, till his sister 
 Janki showed her face. He always paid her much honour and respect. 
 So he rose and went to his sister's apartments, and found her over- 
 whelmed with care and melancholy. He said, " O, sister ! 
 princess, what has come over thee, that thy tulip-coloured face is 
 changed and turned pale ?" Janki replied, " Prince, what stronger 
 reason can there be than this— That fool of Sind surely saw me in 
 the gay assembly. Last night he came to my house, and called me 
 to him. He wanted to stain the skirt of my continence and purity, 
 which has never been polluted with the dirt of vice, and to con- 
 taminate my pious mind and pure person with the foulness of his 
 debauchery, and so bring my virgin modesty to shame. The king 
 must exact justice for me from him, so that no reckless fellow may 
 hereafter attempt such perfidy and violence." The fire of anger 
 blazed out in Darohar, but he told his sister that Jaisiya was their 
 guest, and moreover a monk and a Brahman, who was connected 
 with them. He had come to ask assistance ; and was accompanied 
 by one thousand warriors. He could not be kiUed. He was not to 
 be destroyed by force; "but," said he, "I will contrive some plot 
 to slay him. Arise and take your morning meal. As no crime has 
 been committed no open threats can be made." 
 
 Darohar contemplates treacherous measures against Jaisiya. 
 
 Darohar came to his palace, called two armed blacks, one of 
 whom was named Kabir Bhadr,' and the other Bhaiii, and thus 
 
 1 [" Sahal" in 3.] 
 
200 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 addressed them, " I will invite Jaisiya to-day after breakfast, and 
 entertain him ; after taking dinner, I will drink wine in a private 
 apartment, and play chess with him. Tou must both be ready with 
 your arms. When I say sJiah mdt (check-mate), do you draw your 
 swords and kill him." A man of Sind, who had been one of the 
 servants of Dahir and was on terms of friendship with an attendant 
 of Darohar, became acquainted with this scheme, and informed Jaisiya 
 of it. "When at the time of dinner, an officer of Darohar came to 
 call Jaisiya, he said to his thakurs who were in command of his 
 soldiers, " Oh G-iirsia ' and Sursia, I am goiug to 'dine with King 
 Darohar. So you prepare your arms and go in with me. When 
 I am playing chess with Darohar do you stand close behind him, 
 and be careful that no evil eye may fall on me, or any treacherous 
 act be done or contrived. 
 
 Jaisiya comes with his two armed men. 
 
 Accordingly they went to the court, and as Darohar had omitted 
 to order that no other person except Jaisiya should be allowed to 
 come in, both the attendants went in and stood behind Darohar 
 without his observing them. When they had finished the game 
 of chess, Darohar raised his head, in order to make the signal to 
 his men, but he saw that two armed men were standing ready near 
 him. He was disappointed, and said, "It is not checkmate, that 
 sheep must not be slain." Jaisiya knew that this was the signal, so 
 he arose and went to his house and ordered his horses to be pre- 
 pared. He bathed, put on his arms, got his troops ready, and 
 ordered them to mount. Darohar sent an officer to see what Jaisiya 
 was doing. He returned, and said, " May God's blessing be upon 
 that man. His nature is adorned with the ornaments of temperance. 
 He is of noble extraction, and his works are not evil. He always 
 strives to preserve his purity and holiness in the fear of God." 
 It is narrated that when Jaisiya had bathed, taken food, and 
 put on his arms, he loaded the baggage on camels, and passing 
 under the palace of Darohar, left him without paying him a visit 
 and saying farewell ; but he sent to inform him of his departure, 
 and marched away with all his relations and dependants. He 
 
 ' ["Tdrsiya," MS. S."] 
 
CHACH-KAMA. 201 
 
 travelled till he reached the land of Kassa,' on the borders of 
 Jalandhar. The Chief of it was named Balhara, and the women of 
 the comitry called him iiistan Shah.* He remained there till the 
 succession of the Khilafat devolved upon 'Umar 'Abdu-1 Aziz, when 
 'Amru, son of Musallam, by the orders of the government, went to 
 that country and subjugated it. 
 
 An account of the courage of Jaisiya, and the reason why he was 
 
 so called. 
 
 It was related by some Brahmans of Alor that Jaisiya, son of 
 Dahir, was unequalled in bravery and wisdom. The story of his birth 
 nms, that one day Dahir Rai went hunting with all the animals and 
 all the equipments of the chase. When the dogs and leopards and 
 lynxes were set free to chase the deer, and the falcons and hawks 
 were flying in the air, a roaring lion [slier) came forth, and terror 
 and alarm broke out among the people and the hunters. Dahir 
 alighted from his horse, and went on foot to oppose the lion, which 
 also prepared for fight. Dahir wrapped a sheet rotmd his hand which 
 he put into the beast's mouth, then raised his sword, and cut off 
 two of his legs. He then drew out his hand and thrust his sword 
 into the belly and ripped up the animal so that it fell down. Those 
 men who had fled for fear came home, and told the Eani that Dahir 
 Eai was fighting with a lion. The wife of Dahir was big with 
 child when she heard this news, ajid from the great love she 
 bore her husband she fell and swooned away. Before Dahir had 
 returned, the soul of his wife had departed from her body through 
 fright. Dahir came and found her dead, but the child was moving 
 in the womb, so he ordered her to be cut open, and the child was 
 taken out alive, and given over to the charge of a nurse. The child 
 was therefore called Jaisiya, that is, "al muzaffar hi-l asad," or in 
 Persian, sTier-firoz, "lion-conqueror."' 
 
 ' [So in MS. A. " Kasar" in S. See BilMuri, p. 121.] 
 
 »[MS. ^. Baysi suji^ iLii ^JcJ\ iZj^ i^] ti^i (*^ j-^. ]jCJ^ yTj 
 MS. JB. says, ^^J^iii^ j(Li (?) Ji^S ^\ ,♦1' \^i^ IjujX. ^Jj] 
 ' The real name therefore would seem to be Jai Sing. 
 
202 HISTOEIANS OF SIND. 
 
 Appointment of Rawdh, son of Asad, who was the issue of the 
 daughter of Ahnak, son of Kais. 
 The dressers of this bride, and the embellishers of this garden 
 have thus heard from 'Ali bin Muhammad bin Salma bin Muharib 
 and 'Abdu-r Bahman, son of 'Abdariu-s Saliti, that when Muhammad 
 Kasim had subjugated the proud people of Alor, the seat of govern- 
 ment, and all the people had submitted to him and obeyed his rule, he 
 appointed Eawah, son of Asad, who on his mother's side was one of 
 the grandsons of Ahnak, son of Kais, to the chiefship of Alor and 
 entrusted the matters connected with the law and religion to Sadru-1 
 Imam al Ajall al 'Alim Burhanu-1 Millat wau-d Din Saifu-s Sunnat 
 wa Najmu-sh Shari'at, that is, to Musa bin Ya'kub bin Tai bin 
 Muhammad bin Shaiban bin 'Usman Sakifi. He ordered them to 
 comfort the subjects, and leave not the words "Inculcate good works 
 and prohibit bad ones," to become a dead letter. He gave them both 
 advice as to their treatment of the people, and leaving them entire 
 power, he then marched from that place and journeyed till he arrived 
 at the fort of Tabiba,' on the south bank of the Bias. It was an 
 old fort, and the chief of it was Kaksa. 
 
 Kalcsa is vanquished and comes to Muhammad Kdsim} 
 Kaksa, son of Chandar, son of Silaij, was cousin of Dahir, 
 son of Chach, and was present in the battle which Dahir fought ; 
 but having fled he had come to this fort in wretched plight, 
 and had taken up his abode in it When the Muhammadan 
 army arrived, a contribution and hostages were sent, and the 
 chiefs and nobles went forth and made submission. Muhammad 
 Kasim showed them kindness, and granted them suitable rich 
 khil'ats, and asked them whether Kaksa belonged to the family 
 {aU) of Alor, " for they are all wise, learned, trustworthy, and honest. 
 They are famous for their integrity and honesty.'' He added, 
 " Protection is given him, so that he may come with hearty confi- 
 dence and hopes of future favour : for he shaU be made counsellor 
 
 1 [MS. ^. has Ju-jU B. has ^.L] 
 
 ^ [This heading is not given in MS. B. The full reading of MS. A. is " Subftiga- 
 iion of Xalcsa and the coming of Silaij to M. Kdsim." The genealogy which follows 
 is taken from MS. B. The other MS. hegins " Siliij, cousin of D&hir," which is an 
 evident blunder, the heading and the text having probably been jumbled together.] 
 
CHACH-NAMA. 203 
 
 in all affairs, and I wUl entrust Mm with the duties of the Wazarat." 
 The minister Kaksa was a learned man and a philosopher of Hind. 
 When he came to transact business, Muhammad Kasim used to make 
 him sit before the throne and then consulted him, and Kaksa took 
 precedence in the army before all the nobles and commanders. He 
 collected the revenue of the coimtry, and the treasure was placed 
 under his seal. He assisted Muhammad Kasim in all his under- 
 takings, and was called by the title of Mubarak Mushir, "prosperous 
 counsellor." 
 
 Conquest of Sikka Multdn^ hy Muhammad Kasim. 
 
 When he had settled affairs with Kaksa, he left the fort, crossed 
 the Bias, and reached the stronghold of Askalanda,^ the people of 
 which, being informed of the arrival of the Arab army, came out to 
 fight. Eawa,' son of 'Amiratu-t Tafi, and Kaksa headed the advanced 
 army and commenced battle. Very obstinate engagements ensued, 
 so that on both sides streams of blood flowed. The Arabs at the 
 time of their prayers repeated " Glorious God" with a loud voice, 
 and renewed the attack. The idolaters were defeated, and threw 
 themselves into the fort. They began to shoot arrows and fling 
 stones from the mangonels on the walls. The battle continued for 
 seven days, and the nephew of the chief of Multan, who was in the 
 fort of that city, made such attacks that the army began to be 
 distressed for provisions; but at last the chief of Askalanda* came 
 out in the night time, and threw himself into the fort of Sikka, 
 which is a large fort on the south bank of the Kavi. When their 
 chief had gone awaj', all the people, the artizans, and merchants 
 sent a message to say that they were subjects, and now that 
 their chief had fled, they solicited protection from Muhammad 
 Kfisim. He granted this request of the merchants, artizans, and 
 agriculturists ; but he went into the fort, kUled four thousand fighting 
 men with his bloody sword, and sent their families into slaveiy, 
 
 • [It is here invariaWy called j^liL» iL^ in toth MSS. The Alsaka of Biliduri, 
 page 122.] 
 
204 HISTOEIANS OF SIND. 
 
 He appointed as governor of the fort 'Atba son of Salma Tammf 
 and himself "with the army proceeded towards Sikka Multan. 
 It was a fort on the south bank of the Eavi, and Bajhra Takf, 
 grandson of Bajhra (daughter's son), was in it.' When he received 
 the intelligence he commenced operations. Every day, when the 
 army of the Arabs advanced towards the fort, the enemy came out 
 and fought, and for seventeen days they maintained a fierce conflict. 
 From among the most distinguished officers (of Muhammad Kasim) 
 twenty- five were killed, and two hundred and fifteen other warriors 
 of Islam were slain. Bajhra passed over the Eavi and "went into 
 Multan. In consequence of the death of his friends, Muhammad 
 Kasim had sworn to destroy the fort, so he ordered his men 
 to pillage ' the whole city. He then crossed over towards Multan, 
 at the ferry below the city,' and Bajhra came out to take the field. 
 
 Muhammad Kasim fights with the ferry-men. 
 
 That day the battle raged from morning till sun-set, and when the 
 world, like a day labourer, covered itself with the blanket of dark- 
 ness, and the king of the heavenly host covered himself with the 
 veil of concealment, all retired to their tents. The next day, when 
 the morning dawned from the horizon, and the earth was illumined, 
 fighting again commenced, and many men were slain on both 
 sides ; but the victory remained still undecided. For a space of two 
 months mangonels and ghazraks* were used, and stones and arrows 
 were thrown from the walls of the fort. At last provisions became 
 exceedingly scarce in the camp, and the price even of an ass's head 
 was raised to five hundred dirams. "When the chief G-ursiya, son of 
 Chandar, nephew of Dahir, saw that the Arabs were noway dis- 
 heartened, but on the contrary were confident, and that he had 
 no prospect of relief, he went to wait on the king of Kashmir. 
 The next day, when the Arabs reached the fort, and the fight com- 
 
 < Translated " a breastplate," "warlike instrument," in fiichardson's Dictionary. 
 The Haft Kulzum says it also bears the meaning of ofiFensive weapons, as " javelins," 
 " daggers." 
 
CHACH-NAMA. 205 
 
 menced, no place was found suitable for digging a mine until a person 
 came out of the fort, and sued for mercy. Muhammad Kasim gave 
 him protection, and ho pointed out a place towards the north on the 
 banks of a river.' A mine was dug, and in two or three days the 
 walls fell down, and the fort was taken. Six thousand warriors 
 were put to death, and all their relations and dependants were 
 taken as slaves. Protection was given to the merchants, artizans, 
 and the agriculturists. Muhammad Kasim said the booty ought 
 to be sent to the treasury of the Khalifa ; but as the soldiers 
 have taken so much pains, have suffered so many hardships, have 
 hazarded their lives, and have been so long a time employed in 
 digging the mine and carrying on the war, and as the fort is now 
 taken, it is proper that the booty should be divided, and their dues 
 given to the soldiers. 
 
 Division of Plunder. 
 
 Then all the great and principal inhabitants of the city assembled 
 together, and silver to the weight of sixty thousand dirams was 
 distributed, and every horseman got a share of four hundred dirams 
 weight. After this, Muhammad Kasim said that some plan should be 
 devised for realizing the money to be sent to the Khalifa. He was pon- 
 dering upon this, and was discoursing on the subject, when suddenly a 
 Brahman came and said, " Heathenism is now at an end, the temples 
 are thrown down, the world has received the light of Islam, and 
 mosques are built instead of idol temples. I have heard from the 
 elders of Multan that in ancient times there was a chief in this city 
 whose name was Jibawin,* and who was a descendant of the Eai of 
 Kashmir. He was a Brahman and a monk, he strictly followed his 
 religion, and always occupied his time in worshipping idols. When 
 his treasure exceeded all limit and computation, he made a reservoir 
 on the eastern side of Multan, which was a hundred yards square. 
 In the middle of it he built a temple fifty yards square, and he made 
 there a chamber in which he concealed forty copper jars each of 
 
 1 r^tp- / ) | This can hardly mean the main river.] 
 ' [,^p- in MS. ^. and .j,x>- in MS. £. The second letter may be *, 
 making the name Jaaia or Jaswin.] 
 
206 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 whicli was filled with African gold dust. A treasure of three 
 hundred and thirty mans of gold was buried there. Over it there is 
 a temple in which there is an idol made of red gold, and trees are 
 planted round the reservoir." It is related by historians, on the 
 authority of 'Ali bin Muhammad who had heard it from Abii Mu- 
 hammad Hindu £ that Muhammad Kasim arose and with his counsel- 
 lors, guards and attendants, went to the temple. He saw there an 
 idol made of gold, and its two eyes were bright red rubies. 
 
 .Reflection of Muhammad Kdsim. 
 
 Muhammad Kasim thought it might perhaps be a man, so he 
 drew his sword to strike it ; but the Brahman said, " just com- 
 mander, this is the image which was made by Jibawin,' king of 
 Multan, who concealed the treasure here and departed. Muhammad 
 Kasim ordered the idol to be taken up. Two hundred and thirty 
 mans of gold were obtained, and forty jars filled with gold dust. 
 They were weighed and the sum of thirteen thousand and two 
 hundred mans weight of gold was taken out. This gold and the 
 image were brought to the treasury together with the gems and 
 pearls and treasure which were obtained from the plunder of the 
 city of Multan. 
 
 It is said by Abii-l Hasan Hamadani, who had heard it from Kharim 
 son of 'Umax, that the same day on which the temple was dug up 
 and the treasure taken out, a letter came from Hajjaj Yiisuf to this 
 effect : — " My nephew, I had agreed and pledged myself, at the time 
 you marched with the army, to repay the whole expense incurred by 
 the public treasury in fitting out the expedition, to the Khalifa Walid 
 bin 'Abdu-1 Malik bin Marwan, and it is incumbent on me to do so. 
 Now the accounts of the money due have been examined and checked, 
 and it is found that sixty thousand dirams in pure silver have been 
 expended for Muhammad Kasim, and up to this date there has been 
 received in cash, goods, and stuffs, altogether one hundred and 
 twenty thousand dirams weight.^, Wherever there is an ancient 
 
 1 Ct^l^^P- ii MS. A. j^ in MS. JB.] 
 
 ' [Thi3 passage is not clear in the original, nor do the MSS. qiute agree, but see 
 page 123.] 
 
CHACH-NAMA. 207 
 
 place or famous town or city, mosques and pulpits should be erected 
 there ; and the khutba should be read, and the coin struck in the 
 name of this gOYernment. And as you have accomplished so much 
 with this army by your good fortune, and by seizing fitting oppor- 
 tunities, so be asf.ured that to whatever place* of the infidels you 
 proceed it shall be conquered." 
 
 Muhammad Kdsim makes terms with the people of Multdn. 
 
 When Muhammad Kasim had settled terms with the principal 
 inhabitants of the city of Multan he erected a Jama' masjid and 
 minarets, and he appointed Amir Daiid Nasr son of Walid 'Ummani 
 its governor. He left Kharfm son of 'Abdu-1 Malik Tamim in the 
 fort of Bramhapiir, on the baiiks of the Jhailam, which was called 
 Sobiir (Shore?).' Akrama, son of Eihan Shami was appointed gover- 
 nor of the territory around Multan, and Ahmad son of Harima son 
 of 'Atba Madani was appointed governor of the forts of Ajtahad 
 and Karur.'' He despatched the treasure in boats to be carried to 
 DebaP and paid into the treasury of the capital. He himself stayed 
 in Multan, and about fifty thousand horsemen, with munitions of 
 war, were under his command. 
 
 Abu Haldm is sent at the head of ten thousand horse towards 
 
 Kanauj. 
 
 He then sent Abii Hakim Shaibani at the head of ten thousand 
 horse towards Kanauj, to convey a letter from the Khalifa, and with 
 instructions to invite the Chief to embrace Muhammadanism, to send 
 tribute, and make his submission. He himself went with the army 
 to the boundary of Kashmir, which was called the five rivers,* where 
 Chach, son of Silaij, the father of Dahir, had planted the fir and the 
 poplar trees, and had marked the boundary. When he arrived there 
 he renewed the mark of the boundary. 
 
 1 [MS. ^ has .jj .^ -Blias.jui^] ' [Kardd in J!.] 
 
 * [See p. X44.] 
 
208 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 The army and Abu Sakim arrive at Udhdfar} 
 
 At this time the chief of Kanauj was the son of Jahtal Kai. 
 When the army reached as far as l/dhafar, Ahu Hakim Shaihani 
 ordered Zaid, son of 'Amrii Kallahi, to be brought before him. 
 He said, " Zaid, y6u must go on a mission to Eai Har Chandar, 
 son of Jahtal, and deliver the mandate for his submission to 
 Islam, and say that from the ocean to the boundary of Kashmir 
 all kings and chiefs have acknowledged the power and authority of 
 the Muhammadans, and have made their submission to Amir 
 'Imadu-d Din, general of the Arab army, and persecutor of the 
 infidels. That some have embraced Islam, and others have agreed to 
 send tribute to the treasury of the Khalifa." ^ 
 
 Answer of Bdl Har Chandar of Kanauj. 
 
 Eai Har Chandar replied, " This country for about one thousand 
 six; hundred years has been under our rule and governance. During 
 our sovereignty no enemy has ever dared to encroach upon our 
 boundary, nor has any one ventured to oppose us, or to lay hands 
 upon our territory. What fear have I of you that you should 
 revolve such propositions and absurdities in your mind. It is not 
 proper to send an envoy to prison, otherwise, for this speech and for 
 this impossible claim you would deserve such treatment. Other 
 enemies and princes may listen to you, but not 1? Now go back to 
 your master, and tell him that we must fight against each other in 
 order that our strength and might may be tried, and that either I may 
 conquer or be conquered by you. When the superiority of one side 
 or the other in warfare and courage shall be seen, then peace or 
 war shall be determined on." When the message and letter of Eai 
 Har Chandar was delivered to Muhammad Kasim, he took the advice 
 of all the chiefs, nobles, commanders, and warriors, and said, " Up 
 to this time, by the favour of God, and the assistance of the heavens, 
 the Eais of Hiud have been defeated and frustrated, and victory has 
 declared in favour of Islam. To day we have come to encounter 
 this cursed infidel who is puffed up with his army and elephants 
 
 s [Such is Sir H. Elliot's own rendering of wliat seems to be an imperfect sentence 
 in tte original.] 
 
CHACH-NA'MA. 209 
 
 With the power and assistance of God, it behoves you to exert youi- 
 selves that -we may subdue him, and be victorious and successful 
 over him." All were ready to fight against Eaf Har Chandar,' 
 and united together, and urged Muhammad Kasim to declare war. 
 
 Orders from the Capital to Muhammad Kdsim. 
 The next day, when the king of the heavenly host showed his 
 face to the world from behind the veil of night, a dromedary rider 
 with orders from the seat of government arrived. Muhammad, son 
 of 'All Abu-1 Hasan Hamadanf says, that when Eai Dahir was 
 killed, his two virgin daughters were seized in his palace, and 
 Muhammad Kasiin had sent them to Baghdad under the care of his 
 negro slaves. The Khalifa of the time sent them into his harem to be 
 taken care of for a few days till they were fit to be presented to him. 
 After some time, the remembrance of them recurred to the noble 
 mind of the Khalifa, and he ordered them both to be brought before 
 him at night. Walid 'Abdu-1 Malik told the interpreter to inquire 
 from them which of thenj was the eldest, that he might retain her 
 by him, and call the other sister at another time. The interpreter 
 first asked their names. The eldest said, "My name is Suryadeo," 
 and the youngest replied, " my name is Parmaldeo." He called the 
 eldest to him, and the youngest he sent back to be taken care of. 
 When he had made the former sit down, and she uncovered her face, 
 theKhalifa of the time looked at her, and was enamoured of her sur- 
 passing beauty and charms. Her powerful glances robbed his heart 
 of patience. He laid his hand upon Suryadeo and drew her towards 
 him. But Suryadeo stood up, and said, " Long live the king ! I am 
 not worthy the king's bed, because the just Commander 'Imadu-d-Din 
 Muhammad Kasim kept us three days near himself before he sent us 
 to the royal residence. Perhaps it is a custom among you ; but 
 such ignominy should not be suffered by kings." The Khalifa was 
 overwhelmed with love, and the reins of patience had fallen from 
 his hand. Through indignation he could not stop to scrutinize the 
 matter. He asked for ink and paper, and commenced to write a 
 letter with his own hand, commanding that at whatever place Mu- 
 hammad Kasim had arrived, he should sufier himself to be sewed 
 up in a hide and sent to the capital. 
 
 1 [See Ayin Aktari II. 219. Abii-1 Fazl gives tlio same name.] 
 VOL. I. 14 
 
210 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 Muhammad Kddm reaches Udhdfar, and receives the order from 
 the Khalifa's capital. 
 When Muhammad Kasim received the letter at XJdhafar, he gave 
 the order to his people and they sewed him up in a hide, put him in 
 a chest, and sent him back. Muhammad Kasim thus delivered his 
 soul to God. The officers who were appointed to the different 
 places remained at their stations, while he was taken in the chest 
 to the Khalifa of the time. The private chamberlain reported to 
 Walid 'Abdu-1-Malik, son of Marwan, that Muhammad Kasim Sakifi 
 had been brought to the capital. The Khalifa asked whether he was 
 alive or dead. It was replied, " May the Khalifa's life, prosperity, 
 and honour be prolonged to eternity. When the royal mandates 
 were received in the city of tfdhapur,' Muhammad Kasim imme- 
 diately, according to the orders, had himself sewed up in a raw hide, 
 and after two days delivered his soul to God and went to the eternal 
 world. The authorities whom he had placed at different stations 
 maintain the country ia their possession, the Khutba continues to 
 be read in the name of the Khalifa, and they use their best endeavours 
 to establish their supremacy." 
 
 The Khalifa opens the chest. 
 
 The Khalifa then opened the chest and called the girls into his 
 presence. He had a green bunch of myrtle in his hand, and point- 
 ing with it towards the face of the corpse, said, " See, my daughters, 
 how my commands which are sent to my agents are observed and 
 obeyed by all. When these my orders reached Kanauj, he sacrificed 
 his precious life at my command." 
 
 The address of Janki,^ daughter of Ddhir, to K/ialifa 'Abdu^l 
 Malik, son of Marwan. 
 
 Then the virtuous Janki put off the veil from her face, placed 
 her head on the ground, and said, " May the king live long, may his 
 prosperity and glory increase for many years ; and may he be 
 
 1 [This is the reading of MS. A. in this passage ; the other MS. stiU keeps to its 
 reading " ITdhEibar." Mir M'asdm says "Udhapiir" and the Tuhfatu-1 Kir&m 
 ■writes it with points " TJdaipur." There is a place of this name in the desert north 
 of Bikanlr.] 
 
 2 This is a different name from that which she gave herself, when first asked. 
 
CHACH-NAMA. 211 
 
 adorned with perfect wisdom. It is proper that a king should 
 test with the touchstone of reason and weigh in his mind whatever 
 he hears from friend or foe, and when it is found to be true and in- 
 dubitable, then orders compatible with justice should be given. By 
 so doing he wUl not fall under the wrath of God, nor be contemned 
 by the tongue of man. Tour order's have been obeyed, but your 
 gracious mind is wanting in reason and judgment. Muhammad 
 Kasim respected our honour, and behaved like a brother or son to 
 us, and he never touched us, your slaves, with a licentious hand. 
 But he had killed the king of Hind and Sind, he had destroyed the 
 dominion of our forfefathers, and he had degraded us from the dignity 
 of royalty to a state of slavery, therefore, to retaliate and to revenge 
 these injuries, we uttered a falsehood before the Khalifa, and our 
 object has-been fulfilled. Through this fabrication and deceit have 
 we taken our revenge. Had the Khalifa not passed such peremptory 
 orders; had he not lost his reason through the violence of his 
 passion, and had he considered it proper to investigate the matter, 
 he would not have subjected himself to this repentance and reproach ; 
 and had Muhammad Kasim, assisted by his wisdom, come to within 
 one day's journey from this place, and then have put himself into 
 a hide, he would have been liberated after inquiry, and not have 
 died." The Khalifa was very sorry at this explanation, and from 
 excess of regret he bit the back of his hand. 
 
 Janki again addresses the Khalifa. 
 Jankf again opened her lips and looked at the Khalifa. She per- 
 ceived that his anger was much excited, and she said, " The king has 
 committed a very grievous mistake, for he ought not, on account of 
 two slave girls, to have destroyed a person who had taken captive 
 a hundred thousand modest women like us, who had brought down 
 seventy chiefs who ruled over Hind and Sind from their thrones to 
 their coffins; and who instead of temples had erected mosques, 
 pulpits, and minarets. If Muhammad Kasim had been guilty of 
 any little neglect or impropriety, he ought not to have been destroyed 
 on the mere word of a designing person." The Khalifa ordered both 
 the sisters to be enclosed between walls. Prom that time to this 
 day the flags of Islam have been more and more exalted every 
 day, and are still advancing. 
 
212 flISTOEIANS OF SIND. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Ti^ErKHU-S SIND. 
 
 MlH MUHAMMAD M'ASI/M, OF BHAKKAE. 
 
 This is the most copious history of Sind which we possess, 
 inasmuch, as besides containiDg an account of the Arabian con- 
 quest, it brings the annals of this country down to the time of 
 its incorporation into the Moghul empire in the time of Akbar. 
 
 The work, which is sometimes called T4rikh-i M'asiimi, is 
 divided into four chapters. 
 
 The first chapter contains an account of the events which led 
 to the conquest of Sind by the Arabs, and closes with the death 
 of R^j& Dahir, though it professes to carry the history down to 
 the Khalifa Hdriin. 
 
 The second chapter, after omitting all notice of the two 
 centuries which elapsed between Hariin and Mahmiid of Grhazni, 
 gives an account of Sind under the Emperors of Dehli, and of 
 the Siimra and Samma dynasties, after the invasion of Timur. 
 The author mentions at the close of the chapter that he was in- 
 duced to give an account of the Siimras and Sammas in detail, 
 because it was to be found nowhere else. But his own is much 
 confused from his inattention to dates. 
 
 The third chapter is devoted to the history of the Arghunia 
 dynasty, including an account of Siwi, Kandahar, &c. ; of some 
 celebrated holy men, judges, and Saiyids, and of the kings of 
 
TAErXH-I M'ASlTMr 213 
 
 Multdn. It also contains an account, in more than usual detail, 
 of the Emperor Humdyiin's operations in Sind and the desert, 
 after his flis;ht from i^gra. 
 
 The fourth chapter contains a tedious relation of the mode in 
 which Sind fell under the power of Akbar upon the capitulation 
 of Mirzd Jd,ni Beg of Thatta, in a.d. ]592. We have also oc- 
 casional notices of the interference of the Firingis in the affairs 
 of Thatta. As the author was contemporary with this event, 
 he enters into very minute particulars, which are, however, for 
 the most part, uninteresting. Amongst his own personal ex- 
 periences, he describes an interview he had with the Emperor 
 Akbar, who bestowed on him three villages in Jaglr, in the 
 district of Bhakkar. 
 
 Muhammad M'asum, who gave himself the poetical title of 
 N^mi, was born at Bhakkar, in Sind, and was the son of Safayi 
 Husaini, an inhabitant of Kirmdn. [He was a man of consider- 
 able attainments, and he rose to some distinction in the service 
 of Akbar and .Jahangir. His knowledge of history was highly 
 esteemed in his own day. He was also a poet of some repute, 
 and an excellent caligraphist.^] His history of Sind was written 
 in A.D. 1600, for the instruction and improvement of his son, 
 named Mir Buzurg, in order that, " by reading it he might learn 
 what good men of old did ; that he might discriminate between 
 right and wrong ; between that which is useM and the reverse, 
 and might learn to follow the paths of virtuous men." 
 
 The only work quoted by him as an authority is the Chach- 
 nama, which he abridges in his first chapter, relating to the 
 Arab conquest of Sind. He is credulous and delights in recount- 
 ing miracles of saints, but he gives no legendary lore like the 
 Tuhfatu-1 Kirdm. Mir M'asum and his work have been noticed 
 by several writers: by Badduni (under article "Nami") by 
 Haidar Edzi, the Ma-dsiru-1 Umra, the Tuhfatu-1 Kiram, 
 Bagh-Mani and Mirat-i Daulat 'Abbdsi.* 
 
 ""O 
 
 ' Journal As. Soc. Beng. Feb. 1838, Sprenger's Bibliog. p. 37. De Tassy's 
 Bibl. I. 356. Morley's Catalogue p. 72. « See also Bird's Guzerat. 
 
214 HISTOEIANS OF SIND. 
 
 [Copies of this history are common.' There are two in the 
 British Museum, one of which was transcribed from a copy made 
 from the author's own autograph. There is another in the 
 Library of the Royal Asiatic Society, which has been fully 
 described by Morley in his Catalogue ; a fourth in the Library 
 of the East India Office, and there is a copy in Sir H. Elliot's 
 Library which was written for hira in 1852. This copy and that 
 of the R. As. Soc. have been used for the following translations, 
 and are referred to as MSS. A. and £.'] 
 
 [At the end of Sir H. Elliot's copy, there is a brief history of 
 Sind in "three distinct chapters." It is written in the same 
 hand and bears the same date as the rest of the MS. Though 
 occupying only nineteen pages, it gives a summary of the history 
 of Sind, to the end of the last century — from Rdi Siharas, 
 down to Ahmad Shdh Durdni. The author's name is not 
 given, but the contents are generally in accordance with the 
 history of M'asiim.J 
 
 This work has been translated by Capt. Gr. Malet, late British 
 Resident at Khairptir, but so literally, as not to be fit for pub- 
 lication in its present shape. [There is a copy of this trans- 
 lation in Sir H. Elliot's library, which, on examination, is 
 found to contain matter that is entirely absent from all 
 the five MSS. above specified. One long passage quoted 
 hereafter, relates to the Sumra dynasty, the history of 
 which is involved in considerable obscurity. The additional 
 names it supplies, receive some support from the " Tuhfatu-1 
 Kiram," but nothing corroborative has been found in the other 
 Sindian histories. There is some apparent similarity between the 
 general style of the history and that of the additional matter. 
 Like Mir M'asiim, the writer always employs some figurative 
 expression for the death of a prince, but this is a practice 
 very common among historians, and the style may have been 
 
 1 [Wilson refers to the -work in his Catalogue of the Mackenzie Collection (II. 
 p. 129), and Capt. Mao Murdo iu hia Paper on Sind (Journal E. A. S , Vol. I. 
 p. 223.)] 
 
TARfKH-I M-ASlTMr. 215 
 
 designedly imitated, so that the resemblance affords no evidence of 
 authenticity. The general concurrence of the MSS. and the 
 authority of the British Museum MS. ia suflScient to stamp the 
 passage as an interpolation — though there appears to be some 
 authority for its statements. Morley, in his Catalogue, notices an 
 interpolation in the MS. of the Royal Asiatic Society, which comes 
 in abruptly within a few lines of the end of the history. He says, 
 " After this, in the present MS. there is an account of Duda, who 
 was ruler of Thattha in the time of N4siru-d din Mahmud, King of 
 Dehli, occupying six pages. In the East India House MS. 
 (No. 43) this is omitted ; the history ending immediately after 
 the capitulation of Jdni Beg, and stating in four lines that he 
 died in A.h. 10X1 (a.d. 1602), and was succeeded in his govern- 
 ment by his son Mirza 'Asi. The MS. in the British Museum 
 (Addit. No. 16,700), agrees with that of the East India House 
 in this respect," and with Sir H. Elliot's. Diida is the name 
 of one of the princes given in Malet's additional passage, but 
 the matter of these pages differs from his.] 
 
 Sir H. Elliot's copy contains 290 folios of fourteen lines each, 
 and of these about forty-five have been translated. 
 
 Book II. 
 
 Account of the Samma dynasty. 
 
 It has been already related how Sultan Mahmud came from 
 Ghazni, and after capturing the fort of Multan, brought the country 
 of Sind under his authority, and sent his officers to govern it. After 
 the death of Mahmud, the sovereignty passed to his offspring, and 
 the government (of Sind) devolved upon 'Abdu-r Eashid Sultan 
 Mas'ud. This prince gave himself up to the pursuit of pleasure, 
 and heeded not the duties of government; so the people on the 
 distant borders began, to reject his authority and throw off the yoke 
 of obedience. At that time the men of Sumra assembled in the 
 
216 HISTOEIANS OF SIND. 
 
 vicinity of Thari ' and raised a man named Sumra^ to the throne. He 
 had passed a long time as the head of the trite of Siimra, and he 
 cleared the country of disaffection. This man formed a connection 
 with Sad, a powerful Zamindar in those parts, and married his 
 daughter. She bore him a son named Bhungar, who on the death 
 of his father succeeded to the hereditary states, and died after an 
 active reign. 
 
 His son named Dilda then inherited the throne, and reigned for 
 some years. He extended his authority to Nasrpur, hut died in the 
 flower of his age. He left an infant son name Singhar and a 
 daughter named Tari, who for a time carried on the government 
 and kept the people imder her control. When Singhar came of age 
 he himself assumed the government, and looked after the affairs of 
 the revenue and the State, punishing all men who were disaffected 
 and rebellious. He directed his efforts against the country of Kachh 
 and extended his sway as far as Manik Bai.' Some years after this 
 he died, leaving no son ; but his wife, named Hamun, carried on the 
 government in the fort of Dahak, and she deputed her brothers to 
 govern Muhammad Tur and Thari. A short time after this the 
 brethren of Duda, who were hidden in that neighbourhood, came 
 forth and opposed the brethren of Hamun. On« of them, named 
 Pitthu,* a descendant of Diida, was supported by a body of followers. 
 He overthrew all those who set up pretensions to the throne, and 
 established himself in the sovereignty. After reigning some years, 
 he died, when a man named Khaira carried on the business of the 
 State, and made himself remarkable for his virtues. He reigned 
 for some years to the time of his death. 
 
 [Malet's MS- translation proceeds as follows for seven pages, inter- 
 polating matter not to he found in any of the five MSS. examined, as 
 previously stated in page 214. j 
 
 " With the occurrence of the Ami'rs, Khafi'f succeeded him, and 
 sat on the throne of the kingdom. Having made good arrange- 
 
 ^ [The •" Little Desert" separating Sind from Kachh.] 
 
 ' [Malet's translation adds " son of Chandar," but this is in neither of our MSS.] 
 ' [So in MS. £. The other MS. omits the name. Malet calls it " Manik Kai." 
 Manj&hari ?] 
 * ["Pitthdu'-inMS. v^.] 
 
TAErKH-I M'ASCMr. 217 
 
 ments for the country in his hands; he with heart at ease went and 
 remained at Thatta. During his government the ryots and all 
 the other people of Sind were relieved from thieves and disturbers 
 of the peace ; all were happy and contented. By chance it one 
 day came into his mind that it was not proper for him to be 
 always merely sitting on the throne, that it was better to spend 
 some time in the shikdrgdjis, the jungles, and plains, which had 
 become green from rain, and where the animals were grazing 
 happily. After this, having collected many men, he marched 
 against the Bulnchis, the Sodhas, and the Jharejas. On reaching 
 their borders, Ean Mai Sodha, Eam Eai Jhareja, and Mihran 
 Bulueh, being introduced by the Amirs and other men of weight, 
 came and made great offerings. Khafif, presenting them with 
 handsome presents in return, made them very happy. He then 
 gave them their dismissal. 
 
 " He proposed returning to Thatta the following morning, but 
 at that time a Bulueh came complaining that the tiueves of the 
 tribe of Samma had plundered his tribe, taking everything they 
 possessed. On hearing this Khafif was much astonished, and at 
 the instant mounting with those who were with him he started 
 and quickly came against this tribe. He took all the property 
 which had been robbed from the Buliichis, and those men who 
 had disobeyed orders and acted in this manner he punished with 
 severity. His arrangements were such in all the country under 
 him, from Kachh to Nasrpiir, that in the whole of that space no 
 one during his reign disobeyed his orders ; if they did so, he 
 gave them to the sword. When he found that there were none 
 to give trouble, he was at ease and came to Thatta. In his time 
 all the people, the soldiers, the Amirs, the ryots, etc., were very 
 happy. He lived a long while at Thatta, till from this world he 
 journeyed to the next world. 
 
 "After the death of Khafif, the people, the men of weight 
 under government, and those out of employ, agreeing that it was 
 proper, raised Duda, the son of Umar, and grandson of Pitthu, to 
 the throne of the saltanat in his place. When all the affairs of 
 the State were firm in his hands, Singhar, a zamindar, came to 
 pay his yearly taxes. He became acquainted with Duda. This 
 
218 HISTORIANS OF eiND. 
 
 had lasted some time, when one day he spoke of Kachh in the 
 following terms, in his presence, saying that he had heard that 
 the Samma trihe had determined to come to Thatta to take it, 
 and that he should be prepared for this. On hearing this, Diida, 
 collecting forces out of numher, marched to Kachh, and he 
 severely twisted the ears of those people. Then a man of the 
 Samma tribe named Lakha came as ambassador, bringing presents, 
 and a Kachhi horse, making offering of these, and asking pardon 
 for their sins. Duda, with great kindness, gave him presents 
 in money, a horse, and a khil'at, allowing him then to depart. 
 From thence, with heart at rest, he came to Thari, where he 
 spent a long time. All the people and ryots were so completely 
 under his hands, that without orders from him they did nothing. 
 When at Thari, Ean Mai Sodha came, and making his salam, 
 urged as a petition, that in the time of Khafif the Jat Buluchis 
 paid tribute, but that now it seemed that they, through ignorance, 
 had taken their heads from out of the noose of submission. He 
 added, that having heard of this he made him (Duda) acquainted 
 ■with it, and that it seemed advisable that a force should be put 
 under him, which he would take against them, and thus, making 
 them pay up their arrears of tribute from the days of Khafif to 
 the present time, he would bring it to him. The reason of his 
 speaking ip. this way was, that formerly a feud existed between 
 him (Ean Mai) and the Jharejas, when a fight had taken place 
 between the parties, in which great numbers of Ean Mai's men 
 had been killed and wounded, so he told as above to Duda to 
 enable him to have his revenge upon them. Diida being of a 
 good heart, gave him encouragement, keeping him near him. 
 He also sent to call the men of Jhareja. When his messengers 
 got there, and told what Ean Mai had said, they came before 
 them with their swords suspended from round their necks, 
 making their saldm, and declaring that they and all their families 
 were the slaves of Duda, and if he ordered them all to be con- 
 fined they would not ask the reason why. Then taking presents 
 for Duda they came to him in one week. The messengers who 
 accompanied them having received good treatment at their hands, 
 spoke in their favour. Diida said to Ean Mai, ' These men 
 
TAErKH-I M'SlSlTMr. 219 
 
 having great confidence, have sent only two of their tribe, and 
 these have come to make their salam ; you told me another 
 stoiy.' Duda for some time detained Ean Mai on the plea of its 
 being the rainy season ; but in Ean Mai's breast that thorn 
 pricked him, so one day with great earnestness he insisted upon 
 being allowed to depart, when Duda gave him leave, and he 
 went to his tribe. On getting there he became rebellious. 
 Seeing this, Eam Eai Jhareja and Mihran Buluch, quickly going 
 to Duda, told him of this circumstance. It came into Diida's 
 mind that probably these men were doing what Ean Mai had 
 done ; therefore he determined in the first place to send two 
 men to Ean Mai, who, ascertaining all the facts, might come and 
 tell him. He despatched two men, at the time of whose arrival 
 at the tribe Ean Mai was absent, he haviag gone to the jungle, 
 to collect troops. His brethren did not pay the messengers any 
 attention, speaking improperly before them. Ean Mai hearing 
 of the arrival of these, came and sat down with them in a 
 friendly manner, but he shortly after spoke in an unbecoming 
 way. When Duda's men said it was not right to talk in that 
 way, that he had better cease collecting men, and go to Duda, 
 when if he had anything to complain of he might do so to him. 
 But however much they advised, it had no effect upon him ; so 
 Duda's people rising, left him, and returning told all the circum- 
 stances to Diida. He, hearing of this, collected many troops, and 
 went against this people. Ean Mai, having also got together a 
 large force, came out into the plain. The two parties met and 
 fought for six hours, at which time the men of both sides stood 
 resolute. Many had fallen in that time of either party. Being 
 exhausted, and night comiug on, all the men sat down where 
 they stood, spendiag the time iu planning operations for the 
 morrow. In the morning the two forces recommenced fighting 
 when by chance an arrow struck Ean Mai in the throat, and his 
 life went to hell. Great fear then took possession of his troops, 
 because an army without a sarddr is like a man without a head ; 
 so they turned their faces in the direction of flight, when Duda's 
 men, pursuing them, slew great numbers, and plundered exten- 
 sively. The force being put to flight, Eai Sing and Jag Mai 
 
220 HISTOEIANS OF SIND. 
 
 came as ambassadors, bringing presents to Diida, and they 
 obtained forgiveness of their faults. 
 
 " Diida after this went to Nasrpur, the Zaminddrs, chief men and 
 ]cdzis of which place brought him presents, and Duda, accepting 
 these, remained there some time, during which period Sahiba, 
 the son of Ean Mai Sodha, brought two fine Kachhi horses as 
 an offering and paid his respects to him. He declared that his 
 brethren had induced Ean Mai to turn his heart from and become 
 rebellious against him (Duda), so much so that these men were 
 even now disobedient, and that if a force went from the Sarkdr 
 and punished them they would not do so again, but would always 
 bring presents. Diida upon this left Nasrpur and by forced 
 marches came there, but after doing so he discovered that the 
 brethren of Ean Mai and others would not agree to have Sahiba 
 as their sarddr, so he understood that it was on this account that 
 he. had brought him there. Duda then summoned all the tribe, 
 telling them to agree to have Sahiba as their chief with all their 
 hearts. By this order they agreed to do so when Sahiba pre- 
 sented Es.20,000 as nazrdnd. Duda marching thence came to 
 Thatta, remaining there. From thence he travelled to that other 
 world. 
 
 " On the death of Diida his son TJmar ' with the aid of the 
 nobles and other men of courage sat on the throne. When 
 his father's country came into his hands he took to drinking 
 wine, paying no attention to the country. On hearing this the 
 Sammas, the Sodhas, the Jats and Buliichis left off obeying his 
 orders, becoming rebellious. When Mulla Hamid heard of this 
 he told TJmar of it, who collecting a large force went towards 
 Kachh. On his approach the Sammas having collected many 
 men, went out into the plain to meet him. There was fighting 
 in which the men of Samma were the strongest. Seeing this, and 
 that his affairs would be ruined, Mulla Hamid called the sarddrs, 
 to whom he gave presents, saying, "Thatta is far distant, money 
 is scarce, if you fight well and defeat the enemy, much property 
 will come into our possession, which will be enough to enable 
 us to return to Thatta." Heariag this the spirits of his force 
 > [This name is always spelt with " m" in this extract.] 
 
TAETKH-I M'ASlTMr. 221 
 
 were raised, and making an attack on the enemy they defeated 
 them, when much plunder of every kind came into their hands. 
 After this the men of Samma bringing Eaja Jagannath Sodha 
 (■who had quitted his brethren in anger and had come to Kachh), 
 as their mediator, came to Umar, making their salam and bring- 
 ing presents. Umar returning from thence quickly went against 
 the Sodhas, Jats, and Buluchis ; all of whom fearing the con- 
 sequences, made their salam. He then with confidence in his 
 heart went to Than', where he died. 
 
 " At this time his son Duda was small ; therefore the men of 
 consequence put Chanar, the son of TJmar's brother, in his 
 place. Chanar went out to make his arrangements in his 
 country. Having done this and placed the troublesome on the 
 edge of the sword, his heart beiag at ease he sat down. At that 
 time Duda attained puberty, so Chanar wished, by some strata- 
 gem, to get him into his hands and to confine him. But hearing 
 of this Diida turned his face towards G-hazni, and crossing the 
 river he came to a place Daryacha Nan Sang, close under Fath- 
 pur, where he saw a man coming along with a bundle of sticks 
 for hukha snakes, on his head. As this man drew near all his 
 entrails became visible to Duda. At this he was much astonished ; 
 so calling the man to him, he lifted the bundle of pipes off his 
 head, when nothing of the kind was to be seen. So being 
 greatly amazed he put the bundle on the man's head again, when 
 he beheld as before. He then knew that there must be some 
 device in these sticks, and he purchased them, giving the man 
 some money for them. Then sitting down at the river's edge, 
 he put the sticks one by one into the water. All went down 
 with the stream ; but one from amongst them went upwards 
 against it. So taking this one, he divided it at all the knots ; 
 he then put each knot into the water. All of them went- down 
 the stream, except one, in which the device was, and this one 
 went up against the current. So takiag this one he kept it, and 
 went to Grhazni. At that time the king of that place. Sultan 
 Maudud Shah, was iU from severe sickness^ which was without 
 cure. So on his arrival there, Duda gave out that he was a 
 doctor. Historians write that Sultan Maudud's sickness was 
 
222 HISTOEIANS OF BIND. 
 
 caused in this manner. One day he went to see a sMMrgdh 
 under some hUls, when by chance an animal started from before 
 him. It was then the custom that whoever an animal started ia 
 front of he alone pursued it. So iu accordance with this custom, 
 the Sultan rode after this animal alone for a long distance, but 
 did not kill it. From this exertion great thirst and hunger came 
 upon him ; so searchiag about he found a stream of water near 
 the foot of the liills. Having no cup or basiu with him, being 
 helpless, he put his mouth into the water and drank, when in 
 doing so he swallowed two small young snakes, which went 
 down into and remained in his stomach. In two years these had 
 grown large, and began causing him much pain. All the doctors 
 of the country had physicked him, but none of them could make 
 him well. The Sultan was approachiag to death, when at that 
 time Ddda arrived, saying, he was a doctor, and that he had come 
 from Sind to cure the king with his physic. The royal physi- 
 cians hearing this, laughed, saying, ' What wisdom has this 
 Sindian, that he should say he was able to give mediciue to the 
 king ? ' One of the. attendants told the king of the arrival of 
 this Sindian, and how the royal doctors laughed at him. The 
 Sultan hearing of this, called and received him with distinction, 
 saying, he had suffered from this sickness for a long time, that 
 many doctors had given him medicine, but all without effect : but 
 now that he (the Sindian) had come, he was ia hopes that he 
 might get well by his physic. Then Diida, stripping the Sultan, 
 placed that stick on his head, when he saw that two snakes were 
 in his stomach. Then removing the stick, he told the Sultan 
 he understood what was the matter with him, and that it was a 
 very bad disease. He added that if the Sultan would give him a 
 written document to the effect that if he died while under his 
 care no blame should attach to him, that he would give him 
 medicine. The Sultdn at once wrote such a document, and 
 putting his seal to it, gave it to Duda. Then Duda did not give 
 the Sultan anything to eat for two days. On the third day, 
 tying up his eyes, he placed the stick on his head, and having 
 got two small fine iron hooks he tied a silken line to them, and 
 wrapping them up in bread, he gave one to the Sulban, who, 
 
TA'KrKK-I M-AStTMr. 223 
 
 having swallowed it, lie (Duda) saw a snake take it. When he 
 saw that it was well in the mouth of one of the snakes, he pulled 
 it up and brought it out. Then again he did the same, and in 
 like manner he took the other from out of the royal stomach. 
 In about an hour the Sultan felt much relieved, so untying his 
 eyes, Duda showed him the two snakes, when being very happy 
 the Sultan said, 'Ask from me what you wish.' Then Dudd 
 said, ' I am a chief, but by his superior strength Chanar has 
 taken away my father's country, and on this account I have 
 come here. If the king will give me a force, I will take my 
 revenge on him.' On hearing this the Sultan gave orders to 
 collect a force, and when it was ready he gave it to him. When 
 this army approached Thatta, being unable to meet it, Chanar sat 
 down in the fort, which being surrounded on all sides by the 
 royal troops, they took into their hands the implements for 
 breaking down forts, and fighting commenced. For twelve days 
 they fought together in this manner, after which the wind of 
 victory struck the standards of the royal troops, and Chanar and 
 many of his men were given to the sword. Those who escaped 
 the sword ran away and dispersed. By taking this fort much 
 wealth and property fell iato the hands of those people. 
 
 "When Duda, the son of Umar, sat on the throne of his 
 father, this force returned to Grhazni. He reigned many years 
 with strength and wisdom. Afterwards, by this order, ' Every 
 life will drink the sherbet of death,' Duda drank the sherbet of 
 mortality at the hands of the cup-bearer of Death. He took the 
 apparatus of his life to the living world." 
 
 [End of the interpolated passages.] 
 
 After him a person named Armil ascended the throne. He was a 
 tyrant and an oppressor, and the people, disgusted with his violence, 
 resolved to dethrone and slay him. Some men of the tribe of 
 Samma had previously come from Kachh and had settled in Sind, 
 where they formed alliances with the people of the country. In 
 this tribe there was a man named Unar distinguished for intelligence. 
 The chief men of the country brought him secretly into the city, and 
 in the morning a party of them entered into the house of Armil, 
 
224 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 slew him, and placed Ms head over the gate of the city. The 
 assemhled people then placed Unar on the throne. 
 
 Jam Unar} son of Bdbiniya. 
 
 Jam Unar with the assent of the nobles thus became King, and 
 the great body of the people supported him. He led an expedition 
 against Siwistan, then governed by Malik, the representative of the 
 Turk kings.'' Eeaching the vicinity of Siwistan he drew up his 
 army in battle array ; Malik Eatan also came out of the fort vwth 
 his force, and the battle began. In the first contest Jam Unar was 
 defeated, but his brothers came up to his assistance, and he renewed 
 the fight. Malik Eatan, in galloping his horse, was thrown to the 
 ground, and Jam Unar cut off his head. The fort of Siwistan then 
 fell into Unar's power. Malik Firoz and 'Ali Shah Turk were at 
 this time in the vicinity of Bhakkar, and they wrote a letter to Jam 
 Unar to the following effect. "This boldness is unbecoming, so 
 now prepare to meet the royal army, and make a brave stand." 
 These words took effect upon him, and he proceeded to Thari.' He 
 then fell ill and died after reigning three years and six months. 
 Some writers relate that after Jam Unar returned from: the conquest 
 of Siwistan, he was one night engaged drinking vnne in a convivial 
 party, when news was brought of a party of rebels having risen 
 against him. He instantly sent against them Gahar, son of Tamachi, 
 who was his vakil. Gahar was drunk when he encountered them 
 and was made prisoner. The enemy held him captive, and Jam 
 Unar kept up his carouse without heeding the captivity of his officer. 
 This rankled in the breast of G-ahar, and when he escaped, by a 
 weU-oontrived stratagem, from the clutches of his captors, he 
 turned away from Jam Unar and went to the fort of Bhakkar. 
 There he had an interview with 'Ali Shah Turk, who in concert 
 with Malik Piroz, raised a force and slew Jam Unar in the fort of 
 Bahrampiir. Malik Firoz was left in command of the fort, and 'Ali 
 Shah returned home. Three days afterwards Jdm Unar's followers 
 
 ' [Morley has a note upon the varied spelling of this name, but Sir H. Elliot's MS. 
 specifies how the name is pointed, making it " Unar," -which is the spelling most 
 generally accepted.] 
 
 ' i^y C«^^ J^-*- J^ ' [t//V^ in A. ^j^ in .B.] 
 
TARfKH-I M'ASinir, 225 
 
 managed by craft and stratagem to kill botli Gahar son of TamacW 
 and Malik Firoz. 
 
 J Am Jiina son of Bdhiniya. 
 
 Aft( r the death of JW Unar, Jiina, of the tribe of Samma, received 
 the title of Jam. He conceived the design of subduing all Sind. 
 Showing great kindness and attention to his brethren and other 
 relatives, he appointed them to further his designs upon the country. 
 These men crossed (the river) at the village of Talahti, and began 
 to kill the people and lay waste the villages and towns of Bhakkar. 
 Two or three desperate fights ensued between the Sammas and the 
 chiefs of Bhakkar, but as the Turks were unable to withstand the 
 Sammas they withdrew from the fort of Bhakkar and retired to Uch. 
 When Jam Juna heard of their retreat, he proceeded to Bhakkar, 
 and for some years reigned supreme over Sind. But at length 
 Sultan 'Alau-d din appointed his brother, Ulugh Khan to the district 
 of Multan. Ulugh Khan then sent Taj Kafuri and Tatar Khan to 
 oppose Jam Juna in Sind, but before their arrival the Jam died of 
 quinsey. He had reigned thirteen years. The forces of 'Alau-d din 
 took possession of the Bhakkar and then directed their efforts against 
 Siwistan. 
 
 Jam TamucM (and Jam Khairu-d din) . 
 
 This prince ascended his hereditary throne with the assent of the 
 nobles. The army of 'Alau-d din after some fighting, took him 
 prisoner, and carried him with his family prisoners to Dehli. There 
 he had children.' But the Samma tribe brought them to Thari, and 
 keeping them prisoners took the business of government into their 
 own hands, and exerted themselves in carrying on the affairs of the 
 State. After the lapse of some time and the death of Jam Tamachi, 
 his son Malik Khairu-d din, who, in infancy, had gone to Dehli with 
 his father, returned to Sind and assumed the government. Shortly 
 afterwards. Sultan Muhammad Shah proceeded to Guzerat by way 
 of Sind, and summoned Jam Khairu-d din to his presence. But 
 
 1 [There appears to be some confusion here : MS. A. says, ^\ Jj j J \ss^\ ■ J 1 ,.1 . 
 iXi iXw . •^- omits the word ord, but agrees in other respects. Malet's translation says, 
 " where he remained in confinement." The copyists have perhaps confounded the 
 yfoxAs, farzandun, children, and zinddn. prison.] 
 
 VOL. I. 15 
 
226 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 the Jam had endured the hardships of prison, and resolutely refused 
 to comply. Sultan Muhammad Shah, son of Tughlik Shah, died in 
 the neighbourhood of Bhakkar. After his death, Sultan Firoz Shah 
 succeeded under the will of the late king, and hy hereditary right.' 
 He departed from Sin; a dependency of Siwistan, for his capital, Dehli ; 
 and JamKhairu-d din, after following him some stages from that place, 
 turned back. The Sultan kept this fact in mind. After the depar- 
 ture of the Sultan, Khairu-d dm exerted himself in administering 
 justice and in improving the condition of the people. The following 
 story is told of one of the remarkable incidents in the life of this 
 benevolent prince. One day he went out for exercise with a party 
 of attendants and servants, and by chance discovered a quantity of 
 human bones in a hole. He drew rein, and looking at those decay- 
 ing relics, asked his followers if they knew what the bones told him. 
 On their hanging their heads and keeping silence, he said, " These 
 are the remains of injured men, and they cry for justice.," He im- 
 mediately directed his attention to an investigation of the facts. So 
 he called to his presence an old man to whom the land belonged, 
 and questioned him about the bones. The old man said, "Seven 
 years ago, a caravan which had come from Cruzerat, was plundered 
 and the travellers killed by such and such a tribe, who still hold 
 a good deal of the spoil." As soon as he heard this the Jam directed 
 the property to be gathered together ; and when this was done he 
 sent it to the ruler of G-uzerat requesting that it might be distributed 
 among the heirs of the slaia. He then inflicted punishment on the 
 murderers. Some years after this he died. 
 
 Jam Bdhaniya. 
 Jam Bdbaniya succeeded after the death of his father, and as- 
 cended the throne with the assent of the nobles and chiefs. At this 
 time Sultan Ffroz Shah having set his mind at rest about Hindustan 
 and Guzerat, turned his attention to the conquest of Sind. Jam 
 Babaniya drew up his forces to resist him, but when the Sultan had 
 been in the eountiy three months, inundation, adverse winds, and 
 swarms of mosquitos, compelled him, at the beginning of the rains, 
 to retire to Pattan in Guzerat. After the rains he returned to 
 
 1 [tj; .\\ , There is no mention of this in MS. B. nor in Malet's translation.] 
 
TA'RrKH-I M'AStTMr. 227 
 
 Sind with a numerous army. A battle ensued, in wbich. Jam 
 Babaniya was taken prisoner, and the whole country of Sind became 
 subject to Sultan Firoz. The Jam was carried off in the retinue of 
 the Sultdn, and after remaining for some time in attendance, he 
 became the object of the royal favour, a royal robe was given to him 
 and he was reinstated in the government of Sind. There he reigned 
 ia peace for fifteen years and then departed this life. 
 
 Jdm Tamdchi 
 
 Succeeded to the thrdne on the death of his brother,' and carried on 
 the government. He was fond of ease and enjoyment, and passed 
 his days in indulgence and pleasure. After reigning thirteen years 
 he died of the plague. 
 
 Jdm 8aldhu-d din. 
 
 After the death of Jam Tamachi, Salahu-d din carried on the busi- 
 ness of government. His. first act was a rectification of the frontier, 
 which had been encroached upon by refractory subjects. He ac- 
 cordingly sent a force to punish them, and after inflicting salutary 
 chastisement, he marched against Kachh. Some obstinate fighting 
 ensued, but in every encounter he was victorious, and he returned 
 home in triumph with the spoils, to look after the afiairs of his 
 army and people. He died after reigning eleven years and some 
 months. 
 
 Jdm Nizdmu-d din. 
 
 Nizamu-d din succeeded his father Salahu-d din, with the con- 
 currence of the nobles. He relfiased his uncles^ Malik Sikandar, 
 Karan, Bahau-d dm, and Amar, who were in confinement for reasons 
 of State policy, and sent each one to his district. He then left the 
 affairs of the kingdom in the hands of the officials, and gave himself 
 up night and day to pleasure and enjoyment. This neglect of his 
 duty induced his uncles to raise a force, and to enter the city with 
 the intention of seizing him. But he received information of this 
 design, and left the city at midnight with some troops, and 
 went off towards Guzerat. In the morning, when the fact be- 
 
 ' [MS. A. says, he "succeeded on the death of his father, -with the consent of his 
 brother."] » [,o^^-»* ^^- ^- •"'weyer, says, .K ,1] 
 
228 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 came known, the uncles started in pursuit ; but at this juncture, the 
 chief men of the city, seeing the strife and commotion, brought forth 
 Jam 'All Sher from his concealment, and raised him to the throne. 
 Jam Nizamu-d din died about this time, and his uncles turned back 
 with shame and loss, and passed into the desert. 
 
 Jdm 'All Sher. 
 Jam 'All Sher mounted the throne with the consent of the great 
 men and nobles, and opened wide the gates of justice and kindness. 
 He was wise and brave, and he immediately devoted himself to the 
 duties of government. The country of Sind was brought into a due 
 state of order, all the people passed their days in security and ease 
 under his rule. After a time he devoted himself more to pleasure, 
 and he used to roam about in moonlight nights. Sikandar, Karan, 
 and Fath Khan, sons of Tamachi, who were living in sorry plight in 
 the desert, became acquainted with Jam 'Ali Sher's mode of recrea- 
 tion. So they set forth, and travelling by night and hiding 
 themselves by day, they reached the outskirts of the city. Here 
 they won over a party of the people of the city. On the night of 
 Friday, the 13th day of the month, 'Ali Sher, according to his 
 custom, went out with a party of companions and followers, and 
 embarked in a boat for an excursion on the river. At midnight hg 
 was about to return into his house, when a party of men with drawn 
 swords made an attack on him. The people who were with him 
 strove without avail to divert them from their purpose, and the Jam 
 was instantly despatched. The murderers then entered the palace, 
 when a noise and outcry arose, and the fact became known. The 
 people assembled, but they perceived that matters were beyond their 
 control, and accordingly they submitted. Jam 'All Sher had reigned 
 seven years. 
 
 Jdm Karan. 
 
 After the murder of Jam 'Al£ Sher, the brethren assented to the 
 elevation of Jam Karan. He was displeased with the nobles and 
 great men of the city, and in his aversion to them he sought to 
 take them prisoners, and then to slay some and confine the rest. 
 On the very day that he ascended the throne, or the day after, he 
 held a public court, and summoned all men great and small to 
 
TXRrKH-I M'AStTMr. 229 
 
 attend. He addressed them in conciliatory terms. Dinner was 
 served, and after its conclusion he arose to retire to his chamber 
 when a party of men, who had been employed for the purpose, met 
 him at the door of his room and cut him in pieces. Fath Khan, son 
 of Sikandar, had been the prime mover in this murder, and so, with 
 the assent of the soldiers and people, he ascended the throne. 
 
 Jam Fath Khan. 
 
 Jam Fath Khan, on his accession to the throne, confirmed all the 
 rules and orders of government, and was very attentive and watch- 
 ful over all affairs of State. At that time Mi'rza Pir Muhammad, 
 grandson of Sahib-kiran Amfr Ti'mur Gurgan, had been sent to 
 Multan and had taken that town and the town of Uch also. He 
 stayed there for awhUe and many of his horses died. The Mirza's 
 soldiers were thus dismounted and in distress. When Timur heard 
 of this, he sent 3000 horses from the royal stables for the service of 
 the Mirza. Being thus reinforced, he made an attack upon the 
 people of Bhattl and Ahan,^ who had rebelled, and gave them and 
 their families to the winds of destruction. He then sent a person 
 to Bhakkar and summoned all the chief men to his presence. The 
 officers of the king of Dehli being unable to withstand him, fled by 
 way of Jesalm(r. One of the inhabitants of Bhakkar, Saiyid Abu-1 
 L'afs by name, a man of piety and purity, hastened to meet the 
 Mirza, and offering his devotions to the Chief of the prophets, he 
 besought his intercession in his midnight prayers. It is said that 
 one night the Chief of the prophets appeared to Mirza Pir Muham- 
 mad in a dream and spoke to him of Saiyid Abu-1 L'afs, saying, 
 " This is my son, show him honour and respect, and abstain from 
 molesting him." The Mirza awoke, and remained for eleven days 
 in expectation of seeing the friend of his dream. The Saiyid then 
 arrived while the Mirza was seated in his court with the nobles 
 around him. When his eye fell upon the Saiyid he recognized him, 
 and arose to give him a proper reception. He embraced him and 
 seated him by his side with great honour and reverence. The nobles 
 then made enquiry about the Saiyid, and the Mfrza related to them 
 his dream. On that day he gave the Saiyid a horse and some pre- 
 
 1 [" Aman" in 5.] 
 
230 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 Bents, and allowed him to depart. He also conferred upon him the 
 pargana of Alor in m'dm. After Timur had captured Dehli, Mfrza 
 Pir Muhammad departed thither. In the days of the succeeding 
 kings of Dehli, Multan came under the authority of the Langahs 
 and the whole of Sind remained subject to its own kings. Jam 
 Path Khan w^as celebrated for his courage and generosity. He 
 reigned for fifteen years and some months up to the time of his 
 death. 
 
 Jam Tughlik, son of Sikandar. 
 
 "When Jam Fath Khan was on the bed of sickness, and saw his 
 end approaching, three days before his decease he placed his brother 
 Tughlik Shah upon the throne, delivering over to him the reins of 
 government, and giving to him the title of Jam Tughlik. Soon 
 afterwards Tughlik appointed his brothers governors of Siwistan and 
 the fort of Bhakkar. He spent most of his time in hunting and 
 exercise. When the Buluchis raised disturbances in the neighbour- 
 hood of Bhakkar, he led an army there and inflicted punishment on 
 their chiefs. He reigned twenty-eight years. 
 
 Jam Sikandar. 
 Jam Sikandar succeeded his father, but he was young in years ; 
 and the rulers 'of Siwistan and Bhakkar, attending only to their own 
 interests, refused obedience to him, and quarrelled with each other. 
 Jam Sikandar left Thatta and proceeded towards Bhakkar ; but 
 when he reached Nasrpur, a person named Mubarak, who had been 
 chamberlain in the time of Jam Tughlik, suddenly came into Thatta, 
 and calling himself Jam Mubarak, seized upon the throne. But the 
 people did not support him, and his authority lasted only three 
 days ; for the nobles drove him out of the city, and sent for Sikandar. 
 "When the news reached Sikandar he made terms with his opponents, 
 and returned to Thatta. After a year and a-half he died. 
 
 Jam Mai Dan?- 
 
 On the sixth of Jumada-1 aw^val, in the year 858 a.h., (May 
 1454: A.D.), Jam Ea£ Dan came forth. During the reign of the 
 Jam Tughlik he had lived in Kachh, and had formed connec- 
 
 ' [Tlie name appears to be written optionally as ^^sA, or <iG Ja 1 ,, in both MSS.] 
 
TAErKH-I M'ASlTMl'. 231 
 
 tions with the people of that country. He had maintained a 
 considerable body of tried men, to whom he paid great atten- 
 tion, and to whom he used to give fine horses and other suitable 
 presents. These men looked upon him as a wise and superior 
 man, and devoted themselves to him with great sincerity. "When 
 he heard of the death of Sikandar, he proceeded with his entire 
 force to Thatta, and there assembling the people, he addressed 
 them to the effect, that he had not come to take the kingdom, but 
 that he wanted to secure the property of the Musulm4ns, and to 
 accomplish their wishes. He did not consider himself worthy of 
 the throne, but they shovild raise some fi^tting person to that dignity, 
 when he would be the first to give him support. As they could 
 find no one among them who had ability for the high office, they 
 unanimously chose him and raised him to the throne. In the course 
 of one year and a-half he brought the whole of Sind under his rule 
 from the sea to the village of Kajariki and Kandharak,^ which are 
 on the boundaries of Mathila and Ubawar. When he had reigned 
 eight years and a half the idea of sovereignty entered the head of 
 Jam Sanjar, one of his attendants. He induced other of the attend- 
 dants and followers to join him in his plot ; and one day when Jam 
 Eai Dan was drinking wine in private, poison was put into the 
 bottle which a servant handed to him. Three days after drinking 
 thereof he died.^ 
 
 ^ [So in MS. B. MS. A. gives the first name as " Kijar," and omits the second- 
 Malet's translation reads " Kajnr MuUee and Khoondee."] 
 
 2 [Both our MSS. finish thus, bat Mglet's translation adds the following: — " It is 
 also written by some that a man, a fakir, one of judgment, who was considered in 
 those days as a saint at Thatta, was in the habit of constantly coming to the Jim, 
 who always treated him with great respect, seating him on his own seat, and what- 
 ever this fakir said the J4m agreed to it. One day, at an assembly, the wazirs and 
 nobles said to the Jim, Ask that fakir to whom you give so much honour what God 
 is like, and what is His description ? When the J4m heard this, he placed it in his 
 heart. Four days afterwards, when- the darwesh came to the assembly, the Jim did 
 not pay him the usual attention. TTa.^ fakir understood that there was something in 
 this ? The Jim then asked him, What is God like, and what description does He 
 bear ? The fahir replied, ' The description of God is this, that three days hence He 
 will destroy you by means of a horse, sixteen kos from this, and He will place Jam 
 Sanjar on your seat.' The third day after this the Jim went to hunt, not bearing in 
 mind what the fakir had said. By chance he galloped his horse, when he fell, and 
 his foot remaining in the stirrup, at the distance of sixteen kos from Thatta, his life 
 was given to God."] 
 
232 HISTOEIANS OF SIND. 
 
 Jam Sanjar. 
 
 Jam Sanjar was a handsome yomig man, and many persons being 
 fascinated by his beauty, served him without stipend. It is related 
 that before he came to the throne he was on friendly terms with an 
 excellent darwesh. One night Sanjar went to visit the darwesli, 
 and after the usual greeting told him that he wished to become ruler 
 of Thatta, even if it were for only eight days. The darwesli 
 replied, " Thou shalt be king for eight yeai-s." When Jam Eai Dan 
 died, the nobles agreed in raising Jam Sanjar to the throne, and 
 in delivering over to him the reins of government. Through the 
 prayers of the darwesh he thus became king without any strife or 
 opposition, and the people on every side submitted to his authority 
 with willing obedience. In his reign Sind rose to a greater pitch of 
 prosperity and splendour than it had ever attained before, and the 
 soldiers and the people Hved in great comfort and satisfaction. He 
 was a great patron of learned and pious men and of darweshes. 
 Every IViday he dispensed large sums in charity among the poor 
 and needy, and settled pensions and stipends upon meritorious 
 persons. It is related that before his time the rulers of Sind used to 
 pay their judicial officers badly. "When Sanjar became ruler, there 
 was a kdzi in Bhakkar, who had been appointed to the office by a 
 former king, upon an insufficient salary. Finding himself under- 
 paid, he used to exact something from the suitors in his courts. 
 When this reached the ears of Jam Sanjar he summoned the hdzi to 
 his presence, and told him that he had heard of his taking money by 
 force, both from plaintiffs and defendants. He acknowledged it, 
 and said he should like to get something from the witnesses also, 
 but that they always went away before he had an opportunity. 
 The Jam could not help smiling at this, so the kdzi went on to say 
 that he sat aU day in his court while his children at home went 
 without breakfast and supper. The Jdm made the kdzi some hand- 
 some presents, and settled a suitable stipend upon him. He further 
 directed that proper salaries should be appointed for aU officers 
 throughout the country, so that they might be able to maintain 
 themselves in comfort. When he had reigned eight years he 
 departed from this world of trouble. 
 
TAETKH-I M" AST/Mr. 233 
 
 Jam Nizdmu-d din, also called Jam Nanda. 
 
 Nizamu-d din succeeded Jam Sanjar on the 25th Eabiu-1 awwal, 
 in the year 866 (December, 1461 a.d.). All men— the learned and 
 the good, the soldiers and the peasants — agreed in Ms elevation, so 
 that he raised firmly the standard of sovereignty. It is recorded 
 that at the outset of his career he was a student, and spent much of 
 his time in colleges and monasteries. He was modest and gentle, 
 and had many excellent and pleasing qualities. His life was pure 
 and religious to a high degree. It is impossible to enumerate all 
 his virtues. In the early part of his reign, he proceeded with a 
 force to Bhaktar and staid there for a year engaged in suppressing 
 the highway robbers. He stored the fort of Bhakkar with all kinds 
 of provisions, and appointed as governor one of his dependants, 
 Dilshad by name, who had served him while at college. The 
 frontiers were so well secured that travellers could pass along the 
 roads in perfect safety. Having satisfied himself in respect of 
 Bhakkar, at the end of a year he returned to Thatta. There he 
 reigned supreme for forty-eight years, and during this period, learned 
 men and pious men and /a^rs passed a happy time, and the soldiery 
 and the peasantry were in easy circumstances. Jam Nizamu-d din 
 was cotemporary with Sultan Husain Langah, the ruler of Multan. 
 They were on the most friendly terms, and were in the constant 
 habit of sending presents to each other. Jam Nizamu-d din used 
 to visit his stables every week, and used to stroke the heads of his 
 horses, and say to them,. " My dear and happy steeds, I have no 
 desire to ride you, for within my four boundaries all the rulers are 
 Musulmans — do you also pray that I may not go out against any 
 one without a lawful cause, and that no one may come up against 
 me, lest the blood of innocent Musulmdns should be spilled, and 
 I should stand abashed in the presence of God." In his days 
 Musulman discipline was widely spread. Large congregations used 
 to assemble in the mosques, for small and great used to resort thither 
 to say their prayers, and were not satisfied with saying them in 
 private. If a person omitted to attend a service, he was very sorry 
 for it afterwards, and would occupy himself two or three days in 
 prayer for forgiveness. Towards the end of the reign of Jam 
 
234 HISTOEIANS OF SIND. 
 
 Nizamu-d dfn, the army of Shdh. Beg came from Kandaliar and 
 attacked the villages of Lakri, Chanduka and Sindicha. The Jam 
 sent a large force to repel this attack of the Moghals, and it adTanced 
 as fax as Dara-karib, commonly known by the name of Jalugar. A 
 battle ensued in which the brother of Shah Beg was slain, and 
 his army defeated. The remnant fled towards Kandahar, and no 
 further attack was made upon Sind during the life of Nizamu-d din. 
 The Jam spent much of his time in discoursing and arguing upon 
 matters of science with the learned men of the day. Maulana 
 Jaldlu-d din Muhammad Diwani formed the project of leaving Shiraz 
 and going to Sind ; so he sent Shamshu-d din and Mir Mu'in, two 
 of his disciples, to Thatta, in order to get permission for taking up 
 his residence there. The Jam accordingly allotted some suitable 
 houses, and provided the means for his maintenance ; he further 
 supplied the messengers with money to pay the expences of the 
 journey, but the Maulana died before they returned. Mir Shamshu-d 
 din and Mir Mu'in were so well satisfied with the attention they 
 had received, that they came back to Thatta and settled there. 
 Some time after this Jam Ni'zamu-d din died, and after his death 
 all the afiairs of Sind fell into disorder. 
 
 Jam Firoz. 
 
 Upon the death of Nizamu-d din, his son Jam Firoz was of tender 
 age. So Jam Salahu-d din, one of the late Jam's relatives and the 
 son of Jam Sanjax's daughter, advanced pretensions to the crown; 
 but Darya Khan and Sarang Khan, the confidential slaves of 
 Nizamu-d din who were high in dignity and power, refused to sup- 
 port him, and with the consent of the nobles and head men of Thatta 
 they placed Jam Firoz on the throne in succession to his father. 
 Salahu-d din finding that he could only succeed by fighting, lost 
 heart, and went to Guzerat to lay his case before Sultan Muzctffar. 
 The Sultan had married a daughter of Salahu-d din's uncle, and was 
 consequently well inclined towards him. Jam Firoz gave way to 
 the impulses of youth, and devoted himself to the pursuit of pleasure. 
 He spent most of his time in the harem, but went out ftx)m time to 
 time accompanied by slaves and jesters, who practised all sorts of 
 tricks and buffoonery. The people of the Samma tribe, and the 
 
TAErXH-I M'ASUMr. 235 
 
 associates of the Jdm treated the people of the city -with violence, 
 and when Daiya Khan forbade them they treated him with scorn. 
 The Khan, therefore, retired to his jagir in the village of Kahan. 
 In those days Makhdum 'Abdu-1'Aziz Abhari and his two sons, 
 Maulana Asilu-d din and Maulana Muhammad, all of them learned 
 men, came to that village of Kahan and spent some years there 
 teaching and diffusing knowledge. The cause of their coming from 
 Hirat was the rebellion of Shah Isma'fl in the year 918 a.h. (1512 
 A.D.). The above-named Maulana was well read in all the sciences, 
 and he had excellent books upon every branch of learning. He 
 compiled a commentary on the Mishkat (traditions) but did not 
 complete it. Some portions are still extant in the library of Masud' 
 and passages are commonly written as marginal notes in books. He 
 died in this village of Kahan, and his tomb there is still a place of 
 pilgrimage. Jam Firoz continued to give himself up to pleasure and 
 dissipation, and the nobles being on the verge of ruin, a messenger 
 was sent to Jam Salahu-d dfn to inform him how matters stood ; 
 that Firoz was generally drunk ; that Darya Khan, the great sup- 
 porter of the government, had retired to Kahdn, and that fche moment 
 was opportune for his returning immediately. Salahu-d din showed 
 the letter of the men of Thatta to Sultan Muzaffar, and he sent him 
 off with an army to that place. Making forced marches he soon 
 arrived there, and crossing the river entered the city. Jam Firoz's 
 followers were dismayed, and led him out of the city on the other 
 side. Salahu-d din then ascended the throne. He fined and 
 punished the associates of Jam Firoz, and demanded their wealth. 
 The mother of Jam Firoz ■' took him to Darya Khan, at Kahan, 
 where he asked forgiveness for his errors ; and the Khdn remember- 
 ing only old obligations, began to collect forces, and when the armies 
 of Bhakkar and Siwistan were assembled, they met under the 
 banners of Jam Firoz. The Buluchis and other tribes also mustered. 
 Darya Klian placed himself at the head of these forces, and marched 
 against Salahu-d din. This prince wished to go out himself to the 
 sanguiaary meeting, but his wazir Haji deemed it advisable that the 
 
 ' [MS. 3. and Malet's translation agree that the Jkm was taken by his mother. 
 MS. A. however, says that he took his mother to Darya Khin.] 
 
236 HISTORIANS OP SIND. 
 
 Jdm should stay in the city while he led the war-elephants against 
 the enemy ; so the Jam stayed at home and the wazir went to the 
 fray. When the armies met, the fire of battle raged furiously, and 
 many were slain on both sides, but at length the troops of Darya 
 Khan were defeated and put to flight. Hajl wazir then sat down 
 to write a despatch to Salahu-d din informing him that victory had 
 favoured his colours, and that he might deem himself secure. Night 
 came on and the wazir was unable to pursue the routed army, so it 
 happened that his messenger fell into the hands of some of Darya 
 Khan's men. As soon as Darya Khan had read the letter he destroyed 
 it, and substituted another in the name of Haji wazir, to this eflPect : 
 — " Tour army has been defeated, and the enemy is overpowering ; 
 you must leave Thatta with your family, and make no delay,— we 
 will meet again in the village of Chachgan." As soon as this letter 
 arrived, on the night of the 9th Eamzan, Salahu-d din departed 
 without breaking his fast, and crossed the river. Defeat had indeed 
 reached him. He had reigned eight months. When he met his 
 wazir, the latter reproached him for running away, and asked him 
 why he had come there. The false despatch was then produced, 
 upon which the Haji exclaimed that he had not written it. At 
 length they discovered that it was the crafty work of Darya Khan, 
 and were sorely annoyed, — ^but when a matter is completed repentance 
 is useless. Daryd Khan pursued them some stages. He then 
 brought back Jam Firoz and entered Thatta on the day of the 'Idu-l 
 fitr (at the close of the Eamzan) and going to the 'idgdh they offered 
 up their prayers. After this, Jam Firoz reigned securely for some 
 years, until the end of the year 916' a.h. (1511 a.d.), when Shah 
 Beg Arghun invaded Sind. 
 
 The battles which followed are described in their proper places. 
 I have never met with any written account of the history of the 
 Sumxas and Sammas, so I have composed this smnmary. If any 
 one is better acquainted with the subject, he should make additions 
 to this. 
 
 » |_So in both MSS., but Malefs translation has "926" (1620 a.d.). which is 
 correct.] 
 
TAErKH-I M-ASITMI. 237 
 
 Book m. 
 
 The Wonders of SiwL 
 
 The fort of Siwi, -whioli is situated on a small hill, is built of 
 round stones, of a kind which is found wherever the earth is dug in 
 that neighbourhood. 
 
 In Kor-zamin and Chhatur, which are districts of Si'wi, cotton 
 plants grow as large as trees, insomuch that men pick the cotton 
 mounted. On each cotton plant there are one or two hundred snakes, 
 of a span long, so that men are obliged to brush them off with sticks 
 and drive them away before they can pluck the boles. If any one 
 is bitten by a snake, they immediately open the wound with a razor 
 and suck out the poison, otherwise death would supervene. 
 
 The little river which runs by Siwi rises apparently from a 
 sulphureous source, and any one who drinks the water of it falls 
 sick. Many men bave died from that cause, but it does not affect 
 the inhabitants who are accustomed to it. Notwithstanding that 
 the garrison was changed every year by Sultan Mahmud, most of 
 the soldiers died from its bad effects, and only a few escaped. In 
 the time of Akbar, a flood came and purged the sources of the river 
 from the sulphur, since which time the sickness has been less. 
 This river runs fifty Icos beyond Siwi, collecting at Sarwah, where 
 it is used in irrigation, and the water which is not expended for that 
 purpose flows into the lake of Manchhur, which is near Siwistan. 
 
 On that lake also there are many snakes', very long and thin, the 
 bites of which few survive. The men in that neighbourhood wear 
 long drawers to protect themselves against their bites. I myself, 
 when I was there looking at the men irrigating their fields, saw 
 several at every step my horse took. As it was hot, I wished to 
 dismount on the shore of the lake, but for fear of the snakes, I was 
 compelled to do so at a distance on the plain beyond. 
 
 In the plain of Siwi there were formerly many forts and much 
 cultivation, but all is now waste; the hot wind (simoom) blows 
 
 1 [" Mdr." The description seems perhaps more applicable to leeehee.'] 
 
238 HISTORIANS OP SIND. 
 
 there. Between Siwi, Dehra, and Kasmur,' there is a tract of land 
 called Blrgan, which breeds horses not inferior to those of 'Irdk. 
 'The young colts are made to walk upon gravel for a year, by which 
 their hoofs become as hard as a stone, and there is no occasion to 
 shoe them, for they can go unshod even amongst the hills. 
 
 At Chhatur there is a tribe called Kaharf, bo called from the tree 
 named Kahar, on which one of their ancestors mounted, and when 
 struck with a whip, it moved on like a horse. 
 
 Near Ganjava, which is a district of Siwi, water springs from a 
 hill, and covers a large extent of ground. Fishes are found in it. 
 Amongst the hUls of Ganjava there is a lofty one from which hangs 
 an iron cage, in which they say there is something placed, but it 
 cannot be got at. If any one descends to it from above, by a rope, 
 it moves away, and if they attempt to reach it from beneath, the 
 summit rises to the stars, and the earth recedes. 
 
 The hills of Situr and the river Abkashida run in a sort of semi- 
 circle from Siwi to Ganjava.' Between these places there is a waste, 
 through which the road to Kandahir runs. Its length from the 
 river to Siwi is a hundred Jcos, and its breadth sixty. In summer 
 the hot wind blows over this track for four months. 
 
 The Wonders of Kandahar. 
 
 O « O «t o 
 
 At the hUl called Sibuda' the rock was scarped, and a lofty arched 
 recess called Peshtak was cut by order of the Emperor Babar. 
 Eighty stone-masons were employed nine years in its completion. 
 It is indeed a very pleasant place, overlooking the waters of the 
 Arghand, gardens and cultivated fields. In spring many people 
 resort there, but it is difficult to reach on account of its steep ascent. 
 Within this recess are inscribed the names of Babar Badshah, and of 
 his trusty adherents, Mirza Kamran, Mirza 'Askari, and Mirza 
 Hindal. As his majesty Humayun had never visited the spot, his 
 name was not included ia that inscription. Of all his dominions 
 
 ' [This name is so written by Malet. One MS. writes it " Mastdr," the other is 
 illegible.] 
 
 » [The MSS. differ here and the meaning is somewhat doubtful.] 
 
 3 [So in MS. ^. The other MS. has " Sarmflr," and Malet " Sfpfiza."] 
 
TAEIKH-I M'AStTMr. 239 
 
 Kandaliar was the only place mentioned.' When I visited the spot 
 it came into my head that I would inscribe his name there, as well 
 as that of his august son (Akbar) with their thousands of tributary 
 cities and kingdoms, like Kandahar and Kabul. I therefore sent for 
 some stone-ctitters and engravers from Bhakkar, and had the names 
 of these kings engraved, with those of their dependent cities and pro- 
 vinces, from Bengal to Bandar Lahari, from Kabul and Ghaznl to 
 the Dekhin, without any omission. It took nearly four years to com- 
 plete this work, which indeed excited great admiration. Below 
 the hills there is a cavern not far off. It was from the other 
 extremity of this, that Baba Hasan Abdal brought out the golden 
 brick. The distance between these two ends is seven or eight kos. 
 
 On the same hill, near Kandahar, mukhlisa is found, which is an 
 antidote against snake bites and other poisons, and it is found no- 
 where else in that country. On that hill also there is a fire temple 
 of a very ancient date. It is built of unburat bricks, each two 
 yards long and broad, and one span thick. The temple exists to 
 this day, and has sustained no injury. 
 
 In Kandahar there used to be plague* and sickness every year, 
 till Shah Tahmasp directed Sultan Husain Mfrza, governor of that 
 province, to plant canes on the stream which flows near the town, 
 and the water of which the people use for drinking. Since that, the 
 sickness has abated, but even now in some seasons plague and disease 
 break out with great intensity ; blood being passed from the belly, 
 nostrils, ears, and mouth. When I went there, in the reign of his 
 late majesty, Akbar, to render assistance, it was at its height, and 
 in the year 1007 h. (1598 a.d.) nearly two hundred soldiers died of 
 this disease. 
 
 With the Hazai'a tribes near Kandahar, it is not the practice to 
 wear coloured clothes such as white, red and black, * * '* ** 
 nor is there any trade in clothes and shoes of this kind. Among 
 the saints buried near Kandahar may be mentioned '* ** ** *» 
 Baba Hasan Abdal, a descendant of the Saiyids of Sabzawar. After a 
 pilgrimage to the holy cities, he accompanied Mirza Shah Eukh, son 
 
 ' [A negative seems to be required here. If supplied, the sentence will read, 
 " KandahSir was not even mentioned as forming part of his dominions."] 
 * [" Wahd" ; also used to designate Cholera.] 
 
240 HISTOEUNS OP SIND. 
 
 of Sahib-Kiran (Ti'mur) to Hindustan. On his return he spent some 
 years in Langar Kandahar, and died there. His tomb is on an 
 elevated spot surroimded by villages, and overlooking the Arghandab, 
 and to it, as to a place of pilgrimage, men and women, little and 
 big, low and high-born, resort on Fridays in great crowds, so that 
 the city is sometimes empty. It is certainly a charming retreat, 
 and travellers say they have seen few spots to compare with it. 
 
 Book IV. 
 
 Account of the country of Bind passing into the hands of the 
 officers of the Emperor Akhar after the death of Sultan Mahmud 
 Khdn. 
 
 I have before related how Kisu Khan oame to Bhakkar on th* 
 12th Jumada-1 awwal 982 Hijri (August 1574) bringing with him 
 an imperial farman, in which he was directed to divide Bhakkar 
 equally between Muhib 'All Khan and Mujahid Khan, and then to 
 proceed to Thatta and make Muhammad Bak{ Tarkhan prisoner. 
 
 At that time Mujahid Khan was in the country of Ganjava, but 
 when he heard of Kisii Khan's arrival at Bhakkar, he hastened to 
 meet him there. But before he arrived Kfsu Kh&n sought to clear 
 out the fort of Sakhar.^ Mujahid Khan's men procrastinated, but 
 Kisu Khan disapproving of this, sent off a force to Sakhar. Wakil 
 Khan who was the representative of Mujahid Khan, fought upon 
 the wall which Mujahid Khan had built round Sakhar, and several 
 persons on both sides were killed, and more were wounded. Three 
 days after the fight, Mujahid Khan arrived and took away his men 
 to Lohari. Sakhar then reverted entirely into the power of Kisu 
 Khan, but towards Lohari the pargana of Bhakkar was in the pos- 
 session of Muhib 'Ali Khan and Mujahid Khan.^ The men who 
 had assembled (to support them) were broken-hearted. At this 
 juncture, some of the Arghun people deserted them and came to 
 Bhakkar, where Kfeu Khan had them put to death upon the malevo- 
 lent suggestion of Shah Baba, son of Jan Baba Turkhan. Kisu 
 
 1 [MS. B. saya « Bhakkar."] 
 
 ' [So according to MS. A. ; a whole line is omitted from S. by mistake of the 
 copyist. Malet says " Muhib 'Ali^nd MnjSihid Kh&n held Rori and Tiggar."] 
 
TA'RrKH-I M-ASlTMr. 241 
 
 Khan, was a severe harsli-teinpered man, and one day Barji Tawaji 
 having been guilty of some fault, he had irons placed upon his feet 
 in the presence of his court. 
 
 Two months afterwards, Mnjahid Khan went up against Thatta, 
 leaving Muhib 'Ali Khan in charge of their families. He halted for 
 a few days at the town of Ranipur in order to outfit his force. Kisu 
 Khan, at the instigation of the men of Bhakkar, sent an army against 
 Lohari. On Friday, the 2nd of Bamzan 982 a.h. (December 1574), 
 having divided his army into two parts he crossed over the river. 
 One division he directed by way of the gardens of the city towards 
 Lohari, and the other he embarked in gJirdbs and boats and sent 
 them filing and fighting towards the shrine of Khwaja Khizr. Muhib 
 'All Khan's men mounted and went towards the "id-gah. Ki'su 
 Khan's followers arrived in their ghrdbs and set fir© to Mujahid 
 Khan's boats, and when the flames rose high, the horsemen fell 
 back and went towards their homes. At this time Kisu Khan's 
 horsemen came up and threw rockets ' into the city and set it on fire 
 in several places. Muhib 'Ali Khan then mounted his horse and 
 fled. The men of Bhakkar now entered the city and pillaged until 
 evening, capturing the standard and kettle drum of Muhib 'Ali Khan 
 which they bore off with them to the fort. When the intelligence 
 reached Mujahid 'All Khan he returned by forced marches to Lohari, 
 but he was greatly dispirited, and in consideration of the royal 
 power he refrained from molesting Kisu Khan.'' The latter estab- 
 lished himself in the fort of Bhakkar and practiced great injustice. 
 "When the Emperor Akbar became acquainted with these facts he 
 placed the country under the charge of Tarsun Khan, and iu the 
 beginning of Muharram 983 a.h. (April 1575) Muhammad Tahir 
 Khan, son of Shah Muhammad Saifu-1 Mulk, and Muhammad 
 Kasim Khan and Mirza Muhammad Sultan arrived at the town 
 of Lohari, and sent to Kisii Khan a copy of the farmdn con- 
 ferring the jdg'ir of Bhakkar (on Tarsun Khan). Kisu Khan was 
 at first incluied to resist and to set these men at defiance, but 
 when the matter came to be talked over, he went to the chief of the 
 
 ' [Muhhakde dtish."] 
 
 = [The MSS. differ slightly here, and the text is not clear, but the meaning appears 
 to he as rendered.] 
 
 VOL. I. , 16 
 
242 HISTORIANS OP SIND. 
 
 saiyids, who sent some priests and a party of men to the tliree 
 sarddrs to give them counseL The sarddrs detained them all, and 
 desired them to write a true statement of affairs and send it to 
 the Emperor. The priests begged to be excused, but said they 
 would write if both parties were present. The sarddrs replied that 
 Kisu Khan's agents were present, and that if the priests would 
 write the truth in their presence, no further trouble would be given 
 them. The priests then entered upon the business. As soon as 
 Kisu Khan heard this he was alarmed, for he saw that matters were 
 going wrong, and that the forthcoming memorial would be ruinous 
 to him. He therefore sent to say that he would give up the fort, 
 and that they need not write. The Khans sent word back that the 
 memorial was written, and that they would keep it ready. If he 
 did not surrender the fort the letter should be sent to the Emperor 
 — so Kisu Khan having no other remedy, conducted the Khans into 
 the fort. 
 
 An order had been issued by the Emperor that Kisu Khan, in 
 concert with the brethren of Tarsun Muhammad Khan, the saiyids, 
 and the chief men, should make enquiry about the treasure, houses, 
 and effects of Sultan Mahmud Khan, and send a detailed account 
 thereof to the Court, In obedience to the Eoyal orders, the people 
 of Sultan Mahmud's harem were sent to the presence, and his chief 
 wife, sister of Jahan Khan, was sent to Lahore. At the same time, 
 Khwaja Sarai, Eai Singh Darbari, and Banwali Das Navisinda 
 arrived for the purpose of settling the affairs of the treasure and 
 of the people of the harem of Sultan Mahmud. Having afterwards 
 looked into the matter of the treasure at Lohari, they proposed to 
 return by way of Nagor in the beginning of Eajab of the year above- 
 named. 
 
 "When Tarsun Muhammad Khan received permission to depart 
 from the Court, some of the nobles objected that it was impolitic to 
 place the children of Saifu-1 Mulk on the borders of the country,, so 
 he was appointed governor of A'gra and a change was made in 
 respect of Bhakkar, for Banwali Das was sent there to take charge 
 of the revenues and general affairs. Afterwards, for better security, 
 Mir Saiyid Muhammad was dignified with the office of Mir-i 'adl 
 (Chief Justice), with a mansab of 1000, and appointed governor of 
 
TARrKH-1 M'AStTMr. 243 
 
 Bhakkar. On the llth of Eatnzan of the year above-mentioned, 
 he arrived at Bhakkar, and the ministers of religion and the 
 chief men waited upon him to show due honour and respect. He 
 then gave 50,000 highas of land to the saiyids, learned men and 
 others in portions suited to the position of each one. The ministers 
 of religion enjoyed a happy time during his administration. In 
 the early part of his rule he sent a force against the Mankinjas. 
 of the district of Gagri who were rebellious, and had opposed his 
 officers. He acted oppressively towards the ryots in revenue 
 matters, for he fixed by measurement a payment of five mans per 
 higha upon all lands alike, and the revenue officers, whom he ap- 
 pointed, dealt harshly with the cultivators. The troops of the 
 Mir-i 'adl arrived at a small fort between Gambaz and Bajran. The 
 Mankinjas showing no respect, shot arrows^ at them, and several 
 of the soldiers were killed. There was a well in the fort into which 
 the graceless wretches threw the bodies both of Musulmans and 
 infidels, and filled it up with earth. The Mir-i 'adl was enraged at 
 this, and sent for reinforcements from Siwi, to take vengeance. 
 After a short opposition, the Mankinjas left their home and took 
 to flight. Saiyid Abu-l Fazl, the Mir-i 'adl's son, who commanded 
 the troops, pursued them for some distance, and then returned to 
 Bhakkar. Some time after this the Mir-i 'adl fell ill, he lost much 
 blood and his weakness increased tUl he died on the 8th of Sh'aban, 
 984 A.H. (October 1576). 
 
 After his death, the Emperor appointed his son, Abii-l Fazl, to 
 succeed him in the government of Bhakkar. In the following year 
 Abu-1 Fazl seized and confined the head men of Gragri, and after- 
 wards caused two or three of them to be trampled to death by 
 elephants. On the 9th of Zi'-l hijja 985 a.h. (Feb. 1678) I'timad 
 Khan, an eunuch, and one of the emperor's trusty servants, came as 
 governor to Bhakkar. He was a man of passionate temper and did 
 not deal kindly with the soldiers, peasants, or nobles. Some of the 
 ministers of religion were troubled by his conduct, and resolved to 
 carry their complaints to the Emperor. Tlie governor thereupon 
 sent a person to them with excuses, but they would not be satisfied, 
 and resolutely determined to proceed. When they reached the 
 royal presence they stated their grievances against that cmel man. 
 
244 HISTORIANS OF BIND. 
 
 The Emperor replied that if he had oppressed the people in the way 
 represented, he would be killed. And it turned out exactly as^ the 
 royal tongue predicted, after this manner. He was an habitual 
 jester and scoffer, and would utter vile and filthy expressions before 
 good men ; he also dealt niggardly with the troops ; so on the 10th 
 Eabi'u-1 awwal 986 a.h. (May, 1578) a party of soldiers conspired 
 and slew him in his hall of audience. 
 
 After the death of I'timad Khan the Emperor granted the country 
 of Bhakkar in jcigir to I'ath Khan Bahadur, Eaja Parmanand and 
 Eaja Todar Mai.' In the month of Eajab of the same year, the 
 Khan and the other two grantees came to Bhakkar and took posses- 
 sion of their respective portions. Two years afterwards Parmdnand 
 proceeded to the Court in obedience to orders. The Darijas after- 
 wards quarrelled with his brother Madhu Das, and assembled in the 
 town of Alor with hostile latent. Two or three fights followed, and 
 men were slain on both sides. At length some turbulent fellows 
 joined in the attack, so Fath Khan sent his own men to put them 
 down. The iasurgents were then beaten and dispersed. Eath 
 Khan then went to Court, where he was received with great favour. 
 His mansab was increased, and the jdgir of Parmanand was assigned 
 to him. Eath Khan was a simple-minded msin, fond of money, who 
 paid his thanks with his tongue, but he dealt kindly with the people 
 and provided for their subsistence. He had a vak'd named Shahab 
 Khan, a zaminddr of Samana, an inexperienced man, who knew 
 nothing of business. At the instigation of one Earid he attacked the 
 people of Khan Nahar, and led a force against the fort of Kin-kot, 
 which was in the hands of Ibrahim Nahar. A great battle followed, 
 in which Fath Khan's fine men were slain. Shahab Khan also fell 
 with all his brothers. When intelligence of Has reached the 
 Emperor, he instantly resumed Eath Khan's jdgir and assigned it 
 to Nawwab Muhammad Sadik Khan together with the duty of 
 capturing Thatta. He arrived at Bhakkar on Tuesday the 12th 
 Eabi'u-1 awwal 994 a.h. (Eeb. 1586). The priests and others went 
 out to meet him, and he received them all with honour and respect. 
 For some time he stayed in Bhakkar setting its affairs in order, but 
 in Zi-1 hijja of the same year, he marched against Siwistan. Before 
 
 '■ [MS. JB. makes ao mention of the last, and spoata of " the two" grantees.] 
 
TAEfKH-I M'ASlTMr. 245 
 
 going on this expedition lie fought with the men of Mirza Jani 
 Beg, many of whom were killed. The breeze of victory thus 
 began to blow on the banners of Muhammad Sadik. He then pro- 
 ceeded on his expedition. Meanwhile Subhan 'Ali Arghun, who 
 was in command of the enemy, had constructed a fort on the batiks 
 of the river, and had furnished it with munitions of war. He had 
 also collected many ghrdbs and boats there. When Muhammad 
 Sadik advanced, the Arghun came out in his glirdbs and gave battle ; 
 but he was defeated and taken prisoner alive, and many of his men 
 were killed and wounded. Twelve ghrdbs also fell into the hands 
 of the victors. Greatly elated with these victories he laid siege to 
 Siwistan. His operations occupied some time, but he at length sunk 
 a large mine which carried away the gate in front of the fort. In- 
 structions had been given that no man was to enter the fort without 
 orders, so when the smoke and dust cleared off, the besieged set to 
 work, closing up the breach, and maintaining a fire from their cannons 
 and guns {top o tufang). The party on the top of the gateway which 
 had been blown into the air fell to the ground uninjured. Mirza Jani 
 Beg had now advanced with a force as far as Mihran, which is six 
 kos from Siwan. In consequence of this, Muhammad Sadik raised 
 the siege and went to oppose his progress. When he came opposite 
 the Lakki hills, the ghrdbs of Mirza Jani opened fire upon him. 
 They continued fighiing for several days, till an imperial fdrman 
 arrived stating that Mirza Jani Beg had sent suitable tribute to the 
 Court, and had made humble and dutiful submission. Muhammad 
 Sadik therefore returned to Bhakkar, and after a short interval he 
 repaired to Court. One year afterward his jdgir was taken from 
 him. In the two Icharif harvests that passed while Muhammad 
 Sadik held Bhakkar, locusts attacked the crops and famine ensued. 
 Many men emigrated in various directions. The Samijas and 
 Buldchis plundered both sides of the river and left nothing standing. 
 At the end of Eabf u-s sani, 996 a.h. (Feb. 1588), the jdgir of 
 Bhakkar was granted to Isma'il Khan, and his son Rahman Kuli Beg 
 came to the place. This young nobleman was wise, and treated the 
 people with great kindness and consideration, so that through his 
 gentle management they betook themselves once more to cultivation, 
 and by their efforts the wasted land again became fruitful. 
 
246 HISTORIAXS OF SIND. 
 
 When Isma'il Kuli Khan left Multan and went to the Court, the 
 jdgir waa taken from him and granted to Shiroya Snltan. In the 
 beginning of Muharram 997 a.h. (Nov. 1588), he came to Bhakkar. 
 He was addicted to wine, and left the management of his affairs in 
 the hands of his purchased slaves. Night and day he was engaged 
 in riot and debauchery, and but seldom sat in public court, or 
 allowed any one to have access to him. The pensions and allow- 
 ances to the fakirs were stopped. At one period Shaikh Sangi 
 received charge of the revenue and State business, and for a time he 
 visited the shops and took possession of their money and business.' 
 He sent his son Muhammad Husain Beg to subdue Siwi, but the 
 Afghans assembled and fiercely opposed him. His advanced guard 
 was composed of Buluchis' who fled at the first attack. The main 
 body was then assaulted. Many were slain and many taken pri- 
 soners. The rest were broken and put to flight, but the weather 
 was hot, and large numbers died of thirst in the mirage. Those who 
 escaped alive were a long time before they recovered. The wails 
 occasioned by the violence and tyranny of Shiroya at length ascended 
 to heaven, from whence the glad tidings of his removal came to the 
 people of Bhakkar. They escaped from his malignity and once 
 more lived in peace, for Muhammad Sadik Khan again received the 
 jdgir. 
 
 On the second of Eabi'u-1 awwal '998 a.h. (December, 1589) 
 Mirza Muhammad Zahid, son of Muhammad Sadik, came to Bhakkar. 
 He treated the people with kindness and poured the bahn of justice 
 upon hearts wounded by tyranny. He was good-looking and good- 
 natured, and he associated with learned and excellent men. He 
 restored the pensions and allowances in accordance with the grants 
 made by his father, and put a stop to oppression. Khwaja Muham- 
 mad Ma'sum was Muhammad Sadik's vaMl. He was a man of 
 excellent qualities, and competent in all business. The people were 
 re-assured and went about their cultivation and building. But a 
 heavenly visitation fell upon the spring crop of that year ; not-with- 
 standing the care of the government, evil days ensued, and it was 
 
 ' [A doubtful passage. The two MSS. do not agree.] 
 
TARrKH-I M'ASlTMr. 247 
 
 impossible to collect tte taxes. A scarcity of food again occurred. 
 About tbis time His Majesty tbe Emperor bad to make a public ex- 
 ample. Wben tbe Royal Court was removed to Labore, Mirza Jani 
 Beg, in imitation of Mirza Sbab Husain, renounced bis obedience, 
 and pretended to independence. Tbe Kban-i Kbanan was accord- 
 ingly sent to take Tbatta and bring tbe Buliicbis under control. He 
 reacbed tbe place in tbe montb of Shawwal of tbe year aforesaid, 
 between tbe autumnal and vernal harvests, and proceeded to set all 
 tbings in order. At that time, I, tbe author of this history, pro- 
 ceeded from Ahmadabad in Guzerat to the Imperial Court. By 
 good fortune my mother bad sent some little curiosities, which I 
 presented to his Majesty. Thereupon be enquired with great con- 
 descension bow many years I bad been absent from my mother. I 
 replied that it was twenty years. He was graciously pleased to 
 direct that I should go to visit my mother, and afterwards return to 
 my duty. He further ordered the grant of a jdgir to me. There- 
 upon, Muhammad Sadik came to my aid, and said that as I was 
 going to Bhakkar, it would be very pleasant to have my jdgir 
 there. His Majesty said that Bhakkar bad been granted in jdgir to 
 tbe Nawwab Khan-i Kbanan. Tbe latter was present at the time 
 and said that if His Majesty pleased to make me a grant in Bhakkar 
 be would assign it over to me, but if so he hoped to receive an 
 equivalent elsewhere. The Eoyal command was then given for a 
 grant in Bhakkar, and tbe officials assigned to me tbe parganas of 
 Durbela, Gagri and Chanduka. After this was arranged, His Majesty 
 in his great kindness and consideration gave me a boat and one of 
 his own fur coats, and as he dismissed me he quoted tbe line — 
 " Sit not down, but travel, for it is very sweet." 
 On the 14tb' Safar, 999 a.h. (Nov., 1590), I reached Bhakkar, 
 where the Khan-i Kbanan had arrived before me. Tbe weather was 
 hot and the river high, so be stayed some days there ; but when the 
 star Canopus appeared be dismissed me with Bahadur Khan, MuUa 
 Mahmudf, and some others. We went to Sihwan, and tbe Khan-i 
 Khanan followed and overtook us there. Tbe people of Sihwan 
 closed tbe gates of their fort. Tbe Kban-i Khanan then consulted 
 
 1 [12tli in MS. A.] 
 
248 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 witli his nobles as to wLetheT it was better to march, against Mfrza 
 Jani Beg in Thatta at once, or to stop and take Sihwan before pro- 
 ceeding. They all agreed that as Sihwan was in the direct road, 
 and their men and boats must pass that way, it was desirable to 
 secure it before going further. Having so determined, the river 
 w^as crossed, batteries {morcha) were raised, and we began to take 
 measures for securing a passage over the river.' But intelligence 
 came that Nawwab Jam Beg had left Thatta with a powerful force 
 and was advancing against us. So the siege was raised and our 
 forces turned to oppose him. Jdni Beg then threw up a sort of fort" 
 on the bank of the river at the village of Lohari above Nasrpur, 
 and there strengthened his position. When the Kh4n-i Khanan 
 came within about six kos from this fortified post Jani Beg sent 120 
 armed ghrdbs and many boats under the command of Khusru Khan 
 and other officers, and also two armies, one on each bank of the 
 river, to make a simultaneous attack on the camp of the Khan-i 
 Khanan. To meet them our forces advanced a little on the bank 
 of the river, where we raised some sand- works covering five or six 
 jaribs of ground. Muhammad Mukim Khan Bakhshi, 'Ali Mardan 
 Khan, Murid Khan Sarmadi, and the writer of this history, with 
 several other noblemen, were appointed to that humble fortification.' 
 Our instructions were, that when the ghrdbs came up they must 
 necessarily pass in front of our fortified position, because just in 
 front of it there was a large sand-bank from which they must cross 
 over to reach our camp,* In fact, when Muhammad Mukim was sent 
 there he was told that his business was to prevent any danger to the 
 camp on that side. In the afternoon the ghrdbs came up, when 
 they perceived that on one side there was water with a sandbank, 
 and on the other side water with a fort, so they arrested their pro- 
 gress, and guns from both sides announced the opening of the fight. 
 In the course of the night the Khan-i Khanan sent a party over to 
 the opposite side. The force which Jani Beg had appointed for the 
 
 ' [The text says Jjji^ (__>b'o j:ji.L) aUL« iJ The word jw'y-d* commonly 
 means " a ford."] 
 
 ' [juj-Jj jJib ISiit^ jy^ <dy>-jl ^JXmJU jU^l)] 
 
TARrKH-I M'ASlTMr. 249 
 
 purpose assaulted our gate, but it had been well secured, and their 
 efforts "were vain. In the morning, the gJirdhs came up in front of 
 the camp. The guns in our fortification -were pointed too high, so 
 that the balls passed over the ghrdbs and fell among our friends on 
 the other side, killing several of them. The muzzles of the guns 
 were then depressed, so that the balls passed lihrough the glirdhs on 
 our side of the river, and then touching the water rose again and 
 crushed eight or nine boats (kisht'i) killing a number of men.' But 
 they were prepared for this — for in each ghrdb there were carpenters 
 who quickly repaired the damages. The fight was carried on and 
 the firing continued in this way for that day. On one side was the 
 fort and army of the Khan-i Khanan, on the other the sandbank, and 
 the ghrdbs must pass between them against a strong current. The 
 battle continued till after mid-day, and the enemy had many men 
 killed by the guns. They then saw that they could not pass the 
 fort, and that they were losing many men, so they were compelled 
 to retreat. The Khan-i Khanan's boats followed in pursuit and the 
 army harassed them from the shore. Khusrii Khan acted judi- 
 ciously : keeping his own ghrdbs in the rear he sent others in pur- 
 suit, and several of the enemy's vessels with soldiers and Firingi 
 fighting men on board fell into his hands. The royal ghrdb had 
 accompanied the ghrdb of Khusrii Khan and unfortunately some fire 
 from the latter reached the magazine of the royal vessel, and all it 
 contained was burnt. Some of the crew escaped into other vessels 
 which happened to be near, but a large proportion was killed. Still 
 a great victory w^as w^on. 
 
 Next day we marched against the fort of Jani Beg in which he 
 had fortified himself. There were some little sand-hills (ehihla^) 
 around, and the place seemed difficult to take. "When we tried to 
 invest the place, the Khan-i Khanan and his officers found the work 
 impracticable. One night we made a general assault upon the place 
 on every side, but it was too strong and we gained nothing. It 
 was then determined by the Khan-i Khanan that he would pro- 
 
 1 [The MSS. differ, and the whole passage is not very intelligible.] 
 
 2 [This is the same word, variously written, i^,s>-, <d-.,,j5-, and i^,s>- In a 
 previous passage it has been rendered " sand-bank." It is perhaps allied to the 
 Hindiistini chihld, " mud."] 
 
250 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 ceed witii a force to Sihwan and take possession of the country of 
 Thatta, — ^that another force should go to Badin and Fath-bagh, and 
 that Shah Beg Khan should inarch to besiege Shah-garh, a place that 
 had been built by Shah Kasim Arghun. The Khan-i Khanan accord- 
 ingly proceeded to Thatta, another force went a,gainst Badin, Fath 
 Khan and Jiin, and Shah Beg besieged Shah-garh. Saiyid Bahau-d 
 din, the author, and several other attendants of the Khan-i Khanan, 
 went to Siwan, where many of the defenders were killed. When 
 the garrison found that matters were going hard with them they 
 wrote to Jani Beg that unless he came to their aid, the place must 
 be lost. Upon learning this the Mirza marched with great 
 alacrity to Siwan. When he had reached a point about twenty 
 kos from us, we received intelligence of his advance. We held a 
 council, and determined to fight him ; so we raised the siege and 
 marched to oppose his advance. When the Khan-i Khanan heard 
 this he sent Muhammad Khan Niyazi and some other of his officers 
 with reinforcements for us. We were near the Lakki hills when they 
 joined us, and our united force then amounted to 1200 horse. Jani Beg 
 was advancing through the hills with 10,000 horse, together with a 
 numerous body of infantry and archers, and he had ghrdbs and 
 cannon coming up the river. When he was six or seven Icos distant, 
 our leaders perceived that if we remained where we were, we might 
 be attacked on every side. Jani Beg might attack us from the hills, 
 the ghrdhs from the river, and the men of Sihwan from the rear, so 
 that we should be in a critical position. We therefore resolved to 
 march on and meet him, and our forces were accordingly set in 
 motion. Jani Beg received intelligence of our movement through 
 his spies, but could not credit it, for he asked what our numbers 
 could be, and what must be our presumption to venture on such a 
 step. But the dust of our march then became visible to him, and 
 he instantly proceeded to set his army in array. It was noon when 
 the contending forces met. When our van-guard became engaged, 
 some of the men took flight and fled. The enemy pursued, and 
 coming up with our main body the battle became general. Three 
 or four fierce charges were made, but at length the enemy were 
 defeated. Jani Beg stood his ground and fought desperately, but 
 seeing that all was over, he also fled. The enemy lost many men in 
 
TAEIKH-I M'ASl/Mr. 251 
 
 killed and prisoners. Jani Beg retreated to TJnarpur,' twenty kos 
 from tlie battle-field, where he raised a small fort and strengthened 
 his position. We besieged the place, and after some days the 
 Khan-i Khanan arrived in person. The batteries were pushed for- 
 ward, and fighting went on every day, in which many on both sides 
 were killed. Digging approaches to the fort, we reached the edge 
 of the ditch, and raised there a mound of earth. Jani Beg was then 
 reduced to despair, and ofiered terms. His proposal was to give 
 over to us thirty ghrdhs and the fort of Sihwan. He himself would 
 return to Thatta but would meet us again afterwards. The Elan-i 
 Khanan consulted with his officers, and they all agreed that Jani 
 Beg was reduced to extremities, and that no terms should be made 
 with him — it was a mere question of a day or two — and if he were 
 allowed to return to Thatta he would probably change his mind. 
 The Khan-i Khanan observed that if we assaulted the fort, many 
 men on both sides would be slain, and that the wives and families 
 of the garrison would fall into our hands and might be treated with 
 indignity, for these reasons he would accept the terms, and would 
 further obtain a mansab of 5000 from the Emperor for Jani Beg. 
 No doubt his decision was sound. The representatives of Jam' Beg 
 then came into our lines, the terms were settled, the ghrabs were 
 given up, a person was sent to Sihwan to secure the surrender of 
 the fort, and Jani Beg himself set out for Thatta. The Khan-i 
 Khanan stayed in the village of Sann during the inimdationa, but in 
 the winter he departed for Thatta. "When we approached Fath-bagh 
 Jani Beg came forward to meet us, and there was an interview and 
 friendly intercourse between the two chiefs. Leaving Jani Beg at 
 this place the Khan-i Khanan proceeded to Thatta, and there he 
 distributed among his officers and soldiers all the effects (baadt) he 
 had with him. He next went to Lahori-bandar, where he gazed 
 upon the sea (ddryde shor). When he departed from this place he 
 left Daulat Khan and Khwaja Mukim in charge. A royal mandate 
 had arrived directing him to bring Jani Beg to Court, — ^ia conse- 
 quence of this he started off, taking Jani Beg with him, and hastened 
 by forced marches to the Imperial presence. Every kindness and 
 consideration was bestowed upon Jani Beg through the friendly 
 ' ["Amarpur" in MS. B-l 
 
252 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 statements of th.e Khan-i Khanan. The country of Thatta was 
 graciously restored to him, and he was received into the royal ser- 
 vice with a mansab of 5000. Still further favour was shown him, 
 and Khusru Khan was named to be his son-in-law. 
 
 When His Majesty set out for the Dekhin,' intent upon the con- 
 quest of Ahmadnagar and the fort of Kasim, on the 25th Bajab 
 Mirza Jani Beg died of brain, fever, and upon the solicitation of 
 Nawwab AUani, the country of Thatta was granted to MirzS Grhazi 
 Beg, son of the deceased Mirza. 
 
 ' [It is at this point in MS. £. that there comes in ahniptly the passage relating 
 to Dfida, upon wbioh some remarks have been made in page 215.] 
 
TAErKH-I TAHlEr. 253 
 
 V. 
 
 TA'RrKH-I T^HIRf. 
 
 This work is named after the author, Mir Tahlr Muhammad 
 Nasydni, son of Saiyid Hasan, of Thatta. The author, his 
 father, and grandfather, were intimately acquainted with the 
 affairs of the Arghuna and Tarkhans, and were dependants of 
 the members of the former family. Tahir Muhammad, indeed, 
 dedicates his work to, and writes it at the instigation of, Shah 
 Muhammad Beg 'Adil Khan, son of Shkh B6g 'Adil Khan 
 Arghiin, governor of Kandahar. The Tuhfatu-l Mrdm (p. 74), 
 styles Shdh Beg a Tarkhan, not an Arghun, and states that it 
 was to him that the Tdrihh-i Tdkiri was dedicated. 
 
 The author, independent of what he says in his rambling pre- 
 face of twenty pages, which is replete with the most fulsome adula- 
 tion, gives us several incidental notices of himself and' family in 
 the course of his work.i We learn that in 1015 h. (1606 a.d.), 
 when Kandahar was beleaguered by the Persians, he went to 
 Thatta to complete his education, and that he was then twenty- 
 five years old. He placed himself under Maul4na Ishak, a 
 celebrated teacher, who was well instructed in Sufyism by an 
 attentive perusal of Shaikh Sa'di, Jami, Khakdni, and Anwari. 
 
 His maternal grandfather, 'Umar Shah, and his son Daiid 
 Sehta, Chief of the Pargana of Durbela, afforded such effective 
 aid to Humdyun, in his flight from Shir Shah, that the Emperor 
 wrote a document expressive of his satisfaction, and of his deter- 
 mination to reward their fidelity with a grant of their native 
 district of Durbela, should he succeed in his enterprises and be 
 
 1 See pages 63, 73, 86, 1B9, 167, 224, 228, of the MS. 
 
254 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 restored to his throne. At the instigation of Mahrndd Khdn, 
 the governor of Bhakkar, they were both put to death for this 
 injudicious zeal ; one being sewn up in a hide and thrown into 
 the river from the battlements of Bhakkar; the other flayed 
 alive, and his skin sent, stuifed with straw, to Mirz4 Shah Hasan 
 Arghiin. The family fled to Ahmadabad in Guzer4t. The 
 document above alluded to was unfortunately destroyed, when 
 Mirza Jani Beg ordered Thatta to be fired on the approach of 
 the imperial army. The author, nevertheless, hoped to meet 
 with his reward, should it ever be his good fortune to be pre- 
 sented to the reigning Emperor Jahangir. In one part of his 
 work he calls 'Uraar Shah by the title of Jam, from which we 
 may presume that he was a Samma. Datid, 'Umar's son, is also 
 styled Sehta, and, from a passage in the Extracts, it will be seen 
 that J4m Sehta, one of the descendants of the Samma refugees, 
 is spoken of as one of the Chiefs of Kach. 
 
 Tahir Muhammad informs us that, notwithstanding all the 
 enquiries he made, he was not able to procure any work which 
 dealt with the periods of history which he had undertaken to 
 write. There might, perhaps, have been some written in the 
 Hindi character, but on that point he was ignorant. This is 
 disingenuous, for his early history must be derived from some 
 written source, though he does not choose to declare what it was. 
 He quotes a poem by Mir Ma'sum Bhakkari, and is, perhaps, 
 indebted to his prose also, but to no great extent, for in describ- 
 ing the same events, our author is fuller, and his credulity induces 
 him to indulge in strange anecdotes, which the other rejects. 
 His later history, in which he is very copious, is derived not 
 only from his father, who was himself an actor in some of the 
 scenes which he describes, but from other eye-witnesses, as well 
 as his own observations. His residence seems to have been 
 chiefly at Durbela, but we hear of his being, not only at Kanda- 
 h&r and Thatta, as previously mentioned, but at Mult4n and 
 Lahore ; so that, for a Sindian, we may consider him what 
 Froissart calls a " well-travelled knight." 
 
TAETKH-I TAHIRr. 255 
 
 The Tdrihh-i Tdkiri was completed in 1030 h. (1621 a.d.), in 
 the fortieth year of the author's age. Its style is bad and confused, 
 and occasionally ambitious. We are told that it is divided into 
 ten chapters {tabka), but they are not numbered beyond the fourth, 
 and only seven can be traced altogether. The first, consisting 
 of sixteen pages, is devoted to the Surara dynasty. The second, 
 of ten pages, to the Samma dynasty. The third, of 30 pages, to 
 the Arghiins. The fourth and all the others, comprising 172 
 pages, to the Tarkhdns — so that it is evident that to them he 
 directs his chief attention, bringing their affairs down to the 
 latest period, when Mirza Ghazi Beg was poisoned at Kandahar, 
 in 1021 H. (1612 a.d.), and the power of the Tarkhans was brought 
 to a close even as Jdgirdars — a title they were suffered to retain 
 after their entire loss of independance under Mirza Jdni Beg. We 
 have nothing on the subject of the Arab dominion in Sind, and 
 the chapters upon the Sumras and Samma form no continuous 
 narrative of their transactions. Even the later chapters are very 
 deficient in dates, though there is no break in the history of the 
 Arghuns and Tarkhans. Where dates are inserted they are not 
 always correct. 
 
 Besides the present history, it would appear from one of the 
 Extracts given below, that the author composed another work 
 upon some of the Legends of Sind. The name of " Nasyani^" is. 
 not a patronymic, but, as we are informed in the Tuhfatu-l 
 kirdm (p. 192), a mere poetical designation, assumed by the 
 author. The same passage gives us also some information re- 
 specting his descendants. 
 
 This work is rare out of Sind, where it is procurable without 
 much difiiculty. The Amir of Khairpur and the Saiyids of 
 Thatta have a copy, I have not met with it anywhere else in 
 India, and I believe there is no copy in Europe. Size, quarto 
 (12 X 9 inches) containing 254 pages, each of 17 lines. 
 
 1 Nasydni, the forgetful ? or Nashydni, -whicli signifies the drunken, or, a seeker 
 of news ? 
 
256 HISTOEIANS OF SIND. 
 
 Extracts. 
 
 The Destruction of Alor. 
 
 From the year of the Hijri 700 (1300 a.d.), until 843 (1439 a.d.), 
 that is to say, for a period of 143 years, the Hindu tribe of Sumra were 
 the rulers of Sind; and that portion which is now flourishing was then 
 a mere waste, owing to the scarcity of water in the Sind or Panjab 
 river, which is known by the above name below Bhatkar. ' No water 
 flowed towards those regions, and water is the very foundation of 
 all prosperity. The capital of this people was the city of Muham- 
 mad Tur, which is now depopulated and is included in the par jana of 
 Dirak. Not I alone but many others have beheld these ruins with as- 
 tonishment. Numbers of the natives of that city, after its destruction, 
 settled in the pargana of Sakiira, which was peopled in the time of 
 the Jams of Samma, and there they founded a village to which they 
 also gave the name of Muhammad Tur. In this village resided 
 many great men and zaminddrs, disciples of the Shaikh of Shaikhs 
 and defender of the world, Makhdum Shaikh Bahau-d din (Zaka- 
 riya) Mulld Khalifa Sindi, so well known in Hind, who sprang from 
 them and that village. The cause of the ruin of the above-named 
 city, and of its dependencies, which had flourished between nine 
 hundred and a thousand years, was as follows : — Below the town of 
 Alor flowed the ' river of the Panjab, which was indefinitely called 
 by the three names of Hakra, Wdhind, and Dahan, and by others — 
 for its name changes at every village by which it flows. After 
 fertilizing the land, the river pours its waters into the ocean. 
 Dalu Rai governed the country between the two above-mentioned 
 cities (Muhammad Tur and Alor). He was a tyrant and an adul- 
 terer : every night he possessed himself of a maiden. From the 
 merchants who brought their goods that way in boats from Hind to 
 the port of Dewal,' he levied a toll of half their property ; traders 
 thus suffered incalculable injury. At length, a certain merchant* 
 
 ' ^ <^t^ri J\J-^.j^ l»jl ^ '^^i ^. ^^ vT ^ aJa-,!^]' 
 
 fiXxvU * ^®® Note A in Appendix upon Muhammad-Tur. 
 
 ' Captain MoMurdo places Dal(i or Dillti Eii early in the second century of the 
 Hijra.— JoMCK. M. A. S., Vol I. p. 28. 
 
 ■ < The Tuhfatu-l Icirdm (p. 35), calls him Saifu-l-muWt, and says he was on his 
 way to Mecca, and that when he returned thence, he lived and died somewhere ahout 
 
TARrKH-I TAHIEr. 257 
 
 reached the place with a vast amount of goods, and was much 
 astonished at this tyrant's proceedings. When the customs' officers 
 perceived the valuable nature of his merchandise, and found him to 
 be a traveller from distant parts, they resolved to exceed their 
 usual demands. The merchant had also with him a handmaiden, 
 young, and beautiful as the full-moon. When the impious tyrant 
 was informed of this, he determined, according to his odious habit, 
 to get her into his possession. The traveller, who was a 
 wise and Grod-fearing man, said to himself that it was impos- 
 sible to escape from the tyrant with honour and without 
 distress, and hence it would be better to make some bold effort ; in 
 which, by God's help, he might succeed, and which would stand re- 
 corded on the page of destiny untU the day of judgment. He prayed 
 for and obtained three day's grace to forward the amount of duties 
 along with his beautiful damsel. During this time he collected a 
 number- of skilful and expert artizans, men who excelled Farhad in 
 piercing mountains, and could close a breach with a rampart like 
 Alexander's. To these men he gave whatever they desired, and 
 rewarded their labour with gold, jewels, and stuffs. His intention 
 was to erect a strong embankment above' the town of Alor, and turn 
 the course of the waters towards Bhakkar. Night after night these 
 strong and able workmen laboured to dig a new channel and erect 
 an embankment. The river was thus turned from its old course 
 and flowed towards Siwan and the Lakkf Hills, with such force that 
 the merchant was, by God's mercy, quickly carried with his ships 
 and goods far away beyond the oppressor's reach. When the people 
 of the tyrant's country awoke in the morning, instead of several 
 fathoms of water, they found nothing but mud and muddy water. 
 All were amazed, and informed their master of the mode of the 
 merchant's escape, and of the ruin that had come on the country. 
 He ordered them to turn the river into its old channel, but they all 
 replied that it could not be done now the water had flowed else- 
 
 Dera Gh&zJ KliS.ii and Sitpur. It is added, that his handmaiden Jamil or Badi'u-1- 
 Jam&l, bore him two sons, Ratta and Chhatta, whose tombs, with that of the father, 
 stand near Ratta, which in olden times was a large city in Dalii Rkfs territory, of 
 which the vestiges still remain. 
 
 • [The text says .M <U^ J J, but this is an obvious blunder.] 
 
 VOL. I. 17 
 
258 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 where. The Eaja's regret and repentance were all too late. " When 
 the evil is done, oh fool ! what avaQs your regret ? Stuff not cotton 
 in your ears, but be alert — sleep not at the hour of action." In 
 short the scarcity of water soon caused the grass and the fields to 
 wither, and death laid its grasp on men and cattle, but the tyrant 
 paused not in his evil career, untU his crimes destroyed both him- 
 self and his people. 
 
 Destruction of Brdhmandbdd. 
 
 It is related by old historians that this Dalu Eai had a brother 
 called Chhata' Amrani, whom it had pleased God to dispose, from 
 his youth upwards, to virtue. Amrani often remonstrated with his 
 brother against his evil ways, but without success ; he, therefore, 
 left his country and applied himself to the study of the Kuran. 
 When, having learned the holy book by heart, he returned to his 
 home, his friends urged him much to marry ; but he was displeased 
 with their wicked ways, and therefore refused. His relatives 
 repudiated and derided him, exclaiming that he had turned Turk, 
 that is to say, Musulman, and would next be going to Mecca to 
 marry the daughter of some great man there. Amrani's star was in 
 the ascendant, and his heart inclined to God, so their taunts took 
 effect on him, and he resolved to proceed to the Kaa'ba. When he 
 reached the place of his destination, he beheld a woman standing 
 with a loaf in her hand. After he had looked at her several times 
 the maiden perceived him and asked him what he sought in that 
 town. He replied that by her means, he hoped to be able to read 
 the Kuran. She told him. that the daughter of a certain venerable 
 man was much better acquainted than herself with the holy book, 
 and was in the habit of teaching many young girls, and that if he 
 changed his dress and attended upon her with the girls, he might 
 obtain the wish of his heart. Amrdni answered that all would be 
 accomplished through her kindness. He made her a small present, 
 and joined the scholars. After a time he became again perfect 
 in the Kuran, when, one day, a woman came to see the teacher, who 
 
 ' [The word is hero and in a few other places written Jhata, but as frequently 
 Ghhata, and this is nearer the Tuhfatu-1 Kir&m, which has " Chhoia." It is proba- 
 bly the Hindi word, and signifies that he was the younger brother.] 
 
TARrKH-I TA'HIEr. 259 
 
 was also skilled in astrology. The visitor said : " I have a young 
 daughter whom I wish to marry to a certain person ; pray see if the 
 match will prove a happy one ; for if not, I will wed my daughter 
 elsewhere." The fates were consulted, a favourable answer was 
 returned, and the woman departed. Chhata who, in woman's dis- 
 guise, had been taught by the fair sage, without her knowing his 
 sex, now said that, as she could ascertain other people's destiny, 
 he begged she would also consult the stars on her own account, and 
 find out who should be her husband. " This enquiry," she replied, 
 " will be very pleasing to me ; up to this moment I have never 
 thought of what concerns myself." The fates were again consulted, 
 and the answer which she delivered was : " a person called Chhata 
 will come from Sind, and I shall be given unto him." Amrani 
 asked if the person had as yet left Sind, and proceeded towards 
 Mecca or not. She answered, that he had arrived in the city. 
 ""Where is he?" "In this house," was the reply, "and you are 
 he." Chhata left off questioning and began to read. 
 
 The girl informed her mother of these events. The relatives gave 
 their consent, and the two were united. Amranf dwelt there some 
 time, after which he returned to his own country to Pain-wah 
 where his brother ruled.^ Between Chhata and his wife Patima, in 
 their devotion to God, nothing was concealed, and they looked upon 
 each other with fond affection. One day Chhata's brother sent him 
 away on some business, with the intention of getting a look at his 
 wife in his absence. This virtuous woman was in her bath, and 
 there the wicked man saw her. At the same moment, Fatima and 
 Chhata, who was far away, became cognizant of this fact. Chhata 
 immediately returned, and, abandoning his relatives, left the country 
 with his wife, and proclaimed that whoever remained in the city 
 would ignominiously perish. The very night they left, destruction 
 hovered over the city, but was kept off by the watching of an old 
 widow, who was spinning. The second night they were saved by 
 the watching of Gunigir,' but on the third night, which was the 
 time appointed for the destruction of those wicked people, the whole 
 
 1 Or, more probably, " Babraanwi ;" in the Tuhfaiu-l Kirdm tbe place is named 
 Bha.mhara, or Brahman&bad. See note, supra, p. 189. 
 ' L J-k In tlie Tuhfatu-l Kirdm ^jjj^'\ 
 
260 HISTORIANS OF 3IND. 
 
 place was swallowed up by the earth., — men, buildings and all, — 
 the only sign of them left was a minaret, which stands there to this 
 day. Chhata Amrani and his wife Tatima reached in safety the 
 town of Siwistan, which is now known as Slwan. There he passed 
 his days in prayer and worship. When he left this transitory 
 dwelling-place to seek a wished-for and eternal home beyond the 
 chambers of death, as during his life-time, he had performed 
 miracles, and his prayers had been granted, so was it still after his 
 decease. Whoever approached his shrine obtained the wish of his 
 heart. His tomb is to be found in the city of Siwan ; many people 
 flock to it on Fridays, and place full belief in its powers. 
 
 The Dynasty of Siimra. 
 Be it known to wise and intelligent men who can solve knotty 
 points, that the history of this ignorant Hindu tribe has been related 
 by old chroniclers as follows : — " Every man of them considered 
 himself a chief and leader, but ' [Jmar Sumra was their ruler. It is 
 not known over how long a period his reign extended, but irv all 
 his years this chieftain, imworthy of his sacred name,' practiced 
 unworthy acts. He was in the habit of laying violent hands on the 
 females of his subjects. Among other married women he seized a 
 beautiful woman named Marui, who belonged to the tribe of the 
 Maruis,^ who resided near the forts of 'Umar-kot. She had been 
 betrothed to a person named Phog,' but was, by her parents, when 
 her beauty had developed itself, united to another of her relatives. 
 Phog laid a complaint before 'TJmar, — "I have given up all hope," 
 said he, "of obtaining her, but she is well fitted for your own 
 harem. If you could but once see her, you would never wish to part 
 from her again." This speech of that dweller in the desert induced 
 the chieftain to change his dress, and to moimt an active camel,* 
 fleet as the wind, on which he repaired to the woman's residence. 
 He was captivated at first sight, and remained thare some days. At 
 
 ^ j'^^ Alluding of course to the Khalif 'Umar. 
 
 * Wanderers of the desert. 
 
 ' [The text has ul/j--J "Nahabfik," but Sir H. Elliot has substituted "Phog" 
 in the translation. His authority for this change is not cited.] 
 
 * [The text has i.l), but immediately afterwards the animal is called zJit^ 
 to that a camel, not a horse, must be intended by the word.] 
 
TAErKH-I TAHIRr. 261 
 
 length, finding an opportunity, he placed the woman on his own 
 camel, and returned to the Beat of his government. But all praise 
 to the virtue and chastity of Marui, for though gold and jewels, 
 robes and apparel were offered her, and though she was made to 
 taste of severity and anger, nothing could induce her to listen to his 
 proposals. "In what creed," said she, "is it considered lawful 
 that we should, for the sake of a little brief authority and worldly 
 riches, which avaU. us not- when all is over, put aside the duty 
 owing to a husband, and thus at last, heap infamy on our heads. 
 The tenderness of her language took effect on the abductor : for a 
 year he detained her and beheld her fidelity. He then sent for her 
 husband and returned her to him, with as much gold and jewels as 
 he could give, and told him of his wife's chastity. Doubt, however, 
 remained in the husband's mind ; he kept aloof from hex, and con- 
 stantly addressed reproaches to her. 'Umar was one day informed 
 of this conduct, of the doubts which the husband retained of Marui's 
 chastity, and the disgrace which was thus reflected on himself. An 
 army was ordered to attack and plunder the tribe, but they fled on 
 receipt of the news. When the fact became known, he ('Umar) said 
 " Why does the husband of this chaste woman seek to distress her, 
 and in suspicion of a wrong which has not been committed, why 
 does he injure both her and his ruler, causing a personal and general 
 scandal — instigating all this disturbance." That paragon of fidelity, 
 comforted the women of her family, and, strong in her own virtue, 
 went to 'Umar and spoke as follows : " You are the lord of this 
 country. If before this you had not conceived such designs, you 
 would not have entailed such disgrace on yourself and on me ; but, 
 you have kept a mad's wife confined for a twelvemonth in your 
 own house, and after exposing her to suspicion, have sent her away. 
 What wonder is there then that people, who know not right from 
 vTrong, should entertain doubts, and what wonder if her husband kill 
 her through jealousy. The redress were worse than the fault itself, 
 should you punish the oppressed family. Consider your own errors, 
 be just, and say at whose door lies the blame." This was said with 
 so much earnestness that it took effect. 'Umar, ashamed of his mis- 
 deeds, recalled his army, and caused the husband to be brought ^to 
 his presence, when he sought by an oath, according to the Hindu 
 
262 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 custom, to remove all doubt from his mind. But that pattern of 
 excellence anticipated him, and urged that she was the proper 
 person to take the oath, for thus the foul stain would be washed 
 away from herself and from her whole family. So it was settled 
 that a fire should be kindled and an iron heated therein. As soon 
 as the fire burned and flames like lightning issued from the iron, the 
 woman raised it, and came out pure from the trial, and in the eyes 
 of the Hindus all stain on her honour was removed. The thought 
 now entered 'Umax's mind that it was not easy to clear himself of the 
 guilt of the abduction. God is just j injustice pleaseth him not, and 
 never has he, nor will he ever, disgi-ace any but the guilty. This 
 craeL obstinate husband, thought he, has abased me in the eyes of 
 the world; is it not better that I should pass through the fiery 
 ordeal and truth be brought to the light of day 1 He did as resolved. 
 Glory to God who maketh truth to triumph I Not a hair of his 
 head or a thread of his garments was singed, and he issued scathless 
 from the raging flames — ^whioh consume alike friend and foe. 'TJmar 
 and the relatives of the virtuous wife, whom idle talkers had calum- 
 niated and reviled, were now raised in public opinion ; the doubts, 
 which day and night had tormented the husband, vanished, and his 
 unkind treatment ceased.' 
 
 Account of this event as related in the presence of the Emperor 
 
 Akbar. 
 
 When the powerful Nawab Mirza Khan-i Khanan had made him- 
 seK master of Tatta, he summoned to his presence the great men of 
 the country, and amongst others selected the most noble of them, 
 Mirza Jani Beg Tarkhan, 'i^riz of the Tarkhania, to be presented at 
 the court of his majesty, and he proceeded thither with a party of 
 Sindi friends. At an interview the conversation happened to turn 
 upon Marui, which induced the Emperor to enquire of Jani Beg the 
 particulars of this story. The latter replied that he had with hipi 
 a poet named Mukim, conversant with both Persian and Sindi, 
 who was well acquainted with the whole story, and whom he would 
 send for if permitted to do so. Mirza Jani Beg himself was per- 
 
 1 This popular legend is given in a different form by Lt. Burton, from the metrical 
 Tersion current in the country.— (SmrfA, pp. 107-113. 
 
TARIKH-I TA'HIRr. 263 
 
 fectly informed of all the circumstances, but lie wished to bring the 
 poet to the notice of his majesty. The bard was introduced, but he 
 knew so little of the case, that, contrary to the fact, he said the 
 heroine had a child by that tyrant, misnamed 'Umar.' His Highness 
 was much displeased at this misrepresentation, and the bard with- 
 drew crestfallen. Jam Beg then related the story correctly, and some 
 of the auditors repeated rerses in the Sindi language in praise of the 
 Marui. The late Mir Saiyid Ma'sum Bhakkari, of blessed memory, has 
 recorded in verse the story of Sassai and Pannii and called his work 
 " Husn o Naz," (beaufey and coquetry) ; Mir Abii-1 Kasim, (son of 
 Shah Abil-l 'KSsixu, son of Shah Kasim Arghun) has likewise versi- 
 fied the story of Chanesar and Lila and called it "Chanesar;"' 
 I also have written (these legends) in prose and named my work 
 " Naz o Niyaz" (coquetry and supplication). May men of genius 
 view it favourably ! ' 
 
 Sistory of Qangd and ' Umar S&mra. 
 I write for the information of men of enlightened minds, — friends 
 to literature, and delighting in the sweets of learning. A maiden 
 named Ganga, of the tribe of Tamim, had been betrothed to 'Umar. 
 The latter happened to see her at a time when the spring of youth 
 had not filled the cup of her beauty, and the imopened bud of her 
 cheeks was as yet without fragrance. She did not please him, and 
 his heart was averse to her, so he relinquished all thought of making 
 her his wife, and gave permission that she should be united to any 
 one they chose. 'Umar Tamim, a relative of the gid's, and a com- 
 panion of 'Umar Sumra, without whom the latter never drank (or 
 eat), became her husband. After a few years, this unopened bud> 
 fanned by the zephyr of youth, became a very stem of blooming 
 roses. She imported such fragrance to the breeze, that fascination 
 penetrated the core of every heart. 
 
 ' In allusion to the Khalifa 'TJmar, better known to us as Omar. It is to be 
 observed that the author throughout spells the Hindti's name with an ain ^ts-. 
 [Amarkot is also generallj written 'Umarkot.] 
 
 ' The Tuhfatu-l Kirdm (p. 74) says that Mir Tahir is here in error, the real 
 author being IdrSihf B6g. 
 
 ' The Tuhfatu-l Kirdm (p. 31) says that Muhammad T&hir's JTa'is o iftyo'z is in 
 verse and relates to the story of M&rili. Zamiri has written a poem of the same 
 title. 
 
264 HISTOEIAJiTS OF SIKD. 
 
 One day, wlien the washerman had put out her clothes to dry near 
 the road, the chief happened to pass hy the scented garments. 
 Such perfume hung in the breeze that for miles it entered the brains 
 of the wayfarers. The scent of the musk caused blood to flow from 
 his nostrils, and he wondered whose garments these could be. He 
 enquired of the washerman, and ascertained, after a good deed of 
 trouble, as the man had been ordered not to mention the owner's 
 name, that they belonged to a certain woman married to 'Umar 
 Tamim, and whom his highness had formerly rejected. Longing 
 and regret now took possession of his soul, and so great was hie 
 fascination that he proceeded to the woman's house, intending, if 
 the master should not be within, to delight his eyes and heart with 
 a glimpse of that heart-enthralling creature. The husband was not 
 at home. Deceivers employ many stratagems, so 'Umar found 
 nothing better than to pretend that he had discharged an arrow at 
 some pigeons, and only entered the house to pick one up. The fair 
 lady, who knew nothing of all this, being suddenly disturbed, rose 
 to screen herself from view, and enquired what the intruder sought, 
 but the latter obtained what he had come for and departed. A 
 dart of love from the bow of her eyebrows had pierced his heart 
 and he writhed like a wounded snake. The love which had sud- 
 denly been implanted in the innermost recesses of his heart dis- 
 turbed him so much that he threw^ himself madly on his couch, 
 abandoned food, drink, and sleep, and spoke to no one. His ministers 
 w^ere much astonished at this conduct, but having learned the cause 
 of it, they respectfully informed him that the difficulty could very 
 easily be overcome ; that he should be of good cheer and not grieve. 
 The ministers agreed that it was necessary, by some means, to sepa- 
 rate the woman from her husband, and bring her to their master's 
 palace. To further this scheme, it was settled by these godless men 
 that 'Umar shotdd make a show of more than usual cordiality and 
 affection to that young man. The husband was astonished at these 
 unwonted demonstrations, and one day asked his confidential friends 
 what could be the object of them. Being all in the plot, they 
 answered that a wish seemed to have entered the chieftain's mind -to 
 give him his sister in marriage, and by this connection, bind him 
 more closely to himself in the bonds of fraternity and love, for he 
 
TARrKH-I TAHIEl. 265 
 
 ■was highly pleased with his services, and placed great reliance on 
 him. 'Umar Tamim heedlessly believed this falsehood ; he was 
 transported with delight by these tidings, which ought to have 
 saddened him, and he expanded like a rose, so that his robe 
 could scarcely contain him. The simpleton dreamed not that 
 his friends were foully conspiring to deprive him of his wife. 
 One day the friends met. Wine, that source of so much evU, 
 was administered in such quantities to the unhappy husband, who 
 had not strength to bear it, that he quite lost aU mastery over 
 himself. The associates perceived that they would never find an 
 opportunity naore favourable for the execution of their designs, 
 so in furtherance of their scheme, they spoke to this foolish and 
 helpless being of that impossible marriage. At length, he agreed 
 that he would divorce his present wife, in order to obtaia that 
 higher object of his wishes ; and he did so. The plotters having 
 so far succeeded, now told him that this divorce alone was not suffi- 
 cient, that he must offer the woman as tribute to 'Umar. The 
 drunkard hesitated not to give away his cast-off wife. Then, as a 
 finish to the business, he himself was turned out of the assembly, and 
 his wife conveyed to the house of him who had instigated this vile 
 proceeding. On the morrow, when the husband shook off the sleep of 
 intoxication, he thought of his spouse, and remembered the sad events 
 of the past day. Then, uttering cries of grief, he rent his garments, 
 and proceeded to Dehli to lay a complaint before 'Alau-d din Sultan. 
 The people of this country relate, that when the husband laid his 
 complaint before the Sultan, this guardian of justice sent that very 
 night an order to 'Umar to appear before him, stating that if he came 
 and satisfied the complainant, he might escape punishment, other- 
 wise, an avenging force should be sent to plunder and overrun the 
 country, and his wives and children should fall a prey to the 
 soldiery. 'Umar prepared to depart the moment the messenger 
 arrived. After a journey of some days, he reached the royal pre- 
 sence, and made numerous offerings. "When the complainant and 
 defendant were confronted, the Sultan's anger rose to such a pitdh 
 that he caused the guilty man to be thrown into a prison to end 
 his days, in order that his fate might be a salutary warning to all 
 wicked doers. For a long time he suffered in prison, but at length 
 
266 HISTOEIANS OF SIND. 
 
 obtained Ms liberty through, the intercessiou of his friends, on the 
 payment of a heavy fine, and by binding himself to pay an annual 
 tribute. He now returned to Sind, and from that time the rulers 
 of this country have been tributary to the kings of Hind. 'Umax 
 soon forgot his imprisonment and sufferings, and stretched forth the 
 hand of tyranny over the people of Samma, the ancient tenants 
 of the soil. Many families were driven by his exactions to abandon 
 the land of their birth and seek refuge in Kach,' which lies between 
 Guzerat and Sind, and this land by God's mercy they have occupied 
 to the present day. 
 
 The dynasty of Samma. 
 
 Old story tellers relate that when God resolved to destroy the 
 people of Siiinra (who occupied the city of Muhammad Tur and its 
 vicinity, where ruin had followed the erection of the hand of Alor) 
 80 utterly that not a sign of them should be left in the land, he 
 decreed that their lives should be passed in the commisBion of un- 
 worthy acts and of crimes. Young and old became intent on 
 violence and mischiefl They belonged to the Hindu faith, yet they 
 ate the flesh of buffalos, although eating the flesh of the cow is held 
 in abhorrence according to that religion. The labouring classes and 
 landholders of the Sammas also held the same belief, yet never drank 
 wine without partaking of a young buffalo calf. One of these 
 animals was taken openly and forcibly by the Sumras from the 
 house of a Samma at a time when the latter had gone out, and the 
 wine cup passed freely. When the owner returned, his wife 
 taunted him with what had occurred ; " To-day," said she, " they 
 have seized a young buffalo to roast, and to-morrow they will take 
 away your women in the same disgraceful way. Either give us, 
 your wives, freely to these men or quit the place." This person 
 was a man of rank and honour ; so collecting his friends and re- 
 latives, he raised a great cry and sallied forth. A number of the 
 people of Siimra were assembled at the time ; he fell on this body 
 and killed several of them ; then, packing up all his valuables, he 
 set out for Kach with as many of his relatives as could accompany 
 him. 
 
 1 [Theteithas "Kanj."] 
 
T&B.XKH.-I TAHIRr, 267 
 
 They had haardly reached the Eann, or desert, which extends 
 from the ocean between the countries of Sind and Guzerat, when a 
 powerful army of Sumras OYertook them and tried to pacify them, 
 but the fugitives dreaded them too much to have any wish to return. 
 Fighting commenced, and many fell on both sides. The fugitives 
 nevertheless reached the land of Kach, which was occupied by the 
 tribe of Chawara, and they settled there in the desert with their 
 property. After a time, when they had ascertained who were the 
 chiefs in those parts, they represented to them that they were 
 numerous and had come there for protection, that they craved a 
 portion of land to cultivate, the produce of which would suffice for 
 their wants, and free the commnnity from aU expense on their 
 account. A small tract of uncultivated land was given to them by 
 the Chawaras under the conditions that whatever grain they grew 
 thereon should be theirs, but that aU the grass should be sent into 
 the government forts, as the former would suffice for them. The 
 agreement was entered into, and the land was brought into culti- 
 vation. 
 
 It appears that finally the settlers became masters of the soil by 
 the following stratagem. For some years after their immigration, 
 they went on settling and cultivating the land faithfully, according 
 to treaty ; they sending the grass grown on their lands to the forts 
 of the chiefs of this country of desert and hills.' "When they had 
 got a firm footing and become thoroughly acquainted with the state 
 of the country and th^ resources of its chiefs, it appeared to them 
 that, if, with one accord, they managed their afifairs with discretion, 
 they might succeed in getting the upper hand. They therefore 
 resolved to put into execution some carefully matured stratagem for 
 this purpose. This was the plan : that in every cart-load of hay 
 two armed men should be concealed and sent into the fortress. 
 Five hundred loads formed the yearly contribution. This hay was 
 now conveyed in that number of carts ; in each were concealed two 
 armed men, "fend a third sat on the top ; so that about fifteen hundred 
 men were all sent off together, and those who remained outside 
 held themselves in readiness and listened for the shouts of the others. 
 At the fort gate was always kept a learned astrologer, whose duty 
 
268 HISTOEIANS OF SIND. 
 
 it was, from time to time, to warn the guards of coming events. As 
 soon as the leading carts reached the entrance, the astrologer dis- 
 covered that raw meat was concealed in them and proclaimed it 
 with loud cries. The guardians of the gate jumped up and drove 
 their spears into the hay in such a manner that the points entered 
 the breasts of the enterprising youths within. But, oh, the heroism 
 they displayed ! As the spears were withdi-awn they wiped the 
 bloody points with their clothes, so that not a speck of blood ap- 
 peared upon them ; and all the day that truthful soothsayer was 
 disbelieved, no further search was made, and all the carts entered 
 the fort. "When night came on, these resolute men, both within and 
 without the walls prepared for action as had been previously con- 
 certed. Sword in hand, those who were inside fell upon the com- 
 mandant of the fort and slew him. They then beat the drums to 
 announce their triumph. Their friends without, hearing the signal, 
 and knowing all was right, rushed at the gate and smote every one 
 of its defenders who had the bravery to resist them. So great was 
 the carnage, that words cannot describe it.^ 
 
 Thus the oomitry which lies along the sea became subject to the 
 people of the Samma,' and their descendants are dominant there to 
 this day. Baf Bhara and Jam Sihta, the Eajas of both Great and 
 Little Kaoh, are descended from the Samma tribe. Among these 
 people the tika is conferred upon the Eaf. When one of the Jams 
 of Little Kach dies, another is appointed in his place, but the 
 sovereignty and the tfka are not bestowed upon Mm until such times 
 as the Eai of Great Kach dies. "When a successor has been ap- 
 pointed he is obeyed by all ; and all those who assemble to appoint 
 the Eai present to him horses, honorary dresses, and many other 
 things, according to ancient custom. "Whenever a well or a tank is 
 dug in either of the divisions of Kach, the Chawaras — formerly the 
 masters of the soil, now the ryots — are consulted and brought to 
 approve of the project before it is carried into execution. 
 
 ' The Bcene of this stratagem was GvSntri, in Kachh, of which the remarkahle 
 ruins are well worthy of a visit. — See Journal Asiatic Society of Sengal, Feb. 1838, 
 p. 102. 
 
 ' Respecting the Samma migration to this province, sceZ)r. Muma' Mist. ofCutch, 
 Introduction, pp. xi , liv. 
 
TAKrKH-I TAHIEl'. 269 
 
 Strange customs of the Tribes. 
 Be it known to men of enlightened minds ttat these people had 
 many strange customs, such as the strong branding the stamp of 
 slavery upon the shoulders of the weak. As an instance of this, a 
 man named Diida Sumra attempted to enslave his own brothers, 
 and when any one of them resisted, sought means to kill him. Such 
 was the prevailing stupidity of these people, that whenever they 
 placed themselves in the barber's hands, they had the nails of their 
 hands and feet extracted by the roots, and this violent process caused 
 such distress, that they lost all recollection for a time. A sensible 
 man one day enquired why they inflicted such tortures on them- 
 selves. They replied, that there was this wide difference between 
 them and other people, that they did what others could not.' The 
 clothes which they had once worn were never again put on. To 
 wear them a second time would have been held highly improper. A 
 woman who had brought forth a child was no longer allowed to shara 
 her husband's bed. At length, one of them, a fond and clever wife, 
 becoming pregnant, revolved in her mind that, after the birth of 
 the chUd, she would lose the society of her husband, and that she 
 must therefore think of some means to convince him that childbirth 
 did not render a female impure, and to banish all such ideas from his 
 miad. This was her plan : whatever clothes her husband took off 
 she gave to the washerman, with orders to wash them most care- 
 fully. One day the husband took a bath, and asked for cloths 
 wherewith to dry his limbs. He was supplied with some of those 
 which had been washed and put aside. These appeared to him so 
 unusually soft, that he enquired what kind of fresh cloth it was. 
 His wife told him, and he so niuch approved of what she had done, 
 that he declared his intention of wearing washed clothes for the 
 future. The wife, on hearing this, exclaimed that such also was the 
 condition of women ; why, then, should men cast them off ? The 
 husband abandoned both of these foolish practices, and aU the tribe 
 followed his example. 
 
 1 The Tuhfatu-l Kirdm (p. 36) ascribes to them a more probable answer, viz., 
 that the chiefs alone did it to distinguish them from their inferiors, It is curiouj 
 that Blrdni ascribes to Indian chiefs the Chinese practice of allowing their nails to 
 grow so that it might be understood they had the means of living without manual 
 labour. M. Seinaud, Memoirs sur V Inde, p. 288. 
 
270 HISTOHIANS OF SIND. 
 
 All that remain of them at the present day are good Muham- 
 madans and God-fearing men ; so much so, that Darwesh Daud, 
 Mian Hamul and Mian Ismail Sumra, who were among the chief men 
 of the town of Akham, in the Pargana of Samawfitf, entertained five 
 hundred students of the Kuran, in the college, feeding and clothing 
 them all, for the love of God, at their own expense. The late Mirzd 
 Muhammad Baki Tarkhan, notwithstanding his parsimony and 
 economy,' which will be described when I speak of him, gave 
 away, in charity, the produce of his husbandry. His collectors once 
 complained to him, that a certain darwesh, not content with having 
 tilled every bit of land in the district, sought to appropriate all 
 their lord's possessions to his own use. Find therefore, said they, 
 some other employment for the present cultivators. The Mirza 
 replied : " that he should tiU my lands is but little, were he to 
 drive a plough over my head, I should deem it a favour." Fakirs, 
 widows, and the poor were the recipients of his bounty. A well- 
 provided table was at all hours spread for his guests, — ^but he himself 
 constantly fasted. "When the hour came to break the fast, a barley- 
 loaf, without salt, constituted his only food. A guest coming to him 
 one day, a sumptuous meal was ordered for him, but the guest did 
 not partake of it. "Why," asked the Mirza, " do you not like the 
 food ? " "I wish," replied the stranger, " to eat off the same 
 plate with your majesty." " Oh, what happiness," exclaimed the 
 latter. "When evening came, he bid his guest to come and share with 
 him the barley-loaf — ^that being all his meal. " Oh," said the man, 
 " I thought your own meal would have been better than what you 
 gave your guests ; this was the cause of my indiscretion, but pray 
 pardon me ; I am satisfied to partake of the former repast" The 
 host replied : " Yes, the dainty repast is best suited to your taste, the 
 mere loaf is plenty for mine ; for it is no light task to conquer the 
 flesh and abjure the world — the world, that faithless creature, that 
 slays her husband and devours her aons-in-law. No true man will 
 give her a place in his heart. To do so is the act of the mean-spirited. 
 Renounce the faithless harlot in the four extremities of the universe, 
 and cleanse the skirt of your robe from aU desire of her." 
 
TARriCH-l TAIIIRr. 271 
 
 Religious men love not the world, 
 
 For they seek not women. 
 
 If you are bound in the chains of a woman, 
 
 Boast not again of your manliness. 
 
 Hare you not read in the ancient book, 
 
 What befel Hueain and Hasan, owing to a woman ? 
 
 A woman, be she good or had, should be thus treated : 
 
 Press your foot upon her neck. 
 
 Depopulation of the country of the Sitmras. 
 
 "When through the tyranny of Dalu Kai, the river of the town of Alor 
 became dry, the passage of the river of the Panjab came to be made 
 near Siwan, and that town, •which is still flourishiag, became populated. 
 The want of water ruined the lands of the tribe of Sumra, and the 
 tyranny of Duda Siimra drove many complaining to the Sultan 
 'Alau-d d£n, at Delhi. This monarch sent back with them a powerful 
 army, under the command of the royal general named Salar. The men 
 of Siimra prepared themselves to die, and sent off their children in 
 charge of a minstrel, to be placed .nder the protection of Ibra Ibrani- 
 This Ibra was one of the very Sammas who had fled from the persecu- 
 tions of the men of Sumra, and had made themselves masters of 
 Kach in the manner which has been related above. It is a custom of 
 these people to hold in high respect their minstrels, such as the 
 Katriyas, the Charans, the Doms and the Marats (?). After the 
 departure of their families, numerous engagements took place between 
 the men of Sumra and the Sultan's army. Sahar Sultani, the 
 Sumra commander, was slain in the field of battle, and the remainder 
 sought safety in flight. The royal army advanced in pursuit of the 
 women and children. From the capital, Muhammad Tur, to Kach 
 they proceeded march by march, digging every night a deep trench 
 round their camp, through fear of their foes.' Such was the extent 
 of these trenches, that, to this day, great pools still remain. When 
 they reached the confines of Kach, Ibra Samma, the ruler of the 
 country, fought stoutly in defence of the children and fugitives, but 
 fell at last in the field. The women, whose countenances no stranger 
 had ever beheld, were now surrounded on all sides. These virtuous 
 women saw that the royal army had come to carry them into captivity, 
 
 ' [jb ,^^j JT j»-Jjl] 
 
272 HISTOBIANS OF SIKD. 
 
 and that there was no refuge for them but in God's mercy ; then, 
 raising their hands in supplication, they exclaimed : " We have no 
 other help, oh God I but in thee. Cause this mountain to protect us, 
 poor helpless creatures, and save us from the hands of our cruel enemies." 
 The prayer of these women was heard by Him, the nearest and 
 dearest friend : the rock burst asunder, and showed openings, through 
 which they all entered, and before the enemy could reach the spot 
 they were all hidden ; but fragments of their garments remained 
 without, showing where they had passed. The pursuers were struck 
 with awe, and retraced their steps. That mountain, and traces (of 
 this event) may be seen to this day, in the land of Kach. In short, 
 as no man was left in Sind, among the Sumras, of sufficient power 
 to govern the country, the Samma people set to work to cultivate 
 new territories on another part of the river. 
 
 The Sammas, after the expulsion of the tribe of Sumra, found 
 the town of Sdmui-dbdd. 
 
 After the destruction of the power of the above-named tribe the 
 dynasty of the Samma ruled from the beginning of the year 843 h. 
 (1439 A.D.) until the date of the total ruin of Sind.' The Samma 
 people, who had been subject to the Sumras in the days of their rule, 
 founded a town and fort below the Makali mountain. The former 
 they called Samui,' and the latter Taghurabad, of which Jam Taghur 
 had laid the foundation, but had left unfinished.' Other towns 
 and villages, still flourishing, were also built by them, — but the 
 spots cultivated during the domiuion of the former masters of the 
 soil soon ran to waste for want of water. Lands hitherto barren, 
 were now carefully cultivated ; there was hardly a span of ground 
 untilled. The divisions into suhas and parganas, which are main- 
 tained to the present day iu the province of Tatta, were made by 
 
 ' The text eays 849 h. (U45 A.D.),but it was stated above that the SiSmra dynasty 
 closed in 843 h. And again at p. 61 of the original, it is stated that the Samma dynasty 
 lasted 84 years, closing with the establishment of Shih Husain Arghdn's power in 
 927 H. (1521 A.D.), the invasion of his father in 921 h. counting for nothing. We must, 
 therefore, necessarily assume 843 H. to be the correct reading, incorrect as it is in fact. 
 
 2 [The name is here written " SM."] 
 
 » See Appendix respecting these places. Taghur&bkd is in other works called 
 Tughlik&bad. 
 
TARTKH-I TAHIEr. 273 
 
 these people. When the labour and skill of each individual had 
 brought the land to this state of prosperity, Jam Nanda bin Babiniya 
 was acknowledged by all, great and smaU., as their chief, and re- 
 ceived the title of Jam, which is the name of honour among these 
 people. Such splendour spread over what had been but dreary 
 solitudes, that it seemed as if a new world had sprung into'existence. 
 Before his time, there was nothing worthy of being recorded, 
 but his reign was remarkable for its justice and an increase of 
 Muhammadanism. I have omitted none of the events which oc- 
 curred in his reign and in after years, as they have been related 
 to me by old residents of those parts. This chieftain passed 
 his days and nights in devotion. He permitted no one man to 
 tyrannise over another ; the poor were so happy that all the day long 
 his name was on their lips. Peace and security prevailed to such an 
 extent, that never was this prince called upon to ride forth to battle, 
 and never did a foe take the field against him. When, in the 
 morning, he went, as was his custom, to his stables to look at his 
 horses, he would caress them, kiss their feet, and exclaim : " Heaven 
 forbid that an invader approach my dominions, or that it ever be my 
 fate to saddle these animals, and engage in war ! May God keep 
 every one happy in his place ! " 
 
 The foundation of Tatta. 
 
 After he had dwelt some time in the city of Sal, the thought 
 entered his mind to build, at some auspicious moment, a new town, 
 where happiness might remain for ever. Brahmans and astrologers 
 having settled a lucky day, and having sought a spot in the neighbour- 
 hood of Samui, they selected an eligible place, where now stands the 
 city of Tatta, and there, with the assent of the Jam. the foundation 
 was laid. A division of the land having been made, mansions and 
 houses were constructed. la truth, at such a fortunate moment was 
 the foundation of this place laid, that trouble and affliction have 
 never visited its inhabitants. Contented with what they possess, 
 they carry on their affairs in luxury and ease. The cheerfulness and 
 happiness which reigns among these people has never yet been, nor 
 ever will be found elsewhere. Each month has several 'Tds for 
 
 VOL. I. 18 
 
274 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 tliem ; the first Friday after the new moon, they call in their Sindi 
 language, Mdh-pahra JwaCa. Such a crowd of men and women 
 flock, on this day, to the Makali monntain, that there is scarce room 
 to stand. It has heoome a custom, among many classes, to consider 
 the similar festival of Mah-pahra Somdr — or the first Monday in 
 each month — a great day for making pilgrimages. The pleasure of 
 visiting each other, induces them to go in large parties, taking with 
 them abundance of sweet river water and food such as they can 
 afford. The day is spent in amusements, and visits to the shrines. 
 The reason why they take water with them is, thai the rain-water 
 found in the tanks contiguous to the tombs is brackish, owing to the 
 nitrous nature of the soil, and consequently, though fit for oblations, is 
 not fit to drink. When evening puts a close to these pleasures, they 
 seek their own abode. Besides the shrine of the Shaikh of Shaikhs, 
 Shaikh Patta, there are some ten or twelve other places, where 
 dar\7eshes perform their dance. These excitable men often work 
 themselves into such a state of holy ecstaoy, that they cast themselves 
 on the rocks of the mountain of Makali ; but by the blessing of their 
 learned doctors and teachers, no harm befalls them. This custom, 
 however much opposed to the laws of Islam, has been transmitted 
 from generation to generation, and all the attempts of wise teachers 
 and just governors have never succeeded in putting a stop to it. 
 More wonderful still, is the fact that, during the rainy months, only 
 a few showers fall on the mountain. At its summit is a pond, which 
 they call " Kira tal," or sweet tank; so long as the water of the 
 heavens fills it, men and women of all classes, Hindus and Musul- 
 mans, cro.wd there from morning till night; there they cook their 
 meals, and feast. What 'id, what wedding can ever boast of so 
 numerous an attendance ? He alone, who has seen and tasted of 
 these pleasures, can understand this ! The custom has long prevailed 
 among these people, and what time has sanctioned they never 
 relinquish. Other nations possess greater wealth, and greater skill ; 
 but such light-heartedness and contentment, as to labour for one day 
 and repose for the rest of the week, to have but moderate desires 
 and enjoy boundless ease, this has been reserved for the people of 
 Tatta alone. 
 
TARrEH-I TA'HIRr. 275 
 
 Elevation of Darya Khan by Jam Nanda, who had purchased him 
 
 from Lakzhtr. 
 
 When Jam Nanda, son of Babiniya had to the gratification of his 
 
 friends, become the occupant of the throne of Tatta, he embellished 
 
 the new city and ruled with so much justice and moderation that 
 
 every citizen found happiness at his own hearth. 
 
 " That spot is Elysium where oppression comes not 
 Where no one interferes with another." 
 
 One day he went out to hunt, taking with him his minister Lakzhir.' 
 
 The latter had with him a young slave named Kabiila, to whom was 
 
 entrusted the care of his master's drinking-water. This boy was in 
 
 reality the son of a Saiyid, but having fallen into captivity, he had 
 
 been purchased by the minister. The Jam, becoming thirsty during 
 
 the chase, called for water. His own water-carrier not being on the 
 
 spot, the miaister ordered his boy to fill a cup for the king. The 
 
 lad, young in years but old in wisdom, filled the cup and threw in 
 
 it some small blades of grass. The Jam put down the cup, and 
 
 asked him what grass had to do in drinking water. The slave 
 
 replied : " I saw your highness was very thirsty, and I feared lest 
 
 you should drink too large a quantity and suffer from it in riding ; 
 
 I therefore put in the water these small obstacles, that you might 
 
 drink in moderation." There was nothing so wonderful in this, but 
 
 the boy's destiny befriended him, and the Jam was much pleased. 
 
 He took Kabiila from the minister and made him one of his personal 
 
 attendants. Day by day his affection for the youth increased, and 
 
 finding him possessed of sufficient abilities to administer the affairs 
 
 of the kingdom, or even to govern one, he soon conferred upon him 
 
 the title of Mubarak Khan and employed him ia all difficult matters. 
 
 He loved him better than his own children and relatives. The Jam 
 
 had many good men around him, such as Wazir Dilshad, who in the 
 
 year 912 h. (1506 A.U.) carried his victorious arms from Tatta as far as 
 
 the city of Uch, yet Mubarak carried off from all of them the ball of 
 
 good fortune, and was honoured by the king with the management of 
 
 the affairs of the State in preference to bis own son, Jam Fi'roz. He 
 
 brought the country, from Multan to the borders of Kandahar and 
 
 ' The Tuhfaturl Kirdm (p. 40) is doubtful about the real name, saying it is 
 " Lahakdir," or " Lahgir." 
 
276 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 from Kaoli to Makran, into such subjection, that if at midnight one 
 of his officers carried an order to any of the Zaminddrs and Biimiyas 
 of these territories, it was instantly and gratefully obeyed. Such 
 was the terror of his name in these turbulent provinces, that a 
 pregnant woman miscarried if she heard of his approach. So far 
 had spread the fame and dread of his incursions, that the words — 
 " Silence, the terrible chieftain is coming," were enough to stop the 
 crying of a wayward child. ' 
 
 When at length, after a reign of seventy-three years. Jam Nanda 
 passed from this perishable world to the abodes of immortality, he 
 confided the care of the kingdom, of his treasures, his family, and 
 his son Jam Firoz, to Darya Khan. "The management of the 
 affairs of this kingdom," said the dying ruler, " devolves on thee. 
 Discharge thy duty to Jam Firoz with zeal and self devotion."' 
 
 8ack and burning of Thatta^ hy the Firingis. 
 
 In the year 973 h. (1565 a.d.,) near the end of his life, Mirza 'Tea 
 Tarkhan, proceeded with his son, Mirza Muhammad Baki, in the 
 direction of Bhakkar. As they drew near the town of Durbela, a 
 dependency of Bhakkar, Mahmud Khan, having strengthened his 
 stronghold, sent forth his army to meet them, for, thought he, what 
 breach of contract is this ? They bring an army into my territory I 
 What can be their object? It was the intention of Muhammad 
 Baki, to detach the Parganah of Durbela, from the province of 
 Bhakkar, and to incorporate it in that of Siwan ; but he was 
 frustrated in this design by the army of Mahmud Khan, which was 
 powerful, and was everywhere prepared for fight. Blood had not 
 yet been spilled, when, suddenly, news came from Thatta, that the 
 Piringi's had passed L£hori Bandar, and attacked the city. The gates 
 
 ^ See Appendix. 
 
 * The author does not distinctly inform us that DaryS. Kh&n was the same person 
 as Mubferat Khiu, but the heading of the section implies that he was, and we are 
 explicitly told so in the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm. Mir M'dsum and the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm 
 say that DarySi JQi4n was the J&m's adopted son. Firishta calls him a relation of 
 the J4m's, and speaks of Mub&rak Khan and DaryS. Kh&u as two individuals. 
 
 ' [The author has hitherto used the Persian form " Tatta."] 
 
TAErKH-I TAHlRr. 277 
 
 were closed, said the despatcli ; if the army returned without delay, 
 the place would be delivered ; otherwise, the enemy was strong, and 
 would effect his object. This intelligence caused the Mirza to desist 
 from prosecuting the quarrel any further. Leaving the country under 
 the rule of the Kh&i, he speedily embarked in his boats, and departed. 
 Before he could arrive, the Firingf s had sacked the city, and filled it 
 with fire and slaughter. Many of the inhabitants had found an 
 asylum in the Jama' Masjid of Mir Farrukh Arghun, which they 
 quitted, on hearing of the Mirzd's approach. The mode of the 
 Firingis coming was as follows : — Between the town of Thatta 
 and Lahori Bandar is a distance of two days journey — both by land 
 and by water ; beyond this, it is another day's march to the sea. 
 There is a small channel, (called ndr in the language of Thatta), 
 eommimicating with the port ; it is in some places about ten tandhs 
 wide, in others, something more. It is unfordable. Between the 
 port and the ocean there is but one inhabited spot, called Sui Miani. 
 Here a guard belonging to the Mir Bandar, or port-master, with a 
 loaded piece of ordnance, is always stationed. Whenever a ship 
 enters the creek, it intimates its approach by firing a gun, which is 
 responded to by the guard-house, in order, by that signal, to inform 
 the people at the port, of the arrival of a strange vessel. These, 
 again, instantly send word of its arrival to the merchants of Thatta, 
 and then embarking on boats, repair to the place where the guard is 
 posted. Ere they reach it, those on the look-out have already 
 enquired into the nature of the ship. Every vessel and trader must 
 undergo this questioning. All concerned in the business, now go in 
 their boats, [ghrdbs) to the mouth of the creek. If the ship belong to 
 the port it is allowed to move up and anchor under Lahori Bandar ; 
 if it belong to some other port, it can go no further, its cargo is 
 transferred into boats, and forwarded to the city. To be brief, when 
 these Firingi traders had got so far, and learned that the king of the 
 country was away on a distant expedition, they felt that no serious 
 obstacle could be made to their advance. The Mir Bandar wished to 
 enforce the regulations, but he was plainly told by the foreigners 
 that they had no intention of staying at the Bandar, but that they 
 intended to proceed on to Thatta, in the small boats (ghrdbs) in 
 which they had come. There they would take some relaxation, sell 
 
278 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 tlieir goods, buy others, and then return. The ill-provided governor, 
 unable to resist them by force, for their plans had been well laid, was 
 fain to give in ; so, passing beyond the Bandar, the riringis moved 
 in boats, up the river Sind towards Thatta, plundering as they 
 went all the habitations on the banks. The ruler of the country 
 being away, no one had sufiScient power to arrest the progress of the 
 invaders. They reached the city unmolested; but here the gamson, 
 left by the Mirza, defended the place with the greatest gallantry. A 
 spirited contest with artilleiy took place on th« banks of the river. 
 In the end the defenders were overpowered ; the enemy penetrated 
 the ciiy, and had made themselves fully masters of it, when the 
 Mirza arrived in all haste. As soon as they heard of his being near, 
 with a powerful army, they loaded their boats with as much spoil as 
 they could contain, and withdrew.' 
 
 The Mirza, who had previously laid the foundation of a citadel 
 for protection against the Arghuns, now deemed it necessary to 
 encircle his palace and the whole city, with fortifications. 
 
 His reign ended with his life in the year 984 h. (1576 a.d.) His 
 
 wealth and kingdom passed into the hands of his son — Muhammad 
 
 Baki. 
 
 « « O •« iS ■ o o 
 
 Extermination of the principal Inhabitants of Thatta. 
 
 Mirza Muhammad Baki ruled with a strong hand, and ruin fell 
 upon the houses and property of the people. No one dared to oppose 
 his improper proceedings. He did not consider it expedient, that 
 any one with pretensions to eminence, learning, or genius, should be 
 left in undisturbed tranquillity. Nobles and plebeians, men of rank, 
 and men without rank, Saiyids, Shaiklis, Kdzis and Judges, were all 
 driven from their time-honoured abodes, and ordered to dwell without 
 the city, as the Mirza was of opinion that they were disaffected. 
 To the eldest son of Miyan Saiyid 'Ali, although married to the 
 daughter of Muhammad's brother, Mirza SaHh, no more leniency was 
 shown ; he experienced the same treatment as the rest. Tyranny 
 became the rule. Of the travellers from all parts who passed 
 through the country, those whom he deemed worthy of notice were 
 
 ' See further in the Appendix on the subject of the Portuguese proceedings. 
 
TsnrKH-i TAHiRr. 279 
 
 summoned to his presence. So affably were they received, and such 
 the apparent kindness shown to them, that it served as a balm to the 
 weariness of travel. The beguiled stranger was deluded into the 
 belief, that, in the wide world, there could not exist so benevolent 
 a patron to travellers. When the visitors were preparing to depart, 
 the Mirza would say to his Mir Bohr, or superintendent of his 
 Boat Department, that, as the breezes of his kingdom were soft and 
 balmy, and river-excursions tended to cheerfulness, he must place a 
 handsome boat at their disposal. As soon as they had been thus 
 politely enticed into the middle of the stream, a plank was taken out 
 of the bottom of the boat, and the unhappy travellers were drowned- 
 This was done to prevent the chance of anyone talking of this 
 favoured land elsewhere, so that the country, which had required 
 such labour and pains to subdue, should find another conqueror. 
 Any poor traveller, not considered fit to appear in the presence, was 
 simply put to death.' Such was the meanness of this prince, that, 
 only once a week, on Thursdays, was a meal prepared in the Biwdn 
 -Tchdna; beyond this, he gave away nothing. If he heard of any 
 person living generously in his own house, it mattered not whether 
 he were a relative or otherwise, a citizen or a soldier, he' laid the 
 hand of tyranny on his possessions, nor withdrew it so long as a 
 thing was left to take. Cunning showed itself iu every word he 
 spoke. Seated in the audience-tent, hardly a moment passed, but he 
 said to his nobles : "Bring me gold, bring me grain ; let this be your 
 sole occupation, for these form the basis of power." The privations 
 which he had formerly endured led him to heap treasure upon 
 treasure, and grain upon grain. Not a corner of the citadel of 
 Thatta but was filled with rice. Often the giain got clotted, and the 
 heat arising therefrom occasioned spontaneous combustion, but the 
 Mirza would not have it removed from the fort, nor allow it to be 
 given away. At harvest-time he held a revenue audit, and collecting 
 aU his dependents, he paid them, according to their dues, by assign- 
 ments, partly in grain and partly in money. At length, one day his 
 
 ' Several other instances of this wretch's cruelty are recorded in the Tdrikh-i 
 Tdhiri. He delighted in eradicating beards, slitting ears, cutting ofif women's 
 breasts, and trampling men to death under elephants ; until at length both Musul- 
 maus and Hiudds prayed to be delivered from his tyranny. [According to this author 
 he died by his own hand.] 
 
280 HISTOEIANS OF SIND. 
 
 officers respectfully informed Mm that the fort was so full of old and 
 new grain, that no room could be found for the produce of the coming 
 harvest. The grain was getting clotted and humt, so that it was 
 best to assist the people with it, for, by this means, something would 
 be saved at all events. The Mirza replied, that they should have his 
 answer on the morrow. During the night, he ordered some loaves to 
 be made of clay. When the nobles came in the morning to pay 
 their respects, the Mirza ordered the cloth to be spread, and, contrary 
 to custom, invited them to eat. They screwed up their courage, and 
 wondered what evil was impending. For any officer of the state 
 who incurred the ruler's displeasure was usually cut into pieces, 
 which were placed in dishes, and carefully sent to his officers' houses, 
 as a warning, to keep up a perpetual dread of his punishment. As 
 the wondering and terrified nobles removed the dish covers, and 
 beheld the strange-looking loaves laid out for the woeful meal, 
 they cast glances from one to another, as if to say, what can this 
 mean ? Their host asked why they did not partake of the food before 
 them. " You have aU I can give you," said he ; " perchance you are 
 wealthy men, and do not like my simple fare." Impelled by fear, 
 some of the ministers took iiie burnt rice-loaves. The Mirza angrily 
 enquired why they did not also partake of the other loaves. They 
 replied : " Sire, your prosperity and wisdom are great : but to eat clay 
 is difficult. In his fierce anger he became abusive, and exclaimed, 
 " Oh ! ye simpletons, how long will your wisdom ensure the welfare 
 of my kingdom ? Useless grain may at times render good service, 
 for is it not better than clay ? It may serve as food for the 
 maintenance of life. Of what good are you, since the mere sight of 
 clay-bread has half killed you 1 and you give me unsuitable advice ! 
 Have you not heard, how, when Himiayun came into this country 
 and Mirza Shah Husain Arghun laid waste the whole land, and gave 
 orders for the sowing of grain,' what hunger and misery were 
 endured ; how raw hides and old skins were cooked in hot water 
 and eaten?'" 
 
 These are facts : — It is indeed related that, at the time of the 
 
 * The auttor has previously given an account of this famine at page 61 of the 
 original, where he deals with this particular period of Sind history. 
 
TARrZH-I TAHIEr. 281 
 
 Emperor's flight and the devastation of the country by the Mirza, 
 extreme misery drove the men of Sind to eat their own kind. A 
 man, having lost a cow, went with some friends to seek for it. 
 They reached a plain where some youths, who had just come there, 
 had placed a pot on a fire and were cookiag meat. The owner of 
 the cow and his friends took these people for thieves, and felt con- 
 vinced that they were cooking some portion of the lost animal, which 
 they had stolen. So they seized and bound them, asking what meat 
 they were preparing, and whence they had procured it. These 
 youths could not answer for fear, but, when the whip was applied, 
 they found power to say that they were brothers and once had a 
 mother. They had been dreadfully pinched with hunger. The 
 mother, in her love, said that death was preferable to such an exist- 
 ence. She could not bear to see her children perish before her 
 eyes, and besought them to kill her and satisfy the cravings of their 
 hunger. They refrained as long as they could from such a cruel 
 expedient, but at length, unable to contain themselves, they killed 
 their mother, and this was her flesh in the pot. The story was not 
 believed. The villagers said, that before they would credit it, their 
 own eyes must have some proof. The unhappy brothers took their 
 captors to the spot where the entrails had been thrown ; this 
 sight caused them to be more flrmly bound, for the villagers main- 
 tained that some other person must have been sacrificed to their 
 cravings, and that this was not their mother. The wretched lads sup- 
 plicated and swore in vain ; their punishment began, and the blows 
 they received drew forth screams and lamentations. Then suddenly 
 those entraUs moved rapidly from the spot where they lay, and 
 curled themselves around the feet of their tormentors. This was a 
 warning. Suspicion at once fled before this miracle. What could 
 it portend ? An old man of the party spoke : — " These youths told 
 us the truth. How great is the tender love of a mother, since even 
 after death her remains come and cling to your feet pleading for the 
 deliverance of her ofispring ! " 
 
282 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 The Mirzd sends his daughter, Sindi Begam, to the Emperor. 
 
 When the possession of the province of Bhakkar had been secured 
 to the Emperor, by the valour of Mujahid Ghazi, the relatives of 
 Mahmud Khan became favourites with him. Mirza Muhammad 
 Baki — ^who had, even before this event, entertained most extravagant 
 fears for his own dominions — resolved to strengthen the alliance by 
 giving his daughter in marriage to the monarch. The Mulla, whom 1 
 have previously mentioned, related to me, that he was one day 
 secretly sent for by the Mirza, who addressed binn as follows: — "T 
 have often thought, and still think, that Hazrat Jalalu-d din Akbar 
 Shah is a mighty monarch. The pettiest of his officers — Mujahid — 
 with only fifty horsemen, has overcome Mahmud Khan Kokaltash, a 
 man who can boast of an iron frame, and of strength equal to that of 
 Isfandyar, who possesses, moreover, a strong fortress, situate between 
 two wide rivers. What if the Emperor should send an army in this 
 direction ? desolation would spread over this peaceful land ! The 
 province of Bhakkar has been, to this time, a solid barrier against 
 his encroachments, but it is so no longer. It will be wise, ere an 
 army march hither, to send the Begam, accompanied by some of the 
 chief men of this country, to wait upon the Emperor. Such an union 
 may perhaps preserve us from the grasp of these fierce fire-eating 
 warriors. What think you of this plan ? " Being entirely and sin- 
 cerely devoted to the Mirza, the Mulla replied, that this vain proposal 
 would certainly be attributed to want of courage and manliness. 
 This speech proving anything but agreeable, the chieftain drew his 
 sword, and advanced angrily towards the speaker, asking, how he 
 dared to use such disrespectful language to him? The Mulla replied, 
 with sincere feeling, that the Mirza, was at liberty to kill him, but 
 that he had spoken advisedly. " Did his lord suppose the Emperor 
 had any thought of him ? What if the maiden were so little liked, 
 as to be excluded from the royal harem, and sent back again ! What 
 shame, what dishonour would be the result ! Would the prince, for 
 the sake of a kingdom, briug disgrace upon his whole family." At 
 these words, the Mirza's anger flashed like lightning ; he grew rest- 
 less as quicksilver, and foaming at the mouth, he exclaimed : Kemove 
 this vnretch from before my eyes, lest I shed his blood this very day," 
 As the Mulla withdrew from his presence, he unburdened his mind 
 
TA'RrKH-I TA'HIRr. 283 
 
 of what still remained there. " To represent the true state of a case 
 was," he said, " the duty of a loyal servant. He had incurred his 
 master's anger by so doing, but, even in this he felt himself happy 
 and honoured. What imported it to him, if the Emperor sent back 
 the princess ! What recked he, if he gave her away to one of his 
 favourites, better men than the Mirza himself 1 You, he exclaimed, 
 are a prince. Tou know no law but your own will : do that which 
 shall be most pleasing to you." This advice, bitter withal, was 
 heard, but not heeded. The opinion of other friends, and his own 
 prevailed. That light of the eyes was sent to the Imperial court, 
 escorted by Saiyid Jalal, son of 'All Shirazi, and son-in-law of 
 Mirza Salih, Muhammad Baki's own brother, and by Khwaja Mir 
 Beg Diwan, provided with rich presents, and a suitable dowry. 
 Having reached the Emperor's presence, the messengers kissed his 
 feet, and displayed to view what they had brought. The valuables 
 were then made over to the treasurer, but that most precious gem of 
 all, that paragon of virtue, was introduced into the seraglio. There, 
 the powerful monarch, prince of all things, cast but once a momen- 
 tary glance on the countenance of this fair and nobly -bom maiden, 
 after which he would not see her again. He said to himself, that 
 the daughter of Muhammad Baki was not' of a good disposition, 
 and that he would send her to some other person's hai-em. Some 
 Arghuns, of the same descent as the Begam, and who had sought 
 to escape from death at the emperor's court, endeavoured, notwith- 
 standing her father and brothers' enmity, to avert an event which 
 would, they thought, lower the dignity of their family. In defence 
 of the honour and good name of their kinswoman, they represented to 
 the Emperor, that never, to that day, had any member of their house 
 experienced such unkind treatment from former rulers. Let the 
 monarch of the world honour them with his universal benevolence, 
 and send back the maiden to that wretch athirst for the blood of his 
 brethren — who, if the monarch acceded to their wishes, would be 
 iinder an obKgation to them. The order of the Emperor, irresistible 
 as the decree of fate, went forth, that Sindi Begam should be sent 
 back to her father at Thatta. 
 
 * [The negative is wanting iu Sir H. Elliot's MS. i •• ^..,\ ^^ <__>«£i. y^ii-j] 
 
284 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 Sow Sindi Begam returned from the Envperor^s court to her 
 
 Father's. 
 
 At the time tlie Emperor was taking leave of the Begam, he 
 ordered an elephant for her use, and bid her return to her father, 
 whose ancestors, from father to son, had been vassals of the crown. 
 He also added, that a small tract of land had been assigned to the 
 princess ; who, he hoped, would, at the appointed hour of prayer, 
 pray for his welfare and the increase of his prosperity. The party 
 left. A despatch had already been forwarded to the Mirza, 
 in which all these events had been detailed. He might, it was 
 said, consider them as arrived. They had been placed in most 
 critical circumstances, but providence had vouchsafed to preserve 
 his name from disgrace. The Mulla relates that he was sent 
 for by the Mirza, who threw him the document itself, saying ; 
 " Bead this sad news ; what you foretold has come true." He 
 perused the despatch of the nobles escorting the Begam, and found it 
 was even so. He said, " Peace be with you, oh mighty lord ! bow 
 down your head humbly before the One incomparable Being ; 
 render thanks unto God, who has vouchsafed to maintain your honour, 
 and be grateful to your blood-thirsty brethren, the Arghuns, as long 
 as you live. Be kind to those of them still left here, and thus dispel 
 the old enmity subsisting between you. The Mirza, rendered wise 
 and devout at length, was pleased with this speech, and said a few 
 words which he deemed appropriate in thanksgiving. He also sent 
 epistles to the Arghuns, wherever they could be heard of, calling 
 upon them to lose no time in returning ; and promising that com- 
 pensation for their foimer sufferings should be afforded them to the 
 utmost of their wishes. Some of them were slow to return, being 
 doubtful of the chief's intentions ; others, in whose hearts stUl lived 
 the recollections of their fatherland, were content to brave even death. 
 The excessive kindness they experienced proved a balm to the 
 wounds of past persecutions, and surpassed their expectations. 
 
 About this time the Jdgirddrs of the province of Bhakkar, owing 
 to the Emperor's approach, resolved to send their army into the 
 province of Siwan. This territory often suffered from their depre- 
 dations, but they now sought to take it from the Mirza. Eat'h 
 Khan, a slave, ruled that province, but he had made a Hindu called 
 
TARrKH-I TAHIRr. 285 
 
 Juna his agent ; and to any person wishing to address him on affairs 
 of the state, he stupidly said : " I know nothing of this : go to 
 Juna." His son Abu-1 Fat'h led a most dissipated life. He clothed 
 his companions in female apparel, with bracelets on their arms, and 
 kept them hidden in his own abode. He would not eat of food on 
 which a fly had lighted. His associates were usually made to bring 
 many kinds of dishes, and by this means, he plundered them. From 
 the 13th to the 16th of every month his friends were called together, 
 and the time was spent in debauchery. Whole nights passed in the 
 enjoyment of sweetmeats, fruit, and wine ; he gave presents to his 
 guests and attendants. But of all his absurdities this was the 
 greatest : if a flight of birds happened to be pointed out to him, he 
 commenced counting them, throwing in the air either a lari^ or a 
 Firingi gold coin as each passed by. In short, as this miserable 
 state of things prevailed, the Mirza resolved, in order to put a stop 
 to it, to remain himself at the head of affairs in the capital, and send 
 away his children to the frontier and the provinces. 
 
 Arrival of Nawwdb Mirzd Khan, in Siwdn, and his wonder at the 
 Lakki mountain. 
 
 When the illustrious Khan, leaving Bhakkar behind him, arrived 
 in Siwan, his first though was to invest and capture the fort before 
 proceeding any further ; but, after-consideratiori showed him that no 
 substantial benefit conld accrue from the possession of a few mud 
 walls, until both the capital Thatta and the ruler of the coimtry 
 were in his hands. The root is the support, not the branches. The 
 Nawwdb thought it best to leave a detachment behind and move 
 onwards in person with the remainder. This plan was carried into 
 execution. Leaving under his officers some ships which he con- 
 sidered equal to the destruction of the fort, the Khan marched 
 against Mirza Jant Beg. 
 
 When he drew near the Lakki mountain, which wise men hold to 
 be the key of the country, what a sight opened upon him. From the 
 river Sind, stretching away towards the setting sun, rose the above- 
 
 • A silrer coin. 
 
286 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 named mountain, its summits high as the star Aiyuk, and along the 
 face of it ran a path narrower than a hair. Those who pass over 
 climb like a string of ants. If ten resolute men defended this 
 passage, not the world combined could dislodge them, without 
 suffering severely from the stones they could throw down. Adjoining 
 these mountains are many others, on which dwell the tribes of the 
 Buluch and Nahmrui, of the Jokiya and Jat, extending as far as Klch 
 (K£z ?) and Makran. To the eastward of the river are the Mawas and 
 the Samija tribes, spread as far as the sand-hills of Amarkot ; and 
 these are men who have never acknowledged a master. For an 
 army to pass in either of these directions is impracticable. The 
 Nawwab made enquiries about the country and was greatly 
 troubled with what he heard, for if an ambuscade w^ere laid in the 
 valley it would be exceedingly difficult for him to proceed, this 
 being the key of the whole country. Just as orders had been 
 issued for this post to be fortified (as by this means, and by well- 
 laid plans, a secure advance might be made) it was discovered that 
 the enemy had taken no measures to defend the pass. The Khan 
 was delighted, and exclaimed that the star of the monarch of the 
 world had iudeed outshone that of these people, since they neglected 
 to make a stand in so formidable a position ; of a certainty now 
 the country had passed away from their hands. When this saying 
 reached the ears of the Mirza ( Jam' Beg) , keen indeed was his regret 
 for the neglect he and his counsellors had been guilty of. " Truly," 
 said he, " have we committed a great fault of generalship. In short, 
 the Khan advanced without meeting with any obstacle, and, in presence 
 of the Mirza, threw up an iatrenchment and constructed batteries. 
 Momiug and evening, valiant, lion-hearted youths, worthy descend- 
 ants of Mars, came forth from both sides. With such activity did 
 destiny send forth death to do its work in the field, that no symptom 
 of backwardness appeared there ; energy filled every breast, as the 
 warriors strove their utmost. The happy star of the Emperor, and 
 his own genius, inspired the Nawwab to send detachments against 
 various places in the same way that he had encompassed Mirza Jani 
 Beg and the fort of Si'wan. Shah Beg Khan was selected to act 
 against the fort of Shahgar, in the province of Nasrpur, where 
 resided Abu-1 Kasim. Another party of veterans was told off to 
 
TARrKH-I TA'HIRr. 287 
 
 march into the Jdgir country, against the fort of Nirankot. In this 
 war, for every province of the country a force -was appointed, 
 although it was not despatched. 
 
 Mirza Jani Beg Sultan made this agreement with his soldiers, 
 that every one of them who should bring in an enemy's head shotild 
 receive 600 gahars, every one of them worth twelve miri's, 
 called in the Mirza's time, postanis, of which seventy-two went to 
 one tanha. The poor people of Sind, already prepared to give their 
 lives for their lord, were pleased with this show of kindness, and 
 went out daily to bring in heads or lose their own. This style of 
 warfare continued for several months. Giriya, the Hindu, w^ho 
 well knew how matters stood, and the state of the treasury, and had 
 a regard to futui'e exigencies, gradually reduced the reward from 
 500 to fifty gahars. Even for this small sum, the starving people 
 were content to throw themselves without hesitation against the 
 scimitars of the foe. The greater number fell in these contests, and 
 the treasury became empty, so that day by day, the state of the 
 people and of the country grew worse. Mirza Jani Beg found liis 
 only safety in protracting the struggle, and sent forth his yoxmg 
 men on all sides to distract the enemy. Hearing that treasure was 
 on its way by land to the Nawwab Khan's camp, he sent Abii-l 
 Kasimj son of Shah Kasim Arghun, with a body of spirited youths, 
 Moghals. and Sindis, to attack it. This chieftain, when he drew near 
 the convoy, about the middle of the night, hid himself with his men, 
 and sent a small party to fall upon the enemy's rear with a great 
 clamour. The enemy all turned against these men, but Abu-1 
 Kasim, with the remainder, entered their camp, carried oiF the 
 treasure, and slew the foremost of the foe. Sultan Khusru Charkas 
 likewise attacked them with his boats, according to a previously 
 concocted scheme, by which a body of picked men was to remain on 
 board, whilst another advanced by land, The Nawwab also had 
 made suitable dispositions. The Mirza's chieftains, who were 
 anxious for Kiusru's defeat, sent the armed force in the boats, but 
 kept back the party which had been selected for the land attack. 
 The hostile fleets drew up in the opposite lines, and a discharge of 
 cannons and muskets, shells, and rockets, wheels, and every kind 
 of fire missiles commenced on both sides. The scattering flames and 
 
288 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 sparks shone on the water like a fiery mountain, and such clouds of 
 smoke ascended, that the vaulted heavens became as it were the roof 
 of a furnace. The sun sheltered itself in the smoke from the fierce- 
 ness of the heat, and was eclipsed. Sight could not pierce the thick 
 clouds, and breath failed from the density of the atmosphere. At 
 length the boats ran foul of each other. The rings and grapnels, 
 which were made in order to drag away the enemy's boats, now 
 began to be used. So violent a struggle ensued, that the waves 
 were crimsoned with the blood of those whom the guns had 
 destroyed. By the help of their friends on shore the Khan's party 
 triumphed, and their adversaries fled. Khusru Charkas was taken 
 in his boat along with several other vessels, when, at that moment, 
 Charkas Daftir, the chief of the merchants of Firang, who repaired 
 yearly to Thatta from Hurmuz, came fluttering like a moth around 
 this furnace, and rrmning his boat into the midst of the fray, suc- 
 ceeded in rescuing Khusru from his captors ; but the attempt cost 
 both of them their lives. When both sides were satiated with blood 
 they withdrew to their tents, and applied balm to their wounds. 
 It was at length resolved to abandon stratagem and fight in the 
 open plain, where victory would fall to the brave.' 
 
 ' The Tdriih-i Sind (p. 294), and the 3aj-AAd«-«a'»«« (p. 112), concur in repre- 
 senting that there were Portuguese mercenaries in this action, which closed the 
 independence of Sind in a.d 1691. They attrihute the escape of Khusrti Kh&n to the 
 fact of a powder magazine exploding in the royal fleet. 
 
BEG-LAE-NAMA. 289 
 
 VI 
 
 BEG-Lj^R-Ni^MA. 
 
 This work derives its name from the person to whom it was 
 dedicated, and by whose advice it was undertaken : Shah Kdsim 
 Khan, son of Amir Saiyid Kasim Beg-Lar. We learn nothing of 
 the author — not even his name — either from the preface or the 
 body of the history. We can only tell, from the tone in which 
 he speaks of his patron, that he must have been a most abject 
 dependant. 
 
 The name of Beg-L4r, we are told, belonged to his patron's 
 family by hereditary descent, and is not therefore to be confounded 
 with the Beglerbegs of Turkey and Persia, who are the Ticeroys 
 or governors of the Provinces.'- The Beg-Lir family after 
 residing for some generations at Turmuz, came to reside at 
 Samarkand, whence we had them emigrating to Sind. They 
 pretend to derive their origin from 'Ali, the son-in-law and 
 cousin-german of the Prophet. The genealogy is given in the 
 Beg-Ldr-ndma and Tuhfatu-l Kirdm. Their intimate con- 
 nection with the Arghuns is attributed to one of their remote 
 ancestors having taken up his abode in Khita, where he and 
 his descendants continued in friendly communication with the 
 Turks. This connection, indeed, frequently gives rise to the 
 
 1 This title is not, as is generally supposed, nsed in Turkey alone. Ever since the 
 time of the Ilkhinians, it has been adopted in Persia also. Cornelius le Bruyu's 
 Travels, Vol. I. p. 206 ; Franklin's Tour to Persia, pp. 336, 350 j Sir H. Bridges' 
 Dynasty of the Eajars, p. 449 ; Pottinger's Belochistan, p. 222. Their position, 
 privile''es and duties are shown in Von Hammer's Staata mrfassung des Osmamehen 
 Meichs^Yol. I. p. 370 ; II. 273 ; and Paul Eycaut's /State of the Ottoman Mnpire, 
 pp. 61-57. J3em. Cantemir, Eist. of the Ottoman Empire, p^ 85. 
 
 " VOL. I. 19 
 
290 HISTOEIANS OF SIND. 
 
 Beg-Lkr family's being called Arghun, as at pp. 263, 287, in the 
 extract from the Tdrikh-i Tdhiri, where the patron of our author 
 is styled an Arghun. 
 
 Amir Shah Kasim came from Samarkand to Sind in the time 
 of Shah Husain Arghun, and was received with distinction. He 
 married the niece of the Wairsi 'Rkak of 'Umarkot, and as her 
 father was a Bhatti Rajput, Shah Kasira, the produce of this 
 marriage, was half a Bhatti, and amongst that tribe he was 
 brought up. It is to him, under the title of Khan-i Zaman, that 
 this book is chiefly devoted, and as he acted an important part in 
 the affairs of the kingdom, we are treated with tedious reports of 
 the most trifling exploits performed by him and his sons, con- 
 sisting chiefly of provincial contests, border feuds and cattle raids. 
 This minute history, however, compels the author to mention the 
 names of streams, forts, villages and tribes, which in themselves 
 sometimes possess considerable interest. Even the local hostili- 
 ties and intermarriages of clans afford matter of speculation to 
 the curious enquirer, and on all these points some information is 
 to be gleaned from the Beg-Ldr-ndma} 
 
 As the little that there is of general interest centres in the 
 connection which Kh4n-i Zaman had with public characters, it 
 may as well be mentioned that he first rose to some distinction 
 under Shdh Husain, the Arghlan ruler of Sind. He then served 
 successively Mirza tsk Tarkhan, Jan Babd, Mirz4 Muhammad 
 Baki, and Mirza J4ni Beg. When this chief went to render his 
 submission to the Emperor Alcbar, Khan-i Zamdn accompanied 
 him, and was received with favour. He was afterwards nominated 
 to an appointment in Sind under Mirza GhS.zi Beg, and lived to 
 an old age in that country, surrounded by a large and thriving 
 family. His son, Mir Abii-l Kdsim Sultan, was celebrated for 
 his gallant conduct in the field, as well as for his literary talents. 
 After rebelling against the constituted authorities, he was par- 
 
 ' Tod says, that the present RinS. of the Sodhas has set the example of these inter- 
 marriages, but the following extracts will show the practice to have been prevalent 
 nearly three centuries ago. Annals of Sajasthan, Vol. II. p. 317. 
 
BEG-LXR-NAMA. 291 
 
 doned through the intercession of his father; but was sub- 
 sequently blinded to prevent his exciting further disturbances. 
 
 The exact date of the composition of this work cannot be fixed 
 with precision within twenty years — 1017 and 1036 h. — because 
 the intimations we have on that point are altogether contradictory 
 and irreconcilable. We are told (p. 256) that the author's 
 patron has " at this period, (aknun)" that is lOJ 7 " reached the 
 age of seventy." About this there can be no doubt, because we 
 have already been informed (p. 36) that he was born in 947 — 
 moreover the date is given not only in numerals but in text. But 
 we are informed (p. 27) of Mirza Gh4zi Beg's death, which 
 occurred in 1021 ; about which, also, there can be no doubt, as it 
 is substantiated by a chronogram in. the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm (p. 72). 
 Again, in enumerating the children of his patron, (pp. 260, 261) 
 we have the dates of 1032 and 1033, both in text and numerals. 
 It could not have been composed at any period more than three 
 years beyond this, because Jahangir is mentioned as the reigning 
 monarch. Taking all these points into consideration, we may 
 consider, either that the rough draft was written in 1017, and 
 that a second was made about 1035, when the subsequent dates 
 gained admission ; or that ahnim, as at p. 41, is used with reference 
 to the event which the author is describing, not with reference ta 
 the period at which he is writing — in short, in the sense of " at 
 that time," not " at this present." If so, the date of 1017 relates 
 only to the time when Khan-i Zam^n had completely peopled and 
 settled the country round the fort of Saiyid-garh, of which he 
 finished the building in 101 1 ; and we can fix with tolerable 
 certainty upon the year 1034, or 1035 — say 1625 a.d. — as that 
 in which the Beg-La/r-nama was brought to a conclusion ; but I 
 have no great confidence in this interpretation, and it must be 
 confessed that the matter is not worth further enquiry. 
 
 The Beg-Ldr-ndma, after the preface, opens with a general 
 abstract history of Sind and the Arab invasion, in twenty-two 
 pages : we then have a very slight notice of the Arghiins, with a 
 biography of Amir Kdsim Beg, «xtending altogether to eighteen 
 
292 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 pages : and from that to the end we have detailed accounts of the 
 squabbles atnougst the various members of the Tarkhdn family, 
 with the insertion of every expedition of robbery and plunder in 
 which the noble Khan-i Ziiraan himself was in the remotest degree 
 concerned. 
 
 This work is not found in India, except in the provinces of 
 Sind, where I know of three copies. There is one in the Imperial 
 Library at Paris. Fonds Gentil, No, 17.' Size Quarto, (12x9 
 inches). 275 pages of 17 lines each. 
 
 Extracts. 
 
 Aboriginal Inhabitants of Sind. 
 Sind derives its name from Sind, the son of Ham the son of Nuh 
 (God's peace be with him !) and the province remained in possession of 
 his descendants ; but their names cannot be found in any books of 
 history, nor have I heard them in legendary stories, and I am there- 
 fore compelled to omit them. That which I have heard from common 
 report is this, that in olden time the Province of Sind was held by 
 the tribes of Bina, Tak, and Nabilmiya ; but the period of their govern- 
 ment is not known. After a tim,e, Sahasi Eai reigned in the fort of 
 Alor,' and all Sind and Hind was under his rule. When he died, Chach 
 Brahman became master of Sind and Hind. His capital was the 
 fort of Brahmanabad, and his dominions extended to the confines of 
 Kashmir. His son Dahir succeeded him and became master of the 
 whole kingdom. In his days the armies of Islam arrived under the 
 command, of Muhammad Kasim, and after many battles Dahir was 
 slain. 
 
 Mir Kdsim Beg-Ldr marries the daughter of Rand Kimiba. 
 
 It appears that in those days when Mir Kasim Beg-Lar deceased 
 held the governorship of 'Umarkot,' Eana* Kumba Wairsi repre- 
 sented to him that an inveterate and deep- rooted enmity existed 
 between his people and the Eathors of the fort of Nllma,' and he 
 
 ' Eeinaud, Fragmotita Araies, p. xxvii. ' See Appendix, 
 
 " This place is half-way between 'Umarkot and Jesalmir. 
 
BEG-LAR-KAMA. 293 
 
 was therefore solicited to march agaiast them, that ample revenge 
 might be taken. The Mi'r complied with his request, and he accord- 
 ingly marched with the people of the Sodha tribe' in that direction. 
 When the warlike and fierce Kathors were informed of the coming 
 of the ever-successful army, they armed themselves and advanced 
 boldly to the field of battle. Both armies stood in powerful array 
 against each other. The Band intimated to the Mir that it was an 
 old-established custom amongst their tribes that both parties should 
 alight from their horses and engage on foot." The most noble Amir 
 agreed to this ajid issued orders to his army, which consisted of 
 Sodhas, that they should dismount while they opposed the enemy. 
 The Amir took his bow from the easel and began to shoot his arrows. 
 . Every arrow told, piercing through the armour and bodies of the 
 enemy, and each time sending a soul to the world of annihilation. 
 Twenty of the enemy having been slain, the remnant took to flight, 
 confessing the Mir's bravery, and lauding him with a hundred 
 thousand tongues. When the Sodhas witnessed such bravery and 
 intrepidity, they resolved to honour themselves by seeking a matri- 
 monial alliance with the Mfr. The great and noble Mir, according 
 to the will of God, accepted their prayers, and Eajia the daughter 
 of Edna Kumba Wairsi's sister, a most modest chaste girl, whose 
 father was the Bhatti chief of the fort of Jesalmir, was .betrothed to 
 him.' 
 
 Deputation of KJidn-i Zamdn on a mission to Mai Dhar Raj of 
 
 Jesalmir. 
 
 Khan-i Zaman, with the aid of the Almighty, proceeded, with his 
 Mends and suite, after taking leave of Mirza Jan Baba, towards 
 Jesalmfr. When he anived, he halted outside the fort on the 
 margin of the tank,* and despatched a messenger to E.ai Dhar Kaj 
 
 1 [See Tod's AnnaU of RajaatJim, Vol. I, 93, and II. 210, 319.] 
 
 2 See Appendix. 
 
 i" The text says simply ti^. i^>-lc, but at page ii, we are' told that she was 
 
 his sister's son, and this is confirmed by the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm. 
 
 ^ The spacious tank of Jesalmir lies to the south-east, and the magnificent foit 
 crowns a rocky hUl on the south-western angle of the town. 
 
294 HISTOEIA>rS OF SIND. 
 
 to say that Mirza Jan Babd had sent a robe of honour for him. The 
 Eaf with much politeness, requested him to stay where he was 
 encamped, and intimated that he would come to him on an 
 auspicious day and hour to be invested with the robe. In those 
 days the periodical rains, by the will of God, had not fallen, and 
 the land all round was parched up. A single vessel of water was 
 to be had only at a very heavy price, for there was no water in the 
 lake. But, when the prosperous feet of this nobleman touched that 
 ground, suddenly, by the will of God, rain fell : the dry land 
 became saturated and green herbs sprung up in every place. In 
 the morning, the Eai came to visit him and had the honour of 
 meeting him. He said that the rain had fallen only on accomat 
 of his prosperous presence. He accompanied the Khan with great 
 honour and respect into the fort, and then performed the rites of 
 hospitality. Each day he showed him greater honour. The great 
 Khan stayed there for the period of five months, after which he 
 took leave and turned his reins towards Nasrpur. Ha^dng reached 
 the banks of the tank of Sdnkra, he learnt that Jaish Khan and 
 'Alau-d din, having pursued their course along the eastern bank of 
 the river, were proceeding towards Thatta to meet Jan Baba. "When 
 they had reached the stream of the Eain, they were informed that 
 Mirza Jan Baba, accompanied by Saiyid 'All Shirazi, had gone to 
 Mirza Muhammad Bdki, and according to the will of God had 
 been slain. On hearing this, they returned and reached Nasrpur 
 plimdering the country on their road. Khan-i Zaman also went 
 thither and met them. The exigencies of the time were such that 
 he owed money, and as none of these people showed him any 
 humanity and favouT; he was much disuessed in mind. He said 
 he had placed all his reliance on Mirza Jan Baba, on whom the 
 decree of God had now passed. He observed to his companions, 
 " At present it is urgently necessary for mo to pay some money in 
 liquidation of my debt, what is your advice." They replied — 
 " These people possess much wealth and are proud of their riches. 
 Now we are at your service and ready to accompany you wherever 
 you desire." On this, he proceeded towards the Sodhas, at the 
 village of Tarangchi. 
 
BEG-LAR-NAMA. 295 
 
 The Plunder of Tarangchi. 
 Khan-i Zaman, by the advice of his companions, set out and 
 crossed the waters of Sankra. When Duda and Grhazi learnt that he 
 had gone in that direction with only a few men, they rode after him. 
 As soon as 'Alau-d din and Mian were informed that their sons 
 Ghazi and Duda had gone to join Khan-i Zaman, they also 
 marched in the same direction with the intention of bringing them 
 back. They reached the banks of the Sankra at the time that 
 Khan-i Zaman had crossed it, while Ddda and Ghazi were only then 
 preparing to pass the stream. When they saw that their fathers 
 had come to take them back, they immediately threw themselves 
 into the stream, swam their horses over, and joined Khan-i Zaman. 
 They would not return, for they reflected that, if at this time they 
 did not accompany him, the reward of their past services would be 
 forfeited. In the afternoon, Khan-i ZamSn, having watered his 
 horses, left the village of Eahu Madh, and that renowned lion, with 
 only twelve horsemen, travelled through a large jungle the whole 
 night. On arriving near the village of Tarangchi, he found the 
 camels of the Sodhas there, and determined to carry them off with- 
 out delay ; but it occurred to him that he had better first let his 
 horses quench their thirst. With this intent he proceeded towards 
 the village, and there found the tracks of five hundred horses that 
 had just passed over the ground. He was alarmed, and thought 
 how impossible it was to save himself with so few men against such 
 a host. He, however, advanced and asked the driver of the camels 
 what army had passed by that road. The man replied that Mirza 
 Muhammad Baki and Mirza Jan Baba had quarrelled with each 
 other, and that the former had asked the Sodhas to reinforce him. 
 Hence a force of about five hundred men of the Waisa tribe had 
 passed that way. The Khan's companions were much alarmed at 
 this intelligence, and brought back their horses without watering 
 them ; but they bravely and gallantly carried off the camels ; many 
 of these animals died on account of the severe marches they had to 
 make. The next day, in the afternoon, the dauntless heroes reached 
 the village of Eahu Madh,' where they stayed only suf&cient time 
 
 ' [The name is here written Eihd-dhar.] 
 
296 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 to drink water. At nightfall they halted at the village of Pariyari. 
 Early next morning they pursued their journey, and reached the 
 village of Sitara, which belonged to the Anran tribe. There they 
 rested themselves without fear or danger. They divided the camels 
 amongst themselves. One was given to Jaish Khan, another to 
 Birlas, another to 'Alau-d din, and another to Mian Sodha. 
 
 Proceedings of Khdn-i Zamdn. 
 Khan-i Zaman had his liead-quarters at Nasrpur, and comforted 
 the people under his rule by his kindness and justice. 
 
 « » O *t t> Cs <S 
 
 As ties of relationship existed between him and the Bhattfs, 
 he sent Arab horses laden with all kinds of valuable articles to the 
 Eanas of the Sodha, Kara, and Bhatt( tribes, the Edwats and the 
 Eathors, and the Eais and Jams of the Jhdrejas ; insomuch that the 
 chiefs of 'Umarkot, Jesalmir, Bikanfa-, Nirohf, Mahwa (MfwaT?), 
 Kotara, Bahalmir, Nilma, Bdrkar, Kach, Naktl, Bamdinpiir, 
 Chaudiiwar, and the like, were gained by his bounty. No demand 
 of service was made from them. These chiefs engraved the 
 words of friendship and fidelity on their hearts, and considering 
 themselves greatly honoured, were ready to exclaim : — " We are 
 under great obligations to the Shah ! We can think of nothing 
 else but of serviug him. For we are favoured by his generosity, 
 and will never turn our faces against his commands." Being 
 grateful they were always ready to obey his orders. If any 
 service was required of them, they performed it with the greatest 
 fidelity and submission, and whenever they were summoned they 
 came willingly. As the Bhats and Charans were dependents of 
 these chiefs he used to reward these family bards whenever they 
 came to him, with a lakh (of rupees ?) or more. As Hewanda was 
 the bard of the Bhattls, he presented him with a donation of one 
 crore and a quarter, or one hundred and twenty-five lakhs (?), besides 
 horses, camels, etc., which he likewise generously granted. In 
 short, by the wise conduct of this great and enlightened noble, all 
 men, great and small, bad and good, were as obedient to him as 
 
BEG-LAE-NAMA. 297 
 
 slaves. The renown of the excellent qualities of this second Hatim 
 or Ma'n, was not only on the tongues of all the nobles and plebeians 
 of his own land, but also spread over every part of the world. 
 
 The Sacking of 'Umarhot. 
 
 The appointment of the governorship of 'Umartot depended upon 
 the wiU of the kings of Sind, who removed the incumbent whenever 
 they thought proper. About the time when Khan-i Khdnan came to 
 Sind, the governorship of that fort was held by Eana Megraj. 
 Khan-i Khanan expressed a desire to be connected by marriage with 
 the Bana, who having no daughter fit to be given in marriage to 
 him, he was obliged to offer the hand of his brother Man Sing's 
 daughter. After the death of Eana Megraj, Nawwab Mirza Janf 
 Beg conferred the governorship of 'Umarkot on his son JKishau Das. 
 Animosity sprang up between this chief and Man Sing, and he, 
 having turned out MSn Sing from the fort, assumed the surname him- 
 self. Man Sing, being related to Khan-i Khanan, sent his son to repre- 
 sent the matter to him. In those days Khan-i Klianau and Nawwab 
 Mirza Jani Beg were both in attendance on the Emperor Akbar at 
 Burhanpur. Khan-i Khanan therefore recommended Man Sing to the 
 favour of Mirza Janl Beg, who wrote to Mirza Abu-] Kasim Sultan 
 directing him to place Man Sing in the governorship of the fort of 
 'Umarkot, and make Kishan Das understand that he was not to oppose 
 and thwart him, but that the same rule with regard to their respec- 
 tive positions should be observed now, as had been established from 
 of old in the family. Mir Abu-1 Kasim Sultan, in obedience to this 
 mandate, proceeded from the fort of Shdhgarh' towards 'Umarkoi 
 Having reached the village of Samara he alighted there, Man Sing 
 being also with him. Eana Kishan' Das being informed of this, 
 collected his forces, and having encamped opposite the same village, 
 drew up Lis army in hostile array. The Eana Kishan Das was in 
 many ways related to the noble Khan-i Zaman, one of his sisters being 
 married to Mir Abu-1 Kasim, another to Shah Mukim Sultan,* and he 
 himself was son-in-law of Banoha Bhatti, the maternal nephew of 
 
 ' Shdhgarh was built by Kh&u-i Zara4n on the banks of the S&nkra, " and nothing 
 now remains of it exoept the Jiam^." —-Tuhfattt-l Kirdm, MS. p. 72. 
 2 These two were sons of Khan-i Zam&n, 
 
298 HISTORIANS OP SIND. 
 
 the Khan. Some friendly people who were with the Amfr were 
 anxious that no fighting should take place between the parties. 
 When they expressed their intention to the Ean^ he said he con- 
 sidered himself a servant of Mfr Abu-1 Kasim, and would not rebel 
 against him : still Man Sing must not be allowed any interference, 
 because he was the originator of these quarrels and disturbances. 
 Mir Abu-1 KSsim, however, adhered to the orders he had received to 
 place Man Sing in the governorship. At length, upon the instigation 
 of his weU-meaning friends, the Kana resolved to go to Mfr Abu-1 
 Kasim Sultan. So when he arrived, he alighted from his horse, and 
 having changed his vanity and pride for humility and suppKcation, 
 he advanced on foot for a long distance with his whole army, officers, 
 dependants, and servants. He kissed the feet of the Sultan, and pre- 
 sented him the horse on which he had himself ridden. The Sultan 
 mounted and gave him his hand. He then pitched his tent near' the 
 pool of Samara and passed the night there. The Eana also encamped 
 on the margin of the pool. At daybreak, some of the people of the 
 Mir's camp, who belonged to the Sameja tribe, went into the fields 
 of the Sbdhas and began to injure them. As hostilities had pre- 
 viously existed between these tribes, the Sodhas abused the Same- 
 jas, and a quarreli ensued. Intelligence being brought to Mir Abu-1 
 Kasim, he immediately hastened off ; and Kana Kishan Das also set 
 his army in array, and advanced with intent to fight, but his heart 
 failing him, he took to flight, and proceeded towards Kaurhar. Mir 
 Abii-l Kasim with his followers and companions, hastened to 'Umarkot. 
 When he approached the fort, a son of the Kana Kishan Das who 
 was in it, not being able to oppose him, took some money with him 
 and fled. Upon this, the Mi'r entered the fort and the whole family 
 of the Kana were captured. But as they were related to him, they, 
 together with his treasures,* were of course protected. All other 
 things, however, were taken possession of by the army. Temples 
 were demolished, cows were directed to be butchered, and the 
 houses of the vile infidels were made to resound with the soimd 
 of trumpets and horns, and their filthy idols were polluted. In 
 the idolatrous places of worship Muhammadan tenets were pro- 
 
 ' [The text aaya / I'^X .,,U.< .J "in tie middle of the pool."] 
 * [" Mahzdd" = zdd-i rdh, " proTisions for the ■way."] 
 
BEG-LAR-NAMA. 299 
 
 mulgated, and prayers were read for one entire week. He remained 
 in the fort passing Ms time in festivity and pleasure. As the killing 
 of cows and the breaking of idols is considered by the Sodhas to be 
 the highest possible insult, the Eand felt highly indignant, and 
 having returned from the village of Kam-har, he summoned the 
 Sodhas from all sides and quarters to meet him at Gaddf. There 
 they crowded ready to advance on 'Umarkot. They had been sub- 
 jected to great ignominy, and so they were aU ready to sacrifice 
 their lives in revenge. When this news reached Khan-i Zaman, he, 
 reflecting that both parties were enrolled in his army, was most 
 anxious that no contest should take place between them, and con- 
 sequently hurried away with the intention of eifeoting a reconcilia- 
 tion between them. He set out in the evening from Nasrpur, and 
 having travelled the whole night arrived early the next morning at 
 the village of Gaddi, where the Eana and the Sodhas had encamped. 
 He sent his son Mir Shah Mukfm Sultan, M(r Fathi Beg Sultan, and 
 Kana Bhatti, brother of Eam Bhatti, to the Eana, in order to appease 
 and comfort him. They accordingly went to him, and so far appeased 
 him that he was induced to accompany them, and had the honour of 
 kissing the Khan's feet. The Khan exalted him by the grant of a 
 horse and robe of honour, and spoke words of sympathy and con- 
 solation. ** '* *'* •■* In the end, some of the 
 plundered property was restored, but the Eana obtained only poor 
 satisfaction. 
 
300 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 VIL 
 
 TARKHi?^N-Ni<^MA. 
 
 ARGHITN-NA'MA, 
 
 These two are different names of the same work, of which the 
 author is Saiyid Jamal, son of Mir Jal41u-d din Husaini Shir^zi, 
 who composed his work in the year h. 1065 (1654-5 a.d.), as we 
 learn from a casual notice in the genealogical tree, to be hereafter 
 mentioned. The work is named after the Moghal families of 
 Arghiin and Tarkh&n respectively, whose origin will be further 
 noticed in the Appendix, The Arghknr-ndma is mentioned in the 
 Tuhfatu-l Kirdm as if it were a separate work, but there ia nothing 
 on the Arghuns in the latter history which is not derived from 
 sources at present extant and available. I could find no trace of 
 such a history in Sind, and I was told by several people in that 
 province, that the work under consideration was the only one known 
 as the ArgMn-ndma. As it treats with sufficient copiousness 
 upon the Arghiin history, as will be seen in the translated 
 extract, there is no impropriety in giving it this assumed name, 
 but it is obvious that the author himself styled it Tarkhdn-namd 
 oulyj in compliment to his patron Mirza Muhammad Salih, who 
 was of the Tarkhan family. 
 
 There appears to have been at one time a history of that 
 family of older date than this, because Saiyid Jam&l informs us, 
 that the Mirz^, being most anxious to acquaint himself with the 
 genealogy and history of the Moghal tribes, and especially of 
 his own ancestors, in order that he might learn precisely from 
 what particular chief he was descended, commissioned our author 
 to send him the book called Tarkhan -ndma. This zealous indi- 
 
TAEKHAN-Ni^MA. 301 
 
 vidaal, not being able, notwithstanding all his enquiries, to find 
 any book of this name, determined to compose one himself to 
 supply the deficiency, and for this purpose examined and ex- 
 tracted from Tabari, the Saumiu-s Sqfd, the Zafar-ndma, the 
 Tarikh-i JIumdi/imi, the Akbar-ndma, the Nigdristdn, the 
 Tdrikh-i Tdhiri, the Muntakhab-i be-badal Tusufi, tlie Tdrikh^i 
 Guzida, the Maj'ma'u-l Ansdb, and others. And so having traced 
 the progenitorship of the Tarkh&ns up to the Patriarch Noah, 
 he completed what he styles his Tarkhdn-ndma. 
 
 In this enumeration of authorities we have another flagrant 
 instance of that offensive suppression of the truth which so often 
 excites our indignation in the Indian historians. The work to which 
 Saiyid Janial is most indebted is Mir M^asiim's Tdrikh-i Sind, from 
 which he has extracted and abridged, but with many omissions,* 
 the whole history of the Arghuns and Tarkhans, from the rise 
 of Shah Beg, to the close of the independence of Sind under J4ni 
 Beg, and to which he is indebted even for the selection of whole 
 sentences, as well as the frame of the narrative ; and yet Mir 
 M'asiim's name is nowhere mentioned, except where his grand- 
 father Saiyid Mir Kalan (p. 96) is incidentally brought upon 
 the stage. From some of the works quoted he has of course 
 borrowed his Turkish genealogy, but even there his obligations 
 seem to have been confined to the liauzata-s Safd, the Zafar- 
 ndma, and the Majmdu-l Ansdb, which three works would have 
 been sufficient to afford him all the information with which we 
 are favoured on that subject. The Tdrikh-i Tdhiri, which is the 
 only local history which he quotes, is, with strange inconsistency, 
 not followed either for facts or dates. 
 
 Mirza Muhammad Sdlih, who is represented to have been 
 endowed with every excellence, personal and intellectual, was the 
 son of Mirza 'Is4 Tarkhan, grandson of the more celebrated 
 holder of the same name, who founded the Tarkhan dynasty of 
 
 1 Amongst these may be noticed the transactions of the Arghflns with the Dh&rejas, 
 M&ghis, Dahars, and E&i Khanhar of Each ; Shah Husain's proceedings at the fort 
 of Diliwar, and at Pattan. in Guzerit ; the attack of Bakhshii Lang^h on Bhakkar, 
 in 959 H. etc., etc. 
 
302 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 Sind. Mii'z4 ''tsi, the younger, was introduced to Akbar in 
 1012 H., and was treated by him and his successor, Jahangir, 
 with distinguished consideration. As his independence of all 
 favour and pati'onage, except that bestowed by the Emperor 
 himself, rendered him obnoxious to the nobles about the Court, 
 they managed that he should receive only those jagirs in which 
 the turbulence of the inhabitants made the collection of revenue 
 difficult ;i but his bravery and good conduct defeated all these 
 machiaations, and he triumphed over the jealous opposition of 
 of his enemies. 
 
 By an early acknowledgement of Shah Jahan as Emperor, 
 and his proclamation of him in the 'Idgah of Ahmadabad, in 
 which he anticipated the other more tardy nobles of Guzerat, 
 where his jagir was then situated, he met with a distinguished 
 reception from the new monarch, to whom he went to pay his 
 respects on the banks of the Mahi. He was shortly afterwards 
 preferred to the Subadari of Thatta, where he was directed to 
 seize the person of Shariru-1 Mulk at all hazards. Having suc- 
 ceeded in sending this gallant but obnoxious individual a prisoner 
 to the Imperial Court, he received the honour of a Nmthat, a lac 
 of rupees in cash, and the increase of 1000 to his personal rank. 
 He obtained subsequently the Siibad^ri of Guzerdt, and died full 
 of years and titles at the advanced age of ninety-five, in the year 
 1061 H. (1651 A.U.), four years previous to the composition of 
 this work. 
 
 Mirza Muhammad Salih succeeded to some portion of the 
 honours of his father, and the other members of the family had 
 each a separate provision assigned to them by the royal mu- 
 nificence. 
 
 The Tarkhdn-ndma, after a preface of three pages, opens with 
 
 a genealogical tree from Noah to Muhammad Salih, extending 
 
 through twenty-eight pages. We then have an abstract history 
 
 of the Kh3,ns of Turkistan, and of Changiz Khdn, and his de- 
 
 1 At this very time we find an Englishman complaining of the same treatment, by 
 ■which, through the intrigues of the ministers, the king's kind intentions were ren- 
 dered of none effect. 
 
TAEKHA'N-NAMA. 303 
 
 scendants who ruled in trin, in forty pages ; the 'History of the 
 Arghiins in twenty-three pages ; of the Tarkhans in thirty-three 
 pages ; concluding with the death of Mirza 'rsa Tarkhdn above- 
 mentioned. Altogether, 127 pages 4to. (12x9 inches) of 17 
 lines each. The style is elegant, but, from a comparison with 
 the original authorities, it will appear that its best graces are 
 borrowed. Like other local histories of Sind, it is rare out of that 
 province. 
 
 Extracts. 
 The Arghun Dynasty of Kandahar and Sind} 
 
 It is related by historians that Amir Zu-n. Nun, son of Am(r 
 Basri, one of the descendants of Arghun Khan Tarthan, son of 
 Abaka Khan, son of Hulaku KhSn, eon of Tuli Khan, son of Changiz 
 Khan, a soldier distinguished for courage and bravery among the 
 warriors of his tribe,' was employed by Abu Sa'id Mirzd, and on all 
 occasions acted up to his former character. By this conduct he 
 became a great favourite of Sultdn Abu Sa'id. The honours and re- 
 wards he received subjected him to the envy and jealousy of his 
 fellows, for his rank was elevated above that of all his relations. 
 
 When Sultan Abii Sa'id was slain in the battle of Karabagh, 
 Amir Zu-n Nun retired to his father in Hirat. He served for a short 
 time under Yadgar Mirza. Afterwards, when Sultan Husain 
 succeeded to the throne of Khurasan, Mirza Amir Misri' died, Amir 
 Zu-n Niin his son was regarded with favour by Sultin Husain Mirz£, 
 who assigned him the chiefship of Grhor, Zamindawar and Kandahar, 
 In these countries the warlike tribes of Hazira and Takdari had 
 complete power.* Amir Zu-n NAn, in the year 884 h. (1479-80 a.d.), 
 proceeded in that direction with a small body of his tribesfolk (aZAs) 
 For some time he was engaged in hostilities with these people, and, 
 being in all battles victorious and successful, he brought the countries 
 into subjection to his rule. The Hazara, Takdari, and aU the other 
 
 > [Page 71 to 99 of the text]. 
 
 2 The word rendered ''tribe" is ulus. — SeeErskine's BaJer, Yol. I, 19, 24. 
 » [Frequently written " Basrl."] 
 
 < The reading is doubtful : Takdari or Nakdari. If the latter, they are probably 
 the same as the If akodari. 
 
304 HISTOEIANS OF' SIND. 
 
 tribes having seen this, quietly submitted to his authority and made 
 no further opposition. The services of Amir Zu-n Nun were so 
 highly approved of, that Sultan Husain bi-1 Karar made him abso- 
 lute governor of Kandahar, Ghor, and other countries. After some 
 time Amfr Zu-n Nun Misri obtained independent power in those 
 pro\'inces, and he also encroached upon the territories of Shal, 
 Mustung, and their dependpQcies. In the course of four more 
 years he was in command of a large force and had entirely attached 
 to his interest the people of Hazara, Takdari, Kipchak, and the 
 Moghals of Kandahar. On hearing this, Sultan Husain sent an 
 imperative order, requiring him to present himself without delay 
 at the imperial court. The Amfr acted accordingly, and on his 
 arrival at court made the usual presents. The people were all 
 loud in their praises of his loyalty and fidelity, and consequently the 
 Sultan presented him with a vest of honour, a richly caparisoned 
 horse, kettle drums, and banner, and also granted him a royal patent 
 of investiture. He then ordered him to leave his son and suite at 
 the court, and himself proceed to Kandahar. Immediately on 
 receipt of this order, the Amir seized the first opportunity of 
 secretly taking his son and the nobles who had attended him, and 
 marched with great rapidity to Kandahar, leaving, however, his 
 property, arms, etc., behind him in his residence. In the course 
 of two or three days the Sultan ordered that the Amir should 
 not leave the court for Kandahar until after the festival of Nauroz. 
 The royal messengers, on arriving at the Amir's residence, discovered 
 the flight, and reported to the Sultan the state of afiairs. The 
 Sultan, on hearing of it, remarked that the Amir had evidently 
 departed without any intention of returning. But the prince and 
 the nobles argued that his having left horses, camels, carpets, and 
 other property behind him was a proof that his absence would 
 not be of long diiration. The Sultan then said that his flight was 
 only another proof of his ready wit and sagacity. However, regrets 
 were now unavailing, a.h. 911 (1505 a.d.) Sultan Husain died, and 
 the affairs of the kingdom of Khurasan fell into complete disorder. 
 
 Affairs were thus situated when in the Muhaxram of the year 
 913 H. (May, 1607) Muhammad Khan Shaibani Uzbek crossed the 
 Jfhun with an enormous army, like a swarm of ants or locusts, 
 
TARKHAN-NXMA. 305 
 
 which he had collected for the purpose of conquering Khurasin. 
 Badi'u-2 Zamau MirzS, son of the late Sultan Husain, was in great 
 alarm and consternation at the approach of this army, and instantly- 
 sent information of the fact to Amfr Zu-n Nun.' The Amir con' 
 suited with his sons and nobles, who aU entertained different 
 opinions on the subject, but the Amir declared that he considered 
 it incumbent on him to march to the support of the Sultan, and 
 that courage and humanity alike forbade him to remain inactive 
 during this crisis. He said that his return was not to be hoped 
 for, as the tTzbek army was powerful and numerous in the extreme, 
 and the fortunes of the house of Sultan. Husain were in their decline. 
 Accordingly, he assembled a friendly body of Arghun and Tarkhan 
 troops, and marched to the succour of the Prince Badi'u-z Zaman. 
 Having arrived at the camp, he Was received with every honour. 
 The same day the army of the Uzbeks and of Ma-warau-n nahr 
 crossed the liver. Numerous signs of the approach of Muhammad 
 Khan Shaibani's overwhelming force were evident. Upon reaching 
 the field of the approaching contest, the Prince having reviewed his 
 troops, formed up in order of battle, and from both armies the shouts 
 of the warriors and the roll of the kettle-drums resounded to the 
 vault of heaven. 
 
 The Amir, with a body of his bold well-mounted horsemen, com- 
 menced the attack, and by an impetuous charge, completely routed 
 a body of the enemy, and threw thein into utter confusion. In 
 vain : for as wave follows wave, column after column of the Uzbeks 
 came on in endless succession to the attack, till at last the Khura- 
 sanfs, unable to contend any longer with such disproportionate 
 numbers, turned rein' and fled. A scene of the wildest and most 
 hopeless confusion ensued. The Amir, however, with a small band 
 of his trusty and indomitable warriors, maintained his ground, now 
 standing on the defensive, now charging one wing of the enemy, and 
 now the other. The field was dyed with blood. Thus they fought 
 bravely and desperately until the Uzbeks closing in on every side, 
 the Amir was woundedt and thrown from bis horse. Disdaining 
 
 1 Prince Badi'u-z Zamka was married ts a daughter of Amir Zd-n Niin. — See HIr 
 M'asfim's Tdrikh-i Siitd, p. 103. 
 
 VOL. I. 20 
 
306 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 the quarter offered him by the Uzbeks, who hoped to take him a 
 prisoner in triumph to Muhammad Khan, he fell, covered with 
 glory. 
 
 8Mh Beg Arghiin. 
 
 Shah Beg Arghiin son of Zu-n Nun, was, on the death of the 
 Amir, placed by the unanimous voice of the chiefs on the, vacant 
 throne. He confirmed all his father's appointments, and gave the 
 holders of them robes of honour. He displayed an unparalleled 
 example of equity and justice, by which conduct he so won the 
 hearts of his soldiery, that they became his most devoted and 
 obedient subjects. Shah Beg always consorted with the most dis- 
 tinguished and scientific men in his kingdom. 
 
 At this time Muhammad Khan, having subdued the whole of 
 Khurasan, approached Kara with the determination of adding 
 Kandahar also to his dominions. On his arrival at Garmsir, Shah 
 Beg sent messengers to him offering his allegiance and submission. 
 He promised that he would express the same at a personal inter- 
 view. Muhammad Khan was satisfied with this concession and 
 went back. 
 
 In the year 915 h. (1509 a.d.). Shah Isma'il the second, 
 having overcome and killed Muhammad Khan in battle, took 
 possession of Khurasan. The Shah attained to the greatest power, 
 so much so that the surrounding nations dreaded his might and 
 ambition. 
 
 At this juncture Warash Khan marched upon Kara, and set up 
 his standard. Shah Beg in alarm at this threatened invasion, con- 
 sulted with his ministers, showing them the imminent danger his 
 country was in — ^threatened on one side by Shah Isma'il, the con- 
 queror of Khurasan, and on the other by Babar Badshah, who had 
 already reached Kabul, both with avowed warlike intentions. He 
 pointed out to them the necessity of providing a retreat iu case 
 of their losing Kandahdr. It was at length resolved to seize the 
 Siwi territory, and in the year 917 h. (1511 a.d.), he set out from 
 Kandahar, and having reached Shal, there made preparations for 
 the ensuing campaign. On his arrival at Siwi he invested the fort. 
 The descendants of Sultan Purdili Birlas, who ruled in Siwi, 
 
TARKHAN-NAMA. 307 
 
 advanced to oppose him with three thousand men of the Buluch 
 tribe as well as other forces. The army of Shah Beg proved com- 
 pletely victorious. The enemy was utterly overthrown, many were 
 killed in action, and the survivors fled towards Sind. Shah Beg 
 entered Siwf in triumph, and made a short stay there, during which 
 time he built houses, laid out gardens, and raised a fort which he 
 strongly garrisoned, and, having appointed Mirza Tsa Tarkhan, one 
 of the most distinguished of his nobles, to be governor, he returned 
 to Kandahar. 
 
 Ann. Hij. 919 (a.d. 1513), the Emperor Zahiru-d din Muhammad 
 Babar having determined upon the conquest of Kandahar, marched 
 upon it with a powerful and numerous army. Shah Beg collected his 
 forces, Tsdth sufficient provisions and munitions of war to enable him. 
 to sustain a siege, shut himself up in the fort and posted his men on 
 the walls and bastions. On the arrival of the Emperor in the vicinity 
 of the city, he was attacked by disease, and became very feeble. 
 His ministers and nobles on this became disaffected and mutinous. 
 Shah Beg, having learnt the state of affairs, sent the leading men of 
 Kandahdr with instructions to negociate a peace. The Emperor, 
 consenting to the terms, despatched Khwaja Jalalu-d din with suit- 
 able presents, and returned to Kabul. Shah Beg then withdrew 
 after a short time to Siwi, and made a stay there. Having assem- 
 bled a general council, he pointed out to them that the Emperor 
 Babar having once found his way to Kandahar, would not rest 
 contented imtil he had conquered and brought it under his own 
 rule ; that it behoved them to consult their own and the country's 
 safety. In pursuance of this idea, he, at the beginning of the winter 
 season, raised a force of 1000 horse, and despatched them from Siwf 
 to Sind. This force, on the 7th of Zi-1 Ka'da h. 920 (Dec. 1514), 
 attacked and took the villages of Kakan and Baghban. These 
 villages were so densely populated, that, in the sack, 1000 camels, 
 employed on the garden- wells merely, were taken ; from this, some 
 idea may be formed of the wealth of the two places.' After re- 
 maining there a week, they returned with their spoil to Siwi. 
 
 ' Both these places were in the Sarkar of Siwi. The former has since become 
 famous for its gallant defence by our troops. — Tdrihh-i Tdhiri, MS. p. 48 ; Tarkhan- 
 ndma, MS. p. 48 ; Tuhfatu-l kirdm, p, 124. 
 
308 HISTORIANS OP SIND. 
 
 A.H. 921 (1515 A.D.). The Emperor Babar put into execution 
 the design Shah Beg had foreseen, and having marched upon Kanda- 
 har, laid siege to the fort and commenced mining it. The siege was 
 carried on with vigour, and all supplies being cut off, a great dearth 
 of grain ensued in the oity. At this crisis, however, the Emperor's 
 army was so weakened by fever, that a peace was again agreed 
 upon. Whereupon, the Emperor returned to Kabul. 
 
 In this same year. Shah Hasan Mirza having quarrelled with his 
 father, left him, and went to the Court of the Emperor Babar, and 
 being by him received with hospitality and distinction, he remained 
 there two years. The Emperor observed that his visit was not from 
 any affection entertained towards himself by Shah Hasan, but in 
 order that he might learn the art of governing rightly, and at the 
 same time perfect himself in the ceremonies of the Court. At length. 
 Shah Hasan, with the Emperor's permission, returned to Kandahar. 
 
 A.H. 922 (1516 A.D.) The Emperor Babar again assembled an 
 army, and marched upon Kandahar, and he was yet in the jungle 
 when the fort was invested. Shah Beg, wearied and harassed by 
 these repeated invasions, sent Shaikh Abii Sa'id Purani to negotiate 
 a peace ; tlie terms agreed upon were that in the ensuing year 
 the government of Kandahar should be made over to the officers of 
 the Emperor Babar. Having ratified this treaty, the Emperor re- 
 turned to Kabul. In pursuance of this arrangement. Shah Beg, 
 A.H. 923 (1517 A.D.), sent the keys of the fort of Kandahar to the 
 Imperial Court, by the hands of Mir Ghlasu-d din, grandson of 
 Khondamir, author of the Sabibu-s Siyar, and father of Mir Abu-1 
 Makaxim, and grandfather of 'Abdu-Uah Sultan. This ratification 
 of the cession was approved of by his majesty.^ 
 
 After the subjugation of his country, Shah Beg remained two 
 years in Shal and Siwi, reduced to penury and distress. In such 
 straits was he, that his army was compelled during this period to 
 subsist upon nothing but -carrots, turnips, and other such vegetables. 
 Towards the end of the year 924 A.H. (1518 a.d.), he made warlike 
 preparations for the conquest of Sind. In consequence of the re- 
 moval of Mirza Tsa, he left Sultan 'Alf Arghun and Zibak Tarkh^, 
 
 ' An incorrect parentage is ascribed in the text to this learned envoy. See the 
 articles Khdlasatu-l Akhbar and Hab£bu-s SnAR, in VoL II. 
 
TAUKHA'N-NA'MA. 309 
 
 with a number of men for the protection of the forts of Siwi and 
 and Ganjawa. He despatched a-head of his army a force of 200 
 horse under Mir Fazil Kokaltfish, and himself followed at the head 
 of 300 more. On entering the Sind territory, he soon reached Bagh- 
 ban, he learnt that an army of Samejas, under the command of 
 Mahmud Khdn, son of Darya Khan, was encamped at Thatta, four 
 kos from Siwistan, and prepared to do battle. Shah Beg halted at 
 Baghban, where he was well received by the principal inhabitants. 
 He then resumed his march through the Lakki hills towards 
 Thatta, and at last reached that river which in those days ran 
 to the north of Thatta.' Being unprovided with means of transit, 
 he stopped for some days on the bank, revolving in his mind how 
 to effect a passage. At this juncture, the men on guard perceived 
 that a man driving a laden ass was fording the river from the 
 opposite bank. He was seized and compelled by menaces to show 
 the way through the ford." 'Abdu-r Eahman Daulat Shahi then 
 plunged on horseback into the river, reached the other bank and 
 then returned and reported the fact to Shah Beg, who availing 
 himself of this information, on the 15th day of Muharram a.h. 
 927 (December, 1520), crossed the river with his force, and marched 
 towards the city of Thatta, On which, Darya Khan, the adopted' 
 son of Jam Nanda, having left Jam Firoz in garrison at Thatta, 
 hastened at the head of his army to give the Amir battle. 
 
 After a long, bloody, and well-contested action, in which Darya 
 Khan, with a host of Sammas, was killed, victory declared itself in 
 favour of Shah Beg. On receipt of this disastrous intelligence, 
 Jam Firoz left Thatta and fled without stopping untU he reached 
 the village of Pirar" with a heavy heart. Thatta was given up 
 to plunder till the 20th of the month, in the course of which 
 the inhabitants were treated with merciless severity,, and many of 
 them were carried into captivity. The holy text, " Surely when 
 
 > See Appendix, 
 
 " Plutarch in his life of Antony, tells ns that a costermonger^ Eutychus, who per- 
 formed a somewhat similar service for Augustus, hefore the hattle of Actium, was 
 rewarded by the grateful Emperor with a statue of himself and of his ass, with an 
 equally auspicious name, Nikon. This beautiful work of art was destroyed, with toe 
 many others, by the barbarous Franks on their capture of Constantinople, 
 
 * This place is in the hilly tract north of Thatta. 
 
310 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 kings enter a village tkey destroy it," was fully exemplified in 
 this instance. At last, by the strenuous exertions of Kazi Kazin 
 a most distinguished scholar, these outrages were put an end to, and 
 proclamation was made to the effect that the people of the city were 
 to remain undisturbed.' The fugitive Jam Firoz remained, with a 
 few men who had accompanied him, at Pirar, his family being still 
 at Thatta. At length, finding that nothing was left for him 
 but submission, he despatched a messenger to Shah Beg, humbly 
 intreating forgiveness, and expressing his willingness to submit 
 himself unconditionally to the wiU and pleasure of his conqueror, 
 with most solemn promises of future good conduct. 
 
 Shah Beg moved by that generosity which distinguished him, and 
 having pity on the miserable condition of his vanquished enemy, 
 received the messenger most graciously, and granted him a robe 
 of honour, at the same time sending a friendly answer to Jam 
 Firoz,' who on the receipt of it came with a number of his friends, 
 towards the end of the month Safar, to Thatta, dressed in most 
 humble guise, a sword hanging from his neck to express his com- 
 plete subjection. He was permitted the honour of kissing the 
 hands of Shah Beg. He then repeated his expressions of sorrow 
 and contrition. Shah Beg, having assured him of his forgiveness, 
 invested him with the robe of honour which Sultan Husain Mirzd 
 had before bestowed on Mir Zu-n Nun, and conferred on him 
 the governorship of Thatta. He then held a conference with his 
 nobles and ministers. The Sind territory, he declared, was too 
 extensive for his own immediate government and control. It was 
 therefore advisable to divide it, assigning one half to Jam Firoz, 
 and keeping the other under his own management. They all 
 concurred, and it was arranged that the territory extending from 
 the Lakki hills, near Siwistan, to Thatta, should be assigned to 
 Jam Firoz, while the upper part from the same hills should 
 remain in his own possession. Having settled this. Shah Beg 
 marched in the direction of Siwistan. The inhabitants of this 
 place, dreading the arrival of the victorious army fled to Thati, and 
 
 ' The Tdrikh-i Sind (p. 139), mates Mm, in true Oriental fashion, take an arrow 
 from his quiTCr, which he gives to Kkzi K&ziu, to show that he was really accredited 
 by the Moghal plunderer. 
 
TAEKHAN-NXMA. 311 
 
 having joined themselTes with the Sa'ta and Stimra tribes,' formed 
 themselYes in order of tattle and advanced to give fight. An 
 obstinate battle ensued, in which Shah Beg proved again victorious ; 
 his adversaries fled, and he took possession of the fort of Siwistan. 
 Having put it in complete repair, he placed in it some of his most 
 distinguished- nobles, among others Mir 'Alaika Arghun, Sultan 
 Mukim Beg-Lar, Kaibuk Arghun, and Ahmad Tarkhan; all these 
 he ordered to erect houses in the fort for themselves. He then took 
 his departure for Bhakkar, and after several days marchiag arrived 
 at the plain surrounding Sakhar. A few days after he reached 
 Bhakkar, where he was much gratified with the fort and town. 
 Having visited and inspected these, he laid out the town, assigning 
 various quarters to his officers and soldiers. He caused a plan to be 
 made of the fort, and placed it in the care of his principal officers, in 
 order that, each one doing his part, they might put it into complete 
 repair. The hard bricks for this purpose were provided by the 
 destruction of the fort of Alor (anciently the seat of government) 
 and of the houses of the Turk and Samma people in the suburbs of 
 Bhakkar.* In a short space of time the works were finished. He 
 fixed on the citadel of the fort as a residence for himself, and 
 Mirza Shah Husain; he also permitted Mir Fazil Kokaltash, Sultan 
 Muhammad, keeper of the seal, and one or two others to reside 
 in it. He employed a whole year in finishing the buildings 
 in the fort and settling the afi'airs of his subjects. 
 
 A.H. 928 (1522 A.D.) Shah Beg left Payinda Muhammad Tarkhan 
 in charge of Bhakkar, and advanced with a considerable army to the 
 conquest of Gruzerat. During his progress down the river, he 
 swept the country on both banks from the foul inhabitants. On 
 the arrival of the army at Chainduka, Mir FazU Kokaltash was 
 taken dangerously iU, and after lingering a few days died. This 
 incident so affected Shah Beg that an idea took possession of his 
 mind that the death of his friend was a warning of the near approach 
 
 1 [ *7 in the text.] Mir M'aslim (p. 141) has, Talahti, instead of That! and 
 
 Samma instead of Sa'ta. " Sihta" is probably the correct reading, which we find 
 sometimes applied to the Sammas. Another copy reads Sodha instead of Sfimra. 
 
 2 Mir M'as<im adds that the Saiyids were turned out of Bhakkar, and allowed a 
 space of ground in Rori, whereon to build new houses. — Tdrikhi-i Sind, 150. 
 
312 HISTOSIANS OF SIND. 
 
 of his own. Shortly after, intelligence was received of the Emperor 
 Babar's arrival in the vicinity of Bhara and Khushib, with the 
 avowed intention of conquering the country of Hindust^. On 
 hearing this, Shah Beg observed that Babar had no intention of 
 leaving him at peace, but that he would ultimately seize Sind, either 
 from him or his descendants. It was needful therefore to seek out 
 some other asylum. Having said this, he complained of a violent 
 pain in his bowels. Every remedy was tried to alleviate it, but in 
 vain, for in the month Sha'ban, 928 h. (June, 1522), after a reign 
 of fifteen years. Shah Beg died, without having been able to effect 
 his intention of entering Guzerat. " Shahr Sha'ban" is the chrono- 
 gram of his death. 
 
 Mirzd Shah Husain Arghun. 
 
 On the death of Shah Beg, in a.h. »28 (1522 a.d.), Shah Husain 
 Arghun succeeded to the throne.' He conferred dresses of honour 
 and marks of his favour on those chiefs, judges, nobles, and 
 ministers who had assembled to congratulate him on his accession. 
 As this event took place at the end of the Eamazan, when the 
 great festival was about to be celebrated, the nobles about his 
 person represented that on this great and memorable occasion it 
 were well that the Khutba were read in his name. This he refused 
 to permit, saying that as long as any descendant of the Sahib-kiran 
 (Timiir) existed, no other man could assume this privilege. Accord- 
 mgly the Khutba was read in the name of the Emperor Zahiru-d 
 dfn Muhammad Babar. During the celebration of the festival, the 
 Shah remained in the same place. In the meantime he received 
 intelKgence how that Jam Firoz and the people of Thatta had heard 
 with delight of the demise of Shah Beg, and had beaten their drums 
 in token of joy and gratification. Incensed at these proceedings, 
 Mirza Shah Husaia having consulted with his minister, and having 
 come to the conclusion that the prosecution of his father's designs 
 on Guzerat was not advisable, ordered his army to march on 
 Thatta in order to destroy Jam Ffroz. News of this determination 
 soon reached Thatta, and Jam Firoz, being utterlj' unable to oppose 
 
 ' Some authorities give the name as Hasan, as in page 308 supra ; but the other is 
 the best authenticated. Eespeoting Shkh Beg's death, see the Appendix. 
 
TAEKHAN-NAMA. 313 
 
 the army maxohiag against him, hastily fled from the city, and 
 crossing the river in despair took his way towards Kach. When he 
 reached Chaohkan and Eahman, he collected an army of about 
 50,000 horse and foot. With this formidable force, consisting 
 of the people of Sind and the Samma tribe, he returned with the 
 intention of coming to an engagement with Mirza Shah Husain, who 
 at the head of his ever victorious troops, had already arrived at the 
 city of Thatta. On hearing of the force which Jam Firoz was 
 bringing against him, the Shah having left a body of men for the 
 protection of the city, the inhabitants being in a state of the greatest 
 alarm, marched out with the view of bringing the enemy to an 
 engagement. On nearing the Sindian army, he formed his troops in 
 order of battle, and advanced. Suddenly he came in view of the 
 enemy, who, greatly alarmed at the sight of the Moghals, dis- 
 mounted, left their horses, doffed their turbans, tied the comers of 
 each other's clothes together, and thus engaged in the conflict. 
 Mirza Shah Husain knew it to be the custom of the people of Sind 
 and Hind, when resolved upon fighting to the death, to leave their 
 horses, and bare-headed and bare-footed, tie themselves together by 
 each other's clothes and waistbands, — so he saw these preparations 
 with delight, and congratulating his nobles and officers on the 
 evident despair of the enemy, and the consequent assurance of 
 victory to themselves, gave the order for the attack. On this, his 
 troops armed with their bows and arrows, and sword in hand, 
 rushed vehemently to the charge, spreading consternation and 
 dismay in the ranks of the enemy. Prom morning to evening the 
 battle was bloodily contested. Nearly 20,000 men feU on the field, 
 till at last, Jam Firoz, being defeated, fled, covered with shame and 
 disgrace, to Guzerat, where he remained until his death. Mirza 
 Shah Husain remained for tiiree days on the field of battle, distri- 
 buting the horses and all other booty amongst hia people, and 
 showering rewards upon his officers ; he then returned in triumph 
 to Thatta. Thence he went tb Tughlikabad, where he remained 
 six months, when he proceeded towards Bhakkar. On his arrival 
 within thirty kos of the city, all the leading men came out to meet 
 and congratulate him, and were received with every honour. In 
 this year also, Shaikh Bulaki came from Kandahar to Sind to visit 
 him. 
 
314 HISTORIANS OP SIND. 
 
 After the lapse of two years, a.h. 930 (1524 a.d.), Mirza Shah. 
 Husain came to the determination to invade Multan, in pursuance 
 of which design he ordered his nobles and generals to make the 
 necessary arrangements. At the commencement of the year a.h. 931 
 (1525 A.D.), he started on this expedition. On reaching the city of 
 ITch he found the Buluchis and Langahs prepared to fight. The 
 Multan army in those days was a hundred-fold greater than the 
 Mirza's, yet he, trusting in Divine assistance, drew up his army 
 with great care and circumspection, and with his Moghal troops 
 began the battle. "When these two brave armies confronted each 
 other, the Moghals employed their deadly fire, and the Langahs and 
 Buluchis plied their bows and arrows. The contest was sharp, but 
 victory at length declared itself in favour of Mirza Shah Husain. 
 Many of the Langahs were slain, the rest fled. The fort was 
 captured, and orders were given to demolish the buildings in .the 
 city of Uch. 
 
 The news of the Shah's success soon reached the ears of Sultan 
 Muhammad Langah, the ruler of Multan.' Whereupon he des- 
 patched parties in all directions, with instructions to levy forces with 
 the greatest celerity. In accordance with these orders, within the 
 course of a month, an army consisting of 80,000 horse and foot, 
 composed of men of the Buluoh, Jat, Eind, Dadi, and other tribes, 
 was raised.'* At the head of his large and powerful force, the Sultan 
 set out from Multan. The Mirza on hearing of these numbers being 
 brought against him, took up a position on the banks of the Ghara 
 and there awaited the attack of the enemy. Sultan Mahmiid re- 
 mained for a month in the suburbs of Multan for the purpose of 
 constructing such engines as might be required, and of amply pro- 
 viding his army with the necessary munitions and stores. Having 
 effected this he resumed his march. The Sultan, inflated with pride 
 and puffed up with a certainty of victory, at last arrived at Beg. 
 Here it happened that Shaikh Shujd' Bakhari, the son-in-law of the 
 
 1 The original says Sultin Husain, but he had died more than twenty years before 
 this event. 
 
 2 The Tuhfatu-l Kirdm (p. 46), says that the Eind is a Buliich tribe. They are 
 still a very influential and powerful clan. See Masson's Journey to Keldt, p. 322. 
 Mir M'asiStn adds to these tribes by naming also the KanrM and Chindya. — Tdrikh-i 
 Sind, p. 185, 
 
TAEKHAN-NAMA. 315 
 
 Sultan, a man possessed of great influence in the political and fiscal 
 affairs of the State, was detected in an intrigue in the royal harem. 
 This having come to the knowledge of the Sultan, he was so 
 enraged, that the Shaikh saw his only safety lay in the death of 
 the Sultan. Having obtained from the treasury the deadly poison 
 there deposited for the destruction of those obnoxious to the State, 
 he administered it to Sultan Mahmiid. The army, which consisted 
 chiefly of Buluchis, being thus deprived of its head, the greatest con- 
 fusion reigned. 
 
 The Langahs placed Sultan Husaiu, son of the late Sultan Mah- 
 mtid, upon the vacant throne, and finding it necessary to make peace, 
 they sent the holy Shaikh Bahau-d-din to negociate a treaty. The 
 Shaikh submitted his terms to Mirza Shah Husain, who approved 
 and ratified them. The Mirza then returned, and on his arrival at 
 Uoh, ordered another fort to be erected there. In the mean time, 
 Langer Ehan, one of the late Sultan Mahmud's nobles, came to the 
 Mirza and informed him that, owing to the youth of Sultan Husain, 
 he was unfit to conduct the Government of Multan, — that the duties 
 of the State were neglected, and that in consequence of the tyranny 
 and oppression, rebellions and insurrections had broken out in the 
 city; that all the greatest and best disposed of the inhabitants 
 were desirous of another ruler. He ended by imploring the Mirza 
 to march again upon Multan. Mirza Shah Husain complied with 
 this request, and on reaching the city laid close siege to the fort, 
 which was garrisoned by the Langah army. Desultory fighting 
 took place daily between the two forces. At length a great scarcity 
 of provisions took place in the city. This increased to such an 
 extent that even the head of a cow was valued at ten tankas, while 
 the price of grain rose to 100 tankas per maund. After some time 
 had elapsed, a party of soldiers one morning forced the gate of the 
 city. The troops rushed in and captured the place. All the in- 
 habitants of the city, from seven years of age up to seventy, were 
 taken prisoners, the city was given up to plunder, and very many 
 of the Langah tribe were slain. On this, Mirza Shah gave orders 
 that no further hurt should be done to the survivors. 
 
 Sultan Husain and his sisters were brought before the Mirza by 
 the venerable Shaikh Bahau-d din ; and Mirza Shah, for the sake of 
 
316 HISTOEIANS OF SIND. 
 
 tteir reverend protector, received them kindly, and abstained from 
 doing them any injury. 
 
 After a stay of two months in the city, the Mirza left Khw^ja 
 Shamsu-d dfn, with a force of 200 horse, 100 foot, and 100 gunners 
 under him in charge of Multan, and having sent a message to the 
 Court of the Emperor, Zahiru-d din Babar, offering Multan to him, 
 he returned to Bhatkar ; and thence went to Thatta, where, having 
 inspected and satisfied himself as to the proper management of the 
 surrounding country, he fixed his abode, and passed fifteen years in 
 the enjoyment of peace and tranquility. 
 
 In the Eamazan a.h. 949 (Dec. 1542, a.d.), the Emperor Nasiru-d 
 din Hamuyun on account of the rebellion of Shir Khan Afgh&i 
 came from Lahore towards Sind. Having taken up his quarters 
 in the town of Lahari (Eori), he established his own residence 
 within the walls of the delightful garden of Babarliika. Sultan 
 MahmAd desolated the country, and himself took refuge in the fort 
 of Bhakkar. The Emperor sent Amfr Tahir Sadar and Samandar 
 Beg to Mirza Shah Husain in Thatta, reminding him of the ties of 
 amity and friendship which had existed between the Tarkhans and 
 the late Emperor Babar. Mirza Shah Husain paid much honour to 
 the royal messengers, and said that if the Emperor intended to 
 invade Gnzerat, he, the Mirza, attMided by his whole army, woiild 
 accompany him on the expedition, and not return till the conquest 
 had been effected. He also made over to him the tract extending 
 from Hala Kandi to Bitura on the other side of the river, to defray 
 the expenses of the royal household. He sent Shaikh Mirak Purani 
 and Mirza Kasim Tafaf to the Emperor, bearing similar terms and 
 suitable presents. On their amval there, they expressed the Mirzd's 
 loyalty and presented the petition of which they were the bearers. 
 After a few days, the Emperor dismissed the ambassadors, and wrote 
 with his own hand a lettar to their master, to the following effect : 
 "To Shah Husain, greeting (after the usual compliments), I comply 
 with your request on this condition, namely, that you serve me 
 with fidelity. Farewell I" 
 
 Mirza Shah Husain had formed his determination to present him- 
 seK to the Emperor at a personal interview. The Arghun nobles 
 ' [To^cA/— musketeers?] 
 
TAEKHAN-NAMA. 317 
 
 were, however, of a different opinion, and altogether adverse to sub- 
 mitting themselves, and by their cunning and designing arts raised 
 a quarrel, by which means they prevented Shah Husain from fol- 
 lowing the dictates of his own judgment. The Emperor remained 
 at Babarluka for five months in the full expectation that Shah 
 Husain woxild come to meet him, and having sworn allegiance 
 would become a faithful ally. Having been informed as to the 
 intentions of the Arghiins, he marched with his army on the 
 first of Jumada-1 Awwal a.h. 948 (Aug.-SeJ)t., 1541), towards 
 Siwistan; on his arrival at which place, he laid siege to the 
 fort. Mirza Husain having received intelligence of this move- 
 ment, came from Thatta and formed an entrenched camp. The 
 Emperor ordered mines to be dug under the fort, by means 
 of which he succeeded in destroying one basti-on. The garrison 
 however, speedily remedied the injury done to their defences by 
 raising another wall. The Emperor saw that ■ the Arghuns had 
 strengthened the work, and was aware that he was altogether 
 unprovided with the engines necessary for the successful termina- 
 tion of the siege. Seven months had now elapsed since he first laid 
 siege to the fort. Mirza Shah Husain succeeded in stopping the 
 conveyance of supplies to the besieguig army, which moreover were 
 impeded by contrary winds and the rising of the river. Owing to 
 these unfortunate circumstances, the army was greatly distressed. 
 At this juncture the Emperor received a petition from Eaja Maldep 
 of Jodpur, intimating that during his majesty's absence, the Eaja 
 had continued his faithful servant, and hoped for his arrival. 
 Should the Emperor deem it fit to bring his ever prosperous army, 
 the Eaja was at his service with 20,000 Eajptits, and would accom- 
 pany the Imperial army to whatever place it may be directed to 
 march. 
 
 In consequence of this invitation, in Eabi'u-1 Awwal, a.h. 949 
 (May- June, 1542), the Emperor marched towards the territories 
 of Eaja Maldeo. After some marches, he approached near them, but 
 was there informed by some irdiabitants of the surrounding coimtry 
 of the sinister views entertained by Mdldeo, who, they said, had 
 invited him only because Sher Khdn Afghan had placed a force in 
 ambuscade for the purpose of attacking and plijadering the army. 
 
318 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 On hearing tUs, the Emperor became alarmed, and was much down- 
 cast, and after consultation he left the Jodpur territory, and marched 
 with great speed to Satalmir. Thence he rapidly proceeded to 
 Jesalmir, and from thence he continued his journey to 'Umaxkot. 
 During his march hither his army suffered much from drought. On 
 his arrival, Dair Sal the chief, accompanied by his people, came out 
 to meet him, and kissed his stirrup.^ He cleared the fort of its 
 occupants and assigned it to the use of the Emperor, who remained 
 in it for some days. 
 
 The people of Thatta sent the great Saiyid 'Ali Shirazi, who was 
 Shaikhu-1 Islam at that time, with presents of fruits and perfumes ; 
 the star of his prosperity again arose from the horizon of greatness. 
 
 On Sunday, the 5th of Eajab, a.h. 949 (15th October, 1542), was 
 bom the great Emperor Jalalu-d din Muhammad Akbar. His father 
 rejoiced greatly at the birth of a son. The first clothes of the child 
 were, for the sake of superior sanctity, made out of the garments of 
 the aforesaid Saiyid. As there was in 'Umarkot no place fitted for 
 the residence of a king, the Court was compelled to remove to Sind. 
 Having set out they reached the town of Jun, situated on the banks 
 of the Eain. This place is celebrated amongst the cities of Sind for 
 the number and beauty of its gardens, abounding in rivulets which 
 present fresh and delightful scenes. In these gardens, the Emperor 
 remained for some days, within sight of the tovni. Mirza Husain 
 also came with his forces into its vicinity, and there encamped. 
 Daily skirmishes took place in the environs of the town between the 
 followers of the two camps. One day, Ti'mur Sultan, Shaikh 'AU 
 Beg, and Tardi Beg Khan, with a body of men, made preparations 
 to attack a fort which was filled with grain. Mirza Shah Husain's 
 officer. Sultan Mahmud Khan Bhakkari, being apprized of their 
 design, took a large force, and in the morning attacked them. 
 Shaikh 'Ali Beg with his sons, stood his ground until he was slain ; 
 others of his force were also kiUed in this engagement. Their 
 adversaries also suffered heavy loss. The Emperor, grieved at the 
 occurrence, contracted a disgust for Sind, and determined upon going 
 to Kandahar. 
 
 ^ The Tuhfatu-l Eirdm (p. 60) gives this name " ESina Wair S&l." Mir ACtmcm 
 (p. 213) has " Rkn.k Bair SM." 
 
TARKHAN-NAMA. 319 
 
 In the meantime, on tlie 7th of Muharram a.h. 950, (12th 
 April, 1543, a.d.), Bairam Khan came, unattended, from Guzerat, 
 and having met the Emperor attempted to console him. He en- 
 deavoured with success to negociate a peace between the contending 
 parties. Shah Husain, delighted with the prospect of peace, readily- 
 agreed to the proposal, and sent the Emperor 100,000 miskals in 
 cash, all the equipage required for travelling (which he caused 
 to be prepared), with 300 horse and an equal number of camels. A 
 bridge also was built near the town, on which the Emperor observed 
 that the Arabic words Sirdt mustaMm, signifying " a strong bridge," 
 formed the chronogram of the date of the treaty and the construction 
 of the bridge, i.e. a.h. 950, (a.d. 1543-4). On the 7th of Eabi'-ul 
 Akhir of the same year, the Emperor marched towards Kandahar 
 and Mirza Shah Husain returned to Thatta. It is said that the 
 Mirza became, towards the end of his life, afflicted with palsy. He 
 chose as his companions men of loose character and mean extrac- 
 tion. The Moghals, Tarfchans, and others, being unable to obtain 
 an audience at the Court, remained in their own houses. Daily, men 
 of notoriously bad character were raised to preferment ; for instance, 
 early in the year 960 (1553 a.d.), the Arhdhi, or prefecture of the 
 city, was conferred upon 'Arabi Kahi, while the premiership was 
 entrusted to Isma'il, an innkeeper. Towards the close of the same 
 year, Mirza Shah Husain made 'Arabi Kahl his viceregent in the 
 fort of Tughlikabad, and installed Shaibah and Eafik, two slaves 
 whom he had purchased and made his most confidential advisers, 
 as superintendents of the city. Having thus placed all the Moghals, 
 Arghuns, Tarkhans, etc., under the control of 'Arabi Kahi, he him- 
 self went to Bhakkar. 
 
 It happened that the sons of 'Arabi Kahi, being rapacious and 
 greedy, oppressed the Moghals. Seeing this, the Arghuns and Tar- 
 khans in Thatta became alarmed and much grieved. On this, 'Arabi 
 Kahi, with the concurrence of his friends, sent information to Mirza 
 Shah Husain, that the Arghun and Tarkhan inhabitants of the city 
 had thrown off their allegiance, and were filled with visionary 
 schemes against him. This, he said, jeopardized the safety of the 
 country, and therefore he had deemed it inciunbent on him to report 
 the circumstance. Infuriated by this intelligence, Shah Husain wrote 
 
320 HISTORIANS OP SIND. 
 
 ordei'S that 'Arabi Kihi should invite into the fort the most seditious 
 of the Arghiin tribe, such as Mfr Taixukh, Mir Kabaik, Mi'r Timur, 
 Mir Fazil, Mir Khalla, etc., and there put them to death. He said 
 that this example would intimidate the others, who would then 
 return to their allegiance. He at the same time treacherously sent 
 a letter to the Moghals, couched in kind terms, stating that they, 
 were his brothers and of the same tribe with himself, and that 
 ('Arabi Kahi) and such fellows, were in reality only their servants 
 and slaves, that to the disgust of the Sammas he had raised these 
 men of low degree to elevated ranks, and that if in conformity to 
 his orders they were obeyed and respected, then, considering them- 
 selves highly honoured, they would the more readily devote them- 
 selves to the duties assigned them. It happened, that these two 
 contradictory letters both fell into the hands of the Moghals, who 
 thus becoming aware of the Shah's duplicity and treacherous designs, 
 revolted, and having seized 'Arabi Kahi, Eafik, Shaibah, and Isma'il, 
 put them to death in the beginning of Muharram a.h. 961 (Dec. 
 1653). Having taken Mah Begam, consort of the Mirza, together 
 with his other concubiues, prisoners, they consulted amongst them- 
 selves and agreed to the necessity of choosing a leader for the better 
 prosecution of their business. They aU offered themselves as can- 
 didates, each man declaring that he would not consent to anyone 
 being preferred before himself. This being the state of the case, 
 it was at last agreed that, as the Arghuns could not choose one among 
 themselves, in preference to another, who might have honours and 
 obeisances paid him, it was advisable, therefore, to select as their 
 chief, one from out the Tarkhan tribe. That Mirza Tsa Tarkhan, 
 governor of Fath Bagh, being wise, prudent, and of noble descent, 
 was best qualified for the office and likely to accede to their request. 
 They then invited the Mirza from Fath Bagh and informed him of 
 their wishes. On his arrival, they showed him great hospitality, and, 
 persisting in their request, obtained his consent. They then nomi- 
 nated him their chief, and placed him at the head of the government 
 of Thatta. They paid him royal respect and homage, and having 
 sworn allegiance, placed themselves under his authority, and made 
 proclamation of his supremacy by beat of drums. The Mirza took 
 possession of the treasure, and having lavished large sums amongst 
 
TARKHAN-NAMA. 321 
 
 the army, established his- power over the several districts and tribes 
 of Sind. 
 
 Enraged at these occurrences, Mirza Shah Husain seized the 
 Arghiins and Tarkhans -who vyere in Bhakkar, such as Mir Jani Beg 
 Tarkhan, Mir Ahmad Tarkhan, Mir Hamza Beg-Lar, Mir Murad 
 Husain Beg-Lar, and others, and then marched at the head of a 
 considerable army to Thatta to give battle to the Arghuns and Tar- 
 khans. On his arrival within two kos of the city, the two armies 
 came into collision on the banks of the stream of Shah Panah. Two 
 or three engagements took place in which both armies suffered con- 
 siderable loss. In the midst of this campaign, Mirza Shah Husain 
 was attacked by a fatal sickness. 
 
 Sultan Mahmud Khan, of Bhakkar, the greatest noble under Shah 
 Husain, was commander-in-chief of his forces. He was the son of 
 Mir Fazil Kokaltash, son of 'Akil Khwaja, son of Ahmad Khwaja, 
 one of the greatest chiefs of Ispahan. At the time when Sahib- 
 Kiran Amir Timiir Gurgan marched for the conquest of I'rak, the 
 chiefs of Ispahan having revolted, threw off their allegiance to him. 
 The Sahib-Kiran on this gave orders that they should be plundered 
 and destroyed, and sent a formidable army to enforce his commands. 
 During this invasion, Ahmad Khwaja father of 'Akil Khwaja fell 
 into the hands of Mi'r Hasan Basri, father of Mirza Zu-n Niin, and 
 he having adopted him as his son, bestowed great pains on his educa- 
 tion. Ahmad Khwaja flourished three generations before Malik Mah- 
 mud Khan, a man famous for his generosity, and nineteen genera- 
 tions after 'Iddi, son of Hatim Tai. Sultan Mahmud Khan, of 
 Bhakkar, was chiefly characterized by his liberality and courage, 
 in which latter he was unequalled. During his service with Mirza 
 Shah Husain, he had given repeated proofs of his valour. On seeing 
 that the Mirza' s days were numbered, and that he had but a short 
 time to live, he reflected that daily Musulmans were losing their 
 lives in the strife, and that shortly he would be involved in inex- 
 tricable difSculties. He therefore sent privately a message to Mirza 
 Tsa Tarkhan, to the effect that Mirza Shah Husain was on the point 
 of death, that when that occurred, there would be no one to inter- 
 fere between them, and that it would be advis9,ble to enter into a 
 mutual engagement. He refused to revolt against his master 
 
 VOL. I. 21 
 
322 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 during Ms lifetime, but on his rleatk he proposed an equal diyision 
 of the country, — ^from the Lakki hills down to the sea should belong 
 to Mirza Tsa, and from the same hills to Bhakkar should belong 
 to himself. The next morning, at the suggestion of Sultan Mahmud, 
 the great Shaikh 'Abdu-1 Wahab Purani, and Mirza Kasim Beg-Lar 
 brought the apologies of Mirza Tsa, expressing his sorrow and 
 shame for the disrespectful conduct of the Arghuns towards the 
 Mirza. He sent word that if the Mirza would pardon him, and 
 release such of the Arghuns and Tarkhans as were imprisoned, 
 he would himself come in the hope of getting forgiveness for 
 the past. Mirza Shah Husain, actuated by merciful motives, li- 
 berated the prisoners, and sent them to Mirza Tsa, who in return 
 ordered that Mah Begam and all the other captive concubines 
 should be taken to the camp of the Mirzii. Next day, Mirza 
 Kasim Beg brought a letter to Mirza Tsa to this effect : — " Tou 
 should not have chosen this line of conduct, which can only tend 
 to bring a bad name on both parties. "Well ! let bygones be 
 bygones. In expectation of my mercy, you must either come 
 yourself or send your son, that I may, through my own spon- 
 taneous kindness, confer on him the governorship of Thatta, while 
 I myself return to Bhakkar." As the Arghuns, Tarkhans, and 
 soldiers, in their foresight, advised Mirza Tsa not to go himself, 
 he turned to his eldest son, Mirza Baki, and told him that he 
 should go. The son refused, and said, " If you are anxious for 
 my death, kill me with your own hand, but do not deliver me 
 over to the hand of the enemy." On this, the Mirza looked at 
 his second son, Mirza Salih, who, having arisen, rose and said, 
 " Be satisfied ; I will go. Either he wiU keep his word, or he 
 wiU not. If he does, it will fulfil our hopes; if he does not, 
 your safety must be secured. I am prepared to sacrifice myself, 
 and obtain the honour of martyrdom 1 " Mirza Tsa Tarkhan, see- 
 ing his spirit, embraced him with paternal affection, and gave him 
 permission to proceed on the mission. Mirza Salih with a few 
 brave men went on the fourth of Eabi'u-1 Awwal, a.h. 961 (Feb. 
 1554), accompanied by Mirza Muhammad Kasim Beg-Lar, to meet 
 Mirza Shah Husain, and offer his presents. The Mirza with 
 great kindness praised his fidelity and courage, and calling him 
 
TARKHAN-NAMA. 323 
 
 his dear son, invested him with, a rich robe, a girdle, and sword 
 adorned with precious stones, together with a horse, and saddle 
 and bridle set with gems, a necklace, and a kettledrum. He 
 furthermore conferred on him the governorship of Thatta,, and 
 then gave him permission to retire. Eetumiag in safety to Thatta, 
 he caused the kettledrum to be sounded before him, and presenting 
 to his father all he had received, he remained under his protection, 
 obedient to his orders. 
 
 About the same time Mirza Shah Husain marched back towards 
 Bhakkar, and ©n the 12th of the same month, died at the village 
 of 'Aliputra, twenty kos from Thatta, after a reign of thirty-two 
 years. Mah Begam and Shaikli 'Abdu-1 Wahab carried his remains 
 to Thatta, where they were temporarily deposited in the MakaJi 
 Hills. After two years, they were sent in charge of Saiyid^ 'All 
 Shirazf and Mah Begam to the holy city of Mecca, and were re- 
 interred there by the side of the tomb of his father, Shah Beg. 
 
 Mirzd 'Isd Tarkhdn. 
 
 Mirza Tsd Tarkhan, son of Mirza 'Abdu-1 'All, son of Mirzd 'Abdu-1 
 Khalik, son' of Arghun Khan, son of Abaka Khan, son of Hulaku 
 Khan, son of Changiz Khto, succeeded to the throne of Thatta, after 
 the death of Mirza Husaia Arghun. Mirza Tsa made Mirza Salih Tar- 
 khan his heir apparent, and placed the reins of government in his 
 hands, reserving to himself only the name of king.^ When Mirza 
 Salih had made himself secure of Thatta and its dependencies, he 
 left his brother, Mirza Jan Baba, who was greatly attached to him, 
 to attend upon his father while he himself marched against Si- 
 wistan. He commenced his march on the 14th of Shawwal, a.h. 961 
 (Sep. 1554), and on the 21st of the same month he wrested the fort 
 of Siwistan from the the hands Mahmud Khan Bhakkari. When 
 Sultan Mahmud heard of this loss, he collected an army to oppose 
 Mirza Salih. This was reported to Mirza Ts^ Tarkhan, and he 
 thereupon led a large force from Thatta to attempt the conquest of 
 
 1 This " son " comprises several generations, as sliown in the genealogical table at 
 the beginning of this work. 
 
 2 [Long eulogies of Mirz4 'I'&i. and Mirzi S&Iib are omitted from the translation.] 
 
324 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 Bhakkar. He reached Bhakkar in the month of Muharram, a.h. 
 962 (Nov. 1554), where Sultan Mahmud had drawn np his army 
 to resist him. Two or three engagements followed, and many 
 were killed on both sides. Sultan Mahmud was at length com- 
 pelled to take refuge in the fort, where he was so hardly pressed 
 that he sent Saiyid Mir Kalan, grandfather of Mir M'asiim Bhak- 
 kari, to treat with Mirza Tsa, making professions of friendship, 
 and offering to give up Siwistan and its appurtenances, if Bhakkar 
 were secured to him ; urging also that Bhakkar was on the 
 frontier of Hindustan, and acted as a barrier on that side. At 
 this juncture, intelligence arrived that the Firingis, who were 
 coming from Lahori-bandar to the assistance of Mirza Tsa Tar- 
 khan, finding the city of Thatta unprotected, had plundered it, set 
 fire to it, and made, the inhabitants prisoners. The Mirza therefore 
 accepted the proposal of Sultan Mahmud, and peace being con- 
 cluded, he hastened back to Thatta, and resumed the government. 
 
 In the beginning of the year 964 h. (November, 1556), Mirza 
 Muhammad Baki rebelled against his father, asserting his rights as 
 eldest son, and objecting to the sele tion of Mirza Muhammad Salih 
 as heir to the throne. In the fighting which ensued, Muhammad 
 Baki was worsted, and he fled to Wanka., which was the abode of 
 the Siimras. There he formed a connection with sundry Arghuns, 
 and returned with them by way of 'Umarkot and Jesalmir to 
 Bhakkar. On his arriving there, Sultan Mahmud Khdn laudably 
 exerted himself to effect a reconciliation between him and his father ; 
 but Mirza Tsa Tarkhan, out of regard for Mirza Salih, exiled 
 Muhammad Baki from Thatta, and sent him to Bhakkar. Here he 
 endeavoured to procure assistance from Hindustan,' but Sultan 
 Mahmud opposed him. The Sultan foresaw that if an army came 
 from Hindustan it must necessarily pass by Bhakkar, which would 
 be the first place to suffer. So he kindly but firmly opposed the 
 project. 
 
 In the year 970 h-. (1562 a.b.) the brave Muhammad Sahh, who 
 had won so many victories, drank the sherbet of martyrdom from 
 the hands of a Buluch named Murid. The family and tribe of this 
 
 ' [^J4^ I^Gu»:)iXiJS A "lie, J 
 
taekhan-nAma. 325 
 
 man had been put to death by Muhammad Salih in punishment of 
 their robberies ; so holding a petition in his hand he placed himself 
 in the way of the Mirza. The prince called him to his side and 
 stooped down to receive the petition, when the caitiff plunged a 
 dagger into his breast, and killed him. 
 
 After the death of his favourite son, Mirza Tsa Tarkhan nominated 
 Mirza Jan Baba as heir apparent. After some time Sultdn Mahmud 
 begged Mirza Tsa to forgive his son Muhammad Baki, but failed 
 in his object. Several nobles who inclined to the side of that prince 
 then interested themselves on his behalf, and roused the father's pride 
 by urging that the prince ought not to be a dependant on Sultan 
 Mahmud. Being thus induced to pardon his son, Mirza Tsa sent 
 Shaikh 'Abdu-1 Wahab Purani and Mir Yar Muhammad, his nephew, 
 to bring him. home. When Muhammad Baki arrived, he waited on 
 his father, and, receiving the town of Siwistan as his jagir, departed 
 thither. 
 
 Mirza Tsa was of a gentle and patient disposition, and showed 
 great kindness to the people of his tribe (uliis) ; but the Arghuns 
 were disaffected, and breaking out in open rebellion crossed the river. 
 The guns ' of Mirza Tsa opened upon them. Many were killed, 
 and the remnant fled for succour to Sultan Mahmud at Bhakkar. 
 This prince gave a horse and a robe to each of them, and uniting 
 them with a party of his own dependents sent them against Siwistan, 
 They besieged the fort, and once or twice succeeded in scaling the 
 ramparts, but could accomplish nothing more. Mirza Tsa marched 
 from Thatta with a numerous force, and sent a detachment on in 
 advance to raise the siege and pursue the assailants. The opposing 
 forces met at the village of Eakban, when victory declared in favour 
 of Mirza Tsa, and many of Sultan Mahmud's men were slain. The 
 Mirzd advanced as far as the town of Durbela. The Sultan also, 
 coming out of Bhakkar, arrived near the same place, and throwing 
 up a fort, prepared far the conflict. In the end peace was made 
 through the medium of Mah Begam and Shaikh 'Abdu-1 Wah4b 
 Purani, and the rivals retired to Thatta and Bhakkar respectively. 
 
 In the year a.h. 974 (1566 a.d.) Mirza Tsa Tarkhan was seized 
 with mortal sickness, so he called together the Arghuns and the 
 
 > Atash-bizi. 
 
326 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 Tarkhans, the ministers and nobles, and all the chief men of the 
 country, iu order once more to name Mirza Jan Baba as his suc- 
 cessor. But Mah Begam strenuously opposed this, maintaining the 
 right of Muhammad Bakf, the eldest son. The dying monarch 
 declared that Muhammad Baki was tyrannical and cruel, that the 
 people would suffer under his rule, and that she herself would 
 perish by his hand. The end of it all was that Mah Begam sent to 
 hasten the coming of Muhammad Baki, and kept the death of his 
 father secret until his arrival. Mirza Tsa Tarkhan, who had reigned 
 fourteen years, was then biiried in a tomb, which he had constructed 
 in his garden, and Muhammad Baki ascended the thrOTie. 
 
TUIIFATU-L KIRAM. 327 
 
 VIII. 
 
 TUHFATU-L KlRi^M. 
 
 [This is a work in three volumes by 'All Sher Kani\ The 
 first two volumes are of considerable length, but all the matter of 
 special historical interest is comprised in the third. A succinct 
 synopsis of the contents of the work is prefixed to the first 
 volume. According to this the work commences with — 
 
 Vol. I. A Preface in two parts and three books. Book I. 
 contains three sections, — On the (1) Prophets ; (2) Kings ; (3) 
 Philosophers, saints, poets, and great men before the time of 
 Muhammad. Book II. is divided into five sections, (1) Ancestors 
 of the Prophet ; (2) Memoirs of the Prophet ; (3) the Four 
 Khalifs ; (4) the Four Imams ; (5) Celebrated Descendants of 
 the Four Imams, Book III., in three sections, (1) The Um- 
 raayide Khalifs and their representatives in 'Irak and Khurasan, 
 with notices of the chiefs and great men of the times ; (2) The 
 'Abbaside Khalifs, including those who set up the Khalifat in 
 Egypt, and also the great men and warriors of the period ; (3) 
 Kings cotemporary with the 'Abbasides. 
 
 Vol. II. General History, with notices of philosophers, nobles, 
 ministers, and other great men. 
 
 Vol. III. Special History of Bind, including descriptions of its 
 cities and villages, histories of its rulers, and memoirs of its 
 great, learned, and distinguished men. J 
 
 This third volume, as it is the latest, so it is the most compre- 
 hensive and consistent of all the histories of Sind. In the 
 portion relating to the early history of the province, it is not 
 quite so copious as the Tdrikh-i Sind of Mir M'asum ; but even 
 in that part it presents us with more miscellaneous information. 
 
328 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 and introduces subjects not treated of in that work, such as the 
 legendary tales which are familiar in the country, the origin of 
 some of the tribes, and the separate biographies of the principal 
 officers and nobles who acquired distinction under the later 
 dynasties. The authors are both equally credulous in recording 
 the miracles of saints, but the extent to which the hagiography 
 runs in the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm is much greater than in the Tdrikh-i 
 Sind; there being scarcely a village in that priest-ridden country 
 which has not its tombs of holy men, whose lives and powers are 
 here recorded with implicit faith. 
 
 The work opens with the dynasties of the Eais and Brah- 
 mans, followed by the history of the Arab conquest, well 
 abridged from the Chach-ndma. This comprises twenty pages. 
 In thirty more we have the legends, the governors appointed by 
 the kings of Dehli, the Stimras and Saramas ; then the history of 
 the Arghuns and Tarkhans, with their nobles, in thirty-six 
 pages ; the imperial governors under the Timiirians in twenty- 
 four pages, and an account of the Kalhora dynasty to the time of 
 MI4n Sar-faraz, Khan in twelve pages. All this is comprised in 
 a little less than half the volume. The rest is entirely devoted 
 to the saints, seers, saiyids, shaikhs, and devotees, with a notice 
 of the poets and caligraphists of Sind. 
 
 There are two chronograms at the end of the volume, repre- 
 senting that it was completed in a.h. 1181 (1767-8 a.d.) ; but 
 near the middle, at the close of the account of the Kalhoras, we 
 have later dates several times mentioned, extending to the year 
 A.H. 1188. 
 
 The author quotes as his authorities all the native histories 
 noticed in the preceding articles ; and in the accounts of the 
 saints we find incidentally mentioned the Jawdhiru-l Aulyd, the 
 Sadikatu-l Aulyd, the Ma'ldmdtu-l Afdk, and the Taghiratu-l 
 Murdd. Some other authors quoted in the body of the work are 
 obtained at second hand. 
 
 Extracts from the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm have been given by Lt. 
 Postans in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Numbers 
 
TUHFATU-L KIEA'M. 329 
 
 Ixxiv., 1838, and clviii., 1845. In the latter we have the por- 
 tion relating to the Arab conquest of Sind, which, as before 
 mentioned, is abstracted from the Chach-ndma. 
 
 The Tvhfatu-l Kirdm is the title of one of the works of the 
 celebrated Jalalu-d din Soyiiti, according to the Parisian catalogue 
 of his writings given in G. Fluegel's edition of Hdji Khalfa's 
 Lexicon Bibliographicum, Vol. vi. pp. 665-679. 
 
 [Sir H. Elliot's copy consists of three volumes quarto. Vol. 
 I., measuring 11 in. by 8 in., contains 746 pages. Vol. II., 
 889 pages, of 17 Hues each. Vol. III. is a little larger (12 in. 
 by 8| in.), and contains 242 pages, of 25 lines each, in a much 
 smaller hand There is also a new copy of Vol. III.] 
 
 EXTEAOTS. 
 
 The Sindiati Ordeal of Fire. 
 
 Some customs have obtained from of old among the inhabitants 
 of Sind,' which, although they spring from, ignorance, their practice 
 is specially observed by them. 
 
 When a person is suspected of any grave offence, and desires to 
 purge himself of the charge, he offers to pass through ihe flam.es of 
 a large fire, like a salamander, and come out of it unharmed, like 
 Khali'l. In the story of Sassi and Marui we shall have an instance 
 of this ordeal. 
 
 Another ordeal, still practiced among the most ig-norant, is that 
 of taking up a red-hot spade, and this will also be noticed in the 
 story of Marui. Green leaves of a tree are tied on to the hand of 
 the suspected person with raw thread, and an iron spade, heated 
 to redness, being then placed on his palm, he must carry it for several 
 paces quickly ; and it has often been seen that neither the thread nor 
 the leaves have been in the slightest degree affected by the heat of 
 the red-hot iron, although when cast to the groimd it scorched it 
 
 1 Bumia is the term used for inhabitants, literally " occupiers of the land" — the 
 hhumia of Hindlist&n. The term is of frequent occurrence in the Sindian histories, 
 but rare in other works. 
 
330 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 like tke sand in the oven of a parcher of grain.. Verily this is by 
 the Tirtue of Truth, for if otherwise, how is it that such fire does not 
 bum the hand ? 
 
 A modem story runs thus : — ^A woman stole a pair of shoes 
 belonging to the wife of a certain horseman, but denied the theft. 
 When the time approached for undergoing the ordeal of the hot 
 iron, she artfully concealed the shoes in a basket filled with cotton ; 
 and making it seem as if the carrying that were her business at the 
 moment, entered the assembly, and handing it to the horseman's 
 wife, asked her to take charge of it during the ordeal. She then 
 said, "The truth is, I did find a pair of shoes belonging to so and 
 so, and I have made them over to the owner ! By the same token I 
 now take up this red-hot spade." She took it up unharmed, and 
 was then purged of the charge. The complainant then angrily 
 threw the basket on the ground, and, as Truth is sure to prevail, the 
 trick of this artful woman was exposed. 
 
 The Ordeal of Water. 
 
 A stout post is fixed in deep water, the accused is then told to 
 dive to the bottom, and stay by the post. One of the company 
 shoots an arrow to a long distance, and another person goes and 
 brings this arrow back. The post is then shaken ; if the accused be 
 innocent, he will, up to that time, by holding his breath, have been 
 able to remain at the bottom, and on this signal he will come up to 
 the surface. But if guilty, he cannot any how stay so long under 
 water. 
 
 Incantations. 
 
 Furthermore, several of the people of this coimtry practise magic 
 and incantations. For instance, they can roguishly transfer their 
 neighbour's curds to their own stock, as the following instance will 
 show. A respectable man relates that he was the guest of a woman 
 residing in a village, and that she had but the curds of the milk of 
 one cow. However, about the time she was going to make the 
 butter, she stepped over to a neighbour's house on pretence of 
 fetching fire, and there the woman of the house had a large dish of 
 curds before her, which she was preparing to make into butter ; the 
 
TUHPATU-L KIEAM. 331 
 
 witoh wroTigM lier spells, and retraced her steps, and from tlie 
 curds of th.e milk of her one cow she made about ten times the 
 usual quantity of butter ! 
 
 Osteomancy. 
 
 The science called SMna^ is known to some of the hill-people, 
 who are called " Mdnsing." From certain indications on a fresh 
 shoulder-blade, they learn what they wish to know, and it comes to 
 pass accordiagly. A party of hill men, driven from their homes by 
 fear of their enemy, were pursuing their way. Having yet gone 
 but a little distance, the Mdnsing said that he saw from his Shdna 
 that they were hotly pursued by troops, and that there was no 
 escape except by artifice. The party were ordered to empty all 
 the leathern water-bags on the ground, and then to pass over the 
 spot. It so chanced that a Mdnsing was also among the enemy's 
 forces ; he, too, consulted his Shdna for intelligence of the fugitives. 
 It showed him that they had crossed over a stream. This dis- 
 heartened .the pursuers, who turned back, and thus the former were 
 saved. This is but a slight illustration of what this tribe can do by 
 the use of the Shdna. 
 
 Another Custom. — Several ropes, confusedly entangled, are thrown 
 on to the ground, and their xmravelment reveals secret things. 
 
 Other Sindian Customs : — Liver-eaters — Trackers — Ornithocritics. 
 
 There are also women who feed on liver,'' and foretell things to 
 come, as will be shown in the history of Mirza Muhammad Baki.' 
 
 Again, there is the science of Jogni ; this is chiefly in vogue with 
 women. An example of it will be Bhown in the history of Eai 
 Dahir. 
 
 There is a tribe entitled Bawaratiya, who go about in the guise of 
 beggars, professing to explain mysteries and past events, and thereby 
 deceive men. They also make predictions of the future, which 
 seldom come true. 
 
 Some men are so skilful in the art of tracking footprints, that 
 
 > The common people call it Phanni. It is the 'Hmu-l ' Aktdf of the Arabs, and 
 in great repute with the Mongols, 
 
 s Abvi-1 Fazl, in the Ay'm-i Alchmi, notices the celebrity of the Sindians in this art. 
 
332 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 they can tell whether they belong to men or women, strangers or 
 acquaintances, old or young ; so also they can distinguish the prints 
 of horses, camels, oxen, and buffaloes. They can pursue the 
 tracks of thieves over hills and through deserts, and possibly they 
 can even follow them through water. 
 
 Again, there is a tribe in the Kach district, who can prognosticate 
 good or evil from the call of the partridge, and they can likewise 
 predict the good or bad fortune of travellers from the cries and calls 
 of other birds and beasts. A person relates — "I was journeying with 
 a party, one of whom said, ' I must hurry on ; do you follow at your 
 convenience, for I find, from the cry of a bird, that guests have 
 arrived at my house, and also that such and such a friend has just 
 died ' — and, indeed, so it proved." 
 
 Some of the marvels of this country will be found described under 
 their proper heads ; and the wonders of the hills wUl be mentioned 
 towards the end of the narrative. 
 
 The story of Sassi and Pannun. 
 
 A Brahman named Naniya, and his w^ife Mundhar, people of 
 consideration, who dwelt at Bhdmbarawah, subject to the authority of 
 Dalu Bai, were desirous of having a child bom to them. After a 
 while they were blessed with a daughter, the envy of the full moon. 
 It was revealed to her pai-ents that she was destined to be married 
 to a Musulman. Dreading this family disgrace, the parents, with 
 wounded hearts, enclosed that unique pearl in a box — her shell, as it 
 were — and cast it into the river. The current chanced to carry it 
 to the city of Bhambur, where there lived a washerman named 
 Nahiya, who was also styled Lala ; he had 600 apprentices, but not 
 one child. When the box came into some of the apprentices' 
 possession, they took it to their master, who opened it, and this 
 moon' of God's power shone out therefrom. He called her Sassi,' 
 which signifies "moon," and adopted her as his own. As she grew 
 up, the lancet of her love pierced the hearts of beauty's flower- 
 
 ' [Here is an equivoqiie on the word make or md/ii, " moon" and " fish."] 
 2 [Sans. Sasi.'] 
 
TUHFATU-L KIRAM. 333 
 
 cullers. Every one who saw her wished she was his own, and all 
 people surrendered their hearts to her ; wherever she seated her- 
 self men crowded round her like the cluster of the Pleiades, and 
 hovered around her like the constellation of the Eagle. At that 
 time the caravans of Kich and Makran arrived in those parts with a 
 variety of merchandize, and the praises of this " piece of the moon " 
 were conveyed to the ears of Pannun, son of the Chief of Ki'ch. He 
 lost his heart, and repaired to Bhambur in the guise of a merchant, 
 where he saw Sassi, and was much enamoured. By good fortune 
 the seeker found a place in the heart of the sought ; then in the 
 hope of meeting her, he became one of her father's apprentices, and 
 dressed himself as a washerman. I leave out many incidents to 
 avoid prolixity ; but the short of it is, that Sassi returned his love 
 with more than equal ardour. 
 
 A goldsmith's wife, who longed to gratify her amorous inclina- 
 tions, sought to bring about the separation of these two lovers, 
 by exciting Pannun's jealousy. The devoted Sassi came out of it 
 unsullied, like gold from the raging fire, and became an example 
 to the world. After a whUe these two lovers were married. 
 Pannun's father on learning this, desired his other sons to bring 
 back the infatuated one by some means or other. They went 
 and had an interview with Pannun, and became his guests. At 
 night-fall, without his waking, they bound him on a camel, and set 
 off towards their own country. Towards morning Sassi awoke, 
 and found that she had been robbed of her living treasure. No 
 longer mistress of herself she tore her garments in despair, and set 
 off alone in quest of her lost one. With the feet of affection she 
 traversed the rugged hills, and after accomplishing a distance of 
 about forty kos, she fell exhausted from thirst, and was convulsed, 
 striking her feet on the ground in the agonj- of death. By the 
 power of Grod a pool full of water was produced, of which she 
 drank, and found fresh strength. Persons say that the pool remains 
 full of water to this day, and is never dry, even though no rain 
 should fall for years. It is said, that Sassi had seen these things 
 in a dream, on the night on which she was presented with henna, 
 (at her marriage). The branch of henna which she had slept 
 with in her hand according to custom, and which she retained 
 
334 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 after she awoke, and which she carried with her, she now planted 
 on this hill ; by the power of God the branch grew to be a tree, 
 and still remains a monument of that bleeding heart. 
 
 Not to be tedious, after being thus refreshed, Sassf hurried for- 
 ward, and accomplished six or seven kos further through the same 
 hills, when she was again distressed by thirst. A shepherd acci- 
 dentally espied her from a distance, and cast longing eyes on her, 
 and approaching, desired to carry her off. Thereupon she up- 
 braided him with injustice, and requested that he would, at least, 
 procure some refreshment for her, thirsty and tired as she then 
 was, before taking her off. The shepherd hastened to his flock 
 to get some milk. While this was going on, Sassf, who despaired 
 of finding any trace of her lover, and finding herself thus fallen 
 into evU, vented the anguish of her heart before the Almighty 
 (who is the comforter of the helpless), and put up a petition for 
 protection against that demon of the desert. Instantly, by the 
 divine power, the hill was rent asunder, and gave a place to 
 that half dead and stricken lover, like a ruby lying in the matrix ; 
 and, as a warning and memorial, a comer of her scarf was left 
 visible. When the shepherd returned with the mUk, and saw 
 this instance of Divine power, he repented himself, and raised a 
 tomb of stones over her, according to custom. 
 
 The tellers of love stories, which cut the heart like sharp diamonds, 
 relate that when Pannun, all in chains, was carried before his father, 
 his restlessness began to shew itself to such a degree that his father 
 was alarmed for his life, and, there being no help for it, he desired 
 his brothers to go with him, and in any way that could be 
 managed, restore his beloved to him. As they were travelling 
 back, Pannun arrived at the place where Sassi was entombed, 
 and seeing the fresh traces, stood amazed. The mutual attraction 
 of hearts revealed this to him. For -outward evidence he set about 
 inquiring into the circumstances. The> shepherd before spoken of 
 happened to arrive just then, and related everything as it had 
 occurred. Panniin instantly dismounted from his camel, and begged 
 his brothers to wait- one moment, as he wished to pay a pilgrim's 
 visit to this tomb. Then, having thrown himself upon it, he cried 
 aloud to the Almighty, beseeching that he might be joined to his 
 
TUHFATU-L KIEAM.. 335 
 
 love. As no petitioner before God is ever left without hope, so by 
 His power the hill at once opened and admitted Panniin. He and his 
 mistress were thus encased, as it were, like twin almonds in one shell. 
 The loves of these two, both lovers and both beloved, are stUl 
 chanted in verses by the Sindians, at a place called Husaini, and 
 people thus seek and find a mode by which they may soar from 
 wordly affection to spiritual love.' In truth, this narrative has a 
 wonderful effect on the hearers and narrators, and Mir M'asiim, 
 of Bhakkar, has wrought it into a poem, entitled " Husn o Naz " 
 (or beauty and blandishment) ; and Kazi Murtaza Sorthi, a resi- 
 dent of the village of Katiana, composed a poem, of a pecuKar 
 rhythm, on it in the reign of Muhammad Shih Badshah. He re- 
 lates this story :~M Darwesh named Ism'ail, an inhabitant of 
 Multan, came on a. pilgrimage to see these two wonderful persons 
 of the world of love and affection, and having left his camel at 
 a distance, sat down and fasted three days, in the hope of seeing 
 the two lovers. At the end of that time an old woman appeared to 
 him, bringing some bread and- water, but he flatly refused to eat 
 or drink till he had seen Sassi and Panniin. She replied that 
 she was Sassi, and desired him not to expect to see Panniin, for 
 there was no dependance to be placed on things of this world, 
 and that she was harassed by her kindred, who had reduced her 
 to that condition. The Darwesh said — -'How can I believe this, 
 for Sassi was young and beautiful, and thou art an old crone." 
 On- these words, she was transfigured to her pristine beauty and 
 youth, and she bade him eat something. The Darwesh said, " I 
 will rather die of hunger than eat before I have seen both of you : 
 thus have I vowed." After repeated adjurations, Sassi descended 
 into the grave, and showed Panniin as far as his waist, but she 
 herself encircled him all the while with both arms, for fear some 
 one should carry him off. In short, many elders of pure heart 
 have thus seen them. That road is not passable for any one riding 
 a camel ; but whosoever keeps awake by night at the tomb, is 
 
 1 This story, as -well as many others connected -with the legendary lore of Sind, is- 
 very -well told hy Lt. Burton. He calls the hero and heroine Panhu and Sassui^ — 
 See the Unhappy Valley, vol. I, pp. 81-88 ; and Sindh, pp. 57, 92-106. Mrs. Postans- 
 also gives it as a legend of Kach'h. 
 
3S6 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 feasted by an unseen hand, notwithstanding that the place is an 
 utter desert. 
 
 The Genealogy of the Jats and BulucMs. 
 
 Muhammad, son of Harun Makrani, who will he noticed in the 
 series of governors of Makran, and who, at the time; of the conquest 
 of Sind, accompanied Muhammad Kasim as far as Armanbela, where 
 he died and was buried, was, as appears from the genealogical 
 table of the family, a grandson of Muhammad, son of Aban, son 
 of 'Abdu-r Eahim, son of Hamza, son of 'Abdu-1 Matlab. Once 
 on a time, the pursuit of some beast of the chase, carried the Amir 
 Hamza (may the favour of God restore him !) a long distance into 
 a desert, where he found himself in solitude. As the Almighty 
 watches with a special providence over his chosen ones, a fairy 
 appeared in that desert for Hamza's company, and by the divine 
 permission, he consorted with her, and this dissipated his sense 
 of loneliness and dreariness. The fairy afterwards, by the divine 
 power, became invisible, and the Amir reached his own country. 
 The fairy bore a son by him, viz., 'Abdu-r Eahim. To be brief, 
 Muhammad, son of Hariin, had fifty sons bom to him from seven 
 women, as follows : — I. The first wife, Hamfri, bore — 1. Tsa ; 2. 
 Mihran ; 3. Hajjaz ; 4. Sahtak ; 5. Bahram ; 6. Eustam ; 7. Jalal. 
 
 11. His second wife bore — 1. Mazld;; 2. Jamal ; 3. Eada ; 4. 
 Buhlol ; 5. Sbahab ; 6i. Nizam ; 7. Jalal ; 8. Murid. m. Miriam 
 bore — 1. Eodin; 2. Musa; 3. Noti ; 4. Niih; 5. Mandah; 6. 
 Kaziu-d din. TV. 'Aisha bore Jalal. V. Muddi bore — I.Adam; 2. 
 Kamal ; Si Ahmad ; 4. Humad ; 5. Hamid ; 6. Sa'id ; 7. Mas'ud. 
 VI. Fatima- bore— 1. Sher; 2. Koh; 3. Buland; 4. Gurg; 5. Nuru-d 
 d& ; 6. Hasan ; 7. Husain ; 8. Sulaiman ; 9. Ibrahim. VII. Eve 
 bore— 1. 'Alam; 2. 'Ali; 3. Sarkash; 4. Bahadur; 5. Teghzan; 6. 
 Mubarak ; 7. Turk ; 8. Zalha; 9. 'Arabi ; 10. Shiraz ; 11. Taju-d din; 
 
 12. Gulistan-Barg. 
 
 After Hajjaj had subdued all opposition in Makran, as is recorded, 
 he died, and that principality was divided between the children of 
 Jalal, who took one-half, and the other half was shared by all 
 his brothers. After a short time contentions sprang up among 
 
TDHFATU-L KIE*M. 337 
 
 the brothers ; the greater part of their descendants mixed with 
 the people of the country and dwelt there, but the descendants 
 or Jalalu-d din, having been worsted, repaired to Sind and Kach, 
 and their descendants are spread in numberless divisions throughout 
 that country. 
 
 The Tribe of Lodh, also called Loli. 
 
 Their origin is this, that king Sulaiman (the prophet, peace be 
 to him !) sent a party of Genii to Bum to purchase female slaves. 
 On their return back, one of the Genii foi"med a connection with a 
 girl named Lolia, who became pregnant by him. On king Sulai- 
 man hearing of this, he gave him the girl. The child was named 
 Lodh, and his descendants, generation after generation, inter- 
 mingled with the Arabs; and at the time of the conquest of 
 Sind, came to dwell there, — or perhaps they may have come there 
 before that period. 
 
 Genealogy of the Samma Tribe. 
 
 Sam, as some affirm, was the son of 'Umar, son of Hasham, son 
 of Abi Lahib ; and according to others, he was the son of 'Umar, 
 son of 'Akarma, son of Abl Jahl. The title of Jam renders it 
 probable that he was descended from Jamshid. He is commonly 
 considered to be the son of Nuh. Jam, the son of Nuh (peace 
 be to him !), had four sons : — 1. Budha, who had sixteen sons, 
 among whom were Budh, Sura, Sahta, Akhil, Autar, Amra, Handir, 
 and others, they were styled Eathor ; 2. Sanka ; 3. Hamhar ; 
 4i Bhagirat, who had one son named Dera, whose son was Ajipar, 
 whose son was Dasrat. 
 
 Dasrat had three wives, viz., — Kasila, Kailiya, and Bimiya ; by the 
 first of these he had two sons, Eam and Lakhman ; the second bore 
 Barat, and Simia had Chatargun. Sanka, son of Sam, also left 
 descendants; and Hamhar, sou of Sam, had a son named Todar, 
 and Barat, son of Dasrat, had four sons, named Parihar, Jansupa, 
 Kuricha, and Nahiya. Chatargun, son of Dasrat, also had a son 
 named Chaira. Lakhman, son of Dasrat, left no posterity. Bam, 
 son of Dasrat, left a son named Tawakas ; he had a son named Atat, 
 whose son was named Tattat ; he had a son named Narkaut, — ^his 
 VOL. I. 22 
 
338 HISTORIANS OF SINO. 
 
 son was Kan, and tlie city of Kan was so called from him ; and the 
 son of Kan was styled Sambut Kaja, who had four sons — 1. Sam ; 
 2. Barkarara, also called Shah ; 3. Hanrat, also called Dakan ; 4* 
 Mdda. 
 
 Sam, the son of Sambut Eaja, had a son namad Jadam. Jadam 
 had four sons : — 1. Haibat, whose son was Sind Samma ; 2. Gajpat, 
 whose son was Chughda ; 3. Bhupat, from whom the tribe of 
 Bhattis sprung; 4. Chura Samma. His son was Kai Daiyach, 
 who became chief of Gimal, a fort in the district of Sorath, and 
 famous for the pomp of his retinue. He sacrificed his head as a 
 religious offering. His wife Sorath was devotedly attached to him. 
 The strong affection of this couple, together with the story of the 
 sacrifice, is the subject of a most affecting tale, still sung at Sorath. 
 Haibat, son of Jadam, son of Sdm, son of Sambut, had a son named 
 Ridari, whose sou was Nit, who had a son Niitiar, whose son was 
 Audhar, whose son was Audh, whose son was Lakhiya, whose son 
 was Lakha. 
 
 Lakha founded a kingdom, and having allied himself in marriage 
 to Pothi Chada, she brought him four sons. Of these one was Audh, 
 who died without issue, and whose place of residence was called 
 Audh ; another was Mahir, he had four sons, viz., — 1. Satya ; 
 2. Ditar Patharl ; 3. Darha, who had no children : 4. Sand, he 
 also had no issue. Lakha took to himself another wife in his old 
 age, by whom he had also four sons, viz., — 1. Unar; 2. Chhatta, 
 who had three sons, Babra, Dankara, and KaUa ; 3. Fahal, the 
 father of the celebrated Lakha Taslani ; 4. Manahia. Unar, son of 
 Lakha, had a son also called Lakha, whose son was called Samma. 
 This Samma had two sons, — 1. Kaka ; 2. Jhakra. The former be- 
 came a ruler, and the district of Kaka takes its name from him. 
 He had two sons — 1. Pallf ; 2. Raldan- Masrak Samma one of Palll's 
 sons, became a chief. 
 
 Raidan had nine sons— 1. Samma, from whom all the Samejas 
 descend; 2. Nutiar, from whom sprang all the Nuts; 3. Lakha, 
 father of Lanjar ; 4. Abra, who had a son called Dahir; 5. Na- 
 hfya ; 6. Chanesar, who was a noted man of his time ; 7. Manahia ; 8. 
 Koria — the descendants of these three form the tribe of Mindra; 
 9. Palli, who became a chief. PaUf had two sons — 1. Audli, whose 
 
TUHFATU-L KIRAM. 339 
 
 sons were Bahrfa and Adeja, who was called Gudaria Pdtra (or 
 the son of a shepherd) ; 2. Sand, who became the head of a tribe 
 of that name. Sand had seven sons — 1. Kaka, whose descendants 
 are called Kakeja Putra; 2. Jara; 3. Dera; 4. Janeja; 6. Han- 
 kiira, who had sons, Audheja, Jakia, Diirha, and Hankiija ; 6. Dera, 
 whose descendants are the Dera Samma, of Kach; 7. Jam Hothi, 
 who had five sons : — 1. Hala, whose descendants are well known ; 
 
 2. Hankdra, whose descendants are bumiyas of Dhuri, Hankura, 
 Char Hankura, and Bam Deh, which places were founded by them ; 
 
 3. Sahir, whose descendants founded Sahir Samma, and live there ; 
 
 4. Chilaria, whose descendants are the tribe of Nahria; 5. Jam 
 Hapar, who had two sons, viz., Eahuja and Jam Juna ; the latter 
 had a son named Kar Rahii, who had three sons — 1. Sand, whose 
 sons Biihuma, Lakhaita, and Jhakra ; 2. Sumra, who left no issue ; 3. 
 Lakha Jam, who had a son called Kaha, whose son was called 
 Lakha. Kaha had also a posthumous son, who was also called 
 Kaha, after his father. 
 
 Lakha, son of Kaha, brother of Kaha before mentioned (sic) had 
 twelve sons — 1. Jam Jiina, whose descendants are the Samma kiags 
 of Sind, who dwelt at Samui, and who will be mentioned in their 
 proper places ; 2. Unar, who ruled in Bahria, and died without issue ; 
 3. Palli, from whom the Pallf Sammas descend ; 4. Kaha, from him 
 are the Sudiari Sammas : 5. Auth, — the Auth Sammas, Sahil Sammas, 
 and Sikhawat Sammas, spring from him ; 6. Jaisur, whose son was 
 Bahia Piria ; 7. Mankar, who had no son ; 8. Abra, the tribe of 
 Abreja, are his descendants ; 9. Hankura Kunwar ; 10. Sultan Aut ; 
 11. Eaidan ; 12. Lakha. Hankura Kunwar had three sons — 1. 
 Disar; 2. Manahia; 3. Muradia. Dfsar had five sons — 1. Kaha; 
 2. Mala ; 3. Bakan ; 4. Hankdra ; 5. Juna, who had also five sons — 
 1. Khoria; 2. Tajia; 3. Abra; 4. Buluch; 5. Pambiya.' Such of 
 the descendants of the latter as rested in Sind, will be mentioned 
 in the histbry of the Samma kings. 
 
 Be it observed, that the Sammas are the owners of the land through- 
 out Sind, as far as Gruzerat, including also the greater part of Bajpu- 
 tana, and they form the majority of the population of Sind. The 
 tribes of Buluch and Jat, and some others already spoken of, are also 
 ' [Or "Pkmljamya."] 
 
340 HISTORIANS OP SIND. 
 
 the ancient inhabitants of the land. Other tribes might be men- 
 tioned who succeeeded, or even preceded these, but for the sake of 
 brevity, the writer of this book contents himself with specifying 
 only what is actually necessary. Should any one desire a more 
 minute narrative, let Tii^n pursue the investigation himself. 
 
 The Governors of Sind under the Ghaznivides and their Successors. 
 
 The officers of Sultan Mas'ud possessed themselves of the country 
 of Sind, in succession to those of Mahmud. Then followed the 
 officers of Maudiid, then the officers of Majdud ; next the officers of 
 Sultan Kutbu-d Din, and lastly, the officers of Aram Shah, who are 
 all severally described in the first and second volum.es. During the 
 reign of the latter king, his dominions were parcelled into four 
 divisions : one of which comprising Multan, the whole of Sind, and 
 ITch, became subject to Nasiru-d din Eabacha. At that time the 
 following seven Eanas in Sind were tributary to Multan : — 1. E4na 
 Buhnar Sa'ta Eathor, of Dabra, in the district of Durbela ; 2. Eana 
 Sanir, son of Dhamaj, of the tribe of Kureja Samma, residing in 
 Tung, lying within the district of Eupah; 3. Jaisar, son of Jajji 
 Machhi Solankf, of Maniktara ;' 4. Wakia, son of I'annuii Channun, 
 who was established in the valley of Siwi; 5. Channun, son of 
 Dfta, of the tribe of Channa, resident of Bhag-nai ; 6. Jiya, son of 
 Waridh, of Jham, or Hemakot ; 7. Jasodhan Akra, of Min-nagar 
 district of BambarwS, 
 
 Further, when Lahore was taken by the officers of Taju-d din 
 Talduz, Malik Nasiru-d dm Kabacha took refuge in the city of 
 Multan ; and towards the end of the year 626 h. (1229 a.d.) Malik 
 Khan Khilji and his people, became masters of the country of 
 Siwistan. Sultan Shamsur-d d£n Iltamsh, having deputed his minister 
 Nizamu-1 Mulk Muhammad, son of Asa'd, to besiege TJch, set out 
 for Dehli. Ifch surrendered quietly to Nizamu-1 Mulk in a.h. 625 
 (1228 A.D.), and he then hastened to Bhakkar. Nasiru-d d{n fled, 
 and ■ the vessel of his life was swallowed in up the whirlpool of 
 death. Sultan Sha,msu-d din became lord of Sind. Nuru-d din 
 Muhammad succeeded to the government in a.h. 630 (1233 a.d.) 
 The Sultan Tltamsh died in a.h. 633 (1236 a.d.), and was succeeded 
 
 1 There is a T4ra or Tarra, an old site ten miles south-'west from Thatta. 
 
TUHFATU-L KIEAM. 341 
 
 by Sultan Mas'iid Shab; During tbe disturbed state of the country 
 in his reign the army of the Moghals passed the Indus, and laid 
 siege to Uch, but owing to the -vigilance of Sultan Mas'ud they 
 were repulsed and retired on Khurasan. Sultan Mas'ud left Malik 
 Jalalu-d din Muhammad as governor of Sind, in the room of Nuru-d 
 din Muhammad. During his goTemment, Ndsiru-d din. Mahmud, 
 uncle of Sultan Mas'ud, inherited the throne and crown. 
 
 In A.H. 662 (1264 a.d.). Sultan Ghiasu-d din ascended the throne 
 of Dehli, and gave over the provinces of Lahore, Multan and Sind 
 to his son, Sultan Muhammad, who used to go every third year to 
 pay his respects to his father, and stay one year. In a.h. 682 
 (1283 a.d), Sultan Muhammad was slain in battle against the army 
 of Changiz Khan, and his son Kai Khusrii was confirmed as suc- 
 cessor to his father. Sultan Jalalu-d din Khilji on his arrival at 
 Lahore in a.h. 692 (1293 a.d.), assigned the government of Multan 
 and Uch to his son Arkali Elian, and he appointed Nasrat Khan to 
 the government of Sind. In a.h. 695 (1296 a.d.). Sultan 'Alau-d 
 din, despatched his brother tJlugh Khan to expel Arkali Khan from 
 his government, but, as usual, Nasrat Khan with 10,000 men re- 
 tained possession of Multan, Uch, Bhakkar, Siwistan, and Thatta. 
 In the beginning of 697 a.d. (1297 a.h.), the Saldai Moghals from 
 Sistan, arrived and possessed themselves of Siwistan, but Nasrat 
 Khan vigorously attacked them and freed it. Towards the close of 
 his reign, Sultan 'Alau-d din despatched Ghazi Malik at the head 
 of 10,000 horse to expel Changiz Khan's Moghals from Debalpur 
 and gave him Multan, Uch, and Sind in jagir. 
 
 Khusru Khan, having watched his opportunity, deposed 'Alau-d 
 din, and became master of the throne.' Grhazi Malik, marching up 
 at the head of the Sind and Multan forces, expelled Khusru E^an 
 and seated himself in his place under the style and title of Sultan 
 Ghiasu-d din. At this interval, a number of the tribe of Siimra 
 rose and possessed themselves of Thatta. Sultan Ghiasu-d din 
 deputed Malik Taju-d din to Multan, and Khwaja Khatir to Bhak- 
 kar, and Malik 'Ali Sher to Sivdstan. Sometime after, when 
 Kashkii Khan revolted in Multan, Sultan Muhammad Shah, son of 
 
 ' I do not attempt to correct the errors in the Dehli history, as given here. They 
 do not occur in Mir M'asdm's history, from which this chapter is abridged. 
 
342 HISTOEIAKS OP SIND. 
 
 Sultan Gliiasu-d din, arrived at Multan in a.h. 728 (1328 a.d.) and 
 put him down. Then having deputed trusty persons to Bhatkar 
 and Siwistan, he returned. In a.h. 751 (1350 a.d.), while in pur- 
 suit of the slave Taghi,' having traversed Guzerat and Kaeh, he 
 arrived in the district of Thatta, and encamped at the village of 
 Thari on the banks of a river. From thence he removed in conse- 
 quence of an attack of fever, to Gandat," where he got well. He 
 then returned and encamped about fcrur kos £rom Thatta, where he 
 had a relapse of fever and died. 
 
 Sultan Firoz Shah succeeded him. Taghi, who was at Thatta, on 
 learning this, hastened to give battle at the head of the tribes of 
 Sumra, Jareja, and Samma, but was defeated. The Sultan quitted 
 the environs of Thatta on the first day of the month of Safar of the 
 above year, and ordered a fort to be built on the Tiver S&okra ; and 
 Amir Nasr was left there with 1000 horse. He founded a city 
 called Nasrpur, and Malik Bahiam was made ruler of it, and the 
 surrounding districts. Bahrampur was named after him. MaUk 
 'All Sher, and Malik Taj Kafuri were left in Siwistan, and the 
 Sultan went to Bhakkar. He appointed Malik Euknu-d din his 
 vicegerent, and Malik 'Abdu-1 Aziz as minister of finance, and 
 garrisoned the fort with a body of chosen troops. He conferred 
 the title of Ikhlas Khan on Malik Euknu-d din, and entrusted 
 him with the affairs of all Sind. He ihen went to DehU- In a,h. 
 772 (1370 A.D.), after the conquest of Nagarkot he proceeded to 
 Thatta, whose chief. Jam Khairu-d din retired to a fort upon the 
 water, and there collected troops. Scarcity of provisions, and 
 superabundance of mosquitos, forced the Sultan to return to Thatta. 
 Jam Khairu-d din submitted, came in, and paid his respects. The 
 Sultan carried him towards Dehli with all the other Zamindars, and 
 when near Sihwan, upon learning that the Jam intended to flee, he 
 had him put in chains. Sometime after this, he invested Jam Juna, 
 son of Khairu-d din with a hhil'at, and appointed him to his father's 
 post. 
 
 In A.H. 790 (1388 a.d.), Piroz Shah died, and was succeeded on 
 the throne of Dehli by Sultan Tughlik Shah. Then followed Sultan 
 
 1 [" Rebel."] 
 
 ' This place is about thirty miles from GimStr or Jdnagarh. 
 
TUHFATU-L KIEAM. 343 
 
 Abii Bakr, Sultan Muhammad Shah, Sultan Sikandar Shah, and then 
 Sultan Nasiru-d din, who sent Sarang Khan to take possession of 
 Debalpur, Multan, and Sind.^ 
 
 In A.H. 800 (1397 a.d.), Mirza Pir Muhammad, grandson of Amir 
 Timur, crossed the river (Indus) and laid siege to the fort of Uoh. 
 Malik 'Alf, who was there on behalf of Sarang Khan, kept him in 
 check for a month, and Sarang Khan despatched Malik Taju-d 
 din to his aid with 4000 men. Mirza Pfr Muhammad then raised 
 the siege, marched from ITch, and defeated him. He then com- 
 menced the siege of Multan. After a siege of six months, Sarang 
 Khan yielded and surrendered Multan. About this time, a.h. 801 
 (1398 A.D.), Ti'mur himself arrived at Multan. Prom this time 
 dates the dowofaU. and cessation of the authority of the Sultans of 
 Dehli over the governors of Sind, who raised the standard of inde- 
 pendence, as will be now related. 
 
 The Tribe of Sumra. 
 
 A portion of this tribe had got possession of parts of Sind before 
 the time above-mentioned, so that the whole term of their authority 
 may be reckoned at 550 years. Historians — observing their first 
 appearance after the Al-i Tamfm, who were the last governors on the 
 part of the 'Abbasides — date the rule of the tribe from that time. 
 When, as we have related, the administration of the greater part of 
 Sind was held by the officers of the Ghaznivide and Ghori kings, 
 this tribe enjoyed full and undivided power. They sprang from 
 the Arabs of Samra, as has been mentioned before, who arrived in 
 Sind in the fourth century of the Hijra. 
 
 It is said that Chhota Amrani, brother of Dalu Eai Amrani, was 
 so much grieved at his brother's injustice which occasioned the ruin 
 of the city of Alor, and clouded the prosperity of the city of Bham- 
 bara, that he repaired to Baghdad and obtained from the Khahf 100 
 Arabs of Samra whom, with the 'Ulamal Musawi, he brought to 
 Sind, of whom more hereafter. At last, Dalii Eaf submitted to the 
 Saiyid and gave him his daughter in marriage. The Saiyid settled 
 in Sind, and left descendants, and the town of Mut'alwi is their 
 abiding place. 
 
 ' Here is a farther error in the Dehli annals, which is not to be attributed to 
 Mir H'astim. 
 
344 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 In short, as we have before said, in A.H. 720 (1320 a.d.) Ghizi 
 Malik march on Dehli, with an army collected from Multan and 
 Sind, and overthrew Khusru Khan. Then, ascending the throne, he 
 assumed the style and title of Grhiasu-d din Tughlik Shah, and 
 devoted himself to the government of his new dominions. 
 
 The Sumras then collected a force from the neighbora-hood of 
 Thari, and placed a man named Sumra on the throne. He settled 
 the frontier of his country, and married the daughter of a zamindar 
 named Sad, who had set up a claim to independence. To him was 
 bom a son named Bhiingar, who on his death succeeded him in the 
 government. After him, his son Dudd brought the country as far 
 as Nasrpur into his possession. Diida died, leaving a son of tender 
 age, named Singhar, so Tari, daughter of Duda, took the govern- 
 ment into her hands, but made it over to her brother when he 
 arrived at years of discretion. Singhar pushed his way in the 
 direction of Kach, and subjected the country as far as Bang-nai. 
 He left no son, so his wife Hemu appointed her brothers to the 
 government of the cities of Tur and Thari. After a brief interval, 
 a Siimra named Duda, who was ruling in the fort of Dhak, as- 
 sembled his brethren from all sides, and extirpated the brethren of 
 Hemu. At this juncture Dadu Phatu, a descendant of Duda, re- 
 belled, and collecting a foreign force, he for some time carried 
 on the government. After him, llhaira became ruler. Then 
 Armil became the master of the state. So the Sammas rebelled 
 and slew him. This happened in the year 752 Hijra (1351 
 A.D.). The history of this family, from its rise to its fall, the 
 number of its princes, and the causes of its decline, are very discor- 
 dantly narrated. Thus the Muntakhabu-t Tawarikh says that when 
 the sovereignty was inherited by 'Abdu-r Eashid, son of Mahmudj 
 of Ghazni, it was soon perceived that he was lethargic and weak- 
 minded. The men of Sind were therefore refractory and rebellious, 
 and in the year 445 Hijra (1053 a.d.), the men of Sumra collected 
 in the vicinity of Thari, and raised a man named Sumra to the seat of 
 government. This man reigned independently for a long period, 
 and, marrying the daughter of a zaminddr named Sad, he died 
 leaving a son named Bhungar as his successor. Bhiingar, son of 
 Sumra, reigned fifteen years, and died in the year 461 Hijra (1069 
 
TUHFATTT-L KIEAM. 345 
 
 A.D.) His son Duda succeeded, and reigned twenty-four years, dying 
 in 485 Hijra (1092 a.d). After him Singhar reigned fifteen years ; 
 Khafif, thirty -six years; 'Umar, forty years; Duda, the second, 
 fourteen years ; Phatu, thirty-three years ; Genhra,* sixteen years ; 
 Muhammad Tur, fifteen years; Genhra," several years; Duda," 
 fourteen years ; Taf,'' twenty-four years ; Chanesar, eighteen years ; 
 Bhungar, fifteen years ; Khafif, eighteen years ; Duda, twenty -five 
 years ; 'Umar Sumra, thirty -five years ; Bhungar, ten years. Hamfr 
 then succeeded, but he was a tyrant, and the Samma tribe overthrew 
 him. The rise of this family is related in various ways, and several 
 rulers are mentioned beside those above enumerated ; their fall, also, is 
 described in many incongruous ways. 'Umar Sumra gave his name 
 to the fort of 'Umarkot. 
 
 The Story of Mumal and Mendra. 
 
 One of the most remarkable events of his (Hamir Sumra' s) timei 
 is the story of Mumal and Mendra, which is told thus : — A woman 
 named Mumal, of the family of the Gujar chiefs, on the death of 
 her father, ruled over his lands, and built a lofty palace on the 
 outskirts of the city, outside which she, by magic art, conducted a 
 stone canal like a river across the entrance of the palace ; and she 
 planted two life-like lions of tenible aspect, cut in stone, at the 
 doorway, and within the ordinary sitting-room seven sofas were 
 placed, covered with stuff of one design, six of which coverings 
 were made of imspun thread, and underneath each sofa a deep well 
 was dug. She then caused it to be given out that she would 
 choose for her husband him who should pass the river and the 
 Hens, and sagaciously seat himself on the right seat. Many men 
 were tempted to a trial, but none attained their object ; nay, they 
 stepped into the well of annihilation. 
 
 One day, Hamir Sumra went out hunting with three of his 
 suite, one of whom was Eana Mendra, his minister's wife's brother. 
 He happened to meet a travelling Jogf, who so extolled the beauty 
 of Mumal, that Hamir Sumra felt a great desire to see her. Taking 
 his attendants with him, they turned their heads to the direc- 
 
 1 ["Ghenra" in one MS.] 
 
 ' [These three names are found only in the best of the two MSS.] 
 
346 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 tion indicated, and on reaching its vicinity put up witliin view 
 of the palace. Mumal, on learning of their arrival, despatched a 
 sharp slave girl to ascertain their quality, and bring the most 
 important person of the party to be hospitably entertained. 
 
 First Hamir -went with the girl, but she outstripped him ; and 
 he, on beholding that deep imaginary river, returned without at- 
 taining his object, and for very shame said nothing. The next night 
 the girl came again, and bade one of the other strangers accompany 
 her, but he also returned as Hamir had done. On the third night, 
 the same thing happened to the third man. On the fourth night, 
 Eana Mendra set out with the girl, and when she wished to precede 
 him, according to her custom, he seized the skirt of her garment, 
 and put her behind, saying that it was not proper for slave girls 
 to precede their masters. When he reached the visionary river he 
 was puzzled for a moment. On sounding the depth of the water 
 with the lance which he had in his hand, he found it had no real 
 existence. He at once passed over, and saw the Hons at the gate, 
 but throwing his spear at them, he found they were not really 
 alive. 
 
 He then pursued his object, entered the palace, and went into the 
 sofa room ; there he saw seven sofas or thrones, all of the same 
 kind, and thought to himself that one of them must be especially 
 intended to sit on, and that perhaps there was some deception about 
 them. He then probed each with his spear, found out the sub- 
 stantial one, and sat down cross-legged upon it. The girl informed 
 Mumal of the circumstances, and of his sagacity. She instantly 
 came out, thoy were mutually pleased with each other, and the 
 marriage knot was firmly tied. Mendra passed the night in rap- 
 turous enjoyment, and repaired early in the momiag to the presence 
 of Hamir and his friends, to whom he related his adventures. 
 Hamir said, " As the woman has now become your own, you must 
 be pleased to let me see her once." Accordingly, at night, 
 Mendra took Hamir with him, dressed as a shepherd. Hamir 
 bore the Eana some ill-will for having set aside the respect due 
 to him ; he therefore carried him off to his own city, and placed 
 him under arrest. As Mendra had given his heart to Mumal, he, 
 with the privity of his guards, every night secretly mounted a 
 
- TTJHFATU-L KIEAM. 347 
 
 very swift she-dromedary, who could perform five ordinary day's 
 jotimey and back again ia a single night, and having seen his 
 beloved, and enjoyed the charms of her company, returned to 
 his prison. 
 
 It chanced that one night Mumal had gone to see her sister. 
 Mendra returned, and suspecting something wrong, became dis- 
 pleased, and gave up going any more. The innocent Mvimal was 
 greatly distressed at Mendra's displeasure, and quitted her own 
 residence and country. Having arrived at the city where Mendra 
 dwelt, she built a palace adjoining his, and had windows placed 
 opposite to his windows that she might sometimes see him. Mendra, 
 shrouded in displeasure, closed his windows on that side, and Mumal 
 then built a palace opposite another face of Mendra's, and so on, 
 opposite to each of its four faces, but did not succeed in seeing her 
 beloved. At last, when Mumal saw that Mendra had entirely 
 averted the face of regard from her, she breathed a sigh of anguish, 
 and, wounded by despair, gave up her life. Intelligence of this 
 was conveyed to Mendra, and since a lover powerfully affects the 
 heart of the beloved, and as the attraction of hearts in the world of 
 unity tends to one and the same object, he instantly, on hearing 
 these lamentable tidings, sighed and expired. This story is sung in 
 Sindf verse at certain established places, and religious devotees are 
 transported to raptures and heavenly visions of Divine love, on 
 hearing it. A certain MuUa Mukim has written this story in 
 Persian verse, and called it " Tarannum-i 'Ishk," or the song of 
 love.' 
 
 Story of Chanesar and Laild. 
 
 A girl named Kaimrii, daughter of the powerful and renowned 
 Eana Khangar was betrothed to her cousin. Being incomparably 
 beautiful, the young lady gave herself great airs among her asso- 
 ciates. At that time no one could be compared to Chanesar, of 
 Dewal, for beauty of person, siere of wealth, extent of territory, 
 or force of authority, and an alliance with him was earnestly 
 desired by many beauties. One day a girl named Jamni, one of 
 
 > Lt. Sutton has given this tale in a more atttactire form, in his Sindh, 
 pp. 114-123. 
 
348 HISTOEIANS OF SIND. 
 
 Kaunru's companions, said to her, tauntingly, " Perhaps you en- 
 tertain thoughts of being married to Chanesar, since you practice 
 so many fine airs, and are so affected." This taunt pierced 
 Kaunru's heart, and without even having seen Chanesar's face, she 
 became desperately in love with him, and almost beside herself. 
 When Marghin, her mother, found this out, she apprised Eana 
 Khangar of it. As a matrimonial alliance with Chanesar was the 
 greatest honour of the day, and there seemed no way of accom- 
 plishing that except by stratagem, the Eana advised Marghin to 
 take their daughter in the garb of a merchant to Chanesar's town, 
 without letting any one know of her so doing, and before Kaunrii 
 should become the victim of despair, and thus perhaps Chanesar 
 himself might become ensnared in the net of good contrivance. 
 Agreeably to this recommendation, Marghin set out with her 
 daughter and some merchandize, crossed the river Parpat, and 
 leaving her own country of Dhat, soon entered the Dewal territory, 
 and arrived at the city where Chanesar lived. She sent a message 
 through a gardener's wife, to Jhakra, Chanesar's Wazir, intimating 
 her desire for a union. Chanesar — devoted to Laila, whose beauty 
 and charms might excite the jealousy of the celebrated Iiaila — re- 
 turned for answer that he wished for none but Laila, bade the 
 gardener's wife beware of bringing more such messages to him, 
 and directed the new comers to be sent away, lest Laila should hear 
 of them, and be annoyed. On being informed of this, Marghin sold 
 her merchandise, and went one day into the presence of Laild, in 
 the garb of a poor stranger beggar woman, saying : — " Adverse cir- 
 cumstances have driven me and my daughter far from our own 
 country ; in spinning thread we have no equals, if you will kindly 
 take us as your slaves, we will so serve you as to merit general 
 approval." Laila took them both, and was pleased with their 
 work. After some time, the arrangements of Chanesar's bed- 
 chamber became Kaunru's special charge. Kaunru one liight 
 thought of her own country, and of her splendid position there, 
 and her eyes filled with tears. Chanesar, seeing this, asked her 
 what was the matter. She answered that she had raised the wick 
 of the lamp, and then scratched her eye with the hand with which 
 she did it, which brought the tears into her eye. On hearing this, 
 
T0HFATU-L KIEAM. 349 
 
 Laila was very pressing to learn the truth, and Kaunrii, after much, 
 pressing, said, "The truth is, I am the daughter of a sovereign, 
 of such wealth, that the lustre of his jewels serves him for night- 
 Hghts ; hence the smoke of the lamp confused my brain, and the 
 recollection of past days entered my head, and I wept that they 
 were no more." Laila asked her for proof of the truth of this pre- 
 tension ; she instantly produced a most delicate dress, such as Laila 
 had never seen, with a necklace worth nine lakhs of rupees. Laila 
 was charmed with such precious rareties, and desired to have 
 them. Kaunru and Marghin said, " We will give them on condition 
 that you give us Chanesar for one night." As most women are 
 wanting in understanding, she agreed to the terms, and one night, 
 when Chanesar was drunk, she made him over to Kaunru. Chane- 
 sar passed the entire night in unconsciousness, and when he awoke 
 in the morning, was astonished at finding who it was he had in his 
 bosom. Kaunru's mother was all night on the alert as to what 
 should happen. Finding in the morning that her daughter's object 
 was not accomplished, she began muttering from behind the curtain, 
 " how strange it is that Laila should sell such a husband as Chane- 
 sar for a mere necklace ! and that he should be ignorant of this ; it 
 is not fitting that a man should again consort with such a wife." 
 Chanesar hearing this, looked lovingly on Kaunru ; she told him 
 the whole particulars of her story from beginning to end. He then 
 said : — " Since the case is thus, be of good heart, for' I am no more 
 Laila's, and I will love you with my whole heart." 
 
 On Laila hearing of what had taken place, all her stratagems 
 were futile, her constant union was changed to utter separation 
 After the lapse of a long time, she returned to her paternal village, 
 and passed her time in solitude. Before this affair, a girl from the 
 family of Laila had been betrothed to the minister Jhakra ; but after 
 what had happened to Laila her relations would not give the girl 
 to him. As he was bent on the match, he tried many devices to 
 bring about the marriage, but aU in vain. Laila sent word to him 
 that if he could by any means contrive to bring Chanesar with him, 
 she would pledge herself his desired marriage should take place. 
 
 On receiving this message, Jhakra, with much ado, persuaded 
 Chanesar to accompany him to Laila's village. Laila changed her 
 
350 HISTORIANS OF SIND. 
 
 di-ess, and putting on tlie garb of a woman wlio tears the message 
 of assignation, veiled her face, and entered the presence of Chanesar, 
 when she spoke reproachfully of the relation in which he stood to 
 Laila. During the conversation, she played oif some coquettish 
 airs, and captivated Chanesar without his knowing who she was. 
 As all Chanesar's abandonment of Laila, and unkindness too, arose 
 from jealousy, and he was in reality as much attached to her as ever, 
 on the remembrance of the joys of the time of his union with her 
 he became beside himself, and said, " sweet-tongued girl ! thou 
 thyself art the rarest of beauties 1 How long wilt thou talk of 
 Laila ? Speak to me of thyself, for my heart yearns to thee !" She 
 replied: "How can the heart love one faithless as thou?" On 
 hearing her speech, Chanesar wished to tear her veil off ; but LaiM, 
 who was herself her own messenger, at the very height of his ardom-, 
 unveiled herself with her own hand. When Chanesar saw that she 
 was indeed Laila, he suddenly drew a cold sigh from his sorrowful 
 heart and expired. On seeing this, Laila, too, uttered one groan and 
 fell down lifeless. The pair were burned according to custom, and 
 liieir strange story is well remembered by the people, and is the 
 theme of a popular and moving song in tbe Sindi tongue. Idra'H 
 Beg-Lar composed a Persian poem on this story ; the present writer, 
 for fear of prolixity, has satisfied himself with relating thus much 
 of it. 
 
 Ncumwdb Murid Klidn. 
 
 He was by birth the son of a Eaja, and newly converted to the 
 Muhammadan faith. In the year 1099 h. (1688 a.d.) corresponding 
 with the 31st of the reign, he was appointed to the government of 
 Thatta. It is said, that several thousand Eajputs accompanied him. 
 When he arrived at the ferry, he learnt that it was necessary to 
 pass through the butcher's shambles where cows were slaughtered, 
 before he could reach the citadel. So he despatched a message to 
 Kazi Muhammad Husain, the Kazi of the city, saying that he had 
 with him a large body of Hindu Eajputs, and requesting him to 
 remove the shops of the cow-slaying butchers from the passage of the 
 
TUHFATU-L KIEAM. 351 
 
 bazar, lest they should give oflfence to bis followers, and some dis- 
 turbance should arise. As the institutions of the king, the defender 
 of the law, were not tolerant of the threats and menaces of such 
 persons, the most worshipful Kdzf, that very night, directed the 
 butchers to double the number of their usual stalls, and place them 
 on both sides of the roads. When the governor heard of this, seeing 
 it would be useless to act in opposition to His Majesty, the defender 
 of the faith, he was compelled to pass accordiag to the fashion ob- 
 served by his predecessors. He remained two years in Thatta, during 
 which his army gave much trouble to the Musulmans. Upon a 
 representation made by the chief residents, a royal order was 
 received directing him to abandon his ridiculous crotchets and 
 consider himself removed from the government of Musulmans. 
 "When he was dismissed, he remained for some time at the fort 
 of Tughlikabad, better known as Kalankot, as he found the air 
 suited to the complaint under which he was suffering, of weakness 
 of sight. The king, out of regard to him, did not oppose this 
 arrangement, but when his successor arrived at Thatta, he was 
 summoned to the court. Some of the present defences and build- 
 ings of the fort of Tughlikabad are of his constniction. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 NOTE (A).— GEOGRAPHICAL. 
 
 [Sir H. Elliot in his iatroductory remarks on Al Birunf's 
 geographical chapter, observed that before the time of that writer 
 " the whole of Upper India was a perfect terra incognita, and the 
 Arabians knew much less of it than Pliny and Ptolemy." The 
 geographical extracts at the beginning of this volnme, fully prove 
 the justice of this observation. Multan, Mansdra, Alor, and other 
 places of note in the valley of the Indus, were visited by their early 
 travellers, and the ports upon the coast, especially those about the 
 Gulf of Cambay, were also known from the reports of their mariners. 
 All beyond this was vague, and evidently drawn from hearsay inform- 
 ation. Their scanty knowledge is farther shown by the identity 
 of much that was written on the subject. Sulaiman and Ma'sudi 
 drew their information from the same or very similar sources ; and a 
 great part of Istakhri's and Ibn Haukal's description is verbatim the 
 same, so that there can be no doubt that one copied from the other. 
 In Biruni we have ample evidence of a much wider knowledge, not 
 always accurate, not always intelligible at the present time, but stUl 
 showing that he had acquired, either by personal travel or by dili- 
 gent investigation, a fair general knowledge of the topography of 
 Hindustan, and even of parts beyond.' Idrfsi gives a full compiLa- 
 tion from the works of his predecessors, with some additional matter 
 from sources now lost to us, but he does not appear to have used 
 the writings of Birtinf, and his work is blemished by many false 
 spellings.] 
 
 ' [He cannot be absolved from the blunder of having placed Thanesar in the 
 So&b, but the further error of locating Muttra on the east of the Jumna is due to his 
 translators. All the versions of Sashidu-d dfo say that the river lies on the east of 
 
 the city, (^jl^iJl liJj?" jif-" LsV^V^j)* See first edition pp. 73, 97. Seinaud'a 
 Fragment; 82, lOOi] 
 
 VOL. I. 23 
 
354 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 I^Sir H. Elliot endeavoured to identify and fix the position of 
 several of the most important and interesting of the places men- 
 tioned by the early geographers and historians, and some additions 
 have since been made, chiefly from sources unpublished at the time 
 when his original volume appeared. The following is an index of 
 the notes : — 
 
 The Balhara 
 Juzr or Jurz 
 Tafan . . 
 
 Agham — ^The Lohtoas . 
 
 Alor 363 
 
 Amhal, P&mhal, etc. ... 363 
 
 Annabel 364 
 
 A^kalanda 365 
 
 Biniya, Bitiya 367 
 
 Bhambdr 368 
 
 Br^hman&bl.d,Maiistira,Ma1if&za 369 
 Debal, KarSjjhl, Thatta, and 
 
 L&borl-bandar 374 
 
 Hala-kandi, the Hellenes, Pindus 379 
 
 Jandrdd 380 
 
 Kaik&n&n, Kaik^, KUiiaTS . . 381 
 
 Kingdoms. 
 
 PAGS. PAGB. 
 
 . 354 Eahma, Euhmi 361 
 
 . 358 Kashbin 361 
 
 . 360 
 Cities and Towns. 
 
 PAGS. 
 
 Kajur&ha 383 
 
 KliUaTi, Annaii, and Ballarf . 384 
 Sand&bel, T^&n, Budha, Baiz^ 385 
 
 Kannazbiir 389 
 
 Mandal, Kiraj 390 
 
 Manjabari 391 
 
 Mionagara 392 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 362 
 
 Nara.na 393 
 
 Nirrin, Sakiira, Jarak . . . 396 
 
 SadusSn . 401 
 
 SamiSi, Tughlikibid, Kali-kot 401 
 
 Sind&n, Sub&ra, SaiinOr . . 402 
 
 Ttir, Muhatampur, Dirak, etc. 403 
 
 Balhard. 
 
 [The early Arab Geographers are unanimous in their spelling of 
 the title " Balhara." The merchant Sulaiman says it is a title 
 similar to the Chosroes of the Persians, and not a proper name. 
 Ibn Khurdadba says that it signifies " King of Kings." According 
 to Mas'udi it is a title borne by all the kings of the country, while 
 Ibu Haukal states that it is a name derived from that of the country. 
 Idrisi follows Ibn Khurdadba in giving to it the signification of 
 " King of Kings," but, he adds, that the title was hereditary. Thus 
 it seems clear that it was the general title of a dynasty, and that it 
 must have borne some such signification as that assigned to it by 
 Ibn Khurdadba.] 
 
 [Taking the accounts of the Arab writers, and comparing them 
 with the Indian annals, there can be no great hesitation in identify- 
 ing the "Balhara" with the dynasty settled at Ballabhi-pura, the 
 princes of which were the founders of the BaUabhi era, and were 
 
APPENDIX. 355 
 
 probably known as the Ballabbi or Ballabb Eai's. This identifica- 
 tion, originally proposed by Colonel Tod, has met with tacit acqui- 
 escence, except from M. Beinaud, who considered the term " Balhara " 
 to represent Malwa Eai or " King of Malwa."] ' 
 
 [BaUabhi-pura was, according to Tod, "destroyed in the fiftb 
 century, by an irruption of the Parthians, Getes, Huns or Catti, or 
 a mixture of these tribes,'" In another place he gives the date 
 of this event from Jain records as a,d. 524.' And in a further pas- 
 sage he says, that after the destruction of BaUabhi-pura, its princes 
 " fled eastward, eventually obtaining Chitor, when the Islands of 
 Deo and Somnath-pattan, ia the division termed Larika, became the 
 seat of government. On its destruction, in the middle of tbe eighth 
 century, Anhalwara became the m.etropolis, and this, as recorded, 
 endured until the fourteenth century."* Hwen Tsang visited Balabhi 
 in the seventh century, and Thomas gives the date of its destruction 
 as 802 Sam vat (745 a.b.)* The ruias of the city are well known, 
 beiag situate about twenty miles west of Bhownuggur, in Kattiwar ; 
 and the name survives in that of the modem town of Wallay, which 
 stands near them.'2 
 
 [Hindu authorities thus record the removal of the seat of govern- 
 ment to the country of Larike or Lata, which country Mas'udi names 
 as being subject to the Balhara, and which the other writers describe 
 as forming part of his dominions.] 
 
 [The capital of the Balhara is stated by Mas'udi to be " Manki'r 
 (or Manakir) the great centre of India," and to be situated " eighty 
 Sindi parasangs (640 miles) from the sea," a palpable exaggeration. 
 Istakhri and Ibn Haukal say that " Mankfr is the city in which the 
 Balhara dwells, but they do not name it in their lists of the cities of 
 Hind. Biruni and Idrisl make no mention of it. The unavoidable 
 inference is that the place had fallen to decay, and was known only 
 by tradition in the days of these Arab writers.] 
 
 [The name Mankir or Manakir bears a suggestive resemblance 
 to "Minagara," a city which Ptolemy places on the Nerbadda, 
 
 1 [Rel. des Voyages, xciv. Mem. mr VTnde, 138, 144.] 
 
 » ITraveU I. 23.] » [Annals I. 217.] 
 
 * [Xod, Travels I. 213,] » [Thomas' Prinsep Useful Tables, p. 158.] 
 
 " [Journal Boyal Asiatic Society, xiii. p. 146.] 
 
356 APPENDIX. 
 
 among the cities of Larike. Both are probably representatives of 
 the Sanskrit mahd-nagara, " great city." Mankir is said to mean 
 "great centre," so that the word mahd (great) mnst be represented 
 by the first syllable md ; and tiie other syllables naUr or ndUr are 
 by no means a bad Arabic transcription of " Nagara," for the alpha- 
 bet would not allow of a closer version than nofeor. In Minagara, 
 the word nagara, " city" is unquestionable. Ptolemy mentions another 
 Minagara on the East coast, somewhere near the Mahanadf river, 
 and Axrian, in the Periplus, has another Minagara in the valley of 
 the Indus. The syllable mi would therefore seem to be a common 
 appellative, having no local or ethnological import, but correspond- 
 ing with mahd or some similar word.] 
 
 [The bearings of Minagara and of some of the neighbouring places 
 are thus stated by Ptolemy : — 
 
 Minagara 115° W x 19° SV 
 
 Barygaza Emporium (Broach) 113 15 X 17 20 
 
 Siripalla 116 30 X 21 30 
 
 Xeragere 116 20 X 19 50 
 
 Ozene (Ujjain) 117 00 x 20 00 
 
 Tiatura 115 60 X 18 50 
 
 Nasica (Nasik) 114 00 x 17 00 
 
 Namadiflnviifontes a,monteVindio 127 00 X 26 30 
 
 Eluvii flexio juxta Siripalla 116 30 X 22 00 
 
 There is a palpable error in these statements of Ptolemy, for he 
 places Ujjain to the south of Nerbadda, and two degrees south of the 
 bend of the river near Siripalla. But Ujjain lies to the north of the 
 Nerbadda, and the river has no noticeable bend in this quarter. 
 The river Mahi, however, has a very great bend ; Ujjain lies to the 
 south of it, and the respective bearings are more in agreement, so 
 that the two rivers would here seem to have been confounded.] 
 
 [Tiatura may be Talner, and Xeragere may be Dhar, as Lassen 
 supposes, for these are situated on well-known roads, and as General 
 Cunningham forcibly observes, Ptolemy's geography must have been 
 compiled from routes of merchants. Comparing the bearings of the 
 various places, Minagara would seem to have been situated some- 
 where between Dhar and Broach. Lassens identifies Minagara with 
 Balabhi-pura, but this city was situated too far west.] 
 
 [The neighbourhood of Dhar is exactly the locality in which 
 
APPENDIX. 357 
 
 Idxlsl would at first sight seem to place Nahrw5r4 or Nahlwdra, 
 which he leads us to infer was the capital of the Balhara in his time. 
 This city, he tells us, was situated eight days' journey inland from 
 Broach through a flat country. The towns of Hanawal (or Janawal) 
 and Dulka lie between them, and Didka is situated on the river 
 (Nerbadda) which forms the estuary on which Broach stands, and 
 at the foot of a chain of mountains called TJndaran, lying to the 
 north. Near Hanawal there is another town called Asawal. This 
 description is inconsistent, for Asdwal is an old name of Ahmaddbad, 
 and that city lies to the north far away from the Nerbadda. Abu-1 
 Fida seems to rectify this, for he declares Cambay to be the port of 
 Nahrwara, which city he says is three days' journey from a port. 
 He refers to Abu Eihan as spelling the name Nahlw&ra, and on 
 turning back to page 61, it will be seen that this is his orthography. 
 The city described by Abu Bihan and Abu-1 Fida is undoubtedly 
 Anhalwara Pattan, and if Cambay be substituted for Broach in 
 Idrfei's description, the account, so far as we understand it, will be 
 conastent with itself and with the other writers. Cambay stands 
 at the head of the bay which bears its name, between the mouths of 
 the Sabarmatf on thfe west, and the Mahi on the east. Asawal 
 or Ahmadabad is on the left bank of the former, and the Aravalli 
 chain of mountains lies to the north of Anhalwdra. Idrf si specially 
 mentions the bullock carriages of Nahrwara, and those of Guzerat 
 are stiU. famous. Lastly, no Nahrwara is known near the river 
 Nerbadda. Thus Ptolemy and Idrisi would both seem to have con- 
 founded the river of Broach (the Nerbadda) with those of Cambay 
 (Sabarmati and Mahf).] 
 
 [Hwen Tsang, who travelled in India between 629 and 646 a.d., 
 visited the kingdom of " Fa,-la-pi" (VaUabhi), but his account does 
 not help to settle the locality of the capital, for he only says that it 
 was a journey of 1000 li (166^ miles) north from Malwi. The 
 kings were of Kshatriya race, and were connected with the 
 sovereigns of Kanya-kiibja, the reigning monarch, Dhruva Bhatta, 
 being son-in-law either of King SUaditya or of that king's son.] 
 
 [The " Balhara" would thus seem to represent, as Tod affirmed, the 
 Ballabh Eais of Ballabhi-pura who were succeeded by the Bala 
 Eais of Anhalwara Pattan. Their territories included the ports in 
 the country of Lata (Larike) on the gulf of Cambay. These ports 
 
358 APPENDIX. 
 
 ■were frequented by Arab trading vessels, and so the accounts given 
 of the Balhaxa by their geographers, vague and meagre as they are, 
 exceed all that is recorded by them of the other cotemporary king- 
 doms. The extent of the Ealhara's territory can only be surmised, 
 and no doubt it underwent continual change. Mas'udi, by impli- 
 cation, places Tanna within his dominions, but this is farther south 
 than would seem to be warranted. The Tapti on the south, and the 
 Aravalli mountains on the north may perhaps represent an approxi- 
 mation to the real extent of the kingdom. This may appear a 
 limited dominion for a monarch of such renown as the Arabs repre- 
 sent the Balhara to have been ; but it must be remembered that 
 these writers were accustomed to a simple patriarchal form of 
 government, free from the pomp and splendour of the further east.] 
 
 [There are copper records extant showing that in the first half of 
 the fourth century grants of land in the neighbourhood of Jambusir 
 were made by the Gurjjara rajas and by the Chalukyas. The latter 
 were of a Rajput tribe, and would then appear to have been making 
 their way southwards to the scene of their subsequent power. In 
 812 A.D., just before the time of the merchant Sulaiman, a grant was 
 made by the " Lateswara," that is, " King of Lata," but the names 
 therein recorded have not been identified with those in any of the 
 dynastic lists. Allowing for the omissions not unusual in such 
 grants, there is a Dhruva who may correspond with the Dhruva 
 Bhatta of Hwen Tsang.] 
 
 Juzr or Jurz. 
 
 [Sulaiman and Ibn Khurdadba write the name "Jurz" but the- 
 
 Paris edition of Mas'udi has Juzr, which the editors understand as 
 
 signifying Guzerat. Abu Zaid says incidentally that Kanauj is " a 
 
 large country forming the empire of Jurz ;" ' and relying upon this 
 
 statement M. Eeinaud identifies Jurz with Kanauj.'' But Mas'udi 
 
 locates the Bauura at Kanauj, and speaks of Juzr as quite a distinct 
 
 kingdom. Sulaiman and Mas'udi concur in making the country 
 
 border on the kingdoms of the Eahma and the Balhara, and the 
 
 former says that the country is situated on a tongue of land, and is 
 
 rich in camels and horses. " Juzr" closely resembles the name 
 
 " Guzerat," especially in its Arabic form " Juzarat" and the other 
 
 ' [Ante p. 10, The Arabic text gives the name as " Juz."] 
 ' [Eel. des Voyages, xcT. Mem. sur VInde, 206.] 
 
APPENDIX. 359 
 
 known conditions are satisfied by this identification. Guzerat is a 
 peninsula, it bordered on the dominions of the Balhara, and the 
 horses of Kattiwar are still famous.] 
 
 [Hwen Tsang visited the " kingdoms of Su-la-cha or Surashtra, 
 and Kiu-che-lo or Grurjjara, after that of Vallabhi, but, according to his 
 expositor, M. Vivien de St. Martin, Su-la-cha (SurdsUra) represents 
 the modem Guzerat, and Kiu-che-lo (Gurjjara) "the country of the 
 Gujars " between Anhalwara and the Indus. This location of the two 
 territorial names differs from the generally received acceptation of 
 their meaning, and rests entirely upon the expositor's interpretation 
 of Hwen Tsang's confused statements — the only arguments adduced 
 in its favour, being a proposed identification of Pi-lo-mo-lo, which 
 Hwen Tsang gives as the name of the capital of Kiu-che-lo, with the 
 modem Bdlmer; and an ethnological theory that the Gujars mj^Ai 
 have given their name to this country in the course of their migrations. 
 But no example of such an application of the name is adduced, and 
 Hwen Tsang himself in another passage (p. 169) accurately describes 
 this very country as being north of Kiu-che-lo, and stretchiag " 1900 li 
 (316^ miles), atravers desplaines sauvages et des deserts dangereux" 
 io the river Indus. The Sanskrit Surdshtra and Gurjjara survive in 
 the modem names Sural and Ouzerdt, and, however the territories 
 embraced by the old terms may have varied, it is hard to conceive that 
 Surat was not in Surdshtra nor Guzerdt in Gurjjara. All evidence 
 goes to prove that the old and modem names applied to the same places. 
 Thus, Ptolemy's Surastrene comprises Surat, and the grants of the 
 " Eajas of Gurjjara" dated in the early part of the fourth century, 
 conveyed land in the vicinity of Jamhusara or " Jumbooseer." — 
 Biruni (supra p. 67), shows what the Muhammadans imderstood by 
 Guzerat in his day, and while Guzerdt answers to the " Juzr," of his 
 predecessors, the supposed "country of the Gujars" does not, for 
 that cannot be said to be " a tongue of land."] 
 
 [The fact is that there is great confusion in this part of Hwen 
 Tsang's itinerary, and his bearings are altogether untrustworthy. In 
 the first volume he says, " Du cote de 1' ouest ce royaume (Surdshtra) 
 touche a la riviere MaM ;" but in vol. ii. p. 165, he says " La capitale 
 touche du cote de I'ouest a la riviere Mo-hi (MaM)." A very material 
 difference, The first statement is quite in agreement with the true 
 
360 APPENDIX. 
 
 position of SmdsJitra. Hwen Tsang represents lais route to have pro- 
 ceeded north from Koch to Vallabhi. This error, M. Vivien de Saint- 
 Martin observes, renders it necessary to reverse the direction, and he 
 adds, " Ceci est une cortection oapitale qui affecte et rectifie toute la 
 suite de I'itin^raire." If it is thus necessary to reverse the north and 
 south, may it not be also necessary to do the same with the east and 
 virest ? No such general correction, however, will set matters right ; 
 for Hwen Tsang gays correctly that he proceeded south-east from 
 Grurjjara to TJjjain. It is curious, moreover, that M. V. de Saint- 
 Martin does not adhere to his "correction capitale," for Hwen Tsang 
 states that he went north from Vallabhi to Giirjjara and his expositor, 
 places Ourjjara to the north, while according to his own canon it 
 ought to be south^2 
 
 Tdfan. 
 [Sulaiman writes the name "Tafak;" Ibn Khurdadba and 
 Mas'iidi have "Tafan." Keinaud cites also the variations "Takan" 
 and " Taban." Founding his opinion on the statement as to the 
 beauty of the women, whom he supposes to be Mahrattas, Eeinaud 
 places this country in the neighbourhood of Aurangabad.' His 
 argument is amusing, but is untenable, for it is inconsistent with the 
 account given of the country by the Arab writers. Mas'udi says, 
 " Some kings have their territory in the mountains away from the 
 sea, like the king of Kashmir, the king of Tafan, and others ;" and 
 again, " the Mihran (Indus) comes from well-known sources in the 
 highlands of Sind, from the coimtry belonging to Kanauj in the 
 kingdom of Bauiira, and from Kashmfr, Kandahar and Tafan." 
 Sulaiman says that "Tafak" lies by the side of the kingdom of 
 Juzr, and this is inconsistent with Eeinaud's view of Juzr 
 being Kanauj and Tafak being Aurangabad ; for if Juzr be 
 Gruzerfit, T£fak must be placed to the north of it, as the dominions 
 of the Balhara were on the south-east. The mountains in this 
 direction are, first, the Aravali mountains ; next, the Salt-range, 
 and lastly, the Himalayas. In Kazwfni there is a notice of the fort 
 of " Taifand," subdued by MahmM of Ghazni, in the year 1023 a.d.' 
 
 < [Stanislas JuUen's " Hiouen Thsang," Map and M^moiie Analytiqne. Thomas' 
 Prinsep I. 260 ; Vishnu Pur&aa, p. 177 ; Journal E. A. S, Vol.I. p. 247, N.S.] 
 » [ReL des Voy. cl.] » [Ante, p. 99,] 
 
APPENDIX. 361 
 
 This fort lie represents as being on the summit of a mountain, to 
 which there was only one way of access, and when taken, there 
 were 500 elephants in the place. The names are sufficiently 
 similar, and the descriptions point to the same locality. In the 
 absence of more definite information, the Salt-range seems to com- 
 ply most closely with what we are told about the position <rf 
 Tafand.] 
 
 Rahma or JRuhmi. 
 
 [According to Sulaim^, this State is bordered by those of Balhara, 
 Jurz and Tafand, and is constantly at war with the two former. 
 Mas'udi says it stretches along the sea and continent, and is bounded 
 raland by a kingdom called Kaman. He adds that Bahma is the 
 title of their kings, and generally their name also. They had great 
 strength in troops, elephants, and horses. Eeinaud says it " appears 
 to correspond with the ancient kingdom of Visapour," ' but it is diflS- 
 cult to fix the locality of this kingdom. The name is probably the 
 Sanskrit Bama. The use of kauris for money, the extremely fine 
 cotton fabrics, and the existence of the rhinoceros in the country, 
 would point to a locality on the Bay of Bengal about Dacca and 
 Arracan. If the neighbouring kingdom, which Mas'udi calls Kaman, 
 is the same as that which Ibn Khurdadba calls Kamrun and places 
 on the borders of Chioa, there can be no doubt that Kamnip or 
 Assam is intended, and this identification, which is exceedingly 
 probable, will confirm the locality of Dacca as the probable site of 
 the kingdom of Bahma. The accounts of this kingdom and of 
 Kamrup were probably gathered by the Arab writers from mariners 
 who had visited the ports in the Bay of Bengal, and their ignorance 
 of the interior of the country, led them to iafer that the territories 
 of the Balhara on the western coast were conterminous with those 
 of Bahma on the eastern side.] 
 
 Kdshbin. 
 [Tod identifies Kashbfn with Kach Bhuj, while Beinaud Supposes 
 it to be Mysore.* All the description given of it is that it is an 
 inland country, so that in the absence of any closely resembling 
 Indian name, its locality is a mere matter of guess.] 
 ' [EeL des Voy. cii.] 
 
362 APPENDIX. 
 
 Agham. — The Lohdnas. 
 
 Agham, or Agham-kot, lies about thirty miles south-east from 
 Haidarabad, and though now almost forgotten, it was formerly a 
 place of some consequence. Its position is not very easily identi- 
 fied, and the name is rarely introduced into the maps. In Lt. Bur- 
 ton's it seems to be entered under the name of " Angoomanoo," 
 and in the Quartermaster-G-eneral's map of 1850, under that of 
 " Aghamama." 
 
 The Beg-Lar Ndma says it is on the Eain. The Tuhfatu-l Kirdm 
 mentions it among the towns on the Sankra. Capt. McMurdo says 
 it is on the Lohana Darya ; but he strangely fixes its site at Kalakot, 
 seven miles to the west of Thatta, observing erroneously that it is 
 not mentioned tiU long after the Arab conquest. Its position may 
 be indicated at present as Ijdng between the Gunf and the Eain ; 
 but it does not follow that it will answer to that description next 
 year, as the course of these streams is constantly shifting. 
 
 It is also called Agham Lohana. In the Chacli-ndma, we find 
 frequent mention of a chief under that name, who was governor of 
 Brahmanabad in the time of Chach. Lohana is the designation of 
 a powerful tribe, which at that period, under an apparent confusion 
 of terms, is said to have included both the Samma and Lakha clans. 
 It can merely mean that they were then in a position of comparative 
 subordiuation. Under all the vicissitudes the Lohanas have under- 
 gone, they still retain their credit, as weU as their religion, and 
 constitute the most influential tribe in Siad, whether regarded as 
 merchants or officials. But, not confined within that narrow pro- 
 vince, they have spread their ramifications beyond the western 
 borders of India, and are found dispersed throughout Afghanistan, 
 Buluohistan, and Arabia, exposed to inconveniences, insults, and 
 dangers of no ordinary kind, in pursuit of their darling object of 
 wealth, and final return to their native soil to enjoy the fruits of 
 their industry. 
 
 The Lohanas derive their name and origin from Lohanpur in 
 Multan. The date of their emigration must have been very early, 
 and even their own traditions do not attempt to fix it. Their sub- 
 divisions are said to amount at least to fifty, the chief of them being 
 the Khudabadi and Sihwani. They all of them wear the Janeo, or 
 
APPENDIX. 363 
 
 Brahmanieal thread. Though, for the most part, they worship the 
 Hindu deities, a few have adopted the faith of Baba Nanak. They 
 are described, by an accurate observer, as eating meat, addicted to 
 spirituous liquors, not objecting to fish and onions, drinking water 
 from the hand of their inferiors as well as superiors in caste, and 
 being neither frequent nor regular in their deTotions. 
 
 As the town of Agham is mentioned as early as the time of 
 Muhammad Kdsim, we may presume that it derived its name from 
 the Lohana chieftain above-mentioned, wlio was the contemporary 
 and opponent of Chach.^ 
 
 Alor. 
 
 [This name is found in various forms — Mas'udi (p. 23) calls it 
 AI Eiir ; Ibn Khurdadba writes Al Daur (p. 14) ; Istakhri has 
 Al Euz (p. 27), and Al Eur (p. 28). The AsKkalu-l BUdd has Aldur 
 (p. 34), and Alriir (p- 37) ; Gildemeister makes Ibn Haukal's 
 version to be Euz and Alruz ; Biruni's spelling is ambiguous (see 
 p. 48) ; Idrisi has Dur (p. 79). The Mardsidu-l Ittild' has Al Eur. J 
 The ruins of the town lie between Bhakkar and Khairpur, and are 
 known, by the name of Alor. Lieut. Maclagan says that it is also 
 called Aror and that the hand spoken of by Bumes is really an 
 arched bridge. [There can be little doubt of the first syllable being 
 the Arabic al, and the real name Eur, as it survives in the modem 
 town of Eori, which stands close by the ruins of Alor.] 
 
 Amhai, Fdmhal, Kdmhal, or Mdmhal. 
 [The name of the border town between Sind and Hind appears in 
 many forms. Istakhri has Amhal, Pambal, and Kamhal ; the 
 AsMlvrl BUdd has Famhal in the text, but Kamhal in the map. 
 Gildemeister's Ibn Havkal has Kamuhul. Idrisi has Mambal ; 
 Abii-l Fida has Eamhal, but a note states that a MS. of Ibn Haukal 
 gives the name as PamhaL The Mardsidu-l TttiW has both Eamhal 
 and Mamhal, giving Biladurf as authority for the latter. Careless 
 writing and the omission of sometimes of one, sometimes of two 
 points, will account for the various readings of Famhal, Kdmhal, 
 and Mamhal, and taking this view of the question, Kamhal would 
 
 1 Compare, Chaoh-ndma, MS. pp. 39, 41, 49, 66, 144, 195, 200. Beg-Zar-ndma 
 MS. p. 73. Tiihfatit-l Kirdm, MS. p. 143. Captain McMurdo, Journal of the 
 Boyal As. Soc, Vol. I. p. 24, 30, 247. Lient. Burton, Sindh, pp. 314-317, 338-342. 
 
364 APPENDIX. 
 
 appear to be the best reading. Looking, however, at its reported 
 position, at two -thirds of the distance between Mansura and Kam- 
 bajya, it would appear to answer to Anhalwara, and, if so, Istakhrf's 
 solitary reading " Amhal" is right. War a is a common noim, sig- 
 nifying "field."' 
 
 Armd-bel. 
 
 The name of this place frequently occurs during the early period 
 of Arab connection with Sind; but neither its orthography nor 
 position can be establisihed with certainty. The Chach-ndma, in 
 dififerent passages, calls it Armael, Armana-bfl, ArmapiUa, and 
 Axmdbel (p. 157). The Futi,hu-l bulddn has Armafl; which M. 
 Keinaud reads Armayl, but considers the true reading to be Arma- 
 byl, for the reason given in the note.' Ibn Khurdddba and Istakhri 
 write Annabil (pp. 14, 29) ; Ibn Haukal according to the AskMlu-l 
 Bildd has Armail (p. 34), and Armdbfl (p. 38), GUdemeister, his 
 translator, reads it as Arml,il, and suggests ArmabU. as preferable.' 
 The Nvhian Geographer has Armfyael and Armayfl, which his trans- 
 lator gives as Ermaiil (p. 77 note). The translator of Idrisi has the 
 same (pp. 77 and 80). Abu-1 Fida, with his usual pretensions to 
 accuracy, pronounces it Armabil. The Mardsidu-l Ittild' has Arma-fl. 
 Ouseley prefers Armaiel. An old and rare Persian lexicon writes 
 it as Armabal.* The I\chfaiu-l Kirdm has Armanbila, Armanpela, 
 or some similar name. It is not entered in any modem map which 
 I have seen, except that in Eees' Gyelbpcedia, where it receives the 
 name of Ermajil, evidently derived from the m,ap in the French or 
 Dutch editicai of Abbe Prevost's Histoire Ginirale des Foyages, Vol. 
 XV., where it bears the same name, and is apparently set down from 
 the statement of the Nubian Geographer. It is not in Ouseley's 
 small map, prefixed to his Epiiorm of the Aneient Misiory of Persia, 
 which, however, includes some other names given only by the Arab 
 geographers. 
 
 > [Eitter, v. 660.] 
 
 ' Cand&byl et ArmiHyl sont peut-ltre I'^quivalent de Ccmd de Abyl, Arm de Abyl. 
 Dans cette hypothfese Atyt serait le nom primitif de la province. En effet, Ales- 
 takhry et Ibn-Haucal s'accordent ft. dire que Abyl, ou un mot approohant, sert k 
 designer un pensonnage qui jadis regna sur le pays et lui donna son non. — Fragmenta, 
 p. 192. 
 
 '' Gildemeister, de rebmlndicit, pp. 177 and 178. * Fai-hang-i Ibruhimshdkl. 
 
APPENDIX. 365 
 
 With respect to its locality, we read of Chacli's going to it on his 
 ■way from the Indus to Makran, and his finding there a governor on 
 the part of the late ruler of Sind ; and -we also read of Muhammad 
 Kasim capturing it on his way from Makrdn to Debal (pp. 119, 161 
 and 157). Istakhri and Ibn Haukal speak of it as being in the pro- 
 vince of Makran, and six; days' journey from Kfz, our modem Kedge. 
 The other Arab geographers, as usual, follow these authorities. 
 
 Combining all these several names and statements together, I am 
 disposed to consider that Arm^-bel is the ancient and correct read- 
 ing ; and that its name is partly preserved in, while its position cor- 
 responds with, the modern Bela, the capital of the province of Las. 
 It is placed on a considerable eminience — a strong and rocky site on 
 the northern bank of the Puralf (the Arabis of the ancients) j and, 
 though it is now partly surrounded by a sorry mud wall, and con- 
 tains only about 300 houses, there are old Muhammadan sepulchres 
 and other vestages of antiquity in its neighbourhood, especially about 
 five miles to the westward, which seem to indicate its greater im- 
 portance at some former period. Coins, trinkets, and fanereal jars 
 are occasionally found there ; and in the nearest point of the con- 
 tiguous hills, separating the province of Las from the old town of 
 Jhow, numerous caves and rock-temples exist, ascribed by tradition 
 to Faxhad and the fairies, but which have been considered by an 
 observant traveller to be the earthly resting abodes of the former 
 chiefs, or governors, of the province.' 
 
 What adds mudi to the probability of this identification is, that 
 Bela is mentioned in the native histories, not simply as Bela,, but as 
 Kdra-Bela ; showing that it has been usual to prefix another name, 
 which is now dropped in ordinary converse. 
 
 Ashalanda. — Uchh. — Alexandria. » 
 
 The Askalanda, Asal-kanda, and Askalandra of the Chaoh-nama 
 
 is the same as the Askaland and 'Askaland-Usa of the Mujmalu-t 
 
 TawdriM, and the Askandra and Askanda of the Ikih/atii-l JSwdm. 
 
 The close correspondence of name, especially in the last instance, 
 
 induces us at once to recognise it as identical with the Alexandria 
 
 built at the confluence of the Aoesines with the Indus ; but a Httle 
 
 ^ Massan'g Journey to KaUt, p. 305 ; see also his Travels in Balochistan, etc., 
 Vol, II, p. 28, 
 
366 APPENDIX. 
 
 examination will show this resemblajice to be more specious than 
 real. ' 
 
 The ancient kingdom of Sind was divided in four Satrapies, of 
 which the third (v. stepra, p. 138) comprised the fort of Askalanda 
 and Maibar," " which are also called Talwara and Chachpur." It is 
 evident, from the description of the other Satrapies, that this one 
 contained the whole tract north-east of Alor, and south-east of the 
 Panjnad and Ghara ; almost precisely the same, in short, as the pre- 
 sent Daudputra country. Now Mafbar and Chachpur still exist, 
 under the modernised names of Mirbar and Chachar, close together 
 at the very junction of the Acesines and Indus, on the eastern side 
 of the river, opposite to Mittankot ; and in them, therefore, we 
 should have to look for Alexandria, if, which is not probable, it was 
 on the left bank of the Indus. Consequently, Askalanda must have 
 been higher up the river, as subsequent passages will show. 
 
 In the time of Chach (p. 141), the governor of Pabiya " south of 
 the river Bias," fled to Askalanda, which, therefore, was not likely 
 to have been far from, or across, that river. Again, some years 
 after, (pp. 202, 203), we find Muhammad Kasim breaking up his 
 camp at Pabiya,' " on the southern bank of the Bias," to go to Aska- 
 landa. It is not expressly mentioned that he crossed that river, and 
 we may presume, therefore, that he did not. Nowhere else do we 
 find any iadication of its position ; but, as will be seen in the note 
 upon the Meds, it was the capital when Jayadratha and Dassal 
 ruled in Sind. 
 
 Its proximity to the Bias and its name of Askaland-lTsfl* lead us 
 to regard it as the IJchh of more modem times. That place bears 
 marks of the most undoubted antiquity, and the absence of all men- 
 tion of it in the Chach-ndma where we are, both in the time of Chach 
 and Muhammad Kasim, introduced to many transactions in its 
 
 • That Askaland also is a corruption of Alexandria, seems probable, from the 
 peculiar position in Balkh and Tulhkrist5,n assigned to the Askalkand, Sikilkand, 
 and Saklakand of the Arabian geographers. — Abu-1 Fida, Geog., p. 473. — Juynboll, 
 Mardsidu-l IttiUH, Vol. II. p. 40. 
 
 » [" Maibar" is the reading of Sir H. Elliot's MS. in this passage, but " P&biya" 
 is the more general spelling. See supra, p. 138, 140.] 
 3 [The text has " Y&biba," hut P&biya must be meant.] 
 
 * [It is Tery doubtful if XTsa is reaUy part of the name. See note in p. 109.] 
 
APPENDIX. 367 
 
 neighbottrhood, can only be accounted for on the supposition that it 
 is disguised under some other appellation. 
 
 It has been supposed, indeed, that the name of the Oxydraose is 
 derived from this old town of TJchh, but their position, according to 
 Strabo and Arrian, appears rather to have been on the western side 
 of the Acesines ; and it is a curious coincidence that, in that direc- 
 tion also, there is another ancient ITchh, now in ruins, near the 
 junction of the Hydaspes with that river, which offers a far more 
 probable identification, and allows us, moreover, to assign to the 
 Ossadii, instead of the Oxydraoas, the ITchh, or Askaland-Usa, near 
 the junction of the Hyphasis with the Acesines. The name of the 
 Oxydrac* assumes various forms in different authors. — Sydracce in 
 Strabo, Syracousie in Diodorus, Scydroi, Scothroi, and Scythroi in 
 Dionysius, Sydraci in Pliny, Sygambri in Justin, and Oxydracx in 
 Strabo, Arrian, Curtius, Stephanus, and others; but ia no author 
 are they confounded with the Ossadii, which constituted a separate 
 tribe, acting entirely independent of the OxydraccB. 
 
 It is certain that neither the upper nor lower Alexandria was 
 built near the present ITchh. So cursorily, indeed, does Arrian 
 notice the confluence near that spot, that Major Eennell and Dr. 
 Vincent carry the Hyphasis direct into the Indus, without bringing 
 it first into the Acesines. Nevertheless, although Alexander may 
 himself have raised no city there, we might still be disposed to 
 admit that the celebrity of his power and conquests may have given 
 rise to the name of Askaland, or Askandra, did we not reflect that, 
 if we are to put any trust in the chronology of the Mujmalu-t Ta- 
 wdr'ikh, the name must have preceded the invasion of the Grecian 
 conqueror, and cannot therefore, independent of the other reasons 
 above mentioned, be connected with it.^ 
 
 Bdniya. 
 [This name occurs ia the list of the cities of Sind as given by 
 
 ' Diod. Sic. Biblioth Sist. xvii. 102. ; Arrian, Anab. vi. 14, 15 ; Strabo, Geog., 
 IV. Tauchnitz, III. 252, 273; Q. Curtius, De gest. Al, ix. 16, 31. Fragments 
 Arabes et Tersans, pp. 27, 47 ; Tuhfatn-l Kirdm, MS. pp. 16, 17 ; Journ. S. As. 
 Soc, Tol. I. p. 31 ; Vincent, Voyage of Nearchus, pp. 133-135 ; Droysen, Geschiohte 
 Alex., p. 446 ; Eitter, Askn, Vol. IV. pt. 1, p. 471 ; Mannert, Geog. der Griechen 
 und SStner, Yol. Y. Lassen, Zeitschrift f. d. Kmide d. Morgenl.,yol.Jll.-p.l^%, 
 and Ind. Alterth., Vol. I. Miiller, Fragmenta Sist. Orcec, Vol. II.p. 416 ; Schwan- 
 beck, Megasthenis Fragmenta, p. 33. 
 
368 APPENDIX. 
 
 Istakhrf (p. 27), and tho Ashkalu^l BUdd of Ibn Haukal (p. 34), but 
 no description is given of the place. Idrisi says that it is a small 
 but pleasant place, about three days' journey from Mansura on the 
 road to Mamhal, and so it is laid down in the maps of Istakhri and 
 the Ashkdlu-l Bildd. It is not mentioned by Abu-1 Fida, nor in the 
 Marasidu-l Ittild'. The BMti mentioned by Biruni at page 61, and 
 the Bdtiya in the Chach-ndma (p. 174), are probably variant spel- 
 lings of the same name.J 
 
 Bhambur. — Barharike. 
 
 Bhambura, or Bhambur, is not named in our oldest works on 
 Sind ; but it is mentioned in a modem native historian as having 
 been captured during the EhaUfat of Hariiau-r Bashid. It is the 
 scene of many legendary stories of Sind ; and, according to one of 
 them, owes its destruction in a single night to the divine wrath 
 which its ruler's sins drew down upon it. Its ruins skirt the water's 
 edge for about a quarter of a mile, and cover a low hill almost sur- 
 rounded by a plain of sand, a little to the right of the road from 
 Karachi to Ghdra, and about two miles from the latter place. There 
 are evident marks of its having been at one time flourishing and 
 populous; and even now, after heavy rains, coins, ornaments, and 
 broken vessels are found among the debris of the fort. 
 
 Coupling these manifest signs of antiquity, with the fact that the 
 natives commonly considered Bhambur as the oldest port in Sind, 
 and that the legend at page 332) proves its connection with the 
 main stream of the Indus, it may possibly represent the Barbarik 
 Emporium of the Periplus, and the Barbari of Ptolemy ; the easy 
 conversion from the native Bhambur into the more familiar Barbari 
 being a highly probable result of the wanton mispronunciation to 
 which the Greeks were so mudi addicted. But opposed to this is 
 the statement of Arrian, that Barbarike was on the centre stream of 
 the Delta, which would make L^horf-bandar its more likely repre- 
 sentative. Perhaps in Arrian's time there may have been direct 
 communication between the main channel and Bhambur.' 
 
 ' Arrian, Feriplta maris Eryth., pp. 22, 24 ; Ptolemy, Oeogr. lib. viu c. ; Capt. 
 McMurdo, Journ. E. A. S., Vol. I. p. 25 ; Lt. Buitou, Sindh, p. 389 ; Tuhfatu-f 
 Zirdm, MS. pp. 19, 166, 231. 
 
APPENDIX. 369 
 
 Brdhmandbdd. — Mansura. — Mahfuza. 
 
 In the time of the native dynaistles which preceded the Arabs, the 
 capital of Lower Siiid was BrahmanaMd. 
 
 [The old name of the place, according to Biruni, was Bahmanu or 
 Bahmanwa. The Ashkdlu-l Bildd calls it Bamiwan (p. 34), but 
 Ibn Haukal gives the name as " Tamframan" according to Gilde- 
 meister, and " Mamiwan" according to Major Anderson. Idrisl has 
 Mirman (p. 78), but this is obviously a blunder. In the Chaeh-nama, 
 the name is written Baln-wah, and in the TdriM-i Tdhiri, Pain-wah. 
 It is probably the Bhambarawah of the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm (p. 332). 
 Captain McMurdo writes it Bdhtnana, and Briggs '• Bamunwasy." '] 
 
 Under its immediate government were included Nirun, Debal, 
 the country of the Lohanas, the Lakhas, and the Sammas, and the 
 whole southern coast. Its position, therefore, was one of great im- 
 poTtance, and as its ruin is comparatively modem, it is surprising 
 that so much doubt should exist with respect to its locality. 
 
 Various positions have been assigned to Brahman5,bad. The 
 Aifin-i Ahha/ri says the fort had 1400 bastions, and that "to this day 
 there are considerable vestiges of this fortification;"' but it is not 
 said in what direction, or on which side of the river, it lay ; but the 
 mention of th© bastions would seem to point out that Kalakot was 
 probably indicated. In a passage in the Beg-Ldr-ndma, mention is 
 made of " a place called Matahila, near^the fortress of Brahmanabad, 
 twenty hoi distant from Nasrpur" (MS. p. 80). Dr. Vincent says it 
 was within four miles of Thatta, and corresponded with Pattala,' 
 concurring in this with D'Anville and Eennell. 
 
 Capt. McMurdo fixes it on the Puran, afterwards called Loh^na 
 Dary^, but it is not quite plain what he means by the Lohana Daryd.* 
 He, alt any rate, altogether repudiates Thatta and Kalakot, and we 
 must look for his Brahmanabdd near Nasrpfir. " It was situated on 
 the Lohdna Darya, at a short distance from where it separates from 
 the Puran." Again, " On or near tiie Puran river, in what was sab- 
 
 ' [Ante p. 34, 61, 189 ; Biriini's Kdnim, quoted by Thomas in Prinsep, Vol. II. 
 p. 120; Eeinaud, Fragments, pp. 41, 113; Mem. aur I'Inde, p. 61; Jour. It. A. S. 
 I. 27 ; Fii'ishta, It. 406 ; Gildemeister, de reius Ind. 1 64 ; J. A. S. Beng. xxi. p. fiO.] 
 
 ' Gladwin's Ayeen Akberee, Vol. H. p. IIS, 
 
 ' Commerce and Naviffatien cf the Ancient'., Vol. I. p. 168, 
 
 * [Tie Falaill river in all probability.] 
 
 TOL. I. 24 
 
370 APPENDIX. 
 
 sequently called tlie Shahdadpur Pergana. Bahmana -was afterwards 
 called Dlbal Kangara." ' Dr. Bumes fixes it at Kalakot," and so does 
 Sir A. Bumes.' Capt. Postans says Bhambura, mentioning at the same 
 time native tradition in favour of Khudabad, a little above Haidarabad.* 
 
 There seems no reason to conclude that the Brahmanabad, or 
 Bahmanabdd, of which we are treating, was founded by the Persian 
 king, Bahman, upon his invasion of Sind. His city is expressly 
 said to have been built in the province of Budha,' which never 
 extended so far as the Indus. Nor is it probable that, had he built 
 a city on the Indus, he would have done so on the eastern, rather 
 than on the western, bank of that river. The fact is, that Bahmand- 
 bad is a mere abbreviated form of Brahmanabad ; and is still a very 
 common mode of elision throughout Western India and the Dekhin, 
 where Brdhman, in common parlance, is usually converted into 
 Bahman. 
 
 Though the Chack-ndma does not anywhere expressly point out 
 where Brahmanabad was situated, we are at any rate assured, from 
 several passages, that it was on the eastern side of the Indus, and 
 this alone is sufficient to show that the speculations which have 
 been raised, respecting the identity of Kalakot and Thatta with that 
 old capital, rest upon no solid foundation. 
 
 We may fairly consider, in general terms, that Bralunandbad, 
 after being intermediately i^succeeded by the Arab capital Mansura, 
 is now represented by the modern Haidarabad ; and although it may 
 not have been upon the identical spot occupied by the modem 
 capital, it was at least within the island, or peninsula, formed by 
 the Falaili and the main stream of the Indus, from which the former 
 seems to have diverged in old days at a point higher than at pre- 
 sent. Matarf, indeed, would seem to be the most probable site 
 of the city, with reference to the quotation given above from the 
 Beg-Lar-ndma. To fix it higher up, as at Khudabad or Hdia, would 
 take it too far from Mansura, which we have next to consider. 
 
 Biladuri tells us that old Brahmanabad was about two paxasangs 
 distant from Mansura, which, in the time of Muhammad Kasim, waa 
 
 > Journal R. A. Soc, Vol. I, pp. 23-8, 30, 38, 232. 
 
 ' Visit to the Court of Sinde, p. 133. 
 
 » Travels into Bokhara, Vol. III. p. Z\.r— Journal JR. A. Soc, Vol. I. p, 210. 
 
 ♦ ^Personal Observations on Sindh, p. 161 and 163. » Svpra, p. 106. 
 
APPENDIX. 371 
 
 occupied by a foresti (p. 122). When we consider the space which 
 is always coYered by the sites of old Indian towns, from the strag- 
 gling mode of their erection, we are authorized to conclude- that a 
 large portion of Brahmanabad was included in Mansura, and that, 
 in point of fact, the two sites are identical. The position of Haida- 
 rabad, upon a ridge of Hmestone hills about eighty feet high, must, 
 from the first, have pointed out that site as a commanding one for a 
 capital, and it has probably ever been thus occupied, by suc- 
 cessive towns, from the first dawn of Sindian civilization. It is, 
 indeed, on the site of Brahmanabad that D'AnviUe would place the 
 earlier Minagara, in which he is followed by Eeinaud.' 
 
 The 'Ajdibu-l MakhliiMt says that Nasrpur was built on the site 
 of Mansura, and the same opinion is expressed by D'AnviUe,^ and 
 accredited by the local information of Capt. McMurdo. Tieflen- 
 thaler,* Vincent,' Eennell," Tod,' and G-ildemeister,' misled by the 
 mistake of Abu-1 Fazl,' fix Mansura at Bhakkar. M. Eeinaud con- 
 siders the testimony of Bil4duri, Mas'udi, Istakhri, Ibn Haukal, and 
 Al Biriinf to bear out D'Anville entirely in his position of Nasrpur . 
 but the mere fact that all the geogi'aphers agree m representing a 
 branch of the Indus as flowing by Mansura, is quite sufficient to 
 dislodge Nasrpur, which is twelve miles from the nearest point of 
 the river. 
 
 Biladurf tells us that, after Hakim had built Mahfuza on the 
 Indian side of the lake, — or body «f water, whatever it may have 
 been,'" — ^his successor 'Amru built Mansura on this (the western) 
 side, and established it as the capital. M. Eeinaud says, " Mahfuza 
 was built in the neighbourhood of the capital (Brahmanabad), on 
 the other side of a lake fed by the waters of the Indus." I do not 
 find on what authority this is stated. Mansura was, indeed, two 
 
 ' De Gnigncs, Notices et Extr., Tom.. I. p. 10 — Golius ad Alfragan., p. 93. 
 
 ' Eclairciaaemtnts &eographiques, p. 37 ; Antiquiti Qiogr., p. 35. — Mim. sur 
 rinde, p. 61. 
 
 ' Antiq, de VInde. ' Qeogr. Sesohr, von Sindotian, Vol. I. p. 81. 
 
 ' Gomm. andNav. of the Aneimts, Vol. I. p. 145. • Memoir, p. 185. 
 
 ' AnnaU of Rajasthm, Vol. II. pp. 310, 338. o De reb. Ind., p. 21. 
 
 » Gladwia's Ayeen Akieree, Vol. H. p. 112. 
 
 '» [Supra, p. 126.] AUusion seems to be made to the Phitto, now dry, tlie Falaili, 
 and other streams, which, during the inundation, leaye the main stream between 
 Hftla and Haidar&b&.d, 
 
372 APPENDIX. 
 
 parasangs from Brahmanabad, and M. Eeinaud is right ia stating 
 that these two latter names were often used the one for the other,' — 
 for they are so combined and converted both by Ibn Hankal and 
 Biruni ; ' but beyond the announcement that Mahfuza was on the 
 eastern side of the hahaira (lake, marsh, or inimdation of the Indus), 
 and Mansura on the western, we have nothing which indicates the 
 true position of Mahfuza. 
 
 It appears to me that Mahfuza, and not Mansura, is represented 
 by Nasrpur. Indeed, independent of the position with reference to 
 the eastern and western side of the stream above mentioned, it is 
 worthy of remark, that the meaning of the two names is the same — 
 both signifying " the protected, the abode of refuge." The identity, 
 or resemblance of name, therefore, would be as much in favour of 
 Mahfuza as Mansura. 
 
 Nasrpur, which modern authorities universally spell as Nasirpur, 
 was built, or rather re-constructed, on the river Sankra, by Amir 
 Nasr, who V7as detached by SultAn JPi'roz Shah for that purpose, with 
 a thousand cavalry, in 751 a.h., 1350 a.d. Nasrpur was sub- 
 sequently the favourite residence of the Tarkhans, and was greatly 
 embellished by them during their brief rule.' 
 
 It being shown above that Mansura is nearly identical with 
 Brahmanabad, it remains to prove that both are not far distant from 
 the modem capital of Haidarabad. 
 
 Among the reasons for considering Mansura to be identical with 
 Haidardbdd, is the position assigned to it by Istakhri and Ibn 
 Haukal, who describe it as being " a mile long and a mile broad, 
 and surrounded by a branch of the Indus." This is the mode in 
 which it is also described by Kazwini. Notwithstanding this, it 
 is laid down in the map of the Ashkdlu-l Bildd} as being situated on 
 the main stream. Istakhri's map rightly locates it on the branch, but 
 Ibn Haukals' map, as printed by Major Anderson,' places it about 
 midway between the two. The island, to be sure, is out of all pro- 
 
 ' Mas'iidi ascribes Mans6ra to Mansvjr, son of Jamhdr; Al Birfiul, to Muhammad 
 K^im ; but Biladuri is the best authority, and he ascribes it to 'Amri3, the son of 
 Md. 'Kima.—Memoire sur VInde, pp. 193, 298. 
 
 « \Supra, p. 34-61— i)e)-«*. Ind^ pp. 18, 19, 164.] See also Goliusad .^//ra^oH., 
 ei Hamza, p. 93. ' Tuhjaiu-l Kirdm, MS. pp. 27, 139. 
 
 * [Supra, p. 33.]— i)» reim Ltd. pp. 166, 215. « J. A. S. Beng. xxi. p. 49. 
 
APPENDIX. 373 
 
 portion large, but its position necessarily identifies it -with, that 
 which is formed by the Fajailf and the Indus, — and the space 
 •which the town is represented to have occupied is exactly that 
 which constitutes the limestone ridge on which Haidarabad is built 
 
 The distances laid down also by Ibn Haukal are, -with one excep- 
 tion sufficiently correct. Thus, from Mansura to Debal is six days' 
 journey, which is exact, — on the supposition that Debal, as elsewhere 
 shown, is Karachi, From. Mansura to Turan is fifteen days' journey, 
 which, also agrees well enough with Haidardbad. From Maaasura to 
 Kandabel (Ganddva) is eight days' journey, which also agrees very 
 well. — " He who travels from Mansura to Bndha must go along the 
 banks of the Indus as far as Sihwan," — which shows Mansura to be 
 close on the Indus, as, indeed, it is elsewhere expressly declared to 
 be, and not so far removed as Nasrpiir, From Mansura to Oambay 
 is twelve days' joiirney. Here the distances are long, but the desert 
 must have made continuous travelling indispensable, as the halting 
 places were necessarily reduced to the smallest possible number. 
 
 The widest departure from the ordinary distance is that between 
 Mansura and Multan, which is set down by Ibn Haukal at only 
 twelve days' journey. This is very rapid, considering that about 
 four hundred miles separate them, requiring an average of thirty- 
 three miles a day. Biifc though the average be high, it is certainly 
 not beyond the means of conveyance wherfe camels are abundant, as 
 in Sind. 
 
 Biruni lays down the distance at fifteen parasangs from Multan to 
 Bhati, another fifteen from Bhati to Alor, and twenty from Alor to 
 Mansura — making the entire distance only fifty parasangs from 
 Multan to Mansura j while, ai the same time, he gives it as thirty 
 parasangs from Mansura to Loharani Bandar (p. 61). There is here 
 also a surprising abridgTnent of the former distance, which, may 
 perhaps be accounted for by considering the frontier to be' reckoned 
 from in one instance, and the capital in the other. StiU, such an 
 error or inconsistency in a space so frequently traversed, is not 
 easily accounted for, occurring as it does in two sueh trustworthy 
 authorities as Ibn Haukal and Biruni ; and it would have been 
 satisfactory to find some more plausible solution. Mas'udi, with a 
 much nearer approach to correctness, gives the distance as seventy- 
 
374 APPENDIX. 
 
 five parasangs between Multan and Mansiira, and his statement may 
 be considered a sufficient corrective of the other geographers (p. 24). 
 
 It may be proper to add, that none of these ancient places, 
 mentioned in this and other Notes, have sites assigned to them 
 in any modern maps. Bumes, Wieland, Vivien de St. Martin, 
 Berghaus, Zimmermann, all reject them. D'Avezac enters some, but 
 all erroneously, except Debal, — at least, according to the principles 
 above enunciated. Even Kiepert, in his valuable Kwrte von AU- 
 Indien, Berlin, 1853, drawn up for the illustration of Professor 
 Lassen's Indisohe AUerthumskunde, enters only Brahmanabad; and 
 that he places on the right bank of the presumed ancient course of 
 the Sindhu, which he has laid down as flowing fax to the eastward 
 of the present Indus. As he has admitted other names more modem 
 than these, he should not have ignored them all. 
 
 [Since the death of Sir H. Elliot the remains of a buried city, 
 supposed to be the ancient Brahmanabad, have been discovered and 
 explored by Mr. A. P. BeUasis, of the Bombay Civil Service. The 
 exact position of the riiins is stated to be forty-seven miles north- 
 east of Haidarabad, and if their investigator is right in believing 
 them to be the ruins of Brahmanabad, the question of the position 
 of that city is put at .rest. The identification has presumption in its 
 favour, though it has not yet been satisfactorily proved; and one 
 circumstance is strongly against it : — Large numbers of coins were 
 discovered among the ruins; but the great bulk of these were 
 Muhammadan, and the few Hindu coins that were brought to light 
 " seem to be casual contributions from other provinces, of no very 
 marked uniformity or striking age.'' Were the ruins those of an 
 old Hindu city, Hindu coins of a distinct character would probably 
 have been found. The coins discovered were those of Mansur bin 
 Jamhur, Abdu-r Bahman, Muhammad 'Abdu-ll^h and Umar (see 
 ivjara, p. 127).'] 
 
 Debal. — Karachi . — Thatta. — Ldhori Bandar. 
 
 It is strange that the site of a port once so noted as Debsd should 
 now be left to vague conjecture ; but amongst the fluctuating channela 
 of the Sindian Delta we must rest content with mere surmises. 
 
 ' {lUustraUd London Newi, Feb. 21, 28, 1867.— -Thomas' Prinsep, II. 119.] 
 
APPENDIX. 375 
 
 Some of the various opinions entertained upon the question of its 
 locality may be here noticed. Native authorities seem decidedly in 
 favour of considering Thatta to represent Debal, following generally 
 the text of Firishta.' Mir Ma'siim ignorantly obsez-ves that Debal 
 is Thatta and, Lahorf Bandar.^ Abii-l Tazl is equally inexact, or 
 rather more so.' Idrisi {supra, p. 77) and the Arabian geographers 
 having determined that Debal was six stations from the mouth of 
 the Indus, Thatta was necessarily the only site which could be 
 selected. 
 
 Modern authors have also for the most part inclined to Thatta, 
 including De la Eochette and EenneU. Capt. McMurdo, while he 
 says that Thatta is still known to the Arabs by the name of Debal 
 alone, shows that the latter must have been a seaport.* Sir A. 
 Bumes says, also, that Thatta is called by the Arabs Dewal Sindy,' 
 and himself assigns Kalankot as its position.' Lieut. Burton says, 
 ■we are certain that the modem Thatta occupies the ground of the 
 ancient Dewal, as the Arabs and Persians know it by no other 
 name, — Shal-i Debali stUl being used to mean a shawl of Thatta 
 manufacture.' 
 
 D'Anville more correctly establishes it on one of the mouths of 
 the Indus ; ° and some others, resigning Thatta, have assigned other 
 localities to Debal. M. Eeinaud inclines to the neighbourhood of 
 Karachi ; " and so does Elphinstone."" Dr. Burnes says it occupied a 
 site between Karachi and Thatta, in which he foUows Mr. Nathaniel 
 Crow," one of the first of our modem enquirers in Sind, who 
 combined much discrimination with ample opportunities of local 
 knowledge. 
 
 But there can be no question that Debal was on, or close to, the 
 sea-coast ; with which the distant inland position of Thatta is by no 
 means correspondent. Tor my own part, I entertain little doubt 
 that Karachi itself represents the site of Debal. The very name of 
 
 ' Briggs, Eistory, etc., Vol. IV. p. 404. ' Tdrii)i-i Sintl, MS. pp. 2, 8. 
 
 » Ayeen AhUree, Vol. II. p. 116. * Journ. li. A. Soc, Vol. I. pp. 29, 234, 
 
 » Travels into Bokhara, Vol. III. p. 31. 
 
 • CMool, p. 17. ' Sindh, p. Sid.— Unhappy Valley, Vol. I. p. 128. 
 
 • Antiq. de VInde, p. 34. ' Mimoire tur I'Inde, p. 170. 
 
 10 » Dewal iraa probably somewhere near Kar&cM." — Uistmy of India, Vol. I. 
 p. fi07. " Visit to the Court of Sinde, p. 133 and 162. 
 
376 APPENDIX. 
 
 Debal, or rather Dewal, " the temple," was doubtless aequired from 
 the conspicuous position which that object must have occupied from 
 the sea ; where it was calcidated to attract the gaze and reverence of 
 the passing mariner, like its fellow shrines of Dwaraka and Somnat ; 
 and as there is no other so eligible and commanding a spot along the 
 whole coast of Sind, from Cape Monze to Kotesar, it is highly 
 probable that the promontory on which fort Manora now stands is 
 the identical site occupied by the celebrated temple which gave name 
 to the port of Debal,' and which, as being the Palladium of its 
 security, was the chief object of attack to the catapults which had 
 been brought round by the sea to effect its destruction.' 
 
 The following may be mentioned amongst the reasons why Debal 
 cannot possibly have been Thatta, and which incline us to view 
 Karachi with favour : — 
 
 The Sarandi'p vessels were, in their distress, driven to " the shore 
 of Debal" (p. 118).' It could not, therefore, have been an inland 
 town like Thatta, fifty miles from the nearest point of the sea, and 
 one hmidred miles by any of the tortuous channels of the Delta. 
 
 The pirates who attacked them were " dwellers at Debal, of the 
 tribe which they call Tangamara." Now, these Tangamaras we 
 know to have occupied the sea-coast from Karachi to Lahori Bandar, 
 and to be the popular heroes of several local tales — especially their 
 Kdna 'Ubaid, who lived even as late as the year 1000 a.h. 
 (1591 A.D.).* 
 
 BUadurf also speaks of "the Bay of Debal" (p. 116), and of the 
 ships which had been despatched from the Persian Gulf, arriving at 
 Debal with soldiers and mangonels (p. 120). Elphinstone considers 
 this latter fact as decisive against Thatta ; * but too much may be 
 built on this argument, for, subsequently, we find these same 
 mangonels carried by wat«r even to Nairun. 
 
 Ibn Haukal says, Debal is a " large port on the shore of the sea, 
 
 ' The budd, or temple, was contiguous to the town of Debal, not within it, (see 
 p. 120). 
 
 > It ia worthy of remark that Manora ia the name of one of the celebrated Bud- 
 dhist patriarchs. Abel-Remusat writes it "Manura." M. Stanislas Julien "Manorata;" 
 [or Sanskrit Manoratha.'] — Milanget Asiatiquei, Tom. I . p. 1 15. — Indiache A Iterthum- 
 ikunde, Vol. 11. Beil ii. 2. » Chach-ndma, MS. p. 83. 
 
 * Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, MS. p. 134. » BUtoryof India, Vol. I. p. 607. 
 
APPENDIX. 377 
 
 ihe emporium of this and the neighbouring regions. It lies to the 
 west of the Mihran,' and has no large trees or date-palms" (p. 37). 
 It is indeed a place of great sterility, and only occupied on account 
 of its trade. Nothing can be more decisive against the fertile 
 Thatta., and in favour of the barren Karachi. 
 
 Again, from Debal to Mansura is six stages, which, on the sup- 
 position that the latter, as elsewhere shown, is Haidarabad, would 
 not suit Thatta in any respect, but exactly suits Karachi. 
 
 The Mardsidu-l Ittild says Debal [or Daihul, as it writes the name 
 in Arabic fashion] is a celebrated city " on the shore of the sea of 
 Hind, an emporium where the rivers of Lahore and Multan dis- 
 charge themselves into the salt sea.'' 
 
 Further quotations need not be added to show that Debal was on 
 the sea-coast, and could not have been so far inland as Thatta, or 
 even Lahori Bandar, which, however, is the next most probable site 
 after Karachi. 
 
 L4hori Bandar, or Larf Bandar, succeeded Debal as the sea-port of 
 the Indus, and is first named by Birunf ; but Debal had evidently 
 maintained its position down to the time of Jalalu-d din's incursion 
 into Sind, in 1221 a.d. It will appear, afterwards, from the 
 extracts taken from the JaMn-kushdi, that the Sultan conducted 
 himself with the greatest severity towards the people of that port, 
 for he plundered the country, and as he erected a mosque opposite 
 to a Hindu temple, during his short stay there, it is evident that the 
 place wns considered then to be of sufficient consequence to be' 
 insulted in the wantonness of his fanaticism. 
 
 In Tbn Batuta's time, about a century latter (1333 a.d.), we have 
 no mention of Debal, which seems then to have been superseded 
 entirely by Lahori Bandar. 
 
 Ldhori has itself been taken to be Debal. The Tuh/atu-i kirdm, 
 indeed, distinctly asserts that " what is now Bandar Ldhon' was in 
 former times called Bandar Debal : " — but its^authority is not to be 
 rated high in such matters,' and while, confessedly, there are some 
 
 > Gildemeister reads " east," but the Ashkdlu-l Sildd and Istakliri must b^ correct 
 in giring "west." — De rebus Indicts, pp. 170, 178, 179. — See Mimoire sur I'Inde, 
 p. 170. ' Juynboll, Lexicon ffeographicum, Vol. I. p. 421. 
 
 ' T. Kirdm, MS. p. 234. This may mean merely "the port connected with Debal," 
 ecause at p. 1 we read, " Debal is now called Thatta." 
 
378 APPENDIX. 
 
 points slightly in favour of its being Debal, there are others which 
 are decisive against it. It is itself fifteen miles from the shore of 
 the sea : it has no bay: and a passage in Bfruni is very conclusive : — 
 where, after saying that the gulf of Turan (the present bay of Sun- 
 miani) lies between Tiz and Debal, he adds, that beyond the gulf of 
 Tiiran are the small and great mouths (of the Lidus), the one near 
 the town of Loharani, the other to the east, on the borders of 
 Kachh. The country (between them) bears the name of Sind 
 Sagara, or the sea of Sind (pp. 49. 65).^ Loharanf (Lahori) is here 
 mentioned as quite distinct from Debal, and was then evidently only 
 just rising into importance, 
 
 Ibn Batuta calls the place "Lahiriya" or "Lahari"' — ^but it 
 generally goes now by the name of Lahorf, probably from its pre- 
 sumed connection with Lahore. Its ruin and abandonment have 
 now given a greater prominence to the port of Dharaja, which lies 
 a little to the east of Lahorf. 
 
 The original name was most likely Lari, being so called after Lar, 
 the local name of the southern portion of the province of Sind. 
 
 The najne of Lar had once a very great extension on these southern 
 coasts, — ^for Ptolemy and the Periplus both mention Guzerat under 
 the name of Larioe ; ' and Birunf and Abu-1 Fida place Somnat, and 
 even Tana, in or on the borders of the province of Lar (sM^ro, 
 p. 61).* The merchant Sulaiman, also, calls the gulf of Cambay and 
 the waters which wash the Malabar coast " the seas of Lar : " ' and 
 Mas'udi says, that " at Saimur, Subara, Tana and other towns a 
 language called Lariya is spoken," so that, it seems not unreason- 
 able to suppose that Lari Bandar was the original form under which 
 this port was first known. ° 
 
 ' Fragments Arahes, pp. 113, 119. 
 
 ' Kosegarten, de Mohammede ebn Batuta, p. 17. Defr^mery, Paris, 1866. 
 
 " Lassen, Zeitschrift f. d. h. d. Morgml. Vol, I. p. 227. — D'Auville, Eclaireitae- 
 menta aur la Carte de I'Jnde, pp. 69, 75. — Tod, Western India, pp. 187-9, 266. 
 
 * Fragments Arabea, p. H2. — Gildemeister, De rebus Indicia, pp. 186, 188. 
 
 « Mem. sur PInde, pp. 200, 298. 
 
 ' [The Ldta-desa of Sanskrit geography, and the Larice of Ptolemy and the 
 Periplus, is the country about the gulf of Cambay and the mouth of the Kerbudda. 
 The Arab geographers agree, also, upon this locality. It is Tery questionable if that 
 term is susceptible of the extension which Sir H. Elliot here seeks to give it. The 
 Lar of Sind would rather seem to be a distinct name. See McMurdo, Jour. E, A. S. 
 I. 224. ; Hwen Tsang III. 409.] 
 
APPENDIX. 379 
 
 Hdla-kandi. — The Hellenes. — Pindus, 
 The ruins of old Hala, or Hala-kandi, on the Indus, thirty miles 
 above Haidarabad, lie to the south-east of the present site. Had its 
 name appeared in the CJiaoh-ndma, we might have ascribed its foun- 
 dation to the Eaja Hal, mentioned in p. 106. Tod names a later 
 prince of the Samma family as the founder.' 
 
 It is probable that the designation of the Hala range of mountains 
 has a similar origin, for we nowhere find them mentioned in any 
 early work; but such a very modem attribution would scarcely 
 satisfy a late writer, who sees in them the cradle of the great 
 Hellenic race : — 
 
 " The land of Hellas, a name so dear to civilization and the arts, was so called 
 from the magnificent range of heights situated in Beloochistan, styled the ' Hela ' 
 mountains. * • » The chiefs of this country were called ' Helaines,' or the 
 'chiefs of the Hela.' "» 
 
 He gives as a motto to this fanciful chapter on the Hellenes, the 
 
 following lines from the fragments of Hesiod : — 
 
 *'EAA7J»'0s S' 'eyevoyro defutTr6iro\oi Ba(ri\7jes 
 Aup6^ T6, UovOSs T€, kSi Aio\os *ivTrioxdpft7js. 
 Chiefs of the war-car, guards of holy Eight, 
 Dorus and ^olus, and Zuthus' might 
 From Hellen sprang. 
 
 As he conceives ^olus to represent the Haiya tribe of Eajptits, it is 
 
 surprising that he disregards the more obvious resemblance of Dorua 
 
 and Zuthus to the mighty Dors and the energetic Zats ; — ^the former 
 
 now nearly extinct, the latter now better known as the wide-spread 
 
 Jats. 
 
 Another mountain range in the same neighbourhood is even stiU 
 more tinduly exalted, in a mode which sets all true relations of 
 time, space, position, and language, at complete defiance. 
 
 " I would now direct the reader's attention to the most salient feature in the land 
 of Hellas. The mountain chain of Pindus, traversing a considerable portion of 
 Greece, and forming the boundary between Thessaly and Epirus, takes its name from 
 the PiND. Its present name is Pind Dadun Ehan * « * * whence the Pind 
 or "Salt JRange" of Afghanistan was naturally transferred to a corresponding 
 
 ' Travels in Western India, p. 474. Hal&r in Guzer&t is called after a Jhareja 
 prince of the same name. 
 
 ' E. Pococke, India in Greece, p. 48: — This is an unfair contortion, in order to suit 
 the etymology: the real spelling being Bdla, or, more correctly, Sdra; so that wa 
 have, unfortunately, nothing but the simple initial aspirate to support the grand 
 Hellenic hypothesis.— See the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, MS., pp. 130, 164. 
 
380 APPENDIX. 
 
 remarkable feature in Greece. It is not a little reniarliablc, that in the latter country 
 the true Pindue * * * should give nearly the corresponding length of the 
 Pind in Afghanistan, viz., a distance of about sixty miles." ' 
 
 This elaborate super-structure is based on an utterly false assump- 
 tion. The salt range is not, and never was, called the Pind. Pind 
 is a common word in the Upper Panjab, signifying simply "a 
 village," and recurs a hundred times over in that locality — as Pind 
 Bhattiyan, Pind Malik Auly^, Pindi Ghaib, Edwal Pindi, etc., etc. — 
 and so, Pind Dadan Khan merely means the "village of Dadan 
 Khan," and one, moreover, of modem erection. The word "Piad," 
 indeed, has only lately been introduced into the Panjab — long even 
 after the name of the celebrated Grecian mountain was itself con- 
 verted into the modern Agrapha. 
 
 The whole of this arrogant and dogmatical work is replete with 
 similar absurdities ; and yet the only notices it has received from 
 our Eeviewers are of a laudatory character. It is to be feared that 
 no English publication of late years will go so far as this to damage 
 our literary reputation in the eyes of continental scholars ; and it is 
 therefore to be regretted that it has not yet received the castigation 
 due to its ignorance and presumption.' 
 
 Jandvud, 
 [About a mile, or half a parasang, from Multan was the castle or 
 fortified residence of the governor, which Istakhri calls Jandriad. 
 The AsKkalu-l Bilad, according to Sir H. Elliot, reads Chandrawar, 
 but the initial eh is at best suspicious in an Arabic work ; the map 
 has Jandriid. Gildemeister's Ibn Haukal has Jandrar, Jandar, and 
 Jandaruz ; and Idrvsi says Jandur. Ibn Haukal helps us to the 
 right reading when he says, the Jandaruz is a river, and the city of 
 Jandaruz stands on its banks. Immediately before this he had been 
 speaking of the river Sandaniz, which is evidently the Sind-nid, so 
 that we may at once conclude that the final syllable is the Persian 
 rkd (river). Sir H. Elliot, in a subsequent passage, supposes it to 
 
 ' India in Greece, p. 82, 
 
 • The author's credit stands on a false eminence, as being one of the Editors of the 
 reprint of the Encychpadia Metropolilana j and we find one of his really able colla- 
 horateurs lamenting, in his preface to the Sist. of Mom. Literature, that " the JSarly 
 History of Rome, promised by the author of that remartable work, India in Gi-teet) 
 should not have been available for these pages." [It must be remembered that these 
 animadrersions were written in 1853.] 
 
APPENDIX. 381 
 
 derive its first syllable from the Arabic word Jand, a cantonmeBt or 
 military colofiy, — in which case the name would signify the " can- 
 tonment on the river." But Hafiz Abru, in an extract which will 
 appear in Vol. IT., informs us that the river Chinab was called 
 " Jamd ; " the name of the placCj therefore, may have been Jamd- 
 rud. Multan itself is situated about three miles from the Chinab, 
 so that Jandrud, or Jamdriid, must have been, its port on that river.] 
 
 Kaikdndn. — Kaikdn. — Kdkars. 
 
 This name appears under the various aspects of Kaikanan, Kikan, 
 Kaikan, Eizkanan, Kabarkaaan and Kirkayan, — the first being of 
 most frequent occurrence. Though so often mentioned, we can form 
 but a very general idea of its position. 
 
 The Ghaeh-ndma tells us that, under the Eaf dynasty, the Sindian 
 territory extended " as far to the north as the mountains of Kirdan' 
 and Kaikanan " (p. 138). Again, the Arabs ^'marched in a.h. 38 to 
 Kaikanan, by way of Bahraj and Koh-paya," where, after some 
 partial successes, their progress was intercepted by the mountaineers 
 in their diffioiilt defiles, and in the end the Arabs sustained a com:- 
 plete defeat. One of the objects of these expedition* ?to Kaikanan, 
 which lasted for about twenty years, was to obtain hoi>seB from that 
 province, as they are represented to have been celeibrated for their 
 strength and proportions. The tract of Budh was .reacShed during 
 one of these incursions, and we find one of the Arab armies 
 returning from another incursion by way of Si'wistatj.^ 
 
 Biladuri also mentions these expeditions, with some slight varia- 
 tions in the details ; and is the only author who adopts the spelling 
 of the Arabic Mf, and omits the last syllable, — representing the 
 name as " Kikan," or " Kaikan " (p. 116), — whereas the Ghach-ndma 
 prefers Kaikanan (p. 138). He says "it forms a portion of Sind in 
 the direction of Khurasan," and he speaks of " Turks " as its 
 inhabitants. In an important expedition directed against a tract of 
 country lying between Multan and Kabul, in a.h. 44, " Turks are 
 encountered in the country of Kaikan." In another, 'Abd-ulla 
 sends to Mua'wiya the "horses of Kaikan " (p. 117), which he had 
 
 ' [This name may be read "Katwau," and the initial may be optionally G.I 
 2 MS. pp. 72-78. 
 
382 APPENDIX. 
 
 taken amongst other spoil. In another, Asad attacks the Med8> 
 after -warring against Kaikdn (p. 117). In the year 221 h. BUadur^ 
 speaks of a portion of Kaikan as occupied by Jats, whom 'Amran 
 defeated, and then established within their country the military 
 colony of Baiza (p. 128). On this occasion, the country was attacked 
 from the r5de of Sind, not from Makran, which will account for the 
 mention of the " Jats," instead of " Turks." 
 
 It may also be doubted if the Kabakanan (p. 39) or Kfzkanin of 
 Ibn Haukal refers to this tract, — and yet it would be more difficult 
 to account for its total omission, if it do not. According- to them, 
 KaLkanin was in the district of Turan, and a city in which the 
 governor of Kusdar resided. This apparent discrepancy can only 
 be reconciled by supposing that there was both a province and town 
 of that name. They give us no further indication of its position, 
 except that the district of Atal is said to lie between Kaikanan and 
 Kandabel, — ^which, of itself, attributes to it a much greater extension 
 to the north, than if it were a mere portion of Turan.* 
 
 The later Arab geographers follow these authorities, and add 
 nothing further to our information. 
 
 Abu-1 Fazl Baihaki mentions Kaikahan amongst the other pro-vinces 
 imder the authority of Mas'ud, the Ghaznivide ; and as Hind, Sind, 
 Nfmroz, Zabulistan, Kasdar, Makran, and Danistan are noticed 
 separately, it shows that Kaikahan was then considered a distinct 
 jurisdiction.' 
 
 In Hwen Tsang's travels we have mention of the country of 
 Kikan, situated to the south of Kabul, which is evidently no other 
 than the province of which we are treating.' 
 
 Prom this time forward, we lose sight of the name, and are left to 
 conjecture where Kaikdnan was. Under all the circumstances of 
 the case, we may be justified in considering it so far to the east as to 
 include the Sulaimani range, which had not, up to a comparatively 
 late period, been dignified -with that name. As with respect to Asia, 
 and many other names of countries, so with respect to Kaikan&i, 
 the boundaries seem to have receded with the progress of discovery ; 
 and though, on its first mention, it does not appear to have extended 
 
 1 Gildemeister, <fo reim Indicia, pp. 164, 174, 177. ' Tdrikh-iMafiidi, MS. 
 
 3 Foe-tcoue-ki, p. 395 ; Hwen Tsang III. 18S, 414 Him.sur Flnde, p. 176. 
 
APPENDIX. 383 
 
 beyond Shal and Mustung, yet, by the time of the Ghaznivides, we 
 are authorised to conclude that it reached, on the east, to the frontier 
 of Multan, and, on the south, to the hilly tract of Siwist&ti, above 
 the plains of Sind. 
 
 Under the present condition di Afghanistan it may be considered, 
 in general terms, as including the whole of the country occupied by 
 the Kakars. The expedition of a.h. 44 to the country between 
 Multan and Kabul certaiinly shows that Kaikanan must have com- 
 prised the Sulaimanf range to the south of the Gumal; and the 
 celebrity of its horses would appear to point to a tract further to the 
 west, including Saharawan and .Mushkf, where horses, especially 
 those used on the plain of iMangachar, are still in great demand, 
 and whence they are often. sent for shipment to the coast. 
 
 There is no place extant which recalls the name of the old 
 province, except it be Kahan, which was perhaps included within 
 its south-eastern frontier. It is barely possible, also, that there may 
 be some connection between the name of the Kfikars and that of the 
 ancient province which they occupy. It will be observed above, 
 that Baihaki mentions a district of Danist&i, and the order in which 
 it occurs is "Kusdar, and Makran, and Danistan, and Kaikahan." 
 This implies contiguity between the several places thus named, and 
 it is, therefore, worthy of remark, that Dani is entered in all the 
 genealogical lists of the Afghans as the eldest son of Gharghasht, 
 the son of their great progenitor, Kais 'Abdu-r Eashid Pathan ; and 
 that Kakar, from whom the powerful tribe of that name is descended, 
 was himself the eldest son of Dani. Names change in the course of 
 ages, especially among people in a low stage of civilization ; and 
 it may perhaps be conceded that " Kakaran " and " Kaikah&i " 
 would, under such circumstances, be no very violent and improbable 
 metathesis. 
 
 Kaj'urdha, Capital of Jajdhoti. 
 
 [_JS!ctract of General punningham's Archaologieal Report for 
 
 \&M-5,—Page 68.] 
 ["The ancient city of Khajuraho, the capital of the Chandel 
 Rajputs, is situated thirty -four miles to the south of Mahoba, twenty- 
 seven miles to the east of Chhatrpur, and twenty-five miles to the 
 
384 APPENDIX. 
 
 north-west of Panna .... The earliest mention of this capital is 
 by Abd Eihan, who accompanied Mahrndd in his campaign against 
 Kalinjar in a.d. 1022. He calls it Kajnrdha, the capital of Jajahoti, 
 and places it at thirty parasangs, or about ninety miles, to the south- 
 east of Kanauj. The true direction, howeTer, is almost due south, 
 and the distance about twice thirty parasangs, or one hundred and 
 eighty miles. The next anention of Khajuraho is by Ibn Batuta, 
 who tisited it about a.d. 1336. — He calls it Kajura .... The 
 earliest mention of the province is by Hwen Tsang, in a.d. 641. — He 
 calls it Chi-chi-to, or Jajhoti . . . From the accounts of Hwen 
 Tsang, and Abu Eihan, it is evident that the Province of Jajahoti 
 corresponded with the modem district of Bandelthand in its widest 
 extent."] 
 
 Kdllari. — Annari. — and BalktH. 
 
 [Such seems to be the correct spelling of three names, which 
 appear in a great variety of forms. — Istakhri has Kalwf, .Annari, 
 and Balwi, but the first takes the form of Kaladi or Kalari in hie 
 map. In the printed extract of the AsJiMlu-l Bildd the names 
 appear as Falid, Abri, and Balzi ; also, as Abri, Labi, and Maildi, 
 some of which divergences may be credited to bad copy and mis- 
 prints. Gildemeister's Ibn Hautal gives them as Ayara, Valara, 
 and Balra ; Idrisi has Atri and Kalari ; Abti-l Fida has Kallarf, 
 Auaari, and Ballari, and these agree with the names as they appear 
 in the map of the Aslikdlu-l Bildd. They were three neighbouring 
 towns on the road from AIot io Mansura, Annari standing first, 
 Kallari next, and Ballari last in Istakhri's map, and in that of 
 the Ashhdlu-l Blind. The termination ri or ari would seem to 
 be a common noun, and the Tuhfatw-l Kirdm writes it with the 
 Hindi re. Idrisi says Annan' is four days journey from Alor, and 
 Kallari two days from Annarf, and Mansura only one day from 
 Kallari. Ibn Haukal places Annari and KaUari on the east of 
 the Mihran, but Idrisi says, that it stands on the western bank (p. 
 79) ; and enters into details which show pretty clearly its relative 
 position to Mansura. There is a "Bulrey," marked in Allen's map 
 of Sind, about thirty miles south of Haidarabad, but this position 
 does not correspond with the above description.] 
 
APPENDIX. 385 
 
 Kanddbel. — Turdn. — BudJia. — Baizd. 
 
 It is essential to a right understanding of ancient Siudian geo- 
 graphy to ascertain where Kandabel, of which there is such frequent 
 mention, was situated. We can only do this by implication, and by 
 comparison of the various passages in which the name occurs. 
 
 The Ghach-ndma^ mentions it in three different passages, at least, 
 if Kandhala in the last reference be meant, as seems probable, for 
 that place. If we are to put faith in the first passage (p. 152), there 
 would be no need for further enquiry, as it is distinctly mentioned 
 thus : — " Kandabel, that is, Kandahar." But it may be shown that 
 this identification cannot possibly be admitted, for Chach reaches the 
 place through the desert of Turan (a province of which Kusdar was 
 the capital),* on his return from Arm&-bel to Alor. He straitened 
 the garrison by encamping on the river Sinf, or Sibi, and compelled 
 them to agree to the payment of one hundred horses from the hUl 
 country, and a tribute of 100,000 dirhams. Here the name of the 
 river, and the position, put Kandahar out of the question, and we 
 can only regard the passage as the conjecture of some transcriber, 
 interpolated by mistake from the margin into the text. 
 
 The real fact is, that Kandabel' can scarcely be any other place 
 than the modem Gandava, and we shall find, with this single excep- 
 tion, that all the other passages where its name occurs sufficiently 
 indicate that as the position. Indeed, it is probable that this very 
 instance lends confirmation to this view, for the Sfnf river seems to 
 be no other than the Sibi, now called the Nari, but flowing under 
 the town of Sibi, and, duriag the floods, joining the Bolan river, 
 into which the hill-streams, which surround and insulate Gandava, 
 disembogue themselves. The river which runs nearest to Gandava 
 is now called the Badra. 
 
 The Mujmdlu-t Tawdrihh tells us that Kandabel was founded by 
 the Persian king, Bahman, "between the confines of the Hindus 
 
 1 MS. pp. 48, 71, 115. ISupra, 162, 162.] 
 
 2 Mordtmann, das Such der Lander. — Mardsidu-l IttiUt, Ed. Jnynboll, Vol. II. 
 p. 214. — M^moire sur I'Inde, pp. 176, 278. 
 
 3 It ia almost uniformly spelt in this mode, with the Arabic Kdf, the variations 
 being very few. The final syllable is occaBionally nil, ial, and t/al; but iel is most 
 probably the correct form. "We find the same termination in Arm5.-bel, or the modern 
 Bela. It may possibly be connected with the Mongol balu, " a city," as in Khdn- 
 ialu, the city of the Kh&u.— See Joum. S. A. Soc, Yol. XV. p. 200. 
 
 VOL, I. 25 
 
386 APPENDIX. 
 
 and the Turks " ' (p. 106). Biladuri frequently mentions it, and 
 speaks of Kandahar as entirely separate and distinct (pp. 117, 118, 
 125, 127). He tells us it was situated on a hill or elevated site, and 
 that 'Amran, after taking the town, transferred the principal inhabit- 
 ants to Kusdar (p. 128), from which place it was situated at the 
 distance of five parasangs." 
 
 According to Ibn Haukal, and the corresponding passages in 
 Istakhrf (p. 29), Ouseley's Oriental Geography, and the Ashkdlu-l 
 Bildd, Kandabel was the capital of Budha, and a large place of 
 commercial traffic, deficient in the produce of the date-palm, and 
 situated in a desert, eight stages from Mansiira, and ten through the 
 desert from Midtan.' 
 
 All these descriptions make Kandabel correspond sufficiently with 
 the modem Gandava, to leave no doubt of their identity. Later 
 historians speak of it as being on the borders of Kirman,* but their 
 notions of that province were very indefinite, and any place on the 
 eastern confines of Sind would equally answer their loose mode of 
 delineation. 
 
 G-andava, which is the capital of the province of Kachh Gandava, 
 is surrounded by a wall, and is still one of the most important 
 places between Kelat and Shikarpur, though greatly declined from 
 its former state. Indeed, Bagh is a much larger, as well as more 
 commercial town, but the credit of antiquity cleaves to Gandava. 
 
 Kandabel, it wiU be observed, is represented as the capital of 
 Budha, which, therefore, next demands our attention. This is 
 evidently the same province as the Biidhpur, Budhiya, and Budapur 
 (p. 145) of the Ghaoh-ndma. 
 
 Under the Ral dynasty, the second satrapy of Sind comprised, 
 besides the town of Siwistan, which was the capital,^ "Budhpiir, 
 
 ' MSm. sur VInde, p. 67. 
 
 ' M<!m. sur VInde, p. 176. The distance is too short to suit GandS-ya, which is 
 eighty miles north-east of Kusd&r. Has not " parasangs " been entered instead of 
 "stages?" 
 
 3 GUdemeister, 172, 177, 178. * Elmacin, Sistoria Saracmiea, ann. 101. 
 
 » Sihw&u on the Indus is here alluded to ; but the town of SeW, or Sibi, and the 
 proyince of SSwistin, are the constant source of confusion and mistake, whenever the 
 name occurs ; insomuch, that it is sometimes difficult, as in the passages here quoted, 
 to determine positively which place is indicated. This perplexity is not diminished 
 by the fact of the large province of Sist^n, or Sijistin, being not very remote. 
 
APPENDIX. 387 
 
 and Jaakan (Jangar), and the skirts of the hills of Eujhdn, as far 
 as the borders of Makrdn (p. 138)." Again, " Chach marched 
 towards the fortress of Budapur and Siwistan." After crossing the 
 Indus " he went to Budhiya, the capital of which tract was Nanaraj 
 
 Kakaraj), and the inhabitants of the place called it Sawfs." 
 
 "After taking the fort of the Sawis, he moved towards Siwistan '' 
 (p. 145). 
 
 When Siwistan was attacked by Muhammad Kasim, the governor 
 fled to Budhiya, where was " a fortress called Si'sam,' on the banks 
 of the Kumbh," whither he was pursued by the Arab general, who 
 encamped with a portion of his army at " Nilhan on the Kumbh." 
 Here, the chiefs of Budhiya determined to make a night attack upon 
 his camp. These chiefs of Budhiya, who were of the same family 
 as the ruler of Sisam, are subsequently shown to be Jats ; ' whose 
 origin was derived from a place on the banks of the Gang, which 
 they call Aundhar." ^ After failing in this expedition, they volun- 
 tarily surrendered themselves, as they had " found from the books of 
 the Buddhists that Hindustan was destined to be conquered by the 
 army of Islam," and then turned their arms vigorously against their 
 former comrades. On Muhammad's advancing to.. Sisam, " some of 
 the idolaters fled to Budhya, higher up: some to the fort of Ba- 
 hftliir,* between Saluj and Kandhabel " (p. 162) ; and there sued for 
 peace, and after agreeiug to pay tribute, sent their hostages to 
 Siwistan. 
 
 In the Mufmalu-t Tawdrikk we read that Bahman, the Persian 
 king, "built in the country of Budh a town called Bahmanabad, 
 which according to some is Mansura " (p. 106). 
 
 [Biladuri mentions this tract as the scene of the slaughter of 
 Budail (p. 119), and it is, perhaps, disguised under the name of 
 Basea in p. 12S.] 
 
 In Istakhri (p. 29), and in Ibn Haukal, it assumes the form of 
 Budh, or Budha. " The infidel inhabitants within the borders of 
 Sind are called Budha and Mand. They reside in the tract between 
 
 1 III the proTince of Sebi (Sfwistin), according to the Tuhfatu-l Kirdtn. [It is 
 prohably " Seisan," on the Manchhar lake. — See p. 161.] 
 
 * Or Channaa, according to the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, MS. p. 12. 
 3 [See Note, p. 160.] 
 
 * Bahaltdr and Bahla, in, the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm. 
 
388 APPENDIX. 
 
 Tiiran, Multan, and Mansura, on the ■western bank of the MihrSn. 
 They live in huts made of reeds and grass '' (p. 38). Again, " Atal 
 is inhabited by Musvdmans and infidel Budhas." ' . . . . " From 
 Mansura to the first borders of Budha is fifteen stages' (p. 39), and 
 any one who travels that road must go along the banks of the 
 Mihran until he reaches Sadustan (Sihwan)." 
 
 " Nadha," or " Nudha," seems to be the reading preferred by Idrisi 
 (p. 83), and the Nubian geographer. Kazwini describes the ciountry as 
 having a population resembling the Zat, and yielding plenty of rice 
 and cocoa-nuts. It also produces camels with double humps, which 
 being rarely found elsewhere, were in great demand in Khurasan 
 and Persia.' Ibn Haukal also remarks upon the excellence of its 
 breed of camels. The Mardsidu-l Ittild'* likewise approves of the 
 initial N, instead of B ; but these later authorities are of no value, 
 when arrayed against the repeated instances to the contrary from the 
 Chach-ndma, and the great majority of the readings in Ibn Haukal 
 and Istakhri.^ 
 
 From a comparison of all these statements, it would appear that 
 the old tract of Budh, or Budhiya, very closely corresponds with the 
 modem province of Kachh Gandava, on all four sides except the 
 northern, where it seems to have acquired a greater extension, of 
 which it is impossible to define the precise limits. It is worthy of 
 remark that, in the very centre of Kachh Gandava, there is still a 
 place called Budha on the Nari river, and it is possible that the 
 name is also preserved in the Kakar tract of Bori, or Biira, forming 
 
 1 See also Gildemeister, de teb. Ind., pp. 164, 171, 172, 177. 
 
 ' This, if the right i eading, must be understood in the sence of remotest, because 
 the capital Kand&bel is declared to be only eight stages, and Tfir&n, which is conter- 
 minous with Budh on the west, is only set down at fifteen stages. The Ashkdlu-l 
 JBildd gives the distance from Mansura to the nearest point of Budh as only five 
 marches. This is probably the correct reading. — See Journal A. S. £., 1852, No. 1, 
 p. 73. 
 
 3 De rei. Jndicis, p. 216. ' Ed. Juynboll, Vol. ll. p. 
 
 5 If Nudha could be supposed the correct reading, it would lend an interest to a 
 passage in Dionysius, who says in his Periegesis — 
 
 lyShv ndp irorafiiiv vSriot SKudai evyitovffiv—Y. 1088. 
 NoTioi might be meant for " the Nodhites," instead of " southern," as usually 
 translated ; or the Arabs might have converted the " southern" into a separate class 
 with a distinctive name. 
 
APPENDIX. 389 
 
 part of the Afghan province of Siwistan.' In the Ayin-i Akhari. the 
 town of Budhyan is mentioned as being on the northern frontier of 
 Sirkar Thatta, one hundred kos fron? Bandar Lahori. 
 
 It is impossible to assent to an hypothesis Ifitely started in the 
 Journal of the Asiatic Society, quoted above, that this tract was desig- 
 nated after the present Burohees, or Brahufs. Their name itself is 
 too modern, — ^besides being belied by the usual meaning ascribed to 
 it, of " mountaineer ; " — and even their partial occupation of this 
 low eastern tract is not yet a century old. From time immemorial 
 it has been held by the Jats, who still constitute the majority of the 
 population, and the Brahiiis are a mere intrusive stock from the 
 provinces of Mushki and Jhow, and the rugged highlands of Saha- 
 rawan, which abut Kaohh Gandava on the westward. It has been 
 surmised, also, tha,t these Budhiyas were the Bhodya and Bhoja of 
 the Puranio legends, and even the Bhotyas of Tibet. This is tread- 
 ing ixpon still more dangerous ground.^ It is far more probable that, 
 if the name had any significant origin at all, it was derived from the 
 possession of the Buddhist religion ia its purity by the inhabitants 
 of that remote tract, at the time when Brahmanism was making its 
 quiet but steady inroads by the more open and accessible course of 
 the river Indus. [See post. Note on the Meds.J 
 
 [Omission and misplaciag of the dots have caused this name to 
 assume a very varying form in Koman characters. Ibn Khurdadba 
 (p. ^4) calls it " Kinnazbun," and Istakhrf's version (p. 29) may be 
 so read. The AshMlu-l Bilad (p. 34) has " Kabryun ; " Gilde- 
 meister's version of Ibn Haukal makes it " Kannazbiir ; " Idrfsi 
 writes " Tlrabuz,'' but " Kfrbizz " sometimes occurs. The Mardsidu-l 
 Ittild' has " Kirbun," but JuynboU, the editor, says this is a false 
 reading for Kannazbur. Biladuri (p. 119) agrees in this last spelling, 
 and the Ghach-ndma has "Kannazpur," and "Kinarbur." The 
 position of the place appears to correspond with that of the modem 
 Punjgoor in Makran.J 
 
 ' In the passage quoted above from the Mujmalu-t Tawdrllch, Bahman is said to 
 have founded a city called Bahinaii&bS,d in the country of Budh. There is a place 
 entered as Brahlman in Burnes' map, between Sh&l andBori. 
 
 * V. de Saint-Martin, Etudes de Giog, ancienne, Tom. I. pp. 328-331. — Lassen 
 Ind. Alterth., Vol. I. pp. 559, 611, 727. 
 
390 APPENDIX. 
 
 Mandal. — -Kiraj. 
 
 It is difficult to fix the position of Mandal, one of the places to 
 which Junaid despatched an expedition. 
 
 The name of Mandal, or Mandalam, being applied generally to 
 signify "aregion," in Sanskrit, adds to our doubts upon this occasion. 
 Thus we have Tonda-Mandalam, Pandu-Mandalam, Chola-Man- 
 dalam, and -many others. [Almost, or entirely, aU of them being 
 situated in the South.] The most noted Mandal of the Arab geo- 
 graphers was that whence Mandal! aloe- wood w^as derived; hence 
 agallochum was frequently called "Mandal;" but no one seems to 
 have known where it was situated. Kazwinf says no one can 
 penetrate to it, because it lies beyond the equinoctial line; but he 
 calls it a city of India, taking that word in its enlarged sense of 
 East Indies. [The Mardsidu-l Ittila' calls it a city of Hind, but 
 gives no indication of its locality. Abu-1 Fida has no notice of it.] 
 Avicenna, in his Kdnun, says that, according to some, it is in the 
 middle of lite land of Hind. The place here alluded to, is probably 
 the coast of Coromandel, whence the agallochum, brought from the 
 eastern islands, was distributed to the marts and countries of the 
 west. 
 
 Avicenna's description might be made to apply to Mandala upon 
 the Nerbadda. which in the second century of our era was the seat of 
 the HaJhaya dynasty of Gondwana;' but this is, of course, too far 
 for any Arab expedition, notwithstanding that M. Eeinaud considers 
 Ujjain and Malwa' to have been attacked at the same period, under 
 the orders of Junaid (p. 126). But Malabar would have been a 
 more probable object of attack than Malwa, in the heart of India. 
 As we proceed, we shall find other expeditions almost all directed to 
 different points in the Guzerat peninsula, — as, indeed, was the case, 
 even from the time of the conquest of Sind, when the inhabitants of 
 Basra were engaged in a warfare with the Meds of Stirdshtra. 
 
 ' Langloie, Sarivama, Vol. I. p. 6. — As. Ses., Tol. IX. pp. 100, 106, 112. — 
 J. A.S. Bengal, August, 1837.— 7. A. S. Bomhay, Vol. IV. p. 179.— Mod. Traveller, 
 " India," Vol. I. p. 141. — Schlegel's Samayana, Vol. I. pt. ii. p. 208. — As. Ann. Beg., 
 Vol. VIII. Misc. Tracts, p. 19. — Baudry, Eneycl. Moderne, Tom. XVIII. col. 151.— 
 Lassen, Ind. AUherth., Vol. I. Beil. IV. 4. 
 
 ' [These two names were left blank in his " Fragments," tut were restored in the 
 Memoire sur I'Inde, p. 192. In Goejes' most careful edition of the text of Biliduri 
 the names are distinctly written " Uzain" and " Mdlabat."'\ 
 
APPENDIX. 391 
 
 It is evident that we must seek, also, no very distant site for 
 Mandal. Even Mandal-eswara (Mandlaisar), on the Nerbadda, ■would 
 be too remote. Mandor in Eajputana, the ancient capital of the 
 Parihars, or Mandra in Kaohh, or Mandal in Jhalawar, would be 
 better, or the famous Mandavi, had not its ancient site been known 
 by another name, — Eaen. Altogether, Mandal in Gruzerat, better 
 known as Oka-Mandal, offers, from its antiquity and its position as 
 the western district of that peninsula, the most probable site for the 
 Mandal of Junaid. 
 
 From the expression of the historian Tabari, that the Arabs never 
 recovered possession of Kiraj and Mandal, there would seem to be 
 an implication that these places lay beyond the province of Sind, 
 and that they were at no great distance from one another. They 
 are also m.entioned together in the passage under consideration. 
 The " Kfraj " of Tabari and the Futuhu-l Buldan seems to be the 
 same place as the " Kaj " of Biruni. The name occurs again as 
 "Kiraj" and "Kiaraj" in the Chach-ndma (pp. 189, 197), and was 
 probably situate in, if not named from, Kachh, though the exact 
 site of the town cannot now be established. 
 
 The position of Oka-Mandal on the opposite coast is a sufficient 
 reason why it should be mentioned in connection with Kiraj, sup- 
 posing that place to have been in Kachh ; and, in the absence of 
 more certain information, I should, for this, as well as the other 
 reasons above given, feel disposed to consider it as the Mandal 
 noticed by the Arab historians of the Sindian conquest.' 
 
 Manjdbarl. 
 [Such appears to be the preferable mode of spelling the name 
 which appears in Istakhri as Manhanari (p. 27), in Ibn Haukal as 
 Manhatara, and' in Idrisi as Manabari (p. 77). It is described as 
 being on the west of the river, three days' journey south from 
 Sadusan (Sihwan), and two days short of Debal, — the two maps 
 agree with this account. The route from Mansura to Debal crosses 
 the river at this place. It has been supposed to be the Mionagara 
 of the ancients. — See the next article " Minnagara."] 
 
 • Gildemeister, Script Arab, de rebus Indicts, pp. 69, 71, 214. — Tod, Majasthan, 
 Vol. I. pp. 39, 100, 725.— Hamilton's Gazetteer, 4to. Vol. I. pp. 651, 656, 661.— 
 Hudson, Geoff. Vet. Script. Min., Vol. I.—Periplus, p. 23. 
 
392 APPENDIX. 
 
 Minnagara. 
 
 Vincent thinks that the Minnagara of Ptolemy, and of the Periplus 
 usually ascribed to Arrian, is the Manjabart of the Arab geographers. 
 D'Anville supposes Minnagara to be the same as Mansura. C. Eitter 
 says it is Tatta, so does Alex. Burnes, because Tatta is now called 
 Sa-Minagur, and Mannert says, Binagara should be read for Minna- 
 gara. These high authorities place it on the Indus. But although 
 goods were landed at Barbarice, the port of the Indus, and conveyed 
 to Minnagara " by the river," there is no reason why Minnagara 
 should have been on that river. 
 
 The Periplus merely says, " Miunagara is inland." pneatr/eio'; ^ 
 /AerpoTToXi'; avTr]<; ri;? '!$icv9ia<i Miwcvydp. Again, the Periplus 
 says, the " Metropolis of the whole country, is Minnagara, whence 
 great quantities of cotton goods are carried down to Barygaza," or 
 Broach, which could scarcely haA'e been the place of export, if 
 Minnagara had been on the Indus. But even allowing it to have 
 been on the Indus, there is every reason to suppose it was on the 
 eastern bank, whereas Manjabari is plainly stated to be on the 
 western. 
 
 Lassen derives the name of this capital of Indo-Scythia from the 
 Sanskrit Nagara, a town, and Min, which he shows from Isidoms 
 Characenus to be the name of a Scythian city. The Sindomana of 
 Arrian may, therefore, owe its origin to this source. C. Eitter says 
 Min is a name of the Sacas ; if so, there can be little doubt that we 
 have their representatives in the wild Minas of Eajputana, who have 
 been driven but little to the eastward of their former haunts. 
 
 Minnagara is, according to Ptolemy, in Long. 115. 15. Lat. 19. 30, 
 and he places it on the Nerbadda, so that his Minnagara, as well as 
 that of the second quotation from the Periplus, may possibly be the 
 famous Mandugarh (not far from the river), and the Manki'r which 
 the early Arab Geographers represent as the capital of the Balhara, 
 [See the article " Balhara."] 
 
 The fact appears to be that there were two Minnagaras — one on, 
 or near, the Indus; another on the Nerbadda (Narmada). Ptolemy's 
 assertion cannot be gainsaid, and establishes the existence of the 
 latter on the Nerbadda, [and this must have been the Minnagara of 
 
APPENDIX. 393 
 
 which the Periplus represents Broach to be the port]. The one on, 
 or near, the Indus was the capital of Indo-Scythia, and. the Bina- 
 gara, or Agrinagara, of Ptolemy. We learn from the Tuhfatu-1 
 Kirdm that in the twelfth century Minagar was one of the cities 
 dependent on Multan, and was in the possession of a chief, by 
 caste an Agri, descended from Alexander. "When we remember 
 that Arrian informs us that Alexander left some of his troops, 
 (including, no doubt, Agrians), as a garrison for the town at the 
 junction of the' Indus and Acesines, this affords a highly curious 
 coincidence, which cannot, howcTer, be further dilated upon in this 
 place.' 
 
 Nardna. 
 
 [Ijxtract of General Ounningham's ArchoBologlcal Beport for 
 
 1864-5,— Pa^e 1.] 
 
 "In his account of the geography of Northern India, the celebrated 
 Abu Eihan makes the city of Narain the starting point of three 
 different itineraries to the south, the south-west, and the west. 
 This place has not been identified by M. Eeinaud, the learned 
 historian of ancient India, but its true locality has been accurately 
 assigned to the neighbourhood of Jaypur. Its position also puzzled 
 Sir H. Elliot, who says, however, that with one exception " Narwar 
 satisfies all the requisite conditions." But this position is quite 
 untenable, as will be seen by the proofs which I am now about to 
 bring forward in support of its identification with Ndrdyan, the 
 capital of Sairdt, or Matsya. 
 
 According to the Chinese pilgrim, Hwen Tsang, the capital of 
 the kingdom of Po-U-ye-to-lo, which M. Eeinaud has identified with 
 Pdrydtra, or Bairdt, was situated at 500 li, or 83f miles, to the west 
 of Mathura, and about 800 li, or 133|- miles, to the south-west 
 (read south-east) of the kingdom of She-to-tu-lo, that is, of Satadru, 
 on the Sutlej — The bearing and distance from Mathura point un- 
 equiTOcally to Bairdt, the ancient capital of Matsya, as the city of 
 
 ' Compare Eitter, Die Erdkundevon Alien, Vol. IV. part 1, p. 475, and Vol. V. 
 p. 181. Ptol. Geogr. Lib. VII. c. I, tab. 10. Vincent, Feriplus of the Erythra.an 
 Sea, p. 349. D'Anville Antiq, de P Inde, p. 34. Manner*, Geog. der Oriechen and 
 JKmer, Vol. V. pp. 107, 130, 136. Hudson, Geog. Vet. Seripioi-ea Gr<Bei Min. Vol. 
 I. Bumes' Travels into Bokhara, Vol. III. p. 79. Journal E. A. 8. Vol. I. p. 31. 
 C. Lassen, Be Pentapotamia Ind. p. 57. AUgemeine Encycl(^. : Art. Indien, p, 91 . 
 Arriani, Ss Mxpedit : Alex : Lib. VL 15. 
 
394 APPENDIX. 
 
 Hwen Tsang's narrative ; and this being fixed, we may identify the 
 capital of Satadru, or the Sutlej Provinces, with the famous Fort of 
 Hansi, which successfully resisted the arms of Mahmud of Grhazni. 
 According to the Tabakdt-i Ndsiri, Hansi was the ancient capital of 
 the Province of Siwalik, and up to the time of its capture by Mas'ud 
 had been considered by the Hindus as impregnable. 
 
 Abii Eihan, the contemporary of Mahmud, places Nardna, the 
 capital of Karzdt, at twenty-eight parasangs to the west of Mathura, 
 which, taking the parasang at three and a half miles, would make 
 the distance ninety-eight miles, or fourteen miles iu excess of the 
 measurement of Hwen Tsang. But as the narratives of the different 
 Muhammadan historians leave no doubt of the identity of Nardna, 
 the capital of Karzdt, with Narayana, the capital of Bairdt, this 
 difference in the recorded distance from Mathura is of little moment. 
 According to Abu Eihan, Nardna, or Sazdna,^ was called Narayan 
 (jJ^jU by the Musulmans, a name which still exists in Ndrdyanpur, 
 a town situated at ten miles to the north-east of Bairat itself. 
 From Kanauj to Narana, Abii Eihan gives two distinct routes : — the 
 first direct, via Mathura, being fifty-six parasangs, or 196 miles, and 
 the other to the south of the Jumna being eighty -eight parasangs, or 
 308 miles. The iutermediate stages of the latter route are, 1st., Ait, 
 18 parasangs, or 63 miles ; 2nd., Sahina, 17 parasangs, or 59^ miles ; 
 3rd., Jandara (Chandra), 18 parasangs, or 63 miles ; 4th., Rajauri, 
 either 15 or 17 parasangs, 54 or 59^ miles ; and 6th., Bazdna, or 
 Nardna, 20 parasangs, or 70 miles. As the direction of the first 
 stage is especially recorded to have been to the south-west of Kanauj, 
 it may be at once identified with the Assai Qhdt on the Jumna, six 
 miles to the south of Etawa, and about sixty miles to the south-west 
 of Kanauj. The name of the second stage is written Saldna, Wif-'j 
 for which, by the simple shifting of the diacritical points, I propose 
 to read Sahania, Wh^j which is the name of a very large and 
 famous ruined town, situated twenty-five mUes to the north of 
 Gwalior, of which some account wiU be given in the present 
 report. Its distance from the Asmi Qhdt is about fifty-six miles. 
 The third stage named Jandara by M. Eeiaaud, and Chandra by Sir 
 Henry Elliot, I take to be Sindon, reading ^^}Sus^ for l^Jc*-. Its 
 distance from Sahaniya by the Khetri Ghat on the Chambal river is 
 ' [Eeinaud's reading.] 
 
APPENDIX. 395 
 
 about seventy miles. The fourth stage, named Bajori, still exists 
 under the same name, twelve miles to the south of Mdcheri, and about 
 fifty miles to the north-west of Hindon. From thence to Narainpur 
 and Bairdt, the road lies altogether through the hiUs of Alwar or 
 Macheri, which makes it difficult to ascertain the exact distance. 
 By measurements on the lithographed map of eight miles to the 
 inch, I make the distance to be about sixty mUes, which is sufficiently 
 near the twenty parasangs, or seventy miles of Abii Eihan's account. 
 According to the other itineraries of Abu Eihan, Nardna was 
 twenty-five parasangs to the north of Chitor in Mewdr, fifty para^ 
 sangs to the east of MuUdn, and sixty parasangs to the north-east of 
 Anhaltvdra. The bearings of these places from Bairdt are all 
 sufficiently exact, but the measurements are more than one-half too 
 short. For the first distance of twenty-five parasangs to Chitor, I 
 would propose to read sixty-five parasangs, or 227 miles, the actual 
 distance by the measured routes of the Quarter-Master General 
 being 217^. As the distance of Chitor is omitted in the extract from 
 Abu Eihan, which is given by Eashidu-d Din,^ it is probable that 
 there may have been some omission or confusion in the original of 
 the Tdrikh-i Hind from which he copied. The erroneous measure- 
 ment of fifty parasangs to Multan is, perhaps, excusable on the 
 ground that the direct route through the desert being quite impass- 
 able for an army, the distance must have been estimated. The error 
 in the distance of Anhalwara I would explain by referring the 
 measurement of sixty parasangs to Chitor, which lies about midway 
 between Bairat and Anhalwara. From a comparison of all these 
 different itineraries, I have no hesitation whatever in identifying 
 Ba%dna or Nardna, the capital of Kar&dt or Guzrdt," with Ndrdyanpur, 
 the capital of Bairdt or Vairdt. In Firishta the name is written 
 either Kibrdt, '■^ly*' as in Dow, or Kairdt, i-^^j^ as in Briggs, 
 both of which names are an easy misreading of '■^|/!j Wairdt or 
 Virdt, as it would have been written by the Muhammadans. 
 <» o o « •» « « 
 
 According to Abu Bihan the town was (destroyed, and the people 
 ' [Eashldu-d Din gives the distance as fifteen parasangs, see p. 60.] 
 
 s [See the variant readings in p. 59 — to which may be added ^-^J^, from Sii 
 H. EUiof s MS.] 
 
396 APPENDIX. 
 
 retired far into the interior. By Tirishta this invasion is assigned 
 to the year a.h. 413, or a.d. 1022, when the king (Mahmud), hearing 
 that the inhabitants of two hilly tracts named Kairdt and Ndrdin 
 (or Bairdt and Nardyan) stiU continued the worship of idols (or 
 lions in some manuscripts), resolved to compel them to embrace the 
 Muhammadan faith. Tlie place was taken and plundered by Amir 
 •A1{."1 
 
 Nirim.—Sakiira. — Jarak. 
 
 Amongst the many places of which it is difficult to establish the 
 true position in ancient Sind, Nirun or Nairun is one of the most 
 perplexing, for several reasons. Its first syllable, even, is a con- 
 troverted point, and while all the Trench authors uniformly write it 
 Byroun, after Abii-l Fida,* the English equally persist in following 
 Idrfsf ' (p. 78), and writing it Niruii and Nerun. What imparts a 
 presumptive correctness to the French reading is, that it is set down 
 as the birthplace of the celebrated Abii Efhan al Biruiti. But here, 
 in limine, several strong objections may be raised, — ^that Abu Eihan 
 was a Khwarizmiaai, and is so called by the best authorities, — that 
 throughout his descriptive geography of India, he is more deficient 
 in his account of Sind than in any other part, — that he nowhere 
 mentions it as his birthplace, — and that no one ever heard of any 
 Birun in Sind, though many local traditions speak of a Nirun, and 
 concur in fixing its locality. Abu-1 Fida certainly writes it Biriin, 
 but there is often an assumption of accuracy about him which has 
 been far too readily conceded by the modems ; for he was merely 
 a distant foreigner, who never left Syria except to go to Mecca 
 and Egypt, and he was therefore compelled to copy and rely on 
 the defective information of others. Istakhri, Ibn Hautal, and 
 the Ashhdlw-l Bildd are not quite determinate in their reading, but 
 the Chach-ndma and the Tuhfatu-l Kir dm never write it in any other 
 form than with the initial N, followed by yd, which leaves us still 
 in doubt whether the word be Nairun, Niriin, or Nerun ; but it is 
 certainly neither Birun, nor Biriin, nor Bairiin, nor Byroun. 
 
 Other considerations with respect to the name of Abii Eihan, will 
 be found in the Note devoted to that philosopher, in the second 
 volume of this work. 
 
 1 Giographie d'Ahou-l Feda, p. 348. ' Geographie cPEdrisi, Tom. I. p. 16. 
 
APPENDIX. 397 
 
 Under tlie dynasty of tke Kais, Nirun was included within the 
 gdvennnent of Brahmanabad (p. 158). The inhabitants of Nfrun 
 solicited from the Arabs a cartel of protection, as their city was " on 
 the very road of the Arabs to Sind" (p. 157). After the conquest 
 of Debal, " Md. Kasim directed that the catapults should be sent by 
 boat towards the fort of Nirun (p. 47), and the boats went up the 
 stream called Sindh Sagara,' while he himself advanced by way of 
 Sisam"" (p. 157). "When Md. Kasim went from Debal "to the 
 fortress of Nfrun, which is twenty-five parasangs distant, he marched 
 for six days, and on the seventh arrived at Nfnin, where there is a 
 meadow which they call BaUiar, situated on the land of Baniizf,'' 
 which the inundations of the Indus had not yet reached (p. 158), 
 and the army consequently complained of being oppressed by thiist. 
 This drought was seasonably relieved through the efficacy of the 
 general's prayers, — " when all the pools and lakes which were round 
 that city were replenished with water." He then "moved towards 
 Siwistan (Sihwan) by several marches, until he reached Bahraj or 
 Mauj,* thirty parasangs from Nirun" (p. 158). After his expedition to 
 Siwistan and Biidhiya, he was directed by Hajjaj to return to Nirdn, 
 and make preparations for crossing the Indus (p. 163) . He accordingly 
 
 ' [Sir H. Elliot read this name as Dhand S&gara ; bot the MS. of the E. I. Lib. 
 gives it distinctly as " Sind-sagar," and this has been adopted in the text. Sir 
 H. Elliot's copy seems rather to read Wahand, or "Wahind-sigar, a name whioh is 
 also admissible, see p. 266. It is called in the text an di, or " water," which has 
 been rendered by "stream," as it is manifest that the only water communication be- 
 tween Debal and Nirfin must have been by one of the channels of the Indus. Accord- 
 ing to Capt. McMurdo, Debal was situated on the most wiestem branch of the Indus, 
 called " S&g6.ra," up which Muhammad KSiim conveyed his engines. Joum. £. A. 
 Soc, Vol. I. pp. 29, 32.] 
 
 2 [Both MSS, agree in reading " Sfsam " as the name of the place by which Muham- 
 mad K&sim proceeded, but it Ban hardly be the place of that name to which he 
 advanced after the capture of Sfwist^u (pp. 160, 161).] Bil^duri merely mentions 
 the advance to Niriin (p. 121). 
 
 ' [This sentence has unfortunately slipped out of the translation as printed at 
 p. 168.] The word again occurs—" from the camp of Barfizi," and must be the 
 name of a place. If the reading had not been plain in both instances, I should have 
 preferred " Nirfini." 
 
 * [Sir H. Elliot's MS. of the Oheush-ndma gives this name as " Bahraj," but the 
 E. I. Library copy has " Mauj," and this reading is confirmed by the MS. of the 
 Tuhfaiu-l Kirdm (p. 7). On the other hand, Istakhri's map as given by Moeller 
 lays down "Bahraj " in the locality indicated by the Chaoh-n&ma, A conflict of au- 
 thority leaving the true reading doubtful, though " Bahraj " seems preferable.] 
 
398 APPENDIX. 
 
 moved back by several difficult marches " to the fort which is on the 
 hill of Nirun;"' vsrhere there was a beautiful lake and charming 
 grove (p. 163). This fort was the nearest point to the capital of 
 the Khalif. After crossing the Indus, a garrison was left at Nfrdn, 
 to keep open the communications in the rear and protect the con- 
 voys (p. 144). 
 
 Istakhri (p. 28) and Ibn Haukal tell us that " Niriin lies between 
 Debal and Mansura, but nearer to the latter, and that any traveller 
 who wishes to go to Mansura, must cross the river Indus at Manja- 
 bari, which is on the western bank, and stands opposite to Man- 
 sura" (p. 37). The subsequent geographers copy these authors, as 
 usual, adding little further information. Idrisi places it distinctly 
 on the western bank (p. 78). Abu-1 Fida says it is fifteen para- 
 sangs from Mansura, and fixes it in latitude 26° 40', on the autho- 
 rity of the Kanun of Biriini'.' 
 
 The name of Sakara or Sagara, which is mentioned above, requires 
 a few words of notice. The Chach-ndma merely mentions that " the 
 fleet of Md.Kasim came to anchor in the lake of Sagara ;" but the 
 Tuhfatu-l Kirdm says, "having placed his manjaniks on boats, he 
 sent them to the fort of Nirun, by way of the water of Sakura, while 
 he himseK marched by land."' Elsewhere, we are informed in the 
 same work, that "Debal, now called Thatta, was in the land of 
 Sakura." * Again, Tharra, which was a strong fort near Thatta, was 
 "in the land of Sakura."* Again, Dewal, Bhambur, Bagar, and 
 Tharra were each " excellent cities in the land of Sakura." 
 
 In the A'yin-i Akhari Sakura is entered as a Pergana in Sirkar 
 Thatta ; and in the TdriXh-i Tdhir'i it is also spoken of as a Per- 
 gana, lying under the Makali hills, in which Thatta itself was in- 
 cluded* (p. 257). Mas'udi speaks of a Sagara or Shakira (p. 24), 
 two days' journey from the town of Debal ; and it is added that both 
 branches of the Indus disembogue into the sea at that place. It 
 does not seem improbable that we have the same word in the Sagapa 
 
 ' Gildemeister, de reiua Indicts, p. 179. He insists upon reading Btriin. M. 
 Eeinaud considers the original to be ambiguous in this passage. — Mem. stir I'Inde, 
 p. 240. 
 
 2 Qeographie d' Abou-l Fe'da, Teite Arabe, p. 348.— D'AnTille, Eclairoissemmts sur 
 la Carte de I'Inde, p. 37, et seq. 
 
 3 MS. p. 6. * Ibid., p. 1. » Ibid., p. 11. 6 Ms. pp. 20, 48. 
 
APPENDIX. ,399 
 
 of Ptolemy and Maroianus Heracleotes, for they call it "the first 
 and most westerly mouth of the river Indus." ' 
 
 We may consider the stream of Sakura to correspond with the 
 prolongation of the Gisrf or Ghara creek, which at no very distant 
 time must have communicated with the Indus above Thatta. . Indeed, 
 Mr. N. Crow, writing in the year 1800, says, " By a strange turn 
 that the river has taken within these five and twenty years, just 
 above Tatta, that city is flung out of the angle of the inferior Delta, 
 in which it formerly stood, on the main land towards the hiUs of 
 Buluchistan."^ 
 
 The position here assigned to the Sakura, points out the direction 
 where we are to look for Nlriin, to which, by means of that stream, 
 there seems to have been a water communication — at least approxi- 
 mate, if not direct. 
 
 It is quite evident that Nirun was on the- western bank of the 
 Indus. Not only do we find Muhammad Kasim going there in 
 order to make due preparations for " crossing" that river, not only 
 do we find Dahir, on receiving the intelligence of the capture of 
 Debal, directing Jaisiya to " cross over" from Nirun to Brahmand- 
 bad without delay (MS. p. 102), but it is also so represented both 
 in the text, and on the maps, of iBtakhri and the AsKkdlu-l Bildd. 
 Nevertheless, M. D'Avezac, in the map prefixed to the Memoire sur 
 I'Inde, places it on the eastern bank. His authority stands deservedly 
 high, but can be of no value against the positive testimony here 
 adduced to the contrary. 
 
 How then it came in modern times to be considered identical with 
 Haidarabad it is impossible to say, but so it is laid down unhesita- 
 tingly from the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, down to the latest English tourist.' 
 Even if it could be accounted for by supposing that the Falaill then 
 constituted the main stream of the Indus, we should nevertheless 
 find that the distances assigned to Nirun from various places named 
 would not make it correspond in position with Haidarabad. 
 
 • Geoff., Lib. vii. — Periplus, p. 32, in Hudson's Geograph, Greed Minores, Vol. I. 
 
 2 Dr. Burnes, Visit to the Court of Sinde, p. 162 See also Capt. McMurdo, 
 
 Journ. E. A. Soe., Vol. I. p. 25. 
 
 ' T. Kirdm, MS.— Tod, Annalt of Sajasthan, VoL I. p. 218.— McMurdo, 
 Journ. E. A. Soe., Vol. 1. pp. 30, 234.— Burnes, Travels into Sokhara, Vol. III. 
 p. 31.— Elphinstone, History of India, Vol. I. p. 604.— Burton, Sindh, pp. 131. 376. 
 The latter says its ancient name is not only Nerun's Port, but PatalpiSr. If so, we 
 can be at no loss for Pattala. 
 
400 APPENDIX. 
 
 And here it is obvious to remark, that the establishment of its 
 locality depends chiefly upon the sites which are assigned to other 
 disputed cities, more especially to Debal and Mansura. I have else- 
 where stated my reasons for considering Debal to be represented by 
 Karachi, and Mansura by Haidarabad. Much also depends on the 
 real value of the farsang,' which greatly varied in different places, 
 even in neighbouring provinces. As it was probably modified in 
 Sind by the local kos, we may ascribe to it the small standard of two 
 miles and a half, which we know it to have had upon the Tigris, 
 according to the latest and most accurate investigations. Or, with- 
 out assigning to these roughly estimated distances an accuracy which 
 they were never intended to bear, we may consider the Sindian 
 parasang to vary from two to three miles, so as in no instance to be 
 less than the one, or more than the other. It is usual, and doubtless 
 more correct, to fix the standard at a higher value than even three 
 English miles ; but this is evidently quite inapplicable in Sind, and 
 would be even more decisive against the identity of Debal and 
 Thatta, than the present hypothesis.^ 
 
 Guided by all these considerations, I am disposed to place Nirun 
 at Helai, or Helaya, a little below Jarak, on the high road from 
 Thatta to Haidarabad. The correspondences in other respects appear 
 exact, in every instance of comparison. 
 
 It has a direct communication by a road over the hills with Beia 
 and would be the first place in the valley of the Indus which the 
 Arabs could reach by land, and therefore nearest to the capital of 
 the Khilafat. 
 
 Lakes abound in the neighbourhood, and are large enough, espe- 
 cially the Kinjar, to have admitted Muliammad Kasim's fleet. 
 
 ^ On the Persian farsang, the Greek parasang, or Arabic farsakh, see the Metrop. 
 and Penny Cyclop., v. " Parasang." — Ainsworth's Preface to Travels in the Track of 
 the Ten Thousand. — Grote's Sist. of Greece, Vol. SI. pp. 19-22. — Ouseley's Orient. 
 " Qeog., p. xxii. — Eennell's Oeog.of Western Asia, I. xlL — Eeinaud, Gdog.d'Abou-t 
 Fida, Tom. I. — Freytag, Lex. Arab., s.t. — Forbiger, Sundbuch der alt. Geog.. 
 Vol. I. p. 555. In KhlSzistkn it is reckoned at three miles and three quarters, 
 — Journ. R. Qeog. Soc, Vol. IX. p. 31. This is also the length assigned by Ouseley 
 and Kinneir. On the Tigris we have it given as only two miles and a half. — Trans. 
 Eombay Geog. Soc, Vol. X. p. 119. 
 
 2 Mas'fidi (p. 21) is represented as laying down the Sindian parasang at eight 
 miles. The same passage is rendered by Reinaud as " yodjanas," which would also 
 imply a long parasang. — Mimoire, p . 69. 
 
APPENDIX. 401 
 
 Nirun. is represented as twenty-five parasangs from Debal. (The real 
 distance is seventy British statute miles between Helaf and Karachi.) 
 
 Nfrun was situated on a hill, which would admit of its being 
 identified with very few other places of note near the Indus. It 
 lay between Debal and Mansiira, but was nearer to the latter. 
 (This position also corresponds with that of Helaf). It was fifteen 
 parasangs from Mansura. (Thirty-five miles is the distance between 
 Helai and Haidarabad.) 
 
 We need scarcely pursue the comparison farther. We may rest 
 assured that Ni'run was, if not at Heidi, at least at no great distance 
 from it, and was certainly not Haidarabad. It is worthy of remark 
 that Helai itself is a place of undoubted antiquity, and there are two 
 remarkable hills in its neighbourhood covered with ruins, repre- 
 senting perhaps the Hyala of Diodoms.' 
 
 Next to Helai, Jarak ofiers many points of probability. It is only 
 twelve miles from Helai, and therefore the distances already laid 
 down, with no great profession of exactness, would answer nearly 
 equally well. Its commanding position, on a ledge of rock over- 
 hanging the Indus, necessarily denotes it to have been always a site 
 of importance, and this is confirmed by the evidence afforded by 
 several substantial remains of masonry on the banks of the river, 
 which stUl arrest the observation of the traveller at that place. 
 
 Sadv&dn. 
 The Tdrlkh-i Alfi, in a passage relating to Sultan Jalalu-d din's 
 proceedings on the Indus, mentions that Sadusan was subsequently 
 called Sistan. Though the writer here commits the common error 
 of confounding Sistan with Sihwan, or Siwistan, on the Indus, yet 
 he leaves us in no doubt what correction to apply, and we thus 
 derive from him an interesting piece of information ; for the position 
 of Sadusan, which is so frequently mentioned in the Arab accounts 
 of Sind, has not hitJiexto been ascertained. 
 
 Sdmui. — Tughlikabdd. — Kald-kot. 
 Samui deserves notice from the attempt which has been made to 
 establish it as the celebrated Minnagara of the ancient geographers. 
 It was the capital of the Jams of the Samma dynasty, and, according 
 
 1 Biblioth. Sislor., Lib. xyii. cap. 104. 
 VOL. I. 26 
 
402 APPENDIX. 
 
 to the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, it -was founded by Jam Paniya,' under the 
 Makali hills, about three miles north-west of Thatta. 
 
 Subsequently, the fort of Tughlikabad was built by Jam Taghur 
 or Tnghlik, on the site of the older Kala-kot, about two miles south 
 of Thatta ; but that, as well as its predecessor, was left imfinished 
 by its founder (p. 272). By a strange vicissitude, the name of 
 Tughlikabad is now comparatively forgotten, and that of Kala-kot 
 erroneously called Kalan-kot (the great fort), though for a time 
 superseded, has restored the just claims of Eaja Kala, and still 
 attracts the attention of the traveller. . Lt. Burton calls it Kallian- 
 kot. I fear to differ from so good a local authority, but believe 
 Kala-kot to be more strictly correct. 
 
 The ruins of Samui, Samuiya, or Samma-nagar, " the city of the 
 Sammas," are to be traced near Thatta ; and, under the wrong and 
 deceptive spelling of Sa-minagar, have induced Col. Tod, Sir A. 
 Bumes, and many who have too readily followed them — including 
 even Eitter, who considers the question settled " incontestably," — 
 to recognise in that name the more ancient and more famous Minna- 
 gara. The easy, but totally unwarrantable, elision of the first and 
 only important syllable has led to this fanciful identification.' 
 
 Sinddn, Subdra or Surabaya, and Saimur. 
 [These three towns were all south of Kambaya, and the first two 
 were ports. Saimur, though a place of trade, is not distinctly said to 
 be a port, but it is laid down on the sea-shore in. the map. Abu-1 
 Pida says that Sindan was also called Sindabiir, but this is hardly 
 in accordance with Al Biruni and Eashidu-d din (pp. 66, 68). He 
 also notices the variant forms of Silfara and Sufala for Subara. The 
 route as given by Istakhrf, Ibn Haukal and Idrisi is — 
 Kambaya to Surabaya, four days ; 
 Surabaya to Sindan, five „ 
 Sindan to Saimur five „ 
 
 And the first two add, Saimur to Sarandib, 15 days. 
 Idrisi also states Broach to be two days from Saimur. Al Biruni 
 ' [This is the "Ja.m Jtina, son of Babiniya," of Mir Ma'silm.] 
 ■' Tod, Srljasthdn, Vol. I. p. 86; II. 220, 256, 312; and W. India,^^. 466, 481. 
 —Bumes. Travels, Yol. III. pp. 31, 79 ; and Caiool, pp. 16-18.— Lt. Burton, Sindi 
 p. 388; and Unhappy Valley, Vol. I. p. 106. — T. Kirdm, MS. pp. 19, 20, 82, 84.— 
 Kitter, Jsien, Vol. IV. pt. i. p. 476. — McMurdo, Jeurn. JR. A. Soc, I. 30, 232. 
 
APPENDIX. 403 
 
 makes the distance from Broacli to Sindan fifty parasangs, and from 
 Sinddu to Sufara six parasangs. Abu-1 Fida says that Sindan was 
 the last city of Guzerat, and the first of Manfbar (Malabar), three 
 days' journey from Tana. It is hardly possible to reconcUe all these 
 statements, but' there seems to be sufficient evidence for making 
 Siadin the most southerly. It was on a bay or estuary a mile and 
 a-half fram the sea, and the modem Daman is probably its present 
 representative. Subara was similarly situated at the same distance 
 from the sea, and finds a likely successor in Surat. Istakhrf's state- 
 ment would make Saimiir the most southerly, but this is at variance 
 with Mas'iidi and Al Bfruni, who say that it was in Lar (the 
 country round Broach), and with Idrisi's statement of its being at 
 only two days' journey from Broach. But it is not easy to see how it 
 could have been only two days from Broach and yet five from Sindan. 
 Notwithstanding the incongruity of these statements, it must have 
 been a place of considerable size and importance. It is the only one 
 of these three towns that has received notice by Kazwinf. His 
 account of the place is given in page 97 supra, but it supplies no 
 data on which to fix the locality. Abu-1 Pida does not mention it, 
 and the Mardsidu-i BUM' affords no help, for it merely describes it 
 as a city of Hind, bordering on Sind near to Debal.] 
 
 Tur, — Muhatampur. — Birak. — Vijeh-kot. 
 
 Tur was the ancient capital oi the Sumra dynasty, called also by 
 the name of Mehmetiir, and written by the local historians as Muha- 
 tampur and Muhammad-Tur. It was situated in the Pargana of 
 Dirak, and its destruction has been mentioned in the Extracts from 
 the Tdrikh-i TdMr't (p. 256). But its real ruin dates only from 
 'Alau-d din's invasion of Sind. 
 
 The ancient Pargana of Dirak is represented by the modem 
 divisions of Chachagam and Badban on the borders of the Tharr, or 
 sandy desert between Parkar and Wanga Bazar. There is a Par- 
 gana of Dirak still included in Thatta, which may be a portion of 
 the older district of that name. 
 
 Another capital of the" Sumras is said to have been Vijeh-kot, 
 Wageh-kot, or Vigo-gad (for it is spelt in these various forms), five 
 miles to the east of the Piiran river, above the Allah-band. 
 
 The site of Tur has been considered to be occupied by the modem 
 
404 APPENDIX. 
 
 Tharri, near Budina, on the GWngru river. There are, to be sure, 
 the remains of an old town to the west of that place ; nevertheless, 
 the real position of Tur is not to be looked for there, but at Shaka- 
 pur, a populous village about ten miles south of Mlrpur. Near that 
 village, the fort and palace of the last of the Sumras is pointed out, 
 whence bricks are still extracted of very large dimensions, measur- 
 ing no less than twenty inches by eight.' Other fine ruins are 
 scattered about the neighbourhood, and carved tomb-stones are very 
 numerous. Fragments of pearls and other precious stones are occa- 
 sionally picked up, which have all apparently been exposed to the 
 action of fire. The people themseves call this ruined site by the 
 name of Mehmetur, so that both the name and position serve to 
 verify it, beyond all doubt, as the ancient capital of the Sumras. 
 
 The curious combination of Muhammad-Tur, is an infallible indi- 
 cation that " Mehmet" and " Muhatam" are merely corruptions of 
 " Muhammad," for this name is wretchedly pronounced in Sind. 
 The present mode is Mammet — our own old English word for an 
 image, or puppet, when in our ignorance we believed Mawmetrie, or 
 the religion of the false prophet, to be synonymous with idolatry, and 
 Mdhouud with the Devil. So Shakespere, in Borneo and Juliet, says — 
 
 " A ■whining mammet, in her fortune 's tender." 
 And Spenser, in his Faerie Queene — 
 
 "And oftentimes by Termagant and Mahound swore." 
 The still grosser corruption of Muhammad into " Baphomet," or 
 " Baffomet," is not to be laid to the charge of our nation. This 
 was the name of the idol, or head, which the Templars are falsely 
 alleged to have worshipped, — quoddam caput cum harbd quod adorant 
 et vacant salvatorem suum. Eaynouard argues that this word ori- 
 ginates from a misprint, or mispronunciation, of Muhammad ; but 
 Yon Hammer and Michelet lean to a Gnostic origin, which we need 
 not stay to consider, being satisfied that " Bafibmet" is only another, 
 and stiU more extravagant disguise, under which Europeans have 
 exhibited the name of Muhammad.' 
 
 ' Seg-Ldr-ndma, MS. p. ».—Tuhfattt-l Kirdm, MS. pp. 162, 166.— Dr. Bnrne3, 
 ritit to the Court of Sitid, p. 134.— Capt. McMnrdo, Journ. R. A. Soe., Vol. I. pp. 
 2i, 226, 233. 
 
 ' Eaynouard, Monuments hist. rel. d la condamnulion de» Templiers, pp. 261-302 ; 
 and in Michaud's Bist. des Croisadea, Tom, V. p. 672 ; and in J. des Savants, for 
 March and April, 1819.— Von Hammer, Mysterium Baphomeii revelatum in Fufid- 
 gruien da Or., Vol YI. pt. i.— Michelet, Sisioire de France, Tom. III. p. 145. 
 
APPENDIX. 405 
 
 NOTE (B.)— HISTOKICAL. 
 
 The Sdi Dynasty. 
 
 Tlie ChacJi-ndma (p. 138) mentions only the three immediate pre- 
 decessors of the usurper Chach, and in this it is followed by the 
 Tdrikli-i Sind. It states that "Eaf Siharas, the son of Diwaij 
 (called also Shahi-Shahi) was defeated and slain hy the army of 
 king Nfmroz,' which entered Kirman from the direction of Pars ; 
 and that he was succeeded by his son Eai Sahasi." It will be ob- 
 served from the annexed extract, that the Tuhfdtu-l Kirdm gives two 
 additional reigns, which are not, however, referred to any specific 
 authority of ancient date. 
 
 " Dynasty of the Bdis. — Their capital was the city of Alor, and the 
 boundaries of their country were — on the east, Kashmir and Kanauj ; 
 on the west, Makran and the shore of the sea of 'Uman, that is, the 
 port of Debal ; on the south, the port of Siirat (Surashtra) ; and 
 on the north, Kandahar, Sfstan, the hills of Sulaiman and Kaikanan. 
 As the commencement of this dynasty has not been ascertained, I 
 content myself with mentioning some of the names which are 
 known. 
 
 "Bdi D'lwdij. He was a powerful chief, whose absolute rule 
 extended to the limits above mentioned. He formed alliances with 
 most of the rulers of Hind, and throughout all his territories 
 caravans travelled in perfect security. On his death, he was suc- 
 ceeded by his son, 
 
 " Bdi Siharas, who followed the steps of his father in maintaining 
 his position in happiness, comfort, and splendour, during a long 
 reign. His celebrated son was 
 
 " Bdi Sdhasi, who also swayed the sceptre with great pomp and 
 power. He followed the institutions of his ancestors, and accom- 
 plished all his desires. 
 
 "Bdi Siharas II. was his son and successor. Kiag Nimroz raised 
 an army for the purpose of attacking him, and the Eai, having 
 
 ' [Sir H. Elliot considers Nimroz to be the name of the ting, but it is quite open 
 to read the words " B&.dshlih Nimroz" as "king of Nimroz." This reading seems 
 preferable, and has been adopted iu the translation of the Chach-n&ma, p. 139.] 
 
406 APPENDIX. 
 
 advanced to the borders of Kf ch to meet it, selected a field of battle. 
 The flame of war blazed from mom to midday, ■when an arrow 
 pierced the neck of the Ea£, so that he died. King Nimroz, after 
 plundering the camp, returned to his own country. The army of 
 Siharas assembled in a body, and seated his son Sahasi upon the 
 throne. 
 
 " Bdi Sahasi II. excelled his ancestors in estimable qualities. 
 Having, within a short time, settled affairs within the borders of 
 his kingdom, he enjoyed rest and peace in his capital. He remitted 
 the taxes of his subjects, on condition that they should raise (or 
 repair) the earthwork of six forts : viz., ITchh, Matela, Seoraf, Mad 
 (or Mau), Alor, and Siwistan. He had a chamberlain named Bam, 
 and a minister mamed Budhiman. One day, Chaoh, son of Silaij, a 
 Brahman of high caste, came to Earn, the chamberlain, who was so 
 pleased with his society, that he introduced him to the miaister." 
 
 The names of these rulers are thus given by Capt. Postans, in two 
 different papers in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, and 
 on the authority of the same work, the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm : — 
 
 No. cxi, 1841, p. 185. — " Rahee Dewahey, Eahee Siheersin, Eahee 
 Sahursee, Eahee Siheersin the 2nd, Eahee Sahee." 
 
 No. clviii. 1845, p. 79. — "Eahi Dawahij, Sahiras, Eahi Sahasi, 
 Eahi Sahiras the 2rLd, Eahi Sahasi the 2nd." 
 
 In an earlier number of the same Journal (No. Ixxiv. Feb., 1838, 
 p. 93), James Prinsep observed, " Biwaij seems a corruption of 
 dwija ' the Brahman ;' and Sahurs resembles much the genitive 
 tdhasa of our Saurashtra coias, of whom the first is a swdmijautra, or 
 son of a Brahman ; but the date seems too recent. See Vol. VI. p. 
 385." But it appears from the passage just quoted, that it was a 
 Brahman dynasty which superseded the family of Diwdij, and there 
 is no reason to suppose that Diwaij was himself a member of that 
 caste. 
 
 The same Persian work, from which the above extract is taken, 
 states that the reigns of these five Eais lasted for the long period of 
 one hundred and thirty-seven years, and that Chach, by his victory 
 over Mahi-at, Eana of Chitor, established himself on the throne about 
 he first year of the Hijra. It will be seen from the following Note, 
 hat as this date must of necessity have been placed too early. 
 
APPENDIX. 407 
 
 the year 10 h. has been preferred, as the era of Chach's accession, 
 and the extinction of the Edi dynasty. 
 
 Pottinger, on the authority of a native work called the Majma'-i 
 Wdriddt, states that the dynasty had endured for two thousand 
 years ; which, as we know from Ptolemy and the Periplus that the 
 country was subject to frequent revolutions at the early period of 
 our era, and at the time of Alexander was under no single ruler, 
 must be regarded as pure fiction. If we allow that there were 
 really five reigns, there is no great improbability in assuming 137 
 years, as above mentioned, for the correct period of their duration ; 
 and thus we should obtain the Christian year 495 as that in which 
 the dynasty commenced. 
 
 It is generally assumed that Khusru Naushirwan was the king of 
 Persia by whom Siharas IT. was slain ; but as Naushirwan died in 
 479 A.D., it would leave, at the very least, 53 years necessary for the 
 reign of Sahasi 11. — even supposing that his predecessor was kUled 
 in the very last year of Naushirwan, which we know cannot have 
 been the case, as that potentate had been, for some time previous, 
 employed in the western portion of his large empire. It is therefore 
 quite evident, that king Nimroz' has been wrongly interpreted to 
 mean that great Persian monarch ; and we must therefore use 
 Nfmroz in its usual application of Sijistan, and allow the opponent 
 of Siharas to be no more formidable a personage than the governor, 
 or ruler, of that province ; or, if we must necessarily have a Persian 
 king — notwithstanding that no one of the name of Nimroz ever sat 
 on the thrcme — then KiuBru Parviz (591-628 a.d.) an equally 
 great conqueror, would answer all the requirements better ; for we 
 know that the eastern provinces towards the Indus revolted in the 
 reign of Hormuz, his father and predecessor, and his recovery of 
 them seems indicated by his having 960 elephants in his train — 
 which could only have been procured from India. 
 
 Doubtless, Nanshirwan did invade Sind or its borders, — because 
 the fact is vouched for by unquestionable authority in the best 
 
 ' In one passage he is styled " B&dsh&h Nimroz," and a few lines afterwards 
 " Shih r&rs Nimroz." It will be seen from a passage quoted in the succeeding 
 note, that Hormuz is represented as " the son of Fars" in the Chaeh-ndma ; it would 
 appear therefore that in that work " F&rs" is identical with " Naushirwin." 
 
408 APPENDIX. 
 
 Persian annalists, and is shown by the relations, political, com- 
 mercial, and literary, which appear then to have arisen between 
 Persia and India ; but it must have been during one of the earlier 
 reigns of this dynasty ; or if during the reign of Siharas II., it must 
 have preceded the attack which resulted in that mouaroh's death. 
 That he and Naushfrwan were contemporary, during some portion 
 of their reigns, is by no means improbable — for the latter reigned 
 48 years ; and if we allow 40 for the reign of Sahasi II., and 40 
 likewise for the reign of Siharas 11. — the same period which 
 Chaoh enjoyed, though his first years were signalized by internal 
 rebellions and foreign invasions — we shall then find the 20 first 
 years of Siharas's correspond with the 20 last years of Naushirwan's 
 reign.' 
 
 It would detain us too long to enter upon any speculations 
 respecting the country and race whence this dynasty derived its 
 origin. I will merely remark, that the Scythian barbarians from 
 Sind, who expelled the Gehlotes from Balabhipura in the beginning 
 of the sixth century, — the Yue-tchi, who re-established themselves 
 on the Indus about the same time, — the Ephthalites, or white Huns, 
 whom Cosmas declares at that period to have ruled upon the banks 
 of that river,— and the Sah dynasty of Surashtra, — all offer points of 
 relation, comparison, and contact, to which a separate dissertation 
 might be devoted.^ 
 
 ' Compare Firdiisi, Shdh-ndma, ed. Macan, p. 1632 ; Pottdnger, I^meli in 
 Belochistan, p. 386 ; Schlegel, Indische Siblioth., Vol. I. p. 203 ; De Guignes, 
 Silt, des Mum, Tom. II. p. 469 ; Malcolm, Sist. of Persia, Vol. I. p. 141 ; Tod, 
 Annals of SajastMn, Vol. I. pp. 232-9 ; C. P. Eichter, iibsr die Arsac. tmd 
 Sassan. Byn. ap. ErdJc. v. Aaien, Vol. IV. part i., p. 624 ; Gladwin, Ayeen Akiery, 
 Vol. II. p. 118 ; As. Res., Vol. IX. ; Journal S. A. Soc, Vol. III. p. 385; 
 Elphinstone, Hist, of India, Vol. I. p". 400 ; Bohlen, daa alte Indien. Vol. II. ; 
 Ancient Univ. Hist. Vol. IX. pp. 305-9, 312, 318 ; L. Bubeux, I'Univert Fittoret- 
 gue, " La Perse," pp. 327, 328. 
 
 ' Melch. Thevenot, Sec. d. Voyage) eurieux. Part i. pp. 21, 22 ; Montfancon, 
 Coll. nova Patrum,Yo\. II. pp. 132, 179, 837-9 ; As. Ses., Vol. IX. p. 113 ; Tod, 
 Ann. of Raj., Vol. I. pp. 216-9; II. 311-2; Wettem India, pp, 83, 147-9, 214, 
 268, 271 ; Wilsoii, Ariana Antiqua, p. 407 ; T. Benfey, Indien ; Lassen, Indisehe 
 Alterthums., Vol. II. ; F. Baudry, Emycl. Mbdeme, Tom. XVIII., col. 153 ; 
 Eeinaud, li'agments Arabes, p. xxx. ; Mim. eur.l'Inde, pp. 104, 124-7; Journal 
 A. S. £., Vol. IV. pp. 480, 684 ; VI. 338 ; 1837, pp. 377, et seq. ; Joumat R A. S., 
 Vol. IV. p. 398; VL 351, 439 ; B. Nicholson, i*.. Vol. XIII. pp. 146-163 ; V. 
 de St. Martin, Etudes de Bioyraphie ancienne, Tom. I., p. 245 ; Thomas' Prinsep. 
 
APPENDIX." 409 
 
 The Brahman Dynasty. 
 
 Though we have no reason to complain of any want of detail 
 respecting the political transactions of this dynasty, yet we are left 
 in considerable doubt respecting the chronological adjustment of the 
 few reigns which it comprises, and even the very name of Chach is 
 a subject of some uncertainty. Gladwin has "Juj;"' Brxggs has 
 " Huj ; " ' the two Manuscripts in the Bibliotheque Eoyale have 
 "Hoj;"' Eeinaud spells the name "Tchotch;"* Eenouard leans 
 to "Jaj," as he considers it a corruption of Tajnya;' S. de Sacy 
 gives reasons for considering it to be "Hijaj; "' Pottinger writes 
 "Chaoh;"' and he is followed by all English authors. This is 
 certainly in conformity with native usage, and we have several 
 existing instances of the same combination — as Chachpiir, Chachar, 
 Chachagam, Chachi, Chachar, and similar names of places in the 
 valley of Indus. 
 
 It is to this usurper I am disposed to attribute the introduction of 
 the game of chess to the western world ; and this question invites 
 us to some further considerations respecting the correct mode of 
 writing his name. Although Firdusi informs us, that it was an 
 ambassador of the king of Kanauj who introduced this game at the 
 court of Naushirwan,* the statement of Ibn Khallikan seems more to 
 be relied on, when he says that Sassa, son of Ddhir,' invented the 
 game during the reign of the Persian king Shahram. It is true that 
 we have to notice here an error in the parentage, as well as a 
 contradiction with himself ; for, in another place, he assigns the 
 invention to Balhit, whom he makes a contemporary of Ardashfr, 
 son of Babak, who reigned four centuries before Shahram^" — ^but the 
 main statement seems to be upheld by independent testimony, and it 
 
 1 Ayeen Akhery, Vol. II. p. 119. ' Ferishta, Vol. IV. p. 401. 
 
 ' Fragnunta Arahes, p. xxvii. * Ibid, and Mim. sur I'Inde, pp. 126-1S3, 
 
 ' Encyclopiedia Metropolitana, v. " Scind." 
 
 • Journal des Savanta, 1840, p. 225. ' Travels in Beloehistan, pp. 317-9. 
 
 • iS^a'A-Mo'ma, ed. Macan ; Vol. IV. pp. 1719-1734. — Hyde, Sisioria Shahiludii, 
 pp. 69-92, reprinted in the Syntagma ditsertaiionum, Vol. II. — Freret, Mem. de 
 I' Acad., Tom V. p. 260.— GBrres, Seldenhtoh von Iran, Vol. II., p. 452. — BoMen, 
 dot alie Tndien, Vol. II. p. 67, et eeq. 
 
 » According to the Chaoh-n^ma (p. 152) Chach was the son of Sil&lj, son of Bas&bap. 
 
 1" De Slane, Biographical Dictionary,'^o\. III. p. 71, et seq. ; Gildemeister, de reb. 
 Indicia, p. 141 ; Hyde, ut supra ; N. Bland, Journal R. A. 8 , Vol. XIII. pp. 18, 
 14, 20, 26, 62. [D. Forbes, History of Chess.} 
 
410 APPENDIX. 
 
 will be seen, from Tabari's sequence of these Persian reigns, that 
 Chach must necessarily have been contemporary with. Shahram, or 
 Shahr Tran, or Shahriyar, as he is otherwise called. 
 
 The name of " Sassa " assumes the various forms of " Sissa," 
 "Sahsaha," "Susa," "Sisa," and "Sa'sa'." Mr. Bland, in his 
 learned article quoted below, says they are aU obviously corruptions 
 of Xerxes, or of a name which has served as its origin — ^not the 
 Persian king, but a philosopher so named, who is said by Polydore 
 Virgil and others to have flourished in the reign of Evil-Merodach 
 at Babylon. I look upon this as too recondite, and consider that the 
 transposition of the parentage above alluded to, as given by Ibn 
 Khallikan [and Biladurf], is more than countervailed by the superior 
 authority of Tabarl ; who, while he omits all notice of Chach, under 
 that identical name, yet mentions Sassa, (who cannot possibly be 
 meant for any other person than Chach), and speaks of Dahir, his 
 son, as being his successor.' Mrishta also speaks of Dahir as the 
 son of Sa'sa', so that we are fully entitled to consider " Sassa," as 
 the Arabic mode of representing " Chach " — just as we have " Sha- 
 nak " for the Hindi "Chank," " Shatranj " for "Chatur-anga, " Sin" 
 for " Chm," " Shash " for " Chach," a town on the Jihtin,^ and many 
 other similar conversions in the Arabic — since, there being no palatine 
 letter corresponding with cTi in that language, recom-se can only be 
 had to the sibilants; as may frequently be observed even in the 
 Persian also, where no such necessity exists.* 
 
 Another preliminary question to settle respecting Chach, relates 
 to his tribe and descent. There could have been no hesitation on 
 this point, had it not been for the Chinese traveller, Hwen Tsang, 
 who states that, at the time of his visit to Sind, the king was- of the 
 " Shu-to-lo " race.' This has been variously interpreted to mean 
 a " Kshattriya," ^ a "Sudra,"' and a Eajput of the " Chatur," or 
 
 ' [Bil-iduri mentions " Sasa," "son of Dahir," ante, p. 125.] 
 
 2 Tabari, in Mem. sur I'lnde, pp. 176, 179. 
 
 3 Shdh-ndma, ed. Macan, pp. 982, 16fl9 ; Geogr. d'Abou-l Fdda, texte Arabe, p. 494 . 
 * See J. A. Vullers, XnstUut. Lingute Persica cum Sansc. et Zend, comparatce, pp. 
 
 18, 26, 47. ' Foe-koue-lei, ed. Eemusat, p. 393. 
 
 ' " Eex e stirpe Xatrorura ;" Gilderaeister, de reh Ind., p. 14. 
 
 ' "Leroi, qui, sans doute, etait Tchotoh, appartenait et la caste des Soudra;" 
 Eeinaud, Mem. sur I'Inde, p. 153. [See Stanislas Julien, Hwuen Thsang, Tome 
 II., 170.] 
 
APPENDIX. 411 
 
 " Chitor," tribe.' This latter is on the supposition that it refers to 
 the king who was succeeded by Chach, and who was related to the 
 ruler of Chitor — but this is not admissible, for the Chinese Buddhist 
 did not commence his travels till 628 a-d.," and after traversing the 
 whole of Chinese Tartary, Turkistan, Northern Afghanistan, Kash- 
 mir, the valley of the Ganges, the Eastern and Western Coasts of 
 the Peninsula, and Guzerat, could not have reached Sind mUch 
 before 640, when Chach Vvas fully established upon the throne. If 
 we could introduce the traveller into Sind before Chaoh's accession, 
 I should prefer "Kshatriya," or the modernized "Chattri," to any 
 other interpretation of " Shu-to-lo," — ^but, seeing that not a single 
 Chinese name within, or on the borders of Sind, admits of any 
 positive identification, we need not trouble ourselves about the 
 meaning of this doubtful word. Our Arab and Persian authorities 
 leave us no room to doubt that Chach was a Brahman — at least by 
 descent, if not also by religious persuasion ; and the present Sarsut 
 (Saraswata) Brahmans of Sind claim him as one of their progenitors. 
 [According to the GJiach-ndma^ Chach was a Brahman who was 
 introduced to S^asi Eai by his Chamberlain. Being taken into 
 service, he won the confidence of the Eai, and the more tender 
 regards of the Eani, his wife. He became Chamberlain, and, on the 
 death of the Eai, he ascended the vacant throne, and married the 
 widow, whose love he had previously rejected. The irregular suc- 
 cession provoked the resentment of Mahrat, chief of Jaipur (or 
 Chitor), a relation of the deceased Eai, who marched with his army 
 to destroy the usurper and recover " his inheritance." In great 
 perplexity Chach conferred with the Eani, who shamed him into 
 resistance by proposing to change garments, and herself to lead the 
 army against the foe. Chach then went forth to battle, and when 
 the forces met, Mahrat came forward and proposed, as the matter 
 was purely a personal one, to settle the dispute by single combat. 
 Chach represented that he was a Brahman, and unaccustomed to 
 fight on horseback. His magnanimous foe then alighted to meet 
 
 I Lt. Burton, Sindh, p. 380. 
 
 ' Klaproth says he travelled between 630 and 660. — Seise des Chinesischen 
 Bttddhapriesters H. T. etc. Eeinand says, between 628 and 645— ifem. mr I'Inde, 
 p. 149. — M. Stan. Julien, in his valuable translation just published (1853), fixes the 
 period more accurately between 629 and 645. 
 
412 APPENDIX. 
 
 him on equal terms, when Chach treacherously sprung upon his 
 horse and slew his adversary before he could recover from the sur- 
 prise. After this Chach appears to have felt no Brahmanical repug- 
 nance to war and bloodshed.] 
 
 With respect to the period of his reign, we learn from the Chach- 
 ndma (p. 151) that Chach in or about the year 2 h. — and about 
 the fourth year after his accession' — ^advanced to Kirman, being 
 instigated to that measure by the fact of the Persian throne being 
 then occupied by a woman. 
 
 Again, we learn (MS. p. 70) that Chach had been ruler of Sind 
 for thirty-five years, when Mughaira attacked Debal, some time 
 between the years 13 and 16 h. 
 
 After Chach had reigned forty years, he was succeeded by his 
 brother Chandar, who died in the eighth year of his reign (p. 152-4). 
 
 Chandar was succeeded by his nephew Dahir, who was slain in 
 the month of Eamazan, 93 h. (p. 170). 
 
 The Tdrihh-i Sind (MS. pp. 14-30) has briefly abstracted the 
 account in the Chach-ndma,, biit has given no date throughout, and 
 has carelessly omitted all notice of Chandar. 
 
 The Tuhfatu-l Kirdm gives a far better abstract of the Chach-ndma. 
 It represents (^MS. p. 6) that Chach, after killing Mahrat, the prince 
 of Chitor, established himself on the throne in the year 1 h. — ^that 
 he reigned forty years (ih.) — that Chandar, who succeeded him, died 
 in the eighth year of his reign (ih.) — that Dahir was killed in the 
 year 93 h., after having reigned thirty-three years (MS. p. 15)— and 
 that the whole period of the Brahman dynasty lasted ninety-two 
 years (»fe.) — which, however, is a manifest inconsistency, because ia 
 the detail, no more than eighty-one years, at the most, are assigned 
 to the three reigns. 
 
 There seems reason to believe that these discrepancies can be 
 reconciled by two very slight corrections in the reading of the 
 Ghack-n6ma. 
 
 Instead of "thirty -five years,'' in the first quotation, we should 
 
 ' It may be proper in this place to remark, that Al Birfint mentions the establish- 
 ment of a Sindian era, which commences with the winter solstice of 625 a.d. — 3 a.h. 
 As M. Reinaud justly remarks, that the commencement of a new era generally 
 indicates a change of dynasty, he is disposed to attribute the establishment of the 
 Brihman dynasty to this year. — Mdm. sur I'lnde, p. 147. 
 
APPENDIX. 413 
 
 read "three or five years," as tlie period that Chach had reigned 
 when Mughaira attacked Debal. The form of expression is very 
 common in denoting an indefinite period; and, as the disjunctive 
 particle or is, in such uses of distributive numerals, always omitted, 
 the difference in the reading becomes scarcely perceptible. 
 
 And in the first quotation, instead of " about the year 2 h.," I 
 would read " about the year 10 h." — dah for do. The reading of do 
 is quite out of the question, for there certainly was no female reign 
 at so early a period as the second year of the Hijra, and none even 
 before the tenth, if indeed so early. The confusion respecting these 
 ephemeral reigns of the later Sassanians is notorious, and especially 
 respecting the order of the three queens, Tiirdn-dukht, Aznxmi-dukht, 
 and Dukht-zandn — the last of whom is generally altogether omitted, 
 and is perhaps identical with Azurmi-dukht ; — ^but no author at- 
 tempts to place either of them before 10 a.h. Now, since the 
 Chach-ndma represents that the queen mentioned by him was one of 
 the successors of Kisra-bin-Hormuz-bin-Fdrs, who had been mur- 
 dered — alluding, of course, to Khusrii Parvi'z — and since we learn 
 from a passage in Tabari that one of Kisr^'s daughters was Dukht- 
 zanan, who sueceeded to the Persian throne for a short time in the 
 year 13 h. ; — and since the Bauzatu-s Safd assigns the reign of 
 Turan-dukht, another of his daughters, to the year 14: h. ; — we may 
 assume as certain that the expedition of Chach towards Kirman 
 occurred in one or other of those years.^ 
 
 These simple emendations bring us close enough to the truth, to 
 satisfy us with resjiect to the general accuracy- of the Chach-ndma,. 
 Where there is so much room for doubt, and where even Tabari is 
 not quite consistent with himself, or in conformity witti others, 
 even if the Chach-ndma should be in error three or four years — and 
 we have no right to assume that such is the case — there would still 
 be no ground for impeaching the veracity of that valuable chronicle ; 
 and we are thus enabled with considerable confidence to assign to 
 each event of the Brahman dynasty of Stttd its proper date, according 
 to the Hijra computation.* 
 
 1 As all three queens — if, indeed, there were three— were daughters of Khusrd 
 Parviz, and as all their reigna are comprised within two, or, at most, three yearsj'it 
 matters little which we select. 
 
 ' For the doubts which preTail respecting the proper period, sequence, and names 
 
414 APPENDIX. 
 
 A.H. 
 
 The accession of Chacli to the throne of Sind 10 
 
 His expedition to Kirman, in the fourth year 14 
 
 Mughaira's attack, in the fifth year 15 
 
 Chach's death, after a reign of forty entire years 51 
 
 Chandar's death, in the eighth year of his reign 59 
 
 Dahir's death, after a reign of thirty -three entire years 93 
 
 The advances of the Arabs towards Bind} 
 
 Scarcely had Muhammad expired, when his followers and dis- 
 ciples, issuing from their naked deserts, where they had hitherto 
 robbed their neighbours and quarrelled amongst themselves, hastened 
 to convert their hereditary feuds into the spirit of unanimity and 
 brotherly love. Their energies, at all times impetuous, were now 
 solely concentrated upon executing the injunctions of the " king of 
 fierce countenance, understanding dark sentences,"'' that they should 
 enforce belief at the point of the sword, which was emphatically 
 declared to be " the key of heaven and of hell." ' Terror and 
 devastation, murder and rapine, accompanied their progress, in ful- 
 filment of the prophetic denunciation of Daniel, that this descendant 
 
 of the Sassanian princes between Siroes and Yazdijird, see — besides Mirkhond, 
 Khiondamlr, and the Persian authorities— J. S. Assemanni, Sibliotheca Orient. 
 Glement.-Vat., Tom. III., p. 419 ; EutyeWi Annates, Vol. II. pp. 253, 357, 408 ; 
 Malcolm, History of Persia ; Dubeux, L' Univers Pitioresqm, " La Perse," pp. 
 333-6; "Weil, Gesch. der Chalifen, Vol. I. pp. 63-65, and the Tables in the Ancient 
 Univ. Hist., Vol. IX. pp. 211-277; Dr. Smith's i)sc!!. o/ 5io^., t. " Sassanides ; " 
 Moreri, Grand Diction. Historique, Tom. IV., p. 136, t. "Perse;" D'Herbelot, 
 Siilioth. Or., v. " Sassanian," and Eno. Metrop. " Early Or. Hist.," p. 414. 
 [Mordtmann in Zeitschrift. D. M. G., Vols. VIII. and 511.; M. K. Patkanian in 
 Jour. Anatique, 1866, p. 220.] 
 
 1 [A note in Sir H. Elliot's private copy shows that he intended to revise this 
 article, after an examination of Tabari, and, in fact, to make Tabari's account the 
 basis of his own. The editor was at first disposed to realize as far as possible this 
 intention, but as the whole of Tabari's history is now in course of translation, and 
 will ere long be published, under the auspices of the Eoyal Asiatic Society, it has 
 seemed preferable to let Sir H. Elliot's work stand as he himself penned it. There 
 is in the library of the Royal Asiatic Society a MS. History of Sind, from the com- 
 mencement of the Arab conquest. It enters into full details drawn, like Sir H. 
 Elliot's, from Sindian authorities.] 2 Daniel, ch. viii. 23. 
 
 3 Compare Chapters ii., iv., viii., ix., xxii., xlvii., Ixi., etc., of the Kordn. See 
 also Sale, Kurdn, Prelim. Disc, p. 194; Lane, Selections from the Kurdn, -p. 70 ; 
 Eeland, He Jure Militari Moham., p. 5, el seq. 
 
APPENDIX. 415 
 
 of IskmaeP " shall destroy wonderfully, and shaU prosper, and 
 practice, and shall destroy the mighty and the holy people ; and 
 through his policy, also, he shall cause craft to prosper in his hand ; 
 and he shall magnify himself in his heart, and stand up against the 
 Prince of Princes." ' 
 
 And BO it was, that, within twenty years, they made themselves 
 masters of Syria, Palestine, Egypt, and Persia. The conquest of 
 Persia was a mere prelude to further extension in the east ; and 
 though a more difficult and inhospitable country, as well as internal 
 dissensions, checked their progress for some years afterwards, yet it 
 was not in the nature of things to be expected that they should 
 long delay their attacks upon the rich and idolatrous country of 
 India, which offered so tempting a bait to their cupidity and zeal. 
 Accordingly, attention was early directed to this quarter, and it will 
 be our business now, in collecting some of the incidental and scat- 
 tered notices which betray the settled purpose of the Arabs to 
 obtain a footing in India, to trace the slow but certain progress of 
 their arms, until it issued in the conquest of Sind by Muhammed 
 Kasim. 
 
 Ahit Bakr, a.h. 11-13. a.d. 632-634 
 'Umar, a.h. 13-23. a.d. 634:-643. 
 
 Under the Eiilafat of 'Umar,— a.h. 16 or 16, — a military ex- 
 pedition set out from 'Uman, to pUlage the coasts of India. It 
 appears to have proceeded as far as Tana, in Bombay. As ',Umar 
 had not been consulted on the expedition, he forbad that any more 
 should be undertaken to such distant parts ; and to 'Usman Bin Asi 
 Sakifi, governor of Bahrain and 'Uman, under whose orders the 
 piratical vessels nad been despatched, he signified his displeasure in 
 very marked terms : — " Had our party," he wrote, " been defeated, 
 
 1 Gibbon's gratuitous scepticism respecting the Ishmaelitish origin of the Arabians 
 has been well exposed in App. I. to Forster's Mahometanism Unveiled. See also 
 Faber's Calendar of Prophecy, and Fry's Second Advent of Christ. Ocoasionally, how- 
 eTer, these authors carry the argument too far. Brucker has also arraigned the Bible 
 genealogy of the Arabs, Siat. Crit. Fhilosph., Vol. I. p. 214. Muhammad's own 
 Ishmaelitish descent may admit of doubt; but that does not affect the question 
 respecting the Arabs in the northern part of the peninsula. See Sprenger, Life of 
 Muhammed, p. 18 ; Sale, ubi supr. p. 11 ; Eeinaud's Sarrazins, 231. 
 
 2 Daniel, ch. viii. 24, 25. 
 
416 APPENDIX. 
 
 be assured that I would have taken from your own tribe as many- 
 men as had been killed and put them all to death " {swpra p. 116). 
 
 About the same time, Hakam, the brother of 'Usman, who had 
 been placed in charge of Bahrain, sent an expedition against Broach, 
 and despatched his brother, Mughaira Abfu-1 'A's£, to the bay of 
 Debal, where he encountered and defeated his opponents, according 
 to the Futlihu-l Bulddn {supra, p. 116) ; but the Chach-ndma repre- 
 sents that he was slain. That work also mentions that the naval 
 squadron was accompanied by troops, that Debal was occupied by 
 merchants, and that the governor, Samba, son of Diwaij, had been 
 nominated to that post by Chach, who at that time had ruled 
 thirty-five' years in Sind (MS. p. 70) .» 
 
 Shortly after, Abu Musa Asha'rf, who had been one of the com- 
 panions of the prophet, and was otherwise conspicuous in the history 
 of that period, was appointed governor of 'Irak (Basra), when Eabi, 
 bin Ziyad Harisf, one of his oiEcers, was sent to Makran and Kir- 
 man. Orders were also despatched to Abu Musa, from the capital 
 of the empire, directing him to afford all the information in his 
 pow^er respecting Hind, and the -'countries leading to it. As he had 
 lately learnt the disastrous result of Mughaira's expedition, he -wrote 
 in reply to say, that " the king of Hind and Sind was powerful and 
 contumacious, following the path of unrighteousness, and that sin 
 dwelt in his heart." Upon which, he received peremptory orders 
 not by any means to enter upon a holy war with that country.' 
 
 It IS notorious that 'TJmar had always a particular horror of naval 
 expeditions, and it is probable that it arose from this untoward 
 defeat. This repugnance is usually attributed to a later period, 
 when, upon the conquest of Egypt by 'Amru bin 'Asi, the KhaUf 
 wrote to his lieutenant for a description of the sea ; who replied : — 
 " ITie sea is a great pool, which some senseless people furrow, 
 looking like worms upon logs of wood." On receipt of this an- 
 swer, it is said, 'Umar forbad all navigation amongst the Musulmans, 
 and transgressors were severely punished. Mu'a-mya was the first 
 
 ' Tvhfatu-l Kirdm, MS. p. 9 ; Gladwin's Ayem Aklery, Vol. II. p. 118; 
 Memoirs sur I'lnde, p. 170. 
 
 ' [This is the statement of the MS., but in page 412 reasons are given for pro- 
 posing to read " 3 or S " instead of 35.] ' Chach-ndma, MS. p. 70. 
 
APPENDIX. 417 
 
 Khalif under whom this prohibition was relaxed, and who despatched 
 maritime expeditions against the enemies of his empire. The original 
 cause of the restriction was probably that which has been already 
 indicated, and its continuance may perhaps be ascribed to the un- 
 skilfolness of the Arabs upon the element to which the subjects of 
 the Greek empire were accustomed from their birth. Had the 
 Musuhnans along the shores of the Mediterranean been as expert as 
 the Arab navigators of the Indian ocean, there would have been no 
 need to feel alarm at the result of actions upon the high seas.' 
 
 In the year 22 h., 'Abdu-Ua bin 'Amar bin Eabi' invaded Kirman, 
 and took the capital, Kuwashir," so that the aid of " the men of Kuj 
 and Baluj "' was solicited in vain by the Kirmanis. He then pene- 
 trated to Sistan, or Sijistan, and besieged the governor in his capital, 
 who sued for peace when he found that " his city was as a tent 
 without ropes." After this he advanced towards Makran. In vain, 
 also, did the chief of that coimtry obtain the aid of the ruler of 
 Bind, for their united armies were surprised and defeated in a night 
 attack. With an ardour augmented by his success, 'Abdu-lla re- 
 quested leave to cross the Indus ; but the Khalif, true to his cautious 
 policy, which restrained his lieutenants both on the northern and 
 western frontiers, opposed this still more distant adventure.* 
 
 The invasions of this year are confirmed by Hasan bin Muhammad 
 Shiraz(, who is a careful writer ; but the names of the generals are 
 differently represented. " In the year 22 h. Sijistan was conquered 
 by 'Amru bin al Tamfmi and 'Abdu-lla bin 'Umar Khattab. In this 
 year also, Makran was conquered by 'Abdu-Ua bin 'Abdu-Ua bin 
 'Unan, who had moved against that place from Kirman, The ruler, 
 who in the native language was styled Zanbil, and was also king of 
 Sind, was kUled." ' 
 
 ' A passage in Prooopius, Bell Pers., i. 19, 20, Beems to show that, in the time of 
 Justinian, the Homeritea of the Erythrsean sea were no great navigators. The 
 question has been examined in another note. 
 
 » See Vuller'8 Geschichte der Seldsehuken, p. 75. 
 
 ' The Arabic and Persian Lexicons say, they were barbarous tribes, inhabiting 
 the mountainous borders of Makr&n, and descended from the Arabs of Eijj^. In 
 the latter are of course to be recognized the modern Buldch. 
 
 * Tdrikh-i Guzlda, quoted in Memoirs mr I'Inde, p. 171. 
 
 5 Muntahhahu-t Tawdrihh, under the KhiUfat of Umar. The name of Zanbil 
 will be treated of under the History of the Ghaznivides. 
 
 VOL. I. 27 
 
418 APPENDIX. 
 
 The names are otherwise given in the Sabibu-s Siyar. Kirman 
 was conquered by Siihail bin Udi and 'Abdu-lla bin Autiban, 
 Sijistan by 'A'sim bin 'Amru Tamimi, and Makran by Hakkam bin 
 'Amar Saulbf. The conquests are also ascribed to a year later. 
 Shohrug, the lieutenant of Fars, was forced to yield his province to 
 the victorious Musulmans; upon which, Mujashia bin Mas'ud took 
 possession of the cities of Sirjan and Jiruft, while 'Usman bin 
 Abiu-1 'Asi advanced to Istakhar. In the same quarter, Sauria bra 
 Zannfm, employed with a separate division on the route from 
 Istakhar to Kirman, experienced a more determined resistance. In 
 besieging one of the strongholds into which the natives had thrown 
 themselves, he was suddenly attacked by a sally from the garrison, 
 as well as by a numerous body of Kurds who had advanced to their 
 relief, and was only saved through the aid of a miracle. In the 
 end, however, the Musulmans were victorious. These are evidently 
 all the same transactions, disguised by change of names, — the 
 " Kurds" of the Sabibu-s Siyar being the " Kuj " of the Cruzida. 
 
 Dr. Weil, foIlowLng Tabari, gives other variations, and remarks 
 upon Abu-1 Fida's and Elmacin's (Al Makln's) omission of the 
 conquest of the Persian provinces in the south. The general's name 
 is 'Abdu-lla bin Attab. " Kufej," or " Kufess," is given instead of 
 " Kiij." The invasion of Makran is ascribed to 23 h., in which 
 same year, it is said, the conquest of Fars was brought to a conclu- 
 sion. The capture of Shiraz is also mentioned, although it is 
 ordinarily supposed not to have been built till seventy years after- 
 wards by Muhammad Kasim.' 
 
 'Usmdn, a.h. 23-35. a.d. 643-655. 
 
 'Usman bin Abiu-1 'Asi was not very rapid in his conquest of the 
 province of Fars, for he was repulsed before Istakhar, and it is not 
 till the year 26 h., that we find him taking Kazerun and the stUl 
 famous Kila'-i sufed, or white fort, between Istakhar and the Persian 
 Gulph.' The whole province does not seem to have been reduced 
 till 28 H. 
 
 In A.H. 30, a formidable iasurrection took place at Istakhar, when 
 
 ' GescMchte der Chalifen, Vol. I. pp. 96-98. 
 
 ' Ferishta, Vol. I. p. 2 ; Price, 139, 166. Jiauzaturs Safd 
 
APPENDIX. 4] 9 
 
 the Musulman goTemor fell a Arictim to the fury of the people. 
 The fugitive king of Persia, Yazdijird, hastened to the scene, in. the 
 hope of retrieving his miserable fortunes ; but after being nearly 
 surprised among the ruined columns of the ancient palace, he was 
 defeated with great loss by 'Abdu-lla bin 'Umar and 'Usman, near 
 that capital, and compelled to fly to Kirman, and afterwards to 
 Sijistan and KhurSsan. The citadel of Istakhar was carried by 
 assault, and many of the ancient Persian nobility, who had sought 
 an asylum within that fortress, were put to the sword,' 
 
 During the next year, the pursuit of Yazdijird was followed up into 
 Khurasan xmder 'Abdu-lla bin 'Amar, then governor of Basra, after 
 obtaining the permission of the Khalif to advance into that country. 
 The southern provinces of the Caspian not having yet been finally 
 conquered, it was considered the more feasible route to march by 
 way of Pars and the borders of Kirman, and so advance through the 
 desert. A rebellion which then existed in the latter province was 
 quelled by a detachment of one thousand horse imder Mujashia. 
 Eabi' bin Ziyad Harisi was, at the same time, despatched to secure 
 the obedience of Sijistan, in which province he received the sub- 
 mission of the metropolis, Zaranj ; and 'Abdu-lla himself, having 
 compelled the city of Tabbas to surrender on capitulation, entered 
 the Kohistan, where he met with a sturdy resistance ; but ultimately, 
 with the assistance of Ahnaf bin Kais, he took Hirat, Sarakhs, 
 Talikan, Balkh, Tukharistan, and Naishapur, and brought the whole 
 province of Khurasan under subjection.* 
 
 Pirishta attributes to the following year a proselyting expedition 
 to the eastward, which is said to have been despatched from Bagh- 
 dad ; but as that town was not built for more than, a century after- 
 wards, no great value can attach to his sources of information. 
 Baghdad did not become the seat of the Khilafat till the time of 
 Abu Ja'far Al Mansiir, in 148 a,h. 765 a.d. The three first Khalifs 
 established themselves at Medina. 'Ali, in 36 h., chose Kufa as his 
 metropolis ; and^ in 41 h., the Ummayides constituted Damascus 
 
 ' Abulpharagii Dynast, t^. 116; Hahibu-s Siyar; "Weil, Geschic/ite der Clialifen, 
 Vol. I. p. 163; tut compare also the Appendix, p. vii., in Vol. III., where the 
 circumstances are stated differently, after Biliduri. 
 
 ' Ferishta, Vol. I. p. 3 ; Price, Retrospect of Mahommedan Sistorp, Vol. I. p. 
 161 ; Biladuri, in Geschickte der OhaUfen, Vol. I., Anhang, pp. Lx., x. 
 
420 APPENDIX. 
 
 their capital : and so it continued during the whole period of their 
 dynasty, which expired in 132 h., when Abd-1 Abbas seated himself 
 at Anbar, on the Euphrates ;' and his successor, Al Mansur, after 
 remaining a few years at Hashimiya, in the same neighbourhood, 
 finally established himself at Baghdad, where the seat of the Khila- 
 fat continued, with occasional transfers to Samarra, till its extinction 
 by Hulaku in 656 h.— 1258 a.d. 
 
 The same kind of error frequently occurs in Persian authors 
 respecting the government of 'Irak, or of the two 'leaks, 'Arabi 
 and 'Ajami, in writing of the period treated of in this note. It was 
 seldom that the government of the two 'Iraks, and rarely that the 
 whole of even 'Irak-i 'Arabi, was centred in the same individual. 
 This province, which may be considered to correspond vnth Baby- 
 lonia, contained the two chief military cantonments of Kufa and 
 Basra. The former town was of some antiquity, and the seat of an 
 Arabian prince before the time of Muhammad ; but the latter was 
 founded in a.h. 15, chiefly with the view of interrupting the com- 
 munication with the Persian Gulph, and preventing the flight of the 
 royal family of Persia by the sea route to India." 
 
 It was not till the time of Mu'awiya, that these two important 
 places were entrusted to the charge of one person. By him their 
 government was bestowed upon his bastard brother, Ziyad, of whom 
 we shaU find frequent mention in the following paragraphs. By the 
 succeeding Khalif they were, after some interval, conferred upon 
 'Ubaidu-lla bin Ziyad.' The two governments were once more 
 combined in the person of Hajjaj, who was invested with greater 
 power than any of his predecessors. * 
 
 * This was tlie original capital of the kings of Hira, before they removed to the 
 latter town. It was destroyed by the soldiers of Julian. Eespeeting its position, see 
 Dr. Gustav. "Weil, Geschichte der Chalifen, YoL I. p. 35. Its successive ruins at 
 various periods are to be seen the Castle of Felugia. See also D'AnviUo, L'Euphrale 
 et U Tigre, p. 71 ; D'Herhelot, Bibl. Orient., v. " Coufah." 
 
 ' Compare Weil, Gesch. der CJial., Vol. I. pp. 39, 72, 75, 84, and Anhang, p. is.. ; 
 Kitter, Erdkunde mn Asien, Vol. X. ; Benouard, Art. " Persia," in Eneychp. 
 Metropolitana ; Preston, Makdmdt of Al Sariri, p. 37. 
 
 ' Supra, p. 117 ; Ookley, Bistory of the Saractns, pp. 369, 387, 391. 
 
 * The succession to these governments may be traced in the following passages of 
 the first volume of Price's Mohammedan History ; Kufa, pp. 128, 137, 162, 153, 
 168, 184, 191, 192, 262, 379, 383-9, 392, 426, 445, 524, 536, 543 ; Basra, pp. 123, 
 146, 159, 164, 184, 191, 192, 230, 349, 379, 381, 385, 389, 392, 429, 439, 446, 461, 
 
APPENDIX. 421 
 
 To revert to the eastern conquests — ^Ddrdbgard, wliich together 
 with Fasa was taken in 23 h., subsequently revolted, and was again 
 taken in 28 h.' 
 
 Abdu-Ua 'A'niar, who was a cousin of the Khalif, and had suc- 
 ceeded the popular Abu Musa Asha'ri in the government of Basra, 
 thinking the opportunity favourable for extending the Muhammadan 
 conquests in tlie oast, obtained permission to detach Hakim bin 
 Jaballa al 'Abdi to explore Sijistan and Makr£n, as well as the 
 countries bordering on the valley of the Indus ; but it appears 
 that Hakim reported so unfavourably of the vast regions which 
 he examined, that all idea of conquest in that direction was aban- 
 doned. — " Water is scarce, the fruits are poor, and the robbers are 
 bold. K few troops are sent there they will be slain ; if many, 
 they will starve" {supra, p. 116). The discord which prevailed 
 among the Musulmans after the death of 'Usman, was an additional 
 reason for not prosecuting any adventures in so remote a region ; 
 but private adventure does not seem to have been debarred, and was, 
 no doubt, prosecuted under the tacit consent of the Khalif. "^ 
 
 'AU, A.H. 35-40. A.D. 655-ff60. 
 
 Hasan, a.h. 40-41. a.d. 660-661. 
 Under the succeeding reign of 'All, it is related, on the authority 
 of 'Amar bin Haris bin 'Abdu-1 Kais, that Taghar bin Da'ir was 
 appointed to the charge of the frontier of Hind, and an army was 
 placed under his command, comprising a select body of nobles and 
 chiefs. Towards the close of the year 38 h., they marched by way 
 of Bahraj and Koh-Paya, obtaining on the road great booty and 
 many slaves, until they reached the mountains of Kaikan, or Kai- 
 kandn, where they met with a stout resistance from the inhabitants, 
 of whom no less than twenty thousand had assembled to intercept . 
 their progress through the passes. But when the Arabs shouted out 
 " AUahu akbar," and their voices re-echoed from the hUls to the 
 right and left, the infidels, hearing these shouts of triimiph, were 
 
 460 629, 543, 548. And in the first volume of Weil's OeschicMe der Chalifen ; 
 Kiifa, pp. 85, 135, 171-2, 176, 195, 369, 411, 428, Anh. p. vi. ; Basra, pp. 72, 173, 
 195, 269, 277, 353, 366, 411, 611. 
 
 1 Biliduri, ap. 'Weil, Gesch. der dial,, Vol. I. Anhang, p. ix. 
 
 2 Memoireswl'IndSj^.l'll; Cfiach-n<linii,'MS.-p.12; Ttihfaiu^l Kirdm,MS.^.9. 
 
422 APPENDIX. 
 
 confounded and alarmed. Some came forward and embraced IsMm' 
 and tke rest took precipitately to flight. From that time to the 
 present, says the credulous author, voices proclaiming that God is 
 great, "Allahu akbar," are heard at the same season throughout 
 these mountains. It was upon this occasion that Haris bin Marra, 
 distinguished himself by his bravery. " They were engaged in this 
 victory when they were informed of the martyrdom of 'Ali; and 
 on their return, when they arrived at Makran, they learnt that 
 Mu'awiya bin Abi Sufyan, was Khalif.' 
 
 This is, no doubt, the same expedition which Biladurf (p. 116) 
 attributes to Harab bin Marra Al 'Abdi, — ^that is, a man of the 
 ancient and powerful tribe of 'Abdu-l Kais (the Aiucad of Ptolemy), 
 which was established in Bahrain, a,nd devoted itself chiefly to 
 piracies on the high seas. The same country has always been pro- 
 lific of such enterprises, until they were effectually repressed by the 
 British Government in India. The name of Al 'Abdi shows that 
 the preceding narrative is founded on the authority of a member of 
 that tribe, and 'Amar, being perhaps a son of the very Haris, the 
 hero of the story, family pride may have suppressed all notice of 
 the defeat. Harab's adventure commenced and ended at the same 
 times which are mentioned in the preceding paragraph, but the 
 result is represented very differently. At the opening of the cam- 
 paign, he was so successful, that in a single day he divided one 
 thousand captives amongst his adherents. Nevertheless, he was in 
 the end completely defeated in the country of Kaikan, and only a 
 few Arabs survived to tell the tale of their disasters. 
 
 Col. Tod mentions that the generals of 'Ali made conquests within 
 the kingdom of Sind itself, which were abandoned at that Khalif s 
 death; but he does not give his authority for this improbable 
 statement." 
 
 DYNASTY or THE UMMAYIDES. 
 
 A.H. 41-132. A.D. 661-750. 
 
 1. Mu'dwiya, a.h. 41-60. a.d. 661-679. 
 
 Under the Khilafat of Mu'awiya, the first of the Ummayides, we 
 
 ' Chach-ndma, US., -p. 7S; TuAfatu-lXirdm,M.S.,p,9. 
 2 Annals of Edjasthdn, Vol, I., p. 242. 
 
. APPENDIX. 423 
 
 are informed by a respectable authority, that 'Abdu-r Eahman con- 
 quered Sind in the year 42 h.' It seems, however, probable that the 
 expedition here alluded to is the one which occurred two years later, 
 under Muhallab, one of 'Abdu-r Eahman's officers, and which is more 
 fully recorded in a subsequent Note upon the advances of the Arabs 
 on the Kabul frontier. 
 
 In A.H. 46, 'Abdu-Ua bin Suar, who was about that time entrusted 
 with the command of the Indian frontier on the side of Kaikan, and 
 " who was so generous and hospitable that no other fire but his own 
 was ever lighted in his camp," enriched himself with the spoil taken 
 from the eastern borders ; and when he returned to Mu'awiya, pre- 
 sented that KhaUf with some of the horses of Kaikan. He remained 
 some time with Mu'awiya, and then returned to Kaikan, where, 
 being attacked by the Turks with all their forces, he was slain in 
 the conflict (p. 117).= 
 
 The GhacJi-ndma adds, amongst other details of this expedition, 
 which need not be here given, that Mu'awiya appointed 'Abdu-lla 
 bin Sawariya, at the head of four thousand cavalry, " to the govern- 
 ment of Siud," and said, " in the country of Sind there is a mountain 
 which they call Kaikanan. There the horses stand very high, and 
 are well made in aU their proportions. They have before this time 
 been received among the spoUs taken from that tract. The inhabit- 
 ants are treacherous, and are protected by their mountain fastnesses 
 from the effects of their rebellion and enmity." He sent also 'A'mar 
 bin 'Abdu-lla bin 'Amar to conquer Armael. After sustaining a 
 complete defeat from the Kaikanis (called Turks by Biladuri), who 
 swarmed around, and closed their egress by the passes, the remnant 
 of the Arab army returned to Makran. 
 
 This is related on the authority of " Muhlat, who heard it from 
 Hindali, who reported it on the authority of Kasim, who said, 'I 
 heard it from Nasr bin Sufyan.' " This Hindali is frequently men- 
 tioned in the CTiach-ndma as a transmitter of these traditions.' 
 
 The statement of the next incursion is somewhat confused. 
 
 Upon the death of 'Abdu-lla, Sinan bin Salma was appointed to 
 
 ^ Tdrikh-i Yafi'l, sub ann. 42 h. 
 
 2 "Weil, GescMchte der Ohalifen, Vol. I. p. 291. 
 
 s Chath-numa, MS., pp. 74, 75; Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, MS., p. 9. 
 
424 APPENDIX. 
 
 succeed him ; but Mu'awiya wrote to Ziyad, the powerful governor 
 of 'Irak, who also held the lieutenancy of Khurasan, Sijistan, 
 Bahrain, and 'Umin, besides Kufa and Basra, directing him to select 
 a man better suited to command on the marches of India. Accord- 
 ingly, Sinan was superseded by Ahnaf Kais, " the ablest among the 
 true believers," who went to Makran, but was removed after a 
 period of two years and one month. Hindalf is again one of the 
 authorities for this account.' 
 
 By Biladurf (p. 117) this is otherwise represented. Ziyad bin 
 Abu Sufyan raised Sina bin Salama to the command of the Indian 
 frontier. He was a man of merit, and feared God, and was the first 
 who obliged soldiers to affix to their oath the penalty of divorce 
 from their wives. On proceeding to assume charge of his functions, 
 he reduced Makran, and founded cities in that country. He es- 
 tablished his residence there, and exacted a ligorous accoimt of 
 the revenues of the province. By Ibn Al Kalbi this conquest is 
 attributed to Hakim, above mentioned. 
 
 Ziyad then raised Eashid bin 'Amru, of the tribe of Azd, to the 
 command. Eashid went to Makran, and thence made a successful 
 inroad upon Kaikan ; but was subsequently slain in an attack upon 
 the Meds. He is said to have been succeeded by the Sinan, before 
 noticed, who exercised his functions for two years (p. 117).' 
 
 "Abu-1 Hasan heard from Hindali, who had heard from Bin-i 
 Aswad," that when Ziyad had suspended the son of Salama from 
 his functions, Eashid bin 'Umar Al Khizrf, a man of good birth and 
 of noted courage, was summoned to the presence of Mu'awiya, who 
 seated him by the side of his throne, and entered into long and 
 familiar discourse with him. He pointed out to his officers tliat 
 Eashid was an excellent man, to whom their obedience was due, and 
 that they should aid him in the battle, and not leave him alone m 
 the field. 
 
 When Eashid arrived at Makran, he had an interview with Sinan, 
 respecting whom he asseverated with an oath that he was a great 
 man, well worthy to head an army in the day of battle. Sinan had 
 received orders from Mu'awiya to meet Eashid on the road, and to 
 
 1 Chtich-ndma, MS., p. 76. 
 
 » Weil, Gesch. der ChaU, Vol. I. p. 291. 
 
APPENDIX. 425 
 
 communicate to him full information respecting the state of Hind 
 and Sind. When Eashid had duly learnt this, he determined 
 on prosecuting his route towards the frontier ; and having received 
 the revenue which had been assessed upon Koh-Paya, he went on to 
 Kaikanan, where he collected the tribute due for the cuixent and 
 precediag years, and brought away much plunder and many slaves. 
 
 After a stay of one year, he returned by way of Siwistan, and 
 reached the hills of Mandar and Baliraj, where the inhabitants had 
 assembled to the number of fifty thousand to obstruct his passage. 
 The contest raged from morning till evening, when Eashid was 
 martyred. 
 
 Ziyad appointed Sinan to take his place, and bestowed great 
 honours upon him, notwithstanding he had so lately been disgraced, 
 because, as our author says, he had been blessed at the time of his 
 birth by the prophet, who had himself bestowed the name of Sinan 
 upon him. After advancing to Kaikanan, he met with great success, 
 and established his rule in several countries, and at last reached 
 Budha, where he was by some treachery put to death.' 
 
 Ziydd then conferred the command of the Indian frontier upon 
 Al Manzar bin al Jardd al 'Abdi, who was sumamed Al Asha'as. He 
 invaded Nukdn (Biidha ?) and Kaikan ; and the Arabs were enriched 
 with booty, — ^for the whole country became a prey to their devasta- 
 tions. They seized upon Kusdar, where they made many captives. 
 Al Manzar died in that town (p. 117).' 
 
 2. Yazid I., a.h. 60-64. a.d. 679-683. 
 
 3. Mti'dwiya U., a.h. 64. a.d. 683. 
 
 In the year 61 h., we find mention of another governor of the 
 Indian frontier, of the name of Al Manzar, or Al Munzir ; but as the 
 one before mentioned had been appointed by Ziyad, who died in 
 53 H., and as the second Al Manzar, or Al Munzir, was appointed 
 by 'Ubaidu-Ua bin Ziyad, who succeeded his father, after a short 
 interval, in the government of 'Irak, including both Kufa and Basra, 
 and as, moreover, the parentage is represented as entirely different, 
 we must needs conclude that they are different personages. The 
 one with whom we now have to deal was son of Har, son of Bashar, 
 
 1 Chaeh-ndma, MS., pp. 77, 78 ; Tuhfatu-l kirdm, MS., p. 9. 
 ' Weil, Gesehichte dsr CUal.,Yol I., p. 292. " 
 
426 APPENDIX. 
 
 who " put on the vesture of government under evil auspices," for, as 
 he was journeying, his mantle was caught in a splinter of wood, and 
 was rent ; and 'Ubaidu-Ua bin Ziyad, who had nominated him, 
 predicted, on that account, tiiat he would not return alive from the 
 journey he had undertaken;^ but he had selected him, as no one 
 was his equal in constancy and courage. And true it v/as, that no 
 sooner had Al Munzar arrived within the borders of Burani, than 
 he fell sick and died.^ 
 
 His son, Hakkam, was in Kirman, when his father died. He 
 was treated with kindness by 'Ubaidu-Ua, who presented him with 
 three hundred thousand dirhams, and appointed him to succeed his 
 father for six months, during which period he is represented to have 
 conducted himself with energy and boldness.' 
 
 One of the commanders appointed to the Indian fiontier by 
 'Ubaidu-Ua, was Harri al Bahali. He engaged with great fervour 
 and success in the border warfare, and acquired immense booty 
 (p. 118).^ 
 
 4. Marwdn L, a.h. 64-65. A.d. 683-684. 
 
 5. 'Abdu-l MaWc, A.H. 65-86. a.d. 684-705. 
 
 To the year 65 h. Colonel Tod attributes a Muhammadan invasion 
 of Eajputana, by way of Sind, in which Manik Eai, the prince of 
 Ajmir, and his only son were kiUed. But the whole story is 
 puerile aad fictitious ; independent of which, the Arabs had quite 
 enough to do nearer home.' 
 
 When 'Abdu-l Malik, the son of Marwan, ascended the throne, 
 his dominions were circumscribed within the limits of Syria and 
 Palestine, rebellion being rife in the various provinces. The east 
 was especiaUy affected by these internal commotions. Kufa was in 
 the hands of Muktar and the Shf ites, who had taken up arms to 
 avenge the death of Husain, the son of 'All. The AzarikauB, or 
 foUowers of Nafi' ibn Azrak, had established themselves in the 
 provinces of Pars, Kirman, and Ahwaz , and Arabia and Khurasan 
 
 ' And as Samuel turned atout to go away, Saul laid hold upon the skirt of his 
 mantle, and it rent. And Samuel said unto him, " The Lord hath rent the kingdom 
 of Israel from thee this day." — 1 Sam. xy. 27, 28. 
 
 » Ghach-ndma, MS., p. 72 ; Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, MS., p. 9. 
 
 3 CJiaeh-ndma, MS., p. 80. « 'Weil, loc.eitt. 
 
 ' Annals of Mdjasthan, Vol. II. p. 444. 
 
APPENDIX. 427 
 
 obeyed 'Abdu-lla ibn Zubair, tbo rival claimant of tbe Kbilafat, 
 who -was in possession of Mecca. Within eight years after ascending 
 the throne, 'Abdu-1 Malik tritimphed successively over aJl his 
 enemies, re-estabUshod the authority of the TJmmayides over the 
 Muhammadan empire, and began to restore the foreign relations of 
 Islam, which had greatly declined during the early vicissitudes of 
 his reign. 
 
 'Ubaidu-lla bin Ziyad, one of the ablest of his generals, invaded 
 the territory of Kufa, but was defeated and slain, in 67 h., by the 
 army which advanced against him under Muktar. This disaster 
 was not retrieved till four years afterwards, by 'Abdu-1 Malik's 
 obtaining possession of Kufa, Meanwhile, Muhallab had defeated 
 the Azarikans, whom he had pursued into the very heart of 
 Eirman, and deprived them of their conquests in Tars and Ahwaz. 
 He then deserted 'Abdu-Ua's cause, and submitted to 'Abdu-1 Malik. 
 Khurasan was obtained by similar corruption and treachery, and 
 'Abdu-lla was slain at Mecca by the army commanded by Hajjaj bin 
 Tiisuf Sakifi. Thenceforward, 'Abdu-1 Malik had leisure to attend 
 to the extension of the empire towards the east. 
 
 To this especial object was directed his nomination of his success- 
 ful general, Hajjaj, to be governor of 'Irak, who commenced his rule 
 by conferring the charge of Makran upon Sa'id bin Aslam Kalabi. 
 Sa'id, however, had unfortunately to encounter the rivalry of 
 Mu'awiya and Muhammad, the sons of Haras, sumamed the 'Allaff, 
 from the title of 'Allaf, which was borne by one of their ancestors 
 (p. 118). 
 
 As the 'Allafis, or 'Allanis as they are styled in the Chach-ndma' 
 are conspicuous in the subsequent history of Sind, that work dwells 
 more particularly upon their history. It appears that upon Sa'id's 
 arrival at Makran, he put to death a man of the name of Saf huf bin 
 Lam al Hamami. This man was claimed as a relative and fellow- 
 countrymen of the 'Allafis, who came from 'Umdn, and they deter- 
 mined to seek satisfaction for his death. Accordingly, they attacked 
 Sa'id, who was then on his return from coUeoting the revenues of 
 his jurisdiction, killed him in the fray, and took possession of 
 Makran. Hajjaj then ordered Sulaiman 'Allafi, one of the leading 
 men of that tribe, to be seized, and sent his head to the family of 
 
428 APPENDIX. 
 
 Sa'id. At the same time, more vigorous measures were taken to 
 assert the authority of the government, and Mujaa' was directed to 
 proceed to Kirman. He sent forward 'Abdu-r Kahman bin Asha's 
 to lead the advance, but he was waylaid by the 'AUafis, and slain. 
 They did not, however, think proper to engage in further collisions 
 with the government, but fled to Sind in 85 h., where they sought 
 the protection of Dahir, who received them kindly, and entertained 
 them in his service.' 
 
 The 'AUaffs remained in Sind till the arrival of Muhammad 
 Kasim, when they came forward and sued for forgiveness, which 
 was accorded to them, as will be seen in the translated Extracts 
 from the Chach-ndma (p. 168). 
 
 Sa'id was succeeded by Mujja', the son of the Si'r Tamimf, most 
 probably the same Mujja' above mentioned, who is called in the 
 CJiacJi-numa and the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, the son of Sa'id, as well as 
 the son of Safar in the former, apparently by error of the transcriber. 
 He despoiled the border districts, and took many prisoners &om the 
 territory of Kandabel, the entire conquest of which was not effected 
 till some years afterwards by Mahammad Kasim. Mujja', after 
 holding his office for the period of only one year, died in Makran, 
 about the same time as the Khalif 'Abdu-1 Malik (p. 118).' 
 
 6. WaUd I. A.H. 86-96. a.d. 705-715. 
 
 Under this powerful prince the Khilafat attained the greatest 
 extent of dominion to which it ever reached. A little previous to 
 the accession of Wali'd, Muhammad, son of Harun, was appointed 
 to the Indian frontier, where he was invested -with, full powers to 
 conduct operations as he thought best.^ 
 
 He was directed to search out the 'Allafis, and to seize them by 
 every means within his power, in order that the blood of Sa'id 
 might be avenged by their death and destruction. Accordingly, in 
 the beginning of the year 86,* he secured one of the 'AUafis, who 
 was put to death by direct orders of the Khalif, and his head was 
 despatched to Hajjaj, with a letter, in which the governor promised, 
 
 ' OMch-ndma, MS., pp. 80, 81 ; and Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, MS., pp. 7, 9. 
 2 Ch'ich-ndma, MS., p. 82 ; Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, MS., pp. 7, 9 ; Weil, Geschichte der 
 Chalifen, Vol. I. p. 604. s Chach-ndma, MS., p. 82. 
 
 * ririslita says he was not appointed till 87 h. — Sislory of Sind. 
 
APPENDIX. 429 
 
 " if his life were spared to Mm, and his fortune propitious, he would 
 seize all the rest of that obnoxious tribe." He was engaged, accord- 
 ing to one author, for five years, according to another, for five 
 months, in the important occupation of " conquering the rivers and 
 forests."' 
 
 Under the auspices of the cruel tyrant, Hajjaj, who, though 
 nominally governor only of 'Irak, was in fact ruler over all the 
 countries which, constituted the former Persian kingdom, the spirit 
 of more extended conquest arose, which had hitherto, during the 
 civil wars, and before the re-establishment of political unity under 
 'Abdu-1 Malik and his son "Wali'd, confined itself to mere partial 
 efforts on the eastern frontiers of the empire. By his orders, one 
 army under Kutaiba, after the complete subjugation of Khawarazm, 
 crossed the Oxus, and reduced, but not without great difBcuIty, Buk- 
 hara, Khojand, Shash, Samarkand, and Farghana— ^some of which 
 places had been visited, though not thoroughly subjected, at previous 
 periods, by the Muhammadan arms. Kutaiba penetrated even to 
 Kashgar, at which place Chinese ambassadors entered into a compact 
 with the marauders.' Another army had, by Hajjaj's directions, 
 already operated against tJie king of Kabul, and a third advanced 
 towards the lower course of the Indus, through Makran. 
 
 The cause of this latter expedition was the exaction of vengeance 
 for the plunder, by some pirates of Debal, of eight vessels, which 
 the ruler of Ceylon had despatched, filled with presents, pilgrims, 
 Muhammadan orphans, and Abyssinian slaves, to propitiate the 
 good-will of Hajjaj and the Khalif. The pirates are differently 
 named by the authorities whom we have to follow. The Futiihu-l 
 Bulddn says they were "Med." The CJiach-ndma says they were 
 " Tankamara." The Tuhfatu-l Kirdm says they were " Nankamara; " 
 but in a subseqent passage gives the name more distinctly as " Naga- 
 mara." 'Abdu-lla bin Tsa, who wrote a commentary upon the 
 Diwan of the poet Jarir, towards the close of the fourth century of 
 the Hijra, says they were " Kurk," for which a marginal reading 
 
 ' Chach-ndma, MS., pp. 82. 83 ; Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, p, 10. 
 
 « Hammer, QemaUesaal, Vol. II. pp. 123, 124; Abel Eemiisat, sur la, Geog. do 
 I'Asie centrale, pp. 94-106. Compare also, respecting the relations between the 
 Persians and Chinese, De Guignes, Sisioire des Suns, Tom. I., pp. 54-59 ; Freret, 
 Mdmoires de I 'Acad., Tom. ivl, pp. 245-255 ; Chine in Univ. Pittoresque, Asie I. 297 
 
430 APPENDIX. 
 
 substitutes " Kurd." Eeiske states his inability to comprehend what 
 tribe is meant by this name. Eeinaud says, " Kurds " are out of 
 the question;' but that "Kurks" are m^entioned by Ibn Al Asir, 
 imder the annals of 151 h., as having made a descent upon Jidda, 
 and that two years afterwards a flotilla was despatched from Basra 
 to make an attack upon the "Kurks," whom he surmises to be 
 probably natives of Coorg, to the east of Mangalore.' But these 
 are an inland nation, and cannot possibly have been engaged in 
 maritime expeditions. "Whoever they were, they must have been 
 inhabitants of Debal, or its immediate neighbourhood, and though 
 the name be extinct now, the Kurk, Kerk, or Kruk, may possibly 
 represent a tribe which flourished at one time near the mouth of the 
 Indus.' 
 
 The Meds are familiar to us, as being frequently mentioned by Ibn 
 H[aukal and the early writers on Sind.* The name of Tangamara 
 presents great difficulties ; but as there is a variation about the first 
 letter, and as the omission of diacritical points would admit of the 
 word being read Sangamara, it may be proper to point out, if that 
 should be the correct reading, the identity of the two first syllables 
 with those of Sangada, which Arrian tells us was the name of the 
 mainland in the neighbourhood of Krokala.' How far the name 
 extended does not, appear, but it is curious that, to our time, it seems 
 to be preserved beyond the eastern mouth of the river, in the 
 celebrated pirate-coast of the Sanganians, or Sangars, who for cen- 
 turies have committed their ravages on the shores of Sind and 
 Gruzerat, until their total suppression under our government.' It 
 
 ' They are, however, a very migratory race. "We find them in Khur&s&n, K&bul, 
 Firs, Kirm&n, the Dasht-i he-daulat, and even in Sind, in the province of Kachh 
 Gand&.va, where they are classed as Brihtiis. It is also worthy of remark, that Ibn 
 Haukal speaks of some of the inland Jats as being " like unto the Kurds." — Gilde- 
 meister, Soriptor. Arab, de rebus Indicis, p. 181, 
 
 2 Mimoire sur I'Inde, p. 181. ^ gg^ separate note respecting the Kerks. 
 
 * The Meds are also treated of in a separate note. 
 
 ^ 'Ek 5e KpwK6.hu>v 4y 5€$i^ fihv ix'^^'^^^ ^P**^ • • • ^ir\woy . . . ^ fi^ 
 X^pos Siras Si^TyoSa. — Nmrchi Paraplus, p, 6, in Hudson's Oeograph, Minores, 
 Vol. I. 
 
 « The principal station of the Sangirs is Juckow, in Kachh. Al. Hamilton says : 
 — " The next province to Catchnaggen (Cach-nagar) is Sangania. Their seaport is 
 called Baet, very commodious and secure. They admit of no trade, but practice 
 piracy." Pinkerton, Collection of Voyages, Yol. VIII. p. 310. See also Oyington 
 
APPENDIX. 431 
 
 may be remarked, also, that there is a tribe called Sangur still 
 dwelling on the coast of Makran, at MaMn and Batt. 
 
 It is probable, therefore, that the several authorities may be right 
 in paxt, and that the different piratical tribes of the mouths of the 
 Indus may have joined in the expedition which gave Hajjaj grounds 
 for demanding reparation from Dahir, the ruler of Sind. 
 
 Upon bis declaring his inability to restrain their excesses, Hajjaj 
 earnestly solicited from the Khalif permission to exact due vengeance 
 from Dahir and his subjects, offering to pay, from his own resources, 
 double what would be exhausted from the public treasury. But the 
 Khalif replied: — "The distance is great, the requisite expenditure 
 will be enormous, and I do not wish to expose the lives of Musul- 
 mdns to peril." ' In the same spirit of caution, or forbearance, Musa 
 was checked in his career of conquest in Spain ; and when the 
 remonstanoe was disregarded, a second envoy, despatched with more 
 peremptory orders, seized the bridle of his horse in the presence of 
 the whole army, and led him away to Damascus to answer for his 
 contumacy.^ 
 
 When, at last, the repugnance of the Khalif had been overcome 
 by the urgent remonstrances of Hajjaj, and by his generous offer of 
 double payment, which was at a subsequent period rigorously 
 demanded, Ubaidu-lla bin Nabhan, was sent against the sea-port of 
 Debal, where he met with defeat and death (p. 119).' 
 
 Hajjaj then wrote to Budail, of the Bajali tribe, directing him to 
 advance against Debal. As Budail was at 'Uman, M. Eeinaud 
 considers it probable that he proceeded by sea to his destination ; 
 but the Chach^ndma, though somewhat confused, is fuUer than the 
 Futiihu-l Bulddn, and tells us that Budail was ordered to proceed to 
 Makran, that Muhammad Harun was directed to place three thou- 
 
 and D'Anville. Tod says the name ■was not that of any particular nation, but simply 
 " Sangamdharians," the pirates of the " Sangams," or sacred emhouchures of rivers. 
 — West. India, p. 442, " Sankha," or " SankhadwEir," the old name of Bet, offers 
 an equally probable origin. Mac Pherson, {Ann. of Comm, I., 172) suggests 
 Sangara, the joined canoes mentioned in the Periplus. 
 
 1 Abii-1 Fid&, Jnnal Mosl., Vol. I. p. 107 ; Chaoh-ndma, MS. p. 85 ; Tuhfatu-l 
 Kirdm, MS. p. 10. 
 
 * Coude, Sist. de la Dom. de los Arabea en Map., ap. De Marl&s; Eeinaud, 
 Sarrazins, iviii. ; Crichton, 336. 
 
 ' Bil&duri, fragments Arabet, p. 190. 
 
432 APPENDIX. 
 
 sand men at his disposal, for the purpose of proceeding to Sind, and 
 that 'Abdu-lla bin Kahtan Aslamf was ordered to join him from 
 'Uman, which he accordingly did at Nairun. Budail advanced at 
 the head of three hundred men from Makran, and was joined on the 
 way y^ the reinforcements from Muhammad Harun. In the battle 
 which ensued, Budail, after fighting gallantly, was thrown from his 
 horse, surrounded by the enemy, and killed, and many Musulmans 
 were taken captive. The Futuhu-l BvMdn and the Tukfatu-l Kirdm 
 represents the action as having taken place at Debal, but the Ohach- 
 ndma is not clear upon this point.' 
 
 Hajjaj was sorely afflicted at this disastrous result of his expedition, 
 and TOwed that he would take ample vengeance for the various 
 indignities which had been heaped upon him. As the people of 
 Nairun dreaded the consequences of Hajjaj's anger, and reflected 
 that their city stood on the very road by which the Arabs would 
 enter Sind, their governor, who was a Samani, or Buddhist, sent 
 privily some confidential messengers to Hajjdj, promising to remit 
 tribute regularly, and soliciting from him some writing, under which 
 Nairun might be secured from further annoyance at the hand of the 
 Musulmans. This bond was readily granted, and the Samani was 
 enjoined to obtain the freedom of the prisoners taken in the late 
 action, with the threat of " putting to the sword of IsUm the lives 
 of all infidels as far as the borders of China, if this demand was not 
 complied with." 
 
 After this, 'Umar bin 'Abdu-lla requested that the government of 
 Hind might be confided to him, but he was rebuked by Hajjaj, and 
 told that the astrologers, after being consulted, had pronounced that 
 the conquest of that country coxild be effected only by the hand of 
 Muhammad Kasim. 
 
 Muhammad Kasim, as he is universally styled by the Persians, 
 but by Biladurf, "Muhammad bin Kasim Sakifi," and by Abu-1 
 
 1 Brigga gives the leader's name as " Bndmeen." Reinaud as " Bodayl." Lt. 
 Postans as " Bazil." The Chaeh-ndma as " Baail," or " Buzail." [Biliduri giyes 
 it distinctly " Budail."] As " Budail " is an old Arabic name, it is probably the 
 correct reading in this passage. Compare Ferishta, Vol. IV. p. 403 ; Fragments 
 Arahes, p. 190 ; Journal A.S.JB., No. clviii., p. 85 ; Chaeh-ndma, MS., pp, 85, 86 ; 
 Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, MS., p. 8; Weil, Geschichte der Chalifen, Vol. I., p. 604; Sale, 
 JTofan, Vol..!. p. 138. 
 
 2 Chach-ndma, MS., p. 86 ; Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, MS., p. 8. 
 
APPENDIX. 433 
 
 Fida, "Muhammad bin Al Kasim," was in the bloom of youth, 
 being only seventeen years of age, when this important command 
 was conferred upon him. It is probable that, although he is repre- 
 sented to have already administered the province of Fars with abUity, 
 he obtained his appointment less from personal merit, than from 
 family interest, for he was cousin and son-in-law of Hajjdj ; but the 
 result showed the wisdom of the selection. His rapid career of con- 
 quest along the whole valley of the Indus, from the sea to the moun- 
 tains, has been fully narrated in the translations from the Futuhvr-l 
 Bulddn and Chach-ndma. From them it is evident, that his suc- 
 cesses, like those of his contemporary, Tarik, in Spain, were as much 
 attributable to his temper and policy as to his courage and strategy. 
 There was, though by no means little — as Debal and Multan bear 
 witness — ^yet much less, wanton sacrifice of life than was freely 
 indulged in by most of the ruthless bigots who have propagated the 
 the same faith elsewhere. The conquest of Sind took place at the 
 very time in which, at the opposite extremes of the known world, 
 the Muhammadan arms were subjugating Spain, and pressing on the 
 southern frontier of France, while they were adding Khwarazm to 
 their already mighty empire. In Sind, as in Spain, where submis- 
 sion was proffered, quarter was readily given ; the people of the 
 country were permitted the exercise of their own creeds and laws ; 
 and natives were sometimes placed in responsible situations of the 
 government. Much of this unwonted toleration may, in both in- 
 stances, have arisen from the small number of the invading force, as 
 well as from ignorance of civil institutions ; but we must still allow 
 the leaders credit for taking the best means of supplying these 
 deficiencies, and seeking assistance from the quarters most able to 
 afford it.' 
 
 The two authorities above-mentioned differ from each other in 
 some particulars, and the Chach-ndma, which is the source of the 
 Persian accounts, furnishes a few details, wearing, especially towards 
 
 1 Eespecting Spain, see De Marlls Siitoire des Arabes en Eapagne, Tom. I. p. 14 ; 
 III. 401 ; Lockhart'B Spanish Ballaels, xvli. Talk's moderation -was \yj no means 
 imitated by his early successors. The soldiery plundered the towns, devastated the 
 country, and profaned the churches. A native historian has remarked that the 
 miseries of the vanquished constituted the happiness of the victors.— Mariana, Be 
 ■ rehut Siefani<e, Lib. vi., c. 19. 
 
 VOL. I. 28 
 
434 APPENDIX, 
 
 the close, the appearance of embellishment ; but there is no stariiing 
 discrepancy in the general history of the conquest, of which the 
 broad features are preserved with fidelity ia both naratives. 
 
 The Persian authorities, following the CfeacA-mdmo, mention tliat 
 Muhammad Kdsim penetrated to Kanauj, which, as the borders of 
 that country then extended nearly to Ajmfr, is no improbable cir- 
 cumstance, if we do not construe the expression to signify literally 
 that the city of Kanauj was conquered. But even the possession of 
 that great capital would not haTe satisfied the ambitious aspirations 
 of Hajjaj; for he had ordered Muhammad to penetrate to China; 
 and with the view of exciting emulation between him and Kutaiba, 
 had promised, that whichever of them arrived there first should be 
 invested with the government of the celestial empire : a fair chal- 
 lenge and a fair start, — for in the self- same year, one was on the 
 Indus, the other on the Jaxartes, in the same longitude, and at the 
 same distance from the eastern goal, which fanaticism and avarice, 
 as well as the desire to secure a safe and remote asylum upon 
 the death of Walid, had designated to these rival generals as Hhe 
 guerdon of success and victory.' 
 
 The Progress of the Arabs in Sind. 
 From faith in Firishta, who has been followed exclusively by 
 our modem historians, it has been usual to consider that the con- 
 quest of Sind was effected by only six thousand men, who, by some 
 misapprehension of the original, are wrongly stated to be Assyrians. 
 The more correct statement, given by our Arab authorities, shows 
 that, independent of an advanced guard under Abu-1 Aswad Jaham, 
 which was ordered to join Muhammad Kasim on the borders of 
 Sind, there were six thousand picked cavalry from Syria and 'Irak, 
 six thousand armed camel- riders, thoroughly equipped for military 
 operations, with a baggage train of three thousand Bactrian camels, 
 which, however, Mir Ma'sum converts into three thousand infantry. 
 In Makran, Muhammad Kasim was joined by the governor, Muham- 
 mad Harun, with other reinforcements ; and five catapults, together 
 with the necessai-y ammunition, were transported by sea to Debal. 
 The number of men conveyed by the naval squadron may be esti- 
 
 ' Mdm. star I'Inde, p. 186 ; L'Unwen. Pitt. Aiie, t. 327. 
 
APPENDIX. 435 
 
 iKiatod by the fact, that we find one catapult alone requiring no less 
 than five hundred men to work it. These heavy machines had been 
 used by the Prophet in the siege of Taif, and had done efiective 
 service only a few years before at Damascus and Mecca, as well 
 as in the re-conquest of northern Africa; but they were so pon- 
 derous that they could be tafely used, except where the means 
 of transport by water existed, or but a short distance by land had t6 
 be traversed. Hence Kutaiba, ia his campaign beyond the Oxub, 
 was often compelled to regret that a long and tedious land-carriage 
 deprived him of the advantage of these implements, which were 
 nearly indispensable in the operations in which he was engaged. 
 
 Besides these Arab troops, we find the Jats and Meds enlisting 
 under Muhammad Kasim's banners, which, independent of its moral 
 effect in dividing national sympathies, and relaxing the unanimity 
 of defence against foreign aggression, must have been of incalculable 
 benefit to him, in his disproportionate excess of cavalry, which could 
 be of but little service in a country intersected by rivers, swamps, 
 and canals. 
 
 This desertion of the native princes was doubtless occasioned by 
 the severity with which they had treated the Jats and Lohanas upon 
 the capture of Brahmanabad. The inhibition of riding on saddles 
 and wearing fine clothes, the baring the head, the accompaniment 
 of a dog, the drawing of and hewing wood for the royal kitchen, 
 were more suited to Musulman intolerance than the mild sway of 
 Hinduism ; and accordingly, after the conqueror's first acquisitiona, 
 we find him so indifferent about retaining the good will of his allies, 
 that he imposed the same conditions upon them, which he enforced 
 with even greater stringency than his predecessors. 
 
 After the news of Muhammad Kasim's success reached Damascus, 
 he was joined by other troops and adventurers eager for plunder 
 and proselytism ; insomuch that when he left Multan, for the pur- 
 pose of proceeding to Dipalpiir and the north, we find it stated in the 
 Tdrikh-i Sind and Tithfatu4 Kirdim, that he had no less than 50,000 
 men marching under his standard, besides those whom he had left 
 in the forts and garrisons of Sind. Hence we may see, that paucity 
 of numbers was by no means so much against the chance of Muham- 
 mad Kasim's success as has hitherto been supposed. ' 
 I Elphinstone'i Miatory of India, Vol. I. p. SIO. 
 
436 APPENDIX. 
 
 There is no occaBion here to follow this conqueror through all 
 the rapid stages of his successful career. These will be found fully 
 set forth in the translations from the Chach-ndma and Futuhu-l 
 Bulddn, which furnish details hitherto wanting in the authorities 
 accessible to us. Abii-l Fida and Abu-1 Taraj tell us merely that 
 Hind was conquered by Muhammad Kasim in the year 94 h. Ibn 
 Kutaiba, ascribes the conquest to 93 h., but gives no particulars. 
 Elmacin ( Al Makin) only tells us that Hind and Siad were conquered, 
 and that King Dahir was slain by the Musulmans, and had his head 
 cut off ; and Weil gives the following as the sum of all that the great 
 historian Tabari has to say upon this theme : " In the year 90 (?) 
 Muhammad ibn Kasim, whom Hajjaj had appelated to command an 
 army, slew the king of Sind, named Dass ibn Sassa. In the year 
 94, Muhammad ibn Kasim conquered India. In the year 95, the 
 farthest India was conquered, with exception of Kiraj and Alman- 
 dal."^ A like complaint has been made of the meagreness of our 
 modern writers with respect to this interesting period of Indian 
 history, but without just cause, for they reaUy had no documents to 
 appeal to. 
 
 Though Muhammad left Shiraz in the year 92 h., he does not 
 .appear to have reached Debal till the beginning of the following 
 year. The precise date is not mentioned, yet Hajjaj replies to the 
 :announcement of its capture, on the 20th Bajab, 93 (1st May, 
 712 A.D.) ; so, as news between Sind and the capital is said to have 
 heen conveyed in seven days, the faU. of Debal may be dated in the 
 beginning of that month." 
 
 After the conquest of the capital Alor, in Bamazan of the same 
 year, the Futuhu-l Bulddn carries him no further than Multan, from 
 whii^ place he returns on hearing of Hajjaj 's death; but the Chach- 
 ndma takes him to the very foot of the Kashmfr hills, to the part 
 where the Jhelam debouches from the mountains, and forms the 
 streams and islands which cannot faU to strike the traveller with 
 the minute correctness of Quintus Curtius, in describing (viii. 45) 
 the scene of Alexander's decisive victory over Porus, after passing 
 the Hydaspes. In the Chach-ndma, the place is called Panj-mdhidt, 
 
 1 Geeehichte der Chalifm, Vol. I. pp. 161, 184, 188, 606 ; Antmlea Moslepiici, 
 Vol, I. p. 148 ; Eittoria Dynaatiarum, J). 201 ; Eistoria Saracenica, p. 84. 
 ' Xuhfatu-l Kirdm, MS., p. 1. 
 
APPENDIX. 437 
 
 or " The Five Waters," — a miniature Panjab, in short {supra, p. 144). 
 It was here that Chach fixed the boundary of Sind and Kashmir ; 
 and the planting of fir-trees, to mark the site, shows how elevated a 
 spot these conquerors had reached in their northern progress. 
 
 The balance of authority is perhaps in favour of Jalalpur, as the 
 place of Alexander's crossing the Hydaspes : argument and ocular 
 demonstration conclusively decide in favour of the upper passage ; 
 but we need not discuss the point further. The literature of the 
 question may be ascertained by consulting the references in the note.' 
 
 The Khalif Walid died six months after Hajjaj, in Jamada I. 
 A.H. 96 — A.D. January, 715 ; and as Muhammad Kasim's recal was 
 immediately consequent upon that event, he must have remained 
 altogether about three years and a quarter in Sind and the Panjab. 
 
 Our authorities differ respecting the mode of Muhammad Kasim's 
 death ; but it must be admitted that there is much more probability 
 in the statement of the Futuhu-l Bulddn than in that of the Ghaeh- 
 ndma, which is followed by all the later writers. The former states 
 that h« was seized, fettered, imprisoned, and tortured to death with 
 the Khalif Sulaiman's sanction ; the latter, that the two daughters 
 of Dahir, who had been sent to the capital for the Khalif s haram, 
 complaiaed that they had already been violated by their father's 
 conquerwr, — ^upon which, Wali'd, in a fit of wrath, ordered that he 
 should be sewn up in a raw cow-hide, and so transmitted to Damas- 
 cus. When his body was exhibited to the girls, they declared: thait 
 their assertioii was untrue, and that they had uttered it merely to be 
 avenged on the destroyer of their family and country. The tale 
 goes on. to say, that the capricious tyrant, in an agony of remorse for 
 his hasty conduct, ordered them to be immured alive. Others say 
 they were tied to horses' tails, and so dragged about th& city.' The 
 
 1 Droysen, Geschichte Alex's, p. 389; Burncs, Travels to Bolchara, Vol. 1. p. 67; 
 Eitter, Erd&unde von Asien, Yo\. IV. pt. i. pp. 452-4; vii. p. 93 ; Elphinstbne, 
 Caubul, p. 80 ; 'Williains, life of Alex., p. 267 ; Tram. S. A. Soo., Vol. I. pp. 
 148-199; H. T. Prinsep, Journal A. S. Bengal, 1843, p. 628; J. Abbott, ibid.; 
 Vol. XVII. p. 1 ; XVIII. and 1852, pp. 219-231. 
 
 ' The account given in the Chaeh-ndma has been already printed. The following 
 is from Mir Ma'sfini. It will be seen that both these authorities represent the Ehalif 
 Walid as the destroyer of Muhammad K4sim. " At that time a letter came from the 
 KhalifWalid, to this effect ; — 'After taking Alor, you sent to the. capital, among the 
 prisoners, two daughters of E.6.ja DS.hir, in charge of Muhammad, the son of 'All 
 
438 APPENDIX. 
 
 wtole story certainly savours more of romance than reality, but 
 the reason which has been advanced against it — namely, that the 
 
 Tuhm&n Hamad^ni, accompanied by Abyssinian servants. One night tie Kbalif 
 had the two girls brought into his harani, and he then gave them into the charge of 
 the bedchamber attendants, with orders to pay them eyery attention, and present 
 them when they had recovered from the fatigues of their journey. Two months after- 
 wards the Khalif remembered these two Hindi slaves, and ordered them to be brought 
 into his presence. An interpreter accordingly summoned them. "When their veils 
 were thrown back, the Khalif, on seeing them, became distracted with admiration of 
 their great beauty. He then asked them their names ; one said her name was 
 Parmal-Devi, the other said her name was Sflraj-Devi. The Khalif ordered the 
 attendants to leave one of them there. She then rose and said : ' I am not fit for the 
 bedchamber of the Khalif, because Muhammad bin KSsim dishonoured us both 
 before he sent us to the Khalif.' When the interpreter explained this, the fire of 
 anger and jealousy was kindled in the Khalif, and he gave orders that as a punish- 
 ment for this want of respect, Muhammad bin K&sim should be wrapped up in the 
 raw hide of an ox, and be sent to the capital. To enforce this order, the Khalif 
 wrote some words of menace in the margin of the letter in his own hand, * Wherever 
 Muhammad bin JC&sim may be, when this reaches him, he is to come to the capital, 
 and make no fail in obeying this order.' Muhammad bin K&sim was at Tfdh&piir, 
 when the Khalif's chamberlain brought this mandate. When he had read it he 
 directed that officer to carry the order into effect. He accordiiigly wrapped 
 Muhammad bin K&sim in a raw hide. Three days afterwards the bird of life left his 
 body and flew to heaven. The chamberlain put the body into a box, and carried 
 it to the capital. When he arrived in Syria, he brought the box before the Khalif 
 on a day of public audience. The Khalif enquired if Muhammad were alive? the 
 chamberlain replied that he had been enclosed in a raw skin, and that he died three 
 days afterwards. The Khalif then directed the box to be taken into the female apart- 
 ments, and ordered that it should be opened there in his presence. He then 
 called for the daughters of E4ja D&hir, and said, ' Come and see how supreme are 
 my commands ; behold, Muhammad bin K&sim ! ' They both came forward to look 
 at him and recognized him, and, raising their hands, they blessed and praised the 
 Khalif. They then said, ' Kings of great justice should not proceed hastily in 
 perilous matters, nor act precipitately upon the information of friends or enemies in 
 the most important of all concerns.' When the Khalif enquired what was the 
 meaning of their address, they replied ; ' We raised this charge against Muhammad 
 bin K&sim out of enmity to him, because he slew our father, and through him dominion 
 and wealth have departed from our house , we have come as prisoners into a foreign 
 land ; the king in his anger did not weigh our words, nor distinguish between our 
 truth and our falsehood, but issued his fatal order. The truth is, this man was to us 
 as a father, or a brother; his hands never touched the skirts of our purity; our 
 object was to revenge our father, and so we made this accusation. Our wishes have 
 been fulfilled, but there has been a serious failure in the king's justice.' When the 
 Khalif heard this, he was overwhelmed with remorse for a whole hour ; but the fire 
 of anger then burst from the furnace of his bosom, and he gave orders for the two 
 girls to be tied to the tails of horses, and, after being dragged round the city, to be 
 thrown into the Tigris {Dajla). Muhammad bin K&sim was buried at Damascus. 
 Two years after his death the people of India rebelled, and threw off their yoke, and 
 only from Debalpur to the Salt Sea remained under the dominions of the Khalif." 
 
APPENDIX. 439 
 
 sewing up in a hide was a T4tar mode of punishment, and not 
 Arab — constitutes no valid objection ; for, though it undoubtedly 
 was practised by the Tatars — as when the savage Hulakii murdered 
 the last Khalif of Baghdad — yet an earlier example might have 
 been discovered in the Arab annals. Even before the time of the 
 Sind conquest, we find the adherents of the first Mu'awiya enclosing 
 the body of the governor of Egypt in the carcass of an ass, and 
 burning both to ashes.' And as for the general tone of romance 
 which runs through this version of Muhammad Kdsim's death, we 
 find a case somewhat parallel in contemporary history ; for, when 
 Musa, the conqueror of Spain, was treated with similar indignity by 
 Sulaiman — the same relentless Khalif who persecuted the conqueror 
 of Sind, — and was lingering in misery and exile at Mecca, the head 
 of his son, who had been murdered at Cordova, was thrown down at 
 his father's feet, while the tyrant's messenger taunted him in the 
 midst of his agony and despair.* 
 
 CONTINUATION OF THE UMMATIDE DYNASTY. 
 7. Sulaimdn, a.h. 96-99. a.d. 715-717. 
 
 Yazid, who was appointed to succeed Muhammad Kasim, died 
 eighteen days after his arrival in Sind. Habib, the son of Muhallab, 
 was then appointed to pursue the war in that country ; for, in the 
 interval, the princes in India had revolted, and Jaisiya, the son of 
 D£hir, had regained possession of Brahmanabad. The local his- 
 torians, indeed, tell us that, for two years after the departure of 
 Muhammad Kasim, the natives recovered and maintained possession 
 of the countries which had been conquered from them. Habib 
 encamped on the banks of the Indus, and the inhabitants of Alor 
 submitted to him, after he had defeated a tribe which opposed him 
 in arms (p. 124:). 
 
 'Amar bin 'Abdu-Ila is also mentioned as one of the Sindian 
 governors during this reign.' 
 
 1 "Weil, Oeschiehte der Chalifen, Vol. I. p. 242. 
 
 » Gardoime, Hialoire ite I'Afriqw et de VMspagne sous la Domin. dta Arabes. 
 Tom. I., p. 98. Gfibbon, Chap. li. 
 
 ' Tarikh-i Sind, MS., p. 37; Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, MS., p. 18; GtaMehU dtr 
 Chalifen, Vol. I. p. 571. 
 
440 APPENDIX. 
 
 8. 'Umar II., a.h. 90-101. a.d. 717-720. 
 
 The Khalif Sulaiman, who died a.h. 99 — a.d. 717, was succeeded 
 by 'Umar bin 'Abdu-1 Aziz. 'Umar addressed letters to the native 
 princes, inviting them to embrace Islam, and to swear allegiance ; 
 proposing, as the reward of their acquiescence, that they should be 
 allowed participation in the rights and privileges of other Musul- 
 mans. The son of Dahir, and many princes, assented to these pro- 
 posals, and took Arab names. 'Amrii bin Muslim al Bahali was the 
 Khalif's lieutenant on this frontier, and he was successful in the 
 invasion of several Indian provinces (p. 124).' 
 
 9. Tazid II., A.H. 101-105. a.d. 720-724. 
 
 Under the reign of Tazid bin 'Abdu-1 Malik, the sons of Muhallab 
 fled to Sittd with their families. 'Amru sent Halal al Tamimi in 
 pursuit of them, and on his encountering the fugitives at Kandabel, 
 he slew Mudrak, Mufazzal, Ziyad, and all the sons of Muhallab, 
 including Mu'awiya, who had placed Muhammad Kasim in chains. 
 This happened in the year 101 or 102 h., and forms an episode of 
 some interest in the civil warfare of the Ummayides, which is fully 
 recounted by the Arabic historians of that dynasty. 
 
 When Yazid, the son of Muhallab, had fairly committed himself 
 to a contest with his namesake, the reigning Khalif, he had, in 
 order to extend his power, and procure an asylum in the event of 
 defeat, despatched his agents to obtain possession of the several 
 provinces of Ahwaz, Pars, Kirmdn, and Makran, as far as the banks 
 of the Indus. Kandabel, " on the remotest frontiers of the empire," 
 he had especially consigned to the charge of Wadda ibn Hamid al 
 Azdi, in order that he might ensure a safe refuge for his family in 
 case of any disaster. His defeat and death shortly ensued; — 
 upon which, Mufazzal and his other brothers, having equipped 
 at Basra a sufficient number of vessels for the conveysknce of 
 themselves and the surviving members of the Muhallabi family, 
 embarked for the coast of Kirman, whence they proceeded, as 
 originally designed, to Kandabel. There Wadda proved treacherous 
 to his charge, and the whole family, it is commonly said, were 
 extirpated in the action which took place under its walls ; but some 
 ^ Mimoire sur I'Inde, p. 191 ; Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, MS., p. 18. 
 
APPENDIX. 441 
 
 members, at least, must have survived; for, besides others of the 
 same family, we read of one Yazid Muhallabi, fifty years afterwards, 
 as governor of Africa, and his son, Daud, as governor of Sind.' 
 The women and children were sold into slavery, from which they 
 were only redeemed by the humanity of a generous individual, 
 named Jarrah, the son of 'Abdu-Ua.' 
 
 10. Hashdm, a.h. 105-125. a.d. 72i-743. 
 14. Marwdn IT., a.h. 127-13i]. a.d. 744-750. 
 
 'Amru was succeeded ia the command of the Indian frontier by 
 Junaid, son of 'Abdu-r Eahman al Marri, in which appointment, 
 originally made by 'Umar, the governor of 'Irak, he was confirmed 
 by the Khalif Hasham, son of 'Abdu-1 Malik. 
 
 From the mention of the " Sindian frontier," it would appear that 
 the Arabs were stUl excluded from the province itself; and it is 
 indeed, said in the passage from the native historian quoted above, 
 that the new converts again apostatized, and revolted against the 
 government. Junaid proceeded to Debal, but upon his reaching the 
 banks of the Indus, the son of Dahir opposed his passage, on the 
 ground that he himself had been invested by the Khalif 'Umar 
 with the government of his own country, in consequence of having 
 become a Muhammadan. A contest took place between them on the 
 lake of As-sharki, when, the vessel of the son of Dahir bemg quite 
 disabled, he was made prisoner, and subsequently put to death. 
 Sasa, his brother, fled towards 'Irak, to complain of Junaid's con- 
 duct ; but he also, having been cajoled by the perfidious promises of 
 Junaid, was killed by- that Amir. 
 
 Junaid sent an expedition against Ki'raj, which had revolted. 
 The waUs having been demolished by battering rams, the town was 
 taken by assault, and pillaged. He despatched his officers also to 
 various other places, of which it is difficult to determine the names. 
 They may be mentioned as Marmad,' Mandal,* Dalmaj, Barus, Uzain, 
 
 ^ Ibn Khaldlin, in Sisi. de VAfrique, by M. Noel Desmrgers, quoted in Mem., p. 194. 
 
 ' Ab(i-1 Fid4, Ann. Mos., Vol. I. p. 442, and note 207; Erpenii Elmacin, Sist. 
 Sarac., p. 78; Price, Muham. Mist., Vol. I. pp. 631-643; Weil, Genchichte der 
 Chal, Vol. I. p. 603. 
 
 s Had not Broach been subseqaenfly mentioned, I Bhould have conceived this word 
 to be meant for the river Nerbudda (Narmada), It may be a mere repetition of the 
 syllable which forms the root of Marusthali, " or great ^andy desert," itself the origin 
 of Marw4r. * See Note A, page 390. 
 
442 APPENDIX. 
 
 Maliba, Baharimad, Al Bailaiman,' and Jurz ; but in most instances, 
 it is almost impossible to identify them, with any approach to 
 certainty (p. 126).' It is sufficient to observe, that these several 
 expeditions are represented to have been rewarded -with immense 
 booty, and that about this period the extension of the Arab con- 
 quests, both by sea and land, seems to be confirmed by passages in 
 the Hindu, as well as the Chinese, chronicles.' 
 
 Junaid was succeeded, about 107 a.h., by Tamfm bin. Zaid al 
 'Utbi, who had been previously sent to Sind by Hajjaj. He was 
 found to be feeble and incompetent, but generous and profuse 
 withal, having lavished no less than eighteen millions of tdtariya* 
 dirhams, which he found in the public treasury of Sind. He died 
 near Debal, "at a place called Buffalo Water, because herdsmen 
 drove their cattle into it, to protect them against the bears (dahdb), 
 which infested the banks of the Mihran." Under his government 
 the Musulmans evacuated some Indian provinces, and, " up to this 
 period," says Biladuri, " they have not recovered them all, and their 
 settlements are not so far in advance as they had been previously." 
 
 After Tamfm, the government was entrusted by Khalad, governor 
 of 'Irak, to Hakim al Kalabi. The inhabitants of Hind had relapsed 
 into idolatry, except those of Kassa. Had they also followed the 
 pernicious example, the Arabs would have been deprived of all 
 retreat in case of danger. Hakim built a city on the eastern 
 borders of a lake, which he named Mahfiiza, " the guarded." ' He 
 made this a place of refuge for the Musulmdns, established it as the 
 capital, and resided in it. Hakim entrusted 'Amrii bin Muhammad 
 bin Kasim' with an expedition beyond Mahfuza, from which he 
 returned victorious ; and when 'Amru was, in his turn, nominated 
 
 ' " Nilmkn" probably. There is a " Nilh&n" mentioned in the Chach-ndma (p. 
 160), and a "Nflma" in the Sdg Zdr-ndma (p. 292). The latter is midway between 
 'Umarkot and Jesalmir. » XSm. sur I'lnde, p. 192. 
 
 » Tod, Annals of Sajasthm,Yol. I. pp. 231, 242-260, 781; Ma-twan-Un, in 
 Xomeaux Melanges Asiatiqttes, Tom. I. p. 196; Z'Univert. Pitt., Asi$ I. p. 300, 
 et teq. 
 
 * This word is supposed to be corrupted from the " Stater" of the Greela [but eee 
 note, supra, p. 3.] 
 
 " The province of Las, above Sunmi&nl Bay, answers well to this safe position of 
 retreat, in the event of Arab discomfiture. 
 
 « From this parentage we may consider him to be a son of the conqueror of Sind. 
 
APPENDIX. 443 
 
 governor, he founded a city " on tliis side the lake, which he called 
 Mansura, 'the victorious,' and which is now," adds Biladurf, "the 
 capital, where the governors reside." 
 
 Hakim recovered from the enemy some of the territories which 
 had been lost ; but, though the people were content with his govern- 
 ment, he was murdered during his administration. The governors 
 who succeeded continued the war against the enemy, and reduced to 
 obedience many of the provinces which had revolted. The names 
 of these governors are not mentioned by Biladuri; but the Tuh- 
 fatu-l Kirdm says, respecting this period, " Sulaiman, the son of the 
 Khalif Hasham, on being put to flight in his action with Marwan, 
 was appointed to Sind, which he ruled well, and remained there tUl 
 the accession of the 'Abbasides, when he hastened to pay his respects 
 to Saffah. Abii-l Khattab also was appointed to Sind by Marwan.'' ' 
 The TdriTch-i Sind also mentions this latter appointment.' 
 
 DYNASTY OF THE 'ABBASIDES. 
 1. Ahii-l 'Ahbds as Sdffdh. a.h. 132-136. a.d. 750-754. 
 
 When the 'Abbasides succeeded to the Khilafat, Abu Muslim 
 entrusted the government of Sind to 'Abdu-r Eahman, who went to 
 Sind by way of Tukharistan, and met on the frontier Mansur bin 
 Jamhur, the governor on the part of the late Ummayide Khalif:' 
 Abdu-r Eahman was totally defeated, his army put to flight, and he 
 himself slain (supra, p. 127).* 
 
 Abii Muslim then conferred the governorship upon Musa bin K'ab 
 ut Tamfmf, who, on his arrival in Sind, found the Indus placed 
 between him and Mansur. The rivals, however, managed to en- 
 counter each other, and Mansur and all his troops, though far 
 superior to their opponents in numbers, were compelled to fly ; his 
 brother was slain, and he himself perished of thirst in the saaidy 
 desert.^ 
 
 1 Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, MS. p. 18. 
 
 ' This may have been the same Ab<i-1 Khatt&b who was governor of Spain in 
 Marw&n's time. There was also a contemporary Zendio leader of this name.^ — M. 
 Quatremere, Journal Asiatique, Aug. 1836, p. 131. 
 
 ' Ibn Khaldlin and Elmacin wrongly assert that he was appointed by Saff4h. — 
 See Weil, Geschichte der Chal., Vol. II. p 16. 
 
 * [See note upon the coins of 'Abdu-r Rahman and others, supra, p. 374] 
 
 5 Hammer, Oemdldesaal der Lebensbeichreibungen, Vol. II, p. 168. Weil, 6e- 
 ichiehU der Chal., uU suprd. 
 
444 APPENDIX, 
 
 Miisa, when lie became master of Sind, repaired Mansura, enlarged 
 the mosque, and directed several successful expeditions against the 
 infidels. According to the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, it was Daiid bin 'Al£ 
 who expelled the, Ummayide governor. 
 
 2. Ab{t Ja'/ar al Mans&r. a.h. 136-158. a.d. 754-775. 
 
 About the year 140 h., the Khalif Al Mansur appointed Hasham 
 to Sind, who conquered countries which had hitherto resisted the 
 progress of the Muhammadan arms. He despatched 'Amni bin 
 Jamal with a fleet of barks to the coast of Barada,* against which 
 point, we are informed by Tabari and Ibn Asir, another expedition 
 was despatched in 160 h., in which, though the Arabs succeeded in 
 taking the town, sickness swept away a great portion of the troops, 
 while they were stationed in an Indian port, and the rest, on their 
 return, were shipwrecked on the coast of Persia ; so that the Khalif 
 Mahdi was deterred from any- further attempts upon India.' 
 
 A body of troops, at the time when 'Amrii was employed against 
 Barada, penetrated into " the kingdom of Hind, conquered the coun- 
 try of Kashmir, and took many women and children captive."' The 
 whole province of Multan was also reduced. At Kandabel, there 
 was a party of Arabs, whom Hasham expelled the country. They 
 are suspected, with some reason, to have been adherents of 'All.* 
 
 ^ [This name ha« been rendered "Nirand," in page 127, after Goeje, but as the 
 MS. has no points, the word may be Bdrand, Bm-id, etc.] MM. Eeinaud and Weil 
 despair about identifying this name. I believe it to be Barada, or Jetwir, on the 
 coast of Guzer&t, and the B4r6d, or Barfla, of Bir6ni. Perhaps, also, it may havB 
 some connection with tlje Bar-ace of Ptolemy, and the Periplus. Barada stretches 
 along th3 south-western shore of the Peninsula of Guzerat, between the divisions of 
 Hal&r and Sorath. The port of Pvirbandar, in Barada, is the great emporium of 
 this and the neighbouring coasts, on account of its favourable position. The town, 
 which was captured in 160 5., and which is represented to have been a large one, was 
 probably Ghiimti, of which the ruins attract the curiosity of the traveller, and still 
 continue to excite the devotion of the Hindfis. Tradition says it stood a siege of 
 seven or eight years, but the precise era of its destruction is not known. 
 
 2 Frag. Arabes, pp. 3, 120, 212.— (?«scA. der Chal., Vol. II. p. 115. 
 
 3 This does not mean the present province of Kashmir. Hwen Tsang speaks of 
 the Panj5,b, about a.d. 640, as being a dependency of Kashmir, and the upper portion 
 of the plain-country was frequently attached to that kingdom. The Kashmirian 
 annals ignore these Sindian victories, and even interpose the glorious reign of Lalit^- 
 ditya. See Gildemeister, de rebus Indicit, pp. 10-14. — Mem. sur I'Inde, pp. 162-4, 
 188-191.— Stan. Julien, Hiouen Thsang, 1. 162. 
 
 • Corrig. ex Tabari, ap. Kosegarten, Chrestomathia, pp. 98-104. Conf. Frag- 
 ments, 212 ; Mem., 193 ; Gildemeister, 23 ; Weil, II. 56 ; Abd-l Fida, II. 28. 
 
APPENDIX. 445 
 
 About this time, the Sindian Arabs engaged in a naval expedition 
 against Kandahar/ at which place the idol-temple was destroyed, 
 and a mosque raised upon its ruins. Here, again, we have greatly 
 to reduce the distance within which these operations are supposed to 
 have been conducted. M. Beiuaud, ia his earlier publication,' in 
 which he is followed by Dx. Weil,' considered the place here in- 
 dicated to be Kandhdr, near the Gfulf of Cambay ; but, in his sub- 
 sequent one,* he inclines to the opinion that Gandhara, on the Upper 
 Indus, is meant ; of which Waihind was the capital. There is little 
 probability of either being correct, and we need not look any further 
 than the peninsula of Kathlwar, on the north-west angle of which 
 is situated Khandadar, one of the objects of our attack in 1809, 
 when, unlike its neighbour, Malia, it surrendered to Col. "Walker's 
 detachment without resistance. 
 
 Under Hasham, the supreme authority was enforced with vigour 
 throughout the whole country, and the people are represented to 
 have lived in abundance and content. 
 
 The government of Sind was then bestowed upon 'Umax bin Hafs 
 bin 'Ueman, a Sufrian, commonly called Hazarmard." This must 
 have been previous to 151 h., for in that year we find him transferred 
 to the government of Africa, where he was killed in the year 154 h. 
 He was succeeded in the African government by Tazid bin Hatim, 
 or bin Mazid MuhaUabi, while Euh, the brother of Yazid, became 
 governor of Sind in 154 and 155 H. (771 a.i>.). At the time of 
 Biih's departure for the valley of the Indus, some one observed to 
 the Khalif Mansur, that the two brothers had little chance of being 
 enclosed in the same tomb. Nevertheless, upon the death of Yazi'd, 
 he was succeeded in Africa by his brother Euh, and the two brothers 
 were actually interred by the side of one another at Kairoan." 
 5. Hdrimu-r Bashid, a.h. 170-19S. a.d. 786-809. 
 
 We have, during this prosperous period, another instance of 
 transfer between Africa and Sindj for Daud bin Yazid MuhaUabi, 
 
 I [Goeje's text gives "Kandahir."] * FragmenU Araies et Persans, p. 212. 
 
 ' Geschichte der Chalifm, Vol. II. p. 56. * Memoire sur VInde, p. 196. 
 
 « Tatiari and Ab(i-1 FidS, place the government of Hash&m subsequent to that of 
 'Umar. 
 
 « Ibn Aslr, Kdmilu-t Ttmdrikh, anno. 171, ap. M^m., p. 194. The years of 
 B.fik'a Sindian administration are differejitly given in Fragments, p. 213. 
 
446 APPENDIX. 
 
 who had provisionally Buceeeded his fathet in the former province, 
 ■was appointed to the latter about the year 184 h. (800 a.d.), and 
 died there while holding the ofSce of governor.' These transfers, 
 no doubt, were designed to prevent governors becoming too power- 
 ful and independent, by maturing intrigues, and courting popularity 
 with the inhabitants of any particular province ; but t];iey must have 
 also been attended with the salutary effect upon the governors 
 themselves, of removing prejudices, suggesting comparisons, im- 
 parting knowledge, and enlarging the general sphere of their ob- 
 servation. 
 
 The native historians mention other governors during this reign. 
 One, a celebrated Shaikh, called Abii Turab, or Haji Turabi. He 
 took the strong fort of Tharra, in the district of Sakvira, the city of 
 Bagar, Bhambur, and some other places in western Sind. His tomb, 
 which bears on its dome the early date of 171 h. (787 a.d.), is to be 
 seen about eight miles south-west of Thatta, between Giija and Kori, 
 and is visited by pilgrims.' 
 
 Abu-1 'Abbas was also a governor of Sind during Harun's Khila- 
 fat, and remained in that post for a long time. This is all the in- 
 formation which we derive from Mir Ma' sum respecting the Arab 
 governors, though he professes to give us a chapter specially devoted 
 to this subject.^ 
 
 The vigour which marked ^this period of the Sindian government 
 may, perhaps, be judged of by the impression which the advances of 
 the Arabs were making upon the native princes on the northern 
 frontier of India. Even the Khakan of Tibet was inspired with 
 alarm at the steady progress of their dominion.* 
 
 One interesting synchronism connected with the reign of Harun 
 
 should not be omitted in this place. Tabari mentions that this 
 
 Khalif despatched, by the Arabian sea, an envoy, accompanied with 
 
 numerous presents, to some king of India, representing that he was 
 
 sore afflicted with a cruel malady, and requesting, as he was on the 
 
 point of travelling on a distant journey into Khurasan, that the 
 
 famous Indian physician, Kanka or Manikba, might be sent to attend 
 
 ' Abd-l Fid&, Annates Moslem, Vol. II. p. 78. 
 
 2 Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, MS. pp. 19, 234. 
 
 ' Tdirkh-t Sind, MS. p. 38, and Tuhfatu-l Kiram, MS. p. 19. 
 
 * "Weil, Geschichte der Chalifen, Vol. II., pp. 163, 180. 
 
APPENDIX. 447 
 
 him on "his tour in that province ; promising, on the honour of a prince, 
 that he should be pertnitted to return to his country immediately 
 on the Khalif s aarival at Balkh. The physician, who was sent in 
 compliance with this request, was so successful in his treatment, 
 that his imperial patient was in a short time sufficiently recovered 
 to proceed to his destination, through the passes of Hal wan. Never- 
 theless, the Khalif died at Tus, before he had accomplished all the 
 purposes of his journey; but, in due time, the Indian physician, 
 according to promise, was allowed to proceed to Balkh, whence he 
 returned in safety to his native country ; which, if not Sind itself, 
 was probably no great distance from it, as the embassy of invitation 
 had proceeded by sea. Some authorities; however, represent that 
 the physician, in the first instance, crossed over the Hindu-kush, and 
 returned home by the Persian Gulf.' 
 
 7. Al Mdmim, a.h. 198-218. a.d. 813-833. 
 
 During this Khilafat, Bashar bin Daud, who was invested with 
 the chief authority in Sind, raised the standard of revolt, with- 
 held payment of the revenues, and prepared to resist the Khalif 
 with open force. Ghassan bin Abbad, an inhabitant of Kufa, and a 
 near relative of the Khalif, who had about ten years previous been 
 governor of Khurasan, Sijistdn, and Kirman, was sent, in 213 h., 
 against the insurgent, who surrendered himself to Ghassan under 
 promise of safe conduct, and accompanied him to Baghdad, where 
 he obtained pardon from the Khalif.' 
 
 Ghassan then appointed " to the government of the frontier," 
 Mijsa, son of the famous Yahya, the Barmekide, and younger brother 
 of Fazl and Ja'far, the ministers of Harunu-r Baahid. Musa cap- 
 tured and slew Bala, king of As-Sharki (the east), though five 
 hundred thousand dirhams were offered as a ransom (p. 128). 
 
 In another work, Musa's appointment is ascribed to Hariin's reign. 
 He was removed, because he squandered the revenues. He was suc- 
 ceeded by 'All bin 'Isa bin Haman.' 
 
 There appears some difficulty about this period, with respect to 
 
 1 Ibn Abfi Usaibiah, in Journal R. A. Soc, Vol. VI. p. 110. — Price, Mohammedan 
 Hiitory, Vol. II. p. 88. — A. Sprenger, Biographical Diet. h. U. K., Vol. II., p. 300. 
 
 2 AbCi-1 Fidi, Annales Moslem., Vol. II. p. 150. 
 ' Tahfatu-l Kirdm, MS. p. 18. 
 
448 APPENDIX. 
 
 the succession to the govenrment of Sind. It is asserted that, pre- 
 Tious to the arrival of Ghassan, Tahir bin Husain, who had been the 
 main cause of the elevation of Mamun to the Khilafat, received 
 Sind as a portion of his eastern government, when he was appointed 
 to Khurasan in 205 a.h. (820 a.d.), in which province he died before 
 he had held it two years. Others, agalin, say that 'Abdu-Ua bin 
 Tahir (the Obaid-uUa of Eutychius)' received the province of Sind, 
 when he succeeded to his father's government in Khurasan. Pirishta 
 also tells us, that the Samanfs extended their incui'sions to Sind and 
 Thatta ; but it may reasonably be doubted if either they, or the 
 Tahiris,' exercised any power in the valley of Indus, any more than 
 did the Suffarides (except perhaps Ta'kub), or the Buwaihides, whose 
 seats of government were much nearer, and who had many more 
 facilities for establishing their power in that direction. There is a 
 confusion, also, respecting the precise date of the Barmekide governor 
 above alluded to.' 
 
 8. Al-MuHasim-U-llah, a.h. 218-227. a.d. 833-841. 
 Musa, the Barmekide, after acquiring a good reputation, died in 
 the year 221 h., leaving a son, named 'Amran, who was nominated 
 governor of Sind by Mu'tasim-bi-Uah, then Khalif. 'Amran betook 
 himself to the country of Kaikan, which was in the occupation of the 
 Jats, vanquished them, and founded a city, which he called Al Baiza, 
 " the white," where he established a military colony. He then re- 
 turned to Mansura, and thence went to Kandabel, which was in the 
 possession of Muhammad bin Khalil. The town was taken, and the 
 principal inhabitants were transferred to Kusdar. After that, he 
 «ent an expedition against the Meds, killed three thousand of them, 
 and constructed a causeway, which bore the name of "the Med's cause- 
 way." Upon encamping near the river Alrur,* he summoned the 
 
 ' Eutychii Annales, Vol. II. p. 430. 
 
 ' [See note on the 'I&tariya dirhams, siipra, p. 3 ; Thomas' Prinsep Vol II 
 p. 118.] 
 
 * Compare M. de Sacy, Chrestomathie Arahe, Tom. III. p. 496. M. de Slane 
 
 Diet, d' Ibn-KhaUiMn, Tom. I. p. 642. — Mim. sur r'inde, p. 198. — Fragm. Arabes, 
 p. 215. — Gildemeiflter, de reb. Indicia, p. 24. — ^Weil, Geschichte der Chalifen, Vol. II. 
 p. 228. 
 
 * [This is the reading of Goeje's text (see supra, p. 128), but Sir H. Elliot read 
 " Aral," respecting which he says] This riyer, by some considered an artificial canal, 
 runs from the lake Manchhar, and falls into the Indus, near Sihw&n. 
 
APPENDIX. 449 
 
 Jats, who were dependent on his government. " When they obeyed 
 the call, he stamped a seal upon their hands,' and received from them 
 the capitation tax, directing that when they presented themselves to 
 him, they should each be accompanied by a dog, so that the price of 
 a dog rose as high as fifty dirhams." 
 
 The meaning of this strange .provision is not very evident, but we 
 have seen above, that it originated with the Brahman dynasty, and 
 was approved by Muhammad Kasim. It does not appear whether 
 the tribute-dogs were taken away by the Arabs, or whether it was 
 intended to encourage the breed, by making it necessary that every 
 man should have his dog. It is only for one of these two reasons 
 that the price could have been enhanced. In the former case, they 
 must have been taken, either for the purpose of being slaughtered* 
 by the Arabs, in order to diminish their number, which might have 
 amounted to a nuisance, or they Were taken and kept to be used by 
 themselves, as by the Talpur princes of later times, in hunting — or 
 in watching flocks, as we see them employed to this day in the Delta, 
 where they allow no stranger to approach a village. For the same 
 reasons they are held in high repute in Buluohistan. 
 
 Had any people but Saracens been rulers in Syria and Mesopo- 
 tamia, we might have even surmised that these animals were an 
 article of export, for the celebrity of Indian dogs was great among 
 the ancient occupants of the same country, and by them they were 
 largely imported, as they were considered the best for hunting 
 wild beasts, and even lions were readily attacked by them.' Xerxes, 
 as Herodotus tells us, was followed in his expedition to Greece by 
 Indian dogs, of which " none could mention the number, they were 
 so many " (vii. 187) ; and Tritaschmes, the satrap of Babylon, kept 
 
 ' This means, most probaWy, a permanent brand, wbich at that time was a favourite 
 mode of marking a distinction between Christians, or Jews and Muhammadans. — 
 J/<K?. Universal Hist., Vol. XI. p. 16. 
 
 ' This is improbable, because, however unclean they maybe in the eyes of the faith- 
 ful, the tilling of them is considered unlawful, " since they have souls !" This de- 
 cision was gravely pronounced by a Turkish mufti, on the occasion of a plague in 
 Constantinople, when they were transported to a desert isle. — Hid. Vol. X. p. 196. 
 
 » These were perhaps from the countries of the upper, rather than the lower, Indus. 
 The Sind hound is described by Vigne, in his Travels in Kashmir, Vol. II., p. 411. 
 Eespecting the ancient estimation of these Indian dogs, see the passages from Strabo, 
 Diodorus, ^lian, Plutarch, and Gratius, cited by U. Geier, Alexandri M. Mist. Scrip- 
 tores, p. 378 ; Ctesias, Indica, c. 26 ; Arlst. Sist. Animal. VII. 23. 
 
 vol, I. 29 
 
450 APPENDIX. 
 
 such a nranber of Indian dogs, that four considerable toTvns in the 
 plains were exempted from all other taxes, and demoted to their 
 maintenance" (i. 192). But, as dogs are held in abomination by 
 Muhammadans, we cannot conceive that these tribute-dogs were dis- 
 posed of in this fashion. Whatever may have been th& cause of this 
 article of the engagement, it is a curious fact, that the effect seems 
 to have survived in the very scene of these operations ; for it is 
 notorious, that the rare crime of dog-stealing is practised to the 
 west of Aral and Manchhar, and travellers are obliged to adopt 
 especial precautions in passing through that district.^ 
 
 After this triumphant affair with the Jats, 'Amran again attacked 
 the Meds at several different points, having many Jat chiefs under his 
 banners ; and he dug a canal, by which the sea- water flowed into their 
 lake, so that the only water which they had to drink became salt. 
 
 The spirit of faction which prevailed between the Nizarian and 
 Tamanian Arabs, was the cause of 'Amr£n's death, he having been 
 appointed by 'Umax bin 'Abdu-1 'Aziz al Habbari, who espoused the 
 Nizarian cause, and whose family, in Ibn Haukal's time, was 
 supreme in Mansura. It was during 'Amran's government, that 
 the Indians of Sindan' declared themselves independent ; but they 
 respected the mosque, which the Musulmans of the town visited 
 every- Friday, for the purpose of reading the usual offices and 
 praying for the Khalif. Sindan had been originally captured by 
 Fazl bin Mahan, once a slave of the family of Sanaa, -^the same 
 probably that afterwards made itself master of Multan. He sent 
 an elephant to the Khalif Mamun, and prayed for him in the Jaml' 
 Masjid, which he erected in Sindan. At his death, he was suc- 
 ceeded by his son Muhammad, who fitted out a flbtiUa of seventy 
 barks against the Meds of Hind, put many of them to the sword, 
 and took Malia.' In his absence, one of his brothers, named Mahan, 
 treacherously usurped the government of Sindan, and wrote to pro- 
 pitiate the goodwill of Mu'tasim; but the Indians declared against 
 
 ' Masson's Travels in Afghanistan, eU., Vol.11, p. 141. 
 
 ' There -was a Sindin fifty parasangs south of Broach, and eleven north of 
 T&na, which is spoken of hy the old Arah geographers (see p. 402). But the town 
 here spoken of is more probaWy the Sind&n, or Sand&n, in Abrisa, the southern dis- 
 trict of Eachh. See Gildemeister, de rebus Indicia, pp. 46, 47. 
 
 3 [This name is imintellig:ible in the text, it may be Mill, K&li, or F&U]. 
 
APPENDIX. 451 
 
 him, and crucified him, and subsequently, as before stated, pro- 
 claimed their independence, by renouncing allegiance to the 
 Muhammadans (p. 129). 
 
 It was in 'Amran's time, also, that the country of Al 'Usaifan,' 
 situated between Kaslimi'r, Kabul, and Multan, was governed by a 
 certain prince of good understanding. His son falling ill, the prince 
 asked the priests of one of the idols worshipped by the inhabitants, 
 to beseech the idol to heal his son. The priests, after absenting 
 themselves a short time, returned, and said the idol had heard their 
 prayers, yet the son died notwithstanding. The prince, exasperated 
 at their fraudulent pretensions, demolished the temple, broke the 
 idol in pieces, and massacred the ministers. He then called before 
 him some Musulman merchants, who developed to him the proofs of 
 the unity of God, upon which he readily became a convert to the 
 faith (p. 129). 
 
 Among the notices of Mu'tasim's reign, we find it mentioned that, 
 in order to reward Ikshi'n, the Turk, for his seizure of the notorious 
 fanatic Babek, who had spread great consternation by the effects of 
 his first successes, the Khalif bestowed upon him twenty millions of 
 dirhams from the province of Sind — which was equal to two years' 
 revenue ; but it does not appear that Ikshin ever went there to collect 
 it, and it was probably a mere assignment upon the general revenues, 
 which might be paid when convenient, or altogether repudiated. 
 The mention of a particular province is strange, under the circum- 
 stances of the time, and would seem to show that but little was 
 received into the general treasury from that source. Ikshin, in 
 short, was entitled to collect that amount, if lie could, by rigid 
 extortions in the province itself; just as, at a later period of Indian 
 history, the miserable jdg'irddr was put off by assignments upon 
 turbulent and rebellious provinces." The value of such drafts, even 
 
 ' If the Yflsufziis had not been declared to have occupied their present tracts at a 
 much later period, -we might hare conceived them to be here alluded to. We might 
 even trace the earlier and extinct Assacani in this name, as written in Arabic charac- 
 ters. See Miitzell's note to Quintus Curtius, Yiii. 37. — Arrian, Indiea, i. — C. Miiller, 
 Seriptores rerum Akju., p. 102. — X' JJnivera Pitt, ix. Babylonie, 306. 
 
 ' " I represented to Abdul Hasan, that it was His Majesty's (JahS-ngfr's) pleasure 
 and none of my request, and being His Majesty's gift, I saw no reason for being 
 deprived of mj right." * * * "I could not get a living that would yield me 
 
452 APPENDIX. 
 
 upon the genera! treasury, may be estimated by an amusing anecdote 
 related of the KhalLf Al Hadi. An eminent Arab poet having once 
 presented to him some of his lucubrations, the prince, who was a 
 good judge of such performances, discovered such beauties in them 
 that he was extremely pleased, and said to him : — " Choose for your 
 recompense, either to receive 30,000 dirhams immediately, or 100,000 
 after you have gone through the delays and formalities of the Ex- 
 chequer." The poet replied with great readiness : — " Give me, I 
 pray, the 30,000 now, and the 100,000 hereafter ; " which repartee, 
 we are told, was so pleasing to the Khalif, that he ordered the 
 entire sum of 130,000 dirhams to be paid down to him on the spot, 
 without any deduction.' 
 
 15. Al Mu'tamad-'ala-llaJi, a.h. 256-279. a.d. 870-892. 
 18. Al Muktadar-li-ll all , a.h. 295-320. a.b. 908-932. 
 
 During the nine reigns which occupied the period between Al 
 Mu'tasim and Al Muktadar, the power of the Khalifs had been 
 gradually on the decline. The Turkish guard had become more 
 and more outrageous and arbitrary ; independent dynasties, such as 
 the Tahirides and Suffarides, after having shorn the kingdom of 
 some of its fairest provinces, had themselves expired ; eunuchs, and 
 even women,^ had sat upon the judgment seat and dispensed 
 patronage, while corruption and venality openly prevailed ; and 
 now, at a later period — notwithstanding that literature flourished, 
 and the personal dignity of the Khalif was maintained in the 
 highest splendour — yet, not only had the Samanis conquered 
 the whole of Mavfarau-n nahr and Khurasan, not only had the 
 Dailamites penetrated to the borders of 'Irak, and all northern 
 Africa, except Egypt, had been lost for ever to the Khilafat, 
 
 anythiag, the Vizier giving me always assignments on places that were in the hands 
 of outlaws or insurgents ; except once that I had an assignment on Lahor by special 
 command of the king, but of whicli I was soon deprived." * • • " The nobles 
 had their assignments either upon barren places or such as were in rebellion; Abul 
 Hasan having retained all the good districts to himself." — Capt. Hawkins' Narrative, 
 in Kerr's Collection of Voyages. "5(cc the writer, according to a compatriot who 
 visited Agra in 1610, was " in great credit with the king, entitled by the name of » 
 can, whicli is a knight, and keepcth company with the greatest noblemen."— Capt. 
 It. Covcrtc, in Churchill's Collection of Voyages, Vol. VIII. p. 256. 
 
 ' Modern Unitieraal History, Vol. II. p. 162. » Elmacin, 345. 
 
APPENDIX. 463 
 
 but, as if to crown tbe measure of its misfortunes, the Karmatian 
 heretics, having plundered Kdfa, Basra, and Samarra, had possessed 
 themselves of Mecca during the very time of pilgrimage, had mas- 
 sacred the pUgrims, and even can-ied off the sacred black stone 
 itself, the principal and universal object of Muhammadan veneration. 
 
 Under such circumstances, the most distant provinces necessarily 
 partook of the decline from which the heart of the empire "wap 
 suffering ; and Sind, neglected by the imperial government, came to 
 be divided among several petty princes, who, though they trans- 
 mitted no revenue and rendered no political allegiance to the KhalLf, 
 were, like other more powerful chiefs, who had assumed indepen- 
 dence, glad to fortify their position by acknowledging his spiritual 
 supremacy, and flattering him by the occasional presentation of 
 some rarity from the kingdoms which they had usurped. Among 
 these ostentatious displays of empty fealty in which revolted 
 governors were wont to indulge, — comprising, in the words of 
 Gibbon, " an elephant, a cast of hawks, a suit of silk-hangings, or 
 some pounds of musk and amber," ^ we may specially mention two 
 loyal and characteristic offerings from India, — " a cart-load of four- 
 armed idols,"* and "the largest and longest teak-tree which had 
 ever been seen"' (p. 129). 
 
 The virtual renunciation of political control in Sind may be dated 
 from the year 257 h., when the Khalif Mu'tamad, in order to divert 
 the Suffarides from their hostile designs against 'Irak, conferred 
 upon Ya'kub ibn Lais the government of Sind, as well as of Balkh 
 and Tukharistan, in addition to that of Sijistan and Kirman, with 
 which he had been already invested. * 
 
 1 Decline and Fall, Chap. li. 
 
 " Biographical Dictionary, L.XT.K., Vol. II. p. 287; Mem. aur I'Inde, 289. 
 
 ' Fragment! Ar. et Pers., p. 216. M. Eeinaud contends tliat the word idj here 
 means a species of dress, which had belonged to some man of extraordinary stature. 
 This is by no means probable,-^whereas a teak-tree from Sind, where so many were 
 imported from Malabar, would have been natural and appropriate. Teak is the {liXo 
 <raya\iva of Arrian's Pcriplus, which Vincent conceives to be an error for rravSaKiva. 
 He wrongly attributes another error to the reading of o-ija-oftfj/o— which has proved 
 equally puzzling to Salmasius, as well as to Heeren and his Oxfor'' translator. Both 
 words are perfectly correct, and are derived from two native terms, sdj and tisam, in. 
 use at the present day. — Vincent, Commerce and Nao. of the A'-tcient», Vol. II. pp. 
 378, 379 ", Heeren, Asiatic Nations, Talboys, Vol. III. pp. 4;!9 ; S. de Sacy, 
 Chrestomuthie Arahe, Tom. III. pp. 473, 474 ; Gildemeiater, 39 ; Kafinam. V. 
 Sanlalino and Sasem, * Weil, Qeschichte der ChaUfen, Vol. II. p. 438. 
 
454 APPENDIX. 
 
 The two principal kingdoms which were established in Sind a 
 few years after this event, were those of Multan and Mansura, both 
 of which attained a high degree of power and prosperity. It is 
 probable that the independence of those states commenced upon 
 Ya'kub ibn Lais' death in 265 h. (879 a.d.), for his successors were 
 comparatively powerless, and the Samanis, at the commencement of 
 their rule, had little leisure to attend to so remote a province as 
 Sind. 
 
 Mas'iidi, who visited the valley of the Indus in the year 303-4 h. 
 — 915-6 A.D., and completed his. "Meadows of Gold" in 332 h.— 
 943-4 A.D., furnishes a brilliant account of the state of Islam in that 
 country. The Amir of Multan was an Arab of the noble tribe of 
 Kuraish,' named Abu-1 Dalhat al Munabba, son of Assad as Sami, 
 and the kingdom of Multan is represented to have been hereditary 
 in his family for a long time, " nearly from the beginning of Islam," 
 —moaning, probably, its introduction into Sind ; and Kanauj, he 
 asserts, was then a province of Multan, "the greatest of the countries 
 which form a frontier against unbelieving nations." 
 
 He was descended from Sama, son of Law!, son of Ghalib, who 
 had established himself on the shores of 'TJman before the birth of 
 Muhammad. The Amir had an army in his pay, and there were 
 reckoned to be 120,000 hamlets around the capital. His dominion 
 extended to the frontier of Khurasan. The temple of the Sun was 
 still an object of native pilgrimage, to which people resorted from 
 the most distant parts of the continent, to make their offerings of 
 money, pearls, aloe-wood and other perfumes. It was from this 
 source that the greater part of the revenue of the Ami'r was derived. 
 Mas'udi remarks, as does Ibn Haukal, that the threat of injuring 
 or mutilating the idol was sufficient to deter the native princes from 
 engaging in hostilities with the Amir. 
 
 Mansura was governed by another Kuraishf, whose name was 
 Abu-1 Mundar 'Umar bin 'Abdu-lla. He was descended from Habbar 
 bin Aswad, who was celebrated for his opposition to Muhammad, 
 and on the return of the prophet to Mecca in triumph, was among 
 the few who were excepted from the terms of the amnesty which 
 was at that time proelaimed. He subsequently became a convert, 
 and towards the year 111 a.h., one of his descendants came to the 
 
 1 The Kuraisbls still muster very strong in the neighbouihood of Multfcn. 
 
APPENDIX. 455 
 
 valley of the Indus to seek his fortune. Some time after, his family, 
 taking advantage of the anarchy vrhich prevailed in the country, 
 made themselves masters of the lower Indus, and established them- 
 selves at Mansura. Our voyager states, that he was kindly received 
 by the Amir, as well as his minister. While he was there, he found 
 some descendants of the Khalif 'Ali, whom persecution had com- 
 pelled to seek a refuge in that distant country. 
 
 The principality of Mansura extended from the sea to Alor, where 
 that of Multan commenced. It was said to contain 300,000 villages, 
 which is, of course, a ridiculous exaggeration; but the whole conn- 
 try was well cultivated, and covered with trees and fields. Never- 
 theless, the inhabitants were obliged continually to protect themselves 
 against the aggressions of the Meds and other savage tribes of the 
 desert. 
 
 The chief of Mansura had eighty elephants of war. Their trunks 
 were armed with a kind of curved sword, called hartal, and were 
 covered with armour to protect them in fight.' The entire body of 
 the animal was similarly protected, and each was attended by a 
 detachment of five hundred infantry. Other elephants, not used in 
 war service, were employed to carry burdens and draw chariots.' 
 23. Al Mutr-li-llah, i.H. 334-363. a.d. 945-974. 
 25. Al Kddir-hi-llah, a.h. 381-422. a.d. 991-1031. 
 
 A few years after Mas'udi, the vaUey of the Indus was visited by 
 Istakhrf, and by Ibn Haukal, who has included nearly the whole of 
 Istakhrf's relation in his own, and has entered into some further 
 detail. 
 
 The account of Sind by Ibn Haukal, who wrote his work after 
 the year 366 h. (976 a.d,), when he was for a second time in India, 
 has been given in the preceding pages, and need not be repeated here. 
 With respect to the condition of the country at the time of his visit, 
 he observes that Multan was not so large as Mansura, and was 
 defended by a citadel ; that the territory was fertUe and produce 
 cheap, but that its fertility was inferior to that of Mansura, and its 
 
 ' Kazwfni mentions a ridiculous story of a man, named Hariin, who wrote a poem, 
 in whioh he hoasted of having contended with an elephant so armed, and having put 
 it and its attendant host to flight, hj eradicating its tusks. 'Ajdibu-l MakMukdt, t, 
 " Mult&n." ' Supra, p. 18 ; Mimoire sur I'JnOe, pp. 213-217. 
 
456 APPENDIX. 
 
 soil was not cullivated with the same care. The Amfr' lived outside 
 the town, and never entered it, except for the pui-pose of going to 
 the mosque, on Fridays, mounted on an elephant. There appears to 
 have been no native coinage, but the money in circulation was 
 chiefly Kandaharian and Tdtarfyan dirhams. The dress of the 
 Sindians was like that of the people of 'Irfik, but the Amirs habited 
 themselves like the native princes. Some persons wore their hair 
 long, and their dresses loose, with waistbands, on account of the 
 heat, and there was no difference between the garb of the faithful 
 and idolaters. 
 
 The Amirs of Multan and Mansiira were independent of one 
 another; but both deferred to the spiritual authority of the Khalif 
 of Baghdad. The former was still a descendant of Sama bin Lawf, 
 and the latter a descendant of the Habbarf family. 
 
 Alor, the ancient Hindu capital, was nearly as large as Multan, 
 surrounded by a double wall, and was a dependency of Mansura. 
 Its territory was fertile and rich, and it was the seat of considerable 
 commerce. Eahuk (or Dahuk) also, on the borders of Makran, and 
 to the west of the Hala range, was included in Mansura. 
 
 There were other principalities to the west, besides these two in 
 the valley of the Indus : — such as Turan ; which was under the 
 authority of a native of Basra, named Abu-1 Kassam, " tax-gatherer, 
 administrator, judge, and general, who could not distinguish be- 
 tween three and ten;" — and Kusdar ; which was governed by an 
 Arab, residing in Kaikanan, named Mu'fn bin Ahmad, who admitted 
 the name of the 'Abbaside Khalif into the public prayers : — and 
 Makran ; the ruler of which was Tsa bin Ma' dan, who had estab- 
 lished his residence in the city of Kiz, about the size of half of 
 Multan : — and Mushkl, on the borders of Kirman ; which was pre- 
 sided over by Matahar bin Eija, who had an independent jurisdic- 
 tion extending through three days' journey, but used the Khalif' s 
 name in the public services of religion.' 
 
 Ibn Haukal observes, that at Mansura and Multan, and in the rest 
 
 ' Istaihri Epeats of him as MaltJt. Ibn Haukal calls him Amir ; but the chief of 
 Mansiira he designates as Malik ; b6 that it is evident he uses the terms in the same 
 ti^ification. 
 
 « Gildemeister de reim Ind. p, 173. 
 
APPENDIX. 457 
 
 of the proYince, the people spoke tlie Arabic and Sindian languages ; 
 in Makran, Makranian and Persian. 
 
 With respect to those other parts of India to which the Musul- 
 mans resorted, such as the maritime towns in the jurisdiction of the 
 Balhara, between Cambay and Saimur, Ibn Haiikal obsei-ves that 
 they were covered with towns and villages. , The inhabitants were 
 idolaters, but the Musulmans were treated with great consideration 
 by the native princes. They were governed by men of their own 
 faith, as the traveller informs us was the case with Musulmans in 
 other infidel dominions, as among the Kbazars of the Volga, the 
 Alans of the Cauoa,sus, and iu Ghana and Kaugha in Central Africa. 
 They had the pi-ivilege of liwig under their own laws, and no one 
 could give testimony against them, unless he professed the Muham- 
 madan faith. " I have seen," says Ibn Hatikal, " Musulmans of this 
 country invoke against other Musulmans the testimony of natives of 
 probity who did not profess the Muhammadan creed ; but it was 
 necessary that the adverse party should first give his consent." 
 They had erected their mosques in these infidel cities, and were 
 allowed to summon their congregations by the usual mode of pro- 
 claiming the times of prayer. 
 
 Such privileges could only have been conceded to men whose 
 favour was worth gaining, and it is to be regretted that they were 
 indisposed to show to others in similar circumstances the indulgences 
 so readily allowed to themselves. In the Middle Ages^ it was only 
 the power and political influence of the AmalfitanS, Venetians, 
 Pisans, and Genoese, that were sometimes able to extort from the 
 reluctant Musulmans those immunities, which were willingly granted 
 by the more easy and indifferent Crusaders and Greeks, — comprising 
 the security of their changes, magazines, and churches, the recogni- 
 tion of their Bailos, the privilege of being tried hy their own laws, 
 and by judges of their own appointment. These republics must 
 then have occupied in Egypt and Constantinople the same kind of 
 position as the Arabs on the coast of India, excepting that the tenure 
 of the former was more precarious, and more subject to the caprices 
 of despotism, the fluctuations of trade, and the ascending or waning 
 influence of the principal carriers. 
 
 The commercial establishments in the peninsula of India do not 
 
458 APPENBIX. 
 
 seem to have excited any religious scruples in the minds of the 
 Khalifs, or even of those casuistical divines who guided the con- 
 sciences of these " Vicars of Grod " and their subjects. Trade was 
 openly prosecuted in that land of infidels by Arab merchants, with- 
 out any fulminations from these spiritual authorities, and probably 
 with their encouragement. In this respect, there was a singular 
 contrast between the sentiments that animated Muhammadans and 
 Christians : for to Christians, on the contrary, whether merchants or 
 princes, the permission of their " Yicar of God " was necessary, 
 before they could traffic with infidels ; as only he, in his infalli- 
 bility, could authorize a departure from, the most sacred injunctions 
 of Holy Writ. Even as late as the year 1454:, the dispensing power 
 to trade with Muhammadans was exercised in favour of Prince 
 Henry of Portugal by Pope Nicholas V., in a famous Bull, which 
 refers to similar concessions from his immediate predecessors, 
 Martin V. and Eugenius IV., to Kings of that country. 
 
 This intercourse with the Saracens was not merely subject to these 
 formal, and perhaps interested, restrictions, but was strongly and 
 honestly reprobated by many sincere believers : and not without 
 reason, when we reflect, that some of these traders, especially the 
 Venetians, disgraced their honour and their faith by supplying the 
 Egyptian market with Circassian slaves, and even rendered their 
 mercenary assistance in driving the Crusaders from Acre, the last 
 and only stronghold left to them in Palestine : — 
 
 E Hon con Saracin, nfe con Giudei, 
 
 Cbc ciascun suo nemico era Crietiano, 
 
 E nessuno era stato a vincere Acri, 
 
 N^ mercantante in terra di Soldano.' 
 
 The revenues, which the Arab princes of Bind derived from their 
 
 several provinces, are pronounced to have been very small, — ^barely 
 
 more than sufficient to provide food and clothing and the means 
 
 of maintaining their position with credit and decency ; and, as a 
 
 ' Dante, Inferno, Cant, xxrii. See also Farad. Cant. ix. xt. The sentiment was 
 common, and Petrarcli exclaims against this Tcnality, with equal indignation, in bis 
 Trionfo delta Fama. On the general subject, compare Muratori, Antiquit Ittd, med. 
 am, Vol. II. col. 905-16 ; Gesta Dei per Francos, p. 934 ; Robertson, Disquis. on 
 Ancient India, Notes xlv. and xWi. ; Heeren, Essai stir Vlnfiuence des Croisades, 
 Pt.ii. sec. 1 ; Eeinaud, Sarraains, 238; Brencman dejtepuil. Ama^., 6 ; McPherson, 
 Annals of Commerce, I. 370, 396, 435 ; Muratori, £erum Ital. Scrip., Vol. VI. 
 col. 186, XII. 322, 330 ; XVII. 1088, 1092. 
 
APPENDIX. 459 
 
 necessary consequence, onlj a few years elapsed before they -nvere 
 driven from their kingdoms, and compelled to yield their power to 
 more enterprising and energetic assailants. 
 
 The Karmatians of India are nowhere alluded to by Ibn Haulcal ;^ 
 but it could not have been long after his visit, that these heretics, 
 who probably contained within their rauks many converted natives 
 and foreig-ners as well as Arabs, began to spread in the valley of the 
 Indus. Abu-1 Pida dates the commencement of their decline from 
 326 H. (938 A.D.). This was accelerated by two ignominious defeats 
 in Egypt in 360 and 363, and their overflow was completed in 'Irak 
 in 375 (985 a.d.). It must have been about this latter year that, 
 finding their power expiring in the orignal seat of their conquests, 
 they sought new settlements in a distant land, and tried their suc- 
 cess in Sind. There the weakness of the petty local governments 
 favoured their progress, and led to their early occupation both of 
 Mansura and Multan, — from which latter place history records their 
 expulsion by the overwhelming power of Mahmud the Ghaznivide. 
 
 It appears from local histories, as well as the Kdmilu-t Tawdrikli, 
 that Mahmud also effected conquests in Sind. Though this matter 
 is not commonly recorded by his historiaus, there is every likelihood 
 of its truth ; for, being in possession of Kusdar and Multan, the 
 country was at all times open to his invasions. As it is well 
 established that, after the fall of Somnat, he marched for some 
 days along the course of the Indus, we can readily concur with the 
 Kdmilu-t Tawdrtkh in ascribing his capture of Mansura to the year 
 il6 H., on his return from that expedition : and, as it is expressly 
 stated that he then placed a Muhammadan prince on the throne, we 
 may safely infer that the previous occupant had rejected ihat faith, 
 and was therefore a Karmatian, who, having usurped the govern- 
 ment from the Habbari dynasty, had thus, after a duration of three 
 centuries, effected the extinction of the Arab dominion in Sind.* 
 
 ' £Unless they were the inhabitants of " Easak, the city of schismatics."] 
 ' Compare Mordtmann, das Such der Lander ; Gildemeister, de rebus Indicis, pp. 
 163-182 ; Ouseley, Oriental Geography ; Modern TTniversal Sist , VoL II. pp. 383, 
 387, 398, 416 ; Mem. mr I'Inde, pp. 233-242 ; Fragm. Arahes, p. xxiv. ; D'Herhe- 
 lot, £iblioih. Orientale,v. "Carmath;" 'Weil, Oeaekiehte der Chalifen, Vol. II. p. 
 675; III. 11, 33, 65 ; De Guignes, Sist. dee Buns.; Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, MS. p. 21. 
 Hamza Iafah&n£, ed. Gottiraldt, Vol. 11. p, 166, U req. ; Abii-l Fid&, Annal. Moal., 
 Vol. II. p. 406. 
 
460 APPENDIX. 
 
 Sind under the Araht. 
 
 Having in the previous Note exhausted all the scanty materials 
 which history has left ue respecting the political progress of the 
 Arabs in Sind, -we may now proceed to consider some of the questions 
 connected with the maintenance of their power in that province. 
 
 The internal administration of the country was necessarily left in 
 the hand of the natives ; as the Arabs, upon their first acquisition of 
 territory, had brought with them no men (japable of exercising civil 
 functions. Indeed, wherever we follow the steps of these fanatics, 
 we find them ignorant of the first principles of public economy, and 
 compelled, by the exigencies of their position, to rely upon native 
 assistance in the management of the finances and accounts of thejr 
 subject provinces. So, indeed, in a certain measure, do the English 
 in India ; but with this essential difierence, that they direct and con- 
 trol the ministerial officers, both of collection and record, introduce 
 their own systems, modify or abrogate the ojd ones as occasion arises, 
 and initiate aU. proceedings connected with the several departments 
 of the exchequer : but the Arabs, either through indolence, pride, 
 or ignorance, left themselves at the mercy of their subordinates, and 
 were unable to fathom the depths of the chaotic accounts kept by 
 their native financiers, who practised the most ingenious devices of 
 flattery, falsehood, cajolery, and self-interest— rendered more acute 
 by religious hatred — ^in order to blind their credulous dupes as to the 
 actual resources of the countries which they governed. The rack 
 and the threat of circumcision would sometimes extort the illicit ac- 
 cumulations of past years ; but, in the long run, the pliant and 
 plausible officials were the gainers ; and compi:omises, in a little 
 ready cash, were gladly accepted, in lieu of closer scrutiny and 
 more accurately balanced ledgers. 
 
 Hence those charges so readily brought, and so eagerly listened to, 
 by Khalifs as well as Amirs, of defalcations and embezzlements : 
 hence those demands for indefinite sums from refractory servants : 
 hence those extortionate fines, levied according to mere surmises and 
 conjectures, since no means existed of ascertaining the real amount 
 of revenue and expenditure. Brought up in their native deserts, 
 with no greater knowledge of schemes of administration than was t» 
 
APPENDIX. 461 
 
 be obtained by studying the phylarchies of the Bedouins, and in- 
 vested suddenly with dominions which they were not competent to 
 manage, however easily they might overrun and subdue them, the 
 Arabs were compelled to seek in the political; institutions of their 
 subjects the means of realizing the exactions which, as victors, they 
 felt it their right to demand. The maintenance, therefore, of native 
 ofiicials (who were styled Brahmans in the case of Sind) was a 
 matter of necessity rather than choice, at least at this early period of 
 their sway ; for the guide-books mentioned by Ibn Haukal, which 
 indicate some knowledge of statistics and finance, were the products 
 of a much later age. 
 
 The first show <>f independence of such aid, even at the capital 
 itself, was not exhibited till the reign of 'Abdu-1 Malik, when he 
 adopted an Arab currency, in supersession of the Greek and Persian 
 money, with which trade had been hitherto carried on : though the 
 old denominations of dena7:ius and drachma were still retained, under 
 the slight metamorphoses of dinar and dirJiam. Walid next abolished 
 the Greek language and character from the public offices of finance, 
 and substituted the Arabic, — thus still further freeing the Arabs 
 from the trammels which these foreign systems had interposed. The 
 land-tenures and personal taxes, being based upon principles intro- 
 duced by the victorious Moslems, retained their Arab nomenclature.' 
 The original conquerors of Sind received there, as elsewhere under 
 similar circumstances, large possessions in land (iktd'dt or Icatdya'), 
 which, as beneficiary grants for public services, were exempt from 
 all taxes, except the alms {sadaka) defined by law. They were, of 
 course, hold on the condition of continued military service, and as 
 long as this was rendered, they never reverted to the fiso. Accord- 
 ing to the regulations promulgated by 'Umar, soldiers were not 
 ■allowe'd to devote themselves to agriculture or any other profession, 
 and therefore the lands of these grantees continued to be cultivated 
 by the former possessors, now reduced to the condition of villeina 
 and serfs.' Other soldiers, not so beneficed, received stipends from 
 the public revenue, to which they themselves contributed nothing in 
 the shape of taxes. Four-fifths of the prize-money was invariably 
 
 1 Elmacin, Eistoria Saraceniea, p. 77 ; X' Vniv. Fitt. Asie, Y. Arabic, 40S-6. 
 » Reinaud, Sarrasins, 279, 2S0.-£lacas, I. 316. 
 
462 APPENDIX. 
 
 distributed among them, and, indeed, at first, formed their sole re- 
 muneration, insomuch that a man who received pay "was entitled 
 neither to plunder nor the honour of martyrdom. One-fifth of the 
 spoil was reserved to the Khalif for religious and charitable purposes, 
 according to the injunctions of the Kuran. The man " who went 
 down to the battle, and he who tarried by the stufi'," received equal 
 shares, and the horseman was entitled to a double portion. Had the 
 Khalif attempted to augment his share, the hardy warriors would 
 have resisted his claim, with the same freedom as the fierce and 
 sturdy Gaul, when he raised his battle-axe, and reminded Clovis that 
 the famous vase of Soissons was public spoil.' 
 
 Much also of the conquered land was, during the whole course of 
 Arab occupation, liberally bestowed upon sacred edifices and insti- 
 tutions, as loakf, or mortmain ; of which some remnant, dating from 
 that early period, is to be found even to this day in Sind,^ which 
 notoriously swarms with sanctified beggars and similar impostors, 
 and contains, according to the current saying, no less than 100,000 
 tombs of saints and martyrs, besides ecclesiastical establishments, 
 which, under the Talpiirs, absorbed one-third of the entire revenue 
 of the State. 
 
 That the whole valley, however, was not occupied or assigned 
 by the victors is evident, not only from the large amount of the 
 land-tax — which, had that been the case, would have yielded no 
 revenue to the government — but from the fact of many native chiefs 
 being able to maintain their independence, amidst all the wars and 
 turmoils which raged around them. This is manifest from the story 
 of 'Abdu-Ua bin Muhammad, the 'Alite, which has been related in 
 the preceding note. There we find a native potentate, " only one 
 amongst other Sindian kings," possessing much land and many 
 subjects, to whom 'Abdu-Ua was recommended to fly for protection, 
 and who was represented as holding the name of the prophet in 
 respect, though he continued to worship his own idols. 
 
 1 Gregory of Tours, Sistoria Ecclesiasiica Franeorum, Lib. ii. u. 27. On the sub- 
 ject of tbe Muhammadan law of booty, compare Eeddya, B. ix. c. 2, 4 ; Mishodt ul 
 Musdbih, Vol. II. p. 244 ; Defremery, Hist, des Samanides, 226 ; Sale, Koran, 
 Prel. JUisc, pp. 198-201 ; and Vol. I. pp. 200, 207 ; II. 424 ; Eeland, J)e Jure 
 Militari Muhammedorum, Sect. 19-27 ; Eeinaud, Sarrazins, 254. 
 
 2 [Kosegarten, Ibn Mtuta, 22.] 
 
APPENBIX. 463 
 
 Tbe conquerors, taking up their abode chiefly in cities of their 
 own construction, cultivated no friendly intercourse with the natives, 
 whom they contemned as a subject race, and abhorred as idolaters. 
 They remained, therefore, Isolated from their neighbours, and when 
 their turn came to be driven out from their possessions, they left a 
 void which was soon filled up, and their expulsion, or extermina- 
 tion, was easily accomplished, and nowhere regretted. 
 
 In no place do we find any allusion to Arab women accompanying 
 Sindian camps, or — as often occurred in other fields — stimulating 
 the soldiers to action, when they evinced any disposition to yield to 
 their enemy,' The battle of the Term.ouk, which decided the fate of 
 Syria, was gained as much by the exhortations, reproaches, and even 
 blows of the'women, as by the valour of the men ; for thrice were 
 the faithful repulsed by the steady advance of the Grecian phalanx ; 
 thrice were they checked in their retreat, and driven back to battle 
 by the women, — Abu Sufyan himself being struck over the face 
 with a tent-pole by one of those viragos, as he fled before the 
 enemy. In the remotest east, again, we find, as early as the time 
 of 'Ubaidu-Ua, his brother's wife mentioned as the first Arabian 
 woman who crossed the Oxus, — on which occasion, unfortunately, 
 she disgraced the credit of her sex, no less than her exalted rank, by 
 stealing the jewels and crown of the queen of the Sogdiang. Not 
 many years after, the sanguinary battle of Bukhara, fought in the 
 year 90 h., between Ibn Kutaiba and the Tatars, was, in like 
 manner with that of the Yermouk, restored by the tears and re- 
 proaches of the women who accompanied the Arab camp.* These, 
 soldiers therefore, were prepared for immediate colonization and 
 settlement, and must have consisted of the surplus emigrant popu- 
 lation already settled in Khurasan. Accordingly, we find in this 
 instance, that Baikajad was converted into a fortress, and that part 
 of the army was located in its neighbourhood, and composed several 
 hundred military stations. 
 
 Sind, on the contrary, on account of the distance and difficulty of 
 
 ^ Reinaud, Sarrazins, 18. 
 
 * So, -with respect to the Germans, Tacitus says : — Memoriae proditur quasdem 
 acies inclinatas jam et labantes a feminis restitutas, constautia preoum, et objeotu 
 peotorum, et monstrata cominus oaptivitate, quam longS impatieutius feminarum 
 Buanim nomine timent. — Germania, o. 3. 
 
464 APPENDIX, 
 
 coramunioation, and the absence of intermediate Arab colonies, was 
 invaded by men prejjared for militaiy operations alone ; and who 
 coiild not possess the means of carrying their families with them, 
 when only one baggage-camel was allowed to every four men, for 
 the transport of their food, tents, and other necessary equipments, 
 and when supplies ran short even before the Indus was crossed. 
 
 Subsequently, when the road was more open and free, these 
 agreeable additions to their society may have poured in, along with 
 the later adventurers who flocked to the new conquest; but we 
 nowhere meet with even any incidental allusion to the circumstance, 
 bat with much that militates against its probability: so that there 
 was, perhaps, among the descendants of the Sindian colonists, less 
 infusion of the real blood of Arabs than in any other province 
 subjected to their dominion. 
 
 When Mohammad Kasim, upon passing the Indus, gave to any 
 of his soldiers so disposed leave to retire to their homes, only three 
 came forward to claim their discharge ; and of these, two did so, 
 because they had to provide for the female members of their family, 
 who had, with the rest, been left behind in tlieir native countiy 
 with no one to protect them. Nor were the consolations of a speedy 
 restoration to their deserted homes held out to the first conquerors. 
 To them the return was even more difficult than the advance, as we 
 may learn from a passage in Tabari, where he tells that, on the 
 accession of the Khalif Sulaiman, he wrote to those ill-used men — 
 the companions of the gallant hero whom he had tortured to death — 
 in these harsh and cruel terms : — " Sow and sweat, wherever you 
 may find yourselves on receipt of this mandate, for there is no more 
 Syria for you." Here, then, these exiles must have remained 
 during the ten years of his reign at least ; and as they were not 
 likely to have returned in any numbers after his death, we may 
 conceive them congregated into several military colonies, seeking 
 solace for their lost homes in the arms of the native women of the 
 country, and leaving their lands and plunder to be inherited by their 
 Sindo-Arab descendants. 
 
 These military colonies, which formed a peculiar feature of Arab 
 settlement were styled junid and amsdr, — " armies" and "cities," — 
 the latter appellation implying settled abodes, contrasted with the 
 
APPENDIX. 465 
 
 previous migrations to wliicli the tribes had been habituated. In 
 many instances they rose into important cities, as in the case of 
 Basra, Kufa, and Damascus, and early became the principal centres 
 of Arab learning, law, grammar, and theology, as well as of tumult, 
 violence, perfidy, and intrigue. The principal seats of these canton- 
 ments in Sind appear to have been Mansura, Kuzdar, Kandabel. 
 Baiza, Mahfuza, and Multan; and indeed, the military camp near 
 the latter town, — whether the real name be "Jandaram" or 
 " Jundruz" (Gildemeister) , " Jundrawar" {AsTiMlu-l Bildd), "Jun- 
 dawar" {Ab{i-l Fidd) or "Jandur" (Nubian Geographer), seems to 
 derive its first syllable from jand, the singular number oi juniid, 
 above mentioned.' 
 
 The local troops, which were enlisted in the country, dispersed 
 to their own homes as soon as the necessity was satisfied for which 
 they were raised ; but there were some which assumed a more 
 permanent character, and were employed on foreign service, with 
 little chance of return. 
 
 That Sindian troops were levied, and sent to fight the battles of 
 the Arabs in distant quarters, we have undoubted proof. I speak 
 not here of the numerous Jats of 'Irak, Syria, and Mesopotamia, 
 who — as I hope to be able to show in another place — were, ere long, 
 transformed into the Jatano, or Gitano, — the Gypsies of modem 
 Europe. These had been too long in their settlements to be called 
 " Sindians " by a contemporary historian, like Dionysius Telmarensis, 
 to whom the terms " Jat," " Asawira," and " Sababija," were more 
 famUiar. This author, in his Syrian Ghronicle, distinctly mentions 
 " Sindian " cohorts as forming a portion of the motley army of 
 Alans, Khaz.ars, Medes, Persians, Turks, Arabs, etc., which made an 
 irruption into the Byzantine territory in 150 a.h. — 767 \.d.^ Four 
 years afterwards, we find a body of Sindians and Khazars — said to 
 be slaves — attempting to seize upon the imperial treasiuy ia Harran. 
 Most probably, they also composed part of these foreign levies. 
 
 In admitting these provincials into their armies, the Arabs merely 
 
 1 Possibly the Jandiwal, or Chandoul, of K&.bul— the separate quarter occupied 
 by the military colony of the Kazalb&sh— may have a similar origin.— [See Kote on 
 the name Jandrud, page 380, supra.'] 
 
 2 Jos. Sim. Assemauni, Biblioth. Orient. Clementim-Vat., Vol. II. p. 103; Eam- 
 poldi, Annali Muiulmani, Tom. lY. p. 89 ; Univ. Sitt. II. 126 ; Gild., 17. 
 
466 APPENDIX. 
 
 imitated the policy of the Bomans, who did the same from motiTCB 
 of expediency — hoping to find employment for turbulent spirits, and 
 to neutralize the elements of rebellion, by sending foreign mer- 
 cenaries into provinces remote from their native soil.' Thus we find 
 Slavones and Berbers, Syrians and Copts, Babylonians and Persians, 
 and even Christians and Jews, Magians and Idolaters, in the early 
 period of the Khilafat, extending the Arab conquests among distant 
 nations ; just as, in the days of its decline, the Khalifs had 
 Africans, Farghanians, Turts, Alans, etc., acting as their PrEetorian 
 guards, both in protecting them against their own subjects, and 
 deposing their employers at their own will and pleasure :' — the 
 difference only consisted in this, that the former constituted auxiliary 
 corps, into which, when any foreigner was enlisted, he was adopted 
 by some Arab tribe as a member, and being called maidd, or client, 
 of that tribe, he had the same rights and privileges as if he had been 
 bom in it ; whereas, Mu'tasim, when he enrolled his foreign body- 
 guard, made the Arabian troops subordinate to his mercenaries, 
 whom, in order to elude the law, he called his own clients — an 
 evasive practice which was continued by his successors.^ 
 
 "When the profession of faith in God and his Prophet was no 
 longer the symbol which united these furious zealots ; when litera- 
 ture, science, philosophy, poetry, and other objects of intellectual 
 culture, ceased to be regarded as criminal pursuits ; * when opulence, 
 luxury, and the arts which refine and embellish social life, had 
 converted roaming and rugged soldiers into indolent and effeminate 
 voluptuaries, — the necessity of recniiting their ranks from extraneous 
 sources, led to a modification of their military institutions, and to the 
 abandonment of those exclusive sentiments, which had once bound 
 the Arabs by a common tie of fraternity in rapine and propa- 
 gandism. Some of these foreign recruits were, no doubt, obtained 
 by the hopes of ready participation in the spoils which were the 
 invariable concomitant of Arab conquests ; but most of them were 
 
 ' In the Soman occupation of Britain, we find eyen Indian cavalry stationed at 
 Cirencester. — Wright, Celt, Soman, and Saxon, p. 262. 
 
 ' " Firmamentum imperii et postea pestem." 
 
 ' Biographical Dictionary, L. U.K., Vol. II. pp. 294, 3T2. 
 
 ' G. 0. Fluegelii, Dissert, ds Arab. Script. Or, Interpret, p. 5 ; Keinaud, Sar- 
 razins, i. 74, 243. 
 
APPENDIX. 467 
 
 very unwilling soldiers, raised by an arbitrary conscription, and 
 only reconciled to their fate, after long experience of their new 
 profession, and when their distant homes had been forgotten. That 
 the power of levying troops for foreign service was generally felt 
 as a sore grievance by the unfortunate provincials, is evidenced by 
 the terms for which the people of Tabaristan held out, when they 
 capitulated lo their victors; for while they agreed to become tributary 
 in the annual sum of five hundred thousand dirhams, they stipulated 
 that the Moslims should at no time levy any troops in their country.' 
 Commercial activity, also, succeeded to the zeal for war, which 
 offered no longer the same inducements of honour and profit that 
 had been realized by the early conquerors. A new stimulus was 
 thus found for the spirit of adventure which still survived, in the 
 perils and excitements of trading speculations, both by land and 
 sea, —prosecuted at a distance and duration, which at that time it is 
 surprising to contemplate. Sind Was not backward in this season of 
 enterprise, for she appears to have kept up a regular commercial 
 communication with the rest of the Muhammadan empire. Caravans 
 were often passing and repassing between that country and Khura- 
 san, most commonly by the route of Kabul and Bamian. She also 
 held communication with Zabulistan and Sijistan, by way of Ghazni 
 and Kandahar. Zabulistan was, at the period of Mas'udi's visit, a 
 large country, known by the name of the kingdom of Firoz, and 
 contained fortresses of great strength. The people were of divers 
 languages and races, and different opinions were even then enter- 
 tained respecting their origin. In Sijistan, which has greatly dete- 
 riorated since that period, the banks of the Hendmand were studded 
 with gardens and cultivated fields; its stream was covered with 
 boats ; and irrigation , was carried on extensively by means of 
 windmills.'' 
 
 * Washington Irving's Successors of Mafiomet, pp. 141 and 265 ; from Hammer- 
 Purgstall's Gemdldesaal. It is worthy of remark, that the Tapyri, ■whose name is 
 preserved in Tabaristta, are not included, in the copious catalogue of Herodotus, 
 among those joining in the armament of Xerxes. 
 
 ' This is nearly the earliest mention -vre have of them, even in the east. Our 
 knowledge of these contrivances in Europe ascends no higher than 1105 of our era. 
 In Muhammadan countries we have allusions to them as early as 646 ; Price, 
 Retrospect of Muh. Sistory, Vol. I. p. 140 ; Du Cange, Ghssarium mci. et inf. 
 LatinitcitiSy v. 
 
468 APPENDIX. 
 
 With, respect to th.e routes from the North to India, Birunf ob- 
 serves:— "We reach Sind from our country (Turkistfin) by going 
 through the country of Nimroz, that is to say, Sijistan, and we 
 reach Hind through Kabul. I do not mean to say that is the only 
 route, for one can arrive there from all directions when the passes 
 are open." (See p. 64.) 
 
 We learn from notices in other autbors, that there was commercial 
 traf&c by sea-board also. Much of the merchandize which was 
 carried through Sind to Turkistan and Khurasan, — and thence even so 
 far as Constantinople,' by the resumption of a route which had been 
 much frequented at an earlier period' — was the product of China and 
 the ports of Ceylon, 'Uman, and Malabar ; from which latter pro- 
 vince was derived, as at the present day, all the timber used in the 
 construction of the boats which jjlied on the river. From Arabia, 
 horses were frequently imported into Sind ; and armies and munitions 
 of war were sent up the mouths of the Indus, as we have already 
 noticed with respect to the expeditions of Muhammad Kasim and 
 some of his predecessors.' The whole coast of Kirman and Makran 
 was, doubtless, studded with Arab settlements of the Azdis, who 
 were the chief mercantile carriers from Obolla and 'Uman, and who 
 bad many brethren settled in Sind ; and so it has remaiued, indeed, 
 from the time of Alexander to the present Imam of Maskat, for the 
 names of Arabis, Arabius, Arabitse, etc., of Nearchus and the ancient 
 geographers, were most probably derived from the opposite penin- 
 sula in the west, and are still represented by the Arabu of the 
 coast of Makran, like as the neighbouring Oritse, or Horitas, seem to 
 survive in the modern Hor-mara and Haur.' 
 
 The toleration which the native Sindians enjoyed in the practice 
 
 ' Ramusio, SaccoUa di Nav., Tom. I. p. 374, B. ; Robertson, India, pp. 42, 77, 
 106, 121 ; MacPherson, Annah of Commerce, Vol. I. pp. 141, 194, 370; Beinaud's 
 Bel. dea Toy., 42 ; Weil, II. 306. 
 
 2 Strato, Geo(/., lib. xi. c. 7, "Vol. II. p. 427, ed. Taucbnitz ; Pliny, Nat. Hist. 
 lib. fi, c. 17, 23 ; Heeren, Asiatic Nations, Vol. I. p. 38 ; Idod. Trav. India, I. 148 ; 
 Ind. AUerthum., II. 631, 603 ; Eakluyt, IV. 409. 
 
 5 Cosmos Indicopl. ap. Montfaucon, Coll. nov. Patrum, Tom. II. p. 334 ; Elmacin 
 Hist. Sarac. , Ann. 101; Kosegarten, Chresiomathie Arahe, p. 99. 
 
 « See Geier, Alexandri M. Mist. Scriptores, p. 128 ; Miitzell's Notes to Q. Curtiua 
 pp. 873, 874 ; Droysen, Geschichte Alex's, pp. 467-9 ; Vincent, Voyage of Nearchus, 
 pp. 181-211; Barros, Decadas da Asia, Dec. iv. p. 290; Heeren, Asiatic Nations 
 Vol. I. pp. 279, 297. ' 
 
APPENDIX. 469 
 
 of their religion, was greater than what was usually conceded in 
 other countries ; but it was dictated less hy any principle of justice 
 or humanity, than the impossibility of suppressiag the native religion 
 by the small number of Arab invaders.' When time had fully 
 shown the necessity of some relaxation in the stem code of Moslim 
 conquest, it was directed, that the natives might rebuild their tem- 
 ples and perform their worship, and that tiie three per cent., which 
 had been aUcwed to the priests under the former government, 
 should not be withheld by the laity for whom they officiated. 
 Dahir's prime miuister was also retained in office, in order to pro- 
 tect the rights of the people, and to maintain the native institutions ; 
 while Brahmans were distributed throughout the provinces to collect 
 the taxes which had been fixed. But, where power had, for a short 
 time, enabled the MosHms to usurp the mastery, the usual bigotry 
 and cruelty were displayed. At Debal, the temples were demolished, 
 and mosques founded ; a general massacre endured for three whole 
 days ; prisoners were taken captive ; plunder was amassed ; and an 
 apostate was left in charge of the government, exercising co-ordinate 
 jurisdiction with an Arab chief. At Nairun, the idols were broken, 
 and mosques founded, notwithstanding its voluntary surrender. At 
 Alor, though the lives of the inhabitants were spared, a heavy tribute 
 was imposed ; and though the temples were treated like " churches 
 of the Christians, or synagogues of the Jews," yet that was no great 
 indulgence, if we may judge from the proceedings at Jerusalem and 
 Damascus — where the ringing of bells and building of chapels were 
 prohibited ; where the free admission of Musulmans was at all times 
 compulsory ; where the forcible conversion of chiu-ches into mosques 
 was insisted on, without the offer of compensation ; and where they 
 ■yrere sometimes devoted to the meaner uses of cow-houses and 
 stables. At Eawar, and 'Askalanda, all the men in arms were put 
 to the sword, and the women and children carried away captive. At 
 Multan, all men capable of bearing arms were massacred ; six 
 thousand ministers of the temple were made captive, besides all the 
 women and children ; and a mosque was erected in the town. 
 
 Among the chief objects of idolatry at Multan, the Bhavishya 
 Piurdna and Hwen-Tsang mention a golden statue of the Sun ; but 
 ' Eeinaud. Sarrazins, 36. 
 
470 APPE.\DIX. 
 
 the Arabic writers speak of the principal idol as being composed of 
 no other more valuable substance than wood, representing that it 
 was covered with a red skin, and adorned with two rubies for eyes. 
 Muhammad Kasim, ascertaining that large offerings were made tO 
 this idol, and wishing to add to his resources by those means, left it 
 nniajured ; but in order to show his horror of Indian superstition, 
 he attached a piece of cow's flesh to its neck, by which he was able 
 to gratify his avarice and malignity at the same time. Biladuti 
 says it was considered to represent the prophet Job, which appears 
 an Arab misreading of Aditya, as it is correctly styled by Bi'runi, for 
 without the vowel points, there is no great difference in the original. 
 This idol was allowed to maintain its position during the whole 
 period of the supremacy of the Khalifs ; but Bironi informs us, that 
 when the Karmatians became masters of Multan, they did not show 
 themselves equally tolerant or provident respecting the valuable 
 resources of the shrine ; for their leader, Jalam, the son of Shaiban, 
 had the idol broken in pieces, and the attendant priests massacred ; 
 and the temple, which was situated on an eminence, was converted 
 into the Jami' Masjid, in lieu of the one which existed before. That 
 was closed in order to evince their hatred of the Ummayide Khalifs, 
 under whom it had been constructed j but when Sultan Mahmud 
 took Multan, and subdued the Karmatians, he re-opened the ancient 
 mosque, upon which the new one was abandoned, and became " as 
 a plain destined to vulgar uses." 
 
 The same idol waa subsequently set up, and received the oflferings 
 of the people. How long it maintained its ancient credit is not 
 known for certain ; but at Multan, the Sun is no longer the object of 
 worship, having yielded to the temple of Prahladpurl, now itself in 
 ruins, but occupying, doubtless, the same lofty eminence in the 
 citadel which was formerly consecrated to Aditya. 
 
 On counting up the cost of the Sindian expedition, Hajjaj found 
 that he had expended 60,000,000, and had received 120,000,000 
 dirhams.' As that could only have been the Khalifs usual share of 
 
 ' This is from the Futiihu-l Bulddn, and is taken as being the most exact state- 
 ment. That in the Chach-nima differs considerably, and affords no means of com- 
 parison between actual receipt and expenditure. There is no reason to apprehend 
 error in the transcription of these numbers, because the Arabic original does not 
 express them in ciphers, but words. 
 
APPENDIX. 471 
 
 one-fifth, the total value of the plunder obtained must have been 
 600,000,000 dirhams. Now, as one million of dirhams, at fivepence- 
 halfpenny each, is equivalent to about £23,000 of our money, and as 
 the relative value of money was ten times greater then than novr, we 
 may conceive the amount to be largely exaggerated ; since the country 
 could not by any possibility have yielded such a booty, even with, the 
 exercise of the utmost Arab violence and extortion to enforce its 
 collection. Even if we take Hajjaj's calculation to represent the 
 whole sum, and not merely one-fifth, we should still find it difficult 
 to believe, either that Sind and Multan together could at that time 
 have yielded two millions and three-quarters sterling, or that one- 
 half of that sum could have been expended in their conquest by such 
 a frugal and abstemious race as the Arabs, who had no need of a 
 modem commissariat, at once extravagant and cumbersome, to follow 
 their agUe movements.* 
 
 The consideration of this question naturally introduces the subject 
 of the public revenue of Sind. From the statements of Ibn Khur- 
 dadba, Ibn Khaldiin, and Ibn Haukal, we derive some valuable 
 notices of the revenue of the 'Abbasides, with more especial reference 
 to the period of Mamun's reign. Ibn Khaldiin's table has been 
 given by Von Hammer, in his Landerverwaltung, and to this additions 
 have been made by Dr. Sprenger, from the very laxe manuscripts of 
 the other authors, both preserved in the Bodleian library. From 
 these authorities combined, we are able to deduce some useful in- 
 ferences respecting the comparative revenue of the different provinces 
 of the Khilafat. Thus, we find that the province of Sind yielded 
 annually a sum of 11,500,000 dirhams, and 150 pounds of aloe-wood, 
 Multan being, most probably, included, as it is not mentioned among 
 the other provinces. Of the neighbouring provinces, Makran is s t 
 down at 400,000 dirhams; Sijistan at 4,600,000 dirhams, 300 
 variegated robes, and 20,000 pounds of sweetmeats f Kirman at 
 
 ' All the calculations of Saracen booty in Egypt and Syria are even more extrava- 
 gant, and justify the suspicions of Gibbon ; though he had no right to arraign the 
 accuracy of Elmacin's translator, Erpenins — "felicissimus ille AraHcarum literarum 
 instaurator," — as he is styled by Hottinger. I conceire that we have not yet got the 
 proper equivalent of the early dinar and dirham. Eeinaud, Sarrazim, 104, 192 ; 
 XTniv. Fitt. Asie, V. Arabic, 317. 
 
 » Ibn Khurdiidba says 6,776,000 dirhams. 
 
472 APPENDIX. 
 
 4,200,000 dirhams, 500 precious garments, 20,000 pounds of dates, 
 and 1,000 pounds of caraway seeds;' TukMristan at 106,000 
 dirhams; Kabul at 1,600,000 dirhams, and 1,000 head of cattle, 
 amounting to 700,000 dirhams more ; Tars at 27,000,000 dirhams, 
 30,000 bottles of rose-water, and 20,000 bottles of black currants ;' 
 Khutlan, in Hyatila, bordering on Balkh, at 1,733,000 dirhams ; 
 Bamian at 5,000 dirhams ; and Bust at 90,000 dirhams. 
 
 These amounts are to be considered merely approximate, because 
 the revenues, unless where they were assessed at a fixed sum, varied 
 every year according to the abundance, or scarcity, of the crop. 
 
 It may, ac first, admit of doubt, whether these sums represent 
 land-tax merely, or all the taxes in the aggregate. Ibn Khurdadba 
 and Ibn Haukal specially say "land-tax." Ibn Khaldun uses the 
 term "revenue." This is the more remarkable, as it will be ob- 
 served from the notes, that his statements contain the lowest sums. 
 The two accounts, of course, refer to different epochs, and frequently 
 to different limits, which were arbitrary and fluctuating, just as our 
 Domesday Book, having been compiled by different sets of com- 
 missioners, represents a different status in different passages, 
 though the names of persons, classes, and tenures may be in every 
 other respect identical. As an instance, in our Arabic record of these 
 variations, we find it -stated, under Fars, that "Amran bin Miisa, the 
 Barmekide, added Sind to this province, so the revenue amounted, 
 after defraying all expenses, to 10,000,000 dirhams." The re- 
 mark in itself is not particularly intelligible, but its very obscurity 
 makes it serve the better as an illustration. It is probable that, in 
 so large an empire, the limits of the provinces were frequently 
 subject to alteration, to suit the views and interest of favoured 
 governors ; and that they were also, without any such personal bias, 
 sometimes fixed on an ethnical, sometimes on a geographical, basis. 
 Another cause of variation has been suggested — namely, that the 
 greatest part of what had been delivered in kind in the time of 
 MarwSn, to which Ibn Khaldun refers, was paid in inoney in the 
 
 1 Ibn Khurdidba says 5,000,000 dirhams, and under the Khusrus 60,000,000 the 
 
 limits of the province being, of course, different. The amounts entered in the 
 text rest on the authority of Ibn Khaldfin, 
 
 ' Ibn Khurd&dba says 30,000 dirhams, but I suspect error. 
 
APPENDIX. 473 
 
 time of rbn Khtirdacn:)a. This is probable, and is the natural course 
 of fiscal transition all over the ■world. 
 
 But, after giving due weight to all these considerations, the sums 
 set down against some of the provinces are so large — whether we 
 take the higher or lower amount, or the earlier or later date — that 
 we must conceive them to embrace the entire collections of every 
 kind, and must be allowed the liberty of construing TchardJ in its 
 enlarged sense of 'tribute,' rather than its limited one of 'land-tax, 
 — just, indeed, as it is so considered at the present day in Turkey.' 
 The assessment upon Sind and Multan, — ^being 11,500,000 dirhams, 
 or about i£270,000, — must be considered moderate, if it is intended 
 to comprise the land-tax, the poll -tax, the customs duties, and all 
 miscellaneous items into the bargain ; but it is not an improbable 
 amount, when we contemplate the liberal alienations and reserves, 
 which have been alluded to at the commencement of this Note, as 
 well as the change in the value of money. Under the Talpurs, 
 notwithstanding that many large and productive tracts were 
 afforested by them, Sind is said to have occasionally yielded 
 £400,000 ; and under the Kalhoras, tradition represents the revenue 
 at the exaggerated amount of £800,000. At present, with security 
 on all its borders, and tranquillity within them, it does not pay to 
 the British Government more than £300,000, and the expenses have 
 been hitherto more than double that sum. This deficiency, how- 
 ever, cannot last long, for its cultivation and commerce are rapidly 
 on the increase. 
 
 The Arab governors may be considered in the light of farmers - 
 general, for they usually bound themselves to pay to the Khalif the 
 sums at which the various provinces, — after allowance made for 
 ordinary expenses, — were set down in the public register. Where 
 the disbursements were left to their discretion, and where the 
 revenues were not fixed, but dependant upon the seasons, we may 
 presume that, on the plea of frontier wars, local services, and internal 
 tumults, veiy Mttle was ever remitted to the capital from the remote 
 provinces of the empire ; for the governors themselves were the 
 judges of these necessities — ^the declaration of peace or war being 
 left to their arbitrary determination and pleasure. 
 
 1 Del Oamanischen Seichs Staatsverfasmng. Cantemir, Sist. of the Othman 
 Empire, p. 366. 
 
474 APPENDIX. 
 
 The ordinary revenue, which they were entitled to collect from 
 the provinces committed to them, was derived from the land-tax, and 
 from -the capitation-tax upon those who had not embraced the 
 Muhammadan religion ; but there were many miscellaneous cesses 
 besides, which, in the aggregate, yielded 'large returns, and con- 
 tributed to swell their profits. 
 
 The land-tax was usually rated at two-fifths of the produce of 
 wheat and barley, if the fields were watered by public canals ; three- 
 tenths, if irrigated by wheels or other artificial means ; and one- 
 fourth, if altogether unirrigated. If arable land were left uncul- 
 tivated, it seems to have paid one dirham per jar'ib, and one-tenth of 
 the probable produce, but the statement is not clear upon this point. 
 Of dates, grapes, and garden produce, one-third was taken, either in 
 kind or money ; and one-fifth (kiiums) of the yield of wines, fishing, 
 pearls, and generally of any product not derived from cultivation, 
 was to be delivered in kind, or paid iu value, even before the ex- 
 penses had been defrayed. One-fifth of the value of slaves and 
 booty was reserved for the Khalif. The customs and transit dues, 
 for which unbelievers had to pay a double rate, and the taxes on 
 trades and manufactures, and handicrafts, were also important 
 sources of public revenue.' 
 
 These taxes were according to the original institutes of 'Umar, 
 when he assessed the Sawad, or cultivated lands of 'Irak; but, in 
 course of time, they were everywhere greatly enhanced, even to 
 one-half of the produce of the land, or rather according to the ability 
 of the people to pay. In short, the rates above-mentioned were 
 merely a nominal value put upon the land : for the collection of the 
 revenues was, in many instances, left to rapacious farmers, who 
 covered their contracts and benefitted themselves besides, at the 
 expense of the cultivators. The same course of proceeding was 
 observed by the agents of the Talpurs to the latest period of their 
 
 • See J5io^. Diet., Z. V.K. v. " Al M&.mfin," where the revenue table is given at 
 length. It is also in the Fundgruhen des Orients, Vol. VI. p. 362, et seq. ; 
 and in Hammer-PurgataU's, die tanderverwaltung unter dein Chalifate, 39 ; and in 
 the Fenny Cychpadia, v. " Caliph." The Asiatic Journal, Vol. XXX. p. S2, 
 contains the most comprehensive of all these tables, with very useful remarks 
 appended, to Vfhich the foregoing paragraphs are indebted. See also VXJniwrs 
 Pitl. Asie, T. ; Arabie, 403, 404. 
 
APPENDIX. 475 
 
 rule in Sind, and was one of the chief causes which contributed to 
 the impoYerishment of the country,' 
 
 Moreover, the absence of an accurate measurement must have 
 rendered all such assessments nugatory and fictitious; for it was only 
 in the Sawad, above referred tO) which was the small tract lying imme- 
 diately around the future capital of the Khalifs, that there was any- 
 thing like a detailed survey ; and of that the merits were more due 
 to their predecessors than themselves. Gibbon says, " the adminis- 
 tration of Persia was regtdated by an actual survey of the people, 
 the cattle, and the fruits of the earth ; and this monument, which 
 attests the vigour of the caliphs, might have instructed the philoso- 
 phers of every age," In this, he is by no means borne out by the 
 passage which he quotes as his authority from the Chorographia of 
 Theophanes ; and, moreover, an extended sense has been given to 
 " Persia," which really applies only to a remote comer of that large 
 empire.' 
 
 Besides this ordinary land-tax, we read, in the Chach-ndma, of 
 other burdens laid upon Siudian cultivators, which seem to have 
 been independent of the former : such as the hdj, and the 'ushar'i? 
 Other extraordinary conditions were occasionally imposed on some 
 
 * The Uttle confidence to be placed in the apparent moderation of recorded rates, 
 may be exemplified by modern practice in Sind, where we are told that " it was not 
 uncommon for the government to collect vast quantities of grain for the supply of 
 troops, when any military expedition was on foot ; in which case, the rulers made no 
 scruple of seizing a half of the produce of the whole country, leaTing the farmer to 
 settle with the cultivator the best way he could." — Capt, McMurdo, Journal S. As. 
 Soc, Vol. I. p. 240. 
 
 ' Decline and Fall, chOi^Ai note 32. On the Saw^d of 'Ir6.t and Baghdad, see 
 AbiS-1 Fid&, Geogr., pp. 52, 307 ; Mar&aidu-l Ittild', ed. JuynboU, Vol. II., p. 63. 
 
 3 Literally, " tithe-lands," like the Decumates Agri of the Romans ; see Tacitus, 
 Germania, cap. 29. Respecting the law ot'ushari, see Hamilton's Jsrfo^a ; Haring- 
 ton's Analysis, Vol. I. ; Galloway's Law and Consiii. of India ; N, B, E. BaUlie's 
 Land-tax of India accordi-ng to Muh. Lum. 
 
 Legally, no land was subject both to Tchordj and uthari ; but it may be questioned 
 whether the Sindian 'mhari, though it was confessedly considered as an indulgence, 
 is to be construed in its strict legal application. The parties from whom it was taken 
 were the people of Nairtin and the Channas west of the Indus, of whom we still 
 find a remnant not far from Manchhar lake, and from whom the Kalhoras are in 
 reality descended, notwithstanding their various attempts to disguise the humiliating 
 fact. Mr. Eenouard conceives that the Kalhoras are Kurds, because the Jahdn-numd 
 mentions that name among the Kurdish clans. There may possibly have been some 
 connection between them and the converted Channas, for we know that Kurds are to 
 be found as far eastward as Gandiva. 
 
476 APPENDIX. 
 
 of the tribes. We have seen above, under Mu'tasim, that the Jats 
 dwelling beyond the river Aral were compelled to bring' a dog on 
 each occasion of paying their respects, besides being branded upon 
 the hand. The Bhatia, Lohana, Sihta, Jandar, Machf, and Groreja 
 tribes had also peculiar duties devolving upon them. 
 
 Sumptuary laws, moreover, were established, and enforced with 
 great stringency. Certain tribes were prohibited from wearing fine 
 linen, from riding on horses, and from covering their heads and 
 feet. If they committed theft, their women and childi-en were 
 burnt to death. Others had to protect caravans, and to furnish 
 guides to Muhammadans.' 
 
 The natives were also enjoined, in conformity with an old law of 
 'TJmar's, to feed every Muhammadan traveller for three days and 
 nights. It must be confessed, however, that many of these laws 
 were already established under the Brahman rulers ; unless, as 
 seems not improbable, the Muhammadan aspect about these ancient 
 institutions derives its hue from the prejudices of the historian who 
 records them. 
 
 But whatever were the peculiar features of some of the local 
 imposts, aU the unconverted tribes were, without exception, liable 
 to the capitation-tax (Jizya), which, as it was a religious as well as 
 a political duty to collect, was always exacted with rigour and 
 punctuality, and frequently with insult' 
 
 The levy of this impost in Sind from those who had not embraced 
 Islam, was considered so important at the very earliest period, that 
 we find Hajjaj sending another person into the province to coUeot 
 it, even during Muhammad Xasim's government. "Abu Khnfas 
 Kutaiba bin Muslim came on the part of Hajjdj, arid returned to 
 Khurasan, after leaving his agents to collect the poll-tax from the 
 infidels ; and, after a time, Tamim bin Zaid came from Hajjaj on the 
 same errand."' 
 
 1 So Aba 'XTbaida, on the conquest of Emesa, imposed upon such ss chose to 
 remain in infidelity a ransom of five gold-pieces a head, besides an annual tribute ; 
 and caused their names to be registered in a book, giving them back their wives and 
 children, on condition that they should act as guides and interpreters to the MosHms 
 in case of need.— W. Irving, Suecetmra of Mahomet, pp. 60, 261; see Kemble's 
 Saxons in England, I. 294. 
 
 » Price, Setrosp. of Muhamm, Bktory, vol. i. pp. 109. 
 
 3 Tuhftttu-l Eirdm, MS. pp. 18. 
 
APPKNtolX. 477 
 
 According to the original ordinance of 'Umar, those persons who were 
 of any persuasion non-Mnhanimadan, were called Zimmis, or those 
 vrnder protection, and were assessed with a toleration, or poll-tax, at 
 the following rates. A person in easy circumstances had to pay 48 
 dirhams a year, one of moderate means 24 dirhams, and one in an 
 inferior station, or who derived his subsistence from manual labour, 
 12 dirhams. "Women, children, and persons unable to work paid 
 nothing. But a century had not elapsed, when 'Umar the Second, 
 considering these rates too moderate, calculated what a man could 
 gaia during the year, and what he could subsist on, and claimed 
 all the rest, amounting to four or five dinars, about two pounds, 
 a year. 
 
 As the tax ceased upon any one's becoming a Moslim — when he 
 was enfranchised from his dependence, and was invested with the 
 privileges of a citizen and companion — its severe enforcement was 
 often found more efi&cacious than argument or persuasion, in in- 
 ducing the victims to offer themselves as converts to the faith. For 
 the professing Muhammadan had but to pay the tithe for alms, and 
 the import and export duties of one in forty, or two and a-half per 
 cent.,^ and he was free from all other imposts ; but, when the 
 original principles of the government began to be departed from, 
 when the once vigorous administration became feeble and degenerate, 
 and the Khalifs appropriated to themselves a large proportion of the 
 revenues which the Kuran had assigned to God, the Prophet, and 
 his relations, then the Muhammadans themselves also became sub- 
 ject, . as well as the protected people, to new tallages and cesses ; 
 ioBomuch that the severity of the pressure occasioned general dis- 
 content, and often resulted in revolution and bloodshed. 
 
 Hence we find Ibn Khaldun, the most philosophic of all the 
 Arabian writers upon history and social economy, thus speaking of 
 the effect of these exactions upon the government which introduced 
 them : — " With the progress of luxury the wants of government and 
 its servants rucreased, and their zeal dimuiished ; so that it became 
 requisite to employ more people, and to give them higher pay. 
 Consequently, the taxes were gradually increased, till the pro- 
 
 * In Muhammadan Spain this duty was as high as twelve and a-half per cent, on 
 email commodities. — See Keinaad's Sarraiim, 280. 
 
478 APPENDIX. 
 
 prietors and working classee were unable to pay them, which led 
 to continual changes in the government." 
 
 This increased employment of officials had no reference to those 
 maintained for the distribution of justice to the people. In a 
 country like Sind, where the mass of the nation professed their 
 ancient religion, there were no tribunals for the purpose of adjudi- 
 cating suits between members of that despised and depressed race. 
 The power of life and death was exercised by every chief who could 
 maintain the slightest show of independence, as well as by the 
 Amirs ; but, under the latter, legal formalities were more rigorously, 
 if not justly observed. The Kazf, who was appointed to the 
 judgment-seat by their orders, professed, in controversies between 
 Muhammadans, to decide according to the precepts of the Kuran; 
 while even between Hindus and Muhammadans the same unerring 
 guide was appealed to, under which, of course, the former obtained 
 a very small modicum of justice. Public and political offences, 
 whether by one party or the other, were tried by the same standard ; 
 but in all suits for debts, contracts, adultery, inheritance, the rights 
 ' of property, and the like, the Hindus — ^being left without any form 
 of law or any established judicatory to appeal to — ^had to aoconuno- 
 date their own differences, and, therefore, maintained their pan- 
 cMyats, or arbitration committees, in full efficiency. It was for- 
 tunate, under these circumstances, that the public opinion of the 
 caste, as expressed in these domestic and self-constituted fora, 
 operated more strongly upon their minds, sentiments, and actions, 
 than rewards and punishments derived from higher and holier 
 sanctions. 
 
 To the Hindus, indeed, the public tribunals were only the means 
 of extortion and forcible conversion, as they have proved themselves 
 to be to the very latest period of Muhammadan dominion in Sind, 
 under which, there were judicial penalties for riding on horseback, 
 especially with a saddle ; under which, the wearing of beards, and 
 the adoption of Muhammadan costume were compulsory ; and under 
 which, religious processions, and even music, were altogether pro- 
 hibited.' Hence there was, and could be, no sympathy between the 
 
 1 Dr. Burnes, Vmt to the Court of Sinde, pp. 72-75 ; Captain MoMurdo, Journal 
 
APPENDIX. 479 
 
 conquerors and tlie conquered, arising from confidence in the purity 
 of justice, — ^for the primary obligations, inseparably connected with 
 the institutions of political society, were utterly ignored by the 
 Arab rulers of Sind, and no regard was had to that, which 
 MUton calls — 
 
 The Bolid rule of ciril goTemment ; 
 
 • « « * 
 
 In which is plainest taught, and earliest learnt 
 What makes a nation happy and keeps it so, 
 What ruins kingdoms, and lajs cities flat. 
 
 It is expedient that these matters should be often brought back 
 to remembrance and pondered on; for the inhabitants of modem 
 India, as well as our clamorous demagogues at home, are very apt to 
 forget the very depth of degradation from which the great mass of 
 the people have been raised, under the protection of British 
 supremacy. 
 
 In reflecting on the causes which, accelerated the downfall of the 
 Khalif 's dominion in Sind, one of the most obvious and powerful 
 accessories which offers itself to our view, as conspiring towards 
 that end, is the diversity of interests and feelings among the several 
 tribes which achieved and confirmed ttie conquest. No long time 
 elapsed, after the first glow of enthusiasm had died away, and given 
 place to more sober sentiments, when the Arabs showed themselves 
 as utterly incapable, as the shifting sands of their own desert, of 
 coalescing into a system of concord and subordination. The passions 
 which agitated these hordes in their ancient abodes, the hereditary 
 feuds and blood-revenges, which had even formed the dates of eras 
 amoung their Bedouin ancestors, and which could be revived in all 
 their bitterness by the recital of a ballad, a lampoon, or a proverb, 
 were not allayed, but fostered, by transplantation from their original 
 soil.^ And so it was in Spain ; crowds of adventurers poured in 
 who preferred a distant fortune to poverty at home. Emigrants 
 from Damascus occupied Granada and Cordova ; Seville and Malaga 
 were planted by settlers from Emesa and Palestine ; the natives of 
 
 H. As. Soc, Vol. I. pp. 249-262 ; Lieut. Burton, Sind/t, p. 358, and Vnhappy Valley, 
 Vol. I. pp. 225-229 ; Capt. Postans' Personal Observations on Sindh, pp. 159, 258 ; 
 Sir A. Bumes, Caiool, p. 15. 
 
 1 Pocock, Specimen Sistor. Arab. pp. 43, 178 ; Sale, Koran, Vol. I, p. 233 ; 
 Foster, Mahom. Unveiled, Vol. I. p. 6. 
 
480 APPENDIX. 
 
 Yemen and Persia were scattered about Toledo ; and the feiidle 
 valleys of the South were partitioned among 10,000 horsemen from 
 Sjrria and 'Irak. These, as in Sind, all became so many rival 
 factions eager in the pursuit of power, mutually rancorous and 
 hostile, and cherishing, in the pride and petulance of their hearts, 
 the most invidious distinctions of races and precedence.' 
 
 Even as early as the deposition and recall of Muhammad Kasim, 
 we find him alluding to the clannish feud between the Sakifis and 
 Sakasaks. " Had he chosen to appeal to the sword," he exclaims, 
 " no cavaliers of the tribes of Sakasak or 'Akk could have wrested 
 from him the country he had conquered, or laid violent hands upon 
 his person." These were both Yamanfan tribes ; the first was de- 
 scended from Saksak bin Ashrab, and the second was an offshoot of 
 the great tribe of Azd, which, under Muhallab, was the first to carry 
 the Arab arms into India, and which rendered itself so conspicuous 
 in the conquest of Khurasan.' The Sakifi tribe, to which Muhammad 
 Kasim belonged, was originally from Taif, about fifty miles south- 
 east of Mecca. It continues a powerful people to this day, pos- 
 sessing the some fertile region on the eastern declivity of the Hijjaz 
 chain of mountains. In the wars of the Wahabis, they defended 
 their ancient stronghold of Tiif with a spirit worthy of their 
 ancestors. 
 
 We have seen above, under the Khilafat of Mu'tasim, that the 
 rancour, which prevailed between the Yamanian and Nizarian 
 tribes, again broke out into open hostility in Sind. It was not, 
 however, in Sind only, but wherever the Muhammadan standard 
 was displayed, that these two great divisions were arrayed against 
 each other ; and as this feeling operated as one of the main causes 
 of the success of the 'Abbasides against the Ummayides, its original 
 malignity could not fail to be aggravated in every Moslim country, 
 as long as the remembrance of that change of djrnasty survived. 
 
 What imparted additional acerbity to these feuds in Sind, was 
 
 I Crichton, Arabia and its People, p. 339; Dunliam, History of Spain, Vol. IV. 
 p. 2 ; Procter, Eneyclopiedia Metrop,, Vol. XI. p. 294. All of whom are iudebted, 
 more or less, originally to Gibbon, Decline and Fall, chap. li. adjinem; and he, with 
 his usual honesty of acknowledgment, to Casiri, Siblioth ArabSispan., Tom. II. 
 pp. 32, 262. 
 
 ' The Im&m of Muscat is an AzdS. — Enc. Metr. t. Oman. 
 
APPENDIX. 481 
 
 the persecution of the adherents of 'All, which, though with some in- 
 termissions, especially about Mamiin's time, was maintained with 
 considerably rigour during the period of Arab occupation. We 
 have in the preceding note seen some instances of these religious 
 quarrels, and they must have been of frequent occurrence in Sind ; 
 for its position on the remote eastern frontier of the Empire, and the 
 difficulty of access to it over mountains and barren sands, must have 
 offered a promising asylum to political refugees, of which we have 
 ample evidence that they readily availed themselves. Hence hetero- 
 doxy, during the period of the KhUafat, flourished with unusual 
 vigour in Sind and Makran ; and hence such schismatics as Khariji's, 
 Zindiksi Khwajas, Sharfites, and the Hke, as well as MuMhida, or 
 atheists of various denominations, throve, and propagated ;' more 
 especially the Karmatians, who, after being first introduced through 
 this kingdom, maintained their hold in Western and Northern India 
 long after they were suppressed in other provinces of the Empire. 
 
 The 'Alite refugees have preserved many traces of their resort to 
 Sind, to which we may refer the unusual proportion of Saiyid 
 families to this day resident in that country, the names of such 
 places as Lakk-'alavi and Mut-'aJavf,* founded and stUl inhabited by 
 *Alites, and the many Saiyids of even Eastern India, who trace their 
 first settlements to Thatta, Bhakkar, and other places in the valley 
 of the Indus. 
 
 These vague reminiscences, indeed, may be considered to com- 
 prise one of the most enduring monuments of Arab dominion in 
 Sind. They were almost the only legacy the Arabs left be- 
 hind them ; affording a peculiar contrast in this respect to the 
 Romans, after they had held Britain for the same period of three 
 centuries. Notwithstanding that their possession was partial and 
 unstable, our native soil teems with their buildings, camps, roads, 
 coins, and utensils, in a manner to show how completely they were 
 the master-spirits of that remote province.' But with regard to the 
 Arab dominion in Sind, it is impossible for the traveller to wander 
 
 » See "Weil, II. 16 ; Burton, 249. 
 
 2 The latter is now better known as Matiri. The two great families of Latkyiri 
 and Mat&ri Saiyids constitute the Maj&wars, or attendants at the shrine of the cele- 
 brated saint, La'l Sh&h-b&z of Sihw&n. 
 
 ' See William of Malmesbury, Qest. Reg. Lib. 1. cap. i. 
 
 VOL. I. 31 
 
482 APPENDIX. 
 
 through that land, -without being struck with the absence of all 
 record of their occupation. In language, architecture, arts, tra- 
 ditions, customs, and manners, they have left but little impress upon 
 the country or the people. We trace them, like the savage Sikhs, 
 only in the ruins of their predecessors ; and while Mahfiiza, Baiza, 
 and Mansura have so utterly vanished, that "etiam periere ruinse," 
 the older sites of Bhambur, Alor, Multan, and Sihwan still survive 
 to proclaim the barbarism and cruelty of their destroyers. It has, 
 indeed, been observed, as a circumstance worthy of remark, that no 
 people ever constructed so many edifices as the Arabs, who extracted 
 fewer materials from the quarry : the buildings of their first settlers 
 being everywhere raised from the wrecks of cities, castles, and 
 fortresses which they had themselves destroyed.^ 
 
 With respect to the descendants of the early Arab conquerors, we 
 find it stated, by two local historians, that when 'Abdu-r Eazzak, 
 Wazir of Sultan Mahmud, and the first Ghaznivide governor of 
 Sind, was in the year 415 h. (1024 a.d.) directed to proceed to that 
 country from Multan,' and that when, after having captured Bhakkar, 
 and established his power upon a firm basis, he proceeded in 417 to 
 Siwista 1 and Thatta, he found in those places, among the descendants 
 of old Arab settlers, " only a very few, who had remained bound, as 
 it were, to the country by family ties and encumbrances ; and who, 
 being men of learning and ability, were at that time holding posts 
 of honour, and ia the enjoyment of certain religious endowments."' 
 
 Eighteen Sindian families, or tribes, are said to have sprung from 
 these ancestors: — the Sakifi,* Tamfm, Miighairide, 'Abbasf, Sadiki, 
 Faruki, 'Usmani, Pahanwar," Manki,* Chabria, Bin-i Asad, 'Utba, 
 
 ' Cricliton's Arabia and Hi People, p. 426. 
 
 ' The period of his departure from MultSin is not clearly stated by either authority. 
 One seems to say 414, the other 416. Now, as Mahmtid was, dming Eamazin 416, 
 in Mult&n, on hia way to Somn&t, that appears to be a more probable year than 
 either of the other two. 
 
 3 Tuhfalu-l Kirdm, MS. p. 21. Mir Ma'sflm says that the Vazir turned the Arabs 
 out of these places ; but that " some who had families, and were respectable and 
 
 learned men, had high situations conferred upon them according to law " i.e. they 
 
 were appointed to judicial offices. — TdriTch-i Sind, MS, p. 38. 
 
 * The original KSizis of Alor and Bhakkar. From this family was descended the 
 author of the Chach-ndma. 
 
 » The descendants of HSiis. « A branch of the Tamim. 
 
APPENDIX. 483 
 
 Bin-i Abl Sufy^n/ Bajaride," and tile Bin-i Jarfma Aas&ri, wlio were 
 the progenitors of the tribe of Sapya, the lords of Siwistan. To 
 these are to be added the Jats and BuMohls, descendants of Harun 
 Makrani. It will be observed that, although the families are said 
 to be eighteen, the emimeration extends to only seventeen, unless the 
 Sapya and the descendants of Jarfma Ans4ri are reckoned as two. 
 
 The same authority mentions, that some of the tribes now in Sind, 
 and who appear from their n^mes and occupations to have been 
 originally Hindu, are in reality descendants of the Arabs. Thus, 
 the Thim were originally Tamim ; the Morya are pronounced to be 
 descendants from Mughaira ; and the Sumra are likewise held to be 
 the offspring of adventurers from Samarra, who accompanied the 
 Tamim in great numbers. All these affiliations are gratuitous 
 guesses, and about as probable as the one mentioned in the preceding 
 paragraph, of the descent of the Jats and BulucWs from Harun 
 Makrani. But that some of the inferior tribes are descendants of 
 the Arabs is by no means opposed to reason or probability, and this 
 more especially among those now classed as Buldchis. The Eind, 
 for instance, when they assert that they came originally from Aleppo 
 and Damascus, may have truth on their side; but we should be 
 cautious in admitting nominal resemblances or ambitious genealo- 
 gies ; especially where, as in the case of the Sumras, Sammas, 
 Daudputras, and Kalhoras, there has been a political purpose to 
 serve, and sycophants ready at all times to pander to a despot's 
 aspirations. 
 
 The Sumra Dynmty. 
 
 The assignment of this dynasty to its veritable lineage and proper 
 period among the rulers of Sind, is one of the most difficult problems 
 with which we have to deal in the history of Muhammadan India ; 
 and the obscurities and inconsistencies of the native accounts have 
 by no means been cleared by the European comments which have 
 been made upon them. 
 
 Our first informant is Mfr Ma'sum, whose account has been given 
 
 1 Of this tribe are many of the darweshes of Eail, on the right bank of the Indus, 
 opposite to Haidar&b&d. Among these celebrated saints are to be included the 
 ancestors of Shaikh Abii-1 FewI, as shown in his work, styled the KaohW. 
 
 2 Occupants of Jang&.r, about ten miles west from Sihw&,n, 
 
484 APPENDIX. 
 
 at length in the Extracts from Ms history. He tells us (supra, p. 
 215,) that in the time of 'Ahdu-r Eashid, Sultan Mas'iid, 443 A.H., 
 1051 A.D., the men of the Sdmra tribe revolted from the rule of 
 Ghazni, and placed on the throne of Sind a man of the name of 
 Siimra. He closes his unsatisfactory account by saying : — " If any 
 of my friends know more on this subject, let them publish it ; I have 
 said all I can Upon the matter." 
 
 Abu-1 Fazl gives us no information in the Ay'in-i AJcbari (Vol. 11. 
 p. 120), beyond the announcement that there were thirty-six Sumra 
 pjrinces, w^ho reigned 600 years. 
 
 Pirishta seems afraid of venturing on this difficult and doubtful 
 ground. He merely observes (Yol. IV. p. 411,) that, on the death 
 of Muhammad Kasim, a tribe, tracing their origin from the Aasdrfs, 
 established their government in Sind; after which, the Sumra 
 Zamfndars reigned for 500 years ; ' but he adds, " neither the names 
 nor the history of, these princes are at present extant, since I have 
 faUed in my endeavour to procure them. In the course of years 
 (although we have no account of the precise period) the dynasty was 
 subverted by that of the Sammas,^ whose chief assumed the title of 
 Jam. During the reigns of these dynasties, the Muhammadan kijigs 
 of Ghaznf, Ghor, and Dehli invaded Sind, and seizing many of the 
 towns, appointed Muhammadan governors over them." 
 
 The Tarikh-i Tahiri (MS. p. 25,) says their dominion lasted for 
 only 143 years, from 700 to 843 h., that they were Hindus, that 
 Alor was within their dominions, and that their capital was Mu- 
 hammad-Tur, in the Pargana of Dirak. Duda is made contem- 
 porary of 'Alau-d Dfn, and the popular stories relating to Dalu Eai 
 and 'Umar Sumra are given at length. 
 
 The Beg-Ldr-ndma (MS. p. 8) merely observes that, after the Mu- 
 hammadan conquest, men of the Tamim tribe governed Sind, and 
 after some time, the Siimras succeeded them, occupying the seat 
 of government for 505 years ; their capital being Muhatampur. 
 
 1 The Kanzu-l Mahfut, on the authority of the Tdrlkh-i Bahddw-shdhi says the 
 Sflmras lasted for 500 years after the auldd Tamim Ansiri, 
 
 ' [The -words of this sentence as given hy Gen. Brigga, are " the dynasty of 
 Soomnra subverted the country of another chief called Soomima, whose chief," etc. 
 Sir E. Elliot's emendation is obviously necessary,] 
 
APPENDIX. 485 
 
 Muhammad Tusuf says in his MmtaMabu-t Tawdrikh that when 
 Sultan 'Abdu-r EasWd, son of Sultan Mahmud, inherited the king- 
 dom of Ghaznf, the people of Sind, finding him an indolent and 
 weak-minded monarch, began to be refractory and contumacious, and 
 in A.H. 445 (1053 a.d.), the men of the tribe of Svimra, having assem- 
 bled around Tharri, seated a man named Siimra on the cushion of 
 government. He ruled independently for a length of time, and left 
 as successor a son, Bhungar, bom to him by a daughter of a Zamfn- 
 dar named Sad. Bhungar, after ruling 15 years, departed to the 
 world of eternity in a.h. 461, and left a son named Diida, who after 
 a rule of 24 years, died a.h. 485 ; ' then Sanghar reigned for 16 
 years; Hafif, 33 years; 'Umar, 40 years; Dudd 11. 14 years; Pahtu, 
 33 years ; Genhra, 16 years ; Muhammad Tur, 15 years ; Genhra 11. 
 several years ; Diida m. 14 years ; Tai, 24 years ; Chanesar, 18 
 years; Bhungar IE. 15 years; Hafif H. 18 years; Duda IV. 25 
 years ; 'Umar Sumra, 35 years ; Bhungar HI. 10 years. Then the 
 government fell to Hamir, who was deposed by the tribe of Samma, 
 on account of his tyranny.' 
 
 The latest native authority is the Tiihfatu-l Kirdm (MS. pp. 21, 26, 
 126), which, in one passage, says that the Siimra tribe sprang from 
 the Arabs of Samira, who arrived in Sind in the second century of 
 the Hijra, accompanying the Tamlm family, who became governors 
 . of Sind im.der the 'Abbasides ; that the whole term of their sway 
 may be reckoned at 550 years, as they were mere nominal tribu- 
 taries during the last two centuries of the 'Abbdside government, 
 and enjoyed full independence when the greater part of Sind was 
 held by the officers of the Ghaznivide and Ghori kings. 
 
 In another passage we are informed that they were invited to 
 Sind by Chhota Amrani, who being grieved at the injustice of his 
 brother, the famous Dalti Eaf, repaired to Baghdad, and obtained 
 from the Khalif one hundred Arabs of Samira, whom he brought to 
 Sind, together with Saiyid 'Ali Musavi, who married Dalii Eai's 
 daughter, and left descendants, now mhabitiag the town of Mut'alavi. 
 
 When Ghazi Malik, itt the year 720 h. (1320 a.d.), marched towards 
 
 ' [See the passage from Malet's translation of Mir Ma'siim, supra, p. 216.] 
 2 [This passage is quoted in the Tukfdtu-l Kirdm, and another translation of it 
 will be found at page 344.] 
 
486 APPENDIX. 
 
 Dehli with an army collected from Multan and Sind, oyertkrew 
 Khusru Khan, and assumed the title of Gh(asu-d din Tughlik Shah, 
 the tribe of Sumra took advantage of his being occupied with the 
 affairs of those distant parts, and collecting together from the neigh- 
 bourhood of Tharri, chose a person namt'd Sumra as their ruler. He 
 established perfect tranquillity throughout the country, and married 
 a daughter of a Zamindar, named Sad, who made pretensions to 
 independence. His wife bore him a son named Bhungar by whom 
 he was succeeded. His son Duda succeeded him, and acquired 
 possession of the country as fax as Nasrpiir. H^ left an infant son, 
 named Singhar. Tari, daughter of Diida, assumed the reins of 
 government till Singhar became of age. He, when installed in power, 
 marched towards Kachh, and extended his territory as far as Nang- 
 nai. As he died childless, his wife Himu appointed her own 
 brothers to the governorship of the cities of Tur and Tharri. A 
 short time after this, another Diida, a Sumra, governor of the Tort 
 of Dhak, assembled his kinsmen from the neighbourhood, and 
 destroyed Hfmii's brothers. While this was going on, Pahtu, a 
 son of Duda, raised an insurrection, and held authority for a short 
 time ; after which, a man named Khaira obtained the principality. 
 Then Armil undertook the burden of government, but as he proved 
 to be a tyrant, the tribe of Samma rose against him, and slew him 
 in A.H. 752 (1351 A.D.). So far the "confusion worse confoimded" 
 of the Tuh/atu-l Kirdm} 
 
 The attempts of European authors to explain these discrepancies 
 are not successful. 
 
 Pottinger informs us that "Hakims were regularly sent from 
 court (Ghazni) to this province, untU the reign of Musaood, the 
 son of Muhmood, when a great tribe, called Soomruh, appeared in 
 arms and expelled aU the partizans of the king; but their chief, 
 whose name was Sunghar, immediately making an apology for this 
 outrage, and offering to pay tribute to the amount of the revenues 
 before collected, he was pardoned, and appointed governor, in the 
 the stead of the person he had deposed. The tribute was paid with 
 great regularity for one hundred smd fifty years after this arrange- 
 ment, when the Empire of Ghuznee was overturned by the Ghoorian 
 
 1 Su^oi,.T^. 343. 
 
APPENDIX. 487 
 
 dynasty ; on which the Soomruhs, in whose tribe the government of 
 Sinde had gradually been allowed to become hereditary, declared them- 
 selves in a state of independence, and although they were repeatedly 
 worsted in the wars that followed this declaration, yet they managed 
 to preserve their liberty tUl the final extinction of the race, or at 
 least the princes of it, in the person of Duhooda, who died without 
 children, in the year of the Hijree, 694, about 335 years from the 
 time his ancestors had first made themselves so conspicuous. 
 
 " On the demise of Duhooda, numerous candidates for the vacant 
 government started up, and it was a contintial struggle for nearly a 
 century who should succeed to it. Among the last of them, two 
 brothers, called Kheeramull and UrukmuU successively held it for a 
 time, but at length the tyranny of the latter became insupportable, 
 and the head of the tribe of Sumuh went to his palace, accompanied 
 by the ministers of the country, and put him to death. The populace 
 with one accord elected this chief, who had relieved them from so 
 dreadful a scourge, their king, and he was accordingly placed on 
 their throne, with the title of Jam, or leader, which he was said to 
 have adopted from his family being descended from the celebrated 
 Jamshed, king of Persia."^ 
 
 Dr. Bird, relying on some Persian authorities, including the 
 Tdrihh-i Sind, tells us that the Sumras, who became first known in 
 the Indian history in the reign of Mahmud of Ghaznf, were 
 originally Muhammadans descended from Aboulahil, an uncle of the 
 Prophet, and that one of the tribe who, in the beginning of the 
 eleventh century of our era, obtained power in Sind, married into 
 the family of Samma, and had a son named Bhaonagar. The chief 
 who had been thus placed at the head of the tribe was named 
 Hallah, the son of Chotah, a descendant of Omar Sumra, first of the 
 family mentioned in their history. Contemporary with Chotah was 
 Deva Eaf, sometimes called Dilu Eai, the ruler of Alore. " The son 
 born to Hallah had for his descendants Dodar, Singhar, Hanif, and 
 others, who appear to have originally possessed the Dangah per- 
 gunnah in the Eegistan, or sandy desert, from whence they extended 
 themselves into the pergunnahs of Thurr, Sammawati, Eupah, and 
 
 ^ Travels in Bcloochislan, pp. 391. 
 
488 APPENDIX. 
 
 Nasirpur." Dr. Bird adds, that nothing satisfactory regarding them 
 is to be found in any Indian author, except the statement of their 
 descent from the family of the Prophet, in -which, therefore, he seems 
 to concur. " They derive their name," he continues, " from the city 
 of Saumrah, on the Tigris; and appear to have sprung from the 
 followers of Tamim Ansari, mixed with the Arab tribes of Tamim 
 and Kureish." o o <» « Jxi Masudi's time, many chiefs of the 
 Arabs descended from Hamzah, the uncle of the prophet, and Ali, 
 his cousin, were then subject (to the chief of Mansiira.). To these 
 ancestors we may trace the Saiyids of Sinde, and the family of 
 the Sumrahs." ' 
 
 The difficulty of solving this question is shown by so confused a 
 statement written by a well-informed author. 
 
 Elphinstone observes that, " Kasim's conqiiests were made over to 
 his successor Temim, in the hands of whose family they remained 
 for thirty-six years, till the downfall of the Ummayides, when, by 
 some insurrection, of which we do not know the particulars, they 
 were expelled by the Siimras, and all their Indian conqaests were 
 restored to the Hindus ; part of the expelled Arabs, according to 
 Firishta, having found a settlement among the Afghans." And, 
 again, that " after the expulsion of the Arabs in 750 a.d., Sind, from 
 Bhakkar to the sea, was ruled by the Sumra Eajputs, until the end 
 of the twelfth century ; that it is uncertain when they first paid 
 tribute to the Muhammadans, probably, the beginning of that century, 
 under Shahabu-d dm, or his immediate successor." Here, the whole 
 period of the 'Abbaside governors, and of the independent rulers of 
 Multan and Mansura and the Karmatians, is entirely neglected. 
 So important an omission by such a writer teaches us, as in the pre- 
 ceding paragraph, how obscure are the annals with which we have 
 to deal.'' 
 
 In calling the Sumras Eajputs, Elphinstone is without doubt 
 correct, for notwithstanding the assertions of the local writers, the 
 real fact must be admitted, that the Sumras are not of Arab descent 
 at all, and that this fictitious genealogy was assumed by them, when 
 
 ' Sketch of the Bislory of Gutch, Appendix yi. ; Visit to the Court of SincU, p. 10 ; 
 and again, Journ. B. As, Soc.^ Vol. I. pp. 126. 
 2 SistQry of India, Vol. I, pp. 228, 511. 
 
APPENDIX. 489 
 
 the majority of the tiibe were converted to Islam ; and that, as the 
 name of Saman-a offered a sufficiently specious resemhlance, that 
 town was adopted as the probable seat of their origin, though it was 
 not built till after the supposed period of their emigration.' 
 
 That the Sumras were not Moslims during at least the early period 
 of their sway, seems to be proved by their names, though this argu- 
 ment is not quite decisive, for down to modem times in Sindj Mu- 
 hammadan converts have been occasionally allowed to retain their 
 Hindu names. StUl, reasoning generally, the retention of Hindu 
 names points, prima, facie, to the probability of the retention of the 
 native religion. Now, when we come to examine the Bhungars and 
 Dudas among the Sumras, we find that even to the latest period, 
 with one, or at most two, doubtful exceptions, they are all of native 
 Indian origin. The fact of their being called " Hamfr," in Sindian 
 ballads (a probable corruption of " Amir ") scarcely militates against 
 this, as it was, both in ancient and modem times, a distinctive appel- 
 lation of the rulers of Sind, and was only superseded where, as in the 
 <5£ise of the Jams, there was a more familiar title of local origin. 
 The ascription of so honourable an address and so high a lineage, is 
 easily accounted for by the natural tendency to aggrandisement 
 which has actuated all bards and minstrels, from Demodocus and 
 Tyrtffius to the last prizeman of the Cambrian Eisteddfodd. That 
 many of the tribe still continue Hindus, roaming as shepherds 
 through the ihals of Jesalmfr and the Upper Dhat country to the 
 east of Sind, we know from personal communication. Even if it 
 might be admitted that, in the present day, they had forgotten their 
 Arab origin, and lapsed into Hinduism from their former creed; 
 StUl, that could not have oceurred at the very earliest period of their 
 history, within a century or two of their emigration, and before their 
 high and holy origin could possible have been forgotten. 
 
 The Sumras of the desert are one of the subdivisions of the 
 Pramara Eajputs, and from frequently combining with their brethren 
 the 'Umars, gave name to a large tract of country, which is even 
 still recognized as 'Umra-Sumra, and within which Alor is situated. 
 
 ' The various modes of writing and pronouncing the name of this town are given 
 in the Mardsidu-l Itlild', cd. JuynboU, II. 6, 27, but not one admits of a « in the 
 first syllable. 
 
490 APPENDIX. 
 
 Eenouard surmises tliat they may be "Som-Eaf," that is, of the 
 Lunar race, but, being without question of the Pramara stock, they 
 are necessarily Agni-kulas. Their successors and opponents, the 
 Sammas, were of the Lunar race. 
 
 It is not improbable that the Lumris, or Numaris, of Buliichistan 
 may be of the same stock, who, when they derive their lineage from 
 Samar, the founder of Samarkand, may have been originally nothing 
 but Siimras. This, however, would not be admissible, if they 
 really have that consanguinity with the Bhatis which they profess^ 
 and which would throw them also into the Lunar family.^ 
 
 It is not only from passages which professedly treat of the Sumras 
 that we know them to be Hindus, but from an incidental notice in 
 foreign historians, such as the authors of the Jahdn-kushd and the 
 Jdmi'u-t TawdriTch ; where, in writing of the expedition of Jalalu-d 
 din to Sind, in 621 a.h. (1221 a.d.), they mention that, when he was 
 approaching Debal, the ruler of that country, Hasrar, took to flight, 
 and embarked on a boat, leaving the Sultan to enter the place with- 
 out a contest, and erect mosques on the sites of the Hindu temples 
 which he destroyed. This Hasrar is, in Eirishta's account of the same 
 expedition, named Jaisi, which, if it be correctly written, is more 
 probably a titular than a personal designation ; for we learn it was 
 the name borne by the son of Dahir, who ruled in the same province, 
 and was so called from the Sindi word jai, "victory." It seems, 
 however, not improbable that the name is neither Hasrar, nor 
 Jaief, nor Jaisar, but Ohanesar, the popular hero of some of the 
 Sindian legends respecting the Sumra family. Neither of the three 
 other names is to be found amongst those of the Sumra rulers, and 
 written without the diacritical points, they all vary but little from 
 one another. Admitting this to be the case. We obtain an useful 
 synchronism in the Siimra dynasty, notwithstanding that the local 
 ballad of Dodo and Ohanesar makes them contemporaries of 'Alau-d 
 din, a name more familiar to native ears than ShamsU-d din, the 
 actual ruler of Dehli at that period, and his predecessor by nearly a 
 whole century. 
 
 1 loi., Annah of Rdjasthdn, Yol. I. pp. 92, 93; II. 310-12; Snoye. Metropol. 
 Vol. XXIII. p. 780; Journ. JR. Geog. Stic, Vol. VII. p. li; Masson, /ourncy to 
 Keldt, pp. 298, 356. 
 
APPENDIX. 491 
 
 There is, however, one very curious passage ia an author, -whom 
 we should have little expected to afford any illustration to the 
 history of Sind, which would seem to prove that, before they apos- 
 tatized from their ancestral faith to Islam, the Siimras had inter- 
 mediately adopted the tenets of the Karmatian heresy. In the 
 sacred books of the Druses, we find an epistle of Muktana Bahau-d 
 din, the chief apostle of Hamza, and the principal compiler of the 
 Druse writings, addressed in the year 423 h. (1032 a.d.), to the 
 Unitarians of Multdn and Hindustan in general, and to Shaikh Ibn 
 S-kmar Sdjd Bal in particular^ Here the name is purely Indian, 
 and the patronymic can be no other than our Sumra. That some of 
 that tribe, including the chiefs, had affiliated themselves to the 
 Karmatians is more probable than the other alternative, suggested 
 by M. Eeinaud,^ that certain Arabs had adopted indigenous denomi- 
 nations. It seems quite evident from this curious coincidence of 
 names, that the party particularly addressed was a Siimra ; that this 
 Sumra was a Karmatian, successor of a member of the same schism, 
 who bore in the time of Mahmdd a Muhammadan name (Abu-1 
 Fath Daiid), and whose son was probably the younger Daiid men- 
 tioned in the letter ; and that the Karmatians of the valley of the 
 Indus were in relation and correspondence, not only with those of 
 Persia and Arabia, but with the Druses, who adored Hakim, the 
 Fatimide Khahf of Egypt, as a God. 
 
 That the Karmatians obtained many converts to their infidel 
 opinions is rendered highly probable by the difficulty of accounting 
 for their rapid conquest of Sind by any other supposition. Being 
 merely refugees from Bahrein and Al Hassa after their successive 
 defeats, mentioned in another note, and their subsequent persecution 
 in Arabia, they could scarcely have traversed an inhospitable country, 
 or undertaken a long sea voyage, in sufficient numbers, to appear 
 
 ' He calls E&j^ Bal the true desceudant of Botbro and Hondelhela, and mentions 
 many other members of his family, some of whom have Arab, and others Indian 
 names, eulogising their faith and virtuea. " Oh, illustrious Eaj& Bal, arouse your 
 family, the Unitarians, and bring back Difid the younger into the true religion ; for 
 Mas'ud only delivered him from prison and bondage, that you might accomplish, the 
 ministry with which you were charged, against 'Ahd-uUa, his nephew, and against 
 all the inhabitants of Mult&n, so that the disciples of the doctrines of holiness, and of 
 the unity, might be distinguished from the party of bewilderment, contradiction, in- 
 genuity, and rebellion." ' Memoire mr I'Inde, p. 256. 
 
492 APPENDIX. 
 
 suddenly with renovated power in Sind. Many Hindd converts doubt- 
 less readily joined them, both ia the hope of expelling their present 
 masters, and in the expectation of receiving a portion of their ancient 
 patrimony for themselves, after the long exclusion under which they 
 had groaned. One of the Buluch clans, indeed, stiU preserves the 
 memory of its heresy, or that of its progenitor, in retaining its pre- 
 sent title of Karmati. 
 
 Independent of the general dissemination of Shia' sentiments 
 in the valley of the Indus, which favoured notions of the incorpo- 
 ration of the Godhead in Man, the old occupants of the soil must, 
 from other causes, have been ready to acquiesce in the wild doc- 
 trines of the heretics, who now offered themselves for spiritual 
 teachers, as well as political leaders. Their cursing of Muhammad ; 
 their incarnations of the deity ; their types and allegories ; their 
 pliilosophy divided into exoteric and esoteric; their religious re- 
 ticence ; their regard for particular numbers, particularly seven 
 and twelve ; the various stages of initiation ; their abstruse 
 allusions ; their mystical interpretations ; their pantheistic theo- 
 sophy, were so much in conformity with sentiments already 
 prevalent amongst these willing disciples, that little persuasion 
 could have been required to induce them to embrace so con- 
 genial a system of metaphysical divinity, of which the final de- 
 gree of initiation, however cautiously and gradually the development 
 was concealed, undoubtedly introduced the disciple into the regions 
 of the most xmalloyed atheism. So susceptible, indeed, must the 
 native mind have been of these insidious doctrines, that Hammer- 
 Purgstall and others, who have devoted much attention to these 
 topics, have very reasonably concluded that the doctrines of these 
 secret societies, — such as the Karmatians, Isma'ilians or Assas- 
 sins, Druses, Batinfs, and sundry others, which at various periods 
 have devastated the Muhammadan world, and frequently threat- 
 ened the extinction of that faith, — ^though originally based upon 
 the errors of the Gnostics, were yet largely indebted to the mystical 
 philosophy and theology of Eastern nations, and especially of India, 
 where the tenets of transmigration and of absorption into the Deity 
 were even more familiar both to Buddhists and Brahmans than they 
 were to these miserable schismatics. 
 
APPEKDIX. 493 
 
 The Hindu population, therefore, though they had much to dread 
 from them, if it continued obstinately in the path of idolatry, was 
 likely to offer a rich field of proselytism to such zealous fanatics as 
 the Karmatians, or "people of ihe veil," whose creed could not have 
 been less attractive to an ignorant and superstitious multitude, from 
 its eluding in many instances the grasp of human apprehension, and 
 from its founder being announced, in profane and incomprehensible 
 jargon, to be " the Guide ! the Director ! the Invitation 1 the Word ! 
 the Holy Ghost ! the Demonstration ! the Herald ! the Camel !" 
 
 Assuming, then, that this Ibn Sumar, the ruler of Multan in 
 4:23 H. (1032 A.D.), was in reality a Sumra, we must date the com- 
 mencement of the Sumra dynasty at least as early as that period, 
 and most probably even before Mahmiid's death, in the lower course 
 of the Indus ; for it has already been observed, on the authority of 
 Ibn Asir, that Mahmud on his return from Sommat, in 416 h., (1025 
 A.D.), placed a Muhammadan chief in possession of Mansura ; for 
 that the incumbent had abjured Islamism. So that the expelled 
 ruler must necessarily have been a Karmatian, or a Hindu; and, in 
 either case, doubtless a Sumra, who, in the distractions of the 
 Ghaznivide Empire, would have allowed no long time to elapse 
 before he recovered the dominions from which he had been expelled. 
 
 This re-establishment might have been delayed during the reign 
 of Mas'ud, who is expressly mentioned by Baihaki as comprising all 
 Sind within his domioions. The Sumras, indeed, may possibly have 
 allowed a titular sovereignty to the Ghaznivides, even down to the 
 time of 'Abdu-r Eashid in 443 h. (1051 a.d.) ; or paid tribute as 
 an acknowledgment of fealty ; but after that time, the advance of 
 the Saljuks on the northern frontier of the empire, and the internal 
 disorders of the government, must have offered too favourable a 
 conjuncture for them to profess any longer an even nominal sub- 
 ordination to distant monarchs imable to enforce it. 
 
 The Sumra power could at no time have been extensive and 
 absolute in Sind ; and the passage translated above at p. 340, from 
 the Tuhfatu-l Eirdm, showing seven tributary chiefs in Sind in the 
 time of Nasiru-d din, represents perhaps the true state of the country 
 during a great portion of the so-called Sumra period. Moreover, 
 this unfortunate province was subject to perpetual incursions from 
 
494 APPENDIX. 
 
 the Ghorian, KMljf, and Tughlik dynasties of DeWi and the Panjab, 
 as well as the still more ruinous devastations of the Moghals. The 
 retreats in their native deserts offered temporary asylums to the 
 Sindians during these visitations, till it pleased the stronger power 
 to retire, after ravaging the crops and securing their plunder : but, 
 beyond the personal security which such inhospitable tracts offered, 
 the Sumras could have enjoyed little freedom and independence, and 
 can only claim to rank as a dynasty, from the absence of any other 
 predominant tribe, or power, to assert better pretensions to that 
 distinction.' 
 
 The Samma Dynasty. 
 
 In considering the annals of this race, we are relieved from many 
 of the perplexities which attend us during the preceding period. 
 After expelling the Sumras in 752 a.h. (1351 a.d.), the Sammas 
 retained their power, till they were themselves displaced by the 
 Arghuns iu 927 a.h. (1521 a.d.). Some aiithorities assign an earlier, 
 as well as later, date for the commencement of their rule. The Beg 
 Ldr-ndma says 734 a.h. (1334 a.d.), making the dynasty last 193 
 years. The TdriMi-i TdMri says 843 a.h. (1439 a.d.), giving it no 
 more than 84 years. The Tuhfatu-l Kirdm says 927 h., which gives 
 176 years. 
 
 The Tdrihh-i Tdhiri is obviously wrong, because when Sultan 
 Firoz Tughlik invaded Sind in 762 a.h. (1361 a.d.), he was opposed 
 by a Prince whose title was Jam, one borne by Sammas only, not by 
 Sumras, — and this we learn from a contemporary author, Shams-i 
 Siraj, whose father himself commanded a fleet of 1000, out of 5000, 
 boats employed upon the expedition. The power of the Jam may 
 be judged of by his being able to bring a force of 40,000 infantry 
 and 20,000 cavalry to oppose the Sultan of Dehli, whom he kept 
 
 1 Compare Hammer-Pnrgstall, Gesehichte der Assassinen, Book i., and Fundgrubm 
 dea Orients, Vol. TI. ; Siog. Vtiweraelle, v. " Carmath ;" Eenouard, Encyc. Metro- 
 poUtma, Vol. XVIII. pp. 301, 308; M.Jules DaTid, iSyne Jl/"o(fe™«, pp. 195-7 ; 
 M. Silvestre de Sacy, Eicposd de la religion des J)ruzes, Tom. I. p. cajxci, II. 341 ; 
 and Jouinal des Savants, ana. 1818 ; the entire work of De Sacy has been copiously 
 abstracted in the &st and second Volumes of Col. Churchill's Mount Lebanon, 1863 ; 
 Weil, Ges. da- Chalifen, Vol. II. p. 2U, III. 65 ; Sale, Koran, Prel. Disc, VoL I. 
 p. 262 ; Secret Societies of the Middle Ages, pp. 37-44 ; BoMen, Dm alte Indien, 
 Vol. I. p. 206. 
 
APPENDIX. 495 
 
 at bay for two years and a-half. Ten years previous, we also know 
 from contemporary history that, upon Muhammad Tughlik's in- 
 vasion, the chief of Thatta was a Sumra, and not a Samma. We 
 may, therefore, safely concur with the TuJifaitu-l Kir dm in taking the 
 year 752 h. as that of the accession of the Sammas, which was, 
 indeed, coincident with that of Sultan Ffroz, for his reign com- 
 menced while he was yet in Sind, and this ciiange of dynasty was 
 probably in some measure contingent upon his success in that pro- 
 vince, before he advanced upon Dehli, 
 
 All these authors concur in fixing the extinction of the Samma 
 dynasty in 927 h. (1521 a.d.). 
 
 Native writers have done their best to render the origin of this 
 tiibe obscure, in their endeavours to disguise and embellish the 
 truth. The extracts from the TuJifatu-l Kirdm will show the pro- 
 pensity of the Sindian mind to wander into the region of fable and 
 romance. Nothing can be made out of such arrant nonsense. In 
 another passage the author throws discredit on the Arab descent, and 
 inclines to that of Jamshid. The Arabic origin from Ab£ Jahl has 
 been assigned, in order to do honour to the converts from Hinduism, 
 The Jharejas of Kachh, who are of Samma extraction, prefer claim- 
 ing the distant connection of Sham, or Syria. The descent from 
 Sam, the son of the prophet Nuh, has been assigned, partly for the 
 same reason of nobHitation, partly that a fit eponymos might be 
 found for Samma ; and Jamshid, or Jam (for he is known under 
 both forms indiscriminately), has been hit upon, in order that a 
 suitable etymology might be obtained for the titular designation 
 of Jam. 
 
 Tod derives the word Jam from Samma, but the correctness of 
 this etymology may be doubted, for it was not the designation of the 
 family generally, but merely of the chiefs. Indeed, Jam is a title 
 still borne by many native rulers in these parts — such as the Jdm of 
 Bela, the Jam of Nawanagar, in Surashtra, the Jam of Kej, the Jha 
 of the Jokyas, a Samma tribe, and others— and has no necessary 
 connection with Persian descent, much less with such a fabulous 
 monarch and legislator as Jamshid. In the same manner, it has 
 been attempted to engraft the genealogy of Cyrus on the ancient 
 Median stock, by detecting the identity between Ach»menes and 
 
496 APPENDIX. 
 
 Jamshfd ;' but here, again, notwithstanding that the hypothesis is 
 supported by the respectable name of Heeren, we are compelled to 
 withhold our assent, and are sorely tempted to exclaim — 
 
 Alfana vient d'equus, sans doute ; 
 
 Maia il faut avoiier aussi, 
 
 Qu'en Tenant de la jusqu' ici 
 II a Men changfi sur la route. 
 
 What the Sammas really were is shown in an interesting passage 
 of the Cliach-ndma, where we find them, on the banks of the lower 
 Indus, coming out with trumpets and shawms to proffer their alle- 
 giance to Muhammad Kasim. Samba, the governor of Debal, on the 
 part of Chach, may be considered the representative of the famUy at 
 an earlier period.'' 
 
 They were then either Buddhists or Hindus, and were received into 
 favour in consideration of their prompt and early submission. They 
 form a branch of the great stock of the Yadavas, and their pedigree 
 is derived from Samba,, the son of Krishna, who is himself known 
 by the epithet of " Syama," indicative of his dark complexion. 
 Sammanagar, on the Indus, was their original capital, which has 
 been supposed by some to be the Minagara of the Greek geographers, 
 and is probably represented by the modem Sihwan. Sihwan itself, 
 which has been subject to various changes of name, may, perhaps, 
 derive that particular designation (if it be not a corruption of Sindo- 
 mana), from the Sihta, themselves a branch of the Sammas, men- 
 tioned in the Ghach-ndma, and also noticed at a later period of 
 Sindian history, as will appear from some of the preceding Extracts. 
 The name is also still preserved amongst the JhSrejas of Kachh. 
 The more modern capital of the Sammas, during part of the period 
 under review, and before its transfer to Thatta, was Samiii, mentioned 
 in another Note. Since the Sammas became proselytes to Islam, 
 which occurred not earlier than 793 H. (1391 a.d.), their name, 
 though it still comprises several large erratic and pastoral com- 
 munities, is less known than that of their brethren, or descendants, 
 the Samejas, and the demi-Hindu Jharejas, of Kachh, who do 
 
 ' Schnitzler, Encylc. des Qem da Monde, Tom. I. pp. 144 ; WaU, Allgcmeint 
 Seschreibung des Fers. Reiehs, pp. 209; Zendavesta, I, 14; Heeren, Asiatic Nations, 
 Vol. I. pp. 377. 
 
 2 Chach-ndma, MS. pp. 70, 109. 
 
APPENDIX. 497 
 
 honour to their extraction by their martial qualities, however no- 
 toriously they may be deficient in other virtues. 
 
 It being admitted that the Sammas are unquestionably Eajputs of 
 the great Tadava stock, and that they have occupied the banks of 
 the lower Indus within known historical periods, there seems 
 nothing fanciful in the supposition that their ancestors may be 
 traced in the Sambastas and Sambus of Alexander's historians. 
 The name of Sambastse, who are represented as a republican con- 
 federacy, is doubtful, being read Abastani in Axrian, and Sabarcae 
 in Quintus Curtius; but Sambus, of whose subjects no less than 
 80,000' (let us hope Diodorus was more correct in saying 8,000) 
 were wantonly slain by that mighty destroyer — 
 
 " That made such waste in brief mortality." 
 and whose capital was the Siadonalia, Sindimona, or Sindomana 
 above named, appears under the same aspect in all three authors, 
 with the closer variation of Samus in some copies,' and may fairly 
 claim to have represented an earlier Samma dynasty in Sind than 
 that which forms the subject of this Note." 
 
 The Arghun Dynasty. 
 The family of the Arghuns derive their name, as stated at p. 303, 
 from Arghun Khan Tarkhan, the grandson of Hulaku, the grandson 
 of Changiz Khan. Amir Basri> is there said, in general terms, to be 
 one of the descendants of Arghun E^an. The descent more ac- 
 curately traced, is as follows : — 
 
 Arghiin Khan. 
 Uljaitu Sultan Muhammad 
 Khudabanda. 
 
 Amir Elchf. 
 Amir Eki Tfmur. 
 Amir Shakal Beg. 
 
 He is Salhas in Plutarch, Sahoutas in Straho ; and under the further disguises of 
 Ambigarm in Justin, and Ambiras in Orosius. 
 
 ' Compare TdriJch-i Sind, MS. p. 31 ; Seg-Ldr-ndma, MS. p. 9 , TdriM-iTdhiri, 
 MS. pp. 42, 51 ; Tuhfaturl Kirdm, MS. pp. IS, 37, 166; Shams-i SirSj, T. Firoi- 
 shdJii, MS. ; Zia Bami, T. Fironshdhi, MS. \ Tod, Annals of Sdjasthdn, Vol. I. p^ 
 86 ; II. pp. 220, 226, 312 ; and Tratieis m W. India, pp. 464, 474 ; Dr. Burnes, 
 Bistortj of Guteh, lutrod. pp. xi. xiv, 1, 73; Vincent, Comm. and Nmj. of the 
 Ancients, Vol. I. pp. 151, 155 ; Droysen, QeeehichU Alexanders des Orossen, pp. 
 446-9 ; Bitter, Erdkwnde von As., Vol. I. pt. i. pp. 473-4 ; Diod. Sieulus, Biblioth 
 Uistor., Lib. xvii, cap. 102, 103 ; Arrian, Anab., Lib. vi. cap, 16; Q. Curt. Eufos, 
 De Gest. Alex., Lib. ix. cap. 32 ; C. Miiller, Seripiores Serzm Alex. M., p. 71 ; E. 
 Geier, Alex. M. Sisior. Scriptorea, p. 174. 
 
 VOL I. 32 
 
498 APPENDIX. 
 
 Bartak Beg. Mfram Beg. 
 
 Mir ShekM Beg. Ahmad Waif, 
 
 Mahmud Beg. Earrukli Beg. 
 
 Yar Beg. Amfr Basi-£. 
 
 M(r Farrukli Beg. 
 
 The Arghiin dynasty of Sind consisted of only two mdividualB — 
 Shuja', or Shah, Beg, and his son Mirza Shah Husain, with whom 
 the family became extinct. The relations of the former with the 
 Emperor Babar, when possession of the province of Kandahar was 
 contested between them, and of the latter with the Emperor Huma- 
 yun, when that unfortmiate monarch took refuge in Sind for nearly 
 three years, constitute their reigns as of some importance in the 
 general history of India, especially when we consider that the 
 memoirs of Babar are defective in the period alluded to. 
 
 The duration of their rule is variously stated at 35, 36, and 41 
 years. The last period is correct only if we date from 921 h. (1515 
 A.D.), when, according to the TdrikTi-i Tdhiri,^ Shah Beg invaded 
 and occupied a portion of Upper Sind : but as the final conquest of 
 Lower, as well as Upper Siud was not effected from the Sammas 
 tiU 927 H. (1621 A.D.), it is more correct to assume 36 years as tho 
 period. 
 
 All authorities concur in representing that the Arghun dynasty — 
 Shah Husaia having died childless — closed in. 962 a.h. (1664-5 a.d.)' 
 
 T/ie Tarkhdn Dynasty. 
 Wben A6ng, Khan of the Keraite Mongols, and celebrated in 
 Europe under the name of Prester John, had, at the instigation of 
 the jealous enemies of Changfz Khan, at last resolved to destroy 
 that obnoxious favourite ; two youths, named Ba'ta and Kashlak, 
 who had overheard the discussion of the measures which were de- 
 termined upon for execution on the following day, instantly flew to 
 the camp of Changiz Khan, and disclosed to him the circumstances 
 of the premeditated attack and his critical position. Being thus 
 
 1 The TarMUn-ndma, following the chronology of the Tdrikh-i Sind, says that 
 this first inTasion occurred in 924 H. 
 
 2 Compare Tdrikh-i Sind, MS. p. 136; Jej'-Jfly-Brfms, MS. p. 30 ; Tarhhdn- 
 ndma, MS. p. 24 ; Tdrikh-i Tdhiri, MS. pp. 14, 61, 76, 81 ; Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, MS. 
 pp. 42, 62. 
 
APPENDIX. 499 
 
 forwamed, lie was able to defeat the sdieine, and after defending 
 himself against great disparity of numbers, escaped the danger which 
 impended over him. Upon proceeding to reward his gallant com- 
 panions in the conflict, Changiz Khan conferred upon the two 
 youths, to whose information he was indebted for his life, the title 
 of Tarkhan, expressly ordaining that their posterity for nine gene- 
 rations should be exempted from all question for their offences, that 
 they should be free from taxes and imposts, and permitted to enjoy 
 all the plunder they should acquire in war, without being obliged to 
 resign, any part of it to the Khan. From these are said to be de- 
 scended the Tarkhans of Khurasan and Turkistan. 
 
 Another set of Tarkhans were so denominated by Timur. When 
 Tuktamish Khan was advancing against that potentate, he was 
 gallantly opposed by Eku Timur, who fell in the unequal conflict ; 
 but his surviving relatives, whose gallantry and devotion had been 
 witnessed by Tfm.ur, were honoured by him with the title of Tar- 
 khan, and it was enjoined, amongst other privileges, that the royal 
 servitors should at no time prohibit their access to his presence, and 
 that no criminal offence committed by them should be subject to 
 punishment, untU nine times repeated. Prom these are said to be 
 descended the Tarkhans of Sind. 
 
 Others say, Timur bestowed the title upon a set of men who gave 
 him shelter in his youth, when he lost his way in a hunting ex- 
 pedition. 
 
 Another origin is ascribed to this name, which is evidently fanci- 
 ful, namely, that it is a corrupt mode of pronouncing " tar-khun," 
 quasi, " wet with the blood (of enemies)." 
 
 Though it is probable that the Tarkhans of Sind may, as the local 
 histories assert., be able to trace their origin to Eku Timur, who, as 
 we have seen in the preceduig Note, was the great grandson of 
 Arghtin Khan, and who was the member of the Imperial family 
 from whom the Arghuns also were descended, — yet the Tarkhans 
 of Khurdsdn and Turkistan cannot all be descended from the family 
 of Ba'ta and Kashlak, because Arghun Khfin was himself a Tar- 
 khdn, and we find the title borne by others who could have had no 
 connection with those favoured youths. Thus, Tarkhan, prince of 
 Tatghana, hospitably entertained the last monarch of Persia ; and 
 
500 APPENDIX. 
 
 thus, among the events of 105 h. (723 a.d.), Tabari makes frequent 
 mention of tke Tarkhans as officers under the Khakan of the Kha- 
 zars. to the west of the Caspian sea. Babu-1 Abwab was garrisoned 
 by a thousand Tarkhanis, the flower of the Tatdr tribes. One chief's 
 name was Hazar-Tarkhani ; and other instances might easily be 
 adduced of the antiquity of the title. 
 
 We find the name descending to a late period of the annals of 
 India, and scions of this family stUl reside at Nasrpiir and Thatta ; 
 but the dynasty of the Tarkhans of Sind may be considered to have 
 expired in the year 1000 h., when Mirza Jani Beg resigned his in- 
 dependence iato the hands of Akbar's general, the Khan-i Khanan, 
 after the kingdom had remained with the Tarkhans for a period of 
 38 years. 
 
 Tlie TdnMi-i Tdhiri extends their rule even to 1022 n., or rather, 
 it should have been 1021 h., when GhazJ Beg Tarkhan died at 
 Kaadahar ; but he was only an imperial officer, having no independ- 
 ent jurisdiction, and entitled merely a Jagirdar. Even then, it is 
 impossible to make, as that authority does, the Tarkhan period reach 
 to 53 years ; so that, as before mentioned, we must date the ex- 
 tinction of Sind as an independent kingdom, from 1000 a.h. (1591-2 
 A.H.), and thenceforward the consideration of its affairs merges in 
 the general history of the Timurian empire.' 
 
 Shah Beg^s Capture of Thatta. 
 
 The Tarhhdn-ndma, states, that when Shah Beg advanced to the 
 capture of Thatta, the river, n^eaning the main stream of the Indus, 
 ran to the north of that city. If this statement be correct, it shows 
 that a most important deviation must have occurred since that period 
 in the course of the river. But I believe that the assertion, arises 
 from a mere mis-translation of the Tdrikh-i Sind, of Mir Ma'sum, 
 which is generally followed verbatim in the TarTcMn-ndma. 
 
 1 Compare Moilern Universal Sistpry, Vol. III. p. 250 ; D'Oisson, Sistoire dea 
 Mongols, Tom. I. p. 44 ; Shajrat ul Atrdk, p. 71 ; Journal B. A. S. Vol. XI. p. 
 123, XII. p. 344 ; Price, Betroapect of Muham. Mist., Vol. I. p, 470, II. 483, III. 
 117 ; D'Herbelot, Siilioth. Orientale, v. " Tarkhan;" Zafar-ndma, MS. ; Eattmtu-s 
 Safd, MS. ; SaUbu-s Siyar, MS. ; Tdrikh-% Tdhiri, MS. pp. 14, 76; Tarkkdn-ndma, 
 MS. pp. 4, 23, 61, 69, 118 ; Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, MS. pp. 52, 62 ; "WeE, Geschiehte der 
 C/ialifen, Vol. I. p. m. 
 
APPENDIX. 501 
 
 Mir Ma'sum says (p. 138), that " Shall Beg advanced by daily 
 inarches towards Thatta, by way of the Lakhi pass, and encamped 
 on the banks ef the Khanwah, from which Thatta lies three kos to 
 the south. At that time the river generally flowed by Thatta ; 
 therefore he was in doubt how ho should cross." Now this is 
 not very plain, and we should even more correctly interpret the 
 original, if we were to say that, "Thatta lies three kos to the 
 north, of the Khanwah." We know that this could not have not been 
 meant, but the statement, as it stands, is puzzling, and the author of 
 the Tarkhdn-ndma, in the endeavour to be exact, has complicated 
 matters still fui-ther. The Tiihfatu-l Kirdm, (p. 41) says that the 
 subsequent action took place " on the stream called 'Alijan, which 
 flows below Thatta," but does not mention whether this was the 
 same stream near which Shah Beg encamped, though from the con- 
 text we may be allowed to presume that it was. The Tdrikh-i Tdhiri 
 is more speciiic, and States (p. 48) that " he encamped on the bank 
 of the Khanwah, that is, the canal of water which Darya Khan had 
 dug, for the purpose of populating the Pargana of Samktira and 
 other lands at the foot of the hills, and the environs of the city." 
 
 It is evident, therefore, that Shah Beg pitched his camp, not on 
 the main stream, but on one of the canals, or little effluents, from 
 the Indus. The Ghizrf, or Ghara creek, is too far to the westward, 
 though it is represented in some maps as running up as far as the 
 Indus itself, and joining it above Thatta. Indeed, there still exist 
 traces of its having been met by a stream from the river at no very 
 remote period, and, during the inundations, the city is even now 
 sometiiaes insulated from this cause. In the absence of any more 
 precise identification, we may safely look to this deserted bed as 
 corresponding with the ancient 'Alijan, and suiting best the position 
 indicated. 
 
 Authorities differ about the date of ShAh Beg's crossing this river, 
 and capturing Thatta, by which an end was put to the dynasty of 
 the J^ms, or Sammas. The Tdrikh-i Sind says it occurred in the 
 month of Muharram, 926. The Tdrikh-i Tdhiri is silent. The 
 TarTchdn-ndma says Muharram, 927 (corresponding with December, 
 1520) ; differing only in the day of the month from the Tuhfatu-l 
 
502 APPENDIX. 
 
 Kirdm, where tke correctness of tb.is latter date is established by an 
 appropriate chronogram : — 
 
 " Kharabi Sind.— The Downfall of Sind." 
 The TdriM-i Tdihiri (p. 51) refers this chronogram to the period 
 when Shah Husaia plundered Thatta, on the ground of extravagant 
 joy having been evinced fey its inhabitants upon the death of his 
 father, Shah Beg; but this is evidently a mistake, and is adopted 
 merely to accommodate his false chronology. 
 
 The Death of Shah Beg Arghun. 
 
 Authorities dififer greatly respecting the time and place of Shah 
 Beg's death. The Tarhhdn-ndma states that it occurred La Sha'ban, 
 926 H., not far from Chanduka, said in the Tdrihh-i Sind (MS. p. 
 196) to be thirty kos west of Bhakkar, and that the accession of 
 Mirza Shah Husain was celebrated where Shah Beg died. 
 
 Firishta says he died in 930 h., but mentions no place. 
 
 Mir Ma' sum (MS. p. 154) says, he died after leaviug Bhakkar, on 
 his way to Guzerat, — in the same page Agham is the particular spot 
 implied — and that the words Shahr-Slia'ldn (" month of Sha'ban ") 
 represent the date of his death, i.e., 928 h. (1522 a.d.). That very 
 night, he adds. Shah Husain was proclaimed his successor, and, 
 three years afterwards. Shah Beg's coffin was conveyed to Mecca, 
 where a lofty tomb was erected over it. He mentions (MS. p. 171) 
 that Sh4h Husain's succession took place at Nasrpur, though he has 
 previously led us to suppose it was Agham. 
 
 The Tdrikh-i TaMri (MS. p. 49) says that his death took place in 
 924 H. — " some say it occurred in Multan, some in Kandahar." 
 
 The Tuhfatu-l Kirdm (MS. p. 42) states that he died at Agham on 
 the 23rd of Sha'ban, 928 h. It is mentioned in tiiat work also, that 
 this month represents the date of his death. The author gives satis- 
 factory reasons why the reports just quoted from the Tarikh-i Tdhiri 
 must necessarily be both incorrect. 
 
 Under these conflicting evidences, we may rest assurred that the 
 chronogram is correct, and that Shah Beg Arghun, the conqueror of 
 Sind, died at Agham, on the 23rd of the month Sha'ban, 928 a.h. 
 (18th July, 1522 a.d.). 
 
APPENDIX. 503 
 
 NOTE (C.).— ETHNOLOGICAL. 
 
 Native Opinions on the Aborigines of Sind. 
 
 The names, whicli are given in tlie Beg-Ldr-ndma (p. 292) as 
 -tbree : — " Blna, Tak, Nabumiya," amount to four iu tte Tuhfatu-l 
 Kirdm (MS. p. 4) — "Banya, Tank, Mumid, and Mahmfr." TLey 
 are given from Siadian authorities by Lieut. Postans, in the Journal 
 of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (No. cxi. 1841, p. 184), as "Nubeteh, 
 Tak, and Moomeed ;" and again, by the same author (No. clviii. 
 1845, p. 78), as " Nubuja, Jak, and Momid." 
 
 It would be a matter of great interest to restore these tribes 
 correctly, and ascertain the course of their migrations. I can trace 
 the mention of them to no earlier authority than the Beg-Ldr-ndma. 
 All their names, except one, defy positive identification, and we may 
 put the list of the Vishnu Purdna and the Asiatic Besearches through 
 all kinds of contortions, without meeting any race that will yield a 
 sufficient resemblance for our adoption. That single exception is 
 " Tak," about which there can be no doubt. " Bina " may possibly 
 represent "Mma," the probable founders of the celebrated Minagara, 
 and the present occupants of the upper Aravali range. Or if " Baniya ' ' 
 be the correct reading, then the designation may have been applied 
 to them, as being foresters. In " Mumid " we may perhaps have 
 the " Med " of the Arabs ; and in the " Mahmfr," we may chance to 
 have the representatives of the " Mhairs," or " Mairs " of Eajputana, 
 if, indeed, they differ from the Med. We can venture upon nothing 
 beyond these dubious conjectures. 
 
 That we should find the " Tak " in Sind at an early period, is 
 by no means improbable, and if the statement rested on somewhat 
 better, or more ancient, authority than the Beg-Ldr-ndma, it might 
 be assumed as an undoubted fact, with some degree of confidence. 
 
 Tod exalts the Taks to a high and important rank amongst the 
 tribes which emigrated from Scythia to India, making them the same 
 as the Takshak, Nagabansi, or serpent-race, who acted a conspicuous 
 part in the legendary annals of ancient India. His speculations. 
 
504 APPENDIX. 
 
 some of which, are fanciful, and some probable, may be found in the 
 passages noted below.' One thing is certain that the Taks were pro- 
 genitors of the Musulmdn kings of Guzerat, before that province was 
 absorbed into the empire of Akbar. 
 
 Tod observes, that with the apostacy of the Tak, when Wajihu-l 
 Mulk was converted, and became the founder of the Muhammadan 
 dynasty of Guzerat, the name appears to have been obliterated from 
 the tribes of Eajasthan, and that his search had not discovered one 
 of that race now existing ; but there are Taks amongst the Bhangis, 
 who, though of spurious descent, have evidently preserved the name. 
 There are also Tank Eajputs in the central Doab and lower EohU.- 
 khand, whose privileges of intermarriage show them to be of high 
 lineage ; and there is a tribe of nearly similar name existing near 
 Jambhii, not far from their ancient capital Taksha-sila, or Taxi! a ; 
 of which the position is most probably to be sought between Manik- 
 ydla and the Suan Eiver, notwithstanding some plausible and in- 
 genious objections which have been raised against that opinion.' 
 
 Buddhists in Sind. 
 
 Biladuri calls the temple of the sun at Multan by the name of 
 hudd, and he informs us, that not only temples, but idols, were called 
 by the same name. As the Buddhist religion was evidently the 
 prevalent one in Sind when the Musalmans first came in contact 
 with Indian superstitions, it follows that to Buddha must be at- 
 tributed the origin of this name, and not to tbe Persian hut, " an 
 idol," which is itself most probably derived from the same source. 
 
 ' Annals ofSdjasthdn, Vol. I. pp. 53, 92, 95, 99,. 103-6, 536, 673, 738, 739, 796, 
 800 ; and Vol II. pp. 226, 227, 445, 678, 735. Hia ardent admirer, Mr. E. 
 Pooocke, exalts them still higher, by mis-spelling their name : — " The TSg is a 
 renowned Eajpoot tribe ! The Toga of the E6.mas was the dress worn by this tribe ! 
 The race was the Taga-des (Toga-tns), that is, Tagland. . . The Gena Tagata, 
 or Gens Togata, that is, the T&g Eace !" — India in Greece, p. 172. 
 
 ' On this interesting and muoh-Texed question, consult Manuert, Oeographie det 
 Or. und Eomer, Vol. V. ; Eitter, Asien, V A. IV. pt. i. p. 451 ; Asiatic Ses., Vol. VIII. 
 pp. 346, 348 ; Modem Trmeller, "India," Vol. I. p. 119 ; Annals of RdJ., Vol. I. pp. 
 92, 104, 693; II. p. 227; Journal E. A. Soc, Vol. V. p. 118; XI. 157; Mem. sur 
 I' Inde, pp. 64, 107 ; Lassen, Indische Alterth., Vol. II. p. 145 ; M. Stan. Julien, Mist, 
 d' Biouen Thsang, p. 143 ; and, above all, J. Abbott, Journal A. S. Bengal, 1852, 
 pp. 216-218, 254-263; in which wort, Taxila has frequently formed the subject of 
 discussion.— [/oMm«/Jt. A. S., Vol. XX. p. 221.]. 
 
APPENDIX. 505 
 
 With regard to the budd of Debal,' M. Eeinaud has observed that 
 the word not only is made applicable to a Buddhist -temple, but 
 seems also to indicate a Buddhist stupa,^ or tower, which was fre- 
 quently the companion of the temple ; and he traces the word hvdd 
 in the feouthau, or rather foih, which we find mentioned in the 
 Chinese relations, as serving at the same time to designate a Buddha, 
 and the edifice which contains his image. "Feou-ihou " says Klap- 
 roth, " is the name vyhich they give to pyramids, or obeHsks, con- 
 taining the relics of Sakya, or other holy personages. Chapels, like- 
 wise, are so called, in which these images are placed.' 
 
 Although Chach, who usm-ped the throne about the beginning of 
 the Hijri era, was a Brdhman, there is no reason to suppose that he 
 attempted to interfere with the then popular religion of Buddhism. 
 Brahmanism is, indeed, so accommodating to anything that partakes 
 of idol- worship, that Chach and Dahir might have made their ofierings 
 in a Buddhist temple, without any greater sacrifice of consistency 
 than a Eoman was guilty of in worshipping Isis and Osiris, or than 
 we witness every day in a Hindu presenting his butter and flowers 
 at the shrine of Shaikh Saddu, Ghazi Mian, Shah Maddr, or any 
 other of the apotheosized Muhammadan impostors of Hindustan. 
 There is even no incompatibility in supposing that Chach, though a 
 Brahman by birth, etill continued a Buddhist in his persuasion;* 
 for the divisions of caste were at that time secular, not religious,-— 
 the four classes existing, in former times, equally amongst the 
 Buddhists and amongst the Hindus of continental India, as they do 
 at this day amongst the Buddhists of Ceylon, and amongst the Jains 
 of the Peninsula, where even Brahman priests may be found officiat- 
 ing in their temples. 
 
 There are several indications of the Buddhist religion prevailing 
 
 ' The temple of Debal is described as being one hundred and twenty feet high, 
 surmounted by a dome also of equal height. — Tuhfatu-l Kirdm, MS. p. 10. 
 
 * The origin of our English " tope." It ie curious that, in Icelandic also, stupa 
 signifies " a tower." See farther, respecting this word, HSmmer-Purgstall, in Wien 
 Jalwbiicher, No. cvii. p. 17 ; Burnouf, Budd. Lid., Vol. I. p. 349 ; Fergusson, II- 
 lustr. to Anc. Archil, of Hindustan, p. 14. [Jottm. S. A. 8., I. (N.S.) p. 481.] 
 
 s Fragments Arabes, pp. 103, 200; Ibe-koM-ki, pp. 19, 41, 50, 91, 365; 
 Mimoire sur I'Inde, pp. 90, 177, 290. 
 
 * There seems, indeed, reason to believe that his brother and successor, Chandar, 
 was actually a Buddhbt aacetio. — y, sup., p.l63. 
 
506 APPENDIX. 
 
 at that period in tlie valley of the Indus, not only from the specific 
 announcement of the Chinese travellers, and the declaration of Ibn 
 Khurdadba to that effect, but from certain incidental allusions of the 
 Arabic ■writers, made without any particular reference to the oppo- 
 site factions of Brahmans and Buddhists — ^between which the dis- 
 tinctions, especially of worship, oblations, mythology, and cosmo- 
 graphy, were generally too nice to attract the observations, or 
 excite the enquiries of such ignorant and supercilious foreigners. 
 Thus, when priests are mentioned, they are usually called Samani ; ' 
 the state elephant is white, a very significant fact {swpra, p. 170) ; 
 the thousand Brahmans, as they are styled, who wished to be 
 allowed to retain the practices of their ancient faith, were ordered 
 by Muhammad Kasim, with the permission of the KhaHf, to carry 
 in their hands a small vessel as mendicants, and beg their bread 
 from door to door every morning — a prominent ceremony observied 
 by the Buddhist priesthood (p. 186) ; and, finally, the sculpturing, 
 or otherwise perpetuating, the personal representations of their 
 conquerors (p. 124) ; all these indicate Buddhist rather than 
 Brahmanical habits. To this may be added the negative evidence 
 afforded by the absence of any mention of priestcraft, or other 
 pontifical assumption, of widow-burning, of sacerdotal threads, of 
 burnt-sacrifices, of cow-worship, of ablutions, of penances, or of 
 other observances and ceremonies peculiar to the tenets of the 
 Brahmanical faith. 
 
 The manifest confusion which prevailed amongst the Arabs re- 
 garding the respective objects of Brahman and Buddhist worship, 
 prepares us, therefore, to find, as remarked at the commencement of 
 
 1 Vide, translations of tte Futiihu-l Suldan (p. 121) and the Chach-ndma, passim. 
 These are the Sarmanes, Sarmanse, Garmanae, Samansei, and Semnoi, of Clemens of 
 Alexandria, Straho, and other Greek writers. The name is derived from the Sanskrit, 
 Sramana, " a religious mendicant, an ascetic, especially one of the Buddhist faith." 
 More information can he had respecting the Tarious disguises and applications of this 
 word, hy consulting Schwanteck, Megasthenis Fragmmta, pp. 45-50 ; C. Miiller, 
 Fragm. Siator. Grcec, \ol. II. pp. 435-7; Lassen, JSAetn. Jf«s., Vol. I. pp. 171- 
 190; Ind. AUerih.; Gildemeister, (fe rii. Ind., p. 114; Humholdt, Cosmos,Yo\. 
 II. pp. 69; Thirlwall, Eiat. Oreeee, Vol. VII. p. 15; Journal A. 8. Bombay, 
 No. Tiii. p.91; Dr. Wilson, Antiq. of Western /«*'«, p. 63 ; Journal S. A. S., 
 No. xii. 378-402 ; Burnouf, Budd. Ind., Vol. I. p. 276 ; Hitter, Aaien, Vol. IV. 
 pt. i. p. 491 ; Bohlen, das alte Indien, Vol. I. pp. 319-322. 
 
APPENDIX. 507 
 
 this Note, that the temple of the Sun at Multan is, by BUaduri, styled 
 a bvdd (p. 123). ETen in the time of Mas'udi, the kings' of Kanauj, 
 ■which he asserts to have then been under Multan, are all styled 
 Biidh, Biiddh or Bauura, doubtless from the worship which the Arabs 
 had heard to prevail in that capital (p. 22) ; and in this he is fol- 
 lowed by Idrisf (p. 81), who wrote as late as the middle of the 
 twelfth century : bo that the use of hvM, is very radefinite ; and 
 whether applied to man, temple, or statue, it by no means deter- 
 mines the application to anjrthing positively and necessarily con- 
 nected with Buddhism, anymore than the absence of that word 
 denotes the contrary, when incidental notices and negative testi- 
 monies, such as those mentioned in the preceding paragraph, can be 
 adduced to support the probability of its prevalence. 
 
 The Jats. 
 
 [General Cunningham in his Archselogical Eeport for 1863-4, says, 
 
 " The traditions of the Hindu Jats of Biana and Bharatpur point to 
 
 Kandahar as their parent country, while those of the Muhammadan 
 
 Jats generally refer to Gajni or Garh-G-ajni, which may be either 
 
 the celebrated fort of Ghaizni in Afghanistan or the old city of 
 
 GajnipuT on the site of Eawul-Pindi. But if I am right in my 
 
 identification of the Jats with the Xanthii of Strabo, and the latii 
 
 of Pliny and Ptolemy, their parent country must have be6n on the 
 
 banks of the Oxus, between Bactria, Hyrkania, and Khorasmia. 
 
 Now in this very position there was a fertile district, irrigated from 
 
 the Margus river, which Pliny calls Zotale or Zothale, and which, I 
 
 believe to have been the original seat of the latii or Jats. Their 
 
 course from the Oxus to the Indus may perhaps be dimly traced in 
 
 the Xuihi of Dionysius of Samos, who are coupled with the Arieni, 
 
 and in the Zuthi of Ptolemy who occupied the Karmanian desert on 
 
 the frontier of Drangiana. As I can find no other traces of their 
 
 name in the classical writers, I am inclined to believe, as before 
 
 suggested, that they may have been best known in early times, by 
 
 the general name of their horde, as Ahars, instead of by their tribal 
 
 name as Jdts. According to this view, the main body of the latii 
 
 would have occupied the district of Abiria and the towns of Parda- 
 
 bathra and Bardaxema in Sindh, or Southern Indo-Soythia, while 
 
508 APPENDIX. 
 
 the Panjab or Northern Indo-Scythia was chiefly colonized by their 
 brethren the Meds. 
 
 [When the Muhainmadans first appeared in Sindh, towards the end 
 of the seventh century, the Zaths and Meds were the chief popula- 
 tion of the country. But as I have already shown that the original 
 seat of the Med or Medi colony was in the Panjab proper, I conclude 
 that the original seat of the latii or Jdt colony, must have been in 
 Sindh. '* ** ** ** At the present day the Jdts are found in every 
 part of the Panjab, where they form about two-fifths of the 
 population. They are chiefly Musulmans, and are divided into not 
 less than a hundred different tribes. *» « « » To the east of the 
 Panjab, the Hindu Jats are found in considerable numbers in the 
 frontier states of Bikaner, Jesalmer, and Jodhpur, where, in Col. 
 Tod's opinion, th^y are as numerous as all the Eajput races put 
 together. They are found also in great numbers along the upper 
 course of the Ganges and Jumna, as far eastward as Bareli, Farak- 
 habad, and Gwalior, where they are divided into two distinct clans, 
 tt tt « To the south of the Panjab, the Musulman Jats are said by 
 PottiQger to form the entire population of the fruitful district of 
 Haraud-Dajel) on the right bank of the Indus, and the bulk of the 
 population in the neighbouring district of Kach-Gandava. In Sindh, 
 where they have intermarried largely With Buluchis and Musulmans 
 of Hindu descent, it is no longer possible to estimate their numbers, 
 although it is certain that a very large proportion of the population 
 must be of Jat descent.] 
 
 T/ie Kerks. 
 
 The pirates, whose insolence led to the final subjugation of 
 Sind, are stated, by a very good authority, to be of the tribe 
 of Kerk, Kruk, Kiu^k, Karak, or some name of nearly similar 
 pronunciation. The reading is too clear to be discarded La favour 
 of 'Kurd,' or 'Coorg,' as has been proposed; and M. Eeinaud, 
 while he suggests the latter reading, which has been shown to be 
 highly improbable, on the ground of Coorg being not a maaitime, 
 but an inland hilly country — nevertheless informs us that, in 
 the annals of the Arabs, the Kurk are more than once spoken of 
 as desperate pirates, carrying their expeditions even as far as Jidda, 
 
APPENDIX. 509 
 
 in the Eed Sea.' We must, therefore, necessarily be content to 
 consider them, as of Sindian origin, otherwise Eai Dahir would not 
 have been called to account for their proceedings. 
 
 Though the name of Kerk be now extinct, and declared to be 
 entirely incapable of present identification, we must enquire whether 
 we cannot find any trace of their having occupied the banks of the 
 Indus at some remote period. And, first of all the resemblance of 
 the name of Krokala, which has conspicuous mention in the voyage 
 of Nearchus, is sufficiently striking to attract our obsei-vation. Dr. 
 Vincent and Heeren consider Krokala to be the modern KaracW. 
 A later authority says Chalna, a small rocky island, about iowp miles 
 from Cape Monze.^ Neither of these authorities knew that there is 
 at present a large insular tract, which bears the name of Kakrala, 
 at the mouth of the Indus, answering exactly all the requirements 
 of Arrian's description — " a sandy island, subject to the influence of 
 the tides." ^ It is situated between the Wanyanf and Pjttf mouths 
 of the river; but modem travellers differ about its precise limits. 
 Captain Postans places it further to the west, and makes it include 
 Karachi.* This is no shifting, or modem name. We can see from 
 the Ayin-i AM>ari, and from some of the works quoted in this 
 volume, that it has been known, and similarly appli,ed, for the last 
 three centuries at least ; and it may, without question, be regarded 
 as the Krokala of Arrian. Its origin is easily accounted for, by 
 conceiving it to njean the " abode of the Krok," or whatever their 
 real designation may have been before its perversion by the Greeks. 
 The only other vestige of the name is in Karaka, a place three, miles 
 below Haidarabad. 
 
 In pointing out another possible remnant of this ancient name, I 
 am awajre I shall be treading on dangerous and very disputable 
 ground. Nevertheless, let us at once, vfithout further preliminary, 
 transfer ourselves to the north-eastern shores of the Euxine sea, 
 
 * Mdmoire aur I'lnde, p. 1.81,. 
 
 2 Commerce and Na/vigation of the Ancients, Vol. I. p. 194 ; Asiatic Nations, 
 Vol. II. p. 246 ; Journal of the B. Geographical Society, Vol. V. p. 264 ; Bitter, 
 Asiett, Vol. IV. pt. i. p. 479. 
 
 3 Nearohi Paraplus, p. 4; Plin. Nal. Hist, vi. 21. 
 
 * Personal Oht. on Sindh, p. 24; McMurdo, Journ. S. As. Soc., Vol. I. p. 212 ; 
 Bumes, lyavels to Bokhara, Vol. III. p. 12; L'JJnivera Fittoresjue, "Inde,." p. 68. 
 
510 APPENDIX. 
 
 ■where we shall find, alnong other peoples and places recalling 
 Indian associations, the tribe of Kerketaei or Kerketse' — the bay of 
 Kerketis' — the river of Korax' — the mountaias of Korax* — the 
 town of Korok-ondame" — the river and peninsula of Korok-ondame' 
 — the sea, or lake, of Korok-ondametis' — the tribe of Kerketiki* — 
 the city of KarMnitis '—the city of Karkine" — ^the bay of Karki- 
 nitis " — the city of Kirk«uni " — the river of Karkenites " — the 
 region of Kerketos" — the tribe of K6raxi" — the ^aU of Korax" — 
 and other similar names, — all within so narrow a compass as to 
 show, even allowing many to be identical, that they can have but 
 one origin, derived from the same fundamental root — Kerk, Kurk, 
 Karak, Korak, Kark — ^retaining immutably the same consonants, 
 but admitting arbitrary transpositions, or perhaps unsettled pro- 
 nunciations of unimportant vowels. 
 
 It may be asked what connection these names can possibly have 
 with our Sindian stock. Let us, then, carry the enquiry a little 
 further, and many more Indian resemblances may be traced : — for, 
 
 ' Hellanicns, Fragm. 91 ; Scylai Caryand., Ptriplm; ed. Hudson, p. 31 ; Strabo, 
 Oeograph., li. 2 ; ed. Tauchnitz, Vol. II. pp. 399, 406 ; Dionys., Perieg. V, 682. 
 Pallas and Beineggs consider that the Charkas, or Circassians, derive their name from 
 the Kerketse. They certainly occupy the same sites. 
 
 » Ptol., Oeogr., T. 8. ' Ptol., Geogr., \. 9. 
 
 * Ptol., Geogf., ib. and iii. 6 ; Plin., Nat. Mist., Ti. 9, 12 ; Pompon, Mela, de titu 
 Oriis, i, 19 ; iii. 6. 
 
 s Straho, Geogr. iS. p. 403; Ptol., Geogr., v. 9; Stephanus Byzant., Ethnica, s.y. 
 
 s Straho, Geogr., ib. ; Pompon, Mel., i. 19 ; Dionys., JPerieg., 550. 
 
 ' Strabo, Geogr., ib. ; Steph. Byz., s.t. 
 
 ' Pompon. Mela, i. 19 ; Priscian, Ferieg., 663. 
 
 ' Steph. Byz., v. KapKtvTris ; Herod., iv. 99. 
 
 >» Plin., Nat. Sist., iv. 26 ; Ptol., Geogr. iii. 5. 
 
 '• Strabo, Geogr., yii. 3 ; ib. p. 90 ; Pompon. Mel., ii, 1 ; Artemidori, Fragm. p. 87. 
 
 '2 Plin., Nat. Sist., vi. 4 ; Ftymolog. Magnum, T. KipKtuov; ApoH. Ehod., Argon., 
 ii. 400 ; iii. 200. 
 
 13 Ptol., Geogr., iii. 5. " Eustathius, ad Dionys., PeWey., 682. 
 
 i" Hecatseus, Fragm., 185; Soylai Cayand, Periplm,^. 31 ; Steph. Byz., s.t. 
 
 iii Bayer, de Mwro Cauo ; Eeineggs, Sistor,- Topograph,. Beschreibung d. Kaukasuc, 
 Tom. I. p. 16 ; Steph. Byz., v. KSpa^oi. The common names of Charai, and its 
 compounds, Characene, Characoma, etc., in Syria, Asia Minor, and along the course 
 of the Euphrates and Tigris, offer an inviting resemblance, but have no connection 
 with these. The origin of these names is, curiously enough, both Hebrew and 
 Greek ; the Hebrew signifying a " wall," or " fortress ;" x'^P«fi * " fosse." The 
 Kerak, or Karac, *hich we so often read of in the his'ory of the Crusades, is derived 
 from the former. 
 
APPENDIX. • 511 
 
 next to these wild Kertetiki, we are struck with finding the very 
 Sindians themselves. 
 
 Ki!RKi!TiKig«e, f&rox ea gens, SiNDigwe superhi.^ 
 We have also a Sindikus portus" — a town of Siada' — the tribe of 
 Siadiani' — the town of Sindica" — the tract of Sindike*— ^he town 
 of Sindis' — the tribe of Sindones* — the town of SLiidos' — the tribe 
 of Sinti" Here, again, it may be admitted, that some of these may 
 be different names for the same tribes and the same places. 
 
 The old reading of the passage in. Herodotus, where the Sindi are 
 mentioned (iv. 28), was originally Indi, but commentators were so 
 struck with the anomaly of finding Indians on the frontiers of 
 Europe, and they considered it so necessary to reconcile the historian 
 with geographers, that they have now unanimously agreed to read 
 Sindi, though the reading is not authorized by any ancient manu- 
 scripts. It is impossible to say what is gained by the substitution ; 
 for Sindi must be themselves Indians, and the difficulty is in no way 
 removed by this arbitrary conversion. Hesychius, moreover, — no 
 mean authority — says that the Sindi of the Euxine were, in reality, 
 Indians ; nay, more, though writing two centuries before our Kerks 
 are even named or alluded to, he expressly calls the Kerketas also 
 " an Indian nation." " 
 
 It has been remarked, that even if no such direct testimony had 
 been given, the hints that remain to us concerning the character and 
 manners of these Sindi, the peculiar object of their worship, and 
 their dissolute religious lites and sorceries, would leave no doubt as 
 to the country from which they were derived. 
 
 It is from this region that the Indian merchants must have sailed 
 
 1 Orphei Argonautiea, Cribelli Tersio, T. 1049 ; see also Herod., iv. 28 ; Apollon. 
 Bb.od., Argonaut., iv. 322; Strato, Qeogr.,ii. 2; j4. p. 403; Val. Flacc, .4>yo«., 
 vi. 86. 
 
 » Scylai Caryand., Periplus, p. 31 ; Strabo, Geog., ii., p. 406 ; Ptol., Oeogr. t. 
 9 ; Steph. Byz., v. SiJvSwoj. This is still called Sindjak, a harea near Anapa. 
 Eennell's map makes it correspond iritli Anapa itself. 
 
 ' Ptol., Geogr., y. 9. * Lncian, Toxaris, c. 55. 
 
 » Herod., iv. 86.— Plin., Nat, Sist., vi. 5. « Strabo, ib. pp. 399, 403, 404. 
 
 ' Hesychius, Lex., s.v. ^ Pompon. Mela, i. 19. » Pompon. Mela, i. 19. 
 
 10 Scylax Car., Peripl., ib. — Hesychius, Lex., s.v. — Polysenus, Stratagem., viii. 55, 
 
 " 'SiiVToi, 'teiros 'lpStK6v. KspKirii, 'eSyos 'lySmiy. Conf. Interprett. Hesych., 
 Vol. II. p. 234. 
 
512 APPENDIX. 
 
 who were sHp-wxeoked in the Baltic and presented by the king of 
 the Suevi, or of the Batavi, to L. Metollus Celer, the pro-consul, of 
 Gaul ; for they could not have been carried round from the continent 
 of India to the north of Europe by the ocean. Various solutions of 
 this difficulty have been attempted. It has been surmised that they 
 might have been Greenlanders, or mariners from North America, or 
 even painted Britons : but the fact cannot be disputed, that they are 
 called plainly " Indians," by all the authors who have recorded the 
 fact, however improbable their appearance in those regions might 
 have been.' 
 
 Their nautical habits were no doubt acquired originally in the 
 Indian Ocean, and were inherited by generations of descendants. It 
 is even highly probable that their inveterate addiction to piracies, 
 which led to the Muhammadan conquest, and has only now been 
 eradicated by the power of the British, may have been the cause of this 
 national dislocation, which no sophistry, no contortion of reading, no 
 difficulty of solution, can legitimately invalidate. The very term ' 
 of ignobiles, applied to them by Ammianus Marcellinus (xxii. 8), 
 and the curious expressions used by Valerius Flaccus (vi. 86), — 
 Degemresqae ruunt Sindi, glomerantque, paterno 
 Crimine nunc etiam metuentes verlera, turmas, — 
 imply a punishment and degradation, which are by no means suf- 
 ficiently explained by reference to the anecdotes related by Hero- 
 dotus (iv. 1-4), and Justin (ii. 5).* 
 
 "Whether this degradation adheres to any of their descendants at 
 the present time will form the subject of a future essay ; but before 
 closing the subject of these early Indian piracies, we should not 
 omit to notice the evident alarm with which they always inspired 
 the Persian monarchy, even in the days of its most absolute power. 
 Strabo and Aman inform us, that in order to protect their cities 
 
 ' Qni ex Indi^ commercii causa navigantes, tempestate essent in Germanic abrepti, 
 — Plin., Nat. Mist., ii. 67. Compare PompoE. Mel., de aii. Orb., iii. 6. The 
 original authority is Cornelius Nepos, iVai/mentct, p. 731 ; ed. A. van Staveren, Lugd. 
 Bat., 1734, where the Notes should be consulted. See also Eamusio, Navigat, et 
 Viaggi, Tom. I. p. 373 D. 
 
 a TJkert, alte Gmgrajihie, Vol. III. pt. ii. pp. 494-496, 510 ; "W. D. Cooley, 
 Maritime and Inland Biatovery, Vol. I. pp. 82-87; Mim. de PAcad. des Inserip,, 
 Tom. VI. p. 263 ; XLVI. p. 403 ; M. ViT. de St. Martin, Mudes de Giographie an- 
 cimne, Tom. I. p. 273. 
 
APPENDIX. 513 
 
 against piratical attacks, the Persians made the Tigris entirely in- 
 accessible for navigation. The course of the stream was obstruoted 
 by masses of stone, which Alexander, on his return from India, 
 caused to be removed for the furtherance of commercial intercourse. 
 Inspired by the same dread, and not from religious motives, (as has 
 been supposed), the Persians built no city of any note upon the sea- 
 coast.' 
 
 We may here make a passing allusion to another memorial of Indian 
 connexion with these parts. The southern neighbours of these 
 Euxine Sindi were the Kolchians. 0. Hitter, in his Vorhalle, quoted 
 at the end of this Note, asserts that they came originally from the 
 west of India. Pindar' and Herodotus^ both remark upon the 
 darkness of their complexion. The latter also mentions that they 
 were curly-headed. He states that he had satisfied himself, not 
 only from the accounts of others, but from personal examination, 
 that they were Egyptians, descended from a portion of the invading 
 army of Sesostris, which had either been detached by that conqueror, 
 or, being wearied with his wandering expedition, had remained, of 
 their own accord, near the river Phasis. He also mentions the 
 practice of circumcision, the fabrication of fine linen, the mode of 
 living, and resemblance of language, as confirmatory of his view of 
 an affinity between these nations. He has been followed by Diodorus 
 and other ancient writers, as well as many modern scholars, who 
 have endeavoured to account for this presumed connection.* I will 
 not lengthen this Note by pursuing the enquiry; but will merely 
 remark that this Egyptian relationship probably arises from soma 
 confusion (observable in several other passages of Herodotus), re- 
 specting the connection between the continents of India and 
 Ethiopia, — which pervaded the minds of poets and geographers 
 
 ' Strabo, Geograph., ivi. 1 ; •*., Vol. iii. p. 338 ; Arrian, Bxpedit. Alex., vii. 
 7 Amm. Marcellinus, -xxiii. 6 ; Robertson, Anoimt Z»rfi«, Note x.; Eitter, ^sm», 
 Vol. X. pp. 2 1-32 ; Itid, AUerthum, ii. 601. Heeren and others have questioned 
 whether these dykes were not rather maintained for the purposes of irrigation. 
 
 * KeXaivtiwfirin K.iXxoi(iiv.~Pyth., iv. 378. The Scholiast dwells on the subject. 
 3 nUl., II. 104. See also Eustathius ad Dionys., Perieg., 689. 
 
 * Bibl. Hist., i. 28, 55 , .ApoUou. Ehod., Argon., iv. 259-271 ; Strabo. Oeogr., x\. 
 2, »■*., p. 409 ; Val Place, ^)yo«., v. 421; Fest Avieu., iJescr. Ot^iis, 871 ; Amm.. 
 Marc, xxii. 8; Ukcrt, alU Oe.ogr.,Yol lU. pt. ii. p. 609; St. Mai-tin, loc. ei!., 
 pp. 255-270. 
 
 TOL. 1. 33 
 
514 APPENDIX. 
 
 from Horner^ down to Ptolemy,' — or rather down to Idrisi and 
 Marino Sanuto;' and which induced even Alexander, when he saw 
 crocodiles in the Indus, although their existence therein had already 
 been remarked by Herodotus, to conceive that that river was con- 
 nected with the Nile, and that its navigation downwards would 
 conduct into Egypt.* 
 
 It is admitted that gi-ave objections may be raised, and have been 
 urged with some force, against carrying these presumed analogies 
 too far ; and sceptics are ready to exclaim with Muellen, " there is a 
 river in Macedon, and there is also, moreover, a river at Monmouth 
 o « ft there is »salmons in both." But, while some have endea- 
 voured to trace the indications of a direct Indian connection between 
 the inhabitants of the Buxine shores and India, on the ground of 
 such names as Acesines,' Hypanis,* Kophes, or Kobus,'' Typhaonia,' 
 
 ' 77., xxiii. 205 ; Odyss., i. 23. 
 
 ' Geograph., vii. 3, 6. There had heen a decided retrogressioD in the system of 
 Ptolemy; for Herodotus, Strabo, and some others had a far correcter knowledge of 
 the Southern Ocean. 
 
 ' Vincent, Feriplus of the Erythrtean Sea, pp. 668, 664-8 ; M. Jaubert, Geog. 
 cCEdrisi; Gesta Dei per Francos, Vol. II. p. 
 
 * Strabo, Geograph., xv. 1, Vol. III. p. 266 ; Arrian, Ezpedit. Alex., vi. 1 ; Geier. 
 Alex. M. Jlistoriarum Scriptores, p. 118. 
 
 It is fair to remark, that such ignorance is not reconcilable, either Tritli the 
 general arrangement of Alexander's plans, or "with the real geographical knowledge 
 which his inquisitive mind must have imbibed. Eespecting the supposed geographical 
 connection of these two countries ; see Schauifelberger, Corpus Script. Vet. qui de 
 India scripseruni, 1845, 1, 12; Sir J. Stoddart, Introd. to the Study of Vn. Hist., 
 pp. 112, 218; Schwanbect, Mcgaathenis Fragmenta, pp. 1-6, 64; Dr. Smith's Diet, 
 of Geogr., v. "Arabicus Sinus" and "Asia;" Gildemeister, Script. Arab de rebus 
 Indicis, pp. 27, 145 ; Humboldt, Cosmos (Sabine), Vol. II. Note 419 ; D'Anyille, 
 Antiq. de I'lnde, p. 187 ; Cooley, Mar. and Inland Discov., Vol. I., pp. 113, 128, 150 ; 
 Valentyn, Beschryving van Oost Ind., Vol. I. p..62 ; Eobertsou's India, Note xxxii; 
 CtesisB Operum Eeliquiie, ed. Baehr, pp. 309, 454. These quotations do not refer to 
 the large and interesting question of their civil, religious, and ethnographical aflinities, 
 which Heeren, Bohlen, and others have treated of in learned disquisitions. 
 
 ' A rirer of Sicily.— Thucyd., Bell Felop., iv. 25. 
 
 >> A western tributary of the Dneiper, according to Herodotus. Also, the name of 
 another river which fell into the Pontus Euxinus. Herod., iv. 17, 62 ; Ovid., Pont., 
 iv. 10, 47 ; Metamorph., xv. 285. 
 
 ■ A river on the eastern shore of the Euxine. — Plin., H'at. Hist., vi. 4 ; Arrian, 
 Ferip., p. 10. 
 
 ' Eoeky mountains in the Caucasus and India. — Etymol, Magn^ s.v. Tvipaivm. 
 
APPENDIX. 515 
 
 Phasis,' Caucasus, and such like, being found in both one country and 
 the other ; and while the resemblance between the worship of Odin 
 and Buddha has been strongly urged by similar advocates f it may, 
 on the other hand, and with great reason, be asserted that these names 
 are not local in India, and that they have generally been grafted on 
 some Indian stock, offering a mere partial likeness, either through 
 the ignorance of the Greeks, or with the view of flattering the 
 vanity of Alexander, by shifting further to the eastward the names 
 and attributes of distant places, already removed almost beyond 
 mortal ken and approach, and lying far away — 
 " Extra flammantia moenia mundi." ' 
 
 In the grossness of their indiscriminate adulation, they were at 
 all times ready to ascribe to that conqueror the obscure achieve- 
 ments of mythical heroes, whose glory was inseparably connected 
 with certain streams and mountains, which even they, in the pleni- 
 tude of their power, had found it no easy matter to traverse and 
 surmount. Strabo, indeed, informs us that the Argonautic monu- 
 ments were industriously destroyed by Alexander's generals, from 
 a ridiculous alarm lest the fame of Jason might surpass that of their 
 master. Parmenio is especially mentioned both by him and Justin, 
 as one whose jealousy was prompted to destroy several temples 
 erected in honour of Jason, " in order that no man's name in the 
 east might be more venerable than that of Alexander." * 
 
 Hence, it has been justly remarked, even by early writers, open 
 to the influence of reason and philosophy, and guided by the results 
 
 • A river of Scythia, as ■well as of Kolchis and of Taprobane. — ^Plin., Nat. Mist., 
 X. 48; Val. Flac., Argon., ii. 596; Pausan., iv. 44; Staph. Byz., v. iitrn. Ee- 
 specting the Kolohis of Southern India, see Dr. Smith's Hiet. of Geography, v. 
 " Colchis" and " Colchi Indise." 
 
 » This Odin- Buddha-Hypothesis, as the Germans call it, has been, perhaps, some- 
 what too readily condemned by Remusat, Klaproth, A. W. Schlegel, TJkert, and 
 others. Compare Asiatic Researches; Fundgruben des 0/., Vol. IV., p. 201; Asia 
 Polyglotta, p. 144; Introd. to Univ. Hist, ut sup., pp. 275-8; Finn Magnusen, 
 Mythologies Lexicon, Copenhagen, 1848. 
 
 » Compare on this subject, Strabo, Geogr., vii. 35, xi. 2, Vol. II. p. 77, 408 ; the 
 Scholiast upon ApoUon. Rhod., Argon., ii. 397, 417 ; Ukert, alte Geographic, Vol. 
 III. pt. 2, pp. 205, 505. 
 
 • Justin, Sist. Phil., xMi. 3; Strabo. Geogr., xi. S,Vol. II. p. 421, li. 11, p, 441, 
 xi. 14, p. 456, XV. 1, Vol. III. p. 253, xvi. 4, p. 412 ; Arrian, Indica, ii ; Exped. 
 Alex., V. 3. 
 
516 APPENDIX. 
 
 of an extended observation, that the Greeks have transposed these 
 localities upon very, slender foundations, and that many of the bar- 
 baric names have been SeUenised." ' 
 
 We find frequent instances of the same tendency to corruption in 
 our own Oriental nomenclature, but with even greater perversions. 
 Thus, we have heard our ignorant European soldiery convert Shekh- 
 awati into ' sherry and water ;' Siraju-d Daula into a belted knight, 
 ' Sir Eoger Dowler ;' Dali'p into ' Tulip ;' Shah Shuja'u-1 Mulk into 
 ' Cha isugar and mUk,' and other similar absurdities ; under which, 
 in like manner, "many of the barbaric names have been Anglicised," 
 
 But when we apply the same argument to the caises under con- 
 sideration, we shall see it has no force ; for here there has been no 
 room for the corruptions and flatteries to which allusions have been 
 made ; nor did it ever occur to the Greeks to enter upon the same 
 comparisons which are engaging our attention. When we carry 
 these identifications yet further, we shall find names with which 
 the Greeks were not even acquainted ; and it is not between streams, 
 towns, and mountains, that the similitudes exist, but between peoples 
 in the one country and places in the other, — the latter known, the 
 former unknown, to ancient historians and geographers, — who have, 
 therefore, left the field open for moderns alone to speculate in. 
 
 Now, it is not merely in the two instances already adduced that 
 these striking monuments of connection attract our observation; but, 
 when we also find the Maidi next to the Sindi and Kerketae,* a tribe 
 
 • Nikanor, in Steph, Byz., Ethnioa, t. Tovais. Compare Hesycli., Lex. t. 
 ^aySapo<payos ; ScUegel, Ind. Siiliotheic, Vol. II. p. 297 ; Droysen, Geschichte Alex.'s, 
 p. 405 ; Wesseling, ad Diod. Sic, ivii. 83 ; Bemhardy, ad Dionys, Perieg. 714. 
 
 ' (Pseudo-) Arist., d» Mirald Auscultat., u. 123. Tbe Sindi were by some 
 authors considered to be a remnant of tbe Maiotsa ; Stepb. Byz., t. Sii-Sol ; Strabo, 
 (?eo/7r., li. 2, ti. Vol. II. p. 404. This extraordinary juitaposition of Sindi and 
 Maidi again oecurs in Thrace ; See Thucyd., Bell. Pelop., ii. 98. Respecting the 
 Sindi, SinduB, Sintica, and similar names in Tbrace and Macedonia, see Herod., yii. 
 123 ; CiTBsar, Sell Oiv., iii. 79 ; Liv., Sist. Horn., xxvi. 25, rl. 22, xliv. 46, x1t.;29 
 Polybiiw, Excerpt., x. 37; Plin., Nat. Hist., it. 10 ; Steph. Byz., v. 'S.ivTia.; Ency 
 Metrop. v. " Thrace." Homer tells us also of Sintians on Lemnos, who ' spoke a 
 strange language ;' II. i. 694 ; Od. viii. 294 ; and they had before his time been 
 noticed by HcUanicus of Lesbos ; J^WiymeHte, 113, 113. From these, the Scholiast 
 on Thucydides says, that the Thraciun Sindians were derived. More Indian families 
 might be mentioned in Ljcia and other iiiterniediate countries, but enough has been 
 adduced on the subject to suit our present dcsi»-n. ■« 
 
APPENDIX. 517 
 
 of Arii or Arichi,' an island of Aria or Aretias,' a river Arius,^ a 
 tribe of Maetes or Mseotai/ a town of Madia,'* a town of Matium," a 
 tribe of Matiani,' a town of Mateta,' a tribe of Kottse,' a country of 
 Kutais,'" a city of Kuta," a city of Kutaia," a tribe of Kolchi," a dis- 
 trict of Kolcbis," a Kolchian sea," a tribe of Koli,'" the mountains of 
 Koli," a district of Koli,'* a province of Iberia," a tribe of Iberes,*"" 
 a tribe of Bounoniai,^' a district of Minyas,^ a city of Male,'' a tribe 
 of Batemas,"* a river of Batbys," a port and town of Bata ; ^° wben 
 we find all tbese names in close juxtaposition, reminding us in their 
 various forms of our own Meds, Kathis, Koles, Abhirs, Minas, 
 MaUinas, and Bhatis, tribes familiar to us as being, at one time, in 
 and near the valley of the Indus ; and when we consider, moreover, 
 that all these different names, including the Sindi and Kerketse, 
 ■were congregated about the western region of the Caucasus, within a 
 
 ' Strabo, Geogr. ibid. ;■ Steph. Byz. v. A^jirixol ; Ptol., Geogr., v. 9. 
 
 ^ Apollon. Ehod., Argon., ii. 103; Plin., Nat. Hist., v. 13. 
 
 3 Scyl. Caryand., p. 32. The connection of the Arii and Maidi will be deT.eloped 
 in the following Note. 
 
 * Scymnns Chins, 870; Strabo, ii. 6, xi. 2; Prieoian. Terieg., 644. As for the 
 lake Maeotis being so called, as Herodotus (iv. 86) says, beoaiise it is the mother of 
 the Pontus, it is surprising that so frivolous a reason has met favour vrith modern 
 geographers. See, on this name, Zeuss, die Deulschen und die NaehbarstUmme, p. 296. 
 
 » Ptol., Geogr. v. 9. " Plin., Nat. Sist., vi. 4. 
 
 ' Pompon. Mel., de sit Orl., i. 2. « Ptol., Geogr., v. 8. ^ Ptol., Geogr., vi. 7. 
 
 '" Orphei Argonaut., 824, 1009 ; Apollon. Ehod., Argonattt., ii. 399, 403, iv. 611. 
 
 " Jjycophron, Cassandra, 174; Steph. Byz., v. Kiira; Euatath., ad. II., iv. 103. 
 
 " Tal. Fhicous, Argon., vi. 428, 693; Btymol. Mag., p. 77. 
 
 " Herod., ii. 104 ; Died. Sic, i. 28 ; Pindar, Pyth.^ iv. 378. 
 
 " Straho, xi. 2, ib. p. 408 ; Ptol., v. 10 ; Pomp Mala, i. 19. 
 
 " Strabo, ib. p. 399. " Scyl. Car., Periptta, p. 31 ; Steph. Byz., v. KSXoi. 
 
 >' A portion of the Caucasus; Hecatseus, Fragm., 161, 186 ; Steph. Byz., ib. 
 
 18 Steph. Byz., ib. ; Ptol., Geogr., vi. 5. 
 
 " Ptol. Geogr., v. 9 ; Val. Place, Argott., vi. 120; Pliny, Plutarch, Pomponius 
 Mela, etc. 
 
 ^n Strabo, Geog., xi. 2, p. 406 ; 3, p. 412; Appian, Mithridates, 101, 116. 
 
 -' Orphei, Argonautieii, v. 1036. Their relation to the bucolic Abhirs, or Ahirs 
 as we now call them, will be obvious to any one who has resided in India Ind. 
 Alterthum. II. S47, 953, 956. '2 Servius ad Virgil, JEclog., iv. 34. 
 
 *» Scylax Caryand., Periplus, p. 32, and the ntfte of Vossius, p, 42. 
 
 " Valer. Mace, Argon., vi. 70. 
 
 '5 Plin., Nat. Mist., vi. 4 ; Peutinger, Tab,, Segm. vii. This may be derived, as 
 is usually supposed, from 0a6bs ' deep.' ; Dr. Falconer's translation of the Periplus of 
 the JE-uXine Sea, p. 44. 
 
 2» Scyl. Garland., Peripl., p. 31 ; Strabo, Geogr., it. p. 406 ; Ptol., Geogr., v. 9. 
 
518 APPENDIX. 
 
 space scarcely larger than the province of lower Sind, and when 
 again we reflect upon the curious coincidence, that Pliny' calls the 
 former province " Scythia Sendica," while Ptolemy'' calls the latter 
 " Indo-Scythia ;" that even as late as the fifth century, the judicious 
 ecclesiastical historian, Socrates,^ as well as the accurate geographer, 
 Stephanus,* continued to call the former by the name of " India," it 
 is very difficult to resist the conviction, that these cumulative in- 
 stances of combinations and affinities cannot be altogether acci- 
 dental, or the mere result of diligent and ingenious exploration. 
 
 But, even allowing that all these miscellaneous instances of re- 
 semblance, brought forward in the preceding paragraph, are indeed 
 purely fortuitous, — and it is willingly acknowledged that there is 
 " ample room and verge enough " for a sharp eye, a nice ear, and a 
 playful fancy, in the selection of such alliterative illustrations, — 
 even if we reject them altogether as the products of a wild and 
 dreamy imagination, and since they add little to the cogency of our 
 argument, they may be resigned as such without a murmur, still it 
 is impossible to yield the Sindi, the Kerketm, or even the Maidi, to 
 the cavils of such an illiberal and hostile spirit of criticism, for, with 
 respect to them, it must be confessed by aU but the most obstinately 
 sceptical, that they, at least, stand boldly and prominently forth, as 
 undoubted evidences of actual Indian occupancy on the shores of the 
 Buxine. 
 
 It is not the purport of this Note to show how these coincidences 
 could possibly have arisen ; how nations, separat-ed by so many 
 mountains, seas, forests, and wastes, could have preserved any signs 
 whatever of original Identity, much less of such close approximation 
 in names, as has been here adduced. Ukert, the strongest opponent 
 of this supposed connection between th;e Caucasus and India, men- 
 tions that the ancients are express in asserting that the Indians 
 
 ' Plin., Nat Mist.., it. 26. 
 
 ' Geogr., vii. ; EustatUius ad Dionys., Ferieg., 1088; ilannert, Geog. der Griechm 
 und Homer, Vol. V. p. 220 ; Ersch and Gruber, Encyel. der Wissenschafien, s.v. 
 " Indo-scj thia;" Kouv. J'ourn. Asiatiqtie, 3rd series, Tom. VIII. p. 264. 
 
 ' Ecelcs. Mist.,\. \&. See also the note by Isaac Vossius to Scylax Caryand., p . 
 40, ap. Hudson, Geog. Gr. Min., Vol, I. ; and Fr^ret, Mem. de I' Acad, des Inscript., 
 Tom. IV. p. 603. '■ 
 
 * Mthnica, vv. Vopyiinna et 'XvvSmos. See also Is. Tzelzes ad Lycopliron, Cas- 
 sandra, 174, where be calls the Kolobiaiis lySwol 'S.niOai. 
 
APPENDIX. 519 
 
 never sent out of their country any armies or colonies ; ' but migra- 
 tions might easily have arisen from other causes, and a hint has 
 been thrown out above, that in this particular instance, the expatria- 
 tion might perhaps not have been altogether voluntary. 
 
 In another part of this work I have traced, step by step, the pro- 
 gress of one Indian family from the banks of the Indus to the 
 remotest shores of Europe ; and in the foUowiag Note upon the 
 Meds, I have shown several instances of compulsory transportations 
 to countries nearly as remote ; so that this branch of the enquiry 
 need not engage our attention further in this place, the object of 
 showing the probable existence of a tribe of Kerks, both on the 
 Indus and Euxine, having, it is hoped, already been sufficiently 
 proved to the satisfaction of every candid and unprejudiced mind.' 
 
 The Meds. 
 
 We find the Meds frequently mentioned by the Arab authors on 
 Sind, and, together with their rivals the Jats, they may be con- 
 sidered the oldest occupants of that province, who, in their names 
 as well as persons, have survived to our own times. 
 
 The first account we have of them is in the Mujmalu-t Tawdrilch' 
 That work mentions that the Jats and the Meds are reputed to be 
 descendants of Ham, the son of Noah, and that they occupied the 
 banks of the Indus, in the province of Sind. The Meds, who 
 devoted themselves to a pastoral life, used to invade the territories 
 of the Jats, putting them to great distress, and compelling them to 
 take up their abode on the opposite side of the river ; but, sub- 
 sequently, the Jats, being accustomed to the use of boats, crossed 
 over and defeated the Meds, taking several prisoners and plundering 
 their country. 
 
 ' Strabo, Geogr., xT. 1 ; ii. Vol. III. p. 251 ; Diod. Sic, BiUioth. Sistor., ii. 38. 
 
 ' Compare also "Wahl, Asien, Vol. I. pp. 793, et. seg. ; Malte Brun, Vniveraal Geo- 
 graphy, Vol. II. pp. 27-52 ; Liineraann, Descriptio Caucasi, Getting., 1803 ; 
 Bominel, Cauccis. rsgiomtm et gentimn Slrahoniana descr.. Lips. 1804 ; Hitter, Asien, 
 Vol. II. p. 622 ; and die Vorhalk der EuropHischer Volker-geschichien, pp. SI, To, 
 300 ; Eichwald, Geogr. d. Kaap, Meeres, p. 303, et seq. ; Boeokh, Corpus Inscrip- 
 tionum, Vol. II. pp. 100-110 ; M. V. de St. Martin, M^m. histor. sur la Giog. one. 
 gu Owucase, Sect, ii, iii, in Etudes de Giog., Vol. I ; XJkcrt, Alle Geographic, Vol. 
 III. pt. ii. pp. 282-288; Christoph. Cellarius, Notitiee orbii antiqui, Vol. II. pp. 
 356-367. 
 
520 APPENDIX. 
 
 At last these two tribes, seeing the inutility of protracting their 
 contests any longei:, agreed to send a deputation to Duryodhana, the 
 king of Hastinapur, begging him to nominate a king to rule over 
 them. Duryodhana accordingly nominated his sister Dassal (Duh- 
 sala), the wife of Jayadratha, who exercised the functions of goyern- 
 ment with great wisdom and moderation. The families and 
 adherents of 30,000 Brahmans, who were collected from all parts 
 of Hindustan, were sent by Duryodhana to her court, and from 
 that time Sind became flourishing and populous, and many cities 
 were founded. The Jats and the Meds had separate tracts of land 
 assigned to them, and were governed by chiefs of their own election. 
 
 The queen and Jayadratha made the city of 'Askaland their 
 capital ; the same place, apparently, which is called in a subsequent 
 passage 'Askaland-usa, perhaps the Uchh of later times, as has been 
 shown in another Note of this Appendix (p. 365). 
 
 Jayadratha was killed in the fatal field of Thanesar, and his faith- 
 ful wife ascended the funeral pile, after their reign had continued for 
 more than twenty yeai's. On the same field was extinguished the 
 dynasty called after the name of Bharata, he being the most cele- 
 brated ancestor of Dhritarashtra, the father of Duryodhana and the 
 Kurus. On the transfer of the empire to the Pandavas, Yudhish- 
 thira conferred Sind upon Sanjwara, the son of Jayadratha and 
 Dassal (Duhsala), and from him Ha] was descended {supra, p. 103). 
 As the Great War, in which these heroes enacted a conspicuous part, 
 has been supposed, on astronomical grounds, to have taken place 
 during the twelfth century b.o.,^ we must assign an equal antiquity 
 to their contemporaries the Meds of Sind, if we put faith in this 
 narrative ; but as this early settlement is not, in Lassen's opinion, 
 opposed to probability in the case of the Jats, we need not withhold 
 our faith in its correctness with respect to the Meds. Indeed, 
 admitting that the ' Jartikas' of the Mahd-hhdrata and the Purdnas 
 represent the Jats, we cannot but consider the ' Madras' as repre- 
 
 ' Sir W. Jones, IVor^s, Vol. III. p. 213 ; VII. T7. Some fix it earlier. See 
 Viich&icd, Sesearches into tfif Fhys. Mist, of Mankind, Vol. IV. p. W\, et ssq. ; 
 Lassen, Indische Alterthumsiunde, Vol. I. p. 199, et. seq.; Prof. Wilson, J. A. S. 
 Bengal, Vol. XIII. p. 81. 
 
APPENDIX. 621 
 
 senting the Meds — confirming thereby the antiquity and synchron- 
 • ism of these two races on the bants of the Indus.^ 
 
 During the period of Arab occupation, Muhammad KSsim is re- 
 presented as making peace with the Meds of Surashtra, " seafarers 
 and pirates, with whom the men of Basra were then at war." This 
 gives a great extent to their dominion at that period towards the 
 south-east. 
 
 In the time of Mu'tasim Bi-Uah, 'Amran, the Earmeldde, gover- 
 nor of Sind, directed an expedition against the Meds, in which he 
 killed three thousand of them, and constructed an embankment, 
 which he called the Meds' embankment, probably for the puipose of 
 depriving them of the means of irrigation, as was done so effectually 
 in 1762 and 1802 at Mora and Ali Bandar, when the Sindiana 
 ruined the prosperity of north-western Kachh. The word SaJcar, 
 embankment,' is preserved in the town of that name opposite to 
 Eori, where, however, the mound is a natural limestone formation 
 of about one hundred feet high, and not an artificial causeway.' 
 Nevertheless, we might, if we could be sure that any Meds were 
 then on the western side of the Indus, pronounce this to be the iden- 
 tical locality ; for certainly, in Biladuri {supra p. 128), the whole 
 transaction seems to be closely connected with 'Amran's proceedings 
 against Kandabel and the Jats on the Aral river, not far from Sakar, 
 insomuch that, immediately after settling affairs with them ha 
 returns to attack the Meds, having the chief of the Jats in his com- 
 pany. But, as on the occasion of this second attack, he dug a canal 
 from the sea to their lake, rendering their water salt and nauseous, 
 tliere can be no question of this scene, at least, being in the south- 
 eastern portion of the province, where they were settled in the 
 greatest numbers ; and here, therefore, we must also look for the 
 embankment raised in the first incursion. They are said to have 
 been attacked by 'Amran from several different directions, and were 
 thus doubtless reduced to great extremities. 
 
 1 Lassen, de Tentapotamid Ind,, p. 20, and Indisehe AUerth. Vol, I. pjp. 97, 397, 
 821 ; "Wilson, Vishnu Purdna, Index ; As. Heaearches, Vol. VIII. p. 346 j M. 
 Vivien de St. Martin, E'tudes de Qiograplm aneimne, Tom. i. p. 337. 
 
 ^ Sakar, or Sakhar, as it is noT pronounced, is better known to the natives as 
 " Chipribandar," wbich would imply that it was, in part at least, artificial. 
 
522 APPENDIX. 
 
 During tlie reign of the same Khalif, we find an Arab chieftain, 
 Muhammad bin Fazl, who had taken possession of Sindan, in the 
 Abrasa district of Kachh, attacking the Meds with a squadron of 
 seventy vessels;' on which occasion he took Mali, of which the 
 position may be identified with Malia on the Machu. This powerful 
 armament seems to have been directed against the sea-board of 
 the tract invaded by 'Amr^n, now occupied by the Ean of Kachh ; 
 where Vigogad, Vingar, and Ballyarf, on the northern, and Phang- 
 warri, Nerona, Bitaro, etc., on the southern shore, are all known, 
 both by concurrent native tradition, as well as by independent 
 European observation, to have been once washed by the sea. 
 
 All these various expeditions, however, had but little permanent 
 effect in reducing the power of the Meds, for Mas'udi informs us 
 that, when he visited Sind, the inhabitants of Mansura were obliged 
 continually to protect themselves against their aggressions.' 
 
 Ibn Haukal notices them under the name of Mand (p. 38), and 
 though, without the diacritical point, the word might be read Med, 
 yet as all the MSS., few as they are, concur in this reading, it must be 
 retained. He describes them as dwelling on the bank of the Indus 
 from the borders of Multan to the sea, and in the desert between that 
 river and Famhal, the frontier town of Hind. They had many stations 
 which they occupied as pasture grounds, and formed a very large 
 population, imconverted to the faith. What Abu-1 Fida says of 
 them is taken from this passage, and we do not read of them in any 
 subsequent author.' 
 
 Hence we might suppose that the tribe is entirely extinct, and 
 have left no memorial of their existence, except the passages above 
 quoted. M. Eeinaud, indeed, observes that he finds it impossible 
 to apply the name of Med or Mand, to any known population, and 
 therefore conceives that the denomination is disfigured. But he is 
 mistaken in this supposition, for the tribe of Med still exists, both 
 to the east and the west of the Indus ; ' and those on the coast, being 
 
 ' Bdrija in the original. Supra, p. 124, 128. See Note on the word " Barge." 
 
 2 Memoirs sur VJnch, pp. 43, 60, 188, 215, 234. 
 
 3 Gildemeister, Script. Arab, de rebus Indicia, p. 172. 
 
 * In tlie Ayin-i Akbari also we have a tract called after their name within the 
 SirkSir of H&ji Khin. 
 
APPENDIX. 523 
 
 unable now to practice piracy after the mode of their ancestors, 
 devote themselves to the more tranquil pursuit of fishing. To the 
 east, we find them roving on the borders of Sind and Jodhpur, the 
 site of their occupation during the Arab period ; and to the west, 
 they are found in the little ports of Makran, from SiinmjBni to 
 Charbar, divided into the clans of Gazbur, Hormari, Jellar-zai, and 
 Chelmar-zai. 
 
 It is possible that the Meds, or some offshoot of that stock, may 
 have been designated as Mand, for that syllable enters into the 
 name of several native tribes and places existing to this day : as the 
 Mand-ar, the Mand-hor, the Mind-hro, besides the Buluch tribe of 
 Mond-rani, as well as the ancient towns of Mand-ra and Mand-ropat, 
 in Chachagam, to the east of the Guni, Mand-rasa to the north of 
 the Makali hills, and Mund-ra and other similar names in Kachh. 
 
 That the Mers of the Aravalf mountains and Kaihiwar are de- 
 scendants of the same family, is also not beyond the bounds of pro- 
 bability. The native pronunciation, especially in the western and 
 north-western provinces of Hindustan, tends so much to an inter- 
 mixture of the cerebral letters r and d, — the written character, indeed, 
 being the same in both, and the diacritical marks being a mere modem 
 innovation — that Mer and Med may be identical : and the addition of 
 the aspirate, which sometimes makes the former into Mher, or, as we 
 commonly write it Mhair, offers still no argument against identity, 
 for that also is an optional excrescence, especially in the names of 
 peoples and families. For the same reason, the connection of the 
 Mahr of Ifbaro, and other "tracts in the Upper Sind, where they 
 are reckoned by their neighbours as the aboriginal inhabitants of the 
 country between Bhakkar and Bahawalpur, is equally plausible.' 
 
 Tod pronounces the Mers to be of Bhatti origin, and derives their 
 name from Meru, " a mountain." But at the same time that he pro- 
 nounces them to be Bhattis, he says they are a branch of the Mi'na, 
 or Maina, one of the aboriginal races of India. These statements are 
 obviously incompatible, and the Bhatti hypothesis must be rejected. 
 
 • To them may perhaps he ascrihed the distinction of giving name to the Mihrin, 
 or Indus. 
 
 The old town of Mhar in K:ichh, where there is a temple of great antiquity and 
 celebrity, dedicated to the goddess Asapura, may probably trace its origin to a similar 
 source. 
 
624 APPENDIX. 
 
 During tlie whole period of their known history, they have been 
 conspicuous for their lawless and predatory habits, from the time 
 when four thousand Mer archers defended their passes against 
 PLrthi-Eaj,i down to a.d. 1821, when their excesses compelled the 
 British government to attack them in their fastnesses, and reduce 
 them to complete obedience. Since which period, it is gratifying to 
 observe that they have emerged from their barbarism, and, under the 
 judicious management of European officers, have learnt to cultivate 
 the arts of peace, and set a notable example of industry to the sur- 
 rounding tribes. 
 
 Taking into consideration, therefore, the fact that the Mers of 
 the A'rivali are but little advanced beyond the tract where the Meds 
 are known, a thousand years ago, to have formed a numerous and 
 thriving population; that their brethren, the Minas, can themselves 
 be traced in their original seats to the banks of the Indus ; that 
 Kathiwiir, or the Saurashtran peninsula, was the very nursery of 
 the piractical expeditions for which the Mods were about the same 
 period celeberated and feared, and where Mers stUl reside, we may 
 conclude that to declare them identical, is doing no great force to 
 reason and probability.* 
 
 The simple permutation of a letter — not unnaturally forced, but 
 based upon a law of common observance — introduces us to a new 
 connexion of considerable interest ; for we may make bold to claim, 
 as an ancient representative of this race, Mens, or Moeris, the king 
 of Pattala, who, on the approach of Alexander, deserted his capital, 
 and ilod to the mountains. The site of this town, at the head of the 
 Delta of the Indus, answers well to the position which we may pre- 
 sume the chief of the Meds to have occupied at that period ; and, 
 that the name was not personal, but derived from his tribe, we may 
 be satisfied, from the common practice of Alexander's historians, as 
 
 ' "With reference to the concluding paragraphs of this Note, the celehrity of 
 Median archery — the Medi pharetrd «focori— should be borne in mind. Herat., 
 Carm. ii. Od. 16 ; Propert., Lib. iii. Eleg. 11. 
 
 ' Compare Chr. Lassen, Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes, 1840, Tom. iii. 
 p. 189, 3,Tt(!iIndUckeJlterthuinskunde,Yd\. I. p. 369; Tod, Annals of Sdjaaihdn Vol. 
 I. pp. 680-686 ; II. 323; Eenonard, Encyclop. Metrop., Vol. XX. pp. 40-42 ; Col. 
 Diion, Report on Mhairwdra; M. Vivien de Saint-Martin, itudcs de Giographie 
 ancienne, Tom. I. p. 339. 
 
APPENDIX. 525 
 
 exemplified in the instances of Abisares, Porus, Sambus, Musicanus, 
 Assacanus, and Taxiles, who have these names severally attributed 
 to them from the nations, countries, or towns over which they ruled. 
 Dr. Vincent, in admitting, as the etymon of Moeris, the Arabic 
 words Mir Bais, "the ruling chief," has suffered his too easy 
 credulity to be played upon by an ambitious young orientalist. 
 Bohlen has attempted to trace in the name of Moeris a corruption of 
 Mahdrdjd, "the great king," in which he is followed by Eitter; but, 
 independent of the fact that his kingdom was circumscribed within 
 very narrow limits, he is expressly noticed by Arrian, under the 
 humble title of VTrapxo'}, which invariably implies subordination, 
 and not supremacy.' A more probable, but still unlikely, origin 
 has been suggested, from the tribe of Maurya f but they were far 
 away in the east, remote from Sind, so that altogether locality and 
 veAal resemblance are most favourable to the present hypothesis, 
 that Meris is a Grecised form for the " chief of the Mers." 
 
 We may even extend our views to a still more remote period, and 
 indulge in speculations whether this tribe may not originally have 
 been a colony of Medes. There is nothing in the distance of the 
 migration which would militate against this supposition, for Heror 
 dotus mentions the Sigynnas, as a colony of the Medes settled 
 beyond the Danube : — " How they can have been a colony of the 
 Medes," he observes, "I cannot comprehend; but anything may 
 happen in course of time."' The Medians are also said to have 
 accompanied the expedition of Hercules, when he crossed over from 
 Spain into Africa.* The Sauromatae were Median colonists beyond 
 the Tanais, or Don.= The Matienoi, or Matienes,^ the Kharimatai,' 
 ajad possibly the Mares,^ were Caucasian colonists from Media, pre- 
 serving in their names the national appellation of Mata or Madia. 
 
 1 Q. Curt. Enf., Oe gesUs Mex. Mag., Lib. ix. ch. 34 ; Arrian, Anab., Lib. yi. ch. 
 17 ; Kitter, Vie Erdkunde von As., Vol. IV. pt. i. p. 474 ; Bohlen, das Alte Indien, 
 Vol. I. p. 9 1 ; Vincent, Oomm. and Nav. of the Ancients, Vol. I. p. 157. 
 
 2 Theod. Benfey, Indien ; M. F. Baudry, Uncyclopidie Moderne, Tom. xviii. coll. 
 140, 144. ' Herodotus, v. 9. 
 
 * Sallust. Jugurtha, 14 ; JS'ouv. Memoires de VAoademie des Inscriptions, Tom. xii. 
 p. 181, tt seq. 
 
 » Diod. Sic, Bibl. Hist., ii. 43 ; Plin., Hist. Nat., vi. 7. See on this subject, 
 Zeuss, die Deutschen und die Nachbarstiimme, p. 298. 
 
 « Dionysii. Ferieg, 1002 ; Herod., i. 189 ; iii. 94 ; r. 49, 52. 
 
 ' Stephan. Byzant., s.t. Xapi/iuiTai. 
 
 8 Herod., iii. 94; vii. 97 ; Steph. Byzant., s.v. 
 
626 APPENDIX. 
 
 They may either have been transplanted to the banks of the Indus 
 "when the Medo-Persian empire extended so far to the eastward ; or 
 they may have migrated thither at some indefinitely early period ; 
 or they may have sought an asylum there upon the occupation of 
 their country by the Scythians ; or during the persecution of the 
 Magi, who consituted one of the six tribes of Medes, just as the 
 ParsiB did in Guzerat, at a later period and on similar occasion. It 
 is worthy of remark that Ibn Haukal places the Budhas, or Budhyas, 
 in the same category with the Mand, representing them as com- 
 prising several tribes to the west of the Indus. Now, the Budii 
 were also one of the six Median tribes, and the juxtaposition of 
 these two names in the province of Sind should not escape notice, 
 for they Eilso may have formed a body of similar emigrants.^ 
 
 All arguments against the probability of such dispersions stand 
 self-confuted, when we consider that Siudians were on the Buxine ;' 
 and that, besides the familiar instances of Samaritans and Jews 
 under the Assyrians, we read over and over again in Persian 
 history, of the deportations of entire tribes, expressly termed 
 'avaavrdcrroi by Herodotus.' Thus we have the removal of Paeo- 
 nians to Phrygia,* of Barcseana from Africa to Bactria,^ of Milesians 
 to Ampe, near the Tigris," of Egyptians to Susa,' of Eretrians from 
 Euboea to Ardericca,^ and to Gordyene,' of Antiochians to Mahuza," 
 and others which it would be tedious to specify. 
 
 There is another curious coincidence worthy of notice. It is well 
 known, that from below the junction of the Pan jab rivers down to 
 Sihwan, the Indus takes the name of Sar, Siro, or Sira, and from 
 below Haidarabad to the sea, that of Ldr. It is more correct, but 
 unusual, to add an intermediate division, called Wicholo, " central," 
 representing the district lying immediately around Haidarabad. just 
 
 ' Herodotus, i. 101 ; Gildemeister, de rehua Indiois, p. 172. 
 
 ' I haTe entered on this subject in another Note ; and will here merely again ru- 
 mark upon the singular fact of Sindi and Maidi occupying the same tract on the 
 Euiine, and again, the Sinti and Maidi being found in close proximity with each 
 other, even in Thrace. 
 
 ' Herodotus, iv. 204. • Herodotus, v. 98 ; vii. 80. 
 
 ' Herodotus, iv, 204. « Herodotus, vi. 20. ' Ctesias, Persioa, c. 9. 
 
 " Herodotus, vi. 119;. Philostrati, Vila ApoUon., i. 24-30. 
 
 '' Strabo, Geogr., xvi. 1; ed. Tauchnitz, Vol. III. p. 351. 
 
 •" Ancient Universal Sistory, Vol. IX. p. 306. 
 
APPENDIX. 527 
 
 as on the Nile, the Wustani, " midlands," of the Arabs represented 
 the tract between Upper and Lower Egypt.^ Sir A. Burnes says 
 that Sir and Ldr are two Buluch words for " north " and " south." 
 But the first is a Slavonic word also, which Gatterer and Niebuhr 
 tell us is retained in Sawro-niatse, signifying "northern" Medes. 
 There were also a province of Siracene, and a tribe of Siraceni, and 
 other similar names north of the Caucasus.' The Slavonic and 
 Persian show a great similarity : thus, spaco signifies " a bitch " 
 in both, and the same with the first syllable of Sauromatas, or Sar- 
 matas.' Hence Sar for the " northern " Indus, was more probably a 
 remnant of Median than Buluch emigration, though the Persian 
 element could be accounted for, even on the latter supposition, see- 
 ing what a strong tincture the Buluohf language retains of its 
 original Iranian connection.* 
 
 Moreover, amongst the several tribes of Kshatriyas, who, having 
 neglected to observe the holy customs, and to visit the Brahmans, 
 became so degenerate that they were expelled their caste, and re- 
 garded as "Dasyus," or robber tribes, Manu enumerates the "Pah- 
 lavas."' "They are," continues the holy legislator, " Dasyus, 
 whether they speak the language of Mlechchhas, or that of Aryas." 
 A'rya in Sanskrit, airya in Zend, means " noble," " sacred," " vener- 
 able ;" hence a portion of Upper India is called Aryavarta, " the 
 holy lajid," or " country of the Aryas." The Medes being also of 
 the same original stock, were universally called Arii. The Aryas of 
 Manu, therefore, are not necessarily, as some interpret, only de- 
 generate natives, but may likewise have been Medes occupying the 
 
 ' Dr. Eadie, ^arlij Or. SUiory, p. 13 ; Lt. Burton, Sindh, p. 4. 
 
 ' Plin., Nat,.Sist., iv. 26 ; Strabo, Geogr., xi. 2, 5 ; ed. Tauchnitz, Vol. II. pp. 
 399, 419, 422; Tacitus, Annal, xiii. 16; Ptol., Geogr., \. 9; Boeckh, Corpus In- 
 seript., Vol. II. p. 1009. = VuUer's Institut, p. 32. 
 
 ' Sir A. Burnes, Travels into Bokhara, Vol. III. pp. 64, 268 ; Dr. Burnes, Visit 
 to the Court of Sinde, pp. liv. 107 ; Journ. H. As. Soc., Vol. I. p. 224 ; Journ. R. 
 Geogr. Soc., Vol. III. 128,130; Niebuhr, Lectures on Ancient Sistorg., Vol. I. 96; 
 Herodotus, i. 110; Report of British Association, 1851, p. 145; Tuhfatii-l Kirdm, 
 MS. p. 166 ; Gatterer, Comment. Soc. S:ient. Gott, Vol. xii. pp. 160, 161. 
 
 The name of Sar is probably at least as old as the *' Sorani" of Stephanus, a tribe 
 which must have been on, or near, the Indus, because an Alexandria, enumerated by 
 him as the fourteenth, was built within their territory. If the people of Sar are not 
 
 meant, allusion is perhaps made to the Sodhas, who once occupied that country. 
 
 See Elhnica, r. 'AAf^dpSpeta. ' [Cf. Pehlavi]. 
 
528 APPENDIX. 
 
 valley of the Indus. It is probable that a still earlier, and more 
 degenerate branch of the same family may be spoken of under the 
 name of " Meda," in the code of Manu, " who must live without the 
 town, "and maintain themselves by slaying beasts of the forest." 
 Allusion seems here to be made to the Mers of the A'ravali.' 
 
 These indications need not be enlarged on further in this place. 
 Many will, of course, look upon them as fanciful and extravagant. 
 Others, who feel so disposed, must pursue the investigation for 
 themselves ; for it is foreign to the main design of this Note} which 
 has merely been to show that we have the Meds of the Arabs retain- 
 ing their own name to this day, as well as probably under a slightly 
 varied form, in and around the original seats of their occupation. 
 That object has, it is hoped, been accomplished satisfactorily, and 
 with regard to all extraneous matter, to use the words of Cicero, 
 sequtmur probabilia, nee •ultra quam id, quod verisimile occiirrerit, pro- 
 gredi possumus, et refcllere sine pertinacid et refelli sine iracundid 
 parati sumus.^ 
 
 [General Cunningham, in his Report for 1863-64, says : — " The 
 Meds or Mands are almost certainly the representatives of the Man- 
 drueni, who lived on the Mandrus river, to the south of the Oxus ; 
 and as their name is found in the Panjab from the beginning of the 
 Christian era downwards, and in none before that time, I conclude 
 that they must have accompajiied their neighbours, the latii, or 
 Jdts, on their forced migrations to Ariana and India. In the clas- 
 sical writers, the name is found as Medi and Mandueni, and in the 
 Muhammadan writes, as Med and Mand." To show that these 
 
 • Herodotus, vii. 62; Inatitides' of Manu., ii. 22, 36, 45, 48; Heeren, Historical 
 Sesearclies; Aaiatic Nations, Talboys, Vol. III. p, 322; Lassen, /W. Alter Ihums., 
 Vol. I. pp. 615, et seq. ; Ind. BiUioiJieh, Vol. III. p.. 71 ; Ersch and Gruber, Ency- 
 elopiidie, tt. " Indo-Germanischer Spraclistamm," p. 1, 46, and " Indien," pp. 4, 15, 
 et seq ; Abhandlungen der Kuenig. Sayer. Acad, der Wissenschaften, 1829, p. 146; 
 Wilson, Ariana Atitiqua, pp. 119-124 ; Pott, FAym. Forschungen, pp. Ixxii. ; Bor- 
 nouf, Comm. sur le Yagna, Note p. cv. ; M. F. Baudry, Encyel. Moderrte, Tom. 
 XVIII. col. 122-130. 
 
 * Besides the special references given above, compare M. Vivien de Saint Martin, 
 Mem. Hist, stir la Geogr. anc. du Caucase, pp. 242, 248, in E'tudes de Giographie, 
 Vol. I. ; and Htsi. de V Asie Min. Ancienne, p. 218 ; Boeckh, Corpus Inscripl., Vol. 
 II. p. 83; Schafarik, SlawiscJie AUerthiimer, Vol. I. pp. 302, 333, et seq. ; TJkert, 
 Geographie der Griechen und Homer, Vol. III. Abth. ii. pp. 119, 269, 273, 279, 284, 
 333, 337, 346. 
 
APPENDIX. 529 
 
 two spellings are but natural modes of pronunciation of the same 
 name, the General notices the various ways in which the name 
 of a village on the Jhelam is spelt in different maps and books — 
 Meriala, Mandiali, Mdmridla, Mandydla, Maridla, and Merali.'] 
 
 ["The earliest notice of the Meds is by Virgil, who calls the 
 Jhelam Medus Hydaspes. The epithet is explained by the statement 
 of Vibius Sequester, which makes the Hydaspes flow "past the city 
 of Media." Now this is clearly the same place as Ptolemy's Eufhy- 
 media, or Sagala, which was either on or near the same river, and 
 above Bukephala. Lastly, in the Peutingerian Tables, the country 
 on the Hydaspes, for some distance below Alexandria Bucefalos, is 
 called Media. Here then we have evidence that the Medi, or Meds, 
 were in the Panjab as early at least as the time of Virgil, in b.o. 40 
 to 30, and as we know that they were not one of the five tribes of 
 Yuchi, or Tochari, whose names are given by the Chinese writers, it 
 may be inferred, with tolerable certainty, that they must have be- 
 longed to the great horde of Sus, or Ahars, who entered India about 
 B.C. 126, and gave their name to the province of Indo-Scythia." 
 
 [As the date of the Peutingerian Table is not later than a.d. 250, 
 we have a break of upwards of four centuries before we reach the 
 earliest notices of the Muhammadan writers. In these we find the 
 Meds or Mands firmly established in Sindh, along with their ancient 
 rivals the Ja is, bo th of whom are said to be the descendants of Ham, the 
 son of Noah. Eashid-ud din further states that they were in Sindh at 
 the time of the Maha-bharata, but this is amply refuted by the native 
 histories of the province, which omit both names from the list of 
 aborigines of Sindh. Ibn Haukal describes the Mands of his time 
 (about A..D. 977), as occupying the banks of the Indus from Multan 
 to the sea, and to the desert between Makran and Famhal. Masudi, 
 who visited India in a.d. 915-16, calls them Mind, and states that 
 they were a race of Sindh, who were at constant war with the 
 people of Mansura. These notices are sufficient to show, that at 
 some time previous to the first appearance of the Muhammadans, the 
 Meds must have been forced to migrate from the Upper Panjab to 
 Sindh. There they have since remained, as there can be no doubt 
 that they are now represented by the Mers of the A'ravali Bange to 
 the east of the Indus, of Kathiawar to the south, and of Biluchistan 
 to the west." 
 
 VOL. I. 34 
 
530 APPENDIX. 
 
 ["The name of Mer, or Mand, is still found in many parts of 
 the Punjab, as in Meror of the Bail and Eeohna Doabs, in Mera, 
 Mandra, and Mandanpur of the Sind Sagar Doab, and in Mandali, of 
 Multan. Mera, which is ten miles to the west of Kalar Kahar, is 
 certainly as old as the beginning of the Christian era, as it possesses 
 an Arian Pali inscription, fixed in the side of a square well. The 
 Mers would seem also to have occupied Lahore, as Abu Eihan states 
 that the capital of Lohawar was named Medhukur or Mandhukur} 
 This place is said to have been on the east bank of the Eavi, and, if 
 so, it was most probably Lahore itself, under a new name. There 
 is an old place called Mandhyawala, on the west bank of the Eavi, 
 and only twelve miles to the south-west of Lahore, which may 
 possibly be the Mandhukw of Abu Efhan. But the old mound of 
 Miraihira, in the Gugera district, in which figures of Buddha and 
 moulded bricks have been discovered by the railway cuttings, is a 
 more likely place. This frequent occurrence of the name in so 
 many parts of the Panjab, and always attached to old places, as in 
 Mera, Mandra, and Meriali, of the Sindh Sagar Doab, and in Med- 
 hukur or Mandhukur, the capital of Lohawar, offers the strongest 
 confirmation of the concJ nsion which I have already derived from the 
 notices of the classical authors, that the Meds or Mers were once the 
 dominant race in the Panjab. The special location of the Medi on 
 the Hydaspes by classical writers of the first century of the Christian 
 era, the evident antiquity of Mera, Meriali, and other places which 
 still bear the name, and the admitted foreign origin of their modern 
 representatives,, the Mers, all point to the same conclusion, that the 
 Medi, or Meds, were the first Indo-Scythian conquerors of the 
 Panjab." 
 
 [-« o o o « About this time (30 to 20 b.c.) the Meds may be 
 supposed to have retired towards the south, nntU they finally es- 
 tablished themselves in Upper Sindh, and gave their name to their 
 new capital of Minnagara. As this could scarcely have been effected 
 with the consent of the former occupants of Upper Sindh, whom I 
 suppose to have been the latii, or Jats, I would refer to this period 
 as the beginning of that continued rivalry, which the historian 
 Eash(du-d dfn attributes to the Jats and Meds.'' To this same 
 
 ' [See supra, p. 62.] 
 
 - [See the Mujmalu-t Tatedrikh, supra, p. 103,] 
 
APPENDIX. 531 
 
 cause I would also refer the statement of the Erythrsean Periplus, that 
 about A.D. 100, the rulers of Minnagara were rival Parthians, who 
 were mutually expelling each other."] 
 
 The Wairsi and Sodha Tribes. 
 
 Wairsf, we are told in the Beg-Lar-ndma (MS. p. 55), was a chief 
 among the Sodhas. It would have been more correct to say that 
 Wairsi was ' the chief clan among the Sodhas ; for Wairsi was not 
 a personal designation, as is evident from many passages of that 
 work. It is written indiscriminately Wairsi and Wairsa, and a 
 cognate, but then hostile, clan bore the closely similar name of 
 Waisa (MS. pp. 190, 191). The Sameja tribe, often mentioned in 
 the same work, is also a branch of the Sodhas. 
 
 An exact translation of the text to which this note refers would re- 
 present Eajia as the daughter of the Eana (which, by the way, is spelt 
 throughout in the original as Ea'na) ; but at p. 61 we learn tliat she 
 was his sister's son, and so she is also styled in the Tuhfatu-l Kirdm 
 (MS. p. 73). Indeed, had she been his own daughter, we should 
 not have found Abu-1 Kasim Khan-i Zaman, who was the issue of 
 the marriage with Mir Kasim Beg-Lar, passing his childhood 
 among the Bhattis of Jesalmir after his father's death, but rather 
 among the Sodhas of 'TJmarkot. 
 
 The Soda or Sodha tribe (spelt Soda by Col.. Tod, and Soda by 
 the Eev. Mr. Eenouard) is an offshoot of the Pramara, and has been 
 for many centuries an occupant of the desert tracts of Western India, 
 into which they have receded, Kke their predecessors, when driven 
 forward by more powerful neighbours from the banks of the Indus. 
 Col. Tod contends that they are the descendants of the Sogdi of 
 Alexander's time, in which there is greater probability than in most 
 of his speculations. Sogdi may be a corruption, derived ftom the 
 greater familiarity of historians with the northern nation of that 
 name. The Sodrse of Diodorus offers an equal resemblance of name 
 and position. It is not plain which bank of the river the Sodra or 
 Sogdi then occupied. They are not mentioned by Q. Curtius, and 
 Arrian's use of "right" and "left," as applied to the banks of the 
 Indus, is so opposed to the modem practice of tracing a river from 
 its source downwards, that it adds to the confusion. 
 
532 APPENDIX. 
 
 The transaction mentioned in the text shows the early period at 
 ■which the Hindus began to disgrace themselves by their inter- 
 marriages with Muhammadans ; and the high repute of the beauty 
 of the Sodha women has served to maintain that practice in full 
 vigour to the present time. 
 
 At the period treated of, we find the Sodhas in possession of 
 'TJmarkot, of which the name and consequence have been subse- 
 quently much increased, independant of its importance as a border 
 fortress, by being the birth place of the renowned Akbar. 
 
 The Kana of the Sodhas was expelled from 'Umarkot by the 
 Talpurs of Sind; and the present representative of the family, who 
 stUl retains his title of Kana, resides at Chor, a few miles north-east 
 of his former capital, shorn of all power, and hard pressed for the 
 means of subsistence.' 
 
 NOTE (D).— MISCELLANEOUS. 
 The Terrors of the Moghal Selmet. 
 
 (Paoe 276). 
 
 The reader of the history of the Crusades will recognize a similar 
 anecdote, relating to a hero more familiar to him than Darya 
 Khan. The chivalrous Sire de Joinville tells us, that Eichard's 
 name acted as a powerful sedative upon the children of the Saracens, 
 and that even their very horses were presumed to start at his 
 shadow : — 
 
 '' Le roy Eichard fist tant d'armes outremer a celle foys que il y 
 fu, que quant les chevaus aus Sarrasins avoient pouour d'aucun 
 bisson, leur mestres leur disoient : — ' Ouides tu,' fesoient ils a leurs 
 chevaus, 'que »e soil le roy Michart d'Angleterre?' Et quant les 
 
 1 Mannert, Geographic der Orieehen und Homer, Vol. Y. ; Eitter, Die Erdltunde 
 von As., Vol. IV. pt. i. p. 471 ; Tod, Annals of Rijasthdn, Vol. I. p. 93 ; II. p. 
 310-319 ; Eneye. Metrop., Vol. XXIII. p. 781 ; Journ. S. As. Soc., Vol. I. p. 33 ; 
 Mitford, Sitt. of Greece, Vol. X. pp. 231, 232, notes 15 to 17 ; Dr. Bumes, Visit to 
 the Court of Sinde, p. .105 ; Journ. S. Geog. Soe., Vol. IV. p. 93 ; Vincent, Chmm. 
 and Nav. of the Ancients, Vol. I. pp. 137-145; Arrian, Anab., vi. 16 ; Diod. Sic, 
 Sihlioth. Milt., XTii. 102; Mrs. Postans, Culch, pp. 62, 136. 
 
APPENDIX. 533 
 
 enfans aus Sarrasins breoieut, elles leur disoient: — 'Tay-toy! tay- 
 toyl ouje irai querre le roy BicTiart qid te tmra.'"^ 
 
 It is curious that we sliould learn this from a Frenchman only. 
 Our English-chroniclers, who exhaust the language of panegyric in 
 speaking of Eichard, omit this anecdote, which appears to be de- 
 rived from a mere eastern mode of expressing terror. 
 
 In the passage taken from the Tdrihh-i Tdhir'i we have not only chil- 
 dren taking fright, but women even bringing forth prematurely, at 
 the name of Darya EHian. The same effect is ascribed in that work 
 (pp. 48, 52) to the Moghal cap :— " Such fear of the Moghals fell 
 upon both men and women, that the men lost all courage, and the 
 women miscarried at the very sight of the Moghals with their terrific 
 head-pieces." But the shape and feature of this alarming helmet, or 
 Tdki, are not described. The Tuhfatu-l Kirdm (p. 42) tells us that 
 even horses started at it,^ as those of the Saracens at Eichard of 
 England. 
 
 We might, from the expressions used, conceive that their helmets, 
 like those of Ulysses and some of the barbarous nations of antiquity, 
 were covered with alarming devices of open jaws and fiery dragons, 
 and that the Moghals in-Sind stalked about, — 
 
 tegmen torquens immane leonis, 
 
 Terribili impexum set§., cum dentibus albis, 
 Indutus.' 
 
 but had this been the case, we shoiild have most probably had more 
 frequent mention of the circumstance, especially by Khusru, who 
 was their prisoner, and delighted to record their hideous faces and 
 fashions. 
 
 But neither in Khusru, nor in any other author, do we find notice 
 of such an helmet, or chapelle de fer, as would give rise to the fears 
 here depicted. A good European observer of their manners merely 
 remarks that the upper part of their casque was of iron or steel.' 
 The tail of hair, if it was worn according to its present dimensions, 
 
 1 Sist. du roy St. Loys, ix. p. 116; see also Matt. Westm,, p. 304. 
 
 2 Virg. ^J8., vii. 666 
 
 ' Galea autem est superius ferrea vel de chalybe, sed ille quod protegil in cirouitu 
 coUnm et gulam de corio est."— J. de Plano-Carpini, in £ec%teil de Voyages et (?« 
 Mdmoires, Tom. IV. p. 687. 
 
534 APPENDIX. 
 
 might, notwithstanding its being honoured as a royalty,' have excited 
 surprise, and perhaps ridicule, but no alarm. From an early period, 
 ever siace the Moghal tribes were known to Europe, this appendage 
 has naturally excited observation, just as it does now, where they 
 border on European nations." Procopius' and Prisons' remark upon 
 it as a peculiarity of the Hxms. 
 
 It is probable that these Moghals in Sind may, in their day, have 
 worn a head-dress, such as Kubruquis, more than two centuries 
 before, had attributed to their women. Even at present, the Turk- 
 man female cap is no pigmy, being higher them a military chako, 
 over which a scarf is thrown, reaching down to the waist. But this 
 is nothing to what it was in the time of our adventurous traveller. 
 That was indeed calculated to inspire terror, and produce the results 
 attributed to the TdkL It must have been more formidable than 
 European courts ever produced, even in the horned and steeple 
 coiffure of the fifteenth century. 
 
 " Their women have an ornament for their heads, which they call 
 Botla, being made of the barke of a tree. ** *' * It hath a square 
 sharp spire lising from the toppe thereof, being more than a cubite 
 in length, and fashioned like unto a pinacle.- « « » <» Upon the 
 midst of the sayd spire, or square toppe, they put a bunch of quills 
 or of slender canes, another cubite long, or more. ****** Hereupon, 
 when such gentlewomen ride together, and are beheld afar off, they 
 seem to be souldiers with helmets on their heads, carrying their 
 lances upright ; for the sayd Botta appeareth like a helmet with a 
 lance over it." * 
 
 This is like the fantastic fontange of Europe, raised an ell above 
 the head, and pointed like steeples, which caused our pious preachers 
 
 ' " A Mongol is amenable to punishment if he pluck another by his tuft of hair, 
 not on account of the assault, but because the tuft is declared to be the property of 
 the Emperor." — Pallas, Mongotischen Volker, Vol. I. p. 194. 
 
 ' M. J. de Klaproth, Voyage au Gauease, Tom. I. p. 83. 
 
 ' Mistoria Arctma, p. 31, Lugd. 1623. He says the Massagetse adopt the same 
 custom, 
 
 * Bxcerpta de Legaiionibus, 2. 
 
 ' Eubruquis, cap. 8, ap, Hakluyt, Voyages and Discoveries, Yol. I. p. 108. The 
 original Latin is given at p. 232, and a similar description by Jean de Plan-Carpin, 
 at p. 615 of the Sectteil de Voyages et de Memoires, above quoted. Quatremere, Hist. 
 Mong., p. 102, note 30. 
 
APPENDIX. 535 
 
 infinite trouble, as well as missionary perambulations, for its sup- 
 pression. So like, indeed, that it would really seem to be derived 
 direct from the eastern model, but that these comical fashions are 
 the product of no particular age or country ; for even before the 
 decline of the Empire, the Eoman lady — 
 
 " Tot premit ordinibua, tot adhuc compagibus altum 
 ^dificat caput ; Andromacheii a fronte videbis."' 
 Nevertheless, when we consider that, about the time of the capture 
 of Constantinople, Turkish turbans were all the rage in Western 
 Europe, we may perhaps admit, that, had we not become acquainted 
 with Tartar costume, the marvellous absurdity of the steeple-cap 
 never could have been introduced amongst us. Paradin describes 
 it as — " Made of certain rolls of linen pointed like steeples, about 
 an ell in height. These were called by some, great butterflies, from 
 having two large wings on each side, resembling those of that insect. 
 The high cap was covered with a fine piece of lawn, hanging down 
 to the ground, the greater part of which was tucked under the arm." ' 
 
 This must evidently be the same as the Tartar Botta, and the 
 illuminations of that period make the dimensions still more por- 
 tentous, and the resemblance to the eastern original still more 
 striking. The paysannes of Normandy have to this day preserved 
 this monstrous extravagance for the gratification of modem eyes.' 
 
 If this was not the Alpine chapeau which spread such dismay in 
 Sind, it may have been the lofty dark sheepskin Tilpah,'' which 
 the Turkmans now wear, about a foot high. An exaggerated form 
 of this would have been alarming enough to produce the effect 
 described. 
 
 Dismounting for Comhat. 
 
 We find that the practice of dismounting, previous to coming to 
 close combat, is frequently alluded to in these local histories, as 
 being of common observance among many of the border tribes 
 between Sind and Eajputana. 
 
 • JuTenal, Sat., yi. 601. Euperti's note gives other instances. 
 ' Paradin, Annalet de Bourgogne, p. 700. 
 
 ' Wright, Achaologieal Journal, No. i. ; Addison, Spectator, No. 98 ; Planche, 
 Mist, of British Costume, pp. 146-149, 236-263; Argentre, Mitt, de Bretagne, lirr., 
 I. cb. 42 ; Bayle, Diet. Mistor., t. " Andromaque," rem. G. and v. " Coneote." 
 
 * I presume this is the same as the Kalpak, oa which see Z' JJnivera. Pitt., vi. 67. 
 
536 APPENDIX. 
 
 Here in the Extract from the Beg-Lar-ndma, at p. 293, it is the 
 Sodhas and Eathors who adopt it. A few pages before, we find the 
 Jharejas of Guzerat, who accompanied Jam Fi'roz against Mirza 
 Shah Husain, appealing to that custom, as established among them- 
 selves ; declaring that they always fought with the enemy on foot. 
 
 We have seen above (p. 411) that Eai Chach and Mahrat of 
 Chitor contend against each other on foot ; the former representing 
 that, being a Brahman, he was unable to fight on horseback ; then 
 again mounting hie horse unexpectedly, he slays his antagonist 
 with the most deliberate treadhery. 
 
 It is probable that the Ean^ of Ohitor would not have so readily 
 been deceived by this insidious challenge, had it been at all opposed 
 to the military practice of those times. Indeed, to the present day, 
 we find Siudians, unlike most Asiatic nations, still somewhat repug- 
 nant to fighting on horseback, and priding themselves more on 
 being foot soldiers than cavalry. 
 
 I allude in a subsequent note to the dismounting being followed 
 by binding those fighting on the same side, one to the other, by 
 their waistbands : but this seems to have been resorted to only in 
 desperate circumstances, when there was no chance, or intention, of 
 escape. The mere dismounting appears not to have been attended 
 with any vow of self-sacrifice. 
 
 In Persian history we meet with similar instances of this dis- 
 mounting to engage in single combat. Thus, after the fatal battle 
 of Kadisi'ya, the Persian general, Takharjan, dismounts to fight with 
 the Arab champion, Zahir. 
 
 The practice was very common in the Middle Ages in Europe, 
 being introduced chiefly for the purpose of obviating the incon- 
 venience of the cumbersome armour of that period. The cavalry 
 dismounted, leaving their horses at some distance, and combated 
 with their lances on foot. WQliam of Tyre (xvii. 4) says of the 
 Emperor Conrad's cavalry, in the second Crusade: — "De equis 
 descendentes, et facti pedites ; sicut mos est Teutonicis in Summis 
 necessitatibus bellica tractare negotia." The English did the same 
 in their engagement with the Scotch, in 1138, near North Allerton, 
 commonly called the Battle of the Standard. Comines also (i. 3) 
 observes upon it as a Burgundian fashion : " Entre les Bourgig- 
 
APPENDIX. 637 
 
 nons, lors estoient les plus honorez ceux que desoendoient aveo les 
 archers." 
 
 In the wars of Edward III. dismounting was not uncommon ; and 
 Sir John Hawkwood, one of his knights, the famous partizan leader, 
 disguised by contemporary writers under the name of Aucud or 
 Agutus, introduced it into Italy. And it was, as we learn from Mon- 
 strelet (ii. 10, 20), practised by the English in their second wars 
 with France, especially at the battles of Crevant and Verneuil.' 
 
 Colligation in Fighting. 
 
 The extraordinary custom alluded to in the Beg Ldr-ndma, of a 
 devoted band tying themselves together by their waistbands, before 
 fighting d tout outrance, is mentioned in the same terms in the 
 Tdrikli-i Sind (MS. p. 173). 
 
 " When they saw the army of the Moghals, they dismounted from 
 their Tiorses, took their turhans from off their heads, and binding the 
 corners of their mantles, or outer garments, to one another, they en- 
 gaged in battle ; for it is the custom of the people of Hind and 
 Sind, whenever they devote themselves to death, to descend from 
 their horses, to make Fare their heads and feet, and to hind themselves 
 to each other by their mantles and waistbands." 
 
 These people appear most of them to have been Sammas ; and it 
 is among their descendants in Kachh that we find this curious 
 custom again aUuded to {Tdrikh-i Sind, MS. p. 194), when Mirza 
 Shdh Husain attacked Eai Khangar. Here we have a new feature 
 added, of serrying shields together like a compact phalanx. 
 
 " The men under Khangar, having set themselves in battle array, 
 dismounted from their horses, loclced their shields together, seized their 
 spears in their hands, and hound the corners of their waistbands." 
 
 The TarJfcfedji-wdma omits aU mention of the proceedings between 
 Ea{ Khangar^ and Mirza Shah Husain, but they are noticed in the 
 Tuhfatu-l Kir dm (MS. p. 194) ; and the observance of this strange 
 practice is also there alluded to, in words similar to those quoted 
 from the Tdrikh-i Sind. 
 
 ' Hallam's Europe in the Middle Ages, Vol. I. p. 508. 
 
 - According to a stanza familiarly quoted in Guzer^t, there have been no less than 
 seven Jh^reja chieftains of this name. We need not here show Trhioh was the oppo- 
 nent of Mirz& Shah Husain. 
 
538 APPENDIX. 
 
 The dismounting from horseback, prior to actual contact in the 
 field of battle, is mentioned in a previous note of this Appendix, 
 and appears to have been a more common occurrence ; but the colli- 
 gation evidently implies desperation, even unto death. 
 
 Some barbarous nations of antiquity seem to have adopted the 
 same practice, but more with the object, apparently, of keeping their 
 ranks unbroken, than symbolizing any vow of self-destruction. So, 
 at the battle of Campi Eaudii, we read of the Cimbri binding them- 
 selves together by long chains run through their belts, avowedly for 
 the purpose of maintaining an unbroken line.' There is good reason 
 to suppose that the Soldurii of Gaul and the Comites of Germany 
 showed their devotion occasionally in a similar fashion.^ 
 
 Even as late as the days of chivalry, we find a resort to the same 
 singular mode of showing a desperate resolve to die in the field. 
 See what the heroic king of Bohemia, together with his faithful and 
 devoted companions did at the glorious battle of Cregy : — 
 
 "The valyant kynge of Behaygne (Bohemia), called Charles of 
 Luzenbourge, sonne to the noble Emperour Henry of Luzenbourge, 
 for all that he was nyghe blynde, whan he- vnderstode the order of 
 the batayle, he sayde to them about hym, ""Where is the lorde 
 Charles, my sonne." His men sayde, " Sir, we can nat tell ; we 
 thynke he be fightynge." Than he sayde, " Sirs, ye ar my men, my 
 companyons, and frendes in this ioumey ; I requyre you bring me 
 so farre forwarde, that I may stryke one stroke with my swerde." 
 They sayde they wolde do his commaundement ; and to the intent 
 that they shulde not lese hym in the prease, they iyed all their raynes 
 of their bridelles eehe to other, and sette the kynge before to accom- 
 plysshe his desyre, and so they went on their ennemyes. The lord 
 Charles of Behaygne, his sonne, who vrrote hymselfe Kynge of Be- 
 haygne, and bare the armes, he cam in good order to the batayle ; 
 but whan he sawe that the matter went awrie on their partie, he de- 
 parted, I can nat tell you whiche waye. The kynge, his father, was 
 so farre forewarde, that he strake a stroke with his swerde, ye and 
 mo than foure, and fought valyantly, and so dyde his company ; and 
 
 ' Plutaroh, Marius, cap. 27. 
 
 ' Caesar, Bell. Gall., Lib. iii. Cap. 22, vii. 40 ; Tacitus, Germania, Cap, 14 ; 
 J. Schiller, Thesaw. Antiq. Teutonicarum, iii. pp. 38, 749. 
 
APPENDIX. 539 
 
 they adventured themselfe so forewarde, that they were ther all 
 slayne ; and the next day they were founde in the place about the 
 kynge, and all their horses tyed eche to other "^ 
 
 A cuiious instance occurred even lately, when Muhammad 'Ali 
 gained his victory over the Wahabis at Bissel. Several bodies of 
 the Azir Arabs, who had sworn by the oath of divorce, not to turn 
 their backs on the Turks, were found by the victors tied together by 
 the legs, with the intent of preventing each other from running 
 away, and in that unbroken and desperate line of battle were 
 literally cut to pieces.' 
 
 Barge, an Arabic word. 
 
 The term used by Biladuri to represent a vessel of war is Barija. 
 He uses the same word, in the plui-al, in speaking of the vessels 
 which were captured by the Meds, on their voyage from Ceylon to 
 to the Persian Gulf, an act of piracy which led to the Arab conquest 
 of Sind {supra, p. 118). 
 
 Biruni says also, a century later, that the Bawdrij are established 
 at Kachh and Somnat, and are so called because they devote them- 
 selves to the pursuit of piracy, in ships which are called Bera (svpra, 
 p. 65).' This is a native word still in use for a boat, but the origin 
 of the term Bawdrij must be sought, not in the Indian Bera, but 
 rather in the Arabic Barija, which Golius, on the authority of the 
 Kdmks, tells us to mean a large vessel of war.* 
 
 From the same source our English Barge seems to be derived, 
 which, though at first view it may appear rather a startling asser- 
 tion, will perhaps be admitted, when we see how our best ety- 
 mologists have failed in their endeavours to trace its real origin. 
 Johnson (Todd) says it is derived from old French Barje, or Barge, 
 and Low-Latin Barga. He should hare ascertained whence the 
 French Boirje is itself derived. Tooke says, Barge is a strong boat, 
 and Baric is a stout vessel, derived from the past participle of 
 
 1 Froissart's Chronicles, translated iy Lord Serners, Cap. 30, Vol. I. p. 157. 
 ' Sir H. Brydges, Sistory of the Wahauiy, p. 91; Dr. Crichton, Riatory of 
 Arabia, p. 602. 
 • See also Gildemeister, derei. Ind., p. 185. 
 i Nayis magna bellica. — Lexicon Arabicd-Latimtm, s.r. 
 
640 APPENDIX. 
 
 heorgan, "to protect," "to strengthen.'" Crabb says from Barea.' 
 Eicbardson, from the Gothic bairgan, " to fortify." Webster, from 
 Dutch Bargie. Palgraye tells us that the piratical boats of the 
 Danes were called Barga and Barha;^ and Barca is used by the 
 Monk Abbo, in his unpolished poem (a.d. 891) on the siege of Paris 
 by the Normans. 
 
 Barcas per flumina raptant.* 
 But ■we have no occasion to look for any connection between our 
 words Barh and Barge. The former is confessedly an old word, 
 the latter comparatively modem. The former is, indeed, much older 
 than even the Danish or Norman piracies. Paulinus, Bishop cf 
 Nola, who died a.d. 431, applies it thus : — 
 
 TJt mea salubri Barca perfugio foret 
 Puppis superstes obnitse.' 
 
 In consequence of its use by Byzantine authors, altered into 
 BaKKa by Nicetas,^ Salmasius and J. C. Scaliger have sought for a 
 Grecian origin of the word, and the latter finds it in Bdpo';, quasi, 
 " a ship of burden." ' Others, again, say from " Barca, a city of 
 Africa;" and Eoderic of Toledo, from " Barco, a city of Spain."* 
 
 Our more immediate concern, however, is with Barge, respecting 
 which it is obvious to remark, that, though its present use is con- 
 fined to fluviatile transits and pageantries — whether for the con- 
 veyance of coals or cockneys, merchandize or Lord Mayors — it was, 
 on its first introduction, designed for higher purposes. Our oldest 
 writers apply it solely to sea-going- craft. Thus Chaucer : — 
 
 He knew wel alle the havens, as they were, 
 
 Fro' Gotland to the Cape de Finistere, 
 
 And every creke ia Bretagne and in Spaine : 
 
 His iarge ycleped was the Magdelaine.^ 
 
 1 Diversions of Purley, Vol. II. p. 181. 
 
 2 Technological Dictionary, s.v. 
 
 ' Quoting Hincmar— " quas nostrates Sargas vocant." — Sistory of Normandy and 
 England, Vol. I. p. 510. 
 
 * De bello Paris, Lib. ii. This poem was published in Latin and French, with 
 notes, by M. Taranne, in 1834. 
 
 ' Fo'emata, 13. * Alex., Lib. i. Num. 7. ' Sxercitat., 71. 
 
 s De rebus Sispan., Lib. i. Cap. 5. These quotations are from Hofmann, Lexicon 
 Universale, Vol. I. p. 476. See also Ducange, Glossar. Med. et Inf. Latinitatis, vv. 
 
 ' Prologue to the Canterbury Talts, v. 412. 
 
APPENDIX. 541 
 
 Even as late as the fifteenth century, the great Swedish ship of 
 1000 tons burden was called the King's barge ; ' and the largest 
 vessel hitherto built in Scotland was called the Bishop's harge? But 
 what is more to the purpose is, that we do not find mention of the 
 word till the Crusades had introduced it, through the Arabic 
 lauguagCj into our vocabulary,^ and then only as a large ship, used 
 chiefly on military expeditions. So, in the very old Eomance of 
 Eichard Coeur de Lion : — 
 
 Among you partes* every charge. 
 
 I brought in shippes and in barge, 
 
 More gold and silver with me, 
 
 Than has your lord and swilke^ three. 
 Again, a little further on : — 
 
 Against hem comen her navey, 
 
 Cogges,' and dromounds,' many galley, 
 
 Barges, schoutes, and trayeres fele,' 
 
 That were charged with all weal, 
 
 With armoiu-, and with other vitail, 
 
 That nothing in the host should fail.' 
 Coupling this early and distinctive use of the term with the 
 fact of its being first used during the Holy Wars, and with the 
 unsatisfactory guesses of our lexicographers, we may safely conclude 
 that the English Barge is no other than the Arabic Bdrija, however 
 much it may now be diverted from the original design of its 
 invention. 
 
 > Rymer's JPcedera, Vol. 'SI. p. 364. 
 
 2 Mao Pherson's Annals of Commerce, Vol. I. p. 689. 
 
 3 Admitting that the g in the Low-Latin Sarga may have had the soft pronuncia- 
 tion of j, and that Barge is thence derived, we can still refer its origin to the Arabs 
 iu Spain. * Divide. * Such, * Cock-hoats. 
 
 ' Large vessels of burthen. This word, though a Greek etymology is assigned to 
 it, is probably itself Arabic. — MacPherson, Annals of Commerce, Vol. I. p. 352. 
 ' Many long-boats. 
 ^ EUis, jEarly English Metrical Eomanees, pp. 316, 324. 
 
 END OF VOL. 1, 
 
STJEFHEM AUSTIN, PSINTKU, HFHTrOIH). 
 
I 1