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BISECTION SERMON, 
 
 MAY 30, i8o4t 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of tliis book is in 
 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924104014679 
 

 ULDSTRATED IN A 
 
 SERMON, 
 
 PREACHED BEFORE 
 
 His Excellency CALEB STRONG, Esq^ 
 
 GOVERNOR, 
 
 His Honor EDWARD H. ROBBINS, Esq^ 
 
 lIEUTENANT-GdVtRNCm, ' 
 
 The Hgno*abi,e t«e COXTNCII,. SENATE, ans- HOUSE 
 OF REPRESENTATIVES, 
 
 M THE 
 
 Matt 30, 1804, 
 THE DAY OF GENERAL ELECTION. 
 
 BY SAMUEL ^ENDAL, a.m. 
 
 MINISTER OF THE CONGREGATIONAL SOCIETT IN WESTOM. 
 
 'Bofton : 
 
 PRINTED FOR YOUNG fs" MINNS, PRINTERS TO THE STATE. 
 
 1804. 
 Gr 
 
COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 IN TBI BOUSE OF REFRESEKTATIVES, MAT 30. X8O4. 
 
 Ordered, That Laban Wheaton, A^iel Smith, and Na- 
 thaniel Goodwin, Efqrs. be a Committee to wait on the Rev. 
 Mr. Kendal, and in the pame of the Houfe to thank him 
 for his difcourfe this day delivered before his Excellency the 
 Governor, his Honor the i Lieutenant-Governor, the Hon. 
 Council and the two Branches of the Legiflature, and to 
 requeft a copy thereof for the prefs. 
 
 Extras from the Journals, 
 
 Atteft. NICHOLAS TILLINGHAST, ChrL 
 
AN 
 
 ELECTION SERMON. 
 
 DEUTERONOMY, XXXII. 46, 47. 
 ssr reos. hearts onto all the words whicb 1 TssTirr among 
 
 rOU THIS DAT; WHICH rS SHALL COMMAND YOUR CHILDREN TO 
 OBSERrE AND DO, ALL THE WORDS OF THIS LAW. 
 tOR IT /S NOT A VAIN THING FOR YOU / BECAUSE IT IS YOUR 
 LIFE ; AND THROUGH THIS THING YE SHALL PROLONG YOUR 
 DAYS IN THE LAND WHITHER XE GO OVER JORDAN TO TOS^ESS IT, 
 
 . HIS important advice was given by the Jewilh 
 Legiflator, juft before his death, to the whole con- 
 gregation of Ifrael. ^Mofes had exhibited to his 
 nation unequivocal proof of his attachment to their 
 intereft, freedom and happinefs. Although ac^ 
 knowledged as the fon of Pharaoh's daughter, edu- 
 cated at Egypt's court, and affured of the honors 
 and offices which commonly gratify the ambition 
 of men, he difclaimed kindred and alliance with 
 the oppreffors of his neople, and boldly demanded 
 their releafe fron^ "fervitude. By a feries of won- 
 ders, wrought in the name of Jehovah, he effedied 
 their emancipation, and condufted them to the 
 land promifed to their fathers. 
 
 To form and cwry into operation a fyftem of- 
 government, and habituate a newly emancipated 
 people to rule and order were important objefts to 
 be accompliflied. In thefe, as in the deliverance of 
 the Hebrews, Mofes was under the immediate fu- 
 pernatural direftion of Heaven. The government 
 was a theocracy j religion the bafis on which the 
 
whole ftruclure refted. Their inftitutions, civil and 
 religious, happily combined to improve the nation, 
 and to guard it againft being corrupted by admit- 
 ting ftrangers to an equal participation of all its 
 privileges. In its advancement from boijdage to 
 an independent rank among the nations of the 
 earth, the people were led by the hand of Mofes 
 and Aaron 5 by the civil magiflirate and the minif- 
 ter of religion. Each was a chofen inftrument 
 to carry on the merciful defigns of Providence 
 in refpeft to ancient Ifrael ; and each the world 
 hath ever found neceflary to promote the peace, 
 order and improvement of fociety. 
 
 Arrived at the borders of the promifed land, 
 and apprized that he fliould not be permitted to 
 pafs Jordan, Mofes, give the people a new edition 
 of the law in the book^before us ; and, to aid their 
 memory, rehear fed the mercies and judgments of 
 God, and the duties and dangers of Ifrad, in a di- 
 vine fong J in which, with an eloqueiiee worthy of 
 his fubjed, he celebrated the praifes of Jehovah, 
 and warned the nation againft departing frooi the 
 ftatutes he had appointed unto them. 
 
 Having concluded his fbng, the prophet faid to 
 the congregation, affembled to hear his laft inftruc- 
 tion, " Set your hearts unto all the words which I 
 teftify among you this day j which ye ftiall. com. 
 mand your children to obferve and do» all the 
 words of this law." 
 
 The two great commandments in this law, on 
 which all the reft depend, according to our Savior, 
 are to love the Lord our God with aU the heart, 
 and our neighbor as ourfelves,(|^ It therefore relat- 
 ed to religious, moral and focial duty. In this 
 view of it the people were directed by their gteat 
 deliverer, whole character and achievements, fitua- 
 tion and profpeds, gave weight to his counfel, fin* 
 cerely to regard its rules and precept;?, and to 
 teach and command their cjluldren to obferve them. 
 
The reafon aiSgned for the injunftion we have in 
 thefe words : "For it is not a vain thing for you ; 
 becaufc it is your life ; and through this thing 
 ye (hall prqlong your days in the land whither ye 
 go over Jordan to poffefs it." 
 
 Bv the life of a community we underftand its 
 political exigence, independence, freedom and hap- 
 pinefs. In the prefervation, or lofs, of thefe, what- 
 ever may be afcribed to natural caufes, we often 
 obfer've the powerful cfFedl of moral caufes. To 
 ihow the influence of thefe upon national freedom 
 and profperity is more particularly the duty of the 
 minifters of religion. To this the fubjeft direAs 
 our attention. The importance of the injunftion 
 in the text will appear from the truth aixd weight 
 of the reafon by which it is enforced. Our main 
 obje3;, therefore, will be to illufirate this general 
 truth, viz. 
 
 That religion, and the moral and focial virtues, 
 of which that is the great fpring, are, under God, 
 the life and fecurity of a free people. 
 
 In attempting tlus, the fpeaker muft rely on the 
 candor of our civil Others, and of this numerous 
 and refpeftablc afTembly. What he propofes is, 
 briefly to hint at the neceility and end of civil gov- 
 ernment J then Ihow that religion is the only fure 
 bafis of good government ; that its influence upon 
 communities is falutary ; that it is the only ration- 
 al ground of mutual confidence ; and that the 
 Chriftian fyftem is rnofl: favorable to liberty and 
 focial order. 
 
 The neceffity, or at leaft the expedieney, of civil 
 government might be inferred from the univerfal 
 adoption erf it among all nations whofe hiftory is 
 known. But we perceive for ourielves that it is , 
 impoifible for fociety to exifl: without it ; and con- 
 clude, as man is a focial being, the Creator defign- 
 ed he fliould be a fubjeft of law and government. 
 
8 
 
 The end of government is the proteftlon, im- 
 provement and happinefs of the community. To 
 accomplifh this end, as in the natural, fo in the po- 
 litical body, there muft be a head, or governing 
 power, which fliall direft the operations of the 
 members, combine their ftrength for the com- 
 mon defence,and unite their exertions for the public 
 good. 
 
 That is the beft government which moft effec- 
 tually reftrains the diffocial paflions, prevents crimes, 
 and, with the leaft reftridion of natural liberty, 
 preferves order, difpenfes juftice, and procures to 
 the whole the greateft happinefs. To thefe ends 
 the fundamental principles of every government, 
 and all the laws of the ftatc, ihould be adapted. 
 The government, whofe objed''or tendency is any 
 other than the public good, or whofe adminiftra- 
 tion is guided by other motives than the general in- 
 tereft, neithencomports with the defign of Heaven, 
 nor merits the efteem and confidence of men. 
 
 But fuch is the imperfedtion of man, that noth- 
 ing depending on human authority only is adequate 
 to the propofed end of civil government. The lan- 
 guage of experience is, that to control the paflions, 
 and habituate men to the love of order, and to aft 
 for the public good, fome higher authority than 
 that which is merely human muft influence their 
 minds. Their views are often too limited to com- 
 prehend the reafonablenefs of yielding private in- 
 tereft and inclination to public utility, or the con- 
 nexion between furrendering a portion of their nat- 
 ural liberty, and enJOTing civil liberty, under the 
 protedlion of law. The inftitution of government 
 many feem to imagine defigned, not for their own, 
 but the benefit of a chofen few ; and though they 
 may dread the fandlions of the law, and the pow- 
 er of the magifl:rate ; yet, feeling no moral obliga- 
 tion to obey, and hoping to evade legal juftice, 
 they have but flender motives to obedience while 
 
unreftrained paflion, or perfonal intereft, impels 
 them to counteraft the eftablifhed fyftem of rule 
 and order ; or, if they have corred notions of the 
 general defign and tendency of good government^ 
 yet viewing it merely as an ordinance of man, and 
 reflefting on the imperfeftion of legiflators, they 
 have but a feeble fenfe of obligation to obferve 
 laws, which oppofe their immediate advantage. 
 Fond of felf government, they reludlantly delegate 
 the neceffary power to others ; and when they have 
 <;onfented to it, a jealoufy of their rulers often ren- 
 ders them hoftile to their adminiftration. Some 
 higher and better eftablifhed principle of adlion, 
 than a view to public intereft and convenience, 
 muft operate on the minds of moft men, to render 
 them good members of a civil community. 
 
 But what muft this higher principle be ? The 
 ideas of fome feem to have been that there muft be 
 a fyftem of political morality eftablifhed, whofe 
 objeft fhall'be to fix certain rules of focial duty, to 
 the obfervance of which all fhall be obliged by the 
 authority of the ftate. But if fuch fyftem is to reft 
 folely on the authority of human laws, and to be 
 the refult of human wifdom only, its fitnefs will be 
 always liable to doubts, and a violation of its prin- 
 ciples and rules thought no great crime. It being, 
 as I think it muft be, conceded that morality is ef- 
 fential to the fupport and due adminiftration of 
 government, let it be confidered whether the laws 
 of morality muft not have fome higher origin than 
 the confeht of political bodies, and be enforced by 
 other authority than that to whofe aid they are 
 deemed neceffary. Nothing is gained if they are 
 not fuppofed to proceed from fome fuperior power, 
 to which human beings are amenable. This can be 
 no other than God. Religious faith, or fentiment, 
 muft then be called in to the fupport of that mo- 
 rality, which is effential to the order and well-being 
 £ 
 
I'O 
 
 of foaiety ; and is, therefore, the bafis oh which 
 gQQ,d government ultinjately refts. 
 
 Belief in the being and providence of Godj and 
 that .he hatjk giveis to men a perfect law, the tranf- 
 greflion of w&ck- is an offente againft him, will 
 furnifh motives to virtue fn^efted by no other 
 confideration. Exclude the thooi^hit-Df a God, of 
 a providence, and of future rembution, and we fap 
 the foundation of morality and focial order, and 
 brutalize the human character. 
 
 All nations, however ignorant of the true God, 
 and of the worfliip moit acceptable to him, have 
 pradicaUy acknowledged the importance of religi- 
 ous fentiment. Senfible that it was the fupport of 
 virtue, the fages of antiquity inculcated reverence 
 for the imaginary deities of their . country ; and 
 deemed it hazardsoua to weaken the influence of re- 
 ligious opinions ; though many could not but per- 
 ceive that the objefts of adcflration were really no 
 gods. 
 
 As every thing in the natural world evinces the 
 cxiftence of a fupreme intelligent Agent, fo every 
 faculty of the human foul indicates that man was 
 formed for the exercifes of religion. If not fuf- 
 fidently enlightened for that which is pure and ra- 
 tional, he adopts that which is wild and extrava- 
 gant. Perceiving this univerfal propenfity to fomc 
 religion, and defpairing, probably, of leading the 
 world, by the bare light of philbfophy, to a dit 
 covery of the divine perfedlions, the wifeft and beft 
 men were careful to improve the general fentiment 
 as a motive to every moral and fodal virtue. 
 Among the Romans, before they had learned to 
 contemn the gods, an oath was a greater fecurity 
 for the. faithful performance of a truft, than any 
 bond that could be entered into by the more cor- 
 rupted and atheiftic Greeks. Their idea was,: that 
 mea will not be induced to perform the duties 
 which refult from their focial relations, unlefs they 
 
fttppofath«mfelve5 under the infpe^^itm of feme in. 
 v4iji>l^;powerful agent, to whom tJiBy are refponfi- 
 ble. 
 
 Absurd opinions in religion, it is true, were eaa- 
 braced, and gods of different chara(<f^ers adored* 
 and each walked in the name of his god ; but in all 
 jjations fonae things hav« been deemed virtuous, 
 an4 others vicious ; and their religion had a ten- 
 dency to encourage tlte one, and to reprcfe the other. 
 Their morals received fupport, and their govern- 
 ment aid, when tliey were moft free, from their re- 
 ligious opinions ; and it is more than probable that, 
 notwithftanding all their darknefs and p^gan fuper- 
 ftttioo, tradition had fcattered fome rays of the 
 true light, which were the principal caufe of their 
 brighteft virtues^ 
 
 Some moderns, contrary to the fentiments of the 
 beft men in all ages, have impioufly afferted, that 
 the idea of a God is fubverfive of free govern- 
 ments, and tends to fupport tyrannic rule ; and 
 more than intimated that it hath degraded human 
 beings, kept mofl ' nations enflaved, at^d goacealed 
 from them the true liberty, dignity and perfeciabil- 
 ity of man. But judging from -the vifible difaftrous 
 effe^s of tliefe principles, the conclufion isj that 
 fo far, as their advocates, according to their idfcaa, 
 havQj^ifiiicurabered the public, mind of religious 
 fentiments, aad lirecd the paflions from their re- 
 flraining influence, they have prepared the way for 
 cruelty and crimf s of every defcription. The ex- 
 ■ perimeht has been made in Europe. Heaven forbid 
 that it fliould be repeated iiji America ! 
 ..As the body poUtic, like the natural body, con- 
 fifts of many members, it is certain all cannot hold 
 the fame place, and perform the fame functions ; 
 but. will ha.ve par^s afiign;ed according to their rela- 
 tive fituationa and connexion with the body ; and 
 the grand defideratum is, to infufe into the whole 
 ioine general principle of ^^ion, which, preftrying 
 
12 
 
 the unity of the body, fliall induce each to perform 
 the duties of his ftation. What bcfide religious 
 fentiment will uniformly have this effeft ? Will » 
 principle of honor, or regard to public opinion, 
 iuppofing it to be enlightened and correft ? How- 
 ever thefe might prevail with a few of a refined 
 tafte, enlarged underftanding, and fuperior educa- 
 tion, early habituated to refpeft the precepts of vir- 
 tue, they have been always found infufficient to reg- 
 ulate the generality of mankind. The idea of a God, 
 and the hopes and fears connefted with it, are in- 
 difpenfably neceffary to fecure the practice of tha.t 
 virtue, which is requifite to the prefervation, order 
 and happinefs of fociety. Imprefs on the public 
 mind a full bdief in an all-feeing God, whofe law 
 and government are perfeft, whofe honor is con- 
 cerned in the obedience of his creatures, and who 
 wilt render a juft recompenfe to all ; and it will be 
 a fteady motive to thofe virtues which are the or- 
 nament and life of fociety, and the glory of man. 
 Add to this general fentiment a perfuafion that we 
 have a clear expreffion bf the divine will in the 
 facred Scriptures, and it muft have a happy influ- 
 ence upon public manners, and be a fource of in- 
 dividual confolation and hope. The great, rich 
 and honorable, it will teach ^moderation, humility 
 and condefcenfion ; the poor and lowly, it will ele- 
 vate to dignity of thought, defign and aftion ; and 
 prefcnt to each a; profpeft of that ftate af equality 
 in which they fhall appear before their righteous 
 Judge. 
 
 In the prefent world there is neither a real nor 
 apparent equality in the conditions of men. Dif- 
 ferent abilities, fuccefs, power, ftation and influence, 
 are vifible in every community. This arrangement 
 is not an human invention ; it is the work of Prov- 
 idence ; and an attempt to change the prefent or- 
 der of things and reduce all to perfeft equality, 
 would be to wage war with Heaven, and exalt the 
 
^3 
 
 wifdom of man above that of the Creato'r. The 
 natural rights of men are equal ; but their actual 
 advantages and improvement are unequal, and lead 
 to different ftations ; in which religion teaches them 
 to be content, and faithfully perform their part, as 
 members of the fame body, having like care one 
 for another. 
 
 Rulers are the conftituted head. ' Their eleva- 
 tion is honorable, their office important, and their 
 charadters dignified with the title of gods, and min- 
 ifters of God. But being men of like paffions with 
 other men, in proportion to the importance of their 
 truft, and to their burdens and temptations, they 
 need the influence, fupport and direftion of relig- 
 ious principle. This is equally neceflary to fecure 
 their fidelity, and to enable them to bear the trials 
 incident to their ftations. 'Realizing that they are 
 fubje<Els of the divine government, elevated to rule 
 over their brethren, as God's vicegerents, and en- 
 trufted with authority, for the exercife of which 
 they are refponfible to that Being, who " ftandeth 
 in the congregation of the mighty, and judgeth 
 among the gods," they willmake the divine char- 
 acter, law and government, as far as poffible, the 
 model of their own. The fame principle that in- 
 duces the ruler to be faithful will incline the peo- 
 ple to honor and obey him, as one who exercifes 
 " the powers that are ordained of God," and un- 
 der his wife adminiftration to " lead quiet and 
 peaceable lives in all godlinefs and honefty." 
 
 Let it be added ; religion is the only rational 
 ground of mutual confidence. Every perfon, has 
 fome governing principle of a<5bion ; either a fut 
 preme regard to the Deity, or to himfelf. If the 
 former, as God is immutable and his law perfect, 
 ' he will be juft whofe conduct is regulated by fuch a 
 ftandard. His fenfe of accountability at a tribunal 
 where no artifice can difguife the truth, no fubtil- 
 ty ey^de a righteous decifion, prefervq§ his jntegri- 
 
H 
 
 ty. But, deftitute of this> the predominant paC 
 fiorij or private Intereft, will determine the conduct 
 of a man j and as it is impoflible to forefee what 
 thefe will be at a given period, becaufe liable to vary 
 with fituatipns and circumftances, there can be no 
 reafonable, confidence that he will obfe^ve aily fix- 
 ed rule of duty. Public opinion may have confide 
 erable influence upon him ; and were this never af- 
 fedled by the fame paflions and prejudices, or by the 
 fame want of information, tliat pccaiion the, errors 
 of individuals, it would merit all the refpeidt it ever 
 received. But it is variable ; and fometimes takes 
 its complexion from defigning men, , who allege 
 its. authority in fupport of meafures juftifiablie on no 
 other ground. It cannot, then, be a .fixed ftand- 
 ard of right Qonduft in all cafes j becaufe, accord- 
 ing to its own conceflion, it is fomiCtimes mifguid- 
 ed ; in which cafe, he who is governed by it may,^ 
 aft in oppofition to what he perceives the laws of 
 juftice and the public good require. Biit a religi- 
 ous or moral principle leads to the difcharge of du- 
 ty, without confidering how t^e performance of it 
 may affeft a man's popularity ; arid is the only fe- 
 curity that men will, at all times, be faithful ii> 
 their ftations. 
 
 - The dependence of goyerninent upon religious 
 fentiment is recognized in the legal adminiftration 
 of an oath, the folemnity and obligation of which 
 will be diminifhed as the influence of that fenti- 
 ment fhall be deftroyed. Imprefji it more, deeply, 
 and its effied will be more evident and falutary. If 
 thfe great principles of religion were to actuate the 
 whole political body, we fhould foon fee fociety ad- 
 vancing to its higheft perfection. 
 
 Christianity is d#;figned to give th^fe princi- 
 ples their full effect. It, prefcnts a clear view of the 
 .divine character, and of the duty and dpftiny of 
 man ; and furnifties the ftrongeft motives, to virtue 
 by infpiring. iaew and more fublime hopes than 
 
^5 
 
 the light of nature evei- imparted. Not in the leaft 
 dimimfhing the grandeur of the thought which fur- 
 rounding phenomena fuggefl: of a God, it introdu- 
 ces to the mind tlie idea of goodnefs, or grace, as 
 the connefting link between men and thdr Crea- 
 tor ; by which they may rife to a refemblance of 
 the great ftandard of moral excellence ; to the dig- 
 nity and privileges of fons of God. It reprefents 
 our liberty and happinefs to be objedls of the divine 
 care, exhibits aftonifliing examples of benevolence, 
 and requires in us the fame heavenly temper. It of- 
 fers a remedy for our moral diforders, and fupport 
 under natural c'^ils. It enforces every precept of 
 virtue by the confideration thatprefent behaviour 
 will a.Se& our future condition j that God is the 
 witnels, and will be the judge of our con dud:; that 
 no diflinAions, however honorable here, will 
 avail us in the day of final audit ; that truth and 
 faithfulnefs lead to glory, vice and folly to fliame 
 and confufion. It forbids the indulgence of the 
 felfiflx pafilons, and encourages a generous philan- 
 thropy. In its great Founder we behold a perfeci 
 pattern of all righreoufiiels ; its doftrines enlighten 
 the mind and improve the heart ; and its whole 
 fpirit is that of harmony and love, which has a be- 
 nign afpeft upon the ftate of civil fociety. 
 
 It is ohjecbedrihat Chriftianity hath been the oc^ 
 cafi-on of crud wars and bloodflied. But until it 
 can be Ihown that thefe are the natural effeds of 
 Cliriftian principles, or agreeable to the fpirit and 
 precepts of the gofpel, the objwEtion proves no more 
 than that the beft gift of Heaven is capable of being 
 perverted by ignorant or defigning men. With 
 equal truth aaadjuiftice might it be affirmed that pa- 
 triotifm is not a virtue, becaufe under its name 
 fcenes of diforder have been introduced, and ftates 
 enflaved; or that liberty lias nothing in it lovely, 
 becaufe the excefs of it leads to anarchy and defpo- 
 tifip, as that Chriftianity is unfriendly to the 
 
i6 
 
 peace and improvement of fociety, becaufe feme 
 have affumed it as a malk for tjieir enormities. The 
 nioft ingenuous among its enemies have conceded 
 that fuch objeftions cannot be fairly urged againft 
 the fyftem. 
 
 The maxims, as well as the general fpirit of this 
 religion, are equally favorable to rational liberty, 
 and to good government. Chriftianity, indeed, 
 authorizes no particular form of civil government 
 in preference to another ; but it fpeaks of govern- 
 ment in general as an ordinance of God, points out 
 its defign, and enjoins fubmiffion to it, " not only 
 for wrath, but alfo for confcience' fake." It teach- 
 es us to confider rulers as the " minifters of God, 
 fent for the puniftraient of evil doers, and for the 
 praife of them that do well." It forbids us, though 
 *' free, to ufe our liberty for a cloak of maliciouf- 
 nefs ;" and commands us to -"render to Csefar the 
 things which are Caefar's, -and to God the things 
 that are God's ;" and not, like the Pharifees, under 
 pretence of religion, to ftir up fedition, or, like the 
 Herodians,. make a compliment of our religion to 
 Csefar, that we may be in favor with him. By 
 placing all the nioral and focial virtues on their pro- 
 per balls, urging them by the higheft motives, and 
 introducing chai*ity as the great bond of perfeft- 
 nefs, it provides againft the evils which refultfrom 
 defedt in all human inftitutions. Under its govern- 
 ing influence, the magiftrate will ever keep in view 
 the delign of his appointment ; the people, the rea- 
 fons for their fubmiilion ; and both a nobler mo- 
 tive to their refpeftive duties than ever aduated 
 an unbeliever. 
 
 True piety and pure morals, it is maintained by 
 many, would preferve the freedom and happinefs of 
 a nation to the lateft period of time. IS'ot to fay 
 any thing of the divine promifes, fafts feem to juf- 
 tify the fuppofition. Corr,uptiQn of morals and 
 manners has. always preceded the fall of ftates, 
 
^7 
 
 kingdoms and empires ; and with its ufual attend- 
 ants, luft of power, party fpirit, intrigue and fac- 
 tion, fand^ified by the fpecious name of patriotifm, 
 or difguifed under the flattering pretence of liberty, 
 has been the vifible caufe of their lofs of freedom 
 and independence, or of their entire ruin. But 
 ftiould it be admitted that the political body, like 
 the natural, has its infancy, youth and manhood, 
 and mull at length fink under the inevitable in- 
 firmities of age ; that like all earthly things it is 
 fubjeft to decay ; ftill it may be true that religion 
 and virtue, as a fuitable regimen and fober habits 
 preferve natural life, will prolong the term of its 
 health, profperity and glory. But, as certain vices 
 deftory the human conftitution, and bring men to 
 an early grave ; fo impiety and general corruption 
 of manners hurry on the decline of political bodies, 
 efpecially of free republics, or, by inducing fome 
 violent diforder,'cut them off in the meridian of 
 their fplendor. 
 
 These truths admitted, the following inferences 
 will be natural. 
 
 Tn&Jir/i is, that genuine patriotifm, as well as 
 perfonal confiderations' of infinite moment, requires 
 a ftrift adherence to the advice given to Ifrael. In- 
 difference to religion, or to the means of extending 
 and perpetuating the knowledge and influence of 
 its principles and duties, is totally incompatible with 
 enlightened zeal for the freedom and beft intereft 
 of our country. General information, reverence 
 for the worfhip of God, and its neceflary inftitu- 
 tions, and virtuous habits, in a political view, 
 are of the higheft importance. Without thefe it 
 will be impomble long to maintain our free confti- 
 tutions. Ignorance, or corruption of morals, will 
 have an immediate effedi: upon the government 
 whofe powers emanate from the people, and whofe 
 adminiftration is guided by the public will. 
 C 
 
i8 
 
 Through want of information a virtuous people 
 may be induced, under the idea of amendments, ta 
 co-operate in fchemes fubverfive of the principles of 
 their government ; but when freed from the falu- 
 tary reftraints of religion and virtue, thqy are in 
 danger of being hurried through the turbid fea of 
 licentious liberty to. the rugged and inhofpitable 
 fliores of defpotifm. Deceived and demoralized, 
 they will be prepared to fecond the views of ambi- 
 tion, and to aid any afpi^ing genius that maygrafp at 
 imlimited power. To remain free, a people muft be 
 enlightened and virtuous ; and in order to this, they 
 muft cherifh inftitutions calculated to promote 
 knowledge and virtue. Thefe, in free flakes, are 
 the fources. of political life, and claim our high, 
 confideration and refpeft. 
 
 It is worthy of obfervation, that one part of the 
 law to which our text refers was deligned to fecure 
 the nation from the corrupting influence of " aliens, 
 from the commonwealth of Ifrael," who, though 
 permitted to enjoy certain privileges, were not al- 
 lowed to exercife all the rights of citizens ; and 
 that Ifrael feldom failed t<? fuffer by departing from 
 the, law in this refpect. Thisprovifion the wifdom 
 of God ordained for the fafety of his chofen peo- 
 ple ; and it merits confideration in every age and 
 nation. 
 
 Natural as well as moral eaufes operate the de- 
 ftrudion of republics. The Roman commonwealth, 
 fallen indeed from her republican virtues, was at 
 length crufhed by her own weight. Extending her 
 territorial poffeffions, Ihe loft her freedom. This 
 might have been expeded ; for the central force in 
 all cafes muft be proportionate to the extent of its 
 intended operation, and to the repelling power to 
 be overcome. In free republics it is limited, that li- 
 berty may be more fecure ; but extending the 
 fpace over which it muft operate induces the necef- 
 fity of increafing the momentum j which may ef- 
 
^9 
 
 ted: a radical change in the government, more or 
 lefs injurious to liberty, introduce monarchy, a 
 more to be dreaded ariftocracy, or, which is com- 
 tnonly a difaftrous event, lead to the divifion of a 
 large into a number of fmall rival ftates. 
 
 But it belongs rather to the politician than to the 
 minifter of religion to contemplate and guard 
 againft fuch dangers. They are increafed by neg- 
 lect to improve the public mind in knowledge, vir- 
 tue and religion, and to ftrengthen the general at- 
 tachment to the principles of the government, and 
 averfion to frequent innovations. As ours is a vaft- 
 •ly extended republic, compofed in fome meafure of 
 jarring materials, of the bond and of the free, the 
 feelings of every true patriot and friend of republi- 
 can government, mufl; be deeply iaterefted in pre- 
 ferving pure the fources and vehicles of informa- 
 tion, and in extending, among the bond as well as 
 the free, the means of religious and moral inftruc- 
 tion. 
 
 The example of our venerable anceftors is recom- 
 mended by the fuccefs of their exertions. In their 
 view every thing poflible was to be attempted to 
 diffeminate knowledge, and fix in the public mind 
 the principles of religion and virtue. As foon as 
 the defert became fo far a fruitful field, as to afford 
 fuftenance to a few families, they formed into little 
 focieties, whofe moft prominent feature was rever- 
 ence for the inftitutions of religion, and care of the 
 education of the youth. Heaven fmiled upon their 
 laudable efforts ; and we feel an honeft pride in 
 paying a tribute of refpeft to their memory, and in 
 acknowledging the advantages we have derived 
 from their attention to thefe things ; the eSed: of 
 which upon the prefcnt ftate of fociety in New-Eng- 
 land, compared with what it is in thofe fections of 
 our country where the fame views did not aduate 
 the firft fettlers, is as happy as it is vifible. Our fa- 
 thers have tranfmitted to us a fair inheritance j and ' 
 
20 
 
 through the efficacy of the fame means, if as gene- 
 rally adopted, we may hope to hand it down to pof- 
 terity. 
 
 We next infer, y^^(j«(///, that leffening^the influ- 
 ence of religious fentiment, to which negleft, 
 or contempt of facred inftitutions tends, is 
 extremely hazardous to the public weal. Per- 
 fuade men that they are under no law to God, 
 that his exiftence and providence are doubt- 
 ful, their accountability and a future ftate un- 
 certain, and they will be prepared, if paflion or 
 intereft urge, to trample on the authority af all 
 law and government. To fecure order and juftice, 
 the arm of the magiftrate muft be ftrengthened, and 
 liberty abridged, in proportion as the influence of 
 religion is diminiflied. 
 
 To effecl defigns, the execution of which requir- 
 ed the unreftrained indulgence of the worfl; paflions 
 of the heart, their authors have ufed means to per- 
 vert or deftroy this influence. If atheifm do not 
 beft comport with their purpofe, they will, if pofli- 
 ble, pervert the fentiment, and make religion con- 
 fift, not in rational piety and humble obedience, 
 but in paflion and bfind devotion ; and render it 
 fubfervient to their views by infufing into the mind 
 tjie unhallowed fire o£-enthufiafm, or the gloomy 
 feverity of bigoted fuperftition ; either of which 
 detrads from the credit of religion in general ; 
 though lefs difaftrous in its effefts than the total 
 annihilation of religious principle. 
 
 To prevent a return of the revolted tribes to the 
 houfe of Judah, Jeroboam " fet up golden calves, 
 and made priefts of the loweft of the people ;" thus 
 corrupting religion to fecure his reign over Ifrael ; 
 the melancholy confequences of which are feen in 
 almoft every page of their hiftory. For a purpofe 
 not very diflirailar, in later times, a ftill bolder fl:ep 
 hath been taken, and an attempt made to eftablifh 
 abfolute atheifm ; the fuccefs of \yhich, though 
 
 » 
 
21 
 
 partial, hath blackened the charader and multiplied 
 the miferies of man. 
 
 Eradicate all fenfe of accountability to the 
 moral Governor of the world, and what fecurity 
 could there be that iniquity will not be framed and 
 eftabliflied by law ? Oaths of office, or of evidence, 
 will not bind men to be faithful, or ti;ue. The 
 ftreams of juftice will be polluted, or turned from 
 their courfe, and pafiion, intereft, or prejudice, de- 
 cide the fate of innocence. The judge, it is true, 
 who neither fears God, nor regards man, who has 
 no fenfe of religious or moral obligation, to avoid 
 the inconvenience of importunity, may avenge a 
 poor widow ; but will never do juftice from a higher 
 motive. As it may beft accord with his convenience, 
 he will negleft the oppreffed, or aid the oppreffor. 
 There is nothing in his confcience to enfure the faith- 
 ful adminiftration of juftice. Life, every thing dear 
 in life, or valuable in fociety, depending on him, is 
 at hazard. Place in the feveral departments like 
 charadlers, and what confidence can there be in gov- 
 ernment ? Would not civil commotions and fcenes 
 of violence foon commence, and continue till fome 
 one, more artful, ambitious and fuccefsful than the 
 reft, elevate himfelf upon the ruins of liberty and 
 republican virtue ? 
 
 CoNviKCED of the felutary influence of Chriftian* 
 ity upon the ftate of civil fociety, and of its tenden- 
 cy to preferve a free government, fufpicion juftly 
 attaches to the, political principles and views of its 
 avowed enemies and revilers. Enlightened friends 
 of the people, and of equal laws, can never wifli to 
 bring into difcredit and contempt, the benign reli- 
 gion of the gofpel. By doing this among a people 
 educated in the' belief of it, they deftroy the influ- 
 ence of religious fentiment in general ; becaufe the 
 mind has been in the habit of aflbciating the doc- 
 trines of revelation with the firft principles of reli- 
 gion, and of fuppofing the exiftence and providence 
 
22 
 
 of God no more c-ertain than the divine miffion 
 and authority of Jefus Chrift. Though fome are 
 able to diftinguifli between natural and revealed re- 
 ligion, and, rejefting the latter, profefs to embrace 
 the former ; yet it w^ill be found, with many at 
 leaft, that fpeculative deifm and practical atheifm 
 are nearly allied. The prevalence of either will ex- 
 cite concern in the virtuous patriot, Hot for the 
 ark of God only ; but for the honor, freedom and 
 fafety of his country. Under this impreflion, the 
 injunftion of the Jewifli lawgiver will command his 
 attention, religion and its inftitutions his reverence 
 and fupport,, as the beft means of improving fo- 
 ciety, giving ftability to a free government, and 
 permanency to every focial enjoyment. 
 
 Religionj and virtue, we infer, thirdly, will be a 
 prominent feature in the chara£ler of wife and 
 good rulers. Thefe are important qualifications 
 for their ftations. To concede the general utility 
 of fuch a principle of action, and yet fuppofe it un- 
 neceffary that rulers fhould be under its influence, 
 is too great an inconfiflency to be ferioufly main- 
 tained. The piety and virtue requifite for the pre- 
 fervation of the body politic ought to be vifible in 
 the head. If this be fick, the whole heart will be 
 faint. Void of religious principle, or fenfe of mo- 
 ral obligation, can we believe that civil rulers will 
 be the miniflers of God for good ? May we not ra- 
 ther apprehend that they will be an encourage- 
 ment to evil doers, and a terror to thefe who do 
 vvell ? But a fteady eye to a prefiding Deity, with 
 humble reliance on the wifdom of his providence, 
 will direct, animate and fupport them in all the du- 
 ties of their office, make them faithful, and render 
 them fuperior to the trials that may await them. 
 
 Moses provided able men, fuch as feared God, 
 men of truth, hating covetoufnpfs, to be rulers of 
 thoufands, of hundreds, of fifties, and of tens ; a 
 clear indication that in every department mea 
 
^3 
 
 fixould be placed, who will adl in the fear of God. 
 Deftitute of this, their influence and example will 
 tend to fubvert the foundations of focial order, tp 
 weaken the fprings of political life, and to corrupt 
 the whole fyftem. 
 
 Buxmuft our civil rulers be Chriftians ? It cer^ 
 tainly cannot be lefs important to the general in- 
 tereft that they fhould be, than that other members 
 of the community fhould be under the influence 
 of this religion ; and the conftitution of this com- 
 monwealth requires of them, previous to their en- 
 tering on the duties of their office, a declaration of 
 their belief in the Chriftian religion, and full perfua- 
 fion of its truth. As that does not contemplate 
 evafion, an unbeliever, whatever he might be 
 tempted to affirm, would not poflefs the qualifica- 
 tion which the conftitution makes requifite. As 
 an expreffion of the public fentiment this provifion 
 has merit ; but religious tefts are feeble barriers 
 againft unprincipled men. They take no hold on 
 the confcience of one who mentally configns him- 
 felf to an everlafting fleep, and never afts with ref- 
 erence to a judgment to come. It ought, however, 
 to be prefumed, unlefs there Ihould be decifive 
 proof to the contrary, that no man will ever hazard 
 his reputation for veracity, and the confidence of 
 his fellow-men, fo much, as to make the declaration 
 in oppofition to his inward convidion, and com- 
 mon profeffion. We may feel afliired, at leaft, that 
 he would not, after fuch a declaration, place himfelf 
 in the ranks of the avowed enemies of Chriftianity. 
 Should this happen, what ground of confidence 
 would be left ? The fpeaker feels almoft conftrained 
 to apologize for a fuggeftion fo diflionorable to hu- 
 man nature. A poffible cafe only is fuppofed. 
 Should it ever exift, no apology would be due- 
 
 If Chriftianity tend to enrich the heart with ev- 
 ery amiable and beneficial virtue, and highly to im- 
 prove the prefent condition of man, it is of vaft im- 
 
24 
 
 portance that rulers fhould feel its influence, and 
 reflect the light of it on every beholder. 
 
 We infer, /oar/Zi/r, that wife and good rulers will 
 guard and promote the interefts of religion and lit- 
 erature. One is the parent, the other the handmaid 
 of virtue. To extend the knowledge and influence of 
 thofe truths, on the obfervance of which the freedom 
 and happinefs of the ftate depend, merits and will 
 command their attention. Like Mofes, they will 
 endeavor to make the people know the fbatutes of 
 God, and his law. Tending to the public good, this 
 is one end of their appointment. They will regard 
 the immutable laws of juftice in the flrufture of all 
 the laws of the State, which muft,refult from the 
 divine law, applied to the circumftances of the peo- 
 ple. When made, the wife and virtuous ruler, by 
 a pundlual obfervance of them, will add to their dig- 
 nity and authority in the view of tlie community. 
 
 To prevent is more noble than to punifli crimes. 
 The means, therefore, to improve the underftand- 
 ing, mend the heart, reftraih the diflbcial paflions, 
 and call into exercife the benevolent afiectidiis, will 
 receive countenance and fupport from the faithful' 
 ruler. On the fide of religion and virtue he will 
 give the whole weight of his example and influence. 
 As thefe have a powerful effect in formitlg the pub- 
 lic fentimeiit and manners, he will refpedl the law 
 of God, honor the Savior, reverence the inftitu- 
 tions of religion, encourage attendance upon them, 
 and difcountenance every praftice that would de-. 
 feat their defign. 
 
 The opinion of fome, that government ought to 
 take no notice of religion, that it is the exclufive 
 concern of the Deity to preferve the worfliip of 
 himfelf in the world, and that it would be pre- 
 fumption in legiflators to enact any laws relating to 
 it, is not correft, nor confiftent with the praftice 
 under the freeft governments. Improper it would 
 be. and what it is to be hoped we flxall never fee in 
 
^5 . 
 
 our country, to enaft " laws to didlate what articles 
 of faith men fhall believe, what mode of worfhip 
 they fliall adopt, or to raife and eftablifti one mode 
 of worfhip, or denomination of Chriftians above, 
 or in preference to another." In thefe refpefts let 
 the mind be perfectly free, and all denominations 
 equally under the protection and countenance of the 
 law. But the fupport of inftitutions calculated to 
 promote religious knowledge in general, give effica- 
 cy to the precepts of the gofpel, inftil the principles 
 of morality, and improve the focial affections, may 
 be a proper fubjeft of legiflation. Blafphemy is 
 punifhed by law, not becaufe God is unable to vin- 
 dicate the honor of his name ; but becaufe it is a 
 crime which weakens the bands of fociety by leffen- 
 ing the folemnity and obligation of an oath ; and 
 legal aid may be given to religious inftitutions which 
 flrengthen thofe bands of fociety by extending the 
 knowledge and influence of the fentiments, which 
 give to an oath its whole force upon the confcience. 
 Moral inftrudlion is not lefs important than inflruc- 
 tion in the arts and fciences ; and the means of it 
 demand as much the care of the guardians of the 
 public weal. Motives of found policy, as Well as the 
 befl feelings of his heart, will therefore induce every 
 good ruler to give them all neceffary encouragement. 
 Religion and virtue being the life of a free peo- 
 ple, and deriving countenance, or difcouragement, 
 from the example, influence and authority of 
 rulers, we obferve, Iq/ily, that it is of the higheft im- 
 portance carefully to exercife the right of election. 
 Incalculable mifchief may refult from the negledt, 
 or abufe of this privilege. Through the one, weak 
 or wicked men may be exalted to bear rule by a 
 minor part of the community ; through the other, 
 our happy conftitutions may be deftroyed, and our 
 liberty facrificed to paffion and party zeal. From 
 either great evil is to be apprehended. The elec- 
 D 
 
16 
 
 tions indicate what information and virtue a people? 
 pbffefs,'&nd hbwfaf they are influenced by a'regard 
 to the public good. DiiferehSe in* poUtical opin- 
 ions is rid ceftain proof that either fid^ does not aim 
 at the genferal welfare ; but whfeh-bafe means are 
 cmploye^d' by either, the purity of thtit motives is 
 liable to flifpiciori. " ■'' ■ 
 
 ■ ' If the e'nlightened and virtuous part of the com- 
 munity' WiUhdtimpfove their right- aind giVe theig 
 fuffifages to the able and fiithful- only ; or if tlic! 
 majority fuffer themfelvds to he governed by othei? 
 confideratiohs thanthofe of public benefit, the ill 
 confequences may be fobh felt,^ but not eafily reme- 
 died. The paffions and prejudices of tnen may be 
 quickly excited, and theii' coiifidence SvithdraWii 
 from" their beft friends, by trifling circumflarices-j 
 which, if they aftually exifl;, imply no delinquency.' 
 Againft thefe we ihduld lie guarded as rnuch as pof- 
 fible. No avoidable circuinftance ftioxild be permit- 
 ted to exifl:, which might" operate againfl: the choice 
 of the beft; men. The freedom of eledlions fliould 
 be prefefved with the utinofl: vigilance. In exer- 
 Gifing this important right, the obje£l fliould be to 
 bring into ih6 government the g'reatefl: wifdom, 
 virtue arid experience to be found ; that the people 
 may hehbld in their rulers ia conftant example of 
 •thofe things, which are the main pillars"of their 
 freedom. Attetttiori fliould fix on able men ; but 
 fucS, at ^he fame time, as fear God. Great Abilities 
 arid popular t^leritfe, without a riidral principle to 
 difeft their application, fliould be truflred, if trufted 
 stall, with great caution. ' Men of integrity, of 
 fteady habits and ftrift virtue, are the only men 
 that have a title to public confidence. In a Chrif- 
 tian country, the general fentimerit and fuffrage, 
 it iriuy be expected, will create a more effefitual bat 
 againft men 'df antichriftian principles and policy 
 thiri any coriftitutionar teft'. Thefe principles, and 
 this policy, in whatever liglft- they may appear, un- 
 
■g.7 
 
 dermine dvilliberty; and foqal, order ;.an(|^, if they 
 prevail, \y.ill; inevitably efied a change for worfe in 
 
 the'ftate of fociety., ri '■••■' 
 
 ; A FREE people have the ^neans of t|ieir preier.jfa'- 
 tioh in their ovvn hands ;^andif they,fall it wjfl be 
 through tHelr Qwn indifcxetion* Badripexv.cannqt, 
 rife and icbntipueln office without their confentj,;pr 
 a Jfaulty negled of their privileges. If they yoluji- 
 tarily choofe fijch to rule over them, thpy manifefl 
 a ci;iminal indifference, t<^ their d^n,'a^d the happi-! 
 iiefs of pofterlty. To honor fuch, is tp„ xJifltonor 
 God. It would indicate a cjarriiption , of moralsj 
 and be an abufe of the rigfet of fuffra^e ; and thijS 
 tends ftill fiirtlier to pervert the public Jafte and 
 fentiment. In elective, governments , the. people, 
 and the conftituted organs of, their will, hajVe a.re* 
 ciprocalinfluerice in forming the general chaf ac^er j 
 jhe one in elevating 19 o^ce, the. other, in fixerpiijing 
 the powers 63; their elevation ; andit fhould be em- 
 ployed by both to prevent a.(^r;;tiptipn of manner^* 
 In nothing can a pation Jipnor themfelve^ morjC, 
 prTecure their Ixherty bettpr, ,tHap in conun^tting 
 the adrainiftration of their government to able and 
 faithful meii, as eminent fo^ their rnpral virtues ^s 
 Foe their pplitical wifapm. . Shpuld a.peop te, mierer 
 ly becaliie of a coincidence in pbutical opinions, give 
 tlieir fuffragejS,iQ,rnei> with whom they could npt 
 confide t|ieiy iqdlyidual concej|ns, t;hey might wej^ 
 be jealous of their rulers j But, would deferve all 
 they could apprehiend^^ jFor,a Chriftiap, under the 
 influence of fucli a motive,, to fayor the choice pif 
 a ^nown enemy to his Lord, and, to the religioiq 09 
 which he builds his.hope of happi^'fs,. is fomething 
 wprfe thau Tncoriffljency. . ConfEitutionally in 
 office, to fuch an pne the Chrlftiau VfiXLhe/ubJs^for 
 confcknc?* fake ; but will never willingly aid ip his 
 advancement, ^ . ,, ^ . : ., 1 n ^ 
 
 In fcanning raefi and their [iheafures,; let juftice 
 arid candor preiide. lliis isre'owe to them,, and 
 
28 
 
 to our own reputation. The office of the magif- 
 trate, the ftation of the legiflator, their private 
 rights and the public good, forbid all calumny, mif- 
 repirefentation and abufe. But a fair and candid 
 inveftigation of the charaders and qualifications of 
 candidates for office, of rulers and their adminiftra- 
 tidn,' is a duty impofed by a proper regard to our 
 own, and to the happinefs of pofterity ; of which 
 we are the prefent guardians. That charafter is un- 
 worthy, which will not bear the light of truth ; 
 that fufpicious, which feeks defence in a fuppreffion 
 of the truth ; but that entitled to proteftion, which 
 is affailed by the bafe arts of falfehood, and ground- 
 lefs infinuation. 
 
 On the due obfervance of thefe things the freedom 
 and glory of our country are fufpended. If we de- 
 part from the principles, of our anceftors, negled 
 religion and its inftitutions, are not attentive to the 
 inftruclion of our youth in religious and moral du- 
 ty, as well as in human literature, indulge a fpirit of 
 innovation, are indifferent to the moral charader 
 of rulers, and yield to the temptations to luxury 
 and diffolutenefs of manners, which increafing 
 wealth prefents, we fliall foon find ourfelves unable 
 to fupport the conftitutions which, have been the 
 pride of our nation, and the admiration of the 
 world. But if we diligently attend to all thefe 
 things, fet our own heiarts unto all the words of the 
 divine law, and comriiand our children to obferv? 
 and do them, it will b^ our life, and we fliall pro- 
 long pur days in this good land. The mouth of the 
 Lbrd hath fpoken it. 
 
 Our fathers pafTed through the fea, were under 
 the cloud, and in the wildernefs. God was their 
 fhield, and he hath been our helper. A retrofpedl 
 of the paft, a juft gflimation of the prefent, and a ra- 
 tional profped of tlie future, impofe onus a faqred 
 obligation to guard the ineflimable treafure 'commit- 
 ted to our truft. Our 6wn and the happinefs of 
 
29 
 
 generations yet unborn is concerned in the choice 
 We make, and the coUrfe we purfue. ' The friends 
 of liberty and good government view paffing events 
 here with anxious expe(3:ation. Heaven natli dif- 
 tinguiflied. America from every other quarter of the 
 globe, by beftowing upon it, in richer abundance, 
 the bounties of providence, and the bleffings of civ- 
 il and religious liberty. All that we could reafon- 
 ably defire, and more than we had a right to expeft, 
 hath been put into our poffeflion. While other 
 ,ppuntries have groaned under oppreffion, witnefled 
 war and defolation,feen their governments and their 
 altars prollratedj or felt the fcourge of ufurped do- 
 minion, ours hath been rifing,, beyond a parallel, iii 
 wealth, inaportance and honorable faime. Deliv- 
 ered from foreign control, and poffeffing free con- 
 ftitutibns of government, the work of our own 
 hands, adminmered for a ferles of years >vith equal 
 ability and integrity, 'vjre have prefented tp admir- 
 ing nations the faireft hopes, that here, in Ijerlaft, 
 fafeft retreat, liberty had erefted her ftandard, and 
 would long difpl^y her banners. To realize our 
 own, and juftify Aeir expeftatipns, we muft conti- 
 nue, what we navrbeen efteemed, an enlightened, 
 fober, yirtuous and united people. 
 
 But are there no clouds that darken the oneb 
 fair proipeft ? No appearances of danger that we, 
 with a motion accelerated in proportion to the 
 height of our elevjitipn, fhall follow the path all 
 other republics haye trodden, and haften ^b a fimi- 
 lar cataftrophe ? Have we not fallen already, in a 
 fonfiderable degree, from the religion, virtue, and 
 'fimplicity qf manners, which were the charafterif- 
 ticis of the New-England ftates, and will eyer be ef- 
 iential to lafting freedom and profperity ? Have we 
 pot become divided, and in the zeal, or triumph of 
 •parties, loft fight Of the public good, ?ipd over- 
 looked the beft means and inftrurtientg of its pro- 
 motion ? Is there nothing to be apprehended frow 
 
a too hafty admifllon of foreigners, little acquaint- 
 ed with the nature, and lefs with t^e enjoyment of 
 civil liberty, to all tlie rights of citizens ? Hothing; 
 from the influence oipeopJe of ajlrci^^ language up- 
 on our government ? Is there no reajfen to fear the 
 relative weight and importance of the fm'aill ftatea 
 will be diniiriifhed by k chaitge in the principles of 
 the general government ! Or that the whole cqn- 
 ftellation win be attra(3:ed to a common centre, or 
 revolve in prefcribed orbits "within the fphere of its 
 influence? Are there no fymptoms, on the one h'and^ 
 of a defigh to poflefs a difproportidhat'e infliience in 
 the general fcale ; and, on the other, pf alarm and 
 difcontent, which may lead to a difunion, attended 
 with ferious af riot ruinous confequerices ? Many 
 whom w-e. all once efteemed wife, difcei-nihg and 
 patriotic, are perfuaded of the affirriaatiye ; and we 
 may fay, without imjplic'atiog the motives, or crim- 
 inating the ineafiires of ariy, th^'t fome r'efpeft is 
 due to their opinions. If men of ability, who have 
 given illuftrious proof of their patriotifm, are ap- 
 prehenfive, it at lead: merits conlideration, wheth' 
 cr there be not fomejiift girbund of apprehenfion. 
 Whatever it may be, whether difcovered by ill or 
 not, the fureft way to efcape'e'vfl,, and enjoy fafety 
 under the divineprotedtibri, is, to imbibe the gen- 
 uine fpirit of religion, reverence its inlfitutidns^ ex- 
 tend its light and influence, promote general know- 
 ledge, cherifh the focial affeiSions, baniffi party pre- 
 judices, cultivate harmony, and, realizing oui: <J"e- 
 pendence on the Supreme Ruler, gr^efiiUy inv 
 prove the bleflings we continue to poflefs. 
 
 In the divine goodnefs vs^e have a't tliis time 
 abundant reafon to rejoice. The heads of our 
 tribes, after the laudable example of our fathers, 
 |iave met in this city of our anniverfary folemrij!- 
 ties ; aVd now preferit tlieriifelves. before the Lord, 
 to feefc his direction anid bTeflihg on the important 
 concerns of pivil government, A? aforetime, ouj: 
 
3^ 
 
 nobles are yet of ourfelves, and our Governor hath 
 proceeded from the midft of us. 
 
 Rfi-ELfiCTED to the firft tpagiftracyj His Ex,cel- 
 lency hath received renewed; affurahce of the pub-; 
 lie approbation and confidence. He is ftill the man 
 whom the people delight to honor'. But whether 
 they have honored moft his tilent? and virtues, or 
 their own difcernment and itioral tafte, is a quef- 
 tion too delicate for folution. May his integrity 
 continlieto guide. and preferve hini ; and that God, 
 who beholdeth with favor him that is upright in 
 heart, crown his adminiftratioix with fuccefs, his 
 days on earth with peace, and his future exiftence 
 with ineffable glory. 
 
 His Honor will accept our cordial congratula- 
 tions, oh his re-eleftion to the fecond office' in the 
 government. Next to the approbation of his own 
 mind, that of the multitude of his brethren muft af- 
 ford the higheft fatisfadlbn. Their 'acknowledg- 
 ment of his paft fidelity, and continiied reliance on 
 his abilities and zeal" to ' promote the general wel- 
 fare^ will be efteemed the beft i'eWard in their pow- 
 er- to give, and a motive to fuch further exertions, 
 as Ihall fully anfwer alHheir reafonable expedations^. 
 Faithful and approved of God, may he at laft re- 
 ceive a crown of righteoufnefs. 
 
 The Honorable CotfNciL, from the dignity 
 of their fiation and charafters, and in confideration 
 of their paft important and acceptable fervices,' 
 merit our refpeftful attention! In confcious refti- 
 tude, and in the approbation of God, may they ev- 
 er have a fource Of the higheft human happinefs ; 
 and when releafed from the labors of' this, receive 
 in a better world the full reWard of faithful fer- 
 vants. • ' 
 
 May this branch, of the government be always- 
 compofed of men of candor, dear unda-ftanding, 
 found judgment, and uncorruptible integrity. 
 
3^ 
 
 , To the Hon. Senate, and House of Represen- 
 tatives, we now tender our high refpedls. Call- 
 ed by the voice of the people to be legiflators, and 
 guardians of their rights and liberties, may they re- 
 alize the importance of the truft, and fulfil their du- 
 ty with all good fidelity. In the true fpirit of min- 
 ifters of God for good, may they enter on the inter- 
 efting tranfadiions of this day, and purfue the pub- 
 lic tufinefs of the year. Attached to the original 
 principles of the ftaite and general government, may 
 they adopt meafures that will have the beft tenden- 
 cy to render both permanent blefilngs. In all elec- 
 tions, whether under the federal or ftate conftitu- 
 tion, may they fix their choice, fo far as conftitU' 
 tional limitations will permit, on men moft capable 
 and befl difpofed to promote the public good. In all 
 their deliberations, difcufiions and decifions, may 
 they manifeft a fpirit of candor and'^ignified mod- 
 eration ; and, however they may differ in opinion, 
 give to each other, and to the public, proof of their 
 ftrid probity and genuine patriotifm. In all things 
 may they be under the guidance and blefling of the 
 great Fountain of wifdom, and receive his final 
 approbation. 
 
 Venerable Fathers in each department, to 
 your care the people of this refpeftable common- 
 wealth have committed their deareft civil interefts. 
 By. calling you to your refpeftive ftations they have 
 expreffed a confidence that you will be watchful 
 and faithful. You have every" rational motive to 
 be fo ; but the bigheft muft be a fenfe of account- 
 ability to that God, by whom actions are witnefTed 
 and weighed, and from whom all will receive ajuft 
 revyard. Though ye are called gods on earth, you 
 muft all die like men, and, with thofe over whom 
 you now bear rule, appear in judgment, to receive 
 according to your works. 
 
 In contemplating the happy influence of religion 
 upon the ftate and government of fociety, it is not 
 
33 
 
 intended to dimlnilh its importance in a perfonal 
 'view, atod'in 'Afeeft to the folemn period wen all 
 civil fdpietieslfli'all'be difljajided, f^culkr honors and 
 diftinctions' known no moVe; and the Whole world 
 ;airraigned at JehoVah's a^fiil tribunal. In this au- 
 gtrft event' we '^t'aye- the higheft perfonal con- 
 cferri ; ^hd ffom. tfie individual anti(jipatipn of it, 
 "fociety derives peculiar advantage.- " What the pub- 
 IJc 'good 'I'e^ires, your oVn .particular* happinefs 
 ttiore ftrongly demands. In' yOur honorable fta- 
 tions, and in the private walks of life, may you, 
 ever be actuated by the great principles of our holy 
 religion, enjoy its confolations, exemplify its duties, 
 and extend its benign influence ; that you may at 
 lad ihare its richeft rewards. 
 
 Fellow-Citizens of this numerous aflembly, 
 yoiji doubtlflS^St' a ""lively inteleft in the free- 
 dona, profperity and glqry of our common coun- 
 try J and in guarding and tranfmitting to pofteri- 
 ty the fair inheritance We have received from our 
 fathers. Like them, then, fear God, and keep his 
 commandments. We have rifen up, and call them 
 blefled. But if we abandon their principles, de- 
 fpife their attention to religion and its infiitutions, 
 and refufe to follow their virtuous examples, our 
 pofterity, denied what we inherit, will have reafoa 
 to execrate our folly. 
 
 Personal falvation, public fafety, and the hap- 
 pinels of generations to come, impofe on us a facred 
 obligation to fet our hearts unto all the words of 
 the divine law, and ^'^ command our children to 
 obferve them. The man of religion and virtue is 
 a public beaefador. By teaching his children to 
 follow the example, he increafes the benefit ; and 
 by exciting others to imitation enhances the obli- 
 gation. In proportion to the fphere of your influ- 
 ence, you all pofliefs means of your own fecurity, 
 and of promoting our national profperity and glp- 
 E 
 
34 
 
 ry. Let this confideration, as well as the ftm ipore 
 aninuting one, that by it yoy. msipy .pjrepw^e, yoii^- 
 felves ando^thejrsfar a ftate Qfendlefs felicity, be a 
 motive to employ all yoiir influence in the cauf& of 
 religion, and vi^t^e^ To thefe God haih p^Oi^^ed 
 his protection and bleffing. Th?y wiljl be ouf U^, 
 and the lengthening out of our tranquillity. ■* Tlic 
 work of yighteoufnejrs iDhiall J)e peacer-apd !thcjcf» 
 feft of righteaufneis, quietnefs and affurance fpi;* 
 ^ever." 
 
 mimmt 
 
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