BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME FROM THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND ^ THE GIFT OF ilettrg W, Sage 1891 y^;z.:^.rii t-m M S^tlM'ifr iJicamiiTn -J.^_L __Li.^ Plate m Praeneitc, Terni)le of Fortune as Restored l)y Late Renaissance Architect (Durni) ROMAN CITIES 21 there was no such spectacular and suddfin rise inside the inclosure, no such unity of architectu- ral composition, no such pyramidal upbuilding, no such simultaneous view of the whole scene, even from a distance. The Latin shrine must have far outshone those of Greece in this general effect if inferior in every other respect. In its final form, as given to it by Sulla, shortly after 82 B.C., it rose in pyramidal shape up the mountain side to a height of nearly four hundred and fifty feet or one hundred and fifty meters. At its base it was over one thousand three hundred feet wide (four hundred and twenty-five meters) ; at its Siimmit about four hundred feet wide (one hundred and twenty-five meters) . The crowning hemicycle of the shrine was less than one hundred feet in diameter (thirty meters). Around the base was a large open square in which the first story stood ; flanked by wings and entered through a columnar propylaeum. Above this rise five stories of diminishing heights as weU as retreating width, connected like some Babylonian temples by es- planades and crowned by the round temple. The right and left sides of the lower area were each inclosed by a reservoir for the use of the city below. Both are in good condition and among the most important of their kind. One 22 ROMAN CITIES of these can be visited: that occupying tHe west side of the area. Its length is over three hundred feet (one hundred and six meters) by one hun- dred feet (thirty- three meters) and it is divided into ten vaulted halls nearly ninety feet (twenty- seven meters) long, connected by doors. The face of this reservoir, which forms the west side of the sacred square, was decorated with seven niches which probably contained statues. On the east side instead of niches there was a portico and a wall decorated with Doric half -columns through which one went down to the reservoir and which is on a lower level than the other. A monumental fountain seems to have occupied the center of the square; and the main or north wall, which formed the face of the first story, was decorated with twenty-nine arcades in three sec- tions; a central projection with five, and two wings each with twelve arcades. They seem to have connected with chambers for the numerous personnel of the temple and may be called the substructures of the shrine. The top of this first story can be studied especially in the Barberini gardens, in that of the Cardinal of Palestrina and in the streets near the Porta del Sole. It has a length of about one thousand three hundred and ninety feet ■(four hundred and twenty -five meters) and a ROMAN CITIES 23 width of eighty-seven meters and had on either side cisterns which cannot now he seen (eighty- one meters hy thirty meters). The remains of walls here are of no architectural significance. The modern Corso marks the level of the second story, which seems to have had the same length as the first, but to have been a trifle lower. The modern cathedral occupies the site of a central hall of the old temple, which has been christened the civil basilica, and on this story there were a number of spectacular buildings, colonnaded porticoes and squares. The arrange- ment seems to have included an eastern and a western hall on either side of the central basilica. The south wall can be seen in the square, near the cathedral. Parts of the eastern wall (twenty-five meters by thirteen meters) are quite well pre- served and can be visited especially in the build- ings of the Seminary. Belonging as it does to Sulla's restoration, it is among the finest remain- ing examples of the architectural style of the close of the Repubhc. This is especially true of a group of four Corinthian engaged columns. The in- terior had large niches probably intended for statues rising from a basement decorated with a frieze of triglyphs and metopes filled with ro- settes and paterae similar to many that we find on Etruscan sarcophagi of the third century B.C., 24 ROMAN CITIES and on such Etruscan architecture as the Arch of Augustus at Perugia. These arcaded niches are divided by alternate semi-columns and pi- lasters. At the end was a great square niche inclosing three smaller ones. Delbriick, in his recent work on the Hellenistic architecture of Latium, uses the details of this hall, so pure and severe, as the climax of his series, and it certainly enables us to reconstruct with some degree of certainty the interior of such buildings as the Tabularium in Rome, with which it seems contemporary, though it is doubtful if the Tabularium itself had the magnificence of the Praenestine work. We can j udge of this from the mosaic which covered its floor. This intricate and wonderfully executed mosaic of Alexandrian art reproduces an elaborate Egyptian scene, and has been the subject of many monographs. On the other side from this hall a grotto has been found, with another elaborate mosaic pavement: it seems to be one of the early shrines of the goddess. The space between this civil basilica (at the Cathedral) and the lower shrine, repre- sented by the present Seminary, forms the primi- tive Forum of free Praeneste, as distinguished from the imperial Forum, much lower, at the Madonna dell' Aquila. It is there that have been found the fragments of the famous Roman ROMAN CITIES 25 Calendar of Religious Festivals compiled by Verrius Flaccus. The arrangement of this story was in a central court sixty-four meters long and twenty-three meters deep, flanked by these two halls as wings and with the basilica rising in the center in front of the solid wall of the main structure. This is faced with engaged columns between which were nine windows of beautiful workmanship, two of which are stiU entire. Of the third story, called that of the Borgo, there remains very little; it was the thinnest of all. There are numerous Cyclopean walls at this level and on the next, which is called the story of the Grottos, in which are series of arcades and of chambers supposed to be for the use of the persons who came to con- sult the oracle. In one of these are four Corin- thian columns. The approach to the fifth or highest story was heralded by a colonnade of which nothing re- mains but the memory in the name of a street, the Via del Colonnaro. This level is in the highest part of the modern town and its central struc- ture, the hemicycle, is comprised in the upper Barberini palace, called the Cortina. The area of this level seems to have been free on the south side, from which one gets the wonderful view, and to have been surrounded by basilicas or porticoes on 26 ROMAN CITIES the west and east sides. Several bases and the foundation wall of the hemicycle remain, on both sides of which were arcades of Corinthian columns. The small circular shrine which sur- mounted the hemicycle and formed a sort of ethereal sixth story has entirely disappeared, M. Fernique, the French archsologist to whom we are indebted for a valuable resume of previous studies, has shown that the two upper stories, including hemicycle and round temple, were additions of the time of Sulla, but the main body of the structure up to that point, with its Cyclopean retaining walls, belongs to the early temple of the sixth century or earlier, except for certain enlargements such as the halls on the second and fourth stories. In its final form it could be seen from every near point of Latium, from the Alban and the Volscian hUls. As a public monument of a grandeur equaling if not surpassing the Roman Capitol, it is unique in its juxtaposition of the cyclopean art of prim- itive Latium with that of the most exquisite Hellenic art introduced into Latium during the last century of the Republic; two phases that are as impossible of amalgamation as oil and water. Exactly the same curious contrast is furnished by the works of art and industry found in the ROMAN CITIES 27 necropolis of Praeneste, They form the only- large corpus of works thus far discovered from which we can draw to reconstitute Latin Kfe dur- ing these pre- Augustan centuries. It is a curious fact that while from one end of Etruria to the other ancient necropoli have been found with a mass of material extending from the eighth cen- tury to the first century B.C., from the age of the circular Alban hut and the Villanova urn in the iron age to that of the carved marble cinerary urns, the entire region south of the Tiber and the Anio has yielded practically no corresponding material. The search for the necropoli of the Latin, Volscian and Hernican cities has been almost fruitless except for a few stray tombs and some small groups of no importance. The only exception has been here at Praeneste, where the necropolis has been found, and its tombs yielded objects so startling and spectacular as to make us feel that in the time of the kings either Rome was far inferior in art and culture to Praeneste or else that the Roman was far different from the homely creature we are told he was. To quote Fernique, in the sixth and seventh centuries B.C. Praeneste was a rich and powerful city, in close commercial and artistic relations with the Phoeni- cians and Etruscans, leading a sumptuous and luxurious life. "At religious ceremonies the 28 ROMAN CITIES priests put on gold ornaments of the most deli- cate workmanship, the women wore in their hair pins of gold and amber; at banquets they made use of cups and vases of thfe precious metals worked in relief. In war time the chiefs put on rich armor; their bronze shields were decorated with heads of griffins or other fantastic animals, made more startling by eyes of brilliant enamel; the handles of their poniards were often of am- ber, and their sheaths were decorated with scenes of the chase or of war." One can see proofs of this in Rome in the old collection of the Kircherian museum, where the contents of the tomb of a Praenestine chief of this period (Tomba Bernardini), found in 1876, are exhibited. The same sort of objects ap- peared in the Castellani and, especially, in the Barberini collection, which contains by far the greatest quantity of Praenestine objects. Nothing that has been yielded by early Italian tombs is more unusual than the gold ornaments that once decorated the official costume of the priests or chiefs of the sixth and seventh cen- turies, preserved in both these collections, though they may be compared to some of the pieces in the Regulini-Galassi tomb, now in the Vatican. The minutest workmanship is shown in a front- let of gold plate only eight by five inches, which Mastarna (King Servius Tiillius) frceiiif;- Caeles Vilienna Fresco of Graeoo-Etruscaii Art froin Tomli at Vuloi Bronze Statuettes from a Praenestine Cista (Fernique) Plate IV ROMAN CITIES 29 in this small area is decorated with one hundred' and thirty-one small figures of lions, horses, sirens and chimeras, arranged in rows and exe- cuted with the greatest delicacy. Similar tiny sphinxes and human-faced lions appear on elec- trum fibulae. The sheaths of his daggers were of silver with men and animals in relief. Even more extraordinary are some similar gold orna- ments in the Barberini collection, which must originally have been sewed to garments. There are two shoulder pieces formed by a mass of deh- cate parallel strips of gold and silver fringe with tiny doves hanging from the ends ; and there is a quadruple line of winged sphinxes attached to the groundwork and to three parallel bands nearly a foot long. There are gold and silver sacred wands, with lotus decoration, gold clasps and fibulae, gold papyrus cases, gold disks with zones of animals, funerary diadems of gold leaf, quantities of small silver plaques, often with palmette decoration, forming part of a costume. While the oriental character of most of the decoration is evident, it is clearest in an ivory plaque of the Kircheriano, with the procession of the Nile boat. Another class of sure and characteristic Phoenician pieces is that of the sUver dishes or flat cups with scenes in relief. The only two other important finds of such pieces 30 ROMAN CITIES have been the cave of the Idean Zeus in Crete and the Cesnola and other discoveries in Cyprus, especially in Larnaca. All are evidently of Phoenician workmanship and one of the staples of artistic commerce in the eighth and seventh centuries; in niost of them the imitation of Egyptian art is evident, in a few the influence in Latium of Assyria. It is curious to find such proof of the reality of that Etrusco-Phoenician monopoly of trade in the Mediterranean which was brought to an end by the victory of the Greeks over their combined fleets in 435 B.C. Up to the present time the Praenestine tombs have yielded nothing belonging to the fifth or fourth centuries. After the archaic works just alluded to there is quite a gap. The next group of tombs seems to date from the third and second centuries. But this must be a matter of chance. In some yet unexplored section of the necropolis the tombs of these two middle cen- turies will surely come to light, for there was no intermission in the prosperity of the city. For the present we must assume the gap and take up the thread again at the time when, after the disso- lution of the Latin league in 338 the cities of Latimn, including Praeneste, had become part of the Roman system. Praeneste was then reck- oned in the class of allied cities {civitas foede- ROMAN CITIES 31 rata) preserving its municipal autonomy, but subject to the periodical supervision of Roman magistrates and supplying a considerable mili- tary contingent in time of war. I cannot omit an heroic episode in this phase of Praenestine history. It was in the Punic wars. To meet the crisis before the battle of Cannae, a supplementary levy seems to have been required by Rome of Praeneste, as it probably was of the other allied cities. The five hundred Praenestines who formed this cohort were late in setting out and while on their way south heard of the catastrophe at Cannae. They also heard of the defection of Capua to Hannibal. Instead of retreating they occupied the neighboring Casilinum with a detachment of about five hun- dred Perusian auxiliaries and a few others, and detained Hannibal on his march northward so eif ectually that, after successively defeating two detachments which he sent against them and Hannibal himself, they obliged him finally to undertake a long siege: ate grass and leather to keep ahve and caught in nets the nuts that were sent down the river to them by the Romans who did not dare march to their relief. Perhaps these Praenestines saved Rome, by giving her time to recover from her first panic and organize the defense. This shows of what stern stuff the 32 ROMAN CITIES Praenestines were made, even after they had lost their independence. But the tombs also show that at this time Prae- neste had not abated one whit its love for art, and its high level of culture. With the growing importance of the commercial relations between Southern and Central Italy, through the opening of the Roman highways, Praeneste maintained her supremacy as a cultivator and purveyor of art. The hfe is of course quite different from that of four centuries before, in its modes of expression, but it keeps abreast of the latest fashions. The most characteristic class of objects found are the famous circular or oval metal boxes called cistae, long considered to have some mys- tical or religious significance. They are now recognized as nothing but objects of daily use. Some of them contained implements used by men at the bath ; others those used by women for their toilet. There are mirrors, perfume boxes, oint- ment boxes and vases, pins, nail polishers and cleaners, strigils, combs and even bath slippers. Better than in any other single group of antiqui- ties can one here recognize the entire feminine toilet outfit, what the Romans called the mundus muliebris, and they form a fit illustration of the literary sources of early Roman literature so meager for the pre- Augustan age. ROMAN CITIES 33 The cistae which contained these objects, though articles of commerce, were often ex- tremely artistic. One of them has long had a world-wide reputation as one of the most exquisite products of ancient art; it is the Ficoroni cista of the Kircheriano museum, on which composi- tions in the graffito are of pure, Greek type. These cistae are typical of the strongest ten- dency which we observe in this Praenestine art, the tendency toward Hellenism. Out of the earlier medley of Phoenician and Etruscan works the Latin artists and artisans had fashioned for themselves a Latin style which, when we shall know it better, will have a clearly local flavor. We have seen it in the first period especially in the ivory carvings and bronzes, which were less dominated by foreign art. Now we are finding it in vase-paintings, in the graffiti of cistae and mirrors, and in a quantity of objects of daily use that were manufactured at home. By the side of the pure Greek work in the graffiti of the Ficoroni cista we can set the Latin versions of some fifty other cistae. Beside bronzes imported from Etruria we can set many more that are Latino-Greek. There is every reason to feel, therefore, that Praeneste is the city most capable of giving us a fairly exact counterpart of conditions in. Rome, 34' ROMAN CITIES not only on account of its size and wealth but because of its commercial and religious influence and connections. All Latium came to its Oracle of Fortune as all Latium went to Rome ; it felt keenly all current artistic, commercial, social, political and religious changes. Students of Rome should not only visit Praeneste, but after impregnating themselves with her atmosphere should study with loving care her antiquities in Rome, especially those of the Kircherian and Barberini collections. Of course there are a few scattered elsewhere, as in the Louvre, at Berhn and St. Petersburg, as well as in private collec- tions; but the immense majority belong to the Barberini. This is natural because the Barberini princes, with their two palaces in Palestrina itself and their large landholdings outside, have con- ducted the excavations on their own estates. It is not many years since I was asked by the Barberini to purchase for some Americail museum their archaeological collections including the Pales- trina finds, which were practically unknown except to a few specialists. I remember my de- light as drawer after drawer was opened, filled with the unrestored objects of intimate daily use of the Latin men and women of the third cen- tury B.C. Last year a dealer in Florence secured them from the family and was holding them ROMAN CITIES 35 there awaiting some arrangement with the Italian government which would either allow the eollee- tion to be sold, or would add it to one of the gov- ernment museums in Rome, where it certainly; should be. It seems that Italy is not to lose it and that it is to be opened at last to the pubhc. This is fortunate because nothing could compen- sate for its loss. We can now pass beyond the narrow sphere of the girdle of Latin cities into the field of the colonies, the allies and enemies of Latium and of Rome. In the region we are about to enter, south of the Tiber and the Umbrian plain, the Italian peninsula as far down as the more purely Hellenic district is thickly dotted with ruined cities once built in a peculiarly rugged and im- posing style of stone masonry. The large blocks are irregular, polygonal cubes, not laid in regu- lar courses but fitted together, without cement, in apparent disorder. Sometimes the largest blocks are juxtaposed without any attempt to cut and fit them and the interstices are filled in with smaller stones, more or less roughly. Neither beds nor faces are tooled. In other cases the outer faces are left rough but the beds are given a regular surface in the natural direction of the block and each block is carefully joined to the next; the joints being often of the proverbial 36 ROMAJV CITIES closeness into which the penknife cannot enter. Then again we find the more developed scheme of smooth-facing the blocks as well as giving them regular beds. There are subvariations to these principal styles, depending on the use of fairly uniform-sized blocks, on a mingling of small and large stones, or on an approach to the regular-course masonry. No unanimity of opinion has been reached as to whether these modes are successive in time, or were used simul- tanously. There is also heated controversy as to whether aU of this polygonal masonry is really very early, or whether it is not quite as late as the regular-course masonry, and its peculiarities due to the kind of stone used, which broke naturally into these polygons. At all events these ruined cities are of unusual interest. Except for sporadic cases, no others of this type exist in the civilized world except a very few in Greece, where they belong to the Homeric age, and in Asia Minor, where they were buUt by the even earlier Hittites. They excited scientific interest in the first decades of the eighteenth century, when the Italian Signora Dionigi, the Frenchman Petit-Radel, the Englishman Gell and our first American amateur archaeologist, Middleton, were among those who felt the peculiar glamour of their gloomy majesty. ROMAN CITIES 37 Purely as works of architecture the Italian group surpasses in grandeur and also in numbers both the Greek and the Asiatic. Finally, what inter- ests us especially in this connection is that this class of city is more intimately connected than any other with Rome.^ ^ I have followed the traditional interpretation of the ruins of Palestrina, without being quite convinced of its accuracy. Quite another interpretation has recently been given by Mr. R. van D. Magoflin, in A Study of the Topography and Municipal History of Praeneste, 1908. He greatly reduces the area of the temple enclosure and its architectural splendor. II The Cities of the Heknican League There are some ancient cities in the hills along the railroad line from Rome to Naples that have been most successful in keeping their attractions concealed. They have not decorated the pages of any author who beheves himself to have dis- covered the hill towns of Italy, nor have they slipped into any fugitive sketch of Italian high- ways and byways. One might believe the cause to be the regrettable absence of comfortable inns, were there not every reason to be skeptical as to this state of affairs ever having been made a sub- ject of investigation. These towns still keep their antique names, — Anagni, !Alatri, Ferentino, Veroli; and they be- longed to the tribe of the Hernici, who gave its name to the range of hills which rise on the north side of the railway as soon as it has passed the Alban mount on the right, th» end of the Prae- nestine ridge on the left and enters the valley of the Sacco, the ancient Trerus or Tolerus. They fascinated me as a boy, and they have 38 o c K O riate V ROMAN CITIES 39 not changed for me since then. For a combina- tion of unspoiled antique flavors one would have to go far to find their equals.* You pass through the pre-Roman city gate, up a winding street with long lines of Gothic windows set in the mellow stone walls, with all the patina of age still lingering on them like the burr on an un- rubbed etching, and as you look approvingly at the mullioned casement to catch the dark eye of a maid with coal-black hair and pure Greek pro- file, you have a picture untouched by modern contrasts, for her costume, even, is centuries older than the Gothic house, in its heavy textures, its simple patterns and bold broad colors, — ^the costume of the Cioderia, of which the models in Rome give a sadly freshened and de luxe edition. For over two thousand five hundred years — perhaps for two or three centuries longer, — the people with the strong straight figure, the free carriage and proud Greek head have lived here in their own town, surrounded by their immense polygonal stone ramparts, with a walled citadel standing within it and overlooking its streets by about fifty feet of superb unbroken masonry. *The stations dubbed with their names and with that of Segni are characteristically far from the towns. Still all but Veroli and Alatri are easily reached directly from the main line. For these two I believe one still must take a diligence at the station of Frosinone. 40 ROMAN CITIES The ancient name of Aletrium has been pre- served in the modern Alatri and the women still feel proud of the legend that gives them most of the credit of building the antique walls. If it were in Greece, instead of Italy, an abandoned ruin of half the size and in bad preservation, difficult to reach and quite bare of bed and board, devoid of the mellowness of years and marred by recent diggers, we should undoubtedly flock to it amid much discomfort, as we do to Tiryns and Mycenae. But, being in Italy, where it is de rigueur to admire only the Baedekerized and subsidized show places and things of imperial times, these ruins, unsurpassed in the world, re- main the peaceful appanage of their proud in- habitants. One day when, as a boy, I was walking across the hills from Ferentino to Alatri, I was given my first inner vision of the sturdy life and pri- meval passions of those heroic days of early inde- pendent tribal life. The towns, though only five to seven miles apart, always on some precipitous rocky spur, could not be seen from one another like the cities, such as Spello, Assisi and Perugia, strung along the gentle slopes above the Umbrian plains. Nor could they stand in isolated hege- mony like the more widely spaced cities of the Etruscan league, such as Volsinii, Caere and ROMAN CITIES 41 Clusimn, self-sufficient in their wealth. Hidden as they were from each other by the quick en- folding hills, they were bound by the closest fellowship, because far more than the Etrus- cans, their people swarmed out into the open, living the life of an agricultural race, close to the soil, unspoiled by luxury or foreign traffic. They did not trade with Etruscans, with Greeks or Phoenicians, and did not show in the least the Latin cosmopolitanism so evident at Praeneste. So we can understand these freedom- loving tribes, close blood-brethren, born fighters, and sticklers for local rights. Long after it was esteemed so great a privilege by most towns to be given by Rome the full rights of Roman citi- zenship they preferred to keep their municipal autonomy, to be considered the allies and friends of the Roman people, not part and parcel of the octopus, because this carried with it the submis- sion to Roman magistrates. This was allowed them because from the beginning the three cities of Alatri, Ferentino and Veroli had been stanch friends to Rome, in the days when it meant, per- haps, the making or the marring of Rome's ambitions. These cities formed a solid wedge separating those constant partners in war — the Aequi in the northern hills and the Volsci in the southeast. It was to the mutual interest of 42 ROMAN CITIES Hernicans and Romans to fight their junction, which would have overwhehned them both. It is curious that the greatest of the group, Anagni, the capital of the league, is the only one which has not preserved its original prehistoric walls and citadel. In their place are other walls once equally magnificent in their way, but built after Roman supremacy had become a well established fact, some time just before or after the Pyrrhic war. Is it not because Anagni, the richest and most sophisticated of the cities and the one most likely to be swayed by ambition into dangerous expedients, joined with some of the other Hernican towns under her influence such as Capitulum, in the anti-Roman confederacy of Samnites, Etruscans and the rest? This was in 306 B.C. Anagni then lost her autonomy and most of her land. It is probable that at the same time she lost her walls, a punishment several times inflicted by the Romans on faithless friends. Afterward the walls were probably rebuilt, in the later style of straight-course blocks, such as prevailed until the time of the Gracchi, when the Hernicans of Anagni were no longer feared and the city could become a Roman bul- wark in the struggle with Pyrrhus or with Car- thage. As we shall see it was also after some siege, some struggle in which the defenses of >-r \ -- jf" \ '■, V-.-' "'^r-,^2i o Plate VI ROMAN CITIES 43 Ferentino were battered and torn, tHat its Cyclo- pean walls were repaired and supplemented in a somewhat similar though rougher and perhaps earlier masonry than what we find at Anagni. I have here illustrated these three stages. The citadel of Alatri, the unspoiled work of the pre- Roman people : the Porta Sanguinaria at Feren- tino, giving the old ramparts with their early Roman repairs, perhaps of the fourth century B.C.; and the walls and retaining arcades at Anagni, records of the possession of the rebell- ious city by Roman magistrates in the days be- fore and after the Punic war. Alatri When I first went to Alatri it was while labor- ing under the excitement of discovering that early Gothic architecture had been introduced into Italy by the French Cistercian monks about fifty years earlier than any one had supposed. I had visited in these hills the extraordinary monas- teries of Casamari and Fossanova, picturesque survivals, isolated microcosms in the hillside, which seem almost as if brought here bodily from Burgundy. And, by the way, a lover of the pic- turesque and of medieval architecture cannot find a more delightful excursion than to these two monasteries hidden away and unknown except 44 ROMAN CITIES to a half-dozen specialists. Once they had few, rivals in Italy; popes and cardinals came to con- secrate them. Great men like St. Thomas Aquinas lived and died in them. They were peopled with three hundred or four hundred monks and had daughter monasteries throughout central and southern Italy. I was then tracing in the neighboring towns the influence of this northern monastic Gothic on the natives, in their churches, town halls and houses. Alatri, Feren- tino and Anagni are particularly rich in secular Gothic; no more unspoiled even if quite simple palaces and houses remain in Italy, and the pic- turesque people and still more picturesque scen- ery made the quest a continuous and delightful series of surprises. But if the medieval spirit was strong in these towns, the prehistoric spirit was simply over- powering at Alatri, especially from the moment when one catches sight of the citadel wall while crossing the town, until, after passmg under one of its two antique doorways and up the steps or the long incline one stands on the edge of the ramparts and tries to recreate the scenes of the days of Tarquin. The hills are still so unchanged and the town so archaic and soft-toned that this does not require any strenuous imaginative feat. The three-stepped base of the old sanctuary. ROMAN CITIES 45 under the present cathedral, is beside us, and we have come through the old gate up into the abso- lute stUlness. The acropolis stood on the highest peak almost in the center of the town, and the city walls them- selves had a length of nearly three miles. We have no clue as to when either was built, but there are traces of earlier fortifications on the acropolis, — of a rough first wall of small extent and modest height, which did not much change the natural aspect of the ground; of a second wall not very different in extent and direction from the present one, though of less perfect workmanship. This, then, is the third acropolis. It is built in the most advanced technique of the polygonal style, with large blocks sometimes be- tween three and four meters long, perfectly fitted, without any crevices to be filled in with smaller material. Faces and beds are carefully prepared. The door jambs and corners are strengthened by setting the upper blocks with a diagonal inward slant, and the same slant given to the wall itself prevents dislocation from inter- nal thrust. For this third acropolis was given at its summit a broad expanse by making here a large artificial plateau at the highest level of the central peak after it had been quarried down. When we measure some of the blocks we begin 46 ROMAN CITIES to entertain quite a high opinion of the building capacity of these primitive engineers. The archi- trave over the main entrance is over five meters long, and nearly two meters wide. On the archi- trave of the minor gate is carved in the stone a group of three phalli; the two outer ones hori- zontal, the central one vertical. They had, of course, a religious meaning. Beside the two doorways with their passages leading into the bowels of the hiU, there is a curious group of three quasi-openings, three niches, in the south wall. They are probably consecrated to three gods of the city and may have contained emblems or sculptures. An inchned plane in a passage- way between two polygonal walls leads to the top from the main door; a flight of steps, in the same way, from the smaller one. There is, besides, one very remarkable pecu- liarity about the access to the top. At present the third and common way is, not through the inside but along the outside by a gesntly inclined plane which one is tempted to regard as modern because it nullifies the defensive qualities of the citadel. But, beside the existence of the antique retaining walls which bound and support it, we find a proof of its construction under the Romans. This is an inscription which I will give here because it is by all odds the best explanation ROMAN CITIES 47 of the way the prehistoric cities were transformed after they came under Roman rule. It reads : L. Betilienus L. F. Vaarus | Haec • quae • infera • scripta | Sont • de • senatu • sententia | iacienda • coiravit * semitas | in oppido • omnis ■ porticum • qua I in ■ arcem • eitur • campum • ubei 1 ludunt • hoTologium • macelum | basilicam • calecandam • seedes | lacum • balinearium • lacum ■ ad | portam • aquam ■ in • opidum -adou | arduom • pedes • CCCV • fornicesq | fecit • fistulas • soledas . fecit | ob • hasce • res • censorem • fecere ■ bis | senatus • fiUo • stipendia . mereta | ese • iousit • populusque • statuam | donavit • censorino. This magistrate Betilienus Varus then, carry- ing out a decree of the senate, appears to have quite transformed the interior of the city. He reconstructed all the streets, built a colonnaded portico from the main gate to the top of the citadel, including evidently the creation of the above esplanade supporting this portico. Below, in the town itself, he established a forum where games could be held, placed here a public sun dial and surrounded it with public buUdings, a market-haU, a basilica, public seats and a pubUc bath. He also built a large cistern near the city gate and, best of aU, brought water in on a high- pressure aqueduct at a height of three hundred and ten feet. The lead pipes had a diameter of ten centimeters and the source of the water sup- ply on Monte Paielli was hardly six feet higher than the outlet. There are only five other Roman high-pressure aqueducts known and this one at Alatri is much the earliest, the others^ be- " They are at Pergamon, Laodicea and Aspendos in Asia Minor, aad at Lyons and Ailes in France. 48 ROMAN CITIES ing of the imperial age. The most interesting fact is that this cistern and part of the aqueduct and of the portico have been found. The date of this transformation of Alatri is determined by the character of the inscription at about the time of the Gracchi, from 135 to 100 B.C. It has been determined that the colonnaded ascent had a pas- sage 4.12 meters wide, ascending along the north flank of the citadel and that the columns, placed about 2.52 meters apart, supported an architrave with a Doric frieze, similar in style to what was current under the Republic from North Etruria to Campania. I wiU refer only briefly to a small temple found, in very ruinous condition, outside the city gates. It was evidently of no importance, and is interesting only from the scarcity of the temples of the Republican era thus far unearthed. It had a single cella and a pronaos with only two columns on the front. The important part con- sists in the terra cotta decorations, which supple- ment those of Falerii in helping us to reconstitute the ornamental scheme of an Etruscan temple. It is reconstructed with its decoration and poly- chromy in the court of the Etruscan Museum (Villa Giulia) in Rome. Of the really impor- tant temples of Alatri not a trace has been found. 'if ^ %\ \^' M\ V -V t T&' Plate VII ROMAN CITIES 49 Feeentino At Ferentinum, the modern Ferentino, there is no such acropohs as at Alatri, but the city walls and gates are both better preserved, and also extremely curious in the way they show the juxta- position of Roman work of the early Republican period above the original cyclopean masonry. Alatri was much higher in the hiUs, at five hundred and two meters, while Ferentino was on a gentler slope overlooking the broad valley, at only three himdred and ninety-three meters, and a city of greater size and importance. The most imposing gate is now called Porta Sanguinaria. It originally either had a wooden architrave or was entirely of stone, and as it would have been impossible to span the doorway with a single block we must imagine in that case that the upper blocks projected and were cut back at their base, as in the gates of Signia and Arpinum, giving almost or entirely the effect of a pointed arch. We read in Livy that the Roman army in 413 B.C. attacked the Volscians at Feren- tinum, captured the city which they had recently taken and gave it back to their allies the Herni- cans, to whose territory it really belonged. Then, in 361 B.c.^ in an almost fratricidal war, the Romans captured it from the Hernicans. It was probably on one of these two occasions that the 50 ROMAN CITIES partial destruction of the walls and gates took place. They were doubtless restored at once and, the fashion of cyclopean masonry having gone out in the fourth century, or else the Romans not ever having practised it, the repairs were in the new style, similar to that of the Servian wall. The straight architrave over the gates was replaced by the round arch, such as was also current in Etruria. There was no attempt to temper the transition from one method to the other. The contrast is obvious and violent. Entirely of this later style and epoch is a most interesting and picturesque double gate below the walls. It is unique in this region, and per- haps the most important of its class in Italy. Only the arcades and their connecting walls re- main. The upper part has disappeared. It was built on the usual plan of forcing the enemy as he approaches to face his unprotected side toward the city wall. But it is unusual in this that it does not lead directly into the city but into an approach parallel with the wall, as we shall see at Segni — a modification of the primitive scheme of defense. The broad single arch leads into an inclosed square court, which was entered by a similar arch at the opposite end. It is of the sort of simple Janus gates that we must imagine to EOMAN CITIES 51 •fcave existed at Rome : of its massive superstruc- ture we can judge from the better preserved but somewhat later city gate at Aquinum (see p. 197) . It is a fine piece of simple-course ma- sonry and shows in what style the Ferentines would have built their city walls had they had the work to do shortly before or after 400 B.C. The method of complete alternate courses of headers and stretchers, here used, was current at least as early as the Servian walls and lasted until about the Augustan age, though displaced occasionally by the Hellenic type. There is a passage in Livy (IV, 61) relating to the Volscian wars in 404 b.c. in this valley and these hUls that needs quoting. "A pitched battle was fought with the Volscians between Ferentinum and Ecetra; the battle going in favor of the Romans, Artena, a Volscian city, was then laid siege to by the tribunes. During an attempt at a sally, the enemy was driven back into the town and an opportunity given to the Romans of forcing in, and every place was taken except the citadel. Into this fortress, well pro- tected by nature, a body of armed men retired. Beneath the fortress many were kiUed and cap- tured. The citadel was then besieged; but it could neither be taken by storm because it was held by a garrison sufficiently large to defend it. 52 ROMAN CITIES nor could it be forced to surrender, all the corn having been conveyed into the citadel before the city was taken ; and they would have retired from it, being worn out, had not a slave betrayed the fortress to the Romans. The soldiers being ad- mitted by him through a place difficult of access, took it; the guards being killed, the rest, panic- stricken, surrendered. After demolishing both the citadel and the city of Artena, the legions were led back from the Volscian territory; and the whole Roman power was turned against Veii. To the traitor, besides his freedom, the property of two families was given as a reward. His name was Servius Romanus." This is the fullest description I have seen of such a capture of a cyclopean city, and it helps to solve more than one puzzle. The so-called destruction could have been only partial, of course, and is an example of what probably hap- pened at Ferentinum. In fact, the site of the destroyed Artena, as well as of Ecetra, seems to have been identified. Then again, it illus- trates how important the citadel was in those cities, after the capture of the town. And finally we can explain from the extant ruins of the Hernican and Latin cities, the way in which the citadel of Artena was betrayed to the Romans. They were admitted "through a place difficult Ferentino, City Gate, fourth century, B. C. Segni, City Gate, before 500 B. C. Plate VIII ROMAN CITIES 53 of access": that is, they did not scale the wall, neither did they come through a gate: Now, there are in all these walls certain small doorways which are evidently not ordinary means of access. In the citadel at Alatri there is one opening at quite a height above the city level. There is one on the left side of the main gate in the walls at Norba and Signia, through which one enters a long subterranean passageway. There are others in the city walls of Ferentinum, Aletrium, Circeii and other cities. Those of Praeneste were fa- mous. The Etruscan sites hke Clusium (Chiusi)] are full of them. In fact, the ancient subsoil was honeycombed with vaulted passages whicK passed out through or beyond the walls. There are two theories : one considers them to be sewers or outlets for the water, to protect the walls from disintegration ; the other regards them as sally-ports by which the garrison could keep in touch with the outside or surprise the enemy. In my opinion most of them are saUy-ports ; the size of the opening and of the corridors proves it in a number of cases. We cannot teU what system was used to pro- tect these openings. But their existence solves in my mind the common objection to Livy's account of the way in which Camillus finally captured Veii. He is said to have done it by 54 ROMAN CITIES running a mine under the walls and into the cita- del itself, which, we are now told, would have been impossible to the engineers of that time. But if we can imagine that he gained entrance through one of these vaulted passages which led directly into the heart of the city, etiding under the temple of Juno Lucina, the difficulty dis- appears. It is probable that it was in this way also that Norba was betrayed to Sulla, and that Fidenae was entered when it is said by Livy to have been captured by the Romans in 435 B.C. by a mine which reached to the citadel. The doubt as to their use is by no means' modern. Even in the time of Augustus, Strabo speaks of the two uses I have mentioned in con- nection with Praeneste. He says "the city was everywhere perforated by concealed passages, some of which are for carrying off the water, others for sudden sorties, in one of which the younger Marius was caught and killed when Praeneste was captured by SuUa." This is re- ferred to by Appian. Anagni In one of those frank and charming letters that Marcus Aurelius as a boy wrote to his rather pedantic professor Fronto, he speaks of an excursion he made on horseback to Anag- ROMAN CITIES 55 nia from the villa of his adoptive father, Anto- ninus Pius, at Lanuvium. "It is a small ancient town," he says, "but contains many antiquities, especially shrines of divinities and sacred memo- rials. There is no corner without some sanctuary, some chapel or some temple, and there are many books on sacred subjects written on linen. Upon leaving the town we saw cut on both sides of the gate these words : Flamen Sume Samentum. I asked one of the men in the town what this meant, and he told me the words were in the old dialect of Latium, being a direction to the priest, when he entered the gates, to place on his head the httle piece of sacrificial hide which has been honored by tradition in the annals of the town. A great deal of other information, too, we were fortunate enough to obtain." This sacred bit of hide may have been from an animal sacrificed at the ceremony of founding the city. It was worked into a peculiar form of peaked head- dress, which some ancient works have reproduced on the heads of Roman priests. This passage is one of the most interesting cases of local ar- chaeology in Roman literature coming from the mouth of a "college student" of the second cen- tury of our era. Anagni makes, even now, a similar impression of intense religiousness. It was, during the Mid- 56 ROMAN CITIES die Ages, the birthplace and residence of several popes, and its episcopal palace and cathedral are reminiscent of the dastardly insult to Pope Boniface VIII by the envoys of King Philip le Bel, commemorated by Dante. But Anagni was not always as small and quiet a town as Marcus Aurelius found it. Even Virgil calls it dives Anagnia and Silvius Italicus describes it as pinguis, for its territory was rich and fertile. So we can think of it in the last days of the Republic when Cicero, Brutus and other prominent Romans owned places here, as not fallen completely into the obscurity that had swallowed up most of the earliest cities. But of course she made her mark in history in the cen- turies before her ill-judged revolt against Rome in 306 B.C. The ancient Anagnia of those days lay on the ridge of Monte Porciano above the point where the three highways from Rome joined to pass southward as one toward the Campanian bor- der. Strictly speaking, I should have described it first instead of last among the Hernican towns. But it has lost everything of the primitive period of its history. It was just above it, at Compitum Anagninum, near where the tribal shrine to Di- ana was built and where the great meeting plaqe of the Hernican people was, in what Livy caUs ROMAN CITIES 57 the Maritime Circus, that the Via Praenestina, after joining Rome to Praeneste, passed into the valley of the Trerus and was joined by the Via iLabicana and the Via Latina. This made Anag- nia the most important center as well as the capital city of the Hernicans. She guarded the neck of the valley on the north side of the river as Signia did opposite her on the south side. She is said to have sent aid to Rome in the fabulous days of King Tullus Hostilius, and was certainly the largest city in the valley. There is no reason to doubt that she was originally surrounded by the same kind of cyclopean waUs as Verulae, Signia, Aletrium and Ferentinum, but they seem to have entirely disappeared, — torn down, per- haps, in 306 B.C. The city resisted Pyrrhus when he advanced into Latium to attack Rome, and it was then probably surrounded by the walls we now see, which are among the most perfect of their class in Italy. They are built in regular courses of alternate headers and stretchers, of carefully tooled medium sized blocks of travertine, in the Hellenic rather than the Etruscan mode. Their circuit of irregular octagonal form can be fol- lowed almost completely, but only on the north side are they well preserved. In the center of this side is a particularly imposing section whicH 58 ROMAN CITIES gives the original height of the wall, built of eighteen courses 0.55 meter high. At this point the walls make a decided double curve, across which, some time after, but still in quite early Republican times, a straight platform or loggia was flung, supported by four high piers con- nected by round arches. Between the line of piers and the walls is an interesting early barrel vault- ing. On one of the piers is carved a phallus, the common religious emblem of the Hernican cult, and this rather leads to the supposition that this arcade was built to give the needed straight line bounding some sacred inclosure either above or below. The piers are bossed, a peculiarity not used in the walls, and at the spring of the arches there rise engaged columns with Doric plinths, on which rest square pilasters which must have supported some superstructure, perhaps an arch- itrave, connected with the shrine or public build- ing that overlooked the walls. This architectural feature of the structure has not, I think, been noticed. It is interesting, because so little detail of this early date remains in place in this part of Italy. The travertine blocks of the walls themselves have in their lowest courses, originally perhaps covered by earth, quite numerous ma- son's marks, which are among the most numerous and interesting of their class in pre- Augustan ROMAN CITIES 59 times. They can be compared with those at Castrimoenium (Marino), Tyndaris, Pompeii, Cumae, in the Servian wall at Rome, and at the Porta Augusta in Perusia. If we set these travertine walls beside those also of Roman ori- gin at Falerii, but built of the far coarser tufa and dating from about 240 B.C., the period of the Anagni wall seems decidedly earlier and this is confirmed by the character of the mason's marks. Perhaps their greatest interest lies in the use one might make of them in arguing as to the age of the Cyclopean style of polygonal masonry. Those among modern critics who do not believe in the early date of the cities of Central Italy with this style of walls, claim that the polygonal form of the blocks was due to the kind of stone used in this region, which naturally took this irregular form of cleavage in the quarries. They contend that had the soft tufa been the local stone here instead of limestone, the blocks would have been cut in quadrangular instead of po- lygonal shape. In their opinion the polygonal waUs and the straight-coursed walls may not only be contemporary, but the polygonal walls may be later; that they were in fact used almost untU imperial times. So these critics dub as childish fictions the claim of a pre-Roman epoch 60 ROMAN CITIES for the majority of extant polygonal ruined cities. Their arguments seem to me decidedly weak, and these walls of Anagni suggest one of these weaknesses. They are in the heart of the region of polygonal masonry and had it not gone out of fashion when they were built would have been in the polygonal and not in the straight- coursed style. It is not as if travertine was not occasionally used as well as limestone for polygonal work. It is seen, for example, at Saturnia. If there is a material suited for squared blocks and unsuited to polygonal hand- ling, it is the light, punky, volcanic tufa, that has no cleavage lines. In all other regions it is cut into squared blocks, but in the polygonal region of Latium it is sometimes tortured into polyg- onal and irregular shapes, as at Empulum and Tusculum. The most satisfactory explanation would seem to be that the different forms of the blocks were not caused by the different ways in which the various kinds of stone were easiest quarried, but were caused by different structural ideals and fashions. Segni All these Hernican cities were on the nortH side of the valley, but one naturally groups with them Signia, on the south side, not only because. ROMAN CITIES 61 thougH it is a Latin and not a Hernican city, it is built in a similar style to Alatri and Feren- tino, but because it joined hands with the Herni- can cities in the early wars. A sunrise from the top of Mount Soracte and from the acropolis at Segni are among the de- lights one remembers for many years. Signia is higher than any of the cyclopean cities we are studying, — higher even than Praeneste, — stand- ing over two thousand feet (six hundred sixty- eight meters) on the highest northern spur of the Volscian mountains, separated from the range by a narrow valley. A colony was sent here, according to Livy and Dionysius, by Tar- quinius Superbus in 510 B.C., and it was rein- forced or restored in 495. It stands on a spur which projects from the mountain at a height of five hundred sixty-seven meters, and then rises to six hundred sixty-eight meters at the extreme end where the city was built somewhat in the same way as Praeneste. The Aequians had passed in beyond it toward the Alban hills, reach- ing as far as Velitrae; and Artena, which the Romans destroyed in 406 in the way I have quoted from Livy, was midway between them. Its natural strength was phenomenal and we have no record of its ever having been captured. The modern town is ensconced in one corner 62 ROMAN CITIES of the ancient circuit of walls. These walls are among the most extraordinary and perfectly preserved in the whole cyclopean district. The ancient city was not as large as Anagnia, to which it corresponded as watch dog on the oppo- site side of the valley, or as Norba, which was its twin guardian on the other side of the moun- tain. The reason is evident. The site was not selected because it commanded a fertile plain. On the contrary, it was too far in the hills. It was mainly a mihtary station. The modern schools attribute its foundation and the building of its walls to about the year 495, when the Roman military camp was said to have been converted into a permanent military col- ony. In my opinion, however, the city pre- existed and simply received a Roman garrison at that time. How many centuries before this I would not venture to suggest; proba- bly two or three. Aside from the general proposition that I believe most walls of polygonal or cyclopean masonry to antedate this period of 495 B.C., two facts seem to me to point in this direction. These are: the city gates and the temple on the acropoUs. Three main gates have been identified. The most conspicuous one, pop- ularly called Porta Saracinesca, on the north side, is typical of them all. It is built of enormous ROMAN CITIES 63 blocks, carefully bedded, and the upper stone on each side cut diagonally so as to shorten the space necessary to be covered by the architrave block. When we remember that the gates of Cosa and Norba were built apparently for wooden architraves, which was certainly a dis- advantage and a defect in construction, it is a temptation to see in this scheme at Segni a later device to secure an all-stone gateway. But when we remember also the great age of the gaUery at Tiryns with its similar arrangement, and the primitive gate at Arpinum, it seems more likely that the two schemes belonged rather to different schools than to different ages. This Porta Saracinesca is interesting for its pecuhar relationship to the city wall. It is not an opening in the walls, but built on at right angles to them, with the object of forcing the enemy to expose their unprotected right side in an attack, according to the scheme already no- ticed in the round-arched gate at Ferentino. It produces a short angle, breaking the circuit- curve of the walls, and marks an advance in me- thod: the other gates, such as those of S. Pietro and in Lucino, are built on the same scheme. A sally port with flat architrave opens in the walls not far from the Porta Saracinesca to the east, and a second one farther on in the waU. The waU 64 ROMAN CITIES circuit has the primitive characteristic of not be- ing buUt in the least on a level but of following the undulations of the hill. The arrangement at Norba with its artificial terraces and levels is far less archaic. This is another argument for the antiquity of the wall of Segni, as the terraces at Norba seem to date from about 490 B.C. Signia, therefore, antedates the arrival of the Romans. The acropolis is comparatively insignificant, and the main defense must have been the city walls. Here, however, are two notable buildings, the cistern and the temple, which stand close together. The cistern is an enormous circular well, with a diameter of about sixty-five feet (21.50 meters), built not of polygonal ma- sonry like those in other cyclopean cities, but of quadrangular blocks of peperino on a foundation of opus signinum. As to the temple there is a heated controversy which makes of it one of the crucial monuments of the early Roman age. It rises on a three-stepped basement such as has been claimed to form the base for the open-air hieron or shrine of the primitive Latins, Sabines and other Italian races before the introduction of temples. These triple, pyramidal bases for worship can be traced in a number of early sites in Samnium, Sabina and elsewhere, but this one at Signia is not only well preserved but supports ROMAN CITIES 65 an antique temple cella which has been con- verted into a church still in use. The basement, about ten feet high, is of the same polygonal blocks of white limestone as the walls, with the greater approach to horizontality required to pass to the flat top line and the square corners. But the temple cella resting on it is built of squared peperino blocks in regular courses, such as we have already noted in the cistern. It has lost the columns which probably formed its portico, but the cella walls are still intact. It is by far the earliest known temple cella in Latium or Etru- ria, antedating any other by two or three cen- turies. It has a triple division to prove its dedication to the Roman Capitoline triad then introduced. I think all authorities agree in dat- ing it from about the time of the establishment of the Roman colony in 510 or 495 B.C. The only difference of opinion is whether its triple foun- dation is contemporary or earlier, and whether the cella replaced a primitive open-air shrine. Prob- ably the cella has lost its decorative features of stucco and terra-cotta, which we migjat supply from the finds at Satricum, Alatri and Civita Castellana or even Capua. It gives us, at all events, another solid fact upon which to base re- constructions of temples of the age of the Tar- quins. I believe that the triple base is earlier than 66 ROMAN CITIES the temple cella, and that the Romans, not using polygonal masonry, brought the volcanic peper- ino from a distance in order to use it for their course masonry in the new Capitolium cella, as weU as in the cistern. The local limestone could not readily be used, as we know, for course masonry. Here, again, it was the style that determined the choice of material, not the reverse. At the same time (c. 495?) the Romans added to the walls and built a double city gate with arched openings: all of peperino squared blocks. This gate formed the main approach of the new colony. It has been destroyed, but we may infer that it resembled the arched gate of Ferentino. Ill The Via Appia and the Cities of the Pontine Plain The Via Appia intersects the happy hunting grounds of the Latin people, as it takes its way in wavy straightness from Rome toward Alba and then after leaving the first spurs of the Volseian hills on its left shoots straight as a bullet across the Pontine plain to the southern boundary of Latium at Terracina. Built by Appius Claudius in 312 B.C., it was the first of the great highways inaugurated by Rome to bind her yoke on an already subjugated region. It marked the close of the long struggle with the Volscians, the dissolution of the Latin league and the subjugation of Campania. To pass along it even now, as we easily can in an automobile, or on a long-tailed horse, loping and Campagna bred, or in an antique diligence, is to see on either side nearly all the ancient sites that made the drama of earliest Roman history. On our way to the Alban hills we pass on the left Collatia, so soon absorbed by Rome ; on the right Politorium,Tellene and Bovillae, early Latin 67 68 ROMAN CITIES towns of small size that soon fell into obscurity. Around the crater of the mountain were grouped, after the destruction of Alba, the important cities of Tusculum and Lanuvium, near which was the famous national shrine of Diana at Lake Nemi, where so many wonderful finds of the early Em- pire have recently been made. Just beyond it on a spur was Velitrae, at times a Volscian city, at times a Latin-Roman fortress, founded in about 500 B.C. to stem the tide of the Volscians' invasion when these tribesmen saucily placed a stronghold on nearby Mount Algidus, by which they threat- ened the seat of the Latin race. The Appia then spans the gap between the Alban hills and the Volscian range of the Monti Lepini, a picturesque spur of the Apennines running parallel to the main range along the edge of the Pontine plain untU it reaches the coast and the mountains at Terracina. We are still in the foothills. If we look seaward to our right we can place, near the water, Laurentum and Lavinium, earlier than Rome and even earlier than Alba, the sacred city from which the penates, or household gods, came to Rome. Then, only six miles farther, Ardea of the Rutuli, an impor- tant seaport, another of the primitive Latin cities and next to Rome and Alba the largest in La- tium. Its circuit of tufa walls, built in part n "I'L v^ •~\ /? f- .p. ^ Or X Plan of Xorl-a (niins dating- from ciglith (?) to fourth centuries B.C.) Plate IX ROMAN CITIES 69 Kke the stretch of Servian wall on the Esquiline, can stiU be traced. The insignificant Pollusca and Longula were farther inland ; and nine miles beyond, set frankly on a rocky point of the coast line, Antium, which after being a Latin city became the metro- polis, the richest city and northern bulwark of the Volscians, almost the rival of Rome, when they overran southern Latium and occupied the Pontine plain. Here the struggle with the Vol- scians was fiercest; here and on a parallel line drawn inland toward the mountains past Satri- cum, which also passed shuttlecock fashion from Latins to Volscians. Little appears of Ardea beside a few bits of wall. But recent excavations at Satricum have uncovered best of all the fa- mous historic shrine of Mater Matuta outside of the city, in whose ruined stratifications, burn- ings and rebuildings, all traceable in the temple area, we see an epitome of these historic strug- gles in their various stages. The plan of the temple is Greek, not Etruscan, and it is perhaps the farthest north of any Greek temple. Helle- nic is also the art of the terra-cottas from the different temples, now preserved in the Papa Giulio Museum. I saw them soon after the discovery and the coloring was wonderfully pre- served. 70 ROMAN CITIES In this neighborhood are some of the thick tangled macchie which were the refuge of male- factors, but so unhealthy as to be more deadly than a papal prison. Here begins the real Pontine plain, now a dreary pestilential marshland, then as fertile in its way as the proverbial valley of the Tigris and Euphrates, and fallen as low in its estate. We can follow its border from Satricum through modern Cisterna to the mountain range below the rock of Norba. But as we stand once more on the Via Appia at this point, we must not forget that on our left, some five miles back, we have left high up on the mountain side the ancient Latin city of Cora with its well preserved triple circuit of polygonal walls and its very early bold bridge. When the Volscian invasion threatened upper Latium from the south Cora was not con- sidered a sufficient protection and as an outpost Norba was selected, and it is Norba that will mainly furnish us with the means of judging these Latin cities of the middle period. In the plain, too, Suessa Pometia was built, a large and wealthy city, but not strong enough to escape repeated capture and early destruction. From below Norba, the Appia, keeping strictly to the plain, begins its arrow-like flight in abso- lute straightness across the Pontine plain to the ROMAN CITIES 71 sHrine of Feronia near Anxur-Terracina. At present a depressing, sometimes fabulously beau- tiful, sometimes ghoulishly slimy and repellant stretch, it was always more or less unhealthy and marshy from the time of the late Republic. Aside from the picturesque and rocky Volscian hills on the left and the Ausonian mountains into which they dimly melt as they curve east- ward, there is nothing to see but the rank and tall vegetation that hides the sea line on the right, the sluggish miasmatic canals and, directly in front, rising superbly out of the haze, the rock of Circe, Mount Circeii, almost parallel with in- visible Terracina. In the thickets of this marsh- land there is a great variety of game — wild boar, wild duck, partridges, quail — and even now and then there emerges either a solitary tawny bull, or groups of the superb half -wild campagna cattle with their centaur-like shaggy-legged guardian cattlemen, who will survive long after the western cowboy will have sunk into innocuous desuetude. Until one enters here upon the real marshland the hills have sent out ridges into the plain hke the exposed roots of some large trees, but at and beyond Norba the rocks sink abruptly into the flatness below. One can throw a stone from the polygonal walls of Norba to fall nearly fifteen hundred feet straight into the springs of Ninfa. 72 ROMAN CITIES Even along the mountain line, tHougH a spot' peculiarly sacred to their race, the Latins were obliged at this point to let go their hold. It was just here that in the old legend Saturn found a hiding place when he was expelled by Jupiter from heaven and gave civilization to the earth. From this latibulum the land was called Latium, say these fabulists, and from the god Saturnia. His earliest historic shrine was by them said to be near Setia. Setia, the next city to Norba, though strongly walled and strongly set on its rock, was occupied, it would seem, by the Vol- scians and not recovered until their power was broken, in 382 or 383 b.c.^ when it again received a Roman colony. Cyclopean walls, citadel cir- cuit, bastion, temple sites can be studied here, though less perfectly than either at Cora or Norba. Setia commanded the first wide valley that leads deep into the Volscian hills and con- nects with the valley of the Sacco, the ancient Tolerus. Through this valley the Volscians poured into the Pontine plain from the northeast at some unknown time after 500, when Rome had been weakened by the expulsion of the Tarquins and the loss of Etruscan support. Near the mouth of the valley stood Setia on the west and Privernum on the east, both of which the Vol- scians captured. Privernum they kept until th^ ROMAN CITIES 73 end, when Rome punished its obduracy by forc- ing the inhabitants in 318 B.C. to leave their hill city and build a defenseless one in the vaUey. Its ruins still exist, most inviting to the excavator, for it not only has monuments of the late Repub- lican age, but superb sculptures of the time ofl Augustus and Tiberius. The favorite viUa of Sejanus was here. I remember how one day years ago as I was on my way to see a primitive fort built by the Volscians at the neck of the valley, I listened to the song of a shepherd who was herding on the southern slope below the ruins of this villa. The first of the words to his song were: Marciano, Marciano Tutte le pecore son 'di Sejano. The name of Sejanus and of his head herds- man! Strange survival of a local tradition for perhaps nineteen centuries! Soon after passing by this opening in the range we reach the ruins of the famous shrine of Feronia, at the end of the last spur before Terra- cina. Here were fountain, grove and shrine, referred to by Virgil and Horace, founded, it was said, by Lacedemonians led to emigrate from Sparta out of discontent with the severe laws of Lycurgus. Now the marshland ends, and leav- ing Circeii towering to the right^ we enter the 74 ROMAN CITIES city which the ancients called both Anxur and Terracina. Here was the southern frontier of Latium in the earliest times. Here were located some of the earliest legends. Here the magician Circe changed into a woodpecker her lover Picus, son of Saturn and king of the Ausonians. Under the Tarquins it was still Latin, but fell to the Volscians with the rest of southern Latium and was kept by them for nearly a century and a half. It is interesting to look across at Mount Circe and remember that while Terracina was still Volscian the Romans must have raided that mountain in 393 B.C., turned it into a fortress and a thorn in the side of the Volscians even though their communications with it could be only by sea until the conquest of the Volscians had been completed. In fact, as Norba had been a defensive bul- wark for Rome at the beginning of the struggle at the north end of its area, Circeii was placed as an offensive wedge in the south at its close. The two fortresses illustrate different types and periods and I shall study Circeii after Norba, Both are in splendid preservation. Long before the building of the Appian way there had existed another great road in this region. In fact, the Appia had serenely disre- ROMAN CITIES 75 garded every city between Velitrae and Terra- cina. Cora, Norba, Setia, Privernum had all to be reached by long stretches of special roadways branching from it. The Roman road was, we see, not designed for local communication, but as a great inter-provincial artery to establish communication with Campania and to insure the free despatch of troops from Rome to any south- ern point. From this time forward the inter- mediate cities were to steadily diminish in size and importance. They were no longer needed as fortresses in a completely friendly country. The loss of independence sent the more ambitious and able to Rome and other large centers. With the abandonment of the old system of free agri- culture and the substitution of slave labor and large estates came the neglect of the old network of underdrainage. Soon after there commenced the gradual subtle inroads of malaria, reaching up farther and farther from the coast line and from the south. The source of the wealth of the old towns failing, they first became fossilized and then decayed. But we are not concerned with this decay that went on during the third and second centuries B.C. What these antique cities represent in his- tory is a stage of culture corresponding in Rome to the age of the kings and the earliest Republic. 76 ROMAN CITIES It was then that they lived their full life. At that time a highway was built not on the plain but quite high above it, more than half way up the mountain side. It first connected Velitrae with the cities of the Alban hill and Rome itself and then joined Velitrae to the Volscian hillside at Cora. Then leaving Cora it crossed a torrent by a bridge which even as it stands is of the Re- publican age, — perhaps pre-Appian, — for it is constructed of three superposed lines of archi- volts like the Cloaca Maxima. It followed the hillside to Norba, rising to its gates in zigzags and then passing out and down to the narrow valley of the Visciola. Its line can be traced not only to Setia but beyond until it debouches above the Amaseno valley in front of Privernum. I do not believe that any one before myself had tracked continuously the line of this pre- Appian highway. I had it surveyed over the entire stretch from Cora to Setia. It was no easy job to trace it on account of the many early polygonal retaining walls that still hned the hill- side and others that in the distance fooled one into thinking them ancient. It is now quite a general opinion that these ancient retaining walls were the foundations for lines of buildings along the hillside. I shall refer to them later. Of course the highway was also supported by a line o Ph Plate X ROMAN CITIES 77 of walls which diif ered from the roughest of the early city walls only in their superior roughness. After certain preliminary rambles from Norba as a center I started from Cora to really make a consecutive tracing of the road and walked all the way to Terracina. When I got there my shoes were all askew and my feet huddled into their right sides from walking steadily on a steep slant for four days in one direction, so that while I was inclined to give myself up for my return to the luxury of the stuffy diligence, I was obliged, in order to restore their shape, to walk back along the same hillsides ! My consequent intimacy with these hillsides certainly had one good result. Nothing else would have given me so strong and close a sense of the antique life here in prehistoric times. In thinking of these cities we must eliminate our ideas of modern life and even of Roman life — ■ the life of the city. For these Latins, Hernicans and Volscians, the life was that of the country, strange as this may seem when we look at their grandiose walled cities. The cities held, it is true, most of the temples; the acropolis or citadel on the highest point was supplemented by one or two enormously strong lines of walls, sometimes concentric, sometimes in superposed terraces. iThe circuit of the walls was in some cases twOj, 78 ROMAN CITIES three or even four miles in length, so that Tiryns and Mycenae were small in comparison. And yet we must look upon these cities as mainly the refuge of the inhabitants in times of danger and the center of their government. The hfe was essentially agricultural; more so than that of most other groups of peoples in Italy, though they had rivals in the Umbrians and Sabines. There was not the development of art, of com- merce and of industry that we find on either side of them in Etruria and in Campania or even in Latium. No fleets brought imported works, no pampered aristocracy existed, no luxurious works of art were produced. It was a plain, hard-working people. For them the unit remained the territory, the land. The city was mainly the means by which it could be kept. Here as elsewhere not only each city but each territory was marked out by a ditch and consecrated by the priesthood, — a gen- eral Italic custom. Where the highway entered the territory it was often defended by a fortress. I found these unique and primitive polygonal blockhouses on the border lines between Priver- num and Setia, between Setia and Norba and be- tween Cora and Norba. I do not believe they have ever been noticed or at least recognized as forts.^ ' They can be traced elsewhere, however. Near Amiternum is a Cyclopean wall nearly forty feet high connected, with the ROMAN CITIES 79 In the plain, other blockhouses defended the approaches to the hiUside, like that below Norba, just above the station. It was outside the walls, along the hillside, that line upon line of farm- houses supported by the retaining walls I have mentioned were built; and to each citizen was probably assigned a lot on the Pontine plain below, from which came aU the agricultural wealth of the commiinity. We can well imagine the temporary wattled huts in the plain and on the hillside, after the type of the cabin urns, be- cause such huts are stiU built by the herders and shepherds for the same purposes, not only on the Pontine plain but north of Rome in the corre- sponding stretches of the Maremme. Several passages show that in times of peace a large part of the people not only stored their produce but lived outside the walled towns, in villages, farm- houses and viUas, the destruction of which is recorded. So that beside these primitive huts we must visualize the hillsides as thickly sprinkled with more substantial buildings. In all this region where now hardly a soul is to be seen there were several hundred thousand people in the period between the fourth and the eighth cen- turies before Christ. natural rock of a ravine whose purpose of marking the boundary between the Sabines and the Vestini was marked even in Roman times by a terminal cippus inscribed FINES SABINORVM. 80 ROMAN CITIES Researches by M. de la Blanchere have given some inkling of the painstaking and efficacious methods by which these ancient tribesmen worked their land and made of the present desert a gar- den. He discovered elaborate networks of pas- sages, some of which were large enough for a man to explore, and built of well constructed stonework. They were evidently intended to use for carrying off water and for underdraining the lowlands where water would otherwise stand. This careful system made it possible to utilize every inch of ground and it honeycombed the whole district from the Alban hiUs to Terracina. There is an abundance of material in this region. Both Cora and Setia have magnificent remains of their polygonal walls and foundations of temples of the early period, and at Cora there are two temples of the Hellenistic age. Some- thing remains of the Privernum of the Republic, though the site of the cyclopean city was so well destroyed by the vindictive Romans that it has not even been located. But in this wealth I shall concentrate on Norba, on Circeii and Terracina, for though I am tempted to speak of Satricum, all that was interesting there has been removed and the site is too unhealthy to visit. NORBA I once spent about two months in a survey of ROMAN CITIES 81 the ruins of Norba, on a daily diet of cold pork chops. To be sure the porkers were raised on the spot. In fact, their favorite abiding place for centuries had been a large and mysterious cavern that seemed to extend from the face of the cliff overhanging the plain into the heart of the city in the direction of the main group of temples. I was curious to know whether it could actually have reached under the foundations of the temples and connected with their favissae, for then I hoped to find a mass of broken pottery, utensils, and offerings thrown down by the priests during several centuries. But my curi- osity could never be satisfied. Each time I was driven back by legions of predatory fleas, in- stalled there from generations in harmony with the pigs. The combination was too strong. Norba seemed then to me and still seems the most promising of the ruined cities of early times in Italy. I once hoped to excavate it and some day I may teU the story of why this could not be done. Spurred on by our survey, the Italian Department of Fine Arts, after denying to our School of Classical Studies the privilege of com- pleting the survey by some modest excavations, proceeded itself to excavate. Its archaeologists have all, apparently, joined the phalanx of those who believe in the late date of these polygonal 82 ROMAN CITIES cities, and in their excavations they seem to have mainly concerned themselves with discovering proofs that Norba was not founded before 492 B.C., when the Roman colony was sent there. In fact they tried to prove that it was a thor- oughly Roman city. Now, it is recognized by Roman historians as a general custom in the establishment of Roman colonies that wherever possible they were sent to already existing cen- ters of population. There are hardly any excep- tions to this rule. It was a peculiarity which distinguished the Romans from the Greeks, who were in the habit of choosing fresh sites. The passage of Livy reads, in the year 492, "et Velitris auxere numerum colonorum Romani et Norbae in montis novam coloniam, quae arx in Pomptino esset^ miserunt." There is nothing in its wording to prove that Norba did not preexist. The corresponding passage in Dionysius of Halicarnassus shows how we should interpret it, for, after speaking of the reinforcing of the colony at Velitrae, he says: "A few days after, a new colony was sent to Norba, a city of the Latin people of considerable importance." This qualification applied to Norba proves that in the opinion of Dionysius and his sources Norba was already a well known city before 492 B.C. Now, if archseologists set aside preconceived notions to ROMAN CITIES 83 the contrary, they will easily find proofs of this in the ruins themselves, and see just how the Roman colonists enlarged and strengthened the older city after their advent. The situation of Norha is not only strong, on a ridge jutting out southward, but it combines the abrupt and dramatic picturesqueness of stony slopes and naked ledges with a background of richly wooded hills and with the soft and veiled monotony of the moist plain and distant sea line. The descent to the springs of Ninfa that bubble out of the base of its limestone cliff, fifteen hun- dred feet below, is so steep as to be almost perpen- dicular. Its ridge makes a break in the long line of the Volscian hills, and it was far better suited than either Cora or Setia to check the Volscians. A short and poorly run local railroad, almost unused by foreigners or even by Italian tourists, runs southeast from Rome to Terracina. It is a unique experience to get out of the train at the Norba* station and to find oneself at the gates of the medieval town (if Ninfa, abandoned since the fourteenth century on account of malaria. Many years ago Gregorovius vividly described in his ' The excursion to Norba is an easy one from Rome. The morning train gives plenty of time to visit the ruins, lunch there or at the modern village of Norma and return by the afternoon train to Rome. By writing beforehand to the "Sindaco" of Norma, a mount and a guide will meet one at the station. M ROMAN CITIES Journal the gorgeous colors of the flowers and vines that ahnost conceal the masses of its ruined unroofed churches and monasteries, walls and towers. Around and through it stand rather than move the waters of the famous stream ad Nymphas that give to it its name, still frequented by many enthusiastic fishermen for its large and delicately flavored trout. There are some dim frescoes on the walls of one church. The little town hall is even in fair preservation ; but the only sign of modern life is a mill. We cannot be cer- tain of it, but it is quite probable that when ancient Norba on the cliff" above was destroyed, the few survivors were forced as a punishment to build in the plain a town that could not be easily defended. A causeway zigzags up the steep mountain until in about two miles it passes near the ancient city and on to the modern Norma which has adopted its name and was probably settled not much before the Renaissance by the fever- stricken refugees from Ninfa below. For up here they are far above the dangerous fever zone. Even before starting up the causeway from the plain, the eye perceives traces of the pre- historic city: a sort of blockhouse that defended the approaches from the lowlands, long and fugitive lines of polygonal masonry striating the slope at various levels, and having evidently ROMAN CITIES 85 served as foundations for the numerous villas or farming establishments that formed a sort of suburb to the fortified city and were the head- quarters for the cultivation of the territory in the plain. Before we reach the ruins the old passage in Appian's history of the civil war prepares us. It is dramatic in its brief simplicity. He is tell- ing of the last days of the struggle between Marius and Sulla, when the Italian common- wealths, which had practically all of them sided with the defeated democratic party of Marius, were being decimated or destroyed. After the destruction of Praeneste, Norba was last in the hopeless struggle, besieged by Sulla's general, Aemilius Lepidus. He could not capture it, but "was admitted in the night by treachery. The inhabitants were maddened by this treason. Some killed themselves or fell on each other's swords, others strangled themselves with ropes. Still others closed the gates and set fire to the town. A strong wind fanned the flames, whicH so far consumed the place that no plunder was left in it. In this way did these stout-hearted men perish," This is the requiem of Norba worthy to stand beside the defense of Saguntum. Since that time, 82 B.C., it has not been lived in as a town. The principal signs of later life are the 80 ROMAN CITIES villas of some Romans of the Empire and a few medieval graves. Sulla probably gave the site to one of his followers, as he did other cities that he destroyed, or else it was auctioned off to the highest bidder. What we shall see then, at Norba, is earlier than 82 B.C. This is not the opinion of the Government archaeologists, who believe that temples and city were rebuilt under the Empire. This seems more than doubtful to me, any more than the Byzantine fragments prove a medieval township. As we approach it we can trace the ancient pre- Appian road that joined it to its two neighbors on either side, to Cora on the side toward Rome and to Setia in the direction of Terracina. We enter Norba by a large fortified gateway on the southeast corner, defended on the right by a large circular bastion. The wall circuit of about seven thousand feet with its gateways is prac- tically complete. In comparison with later cities it is not large, and is, of course far smaller than great Etruscan cities like Veii. Standing on the summit of a rocky ledge, there has been in all these two thousand years but a slight accumula- tion of earth over the site; several streets with their sidewalks, three temple groups, the city reservoir, several well and treasure chambers, some civil buildings and the walls which divide Norba, Bastion in Second Circuit Cori, Temple of Hercules Plate XI ROMAN CITIES 87 thie city into terraces can still be seen inside the walls. The special fascination of Norba, aside from its situation, is its state of desertion. Its only use is to grow grain. There is no modern and medieval city obliterating the old. Run a pointed stick a foot into the ground and you may hit the ancient sidewalk. The original street is almost on the surface. We can see exactly how the dif- ferent levels were obtained by lines of artificial terraces supported by retaining walls of the same Cyclopean construction as those of the outer city. I do not believe that on any other ancient Itahan site north of Magna Graecia, the city walls inclose so many traces of buildings. The special points of interest are the two towers or bastions, one circular and the other square; the two acropolis hills with their build- ings; the hillock overlooking the Pontine plain; the large and small cisterns; the various gates and posterns, with their subterranean passages. It is very unusual to meet with towers in Cyclopean city walls. Beside these at Norba none have been noticed except the far more nu- merous and regularly disposed towers at Cosa and the possible bastion at Alatri. They are certainly a sign of a more advanced military science, and I should assign these at Norba to 88 ROMAN CITIES the time of the arrival of the Roman colonists. The city must then have been enlarged and this was done on the side opposite the Pontine plain by the construction of an artificial terrace ex- tending from the main gate (Porta Maggiore) with the circular bastion at least as far as the next main gate, the Porta Signina, As the city level along this line was not much above the surround- ing ground the wall was made unusually high and was strengthened at its principal angle by a projecting square bastion, which is the largest as well as the earliest of its class in ancient Italy .^ It is nearly forty feet wide at its base and stiU rises to a height of about forty feet. Some of its stones are ten and twelve feet long. How much higher it originally was cannot be determined, but both wall and tower must have risen considerably above the level of the terrace. It has been asserted that this was not so: that in no case in these cyclopean fortifications did the waUs rise above the interior level of the city. The walls of Norba are conclusive evidence to the contrary. Along nearly the whole northeast side we find a second wall running parallel to the outer wall; the space between was filled up and * Dennis asserted that while at Cosa, Volterra and Rusellae the walls rose ahove the inner level, this never was done in the cities of the Latin, the Volscian and the Hernican hills. ROMAN CITIES 89 the level of tHe chemin de ronde was readied by inclined planes and staircases of which undoubted traces remain, marked also by breaks in the inner wall. What is true of Norba was probably true of other cities. We shall find it true, somewhat later, at Circeii. Of course, for the greater part of their height the city walls, here and elsewhere, were merely retaining walls, banked with earth or built against the natural hillside. There is everywhere a considerable batter. The use of the circular bastion at the Porta Maggiore is an even greater sign of advanced miUtary knowledge. Until quite a late date the Romans clung to the far inferior form of square towers whose angles could so easily be dislocated by attacking machinery. It was from the far more scientific Orient that the more invulnerable circular bastion may have come into use in Italy in the same way as it was re-introduced into Eu- rope from the Orient at the time of Richard Coeur de Lion and Philip Augustus by the engineers of the returning crusaders. This circular tower at Norba has, therefore, an historic interest, as ap- parently the first of its type in Italy and the west. The gate it defends is about twenty-five feet wide and could hardly have been spanned by a stone architrave even with the device used at Signia: so we must complete it with a wooden 90 ROMAN CITIES beam which was undoubtedly consumed by the fire of 82 B.C. I discovered, by the way, numer- ous traces of this fire among the ruins of the city. I imagine that before the Roman colonists of 492 B.C. built this new stretch of wall with its great gate, the main entrance to Norba had been just around the corner to the southwest where a gate of considerable size (Porta Ninfina) stands just below the minor acropolis. The early road which enters here bifurcates in two directions, one descending to the plain, the other keeping on the upper slope. Inside both these gates I noticed certain walls connected with them and with the city walls which formed a sort of irregular place d'armes or court which could be defended in case the enemy stormed the gates. It is the embryo of what the Roman engineers before the Augustan age developed into an architecturally symmetrical inner court such as we shall see at Cosa, at Spello, at Aosta and several other cities. Another addition to the city by the Roman colonists may have been all that part toward the cliffs overlooking the Pontine plain which is beyond the long line of inner bastions. This in- cludes the hillock on which stood the temple of Juno, which is partly artificially formed with materials that cannot be of earlier date. ROMAN CITIES 91 This means, of course, that the internal arrangements and levels of the city on this side were changed. The two centers of the primitive city seem to be undoubtedly the two acropolis hills. That on the very outer edge of the city, immediately to the left as one enters Porta Maggiore, is quite small and holds nothing but two temples with their sacred inclosure or temenos. Each temple seems to have had a sep- arate approach ; that on the right by a staircase, that on the left by an inclined plane. Their stylobates still stand intact, but all the super- structure has disappeared. Stylobates, temenos waU and encirchng walls are all of polygonal Cy- clopean masonry. From fragments of columns and terra-cottas it is evident that the temples were rebuilt in the second or third century B.C., and that they were of the usual type of cella and pronaos with columns first of wood covered with terra-cotta and then of stuccoed stone. Evidently this was a sacred hill; not the arx or citadel, which stood on the larger acropolis hill farther north. On the citadel hill, also, there was a temple. In the case of the others we cannot say to what deities they were dedicated, but the excavations have shown that this was a temple of Diana. An archaic head which originally belonged to her 92 ROMAN CITIES cult-statue is in the style of the sixth century and is another proof of Norba's preexisting the [Roman colony. To give Diana a supreme posi- tion was quite natural to the Latins and cognate tribes. The shrine of Diana at Nemi near Aricia Twas the national religious center of the Latin league ; that of the Hernican cities was the shrine of Diana at Compitum; the attempt by the Tar- quins to make Rome the arbiter of Latium was marked by the building of a national Latin shrine to Diana on the Aventine. So it would not be out of place to consider this temple at iNorba as the original shrine of the city previous to the advent of the Roman colony, and to con- sider the other temples as later. Perhaps the temple of Juno in the new part of the city over- looking the plain was the shrine of the new colonists. At the foot of the acropolis is an enormous open cistern, nearly one hundred feet square, which supplied the whole city with water. It is built of the usual polygonal masonry, but the stones instead of being simply laid up dry are bedded in cement. The floor also is of heavy cement which I have had analyzed and which seems of pecuHar interest since it is about the ear- liest known mixture on a large scale for a water- tight floor. Of course there are other small cis- ROMAN CITIES 93 terns in different parts of the city. One of quite primitive construction is in the sacred acropolis, for the use of the priests of the temples. It is a circular well, vaulted in the usual primitive pseudo-domical way by projecting horizontal courses of masonry. Another cistern, less an- cient, is of peculiar constructive interest because its covering is formed of two intersecting barrel vaults of unusual construction, showing a primi- tive and tentative use of this method of attaining a sort of cross-vaulting. It is in its small way the most interesting piece of construction in Norba, and is situated southwest of the large cistern. Almost parallel with the city walls on the side facing the Pontine plain is the line of retaining walls which divided the lower and newer from the middle and older city, supporting a terrace which joined the level of the hillock of the tem- ple of Juno. Between blocks this terrace was reached from the lower city by inclined planes which connected the streets of the two sections. This difference of levels added picturesqueness to the city. It would not be possible or interesting to give a technical demonstration of the various styles of Cyclopean masonry used in the walls of Norba, nor to attempt a chronological arrangement of 94 ROMAN CITIES them. I hope to do this some time in a more technical study. One thing is interesting; that the quarries for the stone were found partly, if not wholly, on the site itself. They can be located both on the northeast and southwest sides within the waUs. Another thing is that the least ancient part of the walls, that on the northeast, is also the least well preserved; it has been partly dis- located by the pressure of the artificial terrace behind it, and partly cast down to the level below. Before leaving Norba I must say a word about its necropolis, because hereby hangs a tale. While I was at work there, a peasant brought me a few objects from a tomb of the iron age which interested me extremely because thus far not a trace had been discovered of the necropolis of Norba. I could not get any clue from him as to the spot where these things were found. Needless to say, I prospected on all sides of Norba for traces of tombs and found none. When the government archaeologists decided to excavate here they not only examined the entire neighborhood but dug trial trenches in all likely spots. They went northward toward the hills and southward to- ward the plain without finding a trace. Then to the southeast, after descending to the plain and beginning to rise again toward Sermoneta, a necropolis was discovered of considerable ex- ROMAN CITIES 95 tent and of very early date. In fact the objects found belonged to the iron age. They were several centuries earlier than the date settled upon by the government archaeologists as that of the founding of Norba and could not very weU be dated later than the eighth or seventh cen- turies. Some ruined tombs were found above the monastery of Valvisciolo. Evidently the similar objects brought to me years before by the peasant had been from this necropohs. Vade retro Sata- nas! Avaunt! These graves must not, cannot, be of the inhabitants of Norba. It mattered not that they are in just the position we should expect them to be from the analogy of Etruscan cities, where the necropolis is not usually in the hUl on which the city itself is built, but on the nearest available slope. It mattered not that the govern- ment archaeologists had themselves proved there was no necropolis in any other direction. It mat- tered not that the distance between ISTorba and this necropolis was less than in a number of Etruscan cities. Norba must go without any necropolis whatever rather than that the pet theory that Norba was not founded until 492 B.C. should be overthrown! And so they invented a hypothetical town, a small one to be sure, but a town earlier than Norba, marked by a few waUs on the hill- 96 ROMAN CITIES side not far above this necropolis. It so Happens that they were not the first to discover these walls ; both my surveyor and I studied them and decided that they were not of early date, but were probably put up in the Middle Ages for the pro- tection of the Cistercian abbey of Valvisciolo! It seems to me quite clear that in these tombs we should recognize that part of Norba's necropolis in which its earher inhabitants were buried and that further researches in this region will prob- ably bring to light the later tombs, at a greater distance. It was a great pleasure to me while at ISTorba to do the honors of the place to the Government Archseological Commission which came down to investigate the work I was doing. To all of them, in fact to every Italian archaeologist except Rodolfo Lanciani, Norba had been until then a sealed book and none of them had visited her. Since then they have shown much interest. ; The truth probably is that Norba was a city founded not long before or after the eighth cen- tury, enlarged and strengthened in about 492 and changed in the regular course of events until its destruction in 82 before Christ. What I would have to say about the cyclopean ruins of Setia and of Cora would be in a way repetitious. There is, to be sure, a variant at Terracina, Substructures of Temple of Jupiter Plate ROMAN CITIES 97 Cora in the arrangement of the walls, which are terraced in three circuits. But Cora needs visit- ing on account of quite another architectural feature : its two temples. They are, hoth of them, of the late Republican era, and in their age and preservation are paralleled only by the two tem- ples of Tivoli. In both cases the picturesqueness of their site, jutting out at the edge of the town, with a superb view over an extensive valley, adds to their intrinsic beauty. They have been shown to exempUfy the Hellenic variations from hori- zontal and vertical lines to produce certain optical effects. One of them was probably the Capi- tolium temple and the other the temple of Castor and Pollux which stood at the approach to the square of the forum in the position appropriate to their character of guardians of the city and messengers of Jupiter. The forum was evidently remodeled under Sulla, or shortly before, for the retaiaing wall of the square in front of the Capitolium, — which is popularly called the tem- ple of Hercules, — is constructed of opus incertum that points to this age. Terracina It remains to visit Terracina and Circeii, at the southern end of the plain. At Terracina the Via Appia was brought to a halt at the seaboard 98 ROMAN CITIES by a sharp rocky ledge projecting into the sea and forming the last oiFshoot of the Ausonian range. The Roman engineers at first shirked the difficulty by carrying the road over the hiU but later they decided to cut away the face of the rock and have left on its surface their marks and measurements in lengths of one hundred twenty feet which we still can read. The rock called Pisco Montano now rises like a needle. Terracina is the only one of all the ancient cities we have passed which bridges the chasm between the legendary age and the Empire. On account of its healthy position beyond the marshes, its excellent port and its central loca- tion between Rome and Campania, it never lost importance. Augustus rebuilt its forum and Capitoline temple. The temple remains, one of the best preserved examples in Italy of Augustan architecture. The cella wall still keeps in its rear a large part of the rich marble revetment which at just this time was taking the place of the stucco. The Appia, in traversing the city, entered the upper end of the forum through an arch which stUl remains in part. Even the flags of the area of the forum are in place, with the unique distinction of bearing the signature of the architect, Artorius Primus, evidently the author of the whole scheme, — the temple, the ROMAN CITIES 99 memorial arch adjoining it, the square, the Au- gusteum. Tiberius also liked the city. Trajan, when he repaired the Appian way, began the works on the port that were completed by An- toninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius, and made of it one of the finest on the coast. Then, if we follow the ancient road out of the town and up along the hillside to the northeast we find it lined at intervals with ancient sepul- chral monuments, which give a better impression of such an arrangement than any other road I have seen besides those of Rome and Pompeii, which are, of course, infinitely superior. The interest and uniqueness of Terracina are increased by the colossal substructures that crown the hill overlooking the city. They consist of lines of high and broad vaulted arcades of ex- cellent brickwork on which some structure of great size and magnificence must once have stood. The vulgar named it Palace of Theodoric, be- cause the Gothic king was known to have liked the city and to have lived here. But the brick- work has recently been found to be of the finest Augustan or even pre- Augustan type and ex- cavations have shown it to be the substructure for a large temple of Jupiter Anxur, the famous youthful, beardless Jupiter, the boy god, son of! Saturn. In a way it must have almost rivaled 100 ROMAN CITIES the temple of Fortune at Palestrina, with which it was closely connected. They were respec- tively the northern and southern outposts and beacon-lights of Latin faith. If one stands on this rocky promontory, jutting into the sea at a height of over a thousand feet, I think the site will give one a strong sense of the hypnotic effect of one of these wonderfully situated ancient shrines, whether on a moun- tain top or by the sea. Certainly the original shrine was earlier than Augustus and coeval with the city. No substructures of this monu- mental character exist elsewhere. The gulf of Gaeta on the left, the free sea in front, Circeii and the marshes to the right form the panorama. Terracina is stiU a vivid bit of color. The old town away from the hideous modern port, es- pecially around the cathedral square, is often crowded with people of oriental blood or dressed in strong oriental colors, — a breath from the Levant. One feels, as at Ravenna, that there was here no great break between ancient and medieval life, and that since the Middle Ages, when Byzantium helped to bridge the chasm, there has happened nothing new. Seen in the rear, from one of the narrow streets fiUed with antique color, the cella of the Capitol temple has so much of its marble revetment, mellowed by ROMAN CITIES 101 time, that one expects to see its gable rise in the square, in place of its gorgeous medieval Cam- panile. But the columns of its porch are those of the temple portico, and on one of them is a most curious link with the past, one of the few public Byzantine inscriptions, stating that the church and square were repaired and cleaned un- der the Byzantine emperor Constantine in the eighth century. The cathedral itself was rebuilt by those wonderful neo-classic semi-oriental artists of medieval Rome and filled with their furniture and pavements of mosaic inlay. When we remember the stretch of polygonal wall remaining from the Latin- Volscian city, below the forum, the ancient shrine of Jupiter Anxur, the Augustan forum, the Antonine port and the double line of mausoleums outside the walls, Terracina seems well worth a visit, regard- less of its wonderful scenery and picturesqueness and, not the least, of the fact that here one can take boat to Circeii. CiRCEII We took a small boat at Terracina for the ex- cursion of about twelve miles across the bay to the promontory of Circeii, the southernmost mil- itary colony of early Latium. It is a huge rock rising like a bleak island from the sea to a height 102 ROMAN CITIES of over sixteen hundred feet (five Hundred forty- one meters). There seems but little doubt that this was the fabled island of Circe, that never really was an island, but appeared so to the an- cient mariners as they passed. Only as the boat nears it, do we see that its base joins the long stretches of the lowest marshes furrowed with a network of canals. This excursion is only for the hardy if one wants to reach the citadel of Circe itself. We land at the east end. Here, not far from the water, at the modern village of S. Felice, seems to have been the original settlement, judging from the traces of polygonal walls. But the really interesting ruins are on the east end of the long ridge forming the top of the mountain. It is now called Civita or Monte della Cittadella. Here is a rectangular citadel, about one hundred and ninety by ninety-five meters, with heavy po- lygonal walls of superb construction, tapering at times from a thickness below of nearly two and one-half meters to one at the summit of about one and one-half meters. Here, as at Norba, the walls rise above the inner level to show that they had a chemin de ronde and perhaps battlements. I The special interest of this citadel is that it is quite distinct from the city, which is far below it, at S. Felice, A long and steep causeway, pro- Sarcophagus from Caere in I.onvre Museum Sarcophagus from Citta del la Pieve Plate xin ROMAN CITIES 103 tected by two solid polygonal walls, runs up the mountain straight from city to citadel. We had seen this at Praeneste; but here at Circeii it is even plainer, and the citadel exists almost intact, while at Praeneste it has disappeared. It was in 393 b.c. that the Romans, beginning a determined and steady attempt to win back the Pontine plain, captured Circeii by a raid and established a colony there, with which they could hold communication only by sea for many years until the intervening region was annexed. The walls of the citadel show the careful tooling and close joints that we usually associate with the later polygonal style like that of Cosa or the later work at Norba. The site is an ideal one for a prehistoric for- tress. The ancients appreciated its poetry. Even now it is exquisite, though part of the scene is desolate. We look down on the lush vegetation that chokes the long canals, follow the thin bor- der line toward Rome marked by ruined medieval watch towers and on the other side the more clearly modulated coast past Terracina to Gaeta and beyond, with the Vesuvian smoke tingeing the farthest background. The nymph and magician Circe had her tem- ple on another one — the highest, — of the ten peaks on the Island, and the polygonal altar sub- 104 ROMAN CITIES structures show reconstructions of the shrine as late as the Empire. But her cave, as local tra- ditions have it, is at the water's edge, looking seaward. Some modern scholars insist that the Latin colony sent to Circeii in 393 was the first one, and marked the founding of the city. This I do not believe. Both Livy and Dionysius of Halicarnassus ascribe the sending of an earlier colony here in 510 by Tarquinius Superbus at the same time that the colony was sent to Signia. They also both relate that Coriolanus captured it for the Volscians in 488 and expelled the Roman colonists, who were then distinct from the natives. We infer two things from these texts : that there may have been a city here before 510; and that its inhabitants did not mix with the Roman col- onists. Why is it not natural to infer that Tar- quin's Roman colonists lived in the citadel and the oppidani in the city below? They sympa- thized with the Volsci and opened their gates to them, which would be easy if we suppose the Roman garrison to have been in the citadel above. I would attribute, then, the city walls at S. Felice to an early date, previous to 510, when the Ro- man colonists came and built the citadel in imi- tation of that at Praeneste, connecting it with ROMAN CITIES' 105 tHe city by the causeway.' When the new colony of 393 was sent probably few structural changes occurred, but when the whole of the Pontine plain came into Roman possession, the two colo- nies of Norba and Circeii received the lion's share, as being with Setia the only Latin colonies in this region, and their size and prosperity must have materially increased. *I am quite willing to be considered old-fashioned in giving weight to the two Roman historians. In this case their narrative certainly harmonizes with the treaty of Rome and Carthage in 509, which includes this section in Latium. IV Rome and Etrxjeia On entering the Etruscan borders a veil of mystery as alluring and as baffling as the Sphinx seems to descend and make every step uncertain. In presence of the immense variety of material and of conjecture, it would be easy to pass beyond what is necessary to illustrate the central pur- pose of this book, which is to elucidate Rome and her relations to ancient Italy. The temptation to discuss "origins" is almost irresistible; we feel that the antiquities of Etruria have a more direct bearing upon the outward form of early Roman civilization than any other group in Italy. After granting Latin supremacy in internals, we concede Etruscan supremacy in ex- ternals. We cannot split hairs in a discussion as to whether the tombs of the eighth and seventh centuries b.c. in Southern and Central Etruria, whose contents, while richer and more varied, are similar in character to those of Latium, rep- resent the Etruscans themselves, or an Italic J2 s ^•s = o ° 6 t3 O H Plate XIV ROMAN CITIES 107 race which preceded them before the Etruscan conquest.^ The Etruscan inhabitants even in their own persons, as they are reproduced in sculptures and paintings, help to confuse our judgment. We are prepared to find at least two distinct physiological types; a dominant Etruscan and a subject Italic race, the latter with many vari- ants. But, knowing the aristocratic constitution of Etruria, the fact that the subject races and the populace were allowed no share in the govern- ment or in society, we are almost constrained to see the Etruscan aristocracy alone in the figured representations. Would they have allowed any but their own aristocracy within the charmed circle of art? This is confirmed by the Etruscan form of nearly all the funerary inscriptions. If then it is only the type of the dominant families that we must recognize in the figures on the sarcophagi and in the frescoes of the tombs, how comes it that they represent two such diamet- rically opposite types of humanity? On one side we see a type with the broad, smooth forehead, high cheek bones, long slanting eyes, prominent nose, thin cheeks and long chin, with lithe, tall, 'The principal Etruscan cities are supposed to have been Arretium, Caere, Clusium, Cortona, Perusia, Rusellae, Veii, VetuJonJuni;, Yolci, Volatprrae, Volsiniij TarijuiniJ, 108 ROMAN CITIES slender bodies and lively, expressive, almost sar- donic expression, so characteristically given in the couple from Caere of the age of the Tarquins in plate xiii^ and in many frescoes. On the other hand we see the type of broad-faced, stolid, heavy-lipped and jowled people, with arrogantly placid and materially minded expression, with bull necks and thick-set bodies. Both types oc- cur, but the second is more prevalent in the age of decadence and the former in places like Caere where Greek blood prevailed. Who will give us the key to the enigma? At all events the concrete facts are now the important things: we can aiford to wait for the historic explanation. Meanwhile we note that at Corneto (Tarquinii), Vetulonia and Bi- sentium, for example, there have been found in the very earliest tombs the same cabin urns which were found in Alba, as well as in Rome itself. The same Phoenician glazed Egyptianizing vases imported for the nobles of Caere are found in Rome. From Central Etruria to Prae- neste and Norba there is an almost uninterrupted line of tombs of the iron age with objects of attire, of ornament and of household use which are practically identical. The tombs of the great men of the age of Romulus were fiUed with similar treasures of imported or native manu- ROMAN CITIES 109 facture, whether it is the Bernardini tomb at Praeneste, the Tomba del Guerriero and the Isis tomb at Vulci, the Reguliai-Galassi tomb at Caere or the Tomba del Duce at Vetulonia. Perhaps the closest analogies with the Roman province can be traced in the case of the antiqui- ties of Caere and of the Faliscan region. The Etruscan museum in Rome, Papa Giuho, is mainly composed of the Faliscan antiquities from Falerii itself and from a neighboring city whose ancient name is uncertain. We call it Narce. In excavations which were afterwards carried on under my supervision for some Amer- ican museums at Narce our excavator was so lucky as to find the tomb of a warrior of the utmost importance, comparable in some ways to the famous tombs of warriors and chiefs I have just mentioned and perhaps even earUer than any of them. It is the only one of its class yet discovered on these Faliscan sites, I reproduce some of its contents, — especially the bronze helmet and breastplate, — not only be- cause I believe them to be the finest of their class but because they are probably just the type of armor worn by the Roman kings and their chief warriors in the first century after the foun- dation of the city. Such may have been the spolia opima of Aero, king of Caenina, which 110 ROMAN CITIES Romulus is fabled to have offered to Jupiter Feretrius. The tomb can hardly be later than the beginning of the seventh century. The helmet has the highest and most richly decorated crest of any yet discovered. Of course both helmet and breastplate are votive offerings and are too Kght and delicate for use. Like so many of the most interesting pieces found in tombs they were made especially for burial purposes in imitation of the things actually used. On the other hand, the other and less spectacular pieces in this tomb were in actual use. We see on the right the water flask to be slung on by a strap ; the two horse's bits for the chief's chariot (biga) , the bronze disks with pointed centers and the small square plaques, with geometrical decora- tion, originally used, we imagine, on the harness of the war horses; and a large cup with figures of horses on its handles which helps to date the tomb. Then we see his favorite drinking cups, his fibulse, strigUs and a heavy ring of large size which may have been part of the attachments of the war chariot. But I must leave almost untouched this illim- itable field of arms and costume, manners and customs and the outward show of daily life, be- cause, beyond suggesting how much Roman life and history can be Uluminated from these sources, v^bf ^ ^^-^- -■^ 1 .ri r.t t" .:*::■:.■* ' : 1 >^ -v»--f-i# 4i ■1^-'^= V|-^f- -3: i- S; ■i^ET.-:^>V-4-..i «-{• -e-+-i® ?! 1^ l^!.--@---■ s 3 Q o c 3 1-5 s Plate XV ROMAN CITIES 111 my limits are strictly those of architecture. In this field there is enough material and to spare. It is quite dijfferent in character from what we have found in the Hernican and Pontine cities. Etruria has practically no cities walled with po- lygonal masonry; the few examples in Southern Etruria, — Cosa, Populonia, Saturnia, Graviscae, — can be ascribed to non-Etruscan sources. Neither does she give us colossal examples of city and acropolis waUs in her own special straight-coursed style, though she was the great- est city-building race in Italy. What we do find is mostly of the time when Roman influence was dominant, or at least threatening. This is be- cause some sinister fate seems to have overtaken them. Veii was wiped out by Rome at an early date. So was Falerii, somewhat later. Popu- lonia and Volaterrae were destroyed and sold out by SuUa. Perusia was burned by the young Augustus. Malaria in the region of the Ma- remma had already in the time of Augustus made a desert of Caere. At Arezzo the Roman city so substituted the Etruscan that not a certain trace of the older city remains. Even Tarquinii, which shares with Caere the honor, according to tradition, of having fundamentally influenced Rome in the age of the Tarquins and later, has left hardly a trace. Except at Perugia, Fiesole 112 ROMAN CITIES and a few other sites there is hardly more than enough left to show the style of masonry. Still, while we miss, in Etruria, the impressive massing of constructive remains, this is more than compensated by the artistic quality and sug- gestiveness of the single works and the details of architecture that we find everywhere, — in the gates of Volterra and Perugia, the tomb fa9ades of Norchia and Castel d'Asso, the temple terra- cottas of Falerii, Luna and Telamon, the sar- cophagi of Volterra and Perugia, the domical and vaulted tombs of Veil, Cortona, Vetulonia, Chiusi, Quinto Fiorentino and other sites; the chamber tombs of Tarquinii (Corneto), Vulci, Caere (Cervetri), Volsinii (Orvieto) and Perusia, All these are invaluable in a reconstruction of early Roman architectural and decorative work of all classes. Nor must it be forgotten that we start with the obvious fact that the models for the Servian wall and all its acces- sories were furnished not by Latium but by Etruria, which had already perfected the use of square-coursed masonry and of the arch and vault. The introduction of this course masonry into Rome was attributed by the Romans them- selves to the Etruscans. Dionysius in his Roman 'Antiquities says that Tarquinius Priscus first used it. This is doubtless fairly correct even Reconstruction of Facade of an Etruscan Temple, according to Vitruvius (Durm) Plate XVI ROMAN CITIES 113 though the so-called "Servian walls" in Rome are not older than the fourth century. The Temple At the same time temples were substituted in Rome for altars and open-air shrines, also in imitation of Etruscan models, because the Tus- can porticoed form in place of the Greek perip- teral scheme was followed. At Satricum, on the contrary, the Greek model prevailed, at about the same time. Still, it was impossible to get away from Greek influence. The terra-cotta decorations show that archaic Greek works served as models to the Etruscans not only in the gable and frieze sculptures but in the ornamental de- tails. The recent excavations of the temple of Apollo at Thermon in Greece, where the col- umns and entablatures and gables were of wood faced and decorated with terra-cotta, have fully illustrated these Greek originals. Perhaps Capua, so strongly Hellenic, though conquered by the Etruscans and held by them until the fifth century (433 B.C.) , and Caere, an essentially Greek city even after its annexation to Etruria, were the two greatest centers, one south, the other north, for this fusion of Greek and Etrus- can art which reacted on Rome. Pliny says that in his time "at Rome and in our 114 ROMAN CITIES municipal towns, we still see many such (early terra-cotta figured) pediments of temples; won- derful, also, for their workmanship, their artistic merit and great age." Roman writers have even handed down the names of the Etruscan artists who made some of the more famous of the earliest of these works, such as Volcanius of Veii (or Turianus of Fregellae) called to Rome by Tarquinius Priscus to make the statue of Hercules "fictilis" mentioned as late as Martial and the cult statue of Jupiter for the projected Capitoline temple. Other Etruscan artists were called by Tarquinius Superbus to make the tri- umphal quadriga with the statue of Jupiter to crown the gable of the temple, and the figures inside the gable. Of remaining Etruscan works the fictile sarcophagus at the British Museum, the similar one also from Caere in the Louvre and their almost exact counterpart recently set up in the Etruscan museum in Rome, will come the nearest to giving an idea of the style of these Capitoline works, if we supply the original bril- liant polychromy of which a few beautifully painted sarcophagi in the Corneto and Florence museums will give us the key. The Satrican temple terra-cottas were in some cases brilliantly colored when found. There are also for com- parison those curious archaic gable sculptures Reconstruction of Upper Corner of an Etruscan Temple with its Terracotta Revetment (Durm) Plate XVII ROMAN CITIES 115 from the temples of the Athenian acropolis de- stroyed by the Persians. These are of stone, to be sure, but the surface was so covered with stucco and polychromy that the effect was not far dif- ferent: with the earliest Delphi sculptures they give Greek prototypes for such Etrusco-Roman gables and friezes as were found at VeUetri, etc. The temple of Jupiter Capitolinus can hardly be said to represent the normal Etruscan type: rather an elaboration of it in the direction of the Hellenic peristyle temple. The only large tem- ple whose ruins have been found in Etruria is the larger one at Falerii, which has been identified with the famous temple of Juno. It has the same plan as the Capitoline temple, and as it certainly does not date later than the third cen- tury B.C. it is a valuable aid in reconstituting the Roman temple. The scheme is of three cellas dedicated to the Capitoline Triad with a portico of three rows of six columns extending along the sides of the outer cellas with two other col- umns on each side. There is no reason to suppose, however, that while the Etruscans built their main temples on the triple-cella scheme, they did not use the single cella for other divinities. Also, in the case even of triple cellas of smaller dimensions, it is prob- able that the norm was that described by Vitru- 116 ROMAN CITIES vius of four columns in the portico instead of six. This is the scheme of the best-preserved fa9ade at Norchia, which gives so graphically the wide spaced Doric columns of the terra- cotta gable groups of sculpture. The proportions are those which we must as- sign to the majority of the temples in Rome built before the Punic wars. The gables, the architraves, the cornices, the columns were usu- ally of wood, with a revetment of terra-cotta, fastened to the wood by nails. Revetments with nail holes have been found in quantities. Those at Falerii and Alatri were sufficient to reconsti- tute most of the details of the temple; the originals can be studied at the Papa Giulio. Of course, having so light a weight to support, the columns were widely spaced, too much so for beauty and symmetry. In fact the Etruscan temple can hardly be praised either from a struc- tural or an esthetic point of view. The first improvement probably came up into Latium from the south in the form of stone columns coated with fine stucco, in temples built probably by Greek architects. Elements for this second Greek wave can be found in Southern Latium but not in Etruria. In one thing I hardly think that the debt of Rome to Etruria has been understood, I mean Fragment of tlie A])()llo, from the Terracotta Galjle Sculptures of the Hellenistic Temple at Lunl Sassoferrato (near), Central Group of Ariadne at Xaxos, from the Terracotta Gable of a Hellenistic Temple Plate xviil ROMAN CITIES 117 in the matter of decorative detail in architecture. Take, for instance, merely the question of capi- tals. The popular fallacy, — long since aban- doned by scholars, — that the Tuscan Doric was the sole Etruscan order is contradicted by the most cursory glance at the monuments. The hybrid forms of Ionic, of composite and of fig- ured capitals, such as we find in rather rococo Roman works of the age of Caracalla, have here their Etruscan prototypes. There is a rich variety of material for recon- stituting the terra-cotta friezes and gable sculp- tures of the temples ; but aside from the earliest examples from Satricum and Capua they date between the fourth and the second centuries b.c. Recently discovered are those found at Citta d'Alba, near Sassoferrato, the ancient Sentinum which I will illustrate here, though it is an Um- brian city. They are in a Hellenistic style which seems to have prevailed throughout nearly all Italy, based probably on models from Alexandria or Asia jNIinor. With less action but greater purity and reticence are the gable sculptures from that northernmost of Etruscan cities on the Mediterranean coast, Luna, now at the Florence museum. The Hellenic exquisiteness of its type is even surpassed by some of the corresponding fragments from Falerii, especialljr a head of 118 ROMAN CITIES Apollo, at the Papa Giulio, which I regret not being able to reproduce. After gathering in the museums of Rome and Florence these illuminating data, and after studying the full-sized model of the small temple of Alatri set up in the court of the Papa Giulio museum, those who are curious to follow up the study should take a trip to the rock-cut tombs of Castel-d'Asso, near Viterbo, or those of Norchia and Bieda, near Vetralla. The tomb f a9ades are here often hewn in the form of temple fa9ades, filled in some cases with gable sculptures. Ths House From the tomb we also get our best idea of the Roman house. The Roman house as we know it is of the type inaugurated not long before Cicero's time. For its long and varied previous development we must look to Etruscan remains, not so much in the form of actual houses as in reproductions of them in tombs and on urns. When Pliny tells us that before the war with Pyrrhus there were only thatched and shingled houses in Rome, we infer that the houses (domus) were of wood and the blocks or insulae of brick. There is no doubt that when Rome was first built the houses were nothing but circular or oval huts made of hides and poles or wattled and -rr? — ^ TTTT o I Plate XIX ROMAN CITIES 119 thatched. Their simple structure was either sup- ported on a central pole or by a horizontal ridge- pole resting on forked or curved sticks joined to the sides. These various types are reproduced either in tombs or in the earliest form of urn, the cabin urn. In the center of this single room was the hearth. There was undoubtedly a religious and astronomical significance to this form, which was the reproduction on earth of the templum of the heavens in its earliest circular form. Owing to Roman conservatism it remained the favorite form of monumental tomb until the fall of Rome. We know that the house was consecrated, to- gether with a narrow strip of ground about it, in exactly the same way as was the site of a temple, of a city and of its territory. It is a curious fact that at a certain time the shape both of this celes- tial and terrestrial templum passed from the cir- cular to the square. The earlier form was perpetuated in the temple of Vesta ; the later in the "Roma quadrata" and the military camp. The change from circular to quadrangular form in the house probably coincided with this ritual- istic change, and this change has been identified with the Etruscans. We are apt to call the circular hut-house Italic, the rectangular house Etruscan. But while the rectangular form un- doubtedly came into use as early as the seventh 120 ROMAN CITIES century B.C., the older form died hard. In the same way as the Romans of the Empire still used in certain antique ceremonials (e.g. Arval Brothers) the same type of primitive earthen vessels employed in the eighth century, so their stanch adherence to tradition led the peoples of OEtruria and other provinces to maintain the circular form for the tomb long after it had gone out in practical life. The houses recently found at Satricum showed for the first time that the passage to the rectangular hut with tQed instead of thatched roof began as early as the seventh century. The most impressive of Etruscan tomb in- teriors, in fact, are those of this type, such as the Regulini Galassi tomb at Caere with its pseudo-pointed arch corridor and the domical or tholos tomb illustrated at Vetulonia,in the Tomba del Duce, at Volterra. These are translations into stone of the wooden huts. ISTear Rome they can be seen along the Via Appia. i If the tombs show us the interiors, the cabin urns exhibit the exteriors of these huts, with the one door, the side windows and the upper window for letting out the smoke. Traces of the actual huts of this type have been found in the streets of Etruscan Bologna (Felsina) , showing that in this backward city this form of house was stiD HI mmv'9^^: 0^' I 'i 111 Facade of Etruscan Temple, reproduced by Tomb at Norehia, cut in the rock (Martha) Types of Main Hall in Etruscan Houses of middle period, from tombs at Vulci (Gsell) Plate XX ROMAN CITIES 121 used in the fifth century b.c. That it was the common primitive form of Roman house is shown by the so-called shrine hut of Romulus or of Faustulus so often renewed up to imperial times. We must believe that under the Tarquins the later type of quadrangular house had been intro- duced into Rome by the Etruscans. This house was at first of only one room, like the circular hut, though surrounded by a covered loggia, but the aristocracy soon developed a residence with several rooms grouped around a central court or atrium; this began as early as the sixth century, if not before. In most cases we must think of them as of wood, roofed with shingles or tUes or with flat terraces, though there was probably in the richer houses not only a profuse painted decoration but the use of terra-cotta revetment as in the temples. These developed into houses of crude bricks roofed with tiles. The prevalent early type was an oblong struc- ture with a plain gabled roof ending in a deco- rated fa9ade at both ends. How decorative this could be made is shoAvn in a model of such a house in the Florence museum. The effect is quite charming. Pilasters at the corners support the gable and roof entablature; the arched door- way is flanked by half -columns. Roof and gable project so as to protect a charming colonnaded 122 ROMAN CITIES loggia, and nearly the entire long side is occu- pied by a recessed and trellised window* in front of which is a parapet, while the recess is framed by two pilasters or pillars in antis. The wooden structure is quite evident in this model. There is a passage in Polybius which can be used in sup- port of the idea that the Etruscans even used free-standing columns in connection with their houses. It is very easy to develop this type of house into the one represented by the gabled fa9ades of Norchia and Castel d'Asso, where the free-standing columns support the overhanging gable. One merely hesitates, perhaps mistakenly, to make the private house approximate so closely to the type of the temple. Sometimes stone in- stead of wood was the material, as we see by the f a9ade of " le of the urns of the Volumni, from Perugia. The many-roomed houses of the rich did not differ at first very much from this single-roomed house in their exterior form, except in the arrangement of the roof. In the center a cov- ered opening was made to light the central hall or atrium and around it was an open or a cov- ered loggia or both. This was the type of atrium displuviatunij which is shown on some urns at " Or are these not either panes of some transparent material such as alabaster or slabs cut in patterns to admit light? House of the oiii-n1h c-ontiir;' D. C. ( circular or ovui ) House of the sixth ccnturv B. C. Houses of the fourtli and third centuries B. C. (All from ]{,trusean Cinerary L'rns) ^ "^-- -.--iys ^' ^^^. Decoration of Principal Room in Etruscan House of the fifth and fourth centuries B. C. (Tomlja del Triclinio, Corneto) Plate XXI ROMAN CITIES 123 Florence. In both we can see how easily columns could be used on the outside. The internal arrangement of the atrium is reproduced in a number of tombs. I shall give a section of a Vulci tomb of the fourth century B.C. showing how the builders arranged their heavy planks so as to finally bring the opening at the top of a pyramid-shaped ceiling. Another way is shown in a tomb of Tarquini. This atrium was reached through a passageway, a vestibule-ostium, and on the other three sides there opened out of it the other rooms of the house. There was usually one on each side, and sometimes two. The Vulci tomb shows how the ceiling of these rooms was often built, with a central rafter and cross beams set in low gable slant. The plan in the case of an earlier Vulci tomb shows some elaborate schemes of woodwork, especially the fan-shaped arrangement in the room on the left. But in this plan, while it shows how the rooms were built and how they were connected, they are, of course, not grouped as to their outer peripheries in the way they would have been in a house where the outer walls must be reckoned with. One of these rooms is given in plate xxii. The decoration of the interiors was probably quite rich, if we can judge from that of the tombs. In plate xxi, 5 from the Tomba del Triclinio at Tarquinii we 124 ROMAN CITIES have a banqueting scene in progress, and it is allowable to infer that the ceiling and walls of the dining halls were ornamented with wall paintings of this character and design in the period from the fifth to the second centuries B.C. The same frescoes, helped out by the remains of the objects themselves, give us the furniture and furnishings of these houses at diiFerent times in the way of couches and beds, tables and stands, chairs and stools, candelabra, vases, dishes and platters, drinking cups and ewers. There is hardly a thing left to conjecture. One may even go so far as to say that the tally is almost as com- plete in those things of daily use as it is at Pompeii. It is even more complete in the way of costume and personal adornment, the Etrus- can Graeco-Campanian jewelry being wonder- fully exquisite and varied. For every century we can say what was worn and used by the wealthy Etruscans and consequently by the wealthy Romans. I must not trespass further on this field, but must return to the development of the house architecture. We had reached the stage of the covered atrium, or atrium (cavaedium) displuvia- tum and testudinatum, the kind of house that was commonly used, e. g. in the rebuilding of Rome after the capture by the Gauls and throughout a c > % W O s « 8 ^ Pi "B .E ^ Plate xxTi ROMAN CITIES 125 the fourtH century B.C. In this type the central opening for the admission of Ught was too small to be satisfactory and the next step was to modify the arrangement so that it could be very much enlarged and thrown entirely open, the roof slant being reversed so as to carry the water in instead of away and to catch it in an implu' vium or basin in the center of this inner court. This open atrium was called Tuscanicum, by the Romans, who adopted it from the Etruscans. A' section of such an atrium is shown in plate xxiii. I also agree with those who believe that the Etruscans went a step farther in the develop- ment of the atrium and used rows of columns to enlarge it on the ground floor, in the form of a small cloister, which went by the name of atrium tetrastylum if there were only four columns, one at each corner, or atrium corinthium if there were more. There probably elapsed some time before the simple tetrastyle type was developed into its richer form and this brings us up to the age which is represented by Pompeian architecture.^ ^Of course, while these phases of domestic Etruscan architec- ture will allow us to reconstruct the private house in Rome from the Tarquins to the Gracchi, they are of no help whatever in giv- ing us an idea of the higher houses in Rome; especially of the blocks, or insulae, the tenement houses of the day, of both good and bad quality. There is no doubt that when land became expensive in Rome houses were made much higher than In 126 ROMAN CITIES The conclusion is evident, then, that to learn about early Roman houses we must make a tour of Etruscan sites in Central Etruria. On the other hand the connection is not so close as is supposed in works of engineering. The Cloaca of the Marta at Graviscae, for in- stance, has been cited for comparison with the Cloaca Maxima as an Etruscan prototype, ever since its discovery by Dennis over half a century ago, I regret to disturb so complacent an inmate of all handbooks, but there is no doubt in my mind that this arched passage is a work of the Roman Empire. I have yet to see a single arcade surely constructed before Augustus with vous- soirs interpenetrating the body of the masonry such as are here used. The general rule for Etruria, for Rome and for Latium in the pre- Augustan age was that the masonry should be cut so as to fit on to the perfect curve of the voussoirs, of which there was often a double and even a triple line. There is, however, one bridge at least, at Bieda (Blera), which can be set beside the one Etruscan cities; and that these houses of three to six stories high must have followed quite a, different type. In this Etruria does not help us. We must go to the South and across sea. Phoeni- cian cities such as Motya in Sicily, where excavations are even now being carried on, showed the Romans how to build such lofty houses. That they were generally built poorly and for spec- ulative purposes, seems generally conceded. Late Etruscan House, with Atrium Tuscanicum (Durm) Plate XXIII ROMAN CITIES 127 at Cora as of pre-Roman workmanship, or at least, previous to the third century B.C. It is of large blocks of tufa without any of the mixture of materials, without the apertures in piers and the breakwater buttresses which characterize Roman work even of the late Republic. Much as I am tempted to do so, however, I will not attribute to the Etruscans the superb bridge near Vulci called Ponte della Badia. It is at all events not later than Augustus and may be earlier. Its main arch has a span of sixty-two feet and rises nearly one hundred feet above the Fiora, and its length is almost two hundred and fifty feet. It is surpassed only by the bridge at Narni. If I were to reduce this question of the monu- mental relations of Rome to Etruria to its simplest expression it would be to advise a visit to Corneto-Tarquinii and to Cervetri-Caere as the sites most accessible and also best adapted in their painted tombs, mounds and museums to furnishing a continuous picture of the best Etruscan art. Perugia and Volterra are also important, but what can be seen at these sites is mostly of a late period and so is rather one-sided. The street of tombs at Volsinii (Orvieto) is the best remaining instance of the way the Etruscans constructed a city of the dead with regular 128 ROMAN CITIES streets of houses with encu-cling ditch and ram- parts, after the fashion of the city of the living, of which an earher example of circular form exists at the Poggio Gaiella of Chiusi. But there are also two cities of Etruria which not only are better preserved architecturally but which should interest us as vividly individuahz- ing two phases of the relations of Rome to Etruria. They are Perugia and Falleri. Peru- gia (Perusia) is the type of Etruscan city which, after Roman superiority had been clearly proved, accepted conditions and became an allied city, dvitas foederata, remaining so until it received citizenship with the rest of Etruria in 90 B.C. Falleri (Novi Falerii) exemplifies those cities, few in number, whose inhabitants, after a revolt or continuous contumacy, were obliged to see their too-strong mother city destroyed and were condemned to build a new home. Perugia The most tragic moment recorded in the his- tory of ancient Perusia is that of its surrender to the young Octavian early in March of 41 B.C., after the city had fought obstinately in the cause of Lucius Antony in that earliest of the struggles between the two claimants to Caesar's succession that is called the "Perusian War." It is said that ROMAN CITIES 129 after capturing and burning Perusia, Octavian offered up a human sacrifice of the senators and knights and the principal inhabitants to Caesar's manes on the anniversary of his death. If so, we must believe that Octavian was still too young to have shaken off the yoke of the cruel- ties traditional since the wars of Marius and SuUa. As Sulla did to Praeneste after destroy- ing it, so Augustus is supposed to have done to Perusia, making of it the last example of a tragic chain of vengeance by which nearly all the flourishing antique cities of Italy received their death blow, leaving Rome almost solitary for a while. He afterwards rebuilt and perhaps colonized it. The inscription 'Augusta Perusia cut in the voussoirs of the present main city gate is sup- posed, with the gate itself, to be a record of this Augustan reconstruction. Even then it is con- sidered to have remained a municipium and not to have become a colony until after the middle of the third century. A native of the city, the Emperor Trebonianus GaUus, during his short reign then gave it the title of Colonia Vihia after his family name, and had the fact recorded in an inscription on the other principal ancient city gate, the so-called Porta Marzia, where we read Augusta Perusia Colonia Vihia. 130 ROMAN CITIES Until my last visit to Perugia I had accepted the usual view that attributes to Augustus most of the existing gateway and to a restoration under Gallus the decorative features of the rem- nants of Porta Marzia. But now I believe I have gathered conclusive evidence in support of the opinion that these magnificent gateways are not Roman at all but are remnants of the pre- Roman Etruscan city. Both the architecture and sculpture of Etruria in the fourth century must be enriched by these two masterpieces. Perusia was already, in the fifth and sixth cen- turies, one of the league of twelve principal Etruscan cities. It was not among the earliest; perhaps it was the latest accession, facing as it does the Umbrian cities across the Tiber, and holding part of the land recently wrested from the Umbrians. Though archaic works of art point to it as a highly civilized center in the sixth century, the contents of the necropolis and the city itself show that its period of greatest ma- terial and artistic prosperity extended from the fourth to the second century B.C. It seems not to have been affected by the incoming tide of Roman supremacy which left it free to pursue its normal course. The colossal circuit of walls, in beautifully laid ipourse-masonry, and showing splendidly in the Plate XXIV ROMAN CITIES 131 neighborhood of both the Porta d'Augusto and the Porta Marzia, may be of the fifth century; but from the style of the gates, I should hardly place them earlier than the fourth. My exami- nation of what remains of the Etruscan gates now called Porta Eburnea and Porta San Sev- ero, almost entirely rebuilt in the Middle Ages, showed that they followed exactly the same struc- tural methods as the better preserved Porta Augusta and Porta Marzia, so they need be merely mentioned here as part of the general scheme, and I shall concentrate on the two latter gates. These gates make us feel that in the fourth century B.C. Perusia, like other great cities of Etruria and Umbria, was monumentally and artistically more advanced than Rome. We must not imagine for a moment that such gates could have existed in Rome at any time before Caesar. The perfectly plain Janus gateway of the city of Aquinum and the equally plain earlier gate- ways at Ferentino, Falerii and Ascoli which I describe elsewhere, give the type of the gates of Rome and of the Volscian and Latin cities, de- void of architectural memberment or decorative sculpture. There do not remain even in any of the other Etruscan cities, gates comparable to these at Perugia. Those at Volterra and Cosa 132 ROMAN CITIES are almost as simple as the gateways farther south. These Perugian gates, therefore, seem unique and well worth studying in detail. I shall begin with the one in the best condition, although it was not originally the most artistic — the Porta or Arco d'Augusto. It is a massive structure between sixty and seventy feet in height flanked by two enormous projecting square towers and set in an angle of the city walls. The single archway was originally about twenty feet to the center of its tunnel vaulting which ran, as was so often the case, not straight but diagonally to the f a9ade of the gate. There are two stories above the archway. The first is narrow and corre- sponds to the frieze on triumphal or colony arches; it is in the form of a false gallery in which pilasters take the place of the Doric tri- glyphs and shields are set in the intervals that correspond to the metopes. Above, is a second and wider story, the center of which is occupied by a single broad arcade now closed but origi- nally open, by means of which the garrison could defend the gate— a feature that was perpetu- ated in the Roman imperial gates from Aosta to Trier, with the substitution of numerous arcades for the single one. It has been quite generally conceded that the ROMAN CITIES 133 lower part of the gate up to the spring of the arcade was Etruscan and had survived the fire of Octavian. I placed this beyond a doubt by finding at the base of the masonry in the passage- way a number of mason's marks mainly in the form of Etruscan letters of the alphabet. The gate is now uncovered to a depth of 1.75 meters below the antique level, so bringing to light these Etruscan quarry signs which had been removed from all the stonework that originally showed above the ground when it was finished oif after construction. It is very seldom that one finds these mason's marks, as they were always removed when above ground. But is there any reason to assign the upper part of the gate to a later period? I believe not. Any supposed divergences between the masonry of the upper and lower portions are due either to the easy habit of studying monuments from photographs or to the lack of recognition of the fact that the difference in the surface condition and coloring of the lower part is due to buildings which for centuries were addossed to the walls and towers up to a certain height, so that the weathering of the upper and lower portions necessarily differed. /^^As for the architectural features I can give here only a brief analysis of the results of a 134 ROMAN CITIES study of Etruscan monuments, especially the urns and sarcophagi, as well as the city gates and other architectural works. The use of plain voussoirs such as these to form the arcade, sur- rounded by curved moldings carved on separate strips of stone, is Etruscan and not Roman. The two heads of protecting genii that project from the spandrels of the arch appear on representa- tions of Etruscan gates on the urns and sar- cophagi and are paralleled in the Etruscan gate of Volterra ; they also are not Roman. The false igallery or frieze of psuedo-Ionic pilasters with shields or rosettes occupying the intervals is one of the commonest forms of decoration on Etrus- can urns and sarcophagi. The upper gallery filled with defenders of the gate can be seen on more than one carved representation of a city gate on Etruscan urns. This covers every feature of the gate. Not one appears on a Roman gate except as a deriva- tive from Etruscan sources ; every one occurs on Etruscan works of the fourth to second centuries B.C. Of course Etruscan gates had no inscrip- tions and provided no place for any, and no better proof of the pre-Roman construction could be asked than the fact that when Augustus set his seal on the reconstructed city and wished to christen it anew after himself as Augusta Etruscan Sarcophagus of Larthia Seianti (Florence) with details similar to Arco d'Augusto and Porta Marzia Etruscan Sarcophagus (Volterra) showing City Gate with heads in spandrels and gallery Plate XXV ROMAN CITIES 135 Perusia, his epigraphists were forced to cut the letters recording this fact most awkwardly and ineifectively on the voussoir blocks. In Roman gates and arches of the Augustan age and later a place for a horizontal inscription was provided. The Arco d'Augusto just described corre- sponded to the Porta Decumana of a Roman colony, — at one end of the main street. At the other end, corresponding to the even more important Porta Praetoria, was the gate that has always been popularly called "Porta Marzia." When in 1540 the younger Sangallo was called upon by the pope to build him, at this point, an immense fortress to overawe the Perugians, he was obhged to tear down the Porta Marzia ; but as he came of a family of architects that for three generations had loved and copied antique Monu- ments, he did what was perhaps unique at this time, — took it down and reconstructed all its essential and artistic parts, stone by stone, in the new fortress wall only a few yards in front of its old position. How accurately it was done can be seen by an historical fresco of the Umbrian painter, Bonfigli, which shows the gate before it was torn down, standing in its section of the original Etruscan wall. I also found at the UflSzi the drawings made by Sangallo at the time, before he tore down the gate, and an almost 136 ROMAN CITIES contemporary sketch of the Arco d'Augusto. So I speak with this material in mind. The Porta Marzia was more highly decorated than many a Roman triumphal and memorial arch, though as in the other gate none of the dec- oration was below the spring of the arcade. This was perfectly logical because in those strenuous days when such a gate was really for defense anything decorative would have been out of place below, subject as it would be to continual defacement at times of attack. But, beginning at the base of the arcade, the gate was framed by two pilasters whose capitals supported the archi- trave of a false gallery. Inside the spandrels the heads of the two protecting genii project from the masonry, in the same way as on the Arco d'Augusto, while over the keystone a weathered block was inserted by cutting into the gallery above, and on it was originally carved an ox head, long since worn away. Now, the ox head is recognized to be the sign manual of Rome, carved on gates or stamped on local coinage, wherever Rome took possession. Therefore, if it is here a patent addition to the original structure, made by a most inartistic disfigurement, the gate itself must antedate Roman dominion. The gallery thus disfigured by Augustus is a most original — in fact a unique — ^feature. It is ROMAN CITIES 137 made to produce the effect of a sort of ringhiera or balcony with a balustrade running about half way up, between the four small and two large pilaster piers that support the balcony's archi- trave. Over the balustrade there peers a single figure in the center of each of the five spaces between the pilasters. The artist carved them so that they are half hidden by the balustrade as if they stood behind it on the floor of the balcony. These five figures are evidently the guardians of the city. What are they? Helped by the early drawings we see that the central figure has the type of Jupiter. Then on either side of him stood one of the Dioscuri, Castor and Pollux, whUe at each end were their horses. These sculp- tures should now be classed as among the few large sized Etruscan marble sculptures of the fourth or third centuries B.C., and to judge from the fairly weU preserved Jupiter, the workman- ship was in its way as good as the charming terra- cotta figures of the temple gables of Luna, Falerii and Telamon. From Etruscan mirrors and urns it is evident that the Dioscuri were the escorts of their father Jupiter, his messengers and active agents. Even from as far as Thessa- lonica, where the Dioscuri occupy the jambs of the early city gate, comes proof that they were regarded by Greeks as weU as by Etruscans as 138 ROMAN CITIES the guardians of the city. Their statues stood at each end of the stairway of the Capitoline temple and of other temples in Rome itself. We shall find them as the main decoration of the forum of Assisi. As far as the architectural features of the Porta Marzia are concerned they are as clearly Etruscan as those of the Arco d'Augusto. The peculiar pseudo- Corinthian capitals of the pilas- ters have their analogies in numerous Etruscan monuments; for example, in Perugia itself on the urns of the Volumni and other tombs of the necropolis. Nothing could be farther from the normal Roman type. The upper open gallery which must have crowned the arch has left no trace, and had entirely disappeared even in the sixteenth century. How the gate was related to the medieval city is shown most fascinatingly if we do a thing that every visitor to Perugia should experience: pene- trate through the entrance now cut in the fortress wall below the Porta Marzia stonework into the bowels of San Gallo's fortress. He incorpo- rated a quarter of the medieval city within the foundations of the fortress, leaving its streets, houses, aUeys and towers, just as they were, to be subterranean storerooms for the soldiery! It is a ghost-like progress that one makes, by torch- ,MS 3 O H Ah .s" Ah Plate ROMAN CITIES 139 light, in the dead silence, along the street that once wound up into the city from the Porta Marzia, following probably the line of the an- cient street, and coming out on the crest of the hill to cross the rest of the city, past the cathedral square and ancient forum, in an almost straight line to the Porta d'Augusto. An interesting analogy may have existed be- tween these gates of Perugia and those of Siena. At Siena there lasted through the Middle Ages several of the gates of the ancient city which were still decorated with carved figures of its guardian deities and heroes, probably as at the Porta Marzia. A medieval chronicler tells us how the Sienese, not daring to destroy these images, but regarding them as evil demons, would every year on a certain anniversary walk in pro- cession through the city, headed by the bishop and clergy, singing hymns and swinging incense- burners, and that they would visit these ancient gates, pausing to recite formulas for exorcising their demons and averting their spells during the coming year. So the decorative statuary of the Porta Marzia seems to have been matched in other Etruscan cities, though no others remain. As at the Arco d'Augusto the hand of the Roman is traceable only in the words "Augusta Perusia" in the voussoirs of the arcade, so at the 140 ROMAN CITIES Porta Marzia all I can find that is Roman is the vanished ox head over the keystone and the two inscriptions that are here carved not on the voussoirs but, with almost equal incongruity, on the two narrow architrave bands above and below the balcony. On the (upper) band is Augusta Perusia^ cut, I believe, at the time of Augustus' reconstruction ; on the (lower) band is Coloma Wihia, added under Trebonianus Gallus, nearly three centuries later. It has always been sup- posed that all this lettering was done at the same time, in the third century, but the cutting of "Augusta Perusia" is deeper and firmer, show- ing its earlier date, while the shallowness of the "Colonia Vibia" shows quite a different and later hand. There are other architectural features at Perugia. The sarcophagi in the museums give a quantity of details. The "tempio di S. Manno," two miles outside the city on the road to Florence, is the only Perugian structure which belongs to the type of vaulted constructions. It is a barrel vault of beautiful travertine blocks, twenty-seven feet long and about thirteen feet (4.10 meters) in diameter; one of the largest in existence of this age. A long Etruscan inscrip- tion in three lines makes its antiquity certain. The tombs that have been found, of which the ROMAN CITIES 141 richest is the famous tomb of the Volumni, all belong to the later period; those of the fourth and previous centuries appear not yet to have been discovered. But one of the most interesting features of this tomb of the Volumni is the way in which it illustrates the type of developed Roman house as I have pictured it. The de- scription of it, its contents and its discovery is one of the most vivid parts of Dennis' ever fas- cinating book, Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria. Falerii The capital city of the Faliscans was at Falerii, the present Civita Castellana, the nearest town of any size north of Rome, where not enough remains to warrant a visit, unless it is to see the masterpiece of Roman medieval artists, the neo-classic porch of its cathedral. About four miles away, to the west, Falerii lives again, however, in a humbled force-given offspring, a well preserved and strongly walled city of the days of the Republic. One stumbles across it with something of a shock, accustomed as one is to look to the heights for all such cities. Its builders took advantage, it is true, of a deep ravine, one of the strange hurroni of this vol- canic region, gashed in the surface and invisible untU one nearly falls into them. 142 ROMAN CITIES It is not a large city, not quite a mile and a half in circuit, yet it makes a vivid impression, notwithstanding its prosaic position, because it is the best preserved example of military architec- ture of its period. The walls are almost un- broken. At one point, where they descend to the ravine at the Porta di Bove, they remain to a height of nearly sixty feet, and the gate, being pierced in the base of this mass of masonry, seems insignificant. Yet the ox head that occupies the keystone of the gate, symbol of the Roman domi- nation, is a significant confirmation of the date and character of the city. It is new Falerii, Novi Falerii, built in 240 B.C. as a punishment for the rebellion of old Fa- lerii, whose impregnable position made her a dangerous enemy. The original city was an early foundation by a race of non-Etruscan origin, connected with the Sabines, though tra- dition calls them "Pelasgic" and connects their worship of Juno with Argos. Falerii was among the largest cities in Southern Etruria, and though she never was thoroughly Etruscanized, helped her Etruscan neighbor Veii in her wars with Rome, against whom she fought for two centuries. One of the best known episodes of these wars is that of the treacherous schoolmaster who had charge of the sons of the nobles of i1*1 ■'*:. '••' ■tJ^fi ; Ti'-I-' .^';^v-5 Fallen, Porta di Bove and Walls of the Roman Colonv of Falerii Falleri, Porta di Glove, Principal Gate of Falerii Plate XXVII ROMAN CITIES 143 Falerii at the time of the siege by Camillus and enticed them into the lines of the Roman be- siegers. The generosity of Camillus in sending the boys back and delivering the schoolmaster, bound, for them to whip back to the city, is said to have so touched the Faliscans that they volun- tarily accepted the overlordship of Rome. This was in 394 B.C. For a century and a half after this there seem to have been in the city both pro- Roman and anti-Roman factions which alter- nately guided its policy. It was soon after this that Rome took the first aggressive step toward holding Etruscan territory, after annexing that of Veil, by establishing two strong military colo- nies, one at Sutrium (Sutri) in 383 and a second at Nepet (Nepi) in 373, both on the southern border of the territory of Falerii. They played quite a part in subsequent wars. At present their sites are hardly worth visiting. It was in 240 B.C. at the time of the wars witK Pyrrhus that an ill-advised revolt of the FaUs- cans gave Rome an opportunity to crush the city, annex half her territory, tear down her walls, destroy her buildings except the temples, and remove her inhabitants to a new site — New Falerii. It was then that the Faliscan gods were reverentially moved to Rome, as was so often done in conquered cities. Juno Curitis, the 144 ROMAN CITIES patron goddess, Minerva Capta, Janus Quadri- frons, all found new sanctuaries in Rome. Recently two temples have been found in the abandoned city. The larger of the two was out- side the walls in the citadel and was probably the main temple of Juno. I have already spoken of it as approaching in size and form the Capitoline temple. Perhaps the most interesting feature of the city is its site, so strong and yet so low, sur- rounded on all sides except on the west by deep clefts or ravines occupied by streams : on the east the river Treja; on the north the rio maggiore and del purgatorio; on the south the rio Saleto. Communication with the surrounding country was entirely by bridges. Even the acropolis or citadel was not in the walls but on the east side and also reached by a bridge and protected by a bend of the river. To descend one of these per- pendicular clefts by goat paths and steps in the rock and then look up at the bridges is a unique sensation in the study of city sites. Though hardly rising above the level of the plain it is as thoroughly isolated as if it occupied, like Volsinii (Orvieto), the whole expanse of a high rocky plateau. In the old city, then, the modern Civita Cas- tellana, which can be easily reached from Rome by the trolley which passes the foot of poetic ROMAN CITIES 145 Soracte, one hires a team to drive out to the new Falerii, to which we will now return. We enter it first by what is now the main gate, called Porta di Giove, which is set in the apex of the triangle of the walls. The amphitheater is outside and of this and the theater, inside, not enough remains to give much of a clue to their age. The walls and gates are well worth studying. They are between seven and nine feet thick and are strengthened by about eighty square towers, projecting about ten feet from the wall line. The view of the Porta di Giove gives part of its two flanking towers. The voussoirs and moldings are of peperino, but this is the only trace of any other material than red tufa in the entire circuit. Over the keystone is the youthful head of a beardless deity, which looks less like the Jove it has been popularly named than the Juno who was the patron divinity of the new city, as she had been of the old city. The later name, in fact, under the Empire was Colonia Junonia Falisca Etrus- conmi. The only other gate of interest that remains is the Porta di Bove, which I have already de- scribed, and from which a steep passage leads up to the city level from the low side of the ravine. Of the towers, about fifty remain. The tufa blocks are arranged in courses two feet high 10 146 ROMAN CITIES in alternate lines of headers and stretchers. They are, perhaps, the most extensive ruins in a style analogous to the Servian wall in Rome, before the use of small units came into fashion toward the close of the Republic. Just inside the Porta di Bove are the ruins of a Cistercian monastery of the twelfth century, built with the materials from the walls. My first visit to this site was for the sake of this medieval ruin, for the church had bold tunnel vaults, very unusualin Italy, which fell less than a century ago. The entire site is now owned by a gentle- man farmer who keeps a caretaker in the ruined monastery. The key to the chiu'ch was not to be found and I remember applying my camera to a crack in the heavy wooden door ; when the film was developed I saw the interior of the church for the first time, which I missed seeing with my own eyes. It is an additional incentive for a visit to the ancient city. Narni (near) Augustan and pre-Augustan Bridge for the Via Flaminia Plate xxviil V The Umbeians and the Flaminian Way North of the Sabines and of Picenum, and east of the Etruscans, was Umbria, reaching up the Adriatic seaboard as far north as Ravenna and bisected, at the time we shall visit it, by the Via Flaminia. One has an instinctive sympathy for the Umbrians because from the time we begin to know them, they are always the under dog in the clash of races, the plaything of circumstances. In earlier centuries, before Rome was, they are said to have possessed a large part of Northern and Central Italy, from sea to sea, from Alps to Apennines. Pliny remarks, with misty exagger- ation, that the Etruscans had annexed three hundred of their cities. The Ligurians to west- ward, and the Senonian Gauls and other tribes to the eastward, had destroyed their supremacy in the north ; and the Etruscans had deprived them of their possession west of the Tiber, though they continued to live in the districts they had lost. Better than any other Italians they represent in historic times the primitive pre-Hellenic and pre-Etruscan population of Italy. Not over- 147 148 ROMAN CITIES troubled with idealistic heroism, with political dreams or ambitions, and preferring quiet pos- session of their homes to a struggle for liberty, the Umbrians became accustomed to amalga- mating with their conquerors rather than to emigrating. The splendid slow moving white cattle of Umbria are a fit emblem of the race, its patience and its industry. So when the Romans, in their northward advance at the close of the fourth century, first came to grips with them they found a rather chastened and humble- minded race, easily persuaded to acquiesce in the Roman protectorate. There seems not to have been any organized league of Umbrian communi- ties with a common policy. When a Roman army was attempting to cross the difficult passes in the Apennines of Northern Umbria in 210 in order to attack the Etruscans, the Umbrian Camertes, who commanded this district, became their allies. Yet after the Romans had defeated the Etruscans at the Vadimonian lake and had entered Central Etruria for the first time, a num- ber of the Umbrian cities took alarm at these first signs of Roman aggression northward and gath- ered their forces near Mevania with the rumored intention of a march on Rome, Their defeat here in 307 opened up Umbria, and its submission was completed by the victory of Sentinum in 295. ROMAN CITIES 149 The first Umbrian commonwealth to accept the new order was Ocriculum (307 B.C.), the modern Otricoli. This town was the gate to Umbria, standing near the Tiber at the opening of the valley of the Nar (Nera) , through which the Via Flaminia was soon to pass. The ruins of the Roman city which succeeded the Umbrian are stiU extensive, — a good-sized amphitheater (arena sixty-seven by forty-five meters) , a thea- ter (seventy-six meters). Thermae, forum and basiKca, interesting for its well preserved plan. Some of the finest early imperial sculptures in the Vatican were found here, including the famous Jupiter of Otricoli, so long thought to represent the Pheidian type of the god. Nakni and Terni Twelve miles farther up the river Nar, on a hiU one thousand feet high (three hundred and thirty-two meters) was the first stronghold of Southern Umbria, Nequinum. It was in 299, eight years after the annexation of Ocriculum, that the Romans sent a colony here, and changed the name of the city to Narnia, from the river. Its strategic importance is evident. It not only commanded the river where it issues from a deep and narrow pass but was at the junction of the iFlamima with the highways into northwest 150 ROMAN CITIES Umbria, to Ameria and Tuder, where Monte Corviano and Monte Santa Croce meet in most picturesque fashion. The grandiose bridge which here carries the Flaminia, joining the city to the high hillside, was rebuilt by Augustus in the form in which we see it, sadly curtailed as it is. It is a greyhound among bridges, and was famous even in classic times for its boldness and height. The poet Martial sings of it and the Byzantine Procopius, that much traveled courtier and historian of Justinian, says that it was the loftiest he had ever seen. Choisy, the most scientific of modern his- torians of architecture, praises the ingenious structure of its twisting tunnel vaults, strength- ened by numerous parallel ribbings. The widest arch, now fallen, measured thirty-two meters in span and was thirty meters — more than ninety feet — above the river. At present only one of the three smaller arcades is standing, with two- thirds this span. The rest were swept away in the eighth, the eleventh and later centuries. The original length, including the retaining walls, was nearly four hundred and forty feet (one hundred and forty-five meters), and the width only about twenty-five feet (7.96 meters).^ ' In this neighborhood are several other good early Roman bridges: the Ponte Sanguinario on the way to Otricoli; the bridge ROMAN CITIES 151 If I seem to place some emphasis on this bridge it is not merely on account of its beauty, but because it seems to me even more important in the history of Roman construction than has been supposed. It is universally attributed to Augus- tus; but I believe that the emperor merely re- stored it. Even our illustration, if examined through a glass, will show two constructive periods, by two quite different methods. The lower half, including all of the piers and the spring of the arches, is built of alternate courses of headers and stretchers. This is the method used throughout the Republican age from the time of the Servian wall to the Tabularium. It is substituted under Augustus by the alternation of headers and stretchers in the same course in all careful work. It may be argued that in some Augustan works, such as the encircling wall of the forum of Augustus, the earlier method survives and that it could therefore have been used under him in the bridge at Narni. This would be just possible were it not for two other reasons for assigning a pre- Augustan date to this lower section. The first reason is that the upper part is clearly of over the torrent Calamone, with two arcades and a central pier with a vent; the bridge over the Cardano, with five arches, no cut-waters and the considerable length of one himdred and twenty- meters. 152 ROMAN CITIES different construction ; that the exact point where this begins is evident, and that this work can hardly be later than Augustus, on account of the primitive character of both masonry and arch voussoirs and molding. The second reason is that the piers have other pre- Augustan charac- teristics; the absence of breakwater buttresses, and of arched vents to ease the strain in times of flood.^ We may, therefore, consider the Narni bridge as designed, if not at the time of the con- struction of the Via Flaminia,^ at least not later than the time of Sulla. The fallen masonry shows that the core was of concrete and the blocks of the revetment fastened by iron clamps, leaded. The medieval destruction was due to the bursting of a Roman dam higher up and the sudden rush of pent-up waters through the narrow pass above the bridge: it was not due to any defects in the bridge. Beyond Narni the Flaminia passes toward Interamna, the modern Terni, which was not a Roman colony but an allied municipality, a fed- erated city. Only four years after the colony of Narnia was founded the Romans at the decisive battle of Sentinum had put an end to Umbrian 'Restoration in Choisy, L'Art de batir chez Us Bomains. "The bridges I have examined which can be dated as early as the original road were of more primitive quasi-cyclopean struc- ture with immense blocks. ROMAN CITIES 153 resistance, and from that time forward the towns of Umbria, of Picenum and Etruria may be considered as all belonging to one of the four categories into which the subjects of Rome were divided: (1) Cities of the ager romanus, (2) Latin colonies, (3) federated cities, (4) munici- pahties without the rights of suffrage. In Umbria only Narnia and Spoletum were colonies. The first controlled, as we have seen, lower West- ern Umbria, where it opens into the valley of the Tiber. The second was to do the same be- yond the pass in Central Umbria. Interamna, as a federated city, came between the large term- tories of these two colonies though without cut- ting off their communications. Terni is far from being as picturesque as Narni, and we can see in its low and defenseless site the reason the Romans allowed it to remain an allied city instead of a military colony. It is at a height of only one hundred thirty meters on the right bank of the Nar, at the junction of several highways: of the Flaminia, which went on to Carsulae, of the Salaria, which went up to Reate through Sabina, and of the road over the Somma pass to Spoletum. This made it a great commercial center. The antique remains, however, are quite fragmentary. There is enough left of the walls to show that they were not polyg- 154 ROMAN CITIES onal, like those of Spoletum, but of large squared blocks of travertine carefully faced. The baths, theater and amphitheater were all quite early. The theater, either of the late Republic or the Augustan age, still existed in fairly complete condition at the Renaissance, and of the amphi- theater there is even now a sufficient stretch to show that its diameter was 96.50 meters, and its arena measured 52.18 meters: its date is later. The most spectacular sight is, of course, the famous falls of Terni, one of the few grandiose things in which "art has surpassed nature" as the ancients often — too often — were in the habit of boasting. It was in 271 B.C. that Curius Den- tatus cut near here in the mountain a passage for the river Velinus, which allowed it to fall from the tableland of Reate (Rieti) in Sabina into the valley of the Nar in a triple cascade of unsurpassed beauty. Incidentally it is not unin- teresting to note that the region of Reate and that part of Sabina running southwest from here down toward the sacred city of Cures, has interesting early polygonal remains, compar- able to those we have already studied. The country is extremely picturesque but traveling is not easy, — except by automobile, — and bar- ring Rieti itself, the inns are impossible. ROMAN CITIES 155 Spoleto and Ascoli We can go to Spoleto with no such misgiv- ings. In no small Italian town are one's crea- ture comforts and one's esthetic pleasures more harmoniously blended. Many years ago, while ransacking Umbria for early Christian and medieval art I had found Spoleto decidedly the most fruitful field, but I was far from suspect- ing it of especial interest as a Roman city. As a matter of fact it is only quite recently that most of the discoveries have been made in this field. It is reached after quite an abrupt rise from Terni after topping the ridge that connects the Umbrian with the loftier Abruzzi Apen- nines, and descending into the plain of Central Umbria. Spoleto, set on its hill against the mountain background, was always one of the main Umbrian strongholds. It was accessible only on one side, by a narrow neck of land. Even in the early Middle Ages, when it was the capital of a Lombard duchy, it was a grievous thorn in the side of papal Rome until Pepin and Charlemagne stamped out Lombard inde- pendence. It was in 241 B.C. that Spoleto received a colony with Latin rights, one of the last group of twelve genuine Latin colonies sent out hy^ 156 ROMAN CITIES Rome, the first of which was Rimini (268 B.C.) and the latest Aquileia (181 B.C.). At that time, probably, the polygonal city walls of the older Umbrian town were remodeled in the way we can best study along the tract recently un- covered in front of the main approach to the city. There is here an interesting juxtaposition of the Cyclopean and the straight-course ma- sonry which was done either then or after the sacking of the town by Sulla's troops during the civil war.^ For Spoleto, like most Italian cities, took the side of Marius and suffered severely, though not as drastically treated as Praeneste. The walls rise here to a most unusual height and are clearly polygonal in their lower section. This polygonal portion of the walls must certainly antedate 241 B.C. In 90 B.C. Spoleto, with the rest of the Umbrian and Etruscan cities that had not taken part in the civil war, received full rights of Roman citizen- ship in place of those of a Latin colony. Almost at once came the sack by Sulla. The reconstruction of the city that seems to have followed this disaster, makes of the half- century between Sulla and Augustus the golden age of Roman art at Spoleto. It is due al- ^ A slightly post-SuUan Latin inscription in the upper part of this wall gives the names of the two city magistrates {quatuorviri) who superintended the restoration (CIL. XI, 4809). ROMAN CITIES 157 most entirely to the energy and knowledge of a most unusual local inspector of antiquities, Cav. Giovanni Soldini, that Roman Spoletum is ceas- ing to be a myth and a puzzle. It is to be hoped that he may find the means to carry out a clear scheme of his which will open it up still further, for several sections of the modern town stand on artificial levels formed entirely of ancient ruins in varying states of preserva- tion and we know that even Renaissance human- ists saw buildings that are now not destroyed but hidden. We can already see that while the natural development of public life led, at later times, to the addition of such buildings as the amphi- theater and a new theater to supplement the older one, our interest must center around the pre-Sullan and post-Sullan monuments of that rare and interesting period preceding the Au- gustan efflorescence, about which we know so little — the age of Caesar and Cicero, To this time seem to belong such buUdings as the Capi- tolium or temple of the Roman triad, Jupiter, Juno and Minerva; the memorial arch attached to the Capitolium and dedicated to Germanicus and Drusus; the basilica or colonnade at the north end of the forum; the great bridge at the city gate; the old theater that adjoins the forum. The Capitolium became in Lombard times the 158 ROMAN CITIES church of S. Ansano, and was probably the earli- est cathedral of the city. Only Soldini appears to have realized that in the present walls of the church are incorporated the walls of the ancient cella and that part of its beautiful frieze, perhaps of Augustan art, perhaps earlier, is still in place. Hidden in the church walls were also some of the large Corinthian columns of the pronaos, two of them in situ. It is quite an unusual treat to visit the excava- tions that have laid bare the podium of the .Capitolium underneath the church. The wide subterranean trench opened around the founda- tions is well lighted by electricity. The double stepped basement of the temple is one of the most perfect pieces of early Roman stonework I have ever examined. The blocks of travertine are sometimes enormous — one cornerstone is over twelve meters long; the joints are fine and the surfaces perfectly worked. The width of the basement is ten meters, al- lowing for a gable with four columns on the front and two on the sides. A most curious feature are two parallel vaulted passageways in the front part of the basement, which perforate it on a line parallel with the fa9ade. It would seem as if they corresponded to a street which ran into the forum at this point and were made for traffic. If so they are unique. Perheps they Spoleto, Interior of the Church of the Crociflsso showing profuse and confused use of Roman material Plate XXIX ROMAN CITIES 159 are explained by an interesting feature in the basement, a break in the masonry where these passages occur, which shows that at some period the basement was lengthened toward the front in order to make it possible to add, we may imagine, the more stately and spacious portico of Corinthian columns which stUl partly remains. As there is no great difference in the masonry this addition cannot be dated very much later than the original structure. Another explana- tion of these passages is one that is suggested by a few other cases of sub-cella chambers, namely that they were storerooms for sacred objects or annexes to the temple, like the chambers in the podiiun of the temple of Castor and Pollux in Rome. Cav. Soldini is planning to com- plete the freeing of the substructure and to dig into the core underneath the cella, in the hope of finding the favissae and their contents. There is every reason to believe, from early texts and drawings, that untU the seventeenth century one side of the cella wall was practically intact with its marble decoration! At a distance of only a meter and a half from the temple there rises, parallel with its fa9ade, a memorial arch. To both Soldini and myself it seems probable that a corresponding arch once stood on the other side, as was the case at Pompeii 160 ROMAN CITIES and in the forum of Augustus at Rome; it has not yet been possible to test this theory by ex- cavation but this he is anxious to do as soon as possible. The arch has its foundations on the same level as the temple and emerges on the present narrow street that skirts S. Ansano. Its piers are imbedded in the walls on both sides so that little more than the arcade is visible ; but half buried as it is, shorn of its frieze and attic and with its piers hidden, it is of extraordinary interest on account of its age and position. It is a plain structure of travertine and the large blocks above the single archway bear two inscriptions, in honor of those idols of the Roman populace, Germanicus and Drusus. Above each inscription the attic was once crowned by statues of these two generals, when, after their death, the Roman senate voiced the popular feelings of sad enthusiasm by voting the erection of arches and statues in their honor. The arch has for this reason been dated in about the year 23 A.D., when Drusus died, — Germanicus having pre- ceded him about four years. I never doubted this date until recently when I studied the arch in detail for my volume on monumental arches, and was forced to the con- clusion that it was much earlier and that the inscriptions were a later addition. Pliny tells ROMAN CITIES 161 us that it was in the time of Augustus that it first became the custom to use arches as bases for honorary statues, and there can be no objection to the theory that this arch at Spoleto was turned into such an honorary base when the fashion was set by the arches to Germanicus and Drusus in a similar position at Rome in the forum of Au- gustus on either side of the temple of Mars. In fact the primitive forms of this arch forbid us to attribute it to anything but a pre- Augustan date. Its quasi- Corinthian pilaster capitals fol- low not Greek but Etruscan models, and there are as yet no cornices under and above the frieze, nor any of the usual memberment of Augustan arches. A perfectly plain pair of pilasters dec- orate the corners and another pair receive the archivolts of the arcade, after the early manner of the arches at Pompeii, Philippi and Aix-les- Bains before the engaged columns had become so universally popular in the designs for Augus- tan arches. We therefore can call this arch at Spoleto not only the earhest extant Roman me- morial arch, but the most interesting instance of a sacred or religious arch, a class prevalent in the earlier days of Rome, but which under the Empire became overshadowed by the civic and pohtical arches. We should naturally date the original building 11 162 ROMAN CITIES of the Capitolium and its arch in about the year 90 B.C. when the granting of burgess rights to the city made it possible and necessary for it to have its Capitoline temple modeled on that of Rome itself. This agrees entirely with their architectural characteristics. Some day I expect to show the fallacy of the current theory that the blocks belonging to an arch now lying in the Roman forum, almost opposite the temple of Antoninus and Faustina, once formed part of the famous memorial arch of the Fabii. This arch, mentioned by Cicero and other ancient writers, formed the upper boundary of the forum, and commemorated great men and great victories of the Fabian generals. It was built in 121 B.C. and restored in 85 B.C. It stood in the neighborhood of the spot where the above- mentioned blocks were found ; but I believe I can prove that these blocks not only never belonged to the arch of Fabii, but must be over a century later. To get some idea of the real appearance of the arch of the Fabii, I think the best criterion is this arch at Spoleto, which is contemporary with the restoration of the Fabian arch. Of course it is simpler because the arch in Rome, if we are to believe the stories as to the fragments discovered in the sixteenth century, was decor- ated with reliefs of arms and armor; but the con- ROMAN CITIES 163 structive lines were probably the same, as well as the methods of construction. Other buildings can be traced along other sides of the forum square of Spoleto, A colonnade and perhaps a basilica at the north end have not yet been excavated. Here and in other parts of the city it becomes quite an exciting game to descend, with Soldini as guide, into the cellars and substructures of the modern buildings, locate sections of the Roman structures, and try to piece them together so as to make out their plan and style. The most interesting of these hunts was after the two theaters. The older one adjoined the forum and in its primitive construction of large blocks with careful tooling gave probability to the conjecture that it was not later than the Augustan age. It still exists in large part under the streets and houses and merely awaits exca- vation — which would be more expensive than difficult. It is most unusual to find two theaters in a town of anything like the size of Spoleto, and yet there is no doubt that Soldini has identi- fied, under the large municipal building, a sec- ond theater, which its style of construction seems to date not earher than the Antonines. It lies at a considerable distance from the forum and is easier to excavate than the older structure. I 164 ROMAN CITIES was much interested to find, only a week after leaving Spoleto, at the UfRzi in Florence a draw- ing by the famous renaissance architect Baldas- sare Peruzzi, in which the theater is given as complete, with all its measurements, showing that it must have been accessible at that time even though underground. Peruzzi says that it was to be seen "in a monastery {in uno monasterio) ." It would be well worth while to examine these two theaters more carefully, because it may be that here, as at Pompeii, the larger theater was of the usual type for open-air performances, and the smaller one was a covered theater for winter use. We shall see that farther north, in the high Alps at Aosta, the colder climate led the Romans to make the only theater of the city a iheatrum tectum, or covered theater. Passing down from this theater in the upper part of the town to the city gate that faces the plain, in order to study the old bridge, I went into the military casern to see what remains of the amphitheater. It is unique at Spoleto in being still largely above ground. It is cut up, to be sure, by the casern buildings, and only its concrete core remains, because all the blocks of the facing were torn away by that vandal cardinal Albornoz when he rebuilt the old Lom- bard citadel on the hilltop that overlooks the ■ r^E?*^^&:i^^p-r ■rl^^^Si^' V > ■IHHimSfi ' '^~' fli |Tr^5^e.i: r '.'^3^^B9 Bj^Sr-!r"»jK;'-'_^ M \^^Ba HS^^* ' j^'i^. . m^~ ^;^^[^^K FtffiHV"" ^'^^''If^ i-3r^'-^ :M^^^ Wm^-' ^m- N Spoleto, Arch of Germanicus and Drusus Ascoli, Early Roman City Gate Plate XXX ROMAN CITIES 165 city in order thiat the papal garrison might more thoroughly overawe the populace. Still, even as it is the curved tunnel vaulting, intersected by the vaults of the arcades, is an interesting exam- ple of Roman construction, and by its size shows the importance of Spoleto under the middle Empire. But it is the bridge in front of the gate that produces a most unusual impression. A modern bridge spans the river that passes near the gate and it was here that in Roman times also the main approach must have been by a road that is still exactly followed in the modern highway, as it reaches the city at its only accessible point. A guard opens a trap door in the dust of the esplanade in front of the city gate and one descends, by the light of a lantern, a long flight of steps to emerge on a platform and see a ghostlike bridge over a ghostlike river, an evoca- tion of the age before Julius Csesar. For here is a bridge of quite large size, nearly eighty feet long (twenty-four meters) and nearly forty-five feet high (fourteen meters), with three arcades, one of which is larger than the others, stUl standing in perfect preservation, waiting merely for the magic wand of the exca- vator to remove the concealing lid and give it back to practical use. Through it the river 166 ROMAN CITIES rushes, hushed by the stillness of the vaults and lapping the steps on which I stood to watch it as a weird evocation. It was not as marvelous a structure as the larger bridge at Narni, but only a small part of that bridge remains and it is of mixed Augustan and earlier structure, while this one at Spoleto is of one style and that pre- Augustan. In fact, considering the many re- modelings and disfigurements of the even earher Mulvian bridge near Rome, and the smaller dimensions of the other earlier bridges along the Flaminian and other highways, one can study here better than anywhere the methods of the pre- Augustan Roman engineers in bridge con- struction, in the outlines and proportions of their piers, in the use of wide slits in the piers to pre- vent the pressure of the water, and their system of arched structure in its course of evolution toward the more structural forms of the middle Empire. Its perfect preservation when com- pared with the destruction of the majority of Augustan bridges, would really argue in favor of the skill of these engineers of the previous generation. An inscription now walled into the campanile of the cathedral originally came, I am sure, from this bridge. It gives the magis- trates who built it and supports my theory of its date: ROMAN CITIES 167 M . LVVCIVS . M . F C • VEIENVS . C . F nil • vm I . D • S . C PONTEM • FACIV CVR . PROBARVNTQ The use of the double V in Lucius would in- dicate as possible an even earlier date than I would have dared to ascribe to the bridge, any- where between about 135 and 70 B.C. I believe this to be the earliest known Roman bridge in- scription: no one has connected it with this bridge, so far as I am aware. Of course there are other Roman buildings in and near Spoleto; the charming house of Ves- pasian's mother; traces of the ancient Baths built by Torasius; the mysterious Christian ba- silica of the Crocifisso with its massive classic fragments worked into the structure, and then, at quite a distance, the picturesque little temple at the poetic sources of the Clitumnus which still give us a glimmering of that feeling that made Pliny so eloquent in describing them and the temple that was, perhaps, the predecessor of the one we now see, which, notwithstanding the glamour that surrounds it, cannot be dated earlier than the fourth century. It is evident that Spoleto under and after 168 ROMAN CITIES Augustus expanded far beyond its walls, beyond the bridge and the river. It is here that the early Christian monuments are most numerous. I must at least put the visitor to the ancient city on his guard against the notion that the puzzle of the basilica of the Crocifisso is an easy one to solve. Here is a fa9ade with extraordinarily in- teresting doorways and windows that were held to be early Christian and Constantinian until Father Grisar undertakes to prove them Roman- esque products of the twelfth century! I am not sure, now, that Soldini does not believe them earlier than Constantine. The interior is an even greater puzzle. It is a maze of colossal and other antique columns ; of effective classic Roman cor- nices and friezes set at quite a dizzy height ; of a ground plan so remodeled as to leave one in doubt whether or no there was an antique struc- ture on the site, or whether the ancient spoils were brought, possibly, from the Capitoline temple. Finally, but not least, there is the dome over the intersection in front of the apse, which has a pre-Byzantine flavor, if we are to believe some critics, but which would not be so marvelous were it a work of the Romanesque age, which produced the domes of Ancona and Pisa cathe- drals. At all events the pieces of ancient archi- tecture in this basilica are the best proof we have ROMAN CITIES 169 in Spoleto of the magnificence and size of some of her imperial structures. There is also another and even more spec- tacular mystery in architecture : the high viaduct- aqueduct called Ponte delle Torri that connects Spoleto with the hill behind it. Of course the arcades are medieval, but the piers seem Roman, though I omitted to make a careful enough study of their masonry to feel at all certain of their date. The structure is of brickwork two hundred and six meters long and eighty-one meters high. Viewed as a whole and as a type, Spoleto exemplified the transformation of an old town into a newer colony at a particularly interesting time — ^that of Sulla: — and has nothing of that regularity of the Roman camp-city which is so soon to come into being and will be exemplified in our study of Turin and Aosta. From Spoleto there is an excursion of extra- ordinary interest to Asculum, the modern Ascoli Piceno. Of course it can be visited in ordinary "bromidic" fashion by the railroad on the Adriatic side, but I would appeal to all lovers of beauty to take the motor omnibus which starts from Spoleto every day for Ascoli by way of Nursia {Nor da) . It is one of the most beautiful mountain excursions in Italy. Ascoli is an un- spoiled city, breathing at every corner medieval 170 ROMAN CITIES and renaissance art and life, so that the few Roman ruins are hardly noticeable; and yet one of them at least, the Porta Romana, is what a Roman archaeologist would go far to see, if he knew of it. This double gate was, it would seem, the main entrance of the Roman city, as it spans the road where the Via Salaria enters. The ancient pre- Roman city was bathed for nine tenths of its circuit by two rivers, the Tronto and Castellano. It was the capital of Picenum, commanded the mountain passes, the roads to the Adriatic coast and to Umbria. One of these passes is between Monte Vittore (two thousand four hundred and seventy-six meters) and Pizzo di Sevo (two thou- sand four hundred and twenty-two meters) at a height of over three thousand feet. Asculum, though it was the only city to be honored as an ally, seems to have been the leader among the seceding cities of Picenum in the social war of 90 B.C., when it started the movement of revolt of the united Italians against Rome in the claim for equal rights by murdering Roman oflSicials and citizens. There is quite an epic strain in this struggle. We know that then and for some time before, Asculum was a strong fortress, and we have every reason to assign to some period previous to the war of 90 B.C. the double gate of the Porta Romana. Ascoli, Early Roman Bridge Ascoli (near), Substructure of Via Salaria Plate XXXI ROMAN CITIES 171 The simplicity of this gate is a warrant for its pre- Augustan character. We have here the fin- est example of what the early inscriptions call a porta gemina, — a city gate with two openings, one for incoming and one for outgoing vehicles. At Rome the Porta Carmentalis appears to have been of this type. No other pre- Augustan gate, except the Pompeian, has preserved this type, and this Ascoli gate is much finer. The structure of the voussoirs without archivolts and without interpenetration is not only pre- Augustan : it rather indicates a date not later than the third or second centuries before Christ. It is of large blocks of well cut travertine of the severest type, without molding or decoration. Not far from Ascoli, toward Acquasanta, there is a notable bit of retaining wall of the Via Salaria, in beautifully polished and jointed blocks of white travertine in opus isodomum of the Augustan age, and of the same age is the superb bridge over which the ancient road crosses the Castellano river, west of the city, almost immediately after issuing from the Porta Ro- mana. It is now called "Ponte di Cecco," and was built about 20 b.c. The wider arch has a span of 14.50 meters and a height of 24,80 meters from the river bed. This entire region, but especially South and Central Umbria, is especially rich in Augustan and earlier bridges. 172 ROMAN CITIES Assisi If we now return to Umbria, it will sHow us several interesting commonwealths of this tran- sitional age, thanks to the conservatism that made her loath to join the quixotic heroes of the social war. It is at Assisi that we find a picture of an old Umbrian town satisfied to be an ally of Rome. It is as representative of these munici- j)alities as Spoletum is of the Roman colonies. It is not often that one can extract a smUe out of a perusal of Baedeker, but my sense of humor was touched each time that my eye caught the single word "uninteresting," set in parentheses, as the only guide-book reference to the remains of the ancient forum of Assisi. They can be visited underground from the square in front of the so- called temple of Minerva, which originally stood at the head of the forum on a slight eminence. It so happens, pace Baedeker, that it is quite one of the most interesting and earliest of extant forums and one that furnished me with the best answer to a puzzling question that I had been asking myself as well as others in regard to the Roman forum. Could the Roman forum be closed to access on all sides? Were there gates across each entrance? I thought that it must have been so, but asked in vain of philologians and archgeologists for ,J)as- Assibi, The Capitoliurn or Tem])lc nf Mine TocU, Enclosure of Anciejit Forum Plate XXXII ROMAN CITIES 173 sages in literature and for material evidence of the fact. Even Dr. Hiilsen seemed not to have taken this question into account in his forum studies. My explanation of the hitherto unex- plained thin Janus archways {iani pervii) that spanned the vicus Tuscus and vicus Jugarius as they open into the forum is that they were in- tended to frame and support gates by which the forum could be closed. The other approaches: the Clivus Argentarius, the Argiletima and the Via Sacra, were also all spanned by archways which could have served and probably did serve the same purpose. In Republican times, when games and shows were so often given in the forum instead of in special structures like circus and amphitheater, it must have been quite necessary to close the forum, but the real origin of the custom was, I beheve, different. I found confirmation of my theory in the forum of Pompeii, where Mau notes the traces of gates; and this testimony of about the Augustan age needed just the strengthening which I now found at Assisi, in the earlier simple type of the forum of the Repubhcan age, which gives, on a far smaller scale, some idea of what the Roman forum may originally have been. Before describing it I must speak of its 174 ROMAN CITIES crowning glory, the Capitoline temple, at the upper end of the forum, because though weU known and admired ever since the Renaissance for the exquisite beauty of its wide portico of Corinthian columns in extraordinary preserva- tion, I was able to make at the time of my visit a rather important addition to our knowledge of its history and vicissitudes. It has always been called the Temple of Minerva and was preserved by being converted into a church. It really must have been dedicated to Jupiter, Juno and Mi- nerva, like other capitolia, and in style warrants the attribution, in its present form, to the reign of Augustus, a date which is commonly given it on the strength of its building inscription.^ What I believe I have discovered is its pre- Augustan form and date. Assisi is built on so steep a sloping hillside that the temple backed against the hill, which towered above it, behind a retaining wall, and yet stood high above the pavement of the forum, stretching at its foot at a distance of about four meters. The forum had a decidedly oblong form, with the long side parallel to the f a9ade of the temple. ' The inscription is C I L XI, S378, and reads : Cn. T. Caesii Cn. F. Tiro et Priscus IIII viri quinquennales sua pecunia fecerunt. These two brothers were the local magistrates elected every five years. They were allowed to inscribe their names on the fajade because they not only oversaw the building but paid for it. ROMAN CITIES 175 The level space below was artificially secured by- excavation and by the use of an upper and a lower retaining wall for the forum square. This gave to the Capitolium that eiFect of being on a hiU above the forum, aimed at in cities that sought to imitate the topography of Rome. The municipal guards have their office next to the old temple and by going back of it one may study the left side of the antique cella and the spectacular early retaining walls back of it. In trying to find some trace of a temple arch such as the one next to the capitohum of Spoleto I examined at the rear angle the very hard and marble-like stucco Corinthian pilaster 1.04 me- ters wide which showed how the sides and rear were decorated with pUasters that corresponded exactly to the columns of the portico and showed also how the deep channels of these columns were originally stuccoed, though this heavy incrusta- tion has now disappeared. Then, as I followed the line of cella wall toward the front, I came across an aperture cut in it which had brought to light a peculiar fact the meaning of which was at once clear to me, though I found it had not been noticed by local or visiting archasologists and architects. At a certain point in the thickness of the wall there appeared a second inner wall of earher and care- 176 ROMAN CITIES ful course masonry, not intended, like tHe Au- gustan rubble waU, to be covered with stucco or marble slabs. There was even at this point, to prove the original independence of this inner wall, a small round-topped door with an opening of 1.05 meters, which originally opened into the cella and which was covered up when the Augus- tan architects added their facing around the entire cella and built the present colonnaded por- tico. This Augustan facing was only sixty-five centimeters thick. Here, then, was the cella of the early, pre- Augustan temple, dating either from the second or third century B.C., when the forum of the city was laid out in the form in which we see it, and the retaining wall below the temple was built or rebuilt, or from the date of its earliest form. This is, I believe, the first cella of a temple of the Republican era that has been noted north of Rome. It is, of course, considerably later than that of Signia, which I have already described. This will explain the peculiar arrangement of the steps that lead up to the temple. Instead of terminating, as is usual, in front of the columns they pass between them and terminate inside the pronaos or portico. This was due to the impos- sibility of throwing the steps farther forward toward the retaining wall of the f ormn when the ROMAN CITIES 177 Augustan (or post-Sullan) architects decided to remodel the temple according to their more sumptuous norms, which involved, as usual, a considerable enlargement of the portico. The cramped space made this makeshift in the arrangement of the steps necessary, in order to keep in front of them the small free space for the altar, immediately on the axis of the temple, above the retaining wall. This wall is pierced at this point to allow of two staircases, which de- scended to the forum level on either side of the altar. The porticoes of most of the earlier capitolia seem to have had only four columns ; even in the Augustan age that of Pola retains this number. But here at Assisi, in emulation of the later Roman model, there are six columns which were originally faced with very fine stucco. This has disappeared, leaving the travertine exposed. We, however, must descend through a trap- door in the square, and visit the old forum by torchlight. It has been excavated and made accessible under the modern square as far as is possible without interfering with the foundations of the houses, but at different times trial dig- gings, and in particular the excavations of about 1820, have given the size and shape of the origi- nal area, which is over three times as large as 12 178 ROMAN CITIES what we can see. However, what we do see is the central and most interesting section, with the tribunal for the magistrates and the base for the monument decorating the center of the square. First of all I must describe the way the forum was bounded. It contained about three thousand eight hundred square meters and measured, roughly, eighty-five meters from east to west and forty-five meters from north to south. On every side except the one facing the temple, the forum was not only surrounded by a high and solid wall of masonry but this wall was faced with a Doric portico sustained by columns and pilasters, some fragments of which may still be seen in the square above. This gave a cloistered effect to the square and followed what was probably a general norm in forums of this time. In the center of each of the three sides was an entrance corresponding to a city street, the main one lead- ing down the slope opposite the temple, being said, on an old local tradition, to have led to the Janus arch of the city, in the present Vescovado square. This corresponded apparently to the Janus with which each early settlement in Rome was provided. These three Janus gates of the forum remind one of the passage in Livy about the founding of the Roman colony at Sinuessa, in 174 B.C., and ROMAN CITIES 179 the laying out of its forum with three Janus archways hy the Roman magistrates. In this and in other forums of the Repubhcan age Livy speaks of the shops and halls built around the square and inclosing it. Here then is a proof that the early fora were inclosed and even waUed in. Of course the walling-in was not nearly as appar- ent in other and later cases where there were basilicas, theaters, market-halls and other build- ings to form the fa9ades of the forums, and the habit of having gates may easily have been abandoned after the early Empire. Another difference between the early forums of Assisi and Rome was that in these Umbrian fora there probably were never any of the gladi- atorial fights and other games that were so com- mon in Capua and other Campanian cities and from them borrowed by Rome. Another peculiar, if not unique, feature of this forum is the judgment seat for its magistrates and the wall behind it for the affixing of their decrees! Assisi was not a colony, but enjoyed autonomy as a municipality under Roman con- trol, until 90 B.C. We know that the munici- pium was governed by a body of six local magistrates called marones, before it received burgess rights along with the other loyal towns of Umbria which resisted the lure of the civil 180 ROMAN CITIES war. Instead of delivering judgment in a sep- arate basilica, as was done later in Rome, these judges sat on a judgment seat in the open air built just between and in front of the steps that led down from the temple. They sat with their backs to the temple on seats of marble or metal the attachments for which still show on the large travertine blocks forming the basement of the platform. This platform has two short wings beside the main body and is reached by two long steps from the forum area. This original area is still preserved with its pavement. The length of wall between the two stairways immediately behind the tribunal is full of holes. They are too far apart to have been used for the nails by which metal letters were fastened, and it is tolerably certain that they served to attach the various decrees, regulations and announcements passed at the meetings of the magistrates. In this wall surface and in this tribunal we have, I believe, the only known material data for recon- structing in our minds the scenes relating to pub- lic affairs in pre-imperial times, in such ancient municipalities as Assisi. The time and manner of the remodeling of the forum are approximately given by an inscrip- tion cut farther along on this same upper wall which was discovered in April of 1907. It gives ROMAN CITIES 181 the names of the five magistrates who oversaw the work, and its archaic characteristics date it from about the second century B.C. Immedi- ately under this line is a second line which I believe, — though I am not aware whether this has been noted, — to belong to a later date, for it is cut more deeply and with letters that are more germane to the beginning of the Augustan era. This second line states that the stuccoed and painted work was done by decree at the expense of C. Attius Clarus. C. 'Attius. T. f. Clarus. opus albarium pictorium sua pecunia S. C. fecit. Evidently when the temple was remodeled, on the approach of the Augustan age, the forum itself was restored, the columns and decorative work stuccoed and tinted in accordance with the more decorative taste of the new era. But we can hark back to an even earlier date than the second or third centuries B.C. for the origin of this forum, for at a certain point close to the stairs a bit of inner wall is visible, which shows that the present wall, erected by the magis- trates named in the inscription, was a facing added to an earher wall that had served the same purpose and which perhaps dates before the age of Roman supremacy. There is one more feature of the forum, — the monument in the center. It was added, appar- 182 ROMAN CITIES ently at about the time of the early Augustan remodeling, and consisted of a high square base- ment supporting a four-sided marble canopy or tetrapyle under which were statues of the Dios- curi, Castor and Pollux, presumably standing by their horses. The statuary as well as the four double-faced corner piers with their architraves and covering have disappeared, though they were found when the forum was excavated. But the large inscription covering the entire face that looked toward the main entrance on the Street of Janus remains, telling that Galeo Tettienus Pardalas (a thoroughly Umbrian name) and his wife Tettiena Galene gave to the city this tetra- style and the statues of Castor and Pollux, and at the dedicatory festival distributed money to the decurions, the seviri and the people. This association of Castor and Pollux with the forum and capitolium is very characteristic and in the chapter on Perugia I have already shown how the Dioscuri, sons of Jupiter, were re- garded, not only by the Romans but by the Umbrians and Etruscans, as the patrons and protectors of the city, the body-guard of Jupiter- Juno-Minerva, and the guardians of the capitohum. Leaving the forum and ascending, in the direction of the old Umbrian citadel, toward the ROMAN CITIES 183 upper right-hand edge of the town, to the cathe- dral square, I saw a bit of early architecture that seems to be even less appreciated than the forum itself. Entering the cathedral, a diligent and persistent inquiry led the sacristan to open an inconspicuous door near the beginning of the left-hand aisle. I found myself, on descending a few steps, carrying a taper, in the vaulted in- terior of a large cistern which originally supplied the Umbrian city with water, and on whose solid vault the cathedral tower was erected. On the wall next to the cistern there still remains a long building inscription which is the most archaic yet found in Assisi, showing the cistern to ante- date the forum in its present state. The six city magistrates or marones report in it that they have built the wall from the arch to the circus, including the arch and cistern ; murum ah fornice ad circum et fornicem cisternamq. d. s. s. faciun- dum coiravere. Arch and circus have disappeared, but the cis- tern mentioned in the inscription remains in as perfect condition as when it was built. The hall is not subterranean but built against the rising hillside from which the water was conveyed, through a window in the upper part, by a conduit that is even now usable; while the outlet on the opposite lower end, next to the cathedral, is also 184 ROMAN CITIES still in perfect condition. At this end is a wide platform above the water level from which a flight of steps led to the bottom of the cistern, which was encircled by a groove for draining off the water. The covering of the hall is the most remark- able part of the structure: a single bold tunnel vault, 5.10 meters wide and 6.60 meters long, rests upon a heavy molded cornice, 2.35 meters from the floor, which formed a continuous ledge. The entire structure is of blocks of travertine perfectly cut and in regular courses. In the history of vaulting before the age of Augustus this cistern of Assisi should take a prominent place for it has, I believe, the widest known span of any vaulted structure of this period, even larger than that of the famous Tomba di San Manno near Perugia, which meas- ures only four meters. A cistern near Frasso is even more colossal, with a vault 6.80 meters wide. It should be compared with others of this interesting class, the cisterns of Norba, Cora, Anagni, Volterra, Praeneste and especially with others in Umbria itself, built either on the same type of single vault or in a series of parallel vaulted chambers, as at Amelia, Bevagna, Narni, Todi and other cities, for it is in just such works of engineering that the science of construction ROMAN CITIES 185 was developed which made the great vaulted structures of the Empire possible and added a new chapter beside that of the Greeks to the his- tory of architecture. The Umbrians seem in this particular to have excelled even the Etruscans. I hope shortly to publish something on this subject. Thus far it is only from two Assisi inscriptions that we learn of the marones as the magistrates administering the Umbrian cities which became civitates foederatae under Roman rule. It may seem strange that we know so little of Umbria and her cities in any definite way during the pre- Roman and even the pre- Augustan age. But as a rule the efforts of excavators have been con- centrated only on the necropoli of ancient Italy because they repay well in salable material. It may not be commonly known, but it is a fact, that hardly a single Etruscan or Umbrian city has been thoroughly explored, otherwise we would know much more of the pre-Roman architecture. The work would be expensive and only scien- tifically and historically valuable. To return to Assisi. It is natural to pass from here to the rest of a group of characteristic Um- brian cities: especially northward to Iguvium (Gubbio), and southwest to Tuder (Todi) by way of Vettona. In fact, just across the valley 186 ROMAN CITIES from Assisi is Mevania (Bevagna), which dis- putes with it the right to call itself the birthplace of that exquisite elegiac poet of the Augustan age, Propertius. It must have been an important center for it was here that the Umbrian clans gathered in the only concerted attempt they made to oppose Rome at the beginning of her intru- sion. While one can find some traces of Umbrian city walls with Roman repairs, the travertine basement of a temple with Republican cella and early columns of stuccoed brick, there is hardly enough to warrant a visit, if it were not that we can add as a splendid side-show two of the most imposing medieval churches in Umbria — S. Sil- vestro and S. Michele. They are signed and dated and their dark interiors and colossal tunnel- vaulted naves carry one back to Provence and Burgundy; for such things are almost unknown in Italy. At Vettona (Bettona), which is near both Bevagna and Assisi, there are better-preserved and quite interesting city walls which seem to be of the time when Rome was first entering the province. They are of carefully jointed courses of tufa, but their early date is shown by the fact that quite frequently the courses are interrupted by larger blocks. The courses are usually .58 m. high and the longest blocks measure 1.70 m. In ROMAN CITIES 187 style the work resembles that which is placed over the polygonal work in the walls of Spoleto. TODI AND SpELLO Tuder (Todi), encircled on all sides by hills, is not near any railway but can be easily reached by automobile-bus from Perugia. It is all the more charged with local color and medievaHsm. The circuit of the ancient acropolis can be traced, built of travertine blocks in regular courses. The outer city walls seem restored and enlarged after the Roman conquest. On the east side, near the acropolis, are some fine foundations of the cavea of quite a large theater. The amphitheater, on the south side, was about 200 m. beyond the an- cient walls and has been partly incorporated in the present city walls. By far the most interesting bit of ancient architecture is what is popularly called the Foro 'Boario, on the east edge of the city. I am ex- tremely puzzled to explain the stately row of colossal niches surmounted by a Doric frieze with shields, rosettes and other symbols and orna- ments in the metopes. Did the niches serve as booths in the market? Did they belong to a sacred inclosure? In the dearth of works of pre- Augustan architecture with any decorative ele- ments, this is a god-sent gift that has not been 188 ROMAN CITIES taken at its true value, for it has all the earmarks of the pre-SuUan era. It might, in fact, be one of the prototypes for the decorative motifs of the SuUan reconstruction of the Praenestine temple. This market square was built on a steep hillside. Its niches are set in a high retaining wall and were surmounted by a second story, now almost destroyed, perhaps with a gallery, while on its lower end, facing the plain, it was itself terraced down. There is another ancient city in Central Um- bria which brings to us echoes of the generation before Augustus and of his earliest years which saw the death of many of the old cities and the resurrection of a few. It is Spello. Spello is now an insignificant town built within the walls of the Umbro-Roman city of Hispellum, not over three miles from Foligno on the road to Assisi, which is six mUes further north. It was one of the important towns of Umbria but its later insignificance may have proved the salva- tion of certain features that we cannot find any- where else. It neither lies on the plain like Foligno, nor is set on the summit of a ridge like Assisi, but cov- ers a low spur of the long sweeping hillside as it rolls up northward and eastward from the plain. This does not prevent its streets from being among the most precipitous in Umbria. ROMAN CITIES 189 The theater and the amphitheater set off toward the northwest, outside the city walls, on the flats near the Assisi road, give the approxi- mate measure of the city's size under the Empire. At one time it was practically the metropolis of Umbria, and had the honor of building a temple of the Gens Flavia. That the early municipality received a Roman colony in the time of the tri- umvirs, in 41 B.C., is extremely probable, though it may possibly have been established or renewed a few years later by Augustus. It was then called 'Colonia Julia Hispellum.' Then, if not before, the city walls and gates were buUt. Ap- parently no archaeologists have realized their age or interest. I found in them the link between the Etruscan and the Augustan gates: the pro- totypes of the Augustan type of both triple and single city gates such as we can study at Aosta, Turin, Pompeii, Fano, Salona, etc. Beside this, the walls and towers are the most artistically built of any in Italy. To judge merely from their style I should be inchned to date them earher than the triumvirs. I found no trace of a colony arch, but should not be at all surprised if its foundations could be uncovered at some point between three and four hundred paces outside the Porta Consolare where the main ancient road entered the town. 190 ROMAN CITIES On the other hand there does still exist a precious relic of the forum or capitoline arch with a fragment of the dedication to Augustus. We enter the town from the station through the "Porta Consolare" which stiU retains almost intact its primitive fapade and remains the prin- cipal modern gate. But it has been so thoroughly stripped of its marble revetment, and is buried so deep by the raising of the street level, and its upper part is so disfigured by the addition of medieval masonry, that its original proportions must be evoked by a restoration. Three antique statues of different periods are set against its upper part on brackets. It stood at the southeast angle of the ancient wall from which it seems to have projected slightly instead of being recessed and defended, as was the other triple gate of Porta Venere, by projecting polygonal towers. In a way this is both the best and the worst preserved of the gates. It gives us their general scheme but it is shorn of every bit of decoration and memberment. The construction in traver- tine blocks is in fairly regular courses, but I found that this was not intended to be seen, but was entirely concealed by marble slabs whicK have been torn away, leaving the holes for the attachment visible.^ It is not merely a fa9ade 'The structure is 13 metres wide, with a central arcade of 4.45 met. and two side arches for foot passengers of only 1.70 met. Trophy of Augustus at I.a Turbie for Subjugation of Alpine Tribes (Dunn) Plate Spello, Small City Gate, probably pre-Augustan ROMAN CITIES 191 but part of a solid structure. Heavy side-walls still project nearly six metres back on the right to form an inside court which must have been terminated by another corresponding triple open- ing. On the walls of this court we can see even more clearly than on the outside walls the numer- ous holes for attaching the marble slabs. What this court was like is evident by comparison with the better preserved Porta Praetoria at Aosta, where we find the same technique of a core with course stone-work and a facing of marble slabs. At Aosta enough of the facing remains to show its style. In fact at Spello itself there are two other gates through which we can reconstruct the architectural memberment of the Porta Conso- lare, aided by a drawing of the other triple gate, the "Porta Venere" made in the first half of the sixteenth century by the famous architect, Serlio, who saw it when it was almost intact. This gate must have been made even more spectacular by the eleven-sided towers that flanked it, rising to a considerable height even above the gallery of the gate. The three arcades were inclosed in a frame of four shallow pilasters which supported an entablature of a narrow two-stepped architrave and a plain frieze with heavy cornice. Above we can trace an arcaded ( ?) gallery which was con- 192 ROMAN CITIES nected with the flanking towers whose windowed galleries were on a level with the gallery of the gate for defensive purposes. Serlio considered these Spello gates of such importance that he published cuts and descriptions of two of them in his classic work on architecture. I saw in the Uffizi his original drawings for these cuts. The Porta S. Ventura remains in much better condition and though a perfectly simple single gateway, is interesting for the primitive charac- ter of its forms. It has the same memberment as the triple gates: a couple of corner pilasters supporting an architrave and frieze. But here the entablature is crowned not by an attic but by a gable, and the gable is free-standing, a type closer to the Greek than the Augustan gable, such as we find later at Rimini, in 28 B.C., where the gable is incorporated in an attic, so losing its fundamental terminal significance. The section of the city wall between the Porta S. Ventura and the Porta Consolare is particu- larly perfect, and next to it that which stretches from it to the Porta Venere, all of it on the side facing the plain. I have not seen in Italy any ancient city walls that came so near to giving the impression of a work of art. They reminded me of the reference to the glistening walls of ancient Luna, whose marble quarries made it possible to ROMAN CITIES 193 surround the city with such unique ramparts. Here at Spello the builders produced their artis- tic effect by the unusual use of both color and memberment. They ran a low base'^ of blocks of hard dark peperino all around the foundation, as the lower stratum or basement, letting it fol- low the natural irregularities of the ground at the base line, but running its upper edge on a perfectly horizontal line from gate to gate and crowning and framing it with a plain projecting plinth-like molding, formed of a single line of long narrow blocks. From this rises the main body of the wall, built in the lighter-colored, yellow-gray, fine-grained travertine, cut in small blocks with extremely clean-cut edges and faces in even courses, closely jointed and almost as smooth as marble. At a distance one gets the impression of a brick or tile wall. Neither at an earlier nor at a later period do I believe that such small stone- work was used; not until it again came into use, in careless form, in the age of decadence. At the towers of the Porta Venere where the work is the most perfect the stones are only from 20 to 35 cent, long by 15 cent. high. Of course the special interest of these gates 'The use of a similar but more primitive form of basement line in the walls of Perugia, in the fourth century B.C. would be an argument in favor of a pre-Augustan date for the walls cf Spello. 13 194 ROMAN CITIES and walls centers about their date. Looking at it merely from the historic standpoint we know; that it ceased to be regarded as necessary to fortify Italian cities after the early part of the reign of Augustus. It is true that a few cities date the completing of their walls later in his reign, — Saepinimi, for instance, in 6 B.C., — but these were exceptions. So, the presumption is in favor of a date earlier than 23 B.C. If so, then the date of the establishment of the Roman Colony here, in 41 B.C., would seem to give the approximate date, though we can easily believe that the Umbrian city had previously been forti- fied. But, the architectural and decorative pecu- liarities must be our surest guide. The most striking of these is the method used in construct- ing the arcades of the gates. The voussoirs are plain, unstepped stones and the moldings that frame them, instead of being cut on the voussoirs themselves, are made out of narrow curved strips of stone or marble that follow the outer curve of the voussoir blocks. This is the earlier method of the Etruscan builders followed in the gates of Perugia and Falerii in the fourth and third cen- turies B.C. It was replaced in the earliest years of Augustus by the stepped voussoirs with mold- ings. This element, therefore, would indicate a date previous to 41 B.C. Another pre-Augustan ROMAN CITIES 195 element is the basement line, which we find in more primitive form in the walls of Perugia. On the other hand the stepped architrave, the plain frieze and the gable indicate a Hellenistic in- fluence that smacks of the age of Sulla or Caesar. We may conclude, then, that these Spello gates furnish the earliest known triple city gates, of which I have already mentioned the principal hitherto known examples. Those at Aosta are dated between 25 and 20 B.C. and cannot be earlier, as the city was then built. Nor is there any reason for dating any of the others before c. 25 B.C., while those of Turin are apparently later and that of Fano is dated 9 a.d. It is extremely interesting to be able to place the origin of this type of gate in the pre-Augustan age about which we know so Httle. In this analysis I have omitted one of the gates of Spello, the small so-called "Porta Urbana" at the top of the hillside. Nothing remains but the circle of voussoirs and the walls about it are de- stroyed. But there is also another relic in even worse condition which is of far greater value than would appear. It is the remaining pier of an arch which stood in the central part of the old city, either across the entrance to the Forum or beside the Capitolium of the colony of 41 B.C. Set into this pier is a slab on which are a few 196 ROMAN CITIES letters of large size: — R-DIVI-I. They were evidently part of a dedication of the arch to or by Augustus: Caesar divi filius. Aquino I shall now allow myself a slight hcense, in the form of an excursion outside of Umbria toward the south. A visit to Aquino, the ancient Aquinum, in the northern part of Campania, rounds out one's conceptions of the architecture that ushers in the Augustan age, and joins the monuments of Um- bria that we have been studying, to the Augustan works in Northern Italy and Dalmatia that are described later. Aquinimi stood at the junction of the ancient Via Latina with the road to Minturnae and the coast. It was originally a city of a type similar to the neighboring Latin and Volscian cities to the north. It then became an allied municipality and finally, in 41 B.C., it received a colony sent by the triumvirs. Marc Antony stopped here on his way south at this time, and it was promi- nent both as a city and fortress. The site has scarcely been touched. A number of ruins are standing in plowed fields, as modern Aquino does not occupy exactly the area of the old city. There are the foundations of two temples, a theater and amphitheater and a num- AF|,)inum, City Gate or Janus c. 41 B. C. or earlier ATOinum, Colony Arch (half flooded) c. 41 B. C. Plate xxxTV ROMAN CITIES 197 ber of tombs. It would be quite well worth ex- cavating, for Aquinum was considered a not un- important city in the age of Strabo and from its position must have partaken of the art both of Campania and Rome. Quite a stretch of city-wall, in courses of regu- lar travertine blocks, joins to so-called Porta S. Lorenzo which stands, in excellent preservation, across the modern road. It is a plain, impressive gate, but its value is even more historic than aesthetic. Delbriick calls it a "double gate of Servian type," which would imply an eairly date, preceding the Roman colony. With this infer- ence I cannot agree, because its masonry is of a type common under the triumvirs. Even as late in the reign of Augustus as 6 B.C., the gates of Saepinum show the same treatment of voussoirs. At the same time its type is very archaic and interesting as giving us a model for reconstruct- ing the pre- Augustan gates of Rome. In both plan and vaulting this gate is unique for its age. It is almost square, with heavy walls and superstructure, the only surviving example of the Janus gates such as were used in Rome under the Kings and the Republic. The arched gate at Ferentino, much less well-preserved, and which I have already described, gives an earlier form of this type, when the passageway was still 198 ROMAN CITIES uncovered. Similar open-court gates occur at Cosa and Volterra in Republican times. Here at Aquino the gate, though almost square, was not a Janus Quadrifrons, because it had but one passageway. It looked at first as if it were a free-standing structure, as there seemed to be no breaks in the stonework, but I found that the city wall joined the corner of the gate. A slight excavation would be needed to determine the extent and period of the connection. The fact that the passageway leading through the core of the gate into the city is vaulted is most interesting. It has a massive cross-vaulting, 5. IS met. square, which springs from four piers surmounted by plain plinths above which a heavy ledge runs across the two fa9ades, behind the voussoirs of the arch, helping to form the square plan for the vault. The corner piers furnish narrow transverse arches and support the aretes or ridges of the vaulting. I have enlarged upon this construc- tion because it is of especial importance for the history of vaulting. Rivoira's epoch-making publication on the Roman origins of Byzantine and medieval architecture, has brought this ques- tion again to the front, and I venture to assert that this gate at Aquino is the earliest remaining instance of the cross-vault, the prototype of those in the Janus arches of tHe Forum Boarium in ROMAN CITIES 199 'Rome and of Saxa Rubra near Rome, built three or four centuries later! At some distance beyond this gate is a beauti- ful arch which the common people have long in- sisted on calling Marc Antony's arch, "I'arco del re Marc Antonio." It is near the church of S. Maria Ottolina, on the edge of a field, and through its archway races a watercourse that runs a near-by mill. The artificial dykes of the water- course conceal the lower half of the arch and dwarf its proportions, but nothing can obscure its charm. Though built of a fine-grained traver- tine it gives an impression of almost as great delicacy and refinement as if it were of marble. We instinctively bracket it with the Hellenistic temples of Rome, Cori and Palestrina, and this impression is strengthened by the use of the Ionic order with the Corinthian. Its position across the ancient highway outside the walls, its isola- tion and its form, combine to show that it is the Colony arch of Aquinum, built on the pomerium line of the new colony in about 41 B.C. If so it is the earliest extant of the so-called triumphal arches. It is a strange fate that now sets it across a watercourse, which is gradually undermining its foundations. Its keystone has sagged,^ and this 'Sig. Camillo Ricci, Director of Fine Arts in Italy, has twice, at my request, directed the local commission that cares for the 200 ROMAN CITIES most charming and earliest of arches is in danger of collapse for the want of a very small sum. The upper structure has disappeared. The gen- eral order inclosing the arch is Corinthian, with corner shafts engaged in the masonry. But the minor order of shafts supporting the arcade is Ionic — the only use of this order with which I am acquainted in the field of memorial arches. It is, probably, due to Southern influence. Other pre-Augustan and early Augustan works either use the Corinthian or the Doric, or combine these two — a sign of Italic influence. The extreme slenderness of the arch is a char- acteristic. It has no core, but is built throughout of wonderfully jointed blocks laid without ce- ment. Of attic, cornice, architrave, frieze there is no trace. I seemed to recognize blocks from these missing parts in the walls of the adjoining mill and in the neighboring medieval church, where there were built in numerous decorative architectural members of antique workmanship. The famous Renaissance architects of the San Gallo family admired and drew this arch, and I find that in their time, at the close of the fifteenth century, it still had a two-stepped architrave resting on the Corinthian shafts, and was even then used for the watercourse! monuments of this province, to have the watercourse changed and the arch strengthened. I do not know whether anything has been done. VI NORTHERN ITALY Aeiminum We will now enter Northern Italy by way of northeast Umbria at Rimini. In early days this was in the northern part of Umbria, where the purity of the race was impaired by invaders. In the large Umbrian area extending from Ra- venna down to the river Aesis above Ancona, was included the Ager Gallicus, occupied for a time by the Senonian Gauls, with Ravenna, Ari- minum (Rimini), Pisaurum (Pesaro), Fanum (Fano), and Sena Gallica (Sinigallia) as im- portant coast cities. It was reached from the heart of Umbria across the Scheggia Pass. At the top, on Monte Petrara, only eight miles from Iguvium, was the famous temple of Jupiter Apenninus, which even as late as imperial times remained the national oracle of the Umbrian race. And here we will take leave of the Um- brians and pass northward into the great plains of Emilia and Lombardy. Rome had passed through Umbria in comet- like fashion in the jfirst decade of the third cen- tury B.C., using it as a stepping-stone for the 201 202 ROMAN CITIES occupation of the Adriatic coast — especially the ager Picenus and ager Gallicus. Already in 289, in founding the colony of Hatria (Atri), she celebrated the extension of her power from sea to sea, and by establishing that of Ariminum further up the coast in 268, she laid the founda- tion for her advance northward to the Po valley, the foothills of the Alps and the upper Adriatic. Ariminum was the first Roman colony beyond the boundary of Italy, as it was then reckoned, and the peculiar rights granted to its inhabitants went by its name and were extended to the entire group of the twelve latest of the Latin colonies, It protected the main approach to Rome from the north, and became both the refuge and the starting-point of Roman arms by sea and land during the critical times of the Punic wars. In fact it was like an immense permanent camp and arsenal. In 220 it became the terminus of the great Flaminian Way, and soon after the start- ing-point for the military roads by which Rome cemented her conquest of the north. We associate Rimini with the passing of the Rubicon in 49 B.C., after the Italian frontier had been pushed north of the city by Sulla. We are apt to hang Caesar's fortunes on this incident and to most readers of history Rimini means but little more. But if this city has not yet yielded ROMAN CITIES 203 anything that takes us back to Republican times, she still possesses two works of the Augustan age that are among the best preserved and the most authentic, each with its historic inscription: the arch and the bridge. Before Augustus moved Italy's frontier line from the Rubicon to the river Formio, 189 miles north of Ravenna, so as to include Istria, and while Rimini was still the northernmost city in Italy, the arch was built. It was in 27 B.c.^ the very year of all others that was critical and his- toric in the evolution of the Augustan constitu- tion, when the emperor announced the basis in which the Roman world was to be governed by himself and the Senate, to be modified later by the amendments of 23 b.c. We are told by Suetonius and others how much stress Augustus laid almost immediately on the renovation of the highways, which had evidently been deteriorating during the Sturm und Drang period of the civil wars. Until the Italian high- ways were in splendid condition the Augustan schemes of expansion would be hampered. We are familiar with his keen expedient for hurrying this work by ordering prominent wealthy men to pay for and take charge of the work on the different highways. It was natural that it should be commemorated in an arch at Rimini 204 ROMAN CITIES for the simple reason that the southern were not of as great importance to these schemes as the northern roads, and that Rimini was the official "jumping-off place" on the north at that time. So we read in the restored inscription that the Senate put it up as a thank offering to Augustus because of his great improvement of the various highways of Italy. As a work of architecture it is simple and per- haps lacking in the qualities of a clearly con- ceived type. Evidently in 27 B.C. the scheme of the triumphal arch as a free-standing monument, while it may have been evolved and expressed elsewhere, was not yet current. This Rimini arch, while we have no proof that it was originally connected with the city wall, looks like a mere stretch of wall with an opening decorated with engaged columns, very similar to the lines of openings at the Tabularium in Rome or any other public structure in which the Greek design was plastered on a Roman constructive back- ground. Still, with this proviso, it is a work of delicate and exquisite details, both in the purely decorative work and in the medallion heads of the four gods, probably Jupiter, Juno, Minerva, and Neptune. In these medallions there seems to be an interesting echo of the heads with which the Etruscans of Perugia, Volterra and other Rimini, Areh of Augustus liiiiiiiii, I5fi^£.TDRlA. Omii i i. ii iOi-' '' ' ' '' □ D '' ■' '' ' Q I > ■ i I ■ ' ' I g Q a imUS SIMUT^A a AMPHrTH LaTRVM 1 THERMAE !89r 1J« -0. b ^3 fOtlTA F*n TunvcipALiB OCX Q iiir i i-r i giir iii t fQ [Q Z? '''''''*' Cj Aosta, ground-plan of Augusta Praetoria (c. 25-20 B.C.) Plate xxxviii ROMAN CITIES 227 scHeme to use the passes for his dreams of north- ern conquest and to communicate with the newly; organized regions of Gaul above Provence. The special value of the Little St. Bernard was that it led, by the region of the Upper Isere and the Rhone, to Lyons, which Augustus made the ad- ministrative center for aU Gaul and which he aimed to develop into the greatest Roman city in the west outside of Italy. By the same pass the region of the Rhine could be reached somewhat circuitously. It had been, always, the main route of the Celtic tribes into Italy. Soon also, in conjunction with the Brenner pass, further east, the Great St. Bernard was to be, not a source of danger to Italy, but a main artery of military communication in connection with the conquest of Rhaetia and Noricum; for it led to the region of the Rhone, Lake Constance, the Aar valley, and the Rhine; and it was to serve the plans of the campaigns of Drusus in the north. Briefly, Aosta controlled the finest lines of communication between Italy, France and Germany. In the Val di Susa and its Alpine passes the problem of Augustus had been simplified through the friendship for Rome of its confederated tribes under King Donnus, and his son Cottius. But in the Val d' Aosta, the more homogeneous 228 ROMAN CITIES and powerful Salassi were inveterate enemies; and so soon as Augustus had made the commer- cial route of Susa, further west, a part of the Roman network, he undertook, toward 25 B.C., their permanent subjugation. While he himself went to Spain and Gaul, he intrusted this minor but difficult affair to Terentius Varro Murena, who resorted to a sort of Cuban reconcentrado policy, which enabled him to substitute a loyal population. It seems, in fact, a mistake to suppose, as even Mommsen has done, that Varro fought a pitched battle with the Salassi; rather, he left the lower end of the valley guarded, and worked his way up carefully to the summit until he reached the spot where Aosta now stands, where he estab- lished his camp. With the whole vaUey at his mercy and escape impossible, he organized a man-hunt. The Salassi, as was the custom with the Keltic tribes, lived in small open villages, in a loose cantonal union, and were practically de- fenseless. With a loss of less than two thousand kiUed of the Salassi, he corralled nearly 40,000 men, women, and children, took them to Epor- edia and sold them all into slavery at public auction. On the site of his camp Varro then founded a Roman colony, Augusta Praetoria Salassorum; ROMAN CITIES 229 a city modeled strictly on the plan of a perma- nent camp, and, like Turin, built as a fortress. It was named after the Emperor and the 3,000 veterans of the Praetorian guard who were assigned to it with their families. Some of the native Salassi came in to join the colony and were spared. The soldiers themselves built it. Placed at the upper end of the narrow valley where it widens out into a flat plateau before coming to an abrupt end, the city faces a pocket in the mountain range where it slopes down from the passes in a gently-curving hemicycle, and it is protected by two streams. Only recently an inscription found near the west gate flatly disproves Strabo's generally ac- cepted statement that the Salassi were com- pletely wiped out. It is a dedication to Augus- tus in 23 B.C. of a statue (?) by "the Salassi who had joined the colony from its beginning." Local archaeologists are mistaken in supposing the inscription to belong to the gate. Not only does its vertical shape disprove this, but the fact that this is a private dedication by a group of the inhabitants, whereas city gates cannot be dedi- cated except publicly by the whole city or the highest authorities. Therefore, before 23 B.c.^ the city of Aosta, with its walls, gates, and pub- lic monuments, must have been practically com- 230 ROMAN CITIES pleted. Immediately below it the streams Dora and Buthier meet, in front of the famous "tri- umphal" arch forming the protection of the pomerium line of the city. It was a common Roman custom to take a natural boundary, whether for city, colonial territory or province. In this case the Buthier guarded the west and the Dora the south side. A few of the initiated know that Aosta is one of the best preserved Roman fortified cities in the world. It is a rectangle of the length of 2,440 feet, the normal maximum length of a Roman camp-city, according to Hyginus; its width is about 1,920 feet, which is wider than his norm (1,600 feet), but narrower than Turin. Its principal gateway, the Porta Praetoria, faces toward Rome ; and in front of it, at a distance of 366 meters, stands the Colony Arch of the city. This arch is on the sacred pomerium line that encircled the walls at that distance, marking the octroi line, the boundary between country and city jurisdiction. The line was originally marked by a trench dug by the consecrating priest with his sacred plow and oxen, as soon as the cere- monies by which the center and bounds of the new colony were determined had been concluded. No serious attempt has yet been made by schol- ars to determine the width of tKe sacred strip ofi ROMAN CITIES 231 land between walls and outer pomerium, within which it was forbidden to build. If I am right in placing the "triumphal" colony arches on this outer line, it will now be possible to determine this point in many cases, at Verona, for instance, at Gerasa in Syria, Thamugadi in North Africa, S. Remy in Gaul, and Telmessos in Asia-Minor — to mention merely typical examples in differ- ent provinces of the Empire. The Aosta arch stands directly in front of the superb Augustan bridge across the Buthier. Even though the original level of the arch is some two meters below the modern road, and though it is shorn of all its upper section above the triglyphal frieze, the structure as it stands is, next to that of Orange in southern France, the most impressive of all Roman memorial arches. This is due not merely to its immense bulk, but to the perfection of its simple outlines and pro- portions, nothwithstanding the fact that, unlike Orange, it is quite without decoration. It is not a structure with a core of brick or of roughly hewn blocks faced with marble, but is built throughout of carefully squared blocks of a sort of pudding-stone, quarried near the city above the banks of the Dora. Besides the arch and the bridge, Aosta has the Porta Praetoria, the great stretch of encircling 232 iROMAN CITIES Augustan wall, with its towers, the ruins of the theater, of the amphitheater, the thermae or baths, the military granary, scanty remains of temples, and the many fragments of the Roman drains, streets, and houses. Near it is an un- usual series of bridges, including the unique Pondel, with its double covered passage. One of the most unusual things about all these constructions is that they were all, — with the ex- ception, perhaps, of the amphitheater, — ^built at one time, when the city was founded: all in one style, with similar materials, according to a preconceived plan. We find something ap- proaching this unity in the frontier cities of Syria and Africa, also built by the military en- gineers and workmen belonging to the legions, but these other instances are all of later date and supplemented by subsequent growth of popula- tion. Here at Aosta, in the quiet mountain silences, far from any causes for expansion, the city stayed as it was first built and before long the causes that led to its foundation were for- gotten, until the latter days of the Empire when once more, after four centuries, the northern hordes harried Italy from across the Alps. What is quite recent is the discovery of the existence of two lateral gates. Until this dis- covery it had been supposed that, contrary to Aosta, Porta Praetoria, and its Court Plate ROMAN CITIES 233 general usage, Aosta had but two gates, at each end of the main thoroughfare, the decumanus maocimus. One of these is the gate now standing, not far from the arch; the other, the Porta Decu- mana (west) , still existed until 1808, when it was demolished. It opened out toward the Little St. Bernard. In the other two sides (north and south) of the rectangle at each end of the car do, the main artery that intersected the decumanus, the two customary gates had not been traced, and this defect was explained on the supposition that when Aosta was built there was only the pass of the Little St. Bernard to consider, so that no gate was required in the north wall. Even Mommsen was misled into this fallacy, which is quite obvious as soon as we understand that what Augustus had in mind in the subjugation of the Salassi was precisely, in great part, the opening up of the Great St. Bernard in connection with his proposed conquest of Rhaetia and Vindelicia. The remains of the north and south gates have now been discovered, so that Aosta, like Turin, had four gates, but unhke Turin they varied in size, those on these minor faces hav- ing but a single archway, while the principal gates had three openings. This plan harmon- ized with the regular Augustan norm which gave a width of forty feet to the decumanus 234 ROMAN CITIES street and only twenty feet to the cardo street. Of the new gates, only the Porta Principalis dewtra on the south side is comparatively well preserved up to a certain height. I was not able to visit its foundations, which were found at a considerable depth below the present level, nor the little museum in the neighboring ancient tower, because the keys were, I was told, in Turin. Nobody wanted them in Aosta, it seemed, because the local inspector of antiquities had quarreled with the Direzione in Turin, and the Aostan worthies who had been offered the keys had all declined for fear of offending this inspector, whose influence was as strong as his temper was violent! Hence, I had to study the inscription supposed to belong to this gate in a cast at Turin, later on. The walls, if restored with the battlements that originally crowned them, were considerably over 10 m. high. They were formed of a core of rubble faced with an emplecton of smaU blocks of calcareous tufa, and defended by six square towers on each side. The Porta Praetoria is in its way as impres- sive as the Colony Arch, and, besides, it is unique in the perfection with which it preserves the plan of the Augustan military gateways. Like the rest of the gates and the walls, it is built, not of ROMAN CITIES 235 bricks like Turin, but of large blocks of stone. These are not very carefully finished because they were originally faced not only with thin stone blocks but with a still thinner marble revet- ment in which the archivolt moldings, cornices and other architectural details were cut. The flanking towers are not polygonal, as at Turin, but square, and project boldly both within and beyond the walls. Both inner and outer fa9ades of the gateway remain nearly intact, inclosing the large central court, where, if the enemy should penetrate, he could be attacked on all sides by the garrison. It does not produce its full effect, because the present street is two meters above the old level, and also because the gate has lost its upper story and its battlements, as well as most of the artistic facing with its architec- tural moldings. But it still is almost oppressive in its impression of force and bulk. A restora- tion taken from Promis' Antichitd di Aosta is in the main based on existing remains, except for the two reliefs which I consider improbable as well as decidedly out of place in the design. The arrangement of the walls for defensive purposes is interesting. They are not very heavy, being only eight feet thick at the base and six feet at the summit. The diminution is ob- tained, not as in imperial times by a raking line 236 ROMAN CITIES but by rebates. This narrowness of the walls .would give a width of only four feet at the top for the chemin de ronde to be used by the garri- son in the defense, if we deduct the two feet of parapet and battlements. But this was over- come by rimning out at intervals of about forty feet heavy buttresses which not only served to strengthen the wall but to support a continuous internal wooden platform ten feet wide, which gave a total width of fourteen feet to the chemin de ronde. It was reached by stairways in the various towers. Of these towers the best-pre- served is the one on the south side now called Tour de Pailleron. The internal arrangement of the Augustan city is made quite certain by the lines of original under-drainage which have been discovered. These divided the city into sixteen large rect- angular sections or insulae of almost equal size by four streets beside the two principal avenues : the decumanus street, east-west, and the cardo street, north-south. The theater, not far from the Porta Praetoria and in the same region as the amphitheater, is of most remarkable form, for its extremities on both sides, instead of completing the regular curve, are cut abruptly by the rectangular lines of the streets on either side. The builders were ROMAN CITIES 237 evidently not allowed to spoil the symmetry of the town by breaking the continuity of one of the main arteries. Only the three inner rows of the hemicycle of sets are complete, while the two outer rows are cut. Promis compares this arrangement with that of the theaters of In- dustria, of Pompeii (smaller), and of Amem- urium in Cilicia. The reason for this inartistic arrangement at Aosta is quite evident. In a purely military city such as this, where the ex- tent was determined entirely by strategic reasons, there had to be absolute economy of space. It is interesting to see how the architect tried to make the best of the adverse circumstances. There was also a structural reason, as I will explain. Of the outer fa9ade about a quarter remains on the south side, rising to a considerable height in primitive simplicity and strength. Its height is twenty-two meters. There are very few ruined Roman theaters in the west so imposing and few that are as early, for it is contemporary with the theaters of Balbus and Marcellus in Rome, and in point of style is earlier. In fact it is the only example of the purely Roman composition be- fore the introduction of the Hellenic false archi- trave and engaged shafts as the decorative framework for the arcades. Here the arcades 238 ROMAN CITIES appear in all their bareness, as they do in the purely structural bridges, viaducts and aque- ducts. This theater at Aosta is really the finest example of the traditional style of the Roman engineer such as must have been used in the gates and basilicas of Rome in the RepubUcan age before the time of the Tabularium or what- ever other civil structure first embodied this union of Greek and Roman forms. The elevation of the theater shows four stories, three arched and the lowest flat-topped. Its structure has a com- mon combination of the late Republic: the opus quadratum of the heavy piers, archivolts and but- tresses is of heavy squared blocks of the same local pudding-stone as the colony arch; while the core and foundations are of irregular tufa scales, the opus incertum is of the broken river pebbles and the small and carefully tooled blocks that form the bulk of the facing are of calcareous tufa, not very diff'erent from the structure of the walls of Spello, of the age of the triumvirs. The most striking feature is, however, the great buttresses of large slightly bossed blocks which divide each main bay of the theater f a9ade from top to bottom and give picturesqueness and vigor to the outlines of the facade which would otherwise seem somewhat flat. They make one forget to miss the superposed Doric, Ionic and Aosta, Theater: end wall Plate XL Aosta, Theater: plan and elevation (Promis) ROMAN CITIES 239 Corinthian orders of decoration, which decorate the usual imperial theater and amphitheater. It is not that the huilders were ignorant, because they used the decorative orders in the amphi- theater and in the Porta Praetoria. The reason for these buttresses and for cer- tain other peculiarities, especially the triple row of windows and the inclosed portico behind the scena, is that we have here the rare form of the covered theater, the iheatrum tectum. In a few cases, as at Pompeii, a small covered theater was built to supplement the usual larger uncovered theater. Here at Aosta, with its severe northern climate, the covered theater was adopted abso- lutely. So, while the fa9ade of the Pompeian example measures but twenty-seven meters, this at Aosta is nearly double, with its forty-eight meters. I can cite another example of covered theater, that of Lillebonne in France, the Roman Liliobona. THe plan is an almost exact coun- terpart of Aosta. After comparing the grandi- ose effectiveness of the Aosta facade with Brunelleschi's splendid rusticated fa9ade of the Pitti palace, Durm suggests that Aosta may have given to modern architects the scheme for some of the most impressive recent theaters, especially in Germany, at Munich, Vienna and Bayreuth! At all events we can weU aiford to give the Aosta theater a second look! 240 ROMAN CITIES The Baths or thermae are of comparatively- recent discovery and seem to have been restored in the time of Marcus Aurehus. Three semicir- cular exedrae and part of the main f a9ade remain, and traces of a rectangular court surrounded by dressing-rooms. Of the amphitheater the ruins are in such poor condition that it is interesting mainly for its great antiquity, antedating, as it probably does, the Coliseum, the amphitheaters of Capua, Verona, Pola and the rest. Its constructive methods, with their use of the Republican opus incertum, with the bossing of the stone-work which went out of fashion with Claudius, shows this early date quite plainly. Also its position inside the walls is unusual and due to the purely military character of the city. In most cases amphitheaters were placed at a short distance outside the walls or city limits, by the main highway. Perhaps the most characteristic building of all is one that has left most of its traces under- ground. It was considered by Promis as the great military warehouse, and it bulks more largely on the plan than all the other buildings taken together. The store-rooms surround a large square in the center of which was a temple, — perhaps the Augusteum, — and the base of a ROMAN CITIES 241 large statue, probably that of Augustus. Two smaller temples occupied part of the side next to the forum ( ?) with its colonnade. The other three sides were formed by a perfectly regular series of store-rooms. Situated in a high and unproductive region, and liable when its con- struction was planned to be obliged to prepare for long sieges by invaders from the north, it was indispensable that Aosta should be provi- sioned for a long period and stored with arms, fodder and with everything required by both garrison and population. The technical arrange- ments of this great structure are interesting, es- pecially in comparison with the much later ware- houses at Ostia and elsewhere. But I am inclined to agree with Durms' sug- gestion that these underground vaults were more suited to storing water than grain, and that we have here the main cistern for the city, serving also as substructure to the colonnades surround- ing the f orimi. It is impossible to deny the simi- larity of these parallel vaulted chambers with well-known cisterns such as those at Faicchio. Aosta was made by Augustus the center of one of the three small military frontier districts, just beyond the borders of Italy, into whicH the Emperor partitioned the Alpine range. His idea was to keep the territory under his own per- 16 242 ROMAN CITIES sonal control, as military districts, whereas Italy and other safe sections of the empire were under the civil rule of the Senate. This particu- lar province was that of the Graian and Pennine Alps; the first province was that of the Cottian Alps. Aosta was the end of Italy from the age of Augustus. Pliny says, in measuring the length of Italy, that it extended from the Alpine borders at Augusta Praetoria, which he describes as placed at the entrance to the two Alpine passes, those of the Graian and the Pennine Alps. It not only effectually blocked the way of invasion but was an aggressive point d'appui for an advance. As Turin had corresponded to Susa, across the border, in Italy itself, so Eporedia, the modern Ivrea, corresponded to Aosta, some sixty miles distant. There are many interesting remains of the early road connecting the two cities. Epo- redia was built on a hill where the river Dora swings out into the great plain, at the point where the main artery between Milan (Mediolanum), Pavia (Ticinum), and the Rhine and Danube meet the east-west trading route. Though it was not an Augustan foundation, having been es- tablished in 100 B.C., its nearness to the Salassi 'had prevented any great development until the time of the foundation of Aosta, about 25 B.C. B Plate xLi ROMAN CITIES 243 Aside from remains of a theater attributed to the Antonines, its Roman antiquities have dis- appeared, though there is little doubt that exca- vations would uncover the earliest military bul- wark of the extreme north. Aosta, Porta Praetoria, restored (Promis) Verona Passing eastward from Aosta and Ivrea across the base of the Italian lakes, around and above which were the nests of many unsubdued tribes in early Augustan times; leaving behind us Mediolanum (Milan), capital of the region of the Insubres, Ticinum (Pavia), as well as the fortress-cities of Placentia (Piacenza), and Cremona, we reach the opening of the next great Alpine pass at Verona. Of the ancient Milan so little remains that it tells no story. There is little more of Pavia, hardly more than the knowl- edge that it was laid out on the scheme of the Roman city-camp, so much better illustrated in Aosta and Turin, and that it had an honorary arch to Augustus and his whole family, erected to commemorate the successful issue of the Dal- matian-IUyrian war of 9-7 a.d. Of Roman Placentia and Cremona, great cities and earliest bulwarks on the Po of Republican Rome, there is nothing to be said. So we come to Verona as practically the only city in the north which still gives us the scheme of a large Roman city; I ROMAN CITIES 245 mean a city that, though of military importance, had also a civil and commercial position, a city far richer and larger than Turin or any other ancient site with still remaining buildings in any part of Italy north of Rome. What Tacitus says in his analysis of the struggle between the armies of Vespasian and Vitellius, best gives the opinion held of it in the early empire, when the leader of Vespasian forces in the west, Antonius Primus, led the small Flavian army into Italy by way of Aqui- leia, "where to fix the seat of war was now the question. Verona seemed the better place, the surrounding plains being adapted to the opera- tions of cavalry, which was their strength; and to wrest from Vitellius an important colony seemed both useful and glorious. . . . The re- duction of Verona brought an accession of wealth, and gave an example to other cities. Moreover as it lies between Rhaetia and the Julian Alps, it was a post of importance where an army in force might command the pass into Italy, and render it inaccessible to the German armies." Long before, in Augustus' lifetime, Strabo had called it a large city, larger than Mantua and Comum, though Comum had recently re- ceived five thousand new colonists. 246 ROMAN CITIES The Verona of the Middle Ages strikes so dominant a note with its S. Zeno, S. Fermo and the Cathedral, with its S. Anastasia, its castle and tomhs of the Scaligers, that it takes some time to realize not only how much of the Roman period stUl survives, but how vividly the ruins tell the story of a really great and rich city of the Augustan age such as Strabo and Tacitus lead us to infer. The immense amphitheater — one of the half-dozen largest and best preserved — the recently excavated theater, the two city gates called Porta dei Borsari and Arco dei iLeoni, the piers of the ponte di pietra, the nu- merous sctdptures and inscriptions in the two museums, form a rather imposing if somewhat disconnected total. If Roman Verona has hard- ly been taken at its real value, it is possibly be- cause its purpose and history in the light of its monuments have been misinterpreted. Its am- phitheater is early, yet has been ascribed to Diocletian (about 290) ; and its two city gates are assigned to Gallienus on account of his restoration-inscription of 265 a.d. I propose a far earlier date for the gates, the first half of the reign of Augustus, and propose also to re- suscitate a superb "triumphal," or colony, arch of the city, which, though torn down, still lies, 'disjecta membra, under the arcades of the amphi- ROMAN CITIES 247) theater. Were this the place, I could revive, from drawings of the sixteenth century, several other monumental arches and gateways whicK must have placed Verona almost immediately after Rome among Italian cities in the number of its monuments of this class. Mommsen elects to follow Pliny, in calling Verona an oppidum or town, rather than the in- scription of the Porta dei Borsari, accepted by Borghesi, which proclaims Verona a colony as early as the time of Augustus. It seems to me that there are three reasons for believing Verona to have been made a colony by Augustus: {!)] The inscription of Gallienus caUs it so: "Colonia Augusta Verona"; (2) the gateway on which this inscription stands has all the characteristics in plan and style of the Augustan city gates, which are unknown after him; (3) the increased importance of Verona as part of Augustus's plan in northern Italy would logically make it a colony; and the intimate connection of the city at that time with Drusus cqnfirms this view. Pliny calls other colonies oppida; as, for ex- ample, Eporedia, in this very region, which he in the same breath describes as a colony. The town in the colony was always called an oppidum when it was fortified, and I believe it is splitting hairs to use this expression of Pliny's against 248 ROMAN CITIES Verona's claim to be an Augustan colony. Taci- tus also correctly refers to Verona as a colony. Travelers coming from the Tyrol through the Brenner Pass are always, as they emerge into the plain, impressed with the strength and pictur- esqueness of Verona's situation. For a low- lying city its impregnability is remarkable. It nestles where the river Adige, as it broadens out, takes a narrow double curve ; the city is contained almost entirely in the lower arm of the S which surrounds it on three sides, while the fourth is protected by the canal of the "Adigetto," which cuts across the neck, so that the bulk of the city is really on an island. What makes the arrange- ment more remarkable is that across the river, where the original settlement evidently stood, is quite a precipitous hill which served as acropolis for the Augustan colony and was connected with it by a heavy stone bridge. The Lombard his- torian Liutprand compares it in this respect to Rome, where the Tiber cuts the city into two unequal parts, and speaks of the size and magni- ficence of the marble bridge and of the strength of the citadel on the hill. The piers of this Augustan bridge still remain in part. At Verona the commercial east and west high- way intersected the road up the Brenner Pass, the shortest and best means of communication ROMAN CITIES 249 between the valley of the Po and the region of the Danube and southern Germany. About sixty miles from Verona up the Brenner road lies Trent, the ancient Tridentum, which had been founded by the Rhaeti, was occupied later by the Cenomanni, but being the first city site of importance on the Italian side of the pass, was seen by Augustus to be necessary to his plans. His troops occupied it in or before 24 B.C., and he proceeded to make it the advanced point for the concentration of troops and stores in prep- aration for the campaign of Drusus in 16 and 15 B.C., when the Alps were crossed and the provinces of Rhaetia and Vindehcia added to the Empire. In this way the neighboring Alps received the name of Tridentine Alps. Here the Brenner road was joined by the Via Claudia Augusta, coming direct from Altinum in Venetia. Trent, therefore, at the top, and Verona at the bottom of the military road, formed a third duet similar to Aosta-Ivrea and Susa- Turin. Does not this fact give some indication of the time when Verona became a colony? It is known that in late Republican and Augustan times the granting of colonial rights was coincident with the building of walls ; and it is hardly conceivable that Verona should have been on a different foot- 250 ROMAN CITIES ing from Turin. Her foundation undoubtedly came a few years later. The name, Colonia Augusta Verona, shows it was after 27 B.C. The date of the occupation of Tridentum, 24 B.c.j may be approximately that of the colonization of Verona itself. As for its earlier vicissitudes, the Rhaeti and the Gauls seem to have occupied the Acropolis. Pliny speaks of it as a city belonging to the Rhaeti and Euganei. It seems at one time to have been occupied by the Cenomanni. The Romans first came here in 89 B.C., under Pom- peius Strabo, bringing with them, perhaps, Latin rights, and either then or under Augustus estab- lished themselves on the level site across the river where the bulk of the Augustan city arose. It could not, on account of having its outlines de- termined by the curves of the river and the pre- existing acropolis, take on the exact rectilinear form of Turin and Aosta. The residence of Drusus at Verona is commemorated by inscrip- tions and statuary, and he undoubtedly con- tributed to the enlarging and beautifying of the city. Perhaps, as in a number of other cases, there existed here side by side a preexisting civil municipal town and a superadded military colony. Verona was far larger than Turin or Aosta. Its amphitheater had 25,000 seats. It stood to ROMAN CITIES 251 reason, therefore, that its strip of clear sacred ground outside and encirchng the walls, called the pomerium, would be wider than at Aosta, to make the defense the surer and the warning of an attack the quicker. When I was in Verona this time I decided to put to the test here my theory in regard to colony arches : that they were built whenever an Augustan colony was found- ed; that they stood outside the walls; that they were placed on the outer pomerium line, across the main highway, outside the principal city gate. I placed myself, therefore, at the principal gate of Augustan Verona, the Porta dei Borsari, and paced off the distance beyond it on the line of the old Roman road toward Rome, until I should reach the outer pomerium line, wondering if at this hypothetical point I might not find some trace, past or present, of the existence of a colony arch. Bearing in mind the 366 meters of Aosta, and supposing that the greater size of Verona implied a correspondingly larger pomerium strip, I reckoned the distance here should be between 500 and 600 meters. My delight may be imag- ined when, at a distance of about 550 meters, T found a curious thing. Stretched across the highway (Corso Cavour) was the outline of a Roman arch marked in the pavement by white cobble-stones edged with black. Here stood until 252 ROMAN CITIES 1805 what was called the Arch of the Gavii, an exquisite work of Augustan art. I had found that Verona had a colony arch, and I had found where the colony arch stood, on the outer pomerium line. But this was not all. Of course, in preparing for my hook on Roman Triumphal and Memorial Arches I had listed this destroyed arch at Verona. I knew that it had been famous for its beauty, had been drawn and copied by Renaissance architects, and had been barbarously torn down by the French soldiery while they occupied Verona in 1805. I had sup- posed that, barring a few fragments, the arch was but a memory, to be reconstructed perhaps from these Renaissance drawings. But when I went to the amphitheater to look up the supposed "few fragments," what was my surprise to find many of its dark vaulted passages filled with the materials of the arch. Slowly I pieced its Odyssey. Hardly had it been torn down in 1805 when the French left the city and an Austrian archduke offered to pay half the cost of rebuild- ing the arch; but the Veronese, impoverished by the terrible reprisals for their rising of 1798, were unable to furnish the rest and unable to agree as to the site, so all the disjecta membra were carted, none too gently, to the amphitheater, and there they have remained, unknown to ROMAN CITIES 253 archaeologists. The Veronese contented them- selves by marking with those black and white cobbles the plan of the arch on the original site. I know that the few specialists who have heard of this arch or read its inscriptions in the Latin Corpus will object that this is a private family arch because on it are the names of members of the Gavii family whose statues stood on the arch and in its niches. But this is an objection easily overcome. When Caesar and Augustus founded military colonies of veterans, the new establish- ment was often put under the guidance of a military leader and his family, which was hence- forth associated with the fortunes of the city. Thus the Julii and their colony arch at S. Remy, the Campani and theirs at Aix-les-Bains, the Sergii and theirs at Pola in Istria. That the Gavii were military leaders is shown not only by Veronese inscriptions but by others in military colonies of North Italy, such as Aquileia, and even in the cities of Campania, in the South. Most convincing of all is the arch of the Sergii at Pola, where we find the names of the various members of the family of the man selected as leader of the colony by Augustus, Sergius, who had been tribune of the Twenty-ninth Legion, disbanded after the battle of Actium. Needless to say that, later in the reign of Augustus, when 254 ROMAN CITIES the legal ritual in connection with public monu- ments became carefully regulated and all arches Avere dedicated to the Emperor, it would have been impossible to give to local authorities and mili- tary leaders such a prominent place on arches. I found some superb drawings of the Arch of the Gavii by the famous Renaissance architect Pal- ladio in the Public Library at Verona: with their help and the financial assistance of a lover of art like J. Pierpont Morgan it would be easy to re- build and restore what is certainly the most beau- tiful of all the Augustan arches in Italy. The director of antiquities in Italy, the enthusiastic and indefatigable Camillo Ricci, has given me some hope that it will be done. One of the strik- ing traits of the Veronese has been their consist- ent love of their city and respect for its ancient monuments. Even as early as the sixteenth cen- tury there were local antiquarians who began to guard and publish them. I will even mention, as a possibility which I am investigating, that the arch may be a remnant of the pre- Augustan colony, and if so the earliest known arch in the Roman world. Hardly second in interest is the principal gate of the Augustan city, the much-misunderstood Porta dei Borsari. What we now see is a gate with two wide twin openings framed by engaged Verona, Porta dei Borsari (principal Augustan City Gate) restored by Gallienus Plate xLii ROMAN CITIES 255 columns supporting architraves and gables, and surmounted by two stories of arched galleries. It would seem to take but a very slight knowl- edge of art to see clearly that we have two very different periods and styles, and that the lower arcades are early and pure, while the galleries are late and debased; the former a worTs: of Augustus, the latter of Gallienus. It is curious that this elementary fact has not been generally recognized, though known to some local special- ists. The surface of the Augustan frieze was cut down and a new surface irregularly and crudely made to receive the restoration inscrip- tion of Gallienus, stating that the walls of Verona were buUt between April 3 and Decem- ber 4 of the year 265 by order of the Emperor Gallienus. This statement is guilty of evident exaggeration. It would have been quite impos- sible to surround the entire city with walls and gates in these few months. We know, besides, from Tacitus, that in the struggle before the advent of Vespasian, two centuries earlier, in 69 A.D., the strongly fortified Verona was made the military center of the German and Gallic army. What Gallienus did was merely a work of restoration of the neglected fortifications. At the Porta dei Borsari he substituted a two-storied gallery for the Augustan superstructure and. 256 ROMAN CITIES removing the inscription of Augustus, substi- tuted his own, destroying even part of the mold- ings of the early frieze. If any further confirmation were required of the early date of the primitive gate, it has been supplied by some recent and still unpublished excavations, from which I am here drawing for the first ]time the evident conclusions. These excavations have shown that the present thin screen-like structure, usually thought to be merely a passageway, and to be the whole of the gate, was but the forefront of a massive gate- way, with central court and rear fa9ade, more artistic than, but quite similar in scheme to, the other early Augustan military gates at Turin, Aosta, Nimes, and Salona. Verona not being a purely military and utilitarian foundation, but a city of wealth and size, it was natural that the gates as well as the Colony Arch should be of greater artistic beauty. Comparing now, all these various Augustan gateways, we find a varied galaxy, differing not only in materials and architectural style, but in the number of arcades : here there are two, at Aosta and Salona there are three, at Nimes and Turin four. Of another Augustan gate, the Arco dei Leoni, less remains, but it is less marred by later restoration, and it originally had the same plan. ROMAN CITIES 257 which has been traced and partly uncovered un- der the modern street. It may have been the Porta Principahs Sinistra. A most peculiar fact is that backing against it and separated only by] a small space, was another gate. It bears an extremely interesting early Augustan inscrip- tion which disproves the late date assigned to these arches. There were, as I have said, other early city arches and gates: across the river, the so-called Janus arch, which, perhaps, belonged to the pre- Augustan city; the so-called Arch of Jupiter Ammon, that stood across the intersec- tion of the two thoroughfares in the center of the city; the early gate called the Arch of Va- lerius ; and that near the Church of S. Tommaso. Parts of these gates, of their galleries, similar to those of the Arco dei Leoni and Porta dei Borsari, show that there were at least four gates of this type. They can be seen in the two inter- esting little museums of antiquities, one of which was founded by the famous Muratori. From a study of these monuments it is possible to reconstruct in large part the plan of Roman Verona, and to see how, even at present, the city continues to follow the lines of the Roman streets, and that it contains unsuspected treas- ures of early Roman art. At some time between c. 25 and 20 B.C. Verona 17 258 ROMAN CITIES was therefore recolonized and rebuilt by Augus- tus and served as base of supplies for Drusus in his great campaigns in the north, beyond the Alps, in connection with Tridentum. How the two brothers, Tiberius and Drusus, cooperated in these campaigns ; Tiberius striking and closing in from the northwest beyond the Alps, and Drusus pushing up through the passes and high Alpine valleys, is a story of which the details are too little known to us. Drusus continued its construction and decoration, and the work ap- pears to have gone on during the Flavian age. It seems as if we should attribute to this century the two other magnificent works of architecture : the amphitheater and theater. The amphitheater is so well-known that one is almost overcome with stage-fright in speaking of it. The fashion in amphitheaters was set by Campania before Rome adopted it, so it is not surprising that the one in Capua is almost as large as the Colisseum and that of Puteoli even larger.^ But while these two Campanian amphitheaters are in their pres- ent state extremely interesting for the arena and its substructures and passages, they cannot compare in architectural interest with those at Verona and Pola, which are somewhat smaller, ' Nissen and Belock give its measures as 147 x 117 m., but Durm (Archit. d, Bomer,' 669) gives the extraordinary measure- ment of 190x144 m., whereas the Colosseum is only 187x155 m! Verona, Amphitheater \'erona, Augustan Bridge (medieval restorations on right) Plate xi.iii ROMAN CITIES 259 and which curiously supplement each other: Verona having had her outer shell destroyed, while in Pola it is the outer row of arcades that remains intact while the interior was gutted. Outside of Italy the only amphitheaters that are the rivals of these two in monumental grandeur, are those of Nimes and Aries in France, Tarra- gona in Spain, and Thysdrus in Africa. It is curious that in none of these cases is there any record of the date of their construction, so that we are left entirely to conjecture and stylistic in- dications. At Verona we miss the change of order with which we are familiar at Rome. The Doric is used consistently in all three stories of arcades. Of the outer circuit of seventy-two arcades only four are standing to show the rhythm of the three stories and the outside finish. It is thought that when the walls of Gallienus were hurriedly constructed in 265 a.d. in prevision of the north- ern invasion and were carried past the amphi- theater, part of this outer circuit was embodied in the fortifications. It was closed up by a wall and used as a fortress in the Middle Ages. An earthquake overturned |)art of the outer arcades and others were used as building stone. But when the communal revival of the Middle Ages came we see the love of the Veronese for their 260 ROMAN CITIES monuments showing itself in a very remarkable, and for that time, almost unique way. In the earliest city statutes, a document of the year 1228, the Podesta, or chief magistrate, is directed to employ a certain specified sum during the first six months of his incumbency for repairs on the amphitheater, reparatione et refectione Arenae. The term Arena was the common Italian medie- val term for Roman amphitheater and is used even now. In its dimensions (153x122 m.) it surpasses Nimes, Aries and Thysdrus, and if it is not so impressive it is because of this loss of its upper story and because, of course, the inner arcades, not being intended to be seen in the glare of sunshine, were more roughly finished. One in- teresting feature is the fine condition of the in- terior arrangements, and the lines of seats. They were continually restored even in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (e.g. 1568), and were presumably used on public occasions. The fact that there are no traces of arrange- ments for suspending an immense awning over the interior proves nothing, as they would have disappeared with the destruction of the outer circuit. The close analogy with the amphi- theater of Pola makes it probable that the ar- rangements we shall find there were reproduced ROMAN CITIES 261 here. As for its age, far from attributing it to Diocletian and the decadence, against which there is every historic probability, I should lean toward the period between Claudius and Ves- pasian, when the bossed masonry, so prominent here, was most popular throughout Italy, The theater was earlier in date than the amphi- theater. Perhaps it is even more interesting for that reason than for what remains of it, which is quite fragmentary. It belonged to the earliest section of the Roman city across the river, just beyond the great bridge at the foot of the citadel hill. Its orchestra rested against the hillside and the wall of the stage faced the river. The early antiquarians of Verona attributed it to Augustus and I believe they are quite right. I should even be inclined to take the extraordinary fact that it is built of the primitive, soft tufa as a sign of possible pre- Augustan date! Its material made it more subject to decay from neglect, though it had been kept in perfect repair up to the time of Theodoric the Goth, who early in the sixth cen- tury, loved Verona and lived here, building a superb palace on the hill above the theater. Still, as early as 895 A.D. King Berengarius allowed the inhabitants to tear down to its foundations any part of the theater which threatened to fall. An enlightened citizen, Sig. Monga, excavated 262 ROMAN CITIES here and discovered not only a great deal of the architecture but a number of statues and inscrip- tions which showed that the theater existed in the time of Augustus and was decorated with statues of Drusus and other members of the imperial family. A large part of the podium remains, with seven rows of seats. More recent excavations, which involved the tearing down of thirty-six houses, have finally, since 1904, made it possible to get a clearer view of the structure. It is certainly one of the earliest known theaters, contemporary with those of Marcellus in Rome, and of Aosta, if not earlier. It would be inter- esting to make a reconstructed model of it, and determine how much of the tufa was concealed by decorative work in marble incrustation of blocks and slabs. It certainly had a wealth of decorative statuary. Still further east than Verona we reach the ultimate military route in Italy, that starting from Aquileia at the head of the Adriatic, and leading northward past the second member of this fourth Augustan duet, Emona on the upper Save, across the Juhan Alps to Pannonia: this was the great military artery of communication with the Danube, and so an integral unit in the scheme of Augustan conquest. Aquileia was a city more than the equal of Verona, The poet ROMAN CITIES 263 !A!usomus, not many years before its destruction by the hordes of Attila, sings of the fame of its port and its walls. He places it ninth among the cities of the Empire, surpassed in Italy at that time only by Rome and Milan. "Nona inter claras Aquileia cieberis urbes Itala ad lUyricos objecta colonia montes, moenibus et portu cele- berrima." It was the meeting or starting point of no less than six military highways. Though founded in 181 B.C. its importance was not fully developed until the conquest of Istria and Dal- matia and part of their hinterland had been com- pleted by Octavian in and after 35 B.c.^ when it began to serve as a base for movements north- ward. But thus far no architectural remains of his time have come to light in either Aquileia or Emona, and I shall turn to other cities still fur- ther eastward in Istria and Dalmatia for the abundant traces of the great work which Augus- tus planned and carried out in this region as a sacred inheritance from Julius Caesar even be- fore he had worked out the complicated scheme in northern Italy which we have been studying. VII ISTRIA AND DaLMATIA In tKese days of Italia Irredenta, when Italy- is seething with the repressed desire to annex Southern Tyrol and Istria, it is quite in point to note that Augustus pushed the Italian border forward so as to include Istria. He rebuilt and beautified Aquileia, which then occupied as im- portant a commercial position as Venice did later. The Via Popillia had been run through to it in 132 B.C. The Via Postumia had already been brought across northern Italy to it in 148, so that Aquileia was equipped to become the focus for the land traffic of Italy with the north. From it roads led by various routes, especially through ISToricum, toward the vast regions of the Danube as well as the east shores of the Adriatic. The city of Julia Concordia, between Aquileia and Altinum, has been excavated and its plan made out, as that of an early Augustan colony. Ever since her destruction by Attila in 452 Aquileia has served as a quarry and in the rise of medieval cities her ancient monuments have quite disappeared. To see really monumental ^64 ROMAN CITIES 265 evidence of the activity of Augustus in connec- tion with the opening up of northeast Europe, we must go, then, to Istria and Dahnatia. It is a trip that is always fascinating and is now be- coming fashionable. The two lines of steamers, the Austrian Lloyd and the Hungarian line, with both fast and slow steamers, give one the choice of going through the outer islands to a few im- portant points and of coming back on the coast- ing steamers and stopping at every small port. There is no more fairy-like scene than sunrise and sunset as one winds, on the slow-moving boats, through the maze of islands. They are peculiarly elongated and low lying; bare of ev- erything on the side swept by the hora winds. Ever since Jackson's book appeared a small coterie of English and American travelers have appreciated the unusually rich medieval art of several of these cities, especially Ragusa, Zara and Parenzo, but the wonderful Roman ruins, so admired by travelers of a century or two ago, are now almost ignored. The Italian architects of the Renaissance, the French and English travelers and architects of the eighteenth century, were enthusiastic about the ruins along this coast. Such men as Stuart and Revett, Thomas AUason, Cassas and Robert Adam have left us detailed descriptions and. 266 ROMAN CITIES better still, large lithographic and engraved plates, some of them of the sort that contempo- rary architects sometimes prefer to photographs. As they date from the days before the commer- cial revival under the French and Austrians, they are peculiarly precious. Salona We generally associate the capital of Roman Dahnatia with the name of that distinguished Dalmatian, the Emperor Diocletian, greatest politician since Augustus. He was born at Salona, and when he abdicated in 305 a.d, re- turned here to live as a private citizen in the mag- nificent castle villa which he built near by, in which the medieval town of Spalato now nestles. Tucked away in a most unfrequented corner of the world, it is hard for us now to realize that Salona steadily grew until in the fourth and fifth centuries it was one of the largest cities of the Roman world, half as large as Constantinople; but if the scholars who have haughtily curled the lip at any references to the Roman Salona because they think it a city of the decadence, were to study its ruins without preconception, especially as they are now being laid bare, they would find reason to revise their opinion and recognize a large nucleus of the Augustan age ROMAN CITIES 267 and some remains even of the earlier Greek city, referred to in Dio's history of the civil war. Salona's history is Greek in its beginnings and is characteristic of the general conditions that governed the pre-Roman period in Dalmatia. The Greek colonists had crept up the coast line from the southeast, settling on the islands and, in a few cases, on the mainland. Pharus, Issa, Epidamnus, Apollonia, Delminium, were among these colonies. From the mother colony on the island of Issa, the cities of Tragurion (modern Trau) and Epetion had been founded, and from them Salona, only a few miles southeast of Tragurion. The road connecting Salona with Tragurion, called the Via munita, with its Cy- clopean retaining wall, is the oldest known Dal- matian road. The acropolis of the Greek Salone can still be traced; its walls, built perhaps at the time of the wars of the close of the third- century B.C., between the lUyrians and the Ro- mans, were then unprovided with towers, and Caesar's commentaries show that temporary wooden towers were added for defensive pur- poses in the civil war. Already in 119 B.C. the consul Cecilius Metellus, in conducting his cam- paign against the Dalmatians, had made his winter quarters at Salona, showing its impor- tance as a military center. Still, in the vicissi- 268 ROMAN CITIES tudes of war, Salona fell into the power of the native Dalmatian forces and had to be captured several times by the Romans : in 78 B.C. by Cas- conius, in 39 by Asinius PoUio, and in 33 by Augustus himself. After the battle of Philippi in 42, Augustus had received lUyria as part of his share of the West, and it was in the course of the campaigns of his lieutenant, PoUio, to subject it that Salona was delivered from the hostile Dalmatian occu- pants in 39 B.C. It was either then or toward 33 that Augustus raised it to the rank of a colony under the name of lulia Martia Salona, and added a Roman city by the side of the Greek, with a wall surrounding the whole and connected with that of the Greek acropolis. Even thus en- larged, the city was relatively small. How it afterwards grew is marked by two successive additional systems of fortifications, one under Marcus Aurehus, in 176, when the army threw up walls to defend the city against the threat- ened irruption of the Marcomannian hordes, and another in the fourth and fifth centuries, when new bulwarks of exceptional strength and extent were built against the Goths by the Christian emperors. Of the Augustan city there are almost cer- tainly three relics, and probably others will ap- ROMAN CITIES 269 pear during further excavations. They are: (1) the Porta Caesarea and part of the walls; (2) the Amphitheater; (3) the Aqueduct. In the present muddle of the city's topography, when nobody seems to have a tenable hypothesis as to what was the early and what the later portion of the ancient city, I think these landmarks may give the clue. The excavations are now in full swing and of unusual interest, though so mod- estly done that they receive scant attention. The excavator is the indefatigable Monsignor Fran- cesco Bulic, who is the guardian of Dalmatia's archaeological interests and has done so much to save Diocletian's palace at Spalato from disinte- gration and is still busy freeing it from modern accretions. Salona was practically unique in the completeness of the preservation of the ancient city not only throughout the Middle Ages, but even, except for the destruction of the wars of the thirteenth century, through the Renaissance. The great Christian basilicas subsisted by the side of the hardly injured theater, amphitheater, and walls of Roman times. In the seventeenth century, however, the Venetians decreed the final demolition of the old city to prevent its use by the Turks! The Venetians, as usual, laid sacri- legious hands on all its splendid buildings, for use in modern structures, even in Venice itself. 270 ROMAN CITIES Modern excavations were carried on under Lanza (1821-1827) and Carrara (1842-1850), who uncovered parts of the theater, the Porta Caesarea, the Porta Andetria, the wall circuit, the amphitheater, and a small part of the Chris- tian antiquities. In 1874 excavations were re- sumed and had been continued intermittently and with small means before Bulic's energy found a better way. Until recently the chief results have been the uncovering of an imposing group of Early Christian monuments of all sorts belonging to the age when Salona had grown to be a /metropolis. The greatest known open- air Christian cemetery with its multitude of stone sarcophagi and inscriptions was found, with a large basilica as its center. This, of course, was outside the city walls; then there was uncovered the episcopal basilica within the city, with all its annexes — baptistry, confirmation hall, episcopal palace, and hospice. But now the earlier ruins are claiming re- newed attention, and for two seasons the main center of work has been the city gate called Porta Caesarea, a structure already partly cleared in Carrara's excavations of 1849, but soon reinterred without thorough investigation. The east face and part of the passage have been freed, and several fragments of an Augustan Salona, Basilica and Cemetery Salona, Amphitheater Salona, Sarcophagi Plate xLiv Pola, Harbor with Amphitheater ROMAN CITIES 271 inscription were found, as well as so many parts of the memberment that I hope to be able to re- construct the design of this important structure. Far from beiag a work of the decadence of Roman art, this gate can now be proved to be in the style of the other large Augustan gates at Nimes, Turin, Aosta and Verona, most of whicK I have described. It is a small fortress with a central court. The gateways themselves are triple on each face, and the outside, or east face, is flanked by two large projecting circular tow- ers, which have caused great confusion in the minds of archaeologists because they were sep- arate from the walls in construction, were used as aqueduct reservoirs, and projected into the interior of the city. But what became the in- terior in the time of Marcus Aurelius, when the new and larger wall circuit was erected to inclose the east suburb, had been the exterior in the time of Augustus, when the city was less than half its later size. The city had expanded eastward in these two centuries of pax romana, when the old Augustan practice of fortifying the colonies had been totally abandoned. It was only when the great onslaught of the Marcomanni and Quadi came in 169 that it was necessary to re- fortify this northern bulwark of the empire, inclosing the suburbs. The army itself has left 272 ROMAN CITIES inscribed records of how and when it did this work. In the new circuit the place of the old Porta Caesarea was taken, much farther eastward, by the gate, of which a part still remains, called Porta Andetria, through which the principal highway, the Via Gabiniana, entered the city. The new wall followed the line of the Augustan (or Caesarean?) aqueduct, which had ended by hiding itself in the bowels of that part of the primitive Augustan wall stretching on both sides of the Porta Caesarea, whose great defensive towers henceforth served merely as reservoirs, and the gate itself merely as a spectacular access to the acropolis from the interior of the city. As for the aqueduct, which was connected both with the Porta Caesarea and the amphitheater, its lead pipes bear the significant names of the makers, Julius Eucarpius and Caius Julius Xantus, proof enough, in the mere use of the name Julius, of the Augustan age for its original construction, which is of superb masonry of early type. Not enough can be seen of the theater or the public Thermae for me to ofi^er any conjecture as to their age, but the excava- tions may soon provide more data. The Augus- tan city, even though of small size, had already become of great strategic importance as the ROMAN CITIES 273 center of the network of new roads planned by; Augustus for connecting the seaboard with the valley of the Danube, and this with the Italian highways. Why was this of special value in the formative period of Caesar and Augustus? The stretch of coast from the Venetian lagoons to the borders of Montenegro seems always to have been a debatable land. Should it or should it not be reckoned as part of Italy? For over a generation it has been a rallying cry for the Italian Irreconcilables, the partisans of Italia Irredenta^ who want it wrested from Austria. In the Middle Ages it belonged to Venice, a semi-Oriental power, who received it from the Emperors of Byzantium. Still earlier, in Roman times, it was for a while, under Augustus, ad- ministered as if it were part of Italy, and then shifted from the pacific administration of the Senate to the direct military rule of the Em- peror, as being a bulwark of Italy, and either in or near a war center, becoming finally the prov- ince of Illyrium. Soon after Rome had found it necessary dur- ing the last century and a half of the Republic, to push her conquests into this region, her settlers began to follow, and to congregate at the trad- ing ports, especially in the Greek cities of the islands and the coast. The protection which they 18 274 ROMAN CITIES required and the sympathy with the Greek settlers in their contests with the natives, involved Rome more and more. When in 59 B.C., this region became the prov- ince of Illyrium, Julius Caesar was made its first proconsul, with his capital at Salona, in Central Dalmatia, which then became an oppidum civium Romanorum, but not yet a colony. Caesar him- self stayed here long enough in 57-56 and in 54 B.C. to exercise his fascinating influence and secure the loyalty of the Salonitans in his future struggle, though one of his armies was annihil- ated in marching through to Macedonia. From Caesar and Dio we learn how Dalmatia became one of the main storm centers in the civil war, and how Salona was unsuccessfully besieged by the Pompeians. In Julius Caesar's plans for 'Roman supremacy this region held a distinct and important place. He had seen that the direct routes between Rome and the Danube lay through the difficult hinterland back of the Istrian and Dalmatian coasts, beginning with that which led eventually from Aquileia to Vi- enna ( Vindobonum) . In the campaign which he planned but never carried out against the new and dangerous Dacian power, Caesar probably expected to use these routes. The work which was to be carried to its logical completion by ROMAN CITIES 275 Trajan's conquest of Dacia was already fore- shadowed. Augustus himself as a boy had actu- ally seen, under Caesar's tuition, the lay of the land, and he was so persuaded of the importance of this part of his legacy of Caesarean political ideas that he made it the scene of his first inde- pendent operations, and in the attack of its strongholds, in what seems to us a petty warfare for the future Emperor, wiped out the stigma of personal cowardice that earlier military events had attached to him. The gradual abandon- ment by Augustus, in his maturer years, of the Caesarean scheme, made it unnecessary to push the conquest of the interior and the building of the military roads to their ultimate conclusion. No wonder, then, that Salona is yielding an- tiquities as early as the Augustan age and that it grew steadily in importance. Fragments of the dedicatory inscriptions of the Porta Caesarea have come to light, some in the excavations of Carrara (1849) and many more during the past years. It had long been known that the gate was restored under the Em- peror Constantius, between 337 and 350, by his governor of Dalmatia, Flavins Rufinus Sarmen- tius, but I should judge that the restoration was a slight one, affecting perhaps only the upper section. What is far more important than this 276 ROMAN CITIES late inscription in small letters is the finding of numerous fragments, mostly minute, of charac- teristic, large Augustan characters from the original dedication. I shall not attempt to re- construct it now, because new fragments are ap- pearing, and in any case it would not be fair to Monsignor Bulic, but I can safely reproduce enough of the letters to prove their Augustan character: imp ICaesar^ divi. f. A1 VG [usto po] NTi [fici maxi] mo [i] rib [^] o [i] i, I am expecting shortly to return to Salpna, as the gate is entirely cleared, and in the passageway and in the west side more of the Augustan in- scription must have been recovered. The entire structure is in good-sized, carefully cut, blocks of stone ; the moldings are simple, the Corinthian capitals of excellent facture, the proportions quite imposing. It is with considerable diffidence that I ven- ture to claim the amphitheater for the reign of Augustus. It was in 1850 that the excavation was begun, and the digging went in some parts to a depth of over twenty feet. Its major axis is 65 m., its minor 47 m., which makes it slightly larger than Pompeii. The probability is that the seats were entirely of wood : their ashes were found by the excavators. Monsignor Bulic asked me to consider carefully the style of the amphi- ROMAN CITIES 277 theater. No inscription has been found that would give any clue to its age. It stands at the west end of the primitive part of the city, and is so small that it was evidently planned for a city of quite limited area, certainly far smaller than Salona had become in the age of the Antonines, as we are constrained to judge from the area in- closed in the walls of Marcus Aurelius. This indication of an early date would be inconclusive if it were not for the primitive style of the ar- cades, their heavy proportions, and the absence of the tooling or boss-work familiar to us after the time of Claudius. On the other hand, the am- phitheater at Pola is a good example of Flavian or early Antonine work in this region, perhaps of Trajan's time, and a comparison with its de- veloped forms makes the Augustan age seem exceedingly probable for the amphitheater of Salona. The majority of critics will be exceed- ingly skeptical, I know, of so early a date, and loth to recognize here a link between the solid pre-Caesarean type of amphitheater, as repre- sented by those at Pompeii and perhaps at Sutri, and the open-arched Imperial type of the Clau- dian and Flavian era, as shown at Capua and the Colosseum. But I think that the work tells its own story to an expert in architectural history. The development of inland highways, which 278 ROMAN CITIES seems to have been discontinued for a while after Augustus had given up the idea of a Dacian war, was carried forward again after the great Dalmatian insurrection under Bato in 6-9 a.d. had shown how dangerous it was to allow the native levies time to come together and prepare while the Roman armies were hampered in their powers of observation and rapid movement. In order to make this impossible in the future, Tiberius, who had himself crushed the rising, which had threatened Italy itself, then carried the early Augustan road scheme practically to completion. In this system there were four main arteries, mihtary or commercial, centering at Salona. The west branch first utilized the old Via Munita to Tragurion and then touched at aU the seaports till it reached Aquileia and joined the Italian network and the northwest route to Vindobonum. The second road was that directly northward by way of Clissa and Andetrium over the mountains. It was called Via Gabiniana. The eastern artery passed Via Aequum and the Save to join the future Pannonian road system. At Pons Tiluri it sent out an oif shoot into the Balkan fastnesses, while another branch turned southward to old Narona. The least important was the southeast coast road by way of Epetion. The Dalmatian milestone inscriptions indicate ROMAN CITIES 279 that, as we should judge by historic records, very little was done to the Dalmatian roads between Tiberius and Trajan. Vespasian decided to transfer some of the Dalmation legions north- ward to Pannonia, and so diminished the military importance of these highways. But under Tra- jan they became a paramount preoccupation in preparation for his Dacian wars. Some years ago an international Congress of Christian Archaeology met at Spalato, in order to give lovers of early Christian monuments an opportunity to study the ruins of the churches at Salona. If at Ravenna and Parenzo we see the early Christian basilica almost untouched in its architecture and the main lines of its decorative mosaics, better, in fact, than anywhere else in the world, it is to Salona that we must come to study the accessories and surroundings of the early churches. Salona possessed two very large basilicas, both of which have been thoroughly excavated. One was the city cathedral, the Episcopal church; the other the suburban basilica around which was grouped the great cemetery. We find stray traces elsewhere of the open-air burial places which succeeded the Catacombs, but only here in Salona can we see one in all its extent and ar- 280 ROMAN CITIES rangement. Scattered about in trenches or en- tirely exposed on a level lower than the ancient soU we can study a multitude of the heavy stone sarcophagi then in use, devoid of decoration or beauty, as well as a quantity of slab-covered tombs and sepulchral chambers. At the same time, we can find in the museum at Spalato a number of beautifully carved marble sarcophagi of the same age, with scenes of Bible history and Christian symbolism, similar to those in the Lateran museum in Rome. In both basilicas numerous columns, capitals mosaic pavements, cornices, parapets and screens, dating from the fourth, fifth and sixth centuries, give all the necessary elements for re- constructing the artistic appearance of the interiors. The walls are destroyed almost to the ground level, so that the architecture cannot be certainly revived except in plan: but this plan is what makes both buildings so unusual. The urban basilica has the usual nave and two aisles. On either side of the apse are the two sacristies, — the prothesis and diaconicon, — which afterward were replaced by the side-apses. From the left aisle opens up the group of three an- nexes of which the center is formed of the circu- lar baptistery, out of which opens the consignor ROMAN CITIES 281 torium or chapel for the administration of the chrism. Its symbolic floor mosaic of the stags drinking from the sacred fountain with its in- scription is uniquely apposite. I think that this confirmation hall is the most perfect known. There are other charming mosaics, in the apse and aisles. On the right side, near the apse and opening up both into the aisle and the city street, are the episcopium and hospice. A rather un- usual feature on the front is a long narthex in place of an open atrium. The inscription in the mosaic pavement of the apse with the expression : nova post Vetera coepit Synferius, Esychius eius nepos cum clero et populo fecit, is a most interesting building re- cord, proving the rebuilding of the basilica in about 400, probably owing to the greatly in- creased demand for space by the population. There are two basilicas outside the ancient walls; one at a site called Marusinac, the other and more important at a site called Manastirine. At Manastirine the basilica, dedicated to SS. Doimus and Anastasius, was undoubtedly the sacred center of Dalmatian Christianity. The church was in the center of a large group of mortuary chapels of great antiquity in or under which were buried the most noted martyrs and bishops, beginning with Doimus, the first 282 ROMAN CITIES bishop, supposed to be of the post-apostolic age. There are here three superposed layers of Christian tombs. The earliest belonged to the country estate of L. Ulpius, a noble convert of the close of the first century, who arranged to bury in his property the bodies of S. Doimus and other early Christians. Then began the con- struction of mortuary chapels, celiac memoriae, and the development of a cemetery for Chris- tians when the property came, perhaps by testa- ment, into the ownership of the Christian church. Clustered closely around the chapels and en- croaching even on their interiors came the subse- quent crowd of burials, anxious to be close to the sacred bodies. The basilica itself was built over a small church and numerous graves; and was made to open into a few of the mortuary chapels, while it caused the ruin of others.' The most historic- ally interesting is that of S. Anastasius, in the form of a small basilica, built by the matron Asclepia, as we read in the acts of S. Anastasius, martyred with many other Salonitan Christians, under Diocletian. Asclepia herself was prob- ably buried in a sarcophagus with the relief of the Good Shepherd now in the museum at Spalato. The cemetery extends for several hun- dred yards in every direction around the churcH. ROMAN CITIES 283 Nearly everything that cannot be seen in situ, is distributed in the various houses in Spalato, where antiquities are most uncomfortably shel- tered but not arranged. An early text of the fourth century calls the cemetery Legis sanctae christianae coemeterium. The barbarian invasions of the fifth century, during which everything outside of the fortifica- tions was devastated, resulted in the destruction and desecration of this sacred spot. The basilica whose ruins we see was built in the age of Jus- tinian on the devastated site and this explains the apparent disrespect for the primitive tombs. Burials were then continued here until the cap- ture of the city in about 630 ; so that we can fol- low Christian rites for over five centuries. Salona comes rightly by its Christian monu- ments, because it is noted for its early converts, during the first and second centuries, and for jts martyrs. From it the gospel spread throughout Dalmatia and when the episcopal basilica was built in the fourth century it was given a place of honor on the summit of the old acropolis. Rome itself preserves a unique record of these early leaders in the chapel of S. Venanzio at the Lateran, which was built or transformed to con- tain their relics brought from Salona by a special mission in 640 after its capture and desecration. 284 ROMAN CITIES Trieste While Augustus was fortifying and enlarg- ing Salona he was also, during the years just be- fore and after 30 B.C., establishing a continuous line of new colonies along the coast from Ter- geste (Trieste) to Narona, near Montenegro, and surrounding them with fortifications. His troops had only recently reconquered Dalmatia, and he was still enthusiastic to carry out Caesar's scheme for making this region thg starting-point for the concerted advance on the valley of the Danube. I shaU describe what is left of three of the most important of these colonies, now represented by the modern cities of Trieste, Pola, and Zara. Ancient Tergeste is now the modern busy sea- port of Trieste, main outlet of the Austrian em- pire on the Adriatic, seat of the Austrian Lloyd Steamship Company. It is so absolutely mod- ern that it seems almost hopeless to attempt to trace any of its Roman life. And yet what we do find that is ancient is peculiarly precious, be- cause so much of it dates from the time of the foundation by Augustus. It is possible that Tergeste was coloni/ed as early as 41 B.C., when the great distributions of land to veterans after Philippi took place; but the city walls came a few years later. What their date was appears Trieste, "Arco di Riccardo," Gate of Roman Tergeste (Early Augustan age) Plate XLV ROMAN CITIES 285 from an inscription, part of which is preserved in the Lapidary Museum, reading: imp. caesab, COS. DESIG. TEKT^ HI. VIE. E. I. C. ITEE. MVEVM TVEEESQVE FECIT. This Statement, on one of the early city gates, shows that the walls, towers, and gates were built by Augustus and completed at the close of his Second Consulship, after he had been nominated for a third term. This gives the date 32 b.c.^ making it, I believe, the earliest dated civic Augustan inscription. What has be- come of these gates and walls? Even the loca- tion of the two main gateways — Praetoria and Decumana — is unknown. They were probably pierced with two or three arcades, as in other Augustan cities of medium or small size. But I believe I have identified one of the minor Augustan gates, one of the outlets of the Cardo, the main cross street, in the so-called Arco di Riccardo, which still stands on the de- scending slope facing the port. One of its ends is hidden in the wall of a modern house, and its piers are half -buried under the present street pavement, so that its proportions are terribly dwarfed and its effectiveness quite lost; but its pure and simple solidity, the Corinthian order of its fa9ade, the style of its moldings, and the size of its constructive units, are all indications of its early age. That it was a gate in the city 286 ROMAN CITIES walls, and not a free-standing arch, is evident from the unfinished state of its exposed end; and excavations would doubtless bring to light the base of the city walls on a line with it. Its single arcade is framed by a pair of Corinthian half -columns supporting a frieze and attic, both of which had plain, uninscribed surfaces. Had this been one of the principal gates it would cer- tainly have had a dedicatory inscription — a du- plicate of the one I have just quoted. For aU its simplicity, it would repay excavation. I recommend it to the care of the Central Archae- ological Commission in Vienna as probably one of the earliest known structures of the first em- peror. I hardly think that they appreciate its early date or historic importance, for, except by Graef, it has never been ascribed, that I am aware, to the time of Augustus. Are there also possibly in Trieste any traces of the Colony Arch which was the indispensable concomitant of the foundation of a Roman city, or any further records of the city gates? When the cathedral of the converted city was built in the fifth century, and when it was added to in subsequent centuries, the site of the old Capito- lium, or main temple of the Roman Tergeste, was used, and its ruins were built into the church. Parts of other ancient monuments came into p. o Ph Plate xLvi ROMAN CITIES 287 use as building material when the bell tower was put up, and the main portal of the church was formed out of an antique sepulchral monument. In this farrago, and among the many fragments in the neighboring Museo Lapidario, I was de- lighted to discover parts of both the main Augus- tan gates and the Colony Arch. To the Arch I attribute two sections of a narrow frieze with a decoration of arms and armor in low relief above a double architrave. It belongs to the same type as the friezes that still remain in place in the other early Augustan arches of Pola and S. Remy (Southern France), built in the same decade. To the same arch may belong a section of cornice with an early form of egg-and-dart, dentil and anthemion decoration, a bit of frieze with foliated scrollwork, and some slabs with arms and armor and further frieze fragments, built into the campanile, though I am inclined to ascribe the latter to some military sepulchral monument similar to that found at Gardun in the interior of Dahnatia. On the other hand, to the gates, which were always of simpler design than the arch, belonged two colossal heads, in very bold projection, of guardian deities of the city, one a form of Jupi- ter Amnion, witK rams' horns, the other a Medusa-like genius with snakes decorating its 288 ROMAN CITIES cheeks. They can be compared to the heads on the keystones of the Augustan arches of Rimini, Fano, and other city gates in Italy, and to the heads on the Augustan gates at Pola and on the recently discovered memorial gate of Trajan at Asseria, in Dalmatia itself, which I shall describe later. These heads have never been identified, but I believe my suggestion is the only tenable explanation. Their prototypes can be seen on Etruscan gates; I have already described those at Perugia and Falerii. An interesting and also unrecognized Augus- tan monument in Trieste (restored between 50 and 60 a.d.) is the principal temple, which was used for the earliest cathedral basilica. It had a double pronaos, with pilaster responds, which formed the primitive portico of this basilica, and which in the Middle Ages was used for the foun- dations of the campanile which projects beyond one end of the church fa9ade. Hidden within the lower, hollow part of this campanile we can study what still remains of the columns and pilasters of pure early workmanship. It cer- tainly was the Capitolium of the Augustan colony. Pola But it is in Pola that we find the most spec- tacular group of Roman monuments. To any Pola, Amphitheater: section (restored), detail and interior (Durni) Plate xi.vii ROMAN CITIES 289 one who has stood on the hillside back of the great amphitheater and watched the golden glint on the bay at sunset through its arcades, or who has seen it at the same hour from the water, ris- ing luminous and ethereal, there is no amphi- theater in the Roman world, even the Cohseum, that gives as keen a thrill of artistic dehght. The very barbarous gutting of its interior by the medieval Venetians, to use its blocks of famous Istrian stone for building material in Venice, has heightened its unique beauty by turning the arcades of the enclosure, which are in perfect preservation, into as many symmetrical picture frames. One cannot, however, claim an Augus- tan date for this amphitheater, as for that of Salona; the attribution to the time of the Anto- nines is in harmony with its style. But the rest of the Roman architecture of Pola is almost certainly of the Augustan era; the city gates, the Colony Arch, and the Capi- tolium, or Temple of Rome and Augustus, all bear the marks of this time. To me the most interesting was, of course, the Arch, called Porta Aurea, or Arch of the Sergii. It has been more than once referred to in these pages. It fulfilled my ideal of a triumphal arch of the exquisitely simple type, where both figured and decorative sculpture were quite subservient to architectural 19 290 ROMAN CITIES line and composition. It is as representative of this type as that of Orange is of the rather bar- baric luxuriant sculptured type, devoid of linear distinctiveness ; as that of Aosta is of the grand, Puritanical, purely architectural type; and as that of Beneventum is of the Hellenic type, where symmetry of line and richness of sculp- ture are perfectly blended. Certainly no local artist could have designed this arch of Pola, but one of the foremost Hellenic artists in Roman employ. The early Augustan date of this arch is not understood; neither has it been recognized by any critic as a colony arch; but both of these facts are certain, and the first is vouched for by its inscriptions, which prove that it was built out of funds given by Salvia Postuma of the family of the Sergii, and was surmounted by statues of the men of this family, who were the first magis- trates of the new colony. In the center of the attic stood the statue of Sergius Lepidus, who is described as aedile and military tribune of the Twenty-ninth Legion, and on either side were those of the brothers L. Sergius and Cn. Ser- gius, both aediles and duumvirs of the city. The mere fact that Sergius Lepidus was tribune of the Twenty-ninth Legion is enough to prove the Augustan date of the arch, because this legion ROMAN CITIES 291 was disbanded about 30 B.c.^ after the battle of Actium, and went forever out of existence, to- gether with many other legions, which were no longer needed after the close of the civil war with Marc Antony. From other sources the date of the raising of Pola to the rank of a colony can be fixed as at any rate earlier than 27 b.c.^ and probably than 29 B.C., because its official name was Colonia Pietas lulia. It is known that all the Augustan colonies founded during and after 27 B.C. were named Augusta, while the earlier ones, founded under the Triumvirs (43-30 B.C.), were named, as this one. is, Julia. Further, the emphasis given to the memorial character of the foundation by the addition of the prefix pietas, might indicate, for the foundation of the city, the earlier part of this period, near to Caesar's death, perhaps the years just after 42 to 39 B.C., when Asinius Pollio was reconquering the country for Augustus. It may be then, i.e., in the disbanding after Philippi, that Sergius brought here the veterans of the twenty-ninth legion, rather than after the battle of Actium, and became chief magistrate of the new colonia deducta. As for the exact date of the arch, it is a well-known fact that shortly after 27 B.C., when Augustus had worked out a per- manent constitution for the empire, making him 292 ROMAK CITIES absolute ruler, the statecraft of the new regime required the recognition of the divine transcen- dency of the Emperor, and the dedication to him alone of all public monuments, especially such records of the establishment of Roman civic rule as these arches. After this time no dedications of public buildings to private individuals were permitted by law: such arches as those of the Sergii at Pola, the Gavii at Verona, the Julii at S. Hemy, and the Campani at Aix-les-Bains, are, therefore, all earlier in date. History and politics are the indispensable illuminators of archaeology. For these reasons Graef 's ascrip- tion of this Pola arch to the age of Trajan is a simple impossibility. Even artistically he proved to be wrong, for the exquisite scroll-decoration of the inside pilasters is purely Augustan, as is every other feature. The arch that resembles it most closely in the style both of its pilasters and of the victories in the spandrels, is that of CavaiUon in Southern France, which in my opinion is also early Augus- tan. Might not some of the neo-Hellenic artists of Provence be responsible for the arch of Pola? For some reason which we cannot now under- stand this arch was placed not outside the walls, on the pomerium line, but inside the main city gate, the triple arched, so-called Porta Miner- Pola, Detail of Am))hitlieater, showing metliod for use of Awning (Dunn) Pola, Detail of right pier of Colony Arch Plate XLViii ROMAN CITIES 293 yia.^ It cannot have been moved here from out- side the walls to preserve it, at the time of some barbarian invasion. It was made to form the inner face of the court of this gateway. Only from old lithographs and prints can we under- stand this arrangement, for the ignorant "arch- aeologist," who undertook the early restorations at Pola, in 1826, thought the Augustan city gate was medieval and tore it down. It must have been the Porta Praetoria of the original colony, and its keystone had the bust of the protecting goddess of the city, whom the local archaeologists dubbed Minerva. Fortunately, several other primitive city gates remain: the simple, single- arched Porta Herculea, so-called from the youthful, heroic head and greaves on the key- stone; the more architectural, double-arched Porta Gemina; and a small gateway leading to the Forum, or Capitolium, of the Augustan city. The Porta Herculea is built with so extraordi- nary a diagonal archway that it is quite evident the road, the limits, and shape of the city had been determined before its construction, as was the case, for instance, with one of the gates at Pompeii. In the interesting congeries of fragments in- •Another explanation would be that here at Pola, as was some- times the case, there was no pomerlum strip outside the walls, which were built just inside the pomerium ditch. 294 ROMAN CITIES side and around the temple of Augustus, whicK has been transformed into a Roman museum, there are several sections of friezes that belonged to architectural monuments of a triumphal char- acter. One series hints at another arch like that of the Sergii, with its frieze of arms and armor, its vessel's provs^ and oar, pointing in the same fashion as it does to both naval and military vic- tories, such as were those of Augustus over An- tony. Another section of frieze, divided into triglyphs and metopes, has in each metope a group of arms or armor, some of Gallic charac- ter. All this accentuates the military position of the city's founders. * The temple itself, dedicated to Rome and Augustus, is still a splendid specimen of Augus- tan art. Originally it was a double temple of the type familiar from monuments of a later date, in different colonies of the Roman world. The two stood side by side in a sacred inclosure, with a space between them, and represented the im- perial equivalent of the Roman Capitolium, the worship of Dea Roma, and of Augustus, the viceroy of Jupiter Optimus Maximus. Old prints show how much more remained over a cen- tury ago. One of the fa9ades is still superbly intact, with four very high Corinthian columns supporting the gable, and two others at the ends. ROMAN CITIES 295 in front of the antae, forming the customary deep Roman portico. The details of the orna- mentation of the gable are particularly perfect and among the none too numerous bits of pure Augustan temple detail. If so much still remains of Pola, it is because, when the engineers of Napoleon I. visited it and pronounced it the greatest military harbor of the Adriatic, it was practically an abandoned town, with a few hundred inhabitants, and had been so since the close of the Middle Ages. Whatever devastation has been wrought has been in about a century. FiUME AND Zaka Pola was at the tip end of the Istrian Penin- sula. It was for a time the last city in Italy be- fore one reached the frontier of Illyria. If we pass eastward, we find at the point where Istria melts into the long line of the Dalmatian coast, Fiume, which occupies, at the head of Quarnero Bay, a corresponding place to that taken by Trieste on the other (western) edge of the pen- insula. That it was a port and a colony in Au- gustan times, under the name of Tarsatica, would appear from the only standing relic of the an- cient city, a much mutilated arch facing the bay, which in its lines speaks of an Augustan origin, 296 ROMAN CITIES as tKe city gate facing the port, though not the colony arch. Passing southward along the Dalmatian coast, we come to Zara, about half-way between Fiume and Salona. The Roman city here was called lader. At present the medieval city, with its unique Byzantine domical church of S. Donato and its florid Romanesque cathedral, rather over- powers the Roman remains, but I was able to find enough data to reconstitute some part of the Augustan lader. Long before the time of Augustus there had been here a considerable settlement of Italian traders. Augustus gave it city rights and built its walls, with the towers and gates. At each of the main gates was the following inscription: "imp. CAESAR. DIVI. F. AVGVSTVS PAKENS. CO- LONiAE MVRVM (et) TVB.RES DEDiT.^^ Several points in this inscription indicate a very early date: the absence of tribunician and consular notations, and the title of parens colotiiae, "pa- tron of the city." One of these inscriptions was carried away from Zara some centuries ago; strayed to Venice in 1721, was bought by the famous MaflFei, and is now in his collection in the Museum of Verona. A second one is in the museum of S. Donato, in Zara itself. The gates themselves have disappeared, and ROMAN CITIES 297 only false hopes are excited by a so-called Ro- man arch called Arch of Bassus, a bubble I am forced to prick, for it is a medley of pieces put together in the Renaissance, the old inscription belonging to the entrance of the market-place built out of funds left by Melia Anniana, and in honor of her husband, Sergius Bassus. Only the upper part of the arcade, with this inscrip- tion, is of Roman work. I am glad to be able, quite unexpectedly, to resurrect the real Colony Arch of the Augustan City, with the help of information furnished me by Prof. Smirich, who was present when its ruins were excavated in 1884, but who did not realize the significance of the arch. It stood, facing toward the northeast, on the landward side of the city, in a little square near the pres- ent Church of S. Simone, close to the ruins of a temple. The excavations were not carried down so far as the original level, which is eight or nine feet below the present street level, but far enough to show the plan and style of the arch, part of which was, however, hidden under the wall of a house. After drawings had been made, and a few architectural fragments removed, the exca- vation was filled in. The arch was triple, the two central piers being decorated with two en- gaged shafts, while the two outer piers had but 298 ROMAN CITIES a single shaft in the center of a very narrow face of masonry. The central piers, with their two shafts so closely spaced as to make any sculpture between them impossible, are almost exactly of the proportions of the arch of the Sergii at Pola. The main central arch was surmounted by a gable, as is so commonly the case in other Augustan arches, and the crowning cornice was both rich and exquisite. All the ear-marks are Augustan; the masonry, of very fine local Meleda stone, is extremely careful and close jointed. The pieces now in the museum of S. Donato are of excellent workmanship. In the Constantinian era the fortifications of Zara were renovated, as were those of Salona, with the use of the typical wedge-shaped towers, and the arch was then brought into connection with the forti- fications, if not before. In a letter to the Nation I suggested that it would be interesting to reopen the trench, make a careful survey, and extract more of the architecture. Since then this has been done and the foundations again laid bare. This is not the only Augustan work at Zara. The Byzantine church of S. Donato, now the museum, was built on a mass of ruins, probably of the Forum and its Capitolium. Some of them are of Augustan character, including a famous inscription to Livia as Juno, but there is nothing ROMAN CITIES 299 left in situ above ground. We can only conjec- ture that to these buildings belonged a couple of columns still standing in the town squares. Other sites probably would yield Augustan re- mains — Narona, Burnum, Andetrium, Corin- ium, Delminium, Epitaurum, Emona. But there has been no activity on the part of the Austrian Government in uncovering their ruins. Only in one case, I believe, at Asseria, were reg- ular excavations of any importance begun, and of these I shall speak in the next chapter. ASSEEIA AND TeAJAN^S RoUTE TO DaCIA Perhaps the most jealously guarded of the recent excavations by the Austrian Government Commission is that of the ancient city of Asseria, at Podgradje, near Bencovac, in the central part of the interior of Dalmatia. The city was founded long before the Roman conquest by some Greek colonists, who preferred to settle inland rather than, like the great majority of their countrymen, on the islands and the coast, where they founded the mother colony of Issa, its offshoots Epetion and Tragurion, Apollonia and Dyrrhachium in the south, Epitaurum, and several others. More exposed to attack by the native Illyrian tribes, Asseria was probably for- tified from the beginning, perhaps in the third 300 ROMAN CITIES century e.g^ and its walls are now among the most extensive remaining traces of the Greek race in Dalmatia, The city was one of the main inland centers of civilization, and also appears in the annals of Roman conquest and occupation as an early storm center. Some years ago reports of casual discoveries on the site led the Central Archaeological Com- mission at Vienna to decide on excavations. The leading archaeologist and the architect in charge l(Wilberg) were sent from Vienna; a young native archaeologist from Zara was attached to the party as assistant, partly because of his local knowledge, partly because the objects found would naturally go to the museum of Zara, the nearest Dalmatian city. Another Dalmatian archaeologist, now attached to the museum of Trieste, also took part. The photographs and drawings are hoarded in Vienna. The results appear to have been disappointing. I was told that the work was somewhat bungled. No oflS- cial report — no report of any sort — had been published until last year, when a brief synopsis appeared in the official Austrian quarterly, some time after I had called attention in the New York Nation to this long silence of over ten years. We know that at some period under the Em- pire Asseria passed from the condition of a Pola, Temple of Augustus, from old print (Cassas) Pola, Temple of Augustus: detail of gable (Wlha) Plate xLix ROMAN CITIES 301 municipality to that of a colony. Perhaps this gate commemorated the change, as was so often the case. The architectural fragments unearthed were nearly all left on the ground, and have been de- stroyed by the neighboring villagers or used as buUding material. One discovery of extreme interest was certainly made. It is that of a me- morial gate to the Emperor Trajan, erected to him in 113 by his praetorian prefect, or military commander of the province, P. Atilius Aebu- tianus, and dedicated, with a banquet, by Laelius Proculus, for the city. It is evident at first sight that the gateway is much later than the walls, which are constructed of immense blocks of stone, somewhat bossed and rusticated. The wall was broken in order to insert the gate, which was made to project some- what on the left, and to recede on the right side, in rather awkward fashion. In its form, this gateway, with its single arcade, has more the ap- pearance of a memorial arch than of a city gate, and should be considered in this light. The restoration of it which is given in the Austrian report is not altogether satisfactory, nor is any reference made to the importance of the use of free-standing columns on its fa9ade. The gate was stUl standing to a height of be- 302 ROMAN CITIES tween fourteen and fifteen feet, and all the ele- ments of the upper structure were found lying at the base. The principal or outer face, looking toward the country, had a double attic with a double inscription: one that of the dedicator, the other that of Trajan. Both inscriptions are now at Zara. Below the attics the projecting cornice and frieze were supported by four free-standing columns forming the "order," while two smaller engaged shafts framed the opening and sup- ported its archivolts. To the free columns rest- ing on a high common base corresponded wall- pUasters on each of the two piers which they framed. On the other side of the arch, facing the city, the columns are not free but engaged. Of sculpture there is no trace beyond the usual decorative work and two remarkable colossal heads in very high relief, usually attributed to the two keystones — one a buU-protoma and the other a head of a youthful deity with rams' horns and a nascent beard; emblems of the city which find their counterpart in many other Roman city gates, as I have shown in connection with Trieste. The restoration places them, erroneously, I be- lieve, at the springs of the arch. But what is of unique interest, architecturally, is the use of free-standing columns on the main fa9ade. There has been quite a discussion as to ROMAN CITIES 303 when they were introduced to replace the en- gaged shafts, producing greater effects of Ught and shade and new relations of form, through the overhanging attics which they supported. The so-called Arch of Drusus in Rome had them, but they are an addition of Caracalla; the most popular use of them for the general stu- dent is, of course, in the arches of Septimus Severus and Constantine in Rome, But hitherto no example has been found earlier than Hadrian, Trajan's successor; and even his arch at Athens, which has them, may not have been built until after his death. For a while it was thought that Trajan introduced them, on the strength of his arch at Timgad in North Africa, but it is now known that this arch was not built in Trajan's time, but in that of Hadrian or Antoninus Pius. At Beneventum the arch of Trajan still has en- gaged shafts, and it was built in 114, But a year earlier, in 113, here at Asseria, the imperial architect — ^he cannot have been a native, but one of the military or government official architects attached perhaps to a legion, and a pupil of ApoUodorus, — introduced this innovation. At least, until further discoveries cast this arch down from its pinnacle it is the banner-arch of the free-standing columns, the earliest remaining model of this new type which was to become the 304 ROMAN CITIES most popular of all classes of memorial arches. As ApoUodorus built the famous bridge over the Danube and was associated with Trajan's Dacian campaigns, he may have designed the Asseria arch. At the same time I believe I have discovered the source of the Asseria design, the destroyed original triumphal arch built in Rome in honor of Trajan a few years before, in about 107 A.D,, as a memorial of the Conquest of Dacia, just before the building of the Forum of Trajan. The coins which portray this Dacian arch show yery plainly that it has free-standing columns supporting a broken architrave. Its designer and the inventor of this type is likely to have been, therefore, ApoUodorus of Damascus, the famous architect and engineer of Trajan. Still, as this use of coin pictures may be considered a slightly uncertain form of proof, the Asseria gate may be regarded as the earliest monumental embodiment of the new design. How important the innovation was, all designers will understand. By giving greater play of light and shade, more overhang to the main entablature and heavy breaks in its continuity, it introduced an ele- ment of picturesqueness that was valuable and could be extended to other designs. It is only one of several debts that Rome owes to Syrian architecture. Spalato, Plan of Palace of Diocletian as restored by Adam Plate L ROMAN CITIES 305 But this gate is interesting for historical and military, as well as architectural, reasons. It bears on the question whether, in his second and principal Dacian war, Trajan reached the Dan- ube by way of Dalmatia. This theory has been so scorned by several of those who have made a long and careful study of Trajan's Dacian wars, by authorities such as Cichorius and Furt- wangler, that I hesitated to support it. But while I cannot here discuss the theories as to sea and land routes, I can indicate some of the rea- sons for supposing that Trajan actually carried his army to the Danube through central Dal- matia and its hinterland. We know that Trajan's first war in 101 and 102 A.D. was not one of conquest, but aimed at making of Dacia and the land across the Dan- ube, a client state under the general suzerainty of Rome, a sort of Transvaal, instead of a cen- ter of hostile raids across the river. But when Trajan, some time after Dacia had submitted, had convinced himself in 103 and 104 that De- cebalus and Dacia were not honest in their pro- fessions of peace and were secretly preparing for hostility, he determined on a war of conquest, and on carrying the Roman border across the river. He completed, meanwhile, the perma- nent bridge across the Danube, which even pre- 20 306 ROMAN CITIES viously had been in temporary use, perfected the network of military roads in the Danubian prov- inces and founded certain military colonies. A larger army was needed than for the first war. The help as to his route which one gets from the reliefs on the column is only partial. Trajan started from Rome. The first rendezvous was at the main port on the upper Adriatic, Ancona, where a beautiful memorial arch still testifies to Trajan's enlargement of its harbor, probably in view of this very need, though the work was not completed till a decade later. As only a part of the army needed to be carried from Italy — the bulk being formed of the legions stationed fur- ther north and west — the problem of taking them across the Adriatic was not arduous. In the sculptured historic scenes of the war on the col- umn we see the scene of embarkation at the port, near the arch which, as at present, adjoins the quay: the whole topography of the scene in the relief fits into that of Ancona, including the tem- ple on the heights. But where are the troops bound? One wild theory takes them on vessels as far as the Bosphorus. I agree with Professor Bulic and with Petersen in thinking that Trajan carried the troops almost straight across to Salona, which was not only the nearest large port, but the central starting point for the main s"Od' Spalato, plan of modern town in connection with Diocletian's Palace Plate Lt ROMAN CITIES 307 network of Dalmatian roads connecting botK with the garrison camps and the valley of the Middle Danube, which Trajan wished to reach directly. For confirmation of this theory, it would be natural to look for some record of re- pairs on the Dalmatian military roads by Trajan in view of this march. We know how fore- handed he was in this particular ; how he had the great road along the Danube through the Iron Gates constructed in 100, a year before the first Dacian war, and how he set ApoUodorus at work on the great bridge over the Danube in 101, So it is without surprise, that we see in the C. I. L. and in the Dalmatian Bollettino of Bulic, the in- scribed milestones from this region that prove Trajan's restoration of the roads, one of them near Salona itself at Trau, relating to the Via munita along the coast. Trajan's stay in Dalmatia and its connection with the Dacian campaign is shown in various ways: by buildings and engineering works like the aqueduct at Zara, by the monuments of sol- diers and veterans scattered over the whole prov- ince, including those of men who did not belong to the corps regularly stationed in Dalmatia, but who took part in this campaign. Picking up the Pannonian and Moesian legions on his way to the northeast; and appointing a rendezvous for 308 ROMAN CITIES the Germanic legions and the rest that were to come from the west, Trajan probably spent some time on this side of the Danube before crossing ; though the triumphal monument at Adam-Klissi in the Dobrudscha rather indicates the location of some big battle in the days before the Dacian war than any event of this time. Whether in starting from Salona he took the more northern route via Burnum and Asseria or the more south- ern route, by the Drin valley, I would not venture to suggest without further study of the region; but does not the memorial arch-gate at Asseria, though erected several years after, suggest that Trajan may have passed this way? In any case, there is cumulative circimastantial evidence in favor of the theory that Trajan selected some route through Dalmatia as the shortest and saf- est way of reaching his field of operations and that he had been preparing for this by putting the highways and ports in repair. Spalato and Diocletian The lowest point on the Dalmatian coast to show important Roman ruins is Spalato, which is also the landing-place for a visit to Salona. The ancient conditions are reversed. Salona was then a great city; Spalato a late imperial palace built three miles away, beyond its suburbs. Now kV \n /'3' >- > ^^^ f \ Plitc in ~^M[:li //m^\ ROMAN CITIES 309 we stop at a hotel in Spalato and drive in a hack to the ruins of Salona, fortunate if we can have the guidance of the prince of Dahnatian archae- ologists, Mgr. Bulic, whose home is Spalato. As Salona embodied Augustus and the beginnings of the Empire, Spalato typifies Diocletian and its twilight. It is almost like a night-blooming cereus, a splendid, lurid flower, unused to the light of day but superb in tone and outline. One is fairly tempted to say that Spalato is the best remaining embodiment of late Roman ideals. In the first place it is thoroughly cos- mopohtan, representing many races and cen- turies both as heir and progenitor, with one hand stretched out to Rome and the other to the Middle Ages. In its plan and system it em- bodies the militarism and centralization so char- acteristic of Diocletian. It accentuates the Oriental idea of the separation of the sexes in its double parallel apartments, and in this as weU as in its style illustrates the Eastward tendency of the emperors of the third century which was soon to culminate in the founding of Constantinople. The artists who built Spalato may have been in fact more thoroughly Oriental, than those who built Constantinople. Earlier emperors left their palaces on the Roman Palatine. Diocletian cared little for 310 ROMAN CITIES Rome and had never lived there. Born at Salona in a land always in the debatable zone between East and West, — part Roman and part Byzan- tine, — ^Diocletian seems like the Colossus of Rhodes, with one foot in each of these opposing spheres. By temperament thoroughly Oriental and therefore despotic; by experience a military precisian; by education an indefatigable worker in a way quite un-Oriental, he became the most logical, and the ultimate centralizer, among the emperors. His success was partly due to the hypnotism exercised by absolute fearlessness. He never showed it more clearly than when he chose to abdicate of his own free will at a time long previously planned, amid perfect peace, and leaving the empire in the hands of men of his own choice. He then came to Spalato. In approaching Spalato after rounding the island of Bua one can hardly feel its original at- mosphere without eliminating a few modern buildings that disfigure the left side of the an- cient site. The natural surroundings are superb, with Mount Mossor as a background and the rocky foothills reaching almost to the shore to frame the enormous bulk of Diocletian's palace, with its southern facade crowning the water's edge. This is both the palace and the tomb of the Plate Lni ROMAN CITIES 311 last really great emperor. As we skirt its water- front for about six hundred feet we gradually; understand that there is no parallel to what we are seeing: a medieval city of nearly twenty thousand people built largely inside the walls of an imperial fortified viUa-palace, planned like a military camp and yet a monument of luxury and magnificence. We can leave our baggage at a modern hotel recently opened, mirabile dictu, by a Philadel- phian, and avoiding the distractions of medieval details and native costumes, project ourselves into a monument which will give us a more ar- resting sense of imperial despotism than the scattered and bald ruins of the palaces of the Caesars in Rome. In doing this we can still follow the restoration made by the English architect Adam more than a century ago, with the help of the modern plan. As usual, the ancient level is considerably be- low the modern street, so that it is only in the excavated area about the mausoleum that the original proportions and effects can be judged. The land slopes gradually upward from the sea, so that the shoreward fa9ade is considerably the highest. The rectangular plan, in place of the square, is borrowed from the typical permanent Roman 312 ROMAN CITIES camp, as it had been borrowed in the fortified cities of the Augustan age such as Aosta and Turin. From the camp is also copied the general scheme of the plan, with its division into four main sections by two intersecting avenues — the decumanus (east- west) and car dus (north-south) — each ending in a gateway flanked by pro- jecting octagonal towers. The defense is com- pleted by square towers at the four corners and by smaller towers between them and the gates. The Porta Aurea, by which we will enter the palace, corresponded really to the "Porta De- cumana" of the camp, though it is on the north. It somewhat resembles a triumphal arch, with its niches to contain statues and busts. At the same time it embodies striking premonitions of me- dieval design in the arcades surrounding these niches in which we can see in embryo the arcades that formed the main outside ornament of so many Lombard and Tuscan as well as of some Byzantine churches. No other Roman monu- ment of the West foreshadows this scheme! It is said that the imperial sculptures in the niches were destroyed by the hordes of the fifth century. The other gates were plainer: the water gate ("Porta Aenea"), was necessarily insignificant, the "Porta Argentea" on the east is destroyed but the "Porta Ferrea" on the west is well pre- served. p. en Plate 1,17 ROMAN CITIES 313 Aside from these two gates there are four principal architectural masterpieces inside the walls : the arcaded court, the mausoleum of Dio- cletian, the temple of "J^sculapius," and the vestibule of the throne room. The northern half of the palace, facing inland, was given up to the rank and file of the large imperial household and to stores, in the same way as this part of the camp was assigned to the common soldiery. In the southern half of the camp the "praetorium" stood, the headquarters and administrative buildings, and the quarters for the staff, the imperial guard and other select troops. In the palace plan this scheme was car- ried out : the vestibule and imperial throne room stand at the end of the avenue where the "prae- torium" would be and beyond it the dining and reception halls flanked on either side by the apart- ments for the emperor and his suite and guests. Through the large central hall one reached the long covered gallery or "cryptoporticus" over- looking the sea, which extended along the entire southern f a9ade. The area inclosed by the walls is a trifle under ten acres, with sides measuring 570 feet from east to west and about 700 feet from north to south. Though the walls are 70 feet high along the sea line and 50 feet on the land side, they 314 ROMAN CITIES hardly show their height. The sea has now with- drawn itself but it originally more than lapped the wall below the long gallery, giving it an effect as of a magnified Venetian palace on the Grand Canal. A large Watergate opened in the center and boats could enter directly into the lower part of the palace. The gallery is now closed, but there is no diffi- culty in reconstructing its original appearance if we eliminate the walls that fill up the more than fifty intercolumniations and arcades. There was no monotony. The design was diversified by three arcades which broke the long architrave and are among the characteristic unclassic and Oriental features of the palace. The old print which is here reproduced helps one's imagina- tion. I do not know of any similar work of ancient architecture on such a large scale and so well preserved. ! The other fa9ades, with their towers and plain walls, were purely military, except for the statu- ary and other decorations of the Porta Aurea, the main entrance on the land side. After entering by the "Porta Aurea" we pass through the entire northern section along the central street without seeing hardly a trace of Roman work, but as soon as we reach the cen- tral cross street, the scene changes abruptly, as Plate Lv ROMAN CITIES 315 we come to the arcaded court. In the original design the arcades were open on both sides, there being only a low parapet between the columns. On the right one caught a glimpse of the temple of "Aesculapius" standing isolated in the center of its little square, and on the left, in another square, the concentric mausoleum. Immediately in front was the fa9ade of the throne room. A volume could be written on these four works, be- cause they are not only so well-preserved but are historically so pregnant with interest. It is true, the court has suffered eclipse by the buildings which, beginning in the seventh or eighth century, have closed its arcades. But they remain a classic and noted example cited in every text-book ; the earliest use of lines of free-stand- ing arcades resting on columns. For the first time the old straight architrave is discarded. Here we find the source and type of the arcaded interiors of the early Christian basilicas, built soon after under Constantine, some of which had architraves while others had these lines of arcades on either side of the nave. One could therefore not unreasonably conclude that the arcade came into Christian churches from some Oriental school of architecture, because, as we shall see, the palace was the work of men from Syria or Asia Minor. 316 ROMAN CITIES This appears very clearly in the little fa9ade of the throne room. The base of the gable in classic architecture is formed by a straight cor- nice and entablature. But here the arch is intro- duced to occupy nearly the entire space. This broken gable space is characteristic of temples in Syria, Cihcia and eastern Asia Minor, and if we find it in a few scattered instances in the West, in Spain or Italy it is in late works that imitate Oriental models. It is interesting to find it in the remains of the palace built for Dio- cletian's colleague Maximian in Milan, now an- nexed to the church of S. Lorenzo. Sixteen large columns of its facade remain, their long ar- chitrave broken in the middle by an arch. The design is almost identical with that of the Spa- lato water-front, and was perhaps the work of the same architects. This same broken archi- trave appeared three times, we have seen, in the cryptoporticos ; so it is a characteristic of our palace, which thus illustrates not only the com- plete change from architrave to arcade in the court but the earlier transitional stage which had been practised for at least two centuries in the East. The temple on the right is the imperial place of worship, corresponding to the chapel in the medieval palace fortress, and to the papal chapel Spalato, Facade of Yestil}iile of Throne-room Snalato, Detail of Court (Wlha) Sjialato (near), Aqi educt Plate i.vi ROMAN CITIES 317 at the Lateran and Vatican. It has perhaps the best preserved cella of any temple in existence, so we can overlook its small size and rough finish and the loss of its portico. The basement is quite high and rather throws the building out of scale. The decoration of the doorway is almost over rich, but the proportions are so effective as to exclude any "barocco" effect. The tradition which makes of it a temple of Esculapius seems to be baseless and not earlier than the thirteenth century. The thunderbolts on the corbels and the eagles seem to me good reasons for calling it a temple of Jupiter. This is quite a logical inference, because Jupiter was Diocle- tian's patron: his epithet was "Jovius" in the same way as that of his colleague Maximian was "Herculeus." After Diocletian's death the pal- ace was called Jovense. The photograph of the tunnel-vault which covers the cella shows a perfect example of rich coffered vaulting, better preserved than its main rivals in a few of the triumphal arches. Finally, we reach the gem of the palace, the mausoleum of Diocletian. It was a strange idea of the emperor to be buried in his own house, but there can be no doubt that he planned it from the beginning, and that his body rested here in a porphyry sarcophagus placed, probably, under 318 ROMAN CITIES the center of the dome. A casual visitor is hardly- likely to remember that this is the only well pre- served imperial tomb in existence. The mauso- leum of Augustus and his successors and their families is now a formless mound. Of the mausoleum of Hadrian which held the imperial remains of the second and early part of the third century, only the mutilated and transformed shell remains. The emperors buried not in fam- ily memorials but in special sepulchers have fared even worse. We must pass to the times immedi- ately following Diocletian to find single quasi- imperial tombs in any preservation; of these the tomb of Helena, mother of Constantine, near Rome, has lost everything but part of its bare brickwork, and those of her granddaughter Con- stantia and of Romulus Augustulus have been transformed. This mausoleum of Diocletian stands pre- eminent in preserving not only its entire struc- ture but practically all of its decoration. Hardly any ancient monument of any class is so intact. Also as a type it is extremely valuable. It is the heir of the early circular tombs of Asia Minor and Etruria and the progenitor of the Christian baptistery. The structure of its dome, with fan- shaped interdependent internal arches in the masonry, is perhaps unique, and much discussed Plate Lvii Spalato, view from Court toward Mausoleum (from old print in Cassas) ROMAN CITIES 319 by architects. The entire design, with its perip- teral portico, its central dome and its interior order with free-standing shafts and figured frieze, may be taken as typical of a late imperial tomb. The thorough restoration which has been car- ried on for so many years has had its disadvan- tages. A large portion of the internal details has been thrown away or transferred to the museum because they were regarded as too in- jured to be retained in the structure. The white- ness of the material of the new parts prevents any delusion; and, in a way the workmanship of the capitals and other details can be better seen in the museum. But, as a matter of fact, we do not care to see them in this way. They were in- tended for effective display in the semi-darkness of the dome at a considerable height, and were admirable for their purpose. Close study is a cruel injustice. We cannot leave without a glance at the origin and history of the palace. Diocletian became emperor in 284 and a year later took as his col- league Maximian, to whom he assigned the West, keeping for himself the East, and so establishing a precedent for partition. Better to hold the empire in control, he established in 293 the famous tetrarchy, by making Galerius and 320 ROMAN CITIES Constantius Chlorus Caesars and dividing the Roman world into four administrative sections. His reorganization of the basis of provincial ad- ministration, his perfecting of paternalism, and his superb organization of central authority are commonplaces. The other three men never questioned his supreme direction. He was training the two Caesars to the succession. Diocletian had long planned to retire on the twentieth anniversary of his accession, at the age of 58. He announced his decision. He then put it off for a year to allow Maximian to com- plete his twenty years. The solemn abdication took place on May 1, 305. It was then that Diocletian withdrew to Salona to live in the palace which was being built in a small bay near the city, under the name Aspala- thos. Here he lived and "grew cabbages" until his death in 313, except for a few journeys in- cluding a long stay at Sirmium in 306, perhaps in connection with work at the quarries for the palace. He had a meeting at Sirmium in 307 when he was begged to return to power to quell increasing disorders. We must believe that the palace had been in course of construction for a number of years be- fore 305, even though it was not then completed. Probably it had been begun as early as 293 when Spalato, Interior of Mausoleum (Wlha) Plate Lviii Spalato, Dome of Mausoleum of Diocletian (Wlha) Plate Lix ROMAN CITIES 321 the two Caesars were selected as successors for himself and Maximian. The emperor had other large palaces. That at Nicomedia was the most extensive, like a superb camp. Others were at Aquileia and in the east. The architects are unknown. From similarity to work at Palmyra and elsewhere in Syria, we may conjecture that they belonged to the school of Antioch, though the schools of Asia Minor, such as Nicomedia, need not be excluded. The two provinces had been for centuries in the clos- est artistic relation. The emperor's last years, as we know, r^ere embittered by the struggles between Maxentius, Constantine and Licinius, and, at last, by the tragic fate of his own mother and wife. After his death the palace was turned by the govern- ment into a factory for cloth weaving in which the personnel was entirely female, under oflScial inspection. In memory of the emperor it was called Jovense. It was threatened and damaged by barbarian hordes in the fifth century and seems to have been abandoned. After all it was no fortress. Meanwhile Salona, though threatened, had not been captured. When the final disaster came between 625 and 639 the survivors of Salona fled to the islands and the East, where they had been 322 ROMAN CITIES preceded by most of the well-to-do, who had foreseen it. One of the patricians, though, bear- ing the homely name of John, established him- self within the abandoned walls of the palace as soon as the storm had passed, and gathered around him many of the fugitives. A church was soon organized and its bishop received the same privileges as the ancient church of Salona. But, how desolate and impoverished was the land, a shadow of the sleek and confident past! The picture of these poor survivors burrowing among the ruins of the church of Salona for the relics to put in their new church is typical of the com- mon ruin of the ancient culture. The mausoleum became the cathedral, the temple became the baptistery. The citizens easily found room inside the walls, turning the passage- ways and courts into streets and squares. It was long before its magnificence was de- faced. As late as the tenth century, the famous emperor and writer, Constantine Porphyrogene- tos, himself a great lover and connoisseur of art, familiar with the gorgeous monuments of Con- stantinople and the Orient declares "that it sur- passed even in its ruin all powers of description." In course of time, thanks to the inspiration of the ancient monument and the pride of being the seat of religious supremacy, Spalato became Spalato, Temple of Aesculapius Plate LX Spalato, Detail ot Porta xVurea (Durm) ROMAN CITIES 323 a power in the modest early Middle Ages. Its school of art ruled a great part of Dalmatia. Its crowning glory is the really superb campanile of the mausoleum-cathedral, and hardly less extra- ordinary, though less conspicuous, is the richly carved pulpit. Earlier than either and very rare of their kind are the carved doors by the native artist Andrea Guvina, dated in 1214. He was probably also the author of the extremely Orien- tal openwork carved wooden choir stalls, which, are unequaled in the West. Nothing is more convincing of the strength of tradition than the way in which the campanile reproduces the antique designs, and the choir stalls continue the Oriental influence of the past. The palace has been ignored or sneered at by purists who show their narrow-minded prejudice in setting up in this connection the "bogey" of decadence because the style does not square with certain canons of perfection. This is easily laid by any person of aesthetic sense who admires composition and the play of light and shade ; who can see how monumental effects can be produced, as they are here, out of very small materials. In the matter of pure construction nothing could be more original or better planned than the dome and colonnade. Historically we can best study here not only the type of funerary chapel and 324 ROMAN CITIES the origin of the basilical interior, but also that pecuhar style of decorative sculpture in flat re- lief or openwork in marble which forms the basis of Byzantine and early Italian design, es- pecially the geometric work which prevailed throughout Dalmatia, Istria and nearly the whole of Italy even under the Lombards. In fact the palace is one of the indispensable land- marks of history ; the latest produced by Roman imperial art. Spalato, Tunnel Vault of Temple (Wlha) Plate Lxi INDEX Aar, valley of the, 327 Acquasanta, Via Salarian wall near, 171 Aero, King of Caenlna, 109 Actium, battle of, 253, 291 Adam, Robert, on Dalmatian ruins, 265; restoration of in Home, 311 Adam-Klissi, Trajan's monu- ment at, 308 Adige, the, at Verona, 248 Aemilia, Via, 207-208 Aequi, mountainous tribes of, 7, 8, 16, 17, 41 Aequians, the, 9, 11, 61 Aequum, Via, 278 Aesculapius, temple of, 213, 315, 317 Aesis, river of, 201 Aix-les-Bains, arches at, 161; arch of the Campani at, 253, 392 Alatri, 38, 40, 41, 39 n, 61, 65, 87, 116, 118; discoveries at, 43, 44; acropolis at, 45; build- ings of Bertilienus Varus in, 47; Roman aqueduct at, 47, 48; temples at, 48 Alba, 12, 117; tombs of, xiv, xvi, 108; Gabii a colony of, 14; destruction of, 68 Alba Fucens, temples at, xvii Alba Longa, 11 Alban Hills, 4, IS, 17, 26, 61, 67, 80 Alban Mount, 6, 8, 12, 16, 38 Alberti, Leon Battista, recon- struction of S. Francesco by, 206 Albornoz, Lombard citadel re- built by, 164 Alcantara, viaduct of, 14 Aletrium, 57; temples at, xvii; ancient name of, 40; legend of, 40; of Greek type, 40 Alexandria, architectural models from, 117 Algidus, Mount, 8, 68 AUason, Thomas, on Dalmatian ruins, 265 Alps, the, 6, 147, 202, 207, 210, 233; Hannibal crossing the, 209; the Maritime, 210, 230; the Cottian, 223, 242; the Graian, 226, 242; the Pennine, 236, 242; passes of used by Caesar, 226; the Julian 245, 262; the Tridentine, 249 Alsium, works at, xv Altinum, 264; in Venetia, 249 Amaseno, valley of, 76 Amato, Ponte, 15 Amelia, vaulted cisterns at, 184 Amemurium, theater of, 237 Ameria, town of, 150 American museums, at Narce, 109 Amiternum, Cyclopean wall near, 78 n Anagni, 38, 43, 44, 54-60; struc- tures at, xviii; original citadel of, 42; description of ancient, 54-59 ; religious impression of, 56; revolt against Rome of, 56; aid sent to Rome by, 57; cisterns at, 184 Anagnia, advance of Pyrrhus against, 57; walls of, 60 Anastasia, S., church of at Verona, 246 Anastasius, S., basilica dedicated to, 281; tomb of built by As- clepia, 282; Acts of, 282 325 326 INDEX Ancona, 201; cathedral of, 168; arch of Trqjan at, 306 Andetria, Porta, 273; uncovered, 270 Andetrium, 278; Augustan re- mains at, 299 Anio river, 4, S, 17, 37 Ansano, S., church of, 158, 160 Antemnae, town of, xv, 5 Anti-Roman confederacy, 43 Antium, city of, 9 ; became me- tropolis, 69 Antonines, the, theater attrib- uted to, 343; Salona during age of, 377, 289 Antoninus, temple of Faustina and, 163 Antoninus Pius, 55, 99, 303 Antoninus Primus, leading Fla- vian army, 345 Antony, Lucius, 128 Antony, Marc, days of, xviii; at Aquinum, 196; arch of at Aquino, 199; death of, 219; civil war with, 391; victory of Augustus over, 294 Anxur, called Terracina, 74 Anxur-Terracina, shrine of Fer- onia near, 71 Aosta, 90, 133, 169, 309, 313, 325-343, 244, 249, 312; arches and gates of, xvili, 189, 195, 322-323, 356, 371, 290; the Alps at, 164; Porta Praetoria at, 191, 315, 233; Val d', 225, 237; lines of communication controlled by, 227; Colony Arch of, 230, 234; Tour de Pailleron at, 236; covered the- ater at, 239, 262; Durm on, 239; Baths of, 340; rectilinear form of, 250 Apennines, 11, 16, 147; fortres- ses extending from, 8; the Ahruzzl, 155 Apennine tablelands, 7 Apollo, temple of at Thermon, 113; head of from Falerii, 118 ApoUodorus, 303; famous bridge built by, 304, 307 ApoUonia, Greek colony of, 267, 299 Appia, Via, 70, 74, 85, 130; at Terracina, 97, 98; course of, 67-68 Appian, on capture of Prae- neste, 54 Appian Way, see Via Appia Aprusa, small stream of, 205 Aqua BoUicante, 13 Aquileia, 245, 374, 253, 262, 264, 378; Latin colony of, 156; founding of, 208; destruction of by Attila, 363, 264; Diocl^ tian's palace at, 321 Aquinas, St. Thomas, 44 Aquino, 196-300; arches and gates of, xviii; Janus gate at, 197-198; Marc Antony's arch at, 199 Aquinum, xv, 196-200; Janus gateway of, 131, 197-198; Marc Antony at, 196; Colony Arch of, 199 Archseological Conunission of Italy, 96 Ardea, town of, 68, 69 Arelate, town of, 212 Arezzo, town of. 111 Argiletum, arches spanning the, 173 Argos, Juno worship connected with, 142 Aricia, city of, 10, 11, 15; re- ligious center at, 92 Ariminum, 30U209; colony of 202; terminus of Flaminian Way, 202; the Ariminus near, 205 Ariminus, bridge over the, 205 Aries, town of, 212; aqueduct at, 47 n Arpinum, town of, 49, 63 Arretium, town of, 107 Artena, Volscian city of, 51, 52, 61 Artorius Primus, 98 Asclepia, martyred under Dio- cletian, 382; sarcophagus of, 282 Ascoli, XV, 169, 170; gates of, INDEX 327 131; Spoleto and, lSS-171; Porta Romana at, 170 Asculum, town of, 170 Aspalathos, Diocletian's palace of, 320 Aspendos, aqueduct at, 47 n Asseria, 299-308; excavations at> 299; arch at, 304 Assisi, 40, 172-187; forum at, xvii, IS; structures at, xviii; Capitoline temple at, 174; in- scription on capitolium of, 174; Janus arch at, 178; Ves- covado square at, 178; ancient cistern inscription at, 183-184; church of S. Silvestro at, 186; church of S. Michele at, 186; gates and walls at, 189 ; Porta Consolare at, 189-190 Asso, Castel d', architecture of, 112; tombs of, 118; architect- ural details in, 122 Assyria, temples and observa- tories of, 20 Athens, Arch. Congress at, 216; Trajan's arch at, 303 Atilius Aebutianus, P., and Trajan's gate, 301 Atri, city of, 202 Attila, destruction of Aquileia by, 263 Augusta Bagiennorum, excava- tions at, 210 Augusta, Porta, S9 Augusta Praetoria, 225 Augusteum, the, at Terracina, 99 Augusto, Arco d', 132, 135, 136, 138-140 Augusto, Porta d', in Perusia, 131 Augustus, xviii, 73, 98, 100, 111, 126, 130, ISO, 161, 168, 188, 246, 266, 273, 278, 284; arch ' of, 24; burning of Perusia by. 111, 129 ; gate of in Peru- sia, 131; works of at Narni, 151; forum of in Rome, 160; renovation of highways by, 203; thank offering to, 204; colony of at Taurasia, 209- 212{ colonization plans of. 218-220, 225-229; trophy of near Nice, 219, 223; conquests of, 219-229, 233, 263; Verona a colony of, 247, 250; colonies under, 253; constructions of in Verona, 255-259; Aquileia rebuilt by, 264; capture of Salona by, 268; roads planned by, 273, 275; fortification of Salona by, 284; victory of over Antony, 294; worship of, 294; at lader, 296; mauso- leum of, 318 Aurea, Porta, at Pola, 289 Aurelia, Via, extension of, 208 Aurelius, Marcus, 56, 99; let- ters of, 54; Baths of Aosta restored by, 240; Salona un- der, 268; time of, 271; walls of, 277 Ausonian range, 8, 98 Ausonians, incursions of, 8; king of, 74 Ausonius, on Aquileia, 262-263 Austria, dispute over territory of, 273 Aventine, shrine of Diana in, 92 Babylonia, temples and observ- atories of, 20, 21 Badia, Ponta deUa, near Vulci, 127 Baedecker, on Assisi, 172 Balbus, theater of in Rome, 237 Balkan mountains, 278 Barberini collection, 28, 29, 34, 35 Barberini gardens, 33 Bassus, Arch of, 297 Bato, Dalmatian insurrection under, 278 Bayreuth, theaters at, 239 Bencovac, town of, 299 Bene Vagienna, town of, 210 Beneventum, xix; arch of, 290 Berengarius, King, at Verona, 261 Berlin, collections of antiquities 328 INDEX Bernard, Great St., pass of, 226-327; opening of, 233 Bernard, Little St., 233; pass of, 226-227 Bernardini tomb, at Praeneste, 28, 109 Bertilienus Varus, inscription regarding, 47; buildings of, 47 Bettona, walls at, 186 Bevagna, 186; vaulted cisterns at, 184 Bieda, structures at, xviii; tombs of, 118; ancient bridge at, 126 Bisentium, tombs at, 108 Bizentium, tombs of, xvi Blanc, Mount, 225 Blanchere, M. de la, on ancient agriculture, 80 Blera, ancient bridge at, 126 Boer war, strategy of, cited, 219 Bola, town of, 9 Bollettino, Dalmatian, of Bulic, 307 Bologna, museum of, 208 Boniigli, Umbrian painter, 135 Boniface, Pope VIII, 19, 20; insult to, 56 Borghesi, on Verona, 247 Borgo, story of the, 25 Borsari, Porta dei, 246, 247, 250, 254-256, 257 Bova, Porta di, at Falerii, 142, 145-146 Bovillae, town of, 67 Brenner Pass, 248, 249 British Museum, fictile sarcoph- agus at, 114 Brunelleschi, facade of, 239 Brutus, 56 Bua, island of, 310 Bulic, Monsignor Francesco, 269, 270, 276; on Trajan's route, 306; home of at Spa- lato, 309 Burgundy, 43, 186 Burnum, 299; Trajan's route near, 308 Buthier, meeting of Dora Bal- tea and the, 230; Augustan bridge across, 231 Byzantine architecture, 198, 296, 298, 312, 324 Byzantine inscriptions, 101 Byaantium, 100; emperors of, 273 Caenina, town of, 6; king of, 109 Caere, 4, 7, 41, 107 n, 108; tombs of, xiv; works at, xv; Regul- ini-Galassi tomb at, 109, 120; a desert. 111; tombs at, 112; Greek and Etruscan art inj 113; sarcophagus at Louvre from, 114 Caesar, xviii, 128, 131, 157, 165, 195, 217-219, 263, 273; colonies under, 217-219, 253; hostile tribes in time of, 218; consul of lUyrium, 274; death of, 291 Caesara, Porta, in Salona, 269 270, 272; inscriptions of, 275- 276 Calamone, bridge over the, 151 n Camertes, the Umbrian, 148 Camillus, capture of Veil by, 53-54 Campagna, 10, 17, 67 Campania, 48, 75, 78, 98 ; border of, 56; subjugation of, 67; cities of, 253 Campanile, the, 101 Cannae, battle of, 31 Capena, town of, 4 Capena, Porta, xv Capitoline Temple, at Terracina, 98; at Rome, 114, 115; at Falerii, 144 Capitolium Temple, at Cora, 97; at Spoleto, 157, 161-162; of Rome, 163, 294 Capitulum, town of, 43 Capua, defection of to Hanni- bal, 31, 65; conquered by Etruscans, 113; architectural details at, 117; games in, 179; ampitheater at, 240; theaters at, 277 Caracalla, 303; age of, 117 Cardano, bridge over the, 151 n Cardo, the, at Tergeste, 285 INDEX 329 Carignana, Piazza, at Turin, 311 CarmentaUs, Porta, xv, 171 Carrara, excavations at, 270, 375 Carsulae, town of, 153 Carthage, Rome's treaty with, 5, 105; Rome's struggle with, 42 Casamari, monastery of, 43 Casconius, Salona captured by, 268 Cassas, on Dalmatian ruins, 265 CasteUani collection, 28 Castellano, the, 170; bridge over, 171 Castello, Piazza, at Turin, 211 Castiglione, the, 14 Castor, temple of Pollux and at Cora, 97; statue of at Perugia, 137; temple of Pol- lux and at Rome, 159; statue of Pollux anu at Assisi, 182 Castrimoenium, walls at, 59 Catacombs, the, 279 Cavillon, arch of in France, 292 Cecco, Ponte di, 171 Cenis, Mount, 220, 221 Cenomanni, the, Trent occu- pied by, 249, 250 Central Italy, early date of cities of, 59; masonry of cities of, 59-60 Cervetri, tombs at, 112 Cesnola, the, 30 Charlemagne, 155 Chiusi, tombs at, 112; the Pog- gio Gaiella of, 128 Choisy, 152 n; on bridge near Nami, ISO Cicero, 56, 162; days of, xviii, 16, 118, 157 Cichorius, on Dacian wars, 305 Ciminian mountain, 6 Circe, rock of, 71; legend of, 74; fabled island of, 102; citadel of, 102; the magician, 103-104 Circeii, city of, 6, 17, 74, 80, 89, 100, 101-105; mount of, 71, 73, 74; promontory of, 102; capture of by Romans, 103; colony sent to, 104; Cistercian monks, 43; monastery of, 146 Cisterna, town of, 70 Citadel, the, importance of, 52; openings in, 52-53 CittadeUa, Monte della, 102 Civita Castellana, 65, 141, 144 Clarus, C. Attius, work of at Assisi, 181 Claudia Augusta, Via, 249 Claudian Aqueduct, 15 Claudius, Appius, 240, 261; Via Appia built by, 67; posi- tion of Cottius under, 222; time of, 277 Clissa, town of, 278 Clitumnus, the, temples at sources of, 167 Clivus Argentarlus, archway spanning the, 173 Cloaca Maxima, 76, 126; dis- covery of by Dennis, 126 Cloaca of the Marta, at Gra- viscae, 126 Clusium, town of, 41, 107 n Coliseum, the, xix, 289 ; in Rome, 240 Collatia, town of, 5, 67 Colline gate, 12 Colonnaro, Via del, 25 Colosseum, the, 277 Colossus of Rhodes, Diocletian compared to, 310 Compani, the, arch of at Aix- les-Bains, 253 Compitum Anagninum, shrine of Diana at, 56 Comum, town of, 245 Consolare, Porta, at Assisi, 189, 192 Consolato, Via del, at Turin, 211 Constance, Lake, 227 Constantia, tomb of, 318 Constantine Porphyrogenetos, Basilica of, xv, xix; emperor, 101; arch of in Rome, 303; Christian basilicas under, 315; mother of, 318; era of, 168, 298; on Diocletian's mauso- leum, 322 Constantinople, 266; building 330 INDEX of, 309; monuments of, 322 Constantius, the emperor, 275; position of under Diocletian, 320 321 Cora,' 9, 70, 75, 76, 77, 78, 83, 86, 127; stronghold of, 8; re- mains of, 80; architectural features of, 96-97; temple of Castor and Pollux at, 97; Capitolium temple at, 97; cisterns at, 184 Cori, temples at, xvli, 199; structures at, xviii Corinium, Augustan remains at, 299 Corinthian architecture, 199, 200, 239, 276, 285, 286 Coriolanus, capture of Circeii by, 104 Corneto, tombs at, xvi, 108, 112; sarcophagi in museum in, 114 Corso, the modern, 23 Corso Garibaldi, at Turin, 211 Cortona, 107 n; works at, xv Corviano, Monte, ISO Cosa, 90, 103, 111; gates of, 63, 87, 131-132, 198; Dennis on, 88 n Cottius, Julius, son of Donnus, 221; given title of "King," 222-223; prefect-king of Cot- tian Alps, 225; confederated tribes under, 227 Cremona, fortress-colony of, 207-244 Crete, cave of Idean Zeus in, 30 Crociflsso, basilica of the, 167, 168 Cromlech, the, 226 Cumae, walls at, 59 Cures, sacred city of, 154 Cyprus, discoveries in, 30 Dacia, Trajan's conquest of, 275, 304-308; Trajan's route to, 299 Dahnatia, 196, 207, 209, 299; conquest of, 263, 284; Istria and, 263-266; route to, 265; roads in, 274, 275, 278-279; spread of gospel in, 283; Trajan's route tbrou^, 305 Dalmatian-Illyrian war, 244 Damascus, ApoUodorus of, 304 Dante, 56 Danube, the, 219, 242, 262, 264, 274; valley of, 273, 307; bridge over, 304, 305, 307 Decebalus, hostilities of, 305 Decumana, 135; at Aosta, 233 Delbriick, on Hellenistic archi- tecture, 24; on Porta S, Lorenzo, 197 Delminium, Greek colony of, 267; Augustan remains at, 299 Delphi, oracle of, 19; sculptures of, 115 Dennis, on walls of Cosa, etc., 88 n; discovery of Cloaca Maxima by, 126; Cities and Cemetries of Etruria of, 141 Dentatus, Curius, 154; Diana, tribal shrine to, 66; shrine of at Lake Nemi, 68, 92; temple of at Norba, 91, 92; shrine of at Compitum, 92; national Latin shrine of, 92 Dio, his history of civil war, 267; on Dalmatia, 274 Diocletian, 246, 261; Baths of, xv.xix; Tomb of,xix, 319-320, 322-324; palace of at Spalato, 369, 309, 312-324; martyrs under, 282; Spalato and, 308- 324; famous tetrarchy under, 319; meeting of at Sirmium, 320; palaces of, 320-321; mother and wife of, 321 Dionigi, Signora, 36 Dionysius, xvii, 61, 104; in Roman Antiquities, 112 Dioscuri, the, statues of at Perugia, 137; statues of at Assisi, 182 Dobrudsdia, the, Adam-Klissi in, 308 Dodona, oracle at, 19 Doimus, S., basilica dedicated to, 281; burial of, 282 Donato, S., church of at lader, 296, 298; museum of at Zara, 296, 298 INDEX 331 Donnus, King of Cottian Alps, 219; Caesar's friend, 221; Cottius, son of, 221; con- federated tribes under, 327 Dora Baltea, the, 225-226, 230, 231, 242 Dora Riparia, the, course of, 221; junction of with Po, 224 Doric architecture, 48, 58, 117, 178, 187, 200; at Norchia, 116; at Perugia, 132; at Todi, 187; at Aosta, 239 Drusus, 157, 247, 262; death of, 160; arch erected to, 157, 161, 303; conquest of Ger- many entrusted to, 219-223; possible statue of, 223; cam- paigns of, 227, 249; residence of, 250 Duce, Tomba del, at Vetulonia, 109 Durm, on Aosta, 239, 941 Dyrrhachium, colony of, 299 Eburnea, Porta, 131 Ecetra, 52; battle between Vol- . scians and, 51 Egyptian art, 30 Emilia, plains of, 201 Emona, 262; Augustan remains at, 299 Empulum, style of masonry at, 60 Epetion, 278; Greek city of, 267, 299 Epidamnus, Greek colony of, 267 Epitaurum, 299; Augustan re- mains at, 299 Eporedia, 242, 247; building of, 208; situation of, 226; Sal- assi sold at, 228 Esquiline, 69; tombs on, xiv Etrurla, 13, 27, SO, 78; wall circuits in, xv; North, 48; temple cella in, 65; antiqui- ties of, 107; tombs in Central, 108, 318; Rome and, 106-146; temples in, 113 Etruscan architecture, 24, 69, 113, lis, 117, 118-128, 161; rectangular form of, 119 Etruscan art, fusion of Greek and, 113 Etruscan cities, 4, 86, 95, 111, 117, 153; principal of, 107 n Etruscan league, 5 Etruscan museum, in Rome, 48, 109, 114 Etruscans, 9, 17, 41, 42; ex- tended dominion of, 6; su- periority of over Rome, 7; struggles with Rome, 7-9; luxurious life of the, 27-28, 124; temples of, 48; walls of 57; two types of, 107-108; course masonry of in Rome, 112; Capua captured by, 113; houses of, 118-128; tombs of, 119-121 Eucarpius, Julius, name on lead pipes, 272 Euganei, Pliny on, 250 Euphrates, valley of, 70 Fabii, the memorial arch of, xvi, 162 Paicchio, cisterns at, 241 Falerii, 4, 7, 116, 128, 131, 141- 147; tombs of, xiv; temples at, xvii; decorations of, 48; walls at, 59; antiquities of, 109, 117, 13.7; temple of Juno at, 115, 144; military archi- tecture of, 142; Porta di Bova at, 142; surrender of to Rome, 143; gates of, 194, 288 Faleri, see Falerii Faliscans, the, capital city of, 141; surrender of to Rome, 143; revolt of, 143 Fano, gates at, 189, 195, 201, 288 Fanum, town of, 201 Faustina, temple of Antoninus and, 162 Faustulus, shrine huts of, xvi, 121 Felice, S., modern village of, 102, 104 Felsina, town of, 120 Ferentines, the, 61 Ferentino, 38, 40, 41, 43, 44, I 49-54, 131; structures at. 332 INDEX xviii; Porta Sanguinaria at, 48, 49; acropolis of, 49; gate below walls of, 50, 63; Janus gate at, 196-197 Ferentlnum, 49, 62, 57; Vol- scians at, 49; battle of Vol- scians with 51 Fermo, S., church of at Verona, 246 Fernique, M., 26, 27 Feronia, shrine of, 71, 73 Ficana, town of, 5 Ficoroni cista, 33 Fldenae, city of, IS; capture by Romans of, 54 Flora, the, 127 Fiume, and Zara, 295-299 Flaminla, Via, 202; and the Umbrians, 147-201; Augustan bridges on, 206 Florence, museum at, 114, 117, 118, 121, 123; tempio di S. Manno near, 140 Foligno, town of, 188 Formio, the, 203 Foro Boario, the, at Todi, 187 Fortune, temple of at Pale- strina, 100 Forum, tombs in, xiv Forum Boarium, at Rome, 198 Fossa Quiritium, xv Fossanova, monastery of, 43 Francesco, S., 206 Frasso, colossal cistern near, 184 Fregellae, city of, IS; Turianus of, 114 Fronto, letters of Marcus Aure- lius to, 54 Frosinone, town of, 39 Furtwangler, on Bacian wars, 305 Gabii, town of, 5; colony of, 14; temple of Juno at, IS Gabiniani, Via, 272, 278 Gaeta, 103; gulf of, 100 Galerius, position of under Dio- cletian, 320, 321 Gallienus, restoration-inscription of, 246; constructions of, 255 Gallus, Trebonianus, 129; in- scriptions of, 129, 140 Gard, Pont du, viaduct of, 14 Gardun, sepulchral monument at, 287 Gaul, 219, 220, 223; plans of Augustus in regard to, 227; Augustus in, 228 Gauls, 919; Senonian, 147, 201; Insubrian, 207; Boian, 307; in Verona, 250 Gavij, arch of the, 252, 254; family of, 253 Cell, cited, 36 Gemina, Porta, at Pola, 293 Genfevre, Monte, passage across, 219, 220 Genoa, city of, 210 Genua, town of, 210 Gerasa, in Syria, 231 Germanicus, 157; death of, 160; arch erected to, 157, 161 Germany, theaters in, 239 Giovi, Porta di, at Falerii, 145 Giulis, Via, at Turin, 211 Gordians, villa of, 13 Gothic architecture, 43 Goths, bulwarks built against, 268 Gracchi, the, 42, 48, 125 n Graef, on gate in Trieste, 286; on arch at Pola, 292 Graviscae, town of. 111 Greece, influences of, 13; oracles in, 19; temple in, 20 Greek architecture, 69, 113, 116, 117, 161, 185, 192; cities built in style of, 35-37, 113 Greek art, 115; in Praeneste, 33; fusion of Etruscan with, 113; center of in Caere, 113 Greeks, 41, 300; custom of colonization of, 82 Gregorovius, Journal of, 83-84 Grisar, Father, 168 Gubbio, town of, 185 Guerriero, Tomba del, at Vulci, 109 Guvina, Andrea, carving of at Spalato, 323 Hadrian, villa of, 13; tomb of, 311 INDEX 333 Halicamassus, Dionysiiis of, 89, 104 Hannibal, 31; crossing the Alps, 209 Hatria, founding of, 202 Helena, tomb of, 318 Hellenistic architecture, 57, 80; in Latium, 24; Delbrilck on, 24 Hellenistic art, introduced into Latium, 26 Herculea, Porta, at Pola, 293 Hercules, temple of, 97; statue of in Rome, 114 Hernican cities, 42, 52, 56, 57, 60, 61, 111; search for necro- poli of, 27; charm of ancient, 38-40; religious center of, 92 Hernican league, 6, 8, 10, 42; cities of, 38 Hernicans, 9, 10, 17, 49, 77; raids against, 8; ancient cities of, 38-40; jimetion with Ro- mans, 42; of Anagni, 42; cult of, 58 Hernici, tribe of, 38 HispeUum, Umbrian city of, 188 Hittites, style of architecture of, 36 Horace, cited, 73 Hiilsen, Dr., 173 Hyginus, the gromatic writer, 212; on Roman camp-city, 230 ladean Zeus, 30 lader, town of, 296, 297 Iguvium, 185; temple of Jupiter Apenninus at, 201 Illyria, frontier of, 295; tribes of, 299 lUyrians, wars with Rome, 267 Illyrium, province of, 273; Julius Caesar consul of, 274 Industria, theaters of, 237 Insubres, the, region of the, 244 Interamna, city of, 153; the modern Terni, 152 Ionic architecture, 117, 134, 199, 200, 239 Isfere, the Upper, 227 Isis tomb, at Vulci, 109 Isotta, town of, 207 Issa, 299 ; Greek colony of, 267, 299 Istria, 205; Pola in, 217; con- quest of, 263; and Dalmatia, 263-266; route to, 265 Italian Dept. of Fine Arts, 81 Italicus, Silvicus, 56 Italy, communities in Central, 6; racial division of, 5; most magnificent temple in, 11; commerce between Southern and Central, 32; ruins on peninsula of, 35-37; Archae- ological Commission of, 96; Augustan architecture in, 98; destruction of ancient cities of, 129; most artistic walla and gates in, 189; people of Northern, 208; military route in, 262 Ivrea, 225, 242, 249; building of, 208; situation of, 226 Jackson, book of, 265 Janus, gates of, 50; arch of at Assisi, 178; settlements provided with a, 178; gate in Aquinum, 197-198 Janus Quadrifrons, statue re- moved from Falerii, 144 John, leader at Salona, 322 Jove, statue of at Falerii, 145 Jugarius, the viscus, 173 JuUa Concordia, city of, 264 Julii, the. Arch of at S. Remy, 253 Juno, temple of, 15; temple of at Norba, 90-91, 93, 93; tem- ple of at Falerii, 115, 144; worship of at Falerii, 142, 145; inscription to Livia as, 298 Juno Curitis, statue removed from Falerii, 144 Juno Lucina, temple of, 54 Jupiter, 97, 99; old legend of Saturn and, 72; statue of in Rome, 114; statue of at Perugia, 137; of Otricoli, 149; Optimus Maximus, 294; tem- 334 INDEX pie of at Diocletian's palace, 317; patron of Diocletian, 317 Jupiter Aramon, Arch of, 257; head of at Trieste, 287 Jupiter Anxur, temple of at Terracina, 99, 101 Jupiter Capitolinus, temple of, xvii, 115 Jupiter Feretrius, 110 Justinian, historian of, 150; age of, 283 Kircherian museum, 28, 34; Ficoroni cista of, 33 Kircheriano, plaque of, 29 Labicana, Via, 13, 17, 57 Labici, town of, 9 Lacedemonians, the, 73 Lake Regillus, battle of, 12, 13 Lanciani, Rodolfo, at Norba, 96 Lanuvians, ravages against, 8 Lanuvium, 4, 11, 55, 68 Lanza, excavations under, 270 Laodicea, aqueduct at, 47 n Lapidary Museum, 285, 287 Larnaca, discoveries in, 30 Lateran museum, in Rome, 280, 283, 317 Latina, Via, 17, 57; Aquinum at junction of, 196 Latin league, 3, 4, 5, 10, 12; dissolution of, 30, 67; re- ligious center of, 92 Latins, 17, 64, 72, 77; con- federacy of, 7 Latin strongholds, 8 Latin towns, 5, 68, 88 n, 131; search for necropoli of, 27 Latium, 7, 26, 67, 78; wall cir- cuits in, XV; Praeneste's posi- tion in, 16; extent of, 17; style of masonry in, 60; temple cella in, 65; origin of name of, 72; southern frontier of, 74 La Turbie, Augustan trophy at, 219, 223 Laurentum, city of, 68 Lavinium, town of, 11, 68 Leoni, Arco dei, 246, 256-257 Lepidus, Aerailius, besiege of Norba by, 85 Lepini, Monti, 68 Levant, the, 100 Licinius, struggles of, 321 Ligurians, 147; extermination of, 208 Lillebonne, theater of in France, 239 Liutprand, Lombard historian, 248 Livia, inscription to as Juno, 298 Livy, 49, 51, 56, 57, 61; ^ves indirect version, xiv; texts of, xvii; on Volscian wars, 51; on capture of Veil, S3; on destruction of Artena, 51, 61; on colony sent to Circeii, 104; on colony at Sinuessa, 178-179 Lombardy, plains of, 201, 218 Longula, town of, 69 Lorenzo, Porta S., 197 Lorenzo, S., church of, 316 Louvre, collections of antiquities at, 34; sarcophagus from Caere at, 114 Lucino, gates in, 63 Luna, temples at, xvii, 137; the northernmost Etruscan city, 117; founding of, 208 Lycurgus, severe laws of, 73 Lyons, aqueduct at, 47 Macchie near Satricum, 70 Macedonia, army of Caesar in, 274 Madama, Palazzo, 212; sub- structures of, 213; gate under, 216 Madonna dell' Aquila, 24 Maflfei, inscription bought by, 286 Maggiore, Porta, 13, 88, 89, 91 Mamertine Prison, xv Manastirine, basilica at, 281 Manno, S., temple of, 140 Mantua, town of, 245 Marcellus, theater of in Rome, 237, 262 Marcia Aqueduct, xviii Marcomanni, onslaught of, 271 INDEX 335 Marecchia, the, bridge over, 205 Maremma, the, malaria in region of. 111 Maria Ottolina, S., church of, 199 Marino, see Castrimoenium Maritime circus, Livy on, 5T Marius, death of the younger, 54; struggle between Sulla and, 85; wars of Sulla and, 129, 156 Marmorea, Porta, at Turin, 211, 215 Mars, temple of at Rome, 161 Martial, 114, 150 Mamsinac, basilica at, 281 Marzabotto, Etruscan-Italic town of, 208 Marzia, Porta, 129, 131, 135- 136, 138-140 Mater Matuta, shrine of at Satricum, 69 Mau, on Pompeian gates, 173 Maxentius, struggles of, 321 Maximian, palace of in Milan, 316; colleague o<: Diocletian, 319, 320, 321 Mediolanum, town of, 210, 242, 244 Mediterranean Sea, 6, 7 Medullia, town of, 5 Melia, Anniana, wife of Sergius Bassus, 297 Merida, viaduct of, 14 Metellus, Cecilius, 267 Mevania, 186; Umbrian defeat hear, 148 Middleton, researches of, 36 Milan, town of, 210, 242, 244, 263 Minerva, bust of at Pola, 293 Minervia, Porta, at Pola, 293 Minturnae, road to, 196 Moesian legion, Trajan and, 308 Mommsen, 233, 247; on Varro's conquests, 228 Monga, Sig., discoveries of, 263 Montenegro, dispute over land bordering, 273; colonies near, 284 Morgan, J. Pierpont, 254 Mossor, Mount, 310 Motya, Phoenician city of, 126 n Mulvian Bridge, xvii, 166 Munich, theaters at, 239 Munita, "Via, near Salona, 267, 278 Muratori, museum founded by, 257 Mycenae, town of, 40, 78 Napoleon I, engineers of at Pola, 295 Nar, 153; valley of the, 149 Narce, tombs of, xiv, 109-110; museums at, 109 Narni, arches of, xviii; bridge at, 127, 150-152, 166, 205; and Terni 149-154; vaulted cisterns at, 184 Narnia, 149, 153; founding of, 152 Narona, 278, 284, 299 Tfation, the New York, 300 Nemi, Lake, shrine of Diana at, 68 Nepet, colony at, 143 Nepi, see Nepet Nequintnn, stronghold of, 149 Nera, valley of the, 149 Nicomedia, Diocletian's palace at, 321 Nigra, Porta, at Trier, 216 Nimes, Augustan gate at, 214; arches and gates at, 256, 271 Ninfa, springs of, 71, 83; town of, 83; refugees from, 84 Ninfina, Porta, at Norba, 90 Nona, Ponta di, xviii, 14, 16 Norba, 10, 63, 64, 70, 71, 72, 75, 76, 77, 78, 80-97, 103, 103, 105, 108; works at,xv; temples at, xvii; as a stronghold, 8; betrayal to Sulla of, 54; ruins of, 81; date when founded, 82; situation of, 83; route to from Rome, 83 n; destruction of, 85; entrance of, 86; state of desertion of, 87; Porta Ninfina at, 90; temple of Juno at, 90-91, 92, 93; temple of Diana at, 91- 93; Roman colonists at, 90, 92; cisterns at, 93, 184; 336 INDEX acropolis of, 94; disputed date of founding of, 95 Norchia, details of architecture in, 112, 116, 122; tombs of, 118 Noricum, 264; conquest of, 227 Norma, modern village of, 83, 84; "Sindaco" of, 83 Nursia, town of, 169 Octavian, burning of Perusia by, 128-129, 133; conquest of Istria and Dalmatia by, 263 Olympia, oracle at, 19 Orange, memorial arch of, 231, 290 Oriculum, town of, 149 Orient, influences of the, 13; architecture of, 315, 316, 322, 323 Ornaments, found in tombs, 29; oriental, 29 Orvieto, 144; tombs at, 112, 127 Ostia, 4; warehouses at, 241 Otricoli, 149, 150 n; Jupiter of, 149 Padua, city of, 210 Paielli, Monte, 47 Palatina, Porta, at Turin, 214 Palatine, the, 309; tombs on, xiv; walls around, xv Palestrina, temples at, xvii, 199; tombs at, 12; ancient city of, 16; cardinal of, 22; interpretation of ruins of, 37 n; temple of fortune at, 100 Palladia, drawings by, 254 Pannonia, town of, 262 Pannonian legion, Trajan and the, 308 Pantheon, the, xv, 20 Papa Giulio Musuem, 69, 109, 116; head of Apollo at, 118; model of temple at, 118 Parenzo, medieval art of, 265; early Christian basilica at, 279 Pavia, town of, 242, 244 tepin, town of, 155 Pergammon, aqueduct at, 47 n Persians, temples destroyed by, lis lerugia, 40, 122, 127, 128-141, 187; works at, xv; arch of Augustus at, 24; walls of, 193 n, 195; gates of, 194; architecture of, 112; gates at, 31; inscriptions at, 129, 140; statue of Castor and Pollux at, 137, 182; famous Tomba di San Manno; gate decora- tions at, 204-205, 288 Perusia, 107; Porta Augusta in, 59; burning of by Augus- tus, 111, 129; tombs at, 112; capture of by Octavian, 128- 129 Perusian War, 128 Peruzzi, Baldassare, drawing of in Florence, 164 Pesaro, town of, 201 Petersen, on Trajan's route, 306 Petit-Radel, researches of, 36 Petrara, Monte, 201 Pharus, Greek colony of, 267 Philip Augustus, 89 PhiUp le Bel, King, 56 Philippi, arches at, 161; battle of, 268, 284, 291 Phoenician cities, 126 n Phoenicians, 27, 41; luxurious life of, 27, 28; workmanship of, 29, 30, 108; Piacenza, for- tress colony of, 207, 244 Piacenza , fortress colony of, 207, 244 Picenum, town of, 147, 153; seceding cities of, 170; capi- tal of, 170 Piedmont, plains of, 218 Pietro, S., 63; castle of, 17 Pisa, cathedral of, 168 Pisaurum, 201 Pisco Montana, 98 Piscus, and Circe, 74 Pitti palace, facade of the, 239 Pizzio di Sevo, pass of, 170 Placentia, fortress-colony of, 207, 244 Pliny, 167; on temple ruins, 114; on Roman houses, 118; on Etruscans, 147; on arches, INDEX 337 160-161; on Verona, 247, 250 Po river, valiey of, 6, 202, 207, 210, 22S, 244, 249; junction of Dora Riparia with, 224 Podgradje, Asseria at, 299 Poggio Gaiella, the, 128 Pola, 177, 284, 288-295; temples of, xviii; amphitheater at, xix; colony arch at, 217; am- phitheaters of, 240, 277; arches at, 287, 288, 292, 298 Politorium, town of, 5, 67 Pollio, Asinius, 291 ; Salona cap- tured by, 268 PoUusca, town of, 69 Pollux, temple of Castor and, at Cora, 97; statue of at Perugia, 137; temple of Cas- tor and, at Rome, 159; statue of Castor and, at Assisi, 182 Polybius, on Etruscan columns, 122 Pometia, stronghold of, 8; burning of, 9 Pompeii, 124, 159, 161; walls at, 59; roads of, 99; forum of, 173; gates at, 189, 293; peculiar gate arrangement at, 224; theaters of, 237, 276, 277; covered theater at, 239 Pompey, days of, xviii; road over Mount Cenis used by, 221 Pontine plain, 7, 8, 11, 69, 70, 72, 87, 88, 90, 93, 105; cities of, 67-80, 111; decay of cities of, 75; inhabitants of cities of, 78; customs of inhabi- tants of, 79 Popillia, Via, building of, 208; at Aqulleia, 264 Populonia, town of. 111; de- struction of by Sulla, 111 Porciano, Monte, 56 Porsenna, Rome's concessions to, 7 Postuma, Salvia, of Sergii family, 290 Postumia, Via, at Aquileia, 264 Praeneste, 67, 61, 103, 104, 108, 156; tombs of, xiv, 11, 30; 22 works at, xv; structures at, xviii; as a fortress, 8, 10, 11; Temple of Fortune at, 11; and the Latin league, 12, 30; position of in Latium, 16, 17; description of, 18; shrine of Fortune at, 18-21, 34; forums of, 24; relations of Phoenicians with, 27; re- lations of Etruscans with, 27; luxurious life in, 27, 28; levy on by Rome, 31; part of in Punic wars, 31; love for art of, 32; toilet and other im- plements found in, 32; Greek art in, 33; cosmopolitanism of, 41; capture of by Sulla, 54, 129; destruction of, 85; Bernardini tomb at, 109; cis- terns at, 184 Praenestina, 13, 17, 57 Praenestine hills, 16, 38 Praenestine temple, motifs of the, 188 Praetoria, Porta, 135, 213, 215; at Aosta, 191, 234, 236, 239; at Pola, 293 .Principalis Sinistra, Porta, at Turin, 214 Privernum, 76, 78, 80; capture of by Volscians, 72 Procopius, historian of Jus- tinian, 150 Proculis, Laelius, and Trajan's gate, 301 Promis, book of 1869, 213, An- tichitd di Aosta of, 236, 237 Propertius, the elegiac poet, 186 Provence, town of, 186, 213, 292 Punic wars, 31, 202 Pyrrhic war, 42 Pyrrhus, his struggle with Rome, 18, 42, 118; advance of against Rome, 57 Quadi, onslaught of, 371 Quarnero Bay, Fiume at head of, 295 Quinto Fiorentino, works at, XV ; tombs at, 112 Quirinal, tombs on the, xiv 338 INDEX Ragusa, medieval art of, 365 Rainaldi, drawings by, 20 Ravenna, town of, 100, 147, 201, 203, 279 Reate, Via Salaria at, 153; tableland of, 154 Regillus, Lake, battle of, 12, 13 Regulini-Galassi tomb, 28; at Caere, 109, 120 Renaissance, the, 154, 297; Norma settled before, 84 Revett, on Dalmatian ruins, 265 Rhaetia, 345; conquest of, 227, 233, 249 Rhaeti, the, Trent founded by, 249; in Verona, 250 Rhine, the, 227, 242 Rhone, the, 227 Riccardo, Arco di, at Tergeste, 285 Ricci, Sig. Camillo, 199 n, 254 Richard Coeur de Lion, 89 Rieti, tableland of, 154; city of, 154 Rimini, 201, 203, 203, 304, 305, 207; arches at, xviii, 199; Latin colony of, 156; passing of Rubicon associated with, 202-203; medallion heads in arch at, 204; Flamlnian Way below, 206; arches of, 988 Riviera, the, 210, 218, 220, 293 Rivoira, publication of on ar- chitecture, 198 Roma, Dea, 294 Roman Antiquities, Dionysius in, 112 Roman architecture, 115, 116, 118-128, 160-187 Romana, Porta, at Ascoli, 170 Romans, forum of, xvii; con- structions of, XV, 98; houses of, xvi; architecture' of, xvi, xvii, 89, 90, 111-112; shrines of, xvii; Calendar of Re- ligious Feasts of, 25; rights of citizenship conferred, 41; junction with Hernicans, 49; aqueducts of, 47, 47 n, 48; battle between Volscians and 61; destruction of Artena by, 52, 61; capture of Pi- denae by, 54; gate built at Segni by, 66; custom of col- onization of, 82; capture of Circeii by, 103; types of armor of, 109, 110; houses of, 118-128; earliest bridge inscription of, 166-167; com- ing of to Verona, 250; wars between lUyrians and, 267; Salona captured by, 268 Rome, mirrored in her colonies, xiii, xiv, XV, xvi, xvii, xviii, xix, 33, 39, 106-146; Livy's vision of, xiv; earthen ram- part of, XV; founders of, viii; cabin-urns of, xvi; build- ings of, xix, 115, 116, 240; cosmopolitan, 3; boundaries, 4; not in Latin league, 5; un- der Tarquins, 5, 92; and the Etruscans, 7, 8, 9, 10; her capture by the Gauls, 9; struggle of Pyrrhus with, 18, 118; levy of Praeneste re- quired by, 31; saved by Praenestines, 31 ; Praeneste gives counterpart of condi- tions in, 33; struggle with Carthage of, 42; Etruscan Museum in, 48; struggle of with Hernicians, 49, 60; Janus gates at, 50-51; re- volt of Anagni against, 56; aid sent by Anagni to, 57; Servian wall at, 59; garrison of at Norba, 62; coming of penates to, 68; Antium al- most the rival of, 69; colony sent to S'etia by, 72; expul- sion of Tarquins from, 72; railroad to Terracina from, 83; route to Norba from, 83; colonists of at Norba, 90, 92; roads of, 99; treaty with Carthage, 105 n; relations of to ancient Italy, 107; Etrus- can museum in, 109, 114; Veii wiped out by. 111; Falerii wiped out by. 111; Etruscan masonry In, 119; temples in, 113, 199; mu- INDEX 339 seums at, 118; tombs of, 119; gates of, 131, 197; sign manual of, 136; wars of Veil with, 142; surrender of Falerii to, 143; revolt of Faliscans against, 143; Um- brian submission to, 148; forum of Augustus at, 160; temple of Mars at, 161; social war against, 170; Por- ta CarmentaUs at, 171; first temple cella north of, 176; idea of games borrowed by, 179; intmsian of against Um- brians, 186 ; pre- Augustan gates of, 197; founding of Hatria by, 202; hostile tribes around, 318; planting of colonies by, 218-230, 335-329; conquests of, 219-329, 305- 306; theaters in, 337; the Tabularium at, 238; Coliseum in, 240; compared to Verona, 348; Lateran museum in, 280; arch of Drusus in, 303; palace of Caesars in, 311 Romulus, viii, 108, 110; shrine huts of, 121 Romulus Augustulus, tomb of, 318 Rosa, Monte, 225 Rubicon, the, 203; passing of, 302 RuseUae, 107 n; Dennis on walls of, 88 n Rutuli, Ardea of the, 68 Sabina, town of, 64, 68, 142, 153, 154 Sabines, 9, 17, 64, 147; incur- jsions of, 8; boundary be- tween Vestini and, 79 n Sacco, valley of the, 7, 16, 38, 72 Sacra, Via, archway spanning the, 173 Saepinum, completion of walls of, 194; gates of, 197 Saguntum, defense of, 85 Salaria, Via, 153 Salassi, the, 226, 242; subjuga- tion of, 238, 339 St. Petersburg, collections of antiquities at, 34 Salona, 266-284, 296, 298, 308- 309; gates at, 189, 256; Dio- cletian associated with, 266; Dalmatian road near, 267; captures of, 368, 331; lulia Martia, 268; destruction of by Venetians, 370; besieged by Pompeians, 274; amphi- theater at, 376; roads cen- tering at, 378, 306-307; Episcopal church at, 379; Christian basilicas at, 279- 383; a Christian center, 283; palace of Diocletian at, 320; John, leader at, 322 Samnites, possible league of» 5; confederacy of, 43 Samnium, town of, 64 SangaUo, the younger, 135 San Gallo, family of, 300; for- tress of, 138 Sanguinario, Ponte, 160 San Manno, Tomba di, near Perugia, 184 Santa Croce, Monte, 150 S. Remy, colony arch of, 217, 253, 287; in Gaul, 231; arch of Julii at, 293 Saracinesca, Porta, 62, 63 SarmentiuS, Flavins Rufinus, governor of Dalmatia, 375 Sassoferrato, town of, 117 Satricum, 65, 70, 120; temples at, xvii, 113, 114, 117; burn- ing of, 9; shrine of Mater Matuta at, 69; unhealthy site of, 80 Saturn, 99; old legend of, 73 Saturnia, 111; travertine used at, 60; origin of name of, 72 Save, the, 262, 378 Saxa Rubra, near Rome, 199 Scaligers, castle and tombs of, 346 Scheggia Pass, 301 Segni, 39 n, 60, 63, 64; de- scription of, 60-66; acropolis of, 61, 64; early history of, 61; the modern town of, 61- 64; temple at, 65; Roman 340 INDEX Capitoline triad in, 65; gate buUt by Romans at, 66 Segovia, viaduct of, 14 Sejanus, favorite villa of, 73; legend of, 73 Sena GaUica, 201 Sentium, ancient city of, 117; Roman victory at, 148, 153 Sergii, arch of the, at Pola, 3S3, 289, 294 Sergius, head of colony of Pola, 253; of the Twenty- ninth Legion, 253 Sergins Bassus, inscription in honor of, 297 Sergius Lepidus, statue of at Pola, 290; brothers of, 290; and the Twenty-ninth Legion, 290, 291 Serlio, drawing of Porta Ven- ere by, 191 Sermoneta, town of, 94 Servian walls, 50, 51, 59, 69, 112, 113, 146, 151 Servius Romanus, betrayal of Artena by, 52 Servius Tullius, xv Setia, 75, 76, 78, 80, 83, 86, 96, 105; shrine of Saturn at, 73; capture of by Volscians, 72 Severo, Porta San, 131 Severus, Septimus, arch of, 303 Sevo, Pizzio di, 170 Shrine of the Latins, 19-31, 34; modern appearance of, 22- 26; Egyptian art in, 24 Sicily, Motya in, 126 n Siena, gates of, 139 Sigismondo Malatesta, 217 Signia, town of, 49, 57, 60, 61, 64, 98, 104, 176; works at, xv; as a fortress, 8, 10 Signlna, Porta, 88 Silvestro, S., church of at Assisi, 186 Simone, S., church of, 297 "Sindaco," of Norma, 83 Sinigallia, town of, 201 Sinuessa, Roman colony at, 178 Sirmium, Diocletian's meeting at, 330 Smirich, Prof., on arch at lader, 297 Soldini, Cav. Giovanni, 157, 158, 163, 168 Sole, Porta del, 32 Somma, pass of, 153 Soracte, Mount, 4, 61, 145 Spain, 220; Augustus in, 228 Spalato, 266, 308, 324; Dio- cletian palace at, 269; Con- gress of Christian Archae- ology at, 279; sarcophagi at, 280; museum at, 280; sar- cophagus of Asclepia at, 282; a religious center, 322-323; a center of art, 323 Sparta, Lacedemonian's emigra- tion from, 73 Spello, 40, 90; arches and gates of, xviii; 191-192; Todi and, 187-196; pre- Augustan walls at, 193 n; Porta Urbana at, 195; wall of, 238 Spoleto, xvi; structures at, xviii; and Ascoli, 155-171; received rights of Roman citizenship, 156; triad temple at, 157; Capitoline temple at, 161-162 Spoletum, colony of, 153; Via Salaria at, 153 Strabo, Pompeius, on Verona, 245, 350 Stuart, on Dalmatian ruiftS, 265 Suessa Pometia, 9, 70 Suetonius, on renovation of highways, 203 Sulla, 14, 21, 26, 86, 169, 195; destruction of Palestrina by, 16; restoration of, 23; be- trayal of Norba to, 54; cap- ture of Praeneste by, 64; struggle between Marius and, 85, 129, 156; forum re- modeled under, 97; destruc- tion of Populonia by. 111; destruction of Volaterra by, 111 Susa, 212, 242, 249; arches at. INDEX 341 316; site of, 221; Arch of, 222; Val di, 226, 227 Sutri, see Sutrium; theaters of, 27T Sntrium, colony at, 143 Syrian architecture, 304, 321 Tabularium, xvii, 24, 151; in Rome, 204, 238 Tacitus, on Verona, 24S, 246, 248, 2SS Tarquini, a tomb of the, 123 Tarquinii, 107 n; tombs at, 108, 112; hardly a trace left of, 111; Tomba del Triclinio, 123 Tarquinius Priscus, 112, 114 Tarquinius Superbus, colony sent to Segni by, 61 ; colony sent to Circeii by, 104; works of art under, 114 Tarquins, xvi, xvii, 14, 44, 65, 74, 92, 108, 111, 121, 125 n; Home's power under, 5; ex- pulsion of, 72 Tarsatica, colony of, 295 Taurasia, town of, 209 Taurini, the, 209 Telamon, temples at, xvii, 137 Tellene, town of, 5, 67 Telmessos, in Asia Minor, 231 Temple of Fortune, visited by all Latium, 18-21, 34 Teresa, Via S., at Turin, 211 Tergeste, town of, 284; Au- gustan inscription at, 285 Terni, town of, 155; and Narnl, 149-154; faUs of, 154 Tjrracina, 6, 71, 73, 74, 75, 77, 80, 86, 97-101, 103; called Anxur, 74; under Tarquins, 74; railroad to, 83; Via Appia at, 97-98; important location of, 98; Capitoline temple at, 98; Augusteum at, 99^ repairs of Trajan at, 99; liking of Tiberius for, 99 Thamugadi, in North Africa, 231 Theodoric, the Goth, 261; pal- ace of, 99 Thermae, the, at Salona, 272 Thermori, temple of Apollo At, 113 Thessalonica, town of, 137 Tiber river, 4, 6, 11, 17, 27, 35, 130, 147, 149, 248 Tiberius, 73, 99; bridge com- pleted by, 205; plan of c6n- quest intrusted to, 219; com- pleted road scheme, 278 Tibur, town of, 11, 16; as a fortress, 8, 10 Tiburtme hills, 12 Ticinuia, 210, 242, 344 Tigris, valley of, 70 Tiluri, Pons, 378 Timgad, Trajan's arch at, 303 Tiryns, town of, 40, 63, 78 Tivoli, town of, 16; temples at, xvii, 11, 97 Todi, 185; structures at, xviii; vaulted cisterns at, 184; and Spello, 187-196; Poro Boario at, 187 Tolerus, 73; the Sacco's an- cient name of, 38 Tommaso, S., church of at Verona, 357 Toraccio, mausoleum of, 13 Torasius, baths of, 167 Tor de Schiavi, 13 Torri, Palazzo delle, at Turin, 314 Torri, Ponte delle, viaduct- aqueduct called, 169 Tragurion, 278; Greek city of, 267, 399 Trajan, 293; arches of, xix, 303, 306, 308; forum of, xix, 304; works of at Tferracina, 99; conquest of Dacia by, 375, 304-308; Pola at time of, 277; gate of at Asseria, 288; route of to Dacia, 299; memorial gate to at Asseria, 301-302; Arch of at Bene- ventum, 303; famous archi- tect of, 304 Trau, modern city of, 267; milestone at, 307 Treja river, 144 Trent, town of, founded by the Rhaeti, 249 342 INDEX Trerus, the Sacco's ancient name of, 38; valley of, 57 Tridentum, 249, occupation of, 250 Trier, 132; Porta Nigra at, 215 Trieste, 284-288, 295, 302; Col- ony Arch at, 286-287; Capi- toleum at, 288; Museum of, 300 Trigemina, Porta, xr Triumvirs, colonies under the, 291 Tronto, the 170 Tudor, town of, ISO, 185, 187 Tullus Hostilius, King, 57 Turianus, of Fragellae, 114 Turin, 189, 209, 229, 233, 249, 312; foundation date of, 17-18; gates at, 195, 256; and Susa, 209-225; the Direzione in, 234; gates at, 271 Turks, the 269 Tusculans, raids against, 8 Tusculum, 11, 68; as a fortress, 8, 10; style of masonry at, 60 Tuscus, the viscus, 173 Tyndaris, walls at, 59 T^l, the, 248; Southern, 263 Uffizl museum, drawings of Sangallo at, 135; in Florence, 164; drawings of Serlio at, 192 Ulpius, L., tombs on estate of, 282 Umbria, 6; wall circuits in, xv; monuments of, 186-196 Umbrian plain, 35, 40 Umbrians, 78; possible league of, 5; and the Flaminian Way, 147-201 Urbana, Porta, at Spello, 195 Vadimonian lake, 148 Valerius, Arch of, 257 Valvisciolo, monastery of, 95; Cistercian abbey of, 96 Varro Murena, Terentius, against the Salassi, 228 Varrius Flaccus, 35 Vatican, the, 28; sculptures in, 149; chapel at, 317 Veii, city of, 15, 17, 86, 107 n, 143; tombs of, xiv; works at, XV; Roman attack upon, 52; architecture at, 112; tombs at, 112; Volcanius of, 114; wars of with Rome, 142 Velinus, river of, passage cut for, 154 Velitrse, 8, 9, 61, 68, 75, 76, 83 Venanzio, S., chapel of, 383 Venere, Porta, at Assisi, 190, 192; drawing of by Serlio, 191 Venetia, plains of, 218 Venice, 273, 289, 296; the mod- ern, 208; commercial position of, 264 Ventura, Porta S., at Assisi, 192 Veroli, town of, 38, 41, 39 n Verona, 244-263; arches and gates of, xvili, 216, 231, 271; amphitheaters of, 240; alpine pass at, 344; churches at, 246; a colony of Augustus, 247; strength and picturesqueness of, 248; river Adige near, 248; compared to Rome, 248; founang of, 249-250; Pliny on, 250; coming of Romans to, 250; Colony Arch at, 251- 254, 256; drawings in library at, 254; earliest Roman arch in, 254; advent of Vespasian to, 255; arch of Gavii at, 292; museum of, 396 Verulae, town of, 67 Vescovada square, in Assisi, 178 Vespasian, 361; house of moth- er of, 167; struggle between Vitellius and, 345; advent of in Verona, 355 Vesta, temple of, xvi Vestini, boundary Sabines and, 79 n Vetralla, tombs near, 118 Vettona, walls at, 186 Vetulonia, tombs of, xiv, xvi, 108, 112; works at,xv; Tomba del Duce at, 109, 120 INDEX S43 Vetiilonium, 107 n .Vienna, theaters at, 239; route from Aquileia to, 274; Ar- chaeological Commission in, 286, 300 ViUa Giulia, 4,8 Vindelicia, conquest of, 233, 249 Vindolonum, 274, 278 Virgil, IS, 56, 73 Visciola, valley of the, 76 Vitellius, struggle between Ves- pasian and, 245 Viterbo, 6; tombs near, 118 Vitruvius, 115 Vittore, Monte, 170 Volaterrae, 107 n; destruction of by Sulla, 111 Volcanius, of Veil, 114 Volci, 107 n Volsci, mountainous tribes of, 7, 8, 41, 104 Volscian cities, 88 n, 131, 196; search for necropoli of, 27 Volscian hills, 8, 16, 17, 26, 61, 67, 68, 71, 72, 83 Volscians, 9, 17, 77, 83, 104; invasion of, 11, 68, 70; at Ferentinum, 49; wars of, 51, 67; Antitun the bulwark of, 69; Setla occupied by, 73; fort built by, 73 Volsinii, 40, 144, 107 n; tombs at 112 127 Volt'erra,' 120, 137, 132, 134; Dennis on walls of, 88 n; sarcophagi of, 112; cisterns of, 184; gates at, 198; 204-205 Volumni, the, 122, 138; famous tomb of, 141 Vulci, works at, xv; structures at, xviiij arches and gates of, xviii, 205; Isis tomb at, 109; Tomba del Guerriero, 109; tombs at, 112; style of a tomb of, 123; Ponta della Badia near, 127 Wilberg, sent from Vienna, 300 Xantus, Caius Julius, name on lead pipes, 272 Zara, 284; medieval art of, 265; Fiume and, 295-299; location of, 296; museum of, 300; in- scriptions at, 302; aqueduct at, 307 Zecca, Via della, 216 Zeno, S., church of at Verona, 246