ME FUND BOUGHT WITH THE INCO FROM THE SAGE ENDOWMENT THE GIET OF Hcnrg W. Sag* 1891 y{.±'io-5rq Date Due - " ■ Uec2: '^47^" 1 ^^ ^ #^t ti / ^ ji-jirt^Mi i »_ .._... - ■-' iL' ■■::i^-^ 9t8 S UHIlIi f' 1 IQITf JwiMl \ IS// ' 1 i 1 The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924032756417 NEW MATERIALS FOR THE HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION TRANSLATED FROM DOCUMENTS IN THE FRENCH ARCHIVES AND EDITED BY JOHN DURAND NEW YORK HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY 1889 ./■^T / CORNELL''^ \^ LIBRARY A. 4-M-0 5"' 1 Copyright, 1889, BY HENRY HOLT & CO, press W. L. Mershon & Co., Rahway, N, J. PREFACE. Two years ago I had occasion to examine certain documents on file in the French archives relating to the American Revolution, the French agency in which can not be exaggerated. I had not read many of them before I came to the conclusion that we were not yet as well informed about that event as we should be, a conclusion fully confirmed by a subsequent examina- tion of the various histories of our country. France furnished a large proportion of the soldiers, arms, officers, and military supplies, nearly the whole of the navy, and most of the credit and money by which the war was successfully terminated. The risk to France was great, the cost enormous — amounting to twelve hundred and eighty million livres — and the effect on the country disastrous, increasing as it did the finan- cial difficulties which led up to the French Revolution. In taking up the cause of the American insurgents France was obliged, in many respects, to control the war, and this necessarily made it a joint operation. Her military and diplomatic agents, consequently, provide us with a mass of documents in the shape of official let- ters and reports, which serve as a separate history of the Revolution, containing descriptions of men and events IV PREFACE. from a point of view different from that with which we are most familiar. Hence the importance of the French archives in relation to it. Mr. Bancroft says (vol. X., p. 349, foot-note): "The French archives are rich in materials for every branch of history. In one they are unique. The despatches of the French envoys at Philadelphia to their government contain the most complete reports which exist of the discus- sions in Congress from 1778 to the adoption of the Constitution in 1789. Congress sat, it is true, with closed doors, but the French ministers knew how to obtain information on every proceeding that interested their country." But Mr. Bancroft's use of these documents has been far from exhaustive. There will here be found much in the correspondence of Gdrard de Rayneval and the Chevalier de la Luzerne, not hitherto acces- sible, which seems to me of the highest importance. It throws new light on two subjects of special interest, the hitherto secret debates of the Continental Con- gress, and the Cabal against Washington, as well as on the schemes of the politicians of the day who prevented an energetic prosecution of the war. De Rayneval was the first and de la Luzerne the second French minister sent to this country after the signing of the treaty of alliance with France. They enjoyed the priv- ilege of being present at the sessions of the Continental Congress when it sat in committee of the whole and French interests were at stake. There are editions of the Acts of the Congress, called the " Journal," but I P RES ACE. V have not been able thus far to learn of any other record of the Debates than that which is supplied by the official correspondence of these ministers. In any event, their letters give information of special value, and seem to me to add picturesqueness and dramatic interest to the American history of this epoch. I have also thought it worth while to include some points not before published in English regarding Beaumarchais. To accepted facts taken from the " Histoire de la Vie et des Temps de Beaumarchais," by M. de Lomenie, I have added some matter entirely new from Gudin's biography just published, and some original material furnished me by M. Lintil- hac, author of ^^Beaumarchais et ses OEuvres." This material sets the character of Beaumarchais in a light new to American readers and strongly appeals to their sympathies. In de Lomenie's work, of which there is an English translation, the relations of Beaumarchais with America are so involved with other subjects as to render the idea there given of his services to this country confused and iiiadequate. The reader will find, in the correspondence of the French ministers, some passages relating to the character and career of Thomas Paine; also in the Appendix a remarkable letter by the author of "Com- mon Sense," addressed to Danton, and here published in full for the first time. This letter is quoted in part by M. Taine, in his treatise on the French Revolution, and I am indebted to him for the copy. I have also to acknowledge my indebtedness to VI PrePACB. M. Doniol, author of the " Histoire de la partici- pation de la France a I' ^tablissement des Etats-Unis dAmMque, Correspondence diplomatiques et documents " (an extensive work not yet completed), for special information and for the use of documents in his possession. I am also specially indebted to M. Lintilhac, for a copy of the original manuscript of the important letter by Beaumarchais translated and given on page 59 and following pages, now published for the first time; and to Mr. Henry Vignaud, First Secretary of the American Legation at Paris, for the privilege of consulting his valuable library of American history; and, again, to Mr. B. F. Stevens, of London, who is now, and has been for years, engaged in com- piling a catalogue of all original documents in Euro- pean archives relating to American history, a work which must prove of the greatest value to all seekers for historic truth. J. D. Paris, November 20, 1888. CONTENTS. Preface, ... . . iii bonvouloir, ... . . i Characteristics of States and Sentiments of the People, . , • 17 The Count de Vergennes, . . .31 Beatjmarchais, . . . .38 Louis XVI. and the Pressure on the King, 44 The Services of Beaumarchais, 87 The Treaty of Beaumarchais, . . . 105 Beaumarchais's Contract with the United States, iig The Enemies of Beaumarchais, . . . 143 Settlement of Beaumarchais's Claims • against the United States, . . . . -151 Correspondence of Gerard de Rayneval — The Qua- kers — The Cabal against Washington — Samuel Adams — Arthur Lee, etc., . . . 161 Correspondence of the Chevalier de la Luzerne — The Army at Valley Forge, etc., . -215 Appendix : Tom Paine, . . . . .257 The Daughter of Beaumarchais, . . 267 Anonymous Letter to Franklin, . . 273 Index, ....... 293 vii NEW MATERIALS FOR THE HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. BONVOULOIR. A FRENCH gentleman named Bonvonloir, a sort of attachd to a regiment, and obliged to leave St. Domingo on account of ill health, passed through the United States during the early stages of the colonial rebellion. While in the country, he became familiar with the political sentiments of the people, and, on returning home, imparted the information he had obtained to the French authorities. Further in- formation being required, the French minister at London sent Bouvouloir back to the colonies for that purpose, with strict instructions, prescribed by the Count de Vergennes, not to commit the government. " He must not look for any protection from us should he draw down upon himself the animadversions of the English." Bonvouloir sailed accordingly for America early in 1775, under the guise of an Ant- werp merchant, and reached Philadelphia after a perilous voyage of one hundred days. Just before his arrival the Continental Congress had appointed a Committee on Secret Correspondence, with the 2 SOiWOULOIR. members of which he naturally entered into relations, but in a covert manner so as not to attract observa- tion. His report of his conferences with this com- mittee, dated December 28, 1775, one of the early documents concerning French intervention, is as follows : "Philadelphia, December 28, 1775. " I find this country, as I expected, in an inconceivable state of agitation. The confed- erates are making immense preparations for next spring, and, in spite of the severe weather, are continuing the campaign. They have besieged Montreal, which has capitulated, and are now before Quebec, which I think will soon do the same. They have taken possession of some of the (English) King's vessels, loaded with supplies and war material. They are well entrenched around Boston, and are now getting up a small navy; their ardor and determination are incredi- ble. It is true that they are led by clever men. They lack three important things, a good navy, provisions, and money ; they agree with me in that. I am going to give you an account, word for word, of three special conversations I have had with Mr. Franklin and three other sound heads composing this privy council. I have bONVOULOtk. 3 become intimate with them as a private individ- ual, through an honest Frenchman of whom I am sure and who has largely won the confidence of the deputies. The name of this Frenchman is Daymons. I recommend him to you. He is city librarian. " I have made no offers to them, absolutely none, merely promising to do everything for them that depended on me personally, without committing myself, and without guaranteeing con- sequences in any fashion whatever, and by means of my own acquaintances without imparting to these anything confidential. " They wanted to know if France would help them, and on what conditions. I replied that I thought France wished them well ; whether she would aid them, that might happen. On what basis, I knew nothing; but that if this should come about it would certainly be on just and equitable terms. Morover, if they deemed it ap- ropos, they might make their proposals ; that I had reliable acquaintances and would undertake to present their claims and nothing more. " They wanted to know if I thought it prudent in them to send a deputy with full powers to 4 B6NV0UL0IR. France. I replied that this seemed to me precip- itous, and even hazardous ; that everything that took place either in London or in France got to be known in both places, and that it was slippery business in the face of the English; that if they wanted me to do anything I might perhaps ob- tain a response which would determine what course to pursue ; that, in other respects, I would give no advice whatever ; that I was a private individual, a traveler out of curiosity. But I should be much pleased if, by means of my acquaintances, I could be of any service to them ; that I would not expose them, nor m}-- self, nor anybody ; that matters of this kind were too delicate to be spoken of indiscreetly, espe- cially by one having no right, nor any power ; that I could guarantee oviSy one thing, and that was not to betray confidence. "This secret council is composed of five mem- bers, whose names I will give you at the end of this letter ; everything they do is well done, and necessarily without the sanction of Congress, which is numerous, and in which many false brethren, have found their way. One was discov- ered a few days ago, and he has escaped pun- BONVOULOIR. 5 ishment by flight. I have had frequent inter- views with them in a private capacity. Each comes to the place indicated in the dark, by dif- ferent roads. They have given me their confi- dence, after having stated that I would neither promise, offer, or be responsible for anything, and with repeated assurances that I would act as a friendly individual. " The following is the result of our interviews, they themselves having charged me to report them to my acquaintances, as well as all that are to come, and even the state of their affairs, with- out asking me to whom, how, or when I should write, regarding me as a private individual en- joying their confidence. " I. Their affairs are in a good state. . . . They calculate on opening the campaign with success. I have just learned that the savages of five nations have sent their chiefs to the general assembly (Congress) to assure it that they would remain neutral, but, nevertheless, if the occasion demanded, they would take up arms for the Americans ; they are powerful, to be feared, and have been won over only by presents. Lord Dunmore, commanding in Virginia, had sue- 6 BONVOULOIR. ceeded in forming a tolerably large party ; he had issued a proclamation giving freedom to the negroes, and had already got possession of Nor- folk, where he fortified himself. The Virginians, supported by a few companies of Carolina mili- tia, have beaten him at three different times, re- taken Norfolk, ruined the fortifications, and obliged Dunmore to withdraw on board of the King's vessels, ten or twelve miles distant from the town, where they are going to attack him if the ice permits. The Royalists have set out for New York to blockade it. General Lee is actu- ally on the way there with five thousand men. " They are satisfied they can not maintain themselves unless some nation protects them by sea ; that two powers alone, France and Spain, are able to help them, but that they see the dif- ference between one and the other. I dexter- ously managed to make them feel the superior- ity in every way of the King, my master, over Spain, and they are convinced of it ; they have even determined, I think, for a long time, per- haps, to appeal to His Majesty. But it is evi- dent to me that they want to wait until the opening of the campaign, for the reason that a BONVOULOIR. 7 good many in the country still adhere to the King (of England) who has not yet done them sufficient harm. It would probably excite un- easiness to have a foreign nation interfere. Their object is to bring people over and make them feel the necessity of being helped, and I think that they are wise. They expect to have their towns destroyed and their houses burnt, which will ensure abhorrence of the leopards.* They are to send without my advice a vessel to Nantes called the ^' John" ox \.h.e. " Saint John" captain Charles Forest, consigned to M. John Daniel Schweighauser, which will take my let- ter. I have myself put a man aboard who I know is safe ; otherwise I should write by an- other channel ; it is very important that not a word should escape you. The following are their demands which they beg me to present for them. The vessel is loaded with flour and other produce of the country, which they want to ex- change for another sort of article. f As the im- ported cargo will probably exceed the exported cargo, they desire that it should be complete and * Meaning the English coat of arm?, f War materjEil, 8 BONVOULOIR. the surplus be allowed to pass on to St. Domin- go, to such persons and places as may be indi- cated, and that the payment for it be made in products of the country, as they have no coin. If there is any way of shipping the same species of merchandise to different places in St. Do- mingo, my correspondents would go for it there at their own risk and peril. They would like two men capable of managing fortifications. If they should come they would be sent for at Cape Francis, which is the safest way for them to reach this place, because, if anything should happen, they would run no risk, as the inhab- itants of these torrid countries often come here on account of their health. Such are their pres- ent needs, they paying all expenses, and they beg me to make them known to my acquaint- ances. I would offer my insignificant talent as engineer, but I can not remain at rest, being obliged to stir about daily. You will hear from me as often as possible ; I shall report strictly all that transpires. They are themselves well satisfied of the good-feeling of France toward them, and have begged me, in case I have reliable acquaintances, to inform BONVOULOIR. 9 them of what concerns them, which I have prom- ised to do and nothing more. " If you think it best, despatch our vessel at once. Time presses. My envoy has orders, in case of pursuit, to throw his papers overboard. You can reply through him in perfect security according to the address given in my letter. Please write in my name to M. Buffon, merchant at Havre, for two trunks belonging to me which were to be addressed to him ; they are of great value to me, as this country is a dear one. I am obliged to disburse money secretly, and I econo- mize only for myself. ... I have the honor to repeat that I have made no advances, nor given any guarantee, absolutely nothing. They have great confidence in me. No questions have been asked in any fashion whatever to whom, or where, I might address myself. " Everybody here is a soldier. The troops are well clothed, well paid, and and well commanded. They have about fifty thousand men under pay and a large number of volunteers who do not want pay. You can judge whether people of this stamp will fight. lo BONVOULOIR. " I have full knowledge of all that passes, everything the most secret, and their delibera- tions are communicated to me ; by flattering them, and showing my hand a little, I can do what I please with them. All have told me that they are contending for freedom and this they would have at any price ; that they were bound by oath, and would be cut to pieces rather than yield ; that they well knew they could not main- tain themselves by sea, and that France alone was able to protect their commerce, without which their country would not flourish ; that they were ignorant whether, in case proposals should be made, France would be content with an exclusive trade for a certain period as indem- nity for the expenses she would be under on their account ; that they could pay by a neutral- ity, even with a little help, in case of war between the two nations, and by inviolable attachment, in which they would never fail. " I replied that this did not concern me ; that they were cautious and wise, and would consider their own interests, but that when one asks one does not always lay down the law. They are more powerful than is supposed. You can not BONVOULOIR. II imagine it, and it would surprise you. They are afraid of nothing — depend on that. It is rumored that two French officers have arrived in camp empowered to make proposals. I have been asked what I thought of this. I replied that I knew nothing of it, and that it seemed to me strange ; France was very powerful, and, far from making offers, she did not even grant all that was asked of her. "You shall be informed of all that occurs and have no false reports from me .... Nobody will become more confidential with them than myself, nor will manage them better. I shall keep you informed of their deliberations with which I am familiar ; but at present they are concerned only with the ways and means of pro- curing munitions." "Along time has passed without writing to you. It is not my fault. The passage was frightful. We were at sea one hundred days, and thought we were lost a dozen times. We were reduced to two sea-biscuits a day which were worm-eaten, a small piece of corned beef with a small quantity of foul water, and nothing more, while we made forty tons of water every 12 BONVOULOIR. twenty-four hours. Pay particular attention to the underlined passages in my letter. P.S. I have just learned that the Royalists are about to evacuate Boston, where they have only one month's supplies and can receive no more. Everything is intercepted, and the inhabit- ants as well as the troops are reduced to a fright- ful extremity. Can you oblige me by sending me a case of mathematical instruments with a treatise on fortifications and on the attack and defense of places by M. Vauban ? It will prove useful to me, as one cannot be found here. I am working day and night, only too happy if I suc- ceed. I begin to speak English quite well. " Here is the note I mentioned, the original of which, in the handwriting of these gentlemen, I keep: " ' M.de B. . . . is requested by the Secret Coun- cil to consider and reply to the following proposi- tions. It is understood that they are not bind- ing and wholly between private parties. " ' To wit, "'I. Can he inform us what the disposition of the Court of France is toward the Colonies of SONVOULOiK. H North America ; whether it is favorable, and in what way we can be reliably assured of this ? " ' 2. Can we obtain from France two skillful faithful, well-recommended engineers, and what steps must be taken to procure them ? " ' 3. Can we have arms and other war sup- plies direct from France in exchange for the products of our country, and be allowed free entrance and exit to French harbors? " ' M. de B. . . . may rest assured that, if by his means we are favorably heard, we shall repose in him all the confidence that can be awarded to a man of distinction whose kindness toward us has not yet been recognized with sufficient gratitude.' " The following is my answer. If this should succeed (so they told a person from whom I know all that passes), they would regard me as one of the members of their Committee and would do nothing without my advice. They regard me as their liberator. " M. de B. . . .'s answer to the note of the Secret Council: " ' I reply, gentlemen, to what you do me the honor to ask of me as positively as possible ; and will enlighten you to the full extent of the in- U ■ hdJstVoULolR. formation which a private individual can possess who has nothing to do with the affairs of a min- istry, but according to what I conjecture, public rumors, and what my acquaintances think. " ' I. You ask what are the intentions of France with regard to the American colonies. I do not think that I say too much in telling you that she wishes you well, and that, it is my belief, she has entertained for you nothing but good- will. In other respects, the best way to obtain reliable assurance of anybody's disposition is to address him directly. It is a hazardous step to take, and demands a good deal of consideration ; I do not advise you one way or the other. I can not undertake it myself. The affair is too delicate. " ' 2. France is able to furnish you with two good engineers, and even more. You have only to ask for them. I have done this for you, gen- tlemen, without promising you success, although I anticipate it, having excellent correspondents. " ' 3. Whether you can procure arms and other munitions directly in France, in exchange for your produce? This is a matter between one merchant and another, and I see no great dififi. BoMVOVLOtk. iS culty about it in France. 1 will even give you the addresses of some good correspondents with- out assuming any responsibility . You undertake this at your own risk and peril, for it is probable that England will not remain quiet, and you can not expect to be defended. In any event, I do not recommend you to ship all to the same port. It might make a noise. I do not know if free entrance and exit in French ports will be allowed you. That would be openly declaring for you, and war might ensue. Perhaps they would shut their eyes, which is just what you want. I have the honor to repeat to you, gentlemen, that I am not responsible for anything. I am personally of no account ; I have good acquaintances, and that is all. If I am so fortunate as to succeed I shall be more than compensated in the honor of your confidence and the pleasure of serving you.' " I have just learned that they have taken two transport ships richly laden, but that they have lost one of their privateers. By next April they will have thirty ships of war of from twelve to forty cannon. They have abandoned the English flag and taken the rattlesnake for their arms, one of thirteen rattles along with the arm of a man l6 BONVOULOtH. holding thirteen arrows, representing the thirteen united colonies of the continent. The Royalists have sent the American prisoners to London. General Washington, who had sent a flag to de- mand their exchange, to which a very rude answer was given, declared that if the prisoners were not well treated, he would retaliate on nearly three thousand which he had taken, and nearly all of them officers. "The savages who sent their chiefs to Congress and entered into an alliance with the Americans, are as follows : the Tuscaroras, Senecas, Ononda- gas, Mohawks and Cayugas. " The names of the Committee on Secret Cor- respondence are Messrs. Franklin, Harrison, Johnson, Dickinson and Jay." This despatch reached France in 1776, too late to be of much use ; it simply confirmed what the gov- ernment knew ah'eady. Silas Deane, in the mean time, had arrived at Paris, duly authorized to enter into negotiations with the government, which ren- dered the services of special emissaries unnecessary. II. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE STATES AND SENTIMENTS OF THE PEOPLE. THE following report, setting forth the character- istics of the various colonies in America, the sentiments of their populations, and the financial and political state of things generally, is, apparently, by a French officer belonging to one of the first detachments of the regular army sent over by the French government, about the period of the signing of the treaty of alliance. The writer remained in the country, it seems, only a year, being obliged to return to France in 1779, on account of ill health. His report, addressed to a superior officer, was written on reaching Paris, " in a filibustering style," he says, but with "the most impartial veracity." New Hampshire is the first State he considers. This State " is scarcely of any account in the Confederacy ; her assemblies echo those of Mas- sachusetts. Far from being sufferers, the people have enriched themselves by captures. The Penobscot affair, which brought them in contact with the English, has more irritated than fright- 17 iS CHARACTEklSTlCS OF THE STAtMS, ened them. They have encountered but few Frenchmen, and like them better. Their grati- tude to the nation has not been affected by the imprudence of individuals." As to Massachusetts, " Boston is the head and heart. The French here are more liked than esteemed, being viewed pedler fashion, as so many shrewd bargainers, an assertion all recognize who have lived amongst them. The tone here is English. Four years of war have somewhat strained the springs of patriotism. Purely popu- lar forms of government and of religion favor democratic virtues, but the commercial spirit and luxurious tastes {luxe) are gradually stifling the love of independence. Republicans here, like the Carthaginians, know to a penny the value of life and liberty. The State is divided into two parties; one calls itself Republican, and is com- posed of everybody who holds ofifice, and is led by Bowdoin and Adams. One belongs to that double-faced class which styles hypocrisy modera- tion, while the other is sensible and intelligent, but indolent through principle and temperament. Bowdoin will probably be made Governor. . . . The opposition party, the true Republi- Ai^D sUMTiMEtfTS Of the People. tg can party, is led by Hanco(c)k. He is the King of the Rabble {Rot des Halles), or the American Beaufort. His credit with the masses is great ; his policy is shrewd and even crafty. He is the more opposed to Adams because they were once friends, and to Bovvdoin because he is a rival. He befriends us only because he hates them." Rhode Island, " partly insulated, had no influ- ence so long as the English held Newport." Connecticut : "The brains of this State are in the head of Governor Trumbull. The burning of Fairfield and the barbarities of the English, who make war according to Levitical law, have rendered the people irreconcilable. They have no reason to complain of us. In evidence of the aid repeatedly received from France they much prefer Benefactors to Incendiaries." New York, "ravaged since the war began, has likewise its intestine enemies. The Royalist party is large, but under the whip of the army. The Governor is a safe man, an enlightened Re- publican, and firm. Another safeguard is found in the dismemberment which is going on in this State ; the Vermont colony, a stray swarm from the New York hive, is separating from it. This 20 CHARACTERISTICS OF THE St ATMS, , people, half savage, pushes the independent spirit even to phrensy ; it will always keep New York straight. Their powder, arms, and clothing come from us ; they are very grateful, and have used all successfully against the English, whom they neither fear nor love." Jersey, " almost on the borders of the city of New York, has shown heroic constancy. The militia turn out of their own accord at sight of a red-coat. The Governor, Livingston, is A. Roman. A party against him has just arisen under the lead of Dickinson and Cadwalader, who, I fear, will supplant him. There are a good many Tories, but they are prosecuted as State crim- inals." Pennsylvania: " This State is the province the most infested with Royalists. Quakers, Metho- dists, Anglicans and other sects, whose princi- ples have a sort of afifinity with monarchy, form intestine but paralytic enemies. The Quakers, at one time, were disposed to regard their inter- ests as those of Heaven, but Fanaticism is an exotic plant which the climate repudiates. Patriotism is null in Philadelphia ; it has become almost farcical. Fortune is the idol in every AND SENTIMENTS OF THE PEOPLE. 21 State. All who are well-off are corrupt at heart, and so athirst for peace that this would be wel- come at any price. The Royalist party has met with a mortal blow. Last year, Mififlin and Wilson were foolish enough to side with the Monopolists, and the people rose against them. Governor Reed, a powerful man, as well as able and honest, protected them against popular fury, and now, out of gratitude, they feign friendship for him, and only oppose him in secret.'' Maryland "has not yet joined the Confeder- acy, in order to preserve its territorial rights ; but its forces form a part of those of the League. The commercial men here are Royalists, but there are a good many military men. The Governor himself is one of these, slow, cool, and not very able, but safe." Virginia " has made strenuous efforts. The hatred of England is that of brothers. Until 1779, she was divided into two parties, one that of Washington, and the other that of Lee and Gates, who wanted, they said, to unmask the idol. That cabal has fallen through, but in too noisy a way — it looks like persecution. The 2 2 CHARACTEiaSTICS OF THE STATES, sort of pity which it excites may provide them the means of recovery. An overstrained spring snaps and does harm. But if a revohition is being got up in this State, the General (Washing- ton) has only to mount the first stump and the enemies of the government will vanish. The intestine enemies of the colony are the negroes. The whites, however, are not in such dispropor- tionate numbers as to make emancipation, offered by the English, a cause of insurrection." North Carolina is " feeble. . . ." South Carolina " has neither moral nor phys- ical energy (w^/brc^ ni virtu). Charleston, like all trading towns, is open to the highest bidder. The Governor, whom Provost bought up, hung himself. Were his head sent to Savannah it would serve as a warning to his successor, and Charleston would be defended. It is poorly fortified and could not stand a siege." Next comes a general view of the political sit- uation, and, first, of the Continental Congress. " Congress is divided. Private animosities, of infinite subdivisions, may be considered as constituting the two parties. The East- ern party, composed of \.\\c four New Eng- AND SENTIMENTS OF THE PEOPLE. 23 land States, Pennsylvania, Jersey in part, and South Carolina, under Gates and Lee ; and Virginia, Maryland, ISIew York, North Carolina and Delaware, under Washington. The Eastern party, pretending that no one man of great per- sonal influence should command all the forces of the government in a republic, which would thus be at his mercy, backs Gates, almost in spite of himself, and supports him as its leader ; but that is a bugbear. His wife had persuaded him to mix in politics ; he wrote to England, offering his. mediation. But this was more for show than a well-considered step, of which the consequences had been foreseen and measures taken to main- tain it. As to Congress, in spite of the watch- words France, England, Country, Liberty, with which the members cover up their mutual ani- mosities, the secret motive of their cabals, in- trigues, and everlasting bark is individual hate, or that between State and State, which the new- comers adopt through honor rather than through sentiment. In conclusion, the members of Con- gress are like husband and wife, always quarrel- ing, but always uniting when family interests are concerned, 24 CHARACTERISTICS OF THE STATES, " These illusive appearances have deceived the English and even the French. And yet nobody would dare broach the idea of peace without the intervention and adherence of France ; independ- ence is the rallying-cry of all parties. "At the beginning of the Revolution, the East had the supremacy ; in 1779 New York had sup- planted it. I think that since Jay and Morris left it has resumed its post. The army consists of 13,000 or 14,000 men ; that is to say, it is stronger than it has ever been, but it lacks arms and especially clothes. The Continental troops are not the ' Rouergue ' regiment, but at the same time they are not Paris militia in the times of the Fronde. The men are gaining in disci- pline every day. The military profession, which demands great genius in the generals, requires only mediocre talent and superficial experience in subalterns. People of intelligence have shown this in military art. Farmers and merchants have become tolerable officers. There is one great defect in the organization of the army, the short term of enlistment. Two-thirds of the army have enlisted only for nine months ; scarcely are they disciplined or instructed, wher) AND SENTIMENTS OF THE PEOPLE. 25 they leave. The American recruit, however, is not exactly like a " Beauce " * farmer ; he is used to arms and knows how to load and fire. All are mercenaries, led by a few patriotic officers. The action at Stony Point has inspired them with a good deal of confidence in their own courage. " The state of things in America is alarming, but not hopeless. It is that of an exhausted sick man who needs food rather than medicine, but administered by a father (General Washing- ton), who understands his constitution and is the only physician for him. " The Royalist party is numerous, but passive, despised, and only daring to work underground ; it tries to excite distrust among the people on account of their alliance with papists, covertly circulating the idea that it is the insidious inter- position of France which prevents peace being made, and that, being the natural enemy of the colonies, she tries to prolong this destructive war. But nobody utters this aloud ; they dare whisper it only from ear to ear. They treat the interests of the country as a conspiracy. * A rich farming district not far frorn Paris, 26 CHARACTERISTICS OF THE STATES, " The Republican party is outspoken, accusing the Royalists and even bringing them to punish- ment. It proves to the people that it must choose between slavery or independence ; that a conquest of the country is manifestly impossible ; that, if they separate from France, they are lost, and that it is their interest to cling to their gen- erous ally like ivy to the oak. Such is the lan- guage of Congress, of public meetings, of ser- mons, of songs, and of the newspapers. "Q. What has France to fear? "A. England making an offer of independ- ence, which alone v^^ould effect a change. " Q. How to prevent this or avoid its conse- quences? " A. By sending arms, clothes and money, or even still more efficacious means. To preserve the good-will of the people their pride must be humored. " Let the political antipathies of individuals and the squabbles between State and State be what they may, General Washington is the Atlas of America and the god of the army. His au- thority is mild and paternal. He is probably the only man who could have effected a revolution. AND SENTIMENTS OF THE PEOPLE. 27 This great man has only one defect, very credita- ble to him, — too much integrity for a party- leader. " The Finances. These are in a great state of disorder and anarchy. Paper money is at a dis- count of 25 per cent., which is great, and more than it should be, considering the supply of money in trade. The surplus loss is due to the lack of national credit. The only resource is taxation. The people demand this. But the taxes will not suffice for defraying the expenses of the war. The surest means is a direct tax, or requisitions of produce. They would thus main- tain their army. A draft would supply soldiers without recruiting. Every citizen in turn would have the privilege of defending his country." Another document called " Reflexions Poli- tiques d'unCitoyen," considered important enough to put on file, written in 1780, says " that the Americans are unable to provide themselves with clothes on account of their extreme dearness, all foreign importations having advanced in price from 150 to 200 per cent." "Troops and money," the writer says, " are indispensable." He recommends France to enlist German sol- 28 CHARACTERISTICS OF THE STATES, diers, because the German language is better un- derstood in America than French. He advises bribing some of the leaders in Congress by secretly granting them pensions. Arthur Lee is atihis time the representative of America in Paris along with Franklin. " Lee is English at heart, undoubtedly under English pay, and he will do all he can against France. If I had not thought that imprisoning him would have had a bad effect I would long ago have recommended his being sent to the Bastille while the war lasts. . . . God forbid that I should think Mr. Adams like him, but I venture to state that Mr. Adams is a very cunning man and no friend of Dr. Franklin, so that it may be presumed that the Lees and the Adams are all so many heads under one bonnet. Dr. Franklin is an honest man, or I am much mistaken ; I fear there are very few of his metal in America. The Doctor is very intimate with Mr. Hartley, member of the House of Commons, and, as the latter has often proposed that the King (of England) should make peace with the Americans, this intimacy should be watched." Next comes an estimate of the people phys- AND SENTIMENTS OF THE PEOPLE. 29 ically, according to the climate and the sections of country they occupy : " The Anglo-American," says the writer, " is fleshier than the Frenchman, without being taller. He is quite strong, of a robust constitution. His phlegmatic tempera- ment renders him patient, deliberative, and con- sistent in all his undertakings. At the same time characters differ according to climate and temperature. Those who live north of the Delaware have more courage and energy ; the rigid Presbyterian religion which prevails there strengthens this character; liberty is there carried to its maximum. The southern prov- inces, below Pennyslvania, accept a kind of subordination which naturally results from the great disproportion between fortunes, while the number of sects favors a sentiment of toleration. These causes, combined with the mild climate, render men less energetic and capable of endur- ing the fatigues of war ; the Northern man, in- deed, clears and cultivates his ground himself, while the Southern man has his slaves do this work." Finally comes the disposition of the people in relation to the war : " The instigators of the 3° CHARACTERISTICS OF THE STATES. war are still at the head of the government, the party for independence being apparently the most numerous. The people in general, however, long for peace. Catholics, Anglicans, Lutherans, and Quakers are anxious for it on account of their dread of Presbyterian intoler- ance and persecution ; the agriculturists of all sects desire it in order that they may quietly gather in their crops and attend to their busi- ness. It is also desired by the trading classes of every sect, and most ardently by the occu- pants of land remote from the coast, in the vicinity of the savages." III. THE COUNT DE VERGENNES. THE principal motive whicii led the French gov- ernment to help the American colonists obtain their independence may be briefly stated as follows : The Seven Years' War in Europe, growing out of complications in which the English took part as allies of Frederick the Great, came to an end in 1763. The advantage of this war to England was the humil- iation of France. By the fatal treaty of 1763 France was obliged to cede Canada to the English, with cer- tain possessions in the West Indies and Senegal ; she lost additionally her foothold in India, and had her commerce completely broken up. Her greatest afflic- tion, however, was the placing of the port of Dunkirk, on her own soil, in the hands of an English Commis- sioner, " without whose permission not a stone on any quay in the harbor could be disturbed." This was the most galling condition of the treaty. Added to this was the arbitrary right exercised by the English of overhauling not only French vessels on the high seas, but also the vessels of other nations. The mortification of this situation naturally led French statesmen to meditate putting an end to it the first i opportunity. This opportunity presented itself on the revolt of the English colonies on the American 31 32 THE CO UN 2' DE VEKGENNES. [continent. A struggle requiring all the resources of England was imminent, and the chance for France to \ profit by it was not to be lost. Such was the prin- cipal motive which led the French to help the Ameri- cans obtain their independence, and the starting- point of incalculable obligations on their part. Colonial irritation against England, caused by un- just and immoderate taxation, together with laws compelling the colonists to trade with England exclu- sively, began before 1761. It had greatly increased in 1765. The Due de Choiseul, then prime-minister in France under Louis XV., closely watched the prog- ress of this irritation, and foreseeing that it would end in a serious rebellion he sent De Kalb to America to report on the progress of it and do what he could to foment the rebellious spirit ; at the same time he instructed his diplomatic agents in London to keep him advised of the proceedings of the English King and Parliament and of the feeling of the people generally. Nothing came of this diplomatic proceed- ing but an accumulation of useful information of which his successors availed themselves. On this minister losing favor with Louis XV. he was dis- missed, and the matter was dropped. The Due d'Ai- guillon, his successor, remained personally indifferent to the agitation in America ; but his subordinates, Gamier, secretary of the embassy in London, and Gerard de Rayneval, chief clerk in the ministry of foreign affairs in Paris, followed it up attentively. In 1774, the Count de Vergenne.E RAYNEVAL—-iTiZ-\1Ti. tgi times called the "Conway Cabal," but not correctly. Conway was a mere tool in the matter, and, his- torically, he serves as a scapegoat for more prominent personages. Washington, so far, had not been suc- cessful, the situation and sufferings of the army at Valley Forge being the result of the Revolution up to that time. American affairs were desperate. General Gates, the year before, 1777, had won the battle of Saratoga, which gave him some prestige as a military commander. Steps, accordingly, were taken to displace Washington and put Gates at the head of the army. Hildreth says : " While Washing- ton was exerting himself to the utmost to preserve the army from total disorganization, a project was on foot to remove him from the chief command. Several persons conspicuous in Congress and the army were more or less concerned in this movement, but most of the information respecting it has been carefully suppressed, and its history is involved in some ob- scurity. Every biographer has been anxious to shield his special hero from the charge of participation in this affair." This party ascribed to Washington " a lack of vigor and energy, and a system of favoritism deleterious to the public service." Washington's successes in New Jersey, with the French alliance, put an end to the Cabal as far as the displacement of Washington was concerned. But the Cabal, notwith- standing, was kept up for a long time. Its subse- quent existence is either openly or covertly manifest in a steady opposition by certain members of Con- t9^ CORRESPONDENCE OP gress, with their supporters outside of Congress, to Washington's military supremacy, as well as in the persistency with which, in all discussions of measures in which the French Minister had a voice, the accept- ance of them was more or less thwarted. The speeches and votes in Congress reported by G6rard de Ray- rieval and Luzerne bear witness to this spirit. With reference to the Cabal Lafayette says : "At Yorktown, behind the Susquehanna (to which place Congress retreated on the capture of Philadelphia in 1777), Congress v^as split into two factions, which, in spite of their distinction as Eastern and Southern, contained, neverthe- less, members from each of the States. Instead of obeying their constituents, these members carried out their own intrigu£s. Many who had acted impartially had withdrawn, while some of the States were not represented at all, or had only one representative." " Gates was at Yorktown. Through the tone he assumed, his promises, and his Euro- pean acquaintances, he made himself important. Among the members who joined in with him, the Lees (Virginians) and the two Adamses were the most prominent. Mifflin, quartermaster- general, helped them with his talents and brill- GiiiARD DE J^AV^NEVAL—l^^t~l^^c). 193 iant eloquence. They required a victim, and they adopted Conway, who imagined himself the head of a party. To laud Gates was, in some places and among some of the troops, an op- portunity for self-boasting. The people follow successful generals, and the commander-in-chief (Washington) had not been so. He personally inspired respect, and even affection ; but his best friends, Greene, Hamilton, and Knox, were de- cried. The Tories fomented this disposition. The presidency of the War Committee, created for Gates, restricted the General's powers. This was not the only discouragement. A Congres- sional committee arrived at the camp and pre- sumed to suggest an attack on Philadelphia." Efforts were made to have Lafayette join this party. "Attached to the General, and still more to the cause, I did not hesitate, but held to him whose ruin was anticipated. . . . ' I did not seek this position,' said Washington to me, ' but if the people are dissatisfied with me I will resign. Until that moment comes I will resist intrigue.' "^ * " Memoires, Correspondence et Manuscrits du General La- fayette, publics par sa famille," vol. i, p. 21. ^94 CORRESPONDENCE OF These two parties, into which Congress was divid- ed, may be better styled a national party and a state-rights party. Debates between them were acri- monious, and the effect of these was a certain paraly- sis of both the diplomatic and military genius of the country. The representatives of the national party were Washington, Franklin, Jefferson, Hamilton, Rob- ert Morris, Madison, the two Livingstons, and the Virginian statesmen generally ; while the leaders of the state-rights party were John Adams, Samuel Adams, and, exceptionally among the Virginians, Richard Henry Lee and Arthur Lee. Owing to the joint action of the Adamses and the Lees, whose States were most influential in the confederacy, on account of their population and superior resources, they domi- nated largely in Congress. These men, in addition to their devotion to the interests of their own States, cherished certain English sympathies and were Strongly anti-French, because the French, naturally relying on the collective power of the States, would not favor any policy which seemed to undermine this. To enable the reader to appreciate the conduct of this party, which the following extracts from the French ministers' correspondence fully explain, it is neces- sary to glance briefly at the prominent questions be- fore Congress during the war, in the disposal of which the French minister had to be consulted. . The Fishery question (still a bone of contention in these days) was a very important one at this time to New England. The other States thought it was gArarD de RAYMEVAL—\mi^\T]<). 195 pushed too far. Gerard de Rayneval writes, May 14, 1779 : " Whatever opinions on the subject the pres- ent members of Congress may entertain, nine, and perhaps ten, of the States will refuse to con- tinue the war for this necessary advantage to New England, which offers no reciprocity of interests." Certain members of Congress from other States show him the letters received by them from their con- stituents, in which the idea of treating the Fishery question to suit New England is rejected with warmth and indignation ; while the Eastern people are not disposed to regard the matter mildly. The Invasion of Canada, coupled with the posses- sion of Nova Scotia and Newfoundland, is another question on which the New England representatives in Congress lay great stress. Washington, in an able and practical report, treating the question on its military merits, decides against it, which settles the point for a time. Subsequently he is disposed to favor an attack on Canada, to keep the army em- ployed ; but the French refuse to participate, on the ground that the French government simply under- took to free the original thirteen States, and not make fresh conquests for them. The effort to bring Spain into the alliance, con- sidered so important in Paris, and which involved 196 CORkESPdNhEN-CE Off complicated boundary questions, was another ques- tion which seriously disturbed Congress, and gave rise to a great deal of worrying discussion. To the Cabal against Washington, more or less active on account of these questions, must be added one against Franklin. Both were largely rendered abortive by the diplomatic skill of Gerard de Rayne- val in America, and of the Count de Vergennes in Paris. Louis XVI. and his minister had implicit confidence in the integrity of Washington and Frank- lin, and regarded them as the real representatives of the moral and material forces of the country, and therefore desired to maintain them in their respective positions. The frequent agitation of peace was the most se- rious of all these questions. It continued to be a thorny matter down to and after the capitulation of Cornwallis. England tried repeatedly to negotiate for peace directly and indirectly, both in Paris * and in America, openly appointing commissioners for the purpose as well as secretly authorizing individ- ual agents. There is no doubt that many in America apart from the Tories were anxious for peace with a view to future commercial and social relations with England : and there is equally no doubt that the chief political leaders of New England were not dis- posed to consult French interests in that event when the time for it should arrive. Such were the princi- pal questions which agitated Congress in a way to * See Appendix III. GERARD DE RAYNEVAL—l^^i-l^^C). 197 excite the fears of the French envoys and keep them watchful of the debates. As early as December 6, 1778, Gdrard writes to the Count de Vergennes that he suspects a Mr. Temple, who had made his appearance in Philadelphia with letters of introduction from parties in the State of Massachusetts, of being a British emissary or spy sent to the United States to sow distrust of France, and to effect a separate reconciliation with England. Henry Laurens, at that time president of Congress, assures him that Temple will be sent off, and that Samuel Adams himself, notwithstanding a warm per- sonal interest in Temple, is in favor of his dismissal. Richard Henry Lee pretended that the United States had a right to treat independently with Eng- land. " Members of Congress have assured me," says Gerard de Rayneval, " that Lee's assertion vi^as received vrith contempt and indignation. A plu- rality of the members of his own State and of those from Massachusetts, in spite of the influ- ence of Mr. Samuel Adams, thought with Con- gress that such a principle would be a manifest infraction of the alliance and a lasting dishonor to the Unite'd States. . . . All the delegates . . . affirmed to me that not two men in Congress were capable of listening to Temple's proposals, 198 CORRESPONDENCE OF but that the conduct of the State of Massachu- setts hampered their resolution." Although Congress sat with closed doors and the public was ignorant of what transpired at its sessions, something, of course, leaked out, which, coupled with its dilatory action, excited among the people more or less discontent. The army had petitioned for public- ity of Congressional proceedings, especially in all mat- ters appertaining to the conduct of the war, but with- out effect. Silas Deane had published a pamphlet re- lating to these points, " which," says Gerard, " was not distasteful to the plurality of the members of Con- gress, wearied and ashamed of the ascendency en- joyed by the party headed by Richard Henry Lee and Samuel Adams." Referring again to the Temple affair, De Rayneval says that Samuel Adams called on him and " swore to me that he had seen Temple but once at his house, and that he had only been polite to him because recommended by the State he represented." Continuing the subject a fortnight later, he adds : " The Congressional Committee is much ex- cited over the way in which I am to be answered in relation to the (peace) doctrine of Mr. Lee. Four of its members have drawn up an answer, which has been confidentially communicated to me, and it is quite satisfactory. But the fifth gAuaud de RAYNEVAL—\nn'i-\m(i. 199 member, Mr. Samuel Adams, the friend of Mr. Lee, does not agree to it, and tries to persuade the others that, as peace is provided for by the terms of the treaty, so explicit an answer is not required. I have fortified his colleagues against this fallacious argument, and trust that they will adhere to their opinion." Both Richard Henry Lee and Samuel Adams write to De Rayneval in order to exculpate themselves. His distrust, however, is not removed, for, as he says : " I know positively that it is Mr. Adams alone who, by his petty ruses and caviling, prevents the communication to me of the clear and satis- factory reply which the other members of the Committee adopted long ago." The peace question, nevertheless, remains an irri- tating subject until the following month of March, when it seems to have been settled, for a time at least, according to French views. Gerard writes to the Count d.e Vergennes under date of March 10, 1779: " Our friends (in Congress) began to attack their opponents yesterday. They first brought forward the principle of treating with France and showing perfect confidence in her. The Lee 200 CORRESPONDENCE OF faction was actively and successfully driven back to its last entrenchments. Mr. Samuel Adams became so irritated as to abandon his usual reserve and exclaim, ' Why must our in- terests be so closely united with those of France ? Here,' said he, stamping on the floor, ' is the spot where our independence must be established ! ' " * Throughout this period of vexatious discussion, Washington at home and Franklin abroad were urging the French government to furnish money, and dis- patch the arms and vessels so much needed for the coming campaign. Aware of the necessity of obtain- ing these supplies without delay, they knew the impor- tance of deferring to French conditions for giving them, and it is evident that they viewed this persist- ent disregard of national interests with great concern. Gerard de Rayneval himself was puzzled by such an apparently unpatriotic policy, and he determined to get to the bottom of it. One result of his investiga- tion is the following letter, dated May 4, 1779: * The following anecdote helps explain the political conduct of Samuel Adams. Duponceau, Steuben's secretary, attended a re- ception in Boston, where he was presented to many of the emi- nent men of the city, and among these John Hancock and Samuel Adams. The latter, listening to a conversation in which Dupon- ceau took part, and in which he expressed republican ideas, asked him where he got them. " In France," replied Duponceau. " Impossible ! " rejoined Adams. " Why not ? " said Duponceau, " because a man is born in a stable does that make him a horse ? " GERARD DE RAYNEVAL—l^^i-XTJ<). 201 " General Washington, with several general officers, have told me that if the army knew of Congress wishing to take action against the alli- ance it would be disposed to revolt. No pa- triots are more reliable nor more zealous. The principal officers have taken special pains to as- sure me in the most positive and satisfactory- manner concerning the dispositions of the people of their States. General Sullivan, especially, has made every possible advance to me, so as to leave no doubt about what he thinks. ... I have had repeated conversations with General Washington, some of which lasted three hours ; it is impossible to give a connected account of them, but I shall carefully avail myself of his information in my letters according as the oppor- tunity presents itself. I content myself now by stating that I have conceived as much esteem for this general in relation to his intelligence, mod- eration, patriotism and integrity, as for his mili- tary talents and the incalculable services which he has rendered to his country." Another report is made two days later, May 6, 1779: "I have continued my researches in order to (^iscov?r the real object of the Opposition. The 202 COKRESPONDENCE OF members of Congress whom I have interrogated reply almost unanimously that Samuel Adams wanted a continuance of the troubles in order to maintain his own importance, and that his asso- ciation with R. H. Lee originated in their mu- tual support of John Adams and Arthur Lee ; that the object of the delays, which this party excites \>y all sorts of ruses, was to avoid the ap- pointment of a plenipotentiary (for negotiating peace) because it felt that the latter would not obtain a vote of the present Congress. I ob- served "to one of the most esteemed members that I admitted these motives and personal views, but that I was strongly disposed to think, according to the action in common of the Opposi- tion, that its views extended farther; and that Messrs. Samuel Adams and Lee intended to postpone the decision in order that the English commissioners, who were to make new overtures to the States, might arrive ; that they undoubt- edly flattered themselves they would forestall the confidence of the commissioners, so as to ren- der themselves masters of the negotiations, have these take place in America, and thus obtain a credit which would counterbalance that acquired G&RARD DE RAYNEVAL—x-j^Z-im^j. 203 by the opposite party in concluding the treaty with the King of France. I supported this con- jecture by the statement he himself had made to me, that these two men had insisted on Con- gress treating with the last English commission after the arrival and ratification of our treaties." May 7, he says : " Boston is the theater of the op- position party." Next day he continues : " The personal tie between Messrs. Adams and Lee dates from the beginning of the troubles. It was through the good offices of the former that Mr. Arthur Lee procured the agency in London of the State of Massachusetts Bay. Hence the political importance of Lee, who showed his gratitude by every sort of reciprocal kindness. The Virginians are not the only ones who en- tered into the quarrel with ideas of political free- dom and independence. When these ideas be- gan to work in the other provinces, the Eastern States affected a pride and a tone of superiority which circumstances favored, and which engen- dered the desire to dominate over a freedom they had founded, while the esteem they had acquired, whether on account of their popularity, and other 204 CORRESPONDENCE OF advantages which they thought they possessed, led them to believe that this preeminence was their due. Lee, through his connection with Adams, readily entered into a project suited to his character. He has a secret ambition, dissimu- lation equal to that of the people of the East, rigidity of manners, and the gravity that is natu- ral to the Presbyterians. He is laborious, intel- ligent, and supple, so far as is requisite in a grow- ing republic. His first successes in Congress secured him the confidence of his province. He felt that, in uniting with four provinces which had agreed to be always of the same opinion, it would be easy for them to be in the plurality, or at least to exercise a tribunal power. Success answered their hopes, and, for a long time, they ruled Congress. They began to lose standing only when the elections brought about a new composition of this body. One of the most im- portant objects of this league was to hinder the army from obtaining too much credit. It affect- ed a dread of its power, and allowed itself every sort of proceeding and imputation in justification of this pretended dread. They prevented the army from arriving at any degree of stability. G&RARD DE liAYNEP'AL—imi-\Ti9- ^°S It is certain that if General Washington were ambitious and an intriguer he might have effected a revolution ; but nothing on the part of this general, nor of the army, has caused the slightest umbrage ; the principle that the quality of citizen is iirst, and that of officer sec- ond, is constantly on the general's lips. The policy of the faction on this point is to secure for the Eastern States and Virginia, in times of peace, the ascendency which these powerful prov- inces will possess over both the States and the armies, for lack of a force common to the States, and under the direction of the general power of Congress. Hence the idea which has obtained such credit here, of revising the army when peace is declared, and of only retaining a small corps of provincial soldiery. The Eastern States would find this to their advantage, because they are already provided with a numerous militia. "Another view of the faction, which I had the honor of transmitting to you, is to bring about the necessity of peace in such a way as to nego- tiate directly with England, and stipulate some sort of alliance with this power, the credit of which would sustain the faction. Such is the 2o6 CORRESPOMDEi^CE Ofi purpose to which its conduct constantly tended, when its two chiefs at Yorktown voted and maneuvered so obstinately to bring about a negotiation with the English commissioners, even after the arrival of the treaties, and when Lee maintained that open hostilities did not deprive the States of the liberty of treating with Great Britain. It is, probably, through a consequence of this same system that Messrs. Adams and Lee do all in their power to render our present nego- tiations impossible, so that the new English com- missioners may have time to get here, of whose confidence they are assured, and with whom they flatter themselves they can treat. " Many members have repeated their assur- ances to me that Congress was not disposed to treat, except under the King's auspices and in the face of all Europe. " The crisis between the two parties is at hand, and, to all appearances, their fate will be decided by the issue of the debates. " I add, in other respects, that Mr. Lee has lost control over the suffrages of his province, this being now in the hands of Colonel Smith. The State of Virginia has re-elected Mr. Lee only up gArard de kAYNEVAL—x^^^-^^J^^. 207 to the month of May. His presence in the As- sembly did not prevent many charges being made against Mr. Arthur Lee, and if he is re- called as well as Mr. John Adams, the credit of the party founded on their support will be lost, while many of its partisans will throw off the yoke which they had imposed on them. A num- ber of delegates who entertain these views urge me not to be under any apprehension as regards the present moment. It must be added that, 'for some time past, the plurality of the Southern States has detected the snares laid for them by those of the East ; that they are disposed to counterbalance their association with a similar association ; and that they have strenuously la- bored to bring Virginia over to their side — a plan probably of service now, but which might become the germ of serious evils should circum- stances permit each State to care only for its own interests and follow its own caprices." The reader will find further on, in the correspond- ence of Gerard de Rayneval's successor, another allu- sion to a similar plan. It is evident that Gdrard ob- tained his explanation of the policy of the state-rights party from those oppo.sed.to.it and who were .str.enu>- So§ CORRESPONDENCE OP ously upholding national interests. Their loyalty to the alliance reassured him. And yet, notwithstanding these manifestations of fidelity and good will to France, the proceedings of Congress created alarm in the mind of Gerard de Rayneval. The debates indicated an anti-French feeling which he was obliged to counteract by a sort of protest. The following letter to Ver- gennes, dated May i6, 1779, describes the effect of it: " I must inform you that Mr. Penn, the lead- ing member from North Carolina, after listening to the reading of my first memoir, arose and ex- claimed enthusiastically that never had any prince shown so much magnanimity as the King, nor afforded such striking proofs of friendship ; that America owed him eternal gratitude and unlimited confidence ; that these principles had always been his guide, and that the recent en- dorsement of his conduct by his constituents was proof that they entertained the same sentiments. 'I have always held my own honor sacred,' he declared, 'and my constituents have entrusted me with theirs; I shall do the same in this hall with the honor of our ally. I declare that who- ever shall dare attack this in this chamber is an CiliARD £>E Pa i^'J^Ep'AL—iTji-i'jjg. io^ enemy to his country, and my enemy as a sena- tor, a citizen, and a man ! ' "The other members gave utterance to the same sentiments with more or less emphasis ac- cording to their character. The leaders of the opposition alone remained silent. The resolu- tion giving the King the strongest assurances of gratitude and attachment, and of the loyalty of Congress to the principles of the alliance, and es- pecially regarding negotiations with the common enemy, was passed without a dissentient voice." A month later, the Fishery question is again brought up in Congress. He writes, June 12, 1779: "The danger arising from Adams and Lee pressing the Fisheries question is lessened by the absence of R. H. Lee and Samuel Adams. Lee has been charged in open session of the Virginia Assembly of having sacrificed the best interests of America and of the alliance, while the storm raised against Samuel Adams in Boston has just compelled him to return there. . . . These two champions find it necessary to talk in a different way on account of public clamor. They are now doing all they can to make it appear that they 216 CORRESPONDENCE OP were eager for peace, and to throw the blame of delays on their antagonists. . . . All the States approve of the decision in favor of France." The members from Virginia, New York, Maryland, Jersey, and Connecticut, with several members from the other States, express warmest thanks to De Ray- neval for " the truths presented by him to Congress the last four months," through which he was able to circumvent Lee and Adams. The correspondence of Gerard de Rayneval must now be dropped, for the departure of the French envoy was drawing near. In September, 1779, Con- gress, to show its appreciation of Gerard de Rayne- val's character and services, passed a resolution requesting him, in the most complimentary man- ner, to sit for his portrait. This portrait, painted by Charles Willson Peale, full length, is now in Inde- pendence Hall, Philadelphia. Congress accompanied this resolution with an address which concludes as follows: " Sir, we should be deficient in the respect due to distinguished merit if we should fail to em- brace this opportunity of testifying to the high esteem which you have obtained throughout this country by your public and private conduct. " You have happily combined a vigilant devo- gArard de kAVNEVAL—\m%-\nn<). an tion for the dignity and interests of our most excellent and illustrious ally with a generous attachment to the honor and welfare of these States. "Your prudence, integrity, ability, and dili- gence in discharging the eminent trust reposed in you have secured our entire confidence, and now solicit from us the strongest declaration of our satisfaction in your behavior. " That you may be blessed with a favorable voyage, the approbation of your sovereign, the perfect recovery of your health, and all happi- ness, is among the warmest wishes of every mem- ber of this body. "John Jay, President." Another testimonial is sent to Louis XVI: " Great, Faithful and Beloved Friend and Ally: "The conduct of Your Majesty's Minister, the Sieur Gerard, during his residence in America has been in every respect so commendable that we can not forbear testifying to Your Majesty our sense of his merit, without feeling that StS CORRESPONDENCE 0^ uneasiness which arises from a neglect of the obli- gation of justice. " His behavior appears to us to have been uni- formly regulated by devotion to Your Majesty's dignity and interest and an adherence to the terms and principles of the alliance ; while at the same time he demonstrated his attachment to the honor and prosperity of these States. Thus serving his sovereign he acquired our entire confidence and esteem, and has evinced your royal wisdom in selecting a person so prop- erly qualified to be the first Minister sent to the United States of America. " That the Supreme Ruler of the Universe may bestow all happiness on Your Majesty, is the prayer of your faithful and affectionate friends and allies. " Done at Philadelphia the seventeenth day of September, 1779, by the Congress of the United States of America. " John Jay, President. " Attest— " Chas., Thomson, Secy." Other bodies offered him similar testimonials, the " Merchants of Philadelphia," and the " President and gArakd de JiAYNEVAI^-l^^z-l^^ self to be importunate by multiplying demands ; and especially if these were enforced by threats to which we should attach neither value nor im- portance, and which would only serve to render him personally disagreeable. You can not make it too strongly felt, Monsieur, that threats would be all the more superfluous, inasmuch, suppos- ing, as we do. Congress incapable of prescribing them, we should place them to account of its representative, who would derive no other ad- vantage from them than the irreparable loss of our confidence." The allusion to threats is due undoubtedly to the indiscreet conduct of Col. Laurens, the special envoy tnentioned in Washington's letter above cjted. Ver- CHEVALIER DE LA LUZERNE. 249 gennes then states in his dispatch the sums of money already advanced to Franklin and the amount that would be furnished the coming year ; he closes with this remark, " I dai-e flatter myself that these marks of interest will be appreciated by all patriots." Luzerne, March 14, 1781, alludes to a Congres- sional regulation which, it seems, provided that no deputy to Congress should hold his seat more than three years, but which had not been observed. Some had sat longer, and their time was up. Particularly was this the case with the Massachusetts delegates, who had ruled Congress on account of their long standing in that body, by closely following up busi- ness, and who had " often used their advantage to the detriment of the public cause for the benefit of their own State, and especially for their friends and adher- ents. Mr. Samuel Adams is at their head, and although his patriotism can in no respect be sus- pected, nevertheless the jealousy he has of every foreign power, and even of France, has led him into several proceedings of which I have avoided making complaint, because I have prevented their effects by other means." July 21, 1781, Luzerne again expresses his opinion of Washington, in relation to his treatment of one of the divisions of the French army : ?SO CORRESPONDENCE OF " General Washington's kindness and consid- eration have won for him everybody's affection. The natural dignity of his character is mingled with a modest familiarity which belongs to American habits and which renders him all the dearer to the (French) soldiers, although he can not make himself understood by them. The French officers have had the good sense to show greater respect for him and be more deferential than the Americans themselves. He receives the extraordinary honors paid to him without appearing to be surprised, and yet with an air of grateful acknowledgment. Two ships from Spain now arrive with supplies, including clothing; some of this clothing consists of red coats, which the soldiers refuse to wear on ac- count of red being English colors. Meanwhile the French soldiers, the two divisions of the army being encamped side by side, crack jokes on the nudity of the Americans, which jokes the French officers repress, whenever there is danger of disturbance. Luzerne comments on this as follows: " I predict more favorably of this contact than I would have done if I had not seen it myself. The people of the States through which our divi- gions have passed flock?4 from all sides to CHEVALIER DE LA LUZERNE. 251 see them on their route ; the regimental bands played in the evening at all places where the men were to pass the night, while the inhabitants mixed in with the officers and soldiers, almost every march terminating with a dance. The Americans seemed to have been touched with the generosity of a nation which had come so fai' in their defense and shed its blood in behalf of freedom. Every Frenchman must cherish with the greatest satisfaction the enduring fame this expedition will reflect upon the nation if the issue proves a favorable one." The realization of this favorable issue is soon to come. On the I St of August, 1781, Luzerne, however, writes that, flattered by rumors of peace, and espe- cially by the news of the King having made a loan, efforts to provide financially grow languid. He thinks it best to inform Congress that the loan now made is the last, and that no further help of this kind will be afforded. It was proposed to give the disi- bursement of this loan exclusively to Washington, but Luzerne recommended its disbursement by Congress, with the understanding that it should be applied to military purposes, through Robert Morris. Washing- ton thanks Luzerne with " parfaite cordiahte " for this service in preventing what his enemies would undoubt- 252 CORRESPONDENCE OF edly have made the most of. A New York gazette states, for instance, that the object of this loan was " to malce Washington king, and put a Virginia farmer in the place of the English monarch." August nth, Luzerne narrated his influence in get- ting Livingston appointed Secretary of State. His opponents declare that the French minister's support of any candidate is a warrant for defeat. Luzerne praises Livingston highly, but, in spite of his esteem for him, is obliged to admit that he is indolent and loves quiet. He also praises General Sullivan, and says that it is largely owing to his influence that all the effective resolutions passed in Congress for the last four months are due. He hopes that the good disposition of Congress will last, but this body is sub- ject to too many changes to enable him to guarantee it. Writing October 3, 1781, Luzerne says in relation to the re-establishment of the government of Georgia after the expulsion of the English : " The courage shown by the Georgians in a long course of misfortunes is really astonishing, the inhabitants having abandoned their houses to live by hunting in the woods, pressed by the English on one side and by the savages on the other." Affairs are improving. Through the supply of money from France and the arrival of a French fleet, military operations are carried on with energy and CHEVALIER DE LA LUZERN&. ^53 success. Boston merchants, excited by Samuel Adams, begin again to try and make the people believe that national existence depends on the Fisheries. The siege of Yorktown, however, goes on, and the capitulation of Cornwallis soon arrives. November 20, 1781, on the news of this event reaching Paris, Franklin writes to the Count de Ver- gennes : " Your very obliging letter communicating the News of the important victory at York gave me infinite pleasure. The very powerful Aid af- forded by His Majesty to America this Year has rivetted the Affections of that People, and the Success has made millions happy. Indeed the King appears to me from this and another late Event (the birth of the Dauphin), to be le plus grand Faiseur d'heureux that this world affords. May God prosper him, his Family and Nation to the End of Time." An epilogue to the foregoing series of extracts, might be added, consisting of the expressions of gratitude to the French government by the states- men, diplomats, soldiers and others who were parties with the French in securing American independence. Franklin, in the above letter, expresses his senti- ments. The reader will have noticed the like senti- ments on the part of Washington. It is merely nee- 4S4 t>E La LUZERtfE'S CdRIiESPONpENC^. essary to add that addresses at public meetings in all the States, declarations from pulpits, articles in the newspapers, statements by ofificers of the army, and the revelations of private correspondence bear witness to the same feeling, all of which is still more formally expressed in repeated testimonials by the Continental Congress, elegantly engrossed and on file in the archives of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs. APPENDIX. 255 APPENDIX I. TOM PAINE. (See p. 137.) THE engagement with Tom Paine did not last long. In the month of May following, Paine having " tarnished his reputation " and " sold himself to the opposition," Gerard de Rayneval lets him go, substi- tuting for his pen in the newspapers that of two other writers, one " An Honest Politician" and the other " Americus," the latter a member of Congress. Later on, in December, Paine strives to reinstate himself with Luzerne, who keeps him at a distance. Subse- quently, however, he concludes to employ him, and Paine retrieves himself to a certain extent ; but Con- gress and Pennsylvania have lost faith in him. " He is constantly destitute. ... It can not be denied that his early writings influenced the Revolution," says Lu- zerne, who is disposed to employ him to write a his- tory of the Revolution for the instruction of the peo- ple of the country, and thus keep them straight in their tendencies. This object, however, is not carried out. In connection with Tom Paine, the following letter is of interest, although having no relation to my sub- 257 aS^ APPENhlX I. ject. I am indebted for it to M. Taine, who found (t in the archives, in his researches for his worlc on the French Revolution, and which he cites in part in the second volume of that work. The letter is here printed entire for the first time. Letter of Thomas Paine to Danton. Paris, May 6, 2d year of the Republic (1793). CiTOYEN Danton : As you read English I vi^rite this letter to you without passing it through the hands of a trans- lator. I am exceedingly distressed at the distractions, jealousies, discontents and uneasiness that reign among us and vs^hich, if they continue, will bring ruin and disgrace on the Republic. When I left America in the year 1787 it was my intention to return the year following, but the French revolu- tion and the prospect it afforded of extending the principles of liberty and fraternity through the greater part of Europe have induced me to pro- long my stay upwards of six years. I now de- spair of seeing the great object of European liberty accomplished, and my despair arises not from the combined foreign powers, not from the intrigues of aristocracy and priestcraft, but from APPENDIX I. 459 the tumultuous misconduct with which the inter- nal affairs of the present revolution is conducted. All that now can be hoped for is limited to France only, and I agree with your motion of not interfering in the government of any foreign country, nor permitting any foreign country to interfere in the government of France. This decree was necessary as a preliminary toward ter- minating the war. But while these internal con- tentions continue, while the hope remains to the enemy of seeing the republic fall to pieces, while not only the representatives of the departments but representation itself is publicly insulted, as it has lately been and now is by the people of Paris, or at least by the tribunes, the enemy will be encouraged to hang about the frontiers and await the issue of circumstances. I observe that the confederated powers have not yet recognised Monsieur, or D'Artois, as re- gent, nor made any Proclamation in favour of any of the Bourbons, but this negative conduct ad- mits of two different conclusions. The one is that of abandoning the Bourbons and the war together, the other is that of changing the object of the war and substituting a partition 200 APPENDIX 1. scheme in the place of their first object as they have done by Poland. If this should be their ob- ject, the internal contentions that now rage will favour that object far more than it favoured their former object. The danger every day increases of a rupture between Paris and the departments. The departments did not send their deputies to Paris to be insulted, and every insult shown to them is an insult to the departments that elected and sent them. I see but one effectiial plan to prevent this rupture taking place, and that is to fix the residence of the Convention and of the future assemblies at a distance from Paris. I saw, during the American Revolution, the ex- ceeding inconvenience that arose by having the government of Congress within the limits of any Municipal Jurisdiction. Congress first resided in Philadelphia, and after a residence of four years, it found it necessary to leave it. It then adjourned to the state of Jersey. It afterwards removed to New York ; it again removed from New York to Philadelphia and, after experiencing in every one of these places the great inconven- ience of a government within a government it APPENDIX I. 261 formed the project of building a Town not within the limits of any municipal jurisdiction for the future residence of Congress. In any one of the places where Congress resided, the municipal au- thority privately or openly opposed itself to the authority of Congress and the people of each of those places expected more attention from Con- gress than their equal share with the other states amounted to. The same things now take place in France but in a far greater excess. I see also another embarrassing circumstance arising in Paris of which we have had full expe- rience in America. I mean that of fixing the price of provisions. But if this measure is to be attempted it ought to be done by the Municipal- ity. The Convention has nothing to do with regulations of this kind ; neither can they, be carried into practice. The People of Paris may say they will not give more than a certain price for provisions, but as they cannot compel the country people to bring provisions to market the consequence will be directly contrary to their ex- pectations, and they will find dearness and famine instead of plenty and cheapness. They may force the price down upon the Stock in hand, but 262 APPENDIX I. after that the market will be empty. I will give you an example— In Philadelphia we undertook among other regulations of this kind to regulate the price of Salt; the consequence was that no Salt was brought to market, and the price rose to thirty- six shillings sterling per Bushel. The price be- fore the war was only one shilling and six pence per Bushel ; and we regulated the price of flour {^farine) till there was none in the market and the people were glad to procure it at any price. There is also a circumstance to be taken into the account which is not much attended to. The assignats are not of the same value they were a year ago and as the quantity encreases the value of them will diminish. This gives the appear- ance of things being dear when they are not so in fact, for in the same proportion that any kind of money falls in value articles rise in price. If it were not for this the quantity of assignats would be too great to be circulated. Paper money in America fell so much in value from this excessive quantity of it that in the year 1781 I gave three hundred Paper dollars for one pair of worsted stockings. What I write you APPENDIX I. 263 upon this subject is experience and not merely opinion. I have no personal interest in any of these matters nor in any party disputes. I attend only to general principles. As soon as a constitution shall be established I shall return to America ; and be the future pros- perity of France ever so great I shall enjoy no other part of it than the happiness of knowing it. In the mean time I am distressed to see matters so badly conducted and so little attention paid to moral principles. It is tjiese things that injure the character of the Revolution and discourages the progress of liberty all over the world. When I began this letter I did not intend making it so lengthy, but since I have gone thus far I will fill up the remainder of the sheet with such matters as shall occur to me. There ought to be some regulation with respect to the spirit of denunciation that now prevails. If every individual is to indulge his private malig- nancy, or his private ambition, to denounce at random and without any kind of proof, all con- fidence will be undermined and all authority be destroyed. Calumny is a species of Treachery 264 APPENDIX I. that ought to be punished as well as any other kind of Treachery. It is a private vice productive of a public evil, because it is possible to irritate men into disaffection by continual calumny who never intended to be disaffected. It is therefore, equally as necessary to guard against the evils of unfounded or malignant suspicion as against the evils of blind confidence. It is equally as neces- sary to protect the characters of public officers from calumny as it is to punish them for treach- ery or misconduct. For my own part I shall hold it a matter of doubt, until better evidence arises than is known at present, whether Du- mourier has been a traitor from policy or from resentment. There was certainly a time when he acted well, but it is not every man whose mind is strong enough to bear up against ingrati- tude and I think he experienced a great deal of this before he revolted. Calumny becomes harmless and defeats itself when it attempts to act upon too large a scale. Thus the denunciation of the sections against the twenty-two deputies falls to the ground. The departments that elected them are better judges of their moral and political characters than APPENDIX I. 265 those who have denounced them. This denunci- ation will injure Paris in the opinion of the de- partments because it has the appearance of dic- tating to them what sort of deputies they shall elect. Most of the acquaintances that I have in the Convention are among those who are in that list, and I know there are not better men nor better patriots than what they are. I have written a letter to Marat of the same date as this but not on the same subject. He may show it to you if he chuse. Votre ami, Thomas Paine. CiTOYEN DANTON. APPENDIX II. (See Page 156.) ''pHE daughter of Beaumarchais, before leaving 1 Paris for America, prepared the following appeal to Congress which she had printed both in French and English, probably for distribution among its members on her arrival. The Daughter of Pierre-Augustin Caron DE Beaumarchais. To the honorable the Members of the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States : Paris, October 20, 1822. Gentlemen : At the epoch when the second session of the seventeenth Congress is to begin, I have thought it serviceable to my interests, and to your equity, to collect the facts which establish the justice of my claim. You will not disavow the source from whence 267 268 APPENDIX II. I took them : if I zXzXm. justice, it is in the way the most accordant with your dignity ; for almost all the testimonies I have now the honour of sub- mitting to your consideration, have been brought forth by some of your most respected and most respectable fellow citizens, viz.: I. The message of President Madison. II. The letters of your Minister in France to the Duke de Richelieu. III. The answer of the Duke de Richelieu. IV. The letters of the French Minister, M. Hyde de Neuville, to the Secretary of State. V. The report of the Committee appointed by the House of Representatives. VI. The message of President Monroe. VII. The opinions delivered by Messrs. Rod- ney and Pinkney, attorneys-general of the United States. VIII. The copy of the important document which proves that the million paid on the loth day of June, 1776, has not been received under any obligation to account for it to the United States, and that the application of it has been approved by the French government. IX. The letter written, according to a resolu- APPENDIX II. 269 tion of Congress in 1779, by their President to M. de Beaumarchais. After having paid some attention to tlie afore- said documents, you will wonder, no doubt, that justice has been asked for without success for so many years. Will it be refused to me again ? As a reward for the devotion of Beaumarchais to your cause, shall his daughter be deprived of her fortune, and finish her life in vain and cruel ex- pectation, as her father did, whose existence was shortened by troubles and sorrow ? Till the last moment of his life he begged you to decide upon his claim. He said to you : "My proceedings to- wards you were zealous and pure; my letters, my commercial conventions attest it ; they are in your hands ; they have been thoroughly exam- ined : examine them again. The proofs which those frequent examinations have established are warranted by illustrations and unexceptionable testimonies, among which I find, with pride, those of some of your countrymen : their veracity could not be questioned. Decide, in your own cause, with equity and impartiality ! Or, at least, be pleased to appoint special commissioners to set- tle that discussion, to end that unequal struggle, 27° APPEtfDlX II. and I will accept them from you with confidence as my Judges : but I beg that a speedy decision may take place." The same applications are ad- dressed to you by his daughter ; and, to conclude, I will express myself in the very words which his kind and noble heart, so great in his misfortunes, so generous to the misfortunes of others, has dic- tated to him in his last memorial on this case. After having quoted a letter written to him by M. Silas Deane, in 1778, when this gentleman was going to leave France, and wherein it is said : " I hope Congress will not delay any longer to acknowledge the great and important services that the cause of America is indebted to you for. The end of your exertions is now to be obtained, since a French fleet is now ready to sail. This will show to the world, and to America, how sincere is the friendship of France, and how firmly determined she feels to protect the Ameri- can independence. I congratulate you on such a glorious event, which you have promoted more than any one." M. de Beaumarchais then goes on, speaking of his long troubles, of the justice of his claim, and adds : APPENDIX II. 271 " But I will leave this long computation of accounts and calculations, though it breaks my heart to feel in what a dreadful situation I am quitting my only daughter, leaving her without support, without a guide, without a protector, and wasting her life in the pursuit of contested claims. I will now address my ardent prayers to you : I will no longer dispute and establish my rights by proofs and reasoning but try only to turn your justice to kindness and interest towards my orphan daughter. My rights to such an interest are direct. It is you that I wished to serve, it is yourselves that I have served. I have gained no other reward than affliction. Allow me, dying, to bequeath to you my daugh- ter, who, after me, perhaps will be ruined by other injustices, which will not then be in my power to repair. If nothing were to be left her in this world, perhaps she will find in future that these delays of payment may be a last resource that heaven has intended to leave her after my death. If so many proofs obtained their natural effect, be as just as Congress was in 1779 ! Re- ward me in the being I love best in the world. Let the compensation of what I have done 272 APPENDIX //. belong to my daughter when her father shall be no more ; and, dying, allow me to recommend her to your kind protection." Such were the last wishes of his heart ; those anxieties for the loss of my fortune were paternal, and too truly proved. To discharge debts contracted in his long pro- iScription, and in the long pursuit of his just claims ; to secure to my children, and my respect- able husband, a better existence in future; to pay a tribute of respect to the memory of my father, by establishing the justice of his request, such. Gentlemen, are the wishes and the desire of which I hope the speedy accomplishment, with the most respectful confidence, Eugenie Delarue. APPENDIX III. (See page 196.) DR. FRANKLIN lived at Passy, a suburb of Paris. One day an envelope was thrown into the grating of the house, containing a letter written on six pages of large folio paper, of a blue tint, enclosing two other papers, one of eighteen articles entitled " Project for allaying the present ferments in North America," and the other, of thirteen articles, entitled " Great outlines of the Future Government of North America." Dr. Franklin believed that these documents were sent with the cognizance of George III. The letter bears this address : To Benj. Franklin, Esq., &c., &c., &c. Secret & Confidential. Read this in private Sc before you look at the other papers but dont be imprudent enough to let any one see it before you have considered it thoroughly. Sir: I shall wave apologies, if your intentions are as upright as mine they will not be suspected : 273 S74 APPENDIX in. it is an Englishman who addresses you, but an Englishman neither a partizan of mere obstruc- tive faction tending to confound all order of government, nor yet one who is an idolatrous worshipper of passive obedience to the divine rights of Kings ; not one who holds that every- thing which can obtain the requisite formality of Law in the English Constitution must there- fore be infallible, & essentially Law, & Liberty. Nay, to go further in my creed, I look upon many Acts, & declarations of Parliament, for some years past, but as Phantoms of British Lib- erty, conjured up by the spells of Scottish witch- craft, to calumniate, & attempt to draw down distruction, on that unsuspecting angel of which they are the lying representatives. You are a Philosopher, whom nature, industry, & a long experience have united to form, & to mature — it is to you therefore I apply — I apply as to a man of cool judgement, a clear under- standing, and an extensive reflection, entreating you by the name of that omnipotent, omniscient, & just God, before whom you must appear, & by your hopes of future fame, consider well, if some expedients cannot be invented to put a stop to APpMndiX III. 275 the desolation of America, and to prevent the baneful effects of that storm which threatens to deluge the whole world with blood. It must be granted that every provocation capable of piquing national, or private resent- ment has been exercised on America — Inso- lence — Contempt — wanton injustice — tyrannick violence — and all those mischiefs, which stupid narrow minded Despotism can command, without a feeling for the sufferers, or a sollicitude about what is to be the consequence — whole towns de- stroyed, private murders shocking to mention or think on committed — agriculture and its peace- full professors ruin'd, Religion, & Science vio- lated — in a word,- — all the horrors of War, all the rancour, the madness of Civil War. The passions of human nature cannot behold these things with indifference, nor readily turn aside from the in-" viting prospect of revenge ; but it is the part of Wisdom, it is the duty of Virtue to confine their wandering regards, & direct their attention to- wards the plainer, & more distinct objects of Reason. England hath, also, been already, & America, will be a dupe, if she believes any other motive 27^ APPENDIX lit. to actuate those who have animated both Con- tenders to proceed the Lengths they have gone, excepting a hope, & systematick Policy to ex- haust a Rival whose Power they dreaded, & whose wealth they envied. The permanent establishment of any form of Government (whether as now, a confederate Re- publick), or a limited monarchy subordinate, or blended into that of Great Britain, which shall unite the Continent of North America, & give it activity for offence & defence, will equally meet with every obstruction which a Nation the most expert in the delusive wiles of negotiation, & the subtletys of Politicks can give it. Re- collect how the miserable Race of Stewart was cajol'd : while they were openly encouraged in their narrow, half-witted projects to enslave our ancestors, a party was fomented by the same breath to oppose them. For a long time the Country was convulsed with internal pangs, till by a bold & unexpected effort she recovered her Constitution, & expelled her poison. Since the Revolution, the unfortunate victims of their artifice have been alternately treated as Kings & vagabonds as best suited the Interest of the APPENDIX III. 277 moment. Have ye any foundation to expect better treatment when the turn is served ? " Your power to treat is previously acknowl- edged, the particulars of your treaty are amply specified, & solemnly formaliz'd." The House of Stewart is allied in blood to their monarch — the treaties with it were open & in the face of the Sun, not a loophole for a quibble about their original validity — how they have been regarded draws a blush from the Popedom, & Italian Politician, who unable to justify the perfidy, & esteeming the tie indissoluble even by the infal- libility of God's vicar, affords an asylum & main- tenance to the cheated fugitives. The progress of this new alliance is easily fore- seen, & to be traced out. For the present & for a year or two to come, ye will obtain the most ample promises, & ready acquiescence. Then will come evasions to your applications — contemptuous delays — & of a sudden, a dec- laration that ye must shift for yourselves. England has been just served thus, in hopes of her present inability to resent this treatment — in that there may probably be a great mistake — but with respect to America there can be no such 278 APPENDIX III. error, for when will she be able to combat France, & compell her to adhere to Treaties? The vast scale of your new world, & the magnificence of its scenes fills the mind with romantic ideas. As ye gaze your admiration encreases, & in the Language of Scripture, ye fall into a trance having your eyes open. Ye see in visions your waters cover'd with fleets, your Forests with innumerable people — the navy of England, the population of China, & the accu- mulated industry & commerce of both sink before ye. Ye measure Pigmy Europe with a single glance of the Eye. Ye despise the servile effeminacy of Asia, & consider Africa but as a Hara to breed your slaves. Yet these your off- springs are mere embryo's in the womb of Time, whose parturition (should no accident produce miscarriage, mutilation, or deformity) cannot arrive by the course of nature till ye its parents have long been blended with the Elements from which ye were composed & are insensible to all the splendour of this World. By all dispassionate observers, the American notion of a present competence & ability to bear the weight of an independent Empire, & APPENDIX III. 279 the Scottish plan of catching two millions of People in a boundless desert with fifty thousand men, is equally absurd. They surpass every original exertion of the human mind to plan, of known Science to prepare, & of enthusiasm to carry into execution. Let us candidly consider the state of affairs in this cursed War. It is not that America is so Powerful, or England so weak & exhausted, that hath so long suspended the Event. It is the vast extent of the country, its wild impenetrable surface, & the scattered & scanty subsistence found in it — Circumstances which should have stopped a Ministry endowed with wisdom & foresight from attempting to reduce, Sr retain ye by force of arms ; had there been ten fold the pretext for coertion which they plead ; but by no means sufificient if ye have wisdom, & foresight, to indulge the delusion of continuing an inde- pendent Empire. It is one thing to elude the Combat, another to vanquish your adversary. The maintenance of a Standing Army, & the Creation of a Regular Navy are not within the compass of an inconsiderable revenue & thinly peopled country, nor can attend the efforts of a 28o APPENDIX III. few years, be activity & success as favorable as imagination can paint. Yet without these, your rising state will neither be in a capacity to secure itself frona hostile savages, acquire new alliances, or preserve to any beneficial purpose, that which is already formed. Your seaport towns at the mercy of an enemy will be too insecure a deposit for the constituent stores of your commerce, & the navigation so precarious as to sink allmost all the profit. Yet with all these disadvantages ob- viated, it takes a long time to acquire a rank amongst nations ; nay, it seems impossible, when we enumerate them, to seize at once on any lead- ing principle which shall embrace those very ma- terial circumstances, which Time & Custom has given the older states, in Guaranty, in Commer- cial treaties, in tacit Conventions, & a reciprocal intendment, of each others laws, temper & extent of Power, & which usually acquiesc'd in as of course — being dangerous to discuss. Ye may ex- ist indeed uncertainly as corsairs and interlopers, but cannot for years we shall not live to see, as a Regular commercial state. Some, deceived by Parliamentary speeches, misrepresented in Print, & originally the ebullition of party violence APPENDIX in. 281 & passionate dispute, may think that England must acknowledge your independence ; depend upon it that, even tho' there should be a man bold enough really to expose it, it is 2l false light. Nor can the acknowledgement be binding to Posterity. A people may authorize their repre- sentatives to regulate the exercise of an inherent right, but cannot other than superficially & in terms absolutely alienate that right unless by in- dividually consenting thereto. Our title to the Empire is indisputable, & will be asserted either by ourselves or successors whenever occasion presents. We may stop a while in our pursuit to recover breath, but shall assuredly resume our career again. The prudence of your deliberations, the perfec- tion in their execution, the steadiness of your de- fence, the Spirit with which your people have been inspired, & the Laws which ye have insti- tuted indicate a wisdom too calm, too profound to impute your conduct to those motives, which the Promoters of the War attribute it to — an original Scheme of yours to renounce all allegi- ance to the Mother Country, conceived even while she was bleeding with Glorious wounds in 282 APPENDIX in. your defence, and a determination to sacrifice the many actual benefits ye were ever possessed of, & to the wildest of all Utopian projects. I am one who do not believe that your declaration of independency and your alliance to France is the Result of such a premeditated Scheme, but have arisen from the necessity of providing every se- curity, and employing every means of resistance ye could devise when driven to those last stakes by the Perfidy, the narrowness of mind, the over- bearing injustice and the peevish violence of tem- per of those who have for some years past mis- managed the affairs of the Empire. If these things are as I have conceived, now seems the time to rid both us & you of this malign influ- ence, & to provide securities that none shall be able to practice hereafter (however they may hold forth in speech or in writing) such diabolical systems of Government. I do not at all guess what are American views, nor what will please her; but thus much seems certain, that if, in the present state of affairs, pro- posals for accommodation came from thence, the Crown must attend to them, & the Ministers act bona fide thereupon, be they who they will, as APPENDIX III. 283 they will be strictly & severely watched by every order in the State. It is sincerely to be hoped that the happy event of Peace and reunion may not be the work of any mere Party, or Junto — but arise from that aggregated support which the sense of so great a General benefit should produce— indeed the Leaders on all sides have in the course of this complicated dispute & in the heat of argument, so often pledged themselves to insist on some conditions, and oppose others, which on a cool revision, & further investigation, their reasons must condemn ; that they would probably be glad to save the imputation of inconsistency in avoiding to be the first movers, though they would readily be the supporters of a different system. Since then, as ye think, ye cannot safely trust administration, & its Emis- saries; since opposition cannot procure compli- ance with your terms, not having the confidence of the People to aid its efforts ; why not offer some conditions directly to the King himself. It is totally impossible, & ever was, to arrange a controversy of such a nature, by the meeting of Commissioners who peremptorily demand on one ^ide, & assume the tone of command on the 284 APPENDIX III. other, without the trace of any outline of the Negotiation — when the substance is known, the formality is soon finished — but to begin with the latter, is only foolishly to complicate the dispute still more, & excite fresh aggravations. I shall take it for granted that America is will- ing to treat, provided she can have the most ample security for the due performance of the Contract which shall be agreed on, & on that consideration will undertake through a most eligible mediator to transmit into the King's own hands any proposals on your part which are not couched in offensive terms, to return the answer if there shall be any, & if they are slighted to lay them before Parliament early in the ensuing session. As to the treatment of them there, or of those who reject or employ any tricking arti- fices about them, that must depend on the reason & equity which pervades your proposals ; they will have a fair tryal by English good sense, English Honor & English Justice, which have not quite abandoned the Island, tho' a little out of fashion in the neighborhood of St. James's as some of your Friends say. It matters very little for you in this state of APPENDIX in. aSS busyness to indulge your curiosity in knowing who I am. I can serve you more effectually while invisible ; if / succeed perhaps I may never reveal myself ; if I fail, surely my intentions merit some consideration from men professing Patriotism. I therefore must insist that, by printing or publishing this paper, or by any other manner, you do not point me out as a mark for witlings to whet their boars teeth upon, nor Rogues to spit their venom on, and this is our first condition. If you will keep it, & think the profferr'd occasion worth your notice, you will specify your Preliminaries in writing ; & mak- ing use of some plausible pretext for that pur- pose, carry them yourself to the Cathedral Church of Notre Dame between the hours of twelve at noon and one ; either on Monday the 6th of July instant, or on Thursday the 9th of July (6 or 9 July). If the iron gates on either side of the choir are open you will enter & there find a gentleman who has no idea of the nature of his commission, so do not give him any suspicions by taking extraordinary notice of him. He looks upon it as an intrigue, & has promised to convey the packet he finds to me, & to conceal 2§6 AfiPENblX lit. my real name whatever extraordinary circum- stances may happen, & I am quite certain I can trust him even tho' he discovers what he has been employed about. You will ascertain my Friend by his having a Paper in his hands as if drawing or taking notes ; on any one coming near him, he will either huddle it up precipitately or, folding it up, tear it with an appearance of peevishness & walk away ; at that very altar where he stood, place your packet within reach, or if there is nobody else near, throw it on the ground & walk away instantly. Dont, if you can avoid it, let even him see that it is you that bring it, much less anybody else ; as soon as he sees the coast clear he will return to look for the packet as often as these circumstances, of his having been interrupted thus, happen, & what he finds seal'd up and directed a Monsr. — Monsr. le Comte de Weissenstein a Spa, AUemagne, you may be certain will be safely & faithfully deliv- er'd. The same hand which conveys this to you delivers him precise correspondent instructions. If the iron gates above mentioned happen to be shut you will find him in the aile of the right hand on going in ; on the same side (if I mistake APPENDIX lit. 287 not) where the statue of St. Christopher is. For your more certain guidance I have desired him to stick a Rose either in his hat, which he will hold in his hand up to his face, or else in the button- hole of his waistcoat, either of which will be re- markable enough with the other circumstances.* You, Sir, are the best judge of the extent of your present powers, & your Influence in America ; with whom to consult, & in what form to couch your conditions, I would not pretend to direct — yet in the sincerity of my heart, propose the enclosed; whether you adopt them or not, will not alter a Jot in my Conduct— there is one thing however, too material not to insist strongly upon, & that is, not to permit your offers to transpire untill Preliminaries are ac- tually concluded on or the negotiation actually broken off. A different conduct empowered your Enemies to turn your last famous petition to the King against you & in their way prove its insincerity & insidious intention only to inflame Faction, & excite sedition. If America is finally, & irrevokeably determin'd to stake everything on its independence — there * Nobody whatever is privy to this. 288 APPENDIX in. is nothing left but to play out this deep game — all good men on both sides will pathetically lament, that the Freedom of both countries depends on so precarious a speculation, We trembling with apprehension, at the irresistible influence, & power of corruption, which must accede to the Crown, if we conquer — & for you to lose all the ties of personal Friendship, or family connection, & the heart felt prejudices of Education, similarity of manners, & of speech — to unite with strangers who heartily despise you already, & ever will despise those who have neither nobility, nor a profusion of wealth — & to be obliged to submit to the supercilious haughti- ness of those whose language is different, whose principles of Laws & Government are funda- mentally & diametrically opposite to yours — & whose religion hath ever been invariably, directly, & essentially, in practice as in Doctrine, the persecutor the compulsive Tyrant over that which prevails amongst you. And now. Sir, I will take my leave of you, con- fiding on your Personal honor, & that of the country which you represent, that if you do not chuse to accept my offers, & are not in earnest APPENDIX in. 289 to bring about this reconciliation, or if you have enter'd into a negotiation with England by other means ; that you will instantly destroy these papers, & make no use of them disadvantageous to him whom I have employed on this errant, nor to me — in case you send any terms, dont be impatient to hear what has been done with them — there are many Circumstances of time & opportunity which must be managed & which cannot be previously foreseen — Sufificeth it, you can but stand in the same place you do now, whatever part Ministry or Parliament take. Your humble servant & well wisher to all men of sincere & liberal minds & a friend of liberty, Charles de Weissenstein. Bruxelles, June 16, 1778. In the first paper of 18 articles devoted to prelimi- naries for peace and other proceedings, the following only are worth copying : Article 6. As the conspicious publick Part some Ameri- can gentlemen have taken may expose them to the personal enmity of some of the chief persons in Great Britain, & as it is unreasonable that their services to their country should deprive them of 29° APPENDIX ni. those advantages which their talents would other- wise have gained them ; the following Persons shall have offices or Pensions for Life at their option — according to the sums opposite their respective names. Messieurs Adams Hancock Washington Franklin etc. etc. etc. In case his Majesty, or His successors, shall ever create American Peers, then these persons, or their descendants, shall be among the first created if they chuse it. Mr. Washington to have immediately the Brevet of Lieut. General & all the honors & precedence incident thereto, but not to assume or bear any command without a special warrant or letter of service for that pur- pose from the King. In the paper of 13 articles "for the future gov- ernment of North America," occurs the following article : Article 10. The British Manufactures shall always have the preference over those of all other nations, nor APPENDIX in. 49* shall any new taxes ever be imposed upon them without previous consent of the British Parlia- ment. Franklin, in reply to these documents, composed an answer, which, however, was never sent. A copy of this in his handwriting, and sent to the Count de Vergennes, is on file in the French archives. The reader will find the letter printed in the late edition of Franklin's works edited by Mr. John Bigelow. INDEX. Adams, John, party leader in Massachusetts, l8 ; criticUra of, 28 ; appointed commis- sioner at Paris, 126 ; sup- ports General Gates, 192 ; Slate-rights Party leader , 194 ; member of party op- posed to French influence, 215 ; chagrined by Frank- lin's appointment as minis- ter, 221 ; letter to Ver- gennes, 221 ; chosen as peace commissioner, 222; his am- bition, 222 ; reaches France, 223 ; defends the alliance, 223 ; declaims against France, 223, note ; his vari- ous views contrasted, 224 ; thinks France under obliga- tions to America, 224 et seq. ; correspondence with Ver- gennes, 223, 227, 230 ; on prejudice, 230; Vergennes's opinion of, 232 et seq.; ac- tions disapproved by Con- gress, 234 ; dismissed by Vergennes, 234; goes to Hol- land, 234 ; opposed by Ver- gennes, 235, 236 ; his pa- triotism, 236, 237; arrival in Paris on peace mission, 237, note; not recognized by Ver- gennes, 237, note ; faculty for making war, 238, note; anonymous proposition of pension or office for, 288 Adams, Samuel, 165, 238 ; supports Arthur Lee in Con- gress, 126 ; associated with Paine, 136 ; supports Gen- eral Gates, 192 ; Slate-rights party leader, 194 ; alleged friendship with Temple, 197, 198; writes to Rayneval, igg; distrusted by Rayneval, Igg ; independence of French in- terests, 200 ; anecdote, 200, note ; opposition to French influence, 202 et seq.; tie between h'm and Arthur Lee, 203 : storm raised against liim in Boston, 209 ; leader of party opposed to French influence, 215 ; op- position to Washington, 234, 235 ; Luzerne's opinion of, 240 ; nominates Arthur Lee a-i Minister of Foreign Affairs, 241 ; patriotism un- doubted, 249 Aiguillon, Due d', prime min- ister to Louis XV., 32 " American Beaufort," the, 19 American Colonies. See Colo- nies ; United States. American Colonists. See Amer- icans. American Commission at Paris dissolved, 221 American Commissioners write to Vergennes, 127 et seq. ; empowered to settle with 293 294 INDEX. AmericanCommissioners — Con- tinued. Beaumarchais, 127 ; instruc- tions from Committee of Commerce, 128 American peers, anonymous proposition for creating, 290 American reverses discourage France, 115 Americans, pliysical condition of, 2g ; determination of, 51 American struggle more fierce in London than in Boston, 53, 54 " Americus," 257 "Amphitrite," the, sails for America, loO ; returns to Nantes, 106 ; lands cargo of indigo at L'Orient, 116 Anglicans, in Pennsylvania, monarchical sympathizers, 20 Arms, American, 15 Army, strength, 24, 51 ; condi- tion and discipline, 24 ; short term of enlistment, 24 ; far- mers and merchants as ofiS- cers, 24 ; suffers at hands of Administration, 175 ; peti- tions for publicity of proceed- ings of Congress in relation to the war, ig8; patriotism, 201; extension of power dreaded, 204 ; sufferings of, 217 et seq. ; difficulty of maintain- ing, 243, 244 ; bantering be- tween American and French soldiers, 250 Assignats, value of, 260 Bancroft, Dr., charged to have been in England's pay as spy, 93, note Bancroft, George, on Adams's appointment as peace com- missioner, 222 ; account of John Adam~'s mission to Paris, 237, note ' ' Barber of Seville," 40 Barcelona, assisted by France, in rebellion against Spain, 70 Barclay revises Beaumarchais's accounts, 151 ; Consul-gen- eral sent to Paris, 151 ; in- structed to revise Beaumar- chais's accounts, 151 Beaumarchais, Caron de, ren- ders valuable assistance to Vergennes, 37 ; engaged in special mission for Louis XVL, 37 ; family name, 38; how ennobled, 38; birth and early life, 38; an inventor, 38; musical talents, 38; re- lations with Clavijo, 39; charge of conspiracy against, 39; dramatic compositions, 39, 40; engages in slave trade, 40; tried for bribery and imprisoned, 40; in secret service of Louis XV., 40; re- covers correspondence from Chevalier d'Eon,4r {frequents John Wilkes's house, and uses information there gained, 42; intimacy with Lord Rochford, 40, 42; tact in obtaining information for French government, 42, 43; Doniol's opinion of him, 42; fervent advocacy of American cause, 48; undertakes to con- vince Louis XVI. of import- ance of interference, 49; re- port on condition of England and the Colonies, 50 et seq.; secret journey from England to France, 50; opinion of English liberty, 53; impa- tience, 55, 56; letter to Ver- gennes, 56, 57; plans for se- cret aid to Colonies, 57, 82, 83, 87, earnest address to Louis XVL, 59 et se(j.; INDEX. ^95 Beaumarchais — Continued. Sainte Beuve's opinion of liis arguments to Louis XVI., 78, 79 ; concern about losing French West Indian possessions, 80 et seq. ; ar- gues for help to Colonies as a measure of economy for France, 82; ability as diplo- mat, 85; understanding with Vergennes as to aid 10 Colo- nies, 87, 88; risks run by him, 88; receipts for the dis- puted million francs, 8g; re- sponsible to French Govern- ment for disbursements of funds, 90; pseudo firm estab- lished, 90, 91; limited scheme at first, 91; cipher corre- spondence with Lee, 94; in- terview with Deaiie and agreement, 95 et seq. ; agrees to Colonies' terms of pay- ment, etc., 97; expresses be- lief in American integrity, 97, 117; letter to Congress, 98 et seq. ; diligence and se- crecy in supplying war ma- terial, loi; supervises first expedition personally, 105; betrayed by the " Barber of Seville," 105; succeeds in getting ships released, 106; wrath with Ducoudray, 106; expedition sails and ar= rives at Portsmouth, 107 ; commencement of disap- pointments, log; Lee main- tains to Congress that Beau- marchais has no right to be paid for assistance, no; but dares not impeach his charac- ter, in; Franklin prejudiced against, 112; distrusted by Congress, 113; his cruel po- sition, 114; entangles others Beaumarchais — Continued. in scheme, 114; vainly to Congress, 114; Ver- gennes comes to his rescue, 115; sends De Francy to ar- range matters with United Sta.es, 115; discouraged by obstacles, 115, 116; indigna- tion against American depu- ties, 116; condemns Lee, 117, 139, 141; lends money to Deane, 117, note; enthusi- asm in tlie American cause, 118; contract with United States, 119 et seq.; how he drew supplies from French arsenals, 133; covertly in- dorsed by French govern- ment, 134; thanked by Con- gress, 134; express promise made by Congress to dis- charge debt, 134, 151; equips a fleet,i38; sends accounts to De Francy, 138; his enemies, 143; cause of Dubourg's en- mity, 143 et seq.; satirical letter to Dubourg, 146 et seq. ; refuses revision of ac- count, but finally yields, 151; urges payment of claim, 151; addresses sharp letter to Con- gress, 152; brought in a debtor to United States, 153; driven into exile in Ham- burg, 154; bequeaths claims tohisdaughter, 154; dies,i55; accounts finally settled, 156; character, 156 et seq. ; letter from President of Congress to, 268; letter from Deane to, 270; bequest of his daughter to United States, 271 Benezet, interview with Ray- neval, 182, 183 Bonvouloir, sails for America I ; report of conference with 2gd INDEX. Bonvouloir — Continuea. Secret. Correspondence Com- mittee, 2 et seq. ; stormy passage to America, ii; answer to Secret Council, 13 Boston, siege, 2 , evacuation, 12 ; the ' ' head and heart " of Massachusetts, 18 ; opin- ion of the French in, 18 ; English tone in, 18 ; influ- ence of commercial spirit and luxurious tastes in, 18 ; strength of besieging force, 50 ; distress of British army in, 50, 51 ; aversion to pop- ular government, 169 ; thea- ter of French opposition par- ty, 203 ; interest in Fisher- ies Question, 253 Bowdoin, party leader in Mas- sachusetts, 18 " Brother Jonathan," 243 Buckingham, Lord, English party leader, 76 Burgoyne, surrender of, 118 Burke, Edmund, sympathizes with Americans, 36, 37 Cad walader, John, opposes Gov. Livingston, 20 "Calculation," 166, 176 Calvinists, restrictions against, 157 Camden, Gates's defeat at, 241, 242 Canada.cession to England, 31; invasion of, cause of parly disputes, 195 Carolina, militia engaged against Dunmore, 6 Caron, Pierre-Augustine. See Beaumarchais. Carthaginians, Massachusetts republicans likened to, 18 Catalonia, rebellion against Spain, 70 Cayugas, form alliance with Americans, 16 Charles I., Richelieu's share in his overthrow, 6g Chi»rleston, corrupted by the trading spirit, 22 ; poorly fortified, 22 ; in English pos- session, 232 Chatham, Earl of, sympathizes with Americans,36, 37 ; pro- bable result of his supplant- ing Lord North, 54 ; dispo- sition toward France, 81 Chaumont, M. de, conversa- tion with John Adams, 224 et seq. ; forwards report to Ver- gennes, 224 Choiseul, Due de, foments the Revolutionary spirit, 32 ; his information turned to ac- count by Vergennes, 36 Clavijo, Jose, engaged to Beau- marchais's sister, 39 ; this re- lation ruptured, and restored by Beaumarchais, 39 ; plots against Beaumarchais, 39 ; banished from the Spanish court, 39 Climate, effect on physical con- dition of people, 29 Clothing, high cost of, 27, 262 Colonies, find foreign protec- tion necessary on the seas, 6; characteristics of, 17 ; senti- ments of the people of, 17 ; irritation of, against England, 32 ; ordered to trade exclus- ively with England, 32; Beau- marchais's opinion that they are lost to England, 51, 53 Colonists, delight and gratitude of, on receipt of first consign- ment of munitions, 107 Commerce and Finance com- pared, 58 INDEX. 297 Commerce, importance of pro- teciing Colonial, 10 Commercial scheme for aiding Colonies, 57, 58 Commercial spirit, influence on love of independence, 18, 22 Commission on purchases for United States, 125 Committee of Commerce, 120, 123, 127, 128 Committee on army matters, 2ig, 220 Committee on Foreign Affairs in dilemma about payment for supplies. 1 1 1 Committees of Congress, found objectionable, 239, 240 Congress, Committee on Secret Correspondence, I ; treach- ery in, 4; report on, to French government, 22 ; divisions in, 22 ; strong influence of personal animosities in, 22, 23 ; its outspoken patriotism, 26 ; bribes recommended for leaders in, 28 ; sends Beau- marchais's contract to Amer- ican Commissioners at Paris, for information, 126 ; ex- pressly promises to pay debt to Beaumarchais, 134 ; se- cret sessions, 135, 162, Ig8 ; no record of debates, 135 ; takes offense at Beaumar- chais's letter, 153 ; submits accounts to Lee, 153 ; orders new investigation of ac- counts, 153 ; discusses Ray- neval's reception, 164 ; Ray- neval's opinion of, 164 et seq., 169 ; party spirit in, 164 ; aristocratic tendencies in, 164, 165 ; pay of mem- bers, 168 ; effect of small remuneration, 168 ; rotation in office, 169 ; Southern in- Congress — Continued. fluence in, 171 ; members summarily removed, 172 ; limitations of power of, 171, 172 ; Raynevais criticism on qualifications of members, 174. 175 ; as the universal merchant, 175 ; factions in, 192 ; unwilling to treat for peace without consent of France, 206 ; praises France, 209 ; publicly thanks Rayne- val, 210, 211 ; sends testi- monial to Louis XVI., 211, 212 ; appoints committee to examine army matters, 219 etseq. ; fixes value of paper dollar, 225 ; disapproves John Adams's actions, 234 ; in discredit with the people, 235 ; approves Adams's po- sition on paper money, 237, note ; committees, found ob- jectionable, 239, 240 ; rule as to tenure of seats, 249 ; diffi- culty in sitting within muni- cipal jurisdiction, 260, 261 Connecticut, report on, to French government, ig ; people rendered irreconcil- able by English barbarities, ig ; " the brains of the State," 19 ; views in regard to peace, 242 ; Rayneval's opin- ion of, 243 Continental money, deprecia- tion of, 27, 225 Convenient religion, a, 181, 182 Conway, Thomas, 102 ; made a scapegoat in the cabal against Washington, 191, ig3 Cooper, Dr., defends Count d'Estaing, 190 ; Rayneval hires his pen, 190 Comwallis, capitulation of, 253; Franklin's letter on, 253 298 INDEX. Cost of Beaumarchais's ship- ments, how to be stated, 121 Credit, agreement as to, by United States, 96, 97 Cromwell, assisted by Riche- lieu, 6g Dancing, 166, 167 Danton, letter from Paine, 258 " Date obolum Belisario," 154 Daymons, city librarian at Phil- adelphia, 3 ; introduces Bon- vouloir to Secret Correspond- ence Committee, 3 Deane, Silas, envoy to Paris, 16; ruined by Lee, 92, III, 112 ; American commissioner at Paris, 92 ; supplants Lee, 94, 95 ; interview with Beaumar- chais, and agreement, 95 et seq. ; accepts Beaumarchais's conditions, 97 ; embarrassed by American silence, 109 ; letter to Secret Committee in praise of Beaumarchais, 108 ; acts with Franklin independ- ently of Lee, III; uses influ- ence in favor of Beaumarchais against Franklin, 116, 117 ; borrows money of Beaumar- chais, 117, note ; recalled. 126; discredited by American commissioners, 131; attacked by Paine, 135; complimented by Beaumarchais, 140; ad- justs accounts, 151 ; pamph- let by, 198 De Francy. See Francy, de. De Kalb. See Kalb, de. De la Fayette. See Lafa- yette. De la Luzerne. See Luzerne, DE LA. Delarue, Eugenie, daughter of Beaumarchais, bequeathed to United States, 154; arrives at Washington to prosecute Delarue,Eugenie — Continued. claims, 156; claim finally set- tled, 156; addresses Congress about claim, 267 ; documents produced by, to support claim, 268 Delaware, supports Washington in Congress, opposition to Eastern Party, 23 ; in league with New England States, 238 Delaware Indians, interview with Rayneval, 186 De Lomenie. See Lomenie, de. De Marbois. See Marbois, de. Denmark in league against England, 226 Denunciation, in French Revo- lution, 263 De Rayneval. See Rayneval, de. De Vergennes. See Vergen- nes. Dickinson, John, member of Committee on Secret Cor- respondence, 16 ; opposes Gov. Livingston, 20 Doniol, estimate of Beaumar- chais's character, 42 ; charges Lee and Bancroft to have been in English pay, 93, note Draft recommended, 27 Drayton, William Henry, on Committee of Commerce, 120, 123, 126 Dubourg, Dr., prejudices Frank- lin against Beaumarchais, 112 and note, 149 ; enemy of Beaumarchais, 141, 143 et seq.; letter to Vergennes, 144 et seq. ; estimate of Beau- marchais, 144 et seq. ; satiri- cal letter from Beaumarchais, 146 et seq. Ducoudray, engineer oiEcer, 102; compels the "Amphi- INDEX. 299 Ducoudray — Continued. trite" to return, 106; Beau- marchais's wrath, and letter to, 106, 107; enemy of Beau- marchais, 113. 141; drowned, 143 ; Lafayette's estimate of, 143 Duelling, Rayneval's views of, 187 Duer, William, on Committee of Commerce, 120, 123, 126 Dumourier, 262 Dunkirk. England's power in, by Treaty of 1763, 31 Dunmore, Lord, commandant in Virginia, 5 : emancipation proclamation for negroes, 6 ; fortifies Norfolk, 6; defeated by Virginians, 6 Duponceau, Steuben's secre- tary, 200, note ; anecdote, 200, note Du Verney, Paris, relations with Beaumarchais, 39 Eastern Party, of what com- posed, 22; principles, 23 Eastern States, affected superi- ority of, 203 et seq. Eastern supremacy at beginning of Revolution, 24 Ecole Militaire, 39 Ellery, William, on Committee of Commerce, 120, 123, 126 Emancipation offered to slaves by English, 22 Engineers needed by Colonies, 8, 13; enlisted in France, 102 England, the natural enemy of France, 46, 63; intestinal troubles, 51, 52; arraigned by Beaumarchais, 63 et seq.; humiliates France, 65; greed for France's colonial posses- sions, 74; despair of retain- ing Colonies, 75 English half-heartedness in the war, 176, 177 Eon, Chevalier d', his curious character, 40 ; goes to St. Petersburg disguised as a woman, 41 ; compromising correspondence with Louis XV., 41; this correspondence recovered by Beaumarchais, 41; wonderful alternation of sex, 40, 41 Ebiaing, Count d', confidant of military affairs, 240 Exchange, how computed, 124 Executive Council, election of new President, 177; banquet to celebrate, 177, 178 Fairfield. Conn., burning of, 19 Family Pact, the, 62 Fautrelle, Captain, commands the "Amphitrite," 107 Federal and State relations, 170, 171, 194 "Fier Rodrigue," the, 138 Finance and Commerce com- pared, 58 Finance Department, difficulties in, 241 Finances of the Colonies, 17, 27 Fire-engines, improved by Beaumarchais, 158 Fishermen, enlisted in the Col- onial cause, '51 Fishery question, 194, 209, 253; Rayneval on, 195; how influ- ences peace question, 242, 243 Fleet, equipped by Beaumar- chais, 138 Flour, price of, 262 Forbes, James, on Committee of Commerce, 120, 123, 126 Foreign Affairs, Department, difficulties in, 241; Minister of, difficulty of appointing, 241, 242 300 INDEX. Foreign interference, effect of, feared, 7 Forest, Captain Charles, com- mands the "John," 7 Fox, Charles James, sympa- thizes with Americans, 36, 37 France, feelings toward Colo- nies, 3, 8, 12, 14; caution con- cerning promises of assist- ance, 3, 14, 15; looked to for aid on the seas, 6, 10; re- garded by Royalists as enemy of Colonies, 25; how affected if England should offer in- dependence, 26; humiliated after Seven Years' War, 31, 65; cedes possessions to Eng- land, 31; commerce destroyed, 31; furnishes arms and money to Americans, 34; England her natural enemy, 46, 63; policy in dealing with Colo- nies, 48; plans for secret aid to Colonies, 57; pact between Spain and, 67 ; fomented Revolution in England, 6g, 70 ; dilemma between inter- vention and non-intervention, 79 et seq. ; prospect of loss of West India islands, 80 et seq. ; motive in assisting Colonies, gt ; openly participates in American war, 14T, 161; de- clines to enter on war of con- quest for United States, ig5 ; eulogized by Washington, 247; last loan, 251, 252; in- fluence and assistance lead to success, 252, 253; thanks con- veyed to, 253, 254 Francy, Theveneau de, Beau- marchais's agent, 107, 115; negotiates contract with Uni- ted States, 118, 126 Franklin, Benjamin, conversa- tions with Bonvouloir, g; on Franklin, Benjamin — Contin- ued. Committee on Secret Corre- spondence, i5; praised, 28; American representative in Paris, 28, g2; calumniated by Lee, g2; arrives in Paris, log; acts with Deane independent- ly of Lee, III; avoids quarrel between Lee, Beaumarchai^, and Deane, but suffers from Lee'sill will, 112; prejudiced against Beaumarchais, 112, 149; receives abusive letters from Izard, 112; repudiates transactions anterior to his ar- rival in Paris, 113; charges brought against him by Lee and Izard, 187 ; National Party leader, 194 ; cabal against, 196; made minister plenipotentiary at Paris, 221; correspondence with Vergen- nes, 227 et seq., 230, 231; repudiates Adams's letter,230; condemns Adams, 231; his diplomatic genius, 232; chan- nel of censure of Adams, 237, note; elected peace commis- sioner, 238, note; attempts to secure his recall, 239 ; op- position by Massachusetts and South Carolina, 239; letter from Washington, 244, 245 ; opinion of, by Vergen- nes, 248; thanks France, 253; mysterious appeal to, 273 ; proposition for opening negotiations, 285 et seq.; an- onymous proposition of pen- sion or office for, 290; answer to anonymous communica- tion, 291 Freight of Beaumarchais's shipments, how charged, 121 Index. 301 French assistance, motive for, 31, 32 French colonies, England's greed for, 74 French government, detains first American expedition, 106 ; supplies American com- missioners with funds, 117, 'note. French influence, opposition to, 215, 216 French legation in London sup- plies important information to Vergennes, 37 French ports, question of open- ing to American ships, 13, 15 French possessions in America, necessity for France to assist English Colonies in order to preserve, 75 French soldiers, popularity, 2 50, 251 Garnier watches agitation in America, 32 Gates, General, adherents in Virginia, 21; supported by Eastern Party, 23; offering mediation to England, 23; rivalry with Washington, I73i 174; wins battle of Sara- toga, 191; attempt to place him at head of army, 191; backed by the Lees and Adamses, 192 ; made presi- dent of War Committee, 193; mentioned for Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 241, 242 Gates and Lee supported by Eastern Party, 22 George III., probable danger from his own people, 55; his stubbornness, 55; desire for peace, 64; under control of his people, 64; reported wish to abandon the Colonies, 8 1 ; George III. — Continued. supposed privy to mysterious letter sent to Franklin, 271 Georgia, hardships suffered in, 252 Germaine, Lord, doubts practi- cability of retaining Ameri- can allegiance, 76 German soldiers recommended for American service, 27 Goezman trial, Beaumarchais concerned in, 40 Gravier, Charles. See Ver- gennes. Greene, Nathaniel, decried, 193 Gudin, biographer of Beau- marchais, 158 Guichen, Count de, letter from Washington, 244 Guines, M. de, proposed recall from London, 83 Hamilton, Alexander, appoint- ed auditor of Beanmarchais's accounts, 153; decried, 193 ; National Party leader, 194 Hancock, John, party leader in Massachusetts, 19; enmity to Bowdoin and Adams, 19 ; receives Rayneval at Chester, 163; anonymous proposition of pension or office for, 288 Harrison, on Committee on Secret Correspondence, 16 Hartley, H. D., M. P., friend of Franklin, 28 Hildreth, on cabal against Washington, 191 Holland in league against Eng- land, 226 " Honest Politician, an," 257 Horse-racing, how considered, 167 Hortalez, Roderigue, & Co., plan of the commercial house, 57 ; established, 90, 365 iNDEJi. Hortalez, Roderigue & Co. — Continued. 91; opposed by Franklin, 113, note; contract of United States with, 119 et seq. ; un- known to French govern- ment. 133. See also Beau- MARCHAIS. Howe, General, despoils Quak- ers, 179 lago, a political, 143 Independence, love of, stifled by commercial spirit and luxurious tastes, 18 ; rallying- cry of all parties, 24 ; numeri- cal superiority of party favor- ing, 30 India, France ousted from, 31 Indians, promise neutrality, 5; friendly to the Colonies, 5; allied with Americans, 16; converted to Quakerism, 185, 186 Inspection agents appointed, 122, 123, 128 Interest on debt due to Beau- marcliais, how computed, 124; agreement as to, by the Colonies, 96 International law defined, 61 Izard, Ralph writes abusive let- ters to Franklin, 112; brings charges against Franklin, 187 ; opinion of, by Ver- gennes, 247, 248 Japheth and Shem, modern, 188 Jay, John, member of Commit- tee on Secret Correspondence, 16; writes to Beaumarchais, 134, 151; President of Con- gress, 134, 151, 211, 212; elected peace commissioner, 238, note Jefferson, Thomas, opinion of Vergennes, 35, note; Na- tional Party leader, 194; Jefferson, Thomas — Continued. elected peace commissioner, 238, note " Jerusalem at Philadelphia," 140 "John," the, sent to Nantes with flour to exchange for war material, 7 Johnson, on Committee t)n Secret Correspondence, 16 ICalb, De, sent to America to foment revolution, 32 Killbuck, Indian chief, state- ment of his people's wrongs, 186 Kingdoms, relations between, 61 " King of the Rabble," 19 Kings, duties of, defined, 6r,62 Knox, Henry, decried, 193 Lafayette, approved by Beau- marchais, 139, 157; victim of American usurers, 140; on the cabal against Wash- ington, 192, 193; De Mar- bois's opinion of, 242 Laurens, Colonel, fights duel with General Lee, 187; sent to Paris by Washington, 244; indiscreet conduct of, 248; President of Congress, 197: elected peace commissioner, 238, note Lee, Arthur, American repre- sentative in Paris 28, 92; English sympathizer, 28; sent to Europe to watch events, 37; representative of Colo- nies in London 76, 92; appeals to Beaumarchais, for declara- tion of France's position, 76 et seq. ; threatens retaliation if France does hot give aid, 77, 78; his early arrange- ment with Beaumarchais, 91; agent of Massachusetts, 92; iNDEX. 303 Lee, Arthur — Continued. member of Congress, 92; character, 92 ; calumniator of Deane, 92; traitor, 93; arro- gates position he never occu- pied, 93 ; rage with Beaumar- chais and Deane, 95 ; arrives in Paris, 109; letter to Foreign Affairs Committee, 109, no; informs Congress that France expects no pay for assistance, no, but that Beaumarchais demands pay, no; dares not impeach Beaumarchais's character, in; suspected of treachery, in; his secretary guilty of treachery, in; con- demned by Beaumarchais, ri7; causes Deane's recall, 126; opposition to- Beau- marchais, 126; believed by American Commissioners, as against Deane, 131; asso- ciated with Paine, 136; re- called from Paris, 138; pre- vents settlement of Beaumar- chais's accounts, 138; de- nounced by Beaumarchais. 139, 141; a political lago, 143; denounced by Rayne- val, 143; revises accounts of Beaumarchais, 153; brings charges against Franklin, 187; supports Gates, 192; State-rights Party leader, 194; tie between him and Adams, 203; charges against, 207; recall of, 221; nominated for Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 241; rejected by Luzerne, 241 Lee, Richard Henry, sets out for New York, 6; supports his brother in Congress, 126; duel with Laurens, 187; sup- ports Gates, 192; State-rights Party leader, 194; maintains Lee, Richard Henry — Contin- ued. right of United States to treat independently with Eng- land, 197; this position treat- ed with contempt, 197; peace doctrine, Rayneval on, 198, 199; writes to Rayneval, 199; opposition to French influ- ence, 202 et seq. , Lee faction, 21; employs Paine, 135 Life and liberty commercially estimated, 18 Lisbon, assisted by France in rebellion against Spain, 70 Livingston, William, Governor of New Jersey, 20; National Party leader, 194; proposes separate confederation, 238, 239; made Secretary of State, 252. _ Lomenie,De,on Beaumarchais's position, 54, 85, 86; account of Beaumarchais's enterprise, 87 et seq., 146; opinions of Beaumarchais's transactions, 113 Long Island, b.attle of, 106 Louis XIII., interested in over- throw of Charles I., 69 Louis XV., dismisses prime minister De Choiseul, 32 ; plans revenge on England, 66 Louis XVI., opposition to as- sisting Americans, 43; char- acter, 44, 45 ; monarchical dislike of American rebels, 45 ; Vergennes brings subject of interference for America before him, 45 etseq. ; strong representations of Beaumar- chais in favor of Colonies, 59 et seq. ; apathy rebuked by Beaumarchais, 59 et seq.; " Protector of the Rights of 304 Index. Louis XVI. — Continued. Humanity," 163; popularity in America, 177, 178: con- fidence in Wasliington and Franklin, 196; address to, by Congress, 211, 212; opin- ion of Franklin, 229; opinion of Congress, 229, 230 Luxurious tastes, influence on love of independence, 18 Luzerne, De la , reports Quakers as obstructionists, 184; cor- respondence of, 215; minister to United States, 215; visits Boston, 216, 243; report on sentiment toward Frencli in New England, 216, 217; cor- respondence on paper money question, 227, 232, 233; dis- cusses, with Livingston, sep- arate confederation, 239 ; opinion of Samuel Adams, 240; refuses to accept Artliur Lee as Minister of Foreign Affairs, 241; meets Governor Trumbull, 243; on army suf- ferings, 243, 244 ; estimate of Washington, 249, 250; has Lit^ngston made Secretary of State, 252 ; reinstates Paine, 257 Madison, James, National Party leader, 194; testimony favor- ing Beaumarchais's claim, 266 " Magazine of American His- tory," quoted, 57 Manufactures, British, anony- mous proposition for prefer- ence and freedom from tax- ation, 291 Marat, Paine writes to, 265 Marbois, De, opinions of La- fayette, 242; on State senti- ments, 242, 243 ; correspon- dence, 244 Marie Antoinette, Jefferson's es- timate of, 45 " Marriage of Figaro,'' 40; charity founded on proceeds of, 158 Maryland, report on, to French government, 21 ; commercial interests in sympathy with Royalists, 21 ; supporls Wash- ington in opposition to East- ern Parly, 23 Massachusetts, report on, to French government, 18; her "head and heart," 18; fears about delegated power, 1S8; strong for independence and French alliance, 217; views in regard to peace, 242 Massachusetts Republicans lik- ened to Carthaginians, l8 Maurepas, prime minister un- der Louis XVI., 33; appoints Vergennes Secretary of For- eign Affairs, 33 Mennonites imprisoned for not taking up arms, 183 Merchants of Philadelphia, ad- dress to Rayneval, 212 Methodists in Pennsylvania, monarchical sympathizers, 20 Middle States, to preserve bal- ance of power, 239 MifHin, General, opposition to, in Pennyslvania, 21; supports Gates, 192 Million francs dispute, 151, 154, 155, 268; cleared up by De Lomenie, 152 Mohawks, form alliance with Americans, 16 Monopolists in Pennsylvania, opposition to, 21 Monroe, President, testimony about Beaumarchais's claim, 268 INDEX. 3C-5 Montesquieu, defines interna- tional law, 6l Montieu, M., 121 Montreal.siege and capitulation of, 2 Morris, Gouverneur, opinion of Jefferson, 162, note Morris, Robert, National Party leader, 194; appointed Secre- tary of Treasury, 241 National credit, lack of, 27 National policy distinguished from individual morality, 62, 68 Navy, American, prospects of, 15 ; formation of, by Colo- nies, 2 Negroes, regarded as intestinal foes in Virginia, 22 Neuville, Hyde de, testimony about Beaumarchais's claim, 268 Nevir England States, support Eastern Party, 22 ; influence, 238 ; rivals of Southern States, 239 Newfbundland, possession of, cause of party disputes, 195 New Hampshire, report on, to French government, 17; con- sidered as of minor import- ance in the Confederacy, 17 ; the war a benefit to her, 17 New Jersey, report on, to French government, 20 ; he- roic constancy of, 20 ; Gover- nor Livingston, 20 ; how she treated Tories, 20; supports Eastern Party, 23 ; views in regard to peace, 242, 243 ; Congress meels within, 260 Newport,, R. I., held by Eng- lish, t9 ; Washington's reply 10 address from citizens, 246, 247 New York, Royalists prepare to New York — Continued. blockade, 6 ; report on, to French government, 19 ; in- testinal troubles, Ig ; Royal- ist Party in, 19 ; supports Washington in opposition to Eastern Party, 23 ; influence in 1779, 24 ; aversion to pop- ular government, i6g ; in English possession, 232 Norfolk, fortified by Lord Dun- more, 6 ; captured by Colo- nists, 6 North, Lord, sympathizes with Americans, 36, 37 ; tired of office, 53 ; puts responsibility on Lord Germaine, 75 North Carolina, report on, to French government, 22 ; re- garded as feeble, 22 ; sup- ports Washington in opposi- tion to Easlera Party, 23 Northern and Southern section- alism, 173, 174 Northern climate, effect on peo- ple, 29 Northern rigidity and Southern sensuousness, 166, 167 Northern traits, 176 Nova Scotia, possession of, cause of party disputes, 195 Officers enlisted in France, 102 Onondagas, form alliance with Americans, l6 Opposition party in England, members threatened with im- prisonment, 52 ; intriguing in Portugal, 54 Paine, Tom, employed by Lee faction, 135 ; journalist and government secietary, 135 ; interview with Rayneval, 136; deprived of office, 137 ; em- ployed by French govern- ment, 137; won over by Rayneval, 190; dismissed by 3o6 INDEJt. Paine, Tom — Continued. Rayneval, 255 ; letter to Danton, 258 ; writes to Ma- rat, 265 ; reinstated by Lu- zerne, 257 Paper money, correspondence on, 232, 233 ; depreciation, 27, 225 et seq., 237, note, 260 Payment for Beaumarchais's shipments, how to be made, 122, 123, 124 Peace, against France's inter- est, 82 ; anonymous negotia- tions for, 271 et seq.; State sentiments in regard to, 242, 243 ; desired, 30 " Peace or War, " letter of Beau- marchais to Louis XVI., 74 Peace question, igdetseq., 205, 206 Penn, Mr., member from North Carolina, praises France, 208, 209 Penn, William, Indian views of, 187 Pennsylvania, climate not fa- vorable to ifanaticism, 20 ; re- port on, to Fiench govern- ment, 20 ; Royalists in, 20, 21 ; supports Eastern Party, 23; Executive Council of, ad- dress to Rayneval, 212, 213 ; in league with New England States, 238 Pensions, recommended as bribes for Congressional lead- ers, 28 Personal animosities, strong in- fluence in Congress, 23 Philadelphia, lack of patriotism in, 20 ; Jerusalem at, 140 ; aversion to popular govern- ment, 169 ; seat of Congress, 260 Physical condition of Ameri- cans, 29 Pillage by army, 217, 218 Pinkney, opinion about Beau- marchais's claim, 268 " Pious frauds," 148 Pitt, William, Beaumarchais's opinion of, 63, 64 Poland, partition of, 67, 260 Policy of governments not moral law of citizens, 6i Political affairs of Colonies, report to French govern- ment on, 17 Political agents sent from Col- onies to watch events in Eu- rope, 37 Political methods discussed, 68 Portugal, independence of, 70 ; in league against England, 226 Presbyterian influence, 166, 167, 242 ; intolerance dreaded by other sects, 30 President's salary, 168 Press, freedom of, criticised, 135 Prisoners, sent to London, 16 Privateer, American, captured, 15" " Protector of the Rights of Humanity," 163, 178 Provisions, etc., price of, 165, 166, 261, 262. Public entertainments forbid- den, 166, 167 Pulaski, Count, 102; account with Beaumarchais, 139 Quakers, in Pennsylvania, mon- archical sympathizers, 20; ac- cused of aiding enemy, 169; Rayneval's opinions of , 178 et seq.; influence in Pennsyl- vania, 178 et seq. ; agree to fight against taxation, 178, 179; oppose independence, 179; decry war taxes, 179; render services to English, 179; despoiled by English, iNDE)C. 307 Quakers — Continued. 179; confer with Rayneval, 1 80 et seq, ; equivocation by, 1S4; obstructionists, 184; con- vert Indians, 185, 186; ex- communicated, 186 Quebec, siege of, a Ratification clause of Beau- marchais's contract, 125 Rattlesnalce, adopted for Ameri- can arms, 15 Rayneval, Gerard de, vifatclies agitation in America, 32; ap- pointed minister to United States, 102, 132, 161; receives instructions from Vergennes, 132; satisfies Congress as to correctness of Beaumarchais's operations, 134; advised daily of Congressional acis affect- ing French interests, 135; let- ter to Vergennes, 135; inter- view with Paine, 136; em- ploys Paine in government service, 137; correspondence, l5l; two brothers of same name, 161, note; arrival in 'Philadelphia, 162; return to France, 162; correspondence with Vergennes valuable, 162, 163; death, 163; character, 163; reception at Chester, 163; report to Vergennes on Congress, 164 et seq., 169 et seq. ; opinions of Quakers, 178 et seq.; conference with Quakers, 180 et seq.; inter- view with Benezet, 182, 183; interview wiih Delaware In- dians, 186; thinks Americans not ripe for popular govern- ment, 188; orders Te Deum on Independence Day, i8g; first interview with Washing- ton, 189; hires Dr. Cooper's and General Sullivan's pens, Rayneval, Gerard de — Contin- ued. 190; on Fishery Question, 195; writes to Vergennes on peace question, 199; distrusts Samuel Adaihs, 199; alarmed at proceedings of Congress, '208; thanked for circumvent- ing Lee and Adams, 210; por- trait painted, 210; address from Congress, 210, 211; ad- dress from merchants of Phil- adelphia, 212; address from Executive Council of Penn- sylvania, 212, 213; confidant of military affairs, 240; opin- ion of Connecticut, 243; dis- misses Paine, 257 Reed, Joseph, Governor of Pennsylvania, 21; secret oppo- sition to, 21; president of Ex- ecutive Council, 177, 213; let- ter from Washington, 245, 246 " Reflexions Politiques d'un Citoyen," 27 Republican Party, outspoken patriotism, 26; in Massachu- setts, 18 Retaliation threatened if France does not aid Colonies, 77, 78 Revolution in France, 154 Rhode Island, report on, to French government, 19; no influence in Colonies while Newport held by English, 19 Richelieu, Cardinal, share in overthrow of Charles I., 69 Richelieu, Due de, 26S Rochford, Lord, friendly rela- tions with Beaumarchais, 40, 42; alarm over condition of English affairs, 52 Rockingham, Lord, probable result of his supplanting North, 54; disposition to- ward France, 81 3o8 mDEX. Rodney, Caesar, opinion about Beaumarchais's claim, 268 Roman Catholic celebration of Independence, 189 Rouerie, l^Iarquis de, 102 Royalist Party in New York, kept in check by American army, 19 Royalists, opinions and meth- ods, 25 Russia, favored by England at expense of France, 65; in league against England, 226 Sainte- Beuve's opinion of Beau- marchais's arguments to Louis XVI,, 78, 79 " Saint John," the ship. See John Salt, price of, 262 ' ■ Salus populi suprema lex," 63 Saratoga, battle of, 191 Sartines, M. de, messenger from Beaumarchais to Louis XVI., 55 Schweighauser, J. D., con- signee of the "John," 7 Search, right of, 31, 65 Secret Correspondence, Com- mittee on, propositions to Bon- vouloir, 12, 13 Secret treaty of commerce of- fered to France in return for assistance, 77 Senecas, form alliance with Americans, 16 Senegal, cession of, to Eng- land, 31 Seven Years' War, its conse- quences, 31 Shelburne, Lord, English party leader, 75 ; disposition to- ward France, 81 Shem and Japheth, modern, 1S8 Ships for conveying munitions, etc., how chartered, 122 Slave trade, 67 Smith, Colonel, supplants Lee, 206 Solon, his ideas of legislation, 68, 69 South Carolina, report on, to French government, 22; gov- ernor hangs himself, 22 ; sup- ports Eastern Party, 23 Southern climate, enervating influence of, 29 Southern influence in Congress, 171 Southern States rivals of New England States, 239 Spain, looked to for aid at sea, 6; promises to assist Colonies, 78 ; interests in interference for Colonies, 47 ; pact be- tween France and, 67 ; en- deavors to enlist sympathies, 87 ; contributes a million francs to Beaumarchais's scheme, 89 ; roundabout method of payment, 89, 90 ; receipt for money, 90 ; efforts to bring her into alliance, 195 ; sends supplies, 250 Sparks, Jared, opinion of Lee, 92 "Spectacles" forbidden, 167 State and Federal relations, 170, 171, 194 State rights, 207 State's evidence, illustration, 70, States, animosities between, in- fluence in Congress, 23 Steuben, Count, 102 ; Beau- marchais's letter introducing, 102, 103 ; indebted to Beau- marchais, 140, note ; eulo- gized, 140, 157 ; inspector- general of American forces, 140 Stockings, pricf of, 260 Stony Point, action at, 25 INDEX. 309 Stormont, Lord, dangerous enemy to France in capacity as ambassador, 83 ; kept ig- norant of French govern- ment's support of Beaumar- chais's scheme, 91 ; protests against shipment of war ma- terial, 106 ; vigilance of, 115, 116 Sullivan, General, excites public sentiment against France, igo ; won over by Rayneval, igo ; patriotism, 201 ; in pay of France, 238, note ; eulo- gized, 252 ' ' Summum jus, summa inju- ria," 5g, 71 Switzerland in league against England, 226 Taine, on French Revolution, 258 Talleyrand presents Beaumar- chais's claims for settlement, 155, 156 Taxation, demanded by the people, 27 ; unjust, motive for Revolution, 32 Temple, suspected spy, Ig7 Thomson, Charles, Secretary of Congress, 126, 212 Tories, a strong power in Colonies, 7; prosecuted as State criminals in New Jer- sey, 30 ; insolence of, i6g ; how treated, 170, 171 ; ranks strengthened by Quakers, 1 84; levied on for supplies, 21B Transports, English, captured, 15 Treaties, sacredness in Beau- marchais's opinion, 62 et seq. Treaty of amity and commerce, 161 Treaty of 1763, 31 Troops, Colonial, strength, g ; Bonvouloir's estimate, g Trumbull, Governor, "the brains of Connecticut," ig ; views on period of enlistment, 243 ; letter from Washing- ton, 246 Tuscaroras, form alliance with Americans, 16 United States, asks assistance from France, 47 ; responsi- bility for advances not con- sidered at outset, 90 ; Beau- marchais relies on integrity of, 117 ; illy supplies its rep- resentatives, 1 1 7, note; makes contract with Beaumarchais, 118 et seq.; considered them- selves indebted to Louis XVI. alone, 130 Valley Forge, sufferings at, igi Vergennes, Count de, instruc- tions to Bonvouloir, i ; ac- tive friend to Colonies, 32 ; birth, diplomatic services, character, and political offices, 33, 34-36 ; policy against England, 34 ; retaliates against England by unscru- pulous methods, 34 ; Jeffer- son's estimate of, 35, note ; utilizes Choiseul's informa- tion, 36 ; assisted by oppo- nents of American cause in England, 36, 37 ; receives valuable assistance from Beaumarchais, 37 ; espouses cause of American Colonies, 45 et seq.; motives of inter- est for this step, 46 et seq. ; estimates resources of Colo- nies, 47 ; sends report to Louis XVL by Beaumarchais, 48 ; reply to Beaumarchais's impatient letter, 56 ; his pol- icy accepted by Louis XVI., 85; understanding with Beau- marchais as to aid to Colo- 3IO INDEX, Vergennes, Count de — Con- tinued. nies, 87 ; orders payment of subsidies to Beaumarcliais, 8g ; privy to acts of Beau- marchais and Deane, loi ; distrusts Lee, ill ; appealed to by American Commission- ers at Paris, 127 et seq. ; encourages Beaumarchais, while officially discounten- ancing him, 115 ; placed in peculiar position, 132 ; in- structs Rayneval as to French government's position, 132 ; states that no material was furnished by the King, 133 ; sends Dubourg's letter to Beaumarchais, 146 ; letter to Luzerne on affairs in Amer- ica, 215, 2i5 ; correspond- ence with John Adams, 221, 227 ; correspondence with Franklin, 227 et seq., 230 ; loses patience with Adams, 230; opinion of John Adams, 232 et seq. ; correspondence on paper money question,232, 233 ; dismisses John Adams, 234 ; opposes John Adams, 235, 236 ; breaks off negotia- tions with Adams, 237, note ; letter from De Marbois, on Lafayette, 242 ; opinion of Franklin, 248 ; opinion of Izard, 247, 248 ; advances money to Franklin, 249 Vermont, separation of, from New York, 19, 20; the peo- ple described, ig, 20 Virginia, report on, to French government, 21 ; intense ha- tred of England, 21 ; divi- sion of parties in, 21 ; sup- ports Washington in op- position to Eastern Party, 23 War expenses, how should be defrayed, 27 War material, proposed ex- change of American products for, 7, 13, 14 ; the quality furnished by Beaumarchais, 97, note ; Beaumarchais's first shipment, 99 ; collected in France and shipped, roi, 102 Washington, General, threat- ens retaliation on English prisoners, 16 ; adherents in Virginia, 21 ; personal influ- ence, 22 ; likened to a phy- sician for the country, 25 ; the " Atlas of America," 26; integrity, 27 ; rivalry with Gates, 173, 174 ; first inter- view with Rayneval, 189 ; cabal against, Igo et seq.; attempts to displace, igi ; successes in New Jersey modify feeling against him, igi ; military supremacy op- posed, igi, ig2 ; offers resig- nation, 193 : National Party leader, ig4 ; lack of personal ambition, 205 ; dread of his influence, 2ig ; abnegation, patience, and wisdom, 232 ; opposed by Samuel Adams, 234. 235 ; keeps military affairs secret, 240 ; rules out Gates for ministry of Foreign Affairs, 241, 242 ; letter to Count de Guichen, 244 ; let- ter to Franklin, 244, 245 ; fears for American liberty, 245 ; letter to Joseph Reed, 245, 246 ; letter to Gov. Trumbull, 246 ; reply to ad- dress from Newport citizens, 246, 247 ; Luzerne's estimate of, 249, 250 ; reported to be made Idng, 252 ; anonymous INDEX. 3" Washington, Gen. — Continued. proposition of pension or of- fice for, 290 Wealth unsuitable soil for inde- pendent principles, 21 Weissenstein, Count de, 271 et seq. West Indies, French, cession of, to England, 31 ; Beau- marchais's concern about los- ing French possessions, 80 et seq. Wilkes, John, virulent oppo- nent of Tory ministry, 42 ; house in London resort for malcontents, 42, 92 ; opinion of George IIE., 52, S3 Wilson, James, opposition to, in Pennsylvania, 21 Witherspoon, John, member of Congress, 165 Yorktown, siege of, 253 " Zephyr," the, privateer, 138 'r*"^'"^' _'^*'V