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 B) Library 
 
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 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924026521777 
 
FRENCH TEIMN 
 
 IN THE MAKIBG 
 
 STUDIES IN CONSCIOUS GONTRIBU- 
 TIONS TO THE :S^OCABULA:Ey 
 
 HARVEY J. SWAJSTN 
 
 Submitted is Pabtiai. Fje^iX^nt; of thb Bbqui^b- 
 
 USNTB FOB Onm DeoBEBXJF BqGTOB 6p PHi£bSpFHT, 
 VX TBB £'ACtn.TT 9F PmLQgiga>HT, CqL17MBIA 
 
 TJimwmti •' 
 
 C30LUMBIA UNlVfiHSITY fSP* 
 
 ■ ' 1918- ''"•'' 
 
Columbia tStnibttgitt 
 
 STUDIES IN ROMANCE PHILOLOGY AND 
 
 LITERATURE 
 
 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES 
 IN THE MAKING 
 
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 SALES AGENTS 
 
 NEW TORK 
 
 LEMCKE & BUECHNER 
 30-32 West 27th Street 
 
 LONDON 
 
 HUMPHREY MILFORD 
 Amen Corner, E.G. 
 
 SHANGHAI 
 
 EDWARD EVANS & SONS, Ltd. 
 30 North Szbchuen Road 
 
FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES 
 IN THE MAKING 
 
 STUDIES IN CONSCIOUS CONTRIBU- 
 TIONS TO THE VOCABULARY 
 
 BY 
 
 HARVEY J. SWANN 
 
 \ 
 
 SUBMITTBD IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OP THE ReQUIBE- 
 MBNTS FOB THE DEGREE OF DoCiTOR OF PhILOSOPHT, 
 
 IN THE Faculty op Philosopht, Columbia 
 Univebbitt 
 
 Htto Path 
 
 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 
 1918 
 J- 
 
Copyright, 1918 
 Bt Columbia Untvebsitt Pbess 
 
 Printed from type, Octobei, 1918 
 
Approved for publication, on behalf of the Department 
 of Romance Languages and Literatures of Columbia 
 
 Henry Alfbod Todd 
 New York, December, 1917. 
 
PREFACE 
 
 This dissertation, especially in the last three chapters 
 departs somewhat, I am aware, from the type of those 
 so far presented in this series. I trust that that is not, 
 however, a cause for condemnation. 
 
 I take this opportimity to acknowledge indebtedness 
 for inspiration to the works of Nyrop, Darmesteter, and 
 Dauzat as duly listed in the bibliography, and I offer 
 this study as a tribute to those eminent masters, with- 
 out, however, attempting thereby to place any respon- 
 sibihty for its faults upon them, but with the sole 
 intention of doing them honor as far as its humble 
 merits may. 
 
 I have also been much assisted in the later chapters by 
 T. Ranft's Der Einfluss der franzosischen Revolution auf 
 den wortschatz der franzosischen sprache, which I have 
 found a most valuable compilation of facts serving as a 
 point of departm"e for many of the deductions which I 
 have drawn. 
 
 I owe to Professor H. A. Todd of Columbia University 
 a much greater debt than I have opportunity here to do 
 more than suggest, for his sympathetic and encouraging 
 cooperation throughout the whole period of preparation 
 of this work, from the very earUest moment of its incep- 
 tion through the final stages of the printing. Needless 
 to say that without his constant help it would not have 
 attained completion. 
 
 It is a pleasure also to mention the many lessons in 
 the art of real scholarship which I have been fortunate 
 in having the opportunity to gain from contact with 
 
viii PREFACE 
 
 Professor Adolphe Cohn and likewise from Professor 
 L. A. Loiseanx and from Professors Raymond Weeks 
 and J. L. Gerig. From Mr. P. M. Hayden I have re- 
 ceived many valuable hints, and I am glad to make here 
 acknowledgement to a former teacher, Miss Mary Sawyer, 
 who many years ago awakened in me an interest of 
 which this book is the eventual outcome. Finally, my 
 wife has given me continual aid as valuable as it is im- 
 possible to mention in detail. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 Chapter Pagh 
 
 lUTKODTJCnON xi 
 
 I. The Tbbminologt of the Railroad 1 
 
 II. The Word-element "Attto-" 35 
 
 III. The Word-element "A:fiRO-" 64 
 
 IV. NoMENCLATUKE op the REPtTBLICAN CALENDAR . . 96 
 
 V. The Metric Terminologt 120 
 
 VI. Terminology for the Idea of Equality . . . 137 
 
 VII. Terminology for the Idea of Liberty 163 
 
 VIII. Terminology for the Idea of Democracy . . . 202 
 
 Conclusion . . 231 
 
 Bibliography 243 
 
"La langue modeme renouvelle-t-elle son vocabulaire et par 
 quels proc6d6s? Quelle puissance possSde-t-elle pour exprimer les 
 id^es nouvelles, les f aits nouveaux ? La force cr^atrice qui a produit 
 le vocabulaire de la vieille langue et de la langue modeme est-elle 
 toujours active, et dans quelle mesure?" 
 
 Darmesteteb, La Creation actueUe de mots nouveaux, p. 7. 
 
 "Les objets nouveaux et les id6es nouvelles doivent n^cessaire- 
 ment se faire leurs noms. Nul mot existant dans la langue ancienne 
 ne pouvait exprimer ce qu'expriment mitrailleuse, porte-mmmaie; 
 vModpbde, photographic, UUgraphe; square, tunnel; riactionnaire, 
 socialisme, nihiliste; budget." — Idem., p. 29. 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 It is of course evident to any observer, however casual, 
 that the French language, that any language, is con- 
 stantly growing. If we reflect at all on the matter, we 
 reaUze how inadequate for modern use wotild be, for 
 example, the vocabulary of the Chanson de Roland. If 
 Charlemagne, if even Frangois I, were to come back to 
 life, he would need to take a pretty thorough course in 
 modem French before he could itnderstand an ordinary 
 newspaper article. Even the vocabulary of Victor Hugo, 
 large as it is and close to us in time, is totally unequipped 
 for a discussion of the automobile or the aeroplane or 
 many other things we can easily think of. A most com- 
 monplace word, the mere numeral soixante-quinze would 
 hardly signify to the great poet what it does to Mar- 
 shal Joffre. The French of Danton and Robespierre 
 was almost a different language from that spoken by 
 Louis XVI, who was nevertheless contemporary with 
 them. In short, the moment we think of the question 
 at aU we see that the French language, Uke all languages, 
 is undergoing ceaseless adaptation in order to make it 
 suitable to express new ideas, new shades of meaning, 
 new points of view, and to render it adequate for use in 
 discussing the constantly arising new inventions and 
 improvements that mark the continuous development of 
 civilization. 
 
 Students of philology, who study the language of past 
 centuries, of course see vividly emphasized the striking 
 development which the language has undergone in the 
 space of hundreds of years. They see the language as 
 
xii INTRODUCTION 
 
 it was then and they know it as it is now. They can 
 see the whole panorama of its development covering 
 long periods of time. They can point, for example, to 
 that period when the vocabulary was being adapted to 
 the expression of a new and subtle form of philosophic 
 reasoning. They can put their finger on the century when 
 the language was being suited to express the more exact 
 comprehension of science that at a certain time began to 
 delight the keener minds. 
 
 However, the exact processes by which these ceaseless 
 alterations of the language came about in long-past times 
 are, for the most part, no longer discoverable. The de- 
 tails of the process whereby the speakers of folk-Latin 
 ceased, for example, to refer to their head by the word 
 caput and came in one region to speak of it as their 
 'tile' (tete testa), and in another region called it cabeza 
 (capitia), — these details are buried in the ruins of the 
 Roman empire. The dust of centuries conceals the 
 steps by which the word table gradually became current 
 in the usage of the Gallic speakers of folk-Latin to name 
 the object which their Spanish contemporaries con- 
 tinued from Latin times to call mesa (mensa). The 
 details of these early developments no scholar can now 
 rescue from obUvion. 
 
 But what about details of this sort when their story 
 is not an ancient one? It is fortunate that occasionally 
 scholars can give us exact dates for words. We are told, 
 for example, that the word ahsinthisme dates from I860,' 
 feministe from 1872. But under these bare announce- 
 ments significant details he hidden. The mere statement 
 of the fact is not "all there is to it." Innovations which 
 take place even under our very eyes often elude the most 
 careful investigation. They have a way of concealing 
 the mysteries of their birth from the prying eye of the 
 ' Nyrop, III, p. 8. 
 
INTRODUCTION xiii 
 
 etymologist. If no man knows "the time when the wild 
 goats of the rock bring forth or can mark when the hinds 
 do calve," if the most patient naturalists have been con- 
 tinually unable to discover the precise details of -the 
 mating of certain scorpions, no less baffled are the stu- 
 dents of linguistics Ukely to be when they attempt to 
 trace to a satisfactory source such words as boche and 
 camouflage. Archbishop Trench notes this difficulty 
 when he says : ^ " One of the most striking facts about new 
 words, and a very signal testimony of their birth from 
 the bosom of the people (that is, where they are not 
 plainly from the schools) is the difficulty which is often 
 found in tracing their pedigree. . . . Even when it has 
 been sought to investigate their origin almost as soon as 
 they have come into existence their rise is mysterious; 
 like so many other acts of becoming, it is veiled in deep- 
 est obscurity. They appear, they are in everybody's 
 mouth; but yet when it is inquired from whence thej-^ 
 are, nobody can tell. They are but of yesterday, and 
 yet, with a marvelous rapidity they have already for- 
 gotten the circumstances of their origin." And a little 
 later: "This difficulty, this impossibility oftentimes, of 
 tracing the genealogy even of words of very recent for- 
 mation is an evidence of their birth from the heart and 
 Kps of the people." 
 
 And yet there are certain aspects of the constant ex- 
 pansion and readjustment of language which are not 
 hid from us either by the mists of antiquity or by the 
 elusiveness of the manner of their birth. Language does 
 not always function in obscurity. On the contrary, in 
 fact, terminologies are chosen at times with the most 
 conspicuous self-consciousness. When some new object, 
 like the automobile or the aeroplane, is at length brought 
 to a state of perfection that takes it out of the realm of 
 ^ Study of Words, Chap. IV. Ed. Redfield, N. Y., 1859. 
 
xiv INTRODUCTION 
 
 experiment and so forces it upon the attention of the 
 community that the general discussion of it becomes a 
 necessity, then a whole congeries of new words must be 
 found or created for the purpose. Then it is that the 
 language grows in a way that we can clearly watch. 
 This is a moment when the growth is open and not 
 elusive — every one reahzes that a case of need has 
 arisen and people very generally busy themselves to 
 supply the need. Writers in newspapers, magazines, 
 books, and pamphlets are preoccupied with the problem 
 of supplying a terminology which shall be adequate and 
 convenient, usable in every respect; and the processes 
 of suggestion and selection are then applied with the 
 utmost pubhcity. Then we are able to observe all the 
 minute details of "terminology in. the making." 
 
 If we can observe the language at such periods of 
 sudden growth in its vocabulary, if we can watch the 
 formation of such new terminologies as that for the auto- 
 mobile, the aeroplane, or, to go further back, the rail- 
 road, we shall see before our very eyes the process, or 
 at least some examples of one of the various processes 
 whereby language is adapted to new needs and appUed 
 to new uses. And that, as appUed to modern French, 
 is the subject of oiu" study. 
 
 We can all easily recall the time when it would have 
 been impossible to say, "The automobile skidded" or "had 
 trouble in its carburetor" or "The windshield was broken." 
 We can easily remember the time when these words 
 simply did not exist. But now they do exist and are a 
 definite addition to the vocabulary — an addition that 
 has been made under our own eyes. When we begin 
 to think of such words we reaUze that they are only a 
 few out of a large set connected with the automobile, 
 which we may call the "terminology" of the automobile. 
 Some of these are totally new creations, others are adap- 
 
INTRODUCTION XV 
 
 tations of old words to new uses. The entire group of 
 them is very large. In other fields we find the same 
 thing. In the case of aAdation the group is so large that 
 there are even good-sized dictionaries devoted solely to 
 that special terminology. Leaving aside technical words 
 in these terminologies there still remains a considera- 
 ble number that are really an addition to the language 
 that is used by the ordinary nontechnical person. This 
 residue constitutes an important development of the 
 vocabulary. 
 
 What can we gain from studying such congeries of 
 words? Are they mere sporadic instances? Are such 
 words nothing but sports, void of any testimony on the 
 large and fundamental questions of language growth, 
 without significance as examples of the working of Kn- 
 guistic laws? Evidently not. If we can foUow the 
 growth, e.g., of the railroad terms from the year 1825, 
 when the words began to appear, till 1835, when the 
 whole terminology was pretty definitely settled, we shall 
 be witnessing, in a form of accelerated development, some 
 of the same processes which in earher periods have nor- 
 mally been spread over decades and even centuries. 
 
 For the complete process of selection and application 
 of the designation for a 'table' or a 'house' was required 
 we know not how many years, nor can we now discern 
 what tentative choices and rejections of terms were neces- 
 sary. To reconstruct the details of the process by which 
 the word tite was selected as the name for the thing it 
 designates has long been beyond all possibility. It is 
 not so, however, with the vocabulary of the automobile 
 or of aviation. The selective evolution of these terms, 
 it so happens, we can observe in the minutest detail. 
 Is the process in these cases essentially different in funda- 
 mental principles from the earher ones? May we not 
 believe the method of procedure the same? For a seed 
 
xvi INTRODUCTION 
 
 to sprout and grow into a plant, for the plant to bloom 
 and produce another seed, is a process which it requires 
 months of narrow observation to trace. But by means 
 of the acceleration of the motion-picture camera this 
 prolonged process can be witnessed in all the minuteness 
 of detail in the space of a few moments. An advantage 
 somewhat similar to this we have in the matter of the 
 growth of the vocabulary when we are fortunate enough 
 to catch the language, under pressure of a sudden neces- 
 sity, evolving a new set of terms within the period of 
 twenty years between 1820, when a locomotive was first 
 constructed, and 1840, when to refer to the locomotive 
 and all the complicated subsequent developments from 
 it had become an everyday need. In such a situation we 
 see before us the hnguistic processes in very active opera- 
 tion. We find them concentrated, under a more or less 
 artificial compulsion, into limits very conveniently nar- 
 row. It remains, of course, to decide to what degree, 
 if any, concentration renders the operation of these 
 processes artificial and unnatural. But in any case we 
 find offered to us many interesting phenomena. 
 
 The problem before us, then, is to make observations 
 on the language at periods of sudden growth in the 
 vocabulary. We shall try to see what it is that men do, 
 
 — men preferably not professional hnguistic scholars and 
 philologists, but plain workaday people using speech as 
 a commonpllace tool and for purely utihtarian purposes, 
 
 — when they suddenly find themselves compelled to 
 talk to-day about a thing which yesterday had no name.' 
 We shall investigate whether, in such circumstances, they 
 
 '' Peter Giles in the Encyclopedia Britannica, article Indo-Euro- 
 pean Languages, says: "New words are to a large extent, even in 
 modern times, the invention of persons unskilled in the history of 
 language." One would almost be inclined to change his "even in 
 modern times" to "particularly in modern times." 
 
INTRODUCTION xvii 
 
 create new and wholly artificial terms; and if so, whence 
 do they get the elements out of which they make them ? 
 What are the influences that direct their attention to 
 certain roots and word-stems rather than to others? 
 What laws or what precedents do they follow ? Or do 
 they, perhaps, content themselves with words already ex- 
 isting, and constrain these to assume new functions and 
 cover new fields? In this case what are the reasons 
 for their particular choice, what are the considerations 
 that predispose them to select particular terms and des- 
 ignations ? 
 
 And the words thus created or transferred, what are 
 their vicissitudes, their early struggles for existence 
 when there happen to be several candidates for the same 
 vacancy? Has the finally successful candidate always 
 been a leader from the start? In EngUsh terminology 
 we are mindful that automobiles were often at first 
 caUed horseless carriages and that in the early days if an 
 opinion were to have been hazarded as to what the name 
 of the new vehicle was going to be, horseless carriage 
 rather than automobile would doubtless have been the 
 guess. Are similar false starts frequent elsewhere ? Was 
 the railroad from the very beginning and without hesi- 
 tation called chemin de fer in French, or were there for 
 this and for the aeroplane other names that were tried 
 and discarded ? And are the words that are finally suc- 
 cessful reaUy superior to the others that have been 
 dropped? If so, in what does their superiority consist? 
 We shall try to discover and to point out the unsuccess- 
 ful aspirants for these hastily filled positions, and to de- 
 termine the causes for the summary rejection of some 
 proposed terms and the ofttimes apparently capricious 
 acceptance of others. When a word is transferred to a 
 new use we shall investigate its previous condition and 
 see what there was about it that made the word suitable 
 
xviii INTRODUCTION 
 
 for the new use, what objections to it there were and 
 what difficulties in the way of its adaptation. Was it 
 natural that this word should be adopted or does it seem 
 that violence was done by the transfer? If it seems an 
 imnatiu-al change, what induced people to put up with 
 it ? If, by way of compromise, the field is finally shared 
 by two terms, what are the adjustments by which the 
 division is made and the labor apportioned ? 
 
 We are now ready to inquire. What are the most favor- 
 able conditions for the study of new terminologies? 
 And the answer is, The period of development of some 
 important invention — not the gradual improvement of 
 something already known but a definitely new and indi- 
 vidual departure. Then almost certainly a novel desig- 
 nation will be called for. However, the invention must 
 not be one that only specialists in some limited field will 
 need to discuss. The new substances constantly being 
 discovered in chemistry, for example, will not interest 
 us, for their names never are subjected to the constant 
 give-and-take of human intercourse whereby words be- 
 come real parts of the Uving vocabulary. To suit our 
 needs the invention must be one that immediately inter- 
 ests those who use the everyday speech. Then we can 
 hope for abundant examples in the newspapers and maga- 
 zines which will enable us to trace the monthly and even 
 weekly stages of the process by which it is named. 
 
 For oiu- pxinpose, then, we have foimd it profitable to 
 choose (1) the railroad, which, roughly speaking, was 
 from 1820 to 1840 getting names for all its parts; (2) the 
 automobile, the name for which became fixed in the 
 years from 1875 to about 1895; (3) the science of aero- 
 nautics, which was supphed with terms at two different 
 periods of activity, 1783-1800 and 1865-1890. These 
 three widely appeaUng terminologies wiU offer sufficient 
 variety for the first stage of our investigations. They 
 
INTRODUCTION xix 
 
 will make it possible for us to see the creation of termi- 
 nologies for material things under the pressure of popular 
 demand and immediate necessity. In the case of the 
 railroad and the vocabulary of aeronautics we shall con- 
 sider the various words that form the terminology, but 
 in the matter of the self-moving vehicle we shall find 
 enough to occupy us in the study of the one word auto- 
 mobile. 
 
 One characteristic that distinguishes such creations, 
 however spontaneous they may be, is that of conscious 
 voUtion. Everybody knows that the vocabulary is 
 undergoing alterations and extensions. So we shall find 
 that although there is great spontaneity involved in the 
 rise of such sets of terms, there is also a considerable 
 element of conscious and calculated manufacture. But 
 we can find cases where we shall be able to investigate in 
 even purer form the manner of absolutely artificial and 
 conscious creation. There are sets of terms that have 
 about them almost no spontaneity at all, that are alto- 
 gether intentionally manufactured. 
 
 In the French RepubHcan calendar, for instance, we 
 have such a consciously made set of words, and the 
 records of the Moniteur universel give us a very good view 
 of the methods by which Fabre d'Eglantine and Romme, 
 and the others of the committee, went about the task to 
 which they had been appointed by the government. 
 The objection, however, may be made that this creation 
 is without significance because it was unsuccessful, be- 
 cause it did not live. But we have also a successful 
 terminology made imder the same conditions; that is, 
 the terminology of the metric system. We shall try to 
 see why the one of these failed and the other succeeded. 
 And in these two instances we shall find an unexampled 
 opportunity to study purely arbitrary and unspontane- 
 ous creation of sets of terms, and to compare this sort 
 
XX INTRODUCTION 
 
 of creation with the slightly less conscious type studied 
 in the first three cases. 
 
 Finally, there is another much more difficult and indefi- 
 nite but far more interesting study of this question that 
 we can make. Let us approach the problem from another 
 angle. Hitherto we have thought of a new thing or idea 
 and have watched how it was named. Now let us go 
 at it from the opposite side and, finding a profuse incre- 
 ment in the vocabulary, let us start with the results, 
 namely a mass of words, and see if we can discover what 
 there was new for the naming of which aU these words 
 were required. While our attention is on the period of 
 the Revolution, we are struck by the mass of new words 
 that appeared at that time. I find that there were nearly 
 900 new words or words used in new senses or in new 
 combinations; 571, to be exact, that are actually new. 
 The perfection of the aeroplane may cause a dictionary- 
 ful of words to spring into being, but what is it that 
 caused this crop of words to appear? What do they 
 designate ? 
 
 Postponing until later a discussion of the details, we 
 may state here the conclusion that the words of this vast 
 bulk are the complicated nomenclature of the Revolu- 
 tionary ideas of equahty, liberty, and democracy. Here, 
 then, we can enter upon a much more abstract and 
 subtle form of our investigation than the study of the 
 automobile or aeroplane nomenclature, or the metric 
 terminology. In these other studies we were concerned 
 with the question of how the French language has reacted 
 in the face of a sudden demand for new sets of terms for 
 material objects. Now we are to see what is the result 
 when a new idea is demanding a terminology. If it is 
 interesting to watch what is done when a new machine 
 calls for new names, it wiU be much more so to observe 
 how a new idea causes the language to change. The 
 
INTRODUCTION xxi 
 
 automobile necessitated the production of various nouns 
 to name new appliances, chdssis, moteur, transmission, 
 differentiel, radiateur, caburateur, pneumatiqiies ; and vari- 
 ous verbs to designate new actions and movements, 
 diraper, carburer. This demand is one that can be easily- 
 supplied. But a new idea such as that of social equality- 
 will never be content with so narrow a sphere of influence. 
 It is too large to be named by a dozen nouns and as many 
 verbs. We shall have to trace its influence in aU parts 
 of the vocabulary. It will undoubtedly cast its speU over 
 scores of words and wiU mold them with new connota- 
 tions, fresh suggestions, and strange meanings. Social 
 inequaUty had been for so long a basic fact of French 
 ci-vihzation that many a word had been born and had 
 grown into use under its blight. Like the men and women, 
 these words were affected by the en-vironment into which 
 they came. Suddenly remove the condition of inequality 
 and substitute a new one of equahty, and like the men 
 and women these words -will show response to the altera- 
 tion. As the old regime produced a large class of society 
 which was purely ornamental and idle, so it also pro- 
 duced many terms for the use of this class. We know 
 what the Revolution did with this portion of society. 
 What did it do -with its words ? As in 1789 a whole new 
 class of men came into power, -will not the new democracy 
 cause to arise a similar crowd of new words ? Under the 
 influence of the new liberty men and women abandoned 
 themselves to wild and fantastic hcense of every sort. 
 Will they be tempted to exercise this freedom also in the 
 realm of the vocabulary? These are some of the ques- 
 tions that we shall investigate and some of the specula- 
 tions in which we shall indulge. 
 
 These various terminologies, as has been indicated, 
 will be taken up in an order that is not chronological 
 but rather a progression from the material to the ab- 
 
xxu INTRODUCTION 
 
 stract and from the simple to the complex. AH eight of 
 our studies, however, will show us various phases of the 
 same problem, the question of how the French name 
 new ideas, whether applied to self-propulsion as realized 
 in the automobile, or the idea of Uberty pervading the 
 whole body of society. 
 
 With this brief outline of our plan let us pass to the 
 subject proper of our study. 
 
FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES 
 IN THE MAKING 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 The Terminology of the Railroad 
 
 About 1830 the railroads, then at their beginning, 
 sent out, figuratively speaking, an emergency call for 
 a new terminology. With almost impatient insistence 
 the rapidly growing invention demanded a vocabulary 
 to express all its new-born ideas and to name all its newly 
 applied articles of equipment. Within the space of only 
 ten or twelve years the language was adjusted by various 
 means to this need, — adjusted with ease, with a certain 
 offhand leisureliness, almost with nonchalance. When 
 Victor Hugo wrote Hernani, in 1829, there was no rail- 
 road vocabulary in the French language. When he 
 wrote Les Burgraves, in 1843, a complete new terminol- 
 ogy had been developed, had grown famiUar, and was in 
 use practically as it exists to-day. 
 
 And yet, although it was not longer than twelve years 
 that the language was engaged in this task, there was no 
 haste. Plenty of time was given at the outset for a 
 leisurely sampKng of proposed terms and weighing of 
 rival words. Some expressions were accepted on trial, 
 only to be rejected later and replaced by more satis- 
 factory ones. As early as 1831 a fairly extensive vocabu- 
 
 1 
 
2 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 lary of railroad terms was already available, but it was 
 not by any means the terminology that was in use in 
 1840 or that is in use to-day. 
 
 To realize something of the difference between this 
 early trial terminology and that in current use to-day, 
 let us imagine that we are looking at one of the railroad 
 scenes that appear in children's primers, and let us pro- 
 pose for the page opposite the following legend: 
 
 Voici le chemin h ornilres ou le chemin en far. Regardez 
 la suite de chariots. D'abord nous voyons la machine k 
 vapeur locomotive; aprSs, le chariot d'approvisionnement 
 et puis les autres chariots. lis roulent sur les orni^res de 
 fer ou les barres. Maintenant ils passent dans la galerie 
 souterraine (ou le souterrain). 
 
 To a person of 1831 this would not have seemed un- 
 natural. We find in it certain imfamiliar terms which 
 have long since disappeared. They are the waste inci- 
 dental to the genesis of a new nomenclature. 
 
 To understand the inception and growth of the rail- 
 road terminology we must begin by considering the 
 growth of the railroads themselves. Here two important 
 points claim our attention: first, that the railroads fol- 
 lowed and to a large degree supplanted the canals; and 
 second, that the railroads developed in France about 
 seventeen years later than they did in England. Ac- 
 cordingly aU the early works on the subject treat of the 
 relative advantages of canals and railroads as one of 
 the chief considerations. Their general thesis is that 
 the new system is cheaper, quicker, and more convenient 
 than the canals. There is also much argument as to the 
 relative superiority of horses or steam as the motive power. 
 As to the second point, the first practical railroad was 
 built in England in 1815, and it was not until 1833 that 
 one was built in France. Here, then, is a period of 
 
THE TERMINOLOGY OF THE RAILROAD 3 
 
 seventeen years during which French promoters and 
 engineers were Arisiting England to inspect the new sys- 
 tem, and were coming home with enthusiastic accounts 
 of it. During those years translations, adaptations, 
 quotations from Enghsh books, were popular in France. 
 These two considerations will indicate clearly whence the 
 French railroad vocabulary is Ukely to come. We shall 
 expect to find words taken from the already established 
 canal terminology, and we shall expect the acceptance 
 of names or the equivalent of names already given to 
 things by the English. 
 
 Let us trace the development of the new terms in the 
 natural order of their introduction. This order is approxi- 
 mately (1) the name for the rails; (2) the word chemin 
 de fer; (3) the word locomotive; (4) terms for tender, 
 cars, train, etc.; (5) the word tunnel; (6) the name for 
 the station. 
 
 The practical starting point for the whole new system 
 was the raDs. It was from these that everything else 
 took shape. The railroad began by making out of metal 
 instead of stone or gravel the ruts or grooves in which 
 wagons in collieries were drawn. These metal ruts or 
 grooves were named in England rails. If they were 
 flat or sunken they were called plate rails; if they were 
 raised they were called edge rails. In French it was not 
 unnatural to call the earliest iron ruts or plate rails, as 
 Duveme did (1826), orniires. But when these flat rails 
 developed, as they soon did, into raised ones such as 
 are in use to-day, the word ornieres no longer seems 
 appropriate. It was not, however, discarded. Duverne 
 even speaks of ornieres creuses ou saillantes. The expres- 
 sion ornieres saillantes seems scarcely logical. It appears 
 to be a contradiction in terms. If the English expression 
 had been tracks, its continued translation by the word 
 ornieres might be more comprehensible. But it was not; 
 
4 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 it was always rails. Why, then, not use some French 
 word hke harres, bandes, or barreaux f ' 
 
 It would appear that one of the principal ideas sug- 
 gested to the mind by the word ornieres would be the 
 idea also expressed by the word creux. For the word 
 ornieres to have persisted as it did, it must be that the 
 other concept suggested by it, that is, the idea of two 
 Unes equidistant from each other and determining a 
 path for a vehicle to follow, was the more prominent, or 
 else that this idea was not found so satisfactorily ex- ■ 
 pressed by any other word. The Frenchman of that 
 period was wiUing, for the sake of the latter suggestion, 
 to do violence to what must have been a suggestion fully 
 as natural, that of the idea of creux. This is not altogether 
 impossible to understand. In EngUsh the word tracks 
 hke ornieres in French, primarily suggests sunken ruts. 
 Yet it is not infrequently used with the distinct sugges- 
 tion of the idea of rails. 
 
 The inconsistency in French was not unnoticed. In 
 1830 Coste and Perdonnet append to the title of their 
 book on the railroads the following rather naive note: 
 
 ^ These words were somewhat used, especially at first, but did 
 not continue popular. F6russac's Bulletin universel des sciences et 
 de Vindustrie, partie technologique, vol. IV, § 51, reviewing an article 
 in the Monthly Magazine of Jan. 1825, p. 486, speaks of "d^penses 
 comparatives des routes k barriires dans di£f6rens comtfis [of Eng- 
 land]." Again, vol. TV, §53, apropos of bande, it speaks of "routes 
 en fer 3, bandes plates ou S, bandes saillantes," and says: "mais les 
 ornieres au lieu d'etre form^es par des barreaux de fer le sont en 
 pierres taiUies." Again, vol. IV, § 119, reviewing an article in the 
 Monthly Magazine, April, 1825, p. 248, on a "Patente d6Uvrde h, 
 William James, de Londres, pour certains perfectionnemens intro- 
 duits dans la construction des chemins k ornieres de fer," it speaks 
 twice of the rails as "des coulisses creuses ou ornieres." In 1826 the 
 Journal des savants says: "C'est cette mSme id^e qui a conduit les 
 Anglais k 6tabUr leurs rail-ways ou chemins k barres." We also find 
 barres used ia Gerstner's Mimoire, 1827. 
 
THE TERMINOLOGY OF THE RAILROAD 5 
 
 Ce mot d'ornieres entralne ordinairement I'idde d'un 
 cretix. Nous entendons, cependant, des espSces de guides 
 creux ou saillans que suivent les roues de chariots. Cette 
 denomination de routes d ornieres est employee par le plus 
 grand nombre des personnes qui s'occupent de cette nou- 
 velle esp^ce de voies de communication. Nous n'avons pas 
 trouv6 de terme qui nous par<it remplacer eonvenablement 
 le nom d'ornieres. 
 
 Perdonnet was, of course, mistaken in his prediction, 
 and the EngUsh word rails was, as a matter of fact, soon 
 to replace ornieres completely. In 1826, however, in 
 the review of Duverne's book, there is no suggestion of 
 anything but ornieres. In 1826, in Archives des dicou- 
 vertes et des inventions nouvelles, we read of " des routes k 
 ornieres en fer entre Birmingham, Manchester et Liver- 
 pool, " and other references to the rails are made by 
 means of the same word. In 1827, in Girard's transla- 
 tion of Gerstner's Memoire, ornieres is used, but also 
 barres. In Baader, 1829, we find only ornieres. He 
 translates the English plate rails, as is natural, by ornieres 
 plates. But while in English the expression edge rails 
 is perfectly logical, for Baader to keep ornieres and say 
 ornieres saillantes for eage [sic^ rails seems rather violent. 
 He never uses the word rails as a French word. 
 
 In 1830, however, the Enghsh word had begun to come 
 in, for in the very book in which Perdonnet defended 
 with such care the illogical ornik.res and maintained that 
 it was the most usual term, he entitles a section of his 
 work "Nature et forme des rails." But he adds this 
 note, rather at variance with the note which he appends 
 to his title and which was quoted above: "Rails est un 
 mot par lequel on d6signe en anglais les pieces en bois 
 ou barres de m^tal qui forment les ornieres du chemin. 
 Cette expression 6tant passfe dans notre langue, nous 
 I'emploierons comme synonyme avec ornieres." And in 
 
6 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 accordance with this statement, he alternates the two 
 without much preference. For instance, a title reads, 
 "Rails en bois et en fer." The first sentence following 
 has, "Dans les ornUres en bois et en fer ..." 
 
 But by 1834 ornidres had lost ground. In the Musee 
 des families of that year (p. 184) the writer of an article 
 on the railroads explains the word ornieres, but never 
 uses it. He says with finality: "Leur nom anglais, rails, 
 est pass6 dans notre langue." Yet even in 1838 usage 
 was not so finally settled but that in a government report 
 on the subject of the railroad by M. Arago (pubhshed 
 in the Moniteur universel and quoted by Schlemmer) we 
 find rails described rather than actually named: "des 
 bandes de fer bien dress^es, sur lesquelles toument les 
 roues," or " chemin £l bandes metalUques." Perhaps, how- 
 ever, this is the natural verbosity of government reports. 
 And it must be admitted that we also find such phrases as 
 "rails en fer et en fonte," "le placement des rails." From 
 this time on ornieres no longer appears. Rails has come 
 off victor in this first struggle of the new terminology. 
 
 Since the English said rails, they spoke of a rail-Toad 
 or a rail-way. What shall the French call the new sys- 
 tem? Again we find more than one name proposed for 
 this need — seventeen, in fact, if we count all, even the 
 less important. Let us asseinble the various names that 
 at one time or another seemed Ukely to become the name 
 of what the English already knew as the railroad or rail- 
 Tvay and what the French now call chemin de fer, occa- 
 sionally voie ferree : 
 1. Chemin en fer: used in the advertising notice in 
 Baader of the translation of Gerstner (1824). In 
 the translation of 1827 this was generally changed 
 to the ordinary chemin de fer, though chemin en 
 fer is somewhat in use. 
 
THE TERMINOLOGY OF THE EAILROAD 7 
 
 2. Chemin dfer : Berryer, Moniteur universel, May9, 1838. 
 
 3. Chemin a ornieres (defer) : Baader, Coste et Perdonnet. 
 
 4. Chemin a barres : Journal des savants, 1826. 
 
 5. Chemin d locomotive: Report of Arago, quoted by 
 
 Schlemmer. 
 
 6. Chemin a vapeur : Report of Arago, quoted by 
 
 Schlemmer. 
 
 7. Chemin a la vapeur: Berryer, Moniteur universel, 
 
 May 9, 1838. 
 
 8. Chemin a rail: a close parallel to the English name, 
 
 used by Perdonnet in a translation of Wood, 1832. 
 
 9. Routes a ornieres {de fer): Archives des decouvertes, 
 
 Coste et Perdonnet. 
 
 10. Routes a barrieres : Ferussac, Bulletin universel. 
 
 11. Route ferree: Baader. 
 
 12. Routes en fer : Musee des families, Coste et Perdon- 
 
 net, Ferussac. 
 
 13. Rouies de fer : Musee des families. 
 
 14. Voie defer: Legrand, directeur des ponts et chaussees, 
 
 quoted by Schlemmer. 
 
 15. Railway : used on plans in V Illustration, 1845. 
 
 16. Chemin de fer. 
 
 17. Voie ferree. 
 
 Of these seventeen possibilities which is the most 
 likely to become established ? Which is most suited to 
 the genius of the language? In the first conflict the 
 English word rails has won. As long as there was likeli- 
 hood of the rails being called in French ornikes there 
 was also probability of the railroad being named in 
 French chemin a ornieres. And it is true that in 1830 
 many authors felt that this is the term most likely to 
 be selected.^ Is it a bit awkwardf Does it fail to come 
 out with the ease of the phrase chemin de fer? Possibly. 
 But without these considerations the disappearance of 
 * See Ferussac, BullMin universel, IV, § 119; V, § 125. 
 
8 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 the word ornieres is in itself sufficient to account for the 
 failure of the name chemin a ornieres. 
 
 On the other hand, if the ornieres are to be called 
 rails, will not some such name as chemin a rails be likely 
 to be adopted? Is not an English name in any case 
 hkely? Even railway. The use of the word tramway 
 in French shows that this would not have been impossible. 
 Some authors seemed inclined to favor this name. We 
 find in the Journal des savants, in 1826, "les Anglais ont 
 6tabli leurs railways," Or perhaps a hteral translation 
 of the EngMsh name will please, something like chemin 
 a barres, also found in the Journal des savants.^ 
 
 Or will not the wonderful invention of the steam 
 locomotive lead men to desire some such name as chemin 
 a locomotive or chemin a vapeurf There were in fact 
 advocates of such names. By 1838, following the dis- 
 carded word ornieres, the idea of using horses as motive 
 power for the new roads has disappeared. The new 
 invention is coming to more and more successful develop- 
 ment. In a burst of pride M. Arago, in his report, says: 
 "Des aujourd'hui les chemins de fer devraient s'appeler 
 des chemins a locomotives ou bien des chemins a vapeur." 
 And at about the same date M. Berryer, in his Discours, 
 glorying in the progress of the railroads, echoes: "II ne 
 faut pas parler des chemins k fer mais des chemins d 
 vapeur." 
 
 Not so, however. This reasoning, though logical 
 enough, could not prevail against the term which had 
 already begun to "set." From the very first the name 
 chemin de fer persisted with a certain calm obstinacy. 
 
 ' F^russac's Bulletin universel, V, § 125, in a review gives the 
 English title "Report on Rail Roads and Locomotive Engines," 
 and then translates it as "Rapport but les routes d omihres et sur 
 les machines mobiles, par Ch. Sylvestre. Londres, 1825." Again, 
 IV, 51, it uses "routes d barrih-es" to translate an English title. 
 
THE TERMINOLOGY OF THE RAILROAD 9 
 
 Even at the time of the greatest popularity of the word 
 ornieres as the name for the rails, the term chemin de fer 
 was beginning to estabhsh itself. Perdonnet says in 
 1830: "Tout le monde sait aujourd'hui ce que Ton 
 entend par chemins de fer (railways) ou plus g6n&alement 
 chemins a ornieres"; and the subtle scorn of this "plus 
 g^n^ralement" had no ultimate effect. Having beaten 
 chemin d ornieres early in the race, the successful chemin 
 de fer is not to be vanquished by terms proposed by the 
 government ministers in 1838, when it is well established. 
 And who shall say that the name that won was not the 
 best? There is nothing foreign about chemin de fer. 
 It cannot be called an imitation (the EngMsh term pre- 
 sents no equivalent for fer). It is brief, well formed, 
 smooth. It pronounces weU, imHke some of the others 
 proposed. It is a spontaneous word, an independent 
 word, truly French in invention and spirit. 
 
 ReAnewing the process by which chemin de fer was 
 selected as the approved name, we see that in the two 
 translations of Gerstner, 1824 and 1827, the terms chemin 
 en fer and chemin de fer were used. In 1826 Duverne's 
 translation of Tredgold uses chemin de fer and never 
 chemin a ornieres, though we do find chemin de fer a 
 ornieres creV:Ses ou saillantes. In 1829 Baader uses chemin 
 defer in his title, but in the text chemin a ornieres about 
 as frequently. Once he says chemin a ornieres de fer, and 
 once la route ferree. In 1830 Coste and Perdonnet favor 
 a new terminology based on ornieres, which they feel is 
 enjoying greater popularity than rails. Their title reads: 
 "M^moire sur les chemins k ornieres"; and the work 
 begins: "Tout le monde sait ce que Ton entend par 
 chemins de fer (railways) ou, plus generalement, chemins 
 k ornieres." Throughout the book the authors use both 
 terms and also very frequently rovies en fer and routes a 
 ornieres. 
 
10 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 But these variants do not prevail, and as ornieres 
 appears, by 1834, to have lost standing as against rails, 
 so chemin de fer is by that date pretty well estabhshed. 
 In the Mus4e des Families, a magazine in which we expect 
 to find the popular use reflected, we find in 1834 that 
 chemin de fer is the most frequently used term, although 
 it is evident that there is still considerable indecision by 
 reason of the frequent variation to forms like routes en 
 fer and routes de fer. However, it is noteworthy that 
 in these variant forms the qualification is not by means 
 of the word ornieres, nor even by means of its successor, 
 rails, but always by fer, which seems to have been defi- 
 nitely selected as the qualifying term, in whatever way it 
 may come to be used. In 1838 we find Arago and also 
 Berryer assailing fer and proposing as quaUfier a locomo- 
 tives and d la vapeur or a vapeur. But without success; 
 for by this time we may say that chemin rather than 
 route has gained the position as substantive member of 
 the new name, and that fer has been finally chosen for 
 the qualifier in preference to ornieres, barres, rails, loco- 
 motive or vapeur. It has also been pretty well settled 
 in what way these two elements shall be combined, and 
 chemin de fer stands estabhshed as the successful form. 
 We hear less and less of its rivals, except voie ferrie, which 
 (having its qualifying member of the same family, be it 
 noted, as that of chemin de fer) has persisted to a certain 
 extent down to the present time. 
 
 Having settled that we are to say rails and not ornieres 
 or barres, and chemin de fer rather than any of the other 
 names proposed, what will the French call what the Eng- 
 hsh have named " locomotive engines," " steam engines," 
 "steam carriages" or "locomotive steam carriages? " At 
 the first, it is true, there is no question of this at all. The 
 early chemin de fer, or rather chemin a ornieres, had no 
 
THE TERMINOLOGY OP THE RAILROAD 11 
 
 such accompaniment, and so needed no such name. The 
 motive power at this time was that of the horse. But 
 as early as 1826, in Duverne's translation of Tredgold, 
 the question begins to arise, and the new machines re- 
 ceive about equal consideration with horses as "moyens 
 de traction." At that time, when the machine was men- 
 tioned it was by the title of "machine a vapeur station- 
 naire ou locomotive," obviously a description and not 
 yet a name. 
 
 Imagining ourselves back at the point of view of 1826, 
 may we not expect, since the new machine so obviously 
 takes the place of the horse, that there will be a tendency 
 to give it some name to indicate this substitution ? Will 
 it not be natural to call it cheval a vapeur, cheval de fer, 
 or something of the sort ? It used to be popular in Eng- 
 lish to refer to the "iron horse." We consider that the 
 new system was developing from horse Unes in mining 
 districts, and from the tow paths along canals, in both 
 of which situations the motive power was the horse. 
 We recall that at the first the cars were the same which 
 people were accustomed to see drawn by horses and that 
 they were for a long time designated by the same word 
 as before, that is, chariots. We recall that whatever 
 variation there was in the name for the system, the 
 words chemin, route, and voie were always present. And 
 these words surely suggest the horse. We note that 
 almost from the first the word voiture came naturally 
 into use. And certainly the idea cheval has close associa- 
 tions with this word. And when we take all these things 
 into account we wonder how it is that the candidacy at 
 least of some such combination as cheval de fer or cheval 
 a vapeur was not presented. Yet of all the railroad terms, 
 locomotive stands practically alone as an unrivaled pos- 
 sessor of its field from the very beginning. It is true that 
 in the Illustration, and even as late as 1846, we meet 
 
12 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 this sentence: "Le hennissement de la locomotive an- 
 nonce l'arriv6e du convoi du prince." But this was a 
 special occasion, the inauguration of the new line from 
 Paris to OrMans. And at such a time the locomotive may 
 be allowed, rhetorically at least, to neigh or even to paw 
 the ground. But on ordinary occasions popular thought, 
 in spite of its usual love of the imaginative, was not 
 prepared to go to this length of metaphor. We see no 
 attempt to name the new machine in this way. 
 
 Will it then be named as the automobile was later to 
 be named? In 1875 there was some hkelihood of the 
 automobile being called a, fiacre Uedrique or finer e a vapeur, 
 because it was a fiacre with a motor in it. In the case of 
 the machine that was to be named in 1826 we have a 
 chariot with a machine in it. Will it be called a chariot 
 d vapeur or a chariot machine, or something of the sort? 
 If, as the automobile was later named fi/icre automobile, 
 this machine is named chariot locomotif, using the English 
 adjective already current, the name wiU then abbreviate 
 into locomotif in the mascuUne rather than locomotive 
 in the feminine. The English have already shown an 
 inclination to this form of name when they have said 
 steam carriage alongside of locomotive engine. Is it not 
 possible that the French may find, in this, support for 
 chariot locomotif? In 1830 Perdonnet describes the new 
 machine as "une machine plac^e sur un chariot." And 
 in 1834, in the Magasin pittoresque, we read: "Tant6t 
 on emploie comme moteur des chariots a vapeur qui se 
 meuvent d'eux-m^mes en trainant les wagons aprfe eux. 
 On leur donne le nom de rrmchines locomotives." But 
 from this last statement we see that the author had no 
 desire or hope of imposing such a name as chariot a vapeur. 
 For him the object was already named with finality. " On 
 leur donne le nom de machines locomotives," and that 
 settles the question. 
 
THE TERMINOLOGY OF THE RAILROAD 13 
 
 From the first, the quaUfier was consistently locomo- 
 tive in the feminine to agree with machine, and never 
 locomotif to agree with chariot. The name did not de- 
 velop from the starting point of either cheval or chariot, 
 as might have been the case, if all the machines had been 
 placed in chariots. But many were in the beginning 
 stationary, and it was the contrast with these rather 
 than the contrast with the cheval or the chariot that 
 was emphasized in the new name locomotive. The notice- 
 able thing was not that horse power was being replaced 
 by steam, but rather that the stationary engines used 
 in pumps, hoists, etc., were being made movable. There 
 were already machines, now there were coming into being 
 machines locomotives. This was the new fact. 
 
 The usage began in Duverne, 1826, as machine a va- 
 peur stationnaire ou locomotive, with "stationnaire" stand- 
 ing nearer the noun than "locomotive." Baader, in 1829, 
 reverses the order and sets " locomotive " first, preparing 
 the way for the latter adjective to fall away unnoticed. 
 He says machines locomotives ou fixes. Does the altera- 
 tion of the order of words record the increasing prevalence 
 of the movable over the fixed machines ? Locomotive is 
 still purely adjective. When Baader wants a noun he 
 uses machine and says, "batiments pour recevoir les ma- 
 chines." In 1834 {Musee des families) and in 1838 
 {Revue des Deux Mondes) locomotive is still generally 
 adjective, and although the simple noun locomotive is 
 used occasionally, machine locomotive is frequent. In 
 1838, however, in Arago's government report, although 
 the complete formal title machine locomotive a vapeur is 
 at first used, we soon find all the phrase except locomo- 
 tive dropped, and we see the noun really developed. 
 
 But locomotive was not the only adjective that was 
 tried. The adjectives roulante and mobile are both found 
 in early references as the quaUfiers of the noun machine. 
 
14 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 In 1826 the Archives des dicouvertes has an article en- 
 titled, "Essai d'une machine k vapeur roulante," which 
 begins: "On a fait le 17 Janvier 1825, une grande expe- 
 rience sur la force des machines k vapeur roulantes k la 
 mine de houille de Killings worth. ... La machine mobile 
 6tait de la force de huit chevaux." And in the Journal 
 des savants we find, "machines k vapeur mobiles ou 
 machines locomotives" (itaUcs original). But these words 
 failed to strike the popular fancy and had Httle vogue. 
 
 Now let us consider how some of the other names were 
 selected. Darmesteter regrets {Creation actuelle, p. 253) 
 that the car that follows the locomotive and carries the 
 coal and water was not named by the good French word 
 already existing, aUege, rather than by an Enghsh im- 
 portation, tender. There was, however, so far as I can 
 find, no inclination at any time to use this word alUge. 
 Yet for all that, the car was not originally called a tender. 
 In 1826 {Archives des decouvertes) it had no name at all, 
 but had to be described at great length if referred to: 
 "La machine mobile . . . pesait avec son char additionnel 
 renfermant la provision d'eau et de houille. ..." This was 
 rather long. In 1830, in Perdonnet's book, we find it 
 somewhat abbreviated and appearing as "chariot d'ap- 
 provisionnement." That this name did not stand is 
 amply accounted for by its length. Allege, however, was 
 not the substitute. Instead, in 1845, in the BruxeUes 
 Bulletin, and in 1846 in the Illustration, we find "le 
 tender." And Perdonnet also, in 1859, has adopted the 
 term, which thus comes in without much trouble. 
 
 What are now called voitures and wagons were not so 
 named at the first. It is true that both words were used 
 early and were very natural words to use, but there was 
 another which threatened to be a rival, at least for a short 
 time. The reason is clear. For at first the chemin de fer. 
 
THE TERMINOLOGY OF THE RAILROAD 15 
 
 we remember, was merely the road for hauling coal, etc., 
 just as it existed, with merely the addition of the "or- 
 nieres creuses ou saillantes." The same vehicles that 
 were used before the installation of the ornieres continued 
 to be used afterwards. Nor was there any reason to 
 change their name. Even after the motor power of 
 steam was substituted for that of horses, the vehicles 
 remained as before and were called, as before, chariots. 
 Duveme, in his translation of Tredgold (1826), renders 
 the English wagons by the French word chariots. Some- 
 times the word char was used, as in 1826 in Archives des 
 decouvertes: "On disposa k la suite les uns des autres 
 sur cette route douze chars. . . . On fit trainer par la 
 machine les douze chars attaches ensemble. ... La ma- 
 chine a traia6 30 chars." 
 
 But, as passengers began to be carried and vehicles 
 suitable to this use began to be employed, the word 
 chariot began to seem unsuitable and commenced to be 
 supplanted by the more natural word voiture or by the 
 English importation wagon. These two words came in 
 very early, but still chariot persisted, and not only for 
 freight cars, but also for passenger coaches. Even in 
 1835 we hear of the "seconde classe de chariots." 
 
 The details of the supplanting of chariot and the 
 accepting of wagon are as follows. At first the cars are 
 very generally referred to as "chariots nommfe wagons." 
 Baader (1829) uses both chariots and vOitures, but not 
 wagons.K In 1830 Perdonnet speaks of "chariots dits en 
 Anglais waggons." In 1834, in the Musee des families, 
 we read of "ime suite de 30 ou 40 chariots nomm^s 
 wagons," and we find wagon frequently. In the same 
 year, in the Magasin jrittoresque, we are told that the word 
 wagons, hke the word rails, is "un mot anglais pass6 
 dans la langue." But in spite of this the same magazine, 
 in an article published the year after, twice avoids the 
 
16 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 opportunity to use the new word they have mentioned 
 as having passed into the language. They say: "Un 
 homme qui se trouvait dans la seconde classe de chariots 
 persista k vouloir s'^lancer hors de la voiture." Thus, 
 even in 1835, chariot is not altogether supplanted. 
 
 Voiture is, however, becoming the usual name for the 
 passenger cars. In 1838, in the Revue des Deux Mondes, 
 it is the general word : " quatre trains de voitures charges 
 de voyageurs." And yet in the same year, in M. Arago's 
 report, it is obliged to divide the Jionors with wagon. 
 In the Bruxelles report there is a tendency to limit voi- 
 ture to passenger cars and wagon to freight. Chariot 
 finally disappears completely. 
 
 What word shall be used to name a collection of cha- 
 riots or wagons or voitures now called a train? Here 
 again there is not an immediate selection. As long as 
 the motor power was horses there was little need of such 
 a word, for such an arrangement was rarely possible. 
 When steam comes and makes it possible to draw several 
 cars together, shall we take the name from the canal 
 terminology, or shall we adopt the word the English are 
 using? On the canals a string of boats was called a 
 convoi. Examples of this are {Memoire on the canals 
 by Girard, published in Annates de Chimie et de Physique, 
 1820, p. 233): "Pour faire passer le premier bateau du 
 convoi"; "Un nombre de convois de bateaux." In the 
 railway language in England the word train was used. 
 Tredgold (p. 74) has: "in drawing forward the train of 
 wagons"; (p. 99) "the part of the train drawn by one 
 horse." In this case, then, the selection, unless both 
 words be retained, is to be made between convoi and 
 train. Both are good French words, already well known 
 to the language and possessing meanings that can be 
 easily extended to cover the newly arisen need. 
 
THE TERMINOLOGY OF THE RAILROAD 17 
 
 Convoi, as recorded by the dictionary of Laveaux, 
 1820, before the rise of the railway, had, besides the use 
 in canal parlance which we have mentioned but which 
 Laveaux fails to record, a use also in miUtary termi- 
 nology and in the marine vocabulary. In the first it 
 named a train of provisions, arms, etc., escorted by a 
 guard; in the second, a war vessel conducting one or a 
 fleet of merchant vessels. In the latter use the exten- 
 sion to mean the vessels conducted would be easy, and 
 then the additional extension to the use now needed in 
 the railway vocabulary would be also a natural one. 
 Likewise, in the former use, the similarity between a 
 convoi of ammunition wagons and a similar arrangement 
 of railway chariots would be easily evident. 
 
 The word train was also used at this time in senses 
 that would allow of an easy transfer to the new use. It 
 had a military use, being appUed to the artillery, ammu- 
 nition, etc., following an army. It was also used to name 
 a mass of logs bound together to be floated down a 
 stream. Either of the two words, then, convoi or train, 
 particularly from their military uses, would seem to be 
 easily available for the newly arisen need. 
 
 There was another word with a mihtary and naval use 
 which might likewise seem to fit it for adaptation to the 
 new need. And this word was in fact for a time some- 
 what used. It is the word transport. We find, in 1834, 
 in the Mits6e des families: "Des gares (sidings) places 
 de distance en distance permettent aux transports de se 
 detoumer." But the use of this word did not become 
 popular and examples are rare. 
 
 The same article makes use of still another, a fourth, 
 word for the same idea. It speaks of "une suite de 30 
 ou 40 chariots." This word seems a less logical one than 
 either of the others- It was used up to 1826 in the mean- 
 ing of a party following a king. It was common in the 
 
18 FKENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 phrase "carrosses de suite," meaning "les carrosses qui 
 sont chez un prince pour I'usage des domestiques " (Dio- 
 tionnaire de I' Academic, 1835). It had various abstract 
 uses, illustrated by the following examples: "Pour bien 
 entendre ce passage il faut lire la suite. Get ouvrage est 
 le rfeultat d'une longue suite d'observations. Une suite 
 de hvres, de m^dailles, de portraits. Une longue suite 
 de rois." To pass from these meanings to the applicar 
 tion of the word as now required by the railroad is a far 
 more violent transfer than to apply convoi or train or 
 even transport. The phrase " de suite' ' in the sense of one 
 after the other, "faites les marcher de suite," might give 
 a better point of departure. But in any case it hardly 
 seems hkely that the usage of the Musee des families 
 can prevail. And as a matter of fact suite, along with 
 transport, retired early from the field, leaving convoi and 
 train in possession. 
 
 Of these two, convoi had the advantage of being used 
 in canal terminology, train the advantage of being used 
 in English, from which so many other railroad terms were 
 being taken. There was, of course, no necessity of an 
 absolute choice between the two with the complete 
 extinction of the one and the complete acceptance of 
 the other. In EngUsh we find that the words railroad 
 and railway have continued to exist side by side for 
 about a hundred years and continue to share the 
 domain amicably. May we not expect convoi and train 
 both to survive in similar manner? Will there not 
 be need of a division of labor in which the two can 
 share ? 
 
 Let us see how usage operated with these two words. 
 In 1829, in Baader, train is preferred. Occasionally he 
 avoids the word as if not quite sure of it, as when he 
 says: "un certain nombre de voitures." But a Httle 
 later we find: "Le conducteur n'a rien autre chose k 
 
THE TERMINOLOGY OF THE RAILROAD 19 
 
 faire que de detacher les chevaux dutrain." On page 95 
 he speaks of "un train de chariots"; and on page 97, 
 "un train de voitures lourdement charg6es." Again, he 
 avoids the word and says: "Un bon cheval pent trainer 
 au grand pas une charge de 12 a 14 tonneaux distribute 
 sur plusieurs chariots attaches les uns aux autres." By 
 his saying "plusieurs chariots attaches les uns aux autres," 
 instead of "un train de plusieurs chariots," we see that 
 usage still hesitated at times. In hesitations like this 
 we are witnessing one of the stages that make up the 
 process of the selection of the new terminology. 
 
 In 1834, as we have seen, come gropings toward the 
 use of suite or transport, instead of the word train, which 
 had been more or less tentatively used by Baader. But 
 they were without result. By 1838 there is uncertainty 
 of a less vague sort. Then there is vacillation between 
 two definite candidates, convoi and train, not among four. 
 In this year in the Revite des Deux Mondes we find : " Qua- 
 tre trains de voitures chargees de voyageurs." But 
 within a few sentences we come to the following: "L'un 
 des deux convois devait attendre I'autre." In 1843 the 
 Illustration seems to have completely excluded the word 
 train in favor of convoi. This is the constant practice in 
 the article on the inauguration of the " chemin de fer de 
 Paris k Orleans." In 1846, in the same magazine, train 
 is again found in some favor, though convoi is still the 
 more frequent of the two. A subtitle reads: "Les voi- 
 tures isol^es et les convois." Further on we read: "les 
 trains entiers," but immediately afterward: "il place 
 en queue du convoi une voiture." We find "trains arti- 
 cul4s," and "tout le train est k couvert dans la gare." 
 An absolute selection appears never to have been made. 
 Larousse to-day quotes the expression "manquer le 
 convoi," though adding the note, "on dit plus ordinaire- 
 ment train." 
 
2Q FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 There was a similar hesitancy in the selection of the 
 name for a tunnel. At first, while the chemins a ornieres 
 followed closely the canals, there were no such things 
 as tunnels. Baader, in 1829, speaking of those in Eng- 
 land, calls them galeries souterraines and puts in paren- 
 theses the English name tunnel. In 1830 Perdonnet does 
 the same thing, saying, however, simply galerie without 
 the adjective souterraine, e.g., "galerie" (tunnel). In 
 1834, in the Musee des families, a picture of a tunnel is 
 labeled, "entree d'une galerie voutee," and all through 
 the article we find uncertainty as to what is the real 
 name. The author uses three different names, galerie, 
 galerie souterraine, and souterrain in the masculine. In 
 1836, in the Magasin pittoresque, we find souterrain several 
 times as the only word used. In 1838 Arago's report 
 uses " souterrains ou tunnels." In 1843, in the Illustration, 
 we are told of "trois souterrains," but under the pictures 
 of them they are called "tunnel de Rolleboise," "tunnel 
 de Tourville." In 1845 the Bulletin de Bruxelles speaks 
 of "ponts, ponceaux, viaducs, et tunnels," but also of 
 "la galerie souterraine de Tirlemont." Eventually, of 
 course, after this rather long hesitation, it is tunnel that 
 is selected, and the word which the EngUsh had pre- 
 viously borrowed from French is now borrowed back 
 again in slightly disguised form. 
 
 The latest of all the things to be named, because it 
 was the last of the equipment to be needed and con- 
 structed, was the station. The question was. What shaU 
 be the name of the buildings which form the terminals 
 of the railroad lines? It would seem that the canals 
 would not offer much help. What was there in their 
 equipment that corresponded to the railroad station as 
 it subsequently developed? Nothing. And yet, after 
 all, it is precisely from the canals that the name was to 
 
THE TERMINOLOGY OF THE RAILROAD 21 
 
 come. Gare was originally a canal word. Its semantic 
 course is interesting, yet not surprising. In the canal 
 vocabulary of 1825 or 1830 a gare was a "lieu destine, sur 
 les rivieres, pour y retirer les bateaux de mani^re qu'ils 
 soient en s<iret6, qu'ils soient k I'abri des glaces et des 
 inondations, et n'embarrassent point la navigation." 
 This is how the Dictionary of the Academy, in 1835, 
 defined the word. At this time one spoke of "les gares 
 de Charenton," "la gare de St. Ouen." In the Biction- 
 naire historiqite de la mile de Paris, by Hurtaut, 1779 
 (III, 116), listed alphabetically among the sights of 
 Paris, is "La Gare." It is described as being in the 
 "quartier de la Place Maubert, pr^s de la Salp^tri^re, 
 au dela de la barriere de Saint Bernard. C'est une espfece 
 de golphe que Ton destine pour mettre h convert des 
 glaces etc. les bateaux d'approvisionnement de Paris." 
 This is what a gare was in 1779 and until 1830 — a 
 golphe. 
 
 In 1843, on the other hand, in the long article in the 
 Illustration describing the inauguration of the Paris- 
 Orleans railroad, we find the word gare used freely in the 
 modern sense. At this time la gare d'OrUans was the 
 name of the station in Paris. What has been the proc- 
 ess of development from the usage of Hurtaut, recorded 
 by the Academy in 1835, and this new use, crystallized 
 pretty firmly in 1843 ? 
 
 In the early days of the railroad, stations did not exist. 
 The first one, in Paris, was buUt in 1836. What was the 
 state of the terminology at that time ? It was in transi- 
 tion. Although the word gare had acquired, between 
 1830 and 1836, a meaning quite different from the one 
 in which Hurtaut used it, it had not gotten its modern 
 meaning. This is shown by an article in the Magasin 
 pittoresque in 1836. It refers to the new station in Paris 
 at first without giving it any real name. "Le chemin 
 
22 FKENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 de fer terminera," it says, "sur la place de la Madeleine 
 par une construction monumentale." This is not a name. 
 Yet a little later in the same article the author uses the 
 word gare, not, to be sure, in the modern sense, but not, 
 either, in Hurtaut's meaning. He says: "Le trace com- 
 mence dans Paris par une gare de 500 metres de long 
 destin^e au service des voyageurs. Cette gare a son 
 origine k un beau bitiment." To say that this gare has 
 its beginning in a building is not exactly to give the 
 word gare its modern meaning. It is, however, a change 
 from the usage that had been growing up just previously. 
 To realize this we have only to examine what was the 
 use of the years between 1830 and 1836. 
 
 During this time the word gare was extended from its 
 meaning in the canal vocabulary to mean what the Eng- 
 lish meant by the word siding. But it was not immedi- 
 ately selected to name these new things. Although it 
 was an ordinary enough word, there was some hesita- 
 tion before it was chosen to name this portion of the 
 railroad equipment. It was not at the first thought of. 
 For a time it seemed more likely that sidings might be 
 called by their English name than that the word famiUg,r 
 to the people as the name of a place to moor boats would 
 be appropriated and applied to these places to sidetrack 
 trains. So at first the writers contented themselves with 
 describing these places rather than naming them, put- 
 ting in parentheses the English name as if, although the 
 Erench had no name for them, they were hardly willing 
 to adopt a foreign word but yet did not know exactly 
 what to do and would wait to see what popular usage 
 would settle on. 
 
 For instance, Baader (1829), when he wants to refer 
 to what would now be called a voie de garage, and what 
 the English called a siding, says, "des portions de chemin 
 de fer lat&aux," and then puts in parentheses "siding 
 
THE TERMINOLOGY OF THE RAILROAD 23 
 
 ou passing place." He was, of course, merely translat- 
 ing an English work, but he shows us that at the time 
 no French term for the English name existed or he would 
 scarcely have rendered it in the roundabout way he 
 does. He even indicates that he knew of no proposed 
 word for this need, for he later avoids his long phrase 
 only by referring to the sidings by the indefinite "ces 
 appareils." In another place he varies his original phrase 
 to "portions de traces lat^raux." Once he refers to them 
 as "appareils coiiteux pour d^tourner les voitures," and 
 again as "pieces de chemin lat^rales (sidiag places ou 
 turnouts)." All this shows lack of any settled or even 
 suggested terminology. These "appareils," so far have 
 not themselves acquired the name that they are so soon 
 to extend to the, whole terminal building. 
 
 Perdonnet, in 1830, makes a sort of beginning towards 
 a name for the stations. But instead of going at it from 
 the starting point of the gares of the canals, he com- 
 mences with an entirely different idea. The ideas of 
 loading and unloading, the ordinary comniercial ter- 
 minology, the usual names of buildings used for business 
 purposes, seem to him to offer a more natural starting 
 point. So he speaks of the "points de d^chargement," 
 "magasins et places de chargement et de d^chargement"; 
 and in a table of estimated expenses he uses the general 
 terms "hangars, batiments, etc." In referring to what 
 seem to be the stations at Liverpool and Manchester, he 
 says, "les magasins aux points de station de Liverpool 
 et Manchester." However, Perdonnet was on the wrong 
 track. It was not from these words that the name was 
 to come. 
 
 So we return to the other line of development, which is 
 the one that is to give us the term. In 1834 we do not 
 find much suggestion that the word gare is soon to mean 
 what it does to-day. But we do find it pretty well es- 
 
24 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 tablished in the intermediate stage, that is, in the sense 
 of siding. It has at least been safely transferred from 
 the canal vocabulary to that of the railroad. In this 
 year we find it in the Musie des families used in this 
 sense, attended, however, by the EngUsh word in paren- 
 theses: "Mais des gares (sidings) plac^es de distance en 
 distance permettent aux transports de se detourner." 
 In this article it is used twice. 
 
 I said it was at this time fairly well established. Yet 
 it is not used by all writers as the definitely selected 
 equivalent for the Enghsh siding. In the Magasin pit- 
 toresque for the same year a writer comes out emphati- 
 cally with a totally different term. He speaks with 
 authority and says: "Des doubles voies de distance en 
 distance ont regu le nom de aoisieres." The writer is 
 here evidently speaking of the same thing that the other 
 called a gare. His word has hved, it is true, in the vocabu- 
 lary of the railroads. But not in the sense he gave it, 
 for to-day it means " etat de deux voies ferries qui se 
 croisent a niveau " (Larousse), and not a sidetrack, still 
 less a station. 
 
 By 1836, two years later, our word gare has made 
 great progress and we reach the second stage in its de- 
 velopment. It is extending its field to cover at least part 
 of the complete idea of station, though even yet it is 
 by no means used to name the whole station, as we shall 
 find it in 1843. As we saw above, from the quotation 
 from the Magasin pittoresque, it seems to refer to a part 
 of the station, more particularly the platform of the train 
 shed, for the writer says that "une gare de 500 metres 
 de long a son origine k un beau b^timent." Later he 
 says: "Apr^s le pont, est 6tablie une gare de 250 metres 
 de long et de 100 metres de large, destin^e k recevoir 
 en stationnement les marchandises arrivant de St. Ger- 
 main, qui viendront attendre les besoins de la consom- 
 
THE TERMINOLOGY OF THE RAILROAD 25 
 
 mation." Three times he speaks of "une gare pour les 
 voyageurs," and once of "une gare de dechargement 
 pour les marehandises." It is not possible to tell just 
 how far these uses are in the modern sense, or how far 
 they are in the sense of the other passage which spoke 
 of the gare as having its beginning in a "beau bdtiment." 
 But when we come to look at a picture of what is very 
 evidently "la gare," as we should call it to-day, we feel 
 siu-e that to the writer of the title the word gare did not 
 refer to the building, for the picture is labeled, "Fagade 
 de I'entr^e du chemin de fer d'apr^s les desseins de la 
 compagnie." 
 
 The final stage of the development of the word is 
 shown, as we have seen, in the Illustration in 1843. Here 
 we find in the complete modern sense, "la gare d'Orleans," 
 "les principales gares d'Angleterre." The following de- 
 velopment is now finished: before 1829 the word gare 
 meant a place for mooring canal boats; soon after, it 
 began to be used in the sense of voie de garage; about 
 1836 it was beginning to be extended to mean at least 
 part of the building erected at an important voie de ga- 
 rage; and by 1843 it had become the regular name for 
 such biuldings, the equivalent of the English word 
 staiion. 
 
 WMle it was well estabhshed in 1843, the word gare 
 had nevertheless a rival. As in the case of train and 
 convoi, tunnel and souterrain, the field in this case was 
 not to belong to one word alone. About 1841 we find in 
 many cases the words embarcadere and debarcadere used 
 instead of gare. These words, from the Spanish, were 
 already in the marine vocabulary. During the '40's, 
 at least, there seems to have been a growing preference 
 for them in the railroad terminology. A plan of Paris 
 dated 1841 (Paris de 1800-1900, Ch. Simond. II, 265) 
 marks all the stations Emb-, and in the Illustration, while 
 
26 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 gare is the more frequent, still embarcadere is often used. 
 By 1846 it has gained ground, for the articles in the 
 Illustration use it more frequently than gare. It is 
 especially popular in the titles of pictures, and both 
 articles of this date label practically all the pictures em- 
 barcadere and debarcadere. And to-day, of course, these 
 words are still in use, though less favored than gare. 
 
 There was still a third word, a word with which the 
 word gare to-day is still sharing its domain, namely the 
 word station. This word, before the coming of the rail- 
 roads, was used of a place where post horses were changed. 
 It had also a naval use. A vessel was said to be en station 
 when it was assigned to the patrol of a certain extent of 
 sea (Laveaux, 1820). From either of these uses, from 
 the first in particular, the word could easily be transferred 
 to the railroad vocabulary, especially as it was a term 
 already in use on the EngUsh railroads. We have seen 
 that in 1830 Perdonnet remotely suggested this word 
 when he referred to what were apparently the stations 
 at Manchester and Liverpool as, "les magasins au 
 points de station de Manchester et Liverpool." Of course 
 the phrase "points de station" was in this case more 
 particularly reminiscent of the post chaise than prophetic 
 of the later use of the word. Not until 1838, when the 
 word gare is getting solidly fixed in the meaning of "voie 
 de garage," do we meet the term station again. And it 
 too is in no more advanced a stage of semantic develop- 
 ment than is its rival gare, for we find it still in the inter- 
 mediate form "en station," as used by Perdonnet in 1830. 
 The following quotation is from La Revue des Deux Mondes 
 (1838, p. 170): "En determinant d'avance quelques 
 -points de station o\i I'un des convois devait attendre 
 I'autre, sans qu'un convoi fdt expos6 k heurter contre 
 im autre convoi allant en sens contraire." The term 
 point de station is here apparently synonymous with 
 
THE TERMINOLOGY OF THE RAILROAD 27 
 
 gore, as the latter was used at this time; that is, in the 
 meaning of siding. The term gare d'evitement, however, 
 appears immediately: "En se tenant dans des gares 
 d'ivitement convenablement 6chelonn6es sur toute la dis- 
 tance." 
 
 The two terms, gare and station, continue an even 
 advance in their respective transitions of meaning. Gare 
 is still in its intermediate meaning of siding, and station 
 has not as yet appeared as the name of the building where 
 trains stop. But in 1843 the Illustration, besides giving 
 us, as we have seen, the words gare, embarcadere, and 
 debarcadere, settled in their final meanings, also shows 
 us the fourth term, station, in the same settled state. It 
 speaks of "Colombes, oil le chemin de Rouen a une 
 station," and says also "Triel, Meulan, etc. — voil£l les 
 differentes stations du chemin de fer." It may very 
 probably be that in these examples the word is not used 
 in the meaning of building. It is probable that when the 
 writer spoke of Colombes as having a station he did not 
 mean a building but merely a point of call, a stop. Still 
 it can readily be seen how easy must have been the 
 passage to the later meaning from just such i^ses as 
 these. When the station at Colombes, that is, the act of 
 stopping at Colombes, necessitated a building there, 
 what more natural than that the building should also 
 be spoken of as the station ? 
 
 The word station also early got the modern significa- 
 tion which differentiates it from the word gare. We 
 read in the Illustration, in 1846, a plea not to give "au 
 petit chemin de Sceaux une de ces gares colossales" 
 found in large cities. But in Belgium there was a curi- 
 ously complete reversal of this use. In 1845, in the 
 Bulletin de BruxelUs, we find: "II a fallu multipUer les 
 points d'arrSt, faire de v^ritables stations ]h, oh Ton pen- 
 sait que de simples gares sufl&raient." Such quotations 
 
28 FKENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 as the following, however, show us that in general the 
 word station was reserved generally as time went on for 
 the smaller points: "Les premieres stations en sortant 
 de Paris sont Arcueil. ..." 
 
 Although the word gare, in 1846, has extended its 
 meaning far beyond its original field of gare d'evitement, 
 it has not lost all traces of its humble origin. In such a 
 sentence as the following the word evidently refers to 
 the whole station, including train shed, platforms, etc.: 
 "Tout le train est a convert dans la gare." But in other 
 cases there is hesitation to apply it so widely and it seems 
 to be restricted to the train shed. For example: "Ces 
 saUes {e.g., les salles d'attente) s'ouvrent sur la gare 
 circulaire; un vaste trottoir s'avance jusqu'S, la voie de 
 fer." This seems to show that this writer did not include 
 in the idea of the word the "beau bdtiment" which was 
 connected with the train shed. Very likely even he 
 would not have hesitated to speak of the gare in the same 
 way as the writer who ten years before him, in 1836, said 
 that "une gare de 500 metres de long a son origine k un 
 beau bdtiment." But we have perhaps followed the 
 word far enough on its way towards its present use, and 
 so have completed the details of the investigation of the 
 more important of the railroad terms. 
 
 Like all suddenly devised terminologies, made up 
 from the nature of the case of neologisms of one sort or 
 another, the railroad vocabulary was objected to in 
 some quarters. Viennet, in his SpUre a Boileau, lue k 
 ITnstitut, le 14 ao6t, 1855 (quoted by Nyrop, I, §75), 
 says regretfully, or perhaps fiercely: 
 
 "On n'entend que des mots k d^chirer le fer; 
 Le railway, le tunnel, 16 ballast, le tender. 
 Express, trucks et wagons, une bouche frangaise 
 Semble broyer du verre, ou macher de la braise." 
 
THE TERMINOLOGY OF THE RAILROAD 29 
 
 But things are not so bad. M. Viennet should have 
 comforted himself with the thought that there were not 
 more of these objectionable words, and worse ones. He 
 should have considered what he had escaped and been 
 thankful. He should have remembered that it is chemin 
 de fer and not railway that is the real name of the rail- 
 road. He might have reason to complain if he were 
 writing in the days of the tramway. But that was yet 
 to come. He should have thought that vote de garage 
 came near being siding. And how would that have been 
 pronounced ? * And suppose that, instead of being con- 
 tent with the barbarous wagon, the word makers had 
 perpetrated the greater barbarity of carriage, coach, or 
 car, any or all of them. What jaw breaking he would 
 then have suffered ! Though, after all, the word coach 
 hardly offers any greater difficulties of articulation than 
 those that have been conquered so successfully and 
 even so gleefully by the French of the present day in the 
 name Quaker Oats. And even the word wagon, bad as 
 it is, if it had followed the Enghsh entirely, would have 
 been goods wagon. As a matter of fact it often oblig- 
 ingly yields to the less offensive fourgon. And also, if 
 M. Viennet had to submit to trucks, he at least escaped 
 tracks. It really seems that if he had but thought of the 
 appalling possibilities of the situation he would have 
 seen that he had much to be thankful for. 
 
 We have now treated the following thirty-seven words 
 and expressions which were either accepted or considered. 
 Those in italics have been permanently accepted. 
 
 * French speakers of to-day at least grapple with the English 
 termination -dng. Paris papers recently gave notes of instruction 
 on the pronunciation of General Pershing's name. 
 
30 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 1. 
 
 ornidres 
 
 
 19. 
 
 chariot 
 
 2. 
 
 rails 
 
 
 20. 
 
 chariot d'approvisionne- 
 
 3. 
 
 chemin de fer 
 
 
 
 ment 
 
 4. 
 
 chemin en fer 
 
 
 21. 
 
 chariot k vapeur 
 
 5. 
 
 chemin k ornieres 
 
 
 22. 
 
 locomotive 
 
 6. 
 
 chemin k fer 
 
 
 23. 
 
 tender 
 
 7. 
 
 chemin k locomotive 
 
 24. 
 
 place de (d6)chargement 
 
 8. 
 
 chemin k vapeur 
 
 
 25. 
 
 gare 
 
 9. 
 
 chemin k la vapeur 
 
 26. 
 
 station 
 
 10. 
 
 chemin k rail 
 
 
 27. 
 
 embarcadere 
 
 11. 
 
 chemin k barres 
 
 
 28. 
 
 debarcad&re 
 
 12. 
 
 route ferr6e (en 
 
 fer, de 
 
 29. 
 
 croisihre 
 
 
 fer) 
 
 
 30. 
 
 convoi 
 
 13. 
 
 route k ornieres 
 
 {k bar- 
 
 31. 
 
 train 
 
 
 ri^res) 
 
 
 32. 
 
 transport 
 
 14. 
 
 voie ferree 
 
 
 33. 
 
 suite 
 
 15. 
 
 voie de fer 
 
 
 34. 
 
 tunnel 
 
 16. 
 
 railway 
 
 
 35. 
 
 souterrain 
 
 17. 
 
 voiture 
 
 
 36. 
 
 galerie souterraine 
 
 18. 
 
 wagon 
 
 
 37. 
 
 galerie voM^e 
 
 It seems, perhaps, superfluous to discuss others that 
 were not even considered, but there are a few words that 
 are conspicuous by their absence from this list. Let us 
 take a little time to speculate about them. Allege, for 
 instance. Darmesteter spoke of this word as a possi- 
 ble candidate for the place now occupied by tender and 
 yet it seems not to have been considered at all in point 
 of fact. Why not ? Why was such a cumbersome phrase 
 as chariot d'approvisionnement at first preferred to such a 
 simple, truly French word? Why was a foreign word 
 selected eventually? Who can say? Again, the Eng- 
 lish tracks was never threatened as a name for rails, but 
 this is perhaps accounted for by the existence of the 
 similar word trace, which already had a similar duty to 
 perform. But we may well wonder why it is that while 
 the words barres, barreaux, and bandes were used occa- 
 
THE TERMINOLOGY OF THE RAILROAD 31 
 
 sionally as names for the rails, these good and apparently 
 suitable native words were put aside with but the slight- 
 est trial, and the only rival that the word rails ever had 
 was the apparently unsuitable omieres. And while there 
 would be nothing gained by the substitution, one may at 
 least from curiosity ask why the word locomotive hap- 
 pened to be the choice of both English and French 
 instead of the similar, equally suitable, and equally com- 
 mon word locomobile. 
 
 Here, too, was passed by an opportunity to create the 
 word automobile forty or fifty years before it was actually 
 created. Who shall explain why this word failed to 
 spring up now instead of waiting until the motor car 
 had to be named ? Why not chariot automobile now for 
 locomotive as well as fiacre automobile later for a motor 
 vehicle ? It would seem that the one is as fitting as the 
 Other. In that case we should now be speaking of the 
 automobile when talking of the railroad. And what 
 should we be calling the automobile? But that is not 
 for us to explain. It is, however, curious that there was 
 the suggestion of an attempt to introduce a compound 
 on the root auto into the railroad terminology. In a 
 translation (1834) of an English book by Wood (1832) 
 the word automoteurs was actually used. This book 
 spoke of plans automoteurs which were used to pull cars 
 up an incline by the force of those going down. But the 
 possibihties of the term did not please. It was not 
 adopted or imitated. Perhaps the element auto- was 
 still too prominently merely a part of the word auiomMe 
 and still carried too much the suggestion of impracti- 
 cabihty inherent in this word. In any case it was not its 
 hour. It did not come. 
 
 But without troubling further with words that were 
 not even suggested we see that out of the list of thirty- 
 seven words which we have considered, only fifteen (in 
 
32 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 italics) are in use to-day in the railroad vocabulary. 
 That leaves twenty-two words and expressions that 
 were rejected after trial. These twenty-two were prin- 
 cipally the alternatives offered for chemin de fer, of which, 
 fourteen in all, one alone, voie ferree, has survived. 
 
 The charge is often made that the railroad vocabulary 
 is largely recruited from England. But is it? Of the 
 fifteen accepted words that we have considered three 
 only are purely Enghsh — rail, tender, wagon. One, 
 though somewhat disguised, is really a French word, 
 tunnel. The other eleven are French. While locomotive, 
 train, and station, of course, came from the Enghsh use, 
 they were, however, good French words beforehand and 
 have nothing Enghsh about them except the reconmien- 
 dation. Spanish is responsible for emharcad^e and 
 debarcad^re, but these were already in use before the 
 railroads came and so these latter cannot be charged with 
 the importation of these words. 
 
 In reahty, most of the words, it must be admitted, are 
 truly French in spirit. Chemin de fer we have already 
 praised. Such words as locomotive, voiture, gare, croisiere, 
 convoi, train, already, in 1825, bore the seal of acceptance 
 and belonged to the language. All that was necessary 
 was to add to them a new meaning, to extend their 
 apphcation to a new field. 
 
 The saddest part of the record we must not, however, 
 conceal. The fact is that in the early days the vocabulary 
 was purer than it now is. Whatever objectionable ele- 
 ments are now in the railroad terminology were not then 
 in it. If things had stayed as they were at first, not even 
 the three English words that now offend the sensitive 
 ear would be in use. Instead of rails we should have 
 ornieres, instead of tender, chariot d'approvisionnement, 
 and instead of wagon, chariot — if indeed the latter terms 
 are preferable. But in these cases the persistence of 
 
THE TERMINOLOGY OF THE RAILROAD 33 
 
 the English word broke down the attempt of the French 
 one to assert itself. Even the AngUcized form tunnel 
 forced out the more truly French galerie and souterrain. 
 In one case only did the language succeed in forestalling 
 a possible English term that was once even partially 
 started in use. It refused siding and selected gare. This 
 is its only victory in a real struggle. Everything else 
 that is French now was so also in the beginning. 
 
 The place of the canals in the making of the railroad 
 vocabulary is an important one. It is true that the 
 canals failed to impose the word chariot, which was a 
 very common word in their vocabulary. It is true that 
 they did not succeed with ornieres, and by this failure 
 lost the chance of filling the place now filled by the term 
 chemin de fer. But convoi, embarcadere and debarcadere, 
 and most important of all, gare, came from them. They 
 also gave quai, which has a considerable railroad use. 
 Their influence seemed, about 1842, to be increasing. 
 For there was at this time a more or less marked fancy of 
 substituting the word remorqueur for locomotive. In the 
 Illustration we read of "le mode de remarquage des con- 
 vois par la locomotive." And in the Annuaire histarique 
 of Lesur, also in 1842, in an article on the Catastrophe 
 du chemin de fer de Versailles, we find: "un convoi com- 
 pose de quinze wagons ou diligences ayant en t^te deux 
 remorgueurs, le Matthieu Murray et I'Eclair"; later: 
 "le second remorqueur." This tendency, however, did 
 not survive very long. 
 
 The contribution of the horse and carriage vocabulary 
 is also important. If it did not succeed in giving us the 
 word chariot it did give us voiture. Station owes at least 
 something to the post lines, and the very name chemin 
 de fer includes within itself eloquent testimony of the 
 origin from the humble " chemin." 
 
 One fact that must strike us is that in this whole 
 
34 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 vocabulary, even considering the words that were merely 
 given a trial, there exists no actual new creation. There 
 is no formation similar to automobile, to aeroplane, or to 
 the many creations of the Revolutionary vocabulary. 
 The railroad words were either taken from the already 
 existing vocabulary and by a change of meaning fitted to 
 the needs of the occasion, or at most were borrowed from 
 English. None were newly constructed. 
 
 And yet, what do I say ? Until recently there has been 
 no adjective from chemin de fer. One has been obUged 
 to say, for example, "les questions de chemin de fer." 
 But the present is not the age to tolerate such poverty. 
 And then, too, the railroad vocabulary should not be 
 considered a work that is necessarily finished. Professor 
 Wuarens, of Geneva, I am told, has filled this need with 
 the adjective ferroviaire, and we may now say, "les ques- 
 tions ferroviaires." Here then is the first neologism 
 that has penetrated the railroad vocabulary. What will 
 be its fate it is too early to tell. It is not as yet in Larousse. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 The Word-element "Auto-" 
 
 We may set 1875 as the date of the birth of the real 
 name of the self-moving vehicle. Let us look first at the 
 period of conception or incubation that preceded this date. 
 This period extends back over more than a hundred 
 years, to about 1770 in fact, when Cugnot made what is 
 generally considered to have been the first automobile. 
 From this time on we find increasingly frequent experi- 
 ments with self-moving vehicles. By 1835 these ex- 
 periments attained success in one line, that of the 
 locomotive. This triumph probably turned the minds of 
 mechanicians even more strongly towards the question of 
 self-propulsion, and steam carriages and road engines 
 of all kinds were multiplied. There was, during all this 
 time, considerable groping towards the selection of a 
 name suitable for the new idea. 
 
 The newly constructed railroad stepped in ahead and 
 made its choice, appropriating the acceptable name 
 locomotive. The quick success of this word made popu- 
 lar, when there was need for a name for the road vehicle 
 that moved of itself, the variant form locomobile. This 
 word, we may note, contains as its second part the same 
 element as that of the successful name automobile, that 
 is the element -mobile. From 1861 on we find this word 
 used frequently to describe various new inventions which 
 moved of their own power but not on rails. 
 
 Why is it that this term was not the one finally selected 
 to name the self-propelled vehicle ? Is it because it was 
 
 35 
 
36 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 felt to be too evidently imitative of the word locomotive ? 
 That is possible, but there is a better reason. If we note 
 the following series of examples of the use of the word 
 locomobile, we shall see that by a gradual process it came 
 to suggest, though by no real reason of form or etymology, 
 a certain type of machine that was not at all the type 
 now named by the word automobile. In other words the 
 term locomobile was sidetracked by an inevitable though 
 unconscious process of development. 
 
 In 1861 (Oct. 26) the Illustration used the word loco- 
 mobile in describing a machine which it called "nou- 
 velle pompe locomobile k vapeur." In this case we may 
 see by the accompanying cut that the word locomobile 
 was intended to convey the idea of "movable but not 
 by its own power," since this engine had to be drawn by 
 horses. Again, in 1863 (June 20), the Illustration pic- 
 tured a "scie locomobile." Here too the word merely 
 indicates, as is evident from the picture, that the appara- 
 tus can be moved by horse power. This is evidently a 
 different idea from the one we are trying to follow. 
 
 Again, in 1866, the word appears in the Illustration 
 in an article with a picture of a stationary engine 
 called "machine k vapeur verticale ou locomobile in- 
 dustrielle." 
 
 In 1868, in the Annee sdentifique et industrielle, Louis 
 Figuier describes what was without doubt an early experi- 
 ment with the automobile. "Le 23 mai, 1868," he says, 
 "un certain nombre de journaUstes ont et€ convife par 
 M. de Vincent k faire une promenade." The accompany- 
 ing picture shows them in a sort of chariot pulled by a 
 heavy machine hke a locomotive or a steam roller but 
 which we must admit nevertheless was an attempt at an 
 automobile. How does the author refer to it ? It is not, 
 perhaps, unnatural, since it is so much like a locomotive, 
 that he should call it a "locomotive routiere." It is quite 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "AUTO-" 37 
 
 clear that the idea he has in mind is that of a self-pro- 
 pelled vehicle that is independent of rails and that can 
 be used for transporting passengers, — that is, in a 
 word, an automobile. For he says: "Du moment ou 
 Ton en revient a I'emploi d'un raU on rentre dans le sys- 
 teme de nos voies ferries et il n'y a plus de v6ritable loco- 
 mobile routUre" [the itahcs are his]. Thus, in speaking 
 of this machine, he uses both words, locomobile and 
 locomotive. 
 
 The tendency to take over bodUy the word locomotive 
 was perhaps not unnatural, because so frequently the 
 point of departure of the experiment was the locomotive 
 which ran on rails. We see this again in 1868 in Opper- 
 mann's Portefeuille des machines de I'outillage et du wm- 
 teriel, where we find an article entitled "fitude sur les 
 locomotives routieres." In this article we see the restricr 
 tion of the word, for most of the plates show traction 
 engines and heavy work machines. And if there is need 
 to refer to a machine which is altogether for passengers 
 (such, for instance, as Cugnot's machine), the word 
 locomotive is avoided and voiture a vapeur or a similar 
 term used instead. 
 
 In 1871 we find the word mobile used in Oppermann's 
 Portefeuille. This time it refers to a machine to be used 
 in drawing plows and other farm implements. The 
 name given is "machine k vapeur mobile." The same 
 discrimination is evident as early as 1865 in pictures of 
 that date reproduced in P. Souvestre's Histoire de I'auto- 
 mobile. In connection with all these pictures the terms 
 machine locomobile and locomotive routiere are used, but 
 invariably of heavy engines and steam rollers. 
 
 And yet there are also instances, even as late as in 
 1873, showing that the word locomobile had not been 
 irrevocably consecrated to the work engine. Souvestre, 
 quoting original documents, says: "Le 26 mars, 1873, 
 
38 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 Amadde Bolide avait sollicit6 du pr6fet de la Sarthe 
 I'autorisation de 'faire circular dans lo ddpartement une 
 voiture locomobile destinde au transport des voyag(3ur8 
 et des marchandises.' " "■ From this we see that it is pos- 
 sible to use the word locomobile of a passenger vehicle. 
 Likewise, in a report made to the Acaddmie des Sciences, 
 Nov. 2, 1875, on a "nouvelle voiture &. vapeur," we find 
 the same thing. For this vehicle can scarcely have boen 
 a road engine since it is a voiture. Yet, though it in gener* 
 ally referred to as "la machine," it is at least once called 
 "la locomotive." 
 
 But, on the other hand, the Illustration, in 1875 (Feb, 
 19), in an article entitled "Locomobile Ransomes," 
 describes and pictures a farming engine for threshing. 
 This article furnishes evidence that the word locomobile 
 had at that time a special meaning, though just what 
 it was is not altogether clear; speaking of a sort of road 
 engine called a "locomotive routiSre," it says, "la ma- 
 chine a la forme d'une locomobile." 
 
 As time went on the restriction of meaning of the 
 word locomobile became more and more rigorous, and it 
 became less usual to apply it to anything but a work 
 machine. Yet there is nothing about the word to pre- 
 vent its being applied to what we now speak of as the 
 automobile. In fact locomobile is the name of a very 
 elegant American motor car. But such was the chance 
 development of the word. It seemed to be needed for 
 this other purpose, and so it was requisitioned. And 
 once so requisitioned it was of course no longer available 
 for the other use. By 1880 the differentiation had be- 
 come so clear that L. Figuier, in Lea grandes inventionB 
 modernes, says definitely: 
 
 "On donno le nom de locomobile, ou de machine d. vapeur 
 locomobile fi, uno machine k vapeur qui so transporte elle- 
 ' Souvestre, p. 127. 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "AUTO-" 39 
 
 mfime d'un point k un autre, pour y ex6cuter sur place dif- 
 f^rents travaux m6caniques. On I'a appliqu6 partiouli6re- 
 ment jusqu'ici aux travaux r^clam6s par I'agriculture: c'est 
 ce qui lui fait donner quelquefois le nom de machine &, va- 
 peur agricole. Le rdle de ces machines se borne encore au 
 battage des grains et ^ la confection des tuyaux de drainage" 
 (pp. 294-5). 
 
 This would seem pretty definite assurance that the 
 word locomobile cannot be used as the name of the new 
 vehicle for which we are seeking a name. Yet only a 
 few pages furthei- on Figuiei- violates his own clearly 
 stated principle by calhng the automobile of Boll6e, 
 which, as we have seen, had nothing of the work engine 
 about it, a locomobile routicre. And this not only once 
 but six times. Possibly he is giving Bolide's usage as 
 we have seen it to be (p. 37). 
 
 Still we are forced to feel, in spite of occasional 
 examples to the contrary, that by following the de- 
 velopment of the use of the word locomobile, promis- 
 ing as the word may have seemed in the beginning, 
 we have not arrived at the real name of the self-pro- 
 pelling vehicle. The trail has led us away from our 
 destination. 
 
 If we had followed a certain other track our quest 
 would still have been unsuccessful. As lately as 1875 it 
 might have seemed safe to predict that the new vehicle 
 with which experiments were being made would be 
 named voiture d vapeur or something similai-. We see 
 now that such a prediction would not have been realized. 
 (We may also remember the time when we should have 
 said that horseless carriage would be the English des^- 
 nation.) Let us, however, trace the development of 
 the form voiture d vapeur. Perhaps we shall find the 
 reason for its rejection. 
 
40 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 This type of name made its appearance at the very 
 outset, long before the cropping up of the term locomobile; 
 and it continued to be much the most vigorous rival 
 candidate up to the time of the final acceptance of the 
 name automobile. In speaking of the first automobile, 
 that of Cugnot, M. Gribeauval, in a letter addressed in 
 1771 to the Marquis de Monteynard (quoted by P. 
 Souvestre, L'histoire de V automobile), uses the words: 
 "pour vous rendre compte de I'etat de la voiture a feu 
 de M. Cugnot." Of the same type is a designation found 
 in Bachaumont's Mimmres (1770, quoted by P. Sou- 
 vestre): "On a parl6 d'lme machine a feu pour trans- 
 porter des voitures." The word feu, however, as used 
 in these two designations, was hardly scientific enough, 
 and the word vapeur was soon substituted. We read 
 (Souvestre) of the chariot a vapeur of Ondsiphore Pec- 
 queur (1828); of the remorqueur a vapeur of Ch. Dietz 
 (1834) ; and in 1835 the ChevaUer d'Asda made, we are 
 told, a voiture a vapeur. In 1837 La Mosalgue, an illus- 
 trated family magazine, continued the use of this type 
 of terminology. The title of an article (p. 324) on the 
 new invention and the legend under the picture both 
 read, "Une diUgence h vapeur." The writer of this 
 article does not differentiate very clearly between locomo- 
 tives and the new machines, for he calls the former 
 voitures a vapeur and soon after says, "en faisant marcher 
 des voitures a vapeur sur les routes ordinaires." Other 
 quotations are: "Deux raisons firent pr6f6rer le v^hicule 
 a vapeur aux chevaux"; "les roues de la voiture a vapeur." 
 When the motive power is in a separate conveyance 
 which draws the wagon after it, it is called "le chariot 
 remorqueur." A general reference to the whole com- 
 bination appears in the following terms: "La machine 
 parcourait ce trajet quatre fois par jour." This author, 
 we see, did not make use of the name locomobile at 
 
THE WOED-ELEMENT "AUTO-" 41 
 
 all, and he gave no hint of a name formed with the 
 element auto-.^ 
 
 In 1875 ' the forms voiture a vapeur and voiture locomo- 
 Hie are still popular. When Amad^e Bolide asked per- 
 mission to drive his new machine, he spoke of it as a 
 voiture hcomobile. The permission was granted in the 
 following terms (Souvestre, p. 128, gives it in facsimile) : 
 ^'Monsieur: vous m'avez demands I'autorisation de faire 
 circuler une voiture a vapeur dans les d^partements de 
 rOrme. ..." There is probably no significance in this 
 variation of the name from voiture locomdbile to voiture 
 a vapeur, for Bolide himseK, speaking to his chief engi- 
 neer, uses voiture a vapeur. Le Figaro (17 Oct. 1875), 
 describing Bolide's trip, used the term voiture a vapeur 
 three times and the simple word voiture twice. And in 
 in the same year the Acad^mie des Sciences heard a report 
 on a "nouvelle voiture k vapeur." Even at this late 
 date, the very year of the appearance of the word auto- 
 mobile, this report refers to "cette machine" as "la 
 locomotive." 
 
 It was in 1875, then, that the word which was destined 
 
 ^ Vapeur continues to be a word popular for forming names of 
 all sorts. In 1867 the Illustration gives an account of the "canot 
 a vapeur du roi de Portugal." In 1874 (June 13) we find references 
 to canots & vapeur and yachts a vapeur. Later, when the more scien- 
 tific form automobile is substituted for the simpler voiture a vapeur, 
 we find the canot d vapeur, called more learnedly (by Alphonse 
 Brown in La Conquete de Vair, 1875) pyroscaphe. 
 
 ' We may be disappointed that there seems to be such a dearth 
 of references to the automobile during the '40's and '50's. The 
 following remark from L. Figuier's Les Grandes Inventions modernes, 
 1880, may explain it: "L'insuccSs de toutes les tentatives avait 
 fait abandonner I'idfe des locomotives routiSres, lorsque le specta- 
 cle des compressews du macadam mus par la vapeur qui se d^pla- 
 gaient k I'int^rieur des viUes sans effrayer les chevaux ramena, 
 vers 1860, I'attention sur ce genre de v^hicule oubH6 depuis trente 
 ans." 
 
42 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 all unsuspected to win the final triumph appeared. But 
 just as we have seen that the word loeomobile long con- 
 tinued to dispute the field with the new word, so we find 
 also that the form venture a vapeur was for some time 
 a rival. In 1876 (May 27), for example, although at 
 this date the Illustration and Le Technologiste and Opper- 
 mann's Portefeuille had all used the new word automobile, 
 yet Le Monde Illustre had an article on the new inven- 
 tion in the column "Courrier de Paris" in which it did 
 not use the new word at all, but called the new machine 
 voiture a vapeur and omnibus a vapeur. Whether this 
 was from intentional conservatism or not it would be 
 hard to tell. 
 
 Even as late as 1880, that is to say five years after this, 
 L. Figuier, in his work Les grandes inventions modernes, 
 after defining a locomobile as a work engine, used for 
 the passenger machine not voiture automobile but voiture a 
 vapeur. For instance, he says (p. 301) : " II 6tait natural 
 de songer k appUquer k la locomotion sur les routes ce 
 m^me appareil (the locomotive), all6g6 et modifi^. C'est 
 ce qui a ^t6 fait par la construction de nouvelles voitures 
 d vapeur" [the itaUcs are his]. Again he says: "Paris 
 s'occupa beaucoup d'une diligence a vapeur qui parcourut 
 h plusieurs reprises la route de Paris k Versailles." This 
 form of name persisted for some time, but hke locomobile 
 it was not destined to be the received term. The reason 
 for its rejection is not, I think, any fault of its form. 
 It is true that it is rather long, and when abbreviated it 
 would doubtless have taken the form of vapeur, which 
 was probably already applied to steamboats. But the 
 real reason for its lack of success is rather that, as experi- 
 ments proceeded, steam became a less common power 
 than petrol. Then the name, when desired in this form, 
 was varied to voiture a petrole. But this caused too great 
 diversity. It would be more convenient to have a more 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "AUTO-" 43 
 
 general term, one that would apply to the machine no 
 matter what its propelling power. It would seem that 
 the word locomobile would have been a very good one, 
 though perhaps there would have been some hesitancy 
 in referring, with two such similar terms, to both the 
 locomotive and the locom,obile. It is true that the word 
 locomobile is at present used, as we have seen, to name a 
 kind of road engine, and there is no confusion. But in 
 this use it is much less common than the word we are 
 looking for would have to be. In any case the word was 
 already consecrated to this other use and was not avail- 
 able to fill the need now arising. 
 
 Another adjective that was tried was mobile, which 
 might possibly have done. But it is a question whether 
 this would have made as good a name as automobile 
 when the noun voiture was dropped, as was probably 
 almost inevitable. Then we should have found ourselves 
 saying "vme mobile." We do find this word used some- 
 what. In 1871, in Oppermann's Portefeuille, we find an 
 engine that could be used for plowing called machine a 
 vapeur mobile. In the Bulletin of the Exposition of 1889, 
 Revue technique, we find the following: "Les appUca- 
 tions de la chaudi^re DeDion Bouton sont assez nom- 
 breux. Viennent les appareils mobiles tels que tramways 
 k vapeur, voitures automobiles, locomobiles k lumiere 
 electrique a I'usage de I'armee, locomobiles pour exploita- 
 tions agricoles." Here the word mobile is used to name 
 the whole class and is very general. While it is easy to 
 think of its having such a development as to take the 
 place that the word automobile has taken, yet the fact 
 is that it did not, for what reason we cannot say. 
 
 Neither did the word m,ecanique, though this was 
 for a time one of the most vigorous rivals for the posi- 
 tion. The following examples will show how this word 
 
44 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 was in use. In La Revue de Paris for 1898 we read that 
 in 1891 "on commenga la vente regiili^re des v6hicules 
 micaniques," which at first were mostly "voitures k 
 vapeur," but by 1894 were largely "voitures a p6trole." 
 In the Illustration (Aug. 25, 1894) we find "voiture k 
 traction m^canique, voiture a propulsion mdcanique." 
 But this word micanique hardly offered itseK for satis- 
 factory abbreviation. Possibly it was already too well 
 known as an adjective for people to be willing to speak 
 of "une mecanique." Possibly it was felt that it must 
 be left free for unrestricted general use and that it was 
 too much public property to be limited to this special 
 use. 
 
 These words we have been considering are old words, 
 but a newly created word would have one advantage 
 over words already known and used. When any new 
 object is introduced, either a new word must be imported 
 with it or created, or an old word must be charged with 
 a new meaning. The latter act is often more trouble 
 than the former. 
 
 "II y a ]k,'' says Darmesteter (Creation aduelle, p. 33), 
 "un effort intellectuel inutile, et comma I'esprit d'instinct 
 va droit au plus simple, comme la nature cherche a d^penser 
 un minimum d'effort, le peuple trouve plus facile d'appren- 
 dre un mot inconnu avec I'objet nouveau dont il est le nom 
 precis . . . que d'aj outer £i un mot connu et de comprehen- 
 sion d€}k large une signification nouvelle." 
 
 With a totally new word greater liberties could be 
 taken. There would be no hampering connotations, no 
 ^ndesired suggestions. There would be no feelings to 
 be violated, no usages to be altered. The popular intel- 
 ligence, of course, made no speculations of this sort. 
 But it was not at all loath to experimenting with totally 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "AUTO-" 45 
 
 new words while tolerating as temporary terms these 
 old words we have been considering. Already as early 
 as 1828 On&iphore Pecqueur with magnificent daring 
 had not hesitated to name his "chariot k vapeur" a 
 "voiture Tpyrdballistique." It was too daring a flight; it 
 did not succeed, and so we do not now ride in our pyro. 
 But this was an attempt in the right direction. Again, 
 in 1835, in La lanterne magique, in speaking of "un omni- 
 bus monstre remorqu4 par la vapeur," an author, under 
 obvious inspiration from the name of another popular 
 vehicle of locomotion, offers the name velocifere — "la 
 fabrication de ces 6normes v^locif^res." But this name 
 was no more successful than pyroballistique, and we do 
 not now ride in our vMo. And yet this was the type of 
 name that was to be chosen. 
 
 But for some reason, by some widespread if unreasoned 
 feeling, as the time approached when it became impera- 
 tive to have a name that would cover the voiture k 
 vapeiu", voiture a p6trole, and voiture electrique; and as 
 the terms voiture locomobile and voiture micanique had 
 become, as we have seen, unsatisfactory, and the word 
 locomotive was already claimed, — at this time, for some 
 reason or other, there seems to come about a concentra- 
 tion of interest on the word-element auto-. By what fate 
 popular interest fixed at just this time upon this element 
 so long neglected, who shall say ? Enough that gradually 
 and imconsciously, from many quarters, popular atten- 
 tion and favor seemed to be centering at this period on 
 this word-element as one that might be useful in an 
 age of marvelous mechanical apparatus.* Let us con- 
 
 * For the spirit of an epoch thus to concentrate itself in a word 
 or a prefix, which then becomes of very wide popularity, is not an 
 unknown phenomenon. Joseph Conrad notes it in Chance, p. 76: 
 "You know the power of words. We pass through periods domi- 
 
46 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 sider for a moment the past history and present con- 
 dition of the word-element auto-. 
 
 nated by this or that word — it may be development, or it may be 
 competition, or education, or purity, or eflSciency, or even sanctity. 
 It is the word of the time. Well just then it was the word Thrift 
 which was out in the streets walking arm in arm with righteousness, 
 the inseparable companion and backer-up of aU such national catch- 
 words." 
 
 Only recently we have witnessed such a prevalence of the prefix 
 super, which seems to have caught the fancy of the moment. For 
 some time we have had not only super-men but also super-heated 
 steam and have seen results super-induced. Now the New York 
 Times, in a report of a cabinet meeting (Feb. 4, 1917), says: "The 
 view was general that a super-crisis had been reached." Punch 
 advertises a super-desk. We see on the screen announcements of 
 super-de-luxe films, super-serials, and super-pictures. An adver- 
 tisement (Mar. 1917) reads: "Fashion's mandates are always fol- 
 lowed — often anticipated, occasionally first conceived in this 
 spacious yet dainty super-shop." Super-dreadnaughts and super- 
 submarines — the latter a really curious combination if thought of 
 from the etjTiiological point of view, — are frequently mentioned. A 
 letter in the New York Times (Nov. 7, 1916) contains this sentence: 
 "Should not this hour of super-noble aspirations call for searching 
 self-criticism?" The New York World speaks (Mar. 7, 1917) of 
 the "George Haven Putnam type of super-patriots." The Carlton 
 Mansions are advertised as a super-residence. We read of a "super- 
 national organization"; of Germany "triumphant, super-armed"; 
 of "super-reUgious ecstasies"; "super-grateful testimonials"; 
 "super-resistance"; "super-egotism"; "super-optimism"; "super- 
 strong cigars." The official who is to have charge of all the 
 purchasing for the AUies "would be the world's super-buyer." 
 Ambassador Gerard, in My Four Years in Germany, says: "Those 
 in high authority in Germany . . . preferred to listen to persons who 
 posed as amateur super-ambassadors." A story in the Saturday 
 Evening Post speaks of "the blustering super-manager." We hear 
 of super-purists and we see advertised Super-oxide Soap, Spencer 
 /Super-Standard Heaters, and Superlustre Auto Polish. The " Auto- 
 biography of a jSuper-Tramp " has recently appeared. The New 
 York Times (Oct. 7, 1917) had an article on super-golf. The North 
 American Review (May, 1918), speaks of "the President's super- 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "AUTO-" 47 
 
 If any one were asked to make a list of those word- 
 elements * most active as vital forces in forming French 
 words at the present time, I doubt whether he would 
 feel justified in omitting the element auto-. Of all the 
 regular contributors to the Larousse Mensuel auto is 
 rivaled as a word-germ by but very few prefixes and 
 sufiixes. -Isme and -iste, possibly anti-, are close rivals, 
 but we feel auto- as a veritable power. The auto- com- 
 pounds in Larousse number 88; the first supplement 
 adds 15; second supplement adds 18; third supplement 
 adds 1. This makes a total of 122. It is true that its 
 force seems at last somewhat spent, but this is because 
 there are no more worlds to conquer. And 122 is an 
 impressive total. 
 
 serviceable champions." A sentence in the New York Times (May 
 17, 1918), reads: " If mankind is gradually to draw nearer to such 
 a SMper-terrestrial goal . . ." Headlines such as the following are 
 frequent: " French Cannon Pounding German Super-guns," " Navy 
 Has Plan of Super-gaa,'' " Burbank Finds Super- Wheat," " Labor 
 must Super-organize," " Super-Heroes Win Crosses." 
 
 The same thing has been noted in French, by G. Gaillard who 
 speaks of " la predominance . . . d'un nombre considerable [de 
 mots] dans la composition desquels entrent des prefixes indiquant 
 l'exc6s, le rench6rissement . . . sur-animal, surcomplet, sur- 
 chrelien, sur-estimation, surhomme, sur-monde, sumalional, sur- 
 pousse, super-allemand, super^moral, supra^europien, supra-national, 
 suprayper&onnel." Revue de phil. jr. xxv, pp. 9 and 102. (1911.) 
 
 ° What term to use in speaking of the constituent elements 
 avio-, a6ro-, etc., as entering into compounds has been a somewhat 
 perplexing question. The Petit Larousse and Littr^'s dictionary 
 caU auto- in such use a "prefixe." But that scarcely seems an 
 appropriate designation. The Standard, Webster's New Interna- 
 tional, and the New English dictionaries all use the term "combin- 
 ing form." The Century dictionary uses the expression element 
 in compound words," and the New English dictionary speaks of 
 auto- as a "hving element." In a contribution by Professor H. A. 
 Todd on the word "aeroplane" in the New York Sun I find the term 
 "word-element," and this seems the best adapted to our purpose. 
 
48 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 If, however, somebody in 1850, let us say, had been 
 asked to draw up a hst of word-elements most active 
 in the formation of words at that time, I doubt whether 
 he would have included auto-, even if he had extended 
 his Ust to a large number. Auto- at this time was simply 
 not among the hving. The dictionary of the Academy 
 for the year 1835 gives nine compounds of auto-. La- 
 veaux, in 1843, gives 16. Compared with Larousse's list 
 these hsts are very small. Even the 52 given by Bes- 
 cherelle (1846) and 54 (1851) are less than half the pres- 
 ent Hst.* 
 
 Before the rise to popularity that we are observing, 
 the auto- compounds that one could consider in general 
 use are the following: ^ autobiographie, autobiographigue, 
 autocrate, autocratie, autocratique, autographe, autographie, 
 autographier, automate (pronounced afto-), automatique, 
 automatiser (but not found, however, even in Acad. 1884). 
 These eleven words, then, were the only ones that had 
 anything hke a general use before 1850, and even these 
 were not by any means among the most used of words. 
 
 As we look further back we find that before this, as 
 recorded in the Didionnaire de I'Academie, 1835, the group 
 auto- consisted of the following nine words: autociphale, 
 autochthone, autocrate, autocratie, autographe, automate, 
 automatique, autonomie, autopsie (e.g., vision intuitive). 
 Most of these cannot have been very common. 
 
 Going back to the Latin we find that the word-ele- 
 ment auto- enjoyed no special popularity there either. 
 The Romans did, it is true, possess a utensil which 
 Cicero called an authepsa — self -boiler, probably the 
 remote ancestor of the percolator. The Romans also 
 
 ^ Although BeschereUe's Ust consists of fifty-two words, most of 
 them are unusual scientific or technical terms. Only the eleven 
 noted below as common can have been much used by the people. 
 
 ' Selected from BeschereUe's dictionary, 1846. 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "AUTO-" 49 
 
 used the words autographus and automaton or automatum. 
 They had the adjective automarius. But except for 
 certain proper names, Automedon, Autolychus, etc., 
 in which auto- had probably no independent force, these 
 three or four words that we have mentioned were the 
 only ones made with the element auto- that were current 
 in Latin. When we look at Greek, however, the situa- 
 tion is just the opposite. In Liddell and Scott almost 
 five large pages are given over to auto- compounds.* 
 
 This, then, is the situation — a word-forming element 
 extremely popular in Greek falls into comparative 
 desuetude in Latin. In this state it Ues, to all appear- 
 ances the petrified form of a once Hvely entity, for the 
 himdreds of years from the time of the decline of Greek, 
 through the time of the prevalence of Latin as a spoken 
 language, and through the time of the modern languages, 
 until now, in the latter years of the nineteenth century, 
 under our very eyes, or perhaps better in our very mouths, 
 it has sprung to a vigor of Ufe that has almost rivaled its 
 original condition. And the end is not yet. 
 
 During the long interval from its Greek vogue to that 
 of which we are the privileged witnesses the element auto- 
 
 ' It is strange how completely lacking Latin is in compounds of 
 this type, whether borrowed or home-made. For so obviously neces- 
 sary a designation as that of one who commits suicide, speakers of 
 Latin, possibly from feelings of deUcacy, resorted to cumbersome 
 periphrases, e.g., qui sibi mortem consciscit, and for the act itself, to 
 mors voluntaria, etc., leaving for later generations the making of the 
 word suicide out of materials that nevertheless lay ready to their 
 hand. When it was desired to render a Greek word containing the 
 element ain-o-, ips- was the equivalent used. The Gloss. Philoxeni, 
 for example, renders afrroxruKTa (t>iWa by ipsiplices; and the 
 word ipsvUices was used by Festus with the meaning "bracteae 
 p.e., 'thin plates of metal'] in virilem muliebremque speciem ex- 
 pressae." But these are unusual. Ordinarily Latin neither borrowed 
 from the very numerous Greek o^T-o-compounds nor imitated them 
 by the use of ips-. 
 
50 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 was not dead as it might have appeared. It was merely 
 in an age-long pupa stage. In what word was the 
 mighty germ sleeping while awaiting the time to emerge 
 from its chrysalis? Perhaps we may say that it was in 
 the word automaton — automate. 
 
 The Iliad refers to the automatic gates of Olympus. 
 It also calls the tripods of Hephaestos automatic. In 
 Latin we find Suetonius used the same word. During the 
 Middle Ages and modern times the word automMe was 
 the most convenient word to designate the moving ducks, 
 the chess players, the iron flies, the bronze eagles that 
 appeared from time to time to mystify the pubhc. It 
 was consequently retained as a pensioner of the vocabu- 
 lary to occupy this sinecure position and serve as occa- 
 sion offered in this unimportant capacity. It represented 
 to the popular and to the scientific mind the very quintes- 
 sence of the idea of self-motion. It was always revived 
 as a matter of course when any new need arose. It stood 
 always ready to name a certain type of invention. And 
 most naturally, almost automatically so to speak, it must 
 have occurred to mind when the question came up of 
 naming the greatest of all the automata — that now 
 called the automobile. The word automate itself, however, 
 was too much encrusted with the connotation of triviality 
 and unsuccess, of impracticability, to be satisfactory as 
 the name to be chosen by the new era for this most 
 eflacient of products. There was no possibility of the 
 automobile being called an automate — even "the" 
 automate par excellence. But the word bore within it 
 the germ; it contained what was recognized as the one 
 correct term, and it gave its vital part to be the progeni- 
 tor of the new family. 
 
 The popular attention kept flitting to this word-ele- 
 ment auto-. As early as 1801 Mercier, in his Neologie 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "AUTO-" 51 
 
 had mentioned the word automaliU.^ It is rather strange 
 that the railroads did not evoke this element to Hfe in 
 1830. The same root (mo) that was finally selected for 
 the second part of the word automobile was used at the 
 time of the introduction of the railroads and came to 
 occupy an important place in the word locomotive. It 
 was also tried in other forms. In Baader's treatise, for 
 example, we find mention of la force motrice and once 
 we find pkms automoteurs as the name of moving planes 
 intended to carry cars up an incline. This latter was 
 indeed a strangely accurate prophecy, but it was appar- 
 ently in advance of the proper moment, and the word did 
 not obtain a circtilation. And although in 1830 at the hand 
 of the raCroads there was apparently the same opportunity 
 for the creation of the word automobile that there was 
 later, it was not created. Locomotive was used instead. 
 
 As time goes on we see the popular interest more and 
 more focused on the word-element auto-. In 1868 the 
 word automotrice is seen. M. Cazal used it to describe 
 an electric sewing machine which he called "couseuse 
 automotrice" {L'annee scientifique et industrielle, 1868). 
 In 1874, in Oppermann's Portefeuille, we find a descrip- 
 tion of a "sifflet automoteur pour locomotives." In the 
 Illustration, Nov. 20, 1875, "les tramways automoteurs" 
 are spoken of. The word automatique also becomes 
 popular in describing inventions. In Le Technologiste 
 for 1874 and 1875 we find inventions listed as "appareil 
 
 ' The quotation from Mercier is: 
 
 AutomalitS: Depuis quelque temps, on a perfectionnfi en partie 
 les decorations de nos th^itres. Quand le drame s'accomplit dans 
 l'int6rieur d'un temple, d'un palais, on voit des colonnades border 
 et masquer les coulisses. II reste k corriger la mobility du pla- 
 fond, que Fair agite, I'ignobilite des prStres, I'Automalite des gardes, 
 etc. (R6tif.) — L. S. Mercier. Neologie, ou Vocabulaire de mots 
 nouveaux, A renouvder, ou pri^ dans des exceptions nouveUes. Paris, 
 Moussard, 1801. 
 
52 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 automatique pour enregistrer les voyageurs," "compteur 
 automatique pour voitures," "la detente variable auto- 
 matique," "conducteur a compensation automatique." 
 In Oppermann's Portefeuille for 1875 we find a mechanism 
 for transmitting power by different gears called a "con- 
 ducteur autonome epicloidal." By all these indications 
 we see that there is a certain activity in this word-ele- 
 ment auto- at just this time. The adjective automatique 
 is now in existence and much in use. Another adjective, 
 automoteur, automotrice, has been newly made. It would 
 seem that these might fill the new need. But no, stiU 
 a third word seems to be necessary. 
 
 The first appearance of the word automobile recorded 
 by Littr6 (Suppl. 1877) is in the Journal des Debats for 
 March 30, 1876, feuilleton 1, page 1, col. 1, where "la 
 voiture k air comprime qu'on voit fonctionner sur le 
 tramway de I'Arc de Triomphe k Neuilly" was called 
 by H. de ParviUe "une voiture automobile." I found, 
 however, four earUer instances of the use of the word. 
 The first is in Oppermann's Portefeuille, September, 1875; 
 the second in the Illustration, Nov. 20, 1875; and the third 
 and fourth in Le Technologiste, March 18, 1876, Pt. I, 
 pp. 165 and 381. The quotations a|-e as follows: 1. Op- 
 permann: A short article with title "Voitures automobiles 
 a air comprime." The word automobile appears only 
 this once. In the article the object is referred to always 
 as "la machine." 2. The Illustration: An article on 
 tramways, with title "Chemins de fer am&icains," says: 
 "les essais de voitures automobiles pour tramways . . . 
 voiture automobile a air comprim6." Sometimes auto-, 
 moteur is used instead of automobile. 3. Le Technologiste 
 has an article of eight pages, with three plates, entitled 
 "Voiture automobile k air comprim^." It says: "Depuis 
 bientdt trois mois la compagnie des tramways Nord 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "AUTO-" 53 
 
 exp^rimente sur la ligne de Courbevoie a I'Arc de Triomphe 
 de rfitoile un nouveau syst^me de voiture automobile dans- 
 lequel la force motrice est I'air comprim^. . . . Cette 
 voiture automatigue appartient au type ... en adoptant 
 le systeme automoMle . . . deux pistons actionn^s par une 
 locomobile (locomobile here must mean some part of the 
 engine, contrary to what we have seen is its usual mean- 
 ing). . . . Les experiences faites sur la voiture automaiique 
 de M. M^karski. . . . Ces inconvenients n'existent pas 
 dans la voiture aviomobile qui nous occupe." In this 
 article the word automobile is very weU established, al- 
 though its field is somewhat disputed by the rival auto- 
 maiique. Of course there is as yet no thought of calling 
 the vehicle "une automobile." The word is still only 
 an adjective, and the ordinary substantive reference is 
 by the word voiture. 4. Le Technologiste further on in 
 the same number, in an article entitled "Chaudieres et 
 machines motrices," says: "Une troisieme machine con- 
 stituant comme la machine k air comprim^ une voiture 
 automobile . . .k Verviers (Belgique)." The word is 
 used twice in this article. 
 
 Littr6 brands the newcomer as a "mot hybride." But 
 the young Hercules either disdained what some might 
 feel to be the scorn implied in this epithet or felt that 
 rather was it a compliment to be thus placed in a noble 
 company comprising such honorable members as bicy- 
 clette and several of the kilo- family. With a certain 
 headstrong perversity the word-element auto- has seemed 
 to thrive upon the opposition made to it and to gain force 
 from reproaches of etymological malformation and has 
 even produced as if maliciously a throng of hybrid oflf- 
 spring. For the most obvious remark about the word 
 automobile is that whereas the element auto- is Greek 
 the -element -mobile is of Latin origin, and that there- 
 fore the formation is faulty. 
 
54 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 Strangely enough a good form completely Greek was 
 ready to hand, but was not used. Galen used the com- 
 pound autodromos, which would seem to be just the word 
 needed. Why did not those who favored the hybrid 
 automobile devote their energies to promoting the use of 
 this word against which no charge of irregular formation 
 could have been brought? It may be that the element 
 -drome, from constant association in the famihar word 
 hippodrome, had acquired in the popular mind the mean- 
 ing of "a place where," which would have been an imme- 
 diate difficulty in the way of accepting such a word. 
 The subsequent development of the suffix in the later 
 aerodrome as "a place for aviation" rather than as "a 
 machine which runs in the air", and vilodrome seems to 
 bear out this idea and indicate that the popular feeling 
 about the suffix was as we have said. 
 
 If, on the other hand, instead of trying to have both 
 elements Greek, we attempt to match the Latin part, 
 -mobile, and change the part auto- into Latin we shall 
 find ourselves with the form ipsmobile. This has a 
 strange look. It is hard to beheve that it would ever 
 have been accepted. It is not in the spirit of Latin com- 
 pounds, though there is in Latin the word ipsiplices. 
 (See Note 7.) But in general Latin did not as we have 
 seen use this type of compound. 
 
 And after all we may feel that hybrids are not abso- 
 lutely to be considered outcasts. We have already men- 
 tioned the word bicyclette, which has served long and 
 honorably in spite of being not only a hybrid hut, if we 
 may be allowed the expression, a tribrid. Also some of 
 the words of the metric system will be seen not to be 
 impeded in their duties by reason of being words of this 
 type. Even the word aeroplane may prove to be not 
 perfect in this respect. The element auto- had even 
 before the time of the automobile begun to allow itself 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "AUTO-" 55 
 
 to be used thus for illegitimate word formation. Among 
 the auto- compounds that we mentioned (p. 48) as 
 being in use before 1850, while most are of pure Greek 
 formation, there is one, autoclave, which has already 
 started the much criticized manner of formation. Conse- 
 quently we cannot lay this sin to the automobile. 
 
 Although we may date the word automobile as of 1875, 
 we shall not find it coming into very general use imme- 
 diately after that date. In fact it is not until nearly 
 fifteen years later that it seems to be used freely and 
 unhesitatingly. Until that time it appears but sporadi- 
 cally in the vocabulary. In 1877 (Aug. 11), for example, 
 Le Technologiste has an article entitled "Voiture auto- 
 mobile a vapeur du tramway de Lausanne a Echallens." 
 The illustration shows a sort of long trolley car on rails 
 with an engine in one end of it. "La voiture et la ma- 
 chine sont portees sur le m^me true et sont solidaires," 
 the article says. The name voiture automobile appears 
 three times. 
 
 But almost at the same time (July 28), in the same 
 magazine, is the description of a similar engine for tram- 
 ways, where apparently the same sort of occasion to use 
 the word is offered and the word is not used. The author 
 speaks of this engine as a "machine k vapeur pour la 
 traction des tramways" or as the "moteur m^canique" 
 or "un moteur" or "la machine," but never uses the 
 word automobile. Again (Aug. 25) another article in 
 the same magazine on "Les machines locomotives (it 
 does not say automobiles) pour les tramways de Berlin" 
 passes over numerous occasions to use the new word. 
 
 In 1879 we find reference to a "berceuse automotrice" 
 as though the word automobile was not quite certainly 
 known or had not been accepted as a satisfactory 
 form. 
 
56 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 All this time busy and increasingly successful experi- 
 ments with the new vehicles were being made. There 
 must have been continual need to speak of them. By 
 
 1889 in the Bulletin of the Exposition, Reviie technique 
 6, the word is frankly used: "Les appKcations de la 
 chaudiere DeDion Bouton sont assez nombreuses. Vien- 
 nent les appareils mobiles tels que tramways k vapeur, 
 voitures automobiles, locomobiles k lumiere dlectrique k 
 I'usage de I'arm^e, locomobiles pour exploitations agri- 
 coles." In this article the word is used twice. But this 
 review, like Le Technologiste, is a technical journal. It 
 will hardly give us popular usage. If we turn to the Illus- 
 tration we may find better how the lay vocabulary, which, 
 after all, is our real interest, referred to the newly made 
 vehicles. 
 
 It is somewhat surprising to find that it is not until 
 
 1890 that we again find the subject taken up in the Illus- 
 tration. There was, as we remember, the first appear- 
 ance of the word in 1875 (p. 52). Then the next year 
 (Aug. 19, 1876) another article on "Les nouveaux tram- 
 ways a vapeur" with a page illustration, an article in 
 which the new word was avoided and the term auto- 
 motrice used instead: "... pour adopter la traction des 
 machines automotrices." And then there was a long 
 silence until Oct. 11, 1890, when in the column " Cour- 
 rier de Paris," signed Rastignac, there is a mention of 
 the new invention but without using the word automobile. 
 "L'autre jour n'ai-je pas rencontr^ rue de Rome un cab 
 k vapeur ! (Notice that he does not say cab automobile.) 
 Un cab que faisait mouvoir une chaudiere plac^e entre 
 les deux roues. Nous verrons quelque matin le cab 
 flectrique. En attendant, la bicyclette r^gne." And yet 
 the word automobile had not been withdrawn from cir- 
 culation. On May 25 of the same year the same maga- 
 zine had described "une torpille awiomobiZe-dirigeable." 
 
THE WOKD-ELEMENT "AUTO-" 57 
 
 "En 1891," says G. Desjacques in an article called 
 "Automobilisme" in La Revue de Paris, 1898, p. 208, 
 "en 1891 on commenga la vente reguli^re de v6hicules 
 m^caniques." At first they were mostly, he says, "voi- 
 tures £1 vapeur," but by 1894 there were many "voitm-es 
 k p6trole." Our interest in this quotation is less in its 
 terminology (it is of pretty late date, 1898) than in the 
 fact it records, namely that the automobile business be- 
 came a regular thing in 1891. From that date, then, we 
 ought to expect to see interesting and significant de- 
 velopments in the terminology of the subject. In 1893 
 (Nov. 18), two years later that is, we find the Illustration 
 not using the word auiomobile, but saying: "Des fiacres 
 dLedriques viennent d'etre inaugurfe a BerUn. Ce sont des 
 voitures a trois roues, dont la vitesse est, parait-il, sup6- 
 rieure k celle des fiacres k chevaux." Thus, in 1893, seven- 
 teen years after the first use mentioned in Littre, the 
 word automobile does not appear. 
 
 In 1894 (July 28) the Illustration has an article of 
 great importance for us. It is an article of two pages 
 with illustrations, dealing with an automobile race which 
 had just taken place. We see clearly that the science is 
 pretty weU developed and that it is popular and well 
 known. It must have been frequently discussed. Auto- 
 mobiles must have been the subject of common conver- 
 sation. How were they referred to? Let us examine 
 the article. Is the title "Le concours d'automobiles " ? 
 No. Is it "Le concours de voitures automobiles?" Not 
 even this. It is "Le concours de voitures m^caniques." 
 And it goes on to explain the name "voitures m6ca- 
 niques" by adding "ou voitures sans chevaux." Through- 
 out the article the term generally used is "voitures 
 m^caniques" (nine times). All pictures are labeled "voi- 
 ture k vapeur," "voiture k p6trole," "voiture de Dion 
 et Bouton," etc. Voiture-automobile is found once. 
 
58 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 The rarity at this time of the word automobile even 
 as an adjective is interesting. Its complete absence as 
 a noun is comprehensible when we read the following 
 (from the same article) and see what the usual viewpoint 
 was: "Ce n'est pas une locomotive routiere que Ton 
 demande, ce n'est pas une diligence de I'ancien modMe 
 avec sa force motrice dissimulee. Le but k atteindre 
 c'est la voiture sans cheval susceptible de recevoir conune 
 dans un brancard, et sans que les voyageurs s'en doutent, 
 le cheval micaniqiie a vapeur ou a petrole qu'il conviendra 
 y atteler." It is quite evident from this quotation that 
 this author at least had not yet arrived at a way of think- 
 ing of the new invention so that he would be ready to 
 use the word automobile as a noun. The object was to 
 him still a voiture, even if a voiture somewhat altered and 
 improved. And this, we remember, is about eighteen 
 years after the first appearance of the new word. 
 
 Again in 1894 (Aug. 25) an article in the Illustration 
 speaks of a "voiture k traction m^canique" (once), 
 "voiture k vapeur" (six times), "voiture k propulsion 
 mecanique" (once), and uses the word automobile not 
 at all. On the 22d of September it says: "Des fiacres 
 ^lectriques sont actuellement en circulation k Chicago." 
 It does not call them automobiles. On the 29th of Decem- 
 ber we find "voiture ^lectrique" used, but not automobile. 
 
 In 1895, however, we find the word automobile tenta- 
 tively used. The Illustration (June 22) has an article on 
 the Paris-Bordeaux race. And this time it entitles it 
 "La course des voitures automobiles Paris-Bordeaux." 
 This once is, however, the only time the word appears 
 in the article. The four pictures avoid the word by 
 means of titles such as "Voiture No. 15." In the text 
 voiture is the word used for referring to the machines. 
 Even now the word automobile has only a precarious 
 adjectival existence. 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "AUTO-" 59 
 
 The same thing is seen in the Journal des Debats in the 
 same year (July 28, 1895) in a short article in which the 
 word automobile is used, it is true, but not more heartily 
 than in the Illustration. The title of the article is "Voi- 
 tures automobiles." But, as in the Illustration, this is 
 the only time the word is used. The text begins, "Al- 
 lons-nous avoir des fiacres sans chevaux?" In the course 
 of it "fiacre sans chevaux" appears twice, "fiacre 41ec- 
 trique" once, "automobile" as an adjective only once 
 in the title, and "automobile" as a noun not at all. Other 
 references of 1895 are also evidently adjectival, of the 
 type of "voiture automobile," "les voitures de ce genre." 
 
 By 1896, however, the word had won its place as a 
 noim. It was by this time very powerful, for the deriva- 
 tive automobilisme was developed and had become com- 
 mon. The Illustration (Sept. 19) has a column entitled 
 "L'automobilisme" and (Oct. 31) '''I'industrie automo- 
 bile" is foimd. It is high time that the noun should 
 be evolved. And sure enough it appears. The first 
 instance of it so used that I discovered was in the Illus- 
 tration, Oct. 31, 1896, as follows: "... combien qui, vous 
 disent — c'est tr^s bien, les automobiles, mais c'est trop 
 cher." And again: "Les automobiles, quelque impar- 
 faites qu'elles soient encore, ont fait leurs preuves et 
 leurs bonnes preuves." We may safely say that the 
 process is complete; the noun has been evolved. It is 
 still, however, delicate. "Voiture automobile" is still 
 more usual than the noun automobile, and pictures are 
 labeled "voiture k 4 places," "voiture £i 6 places." 
 Writers do not yet feel quite like saying "automobile 
 k 6 places." The object is still to the popular view a 
 "voiture" — even if it is a new sort of voiture. 
 
 Thus we have seen in detail the process which we might 
 find tersely noted in a dictionary as "automobile, origi- 
 
60 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 nally adjective, later substantive." We have further 
 noted how far wrong one would have been to take Littr^'s 
 date of the appearance of the word, 1876, as being also 
 the date of its actual entry into popular use. We might 
 say, I think, that aiiiomobile is a word that made its 
 way rather quickly as words go. And yet it was not 
 until nearly twenty years after its first appearance that 
 it really formed a part of the popular working vocabulary, 
 and was really used instead of more conservative sub- 
 stitutes. 
 
 An additional indication of the time it took the word 
 to gain its position is to be found in the catalogue of 
 Columbia Uniyersity library. There many of the cards 
 on the subject of the automobile were originally headed 
 "Vehicles — self -moving." Later this title was crossed 
 out and replaced by the title "Automobiles." How late 
 were books entered under the old title? How long did 
 it seem proper not to use the new word ? Knowing that 
 the word is dated as of 1876 or 1875, shall we say 1880 ? 
 Having found the word to be in common use in the 
 French magazines in 1896, shall we set this date as the 
 latest possible one ? As a matter of fact books published 
 as late as 1909 were entered in the catalogue under this 
 heading: "Vehicles — self-moving." Allowing for the 
 expected conservatism and cumbersomeness of catalog- 
 ing systems, one would hardly expect to find the word 
 automobile unused at so late a date. All this is interest- 
 ing comment on one phase of the introduction of new 
 words that is perhaps not always thought of. 
 
 Automobile as a noun continues to furnish occupation 
 for the linguists and grammarians. Its independence is 
 such that it has even renounced the gender in which it 
 originally gained entrance into the language and got 
 itself used frequently, and recorded in the Petit Larousse 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "AUTO-" 61 
 
 (1907), for instance, as un automobile. The question of 
 its gender was discussed by the Conseil d'fitat in con- 
 nection with a case that had to do with automobiles and 
 it was decided to be mascuUne. But the Academy soon 
 after pronounced it feminine.^* There are, as Nyrop 
 points out (III, 345), precedents as far as form goes for 
 both genders; domicile, reptile, ustensile being mascuUne 
 and locomobile, argile, sebile being feminine. 
 
 The next step is abbreviation, and the natural result 
 is auto. This falls in with the large class of words, mostly 
 abbreviations, ending in -o, generally masculine, where- 
 fore un auto. Such words are piano, kilo, Metro, velo, 
 mMo(drame). Curiously the form auto as an abbrevia- 
 tion is not modem. In the sixteenth century it was 
 used as the abbreviation of autodafe (Nyrop IV, §26). 
 
 The wide popularity of the word automobile, once it is 
 estabUshed, gives great impetus of growth to the family 
 auto. Even as early as 1877, when the word is only two 
 years old, we find Littre's supplement giving, in addition 
 to the original thirty-three words of this family in his 
 dictionary, the following words: autdbiographique, auto- 
 chthonie (Neol.), autocratiquement, automatisation, auto- 
 mobile (adj., hybride, terme de m^canique), automoteur 
 (terme de mecanique), autonomiste (from autonomic), 
 autopsier, autoptiquement. 
 
 This growth, begun in 1877, only two years after the 
 appearance of the word automobile, continues unabated. 
 Larousse gives eighty-eight words of this family, which 
 is forty-eight more than Littr6 in both dictionary and 
 supplement. This indicates considerable vigor of growth 
 in this word-element. The first supplement of Larousse 
 adds fifteen more words. Many of these are directly 
 connected with the field of mechanics and physics. Such 
 are: autodrome (defined as a place for races, cf. p. 54), 
 w Dauzat, La Langue fransaise d'aujourcEhui, p. 66. 
 
62 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 autoscaphe (Dauzat in La Langue frangaise d'aujourd'hui 
 complains that neither autoscaphe nor autocanot, autonef, 
 OAdoyole nor motocanot, all of which had been proposed, 
 were used, but instead canot automobile), autocycle, auto- 
 decohereur * (term of wireless telegraphy), autocondudion* 
 autoconservation* autodifferenciation.* Others are terms 
 of biology and medicine, such as: autocyctotoxine, auto- 
 infection* autointoxication* automorphisme, autopexie. 
 
 In the 1907-10 supplements of Larousse we find the 
 growth continuing. There are added: taxauto* auto- 
 ballon,* autocatalyse, autochromie, autochromique, auto- 
 chromiste, autolocomotion,* autolyse (chem.), autolyser 
 (chem.), autolytique (chem.), automitrailleuse,* autophobe, 
 autophobie, autoplane,* autospasie (biol.), autotomie (bioL), 
 autotomique (biol.), autotomiser (biol.). 
 
 And in the 1911-13 supplement we find added auto- 
 sSrotherapie. Recently auto-bus * has appeared. Twelve 
 of these words, marked *, are of hybrid formation, like 
 automobile. 
 
 This word-element seems to have taken a firm hold 
 on the popular fancy. It is the darling of the learned 
 and the unlearned ahke. Every one delights to com- 
 pound with it. Whether it is always perfectly under- 
 stood 11 etymologically or not it seems to stand as the 
 
 1' It is frequently misunderstood by those whom one would 
 expect to understand it. A questionnaire on the etjTnology and 
 meaning of the word automobile in a college of the eastern United 
 States, whUe producing a large percentage of correct answers, never- 
 theless exhibited considerable ignorance as to the languages from 
 which the two parts of the word were taken, many saying both ele- 
 ments were French or both Latin. Quite generally, however, the 
 element auto- was connected with the word automatic. We leave 
 out of consideration as not serious or, if serious, as not significant, 
 inane replies such as the following: "The automobile was given the 
 name it has from the two words, ottar and motor. An ottar is an 
 animal which can travel very easy. A motor is what propels a ma- 
 chine"; "Mobile, meaning 'to move,' and auto, meaning 'ought to' 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "AUTO-" 63 
 
 quintessential expression of the mechanical cleverness of 
 the age in which we live.*^ Every time we hear it we feel 
 flattered to think of our mastery over the forces of nature. 
 We see in it a constant reminder of our inventive skill, 
 not only perhaps in the field of mechanics but also in 
 that of lexicography. Auto- is unquestionably one of the 
 characteristic compounding elements of our time. But 
 there is another no less popular one, and that we shall 
 discuss in the next chapter. 
 
 — 'ought to move,' automobile"; "Itcomesfrom two foreign words, 
 auto, 'to ought,' mobile, 'to move.' Therefore, 'ought to move.'" 
 And yet we find that many had such notions as are shown in the 
 following replies: "Because the word automoMle means 'gasoline 
 propelled.'" "Mobile, 'M^ht ot swiit,' auto,. 'to go about.'" "The 
 word is a newly coined word. It signified ' a vehicle of four wheels' 
 when first used." "Auto, from the Latin or Greek word meaning 
 'to go,' mobile meaning 'stationary.'" "Automobile was given its 
 name because mobile means 'changeable' or 'movable.' The pre- 
 fix auto was probably added to make the word have euphony." 
 
 The prefix, when appearing in the word auiointoxication, has 
 caused some uncertainty. One person (a college freshman) asked 
 if it is used to mean "they get intoxicated quick," showing clearly 
 how the element auio comes in some minds to epitomize the idea 
 of eflaciency which the automobile seems to symbolize. Two other 
 persons (both high school teachers !) thought it was a disease con- 
 tracted from too much riding in automobiles. 
 
 '^ Several of the responses to the above mentioned question- 
 naire set forth this idea of the element auto: "The word auto is 
 given to any mechanical device." "Auio means 'a mechanical 
 device.' " — One can see in the shops an iron bed that can be 
 folded up into about the size of a fire screen. This is called an auto- 
 cot. One might be tempted to cite this as a deplorable instance of 
 the absolute incapacity of the ordinary man in matters of word- 
 formation. Rather is it a final step in the apotheosis of our word- 
 element atUo. What if this bed possesses no characteristic by which 
 it can rightly be designated by the element auto f For this inventor 
 auto expresses the very essence of what is modem, of what is con- 
 venient, of what is compact, of what is ingenious. It is the last 
 word, or perhaps better the latest prefix, in the general vocabulary 
 of efiiciency. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 The Word-element A£ro- 
 
 The word aeroplane dates from 1875 — the same year, 
 as it happens, as the word automobile. But in that year 
 the element a6ro- was much more firmly established in 
 the vocabulary than was the element auto-. For while 
 aido- was practically brought to life for use in the word 
 automobile, the element aero- had been known for a 
 hundred years in several words commonly used in the 
 science of aerial locomotion. Therefore, in order to study 
 the true origin of the word aeroplane, we must go back 
 much earUer than 1875, in fact nearly a hundred years, to 
 1783, and to the first experiments with hot-air balloons. 
 
 And before we begin let us get a clear idea of the vari- 
 ous terms of the science as they are now used. M. Armen- 
 gaud, in Le Probleme de V aviation (1908), p. 4, gives a 
 good differentiation as follows: "Jj' aeronautique com- 
 prend deux branches: V aerostation soit avec les ballons 
 libres, soit avec les dirigeables, comportant I'emploi d'un 
 gaz moins lourd que Pair; et V aviation (tir6 du mot avis) 
 avec des appareils dits volateurs plus lourd que I'air." 
 "On peut ranger en trois classes les volateurs, c'est a dire 
 les machines qui doivent r^aliser I'aviation — les orthop- 
 t^res, les helicopteres et les airoplanes." 
 
 It was the former branch of the science, that is, 
 I'aerostation, that was developed first, and the vocabulary 
 developed by this branch naturally conditioned the ter- 
 minology of aviation. So we must first investigate the 
 development of the vocabulary of aerostation in order 
 to understand fully how that of aviation arose. 
 
 64 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "AERO-" 65 
 
 The first successful experiment with hot-air balloons 
 was made by the Montgolfier brothers in 1783. The 
 words aerostatique and aerostat appear more or less ab- 
 ruptly in that year.' The word aSronaute appears in 
 1786 (Cavallo), aerostation in the same year (idem). 
 We find aU these words in F^raud's dictionary (1787) 
 and in the supplement (1798) to the Academy's dic- 
 tionary. Before this time the element aer- had been 
 somewhat used in forming compounds. The Academy's 
 dictionary of 1776 (Lyon), under the heading aeb, gives 
 seven words: (1) aerer, donner de I'air; (2) aer6, une 
 maison a6r6e; (3) aerien, un corps a^rien, les Demons 
 aeriens, les esprits aeriens, la perspective a^rienne; 
 (4) aerographie, description de I'air; (5) airomande, 
 divination par le moyen de I'air; (6) aerometre, instru- 
 ment qui sert k mesurer la condensation ou la rarefaction 
 de I'air; (7) aerometrie. Chambaud's dictionary (1778) 
 gives practically the same list. Feraud (1787) omits 
 (4), (5), (6) and (7), and gives the new aeronaute, airostat, 
 aerostateur and aerostatique. 
 
 As time goes on the two names, ballon and aerostat, 
 continue about equally in vogue. It is generally said 
 that the one is the popular name and the other the 
 learned, but this usage, as we shall see, is by no means 
 consistent and is often in fact reversed. 
 
 As early as 1786 the vocabulary of aerostation had 
 become settled pretty much as it is to-day. In this year 
 Tib^re Cavallo translated an English treatise of 1785 
 under the title Histoire et pratique de V aerostation. In 
 his preface he says: 
 
 ^ The word aSrostat is sometimes ascribed to Bemardin de St. 
 Pierre and the Diclwnnaire gSniral gives references to his Har- 
 monies de la nature under the word. But if this is his first use of 
 the word it is evident that many of our examples are earlier. 
 
66 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 "L'art de voyager dans les airs, d^couvert depuis peu 
 et rapidement perfectionn^, a introduit quelques nouveaux 
 termes, dont la signification est tr6s-ais6e k retenir parce 
 qu'ils sont principalement d6riv6s du mot latin aer, air. 
 Ainsi les machines [the English original reads 'the flying 
 instruments'! qui s'^lSvent dans I'air ont regu la d6nomina- 
 tion g^n^rale d'airostats ou machines aerostatiques. Le nom 
 d'aeronaute a 6t6 donn6 h la personne qui parcourt les airs 
 au moyen d'une machine a6rostatique, et l'art lui-m#me 
 s'appelle le sujet de V aerostation. L'on nomme hallons 
 airiens les machines aerostatiques" [the English original 
 has: 'The flying machines are likewise called air balloons']. 
 
 This is practically the terminology we have to-day. 
 
 And yet, before the choice fell definitely and finally 
 upon the element aero- and the words we have just men- 
 tioned, there was a considerable struggle, for there 
 appeared in all no less than twenty-four forms of desig- 
 nation. Some of these survived almost indefinitely and 
 continued in use long after the successful name aerostat 
 had become well established. Even in the end selective 
 elimination narrowed down only to two names instead 
 of to one, and we shall see a learned and a popular name 
 surviving side by side. 
 
 The twenty-four different appellations were con- 
 structed for the most part by the combination of six 
 different nouns with three adjectives. That is to say, 
 the new invention was either une machine or un globe 
 or une sphere or un navire or un bateau or un vaisseau^ 
 characterized as either aerostatique or volant or aerien. 
 Sometimes, rhetorically or fancifully, it was une voiture 
 or un char or un cabriolet or un esquif or un poisson or 
 un automate. But these latter denominations were the 
 caprice of one or two authors, and the serious proposals 
 were confined to combinations of the six nouns and three 
 adjectives above mentionfrd. 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "AfiRO-" 67 
 
 The results of the activity of the different proposers 
 of names are to be seen in the following hst of terms found 
 in various books and magazine articles. These are the 
 names tentatively employed before a definite selection 
 had been made. Any one of them might have become 
 the chosen designation; but by process of selection most 
 of them fell into disuse, some more quickly, others after 
 a longer survival. 
 
 Names with aerostatique as qualifier: (1) machine aero- 
 statiqwe, (2) globe aerostatique, (3) sphere aerostatique, 
 (4) navire aerostatique, (5) barque aerostatique, (6) maison 
 airostatique, (7) ballon aerostatique (8) airostat. 
 
 Names made with volant, a voler, etc., as qualifier: 
 (9) globe volant, (10) bateau volant, (11) vaisseau volant, 
 (12) machine volante, (13) poisson volant, (14) voiture 
 volante, (15) machine d (pour) voler. 
 
 Names with aerien as qualifier: (16) machine aerienne, 
 (17) vaisseau airien, (18) navire aerien, (19) ballon airien, 
 (20) voiture aerienne, (21) sphere aerienne. 
 
 Other designations: (22) monlgoljiere, (23) charliere, 
 (24) a^o-montgolfiere. 
 
 This is a generous group to select from. We do not 
 find in it the combinations: vaisseau aerostatique, bateau 
 aerostatique, bateau aerien, globe aerien, sphere volante, 
 navire volant, and ballon volant. Otherwise the permuta- 
 tions of our six nouns and three adjectives seem to have 
 been pretty much exhausted. 
 
 Before proceeding further, let us consider from what 
 known idea this new conception of aerial locomotion 
 developed. We remember, in the case of the railroad, 
 that when in the beginning men spoke of it they re- 
 garded it as a development and improvement of the 
 canal. Again, the automobile was thought of as a voiture 
 or fiacre, and was so spoken of. The result was that 
 
68 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 the railroad terminology grew in some part out of the 
 canal terminology, and the naming of the automobile 
 was influenced somewhat by its being thought of as a 
 voiture. In the case of the aerostat the early tendency 
 was pretty generally to think of it as a transference 
 of a boat from the water to the air. The result of this 
 was that, from the outset, when one wished to make a 
 general reference to the new invention, he was likely to 
 do so in terms similar to the following: "La construc- 
 tion d'un navire qui devait se soutehir et voyager dans 
 I'air" (M. Faujas de St. Fond, in 1783, referring, in his 
 introduction, to a work of Lana de Brescia, 1670) ; " Nous 
 construirons ce vaisseau de bonne et forte toile doublee." 
 "Quant k la forme qu'il faut donner a ce vaisseau. . ." 
 (Faujas de' St. Fond quoting from L'art de naviguer 
 dans I'air, by GaUen, Avignon, 1757). 
 
 When the figure of a boat sailing on the water was 
 present to the mind, it suggested the following words 
 and expressions: naviguer, navigation, navigable, nautique 
 aerienne, pilotage, une marine airienne (Dupuis-Delcourt, 
 1834), nauf rages aeriens {Magasin pittoresgue 1872), 
 voyage aerien, une flotte aeronautique. We also find vari- 
 ous proposals for air machines constructed with rames, 
 mats, voiles, ancres, etc. 
 
 This figure of speech, however, did not escape criti- 
 cism. When, about 1783, it was proposed to give a 
 medal to the Montgolfier brothers "pour avoir rendu 
 I'air navigable," some took exception to the word navi- 
 gable, remarking, as Faujas de St. Fond tells us: 
 
 "On vole dans I'air, on nage dans I'eau, et on navigue sur 
 la surface de ce dernier 616ment. L'idSe de navigation em- 
 porte celle d'un corps solide soutenu sur la surface d'un 
 fluids. L'expression de navigable ne peut done Stre appli- 
 qu6e k un fluide tel que i'air. D'ailleurs ce n'est point ici 
 I'air qui a 6t6 rendu propre h transporter des corps solides. 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "AfiRQ-" 69 
 
 mais ce sont des corps solides qui ont 6t6 rendus propres 
 k Stre transport's dans I'air." 
 
 To this the rejoinder was: 
 
 "Voler et nager ne sont applieables qu'k des auimaux vi- 
 vans et la m6taphore (de navigation) semble moins hardie 
 qu'un grand nombre de celles qui sont d'un usage familier 
 dans notre langue." 
 
 In spite of objections this tendency to think and speak 
 of the new invention in terms of boats continued long 
 after 1783. As late as 1857 we find a self-styled aeronau- 
 graphe (A. J. Sanson, Preuve sur preuve d'une nautiqice 
 a6rienne, tirees de fails d' aerostation, pamphlet, 1857) 
 objecting to the tendency in question. 
 
 "La machine a'rienne," he says, "operant au sein d'un 
 seul fluide, I'air, dans lequel elle se trouve immerg'e, jus- 
 tifie son nom d'a'rostat et n'offre aucune similitude r'elle 
 avec la machine amphibique [he means by this a boat] 
 avec laqueUe on la compare g'n'ralement mais qui, operant 
 entre deux fluides [i.e., water and air] n'est ni un hydrostat 
 ni un aerostat, mais une machine mixte k laquelle la science 
 mSme, plac'e entre une hesitation et une intuition, a pro- 
 visoirement laiss6 le nom vague de vaisseau." 
 
 This airship conception is responsible for the following 
 terms. The most common is navire aerien. It is found 
 as early as 1784 and as late as 1912. Examples of its use 
 are as follows: 
 
 1784, C. G. Kratzenstein, L'Art de naviguer dans I'air : 
 "Si le navire aerien est un ballon de taffetas. . ." 
 
 1835, La Lanteme magique, an article entitled "Navire 
 aerien." 
 
 1851, Bescherelle in L' Instruction popularisie, Histoire 
 des baUons uses it. 
 
70 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 , 1859, Farcot, La Navigation atmosphSrigue, has a pic- 
 ture labeled "Petit navire aerien de plaisance" and also 
 uses the form several times. 
 
 1872, the Illustration uses this form frequently, also 
 navire aerostatiquBj navigation aerienne. 
 
 1912, Joanneton, Sur V Utilisation des aeroplanes pour le 
 lancement des projectiles begins "Nous sommes dans un 
 navire aerien." 
 
 So much for this form of designation, which was one 
 of the most common. 
 
 The same noun, navire, was occasionally but less fre- 
 quently used in combination with the adjective aerosta- 
 tique {e.g., the Illustration, 1872, quoting la Presse, 1852). 
 In combination with the third of our adjectives it was 
 not popular, and navire volant is not found. 
 
 The form vaisseau aerien occurs, but is less common: 
 
 1784, Kratzenstein : "Montgolfier a imaging le premier 
 vaisseau airien" (with twenty-three other occurrences). 
 
 1820, title of a pamphlet published at Paris, reprint 
 of an edition of 1804, Vienna, "La Minerve, vaisseau 
 airien." 
 
 1834 (reported again verbatim 1850), Dupuis-Del- 
 court, Nouveau manual d' aerostation (Manuels-Roret), 
 uses it. 
 
 1851, Bescherelle, "L'Histoire des ballons." 
 
 1873, the Illustration, in an article on "L'ascension du 
 ballon Jean Bart," says: "Quand I'industrie construira 
 des vaisseaux aeriens, munis de machines k vapeur. ..." 
 
 1875, Alphonse Brown, La ConquUe de I'air, speaks of 
 "notre vaisseau aSrien" (also navire aerien). 
 
 The form vaisseau aerostatique is not found, but vais- 
 seau volant appears occasionally, e.g. 1783, in a comic 
 reference in Faujas de St. Fond; 1869, F. Marion, Les 
 ballons et les voyages aeriens, speaks of "le vaisseau volant 
 de Blanchard (1784)." 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "AfiRO-" 71 
 
 Besides navire and vaisseau, the analogy of the sea 
 gave "batteau (sic) volant," 1783, Faujas de St. Fond, 
 speaking of Lana de Brescia's machine. 
 
 1850, Dupuis-Delcourt refers to "le bateau volant de 
 Blanchard." The forms bateau airostatique and bateau 
 aerien did not appear, but barque aerostatique and esquif 
 aerien are found: 
 
 1802, Henin de Cuvillers, Memmre sur la direction des 
 aerostats, "conduire a volont4 une barque aerostatique." 
 
 1850, Dupuis-Delcourt, Nouveau manuel d' aerostation, 
 "la barque de Lana (1670)." 
 
 More generally, however, the name barque was reserved 
 for la nacelle : 
 
 1802, "la pesanteur de la barque {i.e. nacelle) suspen- 
 due," H^nin de Cuvillers. 
 
 1874, the term esquif aerien is found in the Illustration, 
 probably merely for the sake of variety as a rhetorical 
 name. 
 
 So much for the terms suggested by the analogy of 
 boats. Although certain of these names, principally 
 navire aerien and vaisseau aerien, continued in frequent 
 use .long after a final selection had been made, it was 
 not from this group that the permanent name, either 
 popular or learned, was to be chosen. 
 
 Some persons preferred to think of the new invention 
 not as a boat but as a sort of vehicle or carriage. These 
 gave it such names as cabriolet volant, a machine which 
 Bescherelle (Histoire des ballons, 1851) says appeared in 
 1772 at Etampes; char volant, applied to Scaliger's con- 
 ception by Tib^re Cavallo, who translated his Histoire 
 et partique de V aerostation from the EngUsh, 1786; voi- 
 ture volante or voiture aerienne, both mentioned by 
 BeschereUe, 1851, and the former also used by Dupuis- 
 Delcourt, 1850, as a name for the machine of the Abb6 
 
72 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 Desforges made in 1772. Even the term maison aerosta- 
 tique was used by M. de Parcieux, Dissertation sur les 
 globes aerostatiques, Paris, 1783. All these names, how- 
 ever, were rather too fanciful to obtain much serious 
 vogue and thus can hardly be considered very sig- 
 nificant. 
 
 But there was a third type of name, and from this it 
 was that one of the two permanent designations was 
 finally chosen. This type was influenced by the idea 
 of the shape of the new invention and also by the idea 
 that it swims in the air like a fish in water. As early as 
 1804 experiments were made with a type of machine 
 similar in form to the modern dirigibles, and it was not 
 unnatural to call these balloons poissons. We read in 
 La Minerve, vaisseau aerien, a pamphlet reprinted in 
 Paris in 1820, from a Vienna edition of 1804: 
 
 On fit venir de Paris MM. Bollee, pere et fils, pour con- 
 struire en beaudruche un poisson de 90 pieds de long et 24 
 de diametre. Les deux nageoires ont 30 pieds de long et la 
 queue ou gouvemail 15. 
 
 As late as 1871 the IWnstration (July 8), in an article 
 on "La poste a^rienne," speaks of "I'auteur d'un hallon- 
 poisson." This form of expression had also been used 
 as early as 1793, though in a pamphlet of hardly scien- 
 tific seriousness, Le Dauphin enleve ou I'art de se diriger 
 dans les airs, par le F*® de . . . Londres 1793. This writer 
 constantly referred to "mon poisson volant" and "le 
 poisson ou bateau," and carried the figure further in 
 such expressions as "dedans le corps da poisson" and 
 "des nageoires suspendus au bas de la carcasse." But 
 this term did not meet with much favor. This was not 
 necessarily because the figure was too daring or too un- 
 scientific. Natural objects sometimes furnish acceptable 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "AfiRO-" 73 
 
 terms of this sort, as in the case of "poire ilectrique." 
 The probable reason for its rejection was rather that 
 most experiments were not with a form that would sug- 
 gest a poisson, for the greater part of the experiments 
 were with spherical bags. These it was only natural 
 to speak of as "spheres a6rostatiques," "spheres a6rien- 
 nes," "globes a6rostatiques," "globes volants," of which 
 fairly nmnerous examples occur; for example: 
 
 1783, Faujas de St. Fond uses "globes a^rostatiques" 
 and often refers to the whole appliance as "le globe," 
 "ces globes." 
 
 1783, a notice distributed in Paris, quoted (1850) by 
 Dupuis-Delcourt, speaks of "des ballons ou globes" 
 (using the latter word five times to baUon once), and 
 also of "la sphere a^rostatique ou le globe volant." 
 
 1802, H6nin de Cuvillers uses "globes a^rostatiques," 
 but only once. Even in 1873 we find, in the Illustration 
 (Mar. 1), "le gaz dont la sphere a^rienne est gonfl^e." 
 But here the author is perhaps thinking more particu- 
 larly of the bag rather than of the object as a whole. 
 And this in fact is the use to which these words sphere 
 and globe were more and more restricted as time went 
 on. And being thus restricted they were used less and 
 less as general names. 
 
 Such, too, it might have been expected would be the 
 fate of the word ballon, and yet such was not the case. 
 From the begiiming this word, like sphere and globe, 
 had been used in compounds to form a general name — 
 ballon aerien (1786), ballon airostatique (1783). But it 
 was used alone more frequently than any of the other 
 nouns when a single word was desired as a name. From 
 1783, Faujas de St. Fond, and 1784, Kratzenstein, it is 
 the preferred name. By 1786, according to the testi- 
 mony of Cavallo, ballon was definitely the most favored of 
 all the words. "Cette esp^ce de sac, qui prit le nom de 
 
74 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 ballon k cause de sa forme globuleuse, et donna le nom 
 de ballons a&riens aux machines volantes en g6n6ral," is 
 what he says. 
 
 It is true' also that the word ballon was used not less 
 frequently than sphere or globe as meaning distinctly 
 the bag and nothing more. It was so used in the quota- 
 tion from Cavallo just given. Witness also the follow- 
 ing examples: 1784, Kratzenstein, "le ballon ou le corps 
 principal du vaisseau"; "attacher au ballon le bateau 
 qui doit recevoir les voyageurs." In 1802 H6nin de 
 Cuvillers frequently used indiscriminately the words 
 ballon and globe to name the bag, and also used the word 
 ballon, along with aerostat, to name the entire machine. 
 We find a similar confusion in 1804 in Zambeccari (quoted 
 by Dupuis-Delcourt). In 1820 Robertson, La Minerve, 
 in describing his "vaisseau a6rien," labels the bag por- 
 tion "ballon de 150 pieds de diamStre, en sole crue," and 
 then says, "ce globe enlSve un navire." 
 
 Even as late as 1834, in La lanterne magique, it does 
 not seem definitely settled which words shall mean simply 
 the bag and which shall refer to the whole machine. 
 When the author here referred to says, "rar6fiait I'air 
 contenu dans le ballon," or "se faire enlever par un ballon 
 retenu par des cordes," or "le ballon se gonfla," it seems 
 that he is thinking rather more of the bag than of the 
 whole machine. 
 
 This same confusion often extended even to the word 
 aerostat. In the same article the author says, "rempUr 
 Vaerostat de gaz." This same use is even clearer in the 
 Illustration as late as 1875 (Dec. 18) describing "La 
 chute du ballon TUnivers." Speaking from the point 
 of view of one in "la nacelle," the author says: "levant 
 les yeux vers Vaerostat il s'aperQut que sa sph6ricit^ s'6tait 
 alt^ree." The bag was also often called "le vaisseau"; 
 1784, Kratzenstein, "ce gaz, introduit dans le vaisseau." 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "AfiRO-" 75 
 
 But while the words sphere and globe became by such 
 use narrowed and very likely disqualified for the position 
 of general name, the words ballon and aerostat resisted 
 this tendency and remained, in spite of this occasional 
 misappropriation, sufficiently general to refer to the 
 whole object.^ 
 
 Sometimes a less definite form of reference than navire 
 or sphere or ballon was desired. Then the word machine 
 was resorted to. This was combined with all three ad- 
 jectives and is found frequently both early and more 
 lately: 
 
 Machine aerostatique — 1783, Faujas de St. Fond, "les 
 machines aerostatiques des Montgolfiers, " etc.; * 
 
 1804, La Minerve, pamphlet, "la machine aerostatique 
 appel^e La Minerve"; 
 
 1850, Dupuis-Delcourt, "la machine aerostatique de 
 Montgolfier." 
 
 Machine volante — 1784, L'art de voler d la maniere 
 des oiseaux, Meerwein, Basle, 1784, "la matiire em- 
 ployee k la construction d'une machine volante"; 
 
 1786, Histoire et pratique de V aerostation, Cavallo, "... 
 cette esp^ce de sac, qui prit le nom de baUon k cause de 
 sa forme globuleuse et donna le nom de ballons aeriens 
 aux machines volantes en g^n^ral"; 
 
 1891, the Illustration, June 20, refers to "la machine 
 volante de M. Ader," also to "la machine a voler." 
 
 Machine aerienne — 1784, Rapport fait a V Academic 
 des Sciences sur la machine aerostatique inventee par MM. 
 
 2 Ballon of course, unlike aerostat, was a word already in com- 
 mon use in other meanings. The dictionary of the Academy, 
 Lyons, 1776, defines it as follows: " Vessie enflde d'air et recouverte 
 de cuir dont on joue en la frappant avec le poing ou le pied. Aussi 
 une sorte de vaisseau k plusieurs rames dont on se sert pour aller 
 sur les fleuves de Siam. Aussi, en chimie, un gros matras ou une 
 bouteiUe." 
 
76 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 Montgolfier says, "en 1755 on imprima a Avignon L'art 
 de naviguer dans les airs, amusement physique et geomi- 
 trique, par P. Gallien." In quoting from this work the 
 article uses the word vaisseau and adds the explanatory 
 note, "car il est question d'une vaste machine airienne." 
 1894, the Illustration, 15 Dec, speaks of "une machine 
 airienne construite d'apres les principes formulas par M. 
 Langley." 
 
 Une montgolfiere was a name very popular for some 
 time, not only at first but persisting for a long time as 
 the term for a hot-air balloon as distinguished from 
 one inflated by gas. Had this been chosen as the general 
 name, as for a time seemed not unhkely, it would have 
 been an interesting parallel to the modern words zeppe- 
 lin and Caproni. Examples of its use are: 
 
 1784, Relation du voyage aerien de Pilastre de Rozier et 
 Proust quoted in Dupuis-Delcourt, "La montgolfiere 
 s'^levait trSs lentement," "le cone de la montgolfiere," 
 and frequent other instances; 
 
 1833, Magasin pittoresqu£, in an article called "L'aeros- 
 tation," uses "les montgolfiSres " as a name for a special 
 kind of balloon; 
 
 1853, Selle de Beauchamp, "Le materiel de I'a^rosta- 
 tion avait 4t6 d^truit et lorsque Cont6 voulut, dans 
 une f^te, 61ever un aerostat, ce fut une montgolfiere en 
 toile dont il se servit"; 
 
 1877, Le monde illustre, Sept. 8, Courrier de Paris, 
 "La mode des montgolfi^es est revenue. Ces ballons 
 enflamm^s impressionnent mieux le pubhc que les bal- 
 lons k gaz"; 
 
 1899, W. de FonvieUe, "On a lanc§ depuis im si^cle 
 des milUers de montgolfieres et aussi des miUiers d'a^ros- 
 tats gonflfe au gaz." "Dans toutes les principales villes 
 on langa des ballons ou des montgolfieres perdues." 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "AERO-" 77 
 
 The form aero-mordgolfiere is occasionally found: 1850, 
 Dupuis-Delcourt speaks of "ra^ro-montgolfiSre de Pilas- 
 tre de Rozier"; 
 
 1880, L. Figuier gives a picture entitled " L'a6ro-mont- 
 golfiere de Pilastre de Rozier." 
 
 Out of all this confusion and profusion of terms the 
 word ballon gradually emerged as the popular name. 
 F6raud says in his dictionary (1787), article aerostat: 
 "On nommait d'abord ces machines fr^les et legferes, 
 globe, ballon. On les a ensuite nomm6s aerostat, nom 
 plus savant." From being at first no more firmly estab- 
 lished than the name sphere or globe or navire or vaisseau, 
 and applied as often as these words to the bag alone as 
 well as to the whole machine, the word ballon, by the 
 inevitability of popular choice, became more and more 
 strengthened in the position of the chosen name and 
 ended by prevailing. 
 
 Its trivunph had to be shared, however. From the very 
 first we find a powerful and an eventually equally success- 
 ful rival in aerostat. If we look over the Hst of the various 
 names that were tried (p. 67) we shall see that seven 
 were made with the aid of the adjective aerostatique. 
 The abbreviation to which all of these would reduce 
 would naturally be one and the same. As the original 
 "machine locomotive" gives us locomotive, and "voi- 
 ture automobile" gives automobile, so "machine, globe, 
 ballon or navire aerostatique" might be expected to give 
 as noun aerostatique. Whether this word is too plainly 
 labeled as adjective by the termination -dque, or whether 
 it is too long, it in any case becomes shortened. And the 
 abbreviation of aU the combinations appears uniformly 
 as aerostat. 
 
 Thus was made the selection of the two names for 
 the balloon. Let us now see how it came about that 
 
78 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 aeroplane was the word chosen for the heavier-than-air 
 machine when this was invented. By our study of the 
 naming of the balloon I think we now feel the almost 
 inevitability of the choice of the root aer for the desired 
 new word. It almost seems impossible that any other 
 root should have been selected. In the list (p. 67) of 
 terms considered for the balloon, fifteen out of the twenty- 
 four contain the root aer. Only those made with volant 
 and one or two special words do not. From this we 
 may feel that it is hkely that this root will be selected 
 for purposes of composition when a new name is needed. 
 Yet if popular caprice had chosen to reject this well- 
 established root and make an entirely fresh word we 
 could not have been surprised either. Indeed the seven 
 combinations that were made with volant were not, 
 as we shall see, altogether without influence, and French 
 was not without its "machine volante," etc. — counter- 
 parts of the at one time more or less common English 
 designation "flying machine." 
 
 The origin of the second part also of the new word, the 
 element plane, suggests interesting questions. Is it, as 
 Larousse indicates, from the French planer, and is the 
 word aeroplane therefore a hybrid? Or are those Hel- 
 lenists right who rescue it from this ignominy by deriv- 
 ing it directly from the undoubtedly existent Greek 
 adjective aepoirXavos " wandering in the air," from tKclvco, 
 from which also planet? This question may become 
 clearer to us as we investigate the pre-natal development 
 of the word airoplane. 
 
 The ballon or aerostat is a machine which is hghter 
 than air, the airoplane is heavier than air. From the 
 very beginning there were experiments with both these 
 types of machine, and almost as early as the successful 
 experimentations of the Montgolfier brothers we find 
 men believing that it was possible to fly with a heavier- 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "A£R0-" 79 
 
 than-air machine. But tlie balloons were perfected long 
 before the aeroplanes. We shall be interested to see how 
 these very early attempts at aeroplanes were referred to 
 duriDg the long period of unsuccessful experiment, for 
 in these references we shall be able to watch the whole 
 process of formation or of selection of the name which 
 is to be. 
 
 First let us see how natural it is that the second ele- 
 ment of the word aeroplane should be what it is — how 
 this element no less than the other part asr seems to 
 grow into acceptance by the natural and gradual process 
 of popular use. To do this we have only to arrange in 
 order the following quotations, all antedating the defini- 
 tive appearance of the word a^oplane, which we remem- 
 ber was not until 1875. 
 
 1784, Rapport fait a I'Academie des Sciences sur la 
 machine aerostatique inventie par MM. de Montgolfier : 
 "Le vol des oiseaux est si ^tonnant et la faculty de se 
 lever et de planer dans les airs. ..." 
 
 1834, Recherches sur le vol des oiseaux et I'art alrosta-' 
 ticpie, Dubochet (quoted by Armengaud, p. 25) : " II carac- 
 t^rise les genres de vol comme vol ram6, vol plane, vol 
 k la voile." 
 
 1850, DupUis-Delcourt's Manuel: ". . . de planer dans 
 les airs"; "ce secret de planer dans le vaste atmosphere." 
 
 1868, May 2, the Illustration, "Relation de I'ascension 
 scientifique de C. Flammarion": "... planant au-dessus 
 d'un oc^an sans bornes" and many other occurrences of 
 the verb planer, e.g., in the issue of August 29, in an 
 article on "Le voyage du ballon Le Neptune" we find 
 "nous planons. ..." 
 
 1868, Le probleme de la navigation aerienne, Cordenons 
 Pascal: ". . . un faucon planer dans les airs." 
 
 1869, Les ballons et les voyages airiens, F. Marion: 
 "J'ai souvent examine les oiseaux qui planent" ; "la 
 
80 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 question est de chercher un nouvel engin susceptible de 
 planer et de voler dans I'air." 
 
 There were, of course, other words besides planer 
 occasionally used to describe the motion which it was 
 the attempt of inventors to imitate. Such, for example, 
 was glisser. Now and then, too, an author would use 
 the word voguer in speaking of an aerostat. But planer 
 became more and more the usual word. And so when, 
 in 1875, we find Alphonse Brown, in "La conqu^te de 
 I'air," saying: "Pour diriger cette masse ou plut6t 
 cette large superficie, cet aeroplane en un mot [italics 
 in the origiaal] il fallait un gouvernail," ' we are not 
 surprised, but rather feel it was the most natural word 
 to use. Nor are we now inclined, plausible as it would 
 seem to be, to derive the word from the convenient Greek 
 aepowKavos. 
 
 But let us see what other proposals had been made 
 when, in the years before 1875, it was necessary to refer 
 to the machine which inventors were trying to evolve in 
 imitation of birds and which was later to be called the 
 aeroplane. If the analogy of ships had great influence 
 in the formation of the aerostat vocabulary, the analogy 
 of birds was no less potent in the heavier-than-air ter- 
 minology. "Flying," "voler," — that was the magic 
 word, especially in the earher days. We recall that 
 nearly a third of the tentative names for the balloon were 
 made by the aid of the adjective volant. While this 
 component was not finally selected as the accepted name 
 for either the balloon or the aeroplane, still there was for 
 a time a tendency to use one or another combination 
 containing this word, and French had for a while its 
 counterparts of the EngUsh term "flying machine." 
 In fact the greater part of the earUer references to the 
 
 ' This is the earliest instance of the use of the word that we 
 found. 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "AERO-" 81 
 
 machine which was not a true aerostat were made by- 
 means of the Words voler, volant, etc. 
 
 1784, in Rapport d I'Academie des Sciences, Roger 
 Bacon is called "le premier qui ait parl6 d'une machine 
 pour voler." 
 
 1784, Meerwein, L'art de voler a la maniere des aiseauz : 
 "... la mati^re employ^ k la construction d'une machine 
 volante" (twice); "I'homme volant" as a term for the 
 aeronaut (thrice). 
 
 1786, CavaUo, Histoire et pratique de I'airostation, in 
 speaking of early attempts at air navigation, uses gen- 
 erally the term "l'art de voler." Translating from Roger 
 Bacon, he says, "il y a certaiaement une machine volante"; 
 and later: "depuis Bacon l'art de voler a eu plusieurs 
 partisans"; "on a propose d'apprendre k voler graduelle- 
 ment aux enfants en les prenant d^s I'dge le plus tendre"; 
 "Cuper trouva l'art de voler"; "Scaliger congoit que la 
 structure de pareils automates volans, au moyen d'un 
 char volant . . . une machine volante. ..." 
 
 1850, Dupuis-Delcourt, Manuel d' aerostation : "la ma- 
 chine volante de Dante," "la machine k voler de Besnier, 
 1678"; "la voiture volante de I'abb^ Desforges, 1772"; 
 "le bateau volant de Blanchard": "de volateur il se fit 
 aeronaute." The usage of this author and the preced- 
 ing seems to be to confine the term volant to primitive 
 machines. And yet the current use of volant persisted 
 on and on. 
 
 1863, the Illustration, column "Courrier de Paris," 
 which uses literary rather than scientific language, tells 
 of a Basque who was trying to fly by means of "ailes" 
 and, without giving any name to his machine, calls him 
 "I'homme volant." 
 
 1864, the "Courrier de Paris" column of the Illustra- 
 tion, again refers to M. Van Groof as "un homme volant," 
 but fails to give any name to his machine. 
 
82 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 1868, Le Magasin pittoresque has an article on the new 
 form of aerial propulsion in which the aviator is referred 
 to as "rhomme aile" as well as "rhomme volant." 
 
 1869, F. Marion, Les ballons et les voyages aeriens, speaks 
 of "le vaisseau volant de Blanchard, 1784." 
 
 By this time, however, the term machine volante was 
 gradually being replaced by other designations; such, 
 for example, as aironef, plus lourd que I'air. Yet it con- 
 tinued to be used now and then, often in popular style, 
 but also in more scientific articles. 
 
 1876, Le Monde illustri (Dec. 2) has an article in the 
 column "Memento" on "Le nouvel homme oiseau," 
 in the course of which it says: "on se rappelle la mort 
 de rhomme volant (Groof) k Londres," "Sir R. Scott 
 a present6 a M. Bismark sa nouvelle macMne k voler." 
 
 1891, the Illustration (June 20) speaks of "la machine 
 volante de M. Ader" and uses the term machine d voler. 
 
 1894, the Illustration again uses machine volante. 
 
 1908, L' aeroplane Wilbur Wright, by A. Bracke, begins 
 its preface as follows: "L'int6r^t croissant qui s'attache 
 aux questions d'aviation nous incite a pubher quelques 
 monographes traitant, soit des machines volantes exp6ri- 
 ment^es avec succds, soit de questions qui se rattachent 
 au vol naturel ou m6canique en general." 
 
 There is a disposition to retain the stem vol- as a useful 
 variant for the different terms needed. It is sometimes 
 used in forming a name of very general appUcation, as 
 in Le ProbUme de V aviation, J. Armengaud, 1908: "L'a6ro- 
 nautique comprend deux branches : I'a^rostation . . . et 
 I'aviation avec des appareils dits volateurs plus lourds 
 que I'air . . . mais I'a^roplane doit ^tre la meilleure forme 
 des machines volantes." "On peut ranger en trois classes 
 les volateurs, c'est-&,-dire les machines qui doivent r^ahser 
 I'aviation," "...le volateur, nom qu'on donne aussi h 
 I'appareil d'aviation." 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "AfiRO-" 83 
 
 In general, however, the stem vol- did not offer serious 
 rivahy to the elements aer- and -plane. In the beginning 
 it was discredited by being generally reserved to refer 
 to the earlier and less practical experiments. Later it 
 was used to form a very general name for all sorts of 
 machines (volateurs) and thus relegated to a position of 
 rather rare use. 
 
 Some twelve or fifteen years before the word aeroplane 
 appeared, experiments with this kind of machine became 
 increasingly promising and successful, and at least two 
 words came to the fore to perform the work for which 
 the stem vol- had gradually become incapacitated. It 
 was at this time also that another of the new words of 
 the vocabulary of the science appeared, viz., the general 
 term Vaviation. Before speaking of the two expressions 
 employed in advance of the word aeroplane, let us de- 
 scribe briefly the birth of the term aviation. 
 
 In 1784 Ch. Fred. Meerwein, architecte de S. A. S. le 
 prince de Baade, proposed to attempt a form of flight 
 more similar to that of birds than was the method of 
 Montgolfier. He called his treatise L'art de voler d la 
 maniere des oiseaux (Basle, 1784). In it he remarks: 
 "C'est en me servant d'une machine moins co<iteuse, 
 plus soUde que les ballons que je me propose de courir 
 les plaines etherees ^there are here, we may observe, no 
 figures from the sea] en conformant mon vol k celui des 
 oiseaux." His machine is "une machine volante," but 
 he proposes ho general name such as Vaviation for this 
 new branch of the science of aeronautics. 
 
 The balloons continue to hold the center of interest 
 until, in December, 1863, we find the Illustration giving 
 an account of a Basque who attempted a method of 
 flight with wings (ailes). But here again this division 
 of V aerostation receives no generic name. In fact a few 
 
84 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 months later (Feb. 1864) we find in the same magazine 
 evidence that this branch of the science was not in a 
 state of development to require the immediate establish- 
 ment of a terminology. In the department "Revue 
 scientifique," under the head "Aerostation," the editors 
 explain that they have not treated the subject much up 
 to this time because they feel it is a problem not as yet 
 solved. After some general discussion mention is made 
 of a new form of air machine which shall avoid the prime 
 fault of balloons as so far developed, viz., impossibility 
 of being steered. This new form, it is said, "sera un 
 appareil nageant, s'^levant . . . gr&ce k I'heUce qui sera 
 appHqu6e k la nacelle." This is unquestionably the 
 science destined later to be called aviation. But no 
 general name for it is proposed and the whole subject is 
 dismissed with the remark: "Nous y reviendrons quand 
 nous aurons a annoncer un resultat positif." 
 
 The next year, however, the term aviation appears. 
 M. Nadar was making experiments. The Illustration, 
 in its "Inventaire de I'annee" (Dec. 31, 1864), says: 
 "M. Nadar ne cesse pas de . . . proclamer I'inanite du 
 ballon et de promettre I'avenir de I'hehce." This again 
 was really aviation, but the Illustration uses no real 
 name. The following year, however, (1865) M. Nadar 
 himseK remedied the deficiency. In his book, Le Droit 
 au vol, he designates as I'aviation the form of the science 
 which he champions. The passage is as follows : " N'avais- 
 je pas cr46 au profit de la Cause d' Aviation, en France et 
 partout, une Agitation qui se manifesto chaque jour par 
 la discussion?" (p. 106). 
 
 Interest in this form of aerial navigation continued, 
 and experiments "k I'aide d'appareils plus lourds que 
 I'air qu'ils d^placent et mis en mouvement par de puis- 
 sants moteurs" (Le Magasin pittoresque, 1868, p. 407) 
 
THE WOED-ELEMENT "AfiRO-" 85 
 
 continued to be more and more successful. "La ques- 
 tion du 'plus lourd que I'air' se rattache," says our 
 magazine, "plus directement k celle de I'homme ail6^ 
 qu'k I'a^rostation proprement dite." Although in this 
 passage the new word aviation does not appear, it is 
 used later on, and from this time the science is generally 
 so named. In 1874 the Illustration (Nov. 28) speaks of 
 the "experiences avec des appareils A' aviation par Al- 
 phonse Pfeaud." And elsewhere in the same journal 
 the word is unhesitatingly used. 
 
 The machines themselves, however, whereby aviation 
 is being reahzed are, as yet, without a name. In the 
 earlier times, when experiments were concerned with the 
 type of machine which was not a baUoon, there was, as 
 we have seen, a tendency to use a name made on the 
 stem vol-. But we have already traced the utilization 
 of this stem and have found that it does not furnish us 
 with the definitive name. If, as we have seen, this new 
 branch of the science receives in 1865 its specific name 
 aviation, we may wonder how the machines were desig- 
 nated in the ten years before the word aeroplane appears. 
 
 In February, 1864, we find such a reference in the 
 Illustration. In the "Revue scientifique," under the 
 heading "Aerostation," note is made of a new form of 
 machine not, Hke the hot-air and gas balloons, impossi- 
 ble to steer, but clearly an attempt at an aeroplane. 
 Nor is it referred to, as one might expect, as "une 
 machine volante." Now it is "I'aeronef." "A bas 
 Ta^rostat ! Place k Vaeronef [itaUcs in the original], 
 litt6ralement un navire aerien. Ce sera un appareil 
 nageant, s'^Ievant . . . grdce k I'heUce qui sera appUqu^e 
 k la nacelle." However, this machine is not looked upon 
 as very successful. "On n'aura pas trouv6 I'omnibus 
 des airs, le probleme n'est pas r&olu, pas plus pour les 
 
86 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 aerostats que pour les aeronefs. Nous y reviendrons 
 quand nous aurons k annoncer un resultat positif." 
 Note that it is the element aero- that is here used. 
 
 There were in addition other experiments with this 
 same word-element airo-. On the last page of the Illus- 
 tration for July 16, 1864, appears a conspicuous announce- 
 ment of "La societe frangaise des aeroscaphes. Expos6 
 des principes d'apres lesquels un aerostat peut 6tre diri- 
 geable." A cut shows a machine like a modem dirigible 
 balloon rather than an aeroplane. In the course of the 
 announcement the new word aeroscaphe is not again 
 used, but instead is found generally the word aerostat, 
 and once ballon. 
 
 In 1868, in a work entitled Le Probleme de la navigation 
 aerienne, V6rone, 1868, Cordenons Pascal offered a solu- 
 tion of the problem by means of a machine not altogether 
 unUke an aeroplane. Throughout the work he carefully 
 refrains from giving his invention a name. He avoids 
 aerostat and ballon, occasionally using the general term 
 navire aerien, but mostly caUing it "cet instrument." 
 In the very last sentence he flashes it on us. It is aero- 
 navire: — "il me parait d'avoir substitue au ballon un 
 plus stir moyen de navigation aerienne, un AERONA- 
 VIRE [[capitals are his] qui peut ^tre doming par son 
 voyagem:." But these two proposed terms, aeroscaphe 
 and aeronavire, were not generally taken up. 
 
 Aeronef, on the contrary, was for some time a word 
 of considerable promise. M. Landur uses it in a memoir 
 published in 1864 in a collection by le V*® de Ponton 
 d'Am6court. "On peut munir I'aerone/ d'une vaste 
 surface...."* In 1875 Alphonse Brown, in the very 
 book in which he introduces — its first appearance so 
 far as I have been able to find — the word aeroplane, 
 seems nevertheless to prefer' for ordinary purposes the 
 * Quoted by Armengaud, p. 35. 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "AERO-" 87 
 
 word aeronef, and he uses it generally throughout the 
 book in referring to the machine which he really con- 
 sidered to be "un aeroplane," but which he calls so only 
 two or three times. "Les vents contraires arr^teront 
 le vol des aeronef s"; "I'aeronef effectuerait un trajet"; 
 "il projetait de construire un nouvel aeronef;" and so 
 frequently. 
 
 Yet even after the appearance of aeroplane, the word 
 aeronef did not disappear. We find it as late as 1908. 
 In that year La Nature (part I, p. 277) has an article 
 by L. Fournier entitled "L'aeronef MaMcot." In this 
 case the word is used to name a "ballon dirigeable." 
 
 But meantime there were some who, while discarding 
 such a designation as machine volante, did not accept the 
 proffered aeronef. These made use of the rather cumber- 
 some descriptive term "le plus lourd que I'air." In 1865 
 M. Nadar in the same work, Le Droit au vol, in which 
 we found the first use of the word aviation also gives as a 
 proposal for the name of the new machines the com- 
 pound "plus lourd que I'air." ^ It is a phrase that would 
 naturally be used in any description of these machines. 
 But it could hardly become a veritable name. 
 
 Others also took up the term. In 1868 we find in Le 
 Magasin pittoresque (p. 407) an article of two pages, 
 with an iQustration, on the subject of aerostation.* In 
 the course of it we find mentioned "un troisieme mode 
 de navigation a^rienne . . . k I'aide d'appareils plus lourds 
 que I'air qu'ils d^placent et mis en mouvement par de 
 puissants moteurs." [Already quoted.] Here of course the 
 phrase is merely descriptive and not in any sense a name. 
 
 ^ For example, p. 28, he says, "Le problfeme de la navigation 
 agrienne est double en effet, et si notre th^orie du plus lourd que 
 I'air est admise ..." 
 
 « Title "Les Ailes. De la possibility pour Thomme de s'atta- 
 cher des ailes et de voler comme I'oiseau." 
 
88 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 But immediately comes a different use: "La question 
 du 'plus lourd que I'air' [quotation marks in the origi- 
 nal3 se rdttache plus directement k celte de I'homme 
 ail6 qu'a I'a^rostation proprement dite." 
 
 In 1869 (F. Marion, Les Ballons et les voyages aeriens) 
 we find the phrase recurring as a descriptive qualifica- 
 tion and not as a noun. "La question est de chercher 
 un nouvel engin susceptible de planer et de voler dans 
 I'air — un engin plus lourd que I'air." But again, in 
 
 1874, in the Illustration (July 25), it appears as a noun. 
 It is in an article on the death of De Groof . The full- 
 page pictm-e shows him falling in a machine much like 
 the modern aeroplane. In the course of the article, a 
 column in length, this machine is referred to only once 
 by name. (Note that this is a year before Alphonse 
 Brown's use of the word aeroplane.) And then we read: 
 "Jamais nous n'avons n6gUg6 une occasion pour pr^cher 
 contre la folie du plus lourd que I'air." 
 
 Alphonse Brown himself does not avoid this form: 
 "Les partisans de la direction des ballons," he says, 
 
 1875, "et les partisans du 'plus lourd que I'air' " [quota- 
 tion marks and itahcs his^. 
 
 Again, in 1876, we find this form, this time as a gen- 
 eral term, in Le Technologiste of March 11, in an article 
 entitled "La Locomotion mecanique dans I'air, par M. A. 
 Penaud." "L'aviation du plus lourd que I'air," it says, 
 "est resolue en principe dans ses trois formes principales; 
 I'aeroplane, I'oiseau mecanique et I'h^Hcopt^re, tels sont 
 les noms que M. Penaud a donnas k ses appareils." 
 
 And also, in 1881, the Illustration (Sept. 24), in a two- 
 page article reviewing G. Masson's L' empire de I'air, uses 
 the term several times: e.g., "M. Maillard ne croit qu'au 
 plus lourd que I'air." But gradually the phrase dis- 
 appeared as a name, though it continued in use as a 
 qualificative. Without doubt it was its cumbersome- 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "AfiRO-" 89 
 
 ness that kept it from being accepted as the true name of 
 the machine. 
 
 But our machine might very well have been called a 
 pteroplane or an aeroptere, or possibly by some name made 
 from the word helice. For these words emphasize the 
 principal differences between it and the balloon. It 
 had wings (Gk. irrkpa) and it was propelled by I'helice. 
 Both -ptere and helice were, as a matter of fact, some- 
 what used to form various names. In 1865 M. Nadar 
 mentions "les petits heUcopteres de MM. de la Landelle 
 et d'Am^court." In 1876 (P^naud) we find, as has just 
 been noted, the three principal forms of machines for 
 aviation given 'as "I'a&oplane, I'oiseau m^canique et 
 Vhelicoptere." In 1881, in the Illustration, G. Tissandier 
 refers to certain toys or models as "de petits heUcopteres." 
 In the end this word became accepted as the name for 
 a, certain sort of air machine, and still another word, 
 orthoptere, was formed on the same stem. In 1908 Ar- 
 mengaud says that "les machines qui doivent r^aliser 
 I'aviation" are divided into "trois classes de volateurs, 
 les orthopteres, les h6Ucopt§res et les aeroplanes." There 
 is also foimd the word ornithoptere. L' Aviation, by Pain- 
 lev6 et Borel, Paris 1910, says: "Lors que I' orthoptere 
 egt propuls^ au Ueu de s'^lever verticalement sur place, il 
 devient ornithoptere, c'est-^-dire que ses ailes attaquent 
 I'air obliquement et non plus normalement " (p. 15). 
 But for some reason the root ptere was not chosen to 
 name the aeroplane. 
 
 The word helice was likewise passed over, although 
 we find it somewhat used. We have seen it in the word 
 helicoptere. In 1850 Dupuis-Delcourt speaks of "la 
 machine helicmde de Blanchard," ' and in 1864 the word 
 
 ' Nauveau Manuel d' Aerostation, p. 79. According to the plate 
 to which the author refers us this was an ordinary balloon. 
 
90 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 was used in the Illustration to designate- generally the 
 whole (as yet unnamed) science of aviation — "... de 
 proclamer I'inanit^ du ballon et de promettre I'avenir 
 de VMlice." Thus we see that either of these stems 
 stood ready for use in 1875, but both were passed by. 
 Yet it is idle to speculate in this way. Aeroplane was the 
 word that was proposed and selected. 
 
 Once advanced it found fairly ready acceptance. It is 
 true that we find Le Monde illustre in December, 1876, 
 failing to recognize it, and pubhshing an article of a 
 column in length on "le nouvel homme oiseau," never 
 using either the word aviation or aeroplane, but instead 
 of the latter, machine a voler. But already, in March 
 of the same year, Le Technologiste had used the word as 
 the definite name of one of the three principal machines 
 "de I'aviation du plus lourd que I'air: V aeroplane, I'oi- 
 seau m^canique et I'h^licoptere, tels sont les noms que 
 M. P&aud a donne k ses appareils " (quoted above). 
 And from that time on the word was apparently estab- 
 hshed. 
 
 Yet, hke so many other words of this sort, the word 
 aeroplane has met with violent objection. First of all, 
 it is stigmatized as a hybrid, part Greek and part French. 
 But worse than this, it is said to be barbarous in its 
 very succession of sounds. M. Meillet, in "La Crise de 
 la langue frangaise" (Revue bleue, Sept. 1903), voices a 
 widely held opinion when he inveighs against it as "con- 
 traire en tous points au g6nie du frangais, avec son hia- 
 tus hideux de deux voyelles identiques qui se heurtent 
 et avec sa longue s&ie de syllabes ouvertes." Many 
 assert that the people refuse to accept the hiatus and 
 quite generally change the word to areoplane? But I 
 
 ' Nyrop, for example, says (I, p. 398) that ariostat is heard for 
 airostat, possibly under the influence of ariopage. 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "AfiRO-" 91 
 
 have never found this form in print, as is not unusual 
 in ItaUan. Perhaps the success of the more or less closely 
 duplicate form avion is a subtle slur on the awkwardness 
 of the word aeroplane. As an effort towards something 
 more French than aeroplane, avion is a word, says Meillet 
 {ibid.), "qui a du moins un aspect frangais." But he 
 proceeds to counteract this faint praise by continuing: 
 "mais qui est le derive d'un mot latin et dont la forma- 
 tion est ininteUigible k un Frangais qui est ignorant du 
 latin." An American writer, in an editorial in the 
 New York Times (Nov. 15, 1915), is more enthusiastic. 
 He says: 
 
 "An indication, and not the first, that the French are 
 either more skillful or more fortunate than their neighbors 
 as inventors of names for new things is to be found in the 
 word 'avion,' recently manufactured and now in common 
 use by them for application to the machine which we and 
 other peoples are still calling — when we have time — by 
 the almost intolerably awkward name of 'aeroplane.' [This 
 was written before the apparently increasingly successful 
 attempt to introduce into English the form airplane.'} 
 
 "The French name is exactly right. It pleases both the 
 eye and the ear, it is perfect in construction, and it carries 
 the essential, all-important and only distinctive idea of bird- 
 like flight — a significance that is wholly lacking from 
 'aeroplane.' There are probably a dozen, possibly a score, 
 of other devices that are 'aeroplanes' just as much as is 
 the one we so denominate. Among them are windmills, 
 kites, weather vanes, and sails. 
 
 "Another objection to 'aeroplane' is that it demands an 
 accent so far from its end that our linguistic instinct, or 
 sense of verbal Tightness and propriety, is offended by the 
 request, and most of us insist on stressing the antepenult 
 and letting it go at that. 'Avion' has no such faults and it 
 is as good EngUsh as French, now that it has been revealed 
 to us." 
 
92 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 "But it is perhaps too late, alas ! for us to change, and 
 the chances are that we shall continue, though not gladly, 
 to suffer 'aeroplane,' just as we do the even worse word 
 'automobile.' " 
 
 The word avion was used as early as 1897 by Ader ' 
 and was for a time a name given to his particular ma- 
 chine. More lately it has come to be used especially of 
 military machines. Larousse says (May, 1913): "nom 
 donn6 aux aeroplanes affectfe au service des armdes." 
 Whether it will continue in this restricted sense or whether 
 its application will be broadened untU it comes to re- 
 place aeroplane, as its admirers doubtless hope, will be 
 interesting to see. It has already produced the forms 
 hydravion or hydroavion and avionnerie}" 
 
 But the word airoplane shows httle inclination to 
 withdraw. If aerostat has been able to maintain itself, 
 though containing the same hiatus, why cannot aero- 
 plane? The element aero-, in spite of this grave fault, 
 appears to be vigorous in producing words. As early 
 as 1863, fully twelve years before the word aeroplane 
 is found, the Illustration gives evidence that there was 
 a tendency to use this element for new compounds. It 
 describes (Oct. 10) a machine called "balance aero- 
 hydrostatique." Again, in 1873 (Feb. 8), it describes 
 a machine for carrying air to the lungs of a person going 
 into an infected mine, and it uses for a name the word 
 aerophores. Both these instances occurred before the 
 appearance of the word aeroplane. 
 
 After 1875 the same thing continued. In 1876 
 (Feb. 19) the Illustration described "la chaine aerhydrigue 
 de sauvetage de M. Toselli, pour les navires naufragfe." 
 In 1879 the word aeroscope was proposed. Larousse 
 adds, in the first supplement, as new words made with 
 
 ' Larousse. "> Larousse, May, 1913. 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "AfiRO-" 93 
 
 this element: aeroc^le (med.), aerodrome, aeronat (from 
 natare), aerophagie (med.), airophotometrie, aeropiezie 
 (med.), aSropiisisme (med.), airopUthysmographe (med.), 
 aerotropisme (bioL). 
 
 The word aeromobile was used of Santos Dumont's 
 machine, which was made in 1906." In 1907-10 La- 
 rousse adds the following: aerocyclette, aeromotocyclette, 
 aerothermigue (used of a refrigerator car), aerologue (cf. 
 pMlologue), aerothermogene (instrument for producing 
 hot air), aerothermothirapie, aeronavigation, aerotechnique, 
 and, produced from other elements used in aviation 
 words, hydroplane and aviabilite. The Dictionary of 
 Aviation, by R. M. Pierce, contains many scores of 
 words formed with the elements aero-, avi-, -plane, etc. 
 But these, of course, hke most of those we have men^ 
 tioned from Larousse, are in no sense in the popular 
 vocabulary. 
 
 In fact the element aero- seems to have had from the 
 first a firm position. The principal terms of the science, 
 those which are most fundamental and inclusive, have 
 been mada with this element. It was chosen early, in 
 fact in the very beginning, in 1783, and used in the new 
 word aerostat. It was chosen a second time in 1875, 
 nearly a hundred years later, when a new development 
 of the science called for an important new addition to 
 the terminology, that is, when the word aeroplane was 
 created. 
 
 Let us review briefly the career of this word-element. 
 In Greek it was used to some extent for forming com- 
 pounds, though not nearly so extensively as the elenient 
 aiUo-. LiddeU and Scott's Lexicon gives some thirty 
 words formed with it. Curiously enough, there were 
 at least eight among these that would have done admi- 
 rably as names for the aeroplane had fate decreed their 
 " A. F. Zahm, Aerial Navigation, p. 257. 
 
94 FEENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 choice. They were aepoSivrjs, wheeling in air; depoSpo/ws, 
 traversing the air; afpovnxvs, floating in air; depoTr^rijs, 
 flying, winged; aepoirdpos, traversing the air; kiporbiuK, 
 clearing the air; aepdcjioiTos, roaming in the air, and 
 atp6ir\avos, which has already been discussed. 
 
 When we come to Latin we find (very much as we did 
 in the case of the Greek element avro-) that the stem 
 aer- was little used for compounds, giving only aerius, 
 aeroides 'of the color of air,' aeromantia 'aeromancy,' 
 aerophobos 'one that fears the air.' Even these, except 
 possibly aerius, are mere transliterations of Greek words. 
 So we see that this element was not a popular one in 
 Latin. Possibly this is because aes, aeris 'bronze,' gave 
 a similar compounding element, as for example, in aeripes 
 'bronze-footed,' and desire to avoid confusion imposed 
 the neglect of one or the other series of compounds. 
 
 In the French vocabulary, before the introduction of 
 the word aerostat in 1783, we find that the element aero- 
 was known and somewhat used. Aside from aerer and 
 aSrien the Dictionary of the Academy for 1776 (Lyons) 
 gives aerographie, aeromancie, aerometre and aerometrie. 
 Then (just as we saw happen in the case of the element 
 auto-) aero- began in the nineteenth century to be more 
 and more used for compounding purposes. By the time 
 we reach 1873 we find Littr6's dictionary giving twenty- 
 seven words, as follows: aSrage, aerer, aerien, aerifdre 
 (voyez aerien), aeriforme, aerographie, aerolithe, aerologie, 
 aeromancie, aerometre, aerometrie, aeronaute, aerostat, 
 aerostation, ai.rostatiqu£, all of which are foimd also in 
 the Dictionary of the Academy of 1884; and in addition 
 aericoJe (a plant or animal living in air), airification 
 (chem.), aeriser (phys.), aerodynamiqwe (phs^s.), airo- 
 mancien, aeromel (mel, 'honey'), aeronautique, aerophobe, 
 aerophobie, aerophore (qui porte I'air), airij^e (anat.), 
 a&rosphere {atmosphere, phys.), airostier. In his sup- 
 
THE WORD-ELEMENT "AfiRO-" 95 
 
 plement (1877) he adds the following seven: airateur 
 (grenier a6rateur), aerhydrigue, aerobie (biol.), aironaval 
 (machine a6ronavale), aeronef, aerophyte (hot.), aerotMra- 
 pie. This makes a total of thirty-four words. 
 
 By 1914, according to the testimony of the Larousse 
 dictionary and supplements, there are found over a 
 hundred words, many of them it is true purely scientific, 
 but many also in popular use.^^ 
 
 We have now seen in detail three examples of the proc- 
 ess of selecting or creating new names for new objects, 
 having studied the methods by which the railroad, the 
 automobile, and the aeroplane were christened. It is 
 unnecessary to go through the same investigation for 
 other similar objects — the steamboat, the telegraph, the 
 phonograph, and many others that readily suggest them- 
 selves. For the three cases we have studied have dif- 
 fered among themselves, it seems evident, in details 
 rather than in principle, and it is hardly likely that trac- 
 ing the selection of the name bateau a vapeur or teUgraphe 
 would reveal anything new. Therefore we will close this 
 portion of our study and allow these three cases to stand 
 as representative of the first type of conscious word- 
 formation; that is to say, the type that is conscious only 
 to a certain degree. It is more conscious, for example, 
 than the selection of a word Uke table or maison can ever 
 have been, but not by any means so artificially inten- 
 tional as the examples we shall consider in the next two 
 chapters, where we shall discuss two deliberate efforts 
 in the construction of a carefully coordinated special 
 vocabulary, viz., the Republican calendar and the metric 
 terminology. 
 
 " It is to be noted that there is a slight confusion possible in 
 considering this element because both the Greek ivp and the Latin 
 aer give the same result in French compounds. But this is unim- 
 portant since the growth in both cases is really one and the same. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 Nomenclature of the Republican Calendar 
 
 We come now to two sets of terminology which are 
 more frankly conscious inventions than those of either 
 the railroad, the automobile, or the science of aeronaut- 
 ics; namely, the RepubUcan calendar and the metric 
 system. The three terminologies we have already con- 
 sidered grew up rapidly but naturally and without defi- 
 nite intention on the part of any individual creator. 
 The two sets of terms that we shall now study were the 
 outcome of deUberate construction on the part of their 
 authors. They will give us the opportunity to study this 
 type of word-formation under the most favorable con- 
 ditions. The RepubHcan calendar failed to prevail; 
 the metric terminology, on the other hand, though ob- 
 jected to as much as the calendar, did obtain, and seems 
 destined to ever widening adoption.^ This is, of course, 
 due to their comparative merits as systems and not in 
 any way to the respective claims of the mere words 
 themselves. 
 
 In considering these two series of terms we are dealing 
 with alterations not merely of sets of names but rather 
 of the systems underlying them. Our reformers were 
 not simply renaming the days and months, the weights 
 and measures; they were making new divisions of time 
 and new units of measurement, and then naming these 
 new divisions and units. It is therefore sometimes diffi- 
 
 1 See Chapter V. 
 96 
 
NOMENCLATURE OF THE CALENDAR 97 
 
 cult to disentangle the discussions of the merits of the 
 systems themselves from the discussions of the suita- 
 bility of the terminologies involved. The case of the 
 calendar, however, was more purely a question of names 
 than was that of the weights and measures. This proba- 
 bly is an additional reason why the calendar words in 
 question failed to survive. 
 
 The men of the Convention Nationale attached great 
 importance, perhaps an exaggerated importance, to the 
 change in the names of the calendar. Why? To their 
 way of thinking, reUgious fanaticism, by labeling the 
 days with the names of saints and with impUcations of 
 reUgious dogma and beUef, had done much to inculcate 
 insidiously in the minds of the people certain objection- 
 able ideas. In fact the calendar amounted to one of the 
 most influential tejct-books of propaganda possessed by 
 the church. This advantage was now to be transferred 
 from the hands of the clergy to the hands of the Rev- 
 olutionists. M. Romme, chairman of the committee 
 constituted by the Convention to recast the national cal- 
 endar, was most insistent upon the importance of this. 
 "Tout ce qui rappelle I'aire [dre] reHgieuse; tous les 
 noms et les usages du calendrier seraient abolis," he 
 declares in his report. "Chaque jour porterait un nom 
 consacr6 par la Revolution." ^ In reply to objections to 
 his terminology and demands for the substitution of a 
 less characteristic one, he exclaims: "Mais aussi vous 
 n'imprimerez pas a votre calendrier le cachet moral 
 et r6volutionnaire qui le fera passer aux siScles k 
 venir." ' 
 
 Romme's ideas were found to be too extreme. They 
 did not prevail. The set of names devised by Fabre 
 
 ' Moniteur universel, Sept. 22, 1793, reporting the meeting of 
 the Convention of Sept. 20. 
 ' Mm., Oct. 7, 1793. 
 
98 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 d'Eglantine which was finally adopted did not incul- 
 cate revolutionary doctrine. They did, however, abolish 
 what was considered the ecclesiastical bias of the cal- 
 endar, and thus Romme's idea was partially triumphant. 
 
 La Nation Fran^aise, opprim^e, avilie, pendant un grand 
 nombre de slides par le despotisms le plus insolent, s'est 
 enfin i\ev6e au sentiment de ses droits et de la puissance 
 h laquelle ses destinies I'appellent. Chaque jour . . . elle 
 s'-6pure de tout ce qui la souille ou I'entrave dans sa marche 
 . . . Elle veut que sa r6g6n^ration soit complette . . . Bien- 
 t6t les arts vent Stre appeMs k de nouveaux progrSs par 
 i'uniformit6 des poids et mesures . . . Les arts et I'histoire, 
 pour qui le terns est un element n^cessaire, demandent aussi 
 une nouvelle mesure de la dur6e, d6gag6e de toutes les er- 
 reurs que la cr6dulit6 et une routine superstitieuse ont 
 transmises des sifecles d'ignorance jusqu'^. nous. Cette 
 nouvelle mesure doit porter k la fois et I'empreinte des. 
 lumiSres de la nation, et le caractere de notre Revolution 
 par son exactitude, sa simplicity et son d^gagement de toute 
 opinion qui ne serait point avou6e par la raison et la philoso- 
 phie. L'annuaire d'un peuple qui reconnatt la liberty dea 
 cultes doit Mre ind^pendant de toute opinion et de toute 
 pratique religieuse.^ 
 
 These were the principles upon which the renaming; 
 of the calendar was undertaken. 
 
 In the report of another subsequent "commission 
 charg^e de la confection du calendrier," a report made by 
 the above mentioned P. F. N. Fabre d'Eglantine (whose 
 terminology was finally adopted), we find again empha- 
 sized the need of a calendar unsoiled by reminders pf 
 the doings of royalty.^ The mere words lundi, Janvier, 
 etc., were so suggestive, it seems, of the oppressions 
 and extortions that in the past had saddened the 
 
 < Mm., Dec. 17, 1793 (vol. IX), Instructions sur I'fere de la. 
 R^publique. 
 
 » Mon., Dec. 18, 1793 (vol. IX). 
 
fJOMENCLATURE OJF THE CALENDAR 99 
 
 days and made heavy the months which they named, 
 that these words were not to be tolerated longer, 
 but must be dropped into obhAdon Uke the pangs of a 
 nightmare. 
 
 As it was with the association of political ideas, so it 
 was with religious. 
 
 Une longue habitude du calendrier gr^gorien a rempli la 
 mdmoire du Peuple d'images qu'il a long-tems r6v6r6es et qui 
 font encore la source de ses erreurs religieuses. II est n^cessaire 
 de substituer k ces visions de I'ignorance, les r^alitfe de la raison, 
 et au prestige sacerdotal, la v6rit6 de la nature.' 
 
 Fabre, however, did not, as did Romme, wish to im- 
 pose a "tableau moral" upon the calendar. He was 
 content with the less striking aim "de ramener par le 
 calendrier le peuple k I'agriculture." He recognizes the 
 cleverness of the church in arranging the various saints' 
 days at the most impressionable seasons. "L'id^e qui 
 nous a servi de base," he says, "est de consacrer par 
 le calendrier le systeme agricole et d'y ramener la 
 nation." ' 
 
 The system proposed by him and finally adopted was 
 as follows. The words an, annee, mois, jour, were re- 
 tained; a period of ten days, called a decade, was sub- 
 stituted for the week of seven days, and the word 
 semaine (Lat. septimana) was suppressed. 
 
 Les * trois premiers mois de l'ann6e, qui composent I'au- 
 tomne, prennent leur 6tymologie, le premier des vendanges 
 qui ont lieu de septembre en octobre: ce mois se nomme 
 vendemiaire : le second des brouillards et des brumes basses 
 qui sont, si je puis m'exprimer ainsi, la trasudation de la 
 nature d'octobre en novembre: ce mois se nomme brumaire; 
 le troisieme, du froid, tant6t sec, tant6t humide qui se fait 
 sentir de novembre en d^cembre: ce mois se nomme /n'matVe. 
 6 Mm., Dec. 18, 1793 (vol. IX). 
 
100 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 Les trois mois de I'hiver prennent leur ^tymologie: le 
 premier, de la neige qui blanchit la terra de d^cembre en 
 Janvier: ce mois se nomme nivdse. Le second, des pluies 
 qui tombent g^niSralement avec plus d'abondance de Janvier 
 en fivrier: ce mois se nomme pluvidse. Le troisieme, des 
 giboul6es qui ont lieu, et du vent qui vient s6cher la terre 
 de f^vrier en mars: ce mois se nomme ventdse. 
 
 Les trois mois du printems prennent leur 6tymologie: le 
 premier, de la fermentation et du d^veloppement de la 
 ahve de mars en avril: ce mois se nomme germinal. Le 
 second, de I'^panouissement des fleurs d'avril en mai: ce 
 mois se nomme floreal. Le troisieme, de la f6condit6 riante 
 et de la r^colte des prairies de mai en juin: ce mois se nomme 
 prairial. [sometimes, praireal} 
 
 Les trois mois de l'6t6 enfin prennent leur etymologic ; 
 le premier, de I'aspect des 6pis ondoyans et des moissons 
 dories qui couvrent les champs de juin en juillet: ce mois 
 se nomme messidor. Le second, de la chaleur tout &, la fois 
 solaire et terrestre, qui embr^se I'air de juillet en aodt: ce 
 mois se nomme thermidor.^ Le troisieme, des fruits que le 
 soleil dore et m<irit d'aoAt en septembre: ce mois se nomme 
 Jructidor. 
 
 As to the etymological form of the new words, the 
 critics have easily pointed out their weaknesses. While 
 Vend^miaire, Brumaire, Nivdse, Ventose, Pluvi6se, Ger- 
 minal and Flor6al are correct enough from the philologi- 
 cal point of view, Frimaire is somewhat fantastic, the 
 three ending in -dor are hybrids, and Prairial (or Pr^ 
 real as it was sometimes spelled), being of French deriva- 
 tion, violates the unity of the -al sequence, which in 
 intent seems Latin. ^ But as created vocables they have 
 been accounted veritable works of art. Who can deny 
 their beauty, their music, their sonority, their elegance? 
 "V6ritables trouvailles d'un pofete," Professor Brunot 
 
 ' In one pamphlet at least this month was called fermdor. 
 
 ' See discussion in Darmesteter, Creation acluelU, p, 190, Note 1. 
 
NOMENCLATURE OF THE CALENDAR 101 
 
 calls them, "heureusement appropri^s aux saisons";' 
 "exemple de rharmonie naturelle des sons utilises dans 
 la creation de mots nouveaux," says Nyrop.' 
 
 For the names of the days of the decade there may well 
 be less enthusiasm. Primidi, Duodi, Tridi, Quartidi, 
 Quintidi, Sextidi, Septidi, Octidi, Nonidi, D6cadi are 
 obviously less inspired, less spontaneously successful, 
 more frozen in the classic mold of the so-called mots 
 savants. Yet their very formal and colorless character 
 was intentional. It was explained and defended by 
 Fabre: 
 
 "Nous avons peiis6 qu'k I'instar du calendrier gr^gorien, 
 dont les sept jours de la semaine portent I'empreinte de 
 I'astrologie judiciaire (pr6jug6 ridicule qu'il faut rejeter), 
 nous devions cr6er des noms pour chacun des jours de la 
 decade; nous avons pens6 que puisque ces noms se r^p6- 
 taient 36 fois par an, il fallait les priver d'images, qui, locales 
 par leur essence, demeureraient sans rapport avec les 36 
 stations de chacun de ces noms; enfin, nous nous sommes 
 appergus que ce serait un grand appui pour la m^moire, si 
 nous venions k bout, en distinguant les noms des jours des 
 nombres ordinaux, de conserver n^anmoins les significations 
 de ces nombres dans un mot compos6, de sorte que nous 
 puissions profiter tout k la fois dans le meme mot, et des 
 nombres, et d'un nom different des Hombres." ^° 
 
 Which is perhaps after all wise restraint. 
 
 But these names of Fabre's were not the only ones 
 proposed and considered. In 1793 Romme offered a set 
 which was rejected by the Convention. There should 
 also be mentioned those of Mahier, of Riboud (1785), 
 of Marechal (1788) — which apparently were unofficial 
 but became more or less known — a second set of Mar6- 
 
 ' Petit de Julleville, VII, 842. » Nyrop, IV § 8. 
 
 1° Mm., Dec. 18, 1793 (vol. IX). 
 
102 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 chal's proposed in 1793, and numerous other suggestions 
 in the frequent ahnanacs. 
 
 Mahier advanced certain variations on Fabre's names, 
 bringing them' more into conformity with current French 
 forms." For the months, instead of Vendemiaire he 
 suggested Vinaire or Vendangiaire; instead of Niv6se, 
 Neigi6se; instead of Flor6al, Fleurial; instead of Messi- 
 dor and Fervidor, Moissonor and Flammidor. Fructidor 
 he retained. For the days he substituted jour-un, jour- 
 deux, etc., which are surely even more prosaic than 
 Primidi, Duodi, etc. 
 
 Eariier than this, in 1785, Riboud, ancien procurer 
 du roi at Bourg en Bresse, had pubUshed an almanac, 
 Etrennes Utteraires ou Almanack offert auz amis de I'huma- 
 nite. In this he replaced the saints' names of the religious 
 calendar by the names of great characters in profane 
 history. Columelle was made to preside over the fUe 
 d' agriculture, J. J. Rousseau over the fete des &mfis sensi- 
 bles, Scarron over the fite des malades agreables, Newton 
 over the fite de Vunivers, etc. 
 
 Pierre Sylvain Mar6chal, in his Almanack des honnUes 
 gens (1787-88, 1791, 1792), proposed for March, which 
 began the 'Ere de la Raison,' the name, Princeps; for 
 May, Alter; and for the other months Ter, Quartile, 
 Quintile, etc. His festival days were marked by such 
 names as: de 1' Amour, de I'Hym^n^e, de la Reconnais- 
 sance, de I'Amiti^, k tous les Grands Hommes Aemeres 
 (that is, whose birthdays were unknown, Gk. d + finepa, 
 without a day). Like Riboud and all the other compilers 
 of almanacs, he replaced the saints' names by those of 
 great men in general, though from these he did not omit 
 Christ. The following is a specimen of his calendar: " 
 
 " Brunot in P. de JuUeville, VII, 842, note. 
 " La Rivolution fransaise, VII, 538. "Etude sur le calendrier 
 r^publicain." 
 
NOMENCLATURE OF THE CALENDAR 103 
 
 
 Avril ou Alter 
 
 
 1. 
 
 Bayard 
 
 16. 
 
 J. Cassini 
 
 2. 
 
 Harvey, Vinflow 
 
 17. 
 
 Proclus, Ozanam 
 
 3. 
 
 J^sus-Christ 
 
 18. 
 
 Lainez 
 
 4. 
 
 Jouvenet 
 
 19. 
 
 Christine 
 
 5. 
 
 Hobbes 
 
 20. 
 
 M. Cervantes 
 
 6. 
 
 Socrate 
 
 21. 
 
 Numa Pompilius 
 
 7. 
 
 Platon 
 
 22. 
 
 J. Racine 
 
 8. 
 
 Cheviller 
 
 23. 
 
 Peyronie 
 
 9. 
 
 Bacon, Wolf 
 
 24. 
 
 Vincent de Paul 
 
 10. 
 
 Grotius, Tindall 
 
 25. 
 
 Louis IX 
 
 11. 
 
 Deslandes 
 
 26. 
 
 Marc-Aur61e 
 
 12. 
 
 Bossuet, Young 
 
 27. 
 
 Le Prince Eugene 
 
 13. 
 
 M6c6ne 
 
 28. 
 
 Shakespear 
 
 14. 
 
 Handel 
 
 29. 
 
 Abb6 de St-Pierre 
 
 15. 
 
 Pindare, Tasse 
 
 30. 
 
 Lucain, S6n6que 
 
 This calendar is often considered to have formed the basis 
 of that proposed by Romme's committee and finally 
 accepted, — all but the names — by the Convention. But 
 as all the numerous almanacs had calendars of about the 
 same sort, it is difficult to say that any particular one 
 was the direct inspiration of Romme's and Fabre's. 
 
 In the Almanack des Ripublicains (1793), Mar^chal 
 gave a new set of names for the months, as follows, begin- 
 ning with January: La Loi, Le Peuple, Les Peres, Les 
 Epoux, Les Amants, Les Meres de Famille, Les Hommes 
 Libres, Les Ripublicains, Les Egaux, La Raison, Les 
 Bons Voisinages, Les Amis.'' Traces of some of these 
 will appear in Romme's designations. 
 
 Also, in 1793, another attempt was essayed in Le Calen- 
 drier du Peuple Franc, rSdigi par une sodite de philan- 
 thropes. This too made the usual substitution of secular 
 celebrities, and proposed the following names of months : '* 
 
 " Idem, VIII, 624. " Idem, VIII, 628. 
 
104 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 Janvier mois des Frimats 
 
 F6vrier 
 
 " civique ou du Serment 
 
 Mars 
 
 ' de la Liberty 
 
 Avril 
 
 ' des rieurs 
 
 Mai 
 
 ' de la Verdure 
 
 Juin 
 
 ' du Peuple 
 
 Juillet 
 
 ' de la Revolution 
 
 Aolit 
 
 ' de I'Egalite 
 
 Septembre 
 
 ' de la Retraite 
 
 Octobre 
 
 ' des Vendanges (a favorite with all) 
 
 Novembre 
 
 ' des Victoires 
 
 D^cembre 
 
 ' du ProcSs {i.e., de Louis Capet) 
 
 It was perhaps from the "Frimats" and "Vendanges" 
 of the above list that Fabre received a suggestion for his 
 corresponding names. This calendar left untouched the 
 names of the days of the week, except the two "qui rap- 
 pellent I'figKse et la Synagogue, savoir le dimanche et le 
 samedi. lis leur donnent des noms de planStes comme 
 aux autres jours de la semaine: ces (sic) sont les Di- 
 herschel (Herschel 6tait alors le nom de la nouvelle 
 planete appeMe depuis Uranus), et Disatume." " 
 
 These are but a few of the many proposals that swarmed 
 in the various almanacs of the time. This form of writing 
 was very popular and very general. The almanacs are 
 not of special significance except as they show a wide- 
 spread interest in a change of the calendar and a general 
 desire for it. They do, at any rate here and there, show 
 us where Fabre and Romme got suggestions which were 
 incorporated into the finally accepted calendar. And 
 they make clear that the Republican calendar was after 
 all a growth rather than an altogether sudden creation. 
 
 It was with the respective proposals of Romme and 
 Fabre, however, that these attempts first had official 
 recognition. The question had come up officially in 
 
 " Idem, VIII, 628. 
 
NOMENCLATURE OF THE CALENDAR 105 
 
 1792 in connection with the coinage. The government 
 felt constrained to make some response to the very gen- 
 eral popular interest in the subject. A committee was 
 accordingly appointed, of which Romme was made chair- 
 man. The names proposed in their report, Sept. ^0, 
 1793, were as follows." The first month, March 20 to 
 April 20, was called R6g6n6ration, the others Reunion, 
 Jeu de Paume, Bastille, Peuple, Montagne, R^pubHque, 
 Unite, Fraternity, Libert^, Justice, figalit^. The days 
 of the (Meade were: 
 
 1. Le Jour du Niveau, symbole de I'^galit^ 
 
 2. " " du Bonnet, symbole de la liberty 
 
 3. " " de la Cocarde, couleurs nationales 
 
 4. " " de la Pique, arme de rhomme libre 
 
 5. " " de la Charrue, instrument de nos richesses 
 
 terriennes 
 
 6. Le Jour du Compas, instrument de nos richesses indus- 
 
 trieUes 
 
 7. Le Jour du Faisceau, symbole de la force qui nalt de 
 
 I'union 
 
 8. Le Jour du Canon, instrument de nos victoires 
 
 9. " " du ChSne, emblSme de la g6n6ration et symbole 
 
 des vertus sociales 
 10. Le Jour du Repos. 
 
 These names are imdoubtedly imbued with patriotism, 
 but it would seem that the members of the Convention 
 felt the need of something more than patriotism, or at 
 least something other than patriotism, for they refused 
 to accept the hsts proposed. And when one thinks of a 
 date such, for example, as " Charrue, le 4 Jeu de Paiune," 
 or "Canon, le 5 Fraternity," one is perhaps disposed to 
 feel that they were right. It is of some significance that 
 the chairman whose proposals were rejected is listed in 
 the biographical index of the Moniteur as "cultivateur 
 " Buchez et Roux, XXIX, 7. 
 
106 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 k Gimeaux, ancien professeur de math^matique et phy- 
 sique." Finding that a "cultivateur et professeur de 
 math^matique " had not the qualifications necessary for 
 producing new names of months and days, to whom 
 did they turn? To a poet. And strangely enough — 
 or shall we say naturally enough? — they were satisfied 
 with the names the poet offered and they accepted them. 
 It may be unwarranted to generalize from this that for 
 the creation of words the poetic quality is in some degree 
 necessary, but the fact here recorded is at least an inter- 
 esting one. 
 
 The trend of the philological discussion engaged in 
 at the time of the presentation of Romme's report de- 
 serves to be indicated. It centered mainly upon the 
 question whether the names should be the so-called moral 
 ones or merely numerical. From the beginning Fabre 
 took part in the debate and stood up for agricultural 
 names. For a time both his idea and that of Romme 
 were rejected, and the numerical system of designation 
 temporarily prevailed. But this decision was recon- 
 sidered, Fabre's original suggestion was later adopted and 
 he was appointed to give effect to his idea. 
 
 Romme's report was discussed at a stance of the 
 Convention Nationale on Oct. 5, 1793.^^ When Romme 
 proposed the "denominations morales k donner aux 
 mois, aux decades et aux jours," a member, Duhem, im- 
 mediately objected that if they accepted this system they 
 would soon find themselves in the same condition as the 
 Pope, who has used up all his days and has no place in 
 reserve for any new saints that may appear. Duhem 
 proposed "la denomination ordinale, qui est plus simple." 
 
 "Votre calendrier," he continued, "qui n'eftt 6t6 que 
 celui de la Nation Frangaise, deviendra celui de tons les 
 
 " The full report is given in the Moniteur, Oct. 7, 1793. 
 
NOMENCLATURE OF THE CALENDAR 107 
 
 peuples. lis ne s'^carteront jamais de I'ordre num^rique 
 qui est celui de la nature. 
 
 "Le peuple (ceux que I'instruction n'a pas encore 6clair6s) 
 est toujours port6 vers une superstition quelconque; il 
 cherche toujours k r^aliser les id6es m^taphysiques qu'on 
 lui pr6sente. Vous voyez quel exemple les Egyptiens ont 
 donn6 au monde. Les hidroglyphes ne retragaient d'abord 
 k leurs yeux que des dpoques m6morables. Bient6t des 
 imposteurs, s'^rigeant en ministres du ciel, firent de ces 
 signes une science particuli^re et des objets sacr^s qu'ils 
 offrirent k I'adoration des peuples. Ainsi la nation la plus 
 sage de l'antiquit6 devint par ses ridicules superstitions la 
 fable du monde. 
 
 "Craignez, k son exemple, de fournir un aliment k la sot- 
 tise des fanatiques k venir. Craignez qu'ils ne se servent 
 un jour des embllmes dont vous surchargez votre calen- 
 drier pour en faire I'objet d'un culte superstitieux. Je vote 
 pour nommer les divisions du temps par leur ordre num6- 
 rique. Alors votre calendrier philosophique pourra devenir 
 la base de la R^publique Universelle." (Applaudissements.) 
 
 BOMME. "Mais aussi vous n'imprimerez pas k votre 
 calendrier le cachet moral et r^volutionnaire qui le fera 
 passer aux siScles k venir." 
 
 DUHEM. "II est vrai qu'il ne prdsentera pas un tableau 
 moral. Mais etes-vous sdrs que ce tableau serait jug6 tel 
 par notre post6rit6, dont les id^es seront plus saines et les 
 moeurs plus pures que celles de la g^ndration pr6sente? 
 Etes-vous sArs qu'il ne servirait pas un jour de canevas aux 
 sottises que les prStres civiques et inciviques pourraient y 
 attacher? Citoyens, n'avez-vous pas vu d6]k les prStres 
 constitutionnels vouloir religionner notre Revolution? J'in- 
 siste sur ma proposition." 
 
 N . . . " Je consens k la suppression des noms r^volution- 
 naires; mais je demande que Ton adopte les designations 
 morales, parce que la morale est de tous les temps et de 
 tons les pays." 
 
 DUHEM. "Quel est I'homme qui peut me r^pondre que 
 le mot de justice, appliqu6 k tel mois, ne lui deviendra pas 
 
108 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 un jour incompatible par quelque ^v^nement extraordi- 
 naire?" 
 
 FOUECEOT. "Si vous laissez la nomenclature en blanc, 
 les aristocrates et les fanatiques la rempliront h leur manifere 
 et vous doublerez le mal que Duhem veut 6viter." 
 
 ALBiTTE. " J'appuie cette proposition. Si jamais la libert6 
 p6rit, toutes nos institutions p6riront avec elle; mais elle 
 doit r6gner 6ternellement. II faut done que les enfants 
 apprennent h prononcer les noms de toutes les vertus qui 
 doivent la conserver. Je demande que le tableau moral 
 soit conserve." 
 
 EOMME. "J'appuie cette proposition. H faut que cha- 
 que jour rappelle aux citoyens la revolution qui les a rendus 
 libres, et que leurs sentiments civiques se raniment en lisant 
 cette nomenclature 61oquente." 
 
 L'Assembl^e ferme la discussion et adopte les denomina- 
 tions morales. 
 
 The question seems decided. But Romme's triumph is 
 short-lived. 
 
 He proceeds, "Le premier jour est celui des 6poux." 
 
 "Tons les jours sont les jours des 6poux!" interrupts 
 Albitte. On applaudit. This reopens the discussion. 
 
 LEBON. "Cette reflexion doit vous faire sentir le ridi- 
 cule de quelques-unes de ces denominations, et vous de- 
 terminer k les abandonner toutes. D'ailleurs la difficulte 
 de surcharger sa mdmoire de tant de noms fera conserver 
 les anciens et vous aurez manqu^ votre but. Je demande 
 que I'Assembiee, rapportant son d^cret, s'en tienne k la 
 denomination ordinale." 
 
 suGENT. "Je m'oppose k cette demande. Notre imagi- 
 nation ne trouve du ridicule k ces noms que par un jeu 
 frivole; nos enfants s'y accoutumeront mieux que nous, 
 et n'y trouveront rien de ridicule. Cette nomenclature a 
 seule le rare avantage de classer clairement les idees morales 
 et revolutionnaires que doivent cherir tous les hommes." 
 
 L'Assembiee rapporte son premier decret, et se determine 
 pour la denomination ordinale des mois, des decades et des 
 jours. 
 
NOMENCLATURE OF THE CALENDAR 109 
 
 pabhe-d'eglantinb. " Je propose de donner h chaque jour 
 le nom des plantes que produit alors la nature et des ani- 
 maux utiles. Ce serait un moyen d'instruction publique. 
 Je demande que le Comity soit charg6 d'examiner cette 
 id6e." 
 
 DUHEM. "J'observe k Fabre que les objections que j'ai 
 faites contre le tableau moral, pourraient etre reproduites 
 centre sa proposition." 
 
 L'Assembl^e passe k I'ordre du jour sur la proposition 
 de Fabre. 
 
 Les autres articles du pro jet sont adopt^s avec de Mgers 
 amendemens. (Nous les donnerons aprfes que leur redac- 
 tion definitive aura 6t6 adoptee.) 
 
 The promise was apparently not fulfilled till Dec. 17, 
 1793, when the "Instructions sur I'Ere de la R^publique " 
 (see p. 99) were given; and Dec. 18, when there fol- 
 lowed the report of Fabre, giving the names as they were 
 finally adopted. The basic idea of Fabre's calendar, as 
 he says, is to consecrate the agricultural system and to 
 lead the nation to it. After giving the names, he con- 
 tinues: 
 
 "II rdsulte de ces denominations que, par la seule pro- 
 nonciation du nom on sentira trois choses et tons leurs 
 rapports, le genre de saison od il se trouve, la temperature 
 et I'etat de la vegetation. Par le mot germinal il se peindra 
 h I'imagination par la terminaison, que le printems com- 
 mence; par la construction et I'image que presente le mot, 
 que les agences eiementaires travaillent; par la signification 
 du mot, que les germes se developpent. 
 
 "Le defaut du calendrier tel que vous I'avez decrete est 
 de ne signaler les jours, les decades, les mois et I'annee que 
 par une mime denomination, par les nombres ordinaux; de 
 sorte que le chiffre 1, qui n'offre qu'une quantite abstraite 
 et point d'image, s'applique egalement k I'annee, au mois, 
 au decade et au jour. II a fallu dire le ler jour de la Ire 
 decade du ler mois de la Ire annee, locution abstraite, siche, 
 
110 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 vide d'id^es, pdnible par sa prolixity et confuse dans I'usage 
 civil, surtout aprfes I'habitude du calendrier gr^gorien." 
 
 It is possible that Fabre exaggerated the power of 
 suggestion, on the mind of the ordinary man, of the vari- 
 ous syllables and suffixes of the names proposed by him. 
 But his objection to the numerical notation seems justi- 
 fied. He continues by explaining his reasons for- select- 
 ing numerical names such as Primidi for the days. (See 
 above, p. 101.) 
 
 He then describes at great length how he selected the 
 names of the months, and an animal or a farming imple- 
 ment for each day, in order to teach the people when the 
 various events in agricultural life occur. 
 
 "Les pr^tres avaient assign^ k chaque jour la com- 
 memoration d'un pr6tendu saint; ce catalogue ne pr6- 
 sentait ni utility ni m^thode; il 6tait le repertoire du 
 mensonge, de la duperie et du charlatanisme." So he 
 applied this idea to better ends. "A chaque quintidi 
 [5, 15, 25 of the month] est insure un animal domestique. 
 Chaque d6cadi est marqu^ par le nom d'un instrument 
 aratoire." And other days the same. Niv6se being a 
 month of cold with no plants, Fabre put as names for 
 its days 'les productions, les substances utiles k I'agri- 
 culture.' 
 
 "II reste k vous parler," he continues, "des jours 
 d'abord nommes Spagomenes, ensuite, complementaires." 
 They were also called surajouUs. These names we have 
 not yet mentioned. In all the different calendars offered, 
 the divisions of ten caused five days to be left over in 
 each year. In Mar^chal's calendar these days were 
 named epagomdnes (Gk. exd7co, "to intercalate")." In 
 Romme's scheme they had the same name and were 
 
 " This word does not appear in F6raud's Dictionary, 1787-8. 
 In the Die. gin. it is, however, entered as of 1752 (Tr6voux). 
 
NOMENCLATURE OF THE CALENDAR 111 
 
 dedicated "k I'adoption, a I'industrie, aux recompenses, 
 a la paternity et a la vieillesse." But the vivid imagi- 
 nation of Fabre was not satisfied with any word so lack- 
 ing in suggestion as epagomene or surajouti. "Ce mot 
 (^pagomene)," he says, "n'^tait que didactique, par con- 
 sequent sec, muet pour I'imagination; il ne pr&entait 
 au peuple qu'une idee froide, qu'il rend vulgairement par 
 la p^riphrase de 'solde de compte' ou par le barbarisme 
 de 'definition.' II fallait pour ces cinq jours une denomi- 
 nation collective qui portat un caract^re national capable 
 d'exprimer la joie et I'esprit du peuple frangais dans les 
 cinq jours de fete qu'il c^iebrera au terme de chaque 
 annee." 
 
 Next comes a very dehghtful bit in which Fabre ex- 
 plains his selection of the word 'sansculottides' as the 
 name for these five days. 
 
 "II nous a paru possible," he says, "et surtout juste, de 
 consacrer par un mot nouveau I'expression de sans-culotte 
 qui en serait I'6tymologie. D'ailleurs, une recherche aussi 
 int6ressante que curieuse, nous apprend que les aristo- 
 crates, en pr^tendant nous avilir par I'expression de sans- 
 culotte, n'ont pas eu mSme le nitrite de I'invention." 
 
 He goes on to tell how, even in Roman times, all Gaul 
 was divided into GaUia braccata and Gallia non-braccata, 
 which was nothing less than "la Gaule culottSe" and "la 
 Gaule sans-culotte." "Nos p^res etaient dds lors des Sans- 
 culottes." Hence the originality of the aristocrats in 
 making this title disappears. "Nous appellerons done 
 les cinq jours collectivement pris les Sansculottides." 
 These five days individually were to be "la fete du genie, 
 du travail, des actions, des recompenses, des opinions"; 
 or, according to a variant Kst, "de la vertu (des vertus), 
 du genie, du travail, de I'opinion, des recompenses." 
 
 The general principles of composition that guided him 
 
112 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 in the formation of all his names Fabre gives in the 
 following passage : ^^ 
 
 "Nous avons cherch6 k mettre k profit I'harmonie initia- 
 tive de la langue dans la composition et la prosodie de ces 
 mots." The autumn months "ont un son grave et una 
 mesure moyenne, ceux de I'hiver un son lourd et une mesure 
 longue, ceux du printemps un son gai et une mesure brfive, 
 ceux de l'6t6 un son sonore et une mesure grave." 
 
 On the whole Fabre's principles of word-creation seem 
 to be sound and practicable. At least there has been 
 general admiration for his products and Uttle criticism 
 of them. 
 
 But the calendar must no longer be called a calendrier. 
 "Le mot calendrier qui vient de calendes serait tr^ im- 
 propre, si un tris long usage ne I'avait consacre au 
 point de faire oubHer son origine. Les mots almanack 
 ou annuaire seraient plus exacts." '' The word calen- 
 drier, however, persisted for some time. In 1798 we 
 read in the Moniteur: "Le mot calendrier rappelait 
 le peuple deg6n6r6 et asservi sous la domination papale. 
 II n'est pas consacr^ par notre langue et doit toe change 
 en annuaire." ^ The law of Aug. 1798, which enforced 
 the use of the new system, uses the word annuaire. The 
 word decadrier was also used. 
 
 Let us now note the words other than the names of 
 the months and days which were introduced by the 
 adoption of the calendar. The word calendrier, as we 
 have just seen, became officially either annuaire or de- 
 cadrier. The only new designation for a division of 
 time is decade, probably because the week was the only 
 division to undergo alteration. Jour, mois, an, ann6e, 
 
 '' Reprinted in Goncourt, Revolution, p. 226 (Nsrrop). 
 
 " Mon., Dec. 17, 1793, the day before Fabre's report was printed. 
 
 ^ Mm., 24 thermidor, an VI (Aug. 11, '98). 
 
NOMENCLATURE OF THE CALENDAR 113 
 
 all remained the same in length and in name. Decade 
 was a vigorous word and multiplied derivatives rapidly. 
 It furnished decadrier, a synonym for annuaire; deca- 
 daire, adj. 'bulletin d^cadaire'; decadien, adj. 'culte 
 d^cadien'; decadin and decadiste, supporter of the new 
 calendar; and the quaint se decadiser, 's'endimancher' 
 ('Madame se decadise,' Mercier). The word d4cade had 
 existed in a restricted use before this time. F&aud 
 says of it: "II ne se dit que d'une histoire, dont 
 les Uvres sont partagfe en dizaines, — les decades de 
 Tite Live." It has continued to exist since the Revolu- 
 tion and is found in Littr6 in the general sense of dizaine. 
 Another new word was Frandade, the name of a four- 
 year period. 
 
 Was this change in the names and arrangement of the 
 calendar merely the fad of a few men ? It might appear 
 so from the difficulty with which at the outset it gained 
 a foothold, and from its final failure. And yet the de- 
 mand for such a change seems to have been pretty gen- 
 eral. In the first place, the numerous sets of names 
 that were proposed, and the frequent appearance of new 
 'Almanachs' shows that the agitation was widespread. 
 We have other indications of the same demand. In 
 1790 (May 17) there appeared in the Moniteur a letter, 
 not signed, addressed to M. de Lalande, proposing a 
 changed calendar. While the writer of this letter did not 
 emphasize the alteration of the names as the main task, 
 but rather based his proposal upon the inconvenience 
 of making New Year's calls in January as entailed by the 
 old system, and the superiority of a calendar that would 
 put these visits in the spring, still he at least showed some 
 interest in the nomenclature by suggesting "Ere de 
 la Libert^ " as the title of the new age. 
 
 The question came up in a more serious form in con- 
 nection with the coinage in 1792 (Jan. 4). Here again, 
 
114 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 however, it was not so much a question of names as of 
 system. In order to date the coins it was necessary to 
 decide officially in what year the new era began. The 
 decision that the Year One began with Jan. 1, 1789, and 
 not with July 14, 1789, was as far as the matter proceeded. 
 We can get some idea of the progress and different 
 stages of the annuaire from the dating of the Moniteur 
 during this time. But we must remember that the Moni- 
 teur followed the official usage and not the popular, and 
 that therefore it began to employ the new system earlier 
 and followed it more consistently than was ever done 
 by the people in general. 
 
 1789 has the old dating. 
 
 1790, July 1, there begins to be added 'seconde ann^e de la 
 
 liberty.' 
 
 1791, July 14, 'troisifeme ann^e de la liberty.' 
 
 1792, Jan. 5, ' quatrifeme annde de la liberty.' 
 
 1792, Aug. 21, 'L'an quatriSme de la liberty et premier de 
 r^galitd.' 
 
 1792, Sept. 24, 'L'an premier de la R6publique Frangaise.' 
 
 1793, Oct. 6, last Gregorian date, the next number bearing 
 
 '16 du premier mois, l'an He de la Rdpublique 
 
 Frangaise.' In the following number there is a short 
 
 notice announcing the change of dating already 
 
 begun. 
 1793, Oct. 28, 'Le 7 du 2« mois, l'an lie de la Rdpublique une 
 
 et indivisible.' 
 1793, Oct. 29 is dated 'Octodi 1" decade de Brumaire, l'an 
 
 II de la Rdpublique une et indivisible (29 octobre 
 
 1793 vieux stile).' 
 1798, Apr. 5, old style dates in parentheses dropped. 
 1802, Dec. 21, old style dates begin to be added again. 
 1806, Jan. 1, Republican dates dropped. 
 
 We note that the Moniteur began to use the new calendar 
 nearly two months before Fabre's report was made to 
 the Convention (Dec. 18, 1793). 
 
NOMENCLATURE OF THE CALENDAR 115 
 
 From our survey we have perhaps gained a somewhat 
 clear idea of the purpose underlying the change of the 
 calendar. At first there was a general vague feeling, 
 expressed in the nimierous almanacs of the time, that 
 the great political events that were taking place should 
 be staged in settings completely new. There was a desire 
 that nothing whatever of the old regime should remain, 
 that every institution and department of life should 
 reflect and express the new theories. The calendar must 
 not be overlooked. It must accord with the rest. In 
 the beginning, to abolish the old one was sufficient. 
 Gradually, in the minds of many, the idea grew out of 
 this negative phase into a positive one. The calendar 
 came to be thought of as a powerful means for instilling 
 ideas. Should the Church retain control of this or should 
 the Repubhc take possession of it? "Par le nouveau 
 calendrier," says Charher in a speech, Nov. 8, 1793, 
 "vous avez voulu tuer le fanatisme." To imbue the 
 calendar with the spirit of the Revolution, as the Church 
 had impregnated it with the spirit of "fanaticism," now 
 became the aim. Romme's commission also boldly an- 
 noimced this as its purpose. (See p. 98.) For some 
 reason, however, the idea did not continue to prevail 
 in the matter of the names of the days and months. 
 However desirable the patriotic or "moral" names 
 might have been from the point of view of propaganda, 
 there was a feeling, more or less vague, that they were 
 not really suitable from a practical point of view. It 
 seems a marvel of restraint that these men, so ardent, 
 should forego what we should expect would seem to them 
 a golden opportunity. Subsequent opinion has generally 
 agreed that by limiting themselves to Fabre's nonparti- 
 san but really highly appropriate nomenclature they 
 avoided a temptation to produce what must have been 
 a product far inferior to the finally accepted result. 
 
116 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 But even so, the calendar never obtained a real foot- 
 hold, successful as its names were in themselves. The 
 people refused to use it. Legal documents and official 
 papers, the Moniteur, and letters of the patriots who 
 were in the thick of pohtical life, were dated by it. But 
 never were shopkeepers' announcements or fairs and 
 market days given out in its unaccustomed terms. Out- 
 side of Paris it had no vogue whatever, even when first 
 promulgated. As early as Aug. 3, 1795, less than tw6 
 years after its oflScial adoption, a petition to suppress it 
 was presented to the Convention. The author of this 
 petition "motive sa demande sur ce que personne dans 
 les campagnes ne veut I'employer; qu'U jette de I'em- 
 barras dans les affaires et entrave toutes les relations 
 commerciales." 
 
 "Plusieurs membres demandent I'ordre du jour." 
 
 Another member, Boisseu, rises to support the peti- 
 tion. "Je ne sais pas pourquoi on demande I'ordre du 
 jour sur cette reclamation, car enfin, tot ou tard, il faudra 
 finir par jeter au feu un calendrier dont personne ne veut. 
 (Murmures.) J'ai parcouru plusieurs d6partemens, et 
 partout j'ai vu ce que je viens d'avancer tout k I'heure." 
 
 A third member says this is a mistake, that although 
 made by "des hommes peu estimables," the calendar 
 is good. "II s'agit de la chose et non des hommes." 
 L'ordre du jour est adopt^.^^ 
 
 Although this attempt to suppress the calendar failed, 
 the objections persisted. Within two weeks, on Aug. 17, 
 1795, the Bonne NouveUe section presented a petition 
 demanding the aboUtion not only of the calendar but of 
 the new weights and measures as well. In this it is 
 asserted that "le nouveau (calendrier) n'est connu qa'h 
 Paris, il nous isolent de toutes les autres nations." (Vio- 
 lens murmures.) "Viendra-t-on nous dire que nous som- 
 iii Mow., Aug. 3, 1795 (an III). 
 
NOMENCLATURE OF THE CALENDAR 117 
 
 mes des aristocrates et des royalistes?" (Qui, s'^crient 
 quelques membres.) 
 
 The president calls for order. 
 
 Pelet. "Quoique des p^titionnaires puissent abuser 
 du droit de petition, il n'en est pas moins sacr4. II faut 
 les entendre avec tranquillity." 
 
 The speaker continues: "Ce n'est point aux mots 
 qu'est attach^ la R^pubUque; la Suisse, les fitats-Unis 
 d'Am^rique sont libres et ils n'ont pas un calendrier 
 different des autres peuples." After some general objec- 
 tions to the violence of the Terror he sits down. 
 
 Hardy rises to oppose him. " On ne peut pas me soup- 
 gonner d'etre ami des autexirs de ce calendrier, mais il 
 faut consid^rer le r^sultat de leur travail. Je sais qu'il 
 y a des corrections k faire: les jours compMmentaires 
 ne seront plus appelfe sansculottides, on instituera une 
 f^te k la prudence, on fStera le premier joiu* de I'an, etc^" 
 He demands that "le comity d'instruction publique fasse 
 un rapport sur les r6formes qu'il croira propres k perfec- 
 tionner le calendrier republicain." ^^ 
 
 The complaints continued. The people persisted in 
 refusing to use the calendar. This gave rise to aggrieved 
 wails from the commission of pubHc instruction and 
 republican institutions. "Dans les d^partements," they 
 say, "les foires, marches, ^talages de comestibles sont 
 encore fixds k des jours p6riodiques de la semaine ou de 
 I'ancien mois. Tous les usages reproduisent les temps 
 de la monarchic." ^ 
 
 It was even attempted to enforce by law the use of the 
 system. The Moniteur of Sept. 23, 1797, tells of a com- 
 mission appointed to propose a law '^ forbidding the use 
 
 ^ Mm., Aug. 17, 1795 (an III). 
 2' Man., 17 thennidor, an VI (Aug- 4, '98). 
 ** The law was fonnulated and passed, and reported in the 
 Moniteur, 26 fructidor, an VI (Sept. 12, 1798). 
 
118 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 of the old style dates by newspapers and also by royal- 
 ists " pour lesquels la haine de la Republique et le m^pris 
 des formes repubUcaines sont un besoin." ^^ Even the 
 Moniteur, however, acknowledges the weakness of the 
 new system by continuing to add the "vieux stile" date 
 to the repubHcan one. 
 
 As late as Oct. 1798 (23 vendemiaire, an VII) we find 
 the Moniteur, in an article of three columns, arguing 
 patiently in favor of the new calendar and metric system. 
 "Le nouveau syst^me des poids et mesures et le nouveau 
 calendrier que nous avons depuis cinq ans, trouvent 
 encore beaucoup de peine k s'etablir chez nous et beau- 
 coup de schismatiques." 
 
 On the other hand, there were all along extremists of 
 the opposite wing who wanted to extend still further the 
 use of the new calendar. One member, Sherlock, even 
 proposed, 18 thermidor, an VI (Aug. 5, 1798), not only 
 to employ the calendar for present and future dates, but 
 to extend its appUcation backward "en retrogradant sur 
 la fondation de notre R6pubUque," 1791, for example, 
 being designated "la premiere ann^e de I'olympiade avant 
 la fondation de la R^pubhque." This idea was adjudged 
 by the Convention "grande, lumiaeuse, mais d'une ex^ 
 cution tr^s diflBicile dans ce moment." The project was 
 laid on the table. 
 
 Although a propaganda in favor of the calendar was 
 apparently pressed, it became more and more futile. 
 In 1805, since "le calendrier frangais n'est employ^ que 
 dans les actes du gouvernement" while "dans les rela- 
 tions sociales le calendrier romain est rest6 en usage,"- 
 Napoleon abolished the former and restored the latter. 
 The failure of the annuaire to become established can- 
 not, of course, be laid to the strangeness of its designations. 
 The estabhshment of so subversive and so artificial a 
 25 Mon., Sept. 23, 1797 (an VI). 
 
NOMENCLATURE OP THE CALENDAR 119 
 
 system as was the new republican calendar would have 
 been impossible, or at least exceedingly difficult, no 
 matter with what names it might have been endowed. 
 We need not be surprised that the revolutionists failed 
 to impose their calendar. Rather might we marvel that 
 they succeeded in imposing their other similar reform, 
 the metric system, which had a career fully as difficult 
 though finally successful. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 The Metric Terminology 
 
 The alteration of the system of weights and measures 
 was fully as natural a change as that of the calendar. 
 It was far more necessary; and it was consequently 
 successful, though after a considerable struggle. While 
 the change of the calendar was a purely fanciful and 
 impractical scheme, there was nothing of the abstract 
 and theoretical about the metric system. The names of 
 the various weights and measures in use before the change 
 was made were almost hterally legion. There was la brasse, 
 la petite brasse, la brasse moyenne, la grande brasse; there 
 were the ligne, pouce, pied, aune, toise, perche de I'arpent 
 de Paris, perche de I'arpent commun, lieue de paste, lieue 
 commune; there were the grain, gros, once, marc, livre, 
 denier. The table of measures of volume was of the 
 following intricacy: 
 
 1 muid = 2 feuillettes 1 pinte = 2 chopines 
 
 1 feuillette = 2 quartauts 1 chopine = 2 demi-setiers 
 
 1 quartaut = 9 veltes ou se- 1 demi-setier = 2 poissons 
 
 tiers 1 poisson = 2 demi-poissons 
 
 1 setier = 8 pintes (de Paris) 1 demi-poisson = 2 roquille& 
 
 Often the terms varied from town to town, and even 
 when the same term was used in contiguous districts it 
 did not by any means designate a constant quantity. 
 There were, for example, la livre de Lyon {pour la soie), 
 la livre deLyon (de ville), la livre de Marseille, la livre de 
 Toulouse, la livre de Toulon, la livre de Paris, la livre du 
 vicomte de Rouen, la livre de marc de Rouen, la livre d'Avi- 
 
 120 
 
THE METEIC TERMINOLOGY 121 
 
 gnon, la livre du Havre, la livre de Li^ge, la livre de Nice, la 
 livre de Nantes, and others. 
 
 This variety was felt by the patriots, and rightly, to 
 be an occasion of disunion. They felt that time out of 
 mind it had been the poUcy of the monarchy to promote 
 such divergence as a potent means of division and sub- 
 jection of the people. Hence all the hundreds of terms 
 were to them hateful. They looked upon them as instru- 
 ments of oppression. Liberty demanded imity in this 
 terminology as well as in other things. 
 
 A committee of the Acad^mie des Sciences, in a report 
 on the matter of weights and measures made to the 
 Assemble Nationale and reported in the Moniteur 
 Nov. 26, 1792, said: "Depuis longtems les philosophes 
 plagaient au nombre de leurs voeux celui d'affranchir les 
 hommes de cette difference de poids et des mesures. 
 Mais jamais le gouvernement n'aurait consenti a renon- 
 cer k un moyen de d&imion. Enfin le g^nie de la liberty 
 a paru et il a demands au g^nie des sciences quelle est 
 I'unite fixee." 
 
 For some time there had been an interest in this reform. 
 It was felt to be one of prime importance in the establish- 
 ment of the new system of democracy. On Feb. 18, 1790, 
 the Moniteur reports at great length a motion to establish 
 uniform weights and measures made in the English par- 
 liament by Sir J. Miller. The seed fell upon fertile soil. 
 There had already been some disposition in France to 
 make a similar change in the calendar; and on Apr. 30, 
 1790, the Moniteur records that a proposition resembling 
 Sir J. Miller's was made to the Assemble Nationale by 
 M. r6v4que d'Autun. He proposed to take advantage 
 of the readiness of England, and to have a consultation 
 on the subject.* The suggestion was received with^ some 
 
 ' His apology for the extravagance of such a project is too inter- 
 esting to omit. He says: "Plus d'une tSte diplomatique trouvera 
 
122 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 favor and was not allowed to drop. A committee evi- 
 dently was appointed, for in May, 1790, the Monitmr 
 reports that a committee had proposed to the Assemblee 
 Nationale a decree for the purpose of imdertaking to 
 introduce a uniform system in consultation with Great 
 Britain. In December of the same year the Acad4mie 
 des Sciences made a preliminary report on the system. 
 
 It was as yet, of course, not a question of terms. In 
 fact there was as yet nothing new to name. The first 
 thing was to select a unit of measure. By 1791 the arc 
 of the meridian of Dimkerque had been chosen as the 
 basis for this unit. It was not, however, till 1793 (Aug. 
 2) that the organization of the project was sufficiently 
 advanced to warrant its submission for legislative action. 
 On that date, in a report on the subject of the unit, now 
 definitely chosen, made by the Comite de I'lnstruction 
 PubUque to the Convention Nationale, M. Arbogaste 
 states: "Cette unite s'appellera metre. Elle remplacera 
 la toise, I'aune, le pied et la brasse." ^ This is the first 
 public use of the new term metre. And it is the only one 
 of the new words that he divulges at this time. The other 
 measures, those of liquids, weights, and coinage, he de- 
 scribes but does not name. He does, however, report 
 in detail the process of reasoning by which the commis- 
 sioners had arrived at the fundamental principle on 
 which to base the choice of the new units. 
 
 Les commissaires de racad^mie ^ ont propose deux sortes 
 de nomenclature pour les difif^rentes mesures: dans I'une, 
 
 certainement une grande extravagance dans ce projet de reunion 
 entre deux peuples ennemis naturels, comme tout le monde salt et 
 comme tout le monde a appris dans des livres trfes-graves; mais 
 nous osons croire que cette id6e est trfes-propre, par ce meme carac- 
 tfere d'extravagance philosophique k 6tre adoptee par I'Assemblfe 
 Nationale." 
 
 * Moniteur universd, Aug. 2, 1793. 
 
THE METRIC TERMINOLOGY 123 
 
 qui est m^thodique et compos^e d'un petit nombre de ter- 
 mes k retenir, les subdivisions portent des noms qui indi- 
 queat le rapport decimal qu'elles out entre elles et avec leur 
 unit6 principale: dans 1' autre, les noms sont simples, mono- 
 syllabiques, ind^pendans les uns des autres, mais au nom- 
 bre de plus de 24, et par consequent, difficiles k retenir. 
 
 Le Comit6 d'Instruction Publique a cru devoir pr6f6rer 
 la premidre nomenclature fondle sur les principes suivans 
 qui paraissent incontestables. 
 
 "1. Les nouvelles mesures 6tant diff^rentes de toutes les 
 mesures connues, leurs noms doivent, autant qu'il est possi- 
 ble, ^tre difF6rens des noms des mesures employees par tous 
 les peuples anciens et modernes. 
 
 "En effet, si on appliquait aux nouvelles mesures des 
 noms diih, usit^s ou on I'exposerait souvent k des erreurs et 
 des fraudes graves, ou il faudrait, pour 6viter I'^quivoque, 
 aj outer k la plupart des noms une phrase explicative qui 
 indiquerait qu'ils appartiennent au nouveau systfime des 
 mesures d^cimales frangaises, ce qui causerait des longueurs 
 fastidieuses. 
 
 "2. Pour soulager la m^moire, le nombre des noms nou- 
 veaux doit Itre le plus petit possible. 
 
 "C'est k quoi I'on parvient, en ne donnant des noms 
 ind^pendans qu'aux unites principales et en indiquant les 
 sous-multiples par des mots composes qui rappellent leur 
 rapport avec ces unites. 
 
 "3. En introduisant dans les arts et les sciences des 
 mesures nouvelles, il convient aussi d'enrichir la langue de 
 mots nouveaux et simples. 
 
 "D'ailleurs, une partie des noms de la premiere nomen- 
 clature est d^ik r^pandue dans la R6publique, soit par des 
 ouvrages de science, soit par des rapports envoy^s aux 
 administrations." 
 
 One must admit that these principles of word-creation 
 are sane and logical. This report preceded, by three and 
 five months respectively, the report of Romme and that 
 of Fabre on the calendar. It may have furnished sugges- 
 
124 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 tions, if not for Romme's fanciful names, at least for 
 Fabre's restraint in the selection of his names for the 
 days. The excellence of this plan for new metric terms 
 is indicated by its assured if at times precarious expansion 
 and by its gradual though not yet complete success not 
 only in France but in many other countries.' It has evi- 
 dently proved itself satisfactory. 
 
 The Convention Nationale accepted this report and 
 decreed that the results of the work of this committee 
 be accepted "pour ^tablir ce systeme dans toute la R6- 
 pubHque sous la nomenclature du tableau annexe k la 
 pr6sente loi." 
 
 This nomenclature was considerably different from the 
 one we know to-day. Let us recall the terms as they are 
 used at present. They are: 
 
 (myriamfetre), kilometre, hectometre, d^camfetre, m&tre, 
 d^cimfetre, centimetre, millimetre; (myriare), hectare, are, 
 centiare; (d^castfire), stfere, d^cistfere; (myrialitre), kiloli- 
 tre, hectolitre, decalitre, litre, decilitre, centilitre; (myria- 
 gramme), kilogramme, hectogramme, decagramme, gramme, 
 decigramme, centigramme, milligramme. 
 
 We see that the table in its final complete development 
 has five basic words: metre, are, stire, litre, gramme; 
 and seven prefixes, four of them multiples, from Greek: 
 myria, kilo, hecto, dica, and three of them sub-multi- 
 ples, from Latin: ded, centi, milli. By various com- 
 binations of these twelve words and prefixes it would be 
 possible to produce, if necessary, a complete set of forty 
 terms. However, thirty at most and possibly only 
 
 ' Although the United States has so far refused to adopt it, there 
 is a steady pressure in favor of it and success is not to be despaired 
 of. At a recent session of the American Association for the Ad- 
 vancement of Science, Dec. 28, 1916, Dr. G. F. Kunz made a strong 
 plea for its adoption. 
 
THE METRIC TERMINOLOGY 125 
 
 twenty-five are about all that are in general use, and 
 these supply all needs. 
 
 As the system was originally proposed in the law of 
 Aug. 1793, three of the above-mentioned five basic 
 words were absent, viz., gramme, litre, stere. For stere 
 there was no representative. For litre there were two 
 other designations, cade and pinte (later changed to cadil). 
 For gramme there were three other terms, har, grave, 
 gravel. Thus, instead of five basic words, there were 
 seven, and yet there was no designation for soUd measure. 
 The multiple system also was not worked out with the 
 completeness it now presents. 
 
 The "Tableau du nouveau syst^me des poids et me- 
 sures" was as follows: * 
 
 MeSUEES LIlrflAIKBS 
 
 Quart du m^ridien 
 
 10,000,000 
 
 Grade ou degr6 decimal 
 
 
 du mfiridien 
 
 100,000 
 
 Mill aire 
 
 1,000 
 
 M6tre 
 
 1 
 
 D6cim6tre 
 
 1/10 
 
 Centimetre 
 
 1/100 
 
 Millimetre 
 
 1/1000 
 
 Les besoins de la soci6t6 n'exigeant point des noms parti- 
 culiers pour tous les multiples d6cimaux du mStre, on s'est 
 abstenu de leur en donner. 
 
 Mesures de stjperfioie 
 
 Are 10,000 
 
 Declare (sk) 1,000 
 Centlare {sk) 100 
 
 * Man., Aug. 4, 1793. 
 
126 FEENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 M'ESUEES DE CAPACITY 
 
 Cade 1,000 (Mfetre cubique) 
 
 Dddicade 100 
 
 Centicade 10 
 
 Pinte (cadil) ^ 1 (D^cim^tre cubique) 
 
 POIDS 
 
 Bar ou millier 
 
 1000 
 
 D^cibar 
 
 100 
 
 Centibar 
 
 10 
 
 Grave 
 
 1 
 
 D^cigrave 
 
 1/10 
 
 Centigrave 
 
 1/100 
 
 Gravet 
 
 1/1000 
 
 D^cigravet 
 
 1/10,000 
 
 Centigravet 
 
 1/100,000 
 
 IjNITfi MOlrflTAIEE 
 
 Franc d' argent 
 
 Comparison of the data of the above table with those 
 of the system as at present in use will be facilitated by 
 observing that in the table given below the terms that 
 are found in both lists are set in small capitals; those 
 that are now used but which were not in the original 
 set are in lower case type; while those that were in the 
 original but have since disappeared are printed in italics. 
 
 (myriamfitre)* 
 
 (myrialitre)' 
 
 
 kilomMre {jnillaire) 
 
 (kilolitre) « 
 
 {cade) 
 
 hectometre 
 
 hectolitre 
 
 (didicade) 
 
 d^cam^tre 
 
 decalitre 
 
 {centicade) 
 
 MiiTEE 
 
 litre 
 
 {pinte) {cadil) 
 
 D:6ciMiiTEE 
 
 decilitre 
 
 
 ' Pinte was changed to cadil by a decree reported in the Moni- 
 ieur, 30 niv6se, an II (Jan. 19, 1794). 
 
 ' These terms have scarcely more than a theoretical existence. 
 
THE METRIC TERMINOLOGY 
 
 127 
 
 CENTIM&TBE 
 MILLIMETRE! 
 
 (myriare)' 
 hectare 
 
 ABE 
 
 {(Uclare) 
 centiare (,centlare) 
 
 d^castfere (no solid 
 
 st^re measure 
 
 d^cistere in list of 
 
 centistere 1793) 
 
 centilitre 
 
 (myriagramme) ' 
 
 kilogramme 
 
 hectogramme 
 
 decagramme 
 
 gramme 
 
 decigramme 
 
 centigramme 
 
 milligramme 
 
 (bar ou millier) 
 
 {dicibar) 
 
 (,centibar) 
 
 {grave) 
 
 (dicigrave) 
 
 (centigrave) 
 
 {gravet) 
 
 {didgravet) 
 
 (fientigravet) 
 
 Although on looking casually at the table of 1793 one 
 is likely to get the impression of a close resemblance to 
 the nomenclature in use to-day, a glance at the typo- 
 graphical disposition of the second table shows that this 
 is erroneous. As a matter of fact, out of the twenty- 
 five words that form the table at present there are found 
 in the original list only five (printed in small capitals); 
 metre, didmetre, centimetre, millimetre and are. The 
 other twenty words are different. The differences are 
 of course in matters of detaU rather than of fundamental 
 principle. The principles of arrangement, composition, 
 etc., have endured as they were fixed in the beginning. 
 The changes are as follows. Only two of the basic units 
 remain as at first — metre and are. Two have been sup- 
 planted by a single form, viz., cade and pinte by litre. 
 Bar, grave and gravet have become gramme. One, stere, 
 is altogether new. In the are group the method of com- 
 biaation was slightly altered, centiare becoming centiare. 
 To the mMre group three new multiples were added — 
 decametre, hectometre and kilometre, the latter replacing 
 millaire. The group of compounds containing -stere 
 
 ' These terms have scarcely more than a theoretical existence. 
 
128 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 did not appear in the original table. In all, then, eight- 
 een terms out of the first twenty-five have disappeared. 
 
 Can we explain these changes ? Words like hectometre, 
 decametre, hectare, and the stere group, are merely addi- 
 tions necessitated by practical needs. The change of 
 millaire to kilometre seems a natural regularization of the 
 mMre group. So also centiare is more in accord with the 
 chosen method of composition than centiare. The real 
 question is. Why were cade, pinte and cadil altered to 
 litre, and bar, grave and gravet altered to gramme ? T have 
 been unable to find any adequate explanation of these 
 changes. 
 
 These alterations were made very early. It was in 
 1794 (Jan. 19) that the Moniteur announced the further 
 regularization of the liquid measures by the alteration of 
 pinte to cadil. "L'unite des mesures de capacite, ^gale 
 au d^cimStre cube et ^quivalente k la 1/1000 du cade, qui 
 a 6t6 dfeignee sous la denomination de pinte dans le 
 tableau annexe au d^cret du P aofit 1793, portera le 
 nom de cadil." In 1795 (Apr. 14) the Moniteur gives a 
 report of the Comite d'Instruction Publique by C. A. 
 Prieur summarizing the new system. This summary 
 shows all the alterations, so that the Hst is practically 
 as it stands to-day, metre, are, stere, litre and gramme 
 being the basic units. " L'unit6 des monnaies prendra le 
 nom de franc pour remplacer celui de livre usite jus- 
 qu'aujourd'hui." The other names of the coinage, d&dme 
 and centime, he says are "dej^ regus en vertu des d6crets 
 ant&ieurs." 
 
 The formation of the metric, like that of the calendar 
 
 names, has been condemned by criticism. Brunot says:' 
 
 "II est vrai que les mots ont €i€ mal faits, sou vent hy- 
 
 brides, gr^co-latins, ou savants h, peu pr^s. Kilometre 
 
 ' In Petit de JuUeviUe, VII, 844. 
 
THE METRIC TERMINOLOGY 129 
 
 ne peut venir ni de kIWos qui signifie bourrique (dnesse), 
 ni de x'Xws, 1000." Which fact, for all its accuracy, 
 has not, however, hindered the word kilometre from 
 coming into general use, nor the element kilor from be- 
 coming a vigorous prefix. Aside from the terms in the 
 metric table itself we find later compounds made with 
 this prefix, such as kilowatt, kilogrammetre, kilometrage, 
 kilomMrer, kilometrigue, kilometriquement. Metre also has 
 been useful for compounds. We find the subsequent 
 compounds amperemetre, am-metre, voUmetre, ohmmetre, 
 coidombmetre, wattmetre, grammometre (diviseur pour les 
 dessinateurs). 
 
 While it is true that there must have seemed to be a 
 certain amount of novelty in the metric terms, as for 
 that matter Arbogaste said it was fitting there should 
 be ("il convient d'enrichir la langue de mots nouveaux 
 et simples"), yet the system was not by any means in 
 its entirety an absolutely fresh creation. In the first 
 place the method of forming words thus scientifically 
 by means of multiples was familiar. In Aulard's Soditi 
 des Jacobins we read: "Un membre a propose de diviser 
 la garde nationale en centuries et decuries." For which 
 words, if not for milleries (10 centuries), there is classic 
 precedent. 
 
 M. F. Gattey undertook to demonstrate this fact of 
 the familiarity of the words, in a book called Elements 
 du nouveau systeme metrique, pubHshed in the year X 
 (1801), when the new system was still having to struggle 
 for its existence. 
 
 "La nomenclature," he says, "se rdduit i, 12 mots, dont 
 cinq noms g6n6riques, mUre, are, sthre, litre, gramme, ne sont 
 point strangers h, la langue frangaise; et sept annexes ou 
 pr^noms, dont la valeur n'est nuUement difficile h retenir, 
 puisque les trois, deci-, centi-, milli-, sont des abbreviations 
 de dixilme, centilme, milli^me, qu'ils signifient; que le 
 
130 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 sens du mot dSca- est d6']k connu dans le mot dicade; en 
 sorte qu'il ne reste que les trois mots hecto-, kilo-, myria- 
 desquels on ait k charger sa m^moire." 
 
 The three Greek multiples are thus the only really- 
 new words. 
 
 That "metre, are, stere, livre et gramme ne sont point 
 strangers k la langue frangaise," was more or less true, 
 except possibly in the ease of gramme. M. Gattey does 
 not go into details, but let us see what he meant. Metre, 
 of course, had long been in use as a term of poetics. And 
 curiously enough it appears even in 1792 in connection 
 with Uquid measures. In an account of a report made 
 to the Senate of the United States, published in the 
 Moniteur, June 4, 1792, we read, "chaque demi-pinte sera 
 divisde en dix metres." But it is probable that it is here 
 used in the abstract sense of "measures." It had long 
 been known in composition in such words as geometrie. 
 It could not be a difficult word to introduce. It may be 
 added that the word was already masculine. 
 
 Are was taken from the Latin area and, according to 
 the Didionnaire general, was "fait arbitrairement mas- 
 culin." In this particular form it did not exist in the 
 language. But aire, another derivative from area, was 
 in use as meaning 'a plane surface,' 'area,' and very 
 Hkely M. Gattey felt that the people would readily see 
 the relation: between the two and accept the new one. 
 
 Stere, from Greek arepibs 'solid,' while not in the 
 popular language, had long been known in learned speech. 
 Littr6 mentions as being foimd in 1613 the word stir&o- 
 graphiqiie (in the combination "projection st^r6ograr 
 phique "). The Dictionary of the Academy, 1762, gives 
 stireomMrie as a name for soHd geometry, and in 1798 
 adds the geometric term stireotomie.^ 
 
 ' We find that sthre was used to form another compound soon 
 after the introduction of the metric terms. Le Didionnaire du 
 
THE METRIC TERMINOLOGY 131 
 
 Litre was but slightly different from the already well 
 estabUshed litron, a measure just a Uttle smaller than 
 the new litre, being 1/16 of a boisseau. So the people 
 were already accustomed to saying "un htron de farine, 
 de sel," etc., and the change to litre could not be very 
 difficult. 
 
 Gramme is mentioned in the Didionnaire general as 
 used in 1790 to mean the 24th part of an once, and is 
 marked "Antiq." It can hardly have been very com- 
 mon, but at least it is not absolutely strange. 
 
 Although, taken all in all, the terms seem wisely se- 
 lected and composed, and comparatively simple and 
 reasonably famihar, they had, like the calendar words, 
 a hard struggle to gain the place they hold to-day. The 
 original intention, as decreed in the law of Aug. 1793, 
 was to send around the country specimen measures, 
 books explaining the system, to have the new tables 
 inserted in the school arithmetics, and thus have the 
 nation ready for the introduction of it in a year, that is, 
 in Aug. 1794. But this was not so easy to accompUsh. 
 On April 14, 1795, M. C. A. Prieur, in a report of the 
 "Comit6d'InstructionPublique" printed in the Moniteur, 
 stated that while July 1, 1794, had been set as the date 
 to begin the use of the new system, it had been impossi- 
 ble (for reasons which he did not give) to put it into 
 effect. 
 
 In September of the same year, 1795, the system had 
 apparently not found favor. The Moniteur (Sept. 26) 
 devoted a large space to a report by M. Prieur to the 
 Convention Nationale evidently designed to win support 
 for the new nomenclature. 
 
 langage politique, diplomatique et parlementaire of N. E. D. Vau- 
 mtoe (1839) gives the word panst6r6orama, " representation entifere 
 en relief. Le panst6r6orama de Rome, de Constantinople." 
 
132 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 D'abord on a pens4 avec raison que, pour faire connat- 
 tre k tout un peuple de nouveaux objets, et assez nombreux, 
 il 6tait n6cessaire de les designer par des noms significa- 
 tifs et propres k soulager la m^moire. La nomenclature 
 adoptee apr^s plusieurs essais moins heureux r^unit la 
 nettet6 et la simplicity, en enrichissant la langue de mots 
 sonores, qui n'y avaient point d'^quivalent. . . . L'ancien 
 style 6tait loin d'allier k ce point la bri6vet6 et I'exactitude. 
 D'ailleurs, tous ceux qui ont d6}k fait usage des nouvellea 
 mesures savent comment I'habitude de les nommer sans se 
 m^prendre s'acquiert promptement. 
 
 He goes on to complain that the people refuse to use 
 the new system. His argument in favor of the metre as 
 a measure is at least ingenious. As the metre is a little 
 shorter than the aune, he says, "il sera plus i commode 
 pour les hommes d'une taille m4di6cre et surtout pour 
 les femmes, qu'une trop grande extension de bras fatigue, 
 et peut quelquefois incommoder." 
 
 This report was perhaps in reply to the petition of the 
 Bonne Nouvelle section mentioned in the discussion of 
 the calendar. On Aug. 17, 1795, this petition had asked 
 for the aboUtion of the calendar and the metric system, 
 — "le changement des noms donnes aux poids, aux 
 mesures et aux distances . . . Ces noms nouveaux et 
 inintelUgibles au plus grand nombre des citoyens ne sont 
 pas n6cessaires au maintien de la repubhque." 
 
 About this time, the government, reaUzing the diffi- 
 culty, attempted to gain some headway by trying a 
 gradual rather than a complete and immediate intro- 
 duction of the system. By leaving aside temporarily 
 the multiple words hedo, centi, etc., and using such 
 easier combinations as double-litre, demi-litre, it was 
 hoped to familiarize the people first with the basic units 
 and so make a more gradual start.' The government 
 » Mm., Apr. 14, 1795. 
 
THE METRIC TERMINOLOGY 133 
 
 also tried to give support by various laws which would 
 give an advantage to those who made use of the new 
 tables. For example, in 1797 (18 thermidor, an VI) 
 it was proposed to give patents only to those who would 
 swear to use only the republican weights and measures 
 and to keep open their shops only according to the new 
 calendar. In September of the same year "la classe des 
 stances physiques et math^matiques de I'lnstitut Na- 
 tional, voulant favoriser et hdter I'usage des nouveaux 
 poids et mesures et de la nomenclature," voted to use 
 them exclusively in all its pubhcations.^" In the year 
 VII (1798), 23 vend^miaire, the Moniteur still continued 
 to feel the need of giving support to the system, and 
 pubUshed an article three columns long in favor of it. 
 "Le nouveau systeme des poids et mesures," it says, "et 
 le calendrier que nous avons depuis cinq ans trouvent 
 beaucoup de peine a s'^tablir." 
 
 It was not, as a matter of fact, actually estabhshed 
 imtil Nov. 2, 1801, four years after the calendar was 
 officially discontinued. And it was not made exclusively 
 obligatory imtil Jan. 1, 1840, by the law of July 4, 1837. 
 
 All this opposition cannot, of course, be considered as 
 objection exclusively to the terminology. The change 
 in the size of the units is the cause of probably the greater 
 part. But as in the case of the calendar, the people, as 
 was only to be expected, objected strongly to unlearning 
 the names by which they and their fathers and grand- 
 fathers had measured their grain and bought and sold 
 their wine and cloth. The struggle, unsuccessful in the 
 case of the calendar, and hard in the matter of the weights 
 and measures, shows the difficulty of forcing a nation by 
 artificial compulsion to call, for instance, what it has 
 been accustomed to speak of as an aune by the name 
 of metre; to refer to what it has always known as 
 w Mon., Sept. 27, 1797. 
 
134 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 boisseau in terms of litres. One wonders that it succeeded 
 at all. Traces of the old system still surviving are com- 
 mon in the current speech. One frequently meets the 
 words pouce, pied, livre ("nom encore donne abusivement 
 au demi-kilogramme"),'^ arpent, ecu, livres (de rente), and 
 others. 
 
 We have now seen from five examples how the French 
 have gone about the task of consciously devising new 
 terminologies when these are required to name newly 
 invented objects or are needed as substitutes for other 
 sets of terms that have for any reason become unsatis- 
 factory. In the last two chapters we have seen the proc- 
 ess in operation with the fullest conscious intent. When 
 selecting the nomenclature for the railroad or the auto- 
 mobile, people reahzed to a certain limited degree that 
 they were engaged in such a task. Many of the current 
 comments show this. Yet the normal forces of linguistic 
 development were also operating — more rapidly and 
 under much higher pressure, it is true, than when pro-, 
 ducing such words as the primitive ancestors of table or 
 chaise — but yet operating in no fundamentally irregular 
 way. In the case of the RepubUcan calendar and the 
 metric nomenclature, however, we have had the oppor- 
 tunity to see the natural course of language development 
 almost completely diverted. Stere or are have behind 
 them no such antiquity of ancestry as maison or pain. 
 They have only the manufactured pedigree, crisp and 
 fresh, that a committee of scholars could draw up for 
 them. Automobile and aeroplane can boast none of the 
 mature ripening that produced such words as bateau or 
 voiture. They are the haphazard products of various 
 newspaper columns. Their mother was immediate ne^ 
 cessity. 
 
 " Petit Larousse illustri (90th ed., 1913). 
 
THE METRIC TERMINOLOGY 135 
 
 Not on that account, however, are these words doomed 
 to failure. Not for such lack are they any the less success- 
 ful. All that is necessary is that they satisfy the popular 
 taste. If they do this they gain certainly and instantly 
 the all-potent "sceau de I'usage" which is all that is 
 needed for them to have a useful career. 
 
 Having observed in these simpler and more concrete 
 examples the manner of formation of new nomenclatures, 
 let us now turn to examples of the same operation in 
 larger fields. Let us pass from the definite to the ab- 
 stract; from the realm of the material let us look into 
 the realm of ideas. Prepared by such more elementary 
 studies as we have so far made, let us try to study the 
 same problem when it involves not things but ideas. 
 Let us see what the French have done not when they 
 had a new vehicle of locomotion to christen, but when 
 they had suddenly gained a new conception of liberty 
 that must be expressed in language as well as in the 
 institutions of the State. Let us observe what they have 
 done not when they outgrew a system of weights and 
 measures but a system of social organization. If in the 
 one case twenty-five or thirty new words were needed 
 in order to suit the language to the new system and some 
 dozens of words feU into disuse, what in the other case 
 will be the vastness of the new growth and of the dis- 
 carded wastage? It is immediately evident that it is a 
 much more comphcated work to adapt the language to 
 the repubhcan conception of equahty than it is to fit it 
 to the novelties brought into being by the invention of 
 the railroad. We shall undoubtedly find alterations 
 reaching to far more intricate depths of the vocabulary. 
 A few new terms imported or created, a few nouns ex- 
 tended sUghtly in signification, and aU is ready for the 
 most elaborate treatise on the locomotive or the automo- 
 
136 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 bile. But can the needs of the orators of the Revolution 
 be provided for so easily? A few dozen nouns forgot- 
 ten and the language is rid of the old system of weights 
 and measures. But can it as easily be rid of the inequali- 
 ties imposed by the Bourbon aristocracy? More likely 
 there are many linguistic Bastilles to be destroyed and 
 many aristocrats of the vocabulary to be executed before 
 the language can be purged of what was monarchical 
 in it and can stand forth satisfactorily democratic. It 
 is this vast reworking of the vocabulary that we shall 
 now attempt as best we may to set forth. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 Terminology for the Idea of Equality 
 
 "On ne s'est pas encore avis6 d'^tudier syst^matiquement le 
 vocabulaire d'une langue de manifire k suivre dans les changements 
 de I'expression le mouvement de la pens6e." 
 
 Dabmesteter, Creation AdueUe, p. 7. 
 
 The calendar and the metric tenninologies were not 
 the only sets of words created at the time of the Revolu- 
 tion. One immediately recalls the word guillotine, also 
 the verb guillotiner. In our investigation of the aero- 
 family we found that we had to refer aerostier and aerosta- 
 tion to that period. It has been asserted that the word 
 patriate belongs to the same time; and aristocrate may 
 also be foimd to have come into being then. Indeed, as 
 we continue to investigate, we find that the number of 
 new words that appeared at that epoch is considerable. 
 As a matter of fact the thesis of T. Ranft, "Der Einfluss 
 der franzosischen Revolution auf den Wortschatz der 
 franzosischen Sprache," mentions 881 words and word 
 groups which either entered the language or acquired 
 new meanings at the period of the Revolution. This 
 seems an abnormally large number. 
 
 What about these 881 words? There must have been 
 many things to name for such a deluge of terms to have 
 come into existence within the space of ten, perhaps five 
 years. The calendar names, the metric terminology 
 sink into numerical insignificance. What is the reason 
 for all the others? "Toute ^poque a ses id^es propres: 
 il faut qu'elle ait aussi les mots propres k ces id^es," says 
 Victor Hugo in the preface to Cromwell. What were 
 
 137 
 
138 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 the ideas peculiar to the epoch of the Revolution that 
 were being named with such profusion? "L'heiu-euse 
 revolution dont nous sommes les t^moins," writes Do- 
 mergue in his Journal (I, 26), "frappe notre esprit de 
 tant d'id^es inconnues qu'il faut absolument des termes 
 ignores de nos p^res pour les rendre." Again the "id^es 
 inconnues " expressed by "termes ignores." We begin to 
 suspect that underlying this mass of words is a certain 
 unity. So many words cannot have sprung up acci- 
 dentally. They must be the effect of the injection into 
 the language of some vast and powerful set of ideas. 
 Only such a power could furnish adequate dynamic force 
 to produce such a stupendous creation. 
 
 If this is so, then far more significant than the christen- 
 ing of the automobile, or the aeroplane, or the railroad, 
 or the calendar, or the weights and measures, is this nam- 
 ing of new ideas. It is not now 'name this object'; it 
 is 'name this idea.' We have, then, to decide what 
 , were the ideas to be named at this time, and we can next 
 witness the processes by which the French have per- 
 formed this task, far more tremendous than the naming 
 of objects, the task of expressing in language a new 
 thought suddenly called into being or a new point of 
 view suddenly acquired. 
 
 The question of the automobile vocabulary was the 
 question of the language adjusting itseK to the sudden 
 disturbance caused by the invention of a new material 
 object. Comparatively few words were demanded. The 
 question now, if we are right, is that of adjustment to a 
 far larger disturbance. This demand is supplied by 
 nearly a thousand words, as compared with the meager 
 score that suppUed the automobile. The whole concep- 
 tion of society has been changed — not only changed but 
 totally reversed. In M. de I'Epith^te's Dictionnaire 
 national et anecdoti'qiie, 1790 (R), we find this remark: 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF EQUALITY 139 
 
 "Abus: ce que les Frangois libres appellent aujourd'hui 
 abus, I'ancien regime le nommoit droit." And many 
 another word underwent a similar overturn. To adjust 
 itself to what tremendous ideas is the language under- 
 going such an upheaval? 
 
 If we look over our 881 words, we shall immediately 
 be struck by the similarity of their general character. 
 They are not words of art or of literature; they are not 
 terms of speculative philosophy; they are not scientific 
 words. They are almost entirely social and political 
 terms. "La plupart de ces expressions sont fortes et 
 vigoureuses, elles correspondaient k des idees terribles; 
 la plupart sont bizarres, elles appartenaient k la tour- 
 mente des 6v6nements," is the comment of Mercier in his 
 Neologie. 
 
 Let us see what particular ideas dominate. If I men- 
 tion, for example, a group such as the following, do we 
 not see underlying them a common idea? (1) Citoyen, 
 before the Revolution used but Httle; after it, prefixed 
 to names as an ordinary title of address. (2) Aristocrate, 
 whose family before the Revolution, according to F6raud's 
 Dictionary (1787), consisted merely of the three words 
 aristocratie, aristocratique, and aristocratiquement and 
 which was itself marked with a star as a badge of the 
 precariousness of its existence. What idea injected into 
 it the vigor, not only to assure its own position and, from 
 the condition of being in need of "le sceau de I'usage" 
 (Fer.), to become one of the most usual of words, but 
 also to increase its family to fourteen words, some of 
 them of the most bizarre character? What new ideas 
 made necessary for their expression such variations of 
 this word as the forms aristocratisme, anti-aristocratique, 
 aristocratiser, disaristocratiser, and other similar words? 
 (3) Niveler, which before 1789 was applied to a river or a 
 boulevard, and after 1789 to the classes of society as 
 
140 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 well, and which was reinvigorated to the extent of giv- 
 ing birth to the words niveleur and nivellement. If I recall 
 (4) that before 1789 the word responsaMUU ejdsted, but 
 that at the period of the Revolution it multiphed its 
 family to include irresponsabiliU, irresponsable, and non- 
 responsabiliti; if I recall (5) the new variations on /ra- 
 terniser, viz. fraternisation, fraternisant, confraterniser; 
 if I ask (6) why the word federation, defunct since the 
 fourteenth century, at just this period was revivified and 
 reared about it a family of ten; or why (7) the word 
 republique just at this time was multiphed by means of 
 all possible prefixes and suffixes used singly, doubly and 
 even trebly; or if I inquire (8) what is the reason for 
 such a profuse mushroom growth as the following from 
 the verb elire: reelire, reelection, reeligible, reeligiUlite, 
 ineligihilite, non-eligibilite, non-rieUction, non-reeligibiliti, 
 eledeur, new, aU nine of them: Is there not a certain 
 unity of idea in these examples? Would it be likely 
 that so many new creations and changes of meaning 
 should come all at once by chance and without the 
 operation of some powerful ruHng idea? 
 
 These new words and new meanings are, in fact, a 
 part of the extensive terminology by means of which the 
 French were naming the "id6e maltresse de la Revolu- 
 tion." And the "id^e maitresse de la Revolution" (the 
 term and the application are Faguet's) is Egaht6. 
 
 Libert^, EgaUt6, Fraternity. If we take this motto, 
 if we fuse egaliti and fraterniti and add as our third term 
 autorite — that is a new authority, the exact reversal of 
 the old, that of the people instead of that of the nobles, 
 — then we shall have in three words the ideas which the 
 people were naming and renaming, and coining synonyms 
 and variants for, with their deUghted, excited profusion of 
 881 words, such was their exuberant pleasure in expressing 
 them over and over again and complacently dweUing upon 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF EQUALITY 141 
 
 them. "Equality," of which the contrary is "privilege" 
 and of which a corollary is "fraternity"; "liberty," of 
 which the contrary is " oppression " ; and " authority of the 
 people," of which the contrary is "authority of the nobles" 
 — these are the dominating ideas that are causing this 
 upheaval in the vocabulary. With the exception of less 
 than a hundred words which came in at this period by 
 chance, and not as part of the main current of thought, 
 (words such as aerostation, iivouaquer, ambulance, words 
 which are without special significance for us) — aside 
 from these, our 881 words are but the multiform de- 
 nomination of all the compUcated phases of three vast 
 ideas. Let us see just what were the details of this 
 process. And first we will consider the idea of equality. 
 
 A new idea has come — has more or less blundered — 
 into the consciousness of the French nation, the idea of 
 equaUty. How shall this idea in all its intricacies be ex- 
 pressed in the vocabulary? If a new machine is all at 
 once invented to do its work among men, a terminology 
 is inunediately devised to name it, its parts, its acts, its 
 effects. If, similarly, a new idea is introduced to do its 
 work in every part of society, what terminology is devised 
 to fit it, its effects and its subordinate ideas? 
 
 In the revolutionary period there was great interest in 
 the choice of terms, great attention upon the appellations 
 of things and ideas. The selection of names and words 
 was a highly conscious and intentional process. It was 
 generally felt that there was much in a name. How 
 important it was considered, to adjust the vocabulary 
 with great exactness to the expression of new ideas and 
 new shades of feeling, we have seen in the discussions of 
 the calendar words. Later we shall see this more clearly 
 (e.g., dtoyen, p. 143). 
 
 How, then, was the idea of equality named? Or to 
 put the question differently, how was this idea expressed, 
 
142 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 not in laws, not in political systems, not in social re- 
 arrangements, but in the vocabulary? The first way 
 we may mention in which the men of the Revolution 
 attempted by means of language to express the idea of 
 equality and repress that of privilege was the alteration 
 of the pronoun of address from vous to tu. The use of 
 vous was felt, whether from reasons of logic or from mere 
 association, to be an expression of the inequaUty forced 
 on the people by "fanaticism, pride and feudaUsm." 
 Perhaps this usage suggested to them the use of "nous" 
 by the king. It indicated an exaggerated respect for 
 the person addressed and an imdue humility on the part 
 of the speaker.' The matter was discussed in 1793 in 
 the Convention. A petition presented by Malbec said: 
 
 "Citoyens repr^sentants, les principes de notre langue 
 doivent nous Itre aussi chers que les lois de notre rdpublique. 
 Nous distinguons trois personnes pour Is singulier et trois 
 pour le pluriel, et au m6pris de cette rSgle, I'esprit de fana- 
 tisme, d'orgueil et de f6odalit6 nous a fait contracter I'ha- 
 bitude de nous servir de la deuxiSme personne du pluriel 
 lorsque nous parlons k un seul. Beaucoup de maux rfeul- 
 tent de cet abus: il oppose une barrifere k I'intelligence des 
 sans-culottes; il retient la morgue du pervers et I'adulation; 
 sous le pr6texte du respect 11 61oigne les principes des vertus 
 fraternelles. Je demande un ddcret portant que tous les 
 r6publicains frangois seront tenus k I'avenir pour se con- 
 former aux principes de leur langage en ce qui concerne la 
 distinction du singulier au pluriel, de tutoyer sans distinction 
 ceux ou celles k qui ils parleront en seul, k peine d'etre 
 d6clar6s suspects en se pr^tant au soutient de la morgue 
 qui sert de pr^texte k I'in6galit6 entre nous." * 
 
 Objection was immediately made to this on the score 
 of another principle, that of Uberty. It was declared 
 
 ' Of. the custom of the Quakers in using "thee," etc. 
 2 P. de JuUeville, VII, 834. 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF EQUALITY 143 
 
 " contraire a la liberty de proscrire aux citoyens la mani^re 
 dont ils doivent s'exprimer." There were, however, 
 many who felt with Malbec that this was one way of ex- 
 pressing the idea of equaUty in speech, and the tutoiement, 
 even without the support of the law, enjoyed a consider- 
 able popular vogue. 
 
 A second way of expressing the idea of equality in 
 language was the alteration of titles and proper names. 
 As examples of titles of address we have citoyen and 
 monsieur. The change in the use of the word citoyen 
 was a mere transitory fashion;' in the case of monsieur 
 the change has been permanent. Citoyen before the 
 Revolution was a colorless word. It was used mostly 
 in the phrase citoyen romain (R). It was probably only 
 rarely on the lips of the ordinary man. From this condi- 
 tion of disuse it suddenly, selected as it was by the caprice 
 of popular favor, became frequent on every one's Ups as 
 the most ordinary of titles prefixed to every name. The 
 humblest man was Citoyen un tel, the king was Citoyen 
 Capet. The word thus became the daily symbol of 
 equality. It even replaced monsieur. 
 
 Previously monsieur had had a use compatible with 
 its etymology — mon sieur. "Avant la Revolution il 
 ne se donnait qu'^ certaines classes de soci6t6. Apres, 
 il est devenu un titre de simple civiUt^ qu'on donne k 
 tout homme" (Nyrop, IV, 132). But during the Revolu- 
 tion it was too suggestive of the hateful privilege and 
 inequaUty it had previously represented to be acceptable 
 even when vulgarized by imiversal application. "Sous 
 Robespierre, une qualification injurieuse. II a 6t6 
 remplace par le mot citoyen ou par le monosyUabe sonore 
 et gracieux tu, toi" (Neologiste frangais, 1796. R). Or it 
 was suppressed entirely. Brissot proposed to use no title 
 
 ' This use was revived to a certain extent in 1830 by the So- 
 cialists. 
 
144 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 at all: "Disons Condorcet, Payne, comme on disait k 
 Rome Caton, Brutus, Cic^ron." "Domergue estimait 
 {Journ. I, 15) que les mots Monsieur et Madame seraient 
 un jour 'ray^s du vocabulaire d'un peuple dont I'^galit^ 
 est la plus belle prerogative' et il commengait ses lettres 
 comme eM fait Varron: Urbain Domergue h, Pierre 
 Lehardy salut!" "Que ceux qui veulent monsieuriser * 
 rentrent dans les coteries qui admettent ce langage: 
 mais ces messieurs doivent renoncer k ^tre employes par 
 la r6publique." ^ Monsieur, however, survived this oppo- 
 sition and, chastened of its arrogance, to-day indicates 
 the equahty of the hmnblest with the highest. 
 
 Other words, too, like monsieur, by being degraded 
 from the state of titles of honor to an undignified use, 
 were made means of emphasizing the new equality. 
 Some became names of ribald derision. Chevalier suffered 
 in this way. "Quels sont ces vagabonds? Ce sent, 
 selon moi, les Chevaliers du Poignard, les brigands arrives 
 de Coblentz." (Carnot I'aln^, 18 mai '92. Mon. XII, 
 424. R.) The Jacobins after their fall were dubbed 
 ChevaUers de la Guillotine (R). Other words, by a 
 grim irony, were transferred to the very opposite of their 
 former use. The crime of lese-majeste no longer existed. 
 In its place were lese-^ation, lese-constitution. Use- 
 morale, lese-dvisme, lese-convention, lese-ripublicanisme, 
 lese-jacobinisme, lese-r evolution, and even the extreme Use- 
 contre-revolution.^ How satisfying must have been this 
 
 * Monsieuriser was modeled on the already existing monsd- 
 gneuriser. 
 
 " P. de JuUeville, VII, 833-4. "Similarly in letter writing the 
 Jacobins avoided such phrases as ' I have the honor to be,' saying a 
 proper idea of one's importance is indispensable." Taine, Bev. II, 35. 
 
 ' The testimony of Littr6's dictionary is that this element had 
 been active for some time. He gives from Le P. Gatrou the fortn 
 Use^epuhligue; from J. J. Rousseau, Use-cathoUciU; from Diderot 
 Use-soeiiU; and Ibse-galanterie, used by Voltaire. 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF EQUALITY 145 
 
 eloquent assertion of the principle that kings and nobles 
 may be reduced before the law to equality with other 
 men; that while there was once a majesty that might 
 be violated, now there is the nation and even the revolu- 
 tion which it is a crime to outrage! The temporary and 
 fantastic type of some of these compounds is but added 
 proof of the satisfaction with which the downfall of the 
 term Use was greeted. 
 
 A similar effect was gained by the transfer of the 
 suffix -dcide from words like homicide, to words such as 
 nationidde, patricide, patrioticide, plebicide, populicide, 
 societicide, civicide,'' deputicide, liberticide.^ These words 
 show the discovery by the popular mind of a type of 
 equaUty previously unrecognized. Again, conseil was a 
 term which had been an aristocrat among words, but 
 which now came to be used with almost vulgar familiar- 
 ity. Whereas formerly it had been known in such phrases 
 as Conseil du Roi, we now meet it in names of a much 
 less exalted kind — Conseil des Cinq-cents, Conseil des 
 Anciens, Conseil Municipal, Conseil Martial, Conseil de 
 Justice. Also mandat, which had before this been used 
 principally of a papal order (F6raud), was now appro- 
 priated by the people. They were now the pope's equals. 
 They would make mandats d'amener, mandats d'arrU, 
 mandats imperatifs, mandats territoriaux. This word, also, 
 was no longer sacred. It was all like the irruption of a 
 mob into a chateau. They sprawl with their coarse 
 clothes in the satin-covered chairs, their sabots on the 
 inlaid tables. In the same way they make free and 
 sport with words they once pronounced with hushed 
 breath. PriAdlege no longer exists, even in the vocabu- 
 lary. They gloat over its aboUtion. They mouth with 
 exaggerated freedom the terms that once had cowed 
 them. 
 
 ' L'Epithfete. R. 6. » Nyrop, III, § 405. 
 
146 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 Titles, when not degraded in the way we have seen, 
 were frequently abolished altogether. The Moniteur, 
 in its report, has the caption "Proems de Marie An- 
 toinette de Lorraine, veuve Capet." The phraseology of 
 the article is illustrated by the following: "Apres la 
 mort de Capet, ces deux femmes traitent le petit Capet 
 avec la mSme d^f^rence que s'il avait €te roi." Think 
 with what servility of deference these same individuals 
 had been addressed so brief a time before! 
 
 "A decree is passed that 'hereditary nobiUty is offen- 
 sive to reason and to true Uberty,' that where it exists 
 'there is no pohtical equality.' Every French citizen 
 is forbidden to retain the title of 'prince,' 'duke,' 
 'count,' 'marquis, "chevalier,' etc." ' Every one is for- 
 bidden even to refer to the fact of its previous existence. 
 "Any notary or public officer who shall write in any 
 document the word ci-devant is suspended from func- 
 tion." ^ Ci-devant, however, did acquire a singular 
 popularity because of its very emphasis on the satisfying 
 fact of there having been privileges which existed no 
 longer. "La statue de la Libert^, €le\6e en lieu et 
 place de la ci-devant Sainte-Vierge"; ^^ "la ci-devant 
 ^glise m^tropohtaine." The word ci-devant existed before 
 (F^raud). What it acquired now was its tremendous 
 power of suggestion. In another mood, instead of sternly 
 repressing all reference to the 'ci-devant' condition of 
 privilege, the patriots delight in gloating over the fact 
 of its 'ci-devance,' if we may so speak." They roU as a 
 
 ' Taine, Rm., I, 155, quoting from Man. univ., 1790. 
 
 " Buchez et Roux, XXX, 196. 
 
 '• An interesting indication that every type of civilization em- 
 phasizes its favorite ideas in its epithets is found in a letter printed 
 in the New York Times under date of Paterson, N. J., August 5, 
 1915: "Is there any explanation why the American press has 
 acquired the habit of directing attention to people's riches when 
 they happen to be mentioned in the papers? I myself can think 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF EQUALITY 147 
 
 sweet morsel m the mouth the title ' princesse,' 'duchesse, ' 
 words now preceded by the significant prefix ex-. It pleases 
 their newly awakened sense of equality that while these 
 persons were formerly princesse, duchesse, they are now 
 ex-princesse, ex-duchesse, ex-vicomtesse, ex-marquise, ex- 
 abbesse, ex-noble, ex-ministre, ex-gouverneur (R. 114). The 
 former titles of privilege, now rendered valueless by the 
 scornful syllable ex- (which means 'now you are no more 
 than we, whatever you may have been'), are left as 
 bitter reminders of their previous condition. 
 
 And as lost privilege was emphasized by the prefix 
 ex-, so acquired equaUty was shown by that other prefix 
 eo-. They liked to say cod6pute, colegislateur, copetition- 
 naire, co-assistant, co-parlant. It indicated that all were 
 now on a plane of equality. 
 
 Furthermore, proper names that were suggestive of 
 the old idea were changed. One of the most common 
 alterations was in the matter of the "particule nobiliaire" 
 de. This had become a dangerous badge and was sup- 
 pressed on every hand. The Due d'Orleans became 
 Phihppe figaht^."^ The word egalite was also frequently 
 employed in the renaming of buildings. What had been 
 "le Palais Royal" was now named "le Palais d'£galit6," 
 or more humbly "la Maison d'figaUt^," or even (in order 
 to be rid of the least suggestion of the nobiliary particle) 
 "la Maison Egalite." "^ 
 
 of no explanation beyond the fact that it has become a substitute 
 for Count, Duke, Earl, etc., since we have no such titles in our 
 democratic country. Many are perhaps unaware of the frequency 
 \sith which this adjective 'wealthy' is used by the press. To me, 
 and I have no doubt to many others, it has become nauseating and 
 disgusting. One is reminded of the much used word 'fashionable' 
 in relation to churches, which must give any true Christian a heart- 
 ache when he sees how the thought is misdirected. — Herbert G. 
 Purchose." 
 
 " Dupr6, Lexicographica neologica, p. 98. 
 
148 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 As the offspring of the term egalite, we find the new 
 words SgaUtarisme (found in Faguet, p. 29; but not in 
 Littr^ or Larousse) and egalitaire (Faguet, p. 35; Littr6, 
 "Neol.")- After 1789, what a different set of ideas 
 would arise in the mind of almost any one who heard 
 the word egalitS, from what would have arisen before! 
 What increased popularity, what added significance, 
 what color, what intensity it gained! How potent with 
 suggestion it now became! What enthusiasm it could 
 now evoke! Whereas before it had been a httle used 
 abstract term, it now became a party slogan, a campaign 
 catchword, a watchword, repeated by every man, printed 
 on pamphlets, on flags, on badges, as one of the three 
 words of the newly devised motto of the Revolution. 
 The maximum of honor was done it when the guillotine 
 was called "la faulx de I'^gaUt^." 
 
 In the third place, besides altering the forms of address 
 and purging names and titles, the men of the Revolution 
 stigmatized the idea of privilege by a great variety of 
 outcroppings connected with particular words such as 
 aristocrate, royal, etc. 
 
 "A proscribed class already exists (1789)," says Taine 
 (I, 71), "and a name has been found for it — aristocrate." 
 
 1' DuprS's curious dictionary has an interesting note on the 
 word aristocrate. "It is," he says, "entirely new to the French 
 language. It implies a person attached from principle to a con- 
 stitutional aristocracy. According to this definition there are no 
 aristocrats in France, because at the Revolution France was not 
 made a constitutional aristocracy but only such by an abuse of 
 the term. . . . sometimes means every Frenchman who has emi- 
 grated with coimter-revolutionary views . . . likewise used as an 
 opprobrious epithet which the hatred of oppression has inspired 
 every Frenchman with against all arbitrary governments and of 
 every kind of despotism and cruelty. This epithet is, however, by 
 no means appUcable to the defenders of a constitutional aristocracy. 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF EQUALITY 149 
 
 This deadly term, applied at first to the nobles and prelates 
 in the States General, who declined to take part in the 
 reunion of the three orders, is extended so as to embrace 
 all whose titles, offices, alliances and manner of living distin- 
 guishes them from the multitude. That which entitled 
 them to respect is that which marks them out as objects 
 of ill-will, while the people, who did not regard them per- 
 sonally with hatred, are taught to consider them as their 
 enemies." 
 
 In this word all the luxury, the splendor, the extrava- 
 gance, the haughtiness by which this class had scorned 
 and oppressed the people were summed up and hurled 
 back in concentrated vituperation in the face of the hated 
 order. 
 
 The word aristocrate was not at this time absolutely 
 new, though it was not very well established. It is 
 recorded by F^raud (1787) with a star. It is not in the 
 Dictionary of the Academy of 1776, nor in Chambaud's 
 Dictionary (1778), nor in Garner's (1802). Boiste 
 (1803) gives it and marks it "nouveau"; in 1835 he 
 withdraws the "nouveau," and in the same year the 
 Dictionary of the Academy gives it for the first time. 
 The other words of the family, however, had existed 
 for some time. In the Dictionary of the Academy, 
 1776, we find aristocratie, aristocratique, and aristocratique- 
 ment; and in F^raud's Dictionary, 1787, the same three, 
 with the addition of aristocrate. It was a retiring, modest 
 family and showed little tendency to increase. But 
 
 The following passage settles the present acceptation of the word. 
 'Aristocrates de tout 6tat et de toute couleur, royalistes, f§d6ralistes, 
 Brissotins, Girondins, ^goistes, mod6r6a, contre-r^volutionnaires, 
 ultra-r6volutionnaires. ' . . . those who espouse the party in oppo- 
 sition to the liberties of the people and a popular government 
 of whatever rank they may be." This is a comment from an 
 English point of view in 1801. 
 
150 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 once the new upstart member, aristocrate, began to acquire 
 its tremendous popularity, it began to bring the family 
 into a notorious prominence and to cause it to increase 
 largely in number. In addition to the three original 
 words aristocratie, aristocratique, aristocratiguement, and 
 the new aristocrate, we have aristocratisme, anti-aristocra- 
 tique, aristocratiser,^* desaristocratiser, a group now con- 
 sisting of eight words instead of three. 
 
 Nor is this all. Both parts of the word were used as 
 bases for making other terms of scorn, hatred, or ridicule. 
 The first part, aristo-, gave aristocdte, aristofelon, aristo- 
 gustin, aristo-robino-theocratie (rule of nobles, law courts 
 and priests). And the second part, -crate, -cratie, struck 
 the popular fancy as particularly piquant. With it 
 were made clubocratie ("lis font mouvoir par des ressorts 
 secrets des societes qui d'abord ont signal^ leur zele pour 
 la cause de la Ubert6, et la clubocratie est devenue la ma- 
 chine infernale par laquelle on tente de jeter la nation 
 frangaise dans le trouble." Goupil, 15 juillet. Man. 
 IX, 133 b. R.), sanguinocrates, sanguinocrafie (rule of 
 Robespierre), plebecratie (rule of the people), calotino- 
 crate,^^ calotinocratie (calotin = abbe is found in Diderot, 
 Littr6 Suppl. II.), culocratie (a name for the First Na- 
 tional Assembly because it voted by rising and sitting). '* 
 In reply to these creations, we have the aristocrats steal- 
 ing the thimder of the plebecratie to produce canaillo- 
 cratie, varied sometimes to canaillarchie. 
 
 Besides aristocrate other names for the hated class 
 were devised. Ci-devant we have already mentioned. 
 
 " A fourteenth-century example of this word in Oresme is noted 
 by the Die. gen., but it must have dropped completely out of use 
 according to the testimony of aU the dictionaries. 
 
 " "On a enferm6 tous les aristocrates et calotinocrates." Aulard 
 Soc. II, 584, R. 145. 
 
 16 The recent bureaucrate, bureaueratie show that the suffix is 
 still alive. 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF EQUALITY 151 
 
 Another is emigrant, later more usual in the form emigre 
 (Larousse). F6raud, 1787, mentions emigrant, emigra- 
 tion, and emigrer. He says: "Ces trois mots sont nou- 
 veaux; mais les deux premiers sont d6J£i regus par I'usage. 
 II paratt que le troisi^me ne tardera pas k I'^tre. lis se 
 disent de ceux qui quittent leur pays pour s'^tabUr ail- 
 leurs." He gives examples from Feller, Linguet, Moreau, 
 etc. The opprobriimi with which these words were now 
 invested is shown by the following quotation from the 
 Moniteur universel (L'An II, No. 35, Oct. 26). "Dans 
 le nombre des prisonniers se trouvent trois emigres. 
 Je ne donne pas k la commission militaire la peine de les 
 juger; leurs proems sont faits sur-le-champ. Mes pis- 
 tolets et mon sabre font leur affaire." This is from 
 Vandamme's report of operations in the north. It was 
 received with 'acclamations reiterees.' 
 
 The hatred of the former inequality is also concentrated 
 in the group royaliste, royalisme, royaliser, diroyaliser, 
 janaiico-royaliste. Royaliste, the origin from which the 
 rest of the words sprang, was previously restricted to 
 use in connection with the League or with the Enghsh 
 Civil War. From these special uses it was transferred to 
 current conditions and, being thereby vivified, produced 
 the new group. 
 
 The new verb despotiser was likewise produced by 
 jealous regard for the equality of all. 
 
 This was the negative nomenclature, the words ex- 
 pressing the hatred of all that had stood in favor of 
 privilege and against equahty. We turn now to the 
 opposite set of terms, the positive names for the new 
 equality. The contrary of aristocrate became patriate 
 (see Dupr6). The word was not new. In the fifteenth 
 century, when it first appeared, it meant concitoyen or 
 campatriote. In the sixteenth century, during the reU- 
 
152 FEENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 gious wars, it came to mean, practically as at present, 
 'devoted to one's country.' But it did not retain this 
 meaning. As used by Rousseau in the eighteenth 
 century it was again equivalent to condtoyen}'' At the 
 time of the Revolution it was revived in the second of 
 these senses and, again meaning 'devoted to one's coun- 
 try,' was used with great frequency. Its family before 
 1787 consisted, according to F^raud, only of patriate 
 ("qui aime sa patrie et cherche a lui ^tre utile'. C'est 
 un bon patriote." Fer.), patriotique ("sentimens patrio- 
 tiques" F^r.), and patriotisme. The stimulated inter- 
 est in the idea at the time of the Revolution is shown 
 by the large variety of words created at that time in this 
 family: s'empatrioter, (se) patriotiser, patriotiquement, pa- 
 triotissime, patricide, patrioticide, patriomanie, patriomane, 
 patriomaniaque, impatriote, impatriotigue, norir-patriotef 
 antipatriote, antipatriotisme, impatriotisme, lese-patrie, 
 hymne patriotique. Conscious ingenmty could scarcely 
 furnish any more variants. From three the family has 
 been extended to nineteen. Such a development in a 
 family of this sort would have been impossible in a time 
 when none but the nobles had any profitable interest in 
 the country. But now, when all men are equally con- 
 cerned and equally interested, it is natural as an ex- 
 pression of their pleasure in the newly won idea of 
 equahty. 
 
 Word families such as we have been considering, derived 
 from aristocrate, royaliste, patriote, etc., were very definite 
 appellations, almost party names. But there were many 
 other words which, though less specifically words of 
 equality than these, to the mind of the patriots had in 
 them the possibility of becoming eloquent terms to in- 
 
 " Nyrop, IV, § 26. L. Davillg, Note sur le mot patriate, Revue de 
 philologie fransaise, XXIV, p. 150. 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF EQUALITY 153 
 
 dicate in less direct ways the pleasure of the people in 
 the newly found principle, or to stigmatize the previously 
 existing and now fully realized inequality of the old 
 regime. So we come, in the fourth place, to a series of 
 words which seemed to the imagination of 1789 to 
 contain within them the idea of equality expressed, 
 suggested or implied in one way or another, and which 
 consequently underwent sudden and extensive devel- 
 opment. 
 
 For example, to the revolutionary mind there was 
 probably present in the word elire the idea that each man 
 coimts as one and is equal to every other man; in the 
 word fiderer resided the idea, pleasing at that time, of a 
 imion on terms of equahty (it was an association of 
 states rather than individuals, it is true, but there was no 
 reason why the transfer of appUcation could not easily 
 be made) ; the word fraterniser, again, expressed associa- 
 tion on a brotherly, and consequently equal, footing; 
 one man could make a motion as well as another; like- 
 wise, in a petition one name had as much right as another; 
 representant impUes equality in the representees; club is 
 an assembly of members on a footing of parity; the idea 
 of the word responsdbilite completely contradicts any 
 idea of irresponsible privilege and puts all men on a level 
 of accountabihty. These words, having in them thus 
 a germ idea that pleased, all underwent alteration in 
 meaning, or extension of meaning, or revival, or gave off 
 large increase, helping thus to make such adaptations 
 in the language as were felt necessary to the complete 
 and convenient expression of the idea of equaUty. There 
 were famihes of most of these words previously existing 
 in the language, but like the idea they expressed they 
 were Httle used, undeveloped, and consequently small. 
 For instance, the family of elire, as given by F^raud 
 (1787), consisted of the following six words: Hire, electeur, 
 
154 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 eledif, election, electoral, electoral. The Dictionary of the 
 Academy of 1776 gave, in addition to these, Migible and 
 eligibilite. This family of eight the Revolution doubled 
 by the addition of reilire, reelection, reeligible, rieligibilite, 
 ineligibilite, non-eligibilite, non-r Selection, non-reeligibilite. 
 But there was more development even than might be 
 apparent merely from the increase in number. Some of 
 the original words were extended in meaning to a remark- 
 able degree. An example is electeur. Previously it was 
 applied almost exclusively to one single use; that is, to 
 the electors of the Empire, as 'Electeur de Saxe.' Now, 
 from this highly restricted use, it was completely gener- 
 aUzed to its present meaning. Electoral underwent an 
 analogous change. F6raud says of electoral and electoral: 
 "lis ne se disent que des Electeurs de I'Empire." ^' Now 
 we hear of "I'assembl^e ^lectorale," "le droit electoral," 
 ' ' reunion electorale . ' ' 
 
 Not connected in formation with this group, but 
 dependent upon it and related to it in meaning are the 
 new combinations: pluralite absolue, pluralite des voix, 
 pluralite relative, pluralite simple. This group, so de- 
 tailed and specific, shows most refined division and 
 classification of all the intricacies of the idea that the 
 sum of the individual votes, each counting one and all 
 equal, constitutes the deciding authority. 
 
 Likewise, in the case of the words majorite and minorite, 
 we see a startUng alteration of meaning that is most 
 eloquent. The former meanings of these words were, 
 'the state of being of age' and 'the state of being under 
 
 '5 Ffiraud had, however, recognized the change as far as Mecteur 
 is concerned, for he says of it: "L'Acad^mie avertit qu'U ne se dit 
 gufere que des filecteurs de I'Empire. II me paralt pourtant qu'on 
 le dit sans difficult^ de tous ceux qui 6hsent." These two conunents 
 show us the change of meaning in the very process of spreading 
 through the family. 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF EQUALITY 155 
 
 age.' Majorite also meant 'grade of major.' Already 
 in England the word majority had acquired the present 
 parliamentary sense, and occasionally the French word 
 majorite had been used to translate it. Now with the 
 Revolution this new use, along with the similar use of 
 minorite, became general.^^ Voter also acquired greater 
 force and definiteness of meaning. Previously it meant 
 merely 'to cast a vote.' Now we find Mirabeau saying: '"' 
 "Nous inviterons les peuples a nous autoriser a voter un 
 emprunt." This broadening from the neuter to the 
 transitive use seems to me a subtle indication of the 
 increase of power in the idea which the verb expressed. 
 Instead of being theoretical and abstract, this power 
 has become real and concrete. The verb then becomes 
 more positive and definite. 
 
 The word motion underwent a similar change. F6raud 
 gives us interesting evidence that the change was already 
 in progress. His remarks are: "1° terme didactique, 
 action de mouvoir; 2° proposition faite avec zele dans 
 une assemblee pour y faire decider quelque chose: faire 
 une motion. Cette deuxieme acception nous vient des 
 Anglais qui en font un grand usage dans leur Parlement. 
 L'Acad^mie ne le met pas dans ce sens; mais il s'^tabHt 
 parmi nous; et c'est im n^ologisme dont on pent bien 
 augurer." His prophecy was fulfilled, for the word 
 acquired great popularity in the new sense. 
 
 Another such word is representant. F6raud gives the 
 word as adjective and substantive, but no examples of 
 its use. However, from the examples he gives of the 
 verb representer, we can get an idea of what the use of 
 representant was. "Un ambassadeur repr&ente le Souve- 
 rain qui I'envoie. Un gouverneur de province repr6sente 
 le Roi. Celui qui a une procuration [power of attorney] 
 
 " Ranft, 52, 53. 
 
 '" Mirabeau peint par lui^mime. Paris, 1791. I, 176. R. 
 
156 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 repr6seiite la personne dont il a regu le pouvoir." These 
 uses show us that the germ of the new use was there, 
 but undeveloped. What an unfolding, then, is in the 
 new, sounding phrases ' Reprfeentants du Peuple Fran- 
 9ais,' 'Reprfeentants du Peuple,' ' Repr^sentants des 
 Communes,' ' Repr^sentants de la Nation.' 
 
 The words petition and pStitoire also acquired vivid 
 new uses. Both appear in F6raud, but in far different 
 meanings from the Revolutionary ones. "Le premier 
 ne se dit qu'en philosophic, et le second au Palais. 'Peti- 
 tion de principe' se dit lorsqu'on allegue pour preuve la 
 chose m^me qui est en question. Action p6titoire, 
 demande faite en justice pour obtenir la propriety d'un 
 heritage, la jouissance d'un benefice, etc." Now petition 
 comes to mean "demande adress6e k ime autorite pu- 
 bUque" (Dictionary of the Academy '98, Suppl.). It 
 makes a useful term for the new vocabulary of equality. 
 "M. de Cazal^s a fort bien dit qu'on devait reconnaltre 
 dans le peuple un droit de petition. Les petitions se 
 font sans convocation d'Assembl6es" (Mirabeau II, 80. 
 R. 55). In this family develop the new words petitiorir 
 naire and petitionner?^ 
 
 All these new words and new meanings form an elabo- 
 rate expression of the newly developed conception of 
 deciding matters by counting the opinions of individuals, 
 rather than by consulting the desire of a few privileged 
 rulers. They are elaborations of the idea of equahty. 
 
 Another group that developed profusely was that of 
 the word JeMrer. The word federation had existed in 
 the fourteenth century {Die. gen.), but had apparently 
 completely died out, for neither it nor any word of its 
 
 '^ Though Littr^ has an example from St. Evremond (died 1703), 
 the word was not cited by F^raud, nor by the Academy till 1878. 
 It amounts to being a new creation of the Revolution. 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF EQUALITY 157 
 
 family appears in F6raud's Dictionary (1787) nor in the 
 dictionary of the Academy of 1776 (Lyons). Now, 
 however, under the influence of the new ideas, the fol- 
 lowing extensive group suddenly arose: f Merer, federe, 
 federation, federatisme, federal, fediraliser, federalisation, 
 fMeralisme, federaliste, antifederaraliste, defederaliser. 
 
 A similar group arose about the already existing fra- 
 temiti. The word itself acquired tremendous vigor and 
 definiteness. It was featured by its appearance in the 
 new motto. From being, before the Revolution, a 
 colorless, general word, it now came to blaze with the 
 heat of the most vivid of the revolutionary principles. 
 The jewel of 4galite was fraternite. Its companion verb 
 fratemiser, like the verb voter, expanded from the neuter 
 use to the transitive use, and from meaning merely " vivre 
 fratemellement" (Feraud) came to mean "to enter into 
 a poKtical union." The family, as given by Feraud 
 (1787), is: fraternite, fraterniser, fraternel, fratemellement. 
 The Revolution, besides the changes of meaning we 
 have just mentioned, added the new forms: fraternisa- 
 tion, fraternisant, confraterniser. The word became very 
 popular and threatened to take the place of other words. 
 "Je propose k la soci6t6 de ne plus parler d'afliliation, 
 ce mot ne doit ^tre prononce dans une r^publique, mais 
 de se servir du terme de fraternisation."^^ "Un membre 
 demande qu'on supprime le mot de f^d^ration et qu'on 
 le remplace par celui de fraternisation." ^ 
 
 Another word, dub, which was introduced from Eng- 
 land, became very productive, and we find arising the 
 group: dub, dubicule ("les membres des clubicules 
 affiUfe au grand club," Aulard, Soc. II, 308), dubinaux, 
 dubinomanie, dubiste (partisan des clubs), dubique (la 
 fantaisie clubique), dubocratie. The idea of association 
 on a footing of equality is at the basis of this group. 
 22 Aulard, Soc. IV, 614. R. ^ IWdem, V, 234. 
 
158 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES, IN THE MAKING 
 
 And finally, one of the most significant developments 
 is that of the word responsctMlit6. F^raud gives it along 
 with responsdble, but apologizes for it with a star and 
 the remark: "Ce mot pent ^tre utile en certaines occa- 
 sions." The occasions now arise and in great number. 
 The word becomes frequent.^ Whereas before there 
 was no such thing as responsibihty about the governing 
 classes, and the condition of the lack of it was riot even 
 designated by a name, now the word responsaMliU ac- 
 quires new significance, and the previous condition of in- 
 equality is judged and condemned by means of the new 
 words: irresponsable, irresponsabiliti, non-responsabilite. 
 
 What, now, do all these terms express? When we 
 consider them as one great group, remembering that, 
 various as they are in formation and origin, they all 
 sprang up within the short space of a few years, we are 
 forced to see that there is a certain unity that brings 
 them all together. Never would they all have come 
 into being unless there had been a dominating idea to 
 evoke them, unless they had been needed to express a 
 thought. They are, in all their variety, the complicated 
 naming of a tremendous idea, the answer to the question. 
 How did the French express in language the idea of 
 equality when it suddenly burst forth and had to be 
 named? Just as, to name the automobile and its ac- 
 cessories, which are things, there was created a certain 
 body of words, so to name equality, which is an idea, 
 there was created another body of words of a very 
 different sort and much larger. It makes no difference 
 that these alterations and creations are so diverse as to 
 include: (1) a change of number in the second person 
 pronouns; (2) the substitution of one title of address 
 for another and the suppression of many titles; (3) the 
 
 »« R. 57. 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF EQUALITY 159 
 
 degradation and parodying of other titles previously 
 honorable (e.g., Chevalier); (4) the suppression of the 
 particle de in certain uses (particule nobiliaire); (5) the 
 alteration of the names of many towns and buildings; 
 (6) such extension and alteration in meaning as we have 
 seen in the words aristocrate, emigre, royaliste, ci-devant, 
 ■patriate, majorite, voter, motion, petition; (7) the degrada- 
 tion of terms to less respectable positions, such as Use-, 
 from lese-^majeste to such combinations as lese-r evolution; 
 (8) the prevalence of such prefixes as ex- and co-; and of 
 such suflaxes as -icide and -crate; (9) the profuse increase 
 of such groups as that of federer +, elire +, patriate +, 
 petition +, fraternite +, club +, responsabilite +, royor- 
 liste +, aristocrate +. This diversity, I say, does not 
 hinder all these from being one related group, the name 
 group of one idea hitherto unnamed because scarcely 
 existing, the idea of equaUty. 
 
 In this study we have had occasion to consider the 
 following words. Those which underwent a change of 
 meaning or of use but were not newly created, are marked 
 with a star. The others are new. We may wonder how 
 many of them have been permanent and are still in the 
 language to-day as the Revolution left them. If we 
 take as a standard their presence in Littr6 we have a 
 certain criterion. Those (except phrases) that are in 
 Littr6 are marked L. (starred words are marked L. only 
 if given in the Revolutionary meaning), and we may 
 think of these as the permanent alteration in the language 
 caused by the awakening in 1789 of the idea of equality. 
 They are arranged in general in the order in which they 
 were taken up in the text. 
 
160 FEENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 WOEDS AND PHRASES DISCUSSED IN CHAPTER VI 
 
 niveler * 
 
 L. 
 
 col6gislateur 
 
 
 niveleur 
 
 L. 
 
 cop^titionnaire 
 
 
 nivellement 
 
 L. 
 
 co-assistant 
 
 
 tu* 
 
 
 co-parlant 
 
 
 vous * 
 
 L. 
 
 6galit6 * (in names) 
 
 citoyen * 
 
 
 
 
 Monsieur * 
 
 L. 
 
 aristocrate * 
 
 
 monsieuriser 
 
 
 aristocratisme 
 
 
 chevalier * 
 
 
 anti-aristocrate 
 
 L. (N60I.) 
 
 
 
 aristo-robino-th^ocratie 
 
 l^se-nation 
 
 
 aristoc6t6 
 
 
 ISse-constitution 
 
 
 aristofelon 
 
 
 Ifese-morale 
 
 
 aristogustin 
 
 
 16se-patrie 
 
 
 aristocratiser 
 
 L. 
 
 16se-r6volution 
 
 
 d^saristocratiser 
 
 
 lSse-contre-r6yolution 
 
 
 clubocratie 
 
 
 nationicide 
 
 
 sanguinocrates 
 
 
 patricide 
 
 
 sanguinocratie 
 
 
 patrioticide 
 
 
 pl6b6cratie 
 
 
 pl^bicide 
 
 
 calotinocrate 
 
 
 populicide 
 
 
 calotinocratie 
 
 
 soci^ticide 
 
 
 culocratie 
 
 
 civicide 
 
 
 (bureaucrate) 
 
 
 Conseil des Cinq-Cents 
 
 L. 
 
 (bureaucratic) 
 
 
 Conseil des Anciens 
 
 L. 
 
 canaillocrate 
 
 
 Conseil municipal 
 
 L. 
 
 canaillarchie 
 
 
 Conseil martial 
 
 
 royaliste * 
 
 L. 
 
 Conseil de Justice 
 
 
 royalisme 
 
 L. 
 
 mandat d'amener 
 
 
 royaliser 
 
 (L. N60I.) 
 
 mandat d'arret 
 
 
 d6royaliser 
 
 
 mandat implratif 
 
 
 fanatico-royaliste 
 
 
 mandat territoriale 
 
 
 despotiser 
 
 L. 
 
 ci-devant * 
 
 
 patriote * 
 
 L. 
 
 ex-princesse, etc. 
 
 
 s'empatrioter 
 
 
 cod6put6 
 
 L. 
 
 (se) patriotiser 
 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OP EQUALITY 161 
 
 patriotiquement 
 
 L. 
 
 petition * 
 
 L. 
 
 patriotissime 
 
 
 petitoire * 
 
 L. 
 
 patriomane 
 
 
 petitionner 
 
 L. 
 
 patriomanie 
 
 
 petitionnaire 
 
 L. 
 
 patriomaniaque 
 impatriote 
 
 
 federer 
 
 federe 
 
 L. 
 
 impatriotique 
 non-patriote 
 antipatriote 
 patriotisme * 
 
 L. 
 
 federation * (see text) L. 
 
 federatisme 
 
 federal L. 
 
 federaliser L- 
 
 antipatriotisme 
 
 
 federalisation 
 
 
 impatriotisme 
 
 16se-patrie 
 
 hymne patriotique " 
 
 
 federalisme 
 
 federaliste 
 
 antifederaliste 
 
 L. 
 L. 
 
 r661ire 
 
 L. 
 
 defederaliser 
 
 
 rl^lection 
 
 L. 
 
 
 
 r661igible 
 
 L. 
 
 fraternite * 
 
 L. 
 
 r661igibilit6 
 
 
 fraterniser * 
 
 L5 
 
 ineligibility 
 
 L. 
 
 fraternisation 
 
 L. 
 
 non-61igibilit6 
 
 
 fraternisant 
 
 
 non-r6dlection 
 
 
 confraterniser 
 
 
 non-r661igibilit6 " 
 
 
 club 
 
 L. 
 
 pluralite absolue 
 
 
 clubicule 
 
 
 plurality des voix 
 
 
 clubinaux 
 
 
 plurality relative 
 
 
 clubinomanie 
 
 
 plurality simple 
 
 
 clubiste 
 
 L. 
 
 majority * 
 
 L. 
 
 clubique 
 
 
 minority * 
 
 L. 
 
 clubocratie 
 
 
 voter * 
 
 L. 
 L. 
 
 responsabilite * 
 
 L. 
 
 motion * 
 
 irresponsable 
 
 L. 
 
 repr^sentant * 
 
 L. 
 
 irresponsabilite 
 
 L. 
 
 represents L. (only as adj.) 
 
 non-responsabilite 
 
 
 assembiee representative 
 
 
 
 
 ^ Littre gives also aniipatriotiqw, 
 makers overlooked. 
 
 2' Littre gives also iniligibk. 
 
 " But cited as used "pendant la Revolution." 
 
 , which the Revolutionary word- 
 
162 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 Here are 116 words and 15 combinations (such as 
 Conseil de justice, hymne patriotique) . Twenty-three of the 
 words are starred, leaving 93 that were actually new 
 made words. Forty-four of the 116 are given by Littr6, 
 indicating that this number of new formations and altera- 
 tions of meaning or use may be considered as the per- 
 manent effect upon the language. The remaining 72, 
 many of them inevitably because of their ridiculous 
 formation, have been discarded. These may be con- 
 sidered as the wastage, perhaps no more than normal in 
 amount, which is always to be found attending the crea- 
 tive functioning of a language. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 Tehminologt fob the Idea of Liberty 
 
 Let us look now at the idea of liberty, of freedom. 
 To express this idea adequately the very word liberty 
 itself underwent tremendous changes. Think how vague, 
 how unreal a term it was before the Revolution, like 
 the concept it represented; how remote from daUy 
 experience. Liberty, the philosophers had talked of it 
 as they had once discussed determinism or grace, but 
 how rarely it was on the common man's tongue! But 
 now! Now it is on every one's lips. The meaner the 
 man the more often he uses the word. What definiteness 
 it has acquired! What vividness! What real concepts 
 it now delimits within its field, what clear-cut images 
 it now arouses in every mind the moment it is pro- 
 nounced! 
 
 And, too, the word revolution. This word also had 
 always existed. There had been revolutions in Rome, 
 in England. There had been one only recently in 
 America. The word was known, was used on occasion, 
 like such a word, say, as phalanx or centurion, but the 
 occasions were rare. And then all of a sudden one day 
 a king is told, "Une r^volte? C'est une revolution!" 
 And the word commences its whirlwind career. Une 
 revolution? C'est LA Revolution!" Its article is changed 
 from the indefinite to the definite. It acquires a capital 
 R if not capitals throughout. It becomes a proper 
 noun. From being the mere general name of a poHtical 
 
 163 
 
164 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 movement, a word on a par with 'battle' or 'war"" or 
 'invasion,' the mere synonym, more or less exact, of 
 'revolte, sedition, insurrection, rebellion,' it now becomes 
 one of the most individual of words, one of the most 
 powerful. He who could say now "La Revolution, c'est 
 moi," would wield a greater, a more violent power than 
 had he who said "L'Etat, c'est moi." "La Revolution" 
 in the minds of many now replaces the words L'Etat, 
 le gouvernement, Vtlglise, le Roi, even Dieu. It has 
 swept all these from their seats of authority. The most 
 potent word to conjure with is now not these, but "La 
 Revolution." It now does for the people what these 
 words once did for kings. 
 
 The power of the word may be seen by the vigor of the 
 growth it put forth. Before 1789 the family consisted, 
 as given in F^raud, of the one soUtary word revolution. 
 Now we find; revolutionner, r&volutionnaire (n. and adj.), 
 rSvolutionnairement, irrevolutionnaire, irrevolutionnaire- 
 ment, antirivolutionnaire, ritro^evolutionnaire, ultrare- 
 volutionnaire, contre-^holution, contre-revolutionnaire, 
 contre-revolutionnairement, contre-revolutionnel, Use-rivoliir 
 tion, lese-contre-revolution, and many compounds such as 
 pensionnaires de la Revolution,^ sapeurs de la Rivolution,^ 
 Les richards de la RSvolution,^ gouvernement revolution- 
 naire, fauteuil revolutionnaire,* — fourteen words (aside 
 from compound phrases) as compared with a single word 
 before. 
 
 At the same time, as if to have ample variety of ways 
 to express the idea, the family insurgent, insurrection, 
 
 ' Name for the executioners paid by the Jacobins. {Le NiologisU 
 Jransais. R.) 
 
 * "Epithfite donnfe aux Jacobins." (Le Niohgiste frangais. R.) 
 
 * Those who had been enriched by the Revolution. {Le Niolo- 
 ffiste frangais. R.) 
 
 * The guillotine. 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE mEA OF LIBERTY 165 
 
 insurgence, began also to develop. These three words 
 were already in existence, enjoying narrow and limited 
 application. Of insurgent F&aud says: "ne s'est dit 
 d'abord que de certains corps de troupes hongroises, 
 levies extraordinairement pour le service de I'Etat. 
 On I'a appliqu^ dans la suite aux peuples de la Nouvelle 
 Angleterre, lorsqu'ils se s^par^rent de la M^tropole. 
 On les appele aujourd'hui les fitats Unis." Of insur- 
 rection he says: "On ne le disait k propre que de 
 la Pologne. On I'a dit ensuite de la scission entre les 
 Colonies Anglaises et la M^tropole." Insurgence seems 
 to have been applied mostly to the American revolution.* 
 Another member, insurger, had been in use in 1611 but 
 had disappeared. From this state of moribund restric- 
 tion all four words developed a new breadth of application, 
 and a much greater frequency of use, and the group was 
 increased to seven by the addition of insurrecteur, insur- 
 rectionnaire, insurrectionnel. 
 
 Constitution is another word which had an enormous 
 development in order to help express the new idea. It 
 was not by any means an unknown word, although the 
 Dictionnaire national et anecdotique (1790) says: "Ce 
 mot 6tait stranger avant la Revolution; I'AssembMe 
 Nationale travaiUe k le rendre frangais." The group as 
 given in the Dictionary of the Academy (1776) was, 
 constitution, constituiif, constituer, constitunrd. This orig- 
 inal group of four words had apparently begun to grow 
 just before 1789, for F6raud adds to this Ust, but with 
 stars, two words, constitutionnel, constitui. It continued 
 to grow with added vigor, for after the Revolution we 
 find it increased to fifteen, besides five phrases of which 
 its members form a part. We will describe the process 
 
 ' Not in F6r., but cited by R. 
 
166 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 in some detail as typical of what happened in many other 
 families. 
 
 Before the Revolution the group was insignificant. 
 According to the Dictionary of the Academy (1776), the 
 word constitution had three meanings. The first two do 
 not seem to offer starting points for the new growth. 
 They are, (1) "composition (d'un corps naturel)," 
 (2) "creation d'une rente (mettre son bien en constitu- 
 tions)." But the third is the modern meaning in its 
 undeveloped state: "Ordonnance, loi, reglement (Les 
 Constitutions des Empereurs, les Constitutions imp6- 
 riales, canoniques, apostoHques, d'un ordre ReUgieux. 
 Cette R^publique 6tait gouvem^e par de bonnes con- 
 stitutions)." We note that in the above examples the 
 word is used only in the plural. The last two examples, 
 however, are in the singular: "La Constitution d'un 
 tel Empereur. Recevoir une constitution." We see 
 how far the word is from the post-revolutionary meaning. 
 
 The other members of the group were even further 
 removed. Constitutif meant "essentiel (une propri^td 
 constitutive)"; constituer meant (1) "consister en"; 
 (2) "^tablir (constituer qu'qn. juge, prisonnier, un Pro- 
 cureur)"; (3) "constituer une rente, une dot"; (4) "com- 
 poser (I'dme et le corps constituent I'homme)." While 
 constituant "ne se dit gu^re que dans les actes ou Ton 
 constitue Procureur (ledit sieur constituant lui a donn6 
 pouvoir de . . .)." ^ The group thus had about it origi- 
 nally very little of the significance with which the Revolu- 
 tion was to invest it. It is an innocent and conservative 
 group, colorless and sedate. 
 
 The growth in meaning, however, begins to be seen 
 
 in Chambaud's Dictionary (1778). For constitution he 
 
 gives the definitions we have quoted above, but to the 
 
 third meaning, "ordonnance, loi, reglement," he adds, 
 
 » All from Acad. 76. 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF LIBERTY 167 
 
 "forme de gouvernement." The new tendency is thus 
 indicated. And when we come to F6raud (1787) a 
 further development towards the later, positive char- 
 acter of the group is visible. We find the four words 
 of the Academy Dictionary (1776), with substantially 
 the same definitions. But two new words appear, both 
 starred, constitutionnel and constitut. The second of 
 these is not very important except that it shows, as a 
 new growth, a certain measure of life in the family. 
 F&aud says: "un auteur tres moderne (Anon.) a dit 
 'mettre de I'argent k constitut,' pour dire h constitution 
 de rente. Ce mot n'est en usage ni au palais ni dans 
 le discours ordinaire." But constitutionnel is indeed a 
 straw showing which way the wind is blowing. "Mot 
 k la mode," says Feraud, "depuis qu'on parle tant des 
 afaires d'Angleterre." Talking of these affairs, then, 
 has already produced this word. And its meaning is 
 different, at least in tone, from anything yet *known in 
 its group. "Conforme k la constitution du gouverne- 
 ment," is the definition Feraud gives. If, then, there is 
 need for this word, is it not because a new liberty is on 
 the eve of awakening? Formerly it made little difference 
 whether a thing was "conforme k la constitution" or 
 not, so little difference in fact that there was no word to 
 use in such a case. Now the people are beginning to 
 have thoughts and pass judgment on these matters. The 
 appearance of the new word indicates this new method 
 of thought. And, too, the example chosen by F6raud 
 is indicative of a certain Uberal, almost impudent, license 
 which is also new: "II est 16gal, constitutionnel, indis- 
 pensable que le peuple retire son d6p6t des mains infi- 
 dMes (des ministres) qui en auroient n6glig6 le soin. 
 Linguet, Annales." Compare this with some of the in- 
 nocuous, abstract examples in the Dictionary of the 
 Academy. This is the very rumble of the distant storm. 
 
168 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 The growth, thus begun, continues. The adventurous 
 new member, constitviionnel, shakes the family into Hfe. 
 The term constitution becomes vitalized. The word 
 stands forth, as the word revolution has done, capitalized 
 and with the distinguishing attendance of the definite 
 article as LA Constitution, Like liberte and revolution it 
 acquires decisiveness and specificness of meaning. Liberty 
 hangs upon the constitution. "La Constitution formera 
 le corps de lois qui convient k un peuple libre pour vivre 
 sous un roi sans cesser d'etre libre." {Die. nat. R.) And 
 since now Uberty needs to be discussed in all its phases, 
 new words are needed in this, one of the most expressive 
 of its word groups. So the family grows as the concep- 
 tion of liberty extends more widely. To summarize the 
 situation: 
 
 constitution, like rSvolution, now represents a new idea 
 to every man in France, and a different idea from what 
 it would have represented before 1789. 
 
 constituer, from the restricted special use "constituer quel- 
 qu'un juge " (Acad. 76), now grows to cover a broad 
 field. Now one says "se constituer en assemblde," 
 "constituer en fitat," "constituer en monarchie," 
 "le principe nous constitue repr^sentants du peuple," 
 etc. (R^) 
 
 constituant, which previously "ne se dit gufere que dans 
 les actes oil Ton constitue procureur" (Acad. 76), now 
 leaps from this position of staid retirement to one of 
 notoriety. We hear of "assembl6e constituante," 
 "pouvoir constituant," "corps Idgislatif on constituant," 
 "legislatures non-constituantes." (R.) It also leaves 
 its adjectival state and becomes a noun, meaning 
 either, "member of the Assembl6e Constituante," or 
 "supporter of the Constitution." It comes to be a 
 word of daily occurrence, where before it must have 
 been very rare. 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF LIBERTY 169 
 
 constitutif, the last of the original four that appeared in 
 the Dictionary of the Academy, 1776, apparently 
 failed to adapt itself to any of the new uses and re- 
 mained little used. 
 
 constitutionnel quickly developed beyond the stage recorded 
 in F6raud, got rid of its star, and became very general. 
 To his "conforme k la constitution," The Dictionary of 
 the Academy, 98, Supplement, adds, " conforme k la 
 constitution de la Republique." The word also ac- 
 quired a substantive use and meant (Acad. 1798 Suppl.) 
 "Partisan de la Constitution et plus sp^cialement de la 
 Constitution de 1791." It had also a meaning growing 
 out of the expression "constitution civile du clerg6." (R.) 
 ItseK when a noun partly a synonym for constituant, 
 it had a synonym in 
 
 constitutionnaire. This word had existed previously as 
 meaning " celui qui reconnaissait la buUe Unigenitus," 
 (Littr6) or " officier charg^ de publier les constitutions 
 des Empereurs romains," but the present word can hardly 
 be called this same one with an altered meaning. There 
 is no continuity of growth. Rather is it a new crea- 
 tion, a chance duplicate of the defunct word, made 
 on the model of the already current revolutionnaire. 
 It is both noun and adjective. 
 
 The family continues to show great vigor. There 
 appear 
 
 comUtvtionnaliti 
 
 inconstitvMonnalite 
 
 inamstitute ("aggregation inconstitude de peuples d^sunis") 
 
 (Littr6, R.) 
 inconstitution ("notre ancienne inconstitution") (R.) 
 nonrconstituant ("les legislatures non-constituantes") (R.) 
 ex-amstituant ("un ex-c. ou un membre de la legislature") 
 
 (R.) 
 
 anti-constitutionnel ("ecrivains anti-c s") 
 
 extra-constitutionnel ("decrets extra-c s") 
 
170 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 ex-constitutionnel (member of first Assemblle, Nationale) 
 constitutionnellement 
 
 Use-constitution; and such phrases, more or less stereo- 
 typed, as 
 acte constitutionnel 
 assemhUe constitute 
 hors de la constitution 
 avioriti constituee 
 Les Amis de la Constitution. 
 
 The group has thus grown from four to seventeen words, 
 besides phrases. It is one of the most expressive. 
 
 Significant also is the appearance at this time of the 
 combination bulletin des lois. The constitution being in 
 the hands of the people, all were free to know the laws. 
 They were now public, accessible to all, and a name was 
 necessary. 
 
 As the constitution, whereby liberty was obtained, 
 must have a set of terms for all contingencies, so the 
 means whereby the constitution was obtained must have 
 its elaborate terminology. The word convention suffers 
 a violent wrench in meaning. In Feraud the only idea 
 it is used for is that of "agreement, covenant" (as "con- 
 vention matrimoniale"). Now we find it used con- 
 stantly in the sense of "meeting." How far we have 
 gone in a few years! Whereas we once said for con- 
 vention: (F6r.) "pacte que deux ou plusieurs personnes 
 font ensemble; faire une convention, s'en tenir k une 
 convention," etc., we now say: "Les d^putfe du peuple 
 ont form^ une convention nationale" (Mir. Ill, 71. R.), 
 or "en notre quality de convention nationale nous sommes 
 subordinfe envers le peuple k deux espfeces de responsa- 
 bilit6." {Man. VI, 67. R.) There is a new thing in French 
 history. There is a new name for it. It is not a new 
 word, but it might almost as well be, so much has it been 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF LIBERTY 171 
 
 altered. Its adjective, conventionnel, arises. It means, 
 "relating to the convention," and we find assemblee 
 conventionnelle. The word develops also into a noun, 
 as: "les patriotes surveillent les conventionnels" (Aulard 
 Soc. IV, 29. R.), that is, the members of the convention. 
 Likewise, as revolution has its adjective revolutionnaire, 
 and constitution, constitutionnaire, so convention has con- 
 ventionnaire,'' member of the convention. These three 
 words constitute the convention group. 
 
 Assemblee, not adaptable to use with terminations 
 like -aire, -el, yet aided greatly in the work of furnishing 
 means of expression for the new idea by offering itself 
 for combinations, all new to the language, such as, As- 
 semblee administrative, assemblee communale, assemblee 
 eledorale, assemblee nationale, assemblie jyrimaire, assemblee 
 representative, assemblee constitute, asseniblee de revision. 
 This sort of combination is, of course, not new. We 
 find several somewhat similar ones in F6raud : I'assembUe 
 du ClergS, des Stats, des Chambres, du Parlement, de la 
 CommuvmM, des Avocats. But the new combinations 
 show that there were now assembUes different from these. 
 
 And in this convention, in the new sense of the word, 
 in these new assembUes, are required new names for the 
 unwonted fimctions, the strange prerogatives. The un- 
 restrained Uberty to exercise the new powers produces 
 many new words and expressions. For example, the 
 newly constituted legislators had initiative: "V initiative, 
 c'est-^-dire la proposition et la redaction des lois." {Mon. 
 I, 362. R.) While the word had been used in the six- 
 teenth century, it had disappeared since then (it is not 
 in F6raud) and is practically a new creation. They 
 could sandionner a proposition. This word had begun 
 
 ' Not in Littrd or Larousse. "Quand vos conventionnaires 
 sauront que telle est la volont6 de leur souverain." Aulard Soc. 
 IV, 336. R. 
 
172 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 to come into use so that it is noted by F^raud, who says 
 it is a neologism of Necker's "qui me parait heureux." 
 It gives us the family sanctionneur, sanctionnable, sanc- 
 tionnement, non-sanction. Or, our legislators could object 
 by means of a "declaration protestatoire contre les d6- 
 crets de I'Assemblfe Nationale" (Mon. IX, 253. R.) and 
 demand the rejet * of the motion (the latter is noted by 
 F^raud as a neologism from Enghsh). Bejet was used 
 in the legal language before, as was also rejection, but it 
 would appear that they were not in very general use. 
 (The latter is not in F^raud.) Their great vogue at this 
 time is another means of supplying the sudden demand 
 for terms. In this family is developed the new rejeteur.^ 
 Another example of the new liberty was "la r&vocabilite 
 des d4put6s a la convention nationale." (Aul. Soc. IV, 
 281. R.) This freedom, too, needed its appropriate new 
 term. Measures could likewise now be stopped by the 
 veto. It was possible to vetoter decrees. There was the 
 veto suspensif and the veto absolu. The word vMo (not in 
 F^raud) had previously been used of the Roman tribunes 
 and also of the PoUsh nobles. It now became general. 
 The verb vetoter is new. Or again, it was possible to amerir 
 der by means of an amendement or a sous-amendement. 
 Both amender and amendement came at this time to 
 the present parHamentary meaning. Previously amende- 
 ment meant (F^r.) : (1) " changement en mieux (sant6 etc.), 
 (2) engrais de terres"; amender had the following uses 
 (F6r.) : (1) " payer amende de (terme de Palais), (2) rendre 
 meilleur, (3) amender des terres, (4) ce malade n'amende 
 pas, (5) baisser de prix (le bl6 est amende), (6) (vieux) 
 edition amend^e." Again, the member's vote might be 
 par acclamation. This is a new phrase. The word as a 
 shout of approval is old (F6r.), but now the shout is no 
 longer haphazard, it becomes regulated and recognized. 
 ' Littr6 gives XVI century examples. ' Not in Littr6. 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF LIBERTY 173 
 
 It is a definite method of voting. The new liberty of 
 parUamentary action is also seen in the creation of such 
 new phrases as: poser une question (Mirabeau, Laveau, 
 1802); aborder une question {Neol. Jr., R.); fabrication 
 des lois (R.) ; ordre du jour (Nouv. Did. 1790. R.) — " ce 
 d6pute ne fut pas entendu, on passa k I'ordre du jour." 
 In all these words Uberty speaks. Previously, when 
 Hberty was not, they did not exist, they were not needed 
 by the people. Now that Hberty has come, they help 
 express it in speech. 
 
 But there is another word, which, significantly enough, 
 was born at this period, and which expresses the very 
 essence of Uberty. It is the word sdssionnaire.^" It 
 marks even the exaggeration of freedom. For every 
 man his own opinion. Anybody can form a party. 
 Every one has the right to be a scissionnaire if he wants. 
 The right is widely exercised. The privilege is played 
 with like a new toy. We find the record in the language. 
 We see it, for instance, in the sudden and vigorous 
 development of the prefix anti-. Anti- had, previous to 
 1789, nothing like the vogue it acquire^ during the 
 revolutionary period. F6raud gives the following words: 
 
 antichretien antipathie 
 
 antichambre antipathique 
 
 antidate (fausse date) antiphonier -naire (livre qui 
 
 antidote contient les antiSnes) 
 
 ardienne (eccl.=antiphon) antiphrase (contre la v6rit6) 
 
 antinational antipodes 
 
 antipape (usurper of the antitMse 
 
 papacy) antithetique 
 
 Here are fourteen words, but they are of much less signifi- 
 cance than even that number would imply, for as we look 
 " Mozin, Die. fran.-aUem., 1812, admis Acad. 1835. Die. gen. 
 
174 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 them over we see that in only two of them (antichretien, 
 antinational) has the prefix anti- the sense in which it 
 now grows most vigorously. And one of these, anti- 
 national, was in a precarious position. "L'Acad^mie ne 
 met pas ce mot," says F6raud. "II est bon et utile. II a 
 bien pris." Antipape, too, is hardly used in the sense that 
 such a compound would have under the hands of the 
 revolutionary word makers, meaning, as it does, rather a 
 rival of the pope than one opposed to him. Still, the 
 number of words made with the prefix used in this lat- 
 ter sense of "against" increases during the Revolution, 
 according to Ranft, to twenty-two ^ follows: " 
 
 anti-aristocrafe 
 
 L. 
 
 antipatriote " 
 
 
 -brissotin 
 
 
 patriotisme " 
 
 
 civique 
 
 L. 
 
 politique 
 
 L." 
 
 civisme 
 
 L. 
 
 populaire 
 
 
 -constitutionnel 
 
 L. 
 
 religieux 
 
 L, 
 
 'Critois 
 
 
 republicain 
 
 L, 
 
 -fSdiraliste 
 
 
 -riunistes 
 
 
 -jacobin 
 
 
 revolutionnaire 
 
 L, 
 
 -legislateur 
 
 
 -terroriame 
 
 
 -maratiste =0= isme 
 
 
 -terroriste 
 
 
 -national 
 
 L. 
 
 
 
 It is evident that many of these words were ephemeral, 
 born of the newly acquired liberty of all men to take 
 sides, to hold their own opinions, for only nine of them 
 appear in Littr6 (marked L.). But this very evanescence 
 indicates the newness of the freedom, and the excited 
 interest with which words to express it were fabricated. 
 
 " L. means in Littr6, N., marked n^ol. by Littr6. While Littrfi 
 does not give antipatriote, -tisme, he does give antipatriotique. Anti- 
 ■politique existed before the Revolution (D. G.), though not in F6r., 
 but was not apparently much used. The prefix has continued to 
 be active. Littr6 (1873) gives fully 120 words compounded on it. 
 But the growth has been largely in other directions, producing 
 scientific, medical terms, etc. 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF LIBERTY 175 
 
 Similarly the prefix contre- was much developed. It 
 gave: contre-partie, contre-epreuve, contre-revolution, contre- 
 rivolutionnaire, -ment, contre-rivolutionnel. From such a 
 growth we see evidence that men were conscious of the 
 liberty to oppose. Ultra- gave ultra-rivolutionnaire. 
 
 How the hberty of holding what pohtical views one 
 liked was overindulged in is in no way more strikingly 
 indicated than by the two following hsts, by no means 
 complete but, even so, ridiculously large, of the various 
 4stes and -ismes that swarmed forth into the newly 
 arisen sun of freedom: 
 
 alarmisme 
 
 democraiisme 
 
 jacobinisme 
 
 antidvisme 
 
 fanatico-royalisme 
 
 mercantisme 
 
 antimaratisme 
 
 fayettisme 
 
 modirantisme 
 
 antipatriotisme 
 
 fidiralisme 
 
 monarchisme 
 
 (anti-) terrorisme 
 
 federatisme 
 
 muitisme 
 
 aristocratisme 
 
 frironisme 
 
 nigociantisme 
 
 hrissotisme 
 
 feuiUantisme 
 
 orUanisme 
 
 buzotisme 
 
 girondisme 
 
 propagandisme 
 
 chouanisme 
 
 hebertisme 
 
 robespierrisme 
 
 civisme 
 
 impatriotisme 
 
 rolandisme 
 
 dantonisme 
 
 incivisme 
 
 royalisme 
 
 dimagogisme 
 
 iir)republic{an)isme 
 
 sans-culottisme 
 vandalisme 
 
 darmiste 
 
 clubiste 
 
 federaliste 
 
 anarchiste 
 
 conformiste 
 
 frironiste 
 
 {flnti)fid&raliste 
 
 conventiste 
 
 girondiste 
 
 anti-matatiste 
 
 culottiste 
 
 gouvernementiste 
 
 (anti)terroriste 
 
 dantoniste 
 
 hebertiste 
 
 babouviste 
 
 dicadiste 
 
 lamethiste 
 
 bicameriste 
 
 decretiste 
 
 maratiste 
 
 brissotiste 
 
 demagogiste 
 
 merliniste 
 
 bulletiniste 
 
 duhemiste 
 
 ministirialiste 
 
 buzotiste 
 
 igaliste 
 
 mitoyenniste 
 
 camiriste 
 
 fanatico-royaliste 
 
 moderantisfe 
 
 chiffoniste 
 
 fayettiste 
 
 monarchiste 
 
176 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 nihiliste 
 
 orleaniste 
 
 pantheoniste 
 
 paoliste 
 
 parchementiste 
 
 pittiste 
 
 propagandiste 
 
 quatre-vingt-neuviste 
 
 quietiste 
 
 robespierriste 
 
 rolandiste 
 
 royaliste 
 
 septembrisiate 
 
 vendSmiariste 
 
 Anybody could originate an -isme. Everybody could 
 be an -isfe. Repression of views belonged to the dead 
 past. Liberty of expression had become a mania. 
 
 Likewise the faciUty with which parties could be 
 formed, ideas altered, platforms proposed for acceptance, 
 opinions created — in short, this new freedom of action 
 and thought — is -vividly illustrated by the verbs in -iser 
 formed at this time.'^ 
 
 aristocratiser (Oresme dans Meunier, Essai sur Oresme — repris 
 
 pendant la R6v. D. G.) (Oresme XIV century, L.). 
 d&mocratiser (XIV century, estre en d^mocratie. Oresme, 
 
 Meunier L.) (not in D. G.). 
 emmenuiser {N6ol. fr. Le ci-devant royaume de France 
 
 emmenuis^ en 86 d^partements. R.). 
 federaliser (N60I. L.) (D. G. admis Acad. 1798 suppl., suppr. 
 
 1835). 
 fouloniser (treat as Foulon was treated, R.). 
 monsieuriser (not in L. nor D. G., but they give, as does 
 
 Acad. 1798, monseigneuriser) . 
 
 avignoniser 
 
 bentaboliser 
 
 bicamiriser 
 
 brissotiser 
 
 camboniser 
 
 confraterniser 
 
 {d6)jacobiniser 
 
 denationaliser L. 
 
 nationaliser (D. G. 
 
 1794) (N60I. L.) 
 {d6)rolandiser 
 deroyaliser 
 royaliser (se) 
 
 (N60I. L.) 
 disaristocratiser 
 despotiser 
 
 fayettiser 
 
 feuillantiser 
 
 girondiser 
 
 maratiser 
 
 ministerialiser 
 
 moderantiser 
 
 monarchiser L. 
 
 munidpaliser 
 
 " If marked L. the word is in LittrS; if marked D. G., it is in 
 
 the Dictionnaire gineral, otherwise not. 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF LIBERTY 177 
 
 -pantheoniser robespierriser terroriser (D. G. 
 
 patriotiser (se) (les finances admis Acad. 
 
 prairialiser R.) 1878. L.) 
 
 ripvMicaniser L. septembriser vandaliser 
 
 vendimiairiser 
 
 Anything and anybody could be -4,86(1 in these new days. 
 A similar list of new formations in -isation covld readily 
 be made. Not surprising, perhaps unconsciously satirical, 
 is the new growth: demagogie, d&magogique, dSmagogisme, 
 demagogiste, dimagoguinette.^^ 
 
 We note now another significant growth. The families 
 civ + and monarchi + were somewhat enlarged at this 
 time. The family civ + consisted previously, as given 
 by Feraud of civil, civilement, civiliser, civilite and civique. 
 His comments do not indicate that the family had much 
 life; he says: 
 
 "Civique, adj. f^m. line se dit que de la 'couronne de 
 chene' recompense de celui qui, dans la guerre, avait sauv6 
 la vie h un Citoyen Remain. M. LeMierre dans ses Pastes 
 I'emploie au lieu de civile: ' L'homme, par le lien des coutumes 
 pvhliques, peut Stre mieux uni que par les Lois civiques.' 
 Le besoin d'une rime a produit I'emploi de ce mot au lieu de 
 dviles, qui 6tait le mot propre. Un auteur trSs-moderne, 
 ou peut-Stre son Imprimeur, a dit, au contraire courone 
 civile pour civique. fil. de M. I'Ab. Bourdelin." 
 
 However, in the Revolutionary time the word civique 
 was no longer in this precarious position. It became, 
 on the contrary, rather popular. Ranft gives numerous 
 examples of its use, particularly in phrases more or less 
 set, such as: carte civique, degradation civique, inscription 
 civique, serment civique, tableau civique. Two new words 
 appear in the group, viz., civisme and civiquement. We 
 find especially certificat de civisme, also I'esprit de civisme 
 " Even demagogue is not in F6r., but is in Acad. 76. 
 
178 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 (Mon. I, 420 a), "son civisme et ses vertus vous sont 
 connus" (Cazales, Mon. V, 90 a), "un eccl6siastique 
 dou6 d'un civisme incontestable." (Mirabeau. IV, 132) 
 Of the family monarchi +, F6raud gives as in use 
 before the Revolution four words, to which Ranft adds 
 three new ones, made in the Revolutionary period. 
 Before the Revolution there were: 
 
 monarchie. F^raud's example is scarcely of a post-revolu- 
 tion character — "La Monarchie est la forme de gou- 
 vernement la plus parfaite." The word, he says, often 
 means "empire, royaume." 
 
 monarchique. 
 
 * monarchiste. " Mot nouveau, employ^ par M. Raynal 
 pour signifier un partisan de la Monarchie." 
 
 monarchisme. "Un autre 6crivain dit monarchisme: 'mo- 
 narchisme universel, dont le projet, atribul k Louis XIV 
 fut un fant6me poUtique.' Anon." 
 
 This family, also, like civ +, seems to be in a situation 
 none too secure. During the Revolution, however mo- 
 narchiste and monarchisme acquired a position no longer 
 dubious, and three new words were formed: 
 
 monarcbiseT. (Mercier.) 
 
 monarchien. "Supporter of the constitutional monarchy 
 (Const, of 1791)." "Vous pr6tendez qu'ils sont mo- 
 narchiens." Aulard Sod, 469. " La f antaisie clubique 
 ou monarchienne de quelques individus." Mon. VII, 
 757. 
 
 monarchicide {Nlol.fr. 'des projets monarchicides,') (Lav. '99). 
 
 The spirit of liberty which in the Revolution time 
 inspired men to acts of unwonted freedom, which moti- 
 vated so many startling transfers in all phases of life, 
 seems to have infected the words also. Like the men, 
 those that were yesterday one thing seem seized with a 
 fancy to become to-day something else. Like the men 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF LIBERTY 179 
 
 they seem to act on the merest caprice. In their world, 
 too, all the previous barriers seem to have been broken, 
 the -contents of all compartments to have been inter- 
 changed. As every man wears the badge of liberty, so 
 each word seems to turn its meaning to express in some 
 way or other the new idea and seems to feel free to forget 
 a previous restriction to the vocabulary of philosophy, 
 theology, the covirts, commerce, ancient or foreign history. 
 No word is so fossilized as to be unable to become a 
 vehicle in some degree for the new thought. 
 
 Many words were already existing in the language, 
 but in a state of dignified retirement, not much used 
 because not often needed. These now were called forth 
 to meet the new needs and used with great frequency. 
 Their meanings, in general being already suitable, were 
 not changed greatly. Some of these are: antinational 
 (see p. 174); dicret (formerly appUed as in the phrases, 
 "les decrets de la Providence, du pape," or meaning 
 "judicial order"; now it means also "a legislative order"); 
 monarchiste, monarchisme (both noted, we remember, 
 rather hesitantly by F6raud); rejection, rejet. Such 
 words now under the new conditions found ample em- 
 ployment. 
 
 Other words were brought back to use from long 
 obhvion. They had been in existence at one time or 
 another, but had long since fallen into disuse. Now 
 they were foimd to be of value in expressing the new 
 ideas. In such cases the operation amounts practically 
 to new creation." Such are: 
 
 " This is borne out in the case of words from Oresme by the 
 following from Dannesteter's CriaMon actueUe de mots nouveaux, 
 p. 231: "Les oeuvres d'Oresme, cependant, bien que fort appreci^es 
 en leur temps, furent de bonne heure oubli^es; aussi la plupart des 
 termes grecs employes par le vieux traducteur n'entrferent que plus 
 tard dans la langue et furent repris k la source grecque." . 
 
180 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE JVIAKING 
 
 aristocratiser (Oresme, Meunier, XIV century, D. G. and L.) ; 
 
 arrestation (D. G. cites it in 1370. Not in F6r.); 
 
 antipolitique (D. G. has one example, XVII century. Not in 
 F6r.); 
 
 antipopulaire (One example in Mercier. Not in F6r.) ; 
 
 constitutionnaire (meant once 'supporter of the Bull Uni- 
 genitus,' Littr^. Not in F6r.) ; 
 
 degrever (XIV S., D. G. Not in F6r.) ; 
 
 d6mocratiser (XIV S., Littrd. Not in F^r.); 
 
 fedSration (XIV S., D. G. Not in F6r.); 
 
 initiative (XVI S., D. G. Not in F6r.); 
 
 insurger (Cotgrave, 1611, D. G. Not in F^r., but insurgens 
 is. Insurgent, however, underwent a very marked 
 change in application; see p. 165); 
 
 insurgence (Linguet, 1782, applied to the American Revolu- 
 tion. Cited by Gohin. Not in F6r.) ; 
 
 republic(an)isme (D'Argenson, 1750, D. G. Not in F^r.); 
 
 urgence (1572, D. G. XVII century, Littrd. Not in F6r., 
 but he gives urgent, in two phrases only, however). 
 
 All these words, none of which, we note, were given m 
 F^raud's pre-Revolutionary dictionary, were now suddenly 
 found very useful, and arose to great activity. 
 
 Many words not only awoke to use but also in addition 
 became very prolific and had families grow up about 
 them. Some of these have already been treated, others 
 will be discussed in the chapter on authority. Exam- 
 ples are: 
 
 arrestation, which, brought back to use, gave airestateur; 
 departement, old, gave departementaire, dipartemental, 
 
 -ement; 
 patriote, old, gave 18 words; 
 royaliste, old, gave 4 words; 
 fed6ration, which had been defunct since the fourteenth 
 
 century, now became very much alive and increased 
 
 largely (see Chap. VI). 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF LIBERTY 181 
 
 Others, already existing in small groups, increased to- 
 large groups. For example: 
 
 revolution + , from 1 to 16; 
 constitution + , from 4 to 17; 
 aristocrate + , from 2 to 14; 
 llire + , from 6 to 15; 
 democratic + , from 3 to 7; 
 republique + , from 2 (F6r.) to 14. 
 
 Thus conservative immobility was replaced by riotous 
 productivity. 
 
 In some cases words merely had their meanings altered 
 in ways not particularly significant, For example, 
 alterner, previously applied only to persons, now was 
 applied to towns; risumer, previously transitive, now 
 became reflexive; voter, previously intransitive, became 
 transitive, and one not merely voted in the sense of 
 casting a ballot, but voted a measure or a subsidy; ses- 
 sion, previously meaning the sitting of a council, now 
 came to mean the time of such sitting, etc. These 
 changes indicate, perhaps, nothing but the general unrest, 
 the license with which alterations took place. 
 
 Many others, however, are quite plainly for the de- 
 Uberate purpose of suiting the words to use as govern- 
 mental terms, showing that the people felt free to take 
 what they wanted wherever they found it: 
 
 assignat formerly meant, "assignation d'une rente sur un 
 heritage" (Acad. 76); now it was used for, "billet 
 d'etat dont le payement 6tait assign^ sur la vente des 
 biens nationaux" (Acad. 98, Suppl.); 
 
 commettant, formerly, "(commerce) celui qui charge un autre 
 d'une affaire" (Acad. 76), now, "constituant"; 
 
 dgcret, formerly, "les d6crets de la Providence, du pape, les 
 d^crets 6ternels, du ciel, de I'^glise, d'un concile"; or 
 a judicial word (F6r.), now, "acte du corps l^gislatif" 
 (R.); 
 
182 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 majoritS) formerly used of age, now in the parliamentary 
 
 minoritg i sense; 
 
 notables, formerly, "well-known citizens, I'Assembl^e des 
 
 Notables" (Acad. 76), now, "representatives" (Acad. 
 
 98, SuppL); 
 radiation, formerly, " (finance et pratique) II se dit lorsque, 
 
 par autorite de Justice, on raye quelque article d'un 
 
 compte pour le rendre nul" (Acad. 76); now, "striking 
 
 a person from a public list " (R.) ; 
 section, formerly, a mathematical term, or the section of a 
 
 book (Acad. 76) ; now, division of a city (R.) ; 
 fratemiser, formerly, to Uve in brotherly relations, now, to 
 
 enter into political union; 
 ajoumement, formerly, a summons to court (F6r.), now, in 
 
 the parliamentary sense, adjournment of a meeting. 
 
 In this way old words were transferred to suit the new 
 needs. 
 
 Let us note now a few definite examples of transfer 
 from the vocabularies of the courts, of commerce, of 
 philosophy, and of the church, since terms from all these 
 sources were requisitioned. It is like the pillaging of 
 the chateaux. The judicial language gave : 
 
 ajournement, ajourner, formerly, "termes de pratique, 
 assignation, assignor k tel jour, assigner des t^moins" 
 (F6r.); now, "renvoi d'une deliberation k un jour in- 
 dique" (Acad. 98, Suppl.); 
 
 constituant, formerly, "adj., qui constitue un procureur" 
 (Fer.), now, member of the Assembles Constituee, 
 (Acad. 98 Suppl.) or supporter of the constitution (R.); 
 
 decret, d6cr6ter, "ne se dit qu'au palais" (Fer.), now, of 
 "actes du corps legislatif " (Acad. 98, Suppl.); 
 
 mandat, formerly, power of attorney, proxy, "au palais, et 
 rescrit du Pape " (Fer.), now, mandat of a deputy; 
 
 mandataire, formerly, "celui en faveur duquel le Pape a 
 fait expedier un mandat " (Fer.), now, "mandataire du 
 peuple"; 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF LIBERTY 183 
 
 petition, "ne se dit qu'au palais et en philosophie. De- 
 mande faite en justice pour obtenir la propri^t^ d'un 
 heritage" (F6r.), now, "demande addressee k. une 
 autorit6 publique" (Acad. 98, Suppl.). 
 
 The language of commerce gave : 
 
 assignat,** formerly, "rente sur un heritage," now, "billet 
 d'etat" (seep. 181); 
 
 commetant, formerly, "employer," now, "elector"; 
 
 mandat, formerly, "check, draft," now, "mandat d'un repre- 
 sentative"; 
 
 The language of the philosophy furnished: 
 
 petition, formerly, "ne se dit qu'en philosophie ou au palais. 
 Petition de question" (F6r.), now, "demande adre'ss^e 
 k une autorit6 publique" (Acad. 98, Suppl.); 
 
 permanent. Formerly one spoke of "f^licit^ permanente," 
 now of "une assembl6e permanente." 
 
 The church contributed: 
 
 decret, formerly used of "les d^crets de la Providence, du 
 
 Pape," now, " of the corps l^gislatif " ; 
 decretiste, formerly, "a teacher of church law" (R.)., now 
 
 "one who has received a decret" (Lav. 99. R.); 
 constitutioimaire, formerly, "a supporter of the Bull TJni- 
 
 genitus" (Littr6), though the new word can hardly be 
 
 called the same but rather a new creation on the root 
 
 of constitution; 
 mandat, formerly, "a papal order," now, "the mandat of a 
 
 representative"; 
 nominal, formerly, "priSres nominales," now, "appel 
 
 nominal"; 
 permanence, formerly, "ne se dit que du Corps de Notre 
 
 Seigneur" (F6r.); now, "la permanence de I'Assemblde 
 
 Nationale" (Mir. I, 143 a. R.); 
 unitaire, formerly, "secte qui ne reconnalt qu'une seule 
 
 personne en Dieu (Lav.), now, the opposite of fed6raliste. 
 " Not in F6r., but in Acad. 76. 
 
184 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 These are a few examples of how all vocabularies were 
 rifled to get terms to express adequately the many new 
 ideas that had so suddenly to be named. These whole- 
 sale appropriations, the easy freedom with which old 
 barriers were passed, old categories violated, old classi- 
 fications upset, shows the spirit of untrammeled Uberty 
 working in the language. We can see still further exam- 
 ples of it. 
 
 Historical associations of long standing were swept 
 away in the language as elsewhere. Formerly the word 
 electeur was appUed mostly to the German states, "Elec- 
 teur de Saxe," etc., though F6raud says, "il me paralt 
 qu'on le dit de tous ceux qui ^lisent"; insurrection was 
 used in speaking of the Poles, of the island of Crete, and, 
 just previously, of the North American colonies; insur- 
 gent (insurgens) meant either Himgarian miUtia or the 
 North American colonists; royaliste was used either of 
 the civil wars in England or of the wars of the League. 
 Now, however, each of these words was used of con- 
 temporary French events and people. We find, "Les 
 Electeur s seront choisis par les assemblies primaires" 
 (Mir. II, 321. R.); "L'arrivee des troupes serait le signal 
 d'une insurrection g^n^rale." (Mon. I, 160. R.) We 
 hear of "les insurgents frangais," and CamiUe Desmoulins 
 calls M. Dumouriez " un royaliste." 
 
 Words were appropriated from aU countries and foreign 
 systems. Where liberty had been most developed, and 
 where in consequence a terminology for it had arisen, 
 there the men of the Revolution drew freely. England 
 naturally furnished, especially in the early days, a mine 
 for names as it did a model for institutions. Republican 
 Rome is a close second. That the English influence was 
 felt to be strong, and that there was perhaps some sensi- 
 tiveness on the point is shown by a remark in the Die- 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF LIBERTY 185 
 
 tionnaire national et anecdotique (Politicopolis, 1790, R.) 
 at the word munidpalite. "Mot," it says, "que nous 
 avons fait sans le secours des Anglais." In other new 
 words and in many alterations of usage, however, the 
 'secours des Anglais' was used. Under English influence 
 the foUowing innovations occurred: 
 
 adresse changed from meaning "le dessus d'une lettre, lieu 
 oil on les adresse," to such a use as "adresse aux com- 
 mettants." 
 
 (anti)constitutionnel came into the language. F^raud says 
 of this word, "k la mode depuis qu'on parle tant 
 d'Angleterre." 
 
 club and its large group came into the language. 
 
 comit§ took the place of bureau (F^r., Die. nat.), of conseil 
 {Die. nat.), and even of assemblee (F6r.), and had a 
 large development in such combinations as "comity de 
 salut public." 
 
 convention changed from the meaning "acord, pacte" (F^r.) 
 to mean "assembly." 
 
 initiative was brought back into use after lying dormant since 
 the fourteenth century (D. G.). 
 
 jure changed from meaning "qui a fait les serments requis 
 pour la maitrise-chirurgien, jur6 crieur, maitre jur^" 
 (F^r.), to the present use in court parlance. 
 
 juri, jury and jureur appeared in general use (though used 
 somewhat before by Voltaire). 
 
 legislature, not in F^raud nor Acad. 76, now became very 
 general as meaning "assembl6e legislative." Mirabeau 
 says (I, 215. R.), "Je ne sais si, dans ce moment oil la 
 legislature n'est pas encore n6e, on comprend bien ce 
 mot; mais il n'y en a pas d' autre parmi nous, pour 
 rendre la m^me id^e." 
 
 liste civile, loi martiale, as expressions came into use. 
 
 majorite, minorite, acquired their special parliamentary 
 sense already mentioned. 
 
 petition was transferred from the philosophical to the govern- 
 mental vocabulary. 
 
186 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 royaliste was turned definitely to contemporary conditions 
 
 and vivified so that it produced four other words. 
 session made the change noted above. 
 
 These changes illustrate the English influence. It so 
 happens that we very fortunately find available on this 
 point the means for an interesting investigation. We 
 may wonder just how such ideas would have been ex- 
 pressed before attention was turned so observantly to 
 England. What, for instance, would a writer have done 
 before this if he had had occasion to translate from 
 English a passage containing such words as those above? 
 Chambaud's English-French Dictionary, pubUshed in 
 1778, will furnish interesting light on this situation. 
 
 For Eng. address (indication) he gives Fr. adresse; (skill), 
 Fr. adresse; (epistle dedicatory), Fr. d^dicace; but for 
 address in the new sense (although he translates the expres- 
 sions "Address of the Lords, an address to the king," by 
 "L' adresse des Lords, une adresse au Roi") he does not 
 give as a French word adresse, but "requite, placet, sup- 
 plique." 
 
 For Eng. constitutional he gives no corresponding French 
 adjective, but the expression "qui est conforme k la con- 
 stitution." 
 
 For Eng. clvh, not Fr. cliib, but coterie, sodeti. 
 
 For Eng. committee he gives Fr. comiti. 
 
 For Eng. convention (assembly) not Fr. convention, but 
 assemblee. 
 
 For Eng. jury (collective sense), "tribunal de 12 ou 24 
 jur6s qui font serment de juger sur la deposition des t^moins 
 jur6s." But he does not give as French the words used in 
 Mon. I, 535, V. 423, etc., viz. juri a,nd jury (collective). 
 
 For Eng. legislature, not Fr. legislature, but "la puissance 
 legislative." 
 
 For majority (of voters), not majorite, but "plurality, la 
 plus grande partie." 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF LIBERTY 187 
 
 For minority, not minoriti (he gives this, as also majority, 
 in reference to age), but "le petit nombre." 
 
 For Eng. -petition, not Fr. petition, but "requite, placet, 
 supplique, demande, pri^re, p6titoire; v. presenter un placet 
 au roi, demander, solliciter, supplier," but not petitionner. 
 
 Royaliste he gives. 
 
 /Session he gives. 
 
 We see here, then, testimony that except in three cases 
 {comiU, royaliste, session) of the dozen mentioned above, 
 even in an English-French dictionary, the temptation 
 to transKterate such words in rendering them into 
 French was resisted or was not felt. It is quite evident 
 that at the time of this dictionary (1778) such words 
 were not considered as having any standing in the French 
 language. 
 
 The Roman republic, too, was a model from which the 
 reformers took many suggestions and many terms. It 
 was the fashion to imitate things Roman. "Domergue," 
 says Brunot/* "commengait ses lettres comme e<it fait 
 Varron; Urbain Domergue k Pierre Lehardy, salut!" 
 "Disons Condorcet, Payne," Brissot proposed,^' "comme 
 on disait a Rome, Caton, Cic^ron, Brutus." The popular 
 orators proclaimed the regeneration of the human species 
 through a return to the civilization of the Greeks and the 
 Romans. "The orator *' proposes his motion, mounts a 
 chair. If he is applauded, it is put into shape. If he 
 is hissed he goes away. This was the way with the 
 Romans." It is a fashion that is destined to develop 
 more and more. Soon the austerity of the Republic will 
 be abandoned for the sumptuousness of the Empire 
 (both terms Ripublique and Empire being used), the 
 consul will become empereur, furniture will be style empire, 
 
 " Petit de JuUeville, VII, 834, 
 
 " Bnmot, in Petit de JuUeville, VII, 833. 
 
 18 Taine, Rev., I, p. 92. 
 
188 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 and we shall see the pictures of the school of David. 
 Meanwhile the words are beginning to come in. 
 
 citoyen, which was before seldom used except in the phrase 
 "citoyen remain," now became very common as an 
 everyday title of address. 
 
 civique likewise. It was before heard almost exclusively 
 in the phrase "couronne civique" of the Romans. 
 It, too, with the large group to which it belongs, became 
 one of the most usual of the new words. F^raud 
 (1787) criticized it and wanted instead the already 
 established civile, but it survived. 
 
 consul came into use. 
 
 decemvirs was the name applied to Robespierre and his 
 aids. 
 
 decemviral was the adjective used in such expressions as 
 "la constitution ddcemvirale." 
 
 triumvirs was also used in reference to Robespierre, Couthon, 
 and Dumas. 
 
 decimetre, centimetre, etc. were introduced into the new 
 system of measures. Also we read that "un membre 
 a propos6 de diviser la garde nationale en centuries et 
 dScuries." (Aulard Soc.) R. 71. 
 
 deportation, formerly the name of an ancient Roman penalty 
 ("L'Acad6mie ne le dit que de I'anciSne Rome, mais on 
 pent I'appUquer en certains cas aux peuples modernes." 
 F^r.) now was spoken of currently: "le directoire du 
 d^partement du Bas-Rhin avait condamn6 k la de- 
 portation un ci-devant chanoine." (Aulard Soc. IV, 488) 
 R. 
 
 municipe, the Roman title, now became a title for the maire; 
 R. 
 
 Pantheon became the name of the church of Ste. Genevieve 
 and the words pantheoniser, panth6onisation appeared. 
 
 tribune came to be the name of the place from which Mira- 
 beau, like Cicero, spoke. 
 
 le tribunal was instituted by the constitution of the year 
 VIII. 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF LIBERTY 189 
 
 tribunal r^volutionnaire was the name of a criminal court 
 under the Terror (Lav.). 
 
 v6teran, formerly applied to the Roman soldier, was now 
 transferred to the French army. 
 
 v§to, a privilege of the Roman tribune, now became a func- 
 tion of the Revolutionary assemblies. 
 
 From ancient Greece came: 
 
 pentarche, a name for the five Directeurs;, also pentarchat, 
 
 pentarchie; 
 deca- and hecto-, and, supposedly, kilo- for the metric 
 
 system; 
 prytanee fran^ais as the name for the training establishment 
 
 for the sons of officials. 
 
 The Italian republics furnished procurateurs (de la nation}. 
 
 It may be a matter of some surprise that more terms 
 were not taken from the American revolution and the 
 newly established govermnent of the United States. 
 It is true that republic, democracy, liberty, constitution, 
 etc., had been the text words of the American movement 
 as they now were of the French. But it is hard to say 
 just how much connection there is between the two uses. 
 On the whole there does not appear to have been a 
 direct borrowing of many words. However, "it has been 
 said frequently that the philosophy on which our [the 
 United States] government rests has been furnished by 
 French thinkers, while the mechanism' of this govern- 
 ment is the heritage of the experience of the Anglo-Saxon 
 race." '' If this is true, there would be little occasion 
 for the French to borrow from us. The transfer of 
 abstract terms was more probably going in the other 
 direction; while the definite terms of mechanism and 
 the names of details the French were getting first hand 
 
 " "A recent expression from the pen of John Jay Chapman, 
 which was written in French and which I have translated for the 
 Times." — Beatrice Chanler, N. Y. Times, Sept. 6, 1915. 
 
190 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 from the same source that the Americans were, namely 
 England. It is possible that the use oi federal + may have 
 been influenced by America; also convention in the new 
 sense. Insurgent, insurgence and insurrection were all 
 applied to the American Revolution, and probably grew 
 into French usage from that. But these are about the 
 only words traceable to the new repubUc. 
 
 Thus the new movement went where it pleased in 
 history and geography for its names — to England, to 
 ancient Rome and Greece, to Italy, to America. Ger- 
 many was in no position to furnish the type of words 
 wanted. There is no word of German origin in Ranft. 
 We see that in the vocabulary there is no longer the 
 limitation of conservatism and aristocracy. The freedom 
 of eclecticism prevails. 
 
 We have seen how, in order to give adequate expres- 
 sion to the new ideas, the language was treated with the 
 utmost freedom. We have seen how some words were 
 snatched from retirement and forced into common use. 
 Others, which had been resting for a century or more in 
 oblivion, were sought out and recreated. Some were 
 stirred up to the production of large new related groups. 
 Still others were transferred from the language of the 
 courts, of commerce, of philosophy, of the church, to 
 that of the new governmental and social system. And 
 many were gleaned from all the fields of history and 
 geography. There was still another method of adapta- 
 tion that was pursued at this time by the word makers. 
 
 They had no hesitation, if it seemed desirable, in 
 suiting words to their needs by altering their meaning 
 from a literal to a figurative one, or from a general to a 
 particular, or, vice versa, from a specific to a general. 
 Examples of those that had been Uteral and that now 
 became figurative are: 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF LIBERTY 191 
 
 niveler. F6raud gives as example of the former use, "niveler 
 une all6e." The orators of the Revolution are fond of 
 such expressions as "niveler les hommes, niveler au 
 rang de tous." F^raud mentions and justifies, as 
 does the Academy Dictionary, a figurative use of 
 niveau, but not, however, of niveler. 
 
 amender: formerly, "il n'y a que Dieu qui le puisse amender" 
 (F^r.); now, "L'Assembl6e Nationale, amendant le 
 d^cret . . ." 
 
 The following changed from a specific to a general sense: 
 
 agitateur. Not in F6r. nor Acad. 76, but given by Ranft as 
 used only in the expression "Conseil des Agitateurs" 
 in English history. Now, "les agitateurs d^noncent et 
 cherchent k diviser les patriotes." (Aul. Soc. Ill, 530. R.) 
 
 avoue, formerly, "patron of a church" (R.), acquired two 
 new senses, the first only slightly generalized, "proxy 
 of a soldier in the militia"; the second, very much so, 
 "lawyer," the present use. 
 
 barre,, formerly, "heu ou se font quelques instructions de 
 proc6s, et les adjudications de biens par d6cret" (F6r.), 
 now becomes a designation for the place where out- 
 siders stand when addressing the assembly, and thence 
 reaches the figurative sense of "accusation." 
 
 constituer, from use in such expressions as "constituer 
 quelqu'un juge, prisonnier," etc.; now expanded, 
 becoming reflexive, to cover a variety of ideas: "se 
 constituer en assembl^e, ces 6tats bien constitu6s, une 
 monarchic constitute, le principe qui nous constitue 
 repr^sentants." Also the wide use of 
 
 constituant is part of this broadening. 
 
 constitutionnaiTe formerly meant merely a single thing — 
 "supporter of the Bull Unigenitus"; now it could refer 
 to the supporter pf any constitution, at this time, 
 particularly the Constitution. 
 
 insurrection, applied previously to the Poles and Cretans, 
 now became applicable to people. 
 
192 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 insurgent likewise became generalized from Hb previous 
 
 application only to the United States or the Hungarian 
 
 militia. 
 insurgence, from meaning merely "the party of revolution 
 
 in America," came to mean insurrection in general — 
 
 "provocation k I'insurgence." 
 
 Other words passed through the opposite process, and 
 whereas they had been general words, now became more 
 specific. Constitution, formerly "les constitutions," laws 
 in general, and revolution, formerly "une revolution" in 
 general, but now " La Constitution " and " La Revolution," 
 are examples of this. All words, in fact, which we may 
 say acquired a capital letter or which altered the article 
 from the indefinite to the definite, are part of this move- 
 ment. Of these we may mention : 
 
 La D6mocratie, now the French government at a particular 
 time, formerly, 'la democratic', a general principle of 
 government; 
 
 La Republique. Of this word Nyrop says (IV, 218): "il 
 s'employait jusqu'sl la fin du XVIII S. pour designer 
 toute sorte d'etat ou de gouvernement. Bodin 6crit en 
 1576, 'il n'y a que trois estats ou trois sortes de vi- 
 publiques, k scavoir, la monarchic, I'aristocratie, et la 
 democratic.' Et dans le Contrat Social, J. J. Rous- 
 seau: 'J'appelle r6publique tout dtat r^gi par les lois, 
 sous quelque forme d'administration que ce puisse 
 Itre.' Pour les hommes de 1789 'la Republique etait 
 le gouvernement democratique, et republique perdit 
 son ancien sens general' "; 
 
 La Liberie, which from the state of a very general word now 
 acquired a very definite meaning, and came to signify 
 for each man very special things; 
 
 La Terreur, which was no longer la terreur; 
 
 La Marseillaise, formerly, merely an ordinary adjective, 
 now, restricted to one special thing; 
 
 Le Tricolore, now began to mean a very particular thing; 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF LIBERTY 193 
 
 acclamation, formerly, a shout of approval, now, a special 
 way of voting; 
 
 ajoumer, ajoumement, formerly, simply "summons," now 
 in the present special parliamentary sense; 
 
 conectionnel, previously meaning "of a general tendency 
 to improve," now used in such special phrases as "peine 
 correctionneUe, police correctionnelle, tribunal cor- 
 rectionnel " ; 
 
 desemparer, previously merely " abandoner, quitter — d6- 
 semparer la ville, les habitans ont d^sempar^; desem- 
 parer un vaisseau = le d^m^ter " (F6r.) ; now, very much 
 specialized, meaning practically "adjourn": ". . . pro- 
 posait de la demander sans d61ai et de ne pas desemparer 
 qu'il ne l'e<it obtenue " (Mir. I, 358); 
 
 fratemiser, which previously meant merely "to live like 
 brothers," now added to this meaning the restricting 
 phrase, "in the matter of political relations"; 
 
 monaichisme, monarcliiste, once applicable in a general 
 way, now applied to particular current ideas. Whereas 
 "U est monarchiste" once meant "he believes in a 
 certain general theory of government," now it meant 
 "he upholds a. certain special present practice." 
 
 priorite, previously, simply "the state of being before" 
 now, with this meaning particularly in reference to a 
 motion or speech in an assembly; 
 
 prud'homme, "homme de bien, d'honneur (vieux)." (F^r.); 
 now, "assesseur de juge de paix" (E,.); 
 
 requisition, previously, "request, desire," now in such 
 special phrases as "la requisition de marchandises." 
 
 Thus did a large group of words pass from the hazy 
 realms of generality, and become very clear-cut and 
 definite. 
 
 Further, the social scale in the realm of words as in 
 other realms had become a sKding one. Standards of 
 measurement were altered or even reversed. Some 
 words thus foimd themselves exalted, some degraded. 
 Think, for instance, of the comparative status of "le 
 
194 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 peuple" and "le roi" before '89. Then think of it after 
 that time; there is no authority above "le peuple," there 
 is no infamy deeper than to be "un roi." Monsieur and 
 Chevalier traverse the whole social scale. From the 
 ballrooms of Versailles monsieur comes to be associated 
 with every fishmonger's name, chevalier to companion- 
 ship with 'brigand' and 'vagabond.' "Quels sont ces 
 vagabonds? Ce sont les chevaliers du poignard, les 
 brigands arrives de Coblenz." (Man. XII, 424.) What 
 a fall is there! But others, paralleling many a career of 
 the time, in the morning terms of scorn, found themselves 
 in the evening potent names. Sans-culotte, originally a 
 term of insult, was eagerly caught up and dignified into 
 one of the most popular of party names.^" It became 
 a favorite element for the word makers. It gave: 
 
 sans-culotterie sans-culottisation 
 
 sans-culottisme disans-culottiser 
 
 sans-culottide (jised in Repub. Cal.) sans-culottier, -i^re 
 sans-culottiser culottS 
 
 culottiste 
 
 It was parodied in sans-jupon and pantalonne. The hum- 
 ble Jacques also saw itself the sponsor of a dozen words 
 of at least the rank of party titles. 
 
 The position of words was subject to the most erratic 
 alteration. Words that had previously been used only 
 by kings and in reference to princes now foimd them- 
 selves abruptly requisitioned, like the chateaux and 
 other property of their former masters, by the common 
 people who once would not have dared to use these 
 honorable appellatives even if they had thought of doing 
 so. Who but a king once talked of souveraineUf But 
 now 'la souverainet6 du peuple' was a phrase on every 
 man's Hps. It was the pope once who issued mandats. 
 
 " Cf. "Roundhead" and many party names in all countries. 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF LIBERTY 195 
 
 It was for emperors and conquering generals to make 
 jyrodamations. Now, a representative has a mandat 
 from the people, and the National Assembly makes 
 proclamations. Previously bishops might discuss perma- 
 nence, now the people talk of the permanence of the 
 guillotine. So with conseil,. so with Use-. There are 
 no longer any restrictions in the vocabulary, any inclosed 
 preserves. A man may go where he hkes in the language 
 as elsewhere. 
 
 Proper names are used with the utmost freedom to 
 form the basis for compounds. The party names made 
 from such sources, the -istes, the -ismes, are almost 
 innumerable. Robespierre's name furnishes a whole 
 category : robespierrisme, robespierriste, robespierriser, robes- 
 pierrot. Brissot, Danton, Marat, almost every well- 
 known name, does likewise. Beside rolandiser comes 
 also d^olandiser. There are still other formations: 
 la Marseillaise, guillotine and guillotiner, etc.; avignoniser, 
 a fantastic word meaning "to annex as was done to 
 Avignon," " avignoniser Geneve." ^^ 
 
 In the vocabulary as in other things, liberty runs riot 
 into fancy and absurdity. Here, too, fads and fashions 
 of the most capricious sort prevail. Such a word as 
 revolutionnaire, being popular, must have its counter- 
 
 '' This method of word formation is apparently always a favorite 
 one and one which people are tempted to exercise more freely than 
 successfully. For instance, a note in a recent daily paper said, 
 "Certain. enthusiastic souls in England propose to introduce 'to 
 wameford' into the language as a verb meaning to destroy a Zeppe- 
 lin with an aeroplane. They point to boycott, bessemerize, etc." 
 An editorial in the New York Times said recently, speaking of a 
 politician, "It is superfluous to characterize this frank project of 
 confiscation. Will the English language be enriched with the 
 verb to walshf" Probably not. The Due de Reichstadt is made 
 to say (Act II), "L'avoir trahi — due de Raguse — toi! Et pour 
 dire trahir le peuple a fabriqu^ le verbe raguser." 
 
196 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 parts in constitutionnaire, conventionnaire, dicadaire, dwi- 
 sionnaire, fondionnaire, guillotinaire, garnisaire, inser- 
 mentaire, insurrectionnaire, irrevolutionnaire, motionnaire, 
 {co)petitionnaire, readionnaire, retro-revolutionnaire, sds- 
 sionnaire, signataire. Aristocrate and democrate together 
 popularize the sufl&x -crate, -cratie, and we have calotino- 
 crate, dvbocratie, sacerdocratie, sanguinocrates. Then there 
 is the fashion of words in -ddde, such as populidde, patrio- 
 ticide, nation{om)icide, pUbicide; the fashion in -archie, 
 from monarchie perhaps, giving canaillarchie, etc.; the 
 fashion of words in Use-; the fashion of the suflax -ade 
 and many others. 
 
 The prevalent tendency of the time towards the fan- 
 tastic and the picturesque is visible very plainly in the 
 additions to the vocabulary. We have seen avignoniser. 
 The abundance of words concerning the death penalty is 
 of a character extremely vivid and imaginative, some- 
 times even shockingly facetious (see p. 226). The new 
 names of the months also stimulated the imagination, 
 and there arose prairialiser, veruUmiariser, vendimiariste. 
 This method was also appUed to the old names, giv- 
 ing septembriser, septembrisade, septembriseur, septembriste. 
 The play with proper names was of the most curious 
 character. We find also in this category: 
 
 baboeufien, babouviste, babouvisme (from Baboeuf) ; 
 
 bamaverie (from Barnave) ; 
 
 bentaboliser (to use words in the burlesque fashion of Ben- 
 
 tabole); brissotiser, -iner (to graft like Brissot, or to 
 
 establish brissotins (agents) everywhere); 
 chenille (from Ch^nier) "les Lions- Jacobins ont 6ti renversfo, 
 
 peut-on craindre les Louveteaux et les Chenilles ? " 
 
 (Neol.fr. R). 
 louveteau (from Louvet); 
 philippotin (from Philippeaux) ; 
 robespierrot (follower of Robespierre), robespieiriser. 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF LIBERTY 197 
 
 Many methods of composition and formation which in 
 their origin were logical enough, when pushed to extremes 
 and played with as they now were, gave ridiculous results. 
 This has been shown in many of the -dste, -isme, and 
 particularly the -iser words. Also the prefixes were 
 frequently productive of absurd monstrosities, especially 
 when several of them were used in the same word. Many 
 of the anti- words are rather amusing; in-, im- gave 
 several pecuhar results {impatriote, etc.); non- also, 
 especially with other prefixes, e.g., non-reeligibilite. We 
 find also such mixtures as desans-culottiser, retro-rivolu- 
 tionnaire, dejacobiniser. Lese- was used sometimes with 
 rather remarkable results, as in lese-contre-r evolution.^ 
 The suffix -crate gave some curious words: calotinocrate, 
 i.e., the priests (R., Littre, Suppl. II, gives an example 
 from Diderot of calotin, abb6) ; culocratie, the 1st National 
 Assembly, because it voted by rising; sacerdocratie; san- 
 guinocratie, rule of Robespierre; -icide also: naUon{om)i- 
 cide, sodetidde, pUbidde. Many of these curiosities 
 are in the form of puns: feuillantiquement, from 
 Feiullant, a party name; mirabellement, "un discours 
 mirabeUement compos6" (Neol.fr.); republicoquin, rascal 
 of a republican; robespierrot, follower of Robespierre. 
 Guillotine gave some eccentric words: guiUotinable, 
 guiUotinement. Biscameriser, a word of Anarchis Cloots; 
 canaillarchie, a name of the aristocrats for the people; 
 ripublicomane, are noteworthy. Dimagoguinette should 
 perhaps not be mentioned in these days of suffrage dis- 
 cussion. Slire gave some peculiar compounds, difficult 
 to utter, of which nonrreiligibilite may serve as an example. 
 Some words like irrevolutionnairement, contre^evolution- 
 nairement were built up to almost Teutonic proportions 
 by means of prefixes and suffixes used in profusion. 
 Others, mostly party names, attained the same size by the 
 " Cf . super-submarine recently in American newspapers. 
 
198 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 aid of hyphens: rolando-brissotin, fanaiico-royaliste, re- 
 publico-chouans, dimocrato-despote, jacobino-republicain, and 
 last but not least aristo^obino-theocratie. 
 
 These are but a small fraction of the whole number 
 of words that might be cited. Formations of this char- 
 acter actually swarm in contemporary records. Probably 
 there were other legions that were not' preserved. Al- 
 though many happened to be preserved, few of them have 
 become a part of the real language and are alive to-day. 
 This fact, however, rather increases than diminishes the 
 significance of the phenomenon. The very mass of 
 these mushroom creations shows the excited interest in 
 words that the men of this time had. It is proof of the 
 force with which the new ideas penetrated into the reahn 
 of the vocabulary. It is a sure indication of the im- 
 portance that the men of the Revolution attached to 
 the creation of names for things and thoughts, and to 
 the expression of their ideas by means of language as 
 well as by means of political and social organizations. 
 How many of the alterations of the language caused by 
 the idea of liberty were transitory and how many were 
 permanent can be seen from the following summary of 
 the words treated in this chapter. Those marked * 
 underwent a change of meaning or of use, but were not 
 newly created; those not marked * were new creations. 
 Those (not considering phrases) marked L. are given in 
 Littr4 (in their Revolutionary meaning if starred), the 
 others are not. They are arranged in the order treated. 
 
 revolution * 
 
 L. 
 
 r6tro-r6volutionnaire 
 
 r^volutionnaire 
 
 L. 
 
 ultrar^volutionnaire L. 
 
 r^volutionnairement 
 
 L. 
 
 contre-r^volution L. 
 
 irr6volutionnaire 
 
 
 contre-r^volutionnaire L. 
 
 irr6volutionnairement 
 
 
 contre-r6volutionnairement L. 
 
 anti-r6volutionnaire 
 
 L. 
 
 contre-r6voIutionnel ^ 
 
 ^ Littrd gives also contre-r&eolutionner, which, however, is not 
 found in Ranft. 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF LIBERTY 199 
 
 rivolutionner 
 
 L. 
 
 rejection * 
 
 L. 
 
 16se-r6volutioii 
 
 
 rejeteur 
 
 
 16se-contre-r6volutioii 
 
 
 motion * 
 
 L. 
 
 
 
 r6vocabilit4 
 
 L. 
 
 constituer * 
 
 L. 
 
 v6to* 
 
 L. 
 
 constituant * 
 
 L. 
 
 v6toter 
 
 
 constitutionnaire 
 
 L. 
 
 amender * 
 
 L. 
 
 coiistitutionnalit6 
 
 L. 
 
 amendement * 
 
 L. 
 
 ineonstitu6 
 
 L. 
 
 sous-amendement 
 
 L. 
 
 inconstitution 
 
 
 acclamation * 
 
 L. 
 
 noa-constituant 
 
 
 ordre du jour * 
 
 L. 
 
 ex-constituant 
 
 
 
 
 anti-constitutionnel 
 
 L. 
 
 scissionnaire 
 
 L. 
 
 extra-constitutionnel 
 
 
 -anti- (23 words, of 
 
 which 
 
 ex-constitutionnel 
 
 
 only 9 appear in L.) 
 
 
 constitutionnellement 
 
 L. 
 
 contre-partie 
 
 L. 
 
 l^se-constitution 
 
 
 contre-6preuve 
 
 L. 
 
 bulletin des lois 
 
 L. 
 
 55 in -iste | ,, 
 .„ . . mostly ! 
 
 ill dis- 
 
 insurgent * 
 
 
 43 m -isme r , 
 
 ., . . appeared now. 
 
 41 m -iser J 
 
 insurrection * 
 
 L. 
 
 
 
 insurgence * 
 
 insurger 
 
 insurrecteur 
 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 
 d^magogie 
 
 d^magogique 
 
 d^magogisme 
 
 L. 
 L. 
 
 L. 
 
 insurrectionnaire 
 
 
 d^magogiste 
 
 
 insurrectionnel 
 
 L. 
 
 d^magoguinette 
 
 
 
 
 civisme 
 
 L. 
 
 convention * 
 
 L. 
 
 
 
 conventionnel * 
 
 L. 
 
 civiquement 
 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 
 conventionnaire 
 
 
 civique * 
 
 assembl^e +* 
 initiative 
 
 L. 
 
 L. 
 
 incivique 
 inciviquement 
 
 
 
 incivisme 
 
 sanctionner * 
 sanctionneur 
 
 L. 
 
 anticivique 
 anticivisme 
 
 L. 
 L. 
 
 sanctionnable 
 
 
 civicide 
 
 
 sanctionnement 
 
 
 
 
 non-sanction 
 
 
 monarchisme * 
 
 L. 
 
 protestatoire 
 
 L. 
 
 monarchiste * 
 
 L. 
 
 rejet * 
 
 L. 
 
 monarchiser 
 
 L. 
 
200 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 monarchien 
 monarchicide 
 
 d6cret * 
 arrestation 
 d6gr6ver 
 f^d^ration 
 r6public(an)isnie 
 alterner * 
 (se) r^sumer * 
 voter * 
 session * 
 assignat * 
 commettant * 
 majority * 
 minority * 
 notables * 
 radiation * 
 section * 
 fraterniser * 
 ajournement * 
 mandat * 
 representative * 
 petition * 
 permanent * 
 permanence * 
 d6cr6tiste * 
 nominal * 
 unitaire * 
 eiecteur * 
 royaliste * 
 municipality 
 adresse * 
 agitateur * 
 club + 
 comity 
 jur6 * 
 juri, jury, jureur 
 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 
 citoyen * 
 
 consul * 
 
 d6cemvirs * 
 
 d6cemviral 
 
 triumvirs * 
 
 d6cim6tre 
 
 centimetre 
 
 centuries * 
 
 d^curies * 
 
 deportation * 
 
 municipe * 
 
 Pantheon * 
 
 pantheoniser 
 
 pantheonisation 
 
 tribune * 
 
 tribunat * 
 
 v6t6ran * 
 
 pentarche (L. gives 
 
 tarque) 
 pentarchat 
 pentarchie 
 prytan6e 
 d^ca- + 
 hecto- + 
 kilo + 
 niveler * 
 avou6 * 
 barre * 
 
 correctionnel * 
 d^semparer * 
 priority * 
 prud'homme * 
 requisition * 
 sans-culotte * 
 guillotine 
 avignoniser 
 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 
 L. 
 L. 
 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 
 pen- 
 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 L. 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF LIBERTY 201 
 
 and the words discussed pp. 195-6, party names, practically all 
 transitory. 
 
 Here then are some 150 words. Add to these the 55 
 in 4ste, the 41 in -iser, the 43 in -isme and we have 289. 
 Add the 57 party names and we have 346, which is a 
 conservative rough estimate of the number of words felt 
 to be necessary for the adequate expression of the idea of 
 liberty as it was newly imderstood at the time of the 
 Revolution. Of these, 66 were not new creations, but 
 words whose meaning or use was altered. That leaves 
 280 new words, or, leaving out of consideration the -dste, 
 -isme, etc., words, and discussing only those in the Ust, 
 84 words of importance newly created to name this idea. 
 We may wonder how many of the 150 words in our list 
 have remained permanently in the language, and how 
 many were merely transitory, like the -dste, -isme and 
 -iser words and the party names. If we take as an 
 approximate standard their presence in Littr^, we find 
 that 113 (marked L.) are given there, leaving only 37 
 that have not survived. 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 Terminology for the Idea of Democracy 
 
 We have seen how the language was adjusted to the 
 new idea of equality and to that of Uberty. Now let us 
 consider the third great idea whose introduction into 
 the mind of the nation at the time of the Revolution 
 caused the growth of a large mass of words — the idea 
 of authority, a new authority, that of the people. We 
 have seen that to the idea of equahty are traceable about 
 134 words which were either newly created or altered in 
 use or meaning; to the idea of liberty about 379, in- 
 cluding about 150 -isme, -iste and -iser words and about 
 50 names of parties taken from proper names. Let us 
 look now at the idea of authority of the people and see 
 what new words and what shifts of meaning it caused. 
 Under its influence there will probably be changes more 
 definite than those caused by the other two ideas because 
 it is itself a more definite idea. The idea of equality 
 caused the language to develop by the amplification of 
 terms such as elire, aristocrate, federal, fraternite. It 
 gives us large and elaborate word families. The idea of 
 Uberty, while developing such families as those of rivolu- 
 tion, constitution, scores largely by means of prefix forma- 
 tions (anti-), suffix formations (-iste), and variations on 
 proper names as names of parties. 
 
 The idea of authority of the people, however, is a 
 different sort of idea from either of these others. Yester- 
 day, it says, the nobles held such and such powers, the 
 king had certain prerogatives; to-day the people have 
 
 202 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF DEMOCRACY 203 
 
 them. To indicate and emphasize this shift their names 
 must be altered. They must no longer be spoken of in 
 the way they were in the bad days now gone. To name 
 them in the different way in which they will now be 
 exercised, a new set of terms must be devised. Conse- 
 quently, first, we shall find the governmental machinery 
 largely renamed. In the second place, the people will 
 be proud and pleased in their new authority. They will 
 also hate the old authority and the remembrance of it. 
 They will therefore want to strike from the vocabulary 
 the terms that were used by royalty and will seek to 
 substitute for them others of their own. So we have 
 secondly many substitutes for such terms as royal, 
 du roi, etc. And finally, the principle of the new au- 
 thority will be named by the development of such famiUes 
 as those of dimocrate +, repuUique +, nation +■ 
 
 To reaUze the effect of this renaming of the machinery 
 of government and this substitution of words expressing 
 authority of the people for words expressing royal or 
 oligarchical power, to see how absolutely different is the 
 tone, the spirit of the official language after '89 from 
 what it was before that date, we have only to compare 
 a document of the one period with a document of the 
 other. For this purpose let us note the following selec- 
 tions: 
 
 I. L'an de grace ii),il sept cent quatre-vingt-six, du regne 
 de Lou^s XIV roi de France et de Navarre, . . . sa majesti 
 a d6clar6 que son intention 6tait de convoquer une assembles 
 compos^e de diverses conditions des plus qualifies de son 
 tltat, pour leur commuiiiquer les vues qu'elle se propose 
 pour le soulagement de son Peuple, . . . sa majesty avait 
 fait elle-m&me une liste de ces personnes 
 
 II. Louis, par la grdce de Dieu, roi de France et de Navarre 
 . . . depuis notre avSnement au trdne, nous avons toujours 
 eu h, coeur de maintenir chacuu de nos sujets dans tous les 
 
204 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 droits auxquels Us peuvent pritendre. Le d^sir dont nous 
 somines animus pour le bonheur de nos peuples, nous ayant 
 fait convoquer une Assembl^e compos4e des plus notables 
 personnages de notre royaume, dont la fidelity, I'attachement 
 a notre personne, et le z41e pour la gloire et la splendeur de 
 notre Etat, nous sont connus . . . ils ont satisfait k notre 
 volonti, et pris la place que nous leur avons express6ment 
 choisie, et que nous avons commande a nos officiers de 
 c^r^monies ... la bonne volonti que nous avons toujours 
 eue pour les pr61ats et noblesse de notre royaume, et autres 
 nos sujets . . . cette stance proche de notre personne . . . 
 des honneurs et prSrogatives qui leur sont attribues et que nous 
 entendons et voulons leur etre conserves . . . car tel est 
 notre plaisir. 
 
 III. Sire: Les paires de voire royaume, jaloux de donner 
 A vos Peuples Texemple de I'obiissance qui vous est due, n'ont 
 pas balance h, se conformer a vos desirs . . . mais en execu- 
 tant la volants de votre majesti, qu'ils ont regard^e comme un 
 ordre, et qui ne peut avoir d'autre caractSre. . . . Les 
 paires supplient votre Majest6 de consid^rer. . . . Daignez 
 observer, Sire. . . . Que votre Majesty daigne rendre . . . 
 sujets fidelles, magistrats pr^voyans, ce n'est pas sans regret 
 que nous traitons ouvertement des questions si delicates. 
 
 This was the terminology of the old authority and 
 of the old submissiveness. Now, in the example below, 
 let us see that of the new authority: 
 
 IV. Les Representans du peuple frangais, constitues en 
 assembl^e nationale, consid^rant que I'ignorance, I'oubli 
 ou le m^pris des droits de I'homme sont les seules causes des 
 malheurs publics et de la corruption des gouvernemens, ont 
 r6solu d'exposer les droits naturels, inali^nables et sacr6s de 
 I'homme, afin que cette declaration, constamment pr6sent6e 
 h tous les membres du corps social, leur rappelle sans cesse 
 leurs droits et leurs devoirs; afin que les actes du pouvoir 
 Ugislatif et eeux du pouvoir exicutif, pouvant 6tre k chaque 
 instant compar6s avec le but de toute institution politique, 
 en soient respectSs; afin que les reclamations des citoyens, 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF DEMOCRACY 205 
 
 fondees d^sormais sur des principes simples et incontestables, 
 tournent toujours au maintien de la constitution et au bonheur 
 de tous. 
 
 Les hommes naissent et demeurent litres et egaux. . . . 
 Le but de toute association politique est la conservation des 
 droits naturels et imprescriptibles de I'homme. . . . Le principe 
 de toute souverainet6 riside dans la nation . . . qui assurent 
 aux autres membres de la societe la jouissance de ces memes 
 droits. ... La Loi est I'expression de la volenti ginirale. . . . 
 La Constitution garantit. . . . Le pouvoir judiciaire est 
 delegue . . . par le peuple. ... II n'y a point en France 
 d'autorit6 sup6rieure k celle de la loi. 
 
 What a contrast in spirit these two groups present! 
 And how clearly the spirit of each is expressed in the 
 terms that are used! The selections of the first group 
 breathe absolute authority from every line.' Aside 
 from titles such as roi, majeste, sire, they are full of posses- 
 sive pronouns and adjectives: vos peuples, vos desirs, nos 
 sujets? The words vouloir, volonte, plaisir, desirs, obiis- 
 
 ' I. Extrait du Proc^Verbal de L'Assembl^e des Notables, 
 Mm. I, 52. 
 
 II. Declaration du Roi. ' Ibid., 60. 
 
 III. Mtooire presents au Roi par les Pairs du Royaume le 24 
 nov. 1787. Ibid., 91. 
 
 * The following editorial comment from the New York Times 
 (1917) is interesting on this point. 
 
 Democratic Ears are Grieved. As usual, the lavish use of "I" 
 and "my," in what is called "the King's speech," last week, gave 
 to American readers of that queer oration a Uttle shock. We 
 would so dislike a similar employment of pronouns by the head of 
 our own Government — it is so nearly impossible to imagine even 
 the greatest of oiu' Presidents as speaking or writing of "my army" 
 or "my navy," or of referring to "those aims for which I entered 
 into the war," that we simply cannot understand the contented 
 tolerance of such expressions in another great democracy where 
 the control of aU public affairs is in the hands of "the people" at 
 least as much as it is here. 
 
 Of course, we know that the phrases in question are mere survi- 
 
206 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 sance abound. Such verbs as supplier, daigner are 
 common. The people are nos sujets, nos peuples or sujets 
 fidelles. Expressions of humility and deference and of 
 lofty condescension are frequent. 
 
 The second group,^ instead of beginning, "Louis par 
 la gr^ce de Dieu, roi . . ." begins, "Les Repr^sentans 
 du peuple frangais, constitufe en assembl6e . . ." Instead 
 of speaking of volonte and desirs, it stresses les droits de 
 I'homme, le bonheur de tous, les droits naturels. Instead 
 of sujets it speaks of citoyens, membres de la societe, la 
 nation; instead of le roi, la loi. This difference in choice 
 of terms is typical of the vast series of alterations by 
 which the vocabulary was made suitable for the expres- 
 sion of the new idea of the new authority.* Let us in- 
 vestigate in detail the means of this renovation which 
 so completely remade the language. 
 
 As we saw in the chapter on equality, all titles of 
 nobility by which the authority of the old regime was 
 indicated were swept away by law. Since '89, and even 
 
 vals, and not to be interpreted literally, but it is by only considering 
 them meaningless that they cease to offend us. And then they 
 become amusing without becoming pleasant! 
 
 It would be a little better — perhaps all right — if the King were 
 to employ the royal "we" in rehearsing the acts and expressing the 
 purposes of his Ministers. But the first person plural as a sub- 
 stitute for the first person singular seems in these days to have 
 been abandoned by Kings and left to that notoriously modest class, 
 the editors. It serves them sometimes well and sometimes iU, 
 according to the skill with which it is employed. 
 
 ' IV. Declaration des Droits de I'Homme et du Citoyen, from 
 La Grande encydopidie. 
 
 * Mercier, in 1801, in his Niologie (p. bdii), pointed out the 
 difference between the old language and the new: ". . . je pourrai 
 bient6t reproduire sous ses yeux et reporter k son oreiUe les m&les 
 expressions de la langue rSpubhcaine, qui me fut famUifere pendant 
 quatre ou cinq anndes. II y a IS, de quoi faire pSJir k jamais la 
 langue monarchique." 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF DEMOCRACY 207 
 
 to the present day, so completely was the old authority 
 extinguished, titles like le due de . . ., le comte de . . . 
 and even the once mighty sa majeste, son altesse royale, 
 have all lost their authority, have become empty and 
 void, and serve as valuable counters in no circle except 
 possibly that of "society." During the Revolution this 
 great and complicated mass of terms was replaced by 
 the one word — dtoyen. Since then it has come to be 
 replaced also by the words monsieur, madame, made- 
 moiselle. That is how titles were changed to indicate 
 the transferred authority. 
 
 Then there was the case of proper names. If the 
 church, as the makers of the republican calendar as- 
 serted, had used the names of the saints' days and feasts 
 to inculcate ecclesiastical ideas in the minds of the masses, 
 the monarchy had not been behind it in impressing the 
 idea of royal sovereignty on the people by means of the 
 names of towns, streets, public squares, and buildings. 
 There were not many such whose names did not blazon 
 forth the fact that they had been built by and were 
 intended for the use of the king, and that if the people 
 enjoyed them at aU it was by his bounty and sufferance 
 that they did so. In such names the words Louis, Charles, 
 Bourbon, royal, du roi abounded. All these were care- 
 fully removed by the Revolution. The substitutes were 
 various and in many cases clever. We have seen how 
 the Palais Royal became La Maison tlgalite. Similarly 
 le jardin du palais royal became le jardin de la Revolution. 
 The town Sarrelouis became Sarrelibre; Ville-Bourbon 
 became Vallon^Libre, both thus flatly contradicting the 
 previous name. Roi was often replaced by a rhyming 
 word so that the general outline of the name remained 
 the same: Villeroy became Ville-Loi, Neuvy-le-Roy be- 
 came Neuvy-la-Loi. Charleroi became Charlibre, while 
 Bou£ienr-le-Roy was replaced by Boucien-le-Doux. 
 
208 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 Nor were words that bore testimony to the authority 
 of the church left alone. Saint was in all cases swept 
 away, often replaced by sans, Bourg St. Christophe becom- 
 ing Bourg-sans-Fontaine. The word saint was not even 
 replaced when Saint-Denis became Frandade. St. Jac- 
 ques was abruptly contradicted by Jacques Rejniblicain. 
 Even names that contained no actual word or syllable 
 that belonged to the old regime were purified as if they 
 had acquired a taint by association. The people never 
 wanted to hear of the Louvre or the Tuileries again. 
 These names had become odious. Let them be changed 
 to Palais National. Let the Champ de Mars become 
 Champ de Federation. Hdtel de ville, which would seem 
 to contain nothing in itseK offensive, was nevertheless 
 altered to hdtel commun, de la Commune or even to maison 
 commune. Other names that were not in any way hateful 
 were suppressed merely in order to make room for the 
 mass of names that the patriots wished to see used. 
 Rabelais, Guillaume Tell, Marat, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, 
 were all popular. Some towns merely added a new 
 name to their old one, like Ferney and Versoix, which 
 became Ferney-Voltaire and Versoix-la-Raison. The, 
 great mass of these changes were only temporary and 
 soon disappeared. But thus it was, for the time being 
 at least, that proper names were suited to express the 
 new authority.* 
 
 » This desire for the alteration of proper names has shown itself 
 recently. One of the first acts of the Russians in the European 
 War was to remove the Teutonic taint from the name of their 
 capital city. It is surprising to see with what suddenness the new 
 name Petrograd has come to xmiversal prevalence outside of Ger- 
 many. One would have been tempted to say that such complete 
 and immediate success was not to be hoped for. Serbia has taken 
 advantage of its unusual pubUcity to spread the spelling with a 
 "b" instead of the former Servia. This change, like that of Petro- 
 grad, has met with surprisingly general acceptance. The Germans 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF DEMOCRACY 209 
 
 Then in the next place there was the discarding of the 
 whole mass of quaUfying and descriptive adjectives such 
 as royal which gave to many terms and titles a monar- 
 chical character. Under the old regime we find very 
 many titles like the following: procureur du roi, con- 
 seiller du roi, secretaire des commandements du roi, 
 secretaire d'Etat, avocat du roi, gens du roi, capitaine au 
 corps royal du g6nie, procureur g^n^ral de Sa Majeste, 
 lieutenant g^n^ral des armies du roi, grand aumonier de 
 la reine, gentilhomme d'honneur, premier gentilhomme de 
 la chambre de Monsieur, capitaine des vaisseaux du roi, 
 chevaUer des ordres du roi, grand maitre de la garde- 
 robe du roi, premier ^cuyer de Monsieur {de la reine), 
 juge royal, censeur royal, pr^vot-royal, domaine de la 
 couronne. After the Revolution not one qualification 
 of this sort is left. The language has been purified of 
 all such. They emphasized the derivation of power 
 from the king. Power is now derived from the people. 
 That fact is made clear by the new titles and names of 
 positions and ofi&ces which replaced those we have just 
 mentioned. The substitutes for royal, du roi, etc., in 
 titles and common phrases were various and numerous. 
 We will mention some that had a considerable popularity 
 in the new government terminology. 
 
 have long been inclined to Teutonize their language by discarding 
 the foreign words, and this movement seems to be receiving stimula- 
 tion from the war. The British have shown less concern in this 
 matter. Moves to alter the name of Wiesbaden Road, Berlin Road 
 and Hanover Square have not aroused much interest. Neither 
 have the French carried the matter very far. There did appear, 
 however, an article in a Paris paper requesting the horticulturists 
 to "d^bocher les roses," which went by such names as Kaiserin 
 Augusta Victoria. But aside from this little has been done. In the 
 United States many German names have been changed, and it is 
 even reported that the soldiers at Camp Dix refuse to have German 
 measles, so that the Sanitary Department has renamed the malady 
 "Liberty Measles." 
 
210 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 administratif: assemble administrative, corps administra- 
 tif, rSglement administratif. 
 
 civique, etc., carte civique, certificat civique, serment civique, 
 tableau civique, inscription civique, liste civile. 
 
 communal, etc., assembl^e communale, H6tel-Commun (de 
 la Commune), Maison Commune (names for the H6tel- 
 de-Ville), conseil g^n^ral de la commune. 
 
 constitu6, etc., emphasizing the derivation of the power; 
 autorit6 constitute, assemble constituante, pouvoir 
 constituant, corps 16gislatif ou constituant, assembl^e 
 constitute. 
 
 constitutionnel, showing whereon the authority rests: acte 
 constitutionnel, charte constitutionnelle, parti constitu- 
 tionnel, loi constitutionnelle. 
 
 conventionnel : assembl^e conventionnelle. 
 
 d6partementaire, -tal: administrations d^partementaires, 
 soci^t^s d^partementaires, soci6t6s d^partementales, 
 d^penses d^partementales, budget d^partemental. 
 
 directorial: pouvoir directorial, le Palais Directorial, arrit^ 
 directorial, d6putd directorial. 
 
 (d')egalit6: Palais d'Egalit^, Maison Egalit6. 
 
 Electoral: assembl6e 61ectorale, loi Electorate, droit Electoral, 
 reunion Electorale. 
 
 ezecutif: pouvoir exEcutif, puissance executive, corps exi- 
 cutif. 
 
 federal: gouvernement fidiial, Champ de FEdEration 
 (Champ de Mars). 
 
 fransais: La REpublique Frangaise, la Revolution Frangaise. 
 
 municipal: Echarpe municipale, conseil municipal, agent 
 municipal, r^glement municipal, billet municipal, garde 
 municipale, corps municipal, gouvernement municipal. 
 
 official: une communication oflScieUe, journal officiel, candi- 
 dat officiel. 
 
 national, de la nation, in combinations where royal would 
 formerly have appeared: biens nationaux, domaines 
 nationaux (substitutes for biens ecclEsiastiques, biens 
 domaniaux, domaine de la couronne), garde national(e), 
 gendarme national, gendarmerie nationale, haute cour 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF DEMOCRACY 211 
 
 nationale, assembl^e nationale, convention nationale, 
 agent national, tr^sorerie nationale, Gazette nationale 
 (ou Moniteur universel), cocarde nationale, patente 
 nationale, accusateurs nationaux, (grands) procura- 
 teurs de la nation, repr^sentants de la nation, Palais 
 National (Louvre and Tuileries). 
 
 du peuple, etc., the opposite of the former du roi: manda- 
 taire du peuple, repr^sentant du peuple (fran9ais), 
 appel au peuple, soci6t6 populaire. 
 
 public: le bien public, le bonheur public, la chose publique, 
 Futility publique, I'ordre public; and in such combina- 
 tions as fonctionnaire public it is reminiscent of titles 
 like proeureur du roi, juge royal. 
 
 representatif: assembl^e representative, le systeme repr^- 
 sentatif. 
 
 de la Republique, republicain, etc.: hie r^publicaine, gou- 
 vernement republicain. 
 
 T§volutioimaire, etc.: gouvernement revolutionnaire, comity 
 r^volutionnaire, Jardin de la Revolution (formerly 
 Jardin du Palais Royal). 
 
 By these words and other such the transfer of au- 
 thority was indicated. Its source was stated as du 
 peuple and no longer du roi. It was national or constitu- 
 tionnel or communal or public and no more royal. The 
 manner of its derivation was no longer divin, it was now 
 constitv£, rivolutionnaire, federal, Electoral. The method 
 of its exercise was no longer determined by le plaisir du 
 roi; it was representatif, conventionnel, executif. Formerly 
 there had been little need for the people to refer to these 
 powers; the aristocracy had taken complete charge of 
 them. Now the new popular interest in these functions, 
 bom of the suddenly assumed control of them, finds 
 expression in this highly varied and detailed nomenclature. 
 
 And in the first mad days there was a title even mightier 
 than any of these, or than any that kings had previously 
 employed — de la guillotine. " Les Furies de la Guillotine " 
 
212 FEENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 chose in that title what was to them a more potent appela- 
 tion than ever the qualification du roi had been, more 
 potent even than the phrase du peuple now was. But 
 this was a transitory bit of terrible fantasy. The other 
 terms, however, have in general been permanent in the 
 repubhean government nomenclature. 
 
 As in the case of certain proper names like Tuileries 
 and Louvre, many common nouns, though they had in 
 them no actual syllables that spoke of royalty, had 
 nevertheless been so often on the hps of the oppressor 
 as to have acquired a suggestion as hateful as though 
 they spoke definitely of tyranny and aristocracy with 
 every letter and by every principle of derivation. So 
 they were suppressed. The very general substitution of 
 the word lot for the word justice is an instance of this.' 
 The word justice would seem in itself capable of becoming 
 as potent a watchword of the new era as was egalite or 
 liberie. The principle it named had in the past been no 
 more silent than the principle of 6galit6 or liberte, and, 
 by the hope of the new movement, should in the future 
 be no less awake. What was so unsatisfactory about the 
 one word more than about the others as to cause not only 
 its failure to be adopted in any motto, but even its 
 suppression? Perhaps this: whereas the words egalite, 
 liberte had been merely unheard in the old regime, the 
 word justice had been heard frequently, but as a satirical 
 mockery. What did such phrases as 'gouverner avec 
 justice,' 'les gens de justice,' 'rendre justice,' 'demander 
 justice,' ' mean to the people except the very opposite of 
 what the word said? What except oppression, unjust 
 imprisonment and tyranny? So, to use the word in 
 the new government nomenclature seemed, perhaps all 
 unconsciously, unfitting. It was tacitly dropped. Such 
 » R. 127. ' F^raud. 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF DEMOCRACY 213 
 
 phrases as 'rendre justice,' 'homme de justice,' were no 
 more heard. Instead, where the poets of the generation 
 before had spoken of 'le glaive de la justice,' the orators 
 of the Revolution now referred to 'le glaive de la loi.' 
 "Sa formidable puissance les atteint et les fait tomber 
 sous le glaive de la loi." * "Ceux qui ont 6chapp6 au 
 fer de nos braves, tombent chaque jour sous la hache 
 des lois." ' This is what happened sometimes under 
 the influence of a distasteful suggestion that was felt in 
 a word. 
 
 At other times there was a totally different course 
 pursued. Some terms, equally distasteful as they might 
 appear, were not thus discarded but were quite on the 
 contrary appropriated by the people.'" Likely as such 
 words might seem to be hateful, plainly as they might 
 appear to speak of the old authority, it is nevertheless 
 the popular caprice to put them to new democratic uses 
 and by very contrast to set over against each other the 
 old authority and the new. If the word justice was 
 discarded, Use +, conseil +, proclamation, arrtt, Monsieur 
 {at least except at first), souverainete, all of which surely 
 had about them as definite, perhaps more definite, sugges- 
 tion of the authority which was now aboliihed, — these 
 words were not discarded. These words it pleased the 
 people to retain, to use. Perhaps they felt a potent 
 symbolism in the very democratization of such terms. 
 
 The transfer was sometimes startling. Voltaire, speak- 
 ing of England, says: "II n'y a pas longtemps que 
 M. Shipping, dans la chambre des communes, commenga 
 son discours, par ces mots: 'La majesty du peuple anglais 
 serait blessee . . .' La singularite de I'expression causa 
 un grand 6clat de rire; mais sans se d^concerter, il r6p6ta 
 
 « Aulard Soc. VI, 103. CoUot d'Herbois, 28 avril, '94. R. 127. 
 » Aiilard Soc. V, 465. Lettre de Lyon, 13 oct. '93. R. 
 " See Chapters on "Equality" and "Liberty." 
 
214 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 les m^mes paroles d'un air ferme, et on ne rit plus." 
 And so it is now. Before '89, what would have been in 
 France the reception of the phrase 'majesty du peuple'? 
 Who thought of the word majesU except in combination 
 with such a word as Louis or roi ? Yet now in this phrase 
 these words are being replaced by the word peuple, and 
 the surprise at such a glaring mfealUance is passing. 
 
 In many cases old words already existing but not very 
 much used were largely developed in order to supply 
 the new vocabulary with the needed terms. The princi- 
 ple of the new authority was found already expressed 
 in the words dSmocratie, r&pvblique, nation. These all 
 developed prolifically. 
 
 The word democratie was an old word. Its group as 
 given in F6raud includes, besides itself, democratique, 
 democratiquement. Its meaning as he gives it is: "un 
 gouvernement populaire." But how remote it is from 
 the post-'89 meaning is indicated very significantly 
 by the example F6raud gives: "La democratie est sujette 
 k de grands inconv^niens!" This is scarcely such an 
 example as would be selected after '89. But it was 
 natural at a period when the models, as mentioned by 
 F^raud, were merely ancient Athens and Switzerland. 
 The word had as yet no very real idea behind it. It was 
 still 'une democratie' or 'la democratie' with a small 
 'd,' a general term, the mere name of a form of govern- 
 naent. But the new authority seized upon it, capitaUzed 
 the D, and invested it with the highly speciaUzed signifi- 
 cance that we see in the definition of the dictionary of 
 the Academy '98, Suppl.: "attachement k la Revolution, 
 k la cause populaire." 
 
 Aside from the three words already mentioned as 
 forming the group of dimocratie +, there had been at 
 one time a fourth — dimocratiser. It is mentioned by 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF DEMOCRACY 215 
 
 Littr6 as occuring as an intransitive verb in the fourteenth 
 century. But it was apparently Uttle used. The idea 
 it named was rare, the hope of it grew rarer. The word 
 fell absolutely into disuse and disappeared long before 
 the Revolutionary period according to the testimony of 
 all the dictionaries. Now, however, there is need for 
 all such words. The demand is insatiable. They are 
 sought far and near and if found are welcomed into use. 
 If they cannot be found in sufficient quantities they are 
 created. Whether the word Mmocratiser was searched 
 out and resuscitated, or whether it was a new creation, 
 which its makers had no idea was a dupUcate, matters 
 little. It became very common because it filled a need. 
 Its strength grew. It became used transitively. Now 
 we hear: " d^mocratiser le pape et les cardinaux." " 
 The group is increased by the growth of three more 
 words, and now stands: democratie (old, but acquired 
 much greater force of meaning), dimocratique (old), 
 democratiquement (old), democratiser (existed in the 
 fourteenth century, but really a new creation), democrate 
 (new, probably imitative of aristocrate) , democratisme 
 (new), democrato-despote (cited by the Niol. fr. as used 
 by a member of the Enghsh parliament to characterize 
 the regenerate Frenchmen; but hardly of wide currency). '^ 
 
 Another variation of the same idea is found in the 
 family repuhlique +. Democracy refers to the power 
 as lodged in the hands of the people collectively, A 
 republic is a form of government in which the power 
 rests in the hands of representatives elected by the people. 
 The latter was the form of government necessitated by 
 circumstances in 1789. So the word ripvblique under- 
 went a much larger development than did democratie. 
 Its family came to consist of thirteen words. It was 
 definitely selected as the specific official name of the 
 
 " A. Cloots, Man. XII, 447. " R- 131. 
 
2 16 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 new government, while 'la dimocratie' remained the 
 abstract and general name of a principle. Before '89, 
 according to F6raud, only two words of this family were 
 in use: ripubliqv£ and ripublicain (n. and adj.). Need- 
 less to say there was about them nothing of the vividness 
 of meaning that they had after '89. Note F&aud's 
 examples; they are significant: " La RepubUque Romaine, 
 d'Ath^nes, de Venise, de Genes, de Hollande. Tout 
 prince veut ^tre absolu, et toute r^pubUque est ingrate 
 (Voltaire)." There was, indeed before '89, some dis- 
 agreement as to the correct use of the word. Bossuet 
 employed it in the plural and is criticized for it by F^raud. 
 The example is: "Moise fonde leurs lois et toutes leurs 
 r^publiques sur les merveilles." F^raud also takes to 
 task the Academy for allowing the word sometimes to 
 mean 'toute sorte d'etat, de gouvernement.' He objects: 
 "II me paralt vieux dans cette acception; et il me sem- 
 ble qu'on dit aujourd'hui Etat, Gouvernement." From 
 this condition of more or less indefinite obscurity the 
 word is seized and elevated suddenly to the most honored 
 place at the disposal of the new government, its very 
 title. La R^publique Frangaise. 
 
 The other original member of the family, repvblicain 
 (n. and adj.), was also unobtrusive in the days before 
 '89. F^raud defines it simply: "(adj.) qui appartient k 
 la R6publique; (n.) passionne pour la R^pubHque"; 
 and gives one or two examples of no great significance. 
 But once the family is selected by the popular choice 
 there is no end to the variations that are produced by 
 means of all the usual prefixes and suffixes: republi- 
 c{an)isme,^^ irripublicanisme, ripublicaniste, irripiiblicain, 
 
 " It is true that one example of this word for 1750 is given in 
 the Die. g6n., but it is not in F&. nor Acad. 76, and apparently 
 was in no sense in existence before the Revolution began to use it. 
 Compare other similar cases in Chapter VII. 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF DEMOCRACY 217 
 
 rSjyublicaniser, r&puhlicainement, ripublicomane, repvbli- 
 comanie, antirepublicain. Curious compounds and puns 
 are not lacking as in other popular word families, and 
 we have ripublico-chouans (as a name for the republican 
 troops) and the facetious republicoquin}* 
 
 Consider also what alteration there was in the ideas 
 suggested by the word nation. F^raud gives as the 
 family of this word, nation, national{e), adj. He discusses 
 the noun national, -aux, to which he says some objection 
 has been made. He admits it in the plural but says 
 that the singular is not used. He gives as an example: 
 "EUe rappelle Jean de Hainault, et quelque cavalerie, 
 dont la discipline et les armes ^toient pr6f6rables a celles 
 des Nationaux." (L'Ab. Grosier. Hist. d'Angl.) Although 
 the phrase "La Nation Frangaise" is one of F6raud's 
 examples, still we know how httle this meant as com- 
 pared with the signification with which it was invested 
 after 1789. The growth of the family shows its new 
 life. The new words nationaliser, nationalisation, and 
 the vigorous nation{om)icide express the new feeling. 
 And nationalement trails along to round out the list. 
 Aside from these four new words and the added meaning 
 that nation itself took on and the definite acceptation 
 of natimial as a noun both in the singular and plural 
 {Neol. fr.), many new combinations and phrases were 
 formed by the aid of this family. In fact it is one of the 
 most used for this purpose. We may mention: con- 
 vention nationale, assemblee nationale, fite nationale, 
 accusateurs nationaux, cocarde nationale, agent national, 
 biens nationaux, domaines nationaux, garde nationale, 
 garde national, gendarmerie nationale, gendarme national, 
 haute-cour-nationale, institut national des sciences et des 
 arts. Use-nation, patente nationale, procurateurs de la 
 nation, trisorerie nationale. In fact it is from this family 
 " Compare "Robespierrot," "mirabellement," etc. 
 
218 FEENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 that a large number of the substitutes for the monarchical 
 qualifications royal, du roi, etc., were taken. These new 
 names mark emphatically and definitely the transfer of 
 authority to the hands of the people. 
 
 Then further, there were definite new governing bodies 
 for which definite new names and descriptive words were 
 needed. This new nomenclature was procured in three 
 ways: by forming new combinations and phrases out of 
 old words, by altering the meaning or use of old words, 
 and by creating new words. Examples of the first way 
 are such combinations as: assemblee administrative, com- 
 munale, Mectorale, nationale, primaire, representante, re- 
 presentative, de revision, departementale; corps legislatif, 
 administratis; convention nationale; societe dipartementaire, 
 dipartementale, association dipartementale, la force departe- 
 mentale; administration dentrale, intermediaire, departe- 
 mentale, municipale; conseil martial, des Cinq-Cents, des 
 Anciens, municipal, de justice; bureau central, de paix ou 
 de conciliation; haute-cour^nationale; comite de sHrete 
 generate, de salut public, revolutionnaire; tribunal correc- 
 tionel, civil, criminel, de paix, de commerce, revolutionnaire. 
 These were new names to designate new governing bodies. 
 They were made sometimes of old words, such as conseil, 
 sometimes of old words but with changed meanings, such 
 as convention, sometimes of new words, such as adminis- 
 tratif. But in any case, as we shall shortly see, they 
 were quite different in spirit from any names that the 
 former government had used. 
 
 Also, to name these new governing bodies or divisions 
 words were frequently altered in use or in meaning. 
 Examples of this sort of adaptation are the words de- 
 partement, convention and comiti. The changes by which 
 these words were adapted to express the new ideas of 
 government are typical of what was done in the case of 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR tHE IDEA OF DEMOCRACY 219 
 
 many others. D6partement, as defined by F6raud, meant 
 (1) 'distribution,' either of troops, or of the duties of 
 government, as in the phrases "le d^partement de la 
 guerre, d'un tel secretaire d'Etat"; (2) "il se dit de lieux 
 d^partis et distribufe: le d6partement de Brest." But 
 even this lattier use is hardly the Revolutionary one. 
 In the Moniteur, I, 527, in a 'projet de decret' of Septem- 
 ber 27, 1789, we find definitely stated the new use of the 
 term: "La France serait partag^e pour les elections en 
 80 grandes parties qui porteraient le nom de departe- 
 ments." This is no very startling change, but it shows 
 the adaptation of an old word to a new use by specializa- 
 tion of its meaning. 
 
 In the word convention there was a greater alteration. 
 This word, as defined by F^aud, meant "acord, pacte 
 que deux ou plusieurs persones font ensemble." Now 
 it comes to mean an assembly, as in the name Convention 
 Nationale. This is a considerable extension. 
 
 Comite is a word which, from a condition where it was 
 little used except in "le style badin," came into very 
 general popularity. F6raud says of it : "Terme emprunt^ 
 des Anglais. Bureau compose de plusieurs membres de 
 I'une ou I'autre chambre, commis pour examiner une 
 affaire. On ne le dit dans le serieux que des Anglais. 
 En France on dit bureau. Dans le style badin on le dit 
 de toute assembl6e. Les com^diens apMent leurs as- 
 semblees, comite." But now it comes to be heard fre- 
 quently, especially in such combinations as comity de 
 sHrete, de salut. 
 
 Then, finally, to name the new governing bodies and 
 characterize them adequately, some entirely new words 
 were created, generally in already existing families. 
 Such are: legislature,^^ administratif, administrativement, 
 
 16 We see what was the status of the word Ugislature in 1789 
 (18 Aug.) from a remark of Mirabeau's (I, 215. R.): "Nous avons 
 
220 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 administre (subs, 'les besoins des administrfe'), departe- 
 mentaire, dipartemental, dipartementalement, munieipaliser, 
 munidpalisation, offidel, non-offidel. 
 
 What were the names of the old regime for such ideas? 
 Let us make a general comparison of the nomenclature 
 of each government, the monarchy and the repubUc. 
 There is no question of definite substitution of one term 
 for another, just as there is in general no definite replacing 
 of old institutions by new ones. It was a completely 
 new system that was put into operation after the Revolu- 
 tion, and so also the terminology for it was largely a new 
 one. Therefore we shall concern ourselves in this view 
 with the general tone and choice of terms rather than 
 with specific substitutions. And also, it is not any 
 individual term that is significant by itself. There is 
 nothing particularly more aristocratic than democratic 
 about the phrase bureau des ministres in itself. What is 
 significant is rather the cimaulative effect of all the many 
 slight differences between the old nomenclature and the 
 new one. It is by the combination of these many de- 
 tails, each in itself insignificant, that the general effect is 
 produced. 
 
 By what words, then, had the monarchy named its 
 governing bodies and powers? Shall we find a very 
 different sort of terms from those we have just listed? 
 From Voltaire's Siecle de Louis XIV we shall obtain a 
 good idea of the governmental vocabulary of the mon- 
 archy. There we see on every page such expressions as 
 the following: bureau des ministres, le conseil, le tribunal, 
 la couronne, le parlement, une chambre extraordinaire, la 
 
 dit que le traitement de I'armfie appartient k la legislature. Je ne 
 sais si, dans ce moment oi la legislature n'est pas encore n6e, on 
 comprend bien ce mot; mais H n'y en a pas d'autre parmi nous, 
 pour rendre la mSme id^e." 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF DEMOCRACY 221 
 
 cow, sa cour, les Stats generaux, cour pUniere, d'elever sa 
 maison, laisser en souverainete, dans la monarchie, I'empire 
 d'un premier ministre, le gouvernement du royaume, les 
 cours de justice, parlements du royaume, dans la grand'- 
 chambre, la chambre des comptes, la cour des aides, sa 
 couronne de prince, autour de sa personne, la royaute. It 
 was in these terms that the monarchy spoke of the ad- 
 ministrative bodies and powers of the government. We 
 see that this group is very different in tone and general 
 character from the terms we considered in the group 
 before. It is true that some words, such as conseil, 
 tribunal, which were used by the old r6gime, were appro- 
 priated to new uses by the new government. But the 
 most of these words, at least in their former uses, were 
 discarded. The country is no longer la monarchie or le 
 royaume, but la republigue, and the parlements and cham- 
 bres and cours, at least in the old sense, must be renamed. 
 So much for the changes in the names of the governing 
 bodies. 
 
 In the second place, the various functions of these 
 bodies needed new names. We find in the republican 
 nomenclature, for this purpose the following new com- 
 binations: aborder une question, poser une question, man- 
 dat d'amener, mandat d'arrtt, mandat imperatif, mandat 
 territorial; the following words used in new ways: 
 ajourner, reajourner, amendement, assignat, desemparer, 
 rapport, decreter, initiative, proclamation, decret, motion; 
 and the following new words: inajournable, sous-amen- 
 dement, redecreter, requisitionner, requisitionnaire, requi- 
 sitionneur, municipalisation, municipaliser, legislation, 
 permis, digr^vement (practically new). 
 
 Let us compare with these the names of governmental 
 functions used by the old regime. In Voltaire we find 
 such things spoken of in the following terms: edit solennel. 
 
222 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 arrU du parlement, la noblesse s'assevibla, gouverner I'etat, 
 agir en souverain, une declaration publigue or du roi, pour 
 supplier le roi, digne de regner, la jit enregistrer au parle- 
 ment, les excommunications de Rome, je lui ordonne, les 
 ordres d'un roi, de vous servir, soyez le mnUre, consulter 
 votre conseil. Again we see an altogether different set of 
 terms, with a considerable difference in tone. 
 
 In the third place, there are needed fresh terms for 
 the new prerogatives, powers of approval, regulation, 
 sanction, etc., recently acquired by the people. In the 
 new government these are referred to by such new words 
 as the following: decretable, deUgable, improposable, 
 inacceptable, indiUgable, non-acceptation, non-prorogation, 
 non-sanction, sandionnable, sandionnement, sanctionneur, 
 redeputer, reoocahilite, vetoter, ineligibility, non-&ligii)iliti, 
 non-reeledion, {non-)reeligibilite, reelection, r^eligible, ree- 
 lire, maximer. These words were aU new. Others were 
 changed in meaning or used to fit the new needs. For 
 example: mandat, deputer, commettant, majorite, minority, 
 sandionner. And then new phrases were formed, as, for 
 instance: appel au peuple, veto suspensif or absolu, ques- 
 tion prealable, ordre du jour, pluralite absolue, pluralite 
 relative, plurality simple, plurality des voix. 
 
 In the old r6gime prerogatives and powers of sanction 
 and approval were spoken of by the following terms: 
 le trdne, pouvoir absolu, la puissance royale, les droits de la 
 couronne, la fonction divine, la seule volonti des rois, la 
 preeminence du roi, les droits que vous donne votre nais- 
 sance, la cUmence du roi, les ordres d'un roi, risister a ses 
 volontes, mon choix, cette autorite suprime, I'autorite souve- 
 raine, la puissance de son ministre, le droit que donne la 
 couronne aux rois, I'honneur du trdne, pour regner, s'opposa 
 aux edits, la gloire du roi, la preseance que merite I'antiquite 
 de leur race, la superioriti d'une couronne MrMitaire, cette 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF DEMOCRACY 223 
 
 preeminence, sa grandeur, Dieu qui vous a fait roi. Such 
 are the terms that fill the pages of any work deaUng with 
 the subject of the powers of government written under 
 the monarchy. 
 
 In the fourth place, there are numerous new officials 
 and new positions for which new titles and qualifications 
 must be found. For this purpose many old words are 
 revived or adapted. Such are: legislateur, attache, asses- 
 seur, consul, directeur, directmre, Slecteur, administrateur, 
 gouvernant, gouverneur, mandataire, depute, notables, avoue, 
 maire, procureur, secretaire, juri, decritiste. Many new 
 combinations are made out of words already existing, as 
 for example: agent municipal, accusateurs nationaux or 
 publics, charge d'affaires, juge de paix, mandataire du 
 peuple, procurateurs de la nation. Such expressions as 
 the following gain currency: representants du peuple, 
 fonctionnaires publics. There are also, when the above 
 mentioned means of supplying the need are inadequate, 
 many new words devised. Old families are extended 
 by such additions as: presidentiel, fonctionnaire, com- 
 missaire, vice-secretaire, diplomate, mandant, offidel, offi- 
 deux, officiellement, non-offidel, inoffidellement, decreteur, 
 percepteur (des imp6ts), reprisente (n.), reprisentant (n.), 
 coUgislaieur, signataire, sous-president, suppliant, juri, 
 jury. By such means the people name the functionaries 
 now under their control. 
 
 What terms do we find used by the old regime for this 
 purpose, terms which these new ones have replaced? 
 Titles like the following fill the pages of Le Si^cle de 
 Louis XIV: ministre, -prince, les paires, les seigneurs, 
 leurs vassaux, dauphin, conseiller d'etat or du roi, chan- 
 celier, Sire, le souverain, le roi son maUre, secretaire d'etat, 
 un maitre et des sujets, son gouvernement, gouverrd par son 
 souverain, I'elite de la noblesse de France, I'heritier pre- 
 
224 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 somptif du royaume, les nobles, les ecdesiastigues, les 
 peuples, ce monargue, la regence, lieutenant gin^al du 
 royaume, mattres de I'itat, la famille royale, tant de per- 
 sonnes royales, un gentilhomme, le mattre de I'etat or de son 
 royaume. These are the titles of those in whose hands 
 were the powers of government before 1789. What a 
 vast difference there is between the two groups of terms 
 given above! 
 
 And finally, the new poUtical division of the country- 
 demanded a new nomenclature. The following words 
 were transferred for this purpose to new uses: departe- 
 ment, canton, district, commune, municipe (before applied 
 only to the Roman Empire), municipal, rSgime, section. 
 The following were new: departementaire, dipartemental, 
 d6partementalement, municipalite, municipaliser, munici- 
 palisation. The creation of the word assolement (division 
 of fields) may be considered to mark the passing of real 
 estate from the hands of the nobles to be divided for 
 the people. Such ideas as these were expressed under 
 the monarchy by words like royaume, Mat, province, 
 monarchic, comtat. 
 
 We see from a comparison of these two selections of 
 terms that there has come a complete change in the 
 whole vocabulary of government. It is perhaps hardly 
 a series of definite alterations, though of course there 
 were many such. What I wish rather to emphasize here 
 is the record of a new attitude in the turn of phrases and 
 the choice of words, in the tone and style. The whole 
 color of the official language has become different. Terms 
 like leurs sujets, la cour, son maitre, the frequent posses- 
 sives, and all the other terms from Voltaire now give 
 place to totally different ones. Les droits de la nation, 
 Vegalit& et la tolerance, la voix de la justice, la volonte na- 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF DEMOCRACY 225 
 
 tionale, I'amour pour la constitution, obeir a la loi, foyer du 
 patriotisme, surveiller V administration, les delegues du 
 peuple, la volonte generate, — such are the expressions that 
 abound in the documents of Aulard. There is no more 
 talk about pouvoir absolu, la puissance royale, la fondion 
 divine, but there is much said of le peuple, la nation, les 
 droits naturels, le bonheur de tous. Thus in its very spirit 
 and fundamental elements the language has been altered 
 to express properly the ideas that come with a different 
 sort of authority lodged in different hands. 
 
 This authority, so suddenly, so completely in the 
 hands of those unaccustomed to it, was at first shamefully 
 abused. The record of the guillotine shows this and 
 indicates how, within the space of barely a year, was 
 concentrated the retaUation for oppressions covering a 
 century. The language indicates it, too, by the profusion 
 of words to express death and execution that sprang up 
 at this time. The fascination of the idea caused the 
 words to be played with and varied, sometimes with 
 gruesome facetiousness. The one word guillotine pro- 
 duced the following crop: le guillotine (the victim), 
 guillotiner, guillotinable {Diet, neol., article "Boussac": 
 "C'est celui qui appelait les malheureuses victimes de- 
 nonc6es sans preuves des individus guillotinables"), 
 guillotinade, guillotinaire ("un rapport guillotinaire, c'est- 
 Srdire, tendant k procvuer des victimes a la guillotine," 
 Neol. Jr.), guillotinement, guillotineur. 
 
 But this family of eight, like the method of execution 
 itself, was not enough for the fanatical spirit of the time. 
 The method of hanging the aristocrats by means of the 
 ropes of the street lanterns was hit upon by chance. 
 Immediately the harmless word lanterne acquires a most 
 sinister character. "A la lanterne!" became a threat to 
 shrink from. "Mettre k la lanterne," becomes a phrase 
 
226 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 now as significant as it was senseless a week befoi'e. 
 Popular fancy carries the idea further with absurd logic. 
 This family, hke that of guillotine, must be made com- 
 plete in all its variations. A verb is made modeled on 
 guillotiner, lanterner,^^ with an alternative form laiv- 
 terniser, also a noun lanternisation. The idea is even 
 carried into the realm of the pun by the variant lampader. 
 Also, there is the method of execution by drowning, 
 for which was created a terminology fully as elaborate 
 as those of guillotine and lanterne, and more fantastic. 
 These terrible events at Nantes were noyades or baignades 
 or immersions; or they were referred to fancifully by the 
 terrible noyadeur, Carrier, by the expressions boire d la 
 grande tasse, navigation patriotiqv£, mariage ripublicain 
 or dvique, the latter terms derived from the chaining 
 together of two persons. A verb, noyader, more vigorous 
 than noyer, was made, and the boats used were named 
 foucadieres from the inventor of the type, Foucault. 
 
 Other methods of execution gave the terms sabrade, 
 fusillade, fusilladeur, mitraillade, mitraillement, mitrailler, 
 mitrailleur (name of CoUot d'Herbois, "ce h6ros mi- 
 trailleur." Neol. fr.). The names of fatal months were 
 made memorable by the coining of such words as prai- 
 rialiser (to shoot as in the uprising of 1^"^ prairial, III), 
 septembriser (from the massacre in the prisons of Paris, 
 Sept. 2, 3, 1792), septembrisade, septembriseur, septem- 
 bristeP 
 
 " There' is a curious coiacidence in the case of this word. F6raud 
 gives a verb lanterner, but in no such gruesome sense. "Etre irr6- 
 solu, perdre le terns en des chdses de rien. II ne fait que lanterner, 
 et n'avance rien. Fatiguer par des discours impertinens. Je ne 
 sais ce qu'il me vient lanterner tous les jours." Needless to say, 
 there is no semantic connection with the revolutionary meaning. 
 
 " Vendimiariser and vend&miariste were also created, but with 
 less grim signification, referring to an uprising rather than to a 
 
TEEMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF DEMOCRACY 227 
 
 As in the case of the words noyade and lanterne, the 
 word guiUotine had its set of facetious terms. It was 
 le fauteuil rholutionnaire, or la faulx de I'egalite. The 
 cart in which the condemned were carried was la Mere 
 roukmte or la Mere des vivants, and the gruesome fancy 
 of the time took the word Journle as the name for a 
 cartful of condemned. "La fourn^e d'aujourd'hui n'est 
 que trente," is an expression from Mercier's Neologie. 
 
 Thus a sketch, all too superficial, of the adaptation of 
 the language to express adequately the changed authority. 
 Though in one sense more definite than the changes caused 
 by the ideas of equaUty and liberty, these alterations are 
 in another way more elusive by very reason of their 
 commonplace character. It was soon so natural a thing 
 to speak of "I'assembl^e" or "la convention" that one 
 easilj^ forgot that but a short time before one spoke not 
 of these but of "sa majesty le roi." The very rapidity 
 and extensiveness of the changes gave them soon all the 
 greater appearance of permanence. And their appear- 
 ance of permanence operated to induce one to forget that 
 they had been changes at all. 
 
 Yet the fact remains, and I hope we have given some 
 suggestion of the evidence of its existence, that the whole 
 ofiicial language was something completely different 
 after 1789 from what it was before, simply because at 
 that time the idea of democratic authority took posses- 
 sion of the French mind. If we were to show without 
 comment the various examples of the two stages of the 
 language as we have set them forth above and if we 
 were to ask what is the cause of such a difference in the 
 tone of the two groups, should we not receive the reply 
 
 massacre. Baboeuf illustrates the difference (Littr^, R. 108): 
 "lis vont se faire prairialiser, tandis que poiu' sauver la patrie il 
 ne faut que vendemiariser." 
 
228 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 that the cause is the transfer of authority from the hands 
 of the king and nobihty to the hands of the people? It 
 seems ahnost certain that we should, so clearly do the two 
 sets of terms emphasize the two ideas. 
 
 It was much the same process applied to the language 
 as that which was applied to nearly all departments of 
 life. As the statues of the kings were removed from the 
 cathedrals and public places, their blasons from buildings 
 and monuments, so their distinctive terms were removed 
 from the vocabulary. 
 
 And so we have classified the changes — by no means 
 all of them but a large part of the more significant ones 
 — that were wrought in the French vocabulary during 
 the vivid years that followed the epoch of 1789. In 
 grouping this vast ar^d heterogeneous mass of words 
 under the three headings of equaUty, liberty, and demo- 
 cratic authority we have attempted a task that in- 
 volves perhaps a certain metaphysical indefiniteness. To 
 classify thus into three groups some 800 words may 
 appear at first thought a rather fantastic undertaking. 
 And yet do we not feel, now that it is done, that the 
 grouping has a real basis in fact? Indeed, do we not 
 now, as we look backward, feel this more strongly than 
 we did in the early stages of the study, when all was in 
 nebulous confusion? The very immensity of this crea- 
 tion of so few years has something fascinating about it. 
 It obsesses one with a curiosity to discover what are 
 the germinating forces that underhe this phenomenon 
 and unify the whole product. For if one considers these 
 •words as a group, there is something about them that 
 convinces one that this group is a unity. The com- 
 parative naturalness with which the main boundaries 
 arrange themselves, the comparative ease with which the 
 more important words and families pigeonhole them- 
 
TERMINOLOGY FOR THE IDEA OF DEMOCRACY 229 
 
 selves, strengthens one's conviction. TJiere are of course 
 many words that are refractory when it comes to classifica- 
 tion. Some words have no significance for our purpose 
 since, though they came into being by chance at this 
 period, they are not really a part of the main growth. 
 Such, for example, are aerostier and Mvouaquer. The 
 surprising thing, however, has been not the number of 
 these words that defy classification but rather the number 
 of those that seem to invite it. 
 
 The more we study the groupings, the more we are 
 convinced, I think, that during the epoch which we have 
 been considering the whole French national mind was 
 dominated by the three ideas of equality, liberty, and 
 democratic authority; and that it was, partly uncon- 
 sciously but partly also very consciously, engaged in the 
 herculean task of hurriedly adapting the language to 
 the expression of these ideas. We are consequently con- 
 vinced that we have here in very fact a marvelously 
 extensive and elaborate contribution to the solution of 
 our problem, which was so simple in the instances con- 
 sidered in the earUer chapters — the problem of how a 
 linguistic medium is adapted under the pressure of sud- 
 den need to new uses in saying things which previously 
 it was not fitted to say. 
 
 No one of the changes or creations that we have been 
 considering is very significant in itself. No ten of them 
 would be. But the large array of them, each adding its 
 testimony, acquires a more and more striking cumulative 
 evidential value. The momentum of significance of 
 these hundreds of details becomes finally compelling. 
 The fact that the ideas which we have in these later 
 chapters chosen as illustrations for our theory are im- 
 mense ideas may compUcate the deductions of the study 
 and necessitate our asking indulgence on the ground of 
 the difficulty of handling so much material. But this is an 
 
230 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 advantage as well as a difficulty. It enriches our theme 
 with a variety and completeness of illustration beyond 
 which we could scarcely desire to go. In fact it would 
 hardly be possible tp-wish for an opportimity to investi- 
 gate a more exhaustive experiment in the adaptation of 
 language to new idft^s than that which was so elaborately 
 performed in 1789. 
 
CONCLUSION 
 
 In concluding our studies let us review what we have 
 seen to be the operation by which new terminologies 
 are made in French. We read that "the Lord brought 
 every beast of the field and every fowl of the air unto 
 Adam to see what he would call them: and whatsoever 
 Adam called every living creature that was the name 
 thereof." We may ask who it is that wields this au- 
 thority at the present time, and we shall find that in the 
 last analysis it is the people who are sovereign in this 
 matter. Although neologisms are generally due to 
 personal causes, they have, as Darmesteter well points 
 out {Vie des mots, p. 90), no chance of enduring except 
 by responding to the thought and feeUng of the crowd. 
 
 "II doit y avoir accord entre I'^tat psyehologique de 
 I'auteur et celui du peuple: autrement le ndologisme ne vit 
 pas; il nalt, brille et s'^teint comme un m6t6or rapide, sans 
 laisser de traces durables." "Le suffrage universal n'a pas 
 tou jours exists en politique; il a exists de tout temps en 
 matidre de langue: Ik le peuple est tout puissant et il est 
 infaillible, parce que ses erreurs, t6t ou tard, font loi" 
 (p. 117). 
 
 " Nothing can force a new term into any language against 
 the inclination of a large majority of those who speak it. 
 The field of language is strewn with the dry bones of 
 adventurous words which once started out with the 
 paternal blessing to make their fortune but have met 
 with an untimely end." ' Charles Sumner was unable to 
 
 ' Reference lost. 
 
 231 
 
232 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 impose the word annexion on a people that insisted on 
 annexation. We have seen only recently the obstinacy 
 with which the public has refused the (perhaps) more cor- 
 rect pacificist, and has accepted pacifist. Also we have seen 
 in the daily press frequent letters offering substitutes for 
 'Sammies' as the name for our troops in France. But 
 the Boston Herald prophesies, perhaps rashly at this 
 early date: "It is plain that a better name than 
 'Sammies' will not be summoned by public competi- 
 tions" (Aug. 23, 1917). Again, the word philatilie as 
 the name for stamp collecting "I'a d^finitivement emport6 
 en d6pit du verdict unanime de I'Acad^mie" (Dauzat, 
 p. 61), which verdict was for the words timbrologie or tim- 
 brophilie. It may be regarded as established tgr the 
 examples we have discussed that prediction, thankless in 
 any case, is particularly so in the matter of the choice of 
 new words. This is very well shown in the case of the 
 word philatelie just cited. When the Intermediaire de la 
 timbrologie addressed a questionnaire on the subject of 
 the word to members of the French Academy, the com- 
 ments of those who said that the word philatilie "he 
 sera compris que des initios," and "est absolument 
 incompr6hensible pour le pubUc" were completely beUed 
 by the final choice of the people. To take a different 
 case, as we look back now we can see the error of any 
 one who should have predicted in 1825 or 1830, as one 
 might have done with apparently excellent reason, and 
 as in fact Coste and Perdonnet did, that the rails of the 
 new railroad system would be called orniires. Or again, 
 we now see how mistaken were those authors who, at 
 the time the aeroplane was being named, pinned their 
 faith upon such terms as aironavire. 
 
 On the other hand, with what hesitancy would any 
 one acquainted with the difficulty of directing this capri- 
 cious choice of the people have augured success for the 
 
CONCLUSION 233 
 
 recent attempt to alter in English the much criticized 
 word aeroplane. For does not every one know that 
 objection to a word is no reason against its success but 
 even rather the contrary? And yet, those who were 
 bold enough to attempt to substitute the simpler airplane 
 seem now, to judge from the usage of many newspapers 
 and periodicals, to be gaining a most surprising degree of 
 success.^ But let us beware of prophesying even to this 
 degree. A few years may easily blight this word, now 
 apparently so flourishing, for we have seen such a thing 
 occur in many cases. 
 
 What are the requirements that the users of language 
 expect a new term to fulfill? Dauzat says {La Langue 
 frangaise d'aujourd'hui, p. 51), "Pour nommer les objets 
 on recourt plus volontiers k I'emprunt stranger, et, de 
 pr6f6rence, a la formation savante." He gives as a reason 
 for the latter fact that "la derivation frangaise ne parait 
 pas assez neuve." And we have in fact seen that novelty 
 has been much sought in the terms we have studied. 
 We recall that those who were charged with the making 
 of the names for the metric system made a special point 
 of getting words which should be different from any 
 names of measures employed by ancient or modern 
 peoples. The framers of the republican calendar likewise 
 sought words that should be absolutely fresh creations. 
 
 ' I mean the word "surprising" literally, since it seems to me 
 that one can so rarely count with any degree of certainty upon 
 considerations of logical fitness prevailing to change a word that is 
 once set in the language. Indeed, at times it almost seems that 
 well-founded arguments against a word only cause the public to 
 cling closer to it with a certain perverse obstinacy. I am aware, 
 however, that many will not agree with me in being surprised at 
 the success of this excellent word airplane. The success of the 
 change of St. Petersburg to Petrograd, I confess, also seemed to 
 me-wh^i it was first proposed more desirable than likely. 
 
234 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 Automobile, airostat, aeroplane, aviation, a&ronaute, avia- 
 teur are all words which had never been heard, before 
 being selected for their new use. The word locomotif, 
 although it existed before the railroads popularized it, 
 was very much restricted in use. The dictionary of the 
 Academy, edition of 1835, remarks: "II n'est gu^re 
 usit6 que dans cette expression — faculty locomotive." 
 And hence the word must have seemed almost like new. 
 In the word ballon, however, almost alone of those we 
 have studied, there was but little novelty. F^raud's 
 dictionary shows us that before it was adopted by the 
 science of aeronautics it was apphed to a, "vessie enfl^e 
 d'air et couverte de cuir, dont on joue en la frappant de 
 la main ou du pied." The change to the new meaning 
 is thus seen to be very slight. Of the words introduced 
 by the word makers of the Revolution a large number 
 were new formations. It is true that a good many were 
 also obtained by the adaptation of old words, but the 
 need was so extensive that we could hardly expect even 
 the most original of men to be equal to the task of supply- 
 ing it with altogether new material. It is also not to be 
 denied that the desire for novel terms has been, in the 
 cases mentioned above, largely suppUed, as Dauzat says, 
 by learned formation, inasmuch as all of the terms 
 we have just mentioned, except ballon and some of the 
 words of the Revolution vocabulary, are of this type of 
 construction. 
 
 There is, however, in our examples not much borrowing 
 from other modern languages. The railroads did obtain 
 in this way the words rails, tender, tunnel and wagon. 
 While locomotive, train and station were probably sug- 
 gested by EngUsh usage, they were really French words. 
 But automobile is not borrowed, and the vocabulary of 
 aviation is remarkably free from loan words from other 
 modern languages. The calendar and. metric terBoiaoI- 
 
CONCLUSION 235 
 
 ogies existed previously in no other language. And 
 the additions of the Revolution contain, as we have 
 seen, but a small percentage of words taken from English, 
 and fewer yet from Italian and Spanish. The desire, 
 then, for terms that shall be new seems on the whole to 
 be a real factor of importance, satisfied generally by new 
 creation from elements taken from Latin and Greek. 
 
 The question may arise whether new terms must bear 
 their meaniag on their face. We may answer it in the 
 negative. It is doubtful whether the word automobile 
 would mean much etymologically to the ordinary person 
 when he fia-st saw it. Of course by the time the word 
 airoplane came into use people had been supplied with 
 an apperceptive connection by years of familiarity with 
 the word aerostat. But it is doubtful whether the latter 
 word bore to the common mind any very evident significa- 
 tion etymologically when it first appeared. The metric 
 terms certainly were not heavily charged with meaning 
 to the ordinary man, nor were the calendar words, in 
 spite of the elaborate arguments put forth at the time 
 to prove the contrary. In fact the incomprehensible 
 character of both these sets of terms was often urged 
 as a strong objection against them. The words of the 
 Revolutionary vocabulary, however, more generally bore 
 relation to other words already known and sprang from 
 previously existing famihes. But on the whole it seems 
 that a word may catch the popular fancy and come into 
 great favor, even if it is unintelligible except to the trained 
 etymologist. Indeed it sometimes appears that the 
 more mysterious the word, the more the people deUght 
 in taking it up. 
 
 In the next place, do words such as those we are study- 
 ing need to be short and easily pronounced? It would 
 seem not. The greater part of our examples have rather 
 been cmnbersome than short, and some, notably airoplane 
 
236 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 and airostat, have been considered anything but ^||^ to 
 enunciate. Automobile is not short, though susceptible, 
 it is true, of abbreviation. 
 
 It is also true that faultiness of formation from the 
 point of view of the philologist seems rather an aid to a 
 word's success than a disadvantage. The hybrid appears 
 to have almost a better chance to succeed than the word 
 of correct composition. Automobile, aeroplane and aU 
 the kilo- words have borne with the greatest unconcern 
 whatever reproach is involved in the charge of mal- 
 formation. 
 
 Neither does it seem to be necessary to success for 
 this type of word to strike the popular fancy by any 
 picturesqueness of figure. There was never any tempta- 
 tion to name the locomotive in an imaginative way. 
 The names of this type which were tried in selecting the 
 name for the automobile and the aeroplane we have 
 seen to have been early discarded. And while many of 
 the words of the Revolutionary vocabulary were highly 
 imaginative, it is just these that have not survived. Gen- 
 erally, we may say, the words treated in this study have 
 been of a matter-of-fact, utihtarian type. 
 
 It has been said that "in the making of new words 
 analogy plays a much larger part than any reference to 
 general principles of formation or composition" (Peter 
 Giles in the Britannica, article "Indo-European Lan^ 
 guages"). And yet we may search our examples and 
 find very few instances where the principle has been 
 active. No analogy iafluenced the formation of the 
 words automobile, airostat or avion. There were no 
 precedents for the calendar names or the metric terms. 
 
 In short, the people seem very easily satisfied when 
 they are selecting names for newly arisen ideas. Or 
 rather, it seems largely by pure caprice that they set the 
 seal of their approval, now selecting words that would 
 
CONCLUSION 237 
 
 seem to have few qualities to recommend them, now 
 refusing others that appear to satisfy all requirements. 
 That a word is well born and well sponsored seems nothing 
 in its favor in this lottery of choice. That a term is ill 
 formed and full of defects to the purist's ear is not weighed 
 against it by the speaking public. In fact it would be 
 practically impossible to formulate the conditions that 
 a new word must fulfill in order to gain acceptance. 
 Acceptance seems to depend upon the mood of the public 
 at the moment when the choice has to be made. A word 
 that is popular at one time would not necessarily be so 
 if it were to present itself twenty years later, and the 
 word selected to-day would not have been chosen a 
 decade ago. And yet we must not think that it is in 
 fact unreasoning caprice that determines these choices. 
 It is probable that there are really definite causes under- 
 lying them, only these causes are so subtle and the inter- 
 play among them is so deUcate that investigation is baffled. 
 We have here a great complex which as yet defies 
 analysis. 
 
 What are the methods that we have seen used in obtain- 
 ing the words ia the eight linguistic emergencies we have 
 investigated? First the need arises, suddenly enough to 
 enable any one to realize that a word is being sought. 
 At this point the word-forming consciousness of a large 
 number of everyday people is quickened and made 
 sensitive. Various terms spring up and come iato the 
 focus of attention. Some of these are borrowed with 
 the new object or idea, if this comes from abroad. Such 
 was the word rails. But in other cases, as in the early 
 days of naming the aerostat, there is no disposition to 
 borrow, although there may be opportunity. 
 
 Sometimes words are adapted from other uses to the 
 new employment. In such instances the word must not 
 
238 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 be too familiar under a different meaning, so that there 
 would be confusion, nor must there be too great a leap 
 for the mind between the old signification and the new. 
 The alteration may be very marked, as it was in the 
 words convention, constituer, majorite, but it will always 
 be readily comprehensible. There may be contrast, often 
 striking, between the new use and the old, as in the words 
 niveler, chevalier. There may be a sudden and large 
 broadening of application, as in the case of the words 
 citoyen, responsabiliti, fMeration. There may be great 
 deepening and strengthening of meaning, as in ci-devant, 
 aristocrate, royaliste. Or there may be but a sUght 
 change of apphcation, as was the case with the word 
 ballon- 
 
 In the third place, a new term may be coined. There 
 will be something striking about this new term, something 
 more or less unusual, something decisive. It may appear 
 unostentatiously in some newspaper column conducted 
 by a brilliant editor, or in a book or pamphlet published 
 by some amateur. It may emerge with all pomp from 
 the official seance of a government committee. Or it 
 may fall from the hps of an impassioned orator, or even 
 spring up like a mushroom from no one knows where. 
 
 After the words appear in one or another of these 
 three ways, that is, by borrowing, adaptation, or new 
 creation, there comes a sifting. Some may disappear as 
 they were born, immediately and without notice, or after 
 a brief, if at times promising, career. These are then 
 soon forgotten by all, unless unearthed by some chance 
 searcher in old newspapers or mummified in some 
 dissertation. Ornieres is an appellative of this sort. In 
 other cases a long and bitter struggle between rival as- 
 pirants ensues. In these struggles, as we have seen, 
 one term generally wins the place and the others pass out 
 of use, as for example chariot before voiture and wagon, 
 
CONCLUSION 239 
 
 and the recent pacificist before pacifist. Occasionally, 
 however, the contest results in a draw and two contest- 
 ants, as bdllon and airostat, voiture and wagon, continue 
 to hold the field and share the victory. 
 
 After the endurance of the term has been tested by 
 varied usage, after its weaknesses have been sought 
 out in the searching test of daily use in the newspapers 
 and magazines, and in current speech; and after any 
 imperfections have been worn away in this severe process 
 the word may be considered ready to appear in the dic- 
 tionary, and even without bearing the stigma of being 
 marked "N^ol." During this arduous probationary 
 period the word has had to outlast many rivals proposed 
 in various letters to editors and in all sorts of editorial 
 discussion. And if, long after it seems permanently 
 established, it finds itself unexpectedly overthrown by 
 some suddenly arising rival, as may be happening even 
 now to the Enghsh word aeroplane, this is only the 
 ordinary chance of words. 
 
 The question of this final stage, this eventual reduc- 
 tion of the new name to its really popular form, is a 
 subject that Ues outside the field of the present studies, 
 but it is one that may well offer material for a fascinat- 
 ing investigation. For it must be noted that while one 
 would undoubtedly say, if one were asked for an opinion, 
 that the self-moving vehicle is named an "automobile," 
 yet in speaking of it the ordinary French person rarely 
 calls it so, but rather uses the abbreviation "auto," 
 just as speakers of English usually employ the word 
 " car " or " motor." Likewise, while Metropolitain, photo- 
 graphic, kilogramme, hectogramme, aeroplane, taximetre, 
 t&legramme, are, so to speak, the oflScially recognized 
 names for the things they designate, no one of them is 
 really the name by which the people refer to them. In 
 common speech the following substitutes for these words 
 
240 FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 are almost universally used: ndtro, photo, kilo, hecto, 
 aero, taxi, depiche. Thus we see that for a word to be 
 accepted as the authoritative name for an object fre- 
 quently means that it will soon be relegated to the limbo 
 of official and dictionary usage, and be supplanted in 
 common parlance by a more popular form, whether an 
 abbreviation or a totally different designation. 
 
 This method of selection of words involves, it is evi- 
 dent, a large amount of wastage. For every word that 
 is finally mobihzed how many are the others that die off 
 in the early stages of growth! If, in order to produce 
 one perfect flower or one matvure insect, nature sacrifices 
 many hundreds of her offspring, she is no less prodigal 
 in the growth of the vocabulary. In fact we have been 
 concerned in large part with just these early word growths 
 which have never matured. In general, it is true, there 
 is some good reason for the abortion of these words. 
 And we must admit that this is the natural procedure 
 in the realm of language as well as in that of the flora 
 and fauna. 
 
 Our whole study has been, it is impossible to deny, 
 taken up with that pariah of the conservative linguists, 
 the neologism. And yet it is with no shame that we 
 confess that we feel in no wise called upon to offer any 
 justification for devoting so much space to such a subject. 
 The time is passing, if indeed it has not already gone, 
 when scholars overlook the fact that the neologism of 
 to-day is the well-established word of to-morrow. No 
 longer is it the fashion to withhold definite recognition for 
 an xmreasonably long time from these younger elements 
 of the vocabulary. It is, in fact, becoming more and 
 more the practice of philologists to devote attention to the 
 contemporary activities of language. It would not now 
 be possible to complain, as Darmesteter did so recently 
 as 1877, in La Creation actuelle de mots nouveaux (p. 2): 
 
CONCLUSION 241 
 
 "La langue moderne, la langue contemporaine semble 
 absolument exclue du cercle des recherches linguistiques. 
 Son mouvement nous 6chappe. Nous ne la sentons pas 
 qui change sur nos levies. . . . Aussi la langue con- 
 temporaine offre-t-elle au phUologue un aussi riche sujet 
 d'^tude que celle des periodes pass^es." To one for 
 whom the language of to-day holds a special fascination 
 the neologism is one of the most natural of phenomena 
 to study. This is so for two reasons. First because of 
 the unexcelled opportunity one has for gathering all the 
 subtle and ephemeral data that are so soon lost when 
 one is separated from an era by even a few years. If 
 one is to study the subject of the neologism he gains a 
 great advantage by selecting that of his own period. A 
 study of the neologism of the time of Charlemagne, for 
 example, would of necessity be lacking in many of the 
 most iateresting data. And in the second place, the 
 present age is a peculiarly rich field for this study. 
 "Aucime 6poque," says Dauzat {La Langue frangaise 
 d'aujourd'hui, p. 49), n'a 6td plus favorable que la ndtre 
 k r^closion du neologisme." And so, if the philologist is 
 fascinated by the study of the development that the 
 language has undergone through the centuries of the 
 past, he ought certainly to be no less interested when 
 he sees the same changes taking place under his own 
 eyes. In observing the growth of the new words of our 
 own era we are indeed witnessing the minutest operations 
 of the laboratory of language. 
 
 In closing these studies without deducing from them 
 any general principles or any broadly operative laws we 
 are bold enough not to feel obHged to offer any apology 
 for such an omission. We feel that a series of studies 
 such as ours may well confine itseK to presenting the 
 facts and recording the details of the cases studied. 
 Our aim has been to direct the reader's consideration 
 
2^ FRENCH TERMINOLOGIES IN THE MAKING 
 
 to the question of just what it is that goes on when a 
 new term or set of terms is suddenly demanded; to lay 
 before him the complete "histories" (as the physicians 
 say of their cases) of the making of a few representative 
 terminologies. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 M. Br^al. Essai de SSmantique. 6* 6d. Paris, 1913. 
 
 A. Darmesteter. De la criation actuelle de mots nouveaux. 
 Paris, 1877. 
 
 A. Darmesteter. La Vie des mots 6tudi6e dans leurs significa- 
 tions. Paris, 1887. 
 
 A. Dauzat. La Langue franQaise d'aujourdhui. Paris, 1912. 
 
 A. Dauzat. La Langue des sports, Reime de philologie fran- 
 gaise. 1909, p. 107. 
 
 A. Dauzat. La Vie du langage. Paris, 1910. 
 
 K. Njrrop. Grammaire historique de la langue frangaise. 
 4 vols. Copenhagen, 1899-1914. 
 
 E. Deschanel. Les D^ormations de la langue frangaise. 2® 6d. 
 
 Paris, 1898. 
 G. Gaillard. Sur quelgues formations neologiques ricentes dans 
 leurs rapports avec les modifications de la pensie et des m^Burs. 
 Revue de philologie frangaise, 1911, xxv, pp. 9 and 102. 
 
 F. Gohin. Les Transformations de la langue frangaise pendant 
 
 la ^ moitii du 18 S. Paris, 1903. 
 Dictionnaire de I'Acadimie frangaise. 7* 6d. 2 vols. 1884. 
 Dictionnaire general de la langue frangaise. A. Hatzfeld and 
 
 A Darmesteter. 2 vols. Paris, no date. Abbreviated 
 
 as D. G. 
 £). Littr^. Dictionnaire de la langue frangaise, 4 vols., fol. 
 
 Paris, 1873. Abbreviated as L. 
 Nouveau Larov^se illustrl, dictionnaire encyclop6dique, public 
 
 sous la direction de Claude Aug6. Paris, no date. 
 
 7 vols, and supplements, 1907 — date. Abbreviated as Lar. 
 243 
 
244 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 1825. T. Tredgold. A Practical Treatise on Bail-Roads and 
 
 Carriages. Original edition published in England, 
 but there is in Columbia University an edition 
 published in New York. 
 
 1826. T. Duverne. Translation of the above into French. 
 
 This was reviewed at some length in the Revue 
 encyclopedique, Paris, Oct. 1826, p. 46. 
 
 Journal des savants. August. Article on the railroads. 
 
 Archives des decouvertes et des inventions nouvelles 
 {pendant I'annee 18S6). Paris, p. 289, p. 311. 
 
 M. le baron de F6russac. Bulletin universel des sden- 
 ces et de I'industrie, partie technologiqus. Various 
 reviews and notes, especially July, 1825, March, 
 1826, May, 1826. 
 
 1827. De Gerstner. Memoire sur les grandes routes et les 
 
 chemins de fer. Prague, 1813. Translated by P. S. 
 Girard. Paris, 1827. 
 
 1829. J. de Baader. Sur VAvantage de substituer des chemins 
 
 de fer a plusieurs canaux. 
 Revue de Paris, VIII, p. 145. Article on "Le Canal 
 maritime de Paris k Rouen." 
 
 1830. L. Coste et A. A. Perdonnet. Mimoire sur les chemins 
 
 d, orniires. 
 1834. Mus6e des families, p. 184. Article on the railroad, 
 
 a general description of the line from Lyon to St. 
 
 fitienne (the only line in France at this date) and 
 
 of the EngUsh lines. 
 1834-5-6. Magasin pittoresque, 1834, p. 28; 1835, p. 215; 
 
 1836, p. 35. Three articles, the last describing the 
 
 first railroad that came into Paris. 
 
 1837. Magasin pittoresque. Article " Des machines 5, vapeur 
 
 locomotives.'' 
 
 1838. Revue des Deux Mondes, XIII, 806, and XIV, 168. 
 
 Two articles, the first on the railroads of Belgium. 
 A collection by G. Schlemmer and H. Bonneau of 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 245 
 
 Documents relatifs d, I'histoire parlementaire des 
 chemins de fer, including an Expos6 (1838) by M. 
 Legrand directeur des ponts et chauss6es; a report 
 by M. Arago, published in the Moniteur universel, 
 26 avril 1838; and a discours of M. Berryer {Mon. 
 univ. 9 mai, 1838). 
 
 1842. Annuaire historique de Lesur. Article "Catastrophe 
 du chemin de fer de Versailles." 
 
 1843-5. L'lHustration. May 6. "Inauguration du chemin 
 de fer de Paris k Orleans." Also p. 125. Also 
 Aug. 26. Also Mar. 23, 1844. Also Aug. 2, 1845. 
 Bulletin du comit6 central de statistique. Bruxelles. 
 
 1846. L'lHustration, June 6. 
 
 1859. A. Perdonnet. Notions sur les chemins de fer. 
 
 1856-1913. Portefeuille iconomique des machines de I'outil- 
 lage et du maUriel relatifs & la construction, aux 
 chemins de fer, aux routes, a V agriculture, aux mines, 
 d la navigation, d la tilegraphie. 2* Edition. Dirig6 
 par C A. Oppermann. Paris, 1856-1913. Monthly, 
 illustrated, grand format. 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 1835. La Lanterne magique. Article "Omnibus monstre." 
 1837. La Mosaiqv£, p. 324, article "Une diUgence k vapeur." 
 1861-7. L'lHustration. Oct. 26. Also 1863, passim. Also 
 
 1866, passim. Also 1867, November. 
 1868. C. A. Oppermann. Portefeuille economique des ma- 
 chines de I'outillage et du matiriel. Passim. 
 L. Figuier. L' Annie scientifique et industrielle, p. 111. 
 1874-6. Oppermann, passim. L'lHustration, passim. Le 
 Technologiste, passim. 
 
 1876. Le Monde illustre. May 27. 
 
 1877. Le Technologiste, Jan., p. 32. Also July 28. Also 
 
 Aug. 11. Also Aug. 25. ^ 
 
 1880. L. Figuier. Les Grandes Inventions modernes, p. 295. 
 1890-4. L'lHustration, 1890, passim. Also Nov. 18, 1893. 
 
 Also July 28 and Aug. 25, 1894. 
 
246 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 1895. Journal des Debats, July 28. 
 
 L' Illustration, Aug. 31. Also Sept. 19, 1896, and 
 Oct. 31, 1896. 
 
 1897. L. Lockert. Traiti des vihicules automobiles sur routes. 
 L. P6riss6. Voitures automobiles de poids lourds. 
 
 (In Soci6t6 des ing^nieurs civils. Memmres, 1897, 
 vol. 2, pp. 636-70. lU.) 
 
 1898. R. Soreau. La Vapeur, le pitrole, I'electriciti dans les 
 
 automobiles. , 
 
 P. Souvestre. L'Histoire de V automobile. Gives quo- 
 tations of documents, 1771-1875. 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 1783. Description des expSriences de la machine aerostatigue 
 
 de MM. Montgolfier, par M. Faujas de St. Fond. 
 
 Paris. 
 Dissertation sur les globes airostatiqusSr par M. de 
 
 Parcieux. Paris. 
 Rapport fait d I'Acadimie des Sciences & Paris sur la 
 
 machine aerostatigue de MM. Montgolfier, quoted 
 
 in Dupuis-Delcourt's Manuel. 
 Journal des sgavans for September. Article on 
 
 Montgolfier. 
 
 1784. Rapport fait h VAcadimie des Sciences sur la machine 
 
 a&rostatique inventee par MM. Montgolfier, signed by 
 
 a committee. 
 C. G. Kratzenstein. L'Art de naviguer dans Voir. 
 
 Copenhagen and Leipzig. 
 Ch. Fred. Meerwein. L'Art de voler h la manidre des 
 
 oiseaux. Basle. 
 1786. Tibfire Cavallo. Histoire et pratique de VairostaUon, 
 
 traduit de V Anglais. 
 1793. Le Dauphin enleve ou I'ort de se diriger dans les airs, 
 
 par le V*°. de . . . London. (Note. Cet ouvrage 
 
 a 6t6 ^crit en 1783:) Not a serious scientific work. 
 1802. F. H^nin de Cuvillers. M&moire sur la direction des 
 
 aerostats, lu A VAcad&mie des Sciences. Paris. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 247 
 
 1^20. E. G. R. Robertson. La Minerve, pamphlet, re- 
 printed in Paris from an edition of 1802, Vienna 
 1826. Revue encyclopedique, various numbers. 
 
 1833. Magasin pittoresque, p. 163. Article "Aerostation." 
 
 1834. Dubochet. Becherches sur le vol des oiseaux et I'art 
 
 airostatique. 
 La Lanterne magique. Article "Les Adrostats." 
 
 1835. La Lanterne magique, p. 276. Article " Navire alrien." 
 
 1850. J. F. Dupuis-Delcourt. Nouveau Manuel d' aerostation 
 
 ou guide A I'histoire et pratique des ballons, (In the 
 series Manuels-Roret.) Paris. 
 
 1851. L. N. Bescherelle. Histoire des ballons (L' Instruction 
 
 popvlarisee) . 
 
 1853. S. de Beauchamp. Souvenirs de la fin du XVIIP 
 si&cle, extraits des m6moires d'un officier des airos- 
 tiers aux armies, 179S-9. (But it is the vocabulary 
 of 1853.) 
 
 1857. A. J. Sanson. Preuve sur preuve d'une nautique 
 airienne, par A. J. Sanson, A6ronaugraphe. (Pam- 
 phlet) 
 
 1859. E. Farcot. La Navigation atmospherique. 
 
 1863-4. L'lllustration, various articles. 
 
 1865. F. T. Nadar. Le Droit au vol. (First time for the 
 word aviation.) 
 
 1867-8. L'lUustraJtion, paisim. 
 
 1868. Le Magasin pittoresque, p. 407, and passim 1864-1875. 
 Cordenons Pascal. Le ProbUms de la navigation 
 
 airienne. Verona. 
 
 1869. F. Marion. Les Ballons et les voyages aSriens. 
 1869-75. L'lllustration, passim. 
 
 1875. Alphonse Brown. La Conqu&te de I'air. (First time 
 
 for the word a&roplane.) 
 
 1876. Le Technologiste, March 11. Article by Ai P6naud. 
 1876. Le Monde illustre, Dec. 2. Also Sept. 8, 1877. 
 
 1878. Gaston Tissandier. Le Grand Ballon captif & vapeur, 
 1878-81. L'lllustration, passim. 
 
 1899. W. de Fonvielle. Les Ballons-sondes et les ascensions 
 Internationales. 
 
248 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 1908. J. Armengaud. Le ProbUme de Vernation. La solution 
 ■par I'afy'oplane. Conference faite au Conservatoire na- 
 tional des arts et mitiers. Paris, 1908. 
 
 L' Annie scientifique et industrielle, passim. 
 
 Archives des dScouvertes et des inventions, passim. 
 
 R. M. Pierce. Dictionary of Aviation. New York, 
 1911. 
 
 A. F. Zahm. Aerial Navigation, a Popular Treatise 
 on the Growth of Aircraft. New York, 1911. 
 
 CHAPTERS IV-VIII 
 
 DiCTIONABIBS 
 
 (a) Pre-revolutionary 
 
 1776; Dictionnaire de I'Acadimie frangaise. Nouvelle Edi- 
 tion, 2 vols., Sq. Q., Lyons.! Abbreviated as Acad. 
 7.6. 
 
 1778. L. Chambaud. Nouveau Dictionnaire frangois-anglois 
 et anglois-frangois. 2 vols., Sq. Q., London. 
 
 1787-8. L'abb4 F6raud. Dictionnaire critique de la langue 
 frangaise. 3 vols., Sq. Q., Marseilles. Abbreviated 
 as F6r. 
 
 (b) Of the Revolution Period 
 1801. L. S. Mercier. Niologie ou vocabulaire des mots nou- 
 veaux. Paris, an IX (1801). 
 
 1801. Wm. Dupr6. Lexicographicchneologica galliea. Lon- 
 
 don, 1801. 
 
 1802. J. Garner. Le Nouveau Dictionnaire universel fran- 
 
 gois-anglois et anglois-frangois. 2 vols., Q., Rouen. 
 
 1803. P. C. V. Boiste. Dictionnaire universel de la langue 
 
 frangoise, avec le latin. 2® id., Paris, an 11 (1803). 
 Sq. Q. 
 
 (c) Post-revolutionary 
 1820. J. C. T. de Laveaux. Nouveau Dictionnaire de la 
 
 langue frangaise. Paris, 2 vols., Sq. Q. Abbreviated 
 
 as Lav. 
 1835. Dictionnaire de I'Acadimie frangaise. 6® id., 2 vols. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 249 
 
 General and Historical Works 
 
 E. Faguet. Discussions politiques. Paris, 1909. 
 
 H. A. Taine, tr. by J. Durand. The French Revolution. New 
 
 York, 1878. Abbreviated as Rev. 
 H. Belloc. The French Revolution. New York, 1911. 
 E. de Goncourt. Histoire de la sociiti frangaise pendant la 
 
 rivolution. Paris, 1895. 
 
 E. F. Gattey. EUments du nouveau systems mitrique. Paris, 
 
 1800. 
 La Grande EncyclopSdie, especially article " Calendrier." 
 Encyclopaedia Britannica, especially article " France." 
 
 Periodicals and Collections op Documents 
 
 Le Moniteur universel. 1789-1868. Abbreviated as Mon. 
 (Univ.). 
 
 P. J. B. Buchez et P. C. Roux. Histoire parlementaire de la 
 rivolution frangaise ou journal des assemblies nationales. 
 1789-1815. Paris, 1834-8. 
 
 A. Aulard. La Sociiti des Jacobins de Paris, recueil de docu- 
 ments. Paris, 1889-95. Abbreviated as Aul. Soc. 
 
 A. Aulard. Recueil des actes du comite de salut public, in 
 Collection de documents inedits sur I'histoire de France, 
 vol. V. 
 
 Mirabeau, peint par lui-^mhne. Paris, 1791. I-IV. Abbre- 
 viated as Mir. 
 
 La Revolution frangaise, revue d'histoire moderne et contempo- 
 raine publi6e par la Soci6t4 de I'histoire de la revolution. 
 Paris, 1881-1915. Especially "fitude sur le calendrier 
 r^publicain," vol. VII, p. 451 et seq. 
 
 Linguistic and Philological Works 
 
 T. Ranft. Der Einfluss der framosischen Revolution auf den 
 wortschatz der framosischen sprache. Giessen, 1908. 
 Abbreviated as R. 
 
 F. Baldensperger. Review of the above work in Revue de 
 
 philohgie frangaise, 1909, pp. 48-9. 
 
250 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Kurt Glaser. Die Mass- und Gewichtsbeseichnungen des fran- 
 zosischen. Giessen, 1903. 
 
 F. Brunot, Articles in Petit de Julleville, Histoire de la 
 langue et UMrature frangaise, since revised and ex- 
 panded in separate form under title Histoire de la langue 
 frangaise des origines d 1900. Vols. 1-5. Paris, 1905-17. 
 
 Louis-Philippe Geoffrin, Notre Vocabulaire parlementaire (con- 
 firmee faite & la sSance publique annueUe de la Societe du 
 Parkr frangais, le I4 mars, 1918). Bulletin de la Societe 
 du Parhr frangais au Canada, vol. xvi, No. 10. University 
 Laval, Quebec. History and discussion of the French 
 parliamentary vocabulary in Canada from the year 1792. 
 
VITA 
 
 The author of this study was bom December 7, 1884, in 
 Salem, Mass.; received his elementary education in the 
 public schools of that city, and entered Brown University 
 in September, 1901. In 1904 he was elected to member- 
 ship in Phi Beta Kappa, and was graduated with the 
 degree of A.B. in 1905. During the year 1905-6 he 
 studied at Harvard with Prof. Sheldon, Prof. C. H. C. 
 Wright and others, and received the degree of A.M. 
 Since that time he has been engaged in secondary school 
 teaching, except during the winter of 1907-8, which he 
 spent in France. From 1911 to 1914 he was proprietor 
 of the Grail School in Southport, Conn., and during that 
 time was secretary of the Bridgeport group of the Al- 
 liance Frangaise. In 1914 he resiuned his studies in Ro- 
 mance philology at Columbia University, working imder 
 Prof. H. A. Todd, Prof. L. A. Loiseaux, Prof. Adolphe 
 Cohn, Prof. Brander Matthews and Prof. G. Lanson, 
 receiving the degree of Ph.D. in June, 1918.